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Full text of "The history of Hampton Court Palace"

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HISTORY OF HAMPTON COURT PALACE 



IN STUART TIMES. 







■■Uff.Jil 









Nov' 18. ifcij 



/. 



THE 



HISTORY 



OF 




ampton 




ourt 




alace. 



VOL II. 
STUART TIMES. 

ILLUSTRATED WITH COPPER PLATES, ETCHINGS, ENGRAVINGS, ETC. 

BY 

Crttest %m, i5.;^., 

BARRISTER-AT-LAW. 

Author of '■^ Royal Gallery of Hampton Court, ''^ " Vandyck's Futures 
at Windsor Castle,''^ Ss'c. 

SECOND EDITION. 



ILontton : 

GEORGE BELL AND SONS, YORK STREET, 

COVENT GARDEN. 

1898. 



\.^- 



CHISWICK PRESS :— CHARLES WHITTINGHAM AND CO. 
rOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE, LONDON. 



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reface* 




jHE following pages form the Second Volume of 
the History of Hampton Court, and aim at 
giving a complete narrative of all the events, 
that occurred at this Palace, from the beginning 
of the reign of James I. to the end of that of 
James H. Like the first volume of this History — in 
Tudor Times — its scope is designed also to embrace such 
an account of the artistic and archaeological features of the 
Palace and its contents, as may serve to invest the many 
historical incidents that occurred within its walls, in Stuart 
Times, with a local " colouring," which, it is hoped, may 
add something to their vividness and interest. 

In strictness, perhaps, a volume dealing with the times 
of the Stuarts should have included the reign of Queen 
Anne. But an epoch so distinctly new opens after the 
Revolution, and a landmark so great is formed in the 
History of Hampton Court by the accession of William of 
Orange, on account of his great additions and alterations in 
the structure of the Palace, and in the Gardens and the 
Parks, that the close of the reign of James H. seemed the 
most appropriate point at which to conclude the present 
volume. 



vi Prejace. 

It was orljj^inally the author's intention to complete the 
History of Ham[)ton Court in tliis Second Volume. But 
tlic work expanded so much in the process of composition, 
that it soon became evident that to do so would either render 
the book inconveniendy bulky, or else entail the omission 
of much that seemed essential, if a true picture was to be 
presented of life at Hampton Court in the olden time. 

Consequently, the last hundred years of the History of 
the Palace will be relegated to a third volume, which will 
complete these annals down to the present time, and contain 
a detailed index to the whole work. 

Of the illustrations, which are necessarily of consideral}le 
importance in a work of this sort, it need only be said that 
part of them are taken from original drawings specially 
executed for this work, while the rest are engravings from 
old historical pictures at Hampton Court, and reproductions 
from contemporary sketches and plates. 

In conclusion, the author wishes again to express his 
oblifratlons to the various officials connected with the 
Palace, who have most cordially rendered him every 
assistance in his researches. 

IlAMPioN Court Palace. 
UJober, iSS8. 






ontents* 




PAGE 

RONTISPIECE iii 

Preface v 

Contents vii 

List of Illustrations xv 



CHAPTER I. 

James I. at Hampton Court— A Grand Christmas. King James 
comes to Hampton Court — Summons the Country Gentlemen to come and 
be Knighted, or compound by paying Fines — Creates a large Batch of 
New Peers — The Noble Order of Baronets — Resolves to spend Christmas 
at Hampton Court — A Grand Masque by the Poet Daniel ordered — Letter 
of Lady Arabella Stuart — Jealousies of the Foreign Ambassadors — The 
Plague — Queen Elizabeth's Wardrobe ransacked for Dresses for the Masque 
— Inigo Jones designs the Scenic Effects for Masques — Ferrabosco's Music 
— Account of Daniel — Great Concourse of Visitors at the Palace — Running 
at the Ring — Numerous Plays performed in the Great Hall — The King's 
Company of Players at Hampton Court — Shakespeare probably present — 
" Robin Goodfellow " — Interludes and Masquerades — Grand I3anquets — 
Wianglings between the French and Spanish Ambassadors 



CHAPTER IL 

The Royal Masque— Vision of the Twelve Goddesses. The 
Day of the Grand Royal Masque — Profanation of the British Sabbath — 
Excitement in the Palace — Appearance of the Great Hall — The Scenery 



viii Contents. 

PAGE 
—The King enters— Brilliant Spectacle— The Masque begins—" Night " 
ai)i)cars — " Sleep " aw..kcned — " Iris " — " The Sibyl" — "The Three 
Graces "—"The Twelve Coddesscs "—The Procession down the Mountain 
and up the Hall— The Songs ami Dances— The Ladies' Dresses— The 
r.otldcsscs retire— The Supi)cr after the Masque— Scramble for Seats- 
Renewed Jealousies of the Ambassadors— Pirated Edition of the Masque 
— Plea for the Revival of the Old English Masques 17 

CHAPTER 111. 

TiiK llAMrroN Court Conference between Anglicans and 
Puritans. The Millenary Petition — A Conference granted by King James 
between the Church of England and the Puritans — James opens the First 
Day's Piocccdings— Rattle of the Dry Bones of Theology — The Puritan 
Divines called in on the Second Day — Blatant Intolerance of the Bishop 
of London — The Authorized Version of the Bible determined on — James's 
Display of Biblical Learning — Grows impatient of the Arguments of the 
Puritan Divmes — They are insulted and browbeaten — "Away with your 
Snivelling " — " May you want Linen for your own Breach " — The Episcopa- 
lians declare the King to speak by Inspiration of the Holy Spirit — Fulsome 
Fl.uter>' of the Archbishop of Canterbury — The Bishop of London throws 
himself on his Knees in Adoration — " Such a King never known since the 
Time of Christ " — Effects of the Conference — Delight of the Royal Pedant 
— " I have peppered them soundly " 31 

CHAPTER IV. 

James I.'s Visitors — Presbyterians Preached at. The Court go 
to London — Henr)', Prince of Wales, comes to reside at the Palace — His 
Fondness for Athletic Exercises — Curious Picture of him out Stag-hunting 
— Fond of Tennis — Return of James and his Queen — Lady Arabella 
Stuart — Proposed matrimonial Alliances for her — "The Fair Maid of 
Bristol" — \'isit of Christian IV. of Denmark — " The King keeps Wassail" 
— The Ladies become into.xicated — Plays acted before the Royal Dane — 
Another Rattle of the Dry Bones of Theology — The Scotch Presbyterian 
Ministers summoned to a Conference and preached and prated at — Passive 
Obedience the First Duty — Visit of the Prince Vaudemont ... 46 

CHAPTER V. 

James I.'s Stag-hunting in the Parks. King James's Keenness 
for Stag-hunting — Will not forego his Pleasure for Business — His unpopu- 
larity — Threat to poison his Hounds — His Savngeness against Poachers — 
Issues a lecturing Proclamation on the Subject — Commends the conduct 
of" the Better Sort" — Condemns "the Corrupt Natures and Insolent Dis- 
positions of the Common People" — His violent Rage against Spectators 
of his Sport — Issues a Proclamation against them — " The bold and bar- 



Contents. ix 

PAGE 

barous Insolency of Multitudes of Vulgar People " — Severe Punishment 
threatened against them — Dissatisfaction at his Selfishness — He takes Pot- 
shots at Tame Deer in the Park — The Duke of Saxe- Weimar entertained 
with a grand Hunting party — Description of the Sport — ^James' Hunting 
Costume . 38 

CHAPTER VI. 

Descriptions of the Palace During James I.'s Reign— A 
Forced Marriage. Prince Otto of Hesse — His curious Account of 
Hampton Court — The King's Hatred of War — "Peace with Honour" — 
The Palace described— The Eighty Royal Chambers — The Golden Tapes- 
tries — The Pictures — Portraits of Our Lord — Of the Cathay Savages — Of 
Alexander the Great — Curiosities— Henry VH I.'s Dining Table and Camp 
Bed — Queen Elizabeth's Musical Instrument of Glass — The Queen's 
Private Chapel — The Duke of Saxe-Weimar's Narrative — The Queen's 
Sporting Proclivities — She shoots the King's Favourite Hound — Her 
Portrait at Hampton Court as " the Huntress Queen" — Rise of the Duke 
of Buckingham — He is made Keeper of the Honour of Hampton Court — 
Dismissal of Lord Chief Justice Coke — Proposed marriage of Buckingham's 
Brother to his Daughter — Her Mother intervenes and carries her off— Coke 
in Pursuit — He captures his Daughter — Her Wedding in the Chapel at 
Hampton Court — Uproarious Proceedings on the Marriage Night . . 65 

CHAPTER VIL 

Death of Queen Anne of Denmark, Anxiety about the Queen's 
Health — She suffers from Gout, Dropsy, and Phthisis — Nearly choked in 
her Sleep — Raleigh's Cordial — She lingers for two months — The Arch- 
bishop and Bishops come to her Bedside — Prince Charles is brought into 
her Room — She will not believe she is dying — She is urged to make her 
Will — The Prince receives her blessing — Her last Hours — Five or six little 
Groans — She dies — Ominous stopping of the Palace Clock — Burial in 
Westminster Abbey — Her Will — Her Wishes disregarded by James— Hf 
bears her Death with " Exemplary Fortitude " — Goes to Newmarket Races 
three Weeks after her Death — Writes an Epitaph on the Queen— Wears 
Mourning for a Month only — His Portrait by Vansomer — His Dress and 
Appearance — Inigo Jones at Hampton Court — Count Gondomar applies 
for Apartments in the Palace — Censure on Dr. Whiting — Rupture with 
Spain — Death of James 1 80 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Charles I.'s Quarrel with his Queen. Charles I. retires to 
Hampton Court — His Dishke of the Queen's French Attendants — Madame 
de Saint-Georges — She is slighted by the King — Buckingham's Insolent 
Behaviour towards the Queen — His request that his Relatives should be 



X Contents. 

PAGE 
made Ladies of her Bedchamber refused— The Court removes to Windsor 
—Madame de Sainl-C.corj;cs a^ain sliKhtcd— The Plague— Two French 
Triests put into (Quarantine in tJie Tilt Yard Tower— The Quarrel between 
Charles and Henrietta— Intolerable Conduct of the French Ecclesiastics 
— The Queen's Confessor insists on saying Grace— Proclamation prohibiting 
Commu'iiications between London and Hampton Court — The French 
Aml>assador intrigues to get Apartments in the Palace— At last succeeds — 
" Gives mu(.h trouble to the Household— The Expense of his Board . 95 

CHAPTER L\. 

Dismissal of Henrietta-Maria's French Suite. The Queen's 
undutiful l^ehaviour to her Husband— Quarrels with him about her 
Household — His Complaints to the Queen-Mother — He resolves to dismiss 
the F'rench Suite — His Letters to Buckingham on the Subject — The 
Duke's Resentment against the French — He foments the Dissensions 
between Charles and his Wife — The Queen refuses to be Crowned with the 
King— The French Suite Expelled from England, Bag and Baggage — 
Visits of Paul Rozencranz and Bethlem Gabor — Bassompierre's Mission to 
England — His Interview with Buckingham — A private Audience arranged 
— He is received by the King — Charles breaks his Promise — Indignation 
of Bassompierre — " The Arrogance of the English '' — The King grants him 
an Audience — " Puts himself into a great Passion" — Impudence of Bucking- 
ham — Abortive Results of Bassompierre's Embassy 105 

CHAPTER X. 

Charles I. at Hampton Court— The Eve of the Civil War. 
Picture of Buckingham and his Family — More Plays at the Palace — Laud 
supplies Dresses and Scenery — Renewed Outbreak of the Plague — 
Stringent Regulations against Londoners coming within Ten Miles of 
Hampton Court— Shakespeare's Plays acted in the Great Hall — Properties 
for the Play called the '' Royal Slave '' — Picture of Charles I. Dining in 
Public — Charles orders the Cutting of the Longford River — The W'ater 
Supply for the Palace — His Works of Art— Projects a vast and magnificent 
Hunting Ground from Hampton Court to Richmond — Unpopularity of the 
Scheme — Laud opposes it — The King relinquishes it — The Grand Remon- 
strance presented to Charles at Hampton Court — Aldermen of the City 
entertained — A "Heavenly King" — Attempted Arrest of the Five 
Members — Charles's Flight to Hampton Court iiS 

CHAPTER XI. 

The Great Rebellion. Charles I. a Prisoner at Hampton 
Court. Hampton Court during the Civil War — The Parliament takes 
Possession of the Palace — Sacrilegious Profanation of the Chapel by the 
Puritans— The Altar, Sacred Pictures and Stained Glass torn down — Charles 



Contents. xi 

PAGE 

brought by the Anny to Hampton Court — Resides here in comparative 
Ease and Dignity — Receives his old Adherents — Allowed to see his Children 
— Strictly watched by Colonel Whalley — Cromwell visits and confers with 
him — An Accommodation with the Army discussed — Charles's Intrigues 
and incurable Duplicity — His Mode of Life at this Time — His Farewell to 
Sir Richard and Lady Fanshawe — His Forebodings of Misfortune — 
Ominous Rumours of his Danger of Assassination — Withdraws his Pledge 
not to attempt an Escape — The Guards doubled — Visit of his Daughter 
the Princess Elizabeth — Disturbed by the Guards in the Gallery — The Eve 
of Fhght 130 

CHAPTER Xn. 

Charles L's Escape from Hampton Court. Charles Intrigues to 
Escape — Further Rumours of Designs against his Life — Ashburnham and 
Berkeley privately admitted to the Palace — The Plan of Escape settled 
with Charles — Ominous Letter from Cromwell — The King retires to his 
Private Chamber — His Flight from the Palace — Drops a Rare Tract — 
Thomason's Marvellous Bibhographic Collection — Anxiety of Colonel 
Whalley — Why is the King so long coming out ? — The Door of King 
Charles's Room broken open — The King gone I — Documents found in his 
Room — Letter to Colonel Whalley — His Solicitude for his Works of Art — 
His Incapacity for appreciating his Real Position — Consternation in the 
Palace — Excitement in the Army — Cromwell rides over to Hampton Court 
— Writes to the Speaker of the House of Commons — Charles's Letters to 
the Parliamentary Commissioners, and to the Parliament — The Detention 
of the King ordered — Colonel Whalley's Account of the King's Flight — 
The King arrested in the Isle of Wight — Royalist Rising near Hampton 
Court— Strange Discovery of Skeletons in the Palace .... 143 

CHAPTER XIII. 

The Commonwealth. Hampton Court for Sale, "The late 
Charles Stuart's " Property to be Surveyed, Valued, and Sold — Trustees 
appointed for the Purpose — Inventory of Goods, Furniture, and Works of 
Art in Hampton Court — The Great Three Years' Sale — Appraisement of 
the Splendid Tapestries — Insignificant Prices for the great Pictures — The 
Furniture and Antiquities — Survey of the Manor of Hampton Court — 
Valuation of the Parks — All the King's Houses and Parks to be Sold — 
Hampton Court to be exempted from the Sale — Return of Cromwell to 
London — The Palace prepared for him and his Family — Hampton Court 
to be Sold— The Vote reversed : Not to be Sold — Reversed again : To be 
Sold — Reversed once more : Not to be Sold — Reversed yet again : To be 
Sold — Another Resolve : Hampton Court offered to Oliver Cromwell — He 
refuses it — The Manor and Parks sold — Bought back again for Cromwell 
— He takes Possession of the Palace 163 



X i i Contents, 

CHAPTER XIV. 

PAGE 

Oi.ivFR Cromwki.i.'s Private Lifk at Hampton Court. Cromwell 
insl.illcd as Lord rroteclor— " His Highness'" \'isits to Hampton Court- 
Mot to assassinate him on his Way — The Conspirators arrested, tried and 
condemned— i'roclamation of Charles II. against Cromwell — Free Leave 
to murder the " Dclcsiable \'illain" — Promise of a Large Pension to the 
Assassin— Mrs. Cromwell, "the Lady Protectress" — Comical and Ribald 
Stories against her — Her "Court and Kitchen" — Charged with Niggardli- 
ness — The Protector's .State Banquets— His "Court of Beggars" — His 
IJoistcrous Joviality with his P'amiliars — Practical Jokes — Puts Hot Coals 
in his Friends' Boots — Cromwell out Hunting — His Appreciation of Pictures 
and Tapestry — Furniture of his own Room in the Palace — His Delight in 
Music — .Milton playing on the Organ in the Great Hall — Another Plot 
against the Protectors Life — An Infernal Machine — His " Removal " com- 
mended by Charles II. and his Brother James — Cromwell haunted by the 
Dread of Assassination — Marriage of l\Iary Cromwell to Lord Falconberg 
in the Chapel — Sycophantic Language of the Court Scribes . . . i74 

CHAPTER XV. 

Dkath of Mrs. Claypole — Cromwell's Last Illness — Cromwell 
pathirs his Family about him — Estrangement of his old Friends — He is 
solaced by his Children in his Troubles — Illness of Mrs. Claypole — She 
upbraids her Father with his Crimes — She dies — Buried in Westminster 
Abbey — Cromwell's Grief — His failing Health — He has the Bible read to 
him — Submission to the Will of God a hard Lesson — He gets better — • 
Meets George Fox, the Quaker, in the Park — "A Waft of Death" — Worse 
again — The Fever creeping on — " 1 shall not die by this Illness" — "God 
has answered our Prayers" — The Saints declare " He shall recover" — A 
Public Fast in the Palace — His Speedy Recovery peremptorily demanded 
of the Deity — But Cromwell grows worse — Removed to Whitehall — His 
Death iG8 

CHAPTER XVI. 

The Restoration. Richard Cromwell proclaimed Protector — Submits 
to the Long Parliament — Money to be raised by the sale of Goods at 
Hampton Court — Curious Inventory of the Furniture in the Palace — 
Hampton Court again to be sold — The Sale prevented by Ludlow — The 
Palace and Parks to be offered to General Monk — Twenty Thousand 
Pounds given to him instead — Restoration of Charles II. — " The Royal 
Oak" — Refurnishing of Hampton Court Palace — Works and Repairs — 
The Tennis Court improved — Charles 1 1, plays Tennis — "Beastly Flattery" 
— The Gardens — Planting of the Avenues and Digging of the Canal in the 
Home Park — The Parks re-stocked with Game — The King entertained at 
the Upper Lodge in Bushey Park — Account of Edward Progers the Confi- 
dant of Charles's Intrigues — Numerous Applicants lor Offices and Posts . 197 



Contents. xiii 

CHAPTER XVII. 

PAGE 

Honeymoon of Charles II. and Catherine of Braganza. 
Marriage of Charles II. to Catherine of Braganza — Their Arrival in great 
State at Hampton Court — Etching by Dirk Stoop — Reception of their 
Majesties in the Palace — The Duchess of York comes to pay her Respects 
— Presentations to the Queen — The Judges — The Lord Mayor and Alder- 
men — The Nobility — John Evelyn's Impression of the new Queen — Her 
Ladies — Hideous and Disagreeable old Frumps — De Grammont's Opinion 
— "Six Frights who call themselves Maids of Honour" — "Peter of the 
Wood"— The Old Knight— A Fantastic and Comical Crew— Their 
ludicrous Dress — Their Monstrous Fardingales — The Queen's Obstinacy 
in Retaining her Native Dress — Submits and adopts the English Fashion 
< — A Joyous Time at Hampton Court — The Queen's Portuguese Band — 
Evelyn's Description of the Palace — Pepys' Visit — The Parks and Gardens 
— ^A Portuguese Young Lady's Baby 208 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

Charles II. Betwixt Mistress and Wife. Discontent in London 
at "the King and Queen minding their Pleasures at Hampton Court" — 
The Queen resolved not to receive Lady Castlemaine — The King deter- 
mined that she shall — The imperious Castlemaine's Audacity — Aspires to 
be publicly recognized as the King's Mistress — Charles presents her to 
Catherine — A Painful Scene — Catherine faints — Charles's " Wonderful 
Indignation " — Dreads the Appearance of being ruled by his Wife — Urged 
on by his Courtiers not to yield — Their Satirical Comments on the Queen 
and her Attendants — Charles's Honour involved — He demands that Cathe- 
rine should make his Mistress a Lady of her Bedchamber — Catherine's 
Passionate Indignation at the Proposal — The aid of the Lord Chancellor 
Clarendon invoked — His Lordship speaks out — "Flesh and blood could 
not comply with it " — The King's unshakeable Determination — Requires 
Clarendon to Persuade the Queen to yield — He hesitates — Charles's 
Peremptory Letter — "The Keeper of the King's Conscience" undertakes 
to pander for his Majesty 220 

CHAPTER XIX. 

Queen Catherine and Lady Castlemaine. Clarendon's Interviews 
with Catherine of Braganza — Her touching Reliance on him — His un- 
worthy Sophistry — Tries to wheedle her to acquiesce in the King's Purpose 
— She threatens to return to Portugal — " Your mother wouldn't have you 
back " — High words between Charles and Catherine — Her " Perverseness " 
— Clarendon's Phari saical Cant — The King's Mistress " an estimable and 
commendable Associate'' for the Queen — Catherine's Determination — 
Studied Coldness and Indifference of the King — He passes his time in 
Jovial Company — The Queen's Attendants sent back to Portugal — Lady 



xiv Contents. 

PACE 
Castlemainc inst.illccl in the Palace — Tlie Queen's fricndle^is and forlorn 
Condition — Subjected to Ridicule and Indij^nity — Slic submits — Treats 
I^dy Castlemainc with markctl F'amiliarity — Loathsome I'erfidy of Claren- 
don — Charles and Catherine visit the Oueen-Mother — Her Visit to this 
I'alacc — Their Majesties' State Entry into London by way of the Thames 
— Their rroj^ress down the River in Magnificent Barges — Splendid Aquatic 
I'agcant 230 

CHAPTER XX. 

Hampton Court under Chari-es H. — James IL King Charles's 
occasional Visits to the Palace — Lady Castlemaine's Apartments — The 
Due de Moncony's Description of Hampton Court — Outbreak of the Plague 
— The Court retires to Hampton Court — Pepysat the Palace — "Not invited 
anywhere to dinner" — Lely paints the Beauties of the Court — Description 
of those Frail and Lovely Ladies — The Court removes to Salisbury and 
Oxford — The King and Duke back again at this Palace — Cordial Thanks 
to Pepys for his gallant Services during the Plague — Also to John Evelyn 
— \'isit of Mandeslo — The Parks — The Upper Lodge in Bushey Park — 
Cosmo HI. Duke of Tuscany joins a Hunting Party here — Description of 
the Sport — Deer Netting — Cosmo's Account of the Parks, Palace and 
Gardens — M. Jorevin de Rochford — Charles II. suddenly dissolves Parlia- 
ment — The Duke of Monmouth forfeits the King's Favour — Anecdote of 
Charles II. and Vcrrio — James II. — Canopy under which he received the 
Papal Nuncio — His Fireback — His Army on Hounslow Heath . . . 243 

APPENDICES. 

Appendix A. Survey of Hampton Court Mansion House and Parks 
made by the Parliamentary Commissioners in 1653 258 

Appendix B. Extracts from the Calendars of State Papers of the Time 
of the Commonwealth, relating to the Sale of the Manors and Parks of 
Hampton Court in 1653, and their Repurchase by the State for the Use 
and Occupation of the Protector Oliver Cromwell ..... 272 

Appendix C. Inventory of Goods, mostly claimed as belonging to 
Cromwell, at Hampton Court Palace in 1659 277 

Appendix D. Accounts for Various Works Done at Hampton Court 
in the Reign of Charles II 309 






ist of ^illustrations* 




PAGE 
IRONTISPIECE. — James I. entertaining the Spanish 
Ambassador. 
Plan. — Principal Floor of the Palace in the time of the 

Stuarts I 

Map. — The Domain and Parks of Hampton Court . . i68 

Interleaved Plate. — Bay Window in the Great Watch- 
ing Chamber lo 

The Screens in the Great Hall i4 

The Great Hall 19 

Entrance to the Buttery under the Pantry and the Great Hall ... 26 

Corner in the Master Carpenter's Court 34 

Interleaved Plate. — Henry, Prince of Wales, and the Earl of Essex . 47 

Garden on the Top of the Palace 5^ 

James I. taking the Assay 63 

Interleaved Plate. — Portrait of Queen Anne of Denmark ... 74 

Interleaved Plate. — Portrait of James 1 9° 

Interleaved Plate. — Portrait of Charles 1 95 

Old Tower in the Tilt Yard 100 

Interleaved Plate. — Back Court near the Fish Kitchen . . . 112 

Interleaved Plate. — Picture of the Duke of Buckingham and his Family 1 19 
Interleaved Plate. — Charles I. Dining in Public . . . .122 

Altar Rails of Carved Oak 132 

View of the North of the Palace in Tennis Court Lane . . . -135 

Interleaved Plate. — The Old Pond Garden 142 

Interleaved Folding Plate. — View of the First Court from the Top 

of the Palace 166 

Interleaved Plate. — Parapet of the Great Hall 170 

Interleaved Plate. — Mrs. Cromwell, the Lady Protectress . . • i77 

Doorway in Tennis Court Lane ^9^ 



xvi List of Illustrations. 

PAGE 

iNTF.RIEAVrn I'I-ATT:. — Portrait of Charles II 201 

One of Charles ll.'s Cast-iron Fire-backs ....... 202 

The Upper Lodge in Bushey Park in the Reii^n of Cliarles II. . . . 206 

In i"KRi.KA\ rn Folding Plate. — Arrival of Charles II. and his Queen at 

Hampton Court ........... 209 

Intf.rleavf.d Plate. — Portrait of Queen Catherine of Braganza . . 214 

Interleavki) Plate. — Old East Front of Hampton Court, after Danckers. 217 

Interleaved Plate. — Portrait of the Countess of Castlemaine . . 222 

Back Stairs of the (jreat Hall 234 

Interleaved Folding Plate. — River Front of Hampton Court in the 

Reign of Charles II. 240 

Old Cast-Iron Fire-Back with James II. 's Arms and Initials . . . 256 




Plan of the Principal Floor of Hampton Court Palace 



N li 



SHOWING IN OUTLINE THE ClOISTER GrEEN CoURT PULLED DOWN 




Thk Poxd Garden. 



' This mark in the West cloister of the Cloister Cireen Court imlicates 
the spot where the two skeletons were found on Nov 2nd, 1871. See page 160. 9 \ '," 'P 



i TIME OF THE OTUARTS. 

William III. 




The King's Apartments 



icale nf Feet 

^o go 



Trivy Garden. 




HISTORY 

OF 

HAMPTON COURT PALACE 

IN STUART TIMES. 
CHAPTER I. 



JAMES I. AT HAMPTON COURT — A GRAND CHRISTMAS. 

King James comes to Hampton Court — Summons the Country Gentlemen to 
come and be Knighted, or compound by paying F'ines — Creates a large Batch 
of New Peers — The Noble Order of Baronets — Resolves to spend Christmas at 
Hampton Court — A Grand Masque by the Poet Daniel ordered — Letter of 
Lady Arabella Stuart — Jealousies of the Foreign Ambassadors — The Plague- 
Queen Elizabeth's Wardrobe ransacked for Dresses for the Masque — Inigo 
Jones designs the Scenic Effects for Masques — Ferrabosco's Music — Account 
of Daniel — Great Concourse of Visitors at the Palace — Running at the Ring — 
Numerous Plays performed in the Great Hall — The King's Company of Players 
at Hampton Court — Shakespeare probably present — " Robin Goodfellow " — 
Interludes and Masquerades — Grand Banquets — Wranglings between theFrcnch 
and Spanish Ambassadors. 

AMES I. had not been long on the throne of 
England when, desiring to behold in turn all 
the palaces of his new kingdom, he came from 
Windsor Castle to reside for a short time at 
Hampton Court. He had been here only a day 
or two, when he issued a proclamation which must have 




2 Ilisiory of Ilavipton Court ralace. [1603 

brouelit home \vith clearness to the minds of his new sub- 
jects, how the rule they had now come under, differed from 
that of Queen Ehzabeth, and liow comj^letely the romantic 
clement that had invested her era with such histre was 
closed for ever. Duriui^ the past reign the dignity of 
knighthood had been conferred only as a special mark of 
royal favour on men distinguished for great and gallant 
services to their sovereign and country ; and it was an 
honour that heroes bearing names of such imperishable 
renown as Sir Philip Sidney and Sir Walter Raleigh, were 
ambitious to deserve, proud to receive, and jealous to guard. 
It derived likewise a special value from being a personal, 
and not an hereditary distinction. But the canny Scotch 
King James, with the sordid and mercenary ideas that 
tainted even that which most nearly concerned his kingly 
honour, saw in it only a means of lining with good English 
gold his by no means too amply filled pockets. It must 
be said, however, that the suggestion is stated to have first 
come from the Earl of Salisbury, who is credited with having 
urged it on James, telling him "he should find his English 
subjects like asses, on whom he might lay any burden ; 
and shouKl need neither bit nor bridle, but their own asses' 
ears." W'lien the King objected that it might discontent 
the generality of the gentry : " Tush, Sire," he replied, 
" you want the money, that will do you good ; the honour 
will do them very little harm." ^ 

Thus it was that on the 17th of July, 1603, ^e issued 
from Hampton Court a general summons to all persons 
who had ^40 a year in land, or upwards, to come and 
receive the honour of knighthood (of course with the ob- 
ligation of paying the necessary fees) ; ^ or, if they declined 
a proffered dignity thus cheapened and vulgarized, they 

' Sir Anthony Wtldon's Character '^^ James I, 
' Kynici's /'trifcra, vol. x\ i., p. 530. 



1603] Hundreds of New Knights. 3 

were enjoined to compound for the audacity of so doing-, 
by the payment of substantial fines to the Royal Commis- 
sioners appointed for that purpose. Three days after, in 
compliance with the King's gracious summons, two gentle- 
men, Mr. John Gammes of Radnorshire and Mr. William 
Cave of Oxfordshire, presented themselves at Hampton 
Court,^ and were the first to receive knighthood at the 
hands of his Majesty. These two, however, were but a 
small and insignificant advance guard, when compared to 
the vast main body of troops of country gentlemen already 
on the march towards London from all parts of England and 
Wales. They flocked, indeed, in such numbers, that six 
days after the issue of the summons there were awaiting the 
King's pleasure several hundred would-be knights. Ac- 
cordmgly James came up, on the 22nd of July, from 
Hampton Court to Whitehall ; and there, on the following 
day, disposed of the first batch of no less than three hundred 
knights. The exertion of giving the accolade to so many 
persons would naturally be a very laborious one on a hot 
July day ; so the ceremony was appointed to take place in 
the Royal Gardens. 

In addition to this, as will be remembered. King James, 
later on in his reign,^ when rather hard up for cash, hit 
upon the expedient of founding " the noble order of 
Baronets," who were each of them to pay a fee of ;^ 1,000 
on creation, and were in return for the honour conferred 
on them, " to defend and ameliorate the condition of the 
Province of Ulster, aid towards the building of churches, 
towns, and castles, and proffer their lives, fortunes, and 
estates to hazard in the performance of this duty," and 
" maintain and keep thirty soldiers there." Some of our 
modern baronets would be rather aghast if called on to 

^ Nichols' Progresses of James I., vol. i., p. 204. 
* Ibtd.f vol. ii., p. 419. 



4 Ilistoy of Ilauiplon Court Palace. [1603 

render any such scr\ ices in n turn for the honours they 
bear ! 

In the meanwliile the Kin^;' IkuI also been proportionately 
lavish with the higher honour of the peerage ; and on the 
2 I St of July he created, with great ceremonial, in the Great 
Hall of Ham[)ton Court, eleven peers, in the presence of 
the Queen and the Court. Altogether during his reign he 
conferred as many as a hundred and eleven peerages, about 
seven times as many, in a reign of twenty-two years, as his 
predecessor, Queen Elizabeth, had created in a reign of 
twice that duration. 

Soon after this, the King and Queen went on a progress in 
the southern counties, until about the beginning of the month 
of December, when thc^y resolved to move to Hampton Court 
for the ensuing festive season. Probably the recollection of the 
splendid entertainments of which this Palace had been the 
scene during the reigns of the Tudor sovereigns, and espe- 
cially of the late Queen, suggested it as the most appropriate 
royal residence in which to celebrate their first Christmas- 
tide after their advent to the throne. Of all the Enorlish 
palaces it was then, as it is now, the most spacious; and, 
with its magnificent suite of reception rooms, the most 
ada[jted for brilliant Court gaieties. The desire of the King 
and Queen to rival the splendour of their predecessors 
doubtless had weight with them in selecting a grand masque, 
to be written by Samuel Daniel, as the principal feature of 
the festivities, for it was just about this time that these 
entertainments were beginning to be popular. Towards 
the close of Queen Elizabeth's reign they had gradually 
tended towards the form they eventually assumed under the 
skilful hands of Ben Jonson, and w^ere, in fact, developing 
from mere masquerades or mummings into dramatic re- 
presentations of a high lyrical order, which found their 
noblest embodiment in Milton's sublime poem, " Comus." 



1603] A Grand Masque Oi^dered. 5 

It will be Interesting, therefore, not only to give some 
account of the Court festivities at this season, but also to give 
a particular description of Daniel's masque, because it was, 
in a certain sense, the first true masque ever presented, and 
because it holds a position midway between the earlier revels 
of Tudor times and the more finished compositions into 
which they afterwards developed.^ 

The first notice we have of the preparations for the 
gaieties in prospect is in a letter of the beautiful and 
accomplished, but ill-fated Lady Arabella Stuart, the story 
of whose loves and misfortunes is so pathetically told 
in Isaac D'Israeli's " Curiosities of Literature." Her letter 
is dated, " Hampton Court, December the i8th," and is 
addressed to Lord Shrewsbury.^ Having noticed that 
the Queen arrived on Friday, the i6th, she goes on : — " The 
King will be here to-morrow. The Polonian Ambassador 
shall have audience on Thursday next. The Queen inten- 
deth to make a masque this Christmas, to which end my Lady 
Suffolk and my Lady Walsingham hath warrant to take of 
the late Queen's best apparel out of the Tower of their dis- 
cretion. Certain noblemen (whom I may not yet name to 
you because some of them have made me of their counsel) 
intend another. Certain gentlemen of good sort another. 
It is said there shall be 30 plays. The King will feast all 
the Ambassadors this Christmas." 

Sir Dudley Carleton also writes on the 22nd from London, 
where he had apparently gone for the day, to his " assured 
friend Mr. John Chamberlain" •} — " Sir, we have left Salisbury 
plains to the frost and snow, and the pleasant walks at 

^ The account which follows of whole festivities, with a reprint of the 

Daniel's masque, The Vision of the masque. 

Twelve Goddesses, is abridged from ^ Progresses of James /., vol. iv., 

the author's pamphlet, published in p. 1061. 

1880, entitled A Royal Masque at ' State Papers, Domestic, James /., 

Hampton Court, descriptive of the vol. v., No. 20. 



6 History of Hampton Conri Palace, [1603 

Wilton to as c^ood dirt as ever you saw in Smidifield when 
it is at the best, and cominor to Hampton Court were there 
welcomed widi fogs and mists, whicli make us march blind- 
fold ; and we fear we shall now stumble into the sickness, 

which till now we have miraculously scaped We shall 

have a merry Christmas at Hampton Court, for both male 
and female masques are all ready bespoken, whereof the Duke 
is rector r//^;-/ of the one side, and the Lady Bedford of the 
other. After Christmas, if the sickness cease, we shall come 
to Whitehall." 

The reception of the ambassadors whom Lady Arabella 
Stuart mentions, was not unattended, we shall find, with those 
petty jealousies and continual bickerings in which the repre- 
sentatives of foreign Courts seem to have spent the greater 
part of their time. 

Quarrels about precedence, offence taken because one 
ambassador was asked to dinner when another was not, and 
struggles to get lodgings in the royal palace formed their chief 
occupation, and caused endless annoyance to the King's 
ministers. These absurd contests never ceased till the cus- 
tom prevailed that the precedence of ambassadors should be 
determined according to the time they have been accredited 
to any particular Court. 

The prevalence of the plague, to which Dudley Carleton 
refers, might well have thrown a gloom over the whirl 
of gaieties. Hy this time, however, its virulence had 
much abated, the deaths in London being only three or 
four hundred a week, whereas they had been as many 
thousands. 

The rifling of Queen Elizabeth's wardrobes to supply 
dresses for the masque is of a piece with all the acts of King 
James. Even before he had left Scotland, in the spring, he 
had written to the Council requesting them to send up some 
of the Queen's jewels and robes in order to deck out his wife 



1603] Preparations for a Grand Christmas. 7 

with becoming splendour, and was much vexed because 
they refused, having, they said, no authority to send such 
things out of the kingdom. When her late Majesty's trea- 
sures came to be sorted, there were found no less than 500 
robes, all of the greatest magnificence, some of which she 
appeared to have worn but once. They cannot have been 
very well adapted for turning into the classical costumes re- 
quired for the masque. But though the designs were pro- 
bably deficient in archaeological accuracy, it does not appear 
that Anne of Denmark perpetrated such a violation of taste 
on this occasion, as she did on another, when she acted a 
Grecian goddess in a fardingale ! The Duke who is men- 
tioned by Dudley Carleton as director of the gentlemen's 
masque was Lodowick Stuart, Duke of Lennox. He was 
a first cousin of the King's, and married, some years after 
this, Frances, Lady Hertford, one of the performers in the 
masque. 

The scenery and mechanical appliances for the masque 
were probably designed by Inigo Jones. He had just re- 
turned from Denmark, where he had been staying with the 
Queen's brother. Christian IV., from whom he brought 
letters of recommendation, that soon procured him the office 
of architect to the Queen. His name is frequently men- 
tioned in subsequent years as the designer of the scenic 
effects in the many masques given at Court, nor was his 
share in these entertainments considered of less importance 
than that of the author. The great architect, indeed, seems 
to have taken considerable pride in his contributions to 
these entertainments ; and Ben Jonson's omission on one 
occasion to confess the value of his assistance nearly led 
to a serious breach between them. Once, when the prin- 
cipal effect was obtained by the revolving of a large globe, 
on which various pictures were represented, Inigo Jones 
did not disdain to do the duty of scene-shifter and turn 



8 History of Hampton Coiui Palace. [1603 

the machinery liimsclf, so important did he regard these 
matters. 

With respect to the music of the masque, nothing- positive 
can be ascertained. All that we know is, that Master 
Alphonso Ferrabosco, " a man planted by himself in that 
divine sjjhere and mastering all the spirits of music," as Ben 
Jonson says of him, was a frequent composer of the music 
of the marches and songs interspersed in these charming 
trilles. What remains of his compositions fully leads us to 
endorse tlie high opinion held of him by his contempo- 
raries, and he may well have employed his talents on this 
occasion. 

Samuel Daniel, the author of the masque, was born in 
1562, and by the time of which we are treating, had 
achieved a very considerable reputation as a writer of 
graceful and polished verse. His " Complaint of Rosa- 
mund," and his " Sonnets to Delia," and other small poems, 
were particularly w^ell known, and had given him a position 
among the poets of the age which modern times have hardly 
conhrmed to him ; though Mr. Collier does not hesitate to 
class him with Shakespeare, Ben Jonson, and Spenser as 
one of the four great Elizabethan poets. Early in the year 
1603, ^"^^ ^'^^^ been selected to write "A Panegyric Con- 
gratulator)%" presented to the King on his visit to Harring- 
ton- Burley, now called Burley-on-the-Hill, which belonged 
at that time to Sir John Harrington, father of the famous 
Lucy, Countess of Bedford, to whom he dedicated the 
masque, who took a leading part in getting it up, and who 
seenis to have been throughout the directing genius of it. 

The success of the " Panegyric," combined doubtless 
with the inlluence of this lady, pointed him out as the 
most fitting person to write the Queen's masque. From 
this time Daniel's advancement was unbroken. He be- 
came a great favourite with the Queen, and she soon made 



1603J Daniel and his Royal Masque. 9 

him a gentleman-in-waiting extraordinary, and afterwards a 
groom-in-waiting of her privy chamber. He was also ap- 
pointed " Master of the Queen's Children of the Revells," 
who were to be trained for the acting of stage plays, and 
whose education he had to supervise. 

The exact date of this appointment does not appear ; but 
at the latest it must have been soon after the performance 
of the " Vision of the Twelve Goddesses," as on January 
31st, 1604, we find an order that all plays to be acted by the 
Queen's revellers were to be submitted to Samuel Daniel. 
Shakespeare, it would seem, was also a candidate for this 
office, for in a letter of Daniel's to Sir Thomas Egerton, 
thanking him for procuring him the place, occurs this 
passage: "It seemeth to myne humble judgement, that 
one who is the authour of playes now daylie presented on 
the public stage of London, and the possessor of no small 
gaines, and moreover himselfe an actor in the King's Com- 
panie of Comedians, could not with reason pretend to be M' 
of the Oueene's Majesty's Revells, forasmuch as he wold 
sometimes be asked to approve and allow his own writings " 
— a reference that can apply to no one but Shakespeare, 
who was the only playwright in the company.^ 

The names of the twelve ladies who took part in the 
masque were discovered by the author in a curious copy of 
the first edition of the masque preserved in the British 
Museum, in which they are inserted in a handwriting of the 
time. They will be given further on ; and they are in- 
structive as affording evidence how soon Anne of Denmark 
gathered round her the ladies to whom she clung for the 
rest of her life ; while it is worthy of note that every one of 
them afterwards became famous, or at least notorious, in 
the annals of this reign. 

^ Y{.i}Xm^\% Life of Shakespeare, p, 205; and Collier's New Facis, ed. 1835, 
p. 48. 



lO Ilishvy of Hampton Court Palace. [1603 

With as many as twelve ladies, who were not on the best 
of terms with each other, Daniel and the stag-e mana<iers 
must have had no small amount of trouble. Modern private 
theatrical experience sui^'"i4'ests the sort of difficulties that 
would arise : the contention as to who should do this part, 
and who that ; the dissatisfaction of ladies with their cos- 
tumes, and so on. However, in this case the rehearsals 
seem to have gone off without any very serious contests — 
at least, none serious enough to be noted by the chroniclers 
of that day. 

Among the Record Office papers, in an old account, half 
worm-eaten and decayed with damp, there is an entry for 
work done in relation to this masque : — 

Item, Paid for viahing readie the loiver ende, tvith certain Roovics 
of the Hall at HaDtpton Court for the Qucene's Mat" and ladies 
against their masque by the space of three daycs} 

From this we gather that the old pantry behind the 
" screens " at the lower end of the hall was set apart as a 
" tyring-room," or green room, for the Queen and her ladies, 
and the Great Watching Chamber at the upper end put at 
their disposal for rehearsals — as had been the custom in 
Queen Elizabeth's time.^ 

In the meanwhile there was no lack of amusement and 
occupation for the rest. The whole world was flocking to 
Hampton Court; ambassadors to offer their congratula- 
tions, nobles and gentlemen to testify their loyalty to their 
new sovereign, and crowds of needy adventurers on the 
look out for the honours, pensions, and places which were 
being showered in such profusion by James on his new 
subjects. The crowd was so great that even with upwards 
of 1,200 rooms, besides outbuildings, the Palace could not 

' Exchequer Q. R. Household and Wardrobe Aecounts. *,*. 
* See vol. i., p. 319. 




Bay Window in the Great Watching Chamber. 



i6o3j Rehearsals and Festivities 1 1 

contain the numbers of retainers and servants that conere- 
gated here, so that tents had to be set up in the park to 
shelter them. Every day there were festivities : banquets, 
receptions of ambassadors, balls, masquerades, plays, tennis 
matches, and a grand running at the tilt. These extracts 
from the old accounts make it appear that the timid King 
summoned up sufficient courage on the occasion to take 
part in this tilting match : — 

Paid to Sir Richard Coningsbie .... for making rcadie the 
gallorie with other roomes in M"^ Huggins' lodgings at Hampton 
Coiirte for his Mat^ to {dine ?) with the Lordes and Knightes after 
the running at the Tylt for the space of two days mens : Januarii 
1603. 

Item . . . . for making j'cadie a standing for the Queene^sMajestie 
in the Parke at Hampton Courte to see the Kinge's Majestic and the 
Lordes running at the Ringe, . . . / 

In Lady Arabella Stuart's letter of the i8th of December 
mention is made of thirty plays to be acted ; and there is an 
entry in the old accounts of money paid for " making readie 
the Hall for the plays against Christmas." The number 
" thirty " must probably be set down to the exaggeration of 
a vivacious mind, but that there were many is evident from 
an account given in a letter of Dudley Carleton's to John 
Chamberlain, dated the 15th of January, 1604. It is among 
the State Papers in the Record Office, and has never before 
been printed.^ It contains an interesting picture of the 
celebration of the " Grand Christmas " at the Palace this 
year. 

" We have had a merry Christmas and nothing to dis- 
quiet us save brabbles amongst our ambassadors, and one 
or two poor companions that died of the plague. The first 

^ Exchequer Q. R., Household and '' State Papers, Domestic, fames /., 
Wardrobe Accounts. *-/• "^'O^- vi-j No. 21. 



12 History of Ua)upto7i Co2irt Palace. [1603 

holidays we liad every ninht a public play in the great 
hall, at which the Kiiii^'- was ever present, and liked or dis- 
liked as he saw cause : but it seems he takes no extra- 
ordinary pleasure in them. The Queen and Prince were 
more the players' friends, for on other nights they had them 
privately% and have since taken them to their protection. 
On New Year's night we had a play of ' Robin Good- 
fellow.' " 

This and the other plays were performed by the " King's 
Company of Comedians," who had been incorporated 
by a warrant of King James a few months before this.^ 
Prominent among their names — coming, in fact, second on 
the roll — is that of William Shakespeare ; and we make no 
doubt that he was staying with the rest of his company in 
this Palace at this Christmas time, and that his plays were 
performed before the Court. They were " freely to use 
and exercise the arts and faculty of playing comedies, 
tragedies, histories, enterludes,moralls,pastoralls, stage plaies, 
and such other like, as thei have already studied, or here- 
after shall use or studie, as well for the recreation of our 
loving subjects, as for our solace and pleasure, when we 
shall think good to use them." That they were at Hamp- 
ton Court this Christmas is evident from the " Accounts of 
the Treasurer of the Chamber," among which is the following 
entry :* — 

To John Heniyngcs one of his Ma"" players itppon the Conncells 
Warrant dated at Hatupton Court 18 Jan nary \6oi for the payfies 
and expenccs of himself and the rest of his companye in presentinge of 
sixc interludes or play es before the Kings Ma''" and prince viz. on St 
Stephens daye at night, St Johns day at night, Innocents daye and 
Neii' yeres daye at night before the kings Ma''^ for each of the sayde 

* For the warrant, see Halliwell's * See Extracts from Ret'cls Ac- 

I.ife of Shakespeare, and Chapter counts, published by the Shakespeare 

House Privy Seal Papers, No. 71. Society. 
It is dated the 7ih of Muy, 1603. 



1603] Shakespeare at Hampton Court. 1 3 

playes tiventie nobles apeece and to them by ivaye of his Ma''" reivarde 
fyve marks, and for twoe playes before the prince on the xxx"' of 
December and tJie ffirste of Jajinary 1603 tivcntie nobles apeece in cilt 
amountinge to the some of Liii £. 

The date 1603 is, of course, the Old Style for what we 
should call 1604. Dudley Carleton has told us that the 
play on New Year's night was " Robin Goodfellow." No 
copy of this play exists ; ^ but the " mad prankes and merrie 
jestes " of this mythical personage seem to have been intro- 
duced into many plays besides " A Midsummer Night's 
Dream." Perhaps the particular one acted by Hemynges, 
Shakespeare, and Burbage, and the rest of the company, v/as 
that by Henry Chettle, which he was writing in September, 
1602, and for which two entries for money paid are inserted 
in Henslow's diary. 

It was at the lower end of the hall in front of the 
" screenes," as they were called, that the stage was always 
erected when the plays were erected here, and many a time 
the players in Shakespeare's company, including probably 
himself, made their entrances and exits through the openings 
shown in the accompanying sketch. 

We will now resume Dudley Carlton's account of the 
Christmas festivities. After mentioning the play of " Robin 
Goodfellow," he proceeds to describe a " Masque brought 
in by a magician of China," which was acted on the same 
night : — " There was a heaven built at the lower end of the 
hall, out of which our magician came down, and after he had 
made a long sleepy speech to the King of the nature of the 
country from whence he came, comparing it with ours for 
strength and plenty, he said he had brought in clouds certain 
Indian and China knights to see the magnificency of this 
Court, and thereupon a travers {i.e. a curtain) was drawn, and 

' See Collier's Introduction to A Midsummer NighVs Dream. 



14 



History of Hampton Court Palace. 



[1603 



the masquers seen sitting in a vanity place with their torch- 
bearers and other lights, which was no unpleasing spectacle. 
The masquers were brought in by two boys and two musi- 
cians, who began with a song, and whilst that went forward 
they presented themselves to the King. The first gave the 







The Screens in the Great Hall, 



King an impresa in a shield with a sonnet in a paper to 
express this device, and presented a jewel of 40,000 crowns 
value which the King is to buy of Peter van Lore, but that 
is more than every man knew, and it made a fair show to 
the French ambassador's eye, whose master would have 



1603] Plays and Masquerades m the Great Hall. 1 5 

been well pleased with such a masquer's present, but not at 
that price. The rest in their order delivered their 
escutcheons with letters ; and there was no great stay at 
any of them save only at one who was put to the interpreta- 
tion of his device. It was a fair horse colt in a fair green 
field, which he meant to be a colt of Bucephalus' race, and 
had this virtue of his sire, that none could mount him but 
one as great at least as Alexander. The King made him- 
self merry with threatening to send this colt to the stable, 
and he could not break loose till he promised to dance as 
well as Bankes's horse.^ The first measure was full of 
changes and seemed confused, but was well gone through 
withal. And for the ordinary measures they took out the 
Queen, the ladies of Derby, Hertford, Suffolk, Bedford, 
Susan Vere, Southwell the elder, and Rich. In the corantoes 
they ran over some other of the young ladies, and so ended 
as they began with a song ; and that done, the magician 
dissolved his enchantment, and made the masquers appear in 
their likeness to be the Earl of Pembroke,^ the Duke, Mon- 
sieur d'Aubigny, young Somerset, Philip Herbert the young 
Bucephal, James Hayes, Richard Preston, and Sir Henry 
Godier. Their attire was rich, but somewhat too heavy and 
cumbersome for dances, which put them besides their gal- 
liards. They had loose robes of crimson satin embroidered 
with gold, and bordered with broad silver laces, and doublets 
of cloth of silver ; buskins, swords, and hats alike, and in 
their hats each of them an Indian bird for a feather, with 
some jewels. 

" The Twelfth-day the French ambassador was feasted 
publicly, and at night there was a play in the Queen's pre- 

'■ This was a famous and clever was the ascent of St. Paul's steeple ! 
horse called "Morocco," which be- ^ This was William Herbert, third 

longed to one Bankes in the reign of Earl. His mother was the famous 

Queen Elizabeth. His shoes, it is said, " Subject of all verse, Sidney's sibtcr, 

were of silver, and one of his exploits Pembroke's mother." 



i6 Hi<:toyy of Hampton Court Palace. [1604 

scncc, ^vith a masquerade of certain Scotchmen, who came 
in with a sword dance, not unlike a matachin, and performed 
it cleanly ; from thence the Kini^ went to dice, into his own 
presence, and lost 500 crowns, which marred a gamester ; for 
since he appeared not there, but once before was at it in the 
same place and parted a winner. The Sunday following 
was the great day of the Queen's masque, at which was pre- 
sent the Spanish and Polack ambassadors with their whole 
trains, and the most part of the Florentines and Savoy- 
ards, but not the ambassadors themselves, who were in so 
strong competition for place and precedence, that to dis- 
please neither it was thought best to let both alone. The 
like dispute was betwixt the French and the Spanish am- 
bassador, and hard hold for the greatest honour, which the 
Spaniard thinks he hath carried away by being first feasted 
(as he was the first holiday anti the Polack the next) and 
invited to the greatest masque, and the French seems to be 
greatly discontented that he was flatly refused to be admitted 
to the last, about which he used unmanly expostulations 
with the King, and for a few days troubled all the Court; 
but the Queen was fain to take the matter upon her, who as 
a masquer had invited the Spaniard, as the Duke before 
had done the French, and to have them there could not be 
without bloodshed." 






^M 


^^^ 


S 


liis^KiM 


^^i 



CHAPTER II, 



THE ROYAL MASQUE — VISION OF THE TWELVE GODDESSES. 



The Day of the Grand Royal Masque — Profanation of the British Sabbath — 
Excitement in the Palace — Appearance of the Great Hall — The Scenery — The 
King enters — Brilliant Spectacle — The Masque begins — "Night" appears — 
"Sleep" awakened— "Iris"— "The Sibyl" — "The Three Graces" — "The 
Twelve Goddesses " — The Procession down the Mountain and up the Hall — 
The Songs and Dances — The Ladies' "Dresses — The Goddesses retire — The 
Supper after the Masque — Scramble for Seats — Renewed Jealousies of the 
Ambassadors — Pirated Edition of the Masque — Plea for the Revival of the Old 
English Masques. 

jOW at last " the great day," as Dudley Carleton 
calls it, towards which the Court had been look- 
ing forward for a full month, had come. It was 
on Sunday, the 8th of January, 1604, in the Great 
Hall of the Palace, that the grand representation 
of Daniel's " Vision of the Twelve Goddesses," took place. 
It may surprise some that a Sunday was chosen for so 
profane an entertainment ; but it should be remembered 
that in England, until the days of the Puritans, the 
Sabbath was not observed with the rigour that it was 
afterwards. Plays, revels, bear-baiting, dancing, leaping, 
archery, &c., were not only allowed, but encouraged. For 
King James, soon after the time we are treating of, pub- 




iS History of Hampton CoJirt Palace. [1604 

lisliod Ills " Book of Sportes " for the use of his subjects, in 
which he declared these and many other recreations to be 
lawful on Sunday, and stigmatized the puritanical mode of 
observing the day as leading to '* hlthie tippling and drun- 
kennesse." 

The time was about nine or ten o'clock in the evening, 
and towards that hour the guests would be seen coming 
from their lodgings in various parts of the Palace, or froni 
lodgings outside the gates, along the cloisters, preceded by 
their attendants bearing torches. They would pass up the 
large wooden staircase which leads from the cloisters to the 
Hall, through the doors now closed, but which then opened 
under the minstrel gallery. Others would arrive under the 
archway beneath the clock, and go up the stone staircase, 
the usual entrance now, also leading into the Hall under 
the minstrel gallery. The King, the Prince, and the 
ministers and great Lords of State, on the other hand, would 
ai)proach from the Great Watching Chamber at the upper 
end of the Hall, which then communicated directly with the 
galleries and chambers belonging to the State Rooms. 

The whole appearance presented by the Hall must have 
been very imposing. On both sides, the seats for the spec- 
tators were arranged, rising doubtless in tiers one above an- 
other, and leaving a large space in the middle of the room 
for the procession of the Goddesses to advance, and ample 
scope for them to execute their " measures." At the lower, 
or minstrel gallery end, was reared an elaborate piece of 
scenery, representing a mountain, rising high into the roof, 
and concealing the whole of the end wall ; at the upper end 
of the Hall on the left-hand side, on the dais, was built the 
" Temple of Peace," with a lofty cupola, and in the interior 
an altar tended by the Sibylla. Not far from the Temple 
was the cave of Somnus, "Sleep." 

When everything was ready, and all the company as- 



1604] 



Brilliant Spectacle i^i the Hall. 



19 



sembled, the doors at the top of the Hall would be fluncy 
open, and the heralds proclaiming aloud " The King," would 
sound a loud blast on their trumpets, at which the whole 




The Great Hall. 



company rising would make obeisance to the King, who 
entered with a throng of courtiers, and counsellors, and am- 
bassadors. He sat beneath the canojDy of state, placed near 
the beautiful south oriel window. 



20 IJistoyy of llavipton Coiirt Palace. [1604 

The spectacle must have been briHiant in the extreme. 
Tlic beautiful scenery for the masque, the splendid and 
costly dresses of the crowd of courtiers and ladies, the gor- 
geous colours and marvellous workmanship of the tapestry 
hani^ini^s, "than which the world can show nothing finer," 
the rich decorations of the exquisitely moulded windows, 
filled with lustrous stained glass, and above all the glorious 
gothic roof, with its maze of delicately carved and softly- 
tinted beams, spandrels, and corbels, amid the pierced tra- 
cer)' of which flickered hundreds of little lamps, must have 
combined to produce an effect never experienced in modern 
times. Milton surely had some such scene in his mind when 
he wrote the lines : — 

From the arched roof, 
Pendent by subtle magic many a row 
Of starry lamps and blazing cressets fed 
With naphtha and asphaltus yielded light 
As from a sky. 

And when we consider who were present on that night : 
all the beauty, rank, and state of the Courts of England and 
Scotland ; ambassadors of foreign Powers ; statesmen on 
whom hung the present and future destinies of the British 
Empire ; and beyond all, both the greatest philosopher, 
Bacon, and the greatest poet, Shakespeare, that the world 
has ever known — we feel that the interest of the occasion is 
not undeserving of notice. 

And now the masque began : — 

First appeared " Night," decked in a black vesture, set 
over with glittering stars. She rose up by a sort of trap- 
door arrangement in the middle of the floor from the cellars 
below, and marched slowly up to the cave, where her son, 
" Sleep," lay, awakening him in a speech beginning "Awake, 
dark Sleep," &c. :— 



1604] Vismi of the Twelve Goddesses. 21 

Awake, dark Sleep, rouse thee from out this cave, 
Thy mother Night, that bred thee in her womb, 
And fed thee first with silence and with ease, 
Doth here thy shadowing operations crave ; 
And therefore wake, my son, awake, and come. 
Strike with thy horny wand the spirits of these 
That here expect some pleasing novelties, &c. 

Her son at once obeyed her summons, and at her request, 
consented to call forth a Vision to gratify the assembled 
Court, which he forthwith proceeded to do by an invocation 
and a waving of his wand, and then retired to slumber again. 
As soon as he had gone. Iris, the messenger of the God- 
desses, appeared on the top of the mountain, clad in a robe 
striped with all the colours of the rainbow, and descending, 
advanced to the Temple of Peace. Here she announced to 
the Sibyl, the priestess thereof, the approach of a " celestial 
presence of Goddesses," and at the same time gave her a 
scroll, in which she might read a description of them, and of 
the symbolical meaning of their several attires. 

The Sibyl taking the scroll then read the " prospective " 
set forth in it, of which we will give two stanzas as a speci- 
men : — 

Jtmo. 
First here imperial Juno in her chair. 
With sceptre of command for kingdoms large, 
Descends all clad in colours of the air, 
Crown'd with bright stars, to signify her charge. 

Pallas. 
Next warlike Pallas, in her helmet dress'd, 
With lance of winning, target of defence. 
In whom both wit and courage are express'd, 
To get with glory, hold with providence. 

As soon as the Sibyl had finished reading the description 
of the Twelve Goddesses, there were seen at the top of the 



1 -> 



History of Hampton Court Palace. [1604 

mountain the three Graces in silver robes, emer<,nncT from 
the rocks and trei-s, and coming; down the winding pathway 
hand in hand, with stately step, to the sound of a loud 
march, played by minstrels attired as satyrs, or sylvan gods, 
and seen half disclosed amid the rocks. Next came the 
Twelve Goddesses, three and three, in various coloured 
dresses, which are fully described in Daniel's explanatory 
introduction to the masque, each followed by a torchbearer 
dressed in a flowing white robe, studded over with golden 
stars, their heads bespangled w^th the same, and carrying 
long gilded waxen tapers. 

Thus in order the whole procession wended its course 
down the mountain's sinuous pathway, the whole being so 
arranged as to admit of all the performers being seen on the 
mountainatonce. Thelirst threeGoddesses werejuno, Pallas, 
and Venus, the characters being represented respectively by 
Lady Suffolk,* the Queen, and Lady Rich. The next three 
were Diana, Vesta, and Proserpine, represented by Lady 
I lertford, Lady Bedford, and Lady Derby. The next were 
IMacaria, Concordia, and Astraea, by Lady Hatton, Lady 
Nottingham, and Lady Walsingham. And lastly. Flora, 
Ceres, and Tethys, by Lady Susan Vere, Lady Dorothy 
Hastings, and Lady Elizabeth Howard. 

The parts of the Graces, Iris, the Sibyl, Night, and 
Somnus, as they involved speaking and singing, were pro- 
bably, according to the custom that prevailed in Court 
masques, entrusted to professional actors, of whom there 
were plenty in the Palace at this time. 

When the Goddesses reached the foot of the mountain, 
they marched up the centre of the Hall towards the Temple 
of Peace, while the Graces stood aside on the dais, and sang 
a song of three stanzas, the first of which we append, to the 

* For a sketch of the lives of the tion to the reprint of The Visioji of the 
performers, see the author's Introduc- Twelve Goddesses. 



1604] DesciHption of the Masque and the Masquers. 23 

concert music which played in the dome of the Temple, out 
of sight : — 

Desert, Reward, and Gratitude, 
The Graces of Society ; 

Do here with hand in hand conclude 

The blessed chain of amity : 

For we deserve, we give, we thank, 
Thanks, Gifts, Deserts, thus join in rank. 

In the meanwhile the Goddesses went up one by one, and 
presented their gifts to the Sibyl, and then turning, came 
down into the midst of the Hall. 

Then, when the Graces had finished their song, they 
danced their measures, as Daniel says, "with great majesty 
and art, consisting of divers strains, framed into motions, 
circular, square, triangular, with other proportions exceed- 
ing rare and full of variety," and then pausing, "they cast 
themselves into a circle." The Graces hereupon sang 
another song, while the Goddesses prepared " to take out 
the Lords," which they did as soon as the song was finished, 
and danced with them those " galliards " and " corantoes," 
that have been described above. 

After this Iris appeared again, and announced to the 
Sibyl that " these Divine Powers " were about to depart, 
and then they " fell to a short parting dance, and so re- 
tired up the mountain in the same order as they came 
down." 

The above account has been given, with details from two 
or three sources, that the reader might have a consecutive 
description of the masque. But the following extract, in 
continuation of Dudley Carleton's letter, though he omits 
some particulars, will give as vivid an idea of the enter- 
tainment as could be desired : — 

" The Hall was much lessened by the works that were in 
it, so as none could be admitted but men of appearance ; the 



24 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1604 

one end was made into a rock, and In several places the 
waits placed, in attire like savai^^es. Through the midst 
from the top came a winding stair of breadth for three to 
march ; and so descended the masquers by three and three ; 
which being all seen on the stairs at once was the best pre- 
sentation I have at any time seen. Their attire was alike, 
loose mantles and petticoats, but of different colours ; the 
stuffs embroidered satins and cloth of gold and silver, for 
which they were beholdincr to Queen Elizabeth's wardrobe. 
" Their heads by their dressing did only distinguish the 
difference of the Goddesses they did represent. Only Pallas 
had a trick by herself, for her clothes were not so much 
below the knee but that we might see a woman had both 
feet and legs, which I never knew before. She had a pair 
of buskins set with rich stones, a helmet full of jewels, and 
her whole attire embossed with jewels of several fashions. 
Their torchbearers were pages in white satin loose gowns, 
set with stars of gold ; and their torches of white virgin wax 
gilded. Their demarch was slow and orderly ; and first they 
made their offerings at an altar in a Temple which was built 
on the left side of the Hall towards the upper end. The songs 
and speeches that were there used I send you here enclosed. 
Then after the walking of two rounds fell into their measures, 
which for variety was nothing inferior, but had not the life, 
as the former. For the common measures they took out 
the Earl of Pembroke, the Duke, the Lord Chamberlain, 
Lord Henry Howard, Southampton, Devonshire, Sidney, 
Nottingham, Monteagle, Northumberland, Knollys, and 
Worcester. For galliards and corantoes they went by 
discretion, and the young Prince was tossed from hand to 
hand like a tennis-ball. The Lady Bedford and Lady 
Susan took out the two ambassadors ; and they bestirred 
themselves very lively ; especially the Spaniard, for his 
Spanish galliard showed himself a lusty old reveller. The 



1604] The Procession^ Dances^ and Stipper. 25 

Goddesses they danced with did their parts, and the rest 
were nothing behindhand when it came to their turns, but 
of all for good grace and good footmanship Pallas bare the 
bell away/ They retired themselves towards midnight in 
order as they came, and quickly returned unmasked, but in 
their masquing attire. 

" From thence they went with the King and the ambas- 
sadors to a banquet provided in the Presence, which was de- 
spatched with the accustomed confusion : and so ended that 
night's sport with the end of our Christmas gambols." From 
the last few lines we gather that the ladies wore masks. 
This surviving element of the old masquerade, which can 
scarcely have added to the effect, was soon afterwards given 
up. The " accustomed confusion " with which, according to 
Dudley Carleton, the banquet was despatched, was charac- 
teristic of the times. In the same year, on St. John's day, 
at the masque by Ben Jonson, acted by the Queen and her 
ladies at Whitehall to celebrate Lady Susan Vere's marriage, 
the riot at supper was so great that, in the general scramble 
for food, " down went tables and trestles before one bit 
was touched." " There was no small loss that night of 
chains and jewels, and many great ladies were made 
shorter by their skirts, and were very well served that they 
could cut no better : " so says a Court chronicler in a news- 
letter.2 

To return to the masque. No small stir, as^ can be 
imagined, was made by this the first royal dramatic repre- 
sentation ever witnessed in England. Several accounts of 
it were written ; one by a Mr. Philippes purporting to be 
from Ortelio Renzo to Gio. Ant. Frederico, the Spanish 
Ambassador, preserved among the State Records, deserves 

» Bells, instead of cups, used to be " to be the best." 
given to winners of horse - races ; ^ Winwood's Memorials, vol. ii., 

whence the meaning of this phrase : p. 44- 



26 



History of Hampton Court Palace. 



[1604 



perhaps to be cited. ^ It is dated January the 31st, 1604, 
and is as follows : — 

"The Court is yet at Hampton Court, where his Majesty, 




Entrance to the Buttery under the Pantry and Great Hall. 

the Queen, and Prince have continued all these holidays. 
Now the Prince is gone to Oatlands, and about a fortnight 

' Thisletter, with others, is endorsed be counterfeited." See Sia!e Papers^ 
by Cecil thus : " Letters writen by AP. James /,, vol. vi., No. 36. 
I'hclippes, and suggested by him to 



1604] Wranglings of the Ambassadors. 27 

hence the King and Queen purpose a remove to Whitehall. 
The holidays were passed over with the accustomed Christ- 
mas recreation, as playing, dancing, masking, and the like. 
Two masques were famous, the one acted by the Queen and 
eleven honourable ladies the Sunday after Twelfth day. 
The French ambassador was present at the first and the 
Spanish solemnly invited came to the second, albeit much 
against the French his will, who laboured all he could to 
have crossed him. All the ambassadors were feasted at 
Court this Christmas, first the Spanish and Savoyer, 2, the 
French and Florentine, 3, the Polonian and Venetian, and 
all highly pleased but the French, who is malcontent to see 
the Spaniard so kindly used, and it is plainly perceived 
that he and the Florentine, and in some sort the Venetian, 
labour all they can underhand to divert us from making 
peace with Spain." On this topic of the ambassadors and 
their quarrel Dudley Carleton adds in his letter quoted 
above : — " Since, the Savoyard hath dined privately with the 
King, and after dinner was brought out into the great cham- 
ber to see the Prince dance, and a nimble fellow vault. He 
then took his leave, but is not yet gone, and some doubt 
his leave-takinof was but cozenaofe to steal a dinner from the 
Florentine, who expected to be first entertained. The 
Spaniard and Florentine have not yet met, for they both 
stand upon terms ; the one of his greatness, the other 
upon custom that the first comer should salute the other 
welcome. The Polack doth this day feast the Spaniard : 
he hath taken his leave and is presented with jewels and 
plate to the value of 2,000 crowns. The valuation of the 
King's presents which he hath made to ambassadors since 
his coming into England comes to 25,000 crowns." 

On the 2nd of February Lord Worcester writes to Lord 
Shrewsbury : ^ — " Whereas your Lordship saith you v.-ere 

* Progresses of James /., vol. i., p. 317 ; and Lodge, vol. iii., p. 227. 



a8 History of Hampton Com-t Palace. [1604 

never particularly advertised of the masque, I havebeen at6^. 
chart^e with you to get you the book, which will inform you 
better than 1 can, havinir noted the names of the Ladies 
applied to each Goddess. . . . This day the King dined with 
the Florentine ambassador, who taketh now his leave very 
shortl)-. He was with the King at the Play at night, and 
supped with my Lady Rich in her chamber." 

The " book" for which Lord Worcester had been at "6^. 
charge" was a surreptitious edition of the masque, published 
without the author's permission or name, and which seems 
to have <jiven some offence to Daniel and the Court. It 
was printed in small quarto with the following title : — 

" The True description of a Royal Masque presented at 
Hampton Court upon Sunday night, being the eighth of 
January, 1604, and personated by the Queens most excel- 
lent majesty, attended by eleven Ladies of Honour. Lon- 
don, Printed by Edward Allde, and are to be sold at the 
Long Shoppe adjoining unto S. Mildred's Church in the 
Poultrye, 1 604." This was the " unmannerly presumption of 
an indiscreet printer, who, without warrant, hath divulged the 
late shew at Court, and the same very disorderly set forth," 
complained of by Daniel, which obliged him to issue an 
edition of his own, correcting the errors of the unauthorized 
copy, and giving elucidations of the more obscure parts. Of 
this the author's edition in octavo — whose title is ** The 
Vision of the Twelve Goddesses presented in a masque at 
Hampton Court, the 8 of January, etc. Printed by T. C. 
for Simon Waterson. 1604" — there are only two copies, one 
in the Bodleian Library, and one which was sold to Mr. 
Pickering, in 1866, for nearly £<^. Of the surreptitious 
edition there are three copies in the British Museum, but 
no other extant. It is in one of these, the copy belonging 
to the King's Library, that the names of the performers are 
inserted in a handwriting of the time; and as this hand- 



i6o4j Various Editions of DanieV s Masque. 29 

writing bears a close resemblance to Lord Worcester's, it 
seems highly probable that this is the identical copy which 
he speaks of in the letter above. This little pamphlet of 
seven leaves, for which Worcester gave sixpence, would 
fetch now, it need hardly be said, almost its weight in five 
pound notes, and many times its weight in gold. 

With regard to the literary merit of this masque : although 
in it Daniel has not attained to the degree of excellence Ben 
Jonson subsequently reached in these pieces, and although 
he has not infused into it such exquisite poetry as we find in 
the " Masque of Queens," the " Masque of Beauty," or the 
" Masque of Oberon," still we recognize in it an ingenious 
fancy, and that accuracy of versification and lucidity of ex- 
pression, which earned for him the name of " the well- 
languaged Daniel." The coming of Iris, the " many-coloured 
messenger that ne'er doth disobey the wife of Jupiter," to 
announce the approach of the goddesses Juno, Ceres, &c., 
will remind the reader of the masque in the " Tempest," 
where the same incident occurs. 

Enough has now, probably, been given to enable the 
reader to picture to himself a Court masque in the olden 
time. Unfortunately, the career of the masque, though 
brilliant, was short-lived. With the decay of the drama in 
Charles I.'s reign, masques entirely died out, and were not 
revived when the taste for the theatre returned with 
Charles II. 

But the suggestion forces itself upon the mind that, in 
these days of revivals of whatever is beautiful in the past, 
these exquisite creations of fancy should not be allowed to 
slumber. Their later development is so peculiarly English, 
if their origin was not, and they are so superior in structure 
to the Italian opera, that it ought to be a point of national 
pride to restore, and still further develop them. Certainly, 
no play is so adapted for private theatricals as these English 



30 History of I Ia})ipton Court Palace. [1604 

lyrical dramas. Thougli the number of them preserved in 
our old literature is few— being- at the utmost about thirty or 
forty— yet amouL; them will be found some to suit every 
variety of circumstance and taste. In these entertainments, 
too, all can take part. There are speeches, dialogues, and 
situations, involving- nice discriminations of character, for 
actors ; songs for the musical ; and dances, dresses, and 
show for the rest ; and they are always full of a rich store 
of imagery, and instinct with the spirit of true poetry. The 
time has gone by when critics, knowing nothing at all about 
them, sneered at and disparaged them. Isaac D'Israeli, 
Ciiffortl, and others have placed them before the world in 
their true light. They have shown that representations, for 
which Ben Jonson took special pleasure in writing the 
librettos, and which even Shakespeare did not despise, for 
which Inigo Jones was proud of designing the scenery, for 
which even Bacon, Selden, and other great statesmen and 
lawyers sat on committees of management, and vied with 
one another in arranging dances, marches, and other details, 
and even in taking parts, and in w^hich the refined King 
Charles and his Court took particular delight, were not the 
mere " bungling shows " they w^ere alleged to be. 






^^^^^^ 




gn^^^j^ 






^» 




^1 


|w4^^^^^^^^^g^ 


^^^^^ 




^^^^ 



CHAPTER III. 

THE HAMPTON COURT CONFERENCE BETWEEN ANGLICANS 

AND PURITANS. 



The Millenary Petition — A Conference granted by King James between the 
Church of England and the Puritans — James opens the First Day's Proceedings — 
Rattle of the Dry Bones of Theology — The Puritan Divines called in on the 
Second Day — Blatant Intolerance of the Bishop of London — The Authorized 
Version of the Bible determined on — James's Display of Biblical Learning — 
Grows impatient of the Arguments of the Puritan Divines — They are insulted 
and browbeaten — " Away with your Snivelling " — " May you want Linen for your 
own Breach " — The Episcopalians declare the King to speak by Inspiration of 
the Holy Spirit — Fulsome Flattery ofthe Archbishop of Canterbury — The Bishop 
of London throws himself on his Knees in Adoration — " Such a King never 
known since the Time of Christ "—Effects of the Conference— Delight of the 
Royal Pedant — " I have peppered them soundly." 

HE gaieties that we have described in our pre- 
ceding chapter were soon, however, to give way 
to more serious affairs. The rehgious question, 
which in the general excitement of the accession 
of the new Kine had fallen somewhat in the 
background, was now coming forward again for attention 
and settlement. The Puritans, who, relying on the fact of 
the King having been educated among Presbyterians, were 
looking forward to a policy of conciliation on his part, had 




32 History of I layiipton Court Palace. [1604 

framed, in the autumn of 1603, the famous "Millenary 
Petition" — so called from the number of those whose 
sentiments it expressed — stating their grievances and crav- 
ing various reforms. Their demands, however, opened too 
many debatable points to be granted or refused without 
much consideration. James, therefore, consented that a 
conference should take place, in which all the questions at 
issue should be discussed between the representatives of the 
two parties — the Bishops and Deans on the part of the 
Church of England, and several divines deputed to speak 
the mind of the general Puritan body. The discussion was 
to take place in the presence of the King, and the 12th of 
January was appointed by royal proclamation as the date on 
which it was to open. The day, however, was afterwards 
deferred till Saturday the 14th ; and in the meanwhile, on 
the evening of Friday the 1 3th, those who had been ordered 
to attend waited on the King, who sent for them " into an 
inner withdrawing chamber, where in a very private manner, 
and in as few words, but with most gracious countenance," 
imparted to them why they had been summoned.^ 

Next day was held the first formal meeting of the Con- 
ference, in the King's Privy Chamber, one of the large 
rooms of Henry VIII.'s suite of state apartments on the 
east side of the Clock Court, which were altered in the 
reign of George II. 

it seems that the Chapel had been first selected as the 
place of meeting ; but this arrangement was afterwards 
changed — which was fortunate, considering some of the 
incidents of the subsequent proceedings. On the first day 
the Puritans were not called in ; but the matters to be 

' Barlow's Sum and Substance of Hutton, Archbishop of York, in Strype's 

the Conference, 1603, reprinted in The Whit gift, Appendix of Records, book 

Phanix. See also Fuller's Church iv., No. xlv. Dodd's Church History, 

History, book x., p. 267, and letter of vol. iv., p. 2i. 
Toby Matthew, Bishop of Durham, to 



1604] Conference between Anglicans and Puritans. 33 

discussed with them were virtually decided on in conference 
between the King and the Episcopalian party, powerfully 
represented in the persons of the Lords of the Privy 
Council, the Bishops and five Deans, " who being called in, 
the door was close shut by my Lord Chamberlain. After 
a while his excellent Majesty came In, and having passed 
a few pleasant gratulatlons with some of the Lords, he sat 
down In his chair, removed forward from the cloth of state 
a pretty distance." His seat was of course at the head of 
the board. The clergy who sat on his left consisted of 
Whitgift, Archbishop of Canterbury, and the following 
Bishops — Bancroft of London, Matthew of Durham, 
Bilson of Winchester, Bablngton of Worcester, Rudd of 
St. Davids, Watson of Chichester, Robinson of Carlisle, 
and Dove of Peterborough. There were likewise present 
the Deans of the Royal Chapel, of Westminster, of St. 
Paul's, of Chester, and of Salisbury, namely, Montagu, 
Andrews, Overall, Bridges, and Barlow, whose account of 
the proceedings is the chief authority relied on for the 
history of the Conference. Other ecclesiastics, namely, the 
Deans of Christchurch and of Worcester, Ravis and Eedes, 
and Drs. Field and King, though summoned by letters, and 
ready waiting in the Presence Chamber, were not called 
Into the Privy Chamber on the first day. All the Lords of 
the Privy Council, who sat on the right hand of the King, 
were present as spectators, "whereas some at times inter- 
posed a few words." ^ 

The King opened the proceedings by a speech of an 
hour's duration, in which he began by blessing " God's 
gracious goodness" ("at which words," says Barlow,^ "he 
was observed to put off his hat"), "who hath brought me 
into the promised land, where religion is purely pro- 

^ Strype's Whitgift^ &c., ubi supra. 
^ Barlow's Sum and Substance, &c., p. 142. 
# D 








^ mm 






ii%, 

;-<^. 










A Corner in the Master Carpenter's Court. 



1604] James I. holds foi'th on Theology. 35 

fessed, where I sit amongst grave, learned, and reve- 
rend men; not as before, elsewhere, a king without state, 
without honour, without order, where beardless boys would 
brave us to the face ! " He then went on to assure them 
that he was altogether opposed to any innovation, but that 
his purpose was, " like a good physician, to examine and try 
the complaints," and that " if anything should be found meet 
to be redressed, it might be done without any visible 
alteration," and for that purpose he had called them to- 
gether. Entering next into the points which he meant to 
take his stand upon, he expressed his own views on the 
principal topics with great emphasis and force. When he 
had concluded, Archbishop Whitgift made a few remarks, 
addressing the King on his knees. After that a general 
discussion followed, lasting three or four hours, " the King 
alone," says Dean Montagu, who wrote an account of it to 
his mother a day or two after, •' disputing with the Bishops 
so wisely, wittily and learnedly, with that pretty patience, 
as I think never man livinor heard the like." He also took 
the opportunity of propounding his panacea for England's 
standing political difficulty — the state of the Emerald Isle. 
" For Ireland the conclusion was (the King making a most 
lamentable description of the state thereof) that it should 
be reduced to civility, planted with schools and ministers, 
as many as could be gotten." ^ 

So ended the first day's conference, from which it was 
pretty evident that the King and his advisers had resolved 
to make very few, if any, concessions ; and certainly none 
that would be substantial. 

In the meanwhile the representatives of the Puritans — 
Dr. Reynolds, Dr. Sparks, Mr. Knewstubs, and Mr. Cha- 
derton — remained outside the door, " sitting on a form." 

^ Winwood's Memorials, vol. ii., p. 74, and see also Nichols' Progresses oj 
James /., vol. i., p. 314. 



36 History of Ilawpton CoiirL Palace. [1604 

On the followinL,^ Monday, between eleven and twelve in 
the morninof, the Kin<j^ summoned the four Puritan divines 
before him into the Privy Chamber, to hear them state their 
case. The l>ishops, except those of London and Win- 
chester, did not attend on this occasion ; but the Ueans and 
Doctors were admitted, as well as Patrick Galloway, some- 
time minister of Perth, who was allowed to be present as a 
spectator. When they were all assembled the Kin^ took 
his seat as on the day before, " the noble young Prince 
sittin;4 by, upon a stool," and his Majesty delivered himself 
of " a short, but a pithy and sweet speech to the same pur- 
pose which the first day he made." He ended by saying 
" he was now ready to hear at large what they could object 
or say ; and so willed them to begin. Whereupon they four 
kneeling down, Dr. Reynolds the Foreman, after a short 
preamble gratulatory," proceeded to state four points on 
which they based their requests. 

We need not follow in detail the tedious theolocjical 
wrangle that ensued — how, when the learned and dignified 
Puritan was calmly and respectfully, but firmly, propound- 
ing his view, the intolerant Bishop of London, burning 
with all the intensity of religious hate, rudely interrupted 
him, and told him that they should be thankful to the King, 
for his great clemency, in permitting them to speak against 
the liturgy and discipline of the Church, as by law esta- 
blished, and upbraiding them " for appearing before his 
Majesty in Turkey gowns and not in your scholastic habits, 
according to the orders of the University ;" how the King, 
for whose especial edification this rancorous outburst of 
episcopal zeal was designed, felt bound, in his judicial 
character of Moderator, to reprove the Bishop for his 
" sudden interruption of Dr. Reynolds, whom you should 
have suffered to have taken his liberty, for there is no 
order, nor can there be effectual issue of disputation, if each 



1604] The Puritans insulted by the Bishop of London, 37 

party be not suffered, without chopping, to speak at large ; " 
and how, when Dr. Reynolds dealt with other matters of 
doctrine and worship, which were vital to the Puritan con- 
science, but which naturally seemed, " both to the King 
and the Lords very idle and frivolous, occasion was taken 
in some by-talk to remember a certain description which 
Mr. Butler of Cambridge made of a Puritan, viz., A Puri- 
tan is a Protestant frayed out of his wits." In such a fire 
of interruption and audibly-whispered sneers had the Puri- 
tan divine to lay his case before the Head of the Church of 
England ! 

In the discussion that followed a great many topics 
were touched upon, among them the translation of the 
Scriptures ; and it is interesting to note that it was a sug- 
gestion of the spokesman of the Puritan sect which led to 
the compilation of the famous English authorized version 
of the Bible. " May your Majesty be pleased," asked Dr. 
Reynolds, " that the Bible be new translated, such transla- 
tions as are extant not answering the original?" But 
here the Bishop of London broke in again : " If every 
man's humour mio^ht be followed there would be no end of 
translating." Fortunately, however, James's instmcts as a 
scholar made him look on this matter in a more liberal 
spirit. " I profess," said he, " I could never see a Bible well 
translated in English ; but I think that of all, that of Geneva 
is the worst. I wish some special pains were taken for a 
uniform translation ; which should be done by the best 
learned in both universities, then reviewed by the bishops, 
presented to the Privy Council, lasdy ratified by royal 
authority to be read in the whole church, and no other." 
** But it is fit that no marginal notes should be added 
thereto," interjected the irrepressible Bishop of London ; on 
which his Majesty observed, " That caveat Is well put in, 
for In the Geneva translation some notes are partial, untrue, 



38 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1604 

seditious, and savourlnpr of traitorous conceits ; as when 
from Exodus i. 19 disobedience to kings is allowed in a 
marq;inal note." 

Shortly afterwards "the King arose from liis chair, and 
withdrew himself into his inner chamber a little space. In 
the meantime a great questioning was among the Lords 
about that place of Ecclesiasticus xlviii. 10, w^ith which, as 
if it had been rest and upshot, they began afresh, at his 
Majesty's return ; who, seeing them so to urge it, and stand 
upon it, calling for a Bible, first shewed the author of that 
book who he was ; then the cause why he wrote it ; next 
analysed the chapter itself, shew^ing the precedents and con- 
sequents thereof; lastly, so exactly and divine-like unfolded 
the sum of that place, arguing and demonstrating so that 
the susjirrus at the first mention, was not so great as the 
astonishment was now at the King's sudden and sound and 
indeed so admirable interpretation." Another point dis- 
cussed was the objection against interrogatories in baptism ; 
which, being a profound point, w^as put upon Mr. Knew- 
stubs to pursue, " who in a long perplexed speech," accord- 
ing to the episcopalian Barlow, " said something out of 
Austin ! " But by this time the King's humour for listening 
to Puritan arguments was getting exhausted, and he de- 
clared he did not understand what Knewstubs was driving 
at, and asked the Lords and Deans if they could either, who 
of course deferentially declared that they w^ere even more 
puzzled than his Majesty. And when the divine proceeded 
to take exception to the cross in baptism, on the ground 
that " the weak brethren were offended at it," James could 
stand it no longer, and asked him sharply : " How long will 
such brethren remain weak ? Are not forty-five years suffi- 
cient for them to grow strong in ? and who are they that 
pretend this weakness? We require not subscriptions of 
laics and idiots, but of preachers and ministers, who are not 



1604] James I, brozvbcats the Puritan Divines. 39 

still, I trow, to be fed with milk, being enabled to feed 
others. Some of them are strong enough, if not head-strong. 
And howsoever they in this case pretend weakness, yet some, 
in whose behalf you now speak, think themselves able to 
teach me, and all the bishops of the land!" No wonder 
when the modest Puritan divine found his temperately pre- 
ferred arguments met with royal browbeating of this sort, 
that he became confused and abashed ; a demeanour which 
was at once complacently taken by the King, and flatteringly 
declared by his courtiers, to be conclusive evidence how 
acute and overwhelming was his Majesty's reasoning, and 
how impotent were the wretched precisian's arguments, when 
opposed to the theology of the British Solomon ! 

A similar reception was accorded to Mr. Knew^stubs' 
elaborate argument on the power of the Church to add the 
use of the cross in baptism,^ with regard to which he said 
" the greatest scruple is, how far the ordinance of the Church 
bindeth, without impeaching Christian liberty " — on which 
James burst out, " I will not argue that point with you, but 
answer therein, as Kings are wont to speak in Parliament, 
Le Roy savisera;'' adding, "It smelleth very rankly of 
Anabaptism, and is like the usage of a beardless boy (one 
Mr. John Black), who, the last conference I had with the 
ministers of Scotland, told me, ' That he would hold con- 
formity with me for matters of doctrine ; but for matters of 
ceremony, they were to be left in Christian liberty to every 
man, as he received more and more light from the illumi- 
nation of God's spirit — even till they go mad with their own 
light. But I will none of that ; I will have one doctrine, 
and one discipline, one religion in substance and cere- 
mony ; and there I charge you never to speak more to that 
point (how far you are bound to obey) when the Church 
hath ordained it. Have you anything else to say ? ' " 
* Barlow's Sum and Substance, Sec, p. 166. 



40 History of Ilavipton Court Palace. [1604 

In spite of this ratluu" discourac^ing style of discussion, 
Dr. Reynolds, after objcctini^ to the use of the surplice, 
took exception to the \vords in the marriage service, "With 
my body I thee worship." To this, however, James 
answered that it was a usual English term, as " a gentle- 
man of worship," ^c, and the sense agreeable to the Scrip- 
tures — " Giving honour to the wife." Then turnino;' to the 
doctor, who happened to be an unmarried man, he laughed 
and jeered at him, saying, " Many a man speaks of Robin 
Hood, who never shot in his bow. If yoit had a good wife 
yourself, you would think all the honour and worship you 
could give her were well bestowed ! " 

So far James had listened with some show of tolerance ; 
but when the Puritan divine had the audacity to proceed to 
express a desire that the clergy' should have meetings every 
three weeks for prophecyings, " His Majesty was much 
stirred, yet, which is admirable in him, without passion or 
shew thereof, exclaimed, ' If you aim at a Scottish presby- 
tery, it agreeth as well with monarchy as God and the 
Devil. Then Jack and Tom and Will and Dick shall meet, 
and at their pleasures censure me and my Council and all 
our proceedings. Then Will shall stand up, and say, " It 
must be thus." Then Dick shall reply, and say, " Nay, 
marr)'', but we will have it thus." And, therefore, here I 
must once more reiterate my former speech, Le Roy 
savisera. Stay, I pray you, for one seven years, before you 
demand that of me ; and if you find m^ pursy and fat, and 
my windpipes stuffed, I will, perhaps, hearken to you. For 
let that government be once up, I am sure I shall be kept 
in breath ; then shall we all of us have work enouQ-h — both 
our hands full. But, Dr. Reynolds, till you find that I grow 

lazy, let that alone No Bishop, no King ! " And 

then, for it was already night, asking Reynolds abruptly if 
he had any more to object, and the doctor wisely saying. 



i6o4] ''No Bishop, No King^ 41 

" No," he appointed the following Wednesday for both 
parties to meet him. Then, *' rising from his chair, as he was 
going to his inner chamber, 'If this be all,' quoth he, 'they 
have to say, I will make them conform themselves, or I will 
harry ^ them out of this land, or else do worse.' " 

Such is the toned-down official account by Dr. Barlow, 
who was present reporting, of the second day's proceedings, 
"which," he adds, "raised such an admiration in the Lords, 
in respect of the King's singular readiness and exact know- 
ledge, that one of them said he was fully persuaded his 
Majesty spake by the instinct of the spirit of God. My 
Lord Cecil acknowledged that ' very much we are bound to 
God, who had given us a King of an understanding heart,' 
My Lord Chancellor, passing out of the Privy Chamber, 
said unto the Dean of Chester, standing by the door, ' I 
have often heard and read that Rex est mixta persona cum 
sacerdote ; but I never saw the truth thereof till this day.' 
Surely," adds Barlow, on his own account, " whoever 
heard his Majesty might justly think that title did more 
perfectly fit him, which Eunapius gave to that famous 
rhetorician in saying that he was * a living library and a 
walking study.' " 

A rather different version, however, of what passed is 
given by another eye-witness. Sir John Harrington, in a 
letter to his wife, written in the evening of the day on which 
these proceedings had taken place :^ — "The King talked 
much Latin, and disputed with Dr. Reynolds; but he rather 
used upbraidings than arguments; and told them they 
wanted to strip Christ again, and bid them away with their 
S7iivelling. Moreover he wished those who would take 
away the surplice, might want linen for their own breech ! 
The Bishops seemed much pleased, and said his IMajesty 

^ To harry is to chase with harriers. 

' Harrington's Breefe Notes in Nugcc Aniiqua:, vol. i., p. iSi. 



42 History of Ilaniptoii Court Palace. [1604 

spoke by the power of inspiration. I wist not what they 
mean ; but tlie spirit was ratiier foul-mouthed." 

On W'ednesthiy, January iSth, the third sitting of the 
Conference was lield, and was attended by all the Privy 
Councillors and all the Bishops and Deans. The principal 
matter of debate on this occasion was the Court of Hiirh 
Commission and the oath ex officio, on which account the 
Kniehts and Doctors of the Arches — Sir Daniel Dunne, Sir 
Thomas Crumpton, Sir Richard Swale, Sir John Bennett, 
and Dr. Drury — were also summoned ; but the Puritans, 
the other party to the suit as it were, who were the most 
interested in the matters debated, were not admitted until 
the close of the sitting. After the King had propounded 
these matters for discussion in a brief speech, one of the 
Lords, with seeming audacity, ventured to characterize the 
proceedings of that court as "like unto the Spanish In- 
quisition, and that by the oath ex officio they were forced to 
accuse themselves." This remark was probably made by 
arrangement, in order to give King James an opportunity of 
defending both institutions, which he did in an elaborate 
and carefully prepared impromptu speech, " so soundly and 
in such compendious but absolute order," according to the 
ofhcial report, " that all the Lords and the rest of the present 
auditors stood amazed at it." 

The Archbishop of Canterbury did not hesitate to declare 
that " undoubtedly his Majesty spake by the special assis- 
tance of God's spirit ; " while the Bishop of London, not to 
be outdone by any fellow ecclesiastic in fulsome flattery, 
threw himself upon his knees, protesting before the whole 
company that " his heart melted within him (as so, he 
doubted not, did the hearts of the whole company) with joy, 
and made haste to acknowledge unto Almighty God the 
singular mercy we have received at his hands, in giving us 
such a king, as since Christ's time the like had not been!" 



1604] Fulsome Flattery of the Bishops. 43 

" Whereunto," continues the report, *' the Lords, with one 
voice, did yield a very affectionate acclamation ; " and the 
Doctors of the Civil Law " confessed that they could not, in 
many hours' warning, have so judicially, plainly, and accu- 
rately, and in such a brief, described it." 

All this, of course, gratified the royal pedant immensely ; 
and he then proceeded to commit " some weighty matters 
for them to be consulted of," the last of which was " for the 
sending and appointing of preachers into Ireland, 'whereof,' 
saith his Majesty, ' I am but half a king, being lord over 
their bodies ; but their souls seduced by Popery ! ' " 

At this stage, when everything had been practically con- 
cluded and decided on. Dr. Reynolds and his fellow- Non- 
conformist divines were called in, and told what had been 
determined on ; and, after some desultory consultation, " his 
Majesty made a gracious conclusion, which was so piercing," 
says Barlow, " that it fetched tears from some on both sides. 
My Lord of London ended all, in the name of the whole 
company, with a thanksgiving unto God for his Majesty, 
and a prayer for the health and prosperity of his Highness, 
our gracious Queen, the young Prince, and all the Royal 
issue. His Majesty then rose, and retired to the Inner 
Chamber ; and all the Lords then went to the Council 
Chamber, to appoint Commissioners for the several matters 
before referred." 

Thus ended the famous Hampton Court Conference, so 
momentous in its results, which convinced the Puritans that 
they had nothing to hope for from King James, and which 
showed him that they were not to be won over by minor 
concessions in matters of detail. Henceforth the two parties 
stood out opposite each other in an attitude of uncom- 
promising hostility, which was to develop later on into the 
death-struggle of the Great Rebellion. Had James been 
more anxious to conciliate the Dissenters than to display his 



44 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1604 

own Icarnlno^, mutual concessions might have been arrived 
at, which would have doubled the power of the Church of 
Iviv^laud, fixed his throne on an unshakable basis, and 
saved his son's head. 

Fortunately, perhaps, for the cause of civil and religious 
liberty, no such strengthening of the forces of absolutism 
and ccclesiasticism resulted from the Conference, and the 
Puritans were left free and unfettered to work out, in their 
own rough and somewhat uncouth way, the political and 
religious emancipation of England. The direct effects of the 
Conference were, in fact, but trivial and insignificant, and 
have been summed up in the pithy sentence, " that the 
King went above himself; that the Bishop of London ap- 
peared even with himself; and that Dr. Reynolds fell 
beneath himself." 

The Puritans, as is usual with discomfited disputants,^ 
blamed their representatives, who, they declared, were not 
of their nomination or choosing, which was probably true 
enough ; and, besides, complained, with more justice, that the 
points in controversy, instead of being discussed, had been 
privately determined on between the King and the Bishops, 
and then nakedly propounded for acceptance, so that the 
Puritans had only been brought forward to be made a 
spectacle to their enemies, to be browbeaten and threatened, 
and borne down by dictates of royal authority. Indeed, we 
cannot but wonder at the hardihood of the four dissenting 
divines, in accepting so unequal a contest, with the King as 
moderator, who w^as himself the most bitter and violent 
partisan of all. Needless to say that they equally objected 
to the garbled account of the proceedings, which was put 
forth by the Court party, and which — partial as it proves the 
conduct of the royal moderator to have been, and insulting 
and humiliating as it shows his treatment of the Puritans 

^ Neal's History of the Puritans y vol. ii., p. 19. 



1604] Results of the Conference. 45 

to have been — yet throws a careful veil over the less credit- 
able incidents and the grosser expressions of the King. 

The whole conference was probably determined on by 
James with no other object than of gratifying his pedantic 
vanity, and exhibiting himself in the character of a learned 
and subtle disputant. Of his own estimate of his achieve- 
ments at Hampton Court we get a glimpse from a letter he 
wrote, a day or two after its close, to a friend of his in Scot- 
land.^ " We have kept," says he, " such a revel with the 
Puritans here this two days, as was never heard the like : 
quhaire I have peppered thaime as soujidlie 2iS, yee have done 
the Papists thaire. It were no reason, that those that will 
refuse an airy sign of the cross after baptism should have 
their purses stuffed with any more solid and substantial 
crosses. They fled me so from argument to argument, 
without ever answering me directly, ut est eorum snorts, as I 
was forced at last to say unto thaime, that if any of thaime 
had been in a college disputing with thair scholars, if any of 
their disciples had answered thaime in that sort, they would 
have fetched him up in place of a reply ; and so should the 
rod have plycd upon the poor boyes buttocks I I have such a 
book of thaires as may well convert infidels, but it shall 
never convert me, except by turning me more earnestly 
against thayme." 

^ Strype's Whitgiff, Appendix iv., No. xlvi. 




CHAPTER IV. 



JAMES I.'S VISITORS — PRESBYTERIANS PREACHED AT. 

The Court go to London — Henry, Prince of Wales, comes to reside at the Palace 
— His Fondness for Athletic Exercises— Curious Picture of him out Stag-hunting 
— Fond of Tennis — Return of James and his Queen — Lady Arabella Stuart — 
Proposed matrimonial Alliances for her — "The Fair Maid of Bristol "-Visit of 
Christian I\^ of Denmark— " The King keeps Wassail" — The Ladies become 
intoxicated — Plays acted before the Royal Dane — Another Rattle of the Dry 
]5oncs of Theology — The Scotch Presbyterian Ministers summoned to a Con- 
ference and preached and prated at — Passive Obedience the First Duty — Visit of 
the Prince Vaudemont. 

^"^^ARLY in February, 1604, the Court left Hamp- 
ton Court for Royston, whence it shortly after 
moved to Whitehall, and thence to the Tower, 
preparatory to the triumphal passage of the 
King and Queen through the City of London, 
which took place with much pageantry and festivity. After 
this, Henry, Prince of Wales, came down to reside at Hamp- 
ton Court with some of his household and attendants ; and 
here, for the following eight or nine months he devoted him- 
self to his studies and artistic pursuits, and to the athletic 
exercises in which he so much delighted and excelled/ Of 
horses and all belonging to them he was particularly fond, 

' Birch's Mcfiioirs of Prince Henry ^ p. 35, ed. 1760. 





Henry, Prinxe of Wales, and the Earl of Essex. 

From the picture at Hampton Court. 



1604] The Prince of Wales Sports. 47 

and though preferring hunting for the pleasure he took in 
galloping rather than for the sport, he often went out stag- 
hunting in the parks, and was an unerring shot with the 
bow. Of this taste there is an interesting reminiscence in a 
curious old picture at Hampton Court, painted about this 
time, when the young Prince was eleven years old, repre- 
senting him as just sheathing his sword after having cut 
the throat of a stag after hunting.^ Opposite to him 
is his friend and companion, Robert Devereux, Earl of 
Essex, kneeling on one knee, and holding the stag by the 
antlers. They are both dressed in green hunting suits, and 
behind the Prince are his horse and groom and a dog. H e also 
spent much of his time in tossing the pike, leaping, shooting 
at the butts, throwing the bar, vaulting and playing at bowls 
and tennis, for all which sports there was every convenience 
and facility at Hampton Court. Of his skill at tennis there 
is frequent mention, and a curious print exists of his play- 
ing at that game in the tennis court of one of the royal 
palaces, which may perhaps represent that at Hampton 
Court. It may have been here also that his companion Essex, 
one day when they were playing at tennis together, threatened 
to strike him across the head with his racket for calling him 
" the son of a traitor." ^ 

The Prince remained at this Palace throughout the sum- 
mer, and was still here when the King and Queen came back 
in the autumn, the period of the year at which, from this 
time forth, the King was accustomed to come and reside 
here. So uniform, in fact, was he in his movements, as well 
as in his diet, that Weldon remarks that " the best observ- 
ing courtier of our time was wont to say, were he asleep 
seven years, and then awakened, he would tell where the 

1 In the Queen's Audience Chamber. "" Secret History of James /., vol. i., 

See the autlior's Historical Catalogue, p. 266. 
No. 400. 



48 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1604 

Kin<^ every day had been, and every dish he had at his 
tabic."' 

With the Court came the Lady Arabella Stuart, who 
si:)cnt her time, according- to a letter of William Fowler to 
her uncle the Earl of Shrewsbury, " in lecture, reading, 
hearing of service, preaching, and visiting all the Prin- 
cesses.^ She will not hear of marriage," adds he, although 
Count r^Iaurice was aspiring to her hand. Curiously enough, 
on the very same day her uncle heard from another source, 
the Earl of Pembroke, who was also at Hampton Court, of 
another matrimonial alliance in prospect for his niece. " A 
great embassy," wrote he, "is coming from the King of 
Poland, whose chief errand is to demand the Lady Arabella 
in marriage for his master. So may your Princess of the 
Blood grow a great Queen, and then we shall be safe from 
the danger of mis-superscribing our letters."^ 

But, as D'Israeli observes, " To the Lady Arabella 
crowns and husbands were like a fairy banquet seen at 
moonlight, opening on her sight, impassable and vanishing 
at the moment of approach." Eor the King and Queen in 
no way favoured her marriage with anyone, and so 
violently opposed each suggested match that she at last was 
united clandestinely to Seymour, son of the Earl of Hert- 
ford, with what sad and fatal results will be well 
remembered. 

The Court must have been again at Hampton Court at the 
beginning of 1605 ; for, on the 8th of February of that year, 
there was registered by Thomas Pavyer at Stationers' Hall, a 
copy of " A Commedy called The Fayre Mayd of Bristoe 
\i.e. Bristol] played at Hampton Court by his Majesties 

' Anthony Wcldon's Character of tions of Englisli History, vol. iii., p. 

King fames. See Secret History of 236, and also Progresses of fames /., 

fames /., vol. ii., p. 5. vol. i., p. 457. 

' October 3rd. Lodge's Illustru- ^ D'lsr;iQ\i's C7iriosities of Literature. 



i6o6] The Lady Arabella Sluart. 49 

players,"^ — an entry which seems to refer to a recent acting 
of the piece, though it may well be the case that it had 
been presented the previous year, during the grand Christ- 
mas festivities of 1603-4, ^'^d that its publication was 
deferred. The play, of which there was formerly a copy 
in the Roxburghe Library,^ and of which there is now one in 
the Dyce Library in the South Kensington Museum, is 
printed in black letter with the following title : — " The 
Faire Maide of Bristow; as it was plaide at Hampton, 
before the King and Queenes most excellent Majesties. 
Printed at London for Thomas Pavyer, and are to be solde, 
at his shop at the entrance into the Exchange. 1605." 

The King was again at the Palace at the end of Septem- 
ber, 1605, when, on Michaelmas Day, Bancroft, Archbishop 
of Canterbury, was sworn a Privy Councillor;^ and he re- 
mained here, through October, till just before the meeting 
of Parliament and the discovery of the Gunpowder Plot ; 
returning again in December, during the trial of the con- 
spirators.* He was often at this Palace, also, in the February 
following for a few days in the middle of the week, probably 
to have some sport in the parks.^ 

In the summer of 1606, Hampton Court was honoured by 
a visit from the Queen's brother, King Christian IV. of 
Denmark, who was over in England spending a short time 
with his relations. He was accompanied by a bodyguard of a 
hundred men dressed in blue velvet and silver, with twelve 
trumpeters and twelve pages. He and his suite left Green- 
wich on August 6th, accompanied by his sister and brother- 
in-law, to inspect their Majesties' palaces in the neighbour- 
hood of London and to hunt in the parks. Having gone first 

1 Arbor's Transcripts of the Sta- See, vol. i., p. 577. 
tioners' ueffisters, vol. iii., p. 283. 4 State Papers, Domestic, James /., 

^ Progresses of fames /., vol. i., vol. xv., No. 65. 
p. 495, and vol. iii., p. 1065. ' Nichols' Progresses, vol. iii., p. 

^ Howe's Chronicle J and Progresses, 1069. 



50 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1606 

to Richmond, where they hunted and slept the night, they 
came over tlie next day and " dyned at Hampton Court, 
and tliere hunted and killed deare, with great pleasures ; 
and surely the King of Denmark was very much delighted 
with the gallantnesse of these Royall Pallaces of his 
Majestie, as did appeare by his earnest noting of them, and 
often recounting of their pastimes and pleasures." ^ 

Of King Christian's personal appearance we may judge 
from his portrait by Vansomer, in the King's Second Pre- 
sence Chamber at Hampton Court, which was painted 
about this time, and which shows him to have been a tall, 
fme-looking man.^ With it may be compared the descrip- 
tion of him, given by an eye-witness, who tells us that he 
was " of goodly person, of stature in no extremes ; in face 
so like his sister that he who hath seen the one may paint 
in his fancy the other." 

He resembled his sister also in his love of pleasure and 
gay entertainments, and was, indeed, a thoroughly jolly, 
good fellow, boisterous and good-tempered, and delighted 
at having a real rollicking time wdiile over in England 
with his sister and brother-in-law, who, on their part, 
made his visit an excuse for a regular " fling," with tilting 
niatches, runnincf at the rinir, tennis, huntinir, shootinof, 
sports, masques, banquets, and carousals of all kinds. " We 
had women and wine too," writes Sir John Harrington from 
Court, " of such plenty, as w^ould have astonished each 
beholder. Our feasts were magnificent, and the two royal 
guests did most lovingly embrace each other at the table. 
I think the Dane hath strangely wrought on our good Eng- 
lish nobles; for those whom I could never get to taste good 

' England's Farewell to the King and Seventeenth Centuries, vol. ii., p. 

of Denmark; Nichols' Progi'esses 215. 

of James /., vol. ii., p. 81 ; Von ^ No. 98 of the author's Historical 

K.iumer's History of the Sixteenth Catal.'giie. 



i6o6] The Royal Dane keeps Wassail. 5 1 

English liquor, now follow the fashion and wallow in beastly- 
delights. The ladies abandon their sobriety, and are seen 
to roll about in intoxication. I have passed much time," 
continues he, *' in seeing the royal sports of hunting and 
hawking, where the manners were such as made me devise 
the beasts were pursuing the sober creation, and not man 
in quest of exercise and food." ^ 

At Hampton Court, however. King Christian did not 
make a prolonged stay, apparently remaining only one night 
to witness the performance of a play, doubtless in the 
Great Hall of the Palace, presented by the King's com- 
pany of actors. Shakespeare, as we have seen, was at this 
time a prominent member of the company ; and it is highly 
probable that he was present (if not indeed himself on the 
boards) when his fellow-actors were performing, perhaps, one 
of his own plays before the Royal Dane. 

It may have been some knowledge of the King's convivial 
habits that sues'ested the lines in " Hamlet" : — 



•&& 



The King doth wake to-night, and takes his rouse, 
Keeps wassail, and the swaggering up-spring reels ; 
And, as he drains his draughts of Rhenish down, 
The kettle-drum and trumpet thus bray out 
The triumph of his pledge. 

But of the play acted at Hampton Court on this occasion 
we know nothing, whether as to its title or author. We 
have only the bare fact, evidenced by the entry in the 
accounts of the Treasurer of the Chamber to James I. :^ — 

To John Hemynges one of his Ma'' playtrs upon Warrant dated 
18 October 1606 for three plays before his Ma'" and the King of 
Denniarke, tzvoe of them at Greenzvichy and one at Hampton Court 
£xxx. 

^ NjigcE Antiquce, vol. i., p. 348. Accoitnis of the Revels at Co^irt^ p. 

* Cunningham's Extracts from the xxxviii. 



52 History of IIan2pto7i Court Palace. [i6o6 

After tlie Kino^ of Denmark's departure from Enq^land, 
about a week sul3sequent to his visit to this Palace, King 
James came down here for a short stay, during which 
he knighted Sir Thomas Glover, Ambassador to Turkey,^ 
and on his return again in September, Sir William Oglander 
of the Isle of Wight, and Sir George Philpotof Hampshire. 

This was about the time that James, ever occupied with 
religious subjects, and delighting in " the rattle of the dry 
bones of theology," was desirous of discussing some arrange- 
ment to be made with the Presbyterian Church of Scotland. 
To this end he had sent for several representative Presby- 
terian ministers from beyond the Tweed, to come and confer 
with him at Hampton Court, doubtless anticipating with 
complacency a repetition of the theological wrangles in which 
he had engaged w'ith the Puritans, and looking forward with 
delight to another opportunity of displaying his learning to 
a crowd of ecclesiastical sycophants. The Presbyterians 
were accordingly summoned to attend at Hampton Court 
on September 20th ; and four eminent English divines were 
selected to preach in turn before his Majesty " for the re- 
duction of the two Melvilles and other Presbyterian Scots 
to a ricrht understandinof of the Church of EnQ"land."^ 

We can imacfine the dissfi-ist and vexation of the Scotch 
"meenisterrs" at having to listen in silence, with patience, and 
without protest, to the lengthy, tedious, argumentative dis- 
courses of the Court preachers, in favour of episcopacy, on 
the duty of passive obedience, and the divine origin of arbi- 
trary^ power ;^ while the pedantic King James sat narrowly 
eyeing them, and noting the effect on them of each text 
and each argument propounded. 

Dr. Barlow, whom we have spoken of as reporting the 

' On August 17th. Proi^essts of vol. ii., col. 507. 
James /., vol. ii., p. 95. ' Spotswood's History of the Church 

'■* Wood's A/Zufue (ed. by Bliss), of Scotland. 



1606] The Presbyterians preached at, 53 

proceedings of the Hampton Court Conference of 1604, and 
who was now Bishop of Lincoln, led off on the 21st of Sep- 
tember with a sermon on "the antiquity and superiority of 
Bishops." The next day the King gave the Scotch ministers 
a private audience, when he enforced Barlow's sermon with 
arguments from his own theological armoury, and submitted 
several questions to them bearing on the topic — for instance, 
as to its being within the King's exclusive province to con- 
voke and prorogue ecclesiastical assemblies. In reply Mr. 
James Melville, on behalf of his associates, said that the ques- 
tions were weighty, and craved time to deliberate together, 
that they might all give one direct answer. This desire was 
granted, and " they were commanded to advise and meet to- 
gether that night, and be ready to answer the next day." The 
King, however, did not succeed, even by the most persis- 
tent and rigorous cross-examination, in extracting any but 
very indirect and evasive replies from the cautious and canny 
Scots. " I see," he said at last, " that you are all set for 
maintaining that base conventicle of Aberdeen. . . . But you 
will not, I trust, call my authority in question, and subject 
the determination of the same to your assemblies ?" This, 
they said, was far from their thoughts ; but if his Majesty 
should be pleased to set down in writing what he required, 
they should labour to give him satisfaction.^ 

On the 23rd, Dr. Buckeridge followed with a sermon on 
the words of the text, " Wherefore ye must needs be subject, 
not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake" (Rom. xiii. 
5);^ "in canvassing whereof," says Archdeacon Spotswood, 
who was present, " he fell upon the point of the King's 
supremacy in causes ecclesiastical, which he handled both 

* S^oiswfoo6!s History 0/ the Church cellent Majestic, 1606." A few copies 

of Scotland, p. 498. are extant, one of which is in the 

^ "Imprinted at London, by Robert author's Hampton Court Museum. 
Barker, P/interto the King's Most Ex- 



54 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1606 

soundly and learnedly to the satisfaction^ of all the hearers; 
only it i^rievcd the Scotch ministers to hear the Pope and 
Presbytery so often ecjualled in their opposition to sovereign 
j)rinces." '^ 

With great wealth of illustration, and a vast amplitude of 
quotations of texts, citations, and authorities, the erudite 
and courtly divine clearly established, for the ^^ratification of 
his pedantic royal master and the edification of the Scotch 
presbyters, that *' kings and emperors, as they have their 
calling from God, so they admit no superior on earth but 
God, to whom only they must make account."^ He warned 
his hearers, also, that God is more quick to revenge the 
wrontrs and treasons committed against his Lieutenants and 
Viceroys, than the greatest sins against himself, and im- 
pressed upon them that the supreme duty of all subjects 
was to render passive obedience to royal authority. " If he 
be a good prince, causa est, He is the cause of thy good, 
temporal and eternal; if an evil Prince, occasio est, He is an 
occasion of thy eternal good, by thy temporal evil. Si 
boJuiSy nutritor est tuus ; si vialus tcntator tuus est,'' and so 
on through an interminable mass of quotations, until the 
sermon is almost as much in Latin as in Eno;lish. 

"If he be a good king he is thy nurse ; receive thy nourish- 
ment with obedience ; if he be an evil prince he is thy 
tempter, receive thy trial with patience ; so there's no resis- 
tance ; either thou must obey good princes willingly, or en- 
dure evill tyrants patiendy." .... It must have been indeed 
a trial to listen with patience to such intolerable rubbish ! 
But the learned theologian went on : ** The process of this 
conscience is by way of syllogism ; the proposition is framed 
by the synderesis of the soule," and so on. 

* St^o\.s\\ooCl% If isforyof i/ie Church ' See also a letter of Rowland 

of Scotland, p. 496. \Vh) te to the Earl of Shrewsbury. 

^ Wood's Athcnn, vol. ii. 



i6o6] Passive Obedience the First Duty. 55 

This was the sort of thing in which the King dehghted, 
and we are not surprised to find that it was shortly after 
pubHshed by Royal command, with copious marginal notes, 
references, and elucidations. 

Dr. King, " the King of Preachers " as he was called, fol- 
lowed a day or two after, with a sermon on " Canticles viii. 
1 1, and thereupon discussing of the office of presbyters did 
prove lay elders to have no place or office in the Church." 
And lastly, Launcelot Andrews, Bishop of Chichester, held 
forth on Sunday the 28th of September, "concerning the 
right and power of calling assemblies," taking his text from 
Numbers X. i, 2: "Then God spake unto Moses: Make thee 
two trumpets of silver ; of one piece shalt thou make them, 
for they shall be for thee to assemble (or call together) the 
congregation, and to remove the camp." 

This course (that of sending for the Presbyterian ministers 
to be preached and prated at) " the King took," observes 
Spotswood, " as conceiving that some of the ministers should 
be moved by power of reason to quit their opinions and 
give place to the truth ; but," as he justly adds, " that seldom 
happeneth when the mind is prepossessed with prejudice 
either against person or matter. And in effect they returned 
to Scotland of the same opinion still, no good end having 
been served by their visit." 

During the time that the Presbyterian ministers were 
being catechised by the King and preached at by the Bishops, 
there arrived at the Palace, on a visit to the Court of Eng- 
land, Francis, Prince of Vaudemont, third son of Charles, 
Duke of Lorraine, who came with a great retinue of " seven 
Earles, tenne Barons, fortie gentlemen of quallitie, and six 
score common persons. All the Lords and gentlemen," re- 
marks the chronicler, "were very brave and cumlie in their 
apparel, and as civil in their behaviour." ^ They came by 
* Howe's Chronicle in his continuation of Stow, p. 887. 



56 



History of Hampton Court Palace. 



[1606 



coach from London, and on the day of their arrival, tlic 24th 
of Sci)tcnibcr, Rowhind W'h) to wrote to the Earl of Shrews- 
bury from Hampton Court, " The lost stai^ was found, and 
bravely killed, and his head brought in great pomp to the 
Privy Chamber, which hath made an end of all displeasure 




A Garden on the Top of the Palace. 

With hounds and huntsmen. . . . This nioht the Earl of 
Vawdemont will be here, with his crew, phis clinquant que le 
solciir ' 

When his coming to England was originally made known, 
there was some consultation as to whether the Kincf should 
defray the expenses of his entertainment ; and it was in the 

* Progresses of James /., vol. ii., p. 96. 



i6o6] The Prince de Vmidemont. 57 

first instance decided that he should not. This determina- 
tion, however, was departed from, and it was resolved that 
he should be received with the most sumptuous hospitality, 
" a diet of two hundred dishes being appointed to be served 
all the while he abides here." His stay at Hampton Court 
lasted a whole fortnight, during which time " they were all 
very royally entertained and feasted, and rode a hawking 
and hunting with the King to divers places, and then re- 
turned." ^ Of one of the balls given in his honour at Hamp- 
ton Court Palace, Rowland Whyte, in a letter dated the 4th 
of October, gives this report: — "At Hampton Court, in the 
Queen's Presence Chamber, there was dancing : the King, 
Queen, Prince, and Vawdemont were by. My Lady Pem- 
broke was taken out by a French Cavagliero to dance a 
carrante : her Ladyship took out our noble Prince. At 
last it came to a galliard : the Prince took out my Lady 
Pembroke, and she the Earl of Perth : no lady there did 
dance near so well as she did that day ; so she carried away 
the glory, and it was given her by the King, Queen, and 
others. Vawdemont danced ; the Queen danced ; Lady 
Essex, Lady Knollys, Lady Levingston, the maids." 

From the same letter-writer we hear in the following year 
of a visit the Queen paid to the Palace after the death of 
her infant daughter Mary, when she completely secluded 
herself from all state ceremonial, so that, as Whyte wrote to 
Lord Shrewsbury, " The Court officers had leave to play, 
and are gone every one to his own house, only Lord Salis- 
bury went to Hampton Court to comfort the Queen.' 



)j 2 



* Howe's Chronicle, p. 887. 

' Lodge's Illustrations, vol. iii., p. 324. 




CHAPTER V. 



JAMES I. S STAG-HUNTING IN THE PARKS. 

King James's Keenness for Stag-hunting — Will not forego his Pleasure for 
Ikisinoss — His Unpopularity — Threat to poison his Hounds — His Savageness 
against Poachers — Issues a lecturing Proclamation on the Subject— Commends 
the conduct of "the Better Sort" — Condemns "the Corrupt Natures and Inso- 
lent Dispositions of the Common People" — His violent Rage against Spectators 
of his Sport — Issues a Proclamation against them — " The bold and barbarous 
Insolency of Multitudes of Vulgar People" — Severe Punishment threatened 
against them — Dissatisfaction at his Selfishness — He takes Pot-shots at Tame 
Deer in the Park — The Duke of Saxe-Weimar entertained with a grand Hunting 
Party — Description of the Sport — James' Hunting Costume. 




MOXG the Ideas concerning the functions of the 
kingly office with which James I. was strongly 
imbued, was the one that It was essential to 
his royal dignity to maintain the noble sport of 
staGf-huntlnfj ; and even to revive somethino; of the 
stringency of the earlier game laws, which made indulgence 
in any field sports the exclusive prerogative of the crown 
and the aristocracy. That James was really a genuine 
sportsman, or that he was adapted In physical constitution 
to the endurance of the dangers or the fatigues of the chase, 
we need not at all suppose. Still, he was sufficiently keen 
to be " earnest, without any intermission or respect of 



1606-9] James I!s Delight in Hunting. 59 

weather, be it hot or cold, dry or moist, to go to hunting or 
hawking." ^ And to this sport he thought everything should 
give way. Once, when Lord Salisbury came to him, and, 
in the name of his Council, implored his Majesty on his 
knees to postpone a hunting party for a few days, until some 
important matters of business were disposed of, he fell into 
a great passion, crying out : " You will be the death of me, 
you had better send me back again to Scotland." ^ Conduct 
of this sort did not add to his personal popularity, nor to 
that of his royal sports, and the writer of an anonymous 
letter threatened him that unless he thought more of the 
good government of his people instead of " for ever running 
after wild animals," his hounds would all be poisoned. But 
he paid no heed whatever to any remonstrances. On the 
contrary, he showed excessive annoyance, and frequently 
expressed great anger and vexation at the slight regard 
his subjects often seemed to him to have for his sylvan 
pleasures, and their want of due consideration for his ex-, 
elusive privileges in game. 

His feelings at last found vent in a " Proclamation against 
Hunters, Stealers and Killers of Deare, within any of the 
King's Majesties Forests, Chases or Parks," which was "Given 
at our Honour of Hampton Court, the (f" day of September 
Alio. Dmi. 1609." ^ Its quaint phraseology is curiously illus- 
trative of the familiar and conversational style in which State 
documents of those times were often worded. " We had 
hoped," begins his Majesty in a highly offended and reproach- 
ful tone, " seeing It is notorious to all our subjects how gready 
we delight in the exercise of Hunting, as well for our Recrea- 
tion, as for the necessary preservation of our health, that no 

^ Nichols' Progresses of James /., teenth and Seventeenth Centuries, ii., 
vol. ii., p. 160, p. 199- 

* Van Raumer's History of the Six- ^ State Papers, fames /., vol. xlvui., 

No. 23. 



6o Histo}'}' of ILwipton Cotirt Palace. [1609 

man, in wlioni was either reverence to our person, or fear of our 
Lawcs, would have offered us offence in these our sports ; 
considering^ especially," continues the royal pedant, who 
evidently drafted the document himself, in his lecturing way, 
"that the nature of all people is not onely in things of this 
qualitie, but in matters of greater moment so far to con- 
form themselves to the affection and disposition of their 
Sovereign, as to affect that which they know to be liking 
to them and to respect it, and to avoyd the contrary : and 
we must acknowledore that we have found i/ie oxntlcnicn and 
pC7'sons of the better sort (who know best what bccometh 
their duetie) have restrained their owne humors, and formed 
themselves therein to give us contentment : yet falleth it 
out, notwithstanding, that neither the example of them, nor 
respect of the Lawes, nor duety to us, hath had power to 
reforme the corrupt natiires and insolent dispositions of some 
of the baser sort, and some other of a disordered life." 

The scolding, domineering tone of this proclamation — so 
different from that in which Queen Elizabeth would have 
spoken, in similar circunistances — shows how little King- 
James understood the English character; while the touch 
of contempt for the poorer classes betrayed in the contrast 
drawn between the conduct of " gentlemen and persons of 
the better sort," and that of " the baser sort," is an instance 
of a want of sympathy with the mass of the people which 
goes far to account for his unpopularity. 

After commenting further on, for some paragraphs, with 
mingled sorrowful reproach and indignant rebuke on such 
" trespassing against reason," " insolent humour," and "bar- 
barous uncivil disposition," he proceeds to threaten that un- 
less there is some amendment in his subjects' conduct, he 
will have to put into force the ancient forest laws in all their 
pristine stringency.^ 

' Shirley's Deer Parks, p. 46. 



1609] Proclamation against Vulgar Sportsmen. 6 1 

Another great cause of annoyance to King James in re- 
gard to his hunting, was the great number of people, who not 
only flocked to the Royal meets to see the fun and stare at his 
Majesty, but who sometimes even ventured, without special 
permission, to join the sport and follow the hounds. This 
the King thought most highly reprehensible on the part of 
the populace ; and once, at the beginning of his reign, when 
his loyal subjects crowded from all sides to catch a sight of 
their new sovereign, he fell into so violent a passion that he 
cursed every one he met, and swore that if they would not 
let him follow the chase at his pleasure he would leave Eng- 
land.^ He subsequently issued another proclamation in 
special reprobation of this practice : — 

"Forasmuch as we have often, since our first coming into 
England, expressed our high displeasure and offence at the 
bold and barbarous insolency of midtittides of zndgar people, 
who, pressing upon us in our sports as we are hunting, do 
ride over our dogs, brake their backs, spoil our game, run 
over and destroy the corn, and not without great annoyance 
and sometimes peril both of our own person and to our 
dearest son the prince, by their heedless riding and galop- 
ing" .... " our will and pleasure is " that they should be 
presently apprehended and conveyed to the nearest gaol 
there to remain during the royal pleasure.^ 

We cannot wonder after all this that James's selfish sport- 
ing proclivities should have given rise to much discontent. 
Osborne complains that " one man might with more safety 
have killed another, than a rascal-dear ; but if a stag had been 
known to have miscarried, and the authour fled, a proclama- 
tion, with a description of the party, had been presendy 
penned by the Attorney-General, and the penalty of his 

^ Raumer, vol. ii., p. 202 ; also * Verney Papers (Camden Society), 

Nichols' Progresses of James /., vol. i., p. 1 17- 
p. 497. 



6 2 History of Hampton CoiD't Palace. [ i ^ 1 3 

Majesty's hii^h displeasure (by whicli was understood the 
Star Clianiber) threatened against all that did abet, comfort 
or relieve him — so trai^ical was this sylvan prince against 
dear-killers and indulgent to man-slayers." ^ 

W'eldon, also, another satirist of James and his Court, 
declared " that the King loved beasts better than men, and 
took more delight in them, and was more tender over the 
life of a stag than of a man." ^ 

In spite, however, of his keenness for hunting, there was 
not much of the true sportsman about him, for he would 
perpetrate acts so unsportsmanlike, according to our modern 
notions, as to go into his park and take pot-shots from be- 
hind a tree at the tame deer as they browsed in the shade ; ^ 
while his most desperate runs were usually confined within 
the fences of enclosed parks or woods. 

" The hunt," says the author of the Travels of John 
Ernest, Duke of Saxe-Weimar, who came to England in 
1613, and who was entertained by the King"* with a great 
hunt, and whose visit to Hampton Court we will notice 
a little further on, "generally comes off in this way: the 
huntsmen remain on the spot where the game is to be 
found, with twenty or thirty hounds ; if the King fancies 
any in particular among the herd, he causes his pleasure 
to be signified to the huntsmen, who forthwith proceed 
to mark the place where the animal stood ; they then lead 
the hounds thither, which are taught to follow this one 
animal only, and accordingly away they run straight upon 
his track; and even should there be forty or fifty deer to- 
gether, they do nothing to them, but chase only the one, 
and never give up till they have overtaken and brought it 

^ Traditional Memoirs. See Secret ' Shirley's Deer and Deer Parks, 

History of James /., vol. i., p. 195. p. 44. 

* Court and Character 0/ James I., * Rye's Eni^Iand as seen by Fo- 

Secret History, &c , vol. i., p. 364. reij^nets, p. 154. 




James I. taking the Assay, 



64 History of Hampton Court Palace. [16 13 

down. Meanwliile the Kinc^ hurries incessantly after the 
hounds until they have cauj^ht the game. There is there- 
fore," adds the foreigner, " no particular enjoyment in this 
sport. Two animals only were caught on this occasion : one 
was presented by the King to his Highness, which was 
eaten at his lodging. His Majesty now and then uses long- 
bows and arrows ; and when he is disposed he shoots a deer." 

On such occasions he went to the meet of the hounds 
dressed in a suit "green as the grass he trod on, with a 
feather in his cap, and a home instead of a sword by his 
side : how suitable to his age, calling, or person," remarks 
one of his censors, " I leave to others to judge from his 
pictures." ^ This we are enabled to do from the accom- 
panying print of his Majesty receiving from the huntsman 
the knife with which he is to ** make the assay," that is, the 
first cut on the stag's breast, to discover how fat he is. This 
print is a facsimile of a woodcut in Turberville's " Noble Art 
of Vencrie," published in 161 1. 

For tame sport of this sort it was, of course, very neces- 
sary that the park fences should be kept in good repair, so 
that the game should not stray from the enclosures, We 
accordingly find a great number of warrants, directed to 
various officials, relating to such matters in the parks at 
Hampton Court, and ordering a new lodge to be erected in 
the park there. ^ Orders are likewise extant prohibiting the 
keeper of Bushey Park from hunting deer there without 
the King's warrant ; and it seems to have been at this time 
that the custom, which still survives, was first established, 
of sending game to various cities, towns, and officials. 

' Osborne's Traditional Memoirs. Secret History of James /., vol. i., p. 195. 

' July 24th, 161 1. 




CHAPTER VI. 

DESCRIPTIONS OF THE PALACE DURING JAMES I.'s 
REIGN — A FORCED MARRIAGE. 

Prince Otto of Hesse — His curious Account of Hampton Court — The King's 
Hatred of War — " Peace with Honour " — The Palace described — The Eighty 
Royal Chambers — The Golden Tapestries — The Pictures — Portraits of Our 
Lord — Of the Cathay Savages — Of Alexander the Great — Curiosities — Henry 
VIII. 's Dining Table and Camp Bed — Queen Elizabeth's Musical Instrument of 
Glass — The Queen's Private Chapel — The Duke of Saxe- Weimar's Narrative — 
The Queen's Sporting Proclivities — She shoots the King's Favourite Hound — 
Her Portrait at Hampton Court as "the Huntress Queen" — Rise of the Duke 
of Buckingham — He is made Keeper of the Honour of Hampton Court — Dis- 
missal of Lord Chief Justice Coke — Proposed marriage of Buckingham's Brothei 
to his Daughter — Her Mother intervenes and carries her off — Coke in Pursuit 
— He captures his Daughter — Her Wedding in the Chapel at Hampton Court- 
Uproarious Proceedings on the Marriage Night. 



O amply did the King stock the parks at 
Hampton Court with game, and so renowned 
did the place consequently become, that to have 
a day's hunting here was considered by all tra- 
vellers visitinof the Palace to be ''the thinor to 
do," and foreigners of distinction, especially, liked to be 
able to boast that they had witnessed " le sport Anglais" 
in King James's famous preserves at Hampton Court. One 
* F 




66 History of Ha}fipto7i Court Palace. [ 1 6 1 1 

of these travclkrs was the son of the Landi^rave Maurice of 
Hesse, PrinceOtto.ofwhose visit to England in tlie year i6i i, 
when he was aged only seventeen, there is in the library of 
Cassel, a curious manuscript narrative which contains a valu- 
able description of the Palace.' After telling us that his visit 
to Hampton Court took place on the 26th of July, when he 
rode over here with Prince Henry from Richmond Palace, 
and hunted in the Park, he notes : — " Hampton Court was 
built by Cardinal W'olsey, who said and wrote * Ego et Rex 
mens.' Within, in the entrance, on the right, on a partition 
of boards is — 

Ut pix admotam subito rapit undique flammam 
Six prasceps fcrtur fcrvidus in cholcram. 

And on the left — 

Ignis edax supcrat nullo modcramine prcssus 
Moenia, six tumidus si sinis hostis crit. 

"The King lies on a sack full of straw (query, a straw 
mattrass) : we saw the place. Queen Elizabeth's motto : 
' DoDiinus mihi adJ2itor! ^ 

" In the King's porch on a tablet is the inscription : — 

Nihil pace commodius et sanctius. 

Tamcn cum bclla vitare non possumus, intcrdum suscipicnda : 
sed pax servanda semper. 

This Latin stanza in commendation of peace is very cha- 
racteristic of King James, who, as the French Ambassador 
observed, "hated w^ar from habit, principle and disposition, 
and would (to use his own words) avoid it like his own dam- 
nation. For he was born and bred up with a base and weak 

* ?>zt England as seen by Foreigners, concerns Hampton Court. See also 

p, 144, by Mr. \V. B. Rye, who has ^'\z\\o\^^ Progresses, \o\. \\.,-^. /Yii,. 

Icindly communicated to me a tran- * A mistake. It is Wolicy's motto, 

script of the part of the narrative that See vol. i,, p. 51. 



i6iij ^^ Peace with Honour!' 67 

heart, and imagines (after the manner of princes who devote 
themselves to religion, the sciences, and sloth) that he can 
never be forced into a war against his will, by duty or con- 
science, or forcible and legitimate reasons." ^ 

This reluctance to engage in any warlike enterprises, and 
especially his backwardness in intervening on behalf of the 
struggling Protestants on the Continent, increased his un- 
popularity with the people, who could not but despise a 
king with no other foreign policy than the negative one of 
non-intervention. His satirist, Weldon, also severely blames 
him for preferring diplomatic to military methods, and de- 
clares that James would rather "spend ^100,000 on 
embassies to keep or procure Peace with Dishonour, than 
^10,000 on an army that would have forced Peace with 
Honour ;''^ — a sentence, by the way, which shows that a 
famous modern phrase had been coined several centuries 
earlier than is generally supposed. 

To continue Prince Otto's narrative : — 

" This Palace of Hampton Court has 700 rooms, as the 
Vice-Chamberlain, who led us round, informed us, among 
which are 80 splendid royal chambers, all decorated with 
beautiful gold tapestries, the like of which we have not seen, 
which tapestry was hung up in honour of his Highness 
the Landgrave Otto, besides other tapestry being under- 
neath. The golden tapestry, v/hich hangs in the Queen's 
and other apartments, and which Henry VHI. bought, 
is said to have cost ^50 a yard, and to have been offered 
to many other potentates first, ... so Hampton Court 
now possesses them. The Palace has seven courts and 
two fine gardens, and fine parks." 

This manuscript account of Hampton Court also contains 

^ Yon'Ra.nm&x's History 0/ Szxteejtih * Character oj King James, hy Sir 

ajtd Seventeenth Centuries, vol. ii., p. Anthony Weldon. 
208. 



68 History of I Iampto7i Court Palace. [1611 

an ample enumeration of all the remarkable tapestries, pic- 
tures, and curiosities to be seen in the Palace at the time of 
Prince Otto's visit, thus affording- us a good idea of the fur- 
niture of the apartments in James I.'s reio^n. We accordingly 
append his list, sui)plementing it by further details from 
Justus Zinzerling's "Description of England," written in 
the same year, and Peter Eisenberg's " Notes on England," 
of about the same date.' 



Tapestries. 

Splendid tapestries in gold and silver of the History of 
St. Paul. 

The History of Tobit in beautiful tapestry. 

(One piece of this set is now in the " Horn Room" at Hampton 
Court.) 

In the Queen's apartments — 

The History of Pompey in tapestry. 

The History of Abraham in splendid tapestry. 

(This is now in the Great Hall. See the account of it in vol. }., 
p. 240.) 



Picticrcs. 

" In the Queen's bedchamber is a picture of Venus as a 
lovely young lady, above which is written * Imago Amoris' 
(the Image of Love), on the forehead, ' Procni et Prope' 
(Far and Near), on the crown, 'Mors et Vita' (Death and 
Life), at the feet ' Hycnis et /Estas' (Winter and Summer), 
and beneath all — 

' See Rye's England as seen by Foreigners, pp. 134, 173. 



i6ii] The Treasures of the Palace, 69 

'"In hac poesi %urjintur proprletates Amorls' (In this 
verse is figured the prjperties of Love)." 

" Many beautiful pictures in the galleries, one of our 
Saviour, with an inscription testifying that the Sultan 
[Bajazet] had sent this to the Pope [Innocent VIII.] to 
liberate his brother from captivity." 

On the subject of this picture Mr. Richard Garnett of the 
British Museum writes :^ — 

You will remember, in one of the German travellers' descriptions 
of Hampton Court, mention of a supposed portrait of our Saviour, 
sent according to tradition by one of the Sultans to the Pope, to 
obtain the release of his brother. You said that the picture had 
disappeared from the Palace without leaving any trace. We then 
referred to Burcardus's account of Bajazet II.'s embassy to 
Pope Innocent VIII. in 1492, to obtain, however, the safe custody, 
not the liberation, of his brother Zim. On this occasion he sent 
the Pope what was represented to be the head of the lance by which 
Christ's side was pierced, but Burcardus does not mention any 
other relic. Now, going over Warwick Castle this morning [June 
.15, 1863], I observed with much surprise a small portrait, painted 
in the Byzantine manner on a gold ground, and superscribed in 
capitals : " This present figure is the similitude of our Lord I H S, 
our Saviour, imprinted in an emerald by the predecessor of the 
great Turke, and sent to Pope Innocent VIII. for a token to redeem 
his brother that was taken prisoner." This shows that the inscrip- 
tion must have been written in the time of Sultan Selim 1512-20. 
I can have little doubt this is the picture referred to by the German : 
the wonder is, how it could have got from Hampton Court to 
Warwick." 

Mr, Rye adds, " This portrait of the Saviour would, how- 
ever, appear to be one of many pretended * true portraits.' 
Old copies are alluded to in the * Antiquarian Repertory,' 
iii. (where one is badly engraved) ; also in ' Notes and 
Queries ' for 1864. Photographs of 'the only true likeness 

' See Rye's England, p. 273. 



yo History of Hampton Court Palace. ['^j" 

of our Saviour' — a very beautiful head, certainly — have 
lately been exhibited in the shops of London." 

" Portrait of Edward VI., when younc^." 

" Picture of Savai^es of Cathay, carrying their children on 
their backs, in a field." 

This is evidently the same picture as is referred to by the Duke 
of W'irtcmbcrg in his account of his visit to Hampton Court in 
1592, which is quoted in vol. i., p. 329, of this work. It was a 
picture, or pictures, of the wild man and woman whom Sir Martin 
rVobisher found in his second voyage to the North-West in 1577, 
and brought over to England. There is a document still extant 
containing notes of the payments made to the painter, Kctel ; for 
instance — "Paid Cornelius Kcitcll.payiitar Diicheiiian,for makijig 
a great picture of tJie xvJiolc bodyc of tlie strange man in his garments, 
/■ 5 ; a)id tJte foyncr for a frame and case for it, w/iich was given the 
Queoi's Majesty, 1 3^-. <\d. 

In the inventory of Charles's effects sold after his death,' a picture 
of " A Cataia, or Island Man," with a " Cataia Woman," at Hampton 
Court, was sold for £6. They afterwards appear in the catalogue 
of James II. 's pictures, and were again at Hampton Court.'^ 
Whether they still exist, and, if so, where they now arc, is un- 
known. 

" Picture of Alexander the Great, sitting on a throne, and 
keeping an attentive ear to an accused man." 

" The portrait, when unmarried, of Margaret, grand- 
mother of James I., and mother of Mary." 

" Lucretia portrayed, over which is set : — 

Amissa pudicitia superstes esse nequeo. 

(I am unwilling to sur\ive the loss of my honour.) 

Curiosities. 

" Map of the World, woven in cloth most cunningly, and 
dedicated to Edward VI." 

' Harl. MSS. 4898. S^e post. ' Harl. Jl/SS. 1890, fol. 79. 



i6ii] Pictures and Curiosities. 71 

" Henry VIII.'s dinlng-table." 

" French Bible, printed on vellum at Antwerp in the year 
1548." (It was printed by Jean Loe.) 

" The whole Passion very finely cut in mother-o'-pearl." 

"The common bedstead which Henry VHI. had with 
him when he laid siege to Boulogne in France." 

" A very fine instrument of glass, upon which were these 
verses : — 

Cantabis, moneo, quisquis cantare rogaris 
Vivat in aethernos Elisabetha dies. 

and also : — 

Phcebeades et modules cum tractat pollice Princeps, 
Fac resonet placidum tinnula cordamelos. 

This instrument was presented to the Princess Elizabeth by 
an English metord." 

The writer is probably mistaken in saying that this instrument 
was given to Princess Elizabeth, daughter of James I. ; it had 
doubtless belonged to Queen Elizabeth, and would seem to be the 
same musical instrument, all of glass, except the strings, mentioned 
by Hentzner, as belonging to Queen Elizabeth, and being at 
Hampton Court in 1598. (See vol. i,, p. 335.) 

" A Cabinet, in the centre of which are these words in 
French : 'Si tu as maistre, serves le bien, di bien de luy, 
gardes le sien, quoy qu'il fa^e, soys humble devant sa 
ia9e. 

The narrative of Prince Otto's visit also makes mention 
of "The Queen's Private Chapel" in her Gallery; of 
another apartment in the same suite in which was hung the 
tapestry of " The History of Pompey ;" of " The Queen's 
Presence, or Privy Chamber," in which was hung " The 
History of Abraham;" of "The Paradise Room, within 
which almost all the tapestry is stitched with pearls and 



72 I Ilstory of Hampton CoJirt Palace. [1613 

mixed with precious stones;"^ and "the Room in which 
Edward VI. was born ;" while Justus Zinzerhng Hkcwise 
notices " The Chapel and Hall, the vaulted roof of Irish 
wood, which will bear nothini^ poisonous, consequently 
not even spiders " — a legend by no means borne out by 
present facts. ~ 

Another visitor to Hampton Court Palace about this 
time, of whose impressions a record still exists, was 
lu'nest, Duke of Saxe-Weimar, who, as we have mentioned 
above, travelled in England in the year 161 3. A transcript 
of this portion of his diary has been kindly transmitted to 
the author by Mr. Rye. 

" Hampton Court is also a royal pleasure house, and 
lies a short English mile from the little town just 
mentioned [Kingston] ; it is built with wonderfully great 
magnificence, in a plain near the Thames, of bricks, with 
many towers round it. It has two courts [meaning two 
main courts]. The inner one [the then Fountain and pre- 
sent Clock Court] is laid out with square flag-stones. In 
the middle stands a fountain, with beautiful large marble 
pillars. On this is also a pillar work of marble, with many 
fine gilded figures, and the royal armis, on which are borne 
a lion and dragon.^ Over the gate, on the inside, stands, on 
a tower, a fine large clock, on which may be seen in what 
gradus the sun and other heavenly bodies are making 
their course, as well as the waxing and waning of the 
moon.* 

" The apartments are, for the most part, hung with 

' See mite, vol. i., pp. 328, 335. p. 430- 

2 The King was at Hampton Court ' Compare Hentzner's account of 

a good deal in the autumn of i6i i, and this court and the fountain in it, cited 

on the and of October of that year, he in vol. i., p. 334, and the Duke of 

gave an audience there to Sir Robert Wirtemberg's description of them in 

Sherley, who was employed by the Shah ditto, p. 326. 

of Persia as Ambassador to King * See the account of the clock in 

James. Nichols' Progresses, vol. ii. vol. i., p. 217. 



1613] The Dukes Descriptio7i of the Palace. 73 

golden and silken tapestries, and, indeed, more magnificent 
than at any other royal residence. Among others there are, 
hanging in one apartment, several pieces containing the 
stories of Hagar's delivery, how Abraham is about to offer 
up his son Isaac, how Isaac courted, &c.^ The dress, land- 
scapes, buildings, and the like are in gold, silver, and varie- 
gated silks, so artistically worked as though they had been 
carefully painted with colours. In the same way the story 
of Tobit hung in another chamber. Further, in another 
room, the History of the Creation of the World in several 
pieces ; these were old, but also of silk and gold. The 
Deity was represented as three old persons in episcopal 
robes, with crowns on their heads, and sceptres in their 
hands. In all the state chambers stood a royal throne, a 
seat, and a canopy above, either of golden work or satin. In 
the rooms stood large beds, nine feet long and as many 
wide, adorned in the most costly fashion. In one room, 
which is called the ' Paradise Room,' ^ is to be seen a great 
treasure of gold tapestry and royal robes, and a beautiful 
large unicorn's horn ; all the apartments and galleries were 
laid with rush matting. The pleasure gardens, also, are 
very beautiful here as everywhere, and laid out in the best 



manner." 



The Duke of Saxe-Weimar's account of his hunting ex- 
periences with James I. we have already noticed. This, 
however, recalls the fact that the Queen, who occasionally 
shared the King's sports and shot deer like him, mistook 
her mark one day at Theobalds, just before Saxe-Weimar's 
visit, and, instead of the stag, killed Jewel, " the King's most 
principal and special hound, at which he stormed exceedingly 
awhile ; but after he knew who did it, he was soon pacified, 
and with much kindness wished her not to be troubled with 
it, for he should love her never the worse, and the next day 

^ See ante, vol. i., pp. 239, 240. ' See ante, vol. i., p. 335. 



74 History of IIixDipton Court Palace, ['6" 3 

he sent her a dianioiid \\ov\\\ ^2,000 as a legacy from liis 
dead doL^." ^ 

An interesting reminiscence of her sporting tastes still 
exists at Hampton Court in Vansomer's curious picture of 
her Majesty as the " Huntress Queen," as Ben Jonson 
flatteringly calls her. She is standing by the side of a fat 
sorrel steed, with a cream-coloured mane, behind which is a 
neerro eroom in red holdino; the bridle. In a leash she holds 
two small greyhounds, while another is jumping up to her ; 
they wear little ornamental collars embroidered in gold, 
with the Queen's initials, A.R. In the backi^round is seen 
the Palace of Oatlands. Her huntinij;- costume is somewhat 
fantastic, consisting of a dark green velvet skirt of cut 
velvet, with a bodice of the same material, very tight at the 
wrist and very low cut ; the whole trimmed with lace and 
red ribbons. On her head she wears a conical hat of grey 
felt with a red plume. Above is a scroll inscribed : — 

LA MIA GRANDEZZA DAL ECCELSO, 

and in the left-hand corner Vansomer has imitated a slip of 
paper stuck on w^ith two red wafers or wax, with the words : — 

Anna D. G. Magnas Britannia; Franciae et Iliberniae Rcgina. 
.(Ctatis suae 43. Anno Din. 1617.^ 

The whole composition recalls the lines of Dryden : — 

The graceful goddess was arrayed in green. 

About her feet were Httle beagles seen, 

Who watched with upward eyes the movements of their queen.' 

The print here inserted is taken from this portrait. 

The King and Queen were both at Hampton Court again 

* Life and Times of James /., vol. i., p. 260. 

' See No. 346 of the author's Historical Cataloi^uc. 

' Miss Strickland's Life of Aiuie of Denmark. 








<^ii%^.- 







1 6 1 3] Picture of A 7ine of Denmark. 7 5 

at the end of September, 1613/ when the news came out 
that Sir Thomas Overbury had been found dead in the 
Tower of London, murdered, as it was afterwards proved, 
by the Countess of Somerset and her husband ; ^ and they 
were again here in the month of December of the following 
year, and at the beginning of the month of April, 16 15 — 
the King having removed from London, " not finding the 
air or business of that town to agree with his constitution."^ 
It was about this period that George Villiers, afterwards 
Duke of Buckingham, was rising into prominence as the 
new favourite of the King ; and we find the annals of this 
Palace testifying to his advancement in the fact that he was 
appointed on the 14th of June, 16 16, to the office of 
"Keeper of the Honour of Hampton Court for life "^ — a 
post always held by some person of distinction. Another 
emphatic demonstration of his increasing influence and im- 
portance in the State was afforded by an event that took 
place in the Palace on Michaelmas Day of the following 
year. This was the marriage of his elder brother. Sir John 
Villiers, afterwards Viscount Purbeck, to Frances, daughter 
of Lord Chief Justice Coke, by his second wife. Lady 
Hatton, and heiress presumptive to all her mother's vast 
estates. It appears that this marriage had been in nego- 
tiation at the end of the year 1616,^ both just before, and 
immediately after, Coke's dismissal from the Chief Justice- 
ship, his deprivation of his seat in the Council, and his dis- 
grace at Court, for his manly and determined stand against 

■^ It was from this palace that on the ^ State Papers, Domestic, James /., 

20th of September he wrote the order vol. Ixxviii., No. 79, Dec. 22nd, and 

to the Dean of Peterborough for the vol. Ixxx., No. 74, April 7th. 

removal of the remains of Mary Queen * State Papers, Domestic, James /., 

of Scots to Westminster. — Appendix vol. Ixxxvii., Grant Book, p. 187. 

to Siajilty's Memorials oj Westmifister ' Nichols' Progresses oj James /., 

Abbey. vol. iii., p. 225. 

* State Papers, Domestic, James /., 
vol. Ixxvi., No. 60, Sept. 28th, 161 3. 



76 History of I Ia})ipton Court Palace. [1613 

the encroachments of the royal prero^^'ative, and for friis- 
tratiiv^ the grasping cupidity of Buckingham, who had sought 
to have a llagrant job perpetrated in his own favour/ 
At Hrst the ex-Chief Justice could not bring himself to con- 
sent to the match, though the prospect was held out to him 
tliat by means thereof he might regain the royal favour. 
" If he had had the grace," writes the ever-sagacious Mr. 
Chamberlain to his correspondent, Sir Dudley Carleton, on 
the 15th of March, 161 7, "to have taken hold of the match 
offered by Sir John Villiers, it is assuredly thought that 
before this day he had been Lord Chancellor. But stand- 
ing upon terms to give but 10,000 marks with his 
daughter, when ^10,000 were demanded, and sticking at 
^1,000 a year during his life, together with some idle words 
that he would not buy the King's favour too dear, being so 
uncertain and variable, he hath let slip the occasion." ^ 
Eventuall)-, however, he was led to forego all his scruples 
and objections, perceiving that by this alliance only could 
he ever hope to ingratiate himself with Buckingham, and 
thus regain the goodwill of the Court. 

Accordingly in the summer of 161 7 he went to Sir John 
Villiers, and offered to hand over his daughter to him, 
agreeinor- to do so on terms even still more onerous than 
those originally demanded of him, namely, " ;^20,ooo ready 
portion, 2,000 marks yearly maintenance during his life, and 
;^2,ooo land after his decease." ^ 

But in the meanwhile old Coke was reckoning: without his 
host. For when his wife. Lady Coke, who detested her 
elderly and crabbed husband with all her heart, and loved to 
thwart him on everyopportunity, heard of his having arranged 
this match without so much as informing her, and without 



t> 



' Campbell's Lives of the Chief Justices, vol. i., p. 286, (S:c. 
* Nichols' Progresses of James /., vol. iii., p. 255. 
^ Uo., p. 371. 



1613] Chief-Justice Cokes Daughter. 77 

considering, in the slightest, the inclinations of her daughter, 
who was already attached to Sir Robert Howard, she burst 
into high resentment. She declared she never would be 
induced to consent to the marriage ; and on the evenino- of 
the very day on which she heard of it, secretly carried off 
her daughter from her father's house, and hid her in a 
house, tenanted by a cousin of hers, near Oatlands, and not 
far from Hampton Court, where they lay concealed for some 
days.^ 

" Meanwhile Sir Edward Coke, having ascertained the 
retreat of the fugitives, applied to the Privy Council for a 
warrant to search for his daughter ; and, as there was some 
difficulty in obtaining it, he resolved to take the law into his 
own hands. Accordingly the ex-Chief Justice of England 
mustered a band of armed men, consisting of his sons, his 
dependants, and his servants ; and, himself putting on a 
breastplate, with a sword by his side, and pistols at his 
saddle-bow, he marched at their head upon Oatlands. When 
they arrived there they found the gate leading to the house 
bolted and barricaded. This they forced open without 
difficulty ; but the outer door of the house was so secured 
as long to defy all their efforts to gain admission. The 
ex-Chief Justice repeatedly demanded his child in the 
King's name, and laid down for law that * if death should 
ensue, it would be justifiable homicide in him, but murder 
in those who opposed him.' One of the party gaining 
entrance by a window, let in all the rest ; but still there were 
several other doors to be broken open. At last Sir Edward 
found the objects of his pursuit secreted in a small closet, 
and without stopping to parley, lest there should be a 

' Chamberlain in his letter to Carle- himself, however, speaks of it as "a 

ton says, "The daughter was lirst house near Oatland, which Sir Thomas 

carried to Lady Withipole's, from Withipole had taken for the summer 

thence privily to a house of the Lord of my lord Argyle." — Campbell's Z/wj 

of Argyle's at Hampton Court." Coke of the Chief Justices, vol. i., p. 29S. 



78 History of Hampton Court Palace. [16 13 

rescue, he seized his dauL^htcr, tore her from her mother 
and placing her behind lier l)rother, rode off with her to his 
house at Stoke Po^ris in Buckinohamsliire. There he secured 
her in an upper chamber, of which he himself kept the 
key."^ 

We need not follow out the details of what afterwards 
occurred ; how proceedings were commenced against Coke 
in the Star Chamber for riots at Oatlands ; how Lady- 
Coke also was prosecuted for her part in the affair, and 
kept in strict confinement; how Bacon, who had at first, 
from jealousy of Coke, opposed the match, at a later stage, 
fearing the King's and Buckingham's displeasure, warmly 
took it up ; and how the young lady was placed first with 
Lady Compton, Sir John Villiers's mother, then in the 
custody of the Clerk of Council, next sequestered to Mr. 
Attorney, and lastly sent to Hatton House, " with order 
that the Lady Compton and her son should have access to 
win and wear her.^ 

"Worn down" at last, indeed, by the imperious impor- 
tunity of her father and the influence of the Court, the poor 
girl was at length induced to protest that " she liked Sir 
John Villiers better than anyone else in the world," and to 
sign a paper declaring that " being a mere child, and not 
understanding the world nor what is good for myself," she 
^vas ready to marry him.^ In these circumstances, by means 
of judiciously exercised royal pressure, her mother's acqui- 
escence was also obtained ; and so the marriage w^as solem- 
nized, as we have said, on Michaelmas Day, in the Royal 
Chapel at Hampton Court, by the Bishop of Winchester, in 
the presence of tlie King and Queen and all the royal 
family and the whole Court. Coke brought his daughter and 

^ Campbell's Lives of the Chief Justices, vol. i., p. 298. 

^ Prot^resses of James /., vol. iii., p. 372. 

^ Campbell's Lives oj the Chief Justices, vol. i., p. 302. 



1613] Marriage in the Chapel. 79 

his relations over from his son's house at Kingston town's 
end in eight or nine coaches, but Lady Coke was not 
present. The King himself gave the bride away, after she 
had been three times solemnly asked whether she assented 
to the match. ^ 

When the ceremony was concluded there was a splendid 
banquet, and in the evening a masque ; after which, accord- 
inof to the curious custom of the aije on the occasion of 
weddings, the King and his courtiers indulged in a regular 
uproarious night's amusements, wandering about the Palace 
in their night attire, playing the usual pranks of storm- 
ing bedrooms, " sewing up sheets," " casting off the bride's 
left stocking, with many other petty sorceries," as an old 
writer calls them ; and then going in the early hours of the 
following morning to visit the bride and bridegroom in their 
bedroom, when the King in his shirt and nightgown gave 
the bridal pair a " reveille matin," as it was called, before 
they were up, jumping and rolling on the bed !^ 

The marriage, however, did not turn out a happy one, 
for not long afterwards the poor woman, who had been so 
shamelessly bought and sold, left her husband, and united 
herself to the man of her affections, Sir Robert Howard. 

^ Nichols' Progresses^ vol. iii., p. and see Prop-esses of James /., vol. i., 
440. P- 471" 

* Campbell's Lives^ vol. i., p. 303 ; 




CHAPTER VII. 



DEATH OF QUEEN ANNE OF DENMARK. 



Anxiety about the Queen's Health — She suffers from Gout, Dropsy, and 
Phthisis — Nearly choked in her Sleep — Raleigh's Cordial — She lingers for two 
Months — The Archbishop and Bishops come to her Bedside — Prince Charles is 
brought into her Room — She will not believe she is dying — She is urged to 
make her Will — The Prince receives her blessing — Her Last Hours — Five or 
six little Groans — She dies — Ominous stopping of tlie Palace Clock — P>urial in 
Westminster Abbey — Her Will — Her Wishes disregarded by James — He bears 
her Death with " Exemplary Fortitude " — Goes to Newmarket Races three 
Weeks after her Death — Writes an Epitaph on the Queen — Wears Mourning for 
a Month only — His Portrait by Vansomer — His Dress and Appearance — Inigo 
Jones at Hampton Court — Count Gondomar aj)plies for Apartments in the 
Palace — Censure on Dr. Whiting — Rupture with Spain — Death of James I. 

OON after the events narrated in our prcceclinc^ 
chapter, the King left Hampton Court on a short 
progress in the eastern counties ; while the 
Oueen, whose state of health was be^inninfr to 
give rise to a good deal of anxiety at Court, re- 
mained behind, moving a few days after to her favourite 
residence of Oatlands, in the air of which place she seems 
to have thought she might recover. Her expectations, 
however, were disappointed. " The Queen," writes Mr. 
Chamberlain on October 25th, "continues still indisposed; 




i6i8] Illness of Anne of Denmark. 8i 

and though she would fain lay all her infirmities on the 
gout, yet most of her physicians fear a further inconvenience 
of an ill habit or disposition through her whole body." ^ 
She was suffering, in fact, from a complication apparently 
of gout, dropsy, and phthisis, and continued to grow worse 
during her residence in London all through the winter. 
In the following autumn her health still declining, she re- 
moved, after a short stay at Oatlands, to the Palace of 
Hampton Court,^ where she was seized one night with such 
a bad attack of spitting of blood that she was nearly choked 
in her sleep, and her physicians had to be sent for in great 
haste. Ill as she was, however, she did not neglect her 
old protegS Sir Walter Raleigh,^ who was now under sen- 
tence of death, and about to perish on the scaffold, and 
who in his extremity addressed the following appeal to her 
in verse : — 

Then unto whom shall I unfold my wrong, 
Cast down my tears, or hold up folded hands "i 
To her to whom remorse does not belong ; 
To her who is the first, and may alone 
Be justly termed the Empress of Briton ! 
Who should have mercy, if a Queen has none "i 

She was probably not unmindful of the fact that in one 
of her former illnesses Raleigh had cured her with a medi- 
cine of his own preparation, called " Raleigh's cordial," when 
her own physicians were at their wit's end to know what 
to do. 

Accordingly she wrote a supplicatory letter to Bucking- 
ham asking him to prevail on the King to pardon him. But 
her intervention on his behalf was of no avail, and on the 

^ Progresses of James /., vol. iii., ' Sir Anthony Weldon's Court and 

p, 441. Character of James I. ; Secret History 

' Camden's Annals. of James /., vol. i., p. 349- 

* G 



S2 Hisloiy of Hampton Court Palace. [i6i3 

29Lh of October, 1618, " the gallantest worthie that England 
ever bred," was beheaded on Tower Hill. 

" The Empress of Briton," as Raleii^h styles her, or "the 
Empress of the North," as she is entitled in an old print, 
seems at first to have derived some good from the air of 
Hampton Court, for a few days before this w^e read that 
"the Oueen becfan to recover;' and her advisers were 
urgent that she should remain at this Palace, as it seemed to 
suit her so well." * On Christmas Day she was able to hear 
a sermon from the Bishop of London,'^ " in the chamber 
next Paradise ; " and a few days after she received a visit 
from Buckingham and Prince Charles, while the King came 
to see her twice a week.'* The rally, however, was but of 
short duration. On January the 2nd Chamberlain writes to 
Carleton : ^ — " We begin now to apprehend the Queen's 
danger, when the physicians themselves begin to speak 
doubtfully ; but I cannot think the case desperate as long 
as she was able to attend a whole sermon on Christmas Day, 
preached by the Bishop of London in her inner chamber. 
Yet I hear the courtiers lay about them already and plot for 
leases of her lands, for the keeping of Somerset House, and 
the rest for implement and movables, as they were to divide 
tlie spoil ; but I hope they may come as short as they that 
made an account of the bear's skin : yet we cannot be out 
of fear till we see her past the top of May Hill." 

Still she lingered on for exactly two months after this ; 
and it w^as not till the 22nd of February that she began to 
grow rapidly worse, and the symptoms showed that her 
dissolution was now near at hand. One of her attendants 

' Nichols' Progresses of Janus /., Progresses, &c., vol. iii., pp. 494, 495, 

vol. iii., p. 493, Oct. 24th. 497, and Staie Papers, James /., vol. 

' State Papers, Javics I., vol. civ., cv., No. i, Jan. ist, 1619. 

No. 5, Dec. 3rd, 1 61 8. * State Papers, James I., vol. cv., 

' Dr. John King. No. 2. Printed in the Progresses, vol 

* Camden's Annals, and Nichols' iii., p. 498. 



1619] " The Efupress of Britain'' grozvs worse. 83 

■writing to some lady abroad after her Majesty's death, 
gives an ample and detailed account of her last illness/ 
which we think it best to give in its original quaintness, un- 
paraphrased. 

" Whereas your Ladyship desires to be satisfied of the 
form of her Majesty's death it was thus. She was reason- 
ably well recovered to the eyes of all that saw her, and came 
to her drawing-chamber and to her gallery every day 
almost; yet still so weak of her legs, that she could not 
stand upon them, neither had she any stomach for her meat, 
the space of six weeks before she died. But this was known 
to none but your countryman Pira (Pierrot, her Danish per- 
sonal attendant), and the Dutch woman (her Danish lady's 
maid Anna) that serves in her chamber. They kept all 
close from the physicians, and everybody else ; none did see 
her eat but they two." Her physicians were Dr. Atkins, 
Dr. Turner, and the famous Sir Theodore Mayerne, who 
had attended Prince Henry in his last illness, and of whom 
there is a portrait at Hampton Court.^ ** In this meanwhile," 
continues the lady's narrative, "she was making prepara- 
tion for the King of Denmark at her house at Oatlands this 
summer, and on the 22nd of February she took a flux 
(cough) vehemently, which she has had all this winter, which 
is now seen to be the cough of the lungs by a consumption. 
She took her bed, and caused set up the bed she loved 
best." 

On Monday the ist of March, it was evident to those 
about her that her end was near at hand ; and the news being 

^ Printed in the Miscellany of the dore Mayerne is generally unfortunate 

Abbotsford Club, vol. i., pp. 81-84. It with his patients." He was of the Dr. 

has been thought best to modernize the Sangrado school, and very fond of 

broad Scotch spelling of the original. frequent blood-letting. His manuscript 

^ See No. 711 of the author's His- note-books are in the Britisli Museum 

iorical Catalogue. In a letter dated (See Calendars of State Papers^ and 

Oct. 31st, 161 7, it is said, " Sir Theo- Ellis's Letters). 



84 History of Ilaiiipton Court Palace. [16 19 

quickly known " all the Lords and Ladies almost about this 
town (London) went to FLinipton Court, but very few were 
admitted."' The Lord Privy Seal (the Earl of Worcester), 
however, and the Archbishoj) of Canterbury (Dr. Abbot), 
and the Bishop of London (Dr. King), were allowed to enter 
her room, when they knelt by her bedside and addressed 
her, " Madame, we hope that as your Majesty's strength 
fails outwardly, your best part groweth strong." They then 
said a prayer which she followed word by word ; after which 
the Archbishop said, " Madame, we hope your Majesty 
doth not trust to your own merits, nor to the mediations of 
saints, but only by the blood and merits of our Saviour 
Christ Jesus you shall be saved .'*" They put these ques- 
tions to her because they were aware of the current rumours 
that she had secretly embraced the Catholic faith. " I do," 
she answered, " and withal I renounce the mediation of all 
saints, any my own merits, and do only rely upon my Saviour 
Christ, who has redeemed my fault with His blood." *' This 
being said," continues the eye-witness whom we are quoting, 
" gave great satisfaction to the Bishops, and to the few that 
heard her. Then the Prince was brought in to her, and she 
made him welcome, and asked him how he did. He answered, 
' At her service,' and two or three questions merrily. Then 
she bade him go home. ' No,' he says, * I will wait upon 
your Majesty. She answered, ' I am a pretty piece to wait 
upon, servant ! * (for she ever called him so). She bade him 
go to his chamber, and she would send for him again ; he 
went. Then the Archbishop of Canterbury came to her, 
and says to her, ' Madame, all I have to say to your 
Majesty is, to set your heart upon God, and remember your 
poor servants ' (meaning that she should make her will). ' I 
pray you,' she says, ' go home now, and I will see you upon 
Wednesday.' This was Monday in the afternoon. He 

* Letter of Chamberlain. Progresses of James /., vol. iii., p. 531. 



1619] Anne 0/ Denmayk's Deathbed. 85 

went away. Then the Bishop of London, a very good man, 
says to her, ' Madame, set your heart upon God, and forget 
these transitory things.' * I do,' she answered. She bade 
him go home till Wednesday. ' No,' he answered, ' Ma- 
dame, I will wait upon your Majesty this night.' Her 
desire to have them gone was because there was no lodgings 
for them there, neither did she find such weakness in herself. 

*' The Prince went to his supper," continues our informant, 
" the Bishop of London went to his ; the Lords that were 
there to theirs, and the Ladies ; the Earl of Worcester, the 
Earl of Leicester, the Lord Carey. The ladies were the 
Countess of Arundel, the Countess of Bedford, the LadyRuth- 
ven, the Lady Carey. These were all, and the Countess of 
Derby, that came that same day in the afternoon. And the 
Queen being unwilling to speak to any, she sent to her, and de- 
sired to have the honour to see her once. She was denied, 
yet she did importune the Queen. Then she was brought 
in, and the Queen did ask her two or three merry questions, 
and bid her go to her supper. After supper the Prince was 
brought to her, but did stay no time. The Lords were very 
desirous to have her make her will. She prayed them to 
let her alone till the morrow, and then she would, they did 
imagine because Monday was a dismal day," that is to say, 
an unlucky day, according, perhaps, to some Danish super- 
stition. " Still her voice was strong, but all her body cold, 
and feet. None durst go into her for fear to offend her. 
We stayed all in the chamber next to her bedchamber till 
she sent a command to us to go to bed, and would not suffer 
us to watch that night ; only the physicians in the night 
came to her." 

•'About twelve o'clock she calls for the wench (Danish 
Anna) that sat by her, and bids her fill some drink to wash 
her mouth. She brought her a glass of Rhenish wine 
that she drank out, and says to the woman, * Now have I 



86 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1619 

deceived the physicians.' Then she bids the woman sleep 
by her, and in seeing lier sleep, she would sleep. But within 
a quarter of an hour after she again called to the woman, and 
bids her bring some water to wash her eyes, and with the water 
she brought a candle, but she did not see the light, and asked 
the woman for a light. She answers, ' There is one here, 
Madame ; do you not see it ? ' ' No,' says the Queen. Then 
the woman called in the physicians, and they gave her a 
cordial, and sent for the Prince, and for the Lords and Ladies. 
This was about one o'clock. She laid her hand upon the 
Prince's head, and gave him her blessing. The Lords pre- 
sented a paper to her (her will), and she did sign it as she 
could, but her sight was gone, which was to leave all to the 
Prince, and withal her servants to be rewarded. Then the 
Bishop of London made a prayer, and we all sat about her 
bed and prayed. And when her speech was gone, the 
Bisliop calls to her, ' Madame, make a sign that your 
Majesty is one with your God, and longs to be with Him.' 
She held up her hand, and when the one hand failed her, 
she held up the other, till they both failed. To the sight of 
all that looked on her, her heart, her eyes, her face, was 
fixed upon God, and her tongue, while she had breath, 
expressed so much ; and when that failed, her hands. 
And when all failed, the Bishop made another prayer, 
and she lay so pleasandy in the bed smiling, as if she had 
no pain ; only, in the last, she gave five or six little groans, 
and had the pleasantest going out of this world that 
ever an)body had ; and two days after looked as well as 
she did at any time this two years." 

She breathed her last at about four o'clock in the morn- 
ing,^ passing away, according to an ancient tradition long 
current in the Palace, just as the old clock struck the hour. 

^ See Chamberlain's account of her her attendant. — Progresses of James /., 
death, which tallies exactly with that of vol. iii., p. 531. In the Report on the 



1 6 1 9] Death and Btirial of the Queen. 8 7 

It is added that ever since that time the clock has always 
stopped whenever a death of any old resident occurs in 
in the Palace. Those curious in such superstitions declare 
that several undoubted cases of this coincidence have 
occurred within recent years. 

Before the Queen was laid out 2. post niorte7n examination 
was held, and "upon her opening, she was found much wasted 
within, specially her liver, as it were quite consumed." The 
corpse was then embalmed, and on the 6th of March it was 
taken by water in a royal barge to Somerset House, where 
it lay in state till May 13th, when it was buried with much 
funeral pomp in Westminster Abbey. 

The accounts as to the Queen's making her will, and as to 
the amount of property she left, vary somewhat. By some it 
was stated that " she made none other than a nuncupatory 
will, or by word of mouth," and that it " was rather in answer- 
ing and saying ' yea' to anything that was demanded of her, 
than in disposing of aught herself, so that it is doubted by 
some already how far it will stand good and firm, specially if it 
fall out that the movables amount to better than ^400,000, 
as is generally reported, and her debts not ^40,000 ! " ^ The 
testimony of the eye-witness, who alleges that she did put 
her signature to the will, is probably the more trustworthy 
version of what occurred. 

But, indeed, whatever may have been the fact, it had but 
small influence on the result ; for the King paid no more 
heed than he chose to her wishes, and disposed of a large 
portion of her jewels and effects to Buckingham — bestow- 
ing on him in addition ;^ 1,200 in land, and the keeping of 
Somerset House. Prince Charles, however, was allowed to 

Royal Archives of Denmark, printed giving him intelligence of his sister's 

in the Appendix of the forty-sixth Re- death. 

port ofthe Deputy-Keeper of the Public ' Letter of Mr. Chamberlain. Pro- 

Records, p. 14, there is a Latin letter gresses of James I., vol. in., pp. 531- 

of James L, written to Christian IV., 532. 



88 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1619 

enjoy tlie grants or monopolies on cloths and sugar, which 
had been lately given to the deceased, and which were 
worth about ;^ 13,000 a year/ But the bulk of her personal 
estate, which was reckoned by one authority as worth as 
much as ;^Soo,ooo,^ was added to the property of the 
crown ; her jewels and plate (valued at ^400,000 and 
^■90,000 respectively) being brought to the King's palace 
in four large carts. As much as ;^36,ooo worth of the 
jewels, however, were declared to be missing ; and Pierrot, 
the Queen's personal attendant, and Danish Anna, her 
faithful lady's maid — both of whom have been mentioned 
above as alone having the cnti'de of her sick-room during 
her illness and last hours — w^ere accused of embezzling 
them, and were straightway sent to prison. The charge, 
however, was not substantiated, though it derived some 
colour from the jealousy with which they kept everyone 
from their mistress's bedside, which, it was supposed, was 
done to screen their malpractices. 

But, in addition to her jewels and plate, she left in ** ready 
coin 80,000 Jacobus pieces; 124 whole pieces of cloth of 
gold and silver, besides other silks and linen for quantity 
and quality beyond any Prince in Europe, and so for all 
kinds of hangings, bedding, and furniture answerable," ^ 

All this, together with the saving of nearly ^^90,000 a 
year for the expenses of her household and her jointure, 
caused the news of her demise, which King James received 
in the midst of a round of amusements at Newmarket, 
to be much less of a blow to his Majesty than one might 
have supposed. In fact, he bore it with such exemplary 
fortitude and kingly equanimity, that he thought it only 
proper to show how bravely he w'as bearing up, by going 

* Letter of Mr. Chamberlain. Pro- * Letter of Sir Edward Howard. 

gresses of James. /., vol. iii., p. 546, Progresses, u In supra, p. 531, n. 

' Do., p. 532. 



1619J Ths cheerfid Widower Jatnes. 89 

to the races within three weeks of her death, even before 
the funeral had taken place ! ^ 

He was ready enough, however, to seize the occasion to 
emphasize his favourite notions of the divine and sacred 
nature of royal personages, and their mystic kinship with 
the Deity. This h.i did in an epitaph, in which he claimed 
the comet, which had recently blazed in the sky, as a 
heavenly portent of the Queen's death : — 

Thee to invite the great God sent His star ; 

Whose friend and nearest kin good princes are ; 

Who, though they run their race of men, and die, 

Death serves but to refine their majesty. 

So did my Queen her Court from hence remove, 

And left this earth to be enthroned above ; 

She is changed, not dead, for sure no good prince dies, 

But, like the sun, sets only for to rise.^ 

Nevertheless, in deference to human custom, the divine 
King James thought it best to don mourning for awhile, as 
though his wife's death was like that of any other mortal. 
To this period may, therefore, perhaps be referred Vanso- 
mer's portrait of him (now in the Queen's Bedchamber at 
Hampton Court), in which he is dressed entirely in a " melan- 
choly suit of solemn black." In his right hand he holds the 
"George" of the Order of the Garter ; his left rests on the 
corner of a table, on which are the crown, sceptre, and orb ; 
while on the ground lie a breastplate and other armour.^ 

The picture, however, if it was painted at this time, can 
scarcely have been dry, when, just a month after his Queen's 
funeral, his mourning was discarded for " a suit of watchet 
satin, laid with blue and white feathers, insomuch," observes 

^ Camden's Annals. Magn(as Britanniae) Franc, et Hiber 

^ State Papers, Domestic, James /., (nice Rex)," with a date, possibly 1615, 

Imp. MSS. No. 2, fol. 27. but probably 1618, indicating it to 

^ No. 308 of the Historical Cata- have been painted not later than the 

logue. It is inscribed "Jacobus D. G. 24th of March, i6if. 



90 History of I LiDipton Court Palace, [16 



19 



tlie satirical John Chamberlain, "that all the company was 
g^lad to see him so i^allant, and viorc like a luoocr than a 
vi02ir)icr. But what decorum it will be, when ambassadors 
come to condole (as here is one from the Duke of Lorraine 
with two or three and twenty followers, all in black), let 
them consider whom it concerns !" ^ 

Vansomer's picture, whether painted at this time or not, 
is, at any rate, interesting on account of the rarity of original 
portraits of this King; who, according to Weldon, was 
always very reluctant to be painted. The caustic pen of the 
same author draws a description of his person, which may 
aptly be compared with this portrait: " He was of middle 
stature, more corpulent through his clothes than in his 
body, yet fat enough, his clothes ever being made large 
and easy, the doublets quilted for stiletto proof; his 
breeches in great pleats and full stuffed. He was natu- 
rally of a timorous disposition, which was the reason of 
his quilted doublets ; his eyes large, ever rolling after any 
stranger that came in his presence, insomuch, as many 
for shame have left the room, as being out of counte- 
nance. His beard was very thin; his tongue too large for 
his mouth, which ever made him speak full in the mouth, 
and made him drink very uncomely, as if eatijig his dri)ik, 
which ca?ne out into the cup of each side of his 7nouth. His 
skin was soft as taffeta sarsenet, which felt so because he 
7iever washed his hands, only rubbed his finger ends slightly 
with the wet end of a napkin."'"^ There is also at Hampton 
Court another picture of James I., likewise attributed to 
Yansomer, which represents the King in royal robes of 
crimson, lined with ermine, with the crown on his head, 
holding the sceptre in his right hand and the orb of empire 
in his left. He is standing- in one of the rooms of the old 

o 

' Progresses of James /., vol. iii., p. 552. 

' Sir A. Weklon's Court and Char., Secret History, vol. ii., p. 2. 




King James I. 

From the portrait at Hampton Court, by Vansoincr. 



i62o] Portraits of King James — Inigo Jo7ies. 91 

palace of Whitehall, through a lattice window of which is 
seen Inigo Jones' Banqueting House. This fixes the date 
of the picture to be 1620; for the Banqueting House was 
begun in 1619, and Vansomer died on January 5th, 162 1. 

The mention of Inigo Jones reminds us that he had been 
appointed surveyor of his Majesty's works in 16 15 ; and in 
that capacity the palace of Hampton Court came more or 
less under his supervision. In his copy of Palladio, still 
preserved in the library of Worcester College, Oxford, is 
the following note on a fly-leaf : " The First Court of 
Hampton Court is 166 fo. square. The Second Fountaine 
Court is 92 fo. broade, and 150 fo. longe. The Greene 
Court is 108 fo. broade, and 116 fo. longe, the walkes or 
cloysters ar 14 fo. betweene the walles. September the 
28th, 1625."^ 

And it happens that it was in relation to the preparing 
of rooms here for the Spanish ambassador — the famous Count 
Gondomar — that he wrote the only letter which has been 
preserved from his pen. The granting of lodgings within 
the precincts of the royal palace to any ambassador was a 
privilege long resisted and refused by the King, in spite of 
persistent solicitations on their excellencies' part ; and it was 
conceded to Gondomar on the occasion in question, only as 
a very exceptional and special favour, limited to the summer 
months of the current year,^ 1620, and granted to him then 
merely because James was desirous of winning his good- 
will in favour of his cherished project of the Spanish match. 
Even so, the apartments allotted to him were not in the 
main building, but in one of the detached towers of the 
palace, a distinction which greatly diminished his excel- 
lency's gratification. The following is Inigo Jones' letter 
on the subject : — 

^ Qo\\\&x\ Life of Inigo J ones, Shahe- ^ State Papers, fames /., vol. cxvi., 

speare Society, p. 17. No. 61, August 20th, 1620. 



92 History of I Lu)ipio7i Court Palace. [1620 

Right Hoxouradle,* 

In ni)' journey to London I went to Hampton Court, wlicre 
I heard that the Spanish ambassador came to Kin^^ston and sent 
his steward to Hampton Court, who looked on the lodgings in- 
tended for the ambassador, which were in Mr. Huggins his rooms ; 
but the steward utterly disliked those rooms, saying that the 
ambassador would not lie but in the house ; besides, there was no 
furniture in those rooms, or bedding, or otherwise, neither for the 
ambassador or his followers. So the steward returning to his lord, 
he resohcd only to hunt in the park and so return.^ But the keeper 
answered, he might not suffer that, he having received no order for 
it ; so the ambassador went back discontented, having had some 
smart sport in the warren. But since, my lord of Nottingham ' 
hearing of this, sent to the ambassador, to excuse the matter, which 
the ambassador took very well, and promised to come and lie at 
Hampton Court before his Majesty's return. But in my opinion, 
the fault was chiefly in the ambassador, in not sending a day or 
two before, to see how he was provided for, and give notice what 

would please him * 

Thus, with my humble dutye, I rest 

Your Honours ever to be commanded 

iNiGO Jones. 

Y^ 17 of August, 1620. 

The King's return to Hampton Court took place, as usual, 
in the autumn ; and in the month of January following, per- 
haps in order to allay any jealousy that might be aroused 
by the civilities shown to the Spanish ambassador at 
Hampton Court, the French ambassador was "nobly enter- 
tained with hawking and hunting " at the same place.^ 

After this we find nothing to record in the annals of the 
Palace until September, 1623, when a certain Dr. Whiting 

' Inigo Jones' letter was addressed to this matter. State Papers, James I.^ 

to the Earl of Arundel and Surrey. vol. cxvi., No. 65. 

* This was on August 4th. State * Collier's /«/><? y(?«<?J, p. 23. 

Papers, James /., vol. cxvi., No. 6r. * Camden's Annals; and State 

' On August 13th a letter was writ- Papers, James /., vol. cxix., No. 24, 

ten to him "directing him to take Jan. 13th, 1621 ; and Progresses, ^.c^ 

especial care of the King's game about p. 632. 
Hampton Court"— evidently in relation 



1623] The Spanish Ambassador at the Palace. 93 

Incurred the severe displeasure of the King for some 
sermon he preached before his Majesty in the chapel in the 
Palace/ What was the nature of the remarks that gave 
such great offence we do not know, though we may suspect 
that it was either some inadequacy in the recognition of the 
doctrine of the divine right of kings, or some other of James's 
pet dogmas, or an attack on the Spanish match, which, on 
the score of religion, was naturally very distasteful to 
the clergy. At any rate, the preacher's delinquency was 
thought so grave, that it resulted in his being had up before 
the Council, who wrote that they " found him penitent and 
submissive ; yet his offence requiring exemplary justice, 
they had committed him ; although the happy return of the 
Prince makes this day more fit for grace and gladness." ^ 
In effect, Dr. Whiting was very soon after liberated, though 
on condition of being inhibited from preaching.^ 

" The happy return of the Prince " was from his famous 
romantic expedition into Spain, whither he had gone with 
Buckingham, to sue in person for the hand of the Infanta. 
The most complete cordiality was now supposed to be 
established between the two countries; and in anticipation 
of the completion of the match, the fulfilment of which was 
now looked upon as a certainty, the Spanish ambassador was 
entertained by King James and Prince Charles, at a grand 
banquet. Though Hampton Court does not happen to have 
been the scene of this festivity, the print commemorative of 
the event, which was engraved at the time, is so illustrative 
of many similar entertainments that took place in this palace 
during this reign, that we have introduced a copper plate 
facsimile of it as a frontispiece to this volume. 

The " entente cordiale " was, however, but of short dura- 

1 State Papers, James /., vol. cliii., ' Do., No. 22 ; Conway's Letter 

No. 14 ; Conway's Letter Book, p. 87. Book^ p. 88. 
* Do., No. 20, October 6th, 1623. 



94 History of Haniplon Cou7-t Palace. [1624 

tion ; and the match, very soon after the Prince's return, 
was entirely broken off; so that when, at the end of Sep- 
tember, 1624, the Spanish agent, who was acting as chargd 
d\iffair€s during the absence of the ambassador, came to 
Hampton Court, he was pointedly slighted and scarcely any 
notice being taken of him ; except that " Sir John Finett 
(the master of the ceremonies), as if he had met him by 
chance at his coming into the court, did bring him up to 
the Council Chamber, and so carried him in to the privie 
lodgings to repose himself" ^ Prince Charles, who had had 
a severe fall out hunting about a fortnight before at Hamp- 
ton Court, was still laid up in the Palace from its effects at 
this time.^ 

This is the last reference to Hampton Court that we find 
during the reign of James I. Instead of Charles' marriage 
with the Infanta, a match was negociated with the daughter 
of the King of France. But before the preliminaries were 
finally settled, " the Wonder of the World," as James is 
styled in the dedication of the authorized version of the 
Bible, was no more. 

' State Papers, /atnes L,vo\.c\xx\\\., ' Progresses a/ James I., vol. iii., 

Kos. 12 and 23, Oct. 4th and 6th, 1624. p. 1005. 




I'OT K N 'I' I N 5 ■• CAR O LV i' 




Charles I. 
from a ran old print in the British Museum. 




CHAPTER VIII. 



CHARLES I. S QUARREL WITH HIS QUEEN. 



Charles I. retires to Hampton Court — His Dislike of the Queen's French 
Attendants — Madame de Saint-Georges — She is slighted by the King — 
Buckingham's Insolent Behaviour towards the Queen — His request that his 
Relatives should be made Ladies of her Bedchamber refused — The Court 
removes to Windsor — Madame de Saint-Georges again slighted — The Plague — 
Two French Priests put into Quarantine in the Tilt Yard Tower — The Quarrel 
between Charles and Henrietta — Intolerable Conduct of the French Ecclesiastics 
— The Queen's Confessor insists on saying Grace — Proclamation prohibiting 
Communications between London and Hampton Court — The French Ambas- 
sador intrigues to get Apartments in the Palace — At last succeeds — " Gives 
much Trouble to the Household " — The Expense of his Board. 

HARLES I., in the earlier part of his reign, 
frequently visited Hampton Court, either for plea- 
sure or to entertain distinguished foreigners, or 
sometimes to avoid the danger of the plague, 
which was on several occasions raging in London, 
when all communication between that city and the palace was 
forbidden. On this latter account it was that he came to 
make his first stay here as king about the 6th of July, 
1625, three months after his accession to the throne, and 
two or three weeks after his marriage.^ 

* The exact date of the King's re- precisely stated. The Comte de 
tirement to Hampton Court is nowhere Tilli^res {M^motres, ed. Hippeau, i86j. 




96 



History of Hampton Court Patace. 



[1625 



Accompanyinor him, of course, was his newly-married 
wife, Henrietta-Maria of France, daughter of Henri IV. 
and Alarie dc Medicis, then only fifteen years of age, who 
brought with her a large train of French followers and 
servants, consisting of a hundred and six persons, both men 
and women, and lay as well as clerical. At the head of the 
clergy, who numbered some thirty priests, was Daniel du 
Plessis, Bishop of Mcnde, the Queen's Grand Almoner, and 
Father Berulle, her confessor, while her lay attendants in- 
cluded two ambassadors— the Marquis d'Effiat and M. de la 
Ville-aux-Clercs— the Comte de Tillieres, her chamberlain, 
and many lords and ladies in waiting.^ Among her ladies 
was one deserving of special notice, namely, a certain 
Madame de Saint-Georges, who had been the Queen's 
companion and friend in her childhood, and who by the 
overweening and pernicious influence she had acquired over 
the mind of the Queen, had already made much mischief 
between the newly-married pair. Charles, in fact, soon 
recognized in her one of those intriguing, confidential female 
friends, who so often fasten themselves on weak-minded 
women, and ruin the happiness of so many homes. He, 
therefore, quickly formed the determination of banishing 
her from Court altogether on the first provocation ; and in 
order to lose no time in marking his dislike to her, he 
declined, when starting for Hampton Court, to get Into the 
large coach provided for himself, his wife, and her suite, 
that he might take instead a small one, where there was 



p. 92), says that Charles, " s'en alia \ 
Hampton Court peu de temps avant 
son Parlement," which we find was 
adjourned on July nth {Par/iaj/ten- 
iary History, vol. iv., p. 353). He 
had, perhaps, arrived on July 6th, 
when Sir Thomas Lewkenor, Master 
of the Ceremonies, came here with the 
Venetian ambassador {State Papers^ 



Domestic, Charles /., vol. iv., No. 13) ; 
and he was certainly here by the 7th, 
on which day he received in this 
Palace a "Petition concerning Reli- 
gion," delivered by a deputation from 
both Houses of Parliament (Do., No. 
20, and Pari. Hist., vol. iv. p. 377). 

' Henriette-Marie, par le Comte de 
Baillon, p. 61. 



1625] Charles I!s Disagreement with his Wife. 97 

only room for two or three Eng-Hsh Court ladies, but no 
seat for Madame de Saint-Georges.^ 

This slight offered to her friend so annoyed the Queen, 
that she could not refrain from showing her resentment, 
though she had the tact to use expressions more playful 
than offensive. 

Of this incident the Duke of Buckingham, if he was 
not a witness, was at any rate speedily informed by 
Charles, who made his favourite his confidant in everything, 
allowed him to interfere in his most private concerns, and 
made him the medium of communicating his wishes to his 
young wife. Accordingly, at once after their arrival at this 
Palace, Buckingham sought an interview with the Queen to 
expostulate with her on her conduct towards Charles. As 
soon as he was ushered into her presence, he began in threat- 
ening language to tell her that the King, her husband, could 
no longer endure the way in which she lived with him ; 
that if she did not change her demeanour towards him, 
means would be found to make her do so, which would 
render her the most miserable woman in the world ; adding 
that as for himself, he understood well enough that he was 
in no great favour with her, but that he did not care a rap 
on that account, as he possessed the goodwill of his master, 
and that her illwill towards him would not benefit herself. 

This extraordinary outburst, by which Buckingham 
seems to have hoped to terrify the Queen, and to acquire 
an ascendency over her youthful mind, surprised her greatly ; 
but she answered calmly and prudently enough, that she 
was not aware of having given the King, her husband, any 
cause to be angry with her, nor would she ever ; and that, 
such being the case, she could not conceive that he should 
bear her any grudge ; that to him only she looked for her 
joy and happiness ; and that as to Buckingham, so far from 

^ Mtfmoires du Comte de Tillleres, p. 93. 
H 



98 Ilislory of IlaniptoJi Court Palace. \}^-^ 

wislilnf^ to be his enemy, she was anxious to treat him with 
all tiic consideration wiiich was his clue, if only he would 
beh.ave towards licr as he ou_i;ht." ^ 

Next day the Duke, as though oblivious of his conduct 
of the day before, or as if he imao'ined that his insults were 
acts of courtesy, came again to her and coolly bcL^ored her to 
accept liis wife, his sister, and his niece as ladies of her bed- 
chamber. She replied that the late Queen of England had 
had but two ladies attending her in that capacity, and that 
she had brouo^ht three with her from France, with whom she 
was quite contented ; but that nevertheless she was willing 
to refer the matter to the French ambassadors. On re- 
ceiving this answer, Buckingham at once had recourse to 
them himself, and represented to them, as strongly as he 
could, how great might be the services he should render to 
the Queen and to France. They could not disregard the 
force of these considerations, and they were already arrang- 
ing means whereby to satisfy him, when the Bishop of 
Mende overruling them, made them consider seriously how 
hazardous it would be, for a young Queen like her, to put 
heretical women about her at her first comincr into Ene- 
land, how scandalized all Catholics would be, both in 
England and abroad, and what the Pope would say. So 
convincing, indeed, did his arguments seem to them, that 
they put an end to the scheme, to the great annoyance of 
Buckingham, who, from that moment, conceived the most^ 
bitter hatred against him. 

After the Queen had sta^'ed a short time at Hampton 
Court, she went with the King to Windsor Castle, on 
account of the increase of the plague, which had now 
extended to the neighbourhood of Hampton Court, though 
it did not break out within the precincts of the Royal Manor, 
an immunity probably due to the admirable sanitary arrange- 

' Dc Tiliihcs, wh'x suiua. 



i625j Charles, Henrietta Maria, and BiickingJiam. 99 

ments, with which it had been endowed by Cardinal 
Wolsey. 

On this occasion a similar scene took place in regard to 
Madame de Saint-Georges, as had occurred on their coming 
to this Palace. For Charles, who had gone to Oatlands to 
shoot, and who was to proceed thence to Windsor to await 
the arrival of the Queen, unexpectedly returned instead to 
join her at Hampton Court. He did this at the instigation 
of Buckingham, with no other object than of again having 
the opportunity of pointedly excluding Madame de Saint- 
Georges from his coach. Of this plan the Count de Tillieres, 
her chamberlain, as he was conductins: the Oueen down the 
steps of the Great Hall, heard the Duke speaking to the 
King; and Charles, to emphasize the slight put upon Her 
Majesty's favourite, made the Marquis of Hamilton take 
a seat inside the coach instead of her, to the Queen's 
unconcealed and bitter annoyance. It is even stated by her 
in her own Memoirs, that when Madame de Saint-Georges 
thrust herself forward to try and get into the coach, 
Charles was so ungallant as to push her back with his own 
hand/ 

While the Court was at Windsor Castle, the plague broke 
out in the Royal borough, and two deaths occurred in the 
very house where two of Queen Henrietta Maria's French 
priests lodged, whereupon the Court moved to Beaulieu 
and Titchfield, and the priests were sent to Hampton Court, 
and put into quarantine in one of the towers in the Tilt Yard. 

After they had been kept there three weeks, and it 
appeared that there was no longer any danger of infection 
from them, they were '* suffered to go away and shift for 
themselves." ^ 

^ Memoirs of Henrietta- Maria, vol. iv., Nos. 94, etc., July 20tli and 
167 1, p. 13. August 14th, 1625. 

* ^tatc Papers, Domestic, Charles 1., 



lOO 



History of Hampton Coiirt Palace. 



[1625 



The King and Queen remained away from Hampton 
Court for about two months, durinc^ which time the bickcrinos 
between Charles and Buckingiiam on one side, and Hen- 
rietta-Maria and Madame de Saint-Georges on the other, 




Old Tower in the Tilt Yard. 



continued unabated. One of the chief sources of contention 
was the onerous nature of the stipulations in the marriage 
treaty for the free practice by the Queen and her attendants 
of the Catholic Religion, and the reluctance the King 
showed to fulfil them, on account of their exceeding un- 
popularity in England. 



1625] Misbehaviour of the French Suite. 101 

Equally productive of trouble was the injudicious way in 
which the French ecclesiastics flaunted their exemption 
from the penal laws in the face of everyone. This was 
especially the case with the Queen's confessor, Father 
Berulle, who was always by her side, and whose aggres- 
siveness led to more than one discreditable scene. 

One day when the King and Queen were dining toge- 
ther in public in the Presence Chamber, " Mr. Racket 
(chaplain to the Lord Keeper Williams), being there to say 
grace, the confessor would have prevented him, but that 
Hacket shoved him away ; whereupon the confessor went 
to the Queen's side, and was about to say grace again, but 
that the King, pulling the dishes unto him, and the carvers 
falling to the business, hindered. When dinner was done, 
the confessor thought, standing by the Queen, to have been 
before Mr. Hacket, but Mr. Hacket again got the start. 
The confessor, nevertheless, begins his grace as loud as 
Mr. Hacket, with such a confusion, that the King in great 
passion instantly rose from the table, and taking the Queen 
by the hand, retired into the bedchamber." ^ 

Another complaint of the King's against his wife had 
relation to her coldness and indifference towards him, the 
nature of which is pretty plainly told in De Tillieres 
Memoirs. Conduct of this sort he, of course, put down to 
the malign influence of Madame Saint-Georges ; and it 
made him more than ever resolved to rid himself of the 
whole crew, to which end he accordingly began to work 
immediately after his return to Hampton Court at the be- 
ginning of the month of November.^ 

At this time the plague was still raging violently not 
only in London, but also in the neighbourhood of Kingston; 

' Letter from Mr. Mead to Sir Mar- * State Papers^ Domestic^ Charles /., 

tin Stuteville Oct., 1625 {Sloafie MSS-., vol. viii., No. 37, and vol. ix., No. 2. 
4177)- 



102 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1625 

and a proclamation was issued, prohibltlnc;- all communica- 
tions between London, Southwark and Lambeth, and this 
Palace.' 

r^ollowinq- his Majesty hither was the French ambas- 
sador, the J\Lar(|uis of Blainville, who was very anxious 
to be lodi^^ed in the palace during his attendance on the 
Court, and who tried every manojuvre he could think of 
to effect his purpose.* Sir John Finett, the Master of the 
Ceremonies, crives an amusintj account of his efforts to this 
end, " I, finding," he says, " his ambition to lodge in the 
King's house there, acquainted my Lord Chamberlain with 
it (who had already given orders for his Lodging at 
Kingston) and received from his Lordship answer 'That 
his Majesty would never allow any ambassador to be lodged 
so near him.' Whereupon, letting the ambassador know (as 
dextrously as I could) what order had been already taken 
for his residence at Kingston ; his answer at first was 
* What was his Majesty's pleasure should be his obedience ; ' 
but proceeding, asked, * The plague having been (as I am 
told) so much and so lately in that town, may I not be 
lodged within the King's House at Hampton Court?' I 
replied, ' it had not been the custom for ambassadors to be 
so lodged.' ' Yet,' said he, ' the Duke de Chevereux had 
his lodging in the house at Richmond, and so had the 
Marquesse de Fyat.' " To this Finett did not reply, but sent 
a message to the King, who directed him to explain the 
exceptional circumstances of those cases, and that the King 
was absent from the palace when they were put up. In 
conclusion Finett declared that " neither his Majesty nor the 
King his father had ever lodged any ambassador in their 
houses while they themselves lodged in them, and that his 
Majesty now would be loth to make a ' President ' that would 

' Rymer's Fccdera, vol. xviii. p. 198. 

' Me moires du Covitc dc Til lie res, p. loi. 



1625] The French Ambassador intrigues for Apartments. 103 

hereafter beget him so great a trouble as this was like 
to be, and that therefore his Majesty hoped that the am- 
bassador would not take it in ill part if he did not in this 
correspond with his desires." 

There for a time the matter rested, but Blainville did 
not relax his efforts, and continued to intrigue and suppli- 
cate to get a footing in the palace, until at last, at the urgent 
solicitation of the Queen, his request was granted, and he 
was allowed to reside in Hampton Court Palace. But even 
then he was not admitted into the main building ; the rooms 
assigrned to him beinor " all those next the river, in the 
garden, which were sometime the Lady Elizabeth's " * — that 
is, Charles I.'s sister, the Oueen of Bohemia — the buildino; 
being the same "Water Gallery" in which Queen Elizabeth, 
when Princess, was lodged by her sister Queen Mary as a 
state prisoner. 

The presence of his Excellency in the Palace, especially 
as it involved providing him and his suite with board at the 
expense of the King, was viewed with great disfavour by 
the officials at Court; and in a letter to the Duke of Buck- 
ingham,^ written from Hampton Court about this time, 
Mr. Secretary Conway freely dilates on the expense and in- 
convenience thus occasioned. " The ambassador," ^ writes 
he, "gives much trouble to the household here. He hath 
procured from his Majesty a lodging in this house, and so 
his diet comes to be divided here for himself, and at Kings- 
ton for his company ; so an increase of several new demands 
came in, for wood, and coals and twenty other things ; and 
so for Madame St.-Georges, the Bishop, and that train, 
which makes the white staves to scratch where it itcheth 
not. It must come to be examined by commission ; if I am 
one, I will never give my consent to additions." 

^ Finett's Philoxenis, p. i66. ' Dated Nov. 30th. 

^ Haidwicke's State Papers^ vol. iii. p. 6. 



I04 



History of Ilaviipton Court Palace. 



[1625 



Tliis shows coinincndabic zeal on the part of Mr. Secre- 
tary Conway for economy in the i^ublic expenditure, the 
necessity of which bcccjmes apparent when we learn tliat 
the charges for the ambassador's household amounted in a 
month or two to over ^^2,000.^ 



' State Papers, Domestic, Charles A, 
vol. ix., No. 54, Nov. i2th, 1625, 
" CofTerers of the Household for the 
diet and expenses of the Marquis de 
lilainvillc, Ambassador Extraordinary 



from France, with such further sum 
as shall be needful. The writers cer- 
tify that ^1,230 has been already ex- 
pended (jver and above the said /^5cx), 
and request payment accordingly." 





CHAPTER IX. 

DISMISSAL OF HENRIETTA-MARIa's FRENCH SUITE. 

The Queen's undutiful Behaviour to her Husband — Quarrels with him about 
her Houbehold — His Complaints to the Queen-Mother — He resolves to dismiss 
the French Suite — His Letters to Buckingham on the Subject — The Duke's 
Resentment against the French — He foments the Dissensions between Charles 
and his Wife — The Queen refuses to be Crowned with the King— The French 
Suite expelled from England, Bag and Baggage— Visits of Paul Rozencrantz 
and Bethlem Gabor — Bassompierre's Mission to England— His Interview with 
Buckingham — A private Audience arranged — He is received by the King — 
Charles breaks his Promise— Indignation of Bassompierre — "The Arrogance 
of the English"— The King grants him an Audience— " Puts himself into a 
great Passion" — Impudence of Buckingham — Abortive Results of Bassom- 
pierre's Embassy. 

jWO days after the return of the Court to Hampton 
Court, the disagreement between Charles and 
his wife broke out in another direction, over the 
settlement of the Queen's household,^ Henrietta 
maintaining that it was her prerogative, under 
the marriage treaty, to bestow the offices connected with 
the management and the collection of the revenues of 
her dowry, on her French followers. This, whatever 
may have been the correct interpretation of the treaty, was 

* Tillicres, p. 108. 




io6 Ilhtory of Hampton Court Palace. [1625 

certainly an ai^L^ressivc attitude for licr to take up; and 
Charles, in a letter which he wrote to the Queen-Mother 
of I'Vance, complainetl much of her untlutiful conduct 
in this reijard, attributinij it to Madame de Saint- Georges, 
" who taking' it in distaste because I would not let her 
ride with us in the coach (when there were many women 
of hi^^dier quality), claimin<^^ it as her due (which in Knij;-- 
land we think a strange thing), set my wife in such a 
humour against me, as from that very hour to this no man 
can say she has behaved two days together with the res[)ect 
that I have deserved of her. As I take it, it was at her hrst 
coming to Hampton Court that I sent some of my council 
to her, with the regulations that were kept in the Court of 
the Queen my mother, and desired the Comte de Tillieres 
that the same might be kept. The answer of Queen Hen- 
rietta to this deputation was, ' I hope I shall be suffered to 
order my own house as I list.' Now if she had said," con- 
tinued the King, " that she would speak with me herself, not 
doubting to give me satisfaction, I would have found no 
fault in her, for whatsoever she had said I should have im- 
puted it to her ignorance of business ; but I could not 
imagine her affronting me so by refusal publicly. After 
this answer, I took my time when I thought we had leisure 
to dispute it out by ourselves, to tell her both her fault in 
the publicity of such answer, and her mistakes ; but she gave 
me so ill an answer that I omit to repeat it. Likewise I 
have to complain of her neglect of the English tongue, and 
of the nation in general." 

In another letter, also addressed to her mother about this 
period, he renewed his complaints. " One night, after I was 
a-bed, my wife put a paper in my hand telling me ' It was a 
list of those she desired to be officers of her revenue.' I 
took it, and said that * I would read it next morning ; ' but, 
withal, I told her ' that, by agreement in France, I had the 



1625] Charles Corttplains to his Mothcr-in-Law. 107 

naming of them.' She said, ' There were botli English and 
French in the note.' I repHed, that ' Those Enghsh whom 
I thought fit to serve her, I would confirm ; but for the 
French it was impossible for them to serve her in that 
capacity.' She said, ' All those in that paper had breviates 
from her mother and herself, and that she would admit no 
other.' Then I said, * It was neither in her mother's power, 
nor hers, to admit any without my leave ; and if she relied 
on that, whomsoever she recommended should not come in.' 
Then she plainly bade me * take my lands to myself, for since 
she had no power to put in whom she would into those places, 
she would have neither lands or houses of me ; ' but bade 
me ' give her what I thought fit by way of pension.' I bade 
her remember to whom she spoke, and told her * she ought 
not to use me so.' Then she fell into a passionate discourse, 
' how she is miserable, in having no power to place servants; 
and that business succeeded the worse for her recommenda- 
tion.' When I offered to answer, she would not so much as 
hear me, but went on lamenting, saying ' that she was not of 
such base quality as to be used so ! ' But," continued 
Charles, " I both made her hear me, and end that dis- 
course." ^ 

In all this affair Charles, in the opinion of De Tillieres, 
showed " une bassesse bien grande et une arrogance insup- 
portable;"^ but in that of his own courtiers he was only 
making a very necessary stand for his own dignity, and for 
the assertion of his proper authority, which they assured 
him would suffer irremediably unless he kept his wife in 
subjection, as no one would think a man capable of govern- 
ing a kingdom who was unable to govern his wife. 

In the meantime the Court continued at Hampton Court,' 

^ T>'\%x'n&\^'s, {J)Comvieniaries of the ^ State Papers, Domestic, Charles 

Life and Reign of Charles I. I., November and December, 1625. 

* Metnoires du Comte de Tillieres, Passim. 
p. 109. 



io8 History of I Iampto7i Court Palace. \}<i^S 

and it was from this Palace that Charles wrote to Buckin<^- 
ham, -who was then in Holland on his way to P" ranee, to in- 
form him of his determination to send away the French on 
the first opportunity. 

Nov: 20. 1625. 

Steenic, 

I writ to you, by Ned Clarke, that I thouc^ht I should have 
cause enough, in a short time, to put away the Moitscrs [Monsieurs] 
either by [their] attemjiting to steal away my wife, or by making 
plots with my own subjects. For the first I cannot say certainly 
whether it was intended, but I am sure it is hindered ; for the other, 
tiiough I have good grounds to believe it I am still hunting after it, 
yet seeing daily the maliciousness of the Dwnscrs, by making and 
fomenting discontentments in my wife, I could tarry no longer 
from advertising you that I mean to seek for no other grounds to 
cashier my moiiscrs, that you may (if you think good) advertise the 
queen mother [i\Iaric de ^ledicis] of my intention ; for this being an 
action which may have a show of harshness, I thought it was fit to 
take this way, that she [the queen mother], to whom I have had 
many obligations, may not take it unkindly. And likewise, I think 
I have done you no wrong in my letter, though in some place of it, 
I may seem to chide you. I pray you send me word, with what 
speed you may, whether ye like this course or not, for I shall put 
nothing of this in execution while [till] I hear from you. In the 
meantime I shall think of convenient means to do this business with 
the best mien ; but I am resolved it must be done, and that shortly. 
So, longing to see thee, I rest 

Your loving, faithful constant friend 

Charles IV 

Hauipton Court. 

The letter in which Charles, as he says, "may seem to 
chide" Buckingham, was likewise addressed to his favourite, 
dated the same day, November 20th, and also written from 
Hampton Court. It was, however, couched in such a tone, 
and worded in such a manner, as to make it appear that he 

' Published in Hardwicke's State Papers^ vol. iii. p. 2. 



1625] Steenie and the French ^^ Monse7'sy 109 

was most reluctant to dismiss his wife's attendants, and that 
Buckingham was using all his influence against his doino- so, 
but protesting that he should be reluctantly compelled to 
take this course, unless they ceased to set their mistress 
against him.^ 

All this was, of course, directly at variance with the facts ; 
and it is evident that the letter was written with a view of 
being shown to the Queen Mother, in order to prepare her 
for the step he was contemplating, and to mislead her as to 
the true state of affairs, especially in regard to Buckingham's 
real sentiments towards the French. 

This letter, however, the Duke never had an opportunity 
of showing to Marie de Medicis ; for Richelieu, who knew 
that his object in desiring to come to Paris was to make love 
to the Oueen, Anne of Austria, for whom he had a romantic 
attachment, interdicted him from entering France at all. 

In another of Charles's letters to the Duke, without date, 
but apparently belonging to this time, he says : " As for 
news, my wife begins to mend her manners ; I know not 
how long it will continue, for they say it is by advice, but the 
best of all is they say the Monsieurs desire to return home. I 
will not say this is certain, for you know nothing they say 
can be so." ^ 

It was while affairs were in this posture that Buckingham 
returned to England, burning with indignation against the 
French, and more than ever determined to assist the King 
in his resolve of expelling them from the kingdom, whereby 
he would avenge himself for being denied access to France, 
and rid himself of the only influence likely to dispute his 
paramount supremacy at Court. 
' Accordingly he came down without delay to Hampton 

^ Hardwicke's State Papers, vol. iii. * Hardwicke's State Papers, vol. iiu 

p. 3. See also Bassompierre's^wi^ajiy p. 12. 
to Eiii^latid, Croker's edition, p. 125. 



iio History of IIdnipto)L Court Palace. [1626 

Court, and at once set to work indaminQr Charles against 
them, and fomcntincf his disao^reement with his wife. In the 
interviews he had with the Queen on Charles's account, he 
showed the most extraordinary presumption, telling' her 
plainly that luiless she gave in to whatever he wished, he 
would do all he could to put them on bad terms with each 
other; and actually having the audacity to remind her that 
" Queens of Enoland had been beheaded before now ! " ^ 

All this shows that the Queen, on her part, had much to 
bear, through the King's excessive partiality for Buckingham, 
in the license he allowed him in speaking to her, and from the 
way in which he made him the confidant of all his grievances 
against her. In this, in truth, she had quite as much ground 
of complaint as the King had in regard to Madame de Saint- 
Georges ; and we cannot but feel pity for her, when we 
remember that she was still a mere girl of sixteen years of 
age, in a foreign country, and among a people and in a 
Court, alien in religion and language, and with only her own 
French attendants to whom she could look for any assistance 
or s)'mpathy. 

That in these circumstances, she should sometimes have 
behaved injudiciously is not surprising, especially when we 
consider the difficult position in which her religion was con- 
tinually placing her. We have a striking instance of this in 
her refusal to be crowned with the King by the Archbishop 
of Canterbury, when that ceremony, which had been deferred 
on account of the plague, took place on February 2nd, 
1626, about a month after the Court returned to London 
from Hampton Court.'^ 

This act, though it did her credit as a conscientious 
Catholic, who could not, consistently with her religious pro- 
fessions, take part in what she regarded as an heretical rite, 

* Mimoires de Miidame de Molteville, vol. i. p. 345. 
' Di: Tiliicres, pp. 114, l^c. 



1626] The French driven out like Wild Beasts. 1 1 1 

performed by men in revolt against the Church of God, was 
naturally a cause of deep offence to Charles and his peoole. 
Indeed, it was interpreted as an intentional slight offered to 
the religion of England, which was never forgiven, and 
Vv'hich rankled particularly in the breasts of the bitter-hearted 
Puritans. 

After this, things went on from bad to worse, and at last they 
reached such a pass that Charles, after removing the French 
attendants from Court, finally expelled them from the 
kinofdom alto^rether, baof' and ba^oraae. 

The letter to Buckingham, in which he gave the final 
order for their removal, is too remarkable not to be cited in 
full :— 

Steenie 

I have receaved your letter by Die Greame. This Is my 
answer, I command you to send all the French away by tomorrow 
out of the Towne. If you can, by faire meanes (but stike not long 
in disputing), otherways, force them away, dryving them away lyke 
so inanie ivylde beastes, until ye have shipped them, and so the Devill 
goe ivith tJicm. Lett me heare no answer, but of the performance 
of my command. So I rest 

Your faithfull constant loving friend 

Charles R.^ 
Oaking the 7 August 1626. 

So peremptory a measure naturally excited the greatest 
commotion at the French Court; for, however necessary it 
may have been politically, it was undoubtedly a flagrant 
violation of the treaty of marriage, and gave the French 
only too good reason to rail against " la facilite des Anglais 
a tout promettre et leur effronterie a ne rien tenir." * In 
fact, it would have at once led to a war between the two 
countries, had not Richelieu preferred diplomatic measures, 
and despatched the Marshal de Bassompierre, an accom- 

' Ellis' Original Letters, vol. iii. p. 224. * Dc Tiltilres, p. 129. 



112 History of I Ia))ipton Coui't Palace. [1626 

plishcd and ahle diplomatist, as a special envoy to try and 
arrani^e a compromise. 

PcndinL; his arrival Charles went back again to Hampton 
Court, and here Paul Rozencrantz, ambassador from Den- 
mark, who had had his first audience of the King on the i ith 
of July, 1626,' had another here on the 21st of September," 
when he was received in the Presence Chamber, " although 
the ch:ipel had been originally assigned for it." About the 
same time an ambassador from Pethlem Gabor, the adven- 
turous Prince of Transylvania, also had an audience. " He 
was received by Lord Compton at the second gate, and there 
turning up the Great Stairs through the Great Hall and 
Guard Chamber, the King was already under 'the State 'in 
the Privy Chamber expecting him."^ The Court appears 
to have stayed on at this palace during the rest of the 
summer, and here, on the 6th of October, Laud began 
his career of ecclesiastical promotion by being appointed 
Dean of the Chapel Royal, taking the oath in the vestry 
before the Lord Chamberlain.* About the same time he 
was secretly informed by the Duke of Buckingham that 
the Kinc: had resolved that he should succeed the then 
Archbishop of Canterbury — a preferment to which he was 
advanced six years after. 

In the meanwhile, Bassompierre had arrived in England, 
and after spending some da)-s in London, where he con- 
ferred with Buckingham and other ministers, he came down 
on Sunday, October i ith, 1626, to Hampton Court in one of 
the King's coaches. A sumptuous dinner had been prepared 
for him, but he came too late for it, "purposely it was 
thought," and when "a collation was then set on the table, 
it remained untasted by him or his fellows," from which Sir 
John Finette, the Master of the Ceremonies, inferred that 

^ Finett, p. 181. * Do., p. 1S5. ' Ymox.^'% Philoxenis^^. 187. 

* Laud's Diary, Sept. 30lh, Oct. 3rd and 6th, p. 84.. 




Hi;Tiww,^'>').ii.i/'t' 



Back Court near the Fish Kitchen. 



1626] Bassompie7n'e at Hampton Cottrt, 113 

he would not receive the King of England's hospitality, 
and sagaciously predicted War ! ^ Buckingham then came 
to tell him that the King desired to know beforehand 
what he purposed saying, " and that the King," says 
Bassompierre, " would not have me speak to him about 
any business ; that otherwise he would not give me 
audience,^ I said to him that the King should know 
what I had to say to him from my own mouth, and that 
it was not the custom to limit an ambassador in what he 
had to represent to the sovereign, to whom he was sent, 
and that if he did not wish to see me, I Vv^as ready to go 
back again. He swore to me that the only reason which 
obliged him (the King) to this, and which made him insist 
upon it, was that he could not help putting himself in a 
passion in treating the matters about which I had to speak 
to him, which would not be decent in the chair of state, in 
sight of the chief persons of the kingdom, both men and 
women ; that the Oueen his wife was close to him, who, in- 
censed at the dismissal of her servants, might commit some 
extravagance, and cry, in sight of everybody. In short, that 
he would not commit himself in public ; and that he was 
resolved sooner to break up this audience, and grant me 
one in private, than to treat with me concerning any busi- 
ness before everybody." 

The Duke swore vehemently that he was telling the 
ambassador the truth, and that he had not been able to 
induce the King to see him under any other conditions, and 
begged him to oblige him by suggesting some expedient. 
Bassompierre, who saw it was likely that he would be insulted, 
and who was anxious that things should go smoothly, answered 
that though he could do nothing but what his master the 
King of France prescribed to him, yet it depended on King 

^ Disraeli's Charles /., and Finett's ' Embassy to England in 1626, ed. 

Philoxenis, p. 189. Croker, p. 2>7- 

» I 



114 History of Hampton Court Palace, [1626 

Charles to shorten or lenijthcn the audience in what manner 
he chose. He added that Charles might (after having allowed 
him to make his bow, and after having received, with the 
French King's letters, his first compliments), as soon as he 
began to open to his Majesty the occasion of his coming, 
interrupt him, and say, according to the ambassador's sug- 
gestion, " Sir, you are come from London, and you have 
to return thither ; it is late ; this matter requires a longer 
time than I could now give you. I shall send for you one 
of these days at an earlier hour, and we will confer about it 
at our leisure in a private audience. In the meanwhile I 
shall satisfy myself with having seen you, and heard of the 
King my brother-in-law and the Queen my mother-in-law, 
and I will not delay the impatience which the Queen my 
wife has to hear of them also from you." " Upon which," 
added Bassompierre, " I shall take my leave of him, to go 
and make my bow to the Queen." 

Buckingham, who seems to have been anxious at this 
time to compose the difficulties that had arisen, was en- 
chanted with this idea, and embracing the ambassador 
cordially, said, '* You know more of these things than we ; I 
have offered you my assistance in the affair you are come to 
negotiate, but now I recall the promise I gave you, for you 
can do very well without me ; " and so he left him, laughing, 
to go and tell the King of this expedient, who acquiesced in 
it, and promised punctually to observe it. Buckingham then 
came back to fetch Bassompierre and introduce him to the 
King. He found Charles in the Audience Chamber, 
seated by the side of the Queen, on a stage raised a couple of 
steps under the canopy of state.^ They both rose to acknow- 
ledge the bow he made them on entering. " The company," 
says Bassompierre, " was magnificent ; the order exquisite. I 
made my compliment to the King, gave him my letters, and 
* See also Finett's Philoxenis, p. 187. 



1626] Charles s Treatment of the French Envoy , 115 

after having said my words of civility, as I was proceeding 
to those of business, he interrupted me in the same form as 
I had proposed to the Duke." 

He then saw the Queen, to whom he said but Httle, 
because she told him that the King had given her leave to 
go to London, where she could see him at her leisure. He 
then withdrew, and was attended to the gateway by the 
principal lords and officers of state. Just as he was getting 
into his coach the secretary came up and told him that the 
Kino- wished him to be informed, that although he had 
promised him a private audience, he nevertheless would not 
give him one until he sent back to France Father Sancy, 
whom he had brought with him, and who was very ob- 
noxious to the English Court, having formerly belonged 
to the Queen's suite. Charles added to the message 
that he had desired him to do so three several times 
without effect, and that he felt much offended at the 
disregard with which his request was treated. Bassom- 
pierre to this answered with what excuses he could, 
expressing his wish to conform to his request as far as it 
was consistent with his duty. He ended, however, by say- 
ing, " If he will not give me an audience, I shall send to 
the King my master to know what he pleases I should ask 
after that refusal ; who will not, in my opinion, allow me to 
grow old in England, waiting till the King takes a fancy or 
finds leisure to hear me." This he said loud enough for 
the bystanders to hear, and he then expressed his resent- 
ment to Buckingham, who was standing by him, begging 
that he might hear no more of this affair, unless they gave 
him an order to leave London and the island direcdy, which 
he would receive with joy. All this he said with perfect 
composure, and then quietly entered the coach and drove 
to London. He had indeed good cause to express annoy- 
ance, and he ever after bore a grudge against the English 



ii6 History of IlaniptoJi Court Palace. [1626 

for the treatment he received at the King's hands. " I have 
received," he said, " condescension from the Spaniards and 
civihty even from the Swiss, but I have never been able to 
overcome the arrogance of the English." 

The King, however, afterwards waived his objections, and 
on Thursday, the 15th of October, Bassompierre was sent 
for to Hampton Court, and received by the King in a long 
audience, in one of the galleries. His IMajesty, according 
to his excellency, " put himself into a great passion," com- 
plained of the intrigues and factions of the French — their 
malice in endeavourin</ to wean the Queen's affections from 
him, and their insolence in setting her against England, the 
language, and everything English. At last he got so angry 
as to exclaim to the ambassador, " Why do you not execute 
your commission at once, and declare war ^ " To which 
Bassompierre answered firmly and with dignity, " I am 
not a herald to declare war, but a Marshal of France to 
make it when declared." In his account of the interview 
Bassompierre proceeds to say, " I w^itnessed there an 
instance of great boldness, not to say impudence, of the 
Duke of Buckingham, which was, that when he saw us the 
most warmed, he ran up suddenly and threw himself between 
the King and me, saying, ' I am come to keep the peace 
between you two.' Upon w^hich I took off my hat, and as 
long as he stayed with us I would not put it on again, 
notwithstanding" all the entreaties of the Kinij and of him- 
self to do so ; but wdicn he went, I put it on without the 
Kinef desirinof me. When I had done, and that the Kinof 
could speak to me, he asked me why I would not put on 
my hat while he w^as by, and that I did so so freely when 
he was ofone. I answered that I had done it to do him 
honour, because he was not covered and that I should have 
been, which I could not suffer ; for which he was much 
pleased with me, and often mentioned it in my praise. But 



1626] Charles I. " in a Great Passion." 117 

I had also another reason for doing so, which was, that it 
was no longer an audience, but a private conversation, since 
he had interrupted us, by coming in, as a third, upon us. 
After my last audience was over, the King brought me 
through several galleries to the Queen's apartments, where 
he left me, and I her, after a long conversation, and I was 
brought back to London." 

The negotiations were continued after this for some time, 
but they resulted in no substantial concessions from Charles. 
Nevertheless, we cannot but admire the tact and temper 
with which Bassompierre acted throughout his mission, 
though he found it impossible to shake the King's determina- 
tion to be rid of the people who had worked such mischief 
in his household and in his home. 

"See, Sir," wrote he to the dismissed Bishop of Mende, 
" to what we are reduced ! and imagine my grief, that the 
Queen of Great Britain has the pain of viewing my depar- 
ture, without being of any service to her ; but if you con- 
sider that I was sent here to make a contract of marriage 
observed, and to maintain the Catholic Religion, in a country 
from which they formerly banished it to break a contract of 
marriage, you will assist in excusing me of this failure." ^ 

* Disraeli's Charles I, 





CIIArTER X. 



CHARLES I. AT IIAMrTON COURT- 
CIVIL WAR. 



-THE EVE OF THE 



Picture of Buckingham and his Family — More Plays at the Palace — Laud 
supplies Dresses and Scenery — Renewed Outbreak of the Plague — Stringent 
Regulations against Londoners coming within Ten Miles of Hampton Court — 
Shakespeare's Plays acted in the Great Hall — Properties for the Play called the 
"Royal Slave" — 1 icture of Charles I. Dining in Public — Charles orders the 
Cutting of the Longford River — The Water Supply for the Palace — His Works 
of Art — Projects a vast and magnificent Hunting Ground from Hampton Court 
to Richmond — Unpopularity of the Scheme — Laud opposes it — The King relin- 
ijuishes it — The Grand Remonstrance presented to Charles at Hampton Court 
— Aldermen of the City entertained — A "Heavenly King" — Attempted Arrest 
of the Five Members — Charles's Flight to Hampton Court. 

ROM the year 1626^ to 1630, no events of any 
importance took place at Hampton Court, though 
Charles was frequently here with his Court, often 
two or three times a year, and at all seasons.^ 
On these occasions the Duke of Buckingham, 
who was now at the summit of his influence, was of course 




' On Oct. 30th, 1626, the Great Seal 
was given to Sir Thomas Coventry at 
Hampton " 
p. y2. 



Couit. — Kcnnett, vol. iii.. 



* State Papers, Domestic, Charles 
I., passim ; Laud's Diary, 1627, Sept., 
i^c. Hardwicke's State Papers, vol. 
iii. p. 18. 




v. 






Q s 



o -^^ 
o •§ 
-- ;* 

:i 

o 



1626-163 ] Picture of Buckingham and his Family. 1 1 9 

always in attendance on the King; and to this period belongs 
the curious picture, of him and his family, attributed to Hon- 
thorst, which may be seen at Hampton Court, and of which 
we here insert an engraving. The Duke is in the middle, 
seated, and holding the hand of his wife, Lady Katherine 
Manners, the heiress of the Earl of Rutland, " the poor 
fool Kate," as James I. used to call her. In front of them 
is their daughter Mary, afterwards Countess of Pembroke 
and Duchess of Richmond, who was then about seven years 
old. On the extreme left, near the window, is Bucking- 
ham's sister, the Countess of Denbigh ; while his mother, 
the Countess of Buckingham, in a gigantic ruff, is sitting 
between her two other sons. The eldest, John — created in 
16 19 Lord Villiers of Stoke and Viscount Purbeck, whose 
marriage to Lord Chief Justice Coke's daughter took place 
in the chapel of this Palace, in the circumstances narrated 
in a former chapter — stands behind his brother the Duke, 
and is leaning on his chair. The other, Christopher, created 
in 1623 Baron Daventry and Earl of Anglesea, is on the 
extreme right, with his hand resting on a table. The child 
in front, held by a lady kneeling, is Buckingham's eldest 
son, the witty Duke, who was born in January, 1627, and 
who cannot have been much more than a year old when 
this picture was painted, as the great favourite fell a victim 
to Felton's dagger on August 23rd, 1628.^ 

After the assassination of Buckingham, until the begin- 
ning of the troubles of the Civil War, Charles paid occa- 
sional visits to the Palace. He was here, for instance, 
in November, 1630, when a play, founded " upon a piece of 
Persian story," which had been performed before the King 
and Queen at Christ Church, Oxford, in the preceding 
month of August, and which had given the Court great 

^ For further particulars as to this picture, see the author's Historical 
Catalogue.) No. 58. 



I20 History of Hampton Court ralacc. [1632- 

satisfactlon, was, by the Queen's express desire, presented 
a<;ain at Hampton Court, as her Majesty wished to see if 
her own players could act it as well as the University men. 
Laud, as Chancellor of the University, caused the authorities 
to send " bodi the clothes and the perspectives of the sta<^e" 
to the palace.^ But though the " stran<]^encss of the Persian 
habit gave great content," it was admitted by all that " the 
players came far short of the University actors." 

In 1632 there were further theatricals, two plays being 
performed here, £20 being paid for the first to Mr. 
Joseph Taylor and Mr. Swanston, and the same sum for 
the second to Mr. Christopher lieeston and the rest of the 
Queen's players.^ 

Charles and his Court were at the palace again in the 
summer of the year 1636, when, on June 12th, Strafford 
kissed hands on his appointment as Lord Deputy of Ireland, 
and had a final and secret audience before starting for that 
country.'' 

The plague was again at this time very prevalent in 
London, and a proclamation was issued forbidding anybody 
from that place coming within ten miles of the palace, or 
plying by barge up and down the river, or bringing any 
goods or commodities to and fro. These prohibitions were, 
of course, often broken, and the blockade run by adventurous 
persons who saw their way to making a profit thereby ; and 
several persons were summoned for this offence before the 
Lords of the Privy Council, and severely punished. Great 
complaint was also made that " divers Londoners obtained 
houses near Hampton Court and Oatlands, and these in 
habit going daily to and from London, which cannot be 
without great peril to their Majesties," and the Justices 

' Diary, Aug. 30th, 1628. ^ State Papers, Domestic, Charles 

" State Papers, Domestic, Charles /., /., vol. cccxxvi., No. 1 1, 
vol. ccxxix.. No. 67. 



-1637] Plays and the Plague. 121 

were commanded to remove such persons from their houses, 
and to enjoin those who had settled there before neither to 
go to London themselves, nor allow their servants to go 
there, on pain of being turned out, and having their houses 
shut up.^ These regulations were strictly enforced; and 
the plague having broken out again in Kingston and Ted- 
dington, arrangements were made for isolating the sick in 
sheds and hulks built on the neighbouring commons, and 
for disinfecting all houses which had harboured any of those 
smitten with the disease. The people of Kingston, however, 
were rather remiss in carrying out the requirements of the 
Council, who complained that the bailiffs neither kept the 
infected houses shut, nor put " the Red Cross nor any other 
mark on them, nor any watch set to keep the people therein 
from going forth and visiting others." 

The continuance of the plague kept the Court at Hamp- 
ton Court all through the autumn and winter,^ till Christ- 
mas time ; but the fear of contagion did not prevent 
the players being summoned from London, and " com- 
manded to assemble their company, and keep themselves 
together near the Court, ready to give frequent performances 
in the Great Hall of the palace." They were given an allow- 
ance of £20 a week, paid to John Lowen and Joseph Taylor 
on their behalf, which, beginning from the ist of November, 
was continued till the end of January, 1637.^ 

The plays performed at Hampton Court were as follow : 
the 17th of November, "The Coxcombe ; " the 19th of 
November, ** Beggar's Bush ;" the 29th of November, "The 
Maid's Tragedy ; " the 6th of December, " The Loyall Sub- 
ject ; " the 8th of December, " The Moore of Venice ; " the 

* state Papers^ Domestic, Charles place at Hampton Court. Historical 

/., vol. cccxxx., No. 74, &c., Aug. 27th, Coininission, Fourth Report, p. 78. 
Sept. i8th, 19th, 2ist, 26th, &c. ' State Papers, Domestic, Charles 

^ One death from the plague took /., vol. cccxxxvii., Dec. 13th, 1636. 



122 History of Hcwipton Court Palace. \}^n 

1 6th of December, " Love's Pilgrimage ; " St. Stephen's Day, 
" the First Part of Arviragus ; " St. John's Day, " the Second 
Part of Arviragus ; " the ist of January, " Love and Honour" 
(by Davenant) ; the 5th of January, "The Elder Brother ;" 
the loth of January, "The Kinge and noe Kinge;" the 
I 2th of January, "the new [)laye from Oxford, 'The Royal! 
Slave ' " (by Cartwright) ; the 1 7th of January, " Rollo ; " the 
24th of January, " Hamlett." ^ 

It is interesting to note that here we have conclusive 
evidence that in the Great Mall of Hampton Court Shake- 
speare's plays were acted by his own contemporaries before 
Charles L and his Court. 

Among other particulars which are likewise of theatrical 
interest is a warrant, dated April i ith, 1637, "to pay ^154, 
being the charge of the alterations and additions made in 
the scene, apparel, and properties employed for setting forth 
the new play called, * The Royal Slave,' lately acted at 
Hampton Court, together with the charge of dancers and 
composers of music, the same to be paid as follows, viz., to 
Peter le Hue, property-maker, ;i^5o; to George Portman, 
jiainter, ;!^50 ; and to Estienne Nau and Sebastien la 
Pierre for themselves and 12 dancers, ^54."^ 

When Charles came to Hampton Court on these occa- 
sions, we may presume that he sometimes dined in public 
in the Great Hall or some other of the State Rooms, as he 
did when in London. At any rate we have an interesting 
reminiscence of the custom in an old picture preserved at 
this Palace, which was painted by Van Bassan for Charles, 
and is inscribed with the date 1637. Though the architec- 
ture indicates that the chamber depicted was not one at 
Hampton Court, yet in other points the picture is sufficiently 

^ Cunningham's Revels at Court, p. /., vol. ccclii., No. 55, April i ith, 1637. 
xxiv. and Collier's Amials of the Stage, voL 

' State Papers, Domestic, Charles ii., p. 13. 




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1638J Charles I. Dining in Public. 123 

illustrative of similar scenes at this Palace. The Kirn? and 
Queen are seated at the table side by side, with the little 
Prince (afterwards Charles II.) at the end of the table. 
They are being served by gentlemen-in-waiting. At the 
end of the room is a raised and recessed galler\' or dais, 
where the public are looking on. " There were daily," says 
an old authority, "at Charles I.'s Court, 86 tables well fur- 
nished each meal ; whereof the King's table had 28 dishes ; 
the Queen's, 24; 4 other tables, 16 dishes each, and so on ; 
in all about 500 dishes, each meal, with beer, bread, wine, 
and all things necessar)'." ^ 

The Court was again at Hampton Court in the autumn 
of 1638, when, on the 30th of September, the play of" The 
Unfortunate Lover," by Sir William Davenant, was played 
before the King and Queen.^ On the 2nd of October, King 
Charles knighted Balthazar Gerbier, who had been nego- 
tiatinof at Brussels and the Ha^je a settlement of the 
Spanish difficult}*, and had also been acting for him in the 
purchase of works of art'^ 

It was in the same year, 1638, that Charles, on the 26th 
of September, directed a commission to certain persons, 
amonof whom was Lord Cottin£[ton, then Chancellor of the 
Exchequer, to consider how part of the waters of the River 
Colne, in Middlesex, might be taken over Hounslow Heath 
into the parks at Hampton Court, " for the better accommo- 
dation of the palace, and the recreation and disport of his 
Majest}'." The object Charles had in view was probably the 
bringing of water to the ponds in the parks and the fountains 
in t£e gardens, and perhaps the furnishing of a supply 
of drinking water to the palace, additional to that derived 

^ Present State of London, l6Sl. English Plays. 

' See G. R. Wright's Archaclogic ^ Sainsburys Original Papers re- 

and Historic Fragimnts, p. lo ; J. O. lating to Ruhr^. p. 211 ; Walpoks 

Halliwell-Phillips, Dictionary cf Old Amcdotis of Fainting. 



124 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1639 

from the Cardinal's conduits at Coombe Hill. The works, 
which were determined on and bcLTun almost at once after 
the issiiinj^ of the commission, involved the cutting of a 
channel from Loni^ford to the palace, twenty-one feet wide, 
two feet deep, and eleven miles long,^ a great part of the 
distance being taken up by the deepening, broadening, and 
banking up of an existing branch of the Colne. The 
cutting, which was entrusted to the charge of Edward 
Manning, one of the commissioners, was beeun on Octo- 
ber 8th, and finished July i6th of the following year, 1639, 
the cost amounting to the sum of ^4,102, which was 
provided for out of the revenues of the Court of Wards 
and Liveries.^ Since then the channel thus regulated 
has been known as " the Kino^'s or Lonefford River," 
and It has from that time supplied the ponds and ornamental 
waters at Hampton Court ; while, from the discontinuance 
in 1876 of the supply of Coombe water, it has been 
the sole and exclusive source of drinking water for the 
palace.^ 

The contract included " the Laying dry of Hampton 
Court House and the lodgings there, with the sluices, flood- 
gates, &c,, thought needful by the Commissioners for that 
river." The river afterwards gave rise to much contention 
between the Government and the inhabitants of the districts 
through which it was cut, on account of the injury done to 
their property and lands by the giving way of the banks and 
the decay of the bridges. 

About the same period Charles gave orders for some im- 
provements to be made in the gardens of Hampton Court,"* 
which were decorated with statues, both of the classical and, 

' Lysons' Middlesex Parishes. cord Office. 

' State Papers, Charles /., vol. cccc, ^ See vol. i., p. 23, n. 

No. 70, Oct. 22nd, 163S ; and vol. * State Papers, Domestic, Chaj-les 

ccccxlii.. No. 144, Jan. 28th, 1640. See /., vol. ccccxv., No. 35, March 25th, 

also Enrolled Accounts in the Re- 1639. 



1639] Impj'ovancnts at Hcwipton Cotirt. 125 

Renaissance periods ; and he bestowed much care on the 
furnishing of the rooms, and their embelHshment with 
pictures and other works of art and curiosities. It was in 
1639 that he had his catalogue of pictures compiled by Van- 
derdoort, and in it there are three or four hundred pictures 
specified as being in this palace at that time — many of 
which, after having gone through various vicissitudes, are 
now still to be found here. Among these we would 
especially note the "Triumph of Julius Caesar," a splendid 
composition of nine pieces, Mantegna's greatest and richest 
work, which is still the glory of Hampton Court. 

It must have been about the same time that Kino- 
Charles, who was fairly fond of sport, conceived the idea of 
making a great park for red as well as fallow deer between 
Hampton Court and Richmond, where he had a great deal 
of wooded land, affording excellent cover for game, and large 
wastes which, with the domains of the two palaces, would 
have formed a masfnificent and extensive enclosure to serve 
him as an agreeable and convenient hunting-ground close to 
London.^ There were, however, some parishes that had rights 
of common on the wastes, and many farmers and gentlemen 
had houses intermingled with them, so that his Majesty ex- 
perienced considerable difficulty in treating with them for 
the purchase of their interests. Altogether the scheme, 
which would have involved the enclosing a tract of country 
ten miles round, was very unpopular, and he was strongly 
advised against it by Lord Cottington and other ministers, 
both on account of the great expense it would have involved, 
and of the murmurs that were excited among the country 
people on all sides. The King, however, would not brook 
opposition to his wishes, and when Lord Cottington tried 
to dissuade him from it, he declared, "He was resolved to 

* Clarendon's History of the Rebellion^ vol. i., p. loo. 



126 Histo}'y of Hampton Court Palace. [1639 

^o throui^h with it, and had already caused brick to be 
burm^d, and much of the wall to be built upon his own 
land." ' 

But the buildini^ of the wall before people had consented 
to part with their lands or their common, looked as if they 
were to be by dei^rees shut out of both, and increased the 
popular excitement and indignation. At last Archbishop 
Laud, who was always very anxious for the King" to be on 
good terms with the people, when none of his own "fads" 
were concerned, undertook to remonstrate with him. Even- 
tually the King yielded to persuasion, and the project was 
abandoned : the second royal attempt to create a " new 
forest" at Hampton Court being thus nulHtied like the 
first.' 

After the year 1639 the excited state of political affairs left 
Charles but little leisure to amuse himself at Hampton 
Court. He was residing here, however, at the beginning of 
August, 1 640, when the plague breaking out, and two or three 
deaths occurring in the stables, the Court hastily left the 
Palace.^ He was here again, also, after his return from Scot- 
land on the 26th of November, 1 641, to rest awhile from the 
toil and burden of business ;^ and he was still at this Palace, 
when the Grand Remonstrance, which set out in the most 
powerful language all the errors and misdeeds of his 
Government, was voted in the House of Commons. This 
document, which must have been especially mortifying 
to Charles, as directly appealing to public opinion against 
him, was presented to his Majesty himself on December ist 

* Qrov^s, History of Wohcy,\o\.'\\'.^ /., vol. cccclxiii., No. 12, Aug. 3id, 
p. 186, note. lO-io. 

* As to Henry VIII. 's enclosure of ' Heath's Chronicle of the Civil 
the Chase of Hampton Court, and its Wars, p. 25. Also Correspondence of 
subsequent dechasing in the reign of Sir Ediu. Nicholas and King Charles I., 
Edward V'l., see vol. i., pp. 213-215. appended to Evelyn's Diafy, ed. 1827, 

* State Papers, Domestic, Charles and Clarendon. 



1641] The Grand Remonstrance presented to Charles I. 127 

at Hampton Court.^ " The King was much concerned at 
the harshness of it, but promised an answer as soon as the 
weight of business would permit, and desired there should 
be no publishing that declaration till they had received his 
answer to it." To this request, however, they paid no 
attention ; but immediately blazoned it throughout the king- 
dom — a course Charles took as an act of great disrespect to 
himself.^ 

Three days after, perhaps to counteract, to some extent, 
its effect among the citizens of London, he sent for seven of 
the City aldermen to Hampton Court; and in response to a 
petition they brought with them, that he should come up and 
reside in London, " whereby the trade of the city, which 
had been so much hindered by the King's long absence in 
Scotland, might be revived," he promised to leave Hampton 
Court in a day or two, and come to Whitehall ; while, " to 
express his extraordinary love to the City," he made them all 
knights.'^ By such trivial actions does he seem to have 
thought, in his delusion, that he could stem the tide of dis- 
affection among his subjects, an opinion which was cer- 
tainly shared by the courtier-scribe who records the fact, 
and who exclaims, in a fervour of loyal enthusiasm, " What 
encouragement can subjects have more to love and obey a 
King than to have such favour and love shown by a King, 
for whose prosperous, happy and successive reigne, it be- 
hoves us all to pray : else there is no question to be made, 
but that judgment will be showred downe upon our heads 
by the Heavenly King, for not loving so good a heavenly 
King." * 

Whether or not his subjects in general were equally im- 

• Kennett's History, vol. iii., p. 112. vol. cccclxxxvi. No. 29, Dec. 9th, 1641. 
» Clarendon and Whitelocke's Me- * Civil War Tracts, British Mu- 

morials, p. 48. seum. See also Clarendon's History 

» State Papers, Domestic^ Charles /., o/the Rebellion. 



128 History of Hampton Co2irt Palace. [1642 

pressed with " the favour and love " shown them by " so good 
a heavenly King," mattered httle ; for all that went before was 
forgottcni when, exactly two months after, on February 4th, 
1642, Charles made his memorable attempt to arrest the 
Five Members in the Mouse of Commons. Six days after, 
mortified by the failure of his design, and alarmed by the 
menacing demeanour of the Parliament and the tumult that 
^vas raging in London, he suddenly left Whitehall, with his 
wife and children and all his household, for Ham[)ton Court/ 
1 1 ere so little preparation had been made for their reception, 
that Charles and the Queen had to sleep in one room with 
their three eldest children.* 

The results of this fatal step — which has been aptly 
compared to the flight of Louis XVL from Paris to 
Varennes — are too well known to be dilated on here. It was, 
in fact, a throwinir down the ga^je of battle, and the roar of 
" Privilege of Parliament " that rose from a hundred thousand 
throats as Charles drove through the streets, was the blast, 
as it were, that heralded the Great Rebellion. The tactical 
error of the step had equally far-reaching results : for by 
this first flight in a life ever afterwards so fugitive, Charles 
surrendered London without striking a blow, and thus left 
the Roundheads in triumphant possession of the Tower, the 
arsenals, and all the offices and departments of state. The 
shout of exultation that burst from the trained bands as 
they marched past the deserted Palace of Whitehall, 
brandishing the " Protestation " on their pikes, showed that 
they, at any rate, fully gauged the deep significance of the 
King's llight. 

The King's adherents, on their part also, began to grow 
dimly conscious of the altered position of affairs, and Colonel 
Lunsford, who had escorted the King and Queen to Hamp- 

* Clarendon's History of the Rebellion. Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 54. 
* Gardiner's Histoiy 0/ England. 



1642] Flight of King Charles to Ha^npton Court. 129 

ton Court, after seeing them safely lodged in the Palace, 
went on with his band, two hundred strong, to Kingston, to 
take possession of a magazine of arms in that town. Here 
Lunsford and his men were visited next morning by Lord 
Digby, who drove over from the Palace in a coach and six 
to thank them in the King's name for what they had done, 
and to urge them to set about collecting recruits. For 
doing this Lord Digby was soon after attainted of treason, 
for " levying war ; " while Lunsford was arrested by the 
Parliamentarians and lodged in the Tower.^ 

The King's stay at Hampton Court lasted but a few days, 
for on the 12 th of February, overwhelmed with the shame 
and peril of his situation, he moved to Windsor Castle for 
greater security.^ Clarendon describes in pathetic words 
his " sad condition, as fallen in ten days from a height and 
greatness that his enemies feared, to such a lowness that his 
own servants durst hardly avow their waiting on him." 

He was back again here, however, just for one night, 
when conducting the Queen from Windsor to Dover, on her 
departure from England at the beginning of February. After 
that Hampton Court saw him no more till five years later, 
when he was brought by the Roundheads as a prisoner to 
his own Palace.^ 

' Heath's Chronicle of the Civil ' State Papers, Domestic, Charles 

Wars, p. 27. See also C/are?ulon. I., vol. cccclxxxix. No. 19, Feb. loth, 

^ Disraeli's Charles /., vol. ii., p. 1642. 
333- 




* 



K 




CHAPTER XI. 



THE GREAT REBELLION. 



CHARLES I. A PRISONER AT HAMPTON 
COURT. 



Hampton Court during the Civil War— The Parhament takes Possession of 
the Palace — Sacrilegious Profanation of the Chapel by the Puritans — The Altar, 
Sacred Pictures and Stained Glass torn down — Charles brought by the Army to 
Hampton Court — Resides here in comparative Ease and Dignity — Receives his 
old Adherents — Allowed to see his Children— Strictly watched by Colonel 
Whalley — Cromwell visits and confers with him — An Accommodation with the 
Army discussed— Charles's Intrigues and incurable Duplicity — His Mode of 
Life at this Time^His Farewell to Sir Richard and Lady Fanshawe — His Fore- 
bodings of Misfortune — Ominous Rumours of his Danger of Assassination — 
Withdraws his Pledge not to attempt an Escape — The Guards doubled— Visit 
of his Daughter the Princess Elizabeth — Disturbed by the Guards in the Gallery 
—The Eve of Flight. 



I ROM this time forward to the year 1645, the tide 
of the Civil War rolled over the country without 
much affectinc^ Hampton Court ; though we may 
well imagine that the varying fortunes of the two 
contending factions must have been followed with 
intense interest by the inhabitants of the Palace, who pro- 
bably consisted of a few score of royal officials and servants. 
The principle, however, on which the Parliament proceeded, 
of still recognizing the existence of the monarchy whilst 




1645] The Civil War, 131 

taking up arms against the monarch, probably secured them 
from any molestation as long as they took no active part in 
the struggle. 

But in 1645, after the battle of Naseby, which practically 
decided the fate of the Royalist cause, the Parliament took 
possession of the Palace, setting seals on the doors of the 
State apartments. In their intolerant Puritan zeal to sweep 
away all surviving traces of what they held to be idolatrous 
worship, they laid a profane and sacrilegious hand on all the 
religious emblems and artistic decorations of the chapel. In 
a newspaper of the time we read the following paragraph : — 

" Sir Robert Harlow gave order for the putting down and de- 
molishing of the popish and superstitious pictures at Hampton 
Court, where this day the altar was taken down, and the table 
brought into the body of the church, the rails pulled down, and 
the steps levelled, and the popish pictures and superstitious images 
that were in the glass windows were also demolished, and order 
given for the new glazing them with plain glass ; and among the 
rest, there was pulled down the picture of Christ nailed to the 
cross, which was placed right over the altar, and the pictures of 
Mary Magdalen and others weeping by the foot of the cross, and 
some other such idolatrous pictures were pulled down and de- 
molished." 

This order was duly executed ; and notwithstanding the Re- 
storation and the High Church revival, the windows of the 
chapel have never been reglazed with anything but " plain 
glass" to this day. Neither does the original altar appear to 
have been ever restored, nor the altar rails. Perhaps, how- 
ever, the beautiful railings of carved oak gilded, which long 
remained disregarded in an old storeroom of the Palace, and 
which have been recently placed for public inspection in 
" the Horn Room," are the identical altar-rails pulled down 
at this time. They are, at any rate, very fine specimens of 
v;ood carving, which seem to belong to this period, and the 



132 



History of Ihwiplon Court Palace, 



[1646 



moiU)i.;ram C, surmounted !))■ Llic crown imperial, points to 
their haviiif;^ been the property of Kin;^ Charles. The; re- 
presentation in several of the panels of a sunllower in lull 
bloom, shows that an ai)i^reciation of the beauty of this 
flower was not the " discovery " on the part of our modern 
"aesthetics," which it is claimed to be. 



Mm^^M- 




Altar Rails of Carved Oah, at Hampton Court. 

The followini^ year, 1646, saw^ Charles's flight from the 
besieged city of Oxford to Newark, where the Scotch were 
encamped, and where he surrendered himself into their 
hands — a confidence which they rewarded, not many months 
after, by selling him to the English Parliament, from whose 
control he was transferred to the custody of the Army. 
By them he was treated with much more consideration and 



1647] Charles drought Captive to the Palace. 133 

generosity than he had experienced at the hands of the 
Scotch or the Parhament, and after several removes was 
eventually installed, on August 24th, 1647, in his Palace of 
Hampton Court, which had been prepared for his reception, 
his goods and household servants having been transferred 
thither from Oxford after the surrender of that city.^ 

Here he remained for a period of some two months and a 
half, in a state of comparative ease and dignity, " rather as a 
guarded and attended prince than as a conquered and 
purchased captive." ^ He dined in public in the Presence 
Chamber with the same state and ceremony as formerly, 
and, when dinner was over, any gentleman who wished was 
admitted to kiss his hand.^ 

Among those who came was John Evelyn the diarist, 
who records under date October loth, 1647 : " I came to 
Hampton Court, where I had the honour to kisse his 
Majesty's hand, he being in the power of those execrable 
villains, who not long after murdered him." 

The citizens also flocked from London In considerable 
numbers, as they had formerly done at the end of a Pro- 
gress, when the King had been some months absent from 
London. All his old servants, too, had free access to 
him, and many cavaliers, who had done him active service 
in the Civil War, came to pay their respects, and v/ere 
allowed to confer with him without reservation. Even 
his two most intimate and faithful followers, Mr. John 

^ Whitelock's Memorials, p. 267. unless it be the Escurial in Spain." 
^ Colonel Hutchinson's Memoirs, ^ The papers of Captain H. G. St. 

p. 305, ed. 1846; and Clarendon. Sir John Mildniay at Hazelgrove House, 

Thomas Herbert's Memoirs of the Two Somerset, contain a " List of Plate 

Last Years of the Reign of Charles /., taken out of the Jewel-House by order 

pp. 47, 48. He was groom of the cham- from the Committee of Revenue for 

ber to the King, and speaks most the Service of his Majesty at Hampton 

enthusiastically of Hampton Court as Court," dated Sept. 23rd, 1647. See 

" a most large and Imperial House 7th Report of the Historical Covtmis- 

.... which for beauty and grandeur sion, p. 594. 
is exceeded by no structure in Europe, 



134 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1647 

Asliburnham and Sir John Berkeley, who had been voted 
dehnquents by the Parhament, and who had fled beyond 
the seas, were permitted to return and to take up their 
abode witliin the Palace, and to be constantly about the 
King's person.^ 

He had also the consolation of the spiritual administra- 
tions of his own divines of the Church of England, \yho 
"could administer spiritual comfort according to the rites 
of that Church." 

But what pleased him most was being allowed access 
to his children, who were then staying under the care 01 
the Earl of Northumberland at Sion House, whither he was 
sometimes allowed to ride over to see them, and whence 
they occasionally came to stay at the Palace with him.''^ It 
must have been an affecting scene to behold the King, for- 
getting awhile the cares and troubles that beset him on all 
sides, amid the domestic joys which formed the one bright 
spot in his unfortunate career. 

He found relaxation also in hunting in the park, playing 
at tennis, and in similar recreations.^ 

Nevertheless, he was still so far under surveillance as 
to have the Parliamentary Commissioners always residing 
with him in the Palace, as well as a guard of soldiers under 
Colonel Whallcy, one of the officers of the Parliamentarian 
army, who was always in attendance on him, nominally 
for his protection only, but in reality more for his super- 
vision, and with strict injunctions against his removal. 

At the same time the headquarters of the army were 
now at Putney, a place chosen for the purpose, as being 
at an equal distance from the Parliament in London, and 

* Cl.irendon's History, vol. v., p. * Whitelock's Memorials, p. 267. 

470. Heath's Chronicle of the Ci^il Sir Thomas Herbert's Memoirs, p. 

Wars p. 147. Sir Philip Warwick's 49. 

Memci.'s of the Reign of Charles /., ^ Heath, Whitelocke, &c. 
p. 302 



1647] 



The Royal Prisoner's Court. 



135 



the King at Hampton Court ; and from Putney came 
Cromwell^ and the other superior officers to pay their 
respects to King Charles. It was observed that "Fairfax 
kissed the royal hand ; but Cromwell and his son-in-law, 




View of the North of the Palace in Tennis Court Lane. 

Ireton, though they did not come behind the general in 
phrases of loyalty, seemed to decline the ceremonial." ' 

> Whitelock, p. 269. History of the Rebellion^ vol. iii., pp. 

' Godwin's History of the Common- 52, 67, &c. 
"diealth, vol. ii., p. 395 ; Clarendon's 



136 History of Hampton Cottrt Palace. [1647 

There can be little doubt, indeed, that the mat^netic 
intluence of royal smiles was be_<^nnning to work on the 
acrid austerity of the Roundhead soldiers. " The King-," 
says Clarendon, "enjoyed himself at Hampton Court mucli 
more to his content than of late ; the respects of the chief 
officers of the army seeming much greater than they had 
been. Cromwell himself came oftener, and had long con- 
ferences with him ; talked with more openness than he had 
done, and appeared more cheerful." It is interesting to 
think of Charles I. and his arch-enemy Cromwell pacing 
the galleries, cloisters and gardens of the Palace, in close 
converse together, discussing the affairs of the kingdom, 
which had been so lately torn asunder by their dis- 
sensions. Charles had also the sagacity to try and win 
over Cromwell's wife, who was presented to him by his 
own desire, Ashburnham taking her by the hand and 
leading her up to Charles, who received her very graciously, 
and afterwards entertained her, with the wives of I re ton 
and Whalley, at dinner.^ 

The exact nature of the negotiations that were all this 
time in progress between Charles and Cromwell have not 
been positively ascertained. Some have maintained that 
Cromwell was sincerely and disinterestedly endeavouring to 
compose the quarrel between the King and the Parliament ; 
while others have gone so far as to declare that Cromwell 
was prepared, if it should suit his personal aims to betray the 
popular cause, to undertake the restoration of the monarch 
to all his former prerogatives, on condition of receiving for 
liimself the Earldom of Essex and a pension of ^10,000 a 
year. 

However this may be, it is certain that the question of 
an accommodation between Charles and the army was 
much discussed between them, and that the terms which 

* Herbert's Memoirs, p. 49, &c. 



1647] CroinwelVs Conferences with Charles I. 137 

the officers were ready to offer him were much more 
favourable than those of the ParHament. Had he but 
clearly understood his real position and frankly accepted 
their overtures, and could he only have brought himself 
to treat them with the same candour with which, it seems, 
they were dealing with him, there is no reason to suppose 
that an agreement might not have been come to, which 
would have led to his being once more firmly esta- 
blished on his throne, though of course with a much 
diminished prerogative. 

But while Charles was negotiating with Cromwell, he 
was, at the same time, dallying with the rival propositions 
of the Parliament, vainly imagining that by intrigue and 
kingcraft he could succeed in playing off one party against 
the other, and act as arbiter between both, to his own 
advantage. It would be beyond the scope of our narrative 
to detail the many ins and outs of the negotiations — the 
nineteen propositions of the army, the counter propo- 
sitions of the Parliament, the King's answers;^ and the 
suggestions, alterations, and modifications ^ that transformed 
the posture of affairs from day to day. 

■ Suffice it to say that the rough, straightforward Round- 
head soldiers found out at last that Charles was utterly un- 
trustworthy, and that while he was affecting to agree with 
them, he was in truth playing a double, if not a treble 
game — intriguing with the Scottish Commissioners for a 
concerted invasion of England by a numerous army in the 
spring, as well as bargaining with the Parliament. Accord- 
ingly they gave up in disgust all idea of an arrangement 
with him, and gradually ceased to come any longer to 
Hampton Court. 

^ For his answer to the Parliament, ' Ashburnham's Narrative, vol. ii., 

Sept. 9th, see Parliamentary History^ p. 98. 
vol. iii., p. 'JiZ. 



138 Ilisfoy of Hampton Court Palace. [1647 

Tlicy were probably led to take this course not a little 
also by the murmurs that were beginning to be heard 
against them in the army, especially among the new sect 
of Levellers, for their conciliatory dispositions towards " the 
man of sin, Charles Stuart," and their unholy bargaining 
with the children of Satan. An impeachment was even 
threatened against Cromwell. 

Nevertheless, an appearance of friendly feeling towards 
the King was still kept up by the heads of the army for 
some time after they had resolved to have no more to do 
with him. For this they have been accused, and perhaps 
not unjustly, of duplicity ; but as Ireton himself said, " He 
gave us words, and we paid him in his own coin, when 
we found he had no real intention to the people's good, 
but to prevail by our factions, to regain by art what he 
had lost by fight." ^ With him, in fact, there was always 
some mental reservation that nullified the force of any 
compact which contained concessions to those, who, in his 
eyes, were nothing else but rebels in arms against their 
anointed sovereign. As Carlyle forcibly expresses it : 
" The unhappy Charles, in those final Hampton Court ne- 
gotiations, shows himself as a man fatally incapable of 
being dealt with — a man who, once for all, could not and 
would not 1 nid erst and ; whose thought did not in any 
measure represent to him the real fact of the matter ; nay, 
worse, whose ivord did not at all represent his thought, 
r^orsaken, then, of all but the name of kingship, he still, 
finding himself treated with outward respect as a king, 
fancied that he might play off party against party, and 
smuggle himself into his old power of deceiving both." 

The cast of his mind, in fact, as well as his methods, 
was distinctly feminine rather than manly, and it was a 

* Disraeli's Charles /., vol. ii., p. 497. Memoirs of Colonel Hutchinson, 
P- 305- 



1647] An impending Crisis, 139 

sort of character excessively obnoxious and irritating to 
the sturdy, robust, Roundhead soldiers. 

Meanwhile Charles continued the same mode of life at 
Hampton Court as heretofore, playing tennis, riding or 
walking in the park, keeping up a voluminous correspondence 
with his wife in France, and giving audiences to visitors. 
Nevertheless, he seems to have begun, about this time, to 
have a presentiment that a crisis was impending in his affairs ; 
and to his friends who came to him he bade a tender farewell, 
as though he were parting with them for a long time, if not 
for ever. 

In the memoirs of Lady Fanshawe, wife of one of his 
most devoted adherents, there is a very touching account of 
her last interview with King Charles at this Palace. 

" During the King's stay at Hampton Court," writes she, 
" my husband was with him, to whom he was pleased to 
talk much of his concerns. I went three times to pay 
my duty to him, both as I was the daughter of his 
servant and wife of his servant.^ The last time I ever 
saw him, when I took my leave, I could not refrain weep- 
ing; when he had saluted me, I prayed God to preserve 
his Majesty with long life and happy years, he stroked 
me on the cheek, and said, * Child, if God pleaseth, it shall 
be so ; but both you and I must submit to God's will, and 
you know in what hands I am ; ' then turning to your father, 
he said, ' Be sure, Dick, to tell my son all that I have said, 
and deliver those letters to my wife ; pray God bless her ! I 
hope I shall do well ; ' and taking him in his arms, said, 
* Thou hast ever been an honest man, and I hope God will 
bless thee and make thee a happy servant to my son. 



1 >) 2 



^ She was the eldest daughter of Sir at one time the King's Secretary at 

John Harrison, of Balls, who had most War. 

warmly espoused the royal cause. Her * Lady Fanshawe's Memoirs^ p. 66. 
husband, Sir Richard Fanshawe, was 



140 History of Ilainptoii Co2irt Palace. [1647 

The tone of Charles's conversations with Sir Richard 
and Lady I'^anshawe seems to indicate that he was be- 
L^inninjj^, as we have said, to have forebodings concerning the 
future, and, as no progress was made in the negotiations to- 
wards an accommodation with his enemies, he could not 
but grow uneasy as to his position. Nor could he be indiffe- 
rent to the ominous rumours current, which were frequently 
carried to him, that he was in danger of assassination while 
he remained at Hampton Court, nor to the strong hints, 
amounting to warnings, which he received on several sides, 
that it would be wise for him to secure his own safety by 
jlight. 

He had, however, given his word to his custodian, Colonel 
W'halley, that he would not make any attempt to escape 
without giving him notice and formally withdrawing his 
promise. 

Accordingly Charles felt bound in honour before taking 
any step in the matter, to notify to the colonel that he wished 
to be held discharged from his pledge. This he did, through 
Ashburnham, who sought an interview withWhalley, and told 
him that the Kinof would no longer consider himself bound 
to his engagement. Whalley asked him the reason, to which 
Ashburnham replied, " the multiplicity of the Scots about 
the Court was such, and the agitators in the army so violently 
set against the King, as (for ought I knew) either party 
might as well take him from Hampton Court." ^ 

This was immediately reported by Whalley at the head- 
quarters of the army ; and as a result, Ashburnham,^ who, 
it may be observed, had used very similar language to 
Cromwell, was next day dismissed from his post of attendant 
about the person of the King, and forbidden the precincts of 
the Palace, while the guards about his Majesty were doubled. 

' Wliallej'^s Nixn-ativc to tJic Speaker. 
• Ashburnham's Narrative, vol. ii., p. 100. 



1647] Growing Uneasiness at Hampton Court. 141 

Nevertheless, no new restraints were put upon Charles's 
liberty, and his children were still allowed to visit him as 
before, as will appear from the following letter — one of the 
last that Charles wrote from Hampton Court — to his daughter 
Elizabeth ^ : — 

Hampton Court, Oct. 27th, 1647. 
Dear Daughter, 

This is to assure you that it is not through forgetfulness or 
any want of kindness, that I have not, all this time, sent for you, 
but for such reasons as is fitter for you to imagine (which you may 
easily do) than me to write ; but now I hope to see you, upon 
PViday or Saturday next, as your brother James can more particu- 
larly tell you ; to whom referring you, 

I rest, 

Your loving father, 

Charles R. 

The visit of the Princess Elizabeth accordingly took place 
at the end of the week, and she was lodged in a chamber near 
the King's, opening on to the Long Gallery. 

Here were stationed two sentinels, who, according to the 
Princess, made such a noise at night, that she could not sleep, 
so that Charles, perhaps with the hope that they might be 
removed, complained to Whalley about it. The Colonel, 
however, assured him that if the soldiers made any noise it 
was contrary to his express desire and command, and that 
he would " double his commands upon them, and give them 
as strict a charge as he could, not to disturb her Highness." 
This he did. Notwithstanding, a second complaint was 
made, when Whalley told the King that stricter commands 
he could not give, and that the soldiers assured him they 
came so gently through the gallery and made so little noise 
that they conceived it impossible for the Princess to hear 
them. However, " if his Majesty would be pleased to 

^ Ellis, Original Letters, 2nd series, vol. iii., p. 328. 



History of Ilavipton Court Palace. 



[1647 



142 

renew his cnq-agcmcnt," he said, " he would place the senti- 
nels at a more remote distance." This, however, Charles 
refused to do. " To renew my engagements were a point 
of honour. You had my engagement ; I will not renew it ; 
keep your guards." 




I 



^. 



m 



> u 






d r.. 




¥j.'-o 



-^ w 



, - .^ft'^ 










The Old Pond Garden. 



CHAPTER XII. 



CHARLES I. S ESCAPE FROM HAMPTON COURT. 



Charles Intrigues to Escape — Further Rumours of Designs against his Life — • 
Ashburnham and Berkeley privately admitted to the Palace — The Plan of 
Escape settled with Charles — Ominous Letter from Cromwell — The King retires 
to his Private Chamber — His Flight from the Palace — Drops a Rare Tract— 
Thomason's Marvellous Bibliographic Collection — Anxiety of Colonel Whalley^ 
Why is the King so long coming out ? — The Door of King Charles's Room 
broken open — The King gone ! — Documents found in his Room — Letter to 
Colonel Whalley — His Solicitude for his Works of Art — His Incapacity for 
appreciating his Real Position — Consternation in the Palace — Excitement in the 
Army — Cromwell rides over to Hampton Court — Writes to the Speaker of the 
House of Commons — Charles's Letters to the Parliamentary Commissioners, 
and to the Parliament — The Detention of the King ordered — Colonel Whalley's 
Account of the King's Flight — The King arrested in the Isle of Wight — Royalist 
Rising near Hampton Court — Strange Discovery of Skeletons in the Palace. 

IFTER the events narrated in our last chapter, 
things went on at Hampton Court much as 
before, except that Charles, having now relieved 
himself from the obligation of his pledged 
word, immediately set about scheming how he 
should effect his escape. He sent Mr. Legge, who was 
now the only one of his old attendants still permitted to 
remain with him, to see and confer with Ashburnham, who 
lingered in the neighbourhood, and who himself afterwards 
entered into communications with Sir John Berkeley on the 




144 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1647 

subject. The result of their discussions was that a meeting 
between them and the King was arranged to take place one 
evening'- in the Lone: Gallery, to which Ashburnham and 
Berkeley were to gain access secretly. 

In the meanwhile the rumours as to the peril he incurred 
in remaining at Hampton Court ^ grew so persistent that all 
hesitation in Charles's mind as to the wisdom of the step he 
was about to take was dissipated ere the time for adopting a 
final resolution arrived. Indeed, on the morning of the very 
day when the meeting was to take place, he received an 
anonymous letter signed only with the initials E. R., warn- 
ing him against a design formed by the agitators to take 
away his life. 

This was on the loth of November,'^ on the afternoon of 
which day Berkeley and Ashburnham were let in through 
the back way by Colonel Legge, and ushered into the King's 
presence. 

Ashburnham, who was the chief spirit In the enterprise, 
began by assuring his Majesty that he was ready to obey 
him In everything, but still he " did most humbly beg of 
him that he would be pleased to say whether really and in 
very deed he was afraid of his life in that place, for his going 
from thence seemed to them an occasion of a very great 
change in his affairs." His Majesty "protested to God, 
that he had great cause to apprehend some attempt upon his 
person, and did expect every hour when it should bee." ^ 

Ashburnham replied that " It did not then become them 
to make any further inquiry, but to apply themselves to the 
discharge of their duties, and therefore if his Majesty would 
be pleased to say whither he would go, they would carry 
him thither, or lose themselves In the endeavour of it." The 

' Ashburnham's Narrairoc, vol. ii., p. III. 

- Berkeley's Memoirs, vol. ii., p. clxiv. 

' Ashburnham's Narrative, vol. ii., p. r 1 1. 



1647] Rumoured Designs against the Kings Life. 145 

King then told them that " he had some thoughts of going 
out of the kingdom, but for the shortness of the time to pre- 
pare a vessel to transport him, and for the other reasons 
Ashburnham had sent him by Major Legge, he was resolved 
to go to the Isle of Wight." 

The details of the plan were then settled, and Ashburn- 
ham and Berkeley withdrew to prepare for their execution 
on the following day. 

Next morning being a Thursday, which was one of the 
days on which Charles wrote his letters abroad, he remained 
most of the day occupied in his own room. He granted an 
audience, however, to Colonel Whalley, who asked to see him 
in order to show him the following remarkable letter from 
Oliver Cromwell ^ : — 

For my beloved cousin Colonel Whalley, at Hampton Court, 
These. 

Putney, November, 1647. 
Dear Cos. Whalley, 

There are rumours abroad of some intended attempt on his 
Majesty's person. Therefore I pray have a care of your guards. 
If any such thing should be done, it would be accounted a most 
horrid act. ... 

Yours, 

Oliver Cromwell. 

This letter is especially Interesting as lending some 
colour to the accusations brought agrainst Cromwell, that 
not only was he aware that the King was meditating an 
escape and took no steps to prevent it, but that he was even 
fostering it by retailing the alarming rumours current — • 
if indeed he had not himself set them afloat for that very 
purpose, and was, in effect, treacherously working for this 
end in order to entrap and ruin him. 

^ Carlyle's Cromwell; Rushworth's Historical Collections, vol. vii., p. 871. 



146 History of ILxniploii Court Palace. [1647 

After slu)\\in>'- Cromwell's letter to Charles, Colonel 
Whalley withdrew, and the King was left alone and undis- 
turbed to write his letters, it being a mail day, until five or 
six o'clock. About that hour it was his custom to come out 
from his bed-chamber to go to evening prayers ; and half an 
hour after that to go to supper, when Colonel Whalley set 
guards about his bed-chamber, as his Majesty usually retired 
carlv. 

On the day in question, accordingly, Colonel Whalley 
came as usual at about five o'clock into the anteroom next 
to the King's bed-chamber, where he found the Parlia- 
mentary Commissioners and bed-chambermen assembled, 
waiting for his Majesty. What then ensued had best be 
told in Colonel Whalley's own words, extracted from his 
report to the House of Commons : " I asked them," he 
said, " for the King; they told me he was writing letters in 
his bed-chamber. I waited there without mistrust till six of 
the clock ; I then began to doubt, and told the bed-chamber- 
men, Mr. Maule and Mr. Murray, I w^ondered the King was 
so long a-writing ; they told me he had (they thought) some 
extraordinary occasion. Within half an hour after I went 
into the next room to Mr. Oudart, and told him I marvelled 
the King was so long a-writing. He answered, he wondered 
too, but withal said, the King told him he was to write 
letters both to the Oueen and Princess of Oran<Te, which 
gave me some satisfaction fi^r the present. But niy fears 
with the time increased, so that when it was seven of the 
clock, I again told Mr. Maule I exceedingly wondered the 
KintT was so lone;- before he came out. He told me he w^as 
writing, and I replied, possibly he might be ill, therefore I 
thought he should do well to see, and to satisfy both myself 
and the House, that were in fear of him. He replied, the 
King had given him strict commands not to molest him, 
therefore durst not, besides he had bolted the door to him. 



1647] Escape of King Charles from the Palace. 147 

I was then extreme restless in my thoughts, lookt oft in at the 
key-hole to see whether I could perceive his Majesty, but 
could not; prest Mr. Maule to knock very oft, that I might 
know whether his Majesty were there or not, but all to no 
purpose. He still plainly told me he durst not disobey his 
Majesty's commands." 

While these discussions were going on outside the King's 
room, the decisive step had already been taken some time ; 
for as soon as the shades of the dark November evening 
had fallen, King Charles left his chamber accompanied only 
by Colonel Legge, and passing through the room called 
" Paradise," went by the private passage to the river-side.^ 

Here he was met by Berkeley and Ashburnham, and in 
their company probably crossed the river in a boat to the 
Surrey side, where they all took horse, and proceeded in 
the direction of Oatlands, and thence towards Southampton. 

The evening was dark and stormy ; and as Charles was 
going away, he dropped on the road, in the dirt, a book, 
which he happened to have with him, and to which the 
following curious history attaches. While Charles was 
negotiating at this Palace with the officers of the army, 
he wanted to refer to a certain rare tract which had been 
published at an early period in the contest between the 
King and Parliament. He accordingly requested his faith- 
ful attendants Colonel Legge and Mr. Arthur Trevor to 
try and see if they could not procure it for him. After 
applying at all the ordinary shops and booths where such 
things were sold, they had recourse to a certain bookseller 
named George Thomason, who as early as the year 1640 
had conceived the idea of preserving every tract published 
by either side, and who was at this time collecting them and 
continued to do so until the year 1660, with the most extra- 
ordinary care and perseverance. He was obliged to work 

' Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 92. See also fost, p. 157. 



148 History of I lampion Court Palace. [1647 

out his design in secret, with the assistance of confidential 
servants, as he was known, or suspected to be a Royahst, 
and it was therefore dangerous for him to be housing- 
treasonable htcrature against the Roundheads. At first 
they buried tlic volumes as they collected them, but the 
tracts and pamphlets issued during that stirring time 
amounted to at least thirty thousand pieces, and forming, as 
they now stand in the British Museum, no less than two 
thousand volumes, they soon became too numerous to be 
concealed in this way. " The owner, dreading that the 
ruling government would seize on the collection, watched 
the movements of the army of the Commonwealth, and 
carried this itinerant library in every opposite direction. 
Many were its removals northward or westward, but the 
danger became so great, and the collection so bulky, that 
he had at one time an intention to pass them over into 
Holland, but feared to trust his treasures to the waves. 
He at length determined to place them in his warehouses 
in the form of tables round the room, covered with canvas. 
It is evident that the loyalty of the man had rendered him 
a suspected person, for he was once dragged from his bed 
and imprisoned for seven w^eeks, during which time, how- 
ever, the collection suffered no interruption, nor was the 
secret betrayed." ^ 

To this man it was that the King's attendants, who 
secretly heard of his wonderful bibliographical enterprise, 
had recourse. In a memorandum that Thomason after- 
wards wrote in the very volume which he lent to the King, 
he tells us that he assured them that whatever the Kinsf 
wanted was at his Majesty's disposal, but that he was very 
loth to part with "a limb of his collection," as it were, 
which if it were lost it would be impossible to replace. This 
answer they took back to the King at Hampton Court, 

^ Disraeli's Amenilics of Literature , vol. iii., p. 305. 



1647] A precious little Tract. 149 

whereupon they were ordered to go to him again, and tell 
him iLpon the word of a King (to use the King's own 
expression) that they would safely return it," whereupon he 
immediately sent it to his Majesty. Perhaps it was on 
account of his kingly pledge that Charles carried it with 
him in his own hand when escaping from Hampton Court ; 
at any rate, when he dropped it in the mud, he gave it in 
charge to two of his attendants, with the most solemn 
command, as they would answer for it another day, 
speedily and safely to restore it to the owner, and at the 
same time, in his name, to desire Thomason to go on with 
the collection he had begun. 

This injunction they scrupulously obeyed, and the precious 
little quarto, thus sanctified in the eyes of all true Cava- 
liers, and still bearing " the honours of its mischance," 
in the deep stains of mud upon its leaves, is now safely 
lodged, after many vicissitudes, with the rest of Thomason's 
extraordinary and very valuable collection, on the shelves 
of the British Museum. The volume in question is num- 
bered 100. It contains several tracts bound together, one 
of which bears the significant title, "The Broken Heart," 
written by Shawe, a Puritan divine. The collection having 
belonged to George HI., is usually known by the name of 
the " King's Tracts." 

To resume our narrative. In the meanwhile Colonel 
Whalley's anxiety as to the King increasing, he went at about 
eight o'clock to Mr. Smithsby, Keeper of the Privy Lodg- 
ings, desiring him to go along with him the back way, through 
the Privy Garden, to the Privy Stairs, where he had sentinels 
stationed. To resume Whalley's narrative : " We went up 
the stairs, and from chamber to chamber, till we came to the 
next chamber to his Majesty's bed-chamber, where we saw 
his Majesty's cloak lying on the midst of the floor, which 
much amazed me. I went presently back to the Com- 



150 Jl'istory of IIa))2pioji Court Palace. [1647 

missloners and bcd-cliambcrmcn, acquainting- them with it, 
and therefore desired Mr, Maule again to see whether 
liis Majesty was in liis bed-chamber or not ; he again 
told me he durst not. I rephed, that I would then com- 
mand him, and that in the name of the Parliament, and 
therefore desired him to go along with me. He desired I 
would speak to the Commissioners to go along with us. 
I did. \\"e all went. When we came into the room next 
the King's bed-chamber, I moved Mr. Maule to go in. 
He said he would not, except I would stand at the door. 
I promised I would, and did. Mr. Maule immediately 
came out, and said, the King was gone. We all then went 
in, and one of the Commissioners said, ' It may be the 
King is in his closet.' Mr. Maule presently replied and 
said he was gone. I then, being in a passion, told Mr. 
Maule, I thought he was accessory to his going; for that 
afternoon he was come from London, it beinof a rare thinrr 
for hini to be from Court. I know not that he hath been 
two nights away since I came to wait upon his Majesty." 

When there was no longer any doubt that the King 
had lied, the greatest excitement prevailed throughout 
the Palace, and Whalley at once sent parties of horse and 
foot to search the lodge in the park and Ashburnham's 
house at Uitton, while he forwarded despatches to Fairfax 
and Cromwell at the headquarters at Putney, to apprise 
them of what had happened. 

On the King's table he found three letters — one ad- 
dressed to the Parliamentary Commissioners, one to be 
communicated to both Houses of Parliament, and another 
to himself, wliich was as follows : — 

Hampton Court, 11 November, 1647. 

Colonel Whaley, 

I have been so civilly used by you and Major Huntingdon, 
that I cannot but by this parting farewell acknowledge it under 



1647] , The King's Escape becomes known. 1 5 1 

my hand ; as also to desire the continuance of your courtesie, by 
your protecting of my household stuffe and moveables of all 
sorts, which I leave behind me in this house, that they be neither 
spoiled or embesled : only there are three pictures here which 
are not mine, that I desire you to restore ; to wit, my wives 
picture in blew, sitting in a chaire, you must send to Mistris 
Kirke [one of the Queen's dressers] ; my eldest daughter's picture, 
copied by Belcam, to the Countess of Anglesey, and my Lady 
Stannop's picture to Gary Rawley [Carew Raleigh — Sir Walter's 
son]. There is a fourth which I had almost forgot, it is the 
original of my eldest daughter (it hangs in this Chamber over the 
board next to the chimney), which you must send to Lady Au- 
bigny. So, being confident that you wish my preservation and 
restitution, I rest, 

Your friend, 

Charles R. 

P.S. — I assure you It was not the letter you shewed me to-day, 
that made me take this resolution, nor any advertisement of that 
kinde. But I confess that I am loath to be made a close prisoner, 
under pretence of securing my life. I had almost forgot to desire 
you to send the black grew bitch to the Duke of Richmond. 

This letter, while showing how ready Charles was to 
acknowledge any little attention or kindness, betrays at 
the same time how constitutionally impossible it was for 
him to understand facts, and to appreciate his real po- 
sition. It is almost pathetic to note the way in which he 
writes of his much cherished works of art and aiHicles de vertic 
(under the designation " household stuffe and moveables "), 
as if they were in truth still his, and as if he would shortly 
re-enter into possession of them all again. 

Everyone else, of course, appreciated the deep signi- 
ficance of the step Charles had chosen to take ; and the 
excitement both in London and at the headquarters of 
the army at Putney, when the news became known, was 
very great. Among the chief officers of the army the 



152 History of Hiwiptoji Court Palace. [1647 

feclincr ^v^s not unniini'iccl with one of c:ratIficatIon that 
things had at last been brought to a crisis. Cromwell, 
immediately on receiving the intelligence, rode over post- 
liaste to Hampton Court to learn the particulars for him- 
self; and, as soon as he had conferred with Whalley, sat 
down and indited the following letter to the Speaker of the 
House of Commons : — ■ 

Sir, 

.... Majesty .... withdrawn himself at nine o'clock. 

The manner is variously reported ; and I will say of it at 
present but that his Majesty was expected to supper, when the 
Commissioners and Colonel Whalley missed him; upon which 
they entered the room. They found his Majesty had left his cloak 
behind him in the gallery in the private way. He passed, by the 
backstairs and vault, towards the waterside. 

He left some letters upon the table, in his withdrawing room, of 
his own handwriting ; whereof one was to the Commissioners of 
Pari, attending him, to be communicated to both houses, and is 
here enclosed. 

Oliver Cromwell.^ 

For the Honourable William Lenthall, Speaker of the 

House of Commons, these. 
Hampton Court, Twelve at Night, 
nth Nov. 1647. 

'1 he tone in which Cromwell speaks of Charles's escape, 
taken with the sending of the warning letter to Whalley, 
confirms the suspicion that he was not unprepared for what 
occurred, if, indeed, he had not connived at it and tried to 
bring it about. Certain it is that the continued residence 
of the King at Hampton Court had begun to grow very 
embarrassing to him, and Marvell the poet, his friend and 
panegyrist, actually commends him for his cleverness in 
entrapping Charles into this injudicious act — 

* Rushworth, vol. vii., p. 871. See also Commons Journals^ vol. v., p. 356. 



i547] Letters to the Parliament . 153 

And Hampton shows what part 
He had of wiser art, 
When, twining subtle fears with hope, 
He wove a net of such a scope, 
That Charles himself might chase 
To Carisbrook 's narrow case. 

Charles's letter to the Parliamentary Commissioners was 
addressed : 

To THE Lord Mountague of Boughton. 

MOUNTAGUE, 

First, I do hereby give you and the rest of your fellows 
thanks, for the civilities and good conversations that I have had 
from you. 

Next, I command you to send this my message, which you will 
find on the table, to the two Houses of Parliament ; and likewise to 
give a copy of it to Colonel Whalley, to be sent to the General. 
Likewise I desire you to send all my saddle horses to the Duke of 
York. 

For what concerns the resolution that I have taken, my Declara- 
tory Message says so much, that I refer you to it ; and so I rest 

Your assured friend, 

C. R.' 

His Letter or Declaration to the Parliament, which 
Cromwell enclosed to the Speaker, was a somewhat lengthy 
and elaborate document, vindicating the step he was taking, 
and expatiating on the position of affairs. As it has often 
been printed in full, we now give but a few extracts here. 
It beofan thus : — 



'<=>" 



Liberty being that which in all time hath been, but especially 
now is the common Theame and Desire of all men ; common 
Reason shewes that Kings, lesse then any, should endure Cap- 
tivity; and yet call God and the World to Witnesse, with what 

' Heath's Chronicle, p. 148 ; and Parliamentary History, vol. iii., p. 786. 



154 History of Hampton Co2irt Palace. [1647 

Patience I ha\'e endured a tedious Restraint : \vliich, so long as I 
liad any hopes, that tlus sort of my sulTerins^, might conduce to the 
peace of my kingdomes, or the hindering of more effusion of blood, 
I did willingly undergoe : but now finding by too certain proofes, 
that this my continued Patience, would not only turne to my 
Personall Ruine, but likewise bee of much more prejudice, then 
furtherance, to the Publike good ; I thought I was bound, as well 
by Naturall as Political! Obligations to seek my safety, by retiring 
my selfe, for some time, from the public view both of my Friends 
and Enemies : And I appeale to all indifferent Men, to judge, if I 
have not just cause, to free myselfc from the hands of those, who 
change their Principles with their Condition, and who are not 
ashamed oj)enly to intend the Destruction of the Nobility, by 
taking away their Negative voice ; and with whom the Levellers' 
Doctrine, is rather countenanced then punished ; and as for their 
intentions to my Person ; their changing, and putting more strict 
Guards upon Me, with the discharging most of all those Servants 
of mine, who formerly they willingly admitted to wait upon miC, 
does sufficiently declare : Nor would I have this my retirement 
mis-interpreted ; for I shall earnestly and uncessantly endeavour 
the settling of a safe and well-grounded Peace, wherever I am, or 
shall be. 

IMuch more followed in the same strain, and it ended 
thus : — 

To conclude let Mee be heard with freedom, honour, and safelie ; 
and I shall instantly breake through this Cloud of Retirement, and 
show My Selfe Really to be Pater Patricv. 

Hampton Court, 11 Novemb. 1647. 

The letter was endorsed — 

For the Speaker of the Lords pro tempore, to be communicated 
unto the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England at 
Westminster, and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland, 
and to all my other subjects of what degree, condition, or caUing 
whatsoever. 



1647] Charles and the House of Commons. 155 

The whole document was in truth an appeal to public 
opinion against the usage to which he had been subjected by 
the Parliament and the army, and it shows how confident 
Charles seems to have been that he would be able to retreat 
to some place of secrecy, whence he might begin, in safety, 
once more bargaining with, and at the same time intriguing 
against, his enemies.^ 

These documents, together with Cromwell's own letter to 
the Speaker, were read when the two Houses met next day 
— Friday, November 12th — and measures were at once 
taken to prevent the King's flight to foreign parts by order- 
ing all the ports to be closed and embargo to be laid upon all 
ships ; while it was declared to be an offence punishable 
with loss of estate and life, for anyone to detain the King's 
person, and not to reveal the fact to both Houses of Parlia- 
ment.^ 

The House of Commons met again on Saturday the 13th, 
when " Colonel Whalley was called in and gave a particular 
relation of all the circumstances of the King's going away 
from Hampton Court." He also handed in the warning 
letter from Cromwell, which he had shown to Charles. The 
House then ordered "that Colonel Whalley do put in writ- 
ing the said relation, and set his hand to it ; and that he do 
leave a copy of the said letter from Lieutenant-General 
Cromwell." 

Whalley accordingly drew up and presented to the House 
"A More Full Relation of the manner and circumstances of 
His Majesties departure from Hampton Court," the docu- 
ment from which we have largely quoted above.^ In it 
he vindicates himself against any blame for the King's 
going away (" for I cannot term it an escape," he says, " be- 

^ Parliamentary History of Eng- ' It is reprinted in full in Peck's 

land,\o\. xvi., p. 324. Desiderata Curiosa^ lib. ix., p. 374. 

^ Common^ Journals, vol. v., p. 358. 



156 Histo'y of Ha})ipton Court Palace. [1647 

cause he never was in custody as a prisoner"), by laying 
stress on the fact that tlie most eminent officers in the army 
all ag^reed that he " could no more keep the King if he had 
a mind to go than a bird in a pound. I was not to restrain 
him from his liberty of walking, so that he might have gone 
whither he had pleased ; neither was I to hinder him from 
his privacy in his chamber, or any other part of the House, 
which give him an absolute freedom to go away at pleasure. 
The House is vast, hath 1,500 rooms, as I am informed, in 
it, and would require a troop of Horse upon perpetual 
duty to guard all the outgoings. So that all that could be 
expected from me, was to be as vigilant over the King as I 
could in the daytime ; and when after Supper he was retired 
into his Bed-chamber, to set sentinels about him, which I 
constantly performed, as is well known to the Commissioners 
and others." 

Whalley's account of what occurred is undoubtedly the 
most authentic we have ; but it is curious to note that the 
facts are given somewhat diversely by the various other 
authorities. Even Cromwell's letter to the Parliament, 
written on the spot a few hours after the escape and after 
conferring with Whalley, differs, at any rate in some details, 
from the information furnished by Whalley himself to the 
Parliament — notably in saying that his Majesty had " with- 
drawn himself at nine o'clock," when it is perfectly clear that 
he must have left the Palace some hours before that. Then 
we find that the Speaker is reported to have told the House 
of Commons the morning after he received Cromwell's letter, 
that the letter gave information " that the King went last 
night, with nine horses, over Kingston Bridge."^ While 
Clarendon, in his " History of the Rebellion," declares that 
Charles's escape was not discovered till the following morn- 
ing, an error so palpable and gross that it is impossible to 

' Parliamentary History^ vol. iii., p. 788. 



1647] 



Various Versions of Charles Escape. 



157 



conceive how, with the very smallest care, he could have 
fallen into it. When we add that in the original manuscript 
he had positively written that the escape took place " about 
the beginning of September," we may judge what reliance 
is to be placed on his ungenerous strictures upon Ashburn- 
ham's conduct and his unjustifiable insinuations against his 
loyalty. 

Clarendon may have had more warrant, however, for say- 
ing that "they discovered the treading of horses at a back 
door of the garden, into which his Majesty had a passage 
out of his chamber, and it is true that way he went, having 
appointed his horse to be there ready at an hour." For 
though the simplest and safest way for the fugitives to 
make good their escape, would seem to have been at once 
to put the river between them and their possible pursuers, 
by crossing in a boat to the Surrey side of the Thames,^ 
where they could have mounted their horses and made their 
way through West Molesey to Oatlands, it is not certain 
that they may have taken horse on the Middlesex side and 
ridden along the towing-path to Hampton, and thence to 
Oatlands over Walton bridge. This supposition derives 
some colour from a paragraph in a newspaper published a 
week after the event, which we subjoin as a specimen of 
the journalism of the day. 



^ Kennett, in his History of Eng- 
land, vol. iii., p. 155, explicitly says 
that " the King in disguise went from 
his lodging, through a door into the 
Park, and taking a boat there laid for 
him, he crossed over to Thames Ditton, 
where Sir John Berkeley, Mr. Ash- 
burnham, and Mr. Legge were placed 
with horses ready to escape ;" but he 
gives no authority. Heath in his 
Chronicle of the Civil Wars, p. 148, 
says : " Horses being therefore laid 
ready on the other side of the water, 



the King leaves his chamber, Novem- 
ber 1 1 (in a very dark and tempestuous 
night) with his cloak spread on the 
floor thereof, and by the backstayrs 
descends to the vault, and so over the 
Thames to his company." While Sir 
Thomas Herbert (p. 53), his groom of 
the bed-chamber, who was in constant 
attendance on iiim during the last two 
years of his life, says they " passed 
through a private door into the Park, 
where no Centinel was, and at Thames 
Ditton crossed the River." 



158 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1647 

Mercurius Anti-Pragmaticus. 
From Tliiirsday, Nov. iith, to Thursday, Nov. iSth, 1647. 

An exact and perfect relation of his Majesties private 
departure from hampton court, the eleventh of 
November at five of the clock in the afternoone, 

RECEIVED from THE MOUTH OF SiR JOIIN CoOKE. 

His Majesty, the day before his departure, was noted not to look 
with so checrfull a countenance as he was wont ; to be somewhat 
heavie and pensive, and on the day he departed, about two of the 
clock in the afternoone, six men in different habits, leading in their 
hands six lusty horses, were ferried over from Ditton to Hampton 
Court, and were scene to take an liill neer adjacent to his Majesty. 

From Oatlands, as we have said, Charles and his com- 
panions made their way to the Isle of Wight, and at the very 
time that the Commons were hearing Whalley's narrative of 
his escape from the Palace, he had already surrendered him- 
self to Colonel Hammond, the Governor of the Island, and 
was lodged in Carisbrook Castle as a prisoner of State, 
though he was still treated with some deference and respect. 

While Charles was still confined at Carisbrook, there 
broke out the Second Civil War, a memorable episode of 
which was the Royalist rising, that took place at Kingston- 
on-Thames, under the Earl of Holland, at the beginning of 
the month of July, 1648. The mustering of their force of 
some six hundred horse, not a mile from Hampton Court, 
doubtless excited a deep interest in the Palace, which must 
have been intensified when Holland was gallantly joined in 
his rash enterprise by the young Duke of Buckingham and 
his brother. Lord Francis Yilliers, " a youth," as Clarendon 
tells us, " of rare beauty and comeliness of person," only 
eighteen years of age. After they had been in the town 
about two days, they all advanced towards Reigate, but 
were compelled to retreat thence upon Kingston again, 



1648] Death of Lo7'd Francis Villiers. 159 

where their last skirmish occurred in the lane between the 
town and Surbiton Common.' " Here," says Aubrey, " was 
slain the beautiful Francis Villiers, at an elm in the hedge 
of the east side of the lane, where his horse being killed 
under him, he turned his back to the elm, and fought most 
valiantly with half-a-dozen. The enemy, coming on the 
other side of the hedge, pushed off his helmet, and killed him, 
July 7th, 1648, about six or seven o'clock in the afternoon." 

With the fate of this gallant young Cavalier is con- 
nected a story about Hampton Court, which we ought 
perhaps to narrate here, though we cannot pretend to give it 
the same credence, or attach the same significance to it, as 
would the believers in supernatural occurrences and spiritual 
visitations. 

It seems that now some seventeen years ago, there dwelt 
in one of the suites of private apartments on the west side 
of the Fountain Court, a certain Lady — — , who had, for 
several years, assured her friends that she was frequently 
conscious of the presence in her rooms of two invisible 
beings ; and that she was greatly disturbed by the myste- 
rious sounds of rapping that emanated from them in various 
quarters of her apartments. So convinced, indeed, was 

Lady of the genuineness of her weird and unearthly 

visitants, that she addressed a formal complaint to the Lord 
Chamberlain on the subject. His lordship, however, 
answered, so the story goes, that " he must decline to move 
in the matter, as it was not one that fell within the purview 
of his department;" but he referred her ladyship to Her 
Majesty's Board of Works. To that august and omniscient 
body she accordingly had recourse ; but, in reply to her 
requisition, was informed, so it is said, that "the Board" 
declined to interfere in the matter, on the ground that "there 

^ Whitelocke's Memorials, 317, 318, Journal, 35 ; Aubrey's History of 
320 ; 'Lox^% Journals, 367 ; Commons' Surrey, vol. i., p. 46, 



i6o History of Hampton Court Palace. [1648 

were no funds at their disposal " for any such purpose, and 
that the jurisdiction of the First Commissioner did not 
extend to tlie Spirit World. 

There for a time the matter rested, the two departments 
still maintaininor their attitude of sceptical and masterly 

inactivity, and Lady still complaining that her rooms 

were haunted, and inveighing bitterly a^^ainst the incredulity 
and ajjathy of " that tiresome Board of Works." 

At last, however, a few years after, on the 2nd of November, 
1 87 1, some workmen, while excavating in the cloister of the 

Fountain Court, nearly opposite Lady 's door, for the 

purpose of carrying out the new system of drainage, came 
upon two perfect human skeletons, about two feet below 
the level of the pavement. They were the remains of two 
full-grown men, and from the position in which they were 
found, it was evident that they had been hastily buried, or 
rather, perhaps, thrust beneath the surface of the ground. 

No satisfactory explanation has ever yet been offered as to 
their history. It was suggested, at the time of their dis- 
covery, that they might be the remains of Lord Francis Vil- 
liers and some other cavalier,^ ignominiously interred here 
by the Roundheads after their deaths in the skirmish ; and 
this conjecture seemed to derive some probability from 
Mr. G. A. Sala having introduced into his historical novel, 
" Captain Dangerous," an episode of Lord Francis and a "Mr. 
Greenville" being taken prisoners at Kingston, instead of 
being slain there, and of their being then brought to 
Hampton Court, and shot in one of the court-yards of 
the Palace — an incident for which it was naturally assumed 
that Mr. Sala must have had good historic warrant. This, 
however, did not prove to be the case, for Mr, Sala wrote 
to the " Times " ^ to say that the whole scene was entirely 

' See The Times, Nov. 4th, ct seg., 1S71. Also Notes and Queries. 

■■' Nov., 1 87 1. 



1648] Strange Discovery of Skeletons. 16 1 

an imaginative one on his part. And when it was further 
pointed out that the evidence of history left no doubt that 
the two young Cavahers were really killed in the skirmish 
on the spot, and that the body of Lord Francis Villiers was 
buried, after the Restoration, in Westminster Abbey, where 
his tomb may still be seen, this theory fell completely to 
the ground. 

It is not likely, indeed, that history will ever now reveal 
the identity of these two skeletons ; but the condition in 
which they were found seemed to indicate that they had been 
interred some two hundred and fifty years, and they may, 
therefore, be assigned with some probability to the period 
of the Great Rebellion. 

To this, however, it has been objected that if they had 
occupied the same position when William III. built the 
Fountain Court, they could not fail to have been disturbed 
during the progress of the works. But this assumption 
was made by persons not familiar with the topographical 
history of the Palace. For Wren's building, at the point 
where the bones were found, is little more than a screen, 
extending only to the first floor, to mask the original Tudor 
frontage of this court, which still exists behind it. 

Consequently, it is not unlikely that the surface on which 
this side of the quadrangle was erected, was not disturbed 
to any depth, and that the pavement, under which the dis- 
covery was made, was laid down on the level ground of the 
old cloister, the bodies remaining untouched below.: 

If this be so, it is not impossible that they were the re- 
mains of two unfortunate victims of some Roundhead 
villainy, secretly and hurriedly interred beneath the west 
cloister of the old " Cloyster Greene Courte." (See Plan of 
the Palace, page i .) 

However this may be, the discovery quite set at rest in 
the mind of Lady all doubts as to the origin of the 

* M 



1 62 History of ITauipton Court Palace. ['^47 

mysterious beings, and tlie weird sounds that had haunted 
her apartments, and she triumphantly exclaimed: "Just 
like that stupid Board of Works ! Why, of course, those 
are the two wretched men, who have been worrying 
me all these years, and the Board never found it out I " 
Whether, on the bodies receiving Christian burial at Hamp- 
ton Church, the supernatural manifestations thereafter 
ceased, the story does not record. 

To return to Charles I. After his detention at Caris- 
brook Castle, he never set eyes on Hampton Court again ; 
but about a year after was moved from the Isle of Wight 
to London, soon to take his trial in Westminster Hall. 




CHAPTER XIII. 



THE COMMONWEALTH. HAMPTON COURT FOR SALE. 



"The late Charles Stuart's" Property to be Surveyed, Valued, and Sold— 
Trustees appointed for the Purpose — Inventory of Goods, Furniture, and Works 
of Art at Hampton Court — The Great Three Years' Sale — Appraisement of the 
Splendid Tapestries — Insignificant Prices for the great Pictures — The Furniture 
and Antiquities — Survey of the Manor of Hampton Court — Valuation of the 
Parks — All the King's Houses and Parks to be Sold — Hampton Court to be 
exempted from the Sale— Return of Cromwell to London — The Palace prepared 
for him and his Family — Hampton Court to be Sold — The Vote reversed : Not 
to be Sold — Reversed again : To be Sold — Reversed once more : Not to be 
Sold — Reversed yet again : To be Sold — Another Resolve : Hampton Court 
offered to Oliver Cromwell — He refuses it — The Manor and Parks sold — Bought 
back again for Cromwell — He takes Possession of the Palace. 

HARLES I.'s head had no sooner rolled on the 
scaffold at Whitehall, than the Parliament at once 
proceeded to deal with all the property of "the 
late Charles Stuart," directing inventories to be 
taken of all his goods and chattels, and surveys 
to be made of his lands, houses, and palaces.^ 

This was done with a view to their being forthwith turned 
into money ; and to effect this object in regard to the per- 
sonal property of the Royal Family, a bill was almost im- 




Walpole's Anecdotes of Painting. The order is dated March 23rd, 1649. 



164 History cf Htim/>f on Cour-i Piihce. [1649 

mediately introduced into Parliament setting forth that :^ 
•' Whereas the goods and personal estate heretofore belong- 
ine to the late Kino- Charles, and to his wife and eldest 
son, have been, and are justly forfeited by them, for their 
several delinquencies, die Commons of England assem- 
bled in Parliament, taking the premises into their serious 
consideration, have thought fit and resolved, that the 
said goods and personal estate, heretofore belonging to 
the persons above named, and to even,- and any of them, 
shall be inventoried and appraised, and shall also be sold, 
except such parcels thereof as shall be found necessary to 
be reser\'ed for the uses of State. Be it therefore enacted .... 
that John Humphreys. John B el cliamp," ike, shall be and are 
hereby constituted and appointed Trustees for the enquiring 
out, inventorying, appraizing. and securing of the said goods 
and personal estate, to repair to any and ever)- house, and 

to make perfect inventor)* And whereas divers of the 

said goods and premises are of such nature, as tliat though 
by reason of their rarity or antiquity, they may yield very 
great prices in foreign parts, where such things are much 
valued, yet for particular men's use in England they would 
be accounted little wortli. and so yield no considerable 
price, if they should be forthwithe sold here .... it is 
further enacted and provided, that for such particulars " the 
trustees mig^ht treat and aoree with foreign merchants and 
adventurers. 

It was further decreed that tlie proceeds of the sale should 
be devoted, in the first instance, to the payment of the King's 
and Queen's debts. 

The bill was passed on July 4th, 1649. and the valuers at 
once set themselves to work to prepare a most full and ample 

^ Scobell's Cclkciion of Acts and by Charles I., and his opinion would 
Crdi>ta«*vj. l649,vol. ii.,chap.xli..p.46. therefore have been useftil as to the 
* Belchamp was an artist emplo\-ed value of ie pictures. 



1649] Charles I^s Property to be Sold. 165 

inventory, taking account of all the furniture, pictures, tapestr}-, 
carpets, plate, jewels, utensils, and movables of all sorts to 
be found in each palace. A contemporary copy of the in- 
ventory, if it be not the original, is still presen,'ed among the 
Harleian manuscripts in the British Museum, making an 
enormous folio volume of some thousand pages, about 
seventy-six of which are filled with a list of " Goods Viewed 
and Appraised att Hampton Court, in the custody of \Vm. 
Smithsbie, Esq., Wardrobe Keeper, October 5th, 1649." ^ 
Attached to the entr)' of each lot is its estimated worth, and 
the price for which it was eventually sold, with the name of 
the purchaser. The sale, which began in the winter of 1649- 
50, was the most gigantic on record, and lasted on and off 
for nearly three years. It is interesting to observe, in noting 
the valuations set upon the various lots, how different was 
the relative estimate of such things in those days as com- 
pared with our own times. 

Prominent among the articles of value were the splendid 
tapestries, which had belonged toWolsey and Henry VHI., 
and which were appraised at a rate such as would be thought 
exorbitant even in our own day, when such extravagant 
prices are given for articles of this sort. Thus the famous 
" Ten pieces of Arras hangings of the Story of Abraham," 
which we described in our first volume,^ containing 826 yards, 
were valued at ;/" 10 a yard, that is, ;/"8,26o; " ten pieces of rich 
arras of Josuah, at ^3,399 ; nine pieces of Tobias, at;^3,409 ; 
nine pieces of rich arras of St. Paule, at .^3,065 ; and ten 
pieces of Julius Ca&sar, at ;^5.oi9 ; and many others on a 
similar scale. 

Whether they would have found bidders, however, at 
these prices, we cannot say, for the tapestries just men- 
tioned were never offered for sale ; and, instead of the names 

» HarUian MSS., No. 4898, folio 238. ' Page 239. 



1 66 History of I lavipton Court Palace. [1649 

of purchasers, ^vc find sucli notes sul)joincd to the entries as 
•' Now in the use of the Lord Protector;" " In his Hit,di- 
ness Service att Ham[)ton Court;" "In his Highness 
ervice. 

The higli values placed on the tapestries contrast markedly 
witli tliose assigned to some of the finest pictures in the 
collection. Thus the great picture of Charles I. on a 
brown horse, recently acquired by the National Gallery at 
the cost of £\ 1,000, was valued at only ;i{^200 ; the Venus 
del Pardo, one of the finest works of Titian, now at 
Madrid, fetched only /"600; Raphael's famous Cartoons 
were valued at ^300 ; and Mantegna's " Triumph of 
Julius Caesar," one of the most precious treasures of the 
English Crown, at only ^1,000! 

These last two lots, however, were not disposed of, but 
were reserved, by order of the Council of State, together 
with Titian's " Herodias with the Head of John the Baptist," 
valued at ^^150 and other pieces, for the decoration of the 
Palace, which was soon after occupied by Cromwell. 

The pictures at Hampton Court numbered altogether 
332, and were valued at ^4,675 i6j-. 6d. 

There was. In addition, a great deal of splendid furniture, 
some of which had belonged to Cardinal Wolsey, such as 
beds, chairs, canopies, church robes, chests, instruments of 
music, looking-glasses, and also many antiquities and 
curiosities, the description and prices of which sound most 
tantalizinir to the ears of modern connoisseurs. Thus 
Cardinal Wolsey's looking-glass, surmounted with his 
arms, went for ^5 ; Henry VIII.'s cane for 5^-. ; his 
hawkinof Hass was valued at a shillinsf "but 2S. was bid 
for it ; " his gloves, valued at 6d., went for \s. ; " six comb- 
cases, which were Henry y*" S^'V' sold for 73". 

In lh(' meanwhile, ere the valuing and inventorying of 
the personal effects of the King had been proceeded with 



/, 










View of the First Court of Haniplo 



.:._:_—--. ^'K; 









* 




ourt I'alace as seen from the Roof. 



1649] Surveys, Inventories, and Valuations. 167 

far, an Act was passed, on the i6th July, 1649,^ declaring 
that " forasmuch as the Parliament, finding the office of a 
King in this nation to have been unnecessary, burthensome, 
and dangerous, hath utterly abolished the said kingly office; " 
therefore be it enacted that all " honors, manors, castles, houses, 
messuages, chases, parks, and lands, and all tenements and 
hereditaments, royalties, privileges, franchises, immunities, 
and appurtenances," belonging to the late King should be sur- 
veyed, valued, and sold for the benefit of the Commonwealth. 

In view of this a rough survey of the Manor of Hampton 
Court ^ was accordingly forthwith made, and laid on the table 
of the House of Commons, being afterwards elaborated into 
a more exhaustive one, which was not completed until Aprils 
1653. As the latter survey affords a great deal of informa- 
tion on the state and condition of Hampton Court and its 
parks and gardens at this time, and contains many interest- 
ing particulars relating to the topography of the Palace, we 
have printed it in full in the Appendix.^ 

Of the Palace a very detailed description is given,, and also 
of the courts and yards between and amongst the builds 
ings, the materials of which, " and of all such things as are 
valluable upon any part of the several parcells of ground," 
the surveyors reckoned "to be worth upon the place (over and 
above demolishing charges) ;^7, 777 135-. '^d." "The Ground 
and Soyle aforesayd," added they, " (when it shall be cleared 
of the sayd buildings, or layd for conveniency to several pts. 
thereof) will be worth yearly £'^6." 

The acreage and valuation of the parks were as follows 1 
The House Park, 363 acres, ^243 a year ; Hampton Court 
Course, 144 acres, £ioj a year; The Hare-Warren, 380 
acres, ^80 a year; Middle Park, 370 acres, ^225 a year; 

* Scobell, chap, xlii., p. 51. sidiary surveys relating chiefly to out- 

^ In the Record Office, dated 1649. lying meadows and other lands of the 
® Appendix A. There are also sub- manor. 



1 68 History of JIampton Cojirt Palace. [1649 

and Bushey Park, divided into The Old Park, 183 acres, 
/'102 a year; The New Park Part, 23 acres, £2^^ 155.; and 
Other Part, 144 acres, ^115. Various smaller enclosures 
■were likewise surveyed and valued, as well as the trees, 
buildings, fixtures, &c., on the land. The deer, of which 
there were 199 in the House Park, 70 in the Middle Park, and 
29 in Bushey l^ark, were valued at £\ per head, that is ^298. 
Altoij^cther, the totalof the annual values amounted to ^1,204, 
and the total of the gross values to ^10,765 193-. C)d. 

From the way in which the several portions of Hampton 
Court are valued separately, it would appear that it was 
contemplated to divide it into lots and sell it to various 
bidders, with a view perhaps of destroying its palatial cha- 
racter and aspect, if indeed the expression "when it shall be 
cleared of the sayd buildings," does not imply that it was in- 
tended to obliterate all traces of its royal associations by 
demolishing the palace entirely. 

The Council of State,^ however, advised that Hampton 
Court, together with Whitehall, Westminster, and a few 
other palaces, should be excepted from the sale and " be 
kept for the public use of the Commonwealth," and an 
exempting clause was accordingly inserted in the Bill. 

A similar exception was made in regard to some of the 
furniture and movables of utility in this Palace, as distin- 
guished from works of art and curiosity ; for in the following 
month of April the Council of State gave an order that " the 
hangings and carpets, which were at tlampton Court when 
the Committee was there, were to be reserved to the use of 
the Commonwealth." ^ 

1-^or the next year or two, however, no suitable purpose 

* The Council of State consisted of State Papers, Dotnestic, Common- 

Ludlow, Lord Fairfax, and others. lucalth, vol. i. No. 29, May 24th, 1649, 

They were at this palace when the and yoI. ii. No. 91, Aug. 31st, 1649. 

news of the battle of Dunbar reached ^ State Papers, Domestic, znwo 1650, 

London. — Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 329. vol. ix., No. 38. 




Map of the Domain and Tarks of Hampton Court. 



165 1 J Hampton Court excepted from the Sale. 169 

was found, to which the Palace or its furniture could be 
devoted, and the many stirring events that were taking 
place in the three kingdoms — the battles of Rathmines, 
Dunbar, and Worcester, and the thrilling escape of 
Charles II. — prevented the question from being much 
considered. But with the return of Cromwell and his 
victorious army southwards, it occurred to the Council 
of State that Hampton Court would be a convenient 
place for him to retire to, as he seems to have taken 
a liking to the locality, and a suite of apartments were 
accordingly prepared for him and his family at the public 
expense. Here, therefore, after a triumphant procession 
in his state carriage through London, where he received 
a most enthusiastic welcome from the citizens, and was 
presented with addresses of congratulation from the Parlia- 
ment and City Corporation, he arrived on the evening of 
the 1 2th of October, 1651.^ 

It is curious to think of Cromwell thus installing himself 
in the very Palace which, a few years previous, had been the 
scene of his intimate conferences with Charles I., and 
in which he had probably first cast an envious eye on the 
regal splendours of his great victim. 

We hear no more of Hampton Court for upwards of a 
year; but in the month of November, 1652, a bill was 
introduced into Parliament for the sale of the late Kinof's 
houses and lands exempted from the operation of the 
former Act, among which, as we have seen, was Hampton 
Court. The bill at first proceeded pretty smoothly, and on 
Nov. 27th, 1652,^ it was "Resolved that Hampton Court, 
together with Bushey Park and the other two parks, the 
Harewarren, and Meadows there, with the Appurtenances 
belonging to the State there, be sold for ready money." 

^ Whitelock, p. 509 ; Ludlow, vol. i., p. 372 ; Heath's Flagellum. Journal of 
ilie House 0/ Commons, Yi. T,oi. * Commons^ Journal. 



170 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1652 

This resolution, however, was not suffered to stand for more 
than a month ; for when the question was put, on December 
29th followini^^ that " Hampton Court, &c., do stand in the 
bill," the House divided, when thirty voted with the noes, 
and eighteen voted with the yeas, " so it passed with the 
negative." ' The minority, however, were by no means dis- 
posed to acquiesce in this decision, and on December 31st, 
" the question being- propounded that leave should be 
given to speak against the vote that Hampton Court 
and other lands thereto belonging should not be sold by 
the bill, and the question being put, that this question be 
now put, it passed with the affirmative. And the main 
question being put : It was Resolved that leave shall be 
given to speak against the vote." The question being thus 
re-opened, the debate resulted in a reversal of the previous 
decision of the House, which perhaps had been arrived at 
by a snap division, and "the Mansion-House, commonly 
called Hampton Court, in the County of Middlesex, with 
the Barns, Stables, Outhouses, Gardens, Orchards, Yards, 
Courts and Backsides belonging to or used and enjoyed 
with the said Mansion House, with the Park commonly 
called the House Park, and the two Parks there, the 
one called the middle Park, and the other called Bushey 
Park," were accordingly ordered to stand part of the blll,^ 
which was passed into law on the last day of the year. 

But even yet the question was not finally determined, for 
the full survey of Hampton Court being completed on April 
5th, 1653,^ and laid on the table of the House a few days 

^ Common^ Journals. z.r\6. State Papers, Dotnesitc, Charles T., 

" There was a claim of Sir John vol. cxiv., No. i8, Oct. 4th, 1628. Sco- 

Hippesley, who had a grant of the bell's ^/t/j and Ordinances of Par Ha- 

custody of Bushey Park in 1628 from incnt^ part ii., p. 227. 

Charles I., and whose rights were ^ See afitc, p. 167, and post^ Appcn- 

ordered to be reserved by a clause in dix A. 

the bill. — Lysons' Middlesex Parishes; 




Parapet of the Great Hall as seen from the Roof. 



1653] -/^ Hampton Cotirt to be Sold? 171 

after, the Parliament, probably at the Instigation of some of 
Cromwell's friends, who knew of the liking he had taken to 
Wolsey's palace, passed a resolution on Friday, April 15 th, 
1653, that "the House called Hampton Court with the 
appurtenances, and the three Parks thereunto belonging, 
and what is contained in the survey, be staid from sale until 
the Parliament take further order : And that the Trustees 
and Contractors be enjoined to forbear to make sale thereof 
accordingly." ^ Nevertheless, on the 23rd of August, this 
vote, on the recommendation of the Committee for raising 
moneys, was again rescinded, and the manor and palace of 
Hampton Court were once more to be put up to auction. 

Ere a month had elapsed, however, namely, on the 20th 
of September, another departure was taken, by the Parlia- 
ment resolving that " there should be an offer of Hampton 
Court to the Lord General (Cromwell) in exchange for New 
Hall ^ upon a proportionate value," and that " Sir Anthony 
Ashley Cooper do tender this offer to the Lord General 
from this House." But the time was not yet ripe for such 
an assumption of state and dignity, and Cromwell, while 
returning " his humble acknowledgments for the great 
respects of the House towards him therein," yet desired 
that it would " proceed to dispose thereof according to their 
former resolution."^ Not much heed, however, was paid to 
this pretence of disinterestedness, for it was ordered that " the 
house called Hampton Court, with the outhouses and gardens 
thereunto belonging, and the little park wherein it stands, 
be stayed from sale until the Parliament take further 
order." * 

^ Commons' Journals^ p. 307. Collection. Parliamentary History, 

^ New Hall, in Essex, was an estate vol, xx., p 223, and Morant's //w- 

of the Duke of Buckingham's, which tory 0/ Essex, vol. ii. p. 15.) 

had been sequestrated by the Parlia- ' Burton's Diary, vol. i., p. xi. 

ment, and bought by Cromwell * Commons' JoKrnals, 

April 2nd, 165 1. (See Mr. Booth's .^/.S" 



172 



History of Hampton Court Palace. 



['653 



The parks, however, other than the House Park, were put 
up to auction; and contracts were entered into by the Trustees 
of the Royal Lands for the sale, on November 15th, 1653, 
of Bushey Park and its appurtenances to Edmund Backwall 
for ^6,638 7^. ; and, on December 3rd, of the Middle Park 
to Colonel Norton for ^3,701 iqj-. The fee of the Manor 
and Honour of Hampton Court had previously been sold to 
a Mr. John Phelps, of London, gentleman, for ^750/ 

lUit ahuost immediately after these transactions, namely, 
on the 16th of December, 1653, the whole aspect of affairs 
was changed by Cromwell being proclaimed Lord Protector 
of the Commonwealth, when steps were at once taken to 
re-acquire, on behalf of the State, the premises recently 
sold. 

There was at first some difficulty in effecting the neces- 
sary surrenders on reasonable terms, because the purchasers 
had not only already paid the purchase-money and entered 
into possession, but had even disposed of part of their in- 
terests to other persons. However, after some negociations, 
which are set out in detail in Appendix B., arrangements 
were eventually agreed upon for the redemption by the State 
of all the parks and lands sold, on the return of the purchase- 
moneys, and the payment of some ^^2,000 surplusage by way 
of profit to the purchasers and their assignees.^ 

As to the Manor, Mr. Phelps was easily induced to con- 
sent to a re-conveyance of it to Cromwell for ^750. This 



* Apparently on July 23id, 165 1 
(Lyson's Middlesex ParisJies^ p. 52). 
The amount was calculated on the 
basis of sixteen years' purchase of the 
manorial ri^^hts, profits, and rents. 
These consisted of— in possession — 
"the quit rents of the Honour, ^16 
per annum ; " " the profits of the Courts 
Leatte and Courts Baron, ^20 perann. ;" 
and the "rent of an ozier eight, ^i per 



ann. ; " and — in reversion — " 2 peases 
of pasture, after one liffe,;^27 per ann.;" 
"a house with one Rooade of ground, 
per ann., £fi ;''' "and the wood and 
trease, after 2 lives, being valued in 
possession at £,tor — {State Papers, 
Domestic, Commomvealth, vol. Ixxii., 
No. 30, June 27th, 1654.) 
' July 20th, 1654. 



1653] Cromzvell takes Possession of Hampton Court. 173 

was effected on August 30th, 1654 ; ^ and In the year 1657 
Cromwell's name is entered in the Court Rolls as owner of 
the manor. 

In the meanwhile, an order was issued directing that " the 
house at Hampton Court, with the Park and all the lodges, 
stables, and outhouses, and the houses in the Park, were to 
be forthwith cleared for the Protector's use ; and all persons 
concerned to take notice and conform."^ Thus did the royal 
Palace of Hampton Court, the home of so many of England's 
Kings and Queens, pass into the hands of the Regicide, 
Oliver Cromwell. 

* See Warrants of the Protector and ^ State Papers^ Domestic, Common- 
Council Do., July 31st, 1655. wealth, vol. Ixvii., No, 88. 




CHAPTER XIV. 



OLIVER CROMWELL S PRIVATE LIFE AT HAMPTON COURT. 



Cromwell installed as Lord Protector — " His Highness'" Visits to Hampton 
Court — Plot to assassinate him on his Way — The Conspirators arrested, tried and 
condemned — Proclamation of Charles II. against Cromwell — Free Leave to 
murder the "Detestable Villain" — Promise of a Large Pension to the Assassin — 
Mrs. Cromwell, " the Lady Protectress"' — Comical and Ribald Stories against 
her — Her " Court and Kitchen" — Charged with Niggardliness — The Protector's 
State Banquets — His "Court of Beggars" — His Boisterous Joviality with his 
Familiars — Practical Jokes — Puts Hot Coals in his Friends' Boots — Cromwell out 
Hunting — His Appreciation of Pictures and Tapestry — Furniture of his own 
Room in the Palace — His Delight in Music— Milton playing on the Organ in the 
Great Hall — Another Plot against the Protector's Life — An Infernal Machine — 
His " Removal" commended by Charles II. and his Brother James — Cromwell 
haunted by the Dread of Assassination — Marriage of Mary Cromwell to Lord 
Falconberg in the Chapel — Sycophantic Language of the Court Scribes. 

RO!M the 1 6th of December, 1653 — the date of 
Cromwell's installation as Lord Protector of the 
Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ire- 
land — we find that " His Highness," as he was 
henceforth designated, resided very frequently 
at Hampton Court, his visits, whether of short or of long 
duration, being all carefully chronicled in the official journals 
of the time. When the Protector came to reside at Hamp- 
ton Court for any length of time, the members of the Coun- 




1654] Plots for Assassinating Cromwell. 175 

cil also came with him ; " and there," says one of the news- 
papers of the day, " the great affairs of the nation are trans- 
acted with labour and care as if they were at Whitehall." ^ 
His first visit after his promotion to his new dignity took 
place on April 15th, 1654, when we find it duly notified 
that " His Highness went this day to Hampton Court, and 
returned at night." ^ Soon after this, his often-repeated 
journeys backwards and forwards from London to the 
Palace, attracting the attention of his enemies, who were 
always on the look-out for an opportunity of despatching 
him, a bloody plot was entered into by some desperadoes, 
with the intention of lying in wait to murder him when he 
was on the road to Hampton Court. 

The conspirators were, however, unable to agree as to 
the point in the journey where the assassination should 
be attempted ; so it was put off till the Protector was 
coming back, before which time he received information 
of the danger threatening him, and returned another way.^ 

If they had succeeded in perpetrating the crime, the others 
engaged in it were to have murdered the rest of the Council, 
and seized on Whitehall, "sparing only some that they had 
excepted, and some to be cruelly tortured." Another party 
was to seize the Tower. To a third was entrusted the re- 
doubtable task of overpowering the Lord Mayor and 
aldermen; while Charles H. was to be proclaimed king, 
and "was presently to be sent for, and with all his crew 
from all nations, whither they had fled, to hasten for 
England, and seize on all forts and harbours." Fortunately 
the conspirators, among whom was a brother of the Portu- 
guese ambassador, were tracked, arrested, and brought to 
trial at Westminster, and condemned to death. 

* Perfect Proceedings^ No. 300. 

' Cromwelliafia, p. 139, and passim. Sev. Proc. of State Affairs. April 13 
to 20. ^ Crotnuielliana, p. 144. 



176 Fllstory of I lampion Court Palace. [^654 

We could hardly believe that so dastardly a plot could 
have emanated from the baser sort even among the chival- 
rous Cavalier party, did we not know that about a month 
before its concoction a proclamation had been issued by 
Charles II., in which, after reciting the "accursed ways and 
means of a certain low mechanic fellow, by name Oliver » 
Cromwell," went on to give, in the King's name, "free leave 
and liberty to any man whomsoever, within any of our three 
kingdoms, by pistol, sword, or poison, or by any other ways 
or means whatsoever, to destroy the life of the said Oliver 
Cromwell ; wherein they will do an act acceptable to God 
and good men, by cutting off such a detestable villain from 
the face of the earth," ^ and giving his kingly word that the 
man, by whose hand the deed might be done, should have a 
pension of ^500 a year for the rest of his life. 

Even the presbyterians lent themselves to these designs 
against his life, and one of their ministers, who had preached 
before his Highness at Hampton Court, seized the oppor- 
tunity of being in the Palace, to " pump " the servant boy, 
who waited on him, by asking him " what was the reason 
his Highness did sweat so much when he took exercise?" 
The boy answered that he al\va)'s wore a " close coat (that 
is a coat of mail) under his other clothes." This piece of 
information the rascally presbyter forthwith communicated 
to his co-religionists, who in their plots against his life took 
their measures accordingly." 

W'itli Cromwell, when he established himself permanently 
at Hampton Court, also came Mrs. Cromwell, " the Lady Pro- 
tectress," as she was half-satirically called, who, as the wife 
of the arch-enemy, was the favourite butt for Royalist abuse 
and ridicule. The Cavalier wits, indeed, seem to have borne 
her a particular aversion, and they were never tired of 

' Thurloe's State Paptfs, vol. ii. p. 24S. 
^ Thurloe, vol. i., p. 708. 




Mrs. Cromwell, the " Lady Protectress." 



1655] Mrs. Cromivell, '' the Lady Protectress r 177 

scoffing at " old Joan," as she was derisively called, and of 
recounting scandalous and comical stones about her. She 
was no doubt a plain, and perhaps a commonplace woman, 
and not being over-wise, and having no great aptitude for 
accommodating herself to her new and great position, fre- 
quently said and did things, that afforded the smart ladies 
and gentlemen of the opposite party the most exquisite 
amusement. But beyond this, there does not appear to 
have been anything in her conduct or demeanour, which 
could fairly subject her to censure, for she seems to have 
settled down at Hampton Court to a simple, unostentatious 
life. Whatever she did, however, exposed her to laughter 
from the most opposite points of view. Sometimes it was 
the preposterous airs that she gave herself as Lady Protec- 
tress, and her ridiculously awkward imitations of Court 
manners, that were found fault with. At another time it 
was her simple tastes — "the impertinent meannesses" of 
her mode of life, so unbefitting a lady of her station ! 

In a publication entitled " The Court and Kitchen of Joan 
Cromwell," a scurrilous writer particularly makes fun of her 
household establishment at Hampton Court, laughing at her 
habits of " nimble housewifery," and declaring that she had 
employed a surveyor to make little labyrinths and trap- 
doors for her, " by which she might at all times, unseen, 
pass to and fro, and come unawares upon her servants, and 
keep them vigilant in their places." Besides, they accuse her 
of being continually down in the kitchen, worrying the cook 
about all sorts of trivial things, and being at the same time as 
niggardly and stingy as she was exacting. Even her moral 
character was assailed : some of the libellous pamphlets of 
the time charging her, without any shadow of foundation, 
with low gallantries with the common soldiers of Cromwell's 
regiment, and with an excessive indulgence in strong liquor.^ 

' Noble's Memoirs of the Cromwells, vol. i., pp. 127, 130, &c. 
* N 



I jS History of Hampton Court Palace. [1656 

Nevertheless, in spite of the general homeliness of the 
lives of the Protector and his family at Hampton Court, the 
exii^encies of State functions sometimes compelled him to 
depart from his domestic habits and give great public 
entertainments, such, for instance, as the banquet with which 
he feasted the Swedish ambassador in this Palace on July 
26th, 1656. On occasions of this sort something of the old 
princely splendour of the Court of the Stuarts was imitated, 
the Protector's bodyguard of halberdiers attending in the 
banqueting room, and the dishes being brought to the table 
by the servitors with the ceremonial of the old English 
Court. 

All this, of course, did not escape the censure of his critics, 
who commented severely on his " Court of Beggars, and 
such like mean people," who were rendered "very gay and 
jocund " by festivities of this sort. " A great deal of State," 
writes Heath,' one of his bitterest satirists, " was now used 
towards him ; and the French Cringe, and other ceremonious 
pieces of gallantry and good deportment, which were thought 
unchristian and savouring of carnality, introduced in place 
of austere and down-cast looks, and silent mummery of 
starched and hypocritical gravity, the only becoming dress, 
forsooth, of Piety and Religion ! " 

Cromwell, however, was in truth chiefly solicitous about 
being treated with respect, in the presence of foreigners, as 
head of the English Commonwealth. Among his ordinary 
associates and the colonels of the army he still maintained 
his former relations of somewhat boisterous familiarity. 
Whitelock, who was in constant intercourse with him, tells us 
that " He would sonietimes be very cheerful with us, and 
laying aside his greatness, be exceedingly familiar with us, 
and, by way of diversion, would make verses with us, and 
everyone must try his fancy. He commonly called for 

' Flngcllum, p. 164. 



1656] Cromweirs Court at the Palace. 179 

tobacco-pipes and a candle, and would now and then take 
tobacco himself. Then he would fall again to his serious and 
great business, and advise with us in those affairs," ^ 

Heath also gives us a similar account of his life at Hamp- 
ton Court, though, of course, tinged with a strong satirical 
animus. " His custom," says he, "was now to divert him- 
self frequently at Hampton Court (which he had saved from 
sale, with other houses of the King's, for his own greatness), 
whither he went and came in post, with his Guards behind 
and before, as not yet secure of his life from the justice of 
some avenging hand. Here he used to hunt, and at the fall 
of a Deer, where he would be sure to be present, embrue his 
hands in the blood of it, and therewith asperse and sprinkle 
the attendants ; and sometimes to coax the neighbouring 
Rusticks give them a Buck he hunted, and money to 
drink with it.^ His own Diet was very spare, and not so 
curious, except in publique Treatments, which were con- 
stantly given every Monday in the week to all the officers 
of the Army not below a Captain, where he dined with them, 
and shewed them a hundred Antick Tricks, as throwing of 
Cushions, and putting live Coals into their pockets and 
boots ; a table being likewise spread every day of the week 

for such officers as should casually come to Court 

With these officers while he seemed to disport himself, 
taking off his Drink freely, and opening himself every way 
to the most free familiarity. He did merely lye at the catch 
of what should incogitantly and with unsuspected provoca- 
tion fall from their mouths, which he would be sure to record 
and lay up against his occasion of reducing them to the 
speaker's memory, who were never likely to forget the 
prejudice and damage they had incurred by such loose dis- 

^ Whitelock's Memorials, p. 656. hunted with him at Hampton Court. 

* P. 165. On the 25th of July, 1656, — Whitelock's J/^w^r?(7/j-, p. 649. 
the Swedish ambassador dined and 



iSo History of I lauipton Court Palace. [1656 

covcries of their minds and inclinations He had 

twenty other freaks in his liead, for sometimes before he had 
luilf dined, he would i^ive order for a drum to beat, and call 
on his Foot Guards, like a kennel of hounds, to snatch off 
meat from his table and tear it in pieces ; the like Jocos and 
Frisks he would have with other company; even with some 
of the nobility, when he would not stick to tell them, what 
Company they had lately kept, when and where they had 
drank the King's health and the Royal Family's, bidding 
them when they did it again, to do it more privately, and 
this without any passion, and as festivous droll discourse." 

Cromwell, however, also occupied himself with other amuse- 
ments and tastes more refined than these rather rowdy gam- 
bols. F'or instance, he appreciated the arts sufficiently to 
keep Mantegna's "Triumph of Julius Caesar" at Hampton 
Court, in order that it might decorate the walls of this Palace. 
This magnificent work, consisting of nine great canvases, 
each nine feet square, he had placed in the Long Gallery, 
which adjoined his own private rooms, and in which he 
must often have walked. That he was, besides, not indif- 
ferent to the beauty of the old tapestries preserved in the 
Palace, is proved by the facts that not only did he have the 
Great Hall decorated with them, but that he even hung his 
own bedroom with such an ungodly and carnal subject as 
" 'iw^ pieces of fine tapestry hangings of Vulcan and Venus !" 
We learn this from the " Inventory of the goods at Hampton 
Court," ^ taken after his death by order of the House of 
Commons, from which document we find his bedroom also 
contained the following furniture : " 2 window curtains, 
one of scarlet baize, the other of serge ; i small couch of fly 
coloured damask, and cased with watchet baize ; 2 elbow 
chairs, ditto ; 4 back stools, ditto ; i black table with a turned 

' Dated June, 1659. State Papers^ p. 198, and Appendix C, where we have 
Dotn''sfir,\o\. cciii., No. 41, See />ost, printed it in full. 



1656] Oliver Cromwell at Home. 181 

frame ; i pair of andirons with double brass : i pair of 
creepers with fire-shovel and tongs ; i pair of bellows." In 
his dressing-room were : " i old coberd ; i Spanish table ; 
2 small Turkey carpets ; i pair of andirons with double 
brass ; i pair of creepers, and fire-shovel, tongs and bellows ; 
4 back stools of Turkey work." 

All of these articles, except the " i old coberd" and the 
tapestries, which are described as belonging to the State, 
are entered in the inventory, which is still preserved in the 
Record Office, as being the private property of Cromwell ; 
and similar distinctions are made throughout that document 
in regard to the contents of every room in the Palace. How 
he can have become possessed of the enormous amount of 
furniture and household goods, thus made out to be his own, 
is not clear. They evidently were part of the original 
contents of the Palace ; and, perhaps, he bought them 
in bulk from the persons to whom they had been knocked 
down at the sale, and who had not removed them from 
the Palace when the Protector entered into possession of 
Hampton Court. Certain it is, at any rate, that they were 
claimed by his family after his death as his private property.^ 

Cromwell seems to have taken some interest also in the 
gardens and parks of Hampton Court, for we find that, soon 
after his coming into possession of the manor, he gave orders 
that the bridges and banks of the New or Longford River, 
which, as we have seen, was made by Charles I. to supply 
the fountains and ponds at the Palace,^ should be repaired 
and the water made to flow again. The supply had been inter- 
rupted in 1648, when the inhabitants of the parishes of Fel- 
tham, Hanworth, Bedfont, Hampton and Teddington, through 
which its course lies, taking advantage of the political dis- 
orders, stopped its passage by sinking the bridges, and throw 

' See/^j/, p. 199. ' See <«/</^, p. 123. 



1 82 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1656 

int^ down stones and i^ravcl. They did this on account of 
tlic injury \\ liicli, as it was alleged, this artificial water-course 
liad frequently done them, by overflowing its banks and 
drowning the corn and hay in their fields, and ruining and 
rotting their sheep.' Cromwell's action in restoring the 
obnoxious water-course was, therefore, not at all relished in 
the neighbourhood of Hampton Court. But he was now 
too secure to heed their disapproval : so much so, that 
having re-established the flow, he went on to divert it into 
the "Hare-warren" (that part of Bushey Park which lies 
along the north of the road from Kingston to Hampton 
Court), where he caused two ponds to be dug, which were 
thenceforward known as " the Hare -warren Ponds," ^ a name 
now corrupted into " the Heron Ponds," and sometimes 
absurdly enough called "the Herring Ponds." At the same 
time he barred the passage, which had been considered an 
immemorial right of way, through the Hare-warren from 
Hampton Wick to Hampton Court, erecting palings across 
it, much to the dissatisfaction of the inhabitants of the Wick. 
But no open protest w^as ventured during the Protector's 
life-time, though in an anonymous satirical piece, hawked 
about the streets of London at this time, entitled "The Pic- 
ture of a New Courtier, drawn in a conference between Air. 
Time-Server and ]\Ir. Plaiji-Iicart," ^ " Time-server," as one 
of Cromwell's sycophants, while contemplating with "trem- 
bling heart and shaking bones" the contingency of a change 
in the Government, is made to refer to this unpopular act in 
asking : — " Who will have the fine houses, the brave parks, 
the pleasant fields and delightful gardens, that we have pos- 
sessed without any right, and built at other men's cost ? 

' yth Report of the Historical Com- ton Court, 

missiofi, pp. 77 and 78. ' Civil War Tracts,v6l. 6Z2, Kind's 

■* Lysons' Middlesex Parishes and Library y B.M. 
Court Rolls of the Manor of Hamp- 



1656] CromwelVs Occupations and Anmsements. 183 

Who shall enjoy the delight of the new Rivers and Ponds 
at Hampton Court whose making cost vast sums of money, 
and who shall chase the game in the Harewarren, that my 
dear master hath inclosed for his own use, and for ours also 
that are time-servers ? " 

Cromwell was, besides, very fond of music, often enter- 
taining those who were proficient in it ; and patronizing 
John Kingston, a scholar of Orlando Gibbons, by appointing 
him organist and music-master to his daughters/ During 
his banquets at the Palace he usually had music played,^ and 
after dinner, when the gentlemen joined the ladies in the 
drawing-room, there was instrumental music and singing, 
Cromwell himself sometimes intoning a psalm for the com- 
pany.^ He took besides, like his secretary Milton, great 
delight in the organ, and had two very fine ones put up 
in the Great Hall, the larger of the two being a gift from his 
friend. Dr. Goodwin, president of Magdalen College, Oxford, 
who took upon himself to remove it from the College and 
present it to the Protector/ It is pleasant to picture to 
oneself the scene in the Hall of Hampton Court at this time, 
when Milton, would seat himself at the organ under "the 
high-embowed roof," with the 

Stoned windows richly dight, 
Casting a dim religious light, 

and make " the pealing organ blow," while Cromwell and his 
family and attendants sat listening enraptured at the rever- 
berations of the solemn music. 

^ Hawkins' History of Music, vol. Magazine, 1877, p. 753. Hawkins in 

iv., p. 44. his History of Afusic, vol. iv., p. 45, 

^ '^o\Ag's Memoirs of the Crotnwells, gives a somewhat different account of 

vol. i., p. 314. the organ, stating that it was taken 

^ Thxxxlo^s State Papers, A^x\\ 12th, down during the Civil War, and that 

1654. it was by Cromwell's orders that it 

* Inventory of Cromwell's goods, was conveyed to Hampton Court, and 

taken in August, 1659. Gentleman's placed in the Great Gallery. 



1 84 History of I Ia;)tptoii Court Falace. [1657 

The Itlcntical or^^in Is now in Tewkesbury Abbey, to which 
it appears to have been presented by the authorities of Mag- 
dalen College, after having been returned to them at the 
Restoration/ 

Another glimpse that history gives us of Cromwell's life 
at Hampton Court at this period, exhibits him to us with 
his family seated in the Chapel — probably in the Royal 
pew — attending the sombre Presbyterian service ; or listen- 
ing to the sermons of the servile ministers, who, like the 
court chaplains under the monarchy, framed their discourses, 
when they had the privilege of preaching before his High- 
ness, so as to flatter and please their chief auditor. There 
is record, for instance, " of a sermon preached before the Lord 
Protector at Hampton Court, by the minister of Hampton, 
about the latter end of Aug., 1655 :" in which he drew " a 
parallel between David cutting off the top of Saul's garment, 
and the cutting off the late King's head ; and how David 
was troubled for what he had done, though he was ordained 
to succeed Saul"^ — which was a delicate way of justifying 
the King's murder, and Cromwell's usurpation, doubtless 
very pleasing to his Highness. 

But though Cromwell was so comfortably established at 
Hampton Court, he was soon awakened again to the con- 
stant danger threatening him from his secret foes, by the dis- 
covery, at the beginning of the year 1657, of another con- 
spiracy against his life, known to history as " Syndercomb's 
plot." The assassins, who, on this occasion, received en- 
couragement and assistance from Don Alonzo, a former 
ambassador of Spain in England, again selected one of 
Cromwell's journeys to Hampton Court as the best oppor- 
tunity for effecting their devilish purpose. A spot at Ham- 
mersmith was chosen, where they intended " planting an 

» State Pape7s, Domestic, Charles II., vol. xi., No. 57, Aug. 27th, 1660. 
* Ashmolean Musetint, No. 826, 254a. 



1657] The Protector beset with Assassins. 185 

engine which, being discharged, would have, upon occasion, 
torn away coach and person in it, that should pass by."^ 
This seems to be the first recorded instance of an attempt 
to use an infernal machine ; and it is strange to find 
the Duke of York, afterwards James II., and his brother, 
Charles II., calmly discussing, like a couple of dynamiters, 
such designs for " removing " the usurper — and the Duke, 
in a letter to his brother, speaking of it with approval, as 
"better laid and resolved on than any he had known of the 
kind."2 

After the Restoration, also, we find a certain Captain 
Thomas Gardiner petitioning Charles II. for relief on the 
ground of his faithful services in the Royal cause, mention- 
ing among them that "in 1657, he intended an attempt on 
Cromwell, but was taken in the Gallery at Hampton Court, 
with two loaded pistols and a dagger, kept twelve months a 
prisoner, and only failed to be sentenced to death by want 
of evidence on the trial." ^ 

No wonder that the frequent discovery of conspiracies like 
these, and the suspicion that he was perhaps encompassed in 
his own palace by spies and traitors, should have begun to 
shake even Cromwell's iron nerves, and that the heart, which 
had never quailed in battle, should have been made to flinch 
at last before the haunting terror of unknown and in- 
visible foes. 

We are assured by Heath * that, "He began to dread every 
person or strange face he saw (which he would anxiously 
and intently view) for an assassin, that book of ' Killing no 
murder' perpetually running in his mind. It was his con- 
stant Custom to shift and change his lodging, to which he 
passed through twenty several locks, and out of which he had 

^ CromivelHana, p. i6o. ^ State Papers, Domestic, voL Ixvi., 

^ Thurloe's State Papers, vol. ii., No. 118. 
p. 666. " Heath's Flagellum, p. IQ3. 



1 86 llistcry of lla):ipto)i Court Palace. [1657 

four or five ways to avoid pursuit. When he went between 
Whitehall and Hampton Court, he passed by private and 
back ways, but never the same way backward and forward, he 
was always in a hurry, his Guards behind and before riding at 
full Gallop, and the Coach always filled, especially the Boot, 
with armed persons, he himself being furnished with private 
weapons ; and was now of more than dilhcult access to all 
persons." 

Nevertheless, he continued to receive his intimate friends 
and supporters at Hampton Court, and among those who 
associated on familiar terms with him and his family was 
Thomas, Viscount Falconbridge, who, after a short courtship, 
which Cromwell encouraged, became engaged to Mary Crom- 
well, his third daughter. The marriage waspublicly solemnized 
in the chapel of the Palace on Thursday, November 17th, 
1657,^ by one of Oliver's chaplains, but the same day they 
were also privately married, according to the form prescribed 
by the Church of England, by Dr. Hewitt, with the privity ot 
the Protector, who pretended to yield to it " in compliance 
with the importunity and folly of his daughter" — who was a 
staunch member of the Church of England — though he was 
doubtless also swayed not a little by the fear that, in the event 
of a Restoration, the marriage might otherwise be afterwards 
invalidated.^ The lancruasfe in which the weddinof was an- 
nounccd in the gazette of the day, the " Mercurius Politicus," 
shows how completely the political scribes of the time 
adopted the language of courtiers in treating of the doings 
of the Protector's family : — 

Tuesday, Nov. 17th. 

Yesterday afternoon his highness went to Hampton Court, and 
this day the most illustrious lady, the lady Mary Cromwell, third 
daughter of his Highness the Lord Protector, was there married to 

* Noble's Memorials of the Cromwells, vol. i., p. 143. 

* Noble's Cromwell, vol. i., p. 144. 



1657] Marriage of Oliver s Daughter. 187 

the most noble lord, the Lord Falconbridge, in the presence of 
their highnesses, and many noble persons.^ 

Cromwell's behaviour, however, at these festivities was 
not always consonant with such magniloquent phrases ; for 
at the marriage of his daughter Frances to Mr. Rich, a short 
time before, he amused himself with such vulgar horse-play 
as throwing about " the sack posset amongst all the ladies 
to spoil their clothes, which they took as a favour, and 
daubed all the stools where they were to sit, with wet sweet- 



meats." ^ 



* Cromwelliana, p. 169. See also Noble's Cromivelh 

* Noble's Cromwell, vol. i., p. 155. 





CHAPTER XV. 



DEATH OF MRS. CLAYPOLE CROMWELL S LAST ILLNESS. 

Cromwell gathers his Family about him — Estrangement of his old Friends — 
He is solaced by his Children in his Troubles — Illness of Mrs. Claypole — She up- 
braids her Father with his Crimes — She dies — Buried in Westminster Abbey — 
Cromwell's Grief — His failing Health — He has the Bible read to him — Submis- 
sion to the Will of God a hard Lesson — He gets better — Meets George Fox, the 
Quaker, in the Park — "A Waft of Death" — Worse again — The Fever creeping 
on — "I shall not die by this Illness" — "God has answered our Prayers" — The 
Saints declare "He shall recover" — A Public Fast in the Palace — His Speedy 
Recover)' peremptorily demanded of the Deity — But Cromwell grows worse — 
Removed to Whitehall — His Death. 




HE day after Lord Falconbridge's 



marriage 



to 
Mary Cromwell, the newly married pair, accom- 
panied by the Protector and his Court, removed 
to London for a short time. But neither he 
nor they were absent from Hampton Court long : 
for Cromwell had become so attached to the Palace, and 
had taken so great a dislike to the surroundings and 
associations of London, that he always seized the earliest 
opportunity of getting back here, and equally made a point 
of bringing with him his children and their families, to all 



1658] CromweWs Dotnestic Troubles. 189 

of whom regular apartments in the Palace were assigned, 
and always kept ready/ 

In the following: summer we aofain find him residinor here : 
when, on July the 17th, 1658, there arrived his son, or as the 
" Mercurius Politicus " puts it, *'the most illustrious Lord, the 
Lord Richard, who being returned from the western parts, 
was received by their Highnesses with the usual demonstra- 
tions of their high affection towards his Lordship." ^ And 
on the 30th of the same month arrived " the most noble 
Lord Falconbridge, with his most illustrious lady the Lady 
Mary, being safe returned out of the North," ^ 

It was, in truth, in his domestic life, and in the society of 
his children and grandchildren, that Cromwell now found 
his only solace, amid the besetting cares that darkened the 
last years of his life — the disaffection among the people, the 
clamour in the army on account of the arrears of pay, the 
constant plots against his life, and the falling away of so 
many of his old friends, who viewed with a very deep and 
natural disgust his abandonment of all his former principles, 
and his turning his back on the professions of his whole 
lifetime. 

By gathering his family about him, and cherishing their 
love, he sought to mitigate, in some degree, the feeling of 
desertion and isolation that all these troubles caused him. 
But even in his domestic relations he was now to meet with 
disappointments, still more painful. One of these was the defec- 
tion of his son-in-law Fleetwood, to whom he had been espe- 
cially kind and indulgent, but who now began ostentatiously 
to court the Republican party, and to set his wife against 
her father; and though he was living close to Hampton 
Court, refrained from visiting Cromwell.* But the bitterest trial 
to him of all was the serious illness of his favourite daughter, 

^ Noble's Croviwell, vol. ii., p. 155. ' CroviweUiana, p. 174. 

"^ Cromwelliana, p. 174. * Bates' Elenchus, p. 327, ed. 1676. 



I go History of J I anipton Court Palace. [1658 

Elizabeth Claypole, the news of which was suddenly brought 
to him at the end of July in London, where he had gone 
for a few days on important Inisincss. He at once hastened 
back to Hampton Court, and put aside all state affairs to 
watch unremittingly by her bed-side. The exact nature of 
her disease is not known to history, nor does it appear to 
have been understood by her physicians, who, if we are to 
believe almost all the authorities, most lamentably mis- 
managed her case. Dr. Bates, one of those who attended 
her, speaks of it as " an inward impostume in her loins," 
and it is certain that she underwent most acute sufferings, 
which her father witnessed with most poignant distress. 
To heighten the tragedy of the scene, the Royalist pam- 
phleteers drew harrowing accounts of how, in the agony of 
her fever and pain, she wildly reproached her father with his 
crimes and cruelties, adjuring him most solemnly, with her 
dying voice, to make atonement, ere it was too late, by 
restorincf the riijhtful sovereis^n to his ancestral throne. 
Though discredit has been thrown on the probability of this 
story, it is strongly corroborated by the testimony of Dr. 
Bates,^ Cromwell's physician, then resident in the Palace, 
who may, not improbably, have witnessed what he relates, 
and who, in any case, would scarcely have given currency 
to an anecdote so startling, unless he believed it had a good 
foundation in fact. 

However this may be, Mrs. Claypole's illness did not 
last long ; for she died about a week after she was first 
taken ill, at three o'clock in the morning of August the 6th, 
1658, to the great sorrow of all the Court, and the inex- 
pressible grief of her father.'^ The funeral, which was 
carried out on the most sumptuous scale, took place a few 

' Bates' Elcnchus Motuum Niipcro- ^ Thurloe's Siaic Papers. Mcrai- 

rum, in Anglia, Pars Secunda, p. 3:7, rius Politkus, Whitclock, p. 674. 
ed. 1676. 




Doorway in Tennis Court Lane. 



1 9 2 Jlisto ry of Ha lupton Con rt Pa lace. [1658 

days afterwards, the body bciiiL^ taktMi by water to West- 
minster, where it lay in state in the Painted Chamber, 
whence it was carried into the Abbey to be buried among 
the tombs of the Kings and Queens of England. 

This cruel blow, combined with the feeble state of his 
health, already shattered by sleepless nights and the haunting 
terrors of assassination, produced an immediate and most 
disastrous effect on the wretched Protector. Within a 
week of her death, he was seized with a bad attack of gout 
and other disorders ; and for four or five days lay in a very 
dangerous state.' One day, while laid up in his bed-chamber, 
"he called for his Bible, and desired a person honourable 
and godly then (with others) present, to read unto him 
Phil. 4, II, 12, 13 : * Not that I speak under peril of want, 
for I have learnt in whatsoever state I am, therewith to be 
content. I know both how to be abased, and how to 
abound : everywhere and in all things I am instructed, both 
to be full and to be hungry, both to abound and to suffer 
need.' v, 13, 'I can do all things through Christ that 
strengtheneth me.' Which read, said he (to use his own 
words as near as I can remember them) : ' This Scripture 
did once save my life, when my eldest son died, which went 
as a dagger to my heart, indeed it did.' "■* 

"And then repeating the words of the text himself, declared 
his then thoughts to this purpose, reading the loth and 
I ith verses of Paul's contentation and submission to the will 
of God in all conditions, said he ; ' 'tis true, Paul, you 
have learnt this, and attained to this measure of grace, but 
what shall I do ? Ah, poor creature, it is a hard lesson for 
me to take out. I find it so.' But reading on to the 13th 

* Thurloe's State Papers, vol. vii., p. lo, written by one that was the 

pp. 320, 340, Letter of Aug. 17th. Groom of his Bed-chamber. (Under- 

' A Collection of several passages wood, according to the British Museum 

concerning his late Highness Oliver Catalogue, Major Butler according to 

Cromwell in the time 0/ his Sickness, Cromivelliana) 



1658] CromweWs last Illness. 193 

verse, where Paul saith, ' I can do all things through Christ 
that strengtheneth me,' then faith began to work, and his 
heart to find support and comfort, saying thus to himself : 
' He that was Paul's Christ, is my Christ too ; and so drew 
waters out of the well of salvation, Christ in the covenant of 
grace. 

Soon after this he grew better for awhile, an improvement 
which he, doubtless, set down to a direct Divine interposi- 
tion, and on the 1 7th of August he was well enough to go 
out for an hour. 

It was most likely on this occasion that he was met, as 
he was riding in Hampton Court Park, by the Quaker, 
George Fox, with whom he had already had one or two inter- 
views, and who now came to present a petition in favour of 
his co-religionists, the victims just then of much persecution 
in various parts of the country, though Cromwell himself 
was not unwilling that they should receive every reasonable 
toleration, and had been, in consequence, bitterly reproached 
by religious people of rival sects, " Before I came to him," 
says he, " as he rode at the head of his Life-Guards, I saw 
and felt a waft of death go forth against him, and when I 
came to him he looked like a dead man." ^ After Fox had 
laid the sufferings of the Friends before him, and had 
warned him, Cromwell told him to come and visit him at 
the Palace. Fox, accordingly, went to stay the night at 
Kingston, and came over to Hampton Court on the 
following day ; but on requesting to see the Protector, he 
learnt that he was ill and that the Doctors would not 
allow him to see anyone.^ The fever was, in fact, in- 
sidiously creeping on ; and though he was afterwards 
able to walk once or twice in the Palace gardens, on 
the 24th August he was again confined to his room. The 

* G. Yo-iCs Journal, 3rd ed. 1765, p. 127. 
^ Sewel's History of the Quakers, vol. i., p. 242. 
* O 



194 Ilisto)')' of I lauipton Court Palace. [1658 

five physicians who were attendiiiL;- him pronounced that 
he was sufrerinj^ from an ai^uc, called a " bastard tertian ;" 
one of them, as he felt his pulse, observing that it inter- 
mitted.' The words caught the ear of the sick man, and 
he at once turned deadly pale, a cold perspiration covered 
his face, and staggering, he begged to be taken to his bed ; 
where, when he had been revived by cordials, he made his 
private will. 

Next morning, when one of the doctors came to see 
him, he asked " why he looked so sad ? " to which the doctor 
answering that " he was naturally anxious with the responsi- 
bility of such a life as his resting on him," Cromwell replied : 
" You doctors think I am going to die." Then ordering the 
rest out of the room, and taking his wife caressingly by the 
hand, he said : " I declare to you that I shall not die by 
this illness ; of this I am certain." Observing the surprise 
these w^ords caused, he added, " Don't think me crazed. 
I am telling you what is true ; and I have a better authority 
than your Galen or Hippocrates. God Himself has vouch- 
safed this answer to our prayers — not to mine alone, but 
those of others who have a closer intercourse and greater 
familiarity with him than I have. Be cheerful; banish 
all grief from your faces ; and act towards me as though 
I was a mere servant. You are able to do much by your 
scientific knowledge, but nature is more potent than all the 
physicians in the world ; and God surpasses nature in a still 
greater degree." "^ 

The same communication was made to Thurloe and 
the different members of the Protector's family;"' nor did it 
fail to obtain credence among men who believed that " in 
other instances he had been favoured with similar assurances, 
and that they had never deceived him." Even the doctors 

' IJates' £"/«.v/t7//('j (pars secunda), p. - Bates, ?/fo' .w/r<7. 

275. ' Thurloe, vii., 367, 376. 



165S] The Dying P^'otector. 195 

were impressed, or affected to be, by his apparent con- 
fidence : and oneof them accidentally meeting another of his 
particular acquaintance coming out of the sick room, who 
happened to remark that " he was afraid their patient was 
going to be light-headed," replied, '* You are certainly a 
stranger in this house ! Don't you know what was done 
last night ? The chaplain, and all who are dear to God, 
dispersed in several parts of the Palace, have prayed to 
God for his health, and all brought this answer : "He 
shall recover ! " 

Indeed so certain were the Saints that all was now 
settled as they wished that " a public fast being ordered for 
his sake, and kept at Hampton Court, they did not so much 
pray to God for his health, as they thanked him for the 
undoubted pledges of his recovery." ^ 

Dr. Goodwin, " his creature, and trencher-chaplain," as 
Ludlow disdainfully calls him,^ especially distinguished 
himself in this way, giving out the form of prayer : " Lord, 
we beg not for his recovery, for that thou hast already 
granted and assured us of; but for his speedy recovery." 
And for a day or two it seemed as though their " saucy ex- 
postulation with God," to use a quaint expression of War- 
wick's, was likely to succeed in extorting a fulfilment of the 
promise, which it was sought to put on the Deity ; for 
Cromwell was well enough, on August 26th, to receive a 
visit from Whitelock, whom he kindly entertained at dinner.^ 

But the improvement was shortlived. Instead of getting 
better Cromwell again grew worse, and the fever increas- 
ing, his mind was frequently affected with delirium. It was 
at length decided to try the effect of change of air ; and the 
dying Protector v/as removed to Whitehall.* Here he lin- 
gered but a few days ; and on the night of the 2nd of 

' Echard's History, p. 824. ^ Whitelock, p. 674. 

* Ludlow, p. 257. * Thurloe, vol. vii., p. 355. 



196 History of 11 ampton Court Palace, [1658 

September, the eve of his " fortunate day," the anniversary 
of the battles of Worcester and Dunbar, and in the midst 
of a terrific storm, the once mighty Oliver breathed his last, 
" embalmed with the tears of his people, and upon the 
wings of the prayers of the saints." ^ 

' Thurloe's State Papers, vol. vii., p. 373, and Peck's Cromivell, p. 39. 




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CHAPTER XVI. 



THE RESTORATION. 



Richard Cromwell proclaimed Protector — Submits to the Long Parliament — 
Money to be raised by the sale of Goods at Hampton Court — Curious Inventory 
of the Furniture in the Palace — Hampton Court again to be sold — The Sale pre- 
vented by Ludlow — The Palace and Parks to be offered to General Monk — 
Twenty Thousand Pounds given to him instead— Restoration of Charles II. — " The 
Royal Oak" — Refurnishing of Hampton Court Palace — Works and Repairs — 
The Tennis Court improved — Charles II. plays Tennis — "Beastly Flattery" — 
The Gardens — Planting of the Avenues and Digging of the Canal in the Home 
Pai'k — The Parks re-stocked with Game^The King entertained at the Upper 
Lodge in Bushey Park — Account of Edward Progers the Confidant of Charles's 
Intrigues — Numerous Apphcants for Offices and Posts. 

S soon as Cromwell had breathed his last, the 
Council assembled to deliberate, and after a short 
consultation proclaimed his eldest son his suc- 
cessor in the Protectorate. But the burden under 
which even the great Oliver had staggered, soon 
proved too heavy for the feeble Richard, and before many- 
months had elapsed, he had practically surrendered thegovern- 
ment into the hands of the Long Parliament, the remnant of 
which now met and reasserted their claim to be the supreme 
constitutional authority in the country. 




iqS Ilistoy of II aviptoji Court Palace. [1659 

The restored members had not been long- in session 
when tlieir attention was imperatively called to the ini- 
poverished state of the national exchequer, and especially to 
the difliculty of meeting the great and dangerously increas- 
ing arrears in the pay of the army. They likewise had to 
take over and provide for the payment of the late Protector's 
debts, of which Richard Cromwell handed in a schedule 
amounting to ^29,000. To have had recourse to taxation 
would have been certainly inexpedient, if not impossible : 
the only thing to do, therefore, was to fmd out what property, 
belonging to the Commonwealth, might most conveniently 
be turned into money, to meet these pressing needs. A 
committee was accordingly appointed " to examine what 
furniture, hangings, and other goods, in Whitehall, Hampton 
Court, Somerset House, and St. James's do, or ought of 
ricrht to belonfj to the Commonwealth," ^ and it was ordered 
" that it be referred to the said committee to take special care 
that the Goods and Household stuff at Hampton Court be 
kept from Embezzlement and spoil, and to bring in an act 
for their sale." 

The inventory compiled by the Commissioners is, as 
we have before said, still preserved in the Record Office, 
and it contains much of curiosity relating to the furniture of 
the Palace, and incidentally throws a good deal of light on 
the domestic life of the Protectorial family.''^ 

As to how he became possessed of them, we have already 
stated our inability to explain. We know, however, that the 
bulk of the contents of the Palace was declared by Mrs. 
Cromwell to belong to her late husband's estate, though 
after the Restoration she was found to have collected a lot 
of things at a fruiterer's warehouse, which unquestionably 

* Commons Journals, May 23rd, * See rt«/^, p. 180, and Appendix C. ; 

1659, and June 3rd ; Noble's Croniiuell, and State Papers, Domestic Comtnon- 
vol. i., p. 333. lucalih, vol. cciii., No. 41. 



1659] CromweWs Goods at the Palace. 199 

had belonged to the Crown, and which she consequently 
was compelled to disgorge.^ 

Though the necessity of providing money for the public 
service was the ostensible reason for the resolution to sell 
the contents of Hampton Court, and so to leave it destitute 
of furniture, the Parliament was probably quite as much 
influenced by the intention of rendering it so comfortless 
as to discourage any desire Richard Cromwell might enter- 
tain of occupying it. Indeed, when he showed a reluctance 
to leave the State apartments at Whitehall, the Parliament 
sent him repeated messages to vacate them, until he thought 
it best to obey their injunctions and go. One day, also, 
when he had come down to Hampton Court to shoot deer 
in the Park, and had just shot one, a messenger arrived from 
the Commons, ordering that " none were to be killed," and 
he had to desist from his sport, not daring to shoot any 
more.^ 

With the same purpose in view, and likewise to prevent 
the royal palaces " from becoming objects of desire by 
ambitious men " in the future, a strong party in the House of 
Commons wanted to revive the long dormant order for the 
sale of Hampton Court and other Royal manors and parks ; 
and a resolution had actually been passed to that effect^ 
when Ludlow fortunately interposed to save the Palace. 
" For the house of Hampton Court, having been ordered 
to be sold that day," writes he in his '* Memoirs," * " which 
place I thought very convenient for the retirement of those 
that were employed in public affairs, when they should be 
indisposed in the summer season, I resolved to endeavour 



^ Parliajnentary hitelligencer. May ' Commons Journals, Oct. 4th, 1659. 

7-14, 1660; and Mercurius Politicus, There is no record in the Journal of 

May 10-17, 1660, this order being rescinded. 

' State Papers, vol. cciii. No. 34, ^ Ludlow's Memoirs, ed. 1771, p. 

June 6th, 1659. 2S6. 



200 History of Hampton Co7irt Palace. [1660 

to prevent tlic sale of it, and accordingly procured a motion 
to be made at the sittIn<T down of the House to that end, 
which took effect as 1 desired. For this I was very much 
blamed by my good friend, Sir Henry Vane, as a thing 
which was contrary to the interests of a commonwealth. 
He said that such places might justly be accounted amongst 
those things that prove Temptations to Ambitious Men, 
and exceedingly tend to sharpen their appetite to ascend 
the Throne. But for my own part, as I was free from 
any sinister design in this action, so I was of opinion that 
the temptation of sovereign power would prove a far 
stronger motive to aspire by the sword to gain the sceptre, 
which, when once attained, would soon be made use of 
to force the people to supply the want of such accom- 
modation." 

The Palace, accordingly, was not sold, neither was the 
intention of disposing of its furniture persevered in ; and for 
the next six months or so, the question as to what use it 
should be put to, was left undetermined. But when Monk, in 
the month of February following, soon after his arrival in 
London, declared for a free parliament, and brought back 
the secluded members to the Long Parliament, a proposal 
was brought forward in the House for setding the Honour 
and manor of Hampton Court, with its parks and other 
appurtenances upon him and his heirs ; and the bill for it 
was read a first time ^ on the 25th of February, and a second 
time two days after. But this proposal IMonk thought a 
snare of his opponents to bind him against the King; and 
he used all his influence with those members who were 
friendly to him to have the bill rejected. 

This was accordingly done, but, by way of compensation, 
a sum of ^20,000 was voted to him on March 15th, 1660, 

* White Kcnnett's History, p. 67, No. 6. Y)x.Vx\z€% Hist, of the Kin^s 
Sat. Feb. 25tb, 1660. Fubl. IntelL, Restoration. VhWips' C7iar/es//., p. 7 14. 



i65o] Restoration of Charles II. 201 

together with the custody and stewardship of Hampton 
Court Manor and Park for life/ 

The Restoration, which Monk was so Instrumental in 
bringing about, took place, it will be remembered, just two 
months and a half after this, and one of the first acts of the 
restored monarch was to confirm Monk In the offices of 
lieutenant, keeper, ranger and steward of Hampton Court, 
with the parks and warrens, which he accordingly retained 
until his death.^ 

The day on which King Charles H. made his triumphal 
entry into London, amid the wild enthusiasm of the people, 
was the 29th of May ; and in commemoration of that event, 
and of his romantic preservation In the oak tree at Boscabel, 
after the Battle of Worcester, he had at one time the intention 
of founding an order of the " Royal Oak." The plan, how- 
ever, was not persevered in ; but we have at Hampton 
Court a rather curious instance of the sentimental Interest 
which attached to the oak tree at this period, in two old fire- 
backs of cast-Iron, each having a representation of an oak tree 
with three branches bearing three crowns, while below is 
the legend " The Royal Oak," with the King's initials, 
C. R. These fire-backs were doubtless made in order to 
be used in some of the fire-grates at Hampton Court in the 
first year of Charles's reign, at which time also many of the 
rooms in the Palace were refurnished and made ready for 
the reception of his Majesty — many of the pictures, tapes- 
tries, and other articles, which had been sold in the time of 
the Commonwealth, being recovered and sent down from 
London.^ 

But the works at Hampton Court at the beginning of 

^ Sir Hy. Verney's Papers. Seve?ith * State Papers, Domestic, Charles 

Report of the Historical Commissiott, II. vol. x., No. 2, Aug. ist, 1660. 
p. 463 ; also Commons Journals, March ^ House of Lords Papers; Seventh 

15th and 1 6th. Report of the Historical Commission. 



202 



History of Hampton Court Palace. 



[i66c 



Charles II.'s rci'ni were not confined to re-furnishinof and 
re-dccoralintj^ the interior of the rooms. On the contrary, 
here and there in the buildincf, considerable structural 
repairs and alterations were made, of which there is full 
record in the old accounts/ and of which traces are recog- 
nisable in various parts of the Palace. One of these is an 
old doorway which may be found in the north range of the 




One of Charles II.'s Cast Iron Fire-Backs. 

Preserved at I/ampton Court. 

old Gothic palace, at the further end of the Tennis Court 
Lane. 

But it was in the Tennis Court itself that the works at 
this period were most considerable. Charles had been 
always fond of tennis, and with his Restoration the game, 
which had, of course, been condemned by the Puritans as 
ungodly and sinful, revived a great deal and came much 
into fashionable vogue. But in his visits to the Tennis 

' See Harl. MSS., Nos. i6iS, 1656, 1657, and 1658. 



i66o] The Tenuis Court renovated. 203 

Court here he could not but observe that, though It was the 
best court in England as regards size and proportion, it was 
not quite abreast of all the recent improvements, that had 
been lately introduced in Paris and other continental cities, 
where he had himself played the game. He accordingly 
gave directions for the laying out of a considerable sum of 
money on various alterations. The " tambour," for instance, 
was mended, a new floor laid down, lines of black marble 
inserted to mark the chaces, the galleries improved, and the 
roof rebuilt. From the old accounts of the Board of Works 
are to be derived many particulars for these works, which, 
on account of their interest for lovers of this noble game, 
are collected in an appendix to this volume.^ From other 
sources we find records of charges " for netts, curtains, and 
lynes, for the covering of seats with velvet cushions and 
other necessaries," and for the expenses of Long, the 
marker, taking the dimensions of this court, on which were 
modelled the King's new tennis courts at Whitehall and 
St. James's," 

Pending the completion of his new courts in London, 
Charles frequently played in this one, not only, it would 
seem, when in residence in this Palace, but also when stay- 
ing in London, whence he would come down to have a 
game of tennis by preference here, like many players of the 
present day, 

A letter of one Stephen Charlton, written to Sir R. 
Leveson about six months after his accession to the throne, 
and now preserved among the Duke of Sutherland's papers, 
gives us a glimpse of his habits in this respect : ^ — " London, 
21^' Jan. 1 660- 1. The King is in very good health and 
goes to Hampton Court often, and back again the same 

1 Harl. MSS., No. 1618, Dec, 1663. * Trentham Hall MSS.; Fifth Re- 

See Appendix D. port on Hist. MSS, 

''■ Marshall's Annals of Tennis, d. 89. 



204 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1661 

day, but very private. Most of his exercise is in the 
Tennis Court in tlie morninij;-, when he doth not ride 
abroad ; and when he dotli ride abroad, he is on horseback 
by break of day, and most commonly back before noon." 
He appears to have been a fair player ; but the way in 
which his servile courtiers flattered him in this as in other 
thini^^s, utterly disgusted honest Pepys, who writes ' : — " To 
the I'ennis Court, and there saw the King play at tennis, 
and others ; but to see how the King's play was extolled 
without any cause at all was a loatlisome sight, though 
sometimes, indeed, he did play very well and deserved to be 
commended ; but such open flattery is beastly." 

The other works about the Palace, undertaken at this 
time, we need not particularize. Their cost amounted in 
one year to about £j,ooo — an order " To pay Hugh 
May, paymaster of the works, ^3,225 for charges in the 
buildings of Hampton Court," being issued on May 19th, 
1662, and in the following October, ^4,743 for repairs 
there " during the past six months." ^ These expenses were 
chielly in consequence of Charles spending his honeymoon 
with Catherine of Braganza in this palace, as we shall see 
in our next chapter. 

At the same time a guard-house for the foot-soldiers in 
the King's service was built in the Tilt Yard, which ap- 
pears to be the origin of the present barracks, and which 
was subsequently enlarged. The stables on the green, also, 
were repaired at the cost of £62^.^ 

Charles H. was rather fond of grardeninof, and one of his 
first cares after his accession was the putting the gardens 
here in order, French gardeners being sent for to improve 
them, and a Mr. May being appointed supervisor of 

' /J/ary, Jan. 4th, 1664. ^ State Papers, Domestic, Charles 

^ State Papers, Domestic, Charles II., II., vol. xxxvii, No. 47, June, 1661. 
vol. Ixi, No. 41, Oct. 13th, 1662. 



i66i] Charles II! s Improvements at Hampton Court. 205 

them.^ Later on in his reign, Rose, the royal head-gardener, 
planted some very famous dwarf yew-trees here, which 
were long celebrated as being the finest in England.^ 

To Charles II. also we owe the first laying out of the 
Home Park in its present form — the planting of the great 
avenues of lime trees, radiating from the centre of the east 
front of the Palace, and the digging of the great canal, 
extending from the same front towards the river to a 
distance of three-quarters of a mile. This fact is worthy of 
note, as hitherto it has been erroneously stated that it was 
William III., who carried out these works. The avenues 
are symptoms of the influence of that French taste, which 
Charles imbibed only too strongly in many directions, during 
his sojourn abroad; while the canal, fringed with rows of 
lime-trees, is clearly a reminiscence of the Dutch scenery, 
with which he became familiar durinsf his residence in 
Holland. 

The preservation of the game in the Parks and about 
the manor of Hampton Court, was also a subject of concern 
to King Charles, who had the covers restocked, and who 
gave injunctions that all dogs, guns, nets, etc., used for its 
destruction should be destroyed." ^ 

He likewise rebuilt the Upper Lodge in Bushey Park, 
and gave it as a residence to Mr. Edward Progers, by 
whom he was occasionally entertained at dinner there, when 
he came down to Hampton Court for a day's sport. 
Progers was a groom of the bed-chamber to the King, and a 
man of notoriety, at any rate, if not of note, in his time, 
havino; been a faithful servant to Charles II. durincr his 
troubles, and having been banished the King's presence in 

* State Papers, Domestic, Charles Gardening in England. 

11. , vol. xxxvii. No. 47, Dec. i8th, ^ State Papers, Domestic, Charles 

i66r. //., vol. xliv., No. 98, Nov. 25th, 1661, 

'^^'■\Jd\-^o\€^Observationson Modem and Aug. 27th, 1662. 



206 



History of ILuupton Court Palace. 



[i66: 



1650, by an Act of the States of Scotland, "as an evil 
instriuiKMU and bad counsellor of the King-'s." 

De Grammont, to be more specific, declares that he was 
the confidant and instrument of the King's intrigues, and 
amonij the many scandalous stories of that scandalous time, 
there are several that lend colour to the accusation.^ At 
any rate, he frequently acted as a secret agent for the Merry 




The Upper Lodge in Bushcy Park in the Reign oi Cliarlcs II. 

Monarch, whose commissions must have been of a very 
equivocal nature, and in reward for his services, if not as 
the price of the complacency of his own wife, he was the 
recipient of numerous appointments and favours from the 
King, chiefly of offices and privileges in and about Hamp- 
ton Court,^ among which was that of keeper of the Middle 

' De Grammont's Memoirs^ ed. 1S59, //., vol. Ixxxvi, No. "]%, Dec. 30th, 1663, 
p. 217, and note p. 381. and vol. cii. No. 27, Sept. 7th, 1664; 

* Utate Papers f Dofnesiic, Charles vol. cv, No. 125, Nov. 30th, 1664. 



1662] Disti'ibutmi of Appointments and Offices. 207 

or North Park, in reversion after the Duke of Albemarle, 
who nominated him his deputy during his life/ 

Progers, however, was not the only faithful adherent of 
the restored monarch, who claimed his gratitude in the 
shape of appointments and emoluments in connection with 
Hampton Court. For the first few years after his restora- 
tion, Charles was literally overwhelmed with applications 
from all sorts of persons, each extolling his own services in 
the good old cause, and requesting some substantial 
recognition from his grateful sovereign. The State 
Papers of the years 1662 to 1667 abound with petitions 
for such offices as " Housekeeper of Hampton Court," 
"Keeper of the Standing Wardrobe" there, "Keeper of 
the Still House," " Keeper of the Game about Hampton 
Court," and many similar posts, together with the warrants 
and grants, which were the answers to such applications. 
One startling claim was that of one Clement Kynnersley, 
yeoman of the Wardrobe of Beds, who stated that ^7,000 
arrears of salary were due to him ; and who further requested 
compensation for that " he had, by his exertions, preserved 
;^500,ooo worth of His Majesty's goods together at 
Hampton Court from sale and embezzlement." ^ 

^ state Papers, DomestiCyCharles II., - State Papers, Domestic, Charles 

vol. cxxxvii, No. 145, Nov., 1665 ; vol. //., vol. xxii, No. 171, Nov. 1660. 
clxxxviii, No. 69, June nth, 1667, etc. 




CHAPTER XVII. 



HONEYMOON OF CHARLES II. AND CATHERINE OF BRAGANZA. 



Marriage of Charles II. to Catherine of Braganza — Their Arrival in great 
State at Hampton Court — Etching by Dirk Stoop — Reception of their 
Majesties in the Palace — The Duchess of York comes to pay her Respects — 
Presentations to the Queen — The Judges — The Lord Mayor and Aldermen — 
The Nobility — John Evelyn's Impression of the new Oueen — Her Ladies — 
Hideous and Disagreeable old Frumps — De Grammont's Opinion — " Six Frights 
who call themselves Maids of Honour" — "Peter of the Wood" — The Old 
Knight — A Fantastic and Comical Crew — Their ludicrous Dress — Their Mon- 
strous Fardingales — The Queen's Obstinacy in Retaining her Native Dress — 
Submits and adopts the English Fashion — A Joyous Time at Hampton Court — 
The Queen's Portuguese Band — Evelyn's Description of the Palace — Pepys' 
Visit — The Parks and Gardens — A Portuguese Young Lady's Baby. 

ING CHARLES 1 1. 's restoration to the throne 
of his ancestors in May, 1660, was followed, 
exactly two years after, by his marriage to 
Catherine of Braganza, Infanta of Portugal, who, 
having sailed from Lisbon on the 23rd of April, 
St. George's Day, arrived off Portsmouth on the 14th of 
May, and came ashore when she had recovered from the 
effects of the journey, about a week after. On the day of 
her landing she received her first visit from Charles, and the 




J Jw Ommina of yjUnj'i Jla'^atui f' Qunui 



. 'UwrfM .^mn 




yy/u^- & £c^T:yfr 



^Ae .i^77>V/^/ Charles 11 ^//// Cathei 



Zz.-Cdtp'^ile from a Cf^ntfrn/i 



PartrmaufJi ta3ui)rwton /raurt. 

Doiw.^"ataniUi/.' Fortsmt/ir :\r a Hamtoii-coiirt 




e o j ?)v^'^2)X\'2^^. at ffam/ilo-n Court. 



/662. 



L^fcktna 61/ c^ irk ^toc^. 



1662] Charles II !s Marriage. 209 

next day, the 21st, these two very new acquaintances were 
married. 

After staying two or three days at Portsmouth, the 
"happy pair" set out for Hampton Court — where it had 
been arranged that they should spend their honeymoon — 
"as well," ^ says the chronicler, "for the salubrity as majesty 
of it, being one of the most magnificent structures of all the 
royal palaces ; " and here, after stopping a night at Windsor 
Castle, they arrived on the 29th of May, Charles's birth- 
day, and the anniversary of his entry into London after the 
Restoration.^ 

Their progress hither took place in great state, as the 
accompanying facsimile of a contemporary etching drawn on 
the spot by Dirk Stoop shows,^ in a chariot drawn by six 
horses, and accompanied by footmen, runners, men-at-arms, 
and a stream of carriages, in which were the ladies and 
gentlemen of the court, and of waggons and carts, which 
carried the guarda-infantas — that is, the fardingales of the 
Queen and her ladies, " without which," as Charles some- 
what complainingly remarked, " there is no stirring." The 
royal coach must have driven across the bridge over the 
moat in front of the Great Gateway, through the First Court, 
to the foot of the Great Hall stairs under Anne Boleyn's 
archway, where they alighted, and passed up the stairs 
through two lines of guards, followed by the Comtesses of 
Pontevel and Penalva, the Countess of Suffolk, and other 
ladies and officers of the household. Under the screens 
of the Great Hall were assembled the Lord Chancellor 

^ Heath's Chronicle, p. 509. in the Sheepshanks' Collection. Stoop 

^ Echard's History of England, was a Dutch engraver who went to 

vol. iii., p. 8. Lisbon with the vessel that brought the 

^ From a set of seven plates illustra- Infanta to England, and accompanied 

ting Catherine of Braganza's progress her home, for the express purpose of 

from Lisbon to Hampton Court and executing these etchings. 

London. A set is in the British Museum 
* p 



2IO History of Hampton Court Palace. [1662 

Clarendon,' the Lord Treasurer, and the Counsellors of 
State, who received the royal pair, and went before them up 
throuL^h the 1 1 all and the Great Watching- Chamber, to the 
Presence Chamber. Here they were greeted by the foreign 
ministers, who were present to offer the gratulations of their 
respective sovereigns on the marriage. 

'Fhe new Queen then proceeded through a suite of several 
state rooms, in which w^ere gathered, according to their de- 
grees and several qualifications, the nobility, the lords and 
ladies of the Court, and others. After receiving their homage, 
the Queen retired to her own room.^ 

The sanie nioht the Duchess of York came from London 
in her barge to pay her respects to her Majesty, and was 
received at the Privy Garden Gate by the waterside by 
King Charles himself, who, taking her by the hand, led her 
to the Queen, who received her in her bed-chamber. The 
Duchess offered to kiss her hand, but the Queen prevented 
her by raising her up and kissing her. The royal family 
then seated themselves near the Queen's bed, and con- 
versed with her.'"^ 

Next morning the Queen was dressed by eleven o'clock, 
and received several ladies, among them the w^ife of Sir 
Richard Fanshawe, whom the reader will remember as 
being with Charles L at Hampton Court just before his 
escape, and who had performed the office of groomsman to 
Charles H. at his marriage at Portsmouth. Lady Fanshawe 
tells us that she " had the honour from the King, who was 
then present, to tell the Queen who I was, saying many 
kind things to ingratiate me with her Majesty, whereupon 

* So says White Kcnnett, but Lord * Memoirs of Lady FuHshawe, p. 

Sandwich, in a letter to Lord Claren- 144. 

don, speaks of makinc; "your excuse ^ Life of Catherijie of Braganza^hY 

that your Lordship did not attend her Miss Strickland, who had access to 

Majesty's arrival at Hampton Court." some unpublished Portuguese authori- 

See fonrual of Lcrd Sandunch. ties. 



1662] Queen Catherine of Br aganza. 211 

her Majesty gave her hand to me to kiss, with promises of 
her future favour." ^ 

The rest of that day was probably spent in making the 
acquaintance of the various courtiers ; and on the next, the 
31st, the judges came to compHment her on her arrival. 
On June 2nd her Majesty received in state the Lord Mayor 
and aldermen of the city of London, who, by Sir William 
Wylde, their recorder (who pronounced a Spanish oration), 
presented her with a gold cup and ^1,000 in it.^ On this 
and other days she also received addresses from the nobility, 
and the submissions of several deputies for the cities and 
towns of England. Among them, we may be sure that the 
neighbouring town of Kingston-on-Thames was duly repre- 
sented, especially as it had, about a fortnight before, been 
granted by the King the right of holding a weekly market, 
" on account of the convenience of thus supplying the house- 
hold at Hampton Court," and had also received the privi- 
lege of " a fat buck to be sent every year out of Hampton 
Court Park, in consideration of a piece of land formerly 
parted with to the Crown." ^ 

John Evelyn, the diarist, also came down from London to 
Hampton Court, and saw the Queen dining in public ; and 
was afterwards taken by the Duke of Ormonde to be 
presented to her, and kiss her hand.^ His impression of 
her was tolerably favourable, for he states that " She was 
yet of the handsomest countenance of all the rest, and 
though low of stature, prettily shaped, languishing and 
excellent eyes, her teeth wronging her mouth by sticking a 
little too far out : for the rest lovely enough." 

But to say that she was " of the handsomest countenance " 

^ Memoirs, p. 145. ^ State Papers, Domestic, Charles II., 

^ Heath's Chronicle, p. 509 ; Pepys' vol. liv.. No. 68, May 19th, 1662. 

Diary; E chard's History, p. 801 ; * Diary, May 31st. 

Echard iii. p. 84. 



212 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1662 

of anv of llie Portuirucsc ladies who followed in her train, 
was ni)l a very hiL,di commendation ; for never, according to 
the universal opinion, both at Court and among the public, 
had a pack of such hideous, odious, disagreeable women 
been gathered together to attend a Queen. Lord Clarendon, 
who was not disposed to be censorious in this regard, stig- 
matized them as " old, ugly and proud, and incapable of any 
conversation with persons of quality and a liberal educa- 
tion ; " ' while the vivacious De Grammont, after saying 
that the Queen herself lent but little brilliancy to the Court 
where she came to reign, gives a caustic account of her 
retinue. It was composed, he says, of the Countess de 
Panctra, who came with her from Portugal, in the quality 
of lady of the bed-chamber ; " six frights, who called them- 
selves Maids of Honour, and a Duenna, another Monster, 
who took the title of governess to these extraordinary 
beauties." 

The Court were not less critical of the gentlemen in atten- 
dance on the Queen. Among these, especially, was one 
Taurauvedez, who called himself Don Pedro Francisco de 
Silva, and who, though extremely handsome, " was," says 
De Grammont, "a greater fool than all the rest of the 
Portuguese put together, and more vain of his names than 
his person. On him the Duke of Buckingham fastened the 
nickname of " Peter of the Wood," which so enraged him 
that, after many fruidess complaints and ineffectual menaces, 
he left England in disgust. " The Old Knight," also, " a lock 
of whose hair quite covered the rest of his bald pate, bound 
on by a thread very oddly," was another object of ridicule 
to the scoffers. 

Altogether, both the ladies and gentlemen of the Portu- 
guese suite formed such a fantastic and comical crew, that in 
a witty and critical Court like that of Charles II., they 

' Autobiography^ ii. p. 167. 



1662] A Fantastic and Comical Retinue. 213 

could not but be exposed to a constant fire of satirical 
comment. 

But what gave rise to even more criticism and laughter 
than their looks and general appearance, was the ludicrous 
Portuguese dress in which the Queen and her ladies in- 
sisted on attiring themselves, instead of the pretty and 
graceful fashion then prevalent at the English Court. Their 
obstinacy in thus adhering to their native costume, which 
was not only strange, but positively ugly and grotesque, 
could not but create a prejudice against them, and tend to 
diminish that feeling of respect for the new Queen, which 
it should have been the first aim of all of them to foster. 

It seems that before leaving Lisbon, Catherine had been 
strongly urged by her brother, the King of Portugal, and 
by her mother, to cling pertinaciously to all her native 
peculiarities of manners, customs, language, and dress, being 
foolishly persuaded that to do so would greatly conduce to 
the dignity of Portugal, and would soon lead the English 
ladies to follow her example, so that it would end in the 
Portuguese costume being adopted by every one at 
Court. 

Of this idea Charles had probably got some inkling 
before his future wife had left Portugal ; for he despatched 
to Lisbon a first-rate tailor, who was to fit her out in the 
smartest and best " tailor-made " French dresses ; and when 
she hnded at Portsmouth he sent her, at once, a most mag- 
nificent trousseau. 

But in both cases Catherine refused to take the hint — the 
tailor she would not even see, the trousseau she utterly 
declined to wear, and even now that she was under her 
husband's roof, she still, with petty feminine obstinacy, 
adhered to her foolish resolution, as unconscious, apparently, 
of the bad taste of appearing so singular among a foreign 
people in the Court where she had come to reign, as she 



2 14 History of Hampton Conrt Palace. [1662 

tvidcntly was of the stupidity of thereby giving her hus- 
band a good cause of complaint against her so early in 
their married hfe. Never, in truth, was a more foolish 
mistake made. Had the dresses she and her ladies insisted 
on wearing been pretty or graceful, there would have been 
more excuse for the eccentricity ; and had the wearers of them 
been remarkable for beauty of feature or form, there would 
have been more chance of carrying off their strangeness in 
ICnglish eyes, and more likelihood of inducing the ladies of 
the Court to follow their lead and adopt the costume. But 
instead of this, the train of hideous, dowdy, old frumps, with 
their dumpy figures, their forbidding countenances, and 
their dark, olive complexions, *' decked out in their monstrous 
fardingales," with " their fortops turned aside very strangely," 
raised a perfect howl of derision wherever they went. 

Charles, who was keenly alive to the ludicrous, and 
always acutely sensitive to any ridicule cast on those con- 
nected with himself, and who was, all the time, only too 
conscious of the critical eyes and satiric tongues of his 
courtiers, implored her to lay this costume aside, and wear 
some of the trousseau he had presented to her. 

But for a long time Catherine was obdurate ; until at 
length, finding that the king, who had used persuasion in 
vain, was becoming peremptory, she obeyed, yielding at 
last with bad grace on a point in which she was clearly in 
the wrong, and on which she should have given in, cheer- 
fully and willingly, at the beginning. 

Throughout this dispute Catherine was so unfortunate as 
to receive nothing but bad advice from her ladies-in-w^aiting, 
who, being older than herself, and presumably possessed of 
more knowledge and experience of the world, should have 
cncouragfed her to take the wiser and more reasonable 
course, instead of from the outset doing everything in their 
power to set her against Charles, and to resist his authority 



ifs®isffit^"-^^^i 



.%i -^^.1 




G 






'////r 



1662] Grotesque Portuguese Fashions. 215 

in every way. Even after she herself had adopted the 
EngHsh costume, they themselves persisted in appearing 
before the whole Court in their grotesque "guarda-in- 
fantas," in defiance of her example, and in reproach, as it 
were, to her weakness in having surrendered. Eventually, 
however, even they had to conform, and were compelled to 
clothe their misshapen forms in the prevailing French 
fashion. The weakening of the new Queen's influence, 
caused by thus making her first stand against Charles on 
a question, in which eventual surrender on her part was 
inevitable, instead of reserving all her strength of will and 
firmness of purpose for a contest, where principles and not 
trifles were involved, had, as we shall see in our next chapter, 
the most fatal results on her future life with her husband. 

After this things went on propitiously for some little time. 
For, though Charles was never in love with his wife, still he 
was sufficiently pleased with her youth, her simplicity, and 
her cheerful and innocent conversation to make the first few 
weeks of their sojourn at Hampton Court go off pretty well. 
The days were occupied with excursions on the river, sports 
in the parks, and games in the gardens ; the evenings with 
plays, music, and balls, in which the King, who excelled in 
dancing, greatly distinguished himself.^ 

Evelyn, who was at the Palace for several days, gives us 
some account of what was going on. One day he saw the 
beautiful gondola sent to his Majesty by the State of Venice 
floating on the Thames, bearing, no doubt, the royal party, 
but he adds, " it was not comparable for swiftness to our 
common wherries, though managed by Venetians ; " on 
another day he was present when her Majesty took supper 
privately in her bed-room ; and on another he heard " the 
Queen's Portugal music, consisting of fifes, harps, and very 
ill voices." 

* Hisi. Casa Real Portugiiesa. 



2i6 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1662 

At the same time Evelyn made a careful inspection of the 
whole palace and its contents and curiosities ; and from 
what he tells us, under date June 9th, 1662, we can judge 
that it now shone again with much of its pristine splen- 
dour : — 

" Hampton Court is as noble and uniform a pile, and as 
capacious as any Gothic architecture can have made it. 
There is incomparable furniture in it, especially hangings 
designed by Raphael, very rich wnth gold [he apparendy 
means the tapestries in the Great Hall, representing the 
" History of Abraham," the designs of w^hich are now attri- 
buted to Bernard van Orlay], also many rare pictures, espe- 
cially the Cesarian Triumphs of Andr. Mantegna, formerly 
the Duke of Mantua's ; of the tapestries, I believe the 
world can show nothing nobler of the kind than the storys 
of Abraham and Tobit.^ The gallery of homes is very 
particular for the vast beames of stags, elks, antelopes, etc. 

" The Queen's bed was an embroidery of silver on crimson 
velvet, and cost ^8,000, being a present made by the States 
of Holland when his Majesty returned, and had formerly 
been given by them to our King's sister, the Princess of 
Orange, and being bought of her again was now presented 
to the King.^ The great looking-glass and toilet of beaten 
and massive gold w^as given by the Queen Mother. The 
(^ueen brouMit over with her from Portugal such Indian 
cabinets as had never been seen here. 

" The Great Hall is a most magnificent room. The chapel 
roof excellently fretted and gilt. I w^as also curious to visit 
the wardrobe and tents and other furniture of state." 

Pepys also bears his testimony to the splendour of 

* One piece of the Story of Tobit this reign, see post, p. 244. " Un lit 

has been returned recently to Hanip- ct I'assortiment de velours incarnat, 

ton Court. d'une parfaitement riche broderie d'or 

' This bed is also mentioned by M. ct d'arj^ent, double dc brocatelle." 
dc Monconys a traveller in England in 






(( 



ii %ll, 



^^- ( 



,3k.^=^ 









irri' Mini '•^2rtnrynr:^3?^ 










Old East Front of Hampton Court in the time of Charles II. 
From the picture by Danckers. 



1662] Evelyns Description of Hampton Court. 217 

Hampton Court, when he visited it just after it had been 
prepared for the reception of the King and Queen, about a 
fortnight before their arrival.^ He and his party were shown 
over the palace by Mr. Marriott, the housekeeper, and he 
also was much struck with "the noble furniture, particularly 
the Queen's bed, given her by the States of Holland ; 
a looking-glass sent by the Queen- Mother from France, 
hanging in the Queen's chamber, and many brave pictures." 

The Queen's Portuguese chronicler likewise speaks with 
enthusiasm of the hangings of silk and gold, the em- 
broidered canopies, chairs, and beds, and the valuable 
paintings in the Palace.^ 

But it was not only the furniture and interior of the 
Palace that moved the interest of visitors. Its surrounding 
amenities, also, did not fail to attract observation ; and 
Evelyn, especially, as a horticulturist, and the author of the 
" Sylva," speaks of — '* The Park, formerly a naked piece of 
ground, now planted with sweet rows of lime trees ; and 
the canal for water now near perfected," &c.,^ a remark 
which shows, as we have already pointed out in our last 
chapter, that it is to Charles H., and not to William HI., as 
is usually stated, that we are indebted for the making of the 
Long Canal, and the planting of the great avenues in the 
Home Park. If any further proof of this fact were needed, 
we have it in a curious contemporary picture of the old east 
front of the Palace before William \\\'s alterations, taken 
from the park side, and showing the canal and the recently- 
planted lime trees. The picture was painted for Charles II . 
about this time by Danckers, a painter of architecture and 
landscape, and it can be traced as being in the royal collec- 

^ Diary, May I2th, 1662. 

'■* See Life of Queen Catheiiiie^ by Miss Strickland, \vho had access to 
unpublished documents. 
^ Z^/rt;j, June 9th, 1662. 



2i8 History of Hampton Co7irt Palace. [1662 

tion since the time of James II., in whose catalos^ue it is 
entered thus : ^ — "Hampton Court with the Canal, by 
Danckers." It has recently been removed, at the author's 
sui^'-gestion, from St. James's Palace to Hampton Court, and 
an engravin<j;- of it is here inserted. The space in front 
of this facade of the Palace was afterwards, as we shall 
show in our next volume, occupied by the large semi- 
circular garden laid out by William I II., and on that account 
this end of the canal was partly filled up, so as to be now 
further removed from the Palace than appears in this 
picture. Its present length is 3,500 feet, or nearly three- 
(piarters of a mile, and its width 1 50 feet. 

On the gardens Evelyn makes the following observa- 
tions : " In the garden is a rich and noble fountain, with 
syrens, statues, etc., cast in copper by Fanelli, but no plenty 
of water. The cradle walk of horn-beam^ [now called 
Oueen Mary's Bower] in the garden is, for the perplexed 
twining of the trees, very observable. There is a parterre 
which they call Paradise, in which is a pretty banqueting 
house set over a cave or cellar. All these gardens mioht 
be exceedingly improved, as being too narrow for such a 
palace." 

While Evelyn was surveying the gardens at Hampton 
Court, and noting what improvements might be made in 
them, Pepys was busy collecting the latest gossip from the 
Palace that reached him in London. On the 22nd of June 
he sets down in his diary : " This day I am told of a Por- 
tugal lady, at Hampton Court, that hath dropped a child 
already since the Queen's coming, and the King would not 
have them searched, whose it is ; and so it is not commonly 

' See James II.'s Catalogue in the have the four houses of the king, 

liritish Museum. In Pepys' Diary, Whitehall, Hampton Court, Greenwich 

Jan. i66S-g, we find, " Dancre took and Windsor. 

measure of my panels in my dining- ^ The trees are wych elm, not horn- 
room, where in the four I intend to beam. 



1662] The Gardens — A Scandalous Story. 219 

known yet." Nor does her name appear to be known to 
this day, though that of the father has been revealed by 
history — a reversal of the usual order of things in these 
cases which is sufficiently remarkable. He was, it seems, a 
Mr. Edward Tildesley, a member of an old Catholic 
Lancashire family, who had been sent to Portugal in the 
preceding autumn, with the embassy commissioned by 
Charles to bring over the Infanta into England. He 
appears to have fallen in love with the lady while in Por- 
tugal, and continued his suit on board ship on the way 
home. As a penance for his fault he was enjoined by the 
Queen to give the lady as compensation the sum of ^1,500. 
To raise it he mortgaged his estate to some English priests, 
who in their turn imposed upon the lady as a penance for 
her sin, that she should give the money to them, which she 
did/ 

* The English Catholic Non-Jtirors of i']\^,\yj Escourt and Payne, p. 342 





CHAPTER XVIII. 

CHARLES II. BETWIXT MISTRESS AND WIFE. 

Discontent in London at "the King and Queen minding their Pleasures at 
Hampton Court" — The Queen resolved not to receive Lady Castlemaine — The 
King determined that she shall — The imperious Castlemaine's Audacity — Aspires 
to be publicly recognized as the King's Mistress — Charles presents her to Cathe- 
rine — A Painful Scene — Catherine faints — Charles's " Wonderful Indignation " — 
Dreads the Appearance of being ruled by his Wife — Urged on by his Courtiers 
not to yield — Their Satirical Comments on the Queen and her Attendants — 
Charles's Honour involved — He demands that Catherine should make his 
Mistress a Lady of her Bedchamber — Catherine's Passionate Indignation at the 
Proposal — The aid of the Lord Chancellor Clarendon invoked — His Lordship 
speaks out — " Flesh and blood could not comply with it " — The King's unshake- 
able Determination — Requires Clarendon to Persuade the Queen to yield — He 
hesitates — Cliarlcs's Peremptory Letter — "The Keeper of the King's Conscience" 
undertakes to pander for his Majesty. 

N the meantime, the King and Queen spending 
such a long time at Hampton Court was be- 
ginning to occasion considerable dissatisfaction 
in London, where the presence of the Court was 
missed, and where the business of the State was 
at a standstill. Pepys, in a note at the end of his Diary for 
June, says : " This I take to be as bad a juncture as ever I 
observed. The King and new Queen minding their plea- 
sures at Hampton Court : all people discontented." 




1662] The Queen and Lady Castlemaine. 221 

But as Sir John Reresby remarked : " Though every- 
thing was gay and splendid and profusely joyful, it was easy 
to discern that the King was not excessively charmed with 
his new bride, who was a very little woman, with a pretty 
tolerable face, she neither in person nor manners having any 
one article to stand in competition with the charms of the 
Countess of Castlemaine, the finest woman of her age." ^ 
Indeed, of the King's indifference to her, and his preference 
for Lady Castlemaine, the Queen had not long to wait before 
receiving very emphatic proof. 

Previous to Catherine of Braganza's quitting Portugal she 
had heard of the too intimate relations, which had for some 
time existed between King Charles and the young and 
beautiful Mrs. Palmer, afterwards Countess of Castlemaine, 
a lady of good birth, whose father had lost his life in the 
service of the Crown. And she had been warned by her 
mother, on no account, to receive her at Court, or even to 
allow her name to be mentioned in her presence. When, 
therefore, Catherine came to England and married Charles, 
she kept this resolution firmly planted in her mind. 

Unfortunately her husband had, on his part, for many 
reasons, come to exactly the opposite conclusion; and he was 
determined to insist, at all hazards, on the Queen not only 
acknowledging and receiving Lady Castlemaine at Court, 
but positively making her one of the ladies of her bed- 
chamber, and admitting her into her most intimate acquain- 
tance. He had made this resolve, pardy out of his infatua- 
tion for that fascinating lady, and partly in consequence of a 
promise, which the imperious beauty had extorted from him, of 
giving her such a position at Court as could not be gainsayed, 
and which would be some compensation to her for her loss 
of position in more respectable or less tolerant society. 

Indeed her ladyship's audacity rose to such presumptuous 

^ Rercsby's Memoirs^ p. 167. 



222 History of IIcDiiptoii Court Palace. [1662 

hc-ij;hts that bcini^ with child by the Kini^, about a fortnight 
before the Queen's arrival in Enoland, she formed the 
design of going to Hampton Court for her confinement, so 
that that interesting event might occur in the Palace during 
the honeymoon of the Queen, and the King acknowledge 
her illegitimate offspring as his own, in the face of his 
newly-married wife ! 

This, however, was rather too much, even for the accom- 
modating good nature of the easy-going Charles. But 
Lady Castlemaine, foiled in that part of her scheme, resolved 
that she would be satisfied with nothino- less than beinof 
publicly recognized and received at Court, as the acknow- 
ledged mistress of the King, ''la maitresse en litre" accord- 
ing to the custom of the French Court, which has always 
been the accepted arbiter in all such questions of mere- 
tricious etiquette. 

Such being the intentions and inclinations of the chief 
persons concerned, we can imagine the significance of 
the scene that occurred one day at Hampton Court, in the 
Presence Chamber, where Catherine was sitting, surrounded 
by the Court, when the door opened, and Charles, leading 
Lady Castlemaine by the hand, himself presented her to the 
Queen. 

Catherine, who, of course, had never set eyes on the lady 
before, and who, perhaps, did not catch her name, nor fully 
understand who she was, rose and received her with her 
usual graciousness. But a moment after, divining who she 
was, and conscious of the flagrant insult that had been put 
upon her in the face of the whole Court, she sat down, her 
colour changed, tears gushed from her eyes, her nose bled, 
and she fainted. She was then taken into her own room ; 
and all the company withdrew to talk over the scandalous 
scene they had just witnessed. 

So painful an upshot of the King's first step towards his 




BARBARA VILLIERS, 
Countess of Castlemaine and Duchess of Cleveland. 



1662] The King's Mistress forced on the Queen. 223 

project, should have made him, one would suppose, relin- 
quish it at least for a time. But not at all. On the con- 
trary, he looked upon the demeanour of the Queen in the 
affair "with wonderful indignation," and on receiving, in 
reply to his remonstrances, her answer that she would main- 
tain her resolution not to receive Lady Castlemaine, in spite 
of everything he might do or say, he became excessively 
exasperated. 

His pride was touched in the one quarter In which it was 
most tender — namely, the dread of appearing to the world 
as though he was governed by his wife, on which point, as 
Clarendon, whose pages are the authority for the particulars 
of this story,^ observes : " He was the most jealous and the 
most resolute of any man," though no man's nature was, in 
its essence, " more remote from thouo-hts of roug-hness or 
hard-heartedness." He had persuaded himself, however, 
that his honour was involved in breaklno- down the resis- 
tance of his wife to his authority ; and for once the Merry 
Monarch, usually so pliable and yielding, was as firm as 
adamant." To mark his displeasure the more emphatically, 
he entirely avoided the Queen's company, " and sought ease 
and refreshment in that jolly company, to which in the 
evenings he grew every day more Indulgent, and in which 
there were some, who desired rather to Inflame than pacify 
his discontent." Here among his boon companions he was 
certain to be strongly backed up in the course he was 
taking ; for not only were they eager, from a spirit of courtier- 
ship, to flatter his pride, and encourage him to act accord- 
ing to the promptings of his passion ; but they also feared 
that if the Queen were to get her way, it might lead to 
the purification of the Court, and put a very unwelcome 
period to their own immoral pranks. The courtiers, 
therefore, took their cue from the knowledge that the thing 

* Autobiography, vol, ii. 



2 24 I lisUny of Hampton Court Palace. [1662 

above all others in the world, whicli the King shrank from, 
was to appear as though he was ruled by his wife. So they 
plied him unremittinj^ly with urgent exhortations to make a 
stand now, assuring liim that if he yielded on this point, he 
would ever afterwards be looked on as that most ridiculous 
of all objects — a hen-pecked husband. In a man like 
Charles, so alive to the ludicrous, these representations were 
not without effect. Nor was he oblivious of the Queen's ill- 
advised obstinacy about her native dress ; how absurd she 
and her ladies had made themselves appear in the eyes of 
the whole Court ; and how, when he insisted, she had been 
obliged to give in. This topic, also, his courtiers worked 
adroitly to the same end, holding up all the Queen's atten- 
dants to the most merciless ridicule, and indirectly pointing 
the shafts of their satire at the Queen herself. We can 
imagine the roars of laughter that greeted the sallies of the 
Court wits, such as Rochester, Buckingham, De Grammont, 
and Sir Charles Sedley, and of Charles's parasites, male and 
female, assembled in jovial supper parties around the Merry 
Monarch at Hampton Court, at the Guarda-dainaSy or 
Mother of the Maids, an austere, wrinkled old harridan, 
who looked more like an old housekeeper in fancy dress 
than a lady-in-waiting ; at " Peter of the Wood " with his 
Lusitanian pride and his six names; at the "old knight" 
with his one lock of hair plastered across his bald pate ; at 
those six frights, the maids of honour, with their shapeless 
figures, their absurd top-knots, and their olive-green com- 
plexions, who were so prudish as to refuse to sleep in any 
bed that had ever been slept in by a man ; ^ and, by inuendo, 
at the Queen herself with her short, stunted figure, her 
snub nose, and her protruding tooth ! 

No wonder that all this confirmed Charles in his resolu- 
tion not to give way to Catherine, whom he characterized 

' Letters of Philip second Lord Chesterfield, p. 122. 



1662] The Portugtcese assailed with Ridicule. 225 

as a bat instead of a woman ! For a man to be ruled by his 
wife was bad enough ; but to be ruled by such a wife ! 

On the other hand we must not forget the feelings of the 
poor Queen — in a strange country, without counsellors, and 
without friends, married, after one day^s acquaintance, to a 
man whose affections were already engaged, to whom she 
was an object of indifference, and who, instead of being her 
protector, was trying to exact a most humiliating concession 
from her ; while she, an alien in religion, and ignorant of the 
language and customs of the people, was surrounded by a 
crowd of cynics and scoffers. Never surely was a young 
woman placed in a more painful position ! 

But a still more bitter and cruel trial was yet in store for 
her. Hitherto, though Charles had freely expressed his 
displeasure to the Queen at her conduct when he presented 
Lady Castlemaine to her, and his determination that she 
should receive that lady at Court, he had not yet revealed 
to her his intention of insisting also on his mistress being 
appointed a lady of her bedchamber. This plan, however, 
he now proceeded to unfold, preferring it on the transparent 
pretext that it was the only means of vindicating her lady- 
ship's aspersed character to the world. 

But at this proposal the Queen was naturally only the 
more transported with indignation ; and she burst out into 
a torrent of angry reproaches against her husband. 

Finding that all his remonstrances with the Queen were 
of no avail, Charles bethought himself of having recourse to 
the persuasive powers of his Lord Chancellor, Clarendon, to 
whom he accordingly imparted his complaint of the Queen's 
"perverseness and ill-humours," and requested his assistance 
in his endeavour to break down her resistance to his project. 

Clarendon, though he knew of what had taken place in 
the Presence-Chamber, had hitherto not heard of this truly 
shocking proposal ; and he made bold to speak his mind 

* Q 



2 26 History of I Lxinpton Court Palace. [1662 

pretty freely to the Kin.C^, censuring particularly " the hard- 
heartetlness and crui:lty in laying such a command upon the 
Oueen, which llesh and blood could not comply with," and 
urging many other good reasons of policy and morality 
against his adhering to it. In answer, the King acknow- 
ledged that what his chancellor said proceeded no doubt 
from affection for him ; but he declared that having undone 
this lady and ruined her reputation, he was bound in con- 
science and honour to do the utmost he could for her, that 
" he would always avow to have a great friendship for her, 
which he owed as well to the memory of her father as to her 
own person ; and that he would look upon it as the highest 
disrespect to him in anybody who should treat her otherwise 
than was due to her own birth, and the dignity to which he 
had raised her. That he liked her company and conversa- 
tion, from which he w^ould not be restrained, because he 
knew there was and should be all innocence in it ; and that 
his wife should never have cause to complain that he brake 
his vows to her if she would live towards him as a good wife 
ought to do, in rendering herself grateful and acceptable to 
him, which it was in her power to do." He added that he 
had proceeded so far in the business, and was so deeply 
engaged in it, that not only would the lady be exposed to 
all imaginable contempt if it was not carried through, " but 
his own honour would suffer so much, that he should become 
ridiculous to the world, and be thought, too, in pupilage 
under a governor. Therefore he should expect and exact 
conformity from his wife herein, which should be the only 
hard thing he would ever require from her, and which she 
herself might make very easy, for the lady would behave 
herself with all possible duty and humility unto her, which 
if she should fail to do in the least degree she should never 
see the Kind's face acrain : and that in the future he would 
undertake never to put any other servant about her without 



1662] Charles Unshakable Deterfninatmi. 227 

first consulting her and receiving her consent and approba- 
tion." He conchided by saying that nothing should make 
him recede from the resolution he had taken ; and that he 
required Clarendon to use all the persuasive arts, of which 
he was master, to induce the Queen to comply with his 
wishes. 

Such a duty was not one that any man would willingly 
have had cast upon him, especially considering the isolated 
and forlorn condition of the young Queen ; least of all could 
it have been a congenial one to Lord Clarendon, to whom 
Catherine had been bidden by her mother to look for 
counsel and sympathetic guidance,^ and whom, as she 
touchingly assured him, she regarded as her only friend in 
England. Besides, the woman whom he was desired by the 
King to recommend as a lady of her bed-chamber, was one 
of his own bitterest personal enemies, hating him both on 
account of his grudging her the pernicious influence she 
wielded over the King, and on account of his forbidding his 
own wife to receive or even to notice her. 

In these circumstances he was certainly hesitating to dis- 
charge the task assigned to him, if he was not actually 
endeavouring to thwart the King in his project, when 
he received from his Majesty the following peremptory 
letter : — • 

Hampton Court, Thursday morning. 
For the Chancellor. 

I forgot when you were here last to desire you to give 
Broderick good counsel not to meddle any more with what con- 
cerns my Lady Castlemaine, and to let him have a care how he is 
the author of any scandalous reports, for if I find him guilty of such 
a thing, I will make him repent it to the last moment of his life. 
And now I am entered on this matter, I think it very necessary to 
give you a little good council, lest you may think that by making 
a farther stir in the matter you may divert me from my resolution, 

* Letter of Lord Sandwich from Portsmouth to Lord Clarendon. 



2 28 History of Ilaiupton Court Palace. [1662 

which all the world vhall never do, and I wish I may be unhappy 
ill this world, and in the world to come, if I fail in the least dei;ree 
c>f what I resolved, which is of making my Lady Castlemaine of my 
wife's bed-chamber, and whosoever I find endeavouring to hinder 
this resolution of mine, except it be only to myself, I will be his 
enemy to the last moment of my life. You know how much a 
friciul I have been to }'ou : if you will oblige me eternally, make 
this business as easy to me as you can, of what opinion you are of; 
for I am resolved to go through with this matter, let what w^ill come 
of it, which again I solemnly swear before Almighty God ; where- 
fore, if >ou desire to have the continuance of my friendship, meddle 
no more with this business, except it be to beat down all false and 
scandalous reports, and to facilitate what I am sure my honour is 
so much concerned in : and whomsoever I find to be my Lady 
Castlemaine's enemy in this matter, I do promise upon my word to 
be his enemy as long as I live. You may show this letter to my 
Lord Lieutenant, and if you have both a mind to oblige me, carry 
yourselves like friends to me in this matter. 

Charles R/ 

The import of this letter there was no mistaking ; and 
" the Keeper of the King's Conscience " had the disagree- 
able alternative plainly put before him, either of resigning the 
Great Seal, and incurring the King's eternal enmity, or of 
employing all his powers of persuasion and argument, to 
induce a friendless and inexperienced young woman, 
specially committed to his care, to enter into most inti- 
mate relations with a woman, whom he thought too in- 
famous to associate with his own wife ! 

Clarendon was not lono;- in makino- his election : and in- 
exhaustible were the plausible sophistries — set out with 
great diffuseness in his autobiography — with which, after 
the manner of politicians anxious to retain place and power, 
he tried to excuse to his own conscience and to the world, 
his adoption of the baser alternative. It was, of course, not 

* Secret History of Charles II., vol. i., p. 447. 



1662] Clarendons Cant. 229 

that he feared the displeasure of the King, nor that he clung 
to the lucrative post of the Lord Chancellorship. Not at 
all ! It was only his overwhelming sense of what was due 
to his sovereign and master, and his deep appreciation of 
the imperative exigencies of the political situation, which 
compelled him to waive any objections he might have had, 
and to subordinate his individual predilections to the good 
of the State. With verbose and laboured cant of this sort, 
did Clarendon seek to justify himself for assuming the 
disgraceful role of pander for the King ! 





CHAPTER XIX. 



QUEKN CATHERINE AND LADY CASTLEMAINE. 

Clarendon's Interviews with Catherine of Braganza— Her touching Reliance 
on him — His unworthy Sophistry— Tries to wheedle her to acquiesce in the King's 
Purpose — She threatens to return to Portugal— "Your mother wouldn't have 
you back "—High words between Charles and Catherine -Her " Perverseness " 
—Clarendon's Pharasaical Cant— The King's Mistress "an estimable and com- 
mendable Associate" for the Queen— Catherine's Determination— Studied Cold- 
ness and Indifference of the King— He passes his time in Jovial Company— 
The Queen's Attendants sent back to Portugal— Lady Castlemaine installed in 
the Palace— The (;)ueen's friendless and forlorn Condition— Subjected to Ridicule 
and Indignity— She submits— Treats Lady Castlemaine with marked Fami- 
liarity—Loathsome Perfidy of Clarendon— Charles and Catherine visit the 
Oucc'n-Mother Her Visit to this Palace— Their Majesties' State Entry into 
London by way of the Thames— Their Progress down the River in Magnificent 
Barges— Splendid Aquatic Pageant. 




ith Ouccn 



^^^^LARENDON'S first interview wii 
/ /7. €^rht[ Catherine of Braganza, to try and induce her 
to conform to the King's wishes, was not much 
of a success. For when, in expressing his 
reirrct at the misunderstandins: that had arisen 
between their Majesties, he coolly did so in such a way as 
to show that the King imputed much blame to her, hinting 
also that he himself shared that view, she protested so 
passionately, and with such a torrent of tears, that there was 



1662] Clarendon s Interview with the Queen. 231 

nothing for him to do but to retire, stiffly observing " that he 
would wait upon her in a fitter season, and when she should 
be more capable of receiving humble advice from her ser- 
vants, who wished her well/' 

Next day he came to see her again, and found her much 
more composed, and she vouchsafed to excuse the excite- 
ment which she had betrayed the day before, pathetically re- 
marking that " she looked upon him as one of the few 
friends she had, and from whom she would most willingly 
at all times receive counsel, but that she hoped he would 
not wonder at, nor blame her, if having greater misfortunes 
upon her, and having to struggle with more difficulties, than 
any woman had ever been put to of her condition, she some- 
times gave vent to that passion that was ready to break her 
heart." To this Clarendon hypocriiically replied that "such 
was his devotion to her, that he would always loyally say to 
her what was best for her to hear, though it might not please 
her, and though it should render him ungracious in her 
eyes." On which Catherine humbly told him "that he 
should never be more welcome to her than when he told 
her of her faults." Of the permission thus accorded him, 
his lordship at once took advantage, by explaining that her 
education, which had been almost entirely in a convent, had 
been such as to give her but little information " of the follies 
and iniquities of mankind, of which," he presumed, " the 
climate from whence she came could have given more in- 
stances than this cold region would afford, though at that 
time it was indeed very hot " ; adding that otherwise " she 
could never have thought herself so miserable, and her con- 
dition so insupportable as she seemed to think it to be." 
Whereupon "with some blushing, some confusion, and some 
tears," she stammered out that, "She did not think that she 
should have found the King engaged in his affection to 
another lady — " and being unable from emotion to proceed 






History of Hampton Co2irt Palace. [1662 

further, l,^'^vc the Chancellor the opportunity, as he tells us, 
of sayinj;-, " th:it lie knew well that she had been very little 
ac(iuaintecl with or informed of the world ; yet he could not 
believe that she was so utterly ignorant as to expect that 
the Kino^ her husband, in the full strength and vigour of his 
youth, was of so innocent a constitution, as to be reserved 
for her, whom he had never seen, and to have had no acquain- 
tance or familiarity with the sex ; and asked whether she 
believetl, " wlu-n it should please God to send a Queen 
to Portugal, she should find that court so full of chaste 
affections ? " Upon this her Majesty smiled, and sj^oke 
pleasantly enough, but hinting that she thought all this adroit 
sophistication by the Keeper of the King's Conscience 
somewhat beside the point — as indeed it was. This 
rather nettled " the plain-dealing man," as he calls himself, 
and, " with some warmth," he replied, " that he came to her 
with a message from the King, which if she received as she 
ought to do, and as he hoped she would, she would be the 
happiest Queen in the world. That whatever correspon- 
dences the King had entertained with any other ladies 
before he saw her Majesty, concerned her not ; nor ought 
she to inquire into them or after them ; that he now dedi- 
cated himself entirely and without reserve to her ; and that 
if she met his affection with that warmth and spirit and 
good humour, which she well knew how to express, she 
would live a life of the greatest delight imaginable." This, 
and a great deal more in the same strain, Catherine heard 
with evident pleasure, thinking it all a prelude to an 
announcement that the King meant to renounce his design 
with regard to his mistress. She accordingly begged 
Clarendon to help her " in returning thanks to his Majesty 
and in obtaining his pardon for any passion or peevishness 
she might have been guilty of, and in assuring" him of all 
future obedience and duty." 



1662] The Chancellor s SopJiistical Arguments. 233 

But the wily old Chancellor, having wheedled her up to 
this frame of mind, then proceeded to expound to her how 
fitting it was that her Majesty " should gratify this good reso- 
lution, justice and tenderness in the King, by meeting it with 
a proportionable submission and resignation on her part to 
whatsoever his Majesty should desire of her ;" and he then 
straightway proceeded to insinuate the full purport of his 
mission, namely, that the King wished her to make his 
mistress a lady of her bed-chamber. 

He had, however, no sooner hinted at this, than she again 
burst out " with all the rage and fury she had shown yesterday, 
but with fewer tears, the fire appearing in her eyes, where the 
w^ater was, declaring that the King's insisting on such a 
condition could only proceed from hatred to her person, 
and his desire to expose her to the contempt of the world, 
who would think her worthy of such an affront, if she sub- 
mitted to it, which rather than do so she would put herself 
on board of any little vessel, and so be transported to 
Lisbon," and many other other similar expressions, which 
outburst Clarendon coldly interrupted by remarking that 
"she had not the disposal of her own person, nor could go 
out of the house where she was, without the King's leave ; " 
and he, therefore, advised her not to speak any more of 
Portugal, where there were enous:h who wished her to be ; 
and so, after advising her not to irritate the King by exhibit- 
ing any such feeling as she had shown to him, or by giving 
him any definite or positive refusal to comply with his 
request, he left her. 

Such was the sort of chivalrous sympathy, which the 
highly religious and moral Clarendon thought it becoming to 
extend to the unfortunate Catherine ! 

He next had an interview with Charles, in which he told 
him of all the kind and conciliatory things she had said of 
him, assuring him that it was only her passionate love for 



'.U 



History of Ilauipton Court Palace. 



[1662 



him that made her, for the present, obdurate, and entreating 
him not to press her on the subject just for a lew days. 




Back Stairs to the Great Hall. 



But Charles had other counsellors, who represented to 
him that what he contended for was not of so much 
importance in itself, as the manner of obtaininj^ it ; that the 
point now involved was who should rule at Court, he or the 



1662] The Quarrel InteJisiJicd. 235 

Queen ; and that if he yielded now he would ever after be 
under the thumb of his wife. Advice of this sort was only 
too consonant with Charles's present mood, and that night, 
when he and Catherine met, " the fire flamed higher than 
ever," he reproaching her with stubbornness and want of duty, 
and she him with tyranny and want of affection ; talking 
loudly " how ill she was treated, and that she would return 
again to Portugal." To this he replied that she had better 
find out first whether her mother would care to have her 
back ; " and that he would give her an opportunity of know- 
ing this by sending to their home all her Portuguese ser- 
vants, and that he would forthwith give orders for the dis- 
charge of them all, since they behaved themselves so ill ; 
for to them and their counsels he imputed all her per- 
verseness." 

The passion and noise of the encounter of that night 
reached too many ears to be a secret the next day ; and the 
v/hole Court was full of what ought to have been known tc 
nobody. 

Besides, the mutual behaviour of their majesties confirmed 
all that had been heard, or could be imagined, for they did 
not speak to, and hardly looked at, each other. " Everybody," 
says Clarendon, " was glad they were so far from town, for 
they were still at Hampton Court, and that there were so 
few witnesses of all that passed. The Queen sat melan- 
cholic in her chamber in tears, except when she drove them 
away by a more violent passion in choleric discourse ; and 
the King sought his divertissements in that company that 
said and did all things to please him." 

Affairs at the Palace continued in this posture for two or 
three days, at the end of which time Clarendon, at the in- 
stance of the King, again saw the Queen, and entered into 
a long discussion with her, urging her with the pharasaical 
cant, of which he was so great a master, to yield to the 



236 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1662 

Kini;*s demands, and blainini^ her for her vigorous re- 
sistance. The plea he chielly used was that "as the 
husband would not impose a servant against whom just 
exceptions could be made ; so it was presumed that no 
wife would refuse to receive a servant that was esteemed 
and commended by her husband" — as if Lady Castlemaine 
was a woman that any man could truly regard as an 
estimable and a commendable companion for his wife ! — 
"and showing his trouble and wonder when she firmly 
declared, that however willing she might be to subordi- 
nate her personal feelings in the matter to those of the 
King," she could not, in conscience give her consent. All 
his dexterous pleading, however, was without avail ; for the 
Queen declared to him her final determination that the Kinir 
might do what he pleased, but that she would not consent 
to receive Lady Castlemaine as a lady of her bed-chamber. 

After this rebuff, Clarendon's part in the affair was at an 
end, and he retired from the contest, with the discredit of 
having failed to move the Queen's resolution, and still more 
with the dishonour of having accepted the office of pander 
to the King's diso^raceful whim. 

Charles now gave up all idea of influencing his wife in the 
matter through persuasion ; and tried instead what a little 
brutality would accomplish. Accordingly he seldom came 
into the Queen's presence, and when he did he treated her 
with studied coldness and indifterence, neither speaking to, 
or noticing her. All his time he passed in the gay and care- 
less company of those who, as Clarendon expresses it, 
" made it their business to laugh at all the world, and who 
were as bold with God Almighty as with any of his 
creatures;" and to make the Queen feel the more lonely, 
directed nearly all her Portuguese attendants to be shipped off 
back to Lisbon, without giving any reason for their sudden 
dismissal to the King and Queen of Portugal, and without 



1662] Humiliations put on the Queen. 237 

offeringthem any remuneration for having attended Catherine 
into England, so that she, not having as yet received any 
money of her own, had to see her old friends depart with 
their faithful services unacknowledged. 

That the cup of her humiliation might be filled, her law 
agent, who had undertaken to pay her dowry into the 
Treasury, and who, according to Charles, had made default, 
though, in fact, he had not, was thrown into prison ; while 
her venerable friend and relative, the Portuguese ambas- 
sador, was so grossly insulted on her account, that he was 
made ill, and after a long sickness " which all men believed 
would have killed him, as soon as he was able to endure 
the air, he left Hampton Court, and retired to his own 
house in the city." 

All this time, Charles steadily pursued his point : Lady 
Castlemaine came to Hampton Court, and had apartments 
assigned her in the Palace, and she was every day, with 
brazen face, flaunting herself in the Queen's presence, the 
King being in constant conversation with her, while the 
Queen sat alone and unnoticed, the courtiers ostentatiously 
flocking round the King's mistress, whose favour they 
valued more than hers. If Catherine, resenting these in- 
dignities, rose to retire to her own room, scarcely any of those 
present troubled themselves to attend her ; but the company 
remained in the room, while as she left, she could hear the 
intentionally ill-suppressed whispers and titterings, levelled 
at her " prudery." Charles, who at the outset of the mis- 
understanding had appeared worried and dejected, now 
assumed an air of the most perfect gaiety and good-humour, 
which made her feel — as it was intended to do — her isolation 
the more acutely. " On all occasions she was forced to see 
that there was a universal mirth in all company but in her's, 
and in all places but in her chamber ; " and while her even- 
ings were spent alone, those of the King were passed among 



23S History of Hampton Court Palace. [1662 

his boon companions, men and women, at jolly supper 
parties, the jokes and incidents of which were the one topic 
of conversation and lauq;hter by the whole Court the next 
tlay — so that in everything;, and at all times, the Queen 
should always feel completely " out of it." 

Even her own attendants now began to take their cue 
from the rest of the Court, and were inclined to treat her 
with less respect than the King's shameless and triumphant 
paramour, who ruled the Court in her stead. 

Never, in truth, was a woman, much less a Queen, placed 
in a more humiliating and cruel position ; and it is a marvel 
that she should have endured it so long. At last, however, 
overwhelmed by the misery of her situation, and her 
spirit beaten down by the reiterated slights put upon her, 
she thought it best to end the contest by yielding unre- 
servedly to her husband's wishes. Suddenly, one day, when 
least expected, Catherine condescended first to notice, 
then to speak to. Lady Castlemaine ; and soon after treated 
her with marked familiarity. " She was merry with her in 
public, talked kindly of her, and in private used nobody 
more friendly." From that time forward the struggle was 
at an end : the Queen, having submitted to the King's 
terms, at once regained his goodwill, was admitted to share 
in all the gaieties that were going on, and resuming her posi- 
tion in the Court, was henceforth treated with the respect 
due to the Oueen of E norland. 

But though she purchased peace by this unconditional sur- 
render, there were not wanting those who, though they had 
rendered her no assistance in her strucfcrle with the Kinsf, 
now pretended that they had always "looked upon her with 
great compassion, commended the greatness of her spirit, 
and detested the barbarity of the affronts she underwent ; " 
and who censured her most severely for not persevering in 
her former dignified resistance. 



1662] Catherine receives her Husband's Mistress. 239 

Conspicuous among these, and excelling- them all in loath- 
some cant, was the man who had himself employed all his 
arts of sophistry and persuasion to induce her to accede to 
the King's demands, namely, the moral and religious 
Clarendon, who, in his Autobiography, sharply blames her 
" for this sudden downfall and total abandoninsf her own 
greatness, this low demeanour, and even application to a 
person she had justly abhorred and worthily condemned " 
— the " downfall " he had himself tried to bring her to ; the 
" abandoning of her greatness," which he had himself coun- 
selled ; the "low demeanour" he had himself urged her to 
adopt! The baseness of the Pharisee could sink to no 
lower depths ! 

Almost immediately after the reconciliation between 
Charles and Catherine, they had to go together to Greenwich 
to pay a visit of welcome to the Queen-Mother, Henrietta 
Maria, who had just come over to England to offer in person 
her conofratulations on their marriaee. The Kine and 
Queen set out from Hampton Court on the 28th of July, 
attended by a brilliant suite, and after a very amicable visit 
of four hours' duration, they returned the same day to 
this palace, and supped together in public.^ The following 
day the King went up to town on business — or pleasure — 
" and in the evening the Queen, accompanied by her house- 
hold, went to meet his Majesty on the road — a gallantry 
which the King so highly appreciated, that he expressed 
his pleasure most heartily, which was much applauded by 
the court." ^ 

A day or two afterwards the Queen-Mother came to 
Hampton Court to return their visits. It must have been 
with sad and painful feelings that she revisited the Palace 
in which she had first resided with Charles I. thirty-six 

^ hiedited Portuguese Records, collected and translated by J. Adamson, cited 
by Miss Strickland. * Hist. Casa Portuguesa. 



240 History of Hayupton Court Palace. [1662 

years before, just after her own marriage ;^ and in which she 
had not set foot for twenty years, since their fatal flight from 
London in 1642, after the attempted arrest of the five 
members.^ 

When the Oueen-IMother arrived, the King her son re- 
ceived her at the foot of the Great Hall stairs, and on her 
alighting led her up to the Hall, where the Queen, who was 
waiting for her, came forward to receive her. After the 
first greetings, they passed through the Hall and Guard 
Chamber to the Presence Chamber, where the two Queens 
seated themselves under the " cloth of state," or canopy, the 
Queen -Mother on the right of Queen Catherine, while the 
i)uchess of York sat a little removed to the left. "The 
King and the Duke of York stood, and either one or the 
other acted as interpreters between the two Queens, for 
Catherine could not speak French, nor Henrietta Spanish, 
much less Portuo^uese." 

Charles and Catherine dined in private with the Queen- 
IVl other the first day of her arrival at Hampton Court, and 
in the afternoon the Duke and Duchess of York joined them 
in the Queen's Chamber, where they heard her Majesty's 
Portuguese band.^ A few days afterwards she probably left 
Hampton Court and returned to Greenwich. 

Charles and Catherine, however, remained on here till the 
23rd of August, the day fixed for their state entry into 
London, which took place by river, with all the magnificent 
aquatic pageantry which was usual in that age. They em- 
barked at Hampton Court in the afternoon in their own 
state barge, with the bargemen in their picturesque scarlet 
liveries, and were accompanied by the Duke and Duchess 
of York, Prince Rupert, his brother Prince Edward, and the 
Countess of Suffolk, the first lady of the bed-chamber to the 

' See ante, p. 96. ^ See ante, p. 128. 

^ Hist. Casa Real rortuguesa. 



^ ij!ji.(i; , 







South View of Hampton Court Palace fron 

Frof/i an 




t ^" '" v y t. j„-Qat,„iai/ftn 



e River Thames in the Reign of Charles II. 
painting. 



1662] A splendid Aquatic Pageant. 241 

Queen. ^ The ladies and gentlemen of the Court followed 
in other barges, and in one was, no doubt, the King's band 
of musicians, who played lively airs as they were rowed 
down the Thames. When they reached Teddington, a 
larger vessel, which drew too much water to have proceeded 
higher up the river, was in waiting to receive the royal party. 
This vessel had glass windows, and a crimson awning 
bordered with gold, for the ladies of honour and other atten- 
dants.^ At Putney was another barge, in which they were 
to make their public entry. It was fashioned like " an 
antique-shaped open vessel, covered with a state or canopy 
of cloth of gold, made in form of a cupola, supported with 
high Corinthian pillars, wreathed with flowers, festoons, and 
garlands."^ In it were four and twenty oarsmen clad in 
scarlet. All down the river the banks were lined with spec- 
tators, who gave the King and Queen a cordial reception ; 
and at every point the procession was joined by barges and 
boats of all sorts, until, as it neared Westminster, the river 
was so thick with them that the water could not be seen 
between.^ So, at any rate, we are informed by Pepys, 
who must have had a good view, as he was on the top of 
the Banqueting House at Whitehall, and who computed 
the boats of all sorts that he saw in one sight to number at 
least a thousand. Evelyn, also, witnessed the scene in the 
barge of the Royal Society ; and he gives the following 
graphic account of what he saw : " I was spectator of the 
most magnificent triumph that ever floated on the Thames, 
considering the innumerable boats and vessels, dressed and 
adorned with all imaginable pomp, but above all the thrones, 
arches, pageants, and other representations, stately barges of 

' Echard's History, vol. iii., p. 84. London entertaining their Sacred Ma- 

* Hist. Casa Real Portugiiesa. jesties on the River of Thames, and 
^ Evelyn's Diary. welcoming them from Hampton Court 

* See " Aqua Triumphalis ; being a to Whitehall, &c. By John Tatham, 
true relation of the honourable City of foho, 1662." 

* R 



2^2 History of Ilavipton Court Palace. [1662 

the Lord Mayor and companies, \vilh various inventions, 
music and peals of ordnance both from the vessels and the 
shore, t;oin<^^ to meet and conduct the new Queen from 
Hampton Court to Whitehall, at the first time of her 
comini,^ to town. In my opinion it far exceeded all the 
Venetian Bucentoras, &c., on the Ascension, when they go 
to espouse the Adriatic." 

All this splendour and rejoicing must have seemed like a 
keen satire to poor Catherine, after all the humiliations she 
had lat(;ly been subjected to, and the misery she was suffer- 
ing still. 

But there was yet much more that she was to be called 
upon to endure. Only a fortnight after her triumphal 
entry into the capital, we hear of her having to drive away 
from a ball given by the Queen- Mother at Somerset House, 
in one coach with the King, Lady Castlemaine, and young 
Crofts (afterwards Duke of Monmouth), the King's illegiti- 
mate son by Lucy Waters ! Well might she reply to Lady 
Castlemaine, who bounced into her bed-room one day, as 
she was at her toilet, saying, impertinently, " I can't think 
how you can have the patience to sit so long a-dressing ; " — 
well might she reply, " Madam, I have so much reason to 
use patience, that I can well bear such a trifle."^ 

* Pepys' Diary. 





CHAPTER XX. 



HAMPTON COURT UNDER CHARLES II. — JAMES H. 



King Charles's occasional Visits to the Palace — Lady Castlemaine's Apart- 
ments — The Due de Monconys' Description of Hampton Court — Outbreak of the 
Plague — The Court retires to Hampton Court — Pepys at the Palace — " Not 
invited anywhere to dinner " — Lely paints the Beauties of the Court — Descrip- 
tion of those Frail and Lovely Ladies — The Court removes to Salisbury and 
Oxford — The King and Duke back again at this Palace — Cordial Thanks to 
Pepys for his gallant Services during the Plague — Also to John Evelyn — Visit 
of Mandeslo — The Parks — The Upper Lodge in Bushey Park — Cosmo III. 
Duke of Tuscany joins a Hunting Party here — Description of the Sport — 
Deer Netting — Cosmo's Account of the Parks, Palace and Gardens — M. Jorevin 
de Rochford — Charles IL suddenly dissolves Parliament — The Duke of Mon- 
mouth forfeits the King's Favour — Anecdote of Charles II. and Verrio — 
James II. — Canopy under which he received the Papal Nuncio — His Fireback 
— His Army on Hounslow Heath. 

[FTER Charles II.'s long soj'ourn with his Queen 
at Hampton Court in the summer of 1662, he 
rarely came to stay here for any considerable 
time, as he much preferred to pass his time 
amid the gaieties and dissipations of Whitehall 
or Newmarket. Nevertheless, he paid occasional visits 
here, and the state apartments were always kept ready 
for his reception ; and alterations and improvements were 
continually being made in and about the Palace. Among 




2,4 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1662 

these was tlic fittinp^ up of a suite of rooms for the use of 
Lady CastltMuainc, wlio always insisted in being most luxu- 
riously housed in all the Royal palaces.^ 

In the meantime, the Palace was frequently visited by 
forcii^ncrs of distinction, who in this reign came in consider- 
able ""numbers to travel in England, and of whom several 
have left us records of their impressions. 

Among them was the Uuc de Monconys, who drove 
down here in a coach and six on the 23rd of June, 1663, 
accompanied by IM. de la Moliere;"^ and who remarked of 
the country which he traversed, that it was wonderfully 
beautiful, like it is everywhere in England. What struck 
liim most in the Palace itself w^as the mass of towers, 
turrets, cupolas, pinnacles and ornaments of all sorts which 
produced a confusion that was not unpleasing. In the 
garden he noticed the fountain, " composed of four syrens 
in bronze, seated astride on dolphins, between which was a 
shell, supported on the foot of a goat. Above the sirens, 
on a second tier, were four little children, each seated, holding 
a fish, and surmounting all a large figure of a lady — all the 
figures being of bronze, but the fountain itself and the basin 
of marble." This description evidently refers to the same 
fountain as the one noticed by Evelyn, the statues of which 
he states to be by FanelH. The figure at the summit was, 
according to the Inventory of 1659, a statue of Arethusa : 
though as she holds a golden apple in her hand, it seems 
probable that it represents Venus."* 

It was aftewards moved by William III. into the centre 
of the great basin in Bushey Park, where it has since been 
known as " the Diana fountain " — a misnomer, which it 
probably acquired from the sylvan surroundings of its present 
position, and which it would now be difficult to correct. 

' Harl. MSS., No. 1658, Feb., 1666, fol. 138. 
• Voyage d' Anglcttrrc. ^ 5ee/(;jr/', Appendix C. 



1665] Visitors to the Palace — The Plague. 245 

De Monconys likewise noticed in the same garden " un 
grand berceau touffu de hestre " (doubtless the curious bower 
in the Privy Garden, known as Queen Mary's Bower, which 
Evelyn describes as being of " Horn-Beam," though it is 
really " Wych Elm. ; ") " and opposite to it a terrace, along 
which, from the brick cloister, several little chambers or 
cabinets of various shapes, round, square, and in the form of 
crosses, with their little turrets, jut out into the park." 

After August, 1662, we do not hear of Charles or his 
Queen being at Hampton Court until June 29th, 1665, 
when they retired here from Whitehall,^ on account of the 
plague, which had been raging already for some time in 
London, and which was now rapidly increasing and spread- 
ing, the deaths in the capital alone amounting to two 
thousand a week.^ 

Here the Court remained about a month, in comparative 
security and isolation ; though the King went frequently to 
Sion to transact business with the Council, which met 
there for greater safety.^ 

The quarantine between London and Hampton Court 
was not so strict, however, that it did not allow of Pepys 
coming down to the Palace occasionally. On Sunday, July 
23rd, he notes : " To Hampton Court, where I followed 
the King to chapel and there heard a good sermon ; and 
after sermon with my Lord Arlington, Sir Thomas Ingram, 
and others, spoke to the Duke about Tangier, but not to 
much purpose. I was not invited anywhere to dinner, 
though a stranger, which did also trouble me ; but yet 
I must remember it is a Court, and indeed where most 
are strangers ; but, however. Cutler carried me to Mr. 
Marriott's, the housekeeper,* and there we had a very 

^ Pepys' Diary. ' Evelyn, July 7th. Pepys. 

* Pepys' Diary and Clarendon's * Mr. Richard Marriott was already 

Autobiograpky^ vol. ii., p. 403. " Privy Lodging Keeper" at Hampton 



246 History of I Lxnipton Co2irt Palace, [1665 

pood dinner and good company, amongst others Lilly the 
painter." 

It was just about this time that Lely, commissioned by 
the Duchess of York, was painting the beauties of Charles 
II.'s Court, "II emploia," says Du Grammont, "tout son 
art dans rexecution, II ne pouvait travailler a de plus 
beaux sujets. Chaque portrait parut etre un chef-d'oeuvre." 
And, in truth, no more congenial task could have been 
selected for the pencil of Lely than that of portraying on 
glowing canvas the sensuous contours and lovely features 
of the frail and seductive nymphs in the amorous court of 
the Merr}' Monarch. For it must be acknowledged that he 
has succeeded in rendering to perfection that voluptuous 
expression of blended drowsiness and sweetness, and that 
air of tender languishment, which reflect so well the 
characters of these beautiful and charming creatures. Their 
"night-gowns fastened with a single pin," and the "sleepy 
eye that spoke the melting soul," w^ould sufficiently have 
revealed to us their histories, had the memoir writers failed 
to supply them. 

These pictures are now all hung together in the King's 
Bedchamber at Hampton Court, than which no more appro- 
priate place could have been chosen. It is a real delight 
to sit in this room and contemplate these charming portraits 
with Pepy's " Diary," or De Grammont's " Memoires" in one's 
hand. One can imagine oneself for a while transported into 
that mixed but fascinating society — the imperious Lady 
Castlemaine, with her disdainful lips, her dark flashing eyes, 

Court in December, 1660, at which of great charity and generosity, as well 

time Simon Hazill was " Clarke of the as wealth — his benefactions to the col- 

Workes," and "Tobie Rustick" under- leges and University of Cambridge 

housekeeper {Harl. MSS., No. 1656, amounting to no less than ^ioo,oco 

fol. 218). Tobias Kustat, to spell his (Peck's Desiderata Curiosa, lib. xiv,, 

name properly, was also a Yeoman of p. 553). 
the Roles to the King. Ilewasanian 



1665] Beauties of Charles II! s Court. 247 

her rich black hair ; the transcendantly lovely Miss Stewart, 
with her figure of ineffable grace, and her face of entrancing 
sweetness ; Mrs. Hyde, with her half-closed eyes melting 
in a dreamy tenderness ; Lady Falmouth, with her cheeks 
purpling with the blushes that suffused her lovely face at 
the slightest word. Here, too, we can see the famous Mrs. 
Middleton, the first of " professional beauties " in those days, 
whose picture was painted over and over again by all the 
fashionable artists, whose engraved portraits, in every atti- 
tude and every attire, were exposed for sale in every print- 
seller's window all over the town ; who was followed by a 
crowd whenever she walked in the Park, who drew every 
eye upon her when she went to the play, and who even 
created a flutter of excitement in church when she entered 
her pew, as honest Pepys faithfully records. Here also are 
the two Miss Brookes — " toutes deux faites pour donner de 
I'amour, et pour en prendre " — one afterwards Lady Whit- 
more, and the other the unfortunate Lady Denham. And 
above all we can gaze on Lely's masterpiece of portraiture, 
the picture of the matchless " Belle Hamilton," afterwards 
Comtesse de Grammont, whose deHcately moulded features, 
beautiful neck, exquisite mouth, and brilliantly expressive 
eyes, are as vividly perpetuated by the pencil of Lely, as 
they will be celebrated through all time in the pages of De 
Grammont. 

With regard to the style of Lely's *' Beauties," all of them 
are represented in three-quarters' lengths, in landscapes, or 
as Walpole expresses it, " trailing fringes and embroidery 
through meadows and purling streams." Their draperies 
are disposed with a sort of graceful negligence, which 
though affected, is not unpleasing ; and the free exposure of 
their busts gave the painter full scope for depicting that de- 
licate softness of the flesh in which he chiefly excelled. 
They are bare-headed, with their hair arranged in coquettish 



24S History of Ilavipton Court Palace. \}^^S 

little curls on the forehead. As each picture conforms to 
tlic same type, it is not surprisin<^ that tliey are all too much 
alike — a fault, perhajjs, inevitable in paintin^^ a series of this 
sort, 

'I\) resume our citation from Pepys' Diary. After he had 
dined with Lely, he went to " the councill-house, but the 
council bet^an late to sit ; so that when I oot free, and came 
back to look for Cutler, he was gone with his coach, without 
leaving any word with anybody to tell me so ; so that I was 
forced with great trouble to walk up and down looking 
for him, and at last forced to get a boat to carry me to 
Kingston." 

On the 26th of July the King went down the river for the 
day to Greenwich and Woolwich, where he was met by 
Pepys, who came the day after to Hampton Court to see 
him and the Queen set out for Salisbury, whither they went 
on account of the increase of the plague in the environs of 
London. Afterwards he saw the Duke and Duchess of 
York, who were going northwards, and he kissed the 
duchess's hand ; "and it was the first time I did ever, or did 
see anybody else, kiss her hand, and it was a most fine 
white and fat hand. But it was pretty to see the young, 
pretty ladies dressed like men, in velvet coats, caps with 
ribbons, and with lace bands, just like men." 

The King and Queen did not stay at Salisbury more 
than a couple of months, after which they removed to Ox- 
ford, where Parliament had been summoned to meet. 

When the plague had somewhat abated, Charles, the 
Duke of York, Prince Rupert, and some of the council came 
to Hampton Court at the end of January,^ to transact busi- 
ness, intending to return, after an absence of a few days, to 

' See Pepys and Evelyn ; and 7th don, with his usual inaccuracy, says 
Rtport 0/ Historical Commission, p. " the end of February." 
485 (Sir H. Verney's Tapers). Clarcn- 



1 666] Pepys at the Palace. 249 

Oxford, where they had left the Queen and the Duchess. 
But ahnost at once after the King's arrival, the plague so 
rapidly diminished, that there was thought to be no danger 
in their staying on at Hampton Court, and they had not 
been many days in the Palace when there came down 
the indefatigable and ubiquitous Pepys, who, to his great 
credit be it said, had remained at his post throughout the 
awful dangers of that terrible time, and upon whom had de- 
volved the whole management of the navy. His visit is thus 
chronicled in his own diary under date January 28th, 1666 : 
" Took coach, and to Hampton Court, where we find the 
King, and Duke and lords, all in council ; so we walked up 
and down : there being none of the ladies come and so 
much the more business I hope will be done. The council 
being up, out comes the King, and I kissed his hand, and 
he grasped me very kindly by the hand. The Duke also I 
kissed his, and he mighty kind." He afterwards went down 
into one of the courts, and there met the King and the Duke. 
" And the Duke called me to him, and the King came to 
me himself, and told me, * Mr. Pepys,' says he, ' I do give 
you thanks for your good service all this year, and I assure 
you I am very sensible of it.' And the Duke of York did 
tell me with pleasure that he had read over my discourse 
about pursers, and would have it ordered in my way, and so 
fell from one discourse to another. I walked with them 
quite out of the courts into the fields {i.e. the Park) and then 
back." 

Next day came the other famous diarist, Evelyn, to pay 
his respects, and render an account of his services, and was 
welcomed by the King and Duke with equal gratitude and 
cordiality. " I went," writes he, " to wait on his Majesty, 
now returned from Oxford to Hampton Court, where the 
Duke of Albemarle presented me to him ; he ran towards 
me, and in a most gracious manner gave me his hand to 



250 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1666 

kisse, Willi many thanks for my care and faithfullncsse In his 
service in a time of such ^n'oat cKant^er, when everybody fled 
their employments ; he told me he was much obliged to me, 
antl said he was several times concerned for me, and the 
peril I underwent, and did receive my service most accep- 
tably, though in truth I did but do my duty, and O that I 
had [)erformed it as I ought ! After this his Majesty was 
j)leased to talk with me alone, neere an hour, of several parti- 
culars of my employment .... Then the Duke came 
towards me, and embraced me wath much kindnesse, tellinof 
nu; if he had thought my danger would have been so greate, 
he would not have suftered his Majesty to employ me in 
that station. Then came to salute me my Lord of St. 
Albans, Lord Arlington, Sir Wm. Coventrie and severall 
greate persons after which I got home, not being very well 
in health." 

The King remained on at Hampton Court for about a 
week,' after which he returned to Whitehall, where he was 
joined by the Queen on the i6th of February,^ after she had 
sta)-ed a couple of da}'s here on her w^ay back from Oxford. 
From Whitehall, in the following September, at the time of 
the Great Fire of London, the King sent many of his choicest 
goods by water to Hampton Court for safety.^ 

It was in tliis year 1666, also, that Mandeslo, the famous 
traveller, visited this Palace. In the account he gives of it 
he makes especial mention of some very ancient tapestries 
illustrative of the " Creation of the World," which w^as the 
best designed of all, and which represented the Trinity under 
the form of three persons attired as bishops, with crowns on 
their heads, and sceptres in their hands.'* 

• Evelyn and Pepys say Feb. 2nd, Domestic^ Charles II., vol. cxiviii., No. 

Clarendon says a fortnii;ht or three 38. 

weeks, which is another instance of his ^ Antiquarian Repertory, vol. ii., p. 

carelessness. ir4. 

^ Tcpys' Diary and Slate Papers, * Mandeslo's Voyages, ii., p. 736. 



1669] Htmting at Hampton CoJirt, 251 

We have noticed in a preceding chapter that Charles II. 
took care, almost at once on his accession to the throne, to 
preserve the game in the parks at Hampton Court, and to 
keep up the sport of stag-hunting there, for which he often 
came down from London for the day. On one of these 
occasions he was entertained at the Upper Lodge by Mr. 
Progers, for whom, as we have seen, it had been rebuilt and 
enlarged.^ The print on page 206 shows the lodge as it ap- 
peared about a hundred and fifty years ago, since which it 
has been considerably altered.^ The sport, which the Hamp- 
ton Court preserves afforded, was sometimes enjoyed by dis- 
tinguished foreigners, one of these being Cosmo III., Duke of 
Tuscany, who was travelling in England in 1669, and who 
on the 30th of May set out from London, attended by Lord 
Philip Howard and Lord Anthony Ashley Cooper, and fol- 
lowed by the gentlemen of his suite, to visit the Palace and 
witness the stag-hunting in the park. In the account that was 
written by his secretary, Magalotti,^ there is an interesting 
description of the "sport " — if, after reading it, we can con- 
sider that word applicable to what took place. 

" On first entering the park, he was met by Prince Rupert, 
who was likewise come thither for the diversion of seeing 
the hunt. After the usual compliments his highness went 
forward. Prince Rupert remaining in the place appointed for 
him under the shade of a tree, on a stage a little raised from 
the ground, which is the same where the King stands to see 
this amusement. When the huntsmen had stretched out the 
nets after the German manner, inclosing with them a con- 
siderable space of land, they let the dogs loose upon four 
deer which were confined there, who as soon as they saw 
them took to flight ; but as they had not the power of going 

* Ante, p. 205, and also State Papers, Alfred Paget. 

Domestic, Charles II., vol. cii., No. 27. ^ Magalotti's Travels of Cosmo III, 

* It isnowin the occupation of Lady in England, London, 1821, p. 208. 



252 I lisiovy of Hampton Court Palace. [1669 

^v]lIcll ^vay they pleased, they ran round the net, endeavour- 
ini^ by various cunniny^ leaps to save themselves from being 
stopped by the do^^s, and continued to run in this manner 
for some time to t/ic <^n-at diversion of t/ic spectators ! till at 
last the huntsmen, that they might not harass the animals 
superfluously, drawing a certain cord, opened the nets in one 
part, which was prepared for that purpose, and left the deer 
at liberty to escape. 

" 1 laving walked during the deer-hunting over the park, 
which is rendered truly delightful by its numerous canals 
and amenities of every kind, his highness repaired to the 
Palace to view the building." 

The aspect of the park at this period, with the canal and 
the recently planted avenues of lime, can be well imagined 
from the contemporary picture now at Hampton Court, of 
which we have given an engraving and a description on 
page 218. 

With the Palace Cosmo III. was much pleased, observing 
in a long description he gives of it, that " although the more 
elegant orders of architecture are not to be found in it, so as 
to make it a regular structure according to the rules of art, 
yet it is, on the whole, a beautiful object to the eye. The 
numerous towers and cupolas, judiciously disposed at irre- 
gular distances all over the vast pile of building, form a 
most striking ornament to it, wdiether viewed near or at a 
distance." 

" The gardens are divided into very large, level and well 
kept walks, which, separating the ground into different com- 
partments, form artificial pastures of grass, being themselves 
formed by espalier trees, partly such as bear fruit and partly 
ornamental ones, but all adding to the beauty of the appear- 
ance. This beauty is further augmented by fountains made 
of slate after the Italian style, and distributed in different 
parts of the garden, whose jets d'eaiix throw up the water in 



1672] Latter Half of Charles II! s Reign. 253 

various playful and fanciful ways. There are also in the 
gardens some snug places of retirement in certain towers, 
formerly intended as places of accommodation for the King's 
mistresses." 

Another foreign visitor, M. Jorevin de Rocheford, who 
visited Hampton Court about the same period, namely, 
1672, mentions "the large pavilion on the banks of the 
Thames," and the park filled with all sorts of beasts of the 
chace." 

Charles II., during the latter half of his reign, came but 
rarely to Hampton Court, and never resided here for any 
length of time. One of his recorded visits took place at the 
end of August, 1669, when he retired to this palace with his 
brother, the Duke of York, on receiving the news of the 
death of their mother. Queen Henrietta Maria.^ Another 
of his visits of which we find mention occurred in the end 
of June, 1679,^ when at a council held in the Palace, 
Charles, in opposition to the large majority of those present, 
suddenly turned to his chancellor, and to the dismay of 
Shaftesbury and his party, ordered him to prepare a procla- 
mation for the dissolution of the then Parliament and the 
calline together of a new one.^ 

The House of Commons thus summarily dismissed was 
the one which had passed the bill for the exclusion of 
James II. from the succession to the throne, and which was 
going on, to the extreme vexation of the Court, to enquire 
into the corruption and bribery of members of Parliament, 
when their activity was thus abruptly terminated. This 
unexpected action of the King's, came as a severe blow to 

^ Antiquarian Repertory, vol. iv., wm/^w, p. 473 (Sir H.Verney's papers.) 

p, 574. In 1672. Charles was at this palace again on 

2 Memoires of Queen Heiirietta Nov. 14 ; ditto, p. 185. 

Maria, 167 1, p. 89. * Temple's Works, vol. ii., p. 511- 

* Diary of Henry Sidney, p. 21, 512. 
and Seventh Report of Historical Com- 



25.}. Ilistoyy of IIaniplo)i CoiD't Palace. [16S1 

Sliaftcsbury and tlie popular and anti-Catholic party, and 
indirectly to the Duke of Monmouth, who had attached 
hiniscir to them for the purpose of furtherinor his own 
ambitious [jroject of being recognised as the King's legiti- 
mate son. ancl the heir apparent to the throne, to the exclu- 
sion of the Duke of York. But Monmouth's aspirations, 
though for a time flattered by the great affection Charles 
bore him, and by the favours he heaped upon him, were 
not destined to be fulfilled. Soon after this, his overbearinof 
conduct exciting his fathers deep displeasure, he was 
ordered to surrender his post of commander-in-chief, and, 
one by one, all his other ofhces were taken from him, and 
he was directed to retire to the Continent. After a while 
he was suffered to return to England; but in 1681, at a 
Council held at Hampton Court on May 23rd, an order was 
issued by King Charles that "all the King's servants and 
all such as had dependence on him, should not keep 
company with the Duke of Monmouth or frequent the said 
Duke for the time to come," on account of his having had 
the audacity to threaten Lord Halifax for giving advice 
hostile to him at the Council board. ^ 

Charles H. continued to the end of his reign to pay 
occasional flying visits here ; ^ and to his latter years 
belongs an anecdote told of Verrio the painter, who had 
done much decorative work for the King in the way of 
painting ceilings and staircases. Verrio, it seems, was 
very extravagant, and kept a most expensive table, so that 
he often pressed the King for money with a freedom, which 
his Majesty's own frankness indulged. " Once at Hampton 
Court, when he had but lately received an advance of 
/looo, he found the King in such a circle that he could not 

' l^cresby's Memoirs, p. 264. 1684. See Report of Historical Com- 

' He held councils in the palace on ?nission, pp. 352, 363, 405, and 410. 

May 23rd, June 17th and 23rd, 1682, (Sir F. Graham's papers at Netherby.) 

and again in 16S3, and on July 24th, 



1687] Anecdote of Verrio— James II. 255 

approach him. He called out : * Sire, I desire the favour 
of speaking to your Majesty.' ' Well, Verrio,' said the 
King, ' what is your request ? ' ' Money, Sir, money ; I 
am so short of cash, that I am not able to pay my work- 
men ; and your Majesty and I have learnt by experience, 
that pedlars and painters cannot give long credit.' The 
King smiled and said he had but lately ordered him 
;^iooo. 'Yes, Sir,' replied he, 'but that was soon paid 
away, and I have no gold left.' 'At that rate,' said the 
King, ' you would spend more than I do, to maintain my 
family.' ' True,' answered Verrio, ' but does your Majesty 
keep an open table as I do ? ' " ^ 

The reign of James II. was, as far as the history of 
Hampton Court is concerned, an uneventful one ; for it is 
not certain whether, as King, he ever passed a single night 
in the Palace ; though he seems to have held a Council 
here about the 29th of May, 1687, at which " the militia was 
put down and the licensing of ale-houses was put in other 
hands than the justices of the peace." ^ 

James, however, was frequently in the neighbourhood 
of Hampton Court, namely at Hounslow Heath, which 
adjoins the outskirts of Bushey Park, and on which was 
encamped during the year 1687 the army of 16,000 men, 
on whose support he relied to carry out his schemes against 
the liberties of the English people.^ But his armed force 
was regarded, by his subjects, with little else but derision ; 
of which we have a good example in the contemptuous 
irony of the following lines, published at the time : — 

" Near Hampton Court there lies a Common, 
Unknown to neither man nor woman ; 

' V^a\^o\€s Anecdotes 0/ Painting. ' S&& Aniiqitafian Reperiory,\o\. \., 

' 7th Report of Historical Comuiis- p. 230. 
sion, p. 504 (Sir H. Verney's papers). 



256 



History of Hampton Court Palace. 

The Heath of Ilounslow it is styled ; 
Which never was with blood defiled, 
'rhout;h it has been of war the scat 
Now three campai-jns, almost complete. 
Here you may see ^rcat James the Second 
(The ^M-eatcst of our Kin<:js he's reckoned) 
A hero of such hi^'h renown, 
Whole nations tremble at his frown ; 
And when he smiles men die away 
In transports of excessive joy." ^ 



[1687 




A\"r '< v^.««v<\'. '> 



Old Cast-Iron Fire-back bearing James ll.'s Arms and Initials. 

We have a reminiscence, also, of this reign In the canopy, 

' From a collection of songs. See ]\Ir. Henry Morlcy's Library of English 
Literature. 



1687] Reminiscences of James II. 257 

now in the Queen's Audience Chamber, which was removed 
here from Windsor Castle, and under which King James 
there received the Papal Nuncio — an event which gave such 
deep offence to his Protestant subjects — and another in the old 
cast-iron fire-back in the Queen's Gallery, which bears 
the royal arms, his initials I.R., and the date 1687. 

With this date, on the eve of the Revolution and the 
advent of William III., who opens a new era in the history 
of the Palace, by his great alterations and additions to the 
buildings, we may fitly close this second volume. In our 
third we shall conclude the History of Hampton Court by 
bringing the reader to the Jubilee Year of the reign of her 
Gracious Majesty Queen Victoria. 




* 




APPENDIX A. 

(Sec pages 167 and 171, and Plan, page i, and Map, page 168.) 

Survey of Hampton Court Mansion House and Parks 

MADE BV THE PARLIAMENTARY COMMISSIONERS IN 1 653. 
Preserved in the Record Office. Middlesex, No. 32. 

A Survey of the Mansion Howse commonly called Hamp- 
ton Court in the County of Middx, with the Barnes, Stables, 
Outhouses, Gardens, Orchard, Yards, Courts and Back- 
sydes belonging unto or used and enjoyed with the sayd 
Mansion howse ; togeather with the Parke, comonly called 
Hoiuse Parke, The Course, and JMcadoius, thereto adjoyning, 
The Hare Warren, wth Two other Parkes, the one comonly 
called The Middle Parke and the other Btishie Parke, 
And all Lands, BiiiIdino;s, Woods, Timber, and other Apur- 
tences (as yett unsold) to the foremenconed prmss or any 
Part of them beloni^in'j; ; made and Returned, &c. 

All that Large Capitall Messuage or Mansion Howse of the King, 
comonly called Hampton Court with the Rights, Members and 
Apurtcnrcs thereof, situate, lying and beeing in the County of 
Midttx nccrc unto the River of Thames, betwccnc the way Leading 



Parliamentary Survey of Hampton Conrt (1653). 259 

from the Towne of Kingston vpon Thames in the County of Surrey 
(over Kingston bridge) to the Towne of Hampton in the County of 
Middx and the River of Thames aforesayd ; Consisting of the 
severall Perticulars heereafter menconed. That is to say 

One greeiie court, inclosed, beeing the outer court of the sayd 
howse, and lying west thereof, conteyning 3 roodes and 27 perches, 
more or lesse. 

One range of building, beeing the front of the mancion howse 
aforesayd, westivard, built with brick and covered with leade, con- 
teyning in length, from north to south (excluding the north and 
south wings of the said buildings), 152 foote of assize, or there- 
abouts, in the middst whereof is the first grcate gate, or entrance 
into the sayd howse, leading through an arched bridge built over the. 
moate that lieth betweene the saydd range of building and the 
outer greene court aforesayd. 

One other greeue court, beeing t\\Q first con 7't \v\th.m the sayd howse, 
conteyning in length, from north to south, 152 ffoote, and in breadth, 
144 ffoote. 

One range of brick building, covered part with tyle and part with 
leade, standing on the north syde or end of the last mentioned 
court, containing in length, from west to east, 184 ffoote, and in 
breadth 24 ffoote, or thereabouts. 

One range of the like building, scituate on the south of the 
sayd court, opposite to the last mentioned range, and of like 
dimension. 

One piece of grownd adjoyning on part of the backsyde or 
South pt. of the last menconed Range, and in other part upon 
the south parts of the two next menconed Ranges, beeing parcell 
of a certeyne garden or yard commonly called or known by the 
name of the Pond Garden, otherwise the Pond Yard, consisting of 
one small slip of ground ranging behind the buildings aforesayd 
1 20 fft from West to East, and beeing in breadth from the south pt 
of the sayd buildings to a lowe wall there 20 ffoote, and of one 
other piece of grownd (beeing the greatest part of the Pond yard or 
Pond Garden aforesayd) conteyning from the North East corner 
of the sayd lowe wall (ranging southwards by a Diall standing 
in the sd yard) to the Greate wall adjoyning to a certayne way 
by the River syde called Tlie Towing place, 240 ffoote or there- 
abouts. 



26o Appendix A. 

One rnncfc of buildinfj on the cast part of the sayd second greenc 
court, and fronlin^^ the entrance thereinto, built with brick, and 
covered (for the most part) with leade, conteyning in length, 
from north to south, 203 ffootc, breadth 17 ffoote, or thereabouts, 
in the midst whereof is the gate or passage into the court or yard 
next mentioned. 

One other court or yard, paved with stone {zvith a ffountayne 
staudnig in midst thereof), conteyning in length, from north to south, 
14.^ (Toot, and in breadth 80 ffeet, or thereabouts. 

One Range of lirick Building, covered also (for the most part) 
with leade, situate on the south end of the sayd Stone Court, being 
in breadth 20 ft'tc or thereabouts. 

One Range of Building with severall aditional Buildings to the 
same atlj(^yning, Built also with brick and covered with leade, 
situate on the north end of the sayd Stone Court and oposite unto 
the last menconcd Range. 

One Range of Building being the Range ffronting the aforesayd 
passage into the sayd Stone Court situate on the East syde thereof, 
13uilt with brick and covered with leade, and being in breadth 25 
ffoote or thereabouts, with a passage or way under the midst thereof 
into the next menconed Court. 

One other court, commonly called the Cloyster Greene Court, 
conteyning in length, from north to south, 104 ffoot, and in breadth 
98 ffoot. 

One Range of Brick building covered with Leade lying on the 
West syde of the sayd Cloyster Court, conteyning 40 fit in breadth 
or tlicrcabouts, the back pt whereof adjoynes to the back part of 
the last menconed Range of Building lying on the East syde of the 
Stone Court aforesayd. 

One Range of Ikiilding built with Bricke and covered with lead 
situate on y' north pt of y*= Cloyster Court cont. in br. 32 ft or 
thereabouts. 

One Range of Brick Building and severall other buildings adjoyn- 
ing to the same, covered part with Tile and pt with Leade situate 
on the south of the sayd Cloyster Court, and conteyning 52 ffoote 
in breadth or thereabouts. 

. One large piece of ground or garden, comonly called the Privy 
Garden, lying on the backsyde or south part of the last menconed 
Range of building, togeather with one other garden, commonly 



Parliamentary Stirvey of Hampton CoiLrt (1653). 261 

called the Mount Garden, lying on the south syde of the said Privy 
Garden, both which parcells of ground or garden do contain three 
acres and one Roode more or lesse. 

One piece or parcell of ground measured to be taken out of the 
park coiiily called \}i\q Hcnvse Park, lying on the East part of the 
last menconed gardens, and of a certain building called the Still 
Howse and the orchard belonging thereto, which piece of ground is 
to be fenced (upon a streight lyne) from a broken place in the wall 
that devides ye sayd howse pk from the Course, beeing 264 ffoote 
from the East End of the sayd mansion howse and of like measure 
from the South East corner of the wall of Mount Garden aforsd to 
the pale that fenceth the sayd park on the south and conteyneth 
4 acres 3 Roo : and 26 pch more or lesse. 

One Range of building built with brick and covered with Leade 
standing on the East pt of the aforesayd Cloyster Court conteyh 
in breadth thirty two ffoote or thereabouts, under which is a way or 
passage into a large peece of pasture ground cooionly called the 
Course. 

Severall other buildings, covered part of them with leade, and 
part with tile, togeather with the severall yards or courts lying 
betweene and amongst the sayd buildings, which buildings and 
yards or courts do abutt east upon the said Course, north upon a 
parcel of grownd commonly called the Paddock, west on a garden 
or p. of ground known by the name of the KitcJiin Garden, and doe 
adjoyne south to the back part of the range of building (before 
mentioned), which standeth on the north part of the Cloyster 
Court. 

One long peece of grownd measured to be taken out of the 
Course afore mensioned lying on the East pt of the buildings of 
the sayd Mansion Howse and of the Paddock aforesayd, which 
peece of ground is to be fenced upon a straight lyne, one end whereot 
is to bee sett 264 fft Eastward from the remotest pt. of the North 
East corner of the pale of the sayd Paddock, and the other one to 
bee sett at like distance from the west end of the wall that divides 
the house pk and Course aforesayd and doth conteyne 7 acres more 
or less. 

One Long Range of Buildings with sondrey aditionall buildings 
neere or adjoyningto the same (wherein is included the North Wing 
of the ffront of the sayd Mansion howse) lying behind or on the 



2^2 Appendix A. 

North parts of the North Ranges of the said Greene Court and Stone 

Court aforcsayd. ,, , , r--. , /- 7 

One parccll of j;round, commonly called the Kitchen Garden, 

Kmh" behind the last mensoncd buildings abutting west upon part 

u\ the Tiltyard wall, and north upon a parcell of ground called the 

Oulii Onliani, cont. three acres more or Icsse. 

The niaterialls of all the before mensioned l^uildmgs and of all 

such thinges as are valluable upon any part of the severall parcells 

of ground, Courts, yards, or Gardens before described and sett 

forth :— 

We valluc to bee worth upon the plase (oucr and above demolish- 
ing charges) Seaven thousand, Seaven hundred and Seventy seaven 
pounds, thirteen shillings five pence. 

The Ground and Soyle aforesayd (when it shall be cleared of 
the sayd buildings, or layd for conveniency to severall pts thereof) 
will bee worth yearly thirty six pounds. 

All that parcell of ground with th'apurtenances commonly called 
the Paddock lying on the East pt of the Ould Orchard next 
nienconed. _ 

And all that peece of grownd with the apurtenances comonly 
known by the name of the Old Orchard lying East from pt of the 
Tilt yard thereafter mcnconed, both which parcells of grownd are 
fenced on the north with part of the brick wall that standethon the 
south of the high way leading from Kingston to Hampton and doe 
conteync 8 Acres 2 Roodes more or lesse. 

(Note thus:) The ffence betwene the old orcyard and kitchin 
garden is to be made by the purchaser of the sd old orchard. 

And all that j)rcell of pasture ground with the apurtnces com- 
monly called The Tilt Yard inclosed with a good brick wall abut- 
ting westward upon the way that Leadeth by the Greene to 
Ilamptijn Court fferry and conteyning nine acres i roode more or 
lesse. 

And all those _/5"tr buildings or ton'crs with their appurtenances 
built with brick and covered with Leade, three of which Towers 
are .standing in the sayd Tilt Yard and the other two part in the 
sayd Tilt Yard and part in the Old Orchard aforesayd. Which 
these parcells of ground last mentioned do conteync together 17 Ac. 



Parlia7nentary Survey of Hampton Cow^t (1653). 263 

3 Roodes, worth by the yeare (the benefitt of the sayd wall con- 
sidered) Thirty-five Pounds. 

The materialls of the buildings and Towers aforesayd with the 
Trees growing in the sayd old Orchard are vallued in gross at three 
hundred eighty six pounds Qsh. 6'^. 

Mcfhd. It will not be convenient or safe to sell the grounds and 
prmss last mensioned before the buildings and prmss first before 
vallued are disposed of. 

All that Wing of brick building beeing the SoiLth iving'^ of the 
ffront of the sayd Mansion howse and all that Create howse of Ease- 
men f standing over the Moate, And other Roomes adjoyning thereto, 
togeather with a small dwelling house heretofore belonging to the 
Garden Keeper, with a small stable and Coach house adjoyning,* 
And all that litle garden lying on the No "h part of the sayd Wing 
of building togeather with one peece of groun ] in forme of a Triangle, 
to be taken out of the Outer Greene Lourt of the sayd mansion 
howse by a straight lyne from the North West corner of the wall of 
the sayd Garden to the East end of the Stile coming from the water 
syde to the sayd outer Court. 

And all such Yards or Courts as lie before any of the sayd build- 
ings towards the River syde, with so much of a certayne yard or 
garden, commonly called the Pond Yard or Pond Garden, as shall 
range from the North East corner of a lowe brick wall standing 
20 fft from the south syde of the sayd Mansion house (by a diall 
standing in the sayd garden) to the Create Wall of the sayd Garden 
South. 

All which we vallue to be worth yearely, Twenty pounds. 

Memd. The ffence that must divide the sayd Pond yard or Pond 
Garden is to be made by thepurchasar of the last mensoned prinss. 

All those severall Buildings and Towers, wth their apurtences 
built with brick and covered with Leade, commonly called the Feather 
Hozvse and the Hott Howse with the Store Cellars (betweene the sayd 
houses), formerly called the old Bowling Alley, And all that slipp of 

• Now in the occupation of Her occupied by her Royal Highness Prin- 
Royal Highness Princess Frederica. cess Frederica, and partly by tlie gar- 

* No longer in existence. dener of the Privy Garden. 
^ Apparently the rooms now partly 



264 Appendix A. 

jjroiinJ lyinp on the South part and before the sayd buildings next 
unto a ccrtayno way by the River sydc called the Towing plase. 
The niaterialls whereof we vallued at the grosse summe of 333". 

or. 10''. 

The ground whereon the sayd buildings stand with the slipp of 
ground aforcsayd worth by the yeare tenn shillings. 

Mcihd. The wall round about the pnnss is vallued herewith. 

All those brick buildings covered with Leade with them every of 
their ajiurtences comonly called or known by the severall names of 
tlie StiUluKi'sc and TlicWatcr Gallay, pt of which buildings doe stand 
over the aforesayd Towing place, close to the River syde, and all 
yards, Courts, and Gardens belonging to and used with the sayd 
buildings, or any of them. All which prfnss doe abutt upon the 
.Mount Garden wall to the North and the howse park West. 

The severall Materialls of and belonging to the sayd Buildings 
amount to 504 : 04 : O4. 

The soyle cleared of the sayd Materialls p ann. 33sh, 4d. 

All that office or Building with the yard and apurtences thereto 
belonging, heretofore used for a wood yard, situate on the North 
syde of the sayd Towing place and in the Outer greene Court of 
the sayd Mansion house, having the sayd Greene Court on the East 
and North pts thereof p ann. ffive pounds. 

All those three severall buildings with the yards and other apur- 
tences belonging to all and every of them, heretofore used as a Privy 
Juikc/toiisc and Poultry office and a Scalding hoitsc^ situate in the sayd 
Outer Greene Court, having the sayd Court north, the foresayd 
Woodyard office East, and the Towing place South, worth togeather 
yearly xi''. 

Mcihi. We have comprehended the Benefitt and accomodat. of 
the Towing plase to all ffive last vallued pcells (before their 
grownds and bowsing respectively) within the sayd valines. 

All that Tenement with the apurtences comonly called tJie Toye, 
now used for a Victualling House, scituate neere unto Hampton 
Court fferry, adjoyning on or neere The South west corner of the 

' These buildinps were opposite the present barracks ; but were pulled down 
about twenty jcars a;^o. 



Parliamentary Survey of Hampton Court (1653). 265 

wall of the Outer Greene Court of the Mansion howse aforesayd, 
and in the present occupation of M"" Mark Gibson, worth by the 
yeare seaven pounds.^ 

All that Messuage or dwelling howse, with the Yards, Gardens, 
and other aprtnes to the same belonging, built part with brick, part 
with Timber, and covered with Tile, situate upon or neere to the 
Greene comonly called Haviptoji Court Gree7ie, on the west syde of 
the way to tht fferry plase, conteyning in Length 133 ffoote of 
Assize, and in breadtli 84 fft, or thereabout, in the present tenure 
of M"" Thomas Smyhthsbye, and worth by the year xv''. 

Merhd. To this house there is to be layd 20 fft in breadth before 
it and 12 fft in breadth all along the east part of it, beeing pcell of 
the Greene aforesayd. 

All that dwelling house and Garden thereto adjoyning situate on 
the west pt of the last mensond Mess: and heretofore belonging to the 
Survyor Gen'" of the late K^ workes being in length (with the 
sayd garden) 140 ffoote in breadth next the foresayd Greene 44 
ffoote or thereabout, unto which also is to be layd 20 ffoote of the 
sayd Greene before the ffront thereof, and then it will be worth 
yearly six pounds. 

All those severall messuages. Tenements, or dwelling houses, with 
their and every of their apurtens, heretofore used or enjoyed by the 
master carpenter, Mason, Locksmyth, and Clearke of the workes to 
the late Kinge. And all those stables with the apurtes to the 
sayd Tenements neere adjoyning, comonly called TJie Qiicenes"^ 
stables, all which tenements and Stables are situate on the west of 
the dwelling howse and Garden last before vallued, having the afore- 
sayd Greene called Hampton Court Greene on the North, and are 
worth in the whole yearly £26. 

Memd. The last mensoned premises are to have layd before 

^ The "Toy" inn was a picturesque have been used as a barrack during 

building in the same style as the the Commonwealth for Cromwell's 

Palace, standing on the now unoccupied soldiers. Tokens of the house during 

piece of ground, next to the " Trophy the seventeenth century are still extant. 

Gates" entrance to the Palace, and — History of Sign Boards, ?>ih.ed\i\or\y 

opposite the present "Mitre" Hotel. p. 505. 

It was not pulled down till 1857. It is - Still existing. See p. 314 and 315 

said, on what authority I know not, to of vol. i. 



266 Appendix A. 

them (out of the fore sayd <;reenc), 35 fft in breadth at the cast end 
and 40 iTt in breadth at the west end of them. 

All those severalldweUIng houses, tenements, Great BarncS>\.?ih\Q, 
and other lUlildi^,l,^s, with their and every of their apurtnces,scituate 
westward from tlie Tenements and premises last mensoned and 
abuttinj^ upon Hampton Court Greene north, bounded with an Old 
liarne anil certayne meadow grounds in the tenure of S"" John 
1 lippesley or his assit^ns West, and with a narrow way or passage 
by the syde of the Q' Stables on the east, contcyning in length 
from East to West 336 fft of Assize, and in breadth 170 lit or there- 
about p. An. xxviii''.' 

Mn*. There is to be layd to and before the sayd prmiss respec- 
tively 40 ff in breadth out of the Greene aforesayd. 

All that Great Greene or pcell of pasture ground comonly called 
Han.'ptoN Court Greene Lying and beeing on the West syde of the 
wall of the Tilt Yard aforesayd and on the South pt of the Midle 
pkc hereafter mensoned, which greene or pcell of ground was here- 
tofore Grazed as A stinted pasture by severall officers of the late 
King according to their respective allowances, and doth conteync 
in the whole (over and above what is to be taken out of the same 
as is before pticularly mcnconed) 29 Acres more or less vallucd, 
w ilh respect to the severall Wayes which must be continued through 
the same at by the yearc Nine Pounds. 

All that pcell of Impaled or enclosed ground, with the apurtc- 
nances (except those after excepted) commonly called or known by 
the name of the House Parke, lying and beeing neere unto the fore- 
sa\-d Capitall Messuage or Mansion House, between a large peece 
of Inclosed pasture ground comonly called The Course, and A cer- 
tayne way or passage by the side of the River of Thames, comonly 
known by the name of the Towing place. And all that Large 
messuage or Lodge, with the Barnes, Stables, and Outhouses thereto 
belonging, standing neere or adjoyning to the Brick wall that divideth 
the sayd Howse Tarke from the howse aforesayd. And all those 
two other small Lodges or Tenements with their appurtenances 

' These premises seem to have been the site of the present "Cardinal Wolsey " 
and " Henry \'II1." public-bouse. 



Parliamentary Survey of Hampton Court (1653). 267 

situate and being within the sayd Park. And all Timber Trees, 
and other Trees, woods, underwoods, shrubbs, and bushes, Deer, or 
wild beasts, comodities, privileges, franchises, Immunities, advan- 
tages, and all other apurtenances to the sayd Parke and Premises 
last mentioned, or to any of them of right belonging and appertain- 
ing. Which sayd parcell of Inclosed Ground doth conteyne (over 
and above one small parcell to be taken out of the same hereafter 
excepted) 363 Acres 3 Roodes more or less, and is vallued to be 
u^orth upon Improvement yearly Two Hundred and ^^43 \os. 

Out of which parke or prcell of ground there is to excepted so 
much as is before sett forth to be Layd to the Mansion house afore- 
sayd, the ffense to be made by the purchaser of the Parke and 
premises last mentioned. 

The materialles of the Lodge and other Buildings within the sayd 
Park are vallued in Grosse at ^184 19^-. 8^. 

The trees, woods, and Bushes there at ;^ 163 \^s. 

The Deer in the sayd parke reckoned to be in number 199, at 
one hundred and ninety-nine pounds. 

All that Large peece or parcell of Inclosed Pasture ground with 
the appurtenances (except those hereafter excepted) commonly 
called or known by the name of the Course, otherwise Hampton 
Com-t Course, fifenced on the North part thereof with a brick wall 
that standeth on the south side of the highway leading from 
Kingston to Hampton Court, and fifenced on the south part thereof 
also with a brick wall that devideth the sayd Course from the House 
Park aforesayd. And all that little Building scituate within the 
sayd peece of ground neere the Great Lodge of the house park 
last mencioned, usually called The Standing. And all trees, woods, 
bushes, and all other apurtenances (except so much of the sayd 
Course to be fenced by the purchaser thereof) as is before layd out 
to goe with the mansion house aforesaid, and two little Courts 
(paled in and used with the Great Lodge before mentioned) to the 
sayd pcell of ground or Course in any wise belonging or apertain- 
ing. All which doth conteyne over and above the excepted pre- 
mises. One hundred 44 acres more or less vallued by the year at 
one hundred and seaven Pounds. 

The Trees, Bushes, and little building aforesayd vallued in 
grosse at ^54, 



268 Appendix A. 

All those three Meadows or Several parcclls of meadow j^round, 
with their and every of their appurtenances, commonly called or 
known by the several names of tJie Kings Meade, the Middle 
Mc\idc, and the Upper Meixdc, Sett, Lyinf.^e, and beint^ bctweenc 
sertayne howses and buildings with the backsydes bcionj^int^ to 
some of them, pcell of a certaync hamblctt commonly called Kincj- 
ston Wick in the County of I\I(1x. and the two last menconcd pcells 
nf j^round, known by the names of the Course and Ilowse Parke, 
and abutting; southwards upon the River of Thames. All which 
pcells of Meadowe ground do contcyne together ninety one 
Acres, i Roode, more or less, worth per ann. Eighty Eight 
pounds. 

The Trees standing and growing in one of the said mcadowcs 
called King's Meade are worth Tenn Pounds. 

All those scverall parcclls of meadow grounds with their 
apurtenances commonly called The Tenn Acres and the five acres 
pcccc, lying and beeing on the West Part of Upper Meade aforesayd, 
having the aforesayd house pte Northwards and the aforesayd 
Towing Place southwards, and contayning Eighteen Acres more or 
less worth yearly Eighteen pounds, 

Memorandmn. The fee of the last mensioned meadows was pur- 
chased with the Honor of Hampton Court, but the present Interest 
of and in the premises was allowed to M"" W'" Smythsbie during 
his life as Keeper of the Privy Lodgings and Standing Wardrobe at 
Hampton Court, and expressed accordingly, so that the purchase 
will be only fcir and during the life of the said Wm. 

Mtir.ord. The benefitt of the forcsayd pc, of ground commonly 
called the Towing place, is to belong to the purchaser of the pre- 
mises lying before any part of the same respectively. 

All that large piece or parccll of Course ground with the appur- 
tenances, commonly called or known by the name of the Hare 
Warren, lying and beeing within the parrish of Hampton, in the 
County of Mddx, bounded Westwarde with the Wall belonging 
to the middle Parke hereafter mentioned, northwards and East- 
wards with the common fields and other grounds belonging to 
Tcdduigton and Kingston Wick, and southwards with a high brick 
wall belonging to the premises and contcyning in the whole Three 



Parliamentary Survey of Hamptoii Court (1653). 269 

hundred and eighty acres more or lesse, vallued to be worth yearly 
fifowre-score pounds. 

The trees, wood and bushes upon the sayd peeces of ground 
value at ffifty pounds. 

The Middle Parke. — All that hiclosed prcell of ground with the 
appurtenances, commonly called the Middle Parke, lying and being 
between the Hare Warren last mentioned and the Parke called 
Bushie Pke next mensioned, bounded northwards with parccll of 
the Great Heath, commonly called Hounslow Heath, and south- 
wards with Hampton Court greene before mentioned. And all 
that large dwelling house or lodge, with the Barnes, Stables, 0?if- 
liouses, and other appurtenances, standing towards that syde of the 
Parke which borders upon Hounslow Heath aforesaid. And all 
Timber Trees and other Trees, Woods, underwoods, Bushes, 
Shrubbs, Wild Beastes, and all other commodities, and advantages, 
privileges, ffranchises, and Immunities, with their and every of 
theire appurtenances to the forsayd Parke and premises, or to any 
pt. or parcell of their belonging or aperteyning. Which sayd 
parcell of ground or parke doth conteyne 370 acres i rood more or 
less, and is vallued to be worth upon Improvement yearly ,^225. 

The materialls of the Lodges and Outhouses thereto belonging, 
amounts in grosse to the somme of one Hundred eighty four 
pounds 15^. 

The timber trees with other trees, wood, and Bushes are vallued 
togeather at Three Hundred and twelve pounds, three shillings 
and four pence. 

The Deer or wild beasts within the sayd Parke reckoned to be 
in number seventy, vallued at seventy pounds. 

Bushie Parke. — All that parcell of Impaled ground with the fix- 
tures, members and apurtenances thereof, commonly called Bushie 
Parke, situate, lying, and beeing in the pish, of Hampton in the 
County of Middx, between the Highway Leading by the River of 
Thames from Hampton town to Hampton Courte, and the Great 
Heath, commonly called Hounslow Heath, conteyning altogether 
three hundred 50 Acres, 03 R. 16 P., more or less, consisting of the 
pticulars following. That is to say, 

One parcell of Inclosed ground commonly called the Old Parke, 



2-0 Appendix A. 

1> in- nccrc and adjoiinint; upon pt of Ilownslow Ilcalh aforcsayd, 
wherein is scitiiatc llic nicssiiai^e or clwcllinc,^ house in the tenure of 
Sir John llip[)cslcy, commonly called the Greater Lod^% consistintr 
of .1 hall, a fairc parlor, a kitchen, a pantry, and other convenient 
KtMimcs bclowc stayres, seven Lod.<;inj^ roomes above stayrcs, with 
a Lar^'C Ikirne, Stable, and other outhouses, belonging to the 
same, which sayd parcel of ground doth conteyne one hundred 
83 acres 21 perches more or less, worth upon improvement one 
Hundred and two pounds. 

The materialls of the sayd Lodge disthictly calculated amounts 
to One Ihuulrcd £$<) \Os. ^d. 

The Trees and liushes of all sorts whithin the sayd Old Tarke 
amounts to Six Hundred ;^20 6s. Sd 

The Deere belonging to the same accounted to be but nine and 
twenty, are vallucd at twenty-nine pounds. 

77u' A'ciu Park Part.— One peecc of Inclosed ground parcell of 
the new ground taken into the forcsayd parke lying between the 
sayd Old Parke and the highway last mencioned next unto the sayd 
Ti)wne of Hampton, wherein standeth a small Lodge with a Barnc 
and yard belonging to the same, and conteyncth together twenty 
tiirce Acres 2 Roo. and 23 pch. more or less, worth per Acre Three 
ami Twenty Pounds 15/. 

The Trees standing in the sayd prcell of grownd arc valued 
at/:25. 

T/i€ Nruf Parke other part. — One other pecce or pccU of Inclosed 
grownd becing the rcmayning pt. of the sayd new grownd lately 
taken into the sayd ptie. lying betweene the pcell of ground last 
mcnsoned, and Hampton Courte Greene aforesayd, and abutting 
southwards upon the sayd way Leading from Hampton towne to 
Hampton Court, Northwards upon the old parke aforcsayd, and 
conteyncth one Hundred and forty four acres 12 pch. more or lesse 
vallucd to be worth nearly One Hundred and Fifteen Pounds. 

There are Yong Elmes growing upon the last mencioned peeces, 
worth twenty pounds. And all liberties, privillidges, ffranclnscs, 
Immunities, Commodities, and advantages, with their and every of 
their apurtences, to all the three last mcnsoned pcells of ground or 
to any of them of right belonging and apurteyning. 

Mcind. The said ptJe called l^ushie Pkc is at present divided into 
3 parts, as the same is before sett forth, and finding the sayd divi- 



Parliamentary Survey of Ha^ripton Court (1653). 271 

slon to be rather advantageous than prejudicial to the Common- 
wealth, we have so returned it. 

All that peece or parcell of pasture ground, comonly knowen 
by the name of Conduitt Close, lying neere or adjoyning to the 
high way leading from Hampton Town to Cheston, and cont. three 
Rhoodes more or less, worth p. acr. 22s. 

Menid. There is standing upon the sayd peece of ground a con- 
duitt Heade and Conserve for conveyance of water to Hampton 
Court house, which, with the pipes and watercourses passing from 
the same is (by the Act) reserved. 

William Smitksby his claynie. — William Smisby, Es' (by pattent 
from the late King Charles, dated at Westminster the 15*'' of Nov"" 
in the 4"^ of his Raigne) claymeth to hold the Office of Keeping of 
the Privy Lodgings and wardrobe within the Honour of Hampton 
Court, with all wages, fifees, proffitts, Advantages, and Emoluments 
to the sayd Office incident, or in any wages belonging toge- 
ther with the ffee or standing wages of 12'' a day to be pd. out of 
the Exchequer qterly during the natural lyfe of the said William. 

William Hogan his Clayme. — William Hogan, by letters pattent 
of the late King James, dated the 12th day of ffisb. in the first of 
his Reigne, Claymeth to hold the Office of Keeping the two little 
new gardens at Hampton Court next adjoyning to the Thames syue, 
and the distilling of all hearbes waters, etc., together with the dis- 
tilling house and other howses within the sayd gardens as well 
above stayres as beneath, and the late Bowling Ally adjoyning 
thereto, and also One Annuity for Annual Fee of Fortie pounds by 
the yeare, to be payd out of the Reseits of the Exchequer at the 
fouer most usuall ffi^asts by equall portons, for and during the naturall 
lyves of the sayd William Hogan, and of Anne Hogan his wyfe, 
and of Charles Hogan his sonne, and the lyfe of the longest of 
either of them. 

Both which claymes were referred to the directions of the Act 
for of the prmises. 

Totall of the Annual Values in this Survey 

doe amount unto An. 120" 00 04 

Totall of the grosse Values is . . . . Gr. 10765 19 09 



A r r E N D I X B. 



(Sec page 172.) 

Extracts from the Calendars of State Papers of the 
TIME of the Commonwealth, relating to the Sale of 
THE Manors and Parks of Hampton Court in 1653, 

AND THEIR REPURCHASE BY THE StATE FOR THE UsE AND 

Occupation of the Protector Oliver Cromwell. 

Vol. XXXVII., No. 83. Jime i^ik, 1653. 

"Mr. Tluirloc to brlnj^ in an instruction authorising the trustees 
f(~»r sale of the late King's lands to let out the parks about I lamp- 
ton Court, and tlie houses belonging to them, at the best 
advantage." 



Vol. XLII, N'o. 51. Dec. 20, 1653. 

(2) Order that Sir W" Roberts and Edw. Cressett treat with 
those persons who have bought the parks, hare warren, meadows, 
&c. of Hampton Court, for their surrender to the commonwealth 
on reasonable terms, annexing: — 

No. 52. Their report tiiereon — " We treated with Edmund Blacl:- 
well, goldsmith and jeweller, who contracted for Bushy Park 15 



Sale and Repurchase of Hampton Court (1653). 273 

Nov. 1653, at the rent of ^$'408 15^. a year, and for materials, 
timber, deer, &c. to the gross value of ;^9i5 lys. The rent being 
sold at 14 years' purchase came to £^,^22 lOJ., so that the total of 
the purchase was £6,6^^ ys." 

Of these he reserved to himself the New Park, valued at ;^ 1 1 5 a 
year, which cost him ;^ 1,635, for which he demands £4$'^ profit. 
Part of New Park, 23 acres, he sold to M"". Casewell, of Hampton, 
for £4oy los. — ;^53 more than it cost him ; this is paid for and 
conveyed. He sold the meadows to his brother, John Backwell, 
for £i,SS^ — iJ^3o8 more than it cost him, and old Bushy Park to 
M"" Woolmer, of Gracious Street, for ^1,528 — £100 more than it 
cost him ; and the hare warren to M'' Bryce and M"" In wood for 
£i,iyo. Of these none are conveyed, nor is more than a moiety of 
the purchase-money paid. 

Backwell has thus received £^6i profit for the part sold, and he 
demands for his own part ^450 profit. His brother demands 
£4.^0, W Woolmer ;^400, M' Bryce and M'' Invvood demand ;^200 
besides their charges. The total of the purchase, less M' Casewell's 
is ;^ 6,283 lys., the moiety of which, ;^3,i4i iSj. 6d., is presently to 
be paid into the purchasers, besides the profit demanded, ;^ 1,968, 
the sum total being ;^5, 109 i8j. 6d. 

The Middle Park of Hampton Court, was sold to Col. Norton, 3 
December, but no proceedings have been taken therein except 
about contracts. 10 Jan. 1654. 



VoL LXV.^ No. 23. Jan. 11, 1654. 

15 Nov. 1653. Edward Backwell contracted for ;^4o8 15^. rent 
for the meadows, hare warren, Bushy Old Park, new park ground, 
&c., for ;^ 5,722 \os.y which, with the trees, &c., comes to ;^ 6,638 \ys.y 
which is paid. The premises are not conveyed, except part of the 
new park ground to Rich. Caswell. 

13 Dec. 1653. Reginald Merryott for Col. Rich. Norton, con- 
tracted for the middle park, called Jockey's Park, at Hampton 
Court, rent £22^, with the materials, ;!f 3,701 19^-. The contract 
was not signed nor any money paid, and it is therefore void. 
12 Jan^, 1654. 



2 74 Appendix B. 



]'oL LXr.,i\o. 2)0- Ji^"' iS, 1654. 

7. Order that as [Sydrach] Bricc and [John] Innwood are willing 
to relinquish the contract for the hare warren in Hampton Court, 
transferred to them by Edni. Backwcll, the Trustees for sale of 
Crown lands issue warrants to their treasurers to pay Brice and 
Innwood ^^ 1,370 therefor. Approved 20 Jan. 



I'd. LXVL, No. 7. Feb. 2, 1654. 

8. Col. Sydenham reports that a treaty has been had with Edw. 
Backwell and Joshua Woolnough, about relinquishing lands belong- 
ing to Hampton Court contracted for at Worcester House, viz., 
Bushcy I\irk, the 3 meadows, the new park ground, and the other 
part of New Park, with the lodge, materials, deer, and timber, and 
the hare warren, for which there was paid in full of the purchase, 
^6.638 7.r. 

That there has been paid by virtue of a former order to M"" Brice 
nnd Inwood, for their interest in the hare warren, part of the said 
contract (besides £200 allowed him above his purchase money), 

L\,\ ;o. 

That there is rcser\'ed by Richd. Caswell part of the New Park 
conveyed to him by the trustees under M' Backwell's contract, 
which makes up the said purchase money, ^357 \Os. Total, 
;{^ 1,527 loj-. This reduces the original purchase money to 
£\A\Q \'js. 

That on payment of this sum, and of ^jT 1,100 over and above the 
purchase money, viz., ;i^8oo to Backwell and ;^300 to Woolnough, 
total, ;^6,2io 17J., — being ;^4,792 8.y. 6d. to Blackwell and 
/ 1,4 1 8 8-r. (id. to Woolnough, — they are willing to relinquish their 
interest in the premises. 

Order thereon, that the said ofter be accepted, and that orders 
be prepared for the said trustees to receive a relinquishment of 
their interest, and to the Treasurers at Worcester House to pay the 
respective sums. 



Sale and Repurchase of Hampton Coitrt (1653). 275 



Vol. LXVL, No. 23. Feb. 9, 1654. 

6. Jones, Strickland, and Sydenham to treat with the person 
that bought the honour of Hampton Court, and with Rich. Caswell, 
to whom part of the lands are conveyed, to relinquish their interest 
to the use of the State on reasonable conditions. 

13. Order — that as Edw. Blackwell has contracted with the 
trustees of exempted Crown Lands for Bushy old park, and part 
of the new park, deer, &c. at Hampton Court, and transferred his 
interest to Joshua Woolnough, who has paid ^ the purchase money, 
viz., ;^ 1,1 18 d>s. 6^., but is willing to relinquish his interest on a 
profit of ;:f 300 — the said trustees accept his release of contract, and 
pay him ^1,148 Zs. 6d. Approved 13 Feb, 



Vol. LXVL, Nos. 40, 42. Feb. 20, 1654. 

8. Order that as Edw. Backwell has contracted with the trustees 
for sale of exempted Crown lands for 3 meadows and the hare 
warren in Hampton Court, Bushy old park, and part of the new 
park, and assigaed his interest in the hare warren to [Shadrach] 
Brice and [John] Imwood, \ of old Bushy park to Joshua Wool- 
nough, and the 3 meadows to his brother John, who has paid 
therefor _j^ 1,242, and is willing to relinquish his interest on repay- 
ment, with ^658 surplus, which the Protector and Council have 
accepted, that the trustees receive Backwell's release of contract, 
and pay him ^1,900. Approved 21 Feb. 

Order that — as part of the land in the said contract is conveyed 
to Rich. Caswell, and Edw. Backwell has paid for the remainder, 
that is, for 4 old Bushy park i^i,ii8 %s. 6d., and for new Bushy 
park ;^ 1,632, and is willing to relinquish his contract on payment 
of £142 surplus, — on his so doing, the trustees pay him ^2,892 Ss. 6cl. 
Approved 21 Feb. annexing : — ■ 



2;6 Appendix B. 

No. 42 (l. II.) Valuation of the interests in Bushcy 
park of Josh. Woolnou;j;h 
Edward BackwcU, goldsmith . 

John Backwcll . . . . 



The profit given by the State to the purchasers 
being /; 1,100. 

No. 42 (in. IV.) Notes of the sums required by the several 
claimants named in the order for re-purchase of Hampton Court 
lands, viz., ^'6,638 js. purchase money repaid, and ;^ 1,200 surplusage 
allowed. Total, /^/.SjS ^s. 



£ 


s. 


d. 


1,418 


8 


6 


1,118 


8 


6 


1.774 








1,900 








£6,210 


17 







APPENDIX C. 



(See pp. i8o and 198.) 

Inventory of Goods mostly claimed as belonging to 
Cromwell, at Hampton Court Palace in 1659. 

Taken by order of the Council of State. Now preserved in the Public Record 
Office. See State Papers^ Domestic^ Commonwealth^voX. cciii, No. 41. 

For the Right HonoH' the Conncell of State. 

In obedience to your Hono'*''' order of the Eleventh of June 
instant commanding us to repaire to Hampton Courte and to take 
an Account of the Goods in the Howses there soe as there bee noe 
Imbezillment of them and likewise to take notice of such servants 
as there remaine alsoe to take care of the Watercourses and Rivers 
and certify the state of the whole to yo"" Honour with our opinion 
what servantes are fitt to bee continued for looking to the house 
and what is fit to bee done therein. 

We doe humbly certify that wee found in severall Roomes these 
the particular goodes in this Booke mentioned, as followeth : — 

[All the articles following, except those to which an asterisk is 
prefixed, are in the original marked as belonging to Cromwell.] 



278 Appendix C. 

In the Create Presence Chamber. 

Nine pcices of Tapestry hangingc of Ahashucrus and Esther. 
•e)ne Turkey Carpett, five yards long. 
•One Turkey Carpett, three yards and a halfe long. 
•Three Spanish Tables. 

Twelve back stooles of guilt leather and one Elbow Chaire. 

One paire of Andirons with double brasses. 

One paire of Creepers, fire showell, and Tongs with double 

brasses. 

One Spanish Table. 

In the Privy Chamber. 

•Nine pieces of Tapistry hangings of the old and new Law. 

One large fine Persian Carpett. 

Eighteenc back stooles and one elbow chaire of a Cinamon 
coUour Cloth. 

One large joyned table. 

In the Supping Chamber or Withdrawing Room 

•Five peices of Tapistry hangings of the Morians. 
Twelve back stooles of guilt leather. 
l''ower Spanish Tables. 
Three leather carpetts. 

Two Courtines of greene bayes for the wyndowes. 
One paire of Andirons with double brasses. 
One paire of creepers, fire-showell, Tongs and Bellowes. 

In the Ballcony Roome. 

•Power peices of rich Arras hangings of ye History of Tobyas. 
•One Couch and two Elbow chaires | of Crimson velvett 
•Six back stooles r imbroidered with 

•One long seate with a cushion ) cloth of gold. 



Inventory of CromiveW s Goods (1659). 279 

One fine Persian carpett. 

Three window courtines of red bayes. 

One Spanish Table. 

In the Clossett next to itt. 

Two wyndow Courtines of red cotton. 
One paire of small Andirons with creepers. 
One Joynd Table. 

In the Rich Bedchamber. 

*Five peices of rich Arras hangings of the Antiques. 

*One peice of the like Arras of yEneas. 

*One large persian Carpett under the bed. 

*One bedsted with a sackcloth bottome. 

*The furniture .of rich incarnadine velvett imbroidered very rich 
with gold and silver conteyning 

*Three courtines 

*Fower Cantoones 

*Deepe vallons and bases 

*Fower Cupps 

*One French Carpett 

*Two Elbow Chaires 

*Six back stooles 

*The ceeler and head-cloth of the said bed is of rich cloth of 
gold, with inward vallons, cases for the posts and lynynges of the 
courtaines and cantoones all of the same. 

*Two large wyndow courtines of scarlet cloth, lyned with Crim- 
son Taffety and laced about with gold and silver needle worke lace 
like acorns. 

*One small Spanish table. 
One large feather bed and bowlster. 
One Canvas Materis. 
One holland quilt. 
One paire of blankets. 

Three large courtins of scarlet bazes being a case about the 
bed. 



of the same velvett, 

and imbroidered 

suitable to the said bed. 



2 So Appendix C. 

One pairc of rich j^uilt stands and a tabic suitable. 

One large lookin^^ glasse in an ia)ony frame. 

One pairc of Andirons wi'" double brasses, and creepers fire 

shovcU and Tongs suitable. , •., i ,. 

Tlie chaircs, stooles, Tables and Stands are covered with scarlet 
baycs, fowcr plumes with red and white feathers. 

One counterpane of white sattin quilted with silke of severall 
collours. 

/// t/ic late Quccncs Dressing Roome. 

•Three pcices of fine Tapistry hangings of Vulcan and Venus. 
*^;nc peice of Anas hangings of Lazarus. 

One Klbow Chaire ( ^^ ^^.j^;^^ ^j^^j^ ^C ^-^^^^^ ^^ith 

Fower back stooles > ^^^^^^ ^^ ^^^^y^^^ b^yes. 

One footstoole ) 

One pairc of Andirons with double brasses and creepers fire- 

sliovell and Tongs suitable. 
One pairc of Bellowes. 
One small screenc. 
One fine counterfeit Ebbony. 
One pair of stands of counterfeit Ebbony. 

In his late Highnes Bedchamber. 

•Imvc pcices of fine Tapisty hangings of Vulcan and Venus. 
Two wyndow courtincs one of scarlet baycs, th' other of sarge. 

One small couch ) ^ , ,, i .^ ^i ^ 

„ ,, , . of sky coUour damaske 

Two elbow chaircs I , •' i -..i 4. t,^*. 

,, u 1 .. 1 / and cased with watchct 

rower back stooles ( t? 

,. . ) Bayes. 

One carpet 1 •' 

One black Table with a turned frame. 

One pairc of Andirons with double brasses. 

One pairc of creepers with fire shovell and Tongs. 

One pairc of bellowes. 



Inventory of Cromwell 's Goods (1659). 281 

In his Dressing Roome, 

*One old Coberd. 
One Spanish Table. 
Two small Turky Carpetts. 
One paire of Andirons with double brasses. 
One paire of creepers and fire shovell, Tongs and Bellows. 
Fower back-stooles of Turkeyworke. 

In Paradice Roome. 

*Seaven pelces of rich hangings of Arras, of the Tryumphs of 
the Capitall Sinns. 

*One peice of the like Arras of Meleager. 
*One chimney peice of Arras of Tobias. 

Fower Courtines of watchet Bayes. 

Two paire of Andirons. 

One paire of Creepers. 

In the Long Gallery. 

*Nine peices of painting of the Tryumphs of Julius Caesar done 
by Andrea Montanea. 

One small Billiard board. 
One paire of Andirons. 
One paire of creepers. 

In a syde Gallery adioyning. 

One Billiard board. 
One paire of Andirons. 

In a small closett in the lady Faulconberges lodgings formerly 

the Duke of Richmond's. 

The closet hanged about with old greene perpetuano. 

Two back stooles | 

Three folding stooles V of old greene cloth. 

One footestoole ) 



2S2 Appendix C. 



In the Lady Frances lodgings formerly the late Kings 

Cabinet Roonie. 

•Five pciccs of Tapistry hancrinc^s of Mclcager. 
•One pcicc of Tapistry hani;ings of Sortcene. 

One feather bed and boulstcr. 

One Holland Guilt. 

One paire of Andirons with double brasses. 

One paire of Creepers and fire shovell, Tongs and Bellowes. 

Two wyndow Courtines of red bayes. 



/;/ a Roome appointed for Strangers. 

■ The roome hang'd with 44 panes of Crimson velvett and cloth 
of gold. 

One Bedstead with a furniture of needle work of poeticall 
fancyes cut double vallons, Tester, headcloth and fower courtines 
of greene sattin branched with flowers of gold and silver. 

One elbow chair. 

Two back stooles of needlework suitable to the bed. 

One long seat for a cushion. 

One long cushion \ 

One square cushion r of greene cloth of gold. 

One footstoole ) 

One counterpane of greene sattin quilted with gold twist. 

One large feather bed and boulster. 

One Canvas Matcris, a holland quilt, and a paire of blanketts. 

Seaven guilt cupps and seaven plumes of feathers. 

Three courtines of scarlet bayes. 

One small Turky Carpett and a looking glass. 

One paire of Andirons. 

One paire of creepers, a fire shovell, Tongs and a paire of 
bellowes. 



Inventory of Cromioell 's Goods (1659). 283 

In the L^ President's Roome formerly the late Kings 

Dressing Room. 

Two wyndow courtines of watchet bayes. 

One paire of Andirons. 

One paire of creepers, fire shovell, Tongs and Bellows. 

Ifi the next roome, for a servant. 

One halfe headed bedsted. 

One small feather-bed and boulster. 

One paire of blanketts and a rugg. 
*One old Table, 
*One furniture for a bed of stripe stufte that came from Sweden. 

In the late King^s Bedchamber, 

One paire of Andirons and a fire shovell. 
One paire of Tongs and a paire of bellowes. 

In a little Roome adjoyning. 

One halfe headed bedsted. 

One small feather bed and boulster. 



In the late King's Withdrawing Roome. 

*Two peices of rich Arras hangings of the Antiques. 

*One peice of Arras hangings of Meleager. 

*Two old Court Cupbords. 

*One small peice of Tapistry of the Cardinall's armes. 

One large Spanish Table. 

One new Turky Carpett. 

Eight backe-stooles of Turky worke. 



2S4 Appendix C. 

In tJie Ministers roonic fonncrly for private Oratory. 

The roomc hanc^od round w itli stript stuffc. 
One bcdstcd tlic furniture of liver collour sarge Contt: Courtines, 
vallons, and counterpane. 

Two folding Stooles | suitable to the Bed. 
1 wo back stooles j 
Two small carpett.s of stript stuff. 

One feather bed and boulster two blankets and a rug. 
•One paire of Andirons with creepers, fireshovell and tongs. 

In the late King' s privy Chamber. 

♦Fower pciccs of rich Arras hangings of y' history of Tobias. 

*One peicc of Arras of Mcleagcr. 

•One large elbow chaire of crimson velvet. 

Three Spanish Tables and two Turky carpctts. 

Two large courtins for ye wyndow of sad collour bayes. 

Fowcr back stooles of Turkey worke of flower potts. 

In the late King' s presoice Cha7nber. 

•Three pcices of fine old hangings of the Tryumphs. 
•Two peices of the like stufife of ye Cardinall's armes. 
•One Turkey carpett. 

Five Spanish Tables. 

One large Turkey carpett. 

Fower wyndow courtines of sad collour bayes. 

Fighteene backstooles of Turky worke of flower pottes. 

Two paire of Andirons. 

One paire of Creepers, fire shovell and Tongs. 

In the late Pr if ices Gallery. 

One hundred, Twenty and seaven homes of severall sorts of 
Beasts. 

One picture of a large paire of horncs from Amboiz. 
Twelve branches for Candles. 



Inventory of Cromwell 's Goods (1659). 285 



In the late Princes Bedchamber. 

*Six peice of good old Tapistry hangings of Sorteene with the 
Cardinall's armes. 

One standing bedsted the furniture of needle-worke being ye 
labours of Hercules cont: Tester, head-cloth, and double vallons. 

Fower Courtines of purple cloth of gold bodkin, lyned with 
greene and white damaske. 

One counterpane of Crimson sattin quilted with gold twist. 

Three^barkttooTes I of needlework suitable to the Bed This 

One foot stoole i ^^^ "oxoMgYi^ out of Scotland. 

One seate for a long Cushion. 

One large feather-bed and boulster. 

One Canvas materis and a holland quilt. 

One paire of blanketts. 

One large foote carpett and a small carpett. 

Seaven guilt cupps and seaven plumes of feathers. 

One paire of Andirons. 

One paire of Creepers, fire shovell, Tongs and bellowes. 

One small Table. 



In the two next Roomes, being the late Prince^ s Withdrawing 
Cha^nber and Dressing Roome. 

Two paire of Andirons. 

Two paire of Creepers with fire shovell and Tongs. 

Fower new back stooles of Turky worke. 

One Spanish Table. 

In a Clossett in the Passage to the Tennis Coiirte. 

The roome hang'd with French greene Sarge. 

Two elbow Chaires 

Two back stooles )■ suitable. 

Two square cushions 



286 Appendix C. 



1)1 the Nursery at tJie end o// said Passage. 

The roonic hanpj'd round with stript stuffe. 

One carpet of the same. 

One small Table. 

Fower leather Chaires. 

One elbow chairc "I of red say bclonglnrj to a bed in the 



} 



Three back chaires j wardrobe. 

In the lodc^ins^s formei'ly Dnke of Havibletons, late Lord 
Claypooles as Master of the Horse {vizt.) 

In his Bedchamber, 

Two paire of Andirons. 
One paire of Bcllowes. 

/;/ his Dressing Roome. 

One elbow Chaire ) of cloth of silver rased with velvet and 
I'^Dwer back Stooles j cased with red bayes. 

One paire of Andirons and one fire shovel!. 

I?i his ix/^'Drawinor Roome. 

One large Couch ) ,. ,, , ., r i , , , • , 

One elbow Chaire \ ^^ >'^"°^^ ^^^^^^ ^Z S^ld and cased with 

Three back stooles ) ^^^ ^^X^s. 

One paire of Andirons. 

One paire of Creepers, Fire shovell, Tongs and Bellowes. 

hi a small Clossett adyojiiug. 
The Closset hang'd with liver Collour sarge. 



Inventory of CromwclVs Goods (1659). 287 

lit his Dyiting roome adioynmg. 

Twelve back stooles of Turky worke. 

Three Spanish Tables and two small turky Carpetts. 

Fower wyndow Courtines of greene bayes. 

One paire of Creepers, fire shovell and Tongs. 

In another Dyning Roome adioytiing. 

*Six peices of ye old Tapistry hangings of the Amazons or 
Hypolite. 

*Two old Turky Carpetts. 
One Couch 

Six back chaires - of Turkey worke. 
Six high stooles 
Two Spanish Tables. 
Three wyndow courtins of Stript stuffe. 
Three peices of stript stuffe under y* wyndowes. 

In another Roome adioyjting. 

One wyndow Courtine \ r . • . . rr 

One peice under the wyndow j " 

One paire of creepers, fire shovell. Tongs and bellowes. 

I71 a roome next to it for Servants. 

One bedsted the Courtines of linsey woolsey and narrow vallons 
of Damaske. 

One small feather bed and boulster. 
One paire of blanketts and a rug. 

In a Clossett i^i the late King s private Oratory. 

Two stript Courtines. 
*One old Spanish Table. 



2SS Appendix C. 

In a I a tic Roonic adioyning. 

•Tlircc old Cobcrtls. 

•One settee. 

•One old Table covered with G:recne cloth. 

/;/ tJic Coniptroiulcr Co^^ Jones lodgs, formerly the Lord 

Chambcrli7ies. 

One roome hang'd round with liver collour sarge. 
One standing bedsted the furniture of like Sargc cont. 
l''o\ver courtines, head cloth, Tester and Counterpane w'*" fower 
cups. 

Two elbow Chaires "j 

I'ivc foldinc^ stooles - suitable to the hangings. 

One Caq:)ett ) 

One Feather-bed and bowlster. 

One paire of blanketts and a rugg. 

In a roome adioyning. 

♦One feather bed and boulster. 
•One paire of blanketts and a rugg. 

In his Withdrazving Roome. 

•Two pieces of Hercules \ ,- ^ . , 
•One peice of Tryumphs j P X 

Two Deale Tables. 

/;/ his Dyni7?g Roome. 

Two dozen of Turky workc Chaires. 
Two Spanish Tables. 
One side Table of Deale. 



gings. 



Inventory of Cromweirs Goods (1659). 289 

' In a Roomefor Servants adioyning. 

Three long formes of Deale. 

One large Table standing on Tressells. 

In a roomefor Servants above Staires. 

One standing bedsted vv"" stript stuffe furniturnc. 

Two square Stooles "I ., 1 1 . ^u -d j 
TwoChaires | suitable to the Bed. 

One feather bed and boulster. 
Two blankets and a rug. 
*One Table and a Coberd. 



In ye la: ClaypooVs nursery, being parte of the Armory. 
The roome hang'd with stript stufife. 

In Mrs. Grdnazvaycs chainbcr, gentlewoman to the Lady 
Fanlconberge, being part of the Ainnory. 

The roome hang'd round w"' grcene and yellow stript stuffe. 
One standing bedsted the furniture of greene sarge cont : fower 
courtines head cloth and counterpane. 
One feather bed and boulster. 
One downe pillow. 
Two blanketts. 
One Carpet of stript stuffe. 

hi a roome below Stairs where Mrs. Faii^ecloth lay formerly 

the late Lady Dcnbighcs. 

*One standing bedsted, ye furniture in the Wardrobe. 
*One bed. 
One bowlster, two blankets and a rugg. 

* U 



290 Appendix C. 



Two folcHnp: stoolcs ) ^^.^^^^^ ^^ ^,^^ ^^jj ^^^^ 
1 luce Chaircs ) 



l)nc Spanish Tabic. 
One Dressing Tabic. 



In tJic next Roo7ne for a sei'va7it. 

One halfc headed bedstcd w"' a Canopy of grccne and yellow 
stript stiiffc. 

One feather bed and bowlster. 
One blanket and a rug. 



In a Roome adioynmg. 
Two Spanish Tables. 

In Mad'niozdle Du7'ctfs Roome. 

The roome hang'd round with stript stuflfe. 

One standing bedsted with furniture of the like stuffe. 

Two Elbow Chaires ) n.! c^^ or 

T c c.. 1 r of the same Stuffe. 

1 wo Square Stooles j 

One side Table. 



In the La: Denbyes chamber^ late M""- Claytons, 
One brasse figure of Mercury. 



/;/ the Roome where the young lady Cromwell' s geiitlewoman 

lay below staires. 

One bedstcd. 
One Table. 



Inventory of Cromwell's Goods (1659). 291 

In a roome below staires where the Servants Dyne, fonnerly 

called the Vestrey. 

*Five tables and Eight formes. 

In M''- Maidstone s lodgs, fomnerly the Earle of Hollande. 

One halfe head bedsted with a Canopy of greene Sarge edged 
with guilt leather. 

One canvas and one fustian quilt. 
One bolster and a pillow. 
Two blankets and a rug. 

ht the Blew Roojne. 

Six back chaires of Turky worke and one Spanish Table. 
One pair of Andirons and Creepers with brasses. 
A paire of Tongs and bellows. 
*One carpet of Crewell. 

In his Dy7iing Roome. 

Five Spanish Tables. 

Tenn back Stooles and a high stoole of Turky worke. 

One paire of Andirons, fire shovell and Tongs. 

In the Lower Wardrobe. 

One standing Bedsted the furniture of gold collour damaske 
cont: 

Power courtines and double vallons "j 

Tester and headcloth J- suitable to the Bed. 

One Carpet and fower Cupps j 

Fower Courtines of gold collour bayes being a case about the 
Bed. 

One Case for the Carpet of the like Bayes. 



- suitable to the Bed. 



2Q2 Appendix C. 

One Counterfeit Ebbony Sliclfe. , . , ^ 

Fowrc pieces of ^^rccne Taffcty hangincrs lyncd with Sarge for 
1 Closset and a wyndow Courtine of the same. 

One standing Ikdsted the furniture of sky colloured Taffety 
and imbroidered with silke and gold after the indian fashion lyned 
witli sky colloured Sarcenet cont : 

Fester and head cloth 

l^ouble vallance. 

Four court ines. 

One Counterpane. 

l'\)ur cupps & 4 plumes of Feathers, 

One Carpett and a screene cloth. 

Tlu-ee courtines of watchet baycs being a Case for the Bed. 

One piece of the like bayes to cover the screene cloth. 

Two small looking glasses, one of them being broke. 

C)ne standing liedsted the furniture of a sad collour. 

Fower courtines single vallons and Carpett suitable. 

The Tester headcloth and single vallons being of clouded 

Taffety. 

The Courtines lyned with the same and a counterpane. 

Fower Cupps and fower sprigs of silke to stand upon them. 

And a Cyprus Chest that this bed lyes in. 
*Two fine persian Carpetts Eight yards long a piece. 
*One Turky Carpet five yards long. 
♦One Turky Carpet fower yards and a quarter long. 
♦One Turky Carpet Three yards i long. 
♦One Turky Carpet Three yards long. 
♦One Turky Carpet Three yards long. 

One Turky Carpet fower yards \ long. 

One Turky Carpet three yards \ long. 

One Turky Carpet three yards long. 

Three Turky chest Carpetts two yards long a piece. 

Two small Carro Carpets one yard and three q'ters long a 
piece. 

Three small yellow ground carpetts for syde Tables. 
♦One red and two blew sarge swede furnitures for Bcdds. 
♦(^ne stript stuffe sweed furniture for a bed. 
♦Two old footstooles of cloth of gold. 

Six cushions of cloth with red leather bottomcs. 



Inventory of Cro7nzvcir s Goods (1659). 293 

One furniture for a bed of stript stuflfe used for the Lord 
Richardes ladyes gentleman usher. 

One furniture of Hver colloured sarge belonging to a bed M"" 
Faircloth lay in. 

One led collour sarge furniture M"" Lockeire lay in. 

One piece of grey stript stuffe hangings that hang'd M"^ Lockeire 's 
roome. 

Greene sarge hangings y* hanged M"" Fairclothe roome. 

Two Courtines of greene kersey edged about w"" guilt leather. 

One furniture of red say for the Lord Richard's nursery used. 

One peice of stript stuffe with pillars y* hang'd the said roome. 

One furniture of stript stuffe used for the Comptson Butler. 

One furniture of stript stuffe with hangings to the roome of the 
same used for the Ld Richards ladys gentlewomen. 

One furniture of stript stuffe with hangings to ye roome of the 
same used for the Ld Richards gentlemen. 

Two back chaires and fower stooles to the furniture of the 
aforesaid two roomes. 

One bundle of stript stuffe hangings used in the roome where 
the Doctours lay. 

One peice of stript stuffe hangings that hanged on the roome 
for M"" Faircloth. 

One furniture of a liver collour sarge for ye lady Clapoles 
gentlewomen. 

One back stoole and two square stooles of the same. 

Nine courtines for wyndowes. 

Two peices to hang under wyndowes. 

Seaven small Carpetts. 

Two small Carpetts of greene serge belonging to M'". Faircloth. 

One peice of stript stuffe that hanged a closset for Auditor 
Barrington. 

*One needleworke carpctt five yards long. 

Two chaires of sad collour cloth. 

Twenty and two chaires and two high stooles of Turky worke. 

Fower peices of Tapistry hangings of David & Abigaill. 

Two peices of Tapistry hangings of the old & new lawe, being 
parte of the suite y' hangs in ye late Ouecnes privy chamber. 

Five pieces of old Tapistry hangings of the Prodigall sonn. 

One small peice of Arras hangings of ^neas. 



of stript stuffe. 



294 



y 



Ippcndi.x C 



One pcicc of Taplstry hanL,M"n<;s of Mclcagcr. 

Three fusticin (Juilts and one small holland Quilt. 

One round tlowii bolster. 

Nineteenc feather beds and boulsters w"' paircs of blankctt and 
ruga's. 

One old feather bed and boulstcr. 

l-'ive small feather beds and bo'ulstcrs with paircs of blankctts 
cc ruL,'|^s. 

One canvas matcris belonging to the red say bed. 

Thirteen canvas materisses with feather boulsters and ruggs. 

l""ive paire of small blankctts. 
•Three old cloth blankctts. 

•Two small feather beds and boulsters with paires of blankets 
aiid ruggs. 

♦Forty chaircs and fiftecne high stoolcs of Russia leather. 
•Fi\e blew courtincs of Linscy Woolscy. 
♦Eleven downe pillowes. 

In the Upper Wardrobe. 



Power Elbow Chaircs 
Six back stoolcs 
One footstoole. 



of gold collourdamaskcand cased with 
yellow bayes suitable to y* furniture 
in y' lower wardrobe. 

One small couch \ of grceneTaftctyand cased with greene 

One Elbow chaire I baycs, being suitable to y*" greene 

Two low stoolcs j taffety hangings in her late liighncs 

Two Cushions. J closet. 

One small Table of Counterfcite Ebbony. 

Two large Tables and a hanging shclfe of the same. 

Kine Cushions of turky worke bottomed with red leather. 

One large China Jam 

Two small Jarrs of purslane. 

One wanscot Table to the gold coUour Damaske bed. 

One Cabbinet and frame of Speckle wood. 

(^nc small wanscott Chest of drawers. 

Tcnn paire of blacke stands. 



Inventory of CroinweW s Goods (1659). 295 



In the late Qiieenes Oratory where M'''- Blowfeild lay. 

One small standing bed the furniture of greene sarge cont ; 
Tester and head cloth 



suitable to the said bed. 



A Counterpane 

Fower Courtins 

One Carpett 4 Cupps 

Two back Chaires. 

One small feather bed & boulster. 

One paire of blanketts and a down pillow. 

One wainscot Table and two Deale tables. 

One small back stoole of Calves leather. 

One Deale presse for Clothes. 
*One presse of wanscot covered with printer's leather. 
*One Courte coberd. 



In M""- Cofferer's man's Roome. 

One Sweed standing bedsted the furniture of Red sarge Cont : 

Fower Courtines and a headcloth with a buckram Tester. 

One featherbed and boulster. 

Two blanketts and a rugg. 

One Spanish Table and one half-headed bedsted. 



In a roome formerly the Ury» 
One large Deale Table. 

In the Great Hall. 

value { One large Organ and a Chaire Organ which was 
about £100. \ brought from Maudlin Colledge in Oxford. 



296 



Appendix C. 



In tJic Roomc over the Loiucr Wardrobe. 



of the like velvett and laced w"" 
irold and silver lace. 



•One standint,^ Bcd.stcd the furniture of watchet velvett cont : 
•Tester & hcadcloth 
•Three Courtines 
•h'oucr Cartooncs 
•l''ower Cujips 
•One Counterpane 
•Double vallons 
•One I'Llbow Chaire 
•Two hii^h stooles 
•One foote stoole 
•One square cushion 
•One long cushion. 
•One long seate to lay the cushion on and fovver plumes of 
feathers. 

One large feather bed and boulster. 

One canvas materis. 

One paire of blanketts. 

Two Dcale Tables. 



In M" IVaterhotcsc Roome, formerly the Qneenes Robe 

Roome. 



The Roomc hanged round with frecnch greene sarge. 

One standing bedsted the furniture of greene sarge cont : tester, 
headcloth, double vallons, fowcr courtines fower cupps and one 
counterpane. 

One carpett 

Two backstooles - suitable to the said bed. 

Fower folding stooles 

One feather bed and boulster and a Downe pillow. 

One paire of blanketts and a rug. 

One small wanscot Table. 



Inventory of Cromwell's Goods (1659). 297 

In the Roome adioyning. 



One halfe headed bedsted. 
*One Spanish Table. 



In Co^^ Will: Cromwell's lodgs. formerly S'' Math: Listers. 

*One halfe headed bedsted. 
*One Table and a long forme. 
*One Courte Coberd. 



In M" How the ministers Withdrawing roome, formerly 

Secretary Windedank's. 

The roome hanged with hare colloured stript stufife. 
One carpet of the same. 

Five back chaires and one high stoole of russia leather. 
One Spanish Table. 



In M"" Hows Bed-chamber. 

The Roome hang'd round with grey stript stufife. 

One standing bed the furniture of the like stript stuffe. 

Single vallons, Tester, headcloth, 4 courtines and a carpet. 

One Feather bed and boulster. 

One paire of blankets and a rug. 

Two back stooles and two folding stooles of sarge. 



In the next Roome for a servant. 

One halfe headed bedsted. 

One small feather bed and boulster. 

One paire of blanketts. 



29S Appendix C. 



In a roomc formerly tJie late King's gent levian ushers, late 
iMr. Robinson's, yeoman of the Race, 

One lialfc headed bedsted. 
One feather bed &: boulstcr. 
Two bhuikets and a ruf^. 



*£)• 



In a roo7ne formerly the Signetts' office late Doc tour 

Clarices. 

One halfc headed bedsted. 
One Dealc Table and a forme. 



In a roo?ne formerly the late Qucenes gent: late M'' Jones 

the Carvers. 

Two backstooles of russia leather. 
One Uealc Table. 



In a roome formerly for the late King's robes late M'' 

Birds. 

One halfe headed bedsted. 

Two formes. 

One Courte Cobcrd. 



In a roome formerly the L'^ Treasiirers Bedchamber. 

One greate Deale presse. 
One half headed bedsted. 
One paire of iron Doggs. 
One greatc fireshovell. 



Inventory of Cromwell' s Goods (1659). 299 

In a Roome forme^dy the Bishop of Canterburyes late the 
Lady Claypooles Nurseiy. 

Seaven peices of Tapistry hangings of Artimesia. 

Eight peices of Tapistry hangings of Orlando. 

One large persian Carpett seaven yards long lyned with blew 

Unnen. 

One square old Turkey cutt Carpett. 

Fower Elbow Chaires \ r ^ ^^ ji./ri.'u-j a 

of sky colloured taffety imbroidered 

with silke and gold after the Indian 

fashion, and cased with blew bayes 

suitable to ye furniture in the lower 

Wardrobe. 



Fower backe Stooles 
One large Couch 
One long Seate 
One Cushion 
One Footstoole 



of sad collour cloth, imbroidered with 
silke in trayles and flowers and cased 
with sad collour bayes suitable to 
ye Bed y* lyes in the Cyprus Chest 
in y* lower wardrobe. 
One large looking glasse in an Ebbony frame w*'' a string of 



Fower elbow Chaires 
Fower folding stooles 
One footstoole 



silke and gold. 

One wanscot Table and one Spanish Table. 

One greene thread plush stoole. 

One canvas Materis and a holland quilt. 

One fine Downe bed and bowlster. 

One paire of Spanish blankets. 

One large feather bed and bowlster. 

One canvas Materis and a holland Quilt. 

One paire of Spanish blankets. 



In the Laundry. 

Three halfe headed bedsteds. 

Three feather beds and boulsters. 

Three paire of blanketts & three ruggs. 

Three Downe pillowes. 

Three iron grates and two Coppers. 



-700 Appendix C. 

In the two Porter s lodges. 

Two halfc headed bcdstcds. 
Two feather beds & boulstcrs. 
Two paire of blanketts & two ruggs. 

/;: il/" Kerbycs roome yeoman of the bin cellar. 

One halfe headed bcdsted w"' rayles. 

One furniture of red sarge Cont. fowcr Courtincs, a headcloth 
and a tester of buckram. 

One feather bed and boulstcr. 

One bhmkctt ; a rug; and a Downe pillow. 

Two stooles of russia leather. 

One Dcalc Tabic. 

/;/ M" Drewcr the Granary mans Roonie. 

One halfe headed bcdsted with rayles. 

One Tweed furniture of strypc stuffc cont. three courtincs a 
headcloth and a tester of buckram. 
One feather bed and bowlstcr. 
One paire of blanketts and a rug. 
Two backstooles and one \\\<A\ stoolc of russia leather. 



In Robert Dobsons roomc, one of the grooms of ye stables. 

One halfe-headed bedsted. 

One canvas materis and a feather bowlster. 

One paire of blankets and a rugg. 

In Thomas Beard's roome, another of ye groomes. 

One featherbed and bowlstcr. 
Two blanketts and a rugg. 



Inventoiy of CromwclV s Goods (1659). 301 



In the Dairy Maid's Roome. 

One halfe-headed bedsted. 
One feather bed and boulster. 
Two blanketts and a rugg. 

In the Lady Claypoolcs mans Chamber. 

One standing Bedsted the furniture of pink-colloured sarsnet 
cont. headcloth and tester, three courtines fower cantoones, fower 
Cupps and fower spriggs of silke, one counterpane and eighteene 
silke strings w* tassells to tye up the courtines. 
Two Elbow Chaires \ 

suitable to the bed and cased with 
pink-coUour'd baycs. 



Two Back Chaires 

One foote-stoole 

Two long Seates. 

One carpet of the same. 

Three courtines of bayes being a Case about the bed. 

One Elbow Chaire of lemon collour sarsnet with a foote-stool. 

One long seate and cushion of the same cased with yellow 
bayes. 

One featherbed and Boulster. 

One holland Quilt and Spanish blanket. 

Two wyndow Courtines of pink collour bayes. 

One Turky foote Carpett five yards long. 

One standing bedsted with a furniture of liver collour sarge 
lyned with lemon collour sarsnet cont : Tester and headcloth and 
counterpane of the like sarsnet, as alsoe inward vallons of the 
same, fower courtines and outward vallons, one Carpet and fower 
cupps of the same. 

One Elbow Chaire ^ 

Two back Stooles \ suitable to the bed. 

Fower folding stooles j 

One featherbed and boulster. 

Three blanketts and one holland Quilt. 

One long black hanging shelfe for books. 

One looking Glasse. 



3 (J 2 Appendix C. 

One ordinary blanket. 

One wanscot Table ami one Dealc Table. 

Mi'tnonifulittti. Where the l)nes are drawn in the mar^^ant those 
floods by the wardrobe keeper are said to belong to his late 
Highness. 

I/i tJie Banqiiclting /lousc in the Monnt Garden. 

♦Twelve wainscot scollop Chaires w"' backs, 
•lught pcices of grotcscoe painting on cloth with Chcilde, over 
them. 

•Two peices of the same over the doores. 
*One large concave Sundiall of Stone. 

In the great Banqnetting howse beloiv these. 

♦A marke head and a scollop basin of white marble, 
*One large ovall Table of blacke and white marble. 

hi the Privy Gardeji. 

*One brasse Statue of Venus ^ 

•One brasse Statue of Cleopatra I with fowcr pcdcstalls of 

•One white marble Statue of Adonis j stone under them. 

•One white marble Statue of Apollo J 

♦One large fountaine of blacke marble with a curbe of Eight 
cants about it of the same marble lyncd with lead. 

•Fower scollop basins •\ 

•Fower Sea-monsters I of brass about the 

•Three Scrowles j Fountaine. 

•F'ower boyes holding Dolphins j 

•One large brasses Statue on the top of the Fountaine called 
Arcthusa.' 

•Fowcr large flower potts of lead. 

•One large bench of Oake, the backe lyncd with Dcale. 

•Five stone rolls with fower iron frames. 

•Fowcr large backe seates of Deale and one old one. 

' See page 244. 



Inventory of CromweWs Goods (1659). 303 

In the Cloystcr Courte. 
*One Stone roll with an iron frame. 

In the Boivling Greene. 

*Two large Seates with Covers of Oake and Deale. 
*Two greene back seates of Oake. 
*One stone roll with an iron frame. 
*One large wood roll with a wood frame. 

*One large Horizontal Dyall of brasse with a pedestall of carved 
stone. 

In the Moate Garden. 

*One stone roll with an iron frame. 

In the Chappell. 

*A pulpitt standing on a table of Deale. 
*Twelve long formes. 

In the Anti-chappell. 
*A Cedar planke eight foote square lying on two formes. 

I7i his late Highness Kitchin, 

*Six very large copper pottes tin'd. 
*Two of a smaller size tin'd. 
*Five brasse kettles tin'd w"' iron feete to them. 
*Two greate copper pans to boyle fish in. 
*Two very large gridirons. 
*Fower large iron dripping panns. 
*Three iron Trewetts. 
*Six storing panns of Copper tin'd. 
*Fower pudding panns. 

*Five large brasse peices with holes in them to take fish out of 
y* panns. 



304 



Appendix C. 



•One lon.q: Copper with a false bottom to boylc fish in. 

•Three ^Meate fryin;^ panns. 

•I'lcven brasse Hat dibhes tin'd over. 

•Nine spitts. 

•Three brasse scummcrs and one brasse Ladle. 

•Kii^htceii wooden trayes, 

•I'"ive cleavers or chopping knives. 

•ICleven small molds or pastipans. 

•One pairc of large iron racks. 

•One Copper to bo)-Ic mcatc in covered witli lead. 



Iji a Roomc at the cud of the wardrobe. 

•Fowerteenc paire of andirons with double brasses. 
•Nine paire of iron Creepers with brasses and ii pairc without 
brasses. 

•One pairc of grcate iron doggs. 
•Twenty two fireshovells with brasses. 
•Seaven plaine fire shovells. 
♦Three grcate fire shovells. 
•Three paire of plaine tongs. 
•Tcnn paire of ordinary bellowcss. 
•One paire of the best bellowes. 
•Nine Spanish Tables. 
•Fower Joyned Dealc Tables. 



In the Sc2dlery. 



•Twelve large pewter Dishes 
•I'owerteenc lesser Dishes 
•Nine Dishes of a third size 
•I'Mfteenc Dishes of the fowrth size 
•Sixteene Dishes of the fifth size 
•Two dozen of Trencher plates 
•Two paste)' plates 
•Six pye plates 
•Five sawccrs 
•Two stoolc panns 



of Pewter. 



Inventory of CromweW s Goods (1659). 



305 



*Two dishes tin'd 
*One Scummer 
*Two Coppers 



of Brasse. 



of brasse. 



of Iron. 



In the Comptrowlers Kitchin. 

*One very greate pott 

*Three other greate potts 

*Two greate panns 

*Eighteen panns or Cullenders 

*Two peices to take up fish 

*Six dishes & Eight tin'd Chaf ' 

*Fower sawce panns 

*Two Scummers 

*Two ladles 

*One mortar 

*One large frying pann 

*Tvvo dripping panns 

*Twenty Spitts 

*One large fireshovell 

*One peale & one pestle 

*One paire of greate rackes 

*Tvvo gridirons. 

*One Cisterne covered with lead. 

In the Pasirey. 

*One large pott with a Cover 

*fower Chafors 

*Eight greate dishes tin'd 

*Eight small pans tin'd 

*Sixe large Covers 

*One mortar 

*Three greate Ladles 

*Two little Candlesticke 

*Six greate Collenders tin'd 

*Two greate pans w*'' covers tin'd 

*Seaven greate saucepans tin'd 

*Two lesser saucepans tin'd 

*Fifteene saucers tin'd 

*Two greate Scum*^'' & two small ones 

* X 



I of Brasses. 



3o6 Appendix C. 

•Fowcr pcalcs \ 

•One pcstlc 

•One raker ■ of iron. 

•four scrcw'd Candlesticks 

•Two Chopping Knives j 



Ijt the flesh Larder. 



•One laff^e Cisternc for water 
•One brine Cisterne 
•One powderinL; place 



covered w*'' lead. 



fower large Dressors of Elmo set on tressells. 

One paire of scales w"' weights weighing two hundred. 



/;/ the BreivJioiise. 

•One Copper. 

•One mash tun, and underbacke. 

•One Guill tun and two upper backs. 



Sto7'e Cistcrncs. 

♦One large Store Cisterne in the Privy Garden which serves 
the greate fountaine there. 

•One large Cisterne under the Square stone Courte that serves 
the fountaine and Maze there. 

•One large Cisterne in the Kitchin Garden to serve the Kitchin 
and Offices on that side. 



In the Howse Maids Roonie. 



•Twenty Stoole panns 
•Fowerteene Chamber potts 
•Fight pewter Basons 
•Two Cisternes 



of Pewter. 



Inventory of CromweWs Goods {1659). 307 

l7t the Grooms of the Chambers Roomes. 

*Twenty two large Candlesticks 

*One perfuming pott . ^^ Brasse. 

*Twelve branches for Candles 

*One Warming pann 

*Seaventeene paire of tin'd Snuffers. 

*Thirteene pewter Candlesticks. 

*One halfe headed bedsted. 

*One Spanish Table. 



May it please yo"" Hon' 



As to the other partes of y' Hon" order vizt : 

That wee should take notice what Servants remaine at Hampton 
Court, as alsoe care of the Watercourses and Rivers. 
Wee humbly certify 

That M' Kenersley (as we are informed) was of late ordered to 
be Howsekeeper, as well as Wardrobe Keeper there, under whome 
there are these Servants (vizt.) 

^. , , ,, . ^i. f who looketh to the wardrobe and 
Richard Marriott | j^^^^^_ 

T , ^, ^ f Porter of the foregate of the 

John Clemente | j^^^^^ ^ 

T^ , ^ TV, , f Porter of the gate that leads into 

Robert Blanch | ^^^ p^^g^^j^ ^^^^^^^ 

As to the safeguard of the goods in the house, wee humbly con- 
ceive it necessary for the present to continue as yet these two men 
untill the goods by yo'' Hon" order shalbe otherwise disposed of. 



Gardiners j Tobyas Yares 
( John Darley. 



As to the watercourses and Rivers Av^ee humbly Certifyc that 
there are severall pipes broken that lead from Coome park hill and 
Hampton Town unto the house alsoe y* River hath been turned 



3o8 



Appendix C. 



out of its course by scvcrall persons for private use & likewise 
stopt by weeds wliich wee arc now clearing to supply the park and 
ponds for the preservini^ of the fish. 

Lastly thou>;h the parkes were not mentioned in yo"" Hono*^ 
onler for our Inspection, yet the Comon wealth having a consider- 
abh- interest there, wee humbly certify 

That in the House parke the number of Deere are computed to 
bee about Seaven hundred. 

And in liushy parke about seaventeene hundred, grcate and 
small — And of Red Deere about thirty. 

The scrvantes relating to those parks being as following 



W. Place 



\ Ranger to both the parkes. 



ir „ c fj if Charles Daine. 

Keep" of ye House pke ^ ^^..^^.^^ ^^^^^^^ 



Huntsman 



Keep' of Bushy pke 



] formerly under- 
Thomas Lovell - keeper of 

Richmond parke. 

( ^ These have 

I Richard Browning | had of late two 



1 



William Howlintr 



men allowed 
und"" them. 



C. Dcnely. John Embree. 
Endorsed 

Ccrtiff of Goods & Servants at Hampton Court. 
Ord''. iS June 1659. 




APPENDIX D. 

Accounts for Various Works done at Hampton Court 
IN the Reign of Charles II. 



I. The Tennis Court. (Harl. MSS. No. 1656, Folios 215 

et seq.) 
Dec. 1660. 
MasoiiSy Imployed in squaring, working, and fitting of stones to 
make the damboes (tambours 1) in the Tennis Courte, sawing part 
of the blacke marble for the line Crosse the Courte. 

John Ashlee xvii dales £2 2 6 

William Ffitch — xvii daies £226 

Carpenters. Imployed in plateing all that side of the Tennis 
Courte next the Garden new plancking both sides of the s*^ courte 
upon the wall. 

Bricklayers. Imployed in tileing y® Long Gallory going out of 
the privy Lodgings to the New Tennis Court, on that side next 
the parke, working up with bricks, and p*^ of the new Tennis Court 
wall, and underpinning all the plateing after the Carpenters, on that 
side next the garden, huinge, rubbing, squareing, peeringe, and 
scimonting (cementing) of tiles for to pave the Tennis Court. 

Sawyers. Imployed in cuting out of timber into divers scant- 
lings, viz' for plates and other uses to be used about the Tennis 
Courte. 



^ I o Appendix D. 

fan : 1660-1. r ^ • /- 

Brickliiyers imploycd in Lathinf^ and tilcing of ye Tennis Courte 
Keepers house mending ye Ranges in ye Kitchinge and makeing 
a new boyling place. 

Feb. 1 660- 1. 
^/,;j^,;j_squaring & working of ffrce stone for the Tumber 
belonging to the Tennis Court. 

Car/>efitcrs—\.dk\ng down the gallery at the Tennis Court, and 
the roofc of the end gallery where the hazard is, planning all the 
timbers and seting them up again, etc. 

Saii'ycrs—'m cutting out of new & old timbers into several scant- 
lings for rafters for ye Tennis Courte. . . 

March 1C60-1. 
Carpoiters plaining and shooting of deale boords to cover the 
galleries at the Tennis Court over the side gallery and both the 
ends ; working and framing the timbers for the whole frame of the 
side gallery and both ends ; fastening of peeces to the wall to lay 
the joysts upon & pinning them all down ; boarding the gallery 
over head, making of frames for the nets to catch the balls. 

Bricklayers — working up the bricke worke of the gallery at 
the Tennis Court, huinge and squarring of bricks, mending the 
buterisscs there next the park side, cuting out 3 windows in the 
little roome nere the Tennis Court, .... working up with brick 
between the wall and the stone worke of the Tambour. {Folio 
229.) 

To John Phillips Turner for turninge 9 cuUums (columns) for 
the Tennis Court at 6*^ the peece ; & for turning 4 other cuUumes 
for that place at 12'' the peece. 

To John Gregory for 600 of P square paving tiles. {Folio 231.) 
To John Miles, Smith for 43 great thimbles for 2 curtain rods 
for the Tennis Court. 

April 1 66 1. 
Carpenters making a frame for the mason to sett their saw in to 
saw the black marble for the Line crosse the Tennis Court. {Folio 

235)- 



Works in the Reign of Charles II. 311 

Plaisterevs imployed in burning of plaister of Paris, & laying of 
a great part of the walls of the Tennis Court therewith. {Folio 
236.) 

May i66r. 
Masons .... working black marble for the Line to goe on crosse 
the Tennis Court, making the grill by the Tambor. {Folio 241.) 



II. The Parks. (Harl. MSS. No. 1656, Folio 216. 

Dec. 1660.) 

Carpenters .... Imployed .... in making of a large square to 
sett out the worke in the parke by, for the trees and river, clearinge 
out of poles for stakes, sharpening of them & helping to drive the 
stakes to sett the ground. 



III. Miscellaneous. 

I. The Ferry. (Harl. MSS. No. 1656, Folio 232.) 

To Simon Winsloo Ferryman at Hampton Court for his allow- 
ances for one quarter of a yeare last past for ferrying over the 
workmen & Labourers 10/-. 

2. The Great Hall (Harl. MSS. No. 161 8, Folio 204). 

Joyners Imployed in making two paire of doores for the Great 
Hall and fitting the Ironwork &c. setting them up and making 
one paire of doores for the Duchess of Yorke's bedchamber. 

3. The Astronomical Clock. (Harl. MSS. No. 1618, 
Foho 219, Oct. 1664.) 

To Robert Streeter, Serjant Painter for guilding and painting 
the great Diall in the Fountain Court & shadowing of all the 
Letters, Ciphers, and Characters and painting of the landskips and 
seapeices ^^48 16. For guilding and painting the Clock Diall that 
is over the other side the gatehouse ;^ 1 1 70. 




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