FULLERS HISTORY OF THE
HOLY WAR
CHARLES WHITT1NCHAM
CH1SWICK
//
THE* HISTORY- OF- THE
HOLY- WAR-
BY-THOM AS-FULLER-
D-D
\\
OF THE
LONDON
WILLIAM PICKERING
1840
UN IV
TO THE HONOURABLE
EDWARD MONTAGU,
SON AND HEIR
TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
EDWARD LORD MONTAGU
OF BOUGHTON.
SIR JOHN POWLET,
SON AND HEIR
TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
JOHN LORD POWLET OF
HINTON ST. GEORGE.
WHEN I observe the several alterations in
nobility, I find four principal actors on the
theatres of great families ; the beginner, advancer, V"
continuer, and ruiner. The beginner is he who by his \
virtues refineth himself from the dross of the vulgar,
and layeth the foundation of his house : an excellent
workman indeed, as who not only bringeth his tools,
but maketh his materials. The advancer, who im-
proveth the patrimony of honour he receiveth ; and
what his father found glass and made crystal, he findeth
crystal and maketh it pearl. The continuer, who
keepeth his nobility alive, and passeth it along, neither
marring nor mending it ; but sendeth it to his son as
he received it from his father. The ruiner, who basely
degenerateth from his ancestors ; so that in him nobi-
lity hath run so far from its first starting, that it is
tired : and whilst he liveth he is no better than his
grandfather's tomb ; without, carved over with honour-
able titles ; within, full of emptiness, or what is worse,
corruption.
Now to apply. You cannot be beginners of your
families ; that care was cared for, before your nurses
were chosen, or your cradles provided. Your fathers,
b
182138
vi EPISTLE DEDICATORY.
though of late years fixed in a higher sphere, were
bright stars long before. None can go on in our
English chronicles, but they must meet with a Mon-
tagu and a Powlet, either in peace in their gowns, or
in war in their armour. Yea, when I go backward by
the streams of your paternal nobility (not to speak of
the tributary brooks of their matches), I can never find
the first fountain ; and hope none shall ever find the
last fall. For as for the ruiners of houses, I should
rend that thought out with my heart, if it should con-
ceive that of you. Nay, let me tell you, if you be but
bare continuers of your honour, you deceive both the
desires and hopes of your friends. Good is not good
when proceeding from them from whom far better is
expected. Your youthful virtues are so promising, that
you cannot come off in your riper age with credit, with-
out performing what may redound to the advancing of
the honour of your family, and without building your
houses one story higher in the English history.
Now know T , next religion, there is nothing accom-
plkheth a man more than learning. Learning in a
lord is as a diamond in gold. And if you fear to hurt
your tender hands with thorny school-questions, there
is no danger in meddling w T ith history, which is a
velvet study, and recreation work. What a pity is it
to see a proper gentleman to have such a crick in his
neck that he cannot look backward ! yet no better is
he who cannot see behind him the actions which long
since were performed. History maketh a young man
to be old, without either wrinkles or gray hairs ; pri-
vileging him with the experience of age, without
either the infirmities or inconveniences thereof. Yea,
it not only maketh things past, present ; but enableth
one to make a rational conjecture of things to come.
For this \vorld afFordeth no new accidents, but in the
same sense wherein we call it a new moon, which is
the old one in another shape, and yet no other than
what hath been formerly. Old actions return again,
furbished over with some new and different circum-
stances.
ft
EPISTLE DEDICATORY.
r amongst all particular histories (I may say)
is moreej2EaLthan this of the Holy War, which
I present to your honours. Some will condemn
me tor an ill husband, in lavishing two noble patrons
on one book, whereas, one of them might have served
to have patronised many volumes. But first, I did it
in the weak expression of my thankfulness unto you,
being deeply indebted to you both ; and I thought it
dishonesty to pay all to one creditor, and none to
another : and therefore conceived it best, to share my
estate jointly betwixt you, as far forth as it would
extend. Secondly, considering the weakness of this
work, now being to walk abroad in the world, I thought
it must be led by both arms, and needed a double
supporter. And now I am sure this Holy War, which
was unhappy heretofore, when acted, will be happy
hereafter, now written and related, because dedicated
to your honours. So resteth
Your honours'
in all service
THOMAS FULLER.
BROAD-WINDSOR,
March 6, 1639.
TO THE READER.
IN this work I can challenge nothing to myself, but
the composing of it. The materials were found to
my hand ; which if any historian will make, let him not
be commended for wit, but shamed for falsehood. If
every where I have not charged the margin with the
author's names, it is either because the story is author
for itself (I mean, generally received), or to avoid the
often citing of the same place. Where I could not go
abroad myself, there I have taken air at the window,
and have cited authors on others' citations ; yet so
that the stream may direct to the fountain.
If the reader may reap in few hours what cost me
more months, just cause have I to rejoice, and he (I
hope) none to complain. Thus may the faults of this
book redound to myself, the profit to others, the glory
to God.
TO HIS WORTHY AND LEARNED FRIEND,
MR. THOMAS FULLER,
UPON HIS EXCELLENTLY COMPOSED HISTORY OF THE
HOLY WAR.
CAPTAIN of arts, in this thy Holy War
My muse desires to be thy trumpeter,
In thy just praise to spend a blast or two,
For this is all that she (poor thing) can do.
Peter the Hermit, like an angry owl,
Would needs go tight all armed in his cowl.
What, had the holy man nought else to do,
But thus to lose his blood and credit too ?
Seeking to win Christ's sepulchre, God wot,
He found his own ; this was the ground he got.
Except he got more ground, when he one day
Besieging Antioch fiercely ran away.
Much wiser was the Pope : at home he stayed,
And made the world believe he wept and prayed.
Meanwhile (behold the fruit of feigned tears)
He sets the world together by the ears.
His head serves him, whilst others use their hands :
Whilst princes lose their lives, he gets their lands.
To win the Holy Land what need kings roam ?
The pope can make a Holy Land at home
By making it his own : then for a fashion,
'Tis said to come by Constantine's donation.
For all this fox-craft, I have leave (I hope)
To think my friend far wiser than the pope
And hermit both : he deals in holy wars,
Not as a stickler in those fruitless jars,
But a composer rather : hence this book ;
Whereon whilst I with greedy eyes do look,
Methinks I travel through the Holy Land,
Viewing the sacred objects on each hand.
Here mounts (methinks), like Olivet, brave sense ;
There flows a Jordan of pure eloquence :
A temple rich in ornament I find
Presented here to my admiring mind.
Strange force of Art! the ruined holy city
Breeds admiration in me now, not pity.
To testify her liking, here my muse
Makes solemn vows, as holy pilgrims use.
I vow, dear friend, the Holy War is here
Far better writ than ever fought elsewhere.
Thousands have fought and died : but all this while,
I vow, there nothing triumphs but thy style.
Thy wit hath vanquished barbarfsm more
Than ever Godfrey's valour did before.
Might I but choose, I rather would by far
Be author of thy book than of that war.
Let others fight ; I vow to read thy works,
Prizing thy ink before the blood of Turks.
J. BOOTH, B.D.C.C.C.
ON THE TITLE OF THIS BOOK.
HOW comes stern war to be accounted holy,
By nature fierce, complexion melancholy ?
I'll tell you how : sh' has been at Rome of late,
And gained an indulgence to expiate
Her massacres ; and by the pope's command
Sh' has been a pilgrim to the Holy Land,
Where freeing Christians by a sacred plot,
She for her pains this epithet hath got.
H. ATKINS.
NOR need Jerusalem, that holy mother,
Envy old Troy ; since she has found another
To write her battles, and her wars rehearse
In prose as elegant as Homer's verse.
Let Sueton's name august as Caesar's be ;
Curtius more worlds than Alexander see ;
Let Joseph in his country's siege survive,
And Phoenix-like in his own ashes thrive :
Thy work great Fuller, will outlive their glory,
And make thy memory sacred as thy story.
Thy style is clear and white : thy very name
Speaks pureness, and adds lustre to the frame.
All men could wish, nay long, the world would jar,
So thou'dst be pleased to write, compose the War.
H. HLTTON, M. A. C. Jes.
TO MY FRIEND MR. THOMAS FULLER,
ON HIS BOOK " THE HOLY WAR."
"V1THILE of thy book I speak, friend, I'll think on
W Thy Jordan for my purest Helicon ;
And for biforked Parnassus, I will set
My fancy on the sacred Olivet.
XI
Tis holy ground which now my measured feet
Must tread on ; then (as in due right 'tis meet)
Let them be bare and plain ; for quainter art
May sacrifice to thee without a heart ;
And while it praiseth this thy work, may preach
His glory, rather than thy merit's reach.
Here, reader, thou mayst judge and well compare
Who most in madness, Jew or Roman, share :
This not so blind, yet in the clearest day
Does stumble still on stocks, on stones, on clay ;
The other will in bright and highest noon
Choose still to walk by glimmering light o' th' moon.
Here thou mayst represented see the right
Between our earthly flesh and heavenly Sp'rit.
Lo, how the Turk doth drive with flaming sword,
Salvation from him and God's holy word,
As once the angel did rebellious vice
With Adam force from blessed paradise.
And this in style diamond-like doth shine,
Which firmest parts and clearest do combine,
And o'er the sad ground of the Jewish story
As light embroidery explays its glory.
The temple razed and ruined seems more high
In his strong phrase, than when it kissed the sky.
And as the viper, by those precious tears
Which Phaeton bemoaned, of amber wears
A rich (though fatal) coat; so here enclosed
With words so rare, so splendent, so composed,
E'en Mahomet has found a tomb, which shall
Last when the fainting loadstone lets him fall.
HENRY VINTENER.
TO HIS OLD FRIEND MR. FULLER.
I LOVE no wars,
I love no jars,
Nor strife's fire :
May discords cease ;
Let's live in peace ;
This I desire.
If it must be
Wars we must see
So (fates conspire),
May we not feel
The force of steel ;
This I desire.
Xll
But in thy book
When I do look
And it admire ;
Let war be there,
But peace elsewhere ;
This I desire.
THO. JACKSON.
TO
HIS WORTHY FRIEND MR. THOMAS FULLER,
ON HIS BOOK " THE HOLY WAR."
THERE'S not a story, friend, in thy book told,
But's a jewel ; each line a thread of gold.
Though war sound harsh, and doth our minds affright,
Yet clothed in well-wrought language 't doth delight.
Such is thy gilded phrase, I joy to read
In thee massacres, and to see men bleed.
Oft have I seen in hangings on a wall
The ruins of great Troy, and Priam's fall ;
A story in itself so full of woe,
Twould make the Grecian weep that was the foe ;
But being wrought in arras, and made gay
W r ith rich embroidery, 't makes th' beholder say,
I like it well ; this flame, that scar is good ;
And then commend : this wound, that stream of blood.
Things in themselves distasteful, are by art
Made pleasant, and do much delight the heart.
Such is thy book ; though it of blood relate
And horrid war, whose very name we hate,
Yet clad in arras-language and thy phrase,
Doth not affright, but with delight amaze,
And with such power upon our senses seize,
That 't makes war dreadful in itself, to please.
WILLIAM JOHNSON, Q. Coll.
TO HIS DEAR FRIEND MR. FULLER.
WE need not now those zealous votaries meet,
Or pilgrims turn ; but on our verses' feet.
Thy quill hath winged the earth ; the Holy Land
Doth visit us, commanded by thy hand.
If envy make thy labours prove thy loss,
No marvel if a crusade wear the cross.
CLEMENT BRETTON, Sidn. Coll.
THE HISTORY OF THE
HOLY WAR.
BOOK I.
CHAPTER I. The Destruction of the City and Temple of
Jerusalem by the Romans, under the Conduct of Titus.
WHEN the Jews had made the full measure of their
sins run over, by putting to death the Lord of Life
[A. D. 34], God's judgments (as they deserved, and our
Saviour foretold) quickly overtook them ; for a mighty army
of the Romans besieged and sacked the city of Jerusalem
[72], wherein by fire, famine, sword, civil discord, and
foreign force 1 , eleven hundred thousand were put to death.
An incredible number it seemeth : yet it cometh within
the compass of our belief, if we consider that the siege began
at the time of the passover, when in a manner all Judea was
enclosed in Jerusalem, all private synagogues doing then
their duties to the mother temple; so that the city then
had more guests than inhabitants. Thus the passover, first 2
instituted by God in mercy to save the Israelites from death,
was now used by him in justice to hasten their destruction,
and to gather the nation into a bundle to be cast into the
fire of his anger. Besides those who were slain, ninety-
seven thousand were taken captives; and they who had
bought our Saviour for thirty pence 3 were themselves sold
thirty for a penny. The general of the Romans in this
action was Titus, son to Vespasian the emperor : a prince
so good, that he was styled the Darling of Mankind 4 for
1 Josephus, lib. 7, Belli Jud. Gr. c. 45, Lat. c. 17.
'- Exod. xii. 13.
3 Adricom. in Actis A post. fol. 282, credo, ex Hegesippo.
4 Suetonius in Tito.
B
2 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 132
his sweet and loving nature (and pity it was so good a stock
had not been better grafted), so virtuously disposed, that he
may justly be counted the glory of all Pagans, and shame of
most Christians. He laboured what lay in his power to
have saved the temple, and many therein ; but the Jews,
by their obstinacy and desperateness, made themselves in-
capable of any mercy. Then was the temple itself made a
sacrifice, and burnt to ashes ; and of that stately structure,
which drew the apostles' admiration, not a stone left upon
a stone. The walls of the city (more shaken with the sins
of the Jews defending them, than with the battering rams
of the Romans assaulting them) were levelled to the ground ;
only three towers left standing, to witness the great strength
of the place, and greater valour of the Romans who con-
quered it. But whilst this storm fell on the unbelieving
Jews, it was calm amongst the Christians ; who, warned by
Christ's predictions, and many other prodigies, fled betimes
out of the city to Pella (a private place beyond Jordan),
which served them instead of a little Zoar, to save them
from the imminent destruction 5 .
CHAP. II. How Judea was dispeopled of Jews by Adrian
the Emperor.
rj^HREESCORE years after [132], Adrian the emperor
JL rebuilt the city of Jerusalem, changing the situation
somewhat westward, and the name thereof to yElia. To
despite the Christians, he built a temple x over our Saviour's
grave, with the images of Jupiter and Venus; another at
Bethlehem, to Adonis her minion : and to enrage the Jews,
did engrave swine over the gates of the city : who, storming
at the profanation of their land, brake into open rebellion,
but were subdued by Julius Severus, the emperor's lieute-
nant, an experienced captain, and many thousands slain,
with Bencochab, their counterfeit Messias (for so he termed
himself), that is, the son of a star, usurping that prophecy,
Out of Jacob shall a star arise a ; though he proved but a
fading comet, whose blazing portended the ruin of that
nation. The captives, by order from Adrian, were trans-
ported into Spain ; the country laid waste, which parted
with her people and fruitfulness both together. Indeed
pilgrims to this day here and there light on parcels of rich
ground in Palestine ; which God may seem to have left,
5 Euseb. Eccl. Hist. lib. 3, c. 5.
1 Hieron. torn. 1, p. 104. 2 Num. xxiv. 17.
A.D. 132 THE HOLY WAR. 3
that men may taste the former sweetness of the land, before
it was soured for the people's sins ; and that they may guess
the goodness of the cloth by the fineness of the shreds.
But it is barren for the generality : the streams of milk and
honey, wherewith once it flowed, are now drained dry ; and
the whole face of the land looketh sad 3 , not so much for
want of dressing, as because God hath frowned on it. Yet
great was the oversight of Adrian, thus totally to unpeople
a province, and to bequeath it to foxes and leopards.
Though his memory vras excellent, yet here he forgot the
old Romans' rule, who, to prevent desolations, where they
rooted out the natives, planted in colonies of their own
people. And surely the country recovered not a competency
of inhabitants for some hundred years after. For though
many pilgrims came thither in after ages, yet they came
rather to visit than to dwell ; and such as remained there,
most embracing single lives, were no breeders for posterity.
If any say that Adrian did wilfully neglect this land, and
prostitute it to ruin for the rebellion of the people ; yet all
account it small policy in him, in punishing the Jews, to
hurt his own empire, and by this vastation to leave fair
and clear footing for foreign enemies to fasten on this coun-
try, and from thence to invade the neighbouring dominions :
as, after, the Persians and Saracens easily overran and
dispeopled Palestine; and no wonder if a thin meadow
were quickly mown. But to return to the Jews, such
stragglers of them, not considerable in number, as escaped
this banishment into Spain (for few hands reap so clean as
to leave no gleanings), were forbidden to enter into Jerusa-
lem, or so much as to behold it from any rise or advantage
of ground. Yet they obtained 4 of the after emperors, once
a year (namely, on the tenth of August, whereon their city
was taken), to go in and bewail the destruction of their
temple and people, bargaining with the soldiers who waited
on them, to give so much for so long abiding there ; and if
they exceeded the time they conditioned for, they must
stretch their purses to a higher rate : so that (as St. Hierome
noteth) they who bought Christ's blood were then glad to
buy their own tears.
3 Sand. Trav. p. 145. 4 Hieron. torn. 6, p. 256.
4 THE HISTORY OF
CHAP. III. Of the present ivoful Condition of the Jews;
and of the small Hope and *great RinderanceS of their
Conversion.
nnilUS the main body of the Jews was brought into
JL Spain, and yet they stretched their out-limbs into
every country ; so that it was as hard to find a populous
city without a common sink, as without a company of
Jews. They grew fat on the barest pasture, by usury and
brokage ; though often squeezed by those Christians amongst
whom they lived, counting them dogs, and therefore easily
finding a stick to beat them. And always in any tumult,
when the fence of order was broken, the Jews lay next
harms : as at the coronation of Richard the First, when
the English made great feasts, but the pillaged Jews paid
the shot. At last, for their many villanies (as falsifying of
coin, poisoning of springs, crucifying of Chiistian children)
they were slain in some places *, and finally banished out
of others ; out of England, A. D. 1 291 , by Edward the First ;
France, 1307, by Philip the Fair; Spain, 1492, by Ferdi-
nand; Portugal, 1497, by Emmanuel " L . But had these two
latter kings banished all Jewish blood out of their countries,
they must have emptied the veins of their best subjects,
as descended from them. Still they are found in great
numbers in Turkey, chiefly in Salonichi, where they enjoy
the freest slavery : and they who in our Saviour's time so
scorned publicans, are now most employed in that office, to
be the Turks' tollgatherers 3 ; likewise in the popish parts
of Germany; in Poland, the Pantheon of all religions; and
Amsterdam may be forfeited to the king of Spain, when
she cannot show a pattern of this as of all other sects.
Lastly, they are thick in the pope's dominions, where they
are kept as a testimony of the truth of the Scriptures, and
foil to Christianity, but chiefly in pretence to convert them.
But his holiness's converting faculty worketh the strongest
at the greatest distance; for the Indians he turneth to his
religion, and these Jews he converted! to his profit. Some
are of opinion of the general calling of the Jews ; and no
doubt those who dissent from them in their judgments, con-
cur in their wishes and desires. Yet are there three grand
hinderances of their conversion : first, the offence taken and
given by the papists among whom they live, by their wor-
1 Minister Cosmogr. p. 457. 2 Polvd. Virg. p. 327.
3 Sandys' Trav. p. 146.
A. D.326 THE HOLY WAR. 5
shiping of images, the Jews being zealots in the -second
commandment : secondly, because on their conversion they
must renounce all their goods as ill gotten 4 ; and they will
scarce enter in at the door of our church, when first they
must climb over so high a threshold : lastly, they are
debarred from the use of the New Testament, the means of
their salvation. Arid thus we leave them in a state most
pitiful, and little pitied.
CHAP. IV* Of' the flourish ing Church in Judea under Con-
stantine. Julian's Success in building the Temple.
ADRIAN'S profanation of Jerusalem lasted one hundred
and eighty years, as St. Hierome counteth it x : during
which time the Christians, under the ten persecutions, had
scarce a leap-year of peace and quiet, and yet bare all with
invincible patience ; yea, some were too ambitious of mar-
tyrdom, and rather wooed than waited for their own deaths*
At last, Constantine (a Britain by birth, as all authors
agree 1 , save one or two late wrangling Grecians, who
deserve to be arraigned for felony, for robbing our land of
that due honour) stanched the issue of blood wherewith the
church had long been troubled, and brought her into
acquaintance with peace and prosperity [326]. Then
Helen, his mother (no less famous amongst the Christians
for her piety, than the ancient Helen amongst Pagans for
her beauty), travelled to Jerusalem ; zeal made her scarce
sensible of her age, being eighty years old ; and there she
purged Mount Calvary and Bethlehem of idolatry ; then
built in the places of Christ's birth and burial, and elsewhere
in Palestine, many most stately and sumptuous churches.
And because she visited the stable and manger of our
Saviour's nativity, Jews and Pagans slander her to have
been stabularia 3 , an ostleress, or a she stable groom: the
same nickname which since impudent papists (not for the
same reason, but with as little truth) put on reverend
Cranmer 5 , archbishop of Canterbury. But these dead flies
were not able to corrupt the sweet ointment of her name,
fragrant to posterity ; and as a father 6 writeth of her, Bona
stabularia, qua maluit testimari stercoraria ut Christum
4 P. Heylin, Microcos. in Palestine/p 570, Sir Ed. Sandys'
Survey of the West.
1 Epist. ad Paulinum, torn. 1, p. 104
2 Camden, Brit. p. 51. 3 Ambros. cont. in Theodosium.
* Fox, Martyrol. p. 1860. 6 Ambros. ibid*
6 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 363
lucrifaceret. To her is ascribed the finding out of the
cross, the memory whereof is celebrated the third of May :
and from that time the church flourished in Palestine,
being as well provided of able bishops, as they of liberal
maintenance.
363]. Afterwards Julian, going about to confute God,
befooled himself and many Jews. This apostate studied to
invent engines to beat down Christianity : yet all the vapours
of his brain could not cloud so bright a sun. He gave the
Jews liberty (not so much out of love to them as hatred to
Christians), with money and materials, to build again their
temple, hoping, by raising it, to ruin the truth of Christ's
prophecy. Hither 6 flocked the Jews, with spades and
mattocks ^of silver, to clear the foundation; the women
carried away the rubbish in their laps, and contributed all
their jewels and ornaments to advance the work. But a
sudden tempest 7 made them desist, which carried away
their tools and materials, with balls of fire which scorched
the most adventurous of the builders. Thus they who
sought to put out the truth of Christ's words, by snuffing it
made it burn the brighter. But the wonder of this wonder
was, that the hearts of the Jews, and of him who set them
on work, were hardened by obstinacy to be so miracle-proof
that all this made no impression on them. Yet afterwards 8
the Christians, in the place where Solomon's temple was,
built a stately church; but not in opposition to God, or with
intent to reestablish Jewish rites, but in humility, and for
the exercise of Christian religion : which church was long
after the seat of the patriarch. But for fear to exceed the
commission of an historian (who with the outward senses
may only bring in the species, and barely relate facts, not
with the common sense pass verdict or censure on them); I
would say, they had better have built in some other place
(especially having room enough besides), and left this floor,
where the temple stood, alone to her desolations. Yea,
God seemeth not so well contented with this their act, the
Christians being often beaten out of that church; and at
this day 9 whosoever (though casually) entereth therein,
must either forfeit his life or renounce his religion.
6 Ammianus Marcel, lib. 23, sub initio.
7 Socrat. Hist. Eccl. lib. 3, cap. 20. Theodoret, lib. 3, cap.
20. Sozom. lib. 5, cap. 22.
. 8 Adricom. Descript. Terras Sanctae, p. 158.
9 Sand. Trav. p. 192.
A. D. 628 THE HOLY WAR. 7
CHAP. V. Syria conquered by Chosroes ; Chosroes, by
Heraclius the Grecian Emperor,
THE next remarkable alteration happened under Phocas
the emperor, who (saith Tyrius ") had a nature answer-
ing his name, which signifieth a seal, or sea-calf; for as
that fish (little better than a monster) useth lazily to lie
sleeping and sunning itself on the shore, so this careless
usurper minded nothing but his own ease and pleasure, till
at last he was slain by Heraclius, his successor [610]; as
seldom tyrants' corpses have any other balm at their burial
than their own blood. Phocas's negligence betrayed the
empire to foreign foes [615], and invited Chosroes, the
Persian, to invade it, who, with a great army, subdued
Syria and Jerusalem. A conquest little honourable, as
made against small resistance, and used with less modera-
tion ; for, besides many other cruelties, he sold many thou-
sands of Christians to the Jews, their old enemies 2 , who,
in revenge of their former grudge, put them not only to
drudgery, but to torture. Chosroes, to grace his triumph,
carried the cross away with him, forced all the Christians in
Persia to turn Nestorians 3 , and demanded of Heraclius, the
Grecian emperor, that he should renounce his religion,
and worship the sun 4 . Thus we see how lightheaded this
Pagan did talk, being stark drunk with pride. But the
Christian emperor, entering Persia with great forces, quelled
at last this vaunting Sennacherib ; for to him might he well
be compared, for pride, cruelty, blasphemous demands,
and the manner of his death, being also slain by Siroes, one
of his sons [628]. Heraclius, returning, took Jerusalem in
his way, and there restored 5 the cross (counted a precious
jewel) to the temple of the sepulchre, the cabinet whence it
had been violently taken away ; and, in memorial thereof,
instituted, on the fourteenth of September, the feast of the
Exaltation of the Cross. Yet 6 some make the celebration
thereof of greater antiquity ; and the Grecians write, that
Chrysostom (a hundred years before) died on the day called
the Exaltation of the Cross. This, if it be true, and not
antedated by a prolepsis, then Heraclius gave the lustre
(not first original) to this festival, and scoured bright an old
holy-day with a new solemnity.
1 Belli Sacri, lib. 23, cap. 21. 2 Theophanes in Aunal.
3 Paulus Diaconus, Miscel. lib. 18. 4 Cedrenus.
5 Tyrius, Bell. Sacr. lib. 23, cap. 20. 6 Baron. Mart. 1 4 Sept.
8 THE HISTORY OF A.D.636
CHAP. VI. Of the Deluge of the Saracens in Syria, the
Causes of the far spreading of Mahometan ism.
BUT the sins of the eastern countries, and chiefly their
damnable heresies, hastened God's judgments upon
them. In these western parts, heresies, like an angle,
caught single persons ; which in Asia, like a drag-net,
took whole provinces. The staid and settled wits of Europe
were not easily removed out of the old road and track of
religion, whilst the active and nimble heads of the east
were more desirous of novelties, more cunning to invent
distinctions to cozen themselves with, more fluent in lan-
guage to express their conceits, as always errors grow the
fastest in hot brains. Hence it came to pass, that Mel-
chites, Maronites, Nestorians, Eutycheans, Jacobites, over-
spread these parts, maintaining their pestilent tenets with
all obstinacy, which is that dead flesh which maketh the
green wound of an error fester by degrees into the old sore
of an heresy. Then was it just with God to suffer them,
who would not be convinced with Christian counsels, to be
subdued by the Pagans' sword : for though Chosroes had
not long a settled government in Palestine, but, as a land
flood, came and went away quickly, yet the Saracens, who
shortly followed, as standing water, drowned all for a
long continuance [636]. These 1 , under Haumer, Prince
of Arabia, took Jerusalem, conquered Syria, and propa-
gated the doctrine of Mahomet round about.
It may justly seem admirable how that >enseless religion
should gain so much ground on Christianity ; especially
having neither real substance in her doctrine, nor winning
behaviour in her ceremonies to allure professors. For what
is- it but the scum of Judaism and Paganism sod together,
and here and there strewed over with a spice of Christianity ?
As Mahomet's tomb, so many sentences in his Alcoran
seem to hang by some secret loadstone, which draweth
together their gaping independences with a mystical cohe-
rence, or otherwise they are flat nonsense. Yet this wonder
of the spreading of this leprosy is lessened, if we consider
that, besides the general causes of the growing of all errors
(namely, the gangrene-like nature of evil, and the justice of
God to deliver them over to believe lies who will not obey
the truth), Mahometauism hath raised itself to this height
by some peculiar advantages : first, by permitting much
1 Tyrius, Bell. Sacr. lib. 1, p. 2.
A. D. 800 THE HOLY WAR. 9
carnal liberty to the professors (as having many wives), and
no wonder if they get fish enough that use that bait :
secondly, by promising a paradise of sensual pleasure here-
after, wherewith flesh and blood is more affected (as falling
under her experience) than with hope of any spiritual
delights : thirdly, by prohibiting of disputes, and suppress-
ing of all learning ; and thus Mahomet made his shop dark on
purpose, that he might vent any wares : lastly, this religion
had never made her own passage so fast and so far, if the
sword had not cut the way before her, as commonly the
conquered follow, for the most part, the religion of the
conquerors. By this means that cursed doctrine hath so
improved itself, that it may outvie with professors the
church of Rome, which boasteth so much of her latitude
and extent; though from thence to infer that her faith is the
best, is falsely to conclude the fineness of the cloth from the
largeness of the measure.
Now the condition of the Christians under these Saracens
was as uncertain as April weather. Sometimes they enjoyed
the liberty and public exercise of their religion : and to give
the Mahometans their due, they are generally good fellows
in this point, and Christians amongst them may keep their
consciences free, if their tongues be fettered not to oppose
the doctrine of Mahomet. Sometimes they were under
fierce and cruel affliction, their bishops and ministers forced
to fly from their places were kept very poor, as always the
clergy under persecution count that God gives them living
enough, when hi gives them their lives. Tyrius* men-
tioneth one memorable massacre, which they narrowly
escaped : for a spiteful and malicious Saracen had secretly
defiled one of their mosques in Jerusalem ; which deed
being imputed to the poor Christians, they were all pre-
sently dragged to the place of execution to be put to death,
when behold a young man, a zealous Christian, by an offi-
cious lie (the most lawful of all unlawful things), confessed
himself alone to be guilty of the fact, and so, being killed
by exquisite torments, saved the lives of many innocents.
In memory of which act, the Christians in Jerusalem kept a
constant solemnity, and once a year triumphantly marched,
with palms in their hands, into the city, to perpetuate the
remembrance of this deliverance [800], The longest vaca-
tion from persecution they enjoyed was when Charles 3 was
Emperor of the West, surnamed the Great ; a surname
8 Lib. 1, cap. 5. 3 Tyrius, lib. 1, cap. 3.
10 THE HISTORY OF A.D.800
which he did not steal, but justly win and deserve; not
like Pompey, who got the title of the Great, though, as
Caesar 4 observed, he gained his chief fame for martial feats
by conquering the weak and cowardly Bithynians. But
this Charles, loved of his friends, feared of his foes, sub-
dued the strong and lusty Lombards : yet did he not Chris-
tianity more good by his war, than by his peace concluded
with Aaron, emperor of the Saracens, under whom the
Christians in Palestine obtained many privileges and much
prosperity ; though this weather was too fair to last long.
CHAP. VIL The Original and Increase of the Turks;
their conquering the Saracens, and taking of Jerusalem.
BUT the Christians in Palestine afterward changed their
masters, though not their condition, being subdued
by the Turks. It will be worth our and the reader's pains
to inquire into the original of this nation, especially because,
(as the river Nilus) they are famous and well known for
their overflowing stream, though hidden and obscure for
their fountain. Whence they first came, authors only do
agree in disagreeing : but most probably it is out of
Scythia, Pomponius Mela 1 reckoning them among the
inhabitants of that country nigh the river Tanais. This
Scythia (since called Tartaria) was a virgin country, never
forced by foreign arms; for the monarchs who counted
themselves conquerors of the world (by a large synecdoche
taking a sixth part for the whole) never subdued it. Alex-
ander sent some troops to assault Naura and Gabaza, two
out-counties thereof, as an earnest that the rest of his army
should follow : but hearing how these were welcomed,
willingly lost his earnest, and disposed of his army other-
wise. The Roman eagles flew not thus far, and though
heard of, were never seen here. The reason that made
the Turks leave their native soil was the barrenness thereof;
and therefore the poet 2 " maketh famine (which sometimes
travelleth abroad into other countries) here to have her
constant habitation. And yet, no doubt, so vast a country
would maintain her people, if the wildness thereof were
tamed with husbandry : but the people (scorning that their
ground should be better civilized than themselves) never
manure it, and had rather provide their bread with the
sword than with the plough. Other partial causes might
4 Suetonius, in Caesare.
1 Lib. 1, cap. ult. 2 Ovid. 8 Metam.
A. D. 1060 THE HOLY WAR. 11
share in these Turks' removal ; but the cause of causes was
the justice of God, to suffer this unregarded people to
grow into the terror of the world for the punishment of
Christians : and we may justly hope, that when the correc-
tion is done, the rod shall be burnt ; especially finding already
their force to abate, being at this day stopped with the half
kingdom of Hungary, who formerly could not be stayed by
the whole empire of Greece.
844J. The first step these Turks took out of their own
country was into Turcomania 3 , a northern part of Armenia,
conquered and so called by them ; where they lived like
the Scythian nomades, always wandering, yet always in
their way, none claiming a propriety in the land as his, all
defending the common interest therein as theirs.
The next step was into Persia, whither they were called
to assist Mahomet, the Saracen sultan, against his enemies ;
where taking notice of their own strength, the Saracens'
cowardice, and the pleasure of Persia, they, under Tangro*
lipix their first king, overcame that large dominion 4 [1030],
Then did the Turks take upon them the Mahometan religion,
and, having conquered the Saracens by their valour, were
themselves subdued by the Saracen superstition : an acci-
dent more memorable, because not easily to be paralleled
(excepting King Amaziah 5 , who having taken Edom was
took with the idolatry thereof), because conquerors com-
monly bring their religion into the places they subdue, and
not take it thence.
Their third large stride was into Babylon, the caliph
whereof they overcame. And shortly after, under Cutlu-
muses their second king, they won Mesopotamia, the greatest
part of Syria, and the city of Jerusalem 6 [1060] . Meantime
whilst these vultures (Turks and Saracens) pecked out each
other's eyes, the Christians (if they had husbanded this
occasion) might much have advantaged themselves, and
might have recovered their health by these contrary poisons
expelling each other. But the Grecian emperors, given
over to pleasure and covetousness, regarded not their own
good, till at last the Turks devoured them; as (God will-
ing) shall be showed hereafter. As for those Christians who
lived in Palestine under the Turks, they had no lease of their
safety, but were tenants at will for their lives and goods to
these tyrants : though it rained not downright, yet the storm
a Sabell. Enn. 9, lib. 2. 4 Knolles, Tur. Hist. p. 4,
5 2 Chron. xxv. 14. 6 Tyrius, lib. 1, cap. 7.
12 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1094
of persecution hung over their heads ; their minds were
ever in torture, being on the rack of continual fear and
suspense; and Simon himself was no better than an honour-
able slave, though patriarch of Jerusalem, as appeareth by
his letters of complaint 7 .
CHAP. VIII. The. Character of Peter the Hermit. His
soliciting the Holy War. The Council at Clermont, and
the Success thereof.
IT happened there came a pilgrim to Jerusalem called
Peter, a hermit, bom at Amiens, in France, one of a
contemptible person ; his silly looks carried in them a
despair of any worth, and yet (as commonly the richest
mines lie under the basest and barrenest surface of ground)
he had a quick apprehension, eloquent tongue, and, what
got him the greatest repute, was accounted very religious.
With him Simon, the patriarch of Jerusalem, often treated,
concerning the present miseries of the Christians under the
Turks; what hope of amendment; and how the matter
might secretly be contrived, that the princes in Europe
might assist and relieve them. Peter, moved with the
patriarch's persuasions, the equity and honourableness of
the cause, and chiefly with a vision (as they say) from
heaven * (wherein our Saviour himself appointed him his
legate, with a commission to negotiate the Christian cause),
took the whole business upon him [1094], and travelled to
Rome, to consult with Pope Urban the Second about the
advancing of so pious a design.
Now, though many cry up this hermit to have been so
precious a piece of holiness, yet some 1 suspect him to be
little better than a counterfeit, and a cloak-father for a plot
of the pope's begetting ; because the pope alone was the
gainer by this great adventure, and all other princes of
Europe, if they cast up their audit, shall find themselves
losers: this with some is a presumption that this cunning mer-
chant first secretly employed this hermit to be his factor, and
to go to Jerusalem to set on foot so beneficial a trade for the
Romish church. As for the apparition of our Saviour, one
may wonder that the world should see most visions when it
was most blind ; and that that age, most barren in learning,
should be most fruitful in revelations. And surely had
7 Knolles, Tur. Hist. p. 13. Tyrius, lib. 1. cap. 12.
2 Ursperg. Chron, p. 227. Quern tamen postea multi hypo-
critam fuisse dicebant.
,.D. 1095 THE HOLY WAR. 13
'eter been truly inspired by God, and moved by his Spirit
3 begin this war, he would not have apostated from his
mrpose : so mortified a man would not have feared death
n a good cause, as he did afterwards, and basely ran away
t Antioch 3 . For when the siege grew hot, his devotion
rew cold ; he found a difference betwixt a voluntary fast
^ his cell, and a necessary and indispensable famine in a
amp ; so that being well hunger-pinched, this cunning
ompanion, who was the trumpet to sound a march to others,
ecretly sounded a retreat to himself, ran away from the
est of the Christians, and was shamefully brought back
gain for a fugitive 4 .
^But to return to Pope Urban, who was zealous in the
ause to further it, and called a council at Clermont, in
''ranee [1095], where met many princes and prelates, to
fhom he made a long oration 5 . Authors differ in the
nould, but they agree in the metal, that it was to this
ffect : First, he bemoaned the miseries of the Christians
n Asia, and the vastation of those holy places. Jerusalem,
/hich was once the joy of the whole earth, was now become
rie grief of all good men. The chapel of Christ's concep-
ion, at Nazareth ; birth, at Bethlehem ; burial, on Mount
Calvary; ascension, on Mount Olivet; once the fountains of
>iety, were now become the sinks of all profaneness. Next,
e encouraged the princes in the council to take arms against
tiose infidels, and 6 to break their bonds in sunder, and to
ast their cords far from them, and (as it is written) to cast
ut the handmaid and her children. Otherwise, if they
/ould not help to quench their neighbours' houses, they
lust expect the speedy burning of their own, and that these
arbarous nations would quickly overrun all Europe, Now
D set an edge on their courage, he promised to all that
rent this voyage a full remission of their sins and penance
iere, and the enjoying heaven hereafter. ( Lastly, thus con-
luded 7 ;- " Gird your swords to your thighs, O ye men
f might. It is our parts to pray, yours to fight ; ours with
closes to hold up unwearied hands to God, yours to stretch
orth the sword against these children of Amalek. Amen."
3 Sabell. Enn. 9, lib. 3, col. 357. Et JEtnilius, Digest. Franc.
i. 123, in Philippe I.
4 Ut desertor signorum, fratrum commilitonumque proditor.
5 Sabell. Enn. 9, lib. 3. Tyrius, lib. 1, cap. 15. Baron,
nno 1095. W. Malmsb. lib. 4, cap. 1. All have several set
'rations. 6 Baronius, in anno 1095, col. 688.
7 Baronius, in anno 1096, col. 691.
14 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1095
It is above belief with what cheerfulness this motion,
meeting with an active and religious world, was generally
entertained ; so that the whole assembly cried out 8 , " God
\\iK.r. i it :" a speech which was afterwards used as a fortu-
nate watchword in their most dangerous designs. Then
took mariy of them a cross of red cloth on their right shoul-
der, as a badge of their devotion; and to gain the favour-
able assistance of the Virgin Mary to make this war the
more happy, her office 9 was instituted, containing certain
prayers, which at canonical hours were to be made unto
her. If fame, which hath told many a lie of others, be not
herein belied herself, the things concluded in this council
were the same night reported at impossible distance in the
utmost parts of Christendom. What spiritual intelligencers
there should be, or what echoes in the hollow arch of this
world should so quickly resound news from the one side
thereof to the other, belongeth not to us to dispute. Yet
we find the overthrow 10 of Perseus brought out of Macedon
to Rome in four days ; and fame (mounted no doubt on
some Pegasus), in Domitian's time, brought a report two
thousand five hundred miles in one day.
CHAP. IX. Arguments for the Lawfulness of the Holy War.
IT is stiffly canvassed betwixt learned men, whether this
war was lawful or not. The reasons for the affirmative
are fetched either from piety or policy ; and of the former
sort are these.
1. All the earth is God's land let out to tenants; but
Judea was properly his demesnes, which he kept long in his
own hands for himself and his children. Now though the
infidels had since violently usurped it, yet no prescription of
time could prejudice the title of the King of Heaven, but
that now the Christians might be God's champions to re-
cover his interest.
2. Religion bindeth men to relieve their brethren in dis-*
tress, especially when they implore their help, as now the
Christians in Syria did * ; whose entreaties in this case
sounded commands in the ears of such as were piously dis-i
posed.
3. The Turks, by their blasphemies and reproaches
against God and our Saviour, had disinherited and divested
8 Sabell. Enn. 9, lib. 3, page 354.
9 Baronius, torn. 11, p. 692. 10 Livius, lib. 45.
1 Tyrius, lib. 1, cap. 11.
,.D. 1095 T(E HOLY WAR. 15
hemselves of all their right to their lands ; and the Chris-
ians, as the next undoubted heirs, might seize on the for-
eiture.
4. This war would advance and increase the patrimony
f religion, by propagating the gospel, and converting of
nfidels. If any object that religion is not to be beaten into
len with the dint of sword ; yet it may be lawful to open
le way by force, for instruction, catechising, and such
ther gentle means to follow after.
5. The beholding of those sacred places in Palestine
fould much heighten the adventurers' devotion, and make
le most frozen heart to melt into pious meditations.
6. This enterprise 1 was furthered by the persuasions of
undry godly men, St. Bernard and others. Now though a
ring spirit may delude the prophets of Ahab, yet none
rill be so uncharitable as to think God would suffer his.
wn Micaiah to be deceived.
6. God 3 set his hand to this war, and approved it by
lany miracles which he wrought in this expedition, and
'hich are so confidently and generally reported by credit-
worthy writers, that he himself is a miracle that will not be*
eve them.
Neither want there arguments derived from policy.
1 . Palestine was a parcel of the Roman empire, though
ince won by the Saracens; and though the Emperor of
Jonstantinople could not recover his right, yet did he al-
ways continue his claim, and now (as appeared 4 by his
mers read in the Placentine council) Alexius requested
lese princes of the west to assist him in the recovery
hereof.
2. A preventive war, grounded on a just fear of an in-
asion, is lawful ; but such was this holy war. And be-
ause most stress is laid on this argument, as the main
upporter of the cause, we will examine and prove the parts
lereof.
Though umbrages and light jealousies, created by cow-
rdly fancies, be too narrow to build a fair quarrel on,
etthe lawfulness of a preventive war, founded on just fear,
5 warranted by reason and the practice of all wise nations,
n such a case, it is folly to do as country fellows in a fence
chool, never ward a blow till it be past ; but it is best to be
Beforehand with the enemy, lest the medicine come too late
* Bellarm. lib. 3, de Rom. Pont. cap. 17. 3 Ibidem.
4 Baronius, torn. 11, p. 687.
16 THE HISTORY <)F A. D. 1095
for the malady. In such dangers to play an after game is
rather a shift than a policy, especially seeing war is a tragedy
which always destroyeth the stage whereon it is acted. It
is the most advised way not to wait for the enemy, but to
seek him out in his own country.
Now, that the Mahometans (under whom the Turks and
Saracens are comprehended, differing in nation, agreeing in
religion and spite against Christians) were now justly to be
feared, cannot be denied. . So vast was the appetite of their
sword, that it had already devoured Asia, and now reserved
Grecia for the second course. The Bosporus was too narrow
a ditch, and the empire of Grecia too low a hedge, to fence
the Pagans out of West Christendom ; yea, the Saracens
had lately wasted Italy 5 , pillaged and burned many
churches near Rome itself, conquered Spain, inroaded
Aquitain, and possessed some islands in the midland-sea.
The case, therefore, standing thus, this holy war was both
lawful and necessary ; which like unto a sharp pike in the
boss of a buckler, though it had a mixture of offend ing, yet
it was chiefly of a defensive nature, to which all preventive
wars are justly reduced.
Lastly, this war would be the sewer of Christendom, and
drain all discords out of it. For active men, like millstones
in motion, if they have no other grist to grind, will set fire
one on another. Europe at this time surfeited with people,
and many of them were of stirring natures, who counted
themselves undone when they were out of doing, and there-
fore they employed themselves in mutual jars and conten-
tions; but now this holy war will make up all breaches, and
unite all their forces against the common foe of Chris^
tianity.
CHAP, X. Reasons against the Holy War.
YET all these reasons prevail not so forcibly, but that
many are of the contrary opinion 1 , and count this
war both needless and unlawful, induced thereunto with
these or the like arguments.
J . When the Jews were no longer God's people, Judea
was no longer God's land by any peculiar approbation ;
but on the other side, God stamped on that country- an in-
5 Sabeil. Enu. 9, lib. 3, p. 354.
1 Job. Cammanus, De Jure Majest. Thes. 22. Et Albert
Aqu. Chro. Hieros, lib. 4, cap. 28. Et Reineccius in Prref.
Hist. Orient.
A.D. 1095 THE HOLY WAR. 17
delible character of desolation, and so scorched it with his
anger that it will never change colour, though Christians
should wash it with their blood. It is labour in vain, there-
fore, for any to endeavour to reestablish a flourishing king-
dom in a blasted country; and let none ever look to reap
any harvest who sow that land which God will have to lie
fallow.
2. Grant the Turks were no better than dogs, yet were
they lb be let alone in their own kennel. They and the
Saracens, their predecessors, had now enjoyed Palestine
four hundred and sixty years : prescription long enough to
solder the most cracked title, and not only to corroborate
but to create a right. Yea, God himself may seem herein
to allow their title, by suffering them so long peaceably to
enjoy it.
3. To visit those places in Jerusalem (the theatre of so
many mysteries and miracles) was as useless as difficult,
and might be superstitious if any went (as it is to be feared
too many did) with placing transcendent holiness in that
place, and with a wooden devotion to the material cross.
The angel z sent the women away from looking into the
sepulchre with He is risen, he is not here ; and thereby did
dehort them and us from burying our affections in Christ's
grave, but rather to seek him where he was to be found.
At this day a gracious heart maketh every place a Jerusa-
lem, where God may as well and as acceptably be wor-
shiped. St. Hilarion 3 , though he lived in Palestine, saw
Jerusalem but once, and then only because he might not
seem to neglect the holy places for their nearness and vici-
nity. And St. Hierom (though himself lived at Bethlehem)
dissuaded Paulinus from coming thither, for the pains would
be above the profit.
4. Lastly, this war was a quicksand to swallow treasure,
and of a hot digestion to devour valiant men ; no good,
much evil, came thereby : and the Christians that went out
to seek an enemy in Asia, brought one thence, to the danger
of all Europe, and the loss of a fair part thereof. For
though
Car eat successibus opto,
Quisquis ab eventufucta not and a putat :
may he never speed,
Who from the issue censures of the deed :
2 Matt, xxviii. 6.
3 Hieroa. torn. 1, p. 103, in Epist. ad Paulinum.
c
18 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1095
and though an argument fetched from the success is but a
cipher in itself, yet it increaseth a number when joined
with others.
These reasons have moved the most moderate 4 ' and re-
fined papists, and all protestants generally, in their judg-
ments to fight against this holy war. But as for the opinion
of Bibliander (who therein stands without company) if Bel-
larmine hath truly reported it 5 , it is as far from reason as
charity; namely, that these Christians that went to fight
against the Saracens were the very army of Gog and Ma-
gog spoken of by the prophet Ezekiel 6 . Yet must we not
here forget, that such as at this time went to Jerusalem
(whether ridiculously or blasphemously, or both, let others
judge) did carry a goose before them 7 , pretending it to be
the Holy Ghost.
CHAP. XI. The private Ends and Profits of the Pope, which
he is charged by Authors to have had in this Holy War.
IT is enough with some to make it suspicious that there
were some sinister ends in this war, because Gregory
the Seventh, otherwise called Hildebrand (and by Luther
Larva diaboli 1 }, the worst of all that sat in that chair, first
began it; but death preventing him, Urban the Second
(whom Cardinal Benno called Turban % for troubling the
whole world) effected it. And though the pretences were
pious and plausible, yet no doubt the thoughts of his holi-
ness began where other men's ended, and he had a privy
project beyond the public design :
First, to reduce the Grecians into subjection to himself 3 ,
with their three patriarchs of Jerusalem, Antioch, and Con-
stantinople ; and to make the eastern church a chapel of eas e
to the mother church of Rome.
Secondly, this war was the pope's house of correction,
whither he sent his sturdy and stubborn enemies to be
tamed. Such high-spirited men whom he either feared or
suspected, he condemned to this employment, as to an
honourable banishment ; and as Saul being afraid of David
sent him to fight against the Philistines, that so he might
fall by their sword ; so the pope had this cleanly and un-
4 Vide Besoldum, De Regibus Hieros. p. 99, et sequentibus.
5 Lib. 3, De Rom. Pon. cap. 17. 6 Ezek. xxxviii. 3.
7 Aventinus, lib. 5, Annal. l In bis Chronology.
2 Balaeus, in Rom. Pont, in Urban. 2.
3 Mat. Dress. De Bello Sacr. cited by Lampadius Mellifu-.
histor. part 3, p. 266.
A. D. 1095 THE HOLY WAR. 19
suspected conveyance to rid away those he hated 4 , by send-
ing them against infidels. This appeared most plainly in
the matter of the emperor himself, whom he sent from home,
that so he might rob his house in his absence. At the be-
ginning of this war the pope's temporal power in Italy was
very slender, because the emperor's dominions did gird him
close and hard on all sides ; .but soon after he grew within
short time without all measure, and did lurch a castle here,
gain a city there, from the emperor, while he was employed
in Palestine ; so that by the time that the Christians had
lost all in Syria, the emperor has lost all in Italy ; his domi-
nions there being either swallowed up by Peter's patrimony,
or by private princes and upstart free states, which as so
many splinters flew out of the broken empire.
Thirdly, hereby the pope determined on his side the gain-
fullest controversy that ever was in Christendom. This was
about the investiture of bishops, whether the right lay in the
pope or in secular princes. Now his holiness diverted this
question out of princes' heads by opening an issue another
way, and gave vent to the activity of their spirits in this
martial employment, and in the mean time quietly went
away without any corrival, concluding the controversy for
his own profit.
Lastly, he got a mass of money by it. He had the office
to bear the bag, and what was put into it, as contributed
to this action from pious people, and expended but some
few drops of the showers he received. Guess the rest of his
griping tricks from this one which Matth. Paris reporteth 5 .
First, he prompted many people in England unfit for arms
to take upon them to vow to go to the holy war, and this
was done by the exhortation and preaching of the friars.
This done, he compelled and forced those votaries (whose
purses were more useful for this service than their persons)
to commute their journey into money, the payment whereof
should be as meritorious as their pilgrimage. And thus
scraped he a mass of coin from such silly people as thought
themselves cleansed of their sins when they were wiped of
their money, and who, having made themselves slaves to the
pope by their rash vow, were glad to buy their liberty at his
price.
4 See Daniel, in Henry the Third, p. 141.
5 Hist. Angl. pp. 702 et 703, Diversis muscipulis simplicem
Dei populum substantial sua moliebatur Komaua curia privare,
nihil petens nisi aurum et argentum.
20 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1095
As the pope, so most of the clergy improved their estates
by this war ; for the secular princes who went this voyage
sold or mortgaged most of their means (selling for gold to
purchase with steel and iron), and the clergy were generally
their chapmen. For they advised these undertakers, seeing
this action was for Christ and his church, rather to make
over their estates to spiritual men, of whom they might
again redeem the same, and from whom they should be sure
to find the fairest dealing, than to laymen. Godfrey, duke
of Bouillon 6 , sold that dukedom to the bishop of Liege;
and the castle of Sartensy and Monsa, to the bishop of
Verdun. Baldwin, his brother, sold him the city of Ver-
dun. Yea, by these sales the third part 7 of the best feoffs
in France came to be possessed by the clergy, who made
good bargains for themselves, and had the conscience to
buy earth cheap, and to sell heaven dear. Yea, this voyage
laid the foundation of their temporal greatness, till at last,
the daughter devoured the mother, and wealth impaired
religion.
CHAP. XII. The Quality and Condition of those People
who undertook the War.
IT is not to be expected that all should be fish which is
caught in a drag-net, neither that all should be good
and religious people who were adventurers in an action of
so large a capacity as this war was. We must in charity
allow, that many of them were truly zealous and went with
pious intents. These were like to those of whom Bellar-
mine speaketh, who had no fault prater nimiam sanctitutem,
too much sanctity, which a learned man ' interpreted! too
much superstition. But besides these well-meaning people,
there went also a rabble-rout, rather for company than con-
science. Debtors 1 took this voyage on them as an acquit-
tance from their debts, to the defrauding of their creditors ;
servants counted the conditions of their service cancelled by
it, going away against their masters' will ; thieves and mur-
derers took upon them the cross, to escape the gallows ; adul-
terers did penance in their armour. A lamentable case that
the devil's black guard should be God's soldiers ! And no
wonder if the success was as bad as some of the adven-
6 jEmilius, De Gest. Fran. p. 109.
7 Daniel, in Henry the First, p. 49.
1 Whitaker, De Eccl. Contro. 2, cap. 11.
2 Albert, Aquin. Chron. Hierosol. lib. 1, cap. 2.
A. D. 1095 THE HOLY WAR. 21
turers, especially seeing they retained their old conditions
under anew climate. 3 And (as if this voyage had been like
to repentance, never too soon nor too late for any to begin)
not only green striplings unripe for war, but also decayed
men to whom age had given a writ of ease, became sol-
diers ; and those who at home should have waited on their
own graves, went far to visit Christ's sepulchre. And which
was more, women (as if they would make the tale of the
Amazons truth) went with weapons in men's clothes; a
behaviour at the best immodest, and modesty being the
case of chastity, it is to be feared that where the case is
broken, the jewel is lost. This enterprise was also the
mother of much nonresidence ; many prelates and friars
(fitter to handle a penknife than a sword) left their con-
vents and pastoral charges to follow this business. The
total sum of those pilgrim soldiers amounted to three hun-
dred thousand, and some writers 4 do double that number.
No doubt the Christians' army had been greater if it had
been less, for the belly was too big for the head ; and the
medley of nations did rather burden than strengthen it.
Besides, the army was like a cloth of many colours, and
more seams ; which seams, though they were curiously
drawn up for the present, yet after long? wearing began to
be seen, and at last brake out into open rents.
CHAP. XIII. The Adventurers sorted according to their
several Nations.
THE Fiench. Dutch, Italian, and English were the four
elemental nations whereof this army was compounded :
of these the French were predominant ; they were the cape
merchants in this adventure. That nimble nation first
apprehended the project, and eagerly prosecuted it. As
their language wanteth one proper word to express stand,
so their natures mislike a settled, fixed posture, and delight
in motion and agitation of business ; yea, France (as being
then best at leisure) contributed more soldiers to this war
than all Christendom besides. The signal men were
Hugh, surnamed le Grand, brother to the king of France ;
Godfrey, duke of Bouillon; Baldwin, and Eustace, his
younger brother ; Stephen, earl of Blois, father to Stephen,
afterwards king of England; Reimund, earl of Toulouse ;
Robert, earl of Flanders ; Hugh, earl of St. Paul ; Bald-
3 Tyrius, lib. 1, cap. 16. 4 Malmesb. lib. 4, p. 133.
22 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1095
win de Burge, with many more ; besides of the clergy,
Aimar, bishop of Puiand legate to the pope; and William,
bishop of Orange.
Germany is slandered to have sent none to this war at this
first voyage ; and that other pilgrims, passing through that
country, were mocked by the Dutch, and called fools for
their pains '. It is true, the German adventurers in number
answered not the largeness and populousness of their coun-
try ; for Henry, the emperor (a prince whom the pope long
hacked at, and hewed him off at last), being desirous to
go this voyage % was tied up at home with civil discords.
Yet we find a competency of soldiers of that nation, besides
those under Godescalcus a priest, Emmicho the Rhene-
grave, and Count Herman, their leaders. But though Ger-
many was backward at the first, yet afterwards it proved
the main Atlas of the war; that nation, like a heavy bell,
was long a raising, but being got up made a loud sound.
Italy sent few out of her heart and middle provinces
nigh Rome. The pope was loath to adventure his darlings
into danger; those white boys were to stay at home with
his holiness their tender father: wherefore he dispensed
with them for going 3 , as knowing how to use their help
nearer, and to greater profit. Peter's patrimony must as
well be looked to, as Christ's sepulchre. But though the
pope would spend none of his own fuel, he burnt the best
stakes of the emperor's hedge, and furthered the imperial
party to consume itself in this tedious war. Out of the
furthermost parts of Italy, Boemund, prince of Tarentum,
and Tancred, his nephew (both of the Norman seed, though
growing on the Apulian soil), led an army of twelve thou-
sand men ; and Lombardy was also very liberal of her sol-
diers towards this expedition.
England 4 (the pope's packhorse in that age, which seldom
rested in the stable when there was any work to be done)
sent many brave men under Robert, duke of Normandy,
brother to William Rufus; as Beauchamp, and others whose
names are lost. Neither surely did the Irishmen's feet stick
in their bogs, though we find no particular mention of their
achievements.
Spain had other use for her swords against the Saracens
1 Centurist. ex Ursperg. cent. 11, col. 416.
2 Pantaleon, De viris Ger. part 2, p. 139.
3 Daniel, in Will, the Second, p. 49.
4 Daniel, ut prius.
A.D 1095 THE HOLY WAR. 23
at home, and therefore sent none of her men abroad. As
one saith 5 , the Spaniards did follow their own holy war,
a work more necessary, and no less honourable. Thus they
acted the same part, though not on the same stage, with
our pilgrims, as being also employed in fight against the
infidels.
Poland had the same excuse for not much appearing
clean through this war; because she lieth bordering on the
Tartars in herappendant country of Lithuania, and therefore
was busied in making good her frontiers. Besides, no won-
der if Prussia, Lithuania, and Livonia were not up in this
service, for it was scarce break of day with them, and the
sun of the gospel was newly (if at all) risen in those parts.
Yea, Poland was so far from sending men hither, that she
fetched them from hence 6 , and afterwards implored the aid
of the Teutonic order, who came out of Palestine to assist
her against her enemies.
Hungary might bring filling-stones to this building, but
few foundation or corner-stones, and at this time had no
commander of note in this action.
Scotland also presented us not with any remarkable piece
of service which her men performed in all this war. It was
not want of devotion, which was hot enough in that cold
country ; rather we may impute it to want of shipping, that
country being little powerful at sea, or (which is most pro-
bable) the actions of this nation are hidden, as wrapped up
in the bundle with some others ; I should guess under the
French, but the intimacy of those two people is of a far
later date.
Denmark and Norway, near acquainted with the Arctic
pole, though they lagged the last (and may therein be ex-
cused because of the length of the way), were sharers in the
honour of this employment, and performed good sea-
service.
Sweden either acted not at all, or else had a very short
part in this business. That country being a separatist, be-
cause of her remote situation, had little communion with
other parts of Europe. And indeed histories are mute of
Sweden, but that of late Gustavus's victory hath put a tongue
into them, and hath made that country famous to all pos-
terity.
5 ^milius, de Gest. Fran. p. 109.
6 Munstur, Cosmogr.
24 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1096
CHAP. XIV. The sad Beginning of the War.
THEIR first setting forth [March 8, 1096] was checked
with bad success. For Walter Sensaver, a nobleman
(but what countryman it is unknown), who * had more of
the sail of valour than ballast of judgment, led forth an ill-
grown and unproportioned army, with many thousand foot,
and eight horsemen only *. But we must not think that
this fowl should fly far, whose wings were so short, and
train so long. His men were routed and slain by the Bul-
garians, and he himself, through many miseries, scarce re-
covered Constantinople. Peter the Hermit 3 , with his army,
went further to meet his own destruction. For after many
difficulties, having crossed the Bosporus, they came into
Asia, and there found some cities forsaken by the Turks,
their inhabitants. This they imputed to their enemies' fear,
which proceeded from their policy; and, therefore, being
more greedy to pillage than careful to fortify the places they
took, hunted after preys so long, till they became one them-
selves [July]. Hugh, brother to the king of France,
with his surname of the Great, had as little success as the
former ; his army being quickly abridged by the furious
Bulgarians in their passage, and he brought prisoner to
Constantinople 4 . Besides these, one Gotescalcus, a priest,
a wolf in sheep's clothing, and Emmicho, a tyrant prince
near the Rhine, led forth a rout of wicked people, who car-
ried the badge of the cross, and served the devil under
Christ's livery, killing and pillaging the poor Jews and
other people in Germany as they went 5 . This made Colo-
man, king of Hungary, not only deny them passage through
his country (and no wonder if he was loath to lodge those
guests who were likely to rob their host), but also put most
of them to the sword. Some suspected these beginnings to
be but the bad breakfast to a worse dinner ; and therefore,
abandoning their resolutions, returned home : others, little
moved hereat, conceived these first defeats to be but the
clarifying of the Christian army from the dregs of base and
ruder people.
1 Malmesh. 1. 4, p. 133.
2 Calvisius, p. 893, in anno 1096.
3 ^Emilias, De Gest. Fran. p. 111. 4 Malmesb. 1. 4, p. 135.
4 Urspergens. pp. 227 et 228.
A. D. 1096 THE HOLY WAR. 25
CHAP. XV. The Pilgrims' Arrival at Constantinople, Enter-
tainment, and Departure.
BUT now (to speak in my author's phrase 1 ), the chaff
being winnowed with this fan out of God's floor, the
good grain began to appear. Godfrey, duke of Bouillon,
set forth, and marched through Hungary [Aug. 15] with an
army of civil and well-conditioned soldiers; so also did
Boemund, Reimund, and Robert the Norman, whose
setting forth bear divers dates ; and they embraced several
courses through sundry countries; but the first rendezvous
where all met was at Constantinople.
Dec. 23.] This was no pleasant prospect to Alexius, the
Grecian emperor, to see the sea full of ships, the shore of
soldiers. He had gotten the empire by bad practices (by
deposing and cloistering Nicephorus, his predecessor), and
an ill conscience needeth no enemy but itself; for now he
affrighteth himself with the fancy that these pilgrims were
so many pioneers come to undermine him. Yea, heseemeth
to have entailed his jealousies on all his successors, who
never cordially affected this war, but suspected that these
western Christians made but a false blow at Jerusalem, and
meant to hit Constantinople. But though he had a storm
in his heart, yet he made all fair weather in his face ; and
finding these his guests so strong that they could command
their own welcome, he entertained them rather for fear than
love. At last it was covenanted betwixt them 2 , that what
countries or cities soever (Jerusalem alone excepted) once
belonging to this Grecian empire should be recovered by
these Latins, should all be restored to Alexius; in lieu
whereof he was to furnish them with armour, shipping, and
all other warlike necessaries. Thus might that emperor 3
have much improved his estate by these adventures; but
he (like those who cannot see their own good for too stead-
fast looking on it), by his over carefulness and causeless
suspicion, deprived himself of this benefit, and implunged
himself in much just hatred for his unjust dealing and
treachery. Polybius, though a Grecian himself, yet thus
painteth out his countrymen amongst the Greeks 4 : " If
one should lend a talent, though he should have for it ten
1 Urspergens. p. 233. 5 M. Paris, p. 38.
3 ^Emilius, De Gest. Fran. p. 112.
4 Lib. 6. Vide Erasmum in Adagio. Gracajides.
26 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1096
bonds, ten seals, and twice as many witnesses, yet the
borrower will not keep his credit/' It seems Alexius was
one of this same faith, who, though so solemnly engaged on
his honour to perform this agreement so advantageous to
himself, most unprincelike brake his word, and molested
these pilgrims afterwards.
Some question the discretion of these princes in this
agreement 5 , to bargain to purchase Alexius's profit with
their blood, and conceive that they much undervalued them-
selves in swearing homage unto him ; which only Robert,
earl of Flanders 6 (remembering that he was free born and
bred), refused to do. Yet they may herein be partly ex-
cused, for they apprehended it of absolute necessity to gain
this emperor's favour, on what price soever, because his
country was the highway through which they must pass.
Besides, their zeal to be at their journey's end made them
insensible of any future disadvantages, so be it they might
have but present expedition to the place they were bound
for. And we may also think that Alexius's liberal gifts had
great efficacy in this matter, to win these princes to his own
desires.
CHAP. XVI. The Estate of Asia. Siege and Taking of
Nice. Turks overthrown in Battle.
AT our last mentioning of the Turks and their victories,
we left them possessed of Jerusalem and the greater
part of Syria : but since they have thrived better, and won
the lesser Asia from the Grecian emperor. Indeed, those
emperors with their own hands lifted up the Turks into their
throne, and caused them thus speedily to conquer. For
giving themselves over to pleasure, they gave little counte-
nance, and less maintenance, to men of service and action;
whereby the martial sparks in noble spirits were quenched;
and no wonder if virtue did wither where it was not
watered with reward. Secondly, out of covetousness the
emperors unfurnished their frontiers of garrisons, and laid
them open to invasions ; a notorious solecism in policy :
for if doors in private houses are to be locked, much more
frontiers in kingdoms. Neither did it a little advantage the
Turks' proceedings that the Grecian empire fell to Eudoxia,
a woman, and her children in minority, too weak pilots to
steer so great a state in the tempest of war. And though
after other changes it fell to Alexius, one whose personal
abilities were not to be excepted against, yet he being to-
4 M. Paris, p. 38. 6 Malmesb. 137.
A. D. 1097 THE HOLY WAR. 27
tally busied at home, to maintain his title against home-bred
foes, had no leisure to make any effectual resistance against
foreign enemies. Nor did the death of Cutlen-Muses,
their king, any whit prejudice the Turkish proceedings ;
for Solyman, his son, succeeded him, a prince no less
famous for his clemency than his conquests ; as victory, to
generous minds, is only an inducement to moderation. In
this case, under the tyranny of the Turks stood Asia the
Less ; and though there were many Christians in every
city, yet these being disarmed, had no other weapons than
those of the primitive church, tears and prayers.
But now these western pilgrims, arriving there, besiege
the city of Nice with an army as glorious as ever the sun
beheld [May 14, 1097]. This city was equally beholden
to nature and art for her strength, and was formerly
famous for the first general council, called there by Con-
stantine against Arius, wherein were assembled three
hundred and eighteen bishops. The pilgrims had a Lom-
bard for their engineer ; the neighbouring wood afforded
them materials, whereof they made many warlike instru-
ments, and hoped speedily to conquer the city. But
breathed deer are not so quickly caught. The Turks within,
being experienced soldiers, defeated their enterprises. And
here one might have seen art promising herself the victory,
and suddenly meeting with counterart, which mastered her.
The lake Ascanius, whereon the city stood, having an out-
let into the sea, much advantaged the besieged, whereby
they fetched victuals from the country, till at last that pas-
sage was locked up by the Grecian fleet. Soon after the
city was surrendered [June 20], on composition that the
inhabitants' lives and goods should be untouched ; whereat
the soldiers, who hitherto hoped for the spoil, now seeing
themselves spoiled of their hope, showed no small discon-
tentment. Solyman's wife and young children were taken
prisoners, and the city (according to the agreement) was
delivered to Tatinus, the Grecian admiral, in behalf of
Alexius, his master.
From hence the Christians set forward to the vale of
Dogorgan, when behold Solyman with all his might fell
upon them, and there followed a cruel battle, fought with
much courage and variety of success. A cloud of arrows
darkened the sky, which was quickly dissolved into a shower
of blood. The Christians had many disadvantages, for
their enemies were three to one, and valour itself may be
pressed to death under the weight of multitude. The season
28 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1097
was unseasonable ; the scorching of the sun much annoying
these northern people, whilst the Turks had bodies of proof
against the heat. Besides, the Christians' horses, affrighted
with the barbarous sounds of the Turkish drums, were alto-
gether unserviceable. However, they bravely maintained
their fight by the special valour and wisdom of their leaders
(amongst whom Boemund, and Hugh, brother to the Ijing
of France, deserved high commendations), till at last, find-
ing themselves overmatched, they began to guard their
heads with their heels, and fairly ran away. When in came
Robert the Norman, in the very opportunity of opportunity '.
Much he encouraged them with his words, more with his
valour, slaying three principal Turks with his own hands.
This sight so inspirited the Christians, that coming in on
fresh, they obtained a most glorious victory. Two thou-
sand on their side were slain, whereof William the brother
of Tancred, Godfrey de Mont, and Robert of Paris, were of
special note. But far greater was the slaughter of their
enemies, especially after that Godfrey of Bouillon, who had
been absent all the battle, came in with his army : yet they
wanted a hammer to drive the victory home to the head,
having no horses to make the pursuit 1 . Solyman, flying
away, burned all as he went ; and, to prop up his credit,
gave it out that he had gotten the day, pleasing himself to
be a conqueror in report This great battle was fought
July 1st, though some make it many days after; yea, so
great is the variety of historians in their dates, that every
one may seem to have a several clock of time, which they
set faster or slower at their own pleasure ; but as long as
they agree in the main, we need not be much moved with
their petty dissensions.
CHAP. XVII. The Siege and Taking of Antioch. Corboran
overcome in Fight. Of Christ's Spear, and of holy Fraud.
FROM hence, with invincible industry and patience,
they bored a passage through valleys, up mountains,
over rivers, taking as they went the famous cities Iconium,
Heraclea, Tarsus, and conquering all the country of Cili-
cia. This good success much puffed them up 3 ; God, there-
fore, to cure them of the pleurisy of pride, did let them
blood with the long and costly siege of Antioch. This city,
watered by the river Orontes, and called Reblath of the
1 M. Paris, p. 42, et H. Hunting, lib. 7, p. 374.
2 W. Malmesb. p. 138. 3 Urspergens. p. 233.
A. D. 1098 THE HOLY WAR. 29
Hebrews, was built by Seleucus Nicanor, and enlarged by
Antiochus. Compassed it was with a double wall, one of
square stone, the other of brick, strengthened with four
mndred and sixty towers, and had a castle on the east
rather to be admired than assaulted. Here the professors
of our faith were first named Christians 2 ", and here St.
Peter first sat bishop, whose fair church was a patriarchal
seat for many hundred years after. Before this city the
pilgrims' army encamped [Oct. 21], and strongly besieged
it; but the Turks within manfully defending themselves
under Auxianus, their captain, frustrated their hopes of
taking it by force. The siege grew long, and victuals short,
in the Christians' camp; and now Peter the Hermit 3 , being
brought to the touchstone, discovered what base metal he
was of, ran away with some other of good note, and were
fetched back again, and bound with a new oath to prosecute
the war. At last, one within the city (though authors agree
neither of his name nor religion, some making him a Turk,
others a Christian ; some calling him Pyrrhus, some Hemir-
pherrus, others Emipher) in the dead of the night betrayed
the city to Boemund [June 3, 1098]. The Christians
issuing in, and exasperated with the length of the siege, so
remembered what they had suffered, that they forgot what
they had to do, killing promiscuously Christian citizens
with Turks 4 . Thus passions, like heavy bodies down steep
hills, once in motion move themselves, and know no ground
but the bottom.
Antioch, thus taken, was offered to Alexius the emperor,
but he refused it, suspecting some deceit in the tender; as
bad men measure other men's minds by the crooked rule of
their own. Hereupon it was bestowed on Boemund;
though this place, dearly purchased, was not long quietly
possessed ; for Corboran, the Turkish general, came with a
vast army of Persian forces, and besieged the Christians in
the city, so that they were brought into a great strait be-
twixt death and death, hunger within and their foes without.
Many secretly stole away, whereat the rest were no whit
discomfited, counting the loss of cowards to be gain to an
army. At last they generally resolved rather to lose their
lives by wholesale on the point of the sword, than to retail
them out by famine, which is the worst of tyrants, and
2 Acts xi. 26.
3 Sabell. Enn. 9, lib. 5, p. 357. Et ^Emilius, in Philip the
First, p. 123. 4 P. ^mil. p. 127.
30 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1098
murdereth men in state, whilst they die in not dying. It
did not a little encourage them, that they found in the
church of St. Peter that lance wherewith our Saviour's
body was pierced 5 . They highly prized this military relic
of Christ, as if by wounding of him it had got virtue to
wound his enemies, and counted it a pawn of certain vic-
tory. Whether this spear was truly found, or whether it
was but invented to cozen men with, we will not dispute.
However, it wrought much with these pilgrims, for conceit
oftentimes doeth things above conceit, especially when the
imagination apprehendeth something founded in religion.
Marching forth in several armies, they manfully fell upon
their enemies [June 28], and being armed with despair to
escape, they sought to sell their lives at the dearest rate.
Valour doth swell when it is crushed betwixt extremities, and
then oftentimes goeth beyond herself in her achievements.
This day, by God's blessing on their courage, they got a
noble conquest. Some saw St. George in the air with an
army of white horses righting for them 6 ; but these, no doubt,
did look through the spectacles of fancy. And yet, though
we should reject this apparition, we need not play the Ori-
gens with the story of St. George, and change all the literal
sense into an allegory of Christ and his church ; for it is
improbable that our English nation, amongst so many saints
that were, would choose one that was not, to be their patron,
especially seeing the world, in that age, had rather a glut
than famine of saints.
And here let me advertise the reader, once for all, not to
expect that 1 should set down those many miracles 7 where-
with authors who write this war so lard their stories, that
it will choke the belief of any discreet man to swallow them.
As the intent of these writers was pious, to gain credit and
converts to the Christian faith, so the prosecuting of -their
project must be condemned, in thinking to grace the gospel
in reporting such absurd falsities. But let us know that
heaven hath a pillory, whereon fraus pia herself shall be
punished ; and rather let us leave religion to her native
plainness, than hang her ears with counterfeit pearls.
The pride of the Turks being abated in this battle, and
5 Tyrius, lib. 6, cap. 14.
6 TNI. Paris, in Gulielmo secundo, p. 57.
7 Munclus senescens patitur phamasias falsorum miraculo-
rum ; propterea suut nunc babenda miracula valde suspecta.
Gerson.
A.D. 1098
THE HOLY WAR.
31
one hundred thousand of them being slain, the Christians grew
mightily insolent, and forgot to return to God the honour of
the victory; whereupon followed a great mortality, and
fifty thousand died in few days. Whether this proceeded
from the climate (the bodies of Europe not being friends
with the air of Asia, till use by degrees reconcileth them),
or whether it was caused by their intemperance : for after
long fasting they would not measure their stomachs by the
standard of physic, and dieting themselves till nature by
degrees could digest the meat; but by surfeiting digged
their graves with their own teeth.
And now we are come to the skirts and borders of Pales-
tine. Wherefore as heralds use to blazon the field before
they meddle with the charge, so let us describe the land
before we relate the actions done therein. If in bowling
they must needs throw wide which know not the green or
alley whereon they play, much more must they miss the
truth in story who are unacquainted with that country
whereon the discourse proceedeth. Briefly, therefore, of
the Holy Land ; as not intending to make a large and wide
I description of so short and narrow a country.
S ,CHAP. XVIII. A Pisgah-sight, or short Survey of Pales-
tine in general; and how it might maintain one million
three hundred thousand Men.
PALESTINE is bounded on the north with Mount Liba-
nus; west, with the Midland Sea; south, with the
((wilderness of Paran, parting it from Egypt; and east, with
I the mountains of Gilead and the river of Arnon. To give it
tithe most favourable dimensions : from the foot of Libanus
, I to Beersheba, north and south, may be allowed two hundred
and ten miles; and from Ramoth-gilead to Endor, east and
r [west, seventy ; which is the constant breadth of the country.
llln which compass, in David's time, were maintained thir-
teen hundred thousand men 1 , besides women, children, and
j (impotent persons ; and yet the tribes of Benjamin 2 and Levi
were not reckoned. True this must needs be, for Truth hath
id it ; yet it is wonderful. For though the United Pro-
inces in the Low Countries maintain as many people in as
little a plot of ground, yet they feed not on home-bred food,
but have Poland for their granary, the British ocean for
(their fishpond, High Germany for their wine-cellar, and by
the benefit of their harbours unlock the storehouses of all
2 Sam. xxiv. 9.
2 1 Chron. xxi. 6.
32 THE HISTORY OF
other countries. It fared not thus with the Jews, whose
own country fed them all. And yet the seeming impos-
sibility of so many kept in so small a land will be abated
if we consider these particulars :
1. People in those hot countries had not so hot appetites
for the quantity of the meat eaten, nor gluttonous palates
for the variety of it.
2. The country rising and falling into hills and vales,
gained many acres of ground, whereof no notice is taken in
a map, for therein all things presented are conceived to be
in piano : and so the land was far roomier than the scale of
miles doth make it.
3. They had pasturage to feed their cattle in, in out-
countries beyond Palestine. Thus the tribe of Reuben 3
grazed their cattle eastward, even to the river Euphrates.
4. Lastly, the soil was transcendently fruitful, as ap-
peareth by that great bunch of grapes 4 carried by two men.
For though many a man hath not been able to bear wine,
it is much that one should be laden with one cluster of
grapes.
If any object against the fruitfulness of this country, that
there were many wildernesses therein, as those of Maon,
Ziph, Carrael, Gibeon, Judah, and these must needs cut
large thongs out of so narrow a hide : it is answered, that
these wildernesses took up no great space, as probably
being no bigger than our least forests in England. As for
the greater deserts, we must not conceive them to lie wholly
waste, but that they were but thinly inhabited ; for we find
six cities, with their villages, in the wilderness of Judah 5 .
Principal commodities of this country were,
1 . Balm, which wholly failed 6 not long after our Saviour's
passion ; whether because the type was to cease when the
truth was come, or because that land was unworthy to have
so sovereign bodily physic grow in her, where the Physician
of the soul was put to death.
2. Honey, and that either distilled by bees, those little
chymists (and the pasture they fed on was never a whit the
barer for their biting), or else rained down from heaven, as
that which Jonathan tasted 7 , when his sweet meat had like
to have had sour sauce, and to have cost him his life.
Besides these, milk, oil, nuts, almouds, dates, figs, olives
3 1 Chron. v. 9, 10. * Num. xiii. 23. 5 Joshua, xv. 61
6 Munster, in Terra sancta, p. 1017, et in ygypt. p. 1135.
7 1 Sam.xiv. 27.
THE HOLY WAR. 33
so that we may boldly say, no country had better sauce and
better meat, having fowl, fish in sea, lakes, and rivers;
flesh of sheep, goats, bucks, and kine.
Mines of gold and silver, with pearls and precious stones,
Judea rather had not than wanted; either because God
would not have his people proud or covetous, or because
these are not essential to man's life, or because nature
bestovveth these commodities in recompense on barren
countries.
Horses they had none, but what they bought out of
Egypt for service, using asses for burden, oxen for drawing,
and mules for travel. And for many hundred years they
used no horses in battle, till David took some from Hada-
dezer 8 . The greatest inconvenience of the land was that
it had wild beasts ; and their sheep were not securely
folded like ours in England, which stand more in danger
of men than wolves.
The chief river of the country was Jordan, over which
the Israelites passed on foot; afterwards Elijah made a
bridge over it with his cloak, and our Saviour washed the
water hereof, by being baptized in it. This ariseth from
the springs of Jor and Dan ; whence, running south, he
enlargeth himself, first into the waters of Merom, then into
the lake of Genesareth or Tiberias ; and hence, recovering
his stream, as if sensible of his sad fate, and desirous to
defer what he cannot avoid, he fetcheth many turnings and
windings, but all will not excuse him from falling into the
Dead Sea. Authors are very fruitful on the barrenness of
this sea (where Sodom once stood), writing how on the
banks thereof grow those hypocrite apples and well com-
plexioned dust (the true emblems of the false pleasures of
this world) which touched fall to ashes.
CHA.P. XIX. Galilee described.
PALESTINE contained four provinces : Galilee, on the
north; Trachonitis, beyond Jordan, on the east;
Judea, on the south; and Samaria, in the middle. Galilee
was divided into the upper and lower. The upper (called
also Galilee of the Gentiles, because it bordered on them)
comprehended the tribes of Asher and Naphtali.
. Asher entertaineth us with these observables : 1. Mis-
rephothmajim *, the Nantwich of Palestine, where salt was
boiled. 2. Sarepta, where Elijah multiplied the widow ! s
8 V Sana, viii. 4, ' Josh. xi. 8.
34 THE HISTORY OF
oil. 3. Tyre, anciently the royal exchange of the world;
but of this (as of Sidon and Ptolemais) largely hereafter.
4. Ephek, whose walls falling down gave both the death
and gravestones to twenty-seven thousand of Benhadad's
soldiers. 5. Cana the Great, whereof was that woman
whose daughter Christ dispossessed of a devil. 6. Belus,
a rivulet famous for its glassy sand. 7. Mount Libanus,
whether so called (as our Albion) from his snowy top, or
from frankincense growing thereon.
Naphtali with these: 1. Abel-beth-maacha. In this
borough Sheba, that vermin, earthed himself, till a woman's
wisdom threw his head over the walls : and pity it was those
walls should have stood, if they had been too high to throw
a traitor's head over them. 2. Harosheth, the city of Sisera,
who, for all his commanding of nine hundred iron chariots,
was slain with one iron nail. 3. Capernaum, where Christ
healed the centurion's servant, and not far off fed an army,
of guests with five loaves and two fishes ; so that if we con-
sider what they ate, we may wonder that they left any
thing ; if what they left, that they ate any thing. 4. Kedesh,
a city of refuge, whither they were to fly that killed men
unawares. As for those who formerly privileged sanctu-
aries in England, where the worst traitors and wilfulest
murderers were secure from punishment, they rather pro-
pounded Romulus than Moses for their president. 5. Rib-
lah, where King Zedekiah (more unhappy that he saw so long,
than that he was blind so soon) had his eyes put out, after
he had beheld the slaughter of his sons. 6. Cesarea-
Philippi, the chief city of Decapolis, which was a small
territory on both sides of Jordan, so called of ten cities it
contained ; though authors wonderfully differ in reckoning
up. 7. Christ's mount, so named because it was his pulpit,
as the whole law was his text, when he made that famous
sermon on the mount. This Sun of Righteousness, which
had all Palestine for his zodiac, the twelve tribes for his
signs, stayed longest here and in Zebulun ; and, as St. Hie-
rome observeth 1 , as these two tribes were first carried into
captivity, so redemption was first preached in these coun-
tries.
Lower Galilee consisted of Zebulun and Issachar. Zebu-
lun presenteth us with Nain, where our Saviour raised the
widow's son, so that she was twice a mother, yet had but
one child. 2. Cana the Less, where he showed the virginity
2 In 4 Mat.
THE HOLY WAR. 35
of his miracles at a marriage, turning water into wine.
3. Bethulia, where Judith struck off Holofernes's head,
though some since have struck off that story, not only from
canonical scripture, but from truth. 4. Bethsaida, up-
braided by Christ, famous for her great means, great ingra-
titude, great punishment. 5. Nazareth, where our Saviour
had his conception and education. 6. Tiberias, so called
by Herod the tetrarch, in the honour of Tiberius. 7. Mount
Carmel, the Jewish Parnassus, where the prophets were so
conversant 8. Tabor, where our Saviour was transfigured,
the earnest of his future glory. 9. The river Kishon, God's
besom to sweep away Sisera's great army.
In Issachar we find Tarichea, taken with great difficulty
by Vespasian. 2. Shunem, where Elisha was so often
entertained by an honourable woman. And, as if this land
had been thirsty of blood, here in this tribe were fought
the battles of Gideon against the Midianites, Jehu against
Jehoram, Saul against the Philistines upon Mount Gilboa.
David therefore cursed that mountain, that neither dew nor
rain should fall on it. But of late, some English travellers
climbing this mountain were well wetted, David not cursing
it by a prophetical spirit, but in a poetical rapture.
CHAP. XX. The Description of Samaria.
SAMARIA contained half Manasses on this side Jordan,
and the tribe of Ephraim. In the former we met with
Bethshean, on the walls whereof the Philistines hanged
Saul's body. 2. Tirzah, where Zimri (whose only goodness
was, that he reigned but seven days) burned himself and
the king's palace. 3. Thebez, where Abimelech, prodigal
of his life, but niggardly of his reputation, not so pained
with his death, as angry with his killer (because a woman),
would needs be killed again by his armour-bearer. 4. Me-
giddo, where Josiah, that bright sun, set in a cloud, engaging
himself in a needless quarrel, wherein he was slain. 5.
Cesarea-Stratonis, where Herod was eaten up with worms.
6. Jezreel, a royal city of the kings of Israel, nigh which
lay the vineyard, or rather blood-yard, of Naboth.
Ephraim was adorned with Samaria, the chief city of
Israel, which at this day showeth more ruins than Jerusa-
lem. 2. Shiloh, where the ark was long leiger; and where
Eli, heart-broken with bad news, brake his neck with a
fall. 3. Sichem, where Dinah bought the satisfying of
her curiosity with the loss of her chastity. And, as if the
ground here were stained with perfidiousness, here Simeon
26 THE HISTOE Y OF
and Levi killed the Sichemites, Joseph was sold by hii
brethren, Abimelech usurped the government, the ten tribe;
revolted from Rehoboam. 4. Mount Ephraim, a ridge o
hills crossing this country. 5. Gerizzim and Ebal, tw<
mountains : the blessings were pronounced on the one, ane
the curses on the other.
CHAP. XXI. Judea surveyed.
JUDEA comprised the tribes of Benjamin, Dan, Simeon
and Judah. Benjamin flourished with Gilgal, when
Joshua circumcised the Israelites. They hitherto had beei
fellow-commoners with the angels, feeding on manna, whicl
here ceased ; God withdrawing miracles where he afford e<
means. 2. Gibeon, whose inhabitants cozened Joshua wit]
a pass of false-dated antiquity : who would have though
that clouted shoes could have covered so much subtilty
Here Joshua sent his mandate to the sun to stand still, am
to wait on him whilst he conquered his enemies. 3. Not
where Doeg, more cruel than the king's cattle he kepi
slew eighty-five priests, as innocent as their ephods wer
white. 4. Jericho, whose walls were battered down wit
the sound of rams' horns. 5. Bethel, where God appearei
to Jacob. 6. Ai, where the Israelites were slain for th
sacrilege of Achan.
Dan had these memorables : 1. Joppa, a safe harboui
where Jonah fled from God's service. 2. Ashdod, c
Azotus, where Dagon did twice homage to the ark, nc
only falling bare, but putting off his head and hands, i
Gath, a seminary of giants, where Goliath was born. <
Ekron, where Beelzebub, the God of flies, had a nest c
temple. 5. Timnath, where Judah committed incest wit
Tamar, but betrayed himself by his own tokens, and be:
himself with his own staff. Hence Samson fetched his wif
whose epithalamium proved the dirge to so many Philistine
6. Modin, where the Maccabees were buried. 7. Sore
the chief, if not only rivulet of this tribe.
Entering on the south coasts of Simeon, we light
Askelon, where Herod was born. 2. Gaza, chief of tl
five satrapies of the Philistines, the gates whereof Sams<
carried away ; and hither being sent for to make sport in tl
house of Dagon, acted such a tragedy that plucked dov
the stage, slew himself and all the spectators. 3. Mo
inland, Ziklag, assigned by Achish to David. 4. Bf(
sheba and Gerar, where Abraham and Isaac lived me
constantly, near unto the brook of Besor.
THE HOLY WAR. 37
The tribe of Judah was the greatest of all, so that Simeon
and Dan did feed on the reversion thereof, and received
those cities which originally belonged to this royal tribe.
Memorable herein were, 1. Hebron, the land whereof was
given to Caleb, because he and Joshua consented not to the
false verdict which the jury of spies brought in against the
Jand of Canaan. 2. Nigh, in the cave of Machpelah, the
patriarchs were buried ; whose bodies took livery and
seizin in behalf of their posterity, which were to possess the
whole land. 3. Kirjath-sepher or Debir, an ancient univer-
sity of the Canaanites : for though. Parnassus was only in
Greece, yet the Muses were not confined to that country.
4. Tekoa, where -Amos was born, fetched from the herds-
men to feed God's sheep; and to dress his vine, from
gathering wild figs. 5. Zoar, Lot's refuge, near to which
his wife, for one farewell glance at Sodom, was turned into
a pillar of salt, to season us to measure a sin by the infinite-
ness of God who forbiddeth it. Adjoining is Lot's cave,
where he, affecting solitariness, had too much company of
his own daughters. 6. Carmel, where Nabal lived, as rich
as foolish ; but those grains of wisdom which were wanting
in him were found overweight in his wife. Here Uzziah
pastured his cattle, a king, yet delighted in husbandry ; as
thrift is the fuel of magnificence. 7. Bethlehem, where
our Saviour was born. 8. Jerusalem, whereof afterwards.
CHAP. XXII. Of Trachonitis.
WE want one adequate word of a country to express
the tribes of Reuben, Gad, and half Manasses
beyond Jordan. Trachonitis cometh the nearest, so called
because it riseth up in sharp hills, which are known to
Ptolemy by the name of Hippus ; to Strabo, of Trachones ;
but in Scripture, of Mount Hermon, or Gilead.
Reuben, though disinherited of the birthright, had this
honour of an elder brother, that he was first provided for.
;His chief places, Heshbon and Medeba, and Macherus,
the strongest inland city in that part of the world. Mount
Abarim, a chain of hills, the highest whereof was Nebo ;
the top cliff of Nebo, Pisgah, whence Moses viewed the
land : hereabouts the angel buried him, and also buried his
grave, lest it should occasion idolatry. The river Arnon
parteth this tribe from Moab.
In Gad, we find Peniel, where Jacob wrestled with God,
lost a sinew, but got a blessing : Jabesh-gilead, where Saul
was buried : Ramoth-gilead, where Ahab was slain : Roge-
38 THE HISTORY OF
lim, the manor of Barzillai, superannuated to be a courtier :
Mahanaim, where the angels appeared to Jacob : the forest
of Ephraim, where that execution was done by Jephthah
on the Ephraimites, for not pronouncing that heavy aspira-
tion in Shibboleth : the river Jabbok.
In Manasses, Edrei, the city of Og, on whose giant-like
proportion the rabbins have more giant-like lies : Gadara,
whose inhabitants loved their swine better than their Saviour.
They that desire to be further informed of Canaan, let them
spare pains to strike fire, and light their candle at Sir
Walter Raleigh's torch.
CHAP. XXIII. The Description of the City of Jerusalem;
the Observables within and about her.
TERUSALEM, by the often change of her fortunes, hath
J somewhat altered her situation, having hitched herself,
more north-westward. For the mountain of Calvary, which
formerly she shut out of her gates, as the infamous place of
execution, she now embraceth within her walls as her most
venerable monument.
On the south of Jerusalem (once part of her, now ex-
cluded) lieth Mount Sion, famous anciently for the palace
of David : on the east, Mount Olivet, parted with the vale
of Jehoshaphat; which (some will have) shall be the hall
for the great assizes of the world at the day of judgment,
whilst others more modestly conceive that the place as well
as the time is concealed. On the west, the hill of Gihon :
and on the north, it is indifferent plain.
The monuments which are still extant, to be seen without
or within the city, are reducible to one of these three
ranks: 1. Certainly true; as the mountains compassing it,
which are standards too great and too heavy for either time
or war to remove ; and such also are some eminent particu-
lars of some places, which constant tradition, without rup-
ture, hath entailed on posterity. 2. Of a mixed nature;
where the text is true, but superstition and fancy have
commented on it. 3. Stark lies, without a rag of proba-
bility to hide their shame ; where the believer is as foolish
as the inventor impudent. We will bundle them together,
and let the reader sort them at his discretion : for it is as
hard to fit the throats as to please the palates of men ; and
that will choke one man's belief which another will swallow
as easily credible. Neither let any censure this discourse
as a parenthesis to this history, seeing that to see these
THE HOLY WAR. 39
relics was one principal motive with many to undertake this
pilgrimage.
To begin without the city, on the south, there remain the
ruins of David's palace, too near to which was Uriah's
house ; and the fountain * is still showed where Bathsheba's
washing of her body occasioned the fouling of her soul.
Next, David's tomb is to be seen, wherein he was buried :
his monument was enriched with a mass of treasure, saith
Josephus; out of which Hircanus, eight hundred and fifty
years after, took three thousand talents. But surely David,
who despised riches in his life, was not covetous after his
death : and I am sure they are his own words, that Man
shall carry nothing away with him, neither shall his great
pomp follow him 2> . Thirdly, Aceldama, that burying-place
for strangers ; and the grave, that every where hath a good
stomach, hath here a boulimia, or greedy worm, for it will
devour the flesh of a corpse in forty-eight hours. Fourthly,
Absalom's pillar, which he built to continue his memory,
though he might have saved that cost, having eternized his
infamy by his unnatural rebellion. Fifthly, the houses of
Annas and Caiaphas, to pass by others of inferior note.
On the east, first, Mount Olivet, from whence our Saviour
took his rise into heaven. The chapel of Ascension, of an
eight-square round, mounted on three degrees, still chal-
lengeth great reverence ; and there the footsteps of our Saviour
are still to be seen, which cannot be covered over. Secondly,
the fig-tree which Christ cursed ; for he who spake many,
here wrought a parable; this whole tree being but the bark,
and Christ under it cursing the fruitless profession of the
Jews. Thirdly, the place where St. Stephen was stoned ;
and the stones thereabouts are overgrown with a red rust,
which is (forsooth) the very blood of that holy martyr.
Fourthly, the place where Judas surprised our Saviour,
and he fell down on a stone, in which the print of his
elbows and feet are still to be seen. Fifthly, the sepulchre
of the blessed Virgin ; whose body, after it had been three
days buried, was carried up by the angels into heaven ; and
she let fall her girdle to St. Thomas 3 , that his weak faith
might be swaddled therewith; otherwise he who in the
point of Christ's resurrection would have no creed, except
he made his own articles, and put his finger into his side,
would no doubt hardly have believed the Virgin's assump-
1 Morison's Trav. part 1, p. 226. a Psalm xlix. 17.
3 Sandys, p. 190.
40 THE HISTOR Y OF
tion. With this legend we may couple another, which,
though distant in place, will be believed both together:
they show at Bethlehem 4 " a little hole over the place where
our Saviour was born, through which the star which con-
ducted the wise men fell down to the ground. But who
will not conclude but there was a vertigo in his head, who
first made a star subject to the falling sickness ? Sixthly,
the vale of Hinnom or Tophet, in which wise Solomon,
befooled by his wives, built a temple to Moloch. Seventhly,
Cedron, a brook so often mentioned in Scripture.
The west and north sides of Jerusalem were not so
happily planted with sacred monuments; and we find none
thereon which grew to any eminency.
We will now lead the reader into Jerusalem ; where,
first, on Mount Moriah (the place where Isaac was offered,
though not sacrificed), stood Solomon's temple, destroyed
by the Chaldeans, rebuilt by Zorobabel ; afterward Herod,
reedified it so stately (saith Josephus) that it exceeded
Solomon's temple ; if his words exceed not the truth. But
no wonder if he that never saw the sun, dare say that the
moon is the most glorious light in the heavens. Secondly,
Solomon's palace, which was thirteen years in building 5 ,
whereas the temple was finished in seven 6 : not that he
bestowed more cost and pains (because more time) on his
own than on God's house ; but rather he plied God's work
more thoroughly, and entertained then more builders; so
that, contrary to the proverb, church work went on the most
speedily. Thirdly, the house of the forest of Lebanon,
which was (as appeareth by cprnparing the text) forty
cubits longer, and thirty cubits broader than the temple
itself. But no doubt the Holy Spirit, speaking of holy
buildings, meaneth the great cubit of the sanctuary; but in
other houses, the ordinary or common cubit. It was called
the house of Lebanon, because hard by it Solomon planted
a grove 7 , the abridgment of the great forest; so that the
pleasures of spacious Lebanon were here written in a less
character. Fourthly, Pilate's palace, and the common
hall, where the Judge of the world was condemned to
death. Fifthly, the pool of Bethesda, the waters whereof,
troubled by the angel, were a punpharmacon to him that
4 Bidulph's Trav. p. 130, and Morison's, part 1, p. 227.
5 1 Kings, vii. 1.
6 1 Kings, vi. 38. Vide Tremel. in locum.
" Adricom. ex Hieron. p. 153.
THE HOLY WAR. 41
first got into them. Here was a spital built with five
porches, the mercy of God being seconded by the charity of
man ; God gave the cure, men built the harbour for impo-
tent persons. Sixthly, the house of Dives, the rich glutton :
and therefore (saith Adricomius 8 ) it was no parable: but
may we not retort his words ? It was a parable, and there-
fore this is none of Dives's house. Sure I am, Theophy-
lact is against the literal sense thereof, and saith, they think
foolishly that think otherwise 9 .
But my discourse hasteth to Mount Calvary, which at
this day hath almost engrossed all reverence to itself. It is
called Calvary, Golgotha, or the place of a scull, either
because the hill is rolled and rounded up in the fashion of a
man's head 10 (as Pen 11 in the British tongue signifieth
both a head and a copped hill), or because here the bodies
of such as were executed were cast. As for that conceit,
that Adam's scull should here be found, it is confuted by
St. Hierome, who will have him buried at Hebron. Neither
is it likely, if the Jews had a tradition that the father of man-
kind had here been interred, that they would have made
his sepulchre their Tyburn, where malefactors were put to
death, and the charnel-house where their bones were scat-
tered. Over our Saviour's grave stood a stately church,
built, say some, by Helen, say others, by Constantine; but
we will not set mother and son at variance; it might be she
built it at his cost. In this church are many monuments,
as the pillar whereunto Christ was bound when scourged,
wherein red spots of dusky-veined marble usurped the
honour to be counted Christ's blood". Secondly, a great
cleft in the rock, which was rent in sunder at the passion,
whereby the bad thief was divided from Christ (the sign of
his spiritual separation), and they say it reacheth to the
centre of the earth : a thing hard to confute. Thirdly, cer-
tain pillars, which, being in a. dark place under ground, are
said miraculously to weep for our Saviour's sufferings. But
I refer those who desire the criticisms of those places,
without going thither, to read our English travellers ; for in
this case, as good wares and far cheaper pennyworths are
bought at the second hand.
To conclude our description of Palestine, let none con-
8 Theatr. Terr. Sanct. 153.
9 ai/OTjrwe, Comment, in 16 Luc. 10 Illyricus, in 27 Matth.
11 Camden's Brit, in Buckinghamshire.
12 Bridenb. De Domin. Sepulchro.
42 THE HISTORY OF
ceive that God forgot the Levites in division of the land
because they had no entire country allotted unto them
Their portion was as large as any, though paid in severa
sums ; they had forty-eight cities, with their suburbs, tithes
first-fruits, free-offerings; being better provided for thar
many English ministers, who may preach of hospitality tc
their people, but cannot go to the cost to practise their owr
doctrine.
A TABLE SHOWING THE VARIETY OF PLACES* NAMES IN
PALESTINE.
In the Old Testa-
At Christ's
In St. Hie-
At this
ment,
time.
rome's time.
day.
1. Azzah.
Gaza.
Constantia.
Gazra'3.
2. Japho.
Joppa.
Jaffa 1 *.
3. Ramah.
Arimathea.
Ramma 15 .
4. Shechem.
Sychar.
Neapolis.
Pelosa 16 .
5.
6. Capharsala-
Lydda.
Diospolis.
ma.
Antipatris.
Assur 17 .
7. Zarephath.
Sarepta.
Saphet 18 .
8.
Emmaus.
Nicopolis.
9. Bethsan.
Scythopolis.
10. Tzor.
Tyrus.
Sur'9.
/Laish.
11 /Dan J Cesarea-Philip-
1 1 ,\ .LJalJ \ -r\ ~r* i- */>
) I pi. Paneas. Belma 20 .
(Leshem.
12. Jerusalem. Hierosolyma. ^.lia. Cuds".
13. Samaria. Samaria. Sebaste.
14. Cinnereth". Tiberias. Saffet* 3 .
15. Accho. Ptolemais. Acre.
16. Gath. Dio-Cesarea. Ybilin 2 -*.
17. Dammesek. Damascus. Sham 2 ' 5 .
18. Arnon. Areopolis. Petra 16 .
19. Rabbah. Philadelphia.
20. Waters of Semochonite
Merom. lake. Houle 2 - 7 .
13 Sandys, p. 149. u Adricom. p. 23. 15 Morison, p. 216.
16 Raleigh, p. 311. 17 Adricom. p. 70. 1S Raleigh, p. 283.
19 Sandys, p. 216. 20 Raleigh, p. 291. 21 Sandys, p. 155.
22 Adricom. p. 143. 23 Sandys, p. 212. ^ Adricom. p. 22.
25 Bidulph, p. 94. 26 Adricom. p. 32. 27 Sandys, p. 212.
A. D. 1099. THE HOLY WAR. 43
CHAP. XXIV. The Siege and Taking of Jerusalem.
BY this time cold weather (the best besom to sweep the
chambers of the air) had well cleared the Christians'
camp from infection : and now their devotion moved the
swifter, being come near to the centre thereof, the city of
Jerusalem. Forward they set, and take the city of Marrha
[Dec. 11, 1098], and employ themselves in securing the
country about them, that so they might clear the way as
they went [1099]. Neither did the discords betwixt Rei-
mund and Boemund much delay their proceedings, being
in some measure seasonably compounded ; as was also the
sea battle betwixt the Pisans and Venetians. For the Vene-
tians seeing on the Pisans the cognizance of the cross 1 , the
uncounterfeited passport that they wear for the holy war,
suffered them safely to go on, though otherwise they were
their deadly enemies ; yea, and set five thousand of them
at liberty, whom they had taken captive.
The pilgrims kept their Easter at Tripolie [April 10],
Whitsuntide by Cesarea-Statonis [May 29], taking many
places in their passage ; and at last came to Jerusalem.
Discovering the city afar off, it was a pretty sight to behold
the harmony in the difference of expressing their joy; how
they clothed the same passion with diverse gestures ; some
prostrate, some kneeling, some weeping; all had much
ado to manage so great a gladness. Then began they the
siege of the city on the north [June 6] (being scarce assault-
able on any other side, by reason of steep and broken
rocks), and continued it with great valour. On the fourth
day after [June 10], they had taken it but for want of
scaling-ladders. But a far greater want was the defect of
water, the springs being either stopped up or poisoned by
the Turks ; so that they fetched water five miles off 2 '. As
for the brook Cedron, it was dried up, as having no sub-
sistence of itself, but merely depending on the benevo-
lence of winter waters, which Mount Olivet bestoweth upon
it. Admiral Coligni was wont to say, He that will well
paint the beast war, must first begin to shape the belly ;
meaning that a good general must first provide victuals for
an army : yea, let him remember the bladder in the beast's
belly, as well as the guts, and take order for moisture more
especially than for meat itself; thirst, in northern bodies,
being more insupportable than famine : quickly will their
1 Sabellicus, Enn. 9, lib. 3, p. 3o7. 2 ^milius, p. 135.
44 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1099!
courage be cooled, who have no moisture to cool their
hearts. As for the Christians' want of ladders, that was
quickly supplied ; for the Genoans arriving with a fleet in
Palestine, brought most curious engineers, who framed a
wooden tower, and all other artificial instruments. For we
must not think that the world was at a loss for war tools
before the brood of guns was hatched : it had the battering-
ram 3 , first found out by Epeus, at the taking of Troy; the
balista, to discharge great stones, invented by the Pheni-
cians ; the catapulta, being a sling of mighty strength,
whereof the Syrians were authors; and perchance King
Uzziah first made it 4 ; for we find him very dexterous and
happy in devising such things. And although these bear-
whelps were but rude and unshaped at the first, yet art did
lick them afterwards, and they got more teeth and sharper-
nails by degrees ; so that every age set them forth in a new
edition, corrected and amended. But these and many more
voluminous engines (for the ram alone had a hundred men
to manage it) are now virtually epitomized in the cannon.
And though some may say, that the finding of guns hath
been the losing of many men's lives, yet it will appear that
battles now are fought with more expedition, and victory
standeth not so long a neuter, before she express herself on
one side or other.
But these guns have shot my discourse from the siege of
Jerusalem. To return thither again. By this time, in the
space of a month 5 [July 11 J, the Genoans had finished
their engines which they built seven miles off 6 ; for nearer
there grew no stick of bigness. I will not say, that since
our Saviour was hanged on a tree, the land about that city
hath been cursed with a barrenness of wood. And now,
for a preparative, that their courage might work the better,
they began with a fast and a solemn procession about
Mount Olivet [July 12].
Next day they gave a fierce assault [July 1 3] ; yea,
women played the men 7 , and fought most valiantly in
armour. But they within being forty thousand strong, well
victualled and appointed, made stout resistance, till the
night (accounted but a foe for her friendship) umpired
betwixt them, and abruptly put an end to their fight in the
midst of their courage.
3 Plin. ]Vat. Hist. lib. 7, cap. 56. 4 2 Cbron. xxvi. 15.
5 M. Paris, p. 63.
6 P. .tmilius, p. 135 ; and Tyrius, lib. 8, cap. 6.
7 Tyrius, lib. 8, cap. 13.
..D. 1099 THE HOLY WAR. 45
When the first light brought news of a morning, they on
fresh; the rather, because they had intercepted a letter 8
bed to the legs of a dove (it being the fashion of that
ountry both to write and send their letters with the win^s
f a fowl 9), wherein the Persian emperor promised present
uccours to the besieged. The Turks cased the outside of
heir walls with bags of chaff, straw, and such like pliable
matter, which conquered the engines of the Christians by
ielding unto them. As for one sturdy engine whose force
-ould not be tamed, they brought two old witches on the
walls to enchant it 10 ; but the spirit thereof was too strong
or their spells, so that both of them were miserably slain
n the place.
The day following [July 15], Duke Godfrey 11 fired
much combustible matter, the smoke whereof (the light
ause of a heavy effect), driven with the wind, blinded the
'urks' eyes ; and under the protection thereof the Christians
ntered the city, Godfrey himself first footing the walls, and
hen his brother Eustace. The Turks retired to Solomon's
emple (so called because built in the same place), there to
ake the farewell of their lives. In a desperate conflict there,
he foremost of the Christians were miserably slain, thrust upon
he weapons of their enemies by their fellows that followed
hem. The pavement so swam, that none could go but
either through a rivulet of blood, or over a bridge of dead
>odies. Valour was not wanting in the Turks, but super-
atively abundant in the Christians, till night made them
eave off. Next morning mercy was proclaimed to all those
hat would lay down their weapons ; for though blood be
he best sauce for victory, yet must it not be more than the
meat. Thus was Jerusalem won by the Christians, and
wenty thousand Turks therein slain 12 , on the 15th of July,
being Friday, about three of the clock in the afternoon.
Tyrius * 3 fmdeth a great mystery in the time, because Adam
was created on a Friday, and on the same day and hour our
Saviour suffered. But these synchronisms, as when they
are natural they are pretty and pleasing, so when violently
wrested, nothing more poor and ridiculous.
Then many Christians [July 18], who all this while had
ived in Jerusalem in most lamentable slavery, being glad
8 P. ^Emilius, p. 136.
p The manner set down at large, Bidulph's Trav. p. 43.
lu Tyrins, lib. 8, cap. 15. n Idem, lib. 8, cap. 18.
la AI. Paris, p. 65. 13 Lib. 8, c. 18.
46 THE HOLY WAR.
to lurk in secret (as truth oftentimes seeketh corners, as
fearing her judge, though never as suspecting her cause)
came forth joyfully, welcomed and embraced these the pro-
curers of their liberty.
Three days after it was concluded, as a necessary piece
of severity for their defence 14 , to put all the Turks in Jeru-
salem to death ; which was accordingly performed without
favour to age or sex. The pretence was for fear of treason
in them, if the emperor of Persia should besiege the city.
And some slew them with the same zeal wherewith Saul
slew the Gibeonites, and thought it unfit that these goats
should live in the sheep's pasture. But noble Tancred was
highly displeased hereat, because done in cold blood, it
being no slip of an extemporary passion, but a studied and
premeditated act; and that against pardon proclaimed,
many of them having compounded and paid for their lives
and liberty. Besides, the execution was merciless, upon
sucking children, whose not speaking spake for them ; and
on women, whose weakness is a shield to defend them
against a valiant man. To conclude : severity hot in the
fourth degree, is little better than poison, and becometh
cruelty itself; and this act seemeth to be of the same
nature.
14 Besoldus, De Regibus Hierosol. ex variis auctoribus, p.
119.
BOOK II.
'HAP. I. Robert the Norman refuseth the Kingdom of
Jerusalem. Godfrey of Bouillon chosen King. His
Parentage, Education, and Virtues.
EIGHT days after Jerusalem was won, they proceeded
to the election of a king [July 23, 1099]; but they
lad so much choice that they had no choice at all ; so
many princes there were, and so equally eminent, that
ustice herself must suspend her verdict, not knowing
/hich of them best deserved the crown. Yet it was their
Measure to pitch on Robert the Norman as on the man of
n'ghest descent, being son to a king; for great Hugh of
France was already returned home, pretending the colic ;
hough some impute it to cowardliness, and make the dis-
ase not in his bowels, but his heart.
Robert refused this honourable proffer 1 ; whether because
had an eye to the kingdom of England now void by the
death of William Rufus, or because he accounted Jeru-
salem would be incumbered with continual war. But he
who would not take the crown with the cross, was fain to
ake the cross without the crown, and never thrived after-
wards in any thing he undertook *. Thus they who refuse
irhat God fairly carveth for them, do never after cut well
or themselves. He lived to see much misery, and felt
more, having his eyes put out by King Henry's brother ;
and at last found rest (when buried) in the new cathedral
church of Gloucester, under a wooden monument 3 , bearing
setter proportion to his low fortunes than high birth. And
since, in the same choir, he hath got the company of another
prince as unfortunate as himself, King Edward the Second.
They go on to a second choice ; and that they may know
the natures of the princes the better, their servants were
examined on oath to confess their masters' faults. The
servants of Godfrey of Bouillon protested their master's
only fault was this 4 , that when matins were done he would
stay so long in the church, to know of the priest the mean-
1 P. ^mylius, p. 137. 2 Henry Hunting, lib. 7, p. 377.
3 Camden, Brit. p. 255. 4 Tyrius, lib. 9, cap. 12.
48 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1099
ing of every image and picture, that dinner at home was
spoiled by his long tarrying. All admired hereat, that this
man's worst vice should be so great a virtue, and unani-
mously chose him their king. He accepted the place, but
refused the solemnity thereof, and would not wear a crown
of gold there, where the Saviour of mankind had worn a
crown of thorns.
He was son to Eustace, duke of Bouillon, and Ida his
wife, daughter and heir to Godfrey, duke of Lorraine ; born,
saith Tyrius 5 , at Boulogne, a town in Champagne, on the
English sea, which he mistaketh for Bouillon, up higher in
the continent, near the country of Luxembourg. Such slips
are incident to the pens of the best authors ; yea, we may
see Canterbury mistaken for Cambridge, not only in Mun-
ster 6 , but even in all our own printed statute-books in the
twelfth of Richard the Second 7 . He was brought up in
that school of valour, the court of Henry the Fourth the
emperor. Whilst he lived there, there happened an intri-
cate suit betwixt him and another prince about title of land j
and because judges could not untie the knot, it was con-
cluded the two princes should cut it asunder with theii
sword in a combat. Godfrey was very unwilling to fight 8 ,
not that he was the worse soldier, but the better Christian ;
he made the demur not in his courage, but in his conscience ;
as conceiving any private title for land not ground enough
for a duel: yea, we may observe generally, that they who
long most to fight duels are the first that surfeit of them.
Notwithstanding, he yielded to the tyranny of custom, and
after the fashion of the country entered the lists ; when, at
the first encounter, his sword brake, but he struck his
adversary down with the hilt, yet so that he saved his life,
and gained his own inheritance. Another parallel act ol
his valour was when being standard-bearer to the emperor,
he with the imperial ensign killed Rodulphus, the duke oi
Saxony, in single fight, and fed the eagle on the bowels ol
that arch-rebel. His soul was enriched with many virtues,
but the most orient of all was his humility, which took all
men's affections without resistance ; and though one saith.
take away ambition, and you take away the spurs of a sol-
dier ; yet Godfrey, without those spurs, rode on most tri-
umphantly.
5 Lib. 9, cap, 5. 6 Lib. 2, Cosmog. p. 50.
7 As Caius proveth it plainly out of \\alsingham.
8 Quantum potuit renitebalur, Tyrius, lib. 9, cap. 7.
A. D. 1099 THE HOLY WAR. 49
!HAP. II. The establishing of ecclesiastical Affairs, and
Patriarchs in Antioch and Jerusalem. The Numerosity of
Palestine Bishops.
BUT now let us leave the helmets, and look on the
mitres, and consider the ordering of ecclesiastical
affairs. For the commonwealth is a ring, the church the
diamond ; both well set together, receive, and return lustre
each on other. As soon as Antioch was taken, one Bernard
reverend prelate) was made patriarch there with general
consent. But more stir was there about that place in Jeru-
salem ; for first Arnulphus, a worthless and vicious man,
was by popular faction lifted up into the patriarch's chair 1 ;
3ut with much ado was avoided, and Dabert, archbishop of
Pisa, substituted in his room : one very wise and politic,
an excellent bookman in reading of men, and otherwise
well studied, especially as that age went, wherein a medi-
ocrity was an eminency in learning. But he was infected
with the humour of the clergy of that age, who counted
themselves to want room except they justled with princes.
As for Arnulphus, he never ceased to trouble and molest
this Dabert ; and as a firebrand smoketh most when out of
the chimney, so he after his displacing was most turbulent
and unquiet, ever sitting on his skirts that sat in the patri-
arch's chair, till after mafcy changes he struggled himself
again into the place.
Under these patriarchs many archbishops and bishops
were appointed, in the very places (as near as might be)
where they were before the Saracens overrunning the coun-
try, and good maintenance assigned to most of them.
But at this time bishops were set too thick for all to grow
great, and Palestine fed too many cathedral churches to
have them generally fat. Lydda% Jamnia, and Joppa,
three episcopal towns, were within four miles one of another.
Yea, Tyrius 3 makes fourteen bishops under the archbishop
of Tyre, twenty under the archbishop of Caesarea, under
the archbishop of Scythopolis nine, twelve under the arch-
bishop of Kabbah, besides twenty-five suffragan churches,
which it seems were immediately depending on the patri-
arch of Jerusalem, without subordination to any archbishop.
Surely many of these bishops (to use Bishop Langham's
1 Fatuo populo suffragia incousulta ministrante. Tyrius, lib.
9, cap. 4.
8 VideTabulas Adricomii. 3 Lib. 14, cap. 12.
E
50 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1099
expression 4 -) had high racks, but poor mangers. Neither
let it stagger the reader if in that catalogue of Tyrius he
light on many bishops' seats which are not to be found in
Mercator, Ortelius, or any other geographer, for some of
them were such poor places that they were ashamed to
appear in a map, and fall so much under a geographer's
notice that they fall not under it. For in that age bishops
had their sees at poor and contemptible villages (as here in
England, before the Conquest, who would suspect Sunning
in Berkshire, or Dorchester, near Oxford, to have had
cathedral churches?) till in the days of William the First
bishops removed their seats to the principal towns in the
shire 5 .
CHAP. III. The Saracens conquered at Askelon.
MAHOMET'S tomb hung not so strong but now it
began to shake, and was likely to fall. These vic-
tories of the Christians gave a deadly wound to that religion.
Wherefore the Saracens combined themselves with the
Turks to assist them, there being betwixt these two nations,
I will not say an unity, but a conspiracy in the same super-
stition, so that therein they were like a nest of hornets,
stir one and anger all. Wherefore coming out of Egypt
under Ammiravissus, their general, at Askelon they gave
the Christians battle [Aug. 12]. But God sent such a
qualm of cowardliness over the hearts of these infidels, that
a hundred thousand of them were quickly slain, so that it
was rather an execution than a fight ; and their rich tents,
which seemed to be the exchequer of the east country,
spoiled 6 ; so that the pilgrims knew not how to value the
wealth they found in them.
This victory obtained, such pilgrims as were disposed to
return addressed themselves for their country ; and these
merchants for honour went home, having made a gainful
adventure. Those that remained were advanced to signories
in the land, as Tancred was made governor of Galilee.
Nor will it be amiss to insert this story : Peter, bishop of
Anagnia, in Italy, was purposed here to lead his life with-
out taking care for his charge, when behold St. Magnus 7 ,
patron of that church, appeared to him in a vision, pre-
tending himself to be a young man who had left his wife at
4 In the Archbishops of Cant. p. 143.
5 Fox, Marfyrolog. p. 173. 6 Tyrius, lib. 9, cap. 12.
7 Baronius out of Brunus in anno 1099.
A. D. 1099 THE HOLY WAR. 51
home, and was come to live in Jerusalem. " Fie," said
Peter to him, " go home again to your wife ; whom God
hath joined together, let no man put asunder." " Why,
then," replied St. Magnus, " have you left your church a
widow in Italy, and live here so far from her company ?"
This vision, though calculated for this one bishop, did
generally serve for all the nonresidents which posted
hither, and who paid not the lawful debt to their con-
science, whilst by needless bonds they engaged themselves
to their own will-worship. For though souls of men be
light, because immaterial, yet they may prove a heavy
burden to these careless pastors who were to answer for
them.
After the return of these pilgrims, the heat of the Chris-
tians' victories in Syria was somewhat allayed : for Boe-
mund 8 prince of Antioch, marching into Mesopotamia, was
taken prisoner, and Godfrey besieging the city of Antipatris,
then called Assur, though hitherto he had been always a
conqueror, was fain to depart with disgrace. So small a
remora may stay that ship which saileth with the fairest
gale of success.
CHAP. IV. The Original and Increase of the Hospitallers;
their degenerating through Wealth into Luxury.
\ BOUT this time, under Gerard their first master, began
JTjL the order of Knights-hospitallers ' . Indeed more anci-
ently there were hospitallers in Jerusalem ; but these were no
knights : they had a kind of order, but no honour annexed
to it ; but were pure alms-men, whose house was founded,
and they maintained, by the charity of the merchants of
Amalphia, a city in Italy.
But now they had more stately buildings assigned unto
them, their house dedicated to St. John of Jerusalem ;
Knights-hospitallers and those of St. John of Jerusalem
being both the same ; although learned Dr. Ridley * maketh
them two distinct orders, for which our great antiquary 3
doth justly reprove him. But such an error is venial ; and
it is a greater fault rigidly to censure, than to commit
a small oversight. The one showeth himself man, in
mistaking; the other no man, in not pardoning a light
mistake.
8 Tyrius, lib. 9, cap. 20. Idem, lib. 9, cap. 19.
1 Hospinian. De Orig. Mon. p. 165.
2 In his View of Civil Law, p. 159.
3 Mr. Selden, in his preface of Tithes, p. 6.
52 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1099
To make one capable of the highest order of this knight-
hood (for their servitors and priests might be of an inferior
rank 4 ) the party must thus be qualified: eighteen years
old at the least; of an able body ; not descended of Jewish
or Turkish parents; no bastard, except bastard to a prince,
there being honour in that dishonour, as there is light in
the very spots of the moon. Descended he must be of
worshipful parentage. They wore a red belt with a white
cross ; and on a black cloak the white cross of Jerusalem,
which is a cross crossed, or five crosses together, in memory
of our Saviour's five wounds. Yet was there some difference
betwixt their habit in peace and in war. Their profession
was to fight against infidels, and to secure pilgrims coming
to the sepulchre ; and they vowed poverty, chastity, and
obedience. Reimundus de Podio, their second master, made
some additional to their profession, as, They must receive
the sacrament thrice a year, hear mass once a day if pos-
sible ; they were to be no merchants, no usurers, to fight
no private duels, to stand neuters, and to take no side, if
the princes in Christendom should fall out 5 .
But it is given to most religious orders, to be clear in the
spring, and miry in the stream. These Hospitallers after-
wards getting wealth, unlaced themselves from the strictness
of their first institution, and grew loose into all licentious-
ness. What was their obedience to their master, but
rebellion against the patriarch their first patron? as shall
be showed hereafter. What was their poverty but a
cozenage of the world, whilst their order sued in forma
pauperis, and yet had nineteen thousand manors in Christen-
dom belonging unto them 6 ? Neither will it be scandaluw
magnatum to their lordships, to say what St. Bernard 7
speaketh of their chastity, how they lived inter scorta et
epulas, betwixt bawds and banquets. And no wonder if
their forced virginity was the mother of much uncleanness ;
for commonly those who vow not to go the highway of God's
ordinance, do haunt base and unwarrantable by-paths.
I will not forestall the history, to show how these Hospi-
tallers were afterwards knights of Rhodes, and at this day of
Malta, but will conclude with the ceremonies used at their
creation, because much material stuff no doubt may be
picked out of their formalities.
4 Hospinian. De Orig. Mon. p. 165.
5 Hospinian. ut prius. 6 Camd. Brit. p. 311.
7 Cited by Volaterian.
A. D. 1099 THE HOLY WAR. 53
There is delivered them, 1. a sword 8 , in token that they
must be valiant ; 2. with a cross hilt, their valour must
defend religion; 3. with this sword they are struck three
times over the shoulders, to teach them patiently to suffer
for Christ; 4. they must wipe the sword, their life must
be undented ; 5. gilt spurs are put on them, because they
are to scorn wealth at their heels; 6. and then they take a
taper in their hands, for they are to lighten others by their
exemplary lives ; 7. and so go to hear mass, where we leave
them.
At the same time knights of the sepulchre were also
ordained, which for their original and profession are like
to these Knights-hospitallers 9 . The order continueth to
this day. The padre guardian of Jerusalem maketh them
of such as have seen the sepulchre ; they should be gentle-
men by birth, but the padre carrieth a chancery in his
bosom, to mitigate the rigour of this common law, and will
admit of him that bringeth fat enough, though no blood ;
as of late he made an apothecary of Aleppo of that honour ;
so that there the sword of knighthood is denied to none
who bring a good sheath with them, and have a purse to
pay soundly for it.
CHAP. V. The Scuffling betwixt the King and Patriarch
about the City of Jerusalem. The Issue thereof.
NOT long after, there was started a controversy of great
consequence betwixt the king and patriarch ; the
patriarch claiming the cities of Jerusalem and Joppa, with
the appurtenances ; the king refusing to surrender them.
The patriarch pleaded, that these places anciently be-
longed to his predecessors. He set before the king the
heinousness of sacrilege, how great a sin it was when
princes, who should be nursing fathers and suckle the
church, shall suck from it; and showed how the common-
wealth may grow fat, but never healthful, by feeding on
the church's goods.
On the other side the king alleged, that the Christian
princes had now purchased Jerusalem with their blood,
and bestowed it on him; that the patriarch's overgrown
title was drowned in this late conquest, from which, as
from a new foundation, all must build their claims who
challenge any right to any part in that city. Secondly, he
pleaded, it was unreasonable that the king of Jerusalem
8 Sand. Trav. p. 229. 9 Idem, p. 159.
54 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1099
should have nothing in Jerusalem (as at this day the
Roman emperor is a very cipher, without power or profit
in Rome) and should live rather as a sojourner than a
prince in his royal city, confined to an airy title, whilst
the patriarch should have all the command.
To this the patriarch answered, that the Christians' new
conquest could not cancel his ancient right, which was
enjoyed even under the Saracens; that this voyage was
principally undertaken for advancing the church, and not
to restore her only to her liberty, and withhold from her
her lands, so that in this respect she should find better
usage from her foes than from her children. If we mistake
not, the chief pinch of the cause lieth on the patriarch's
proof, that the lands he demanded formerly belonged to
his predecessors ; and we find him to fail in the main issue
of the matter. True it was, that for the last thirty years,
the patriarchs, on condition they should repair and fortify
the walls of Jerusalem, were possessed of a fourth part of
the city, even by grant from Bomensor the emperor of the
Saracens, in the year of our Lord 1063. But that ever he
had the whole city, either by this or by any previous grant,
it appeareth not in Tyrius, who saith moreover 1 , We
wonder for what reason the lord patriarch should raise this
controversy against Duke Godfrey.
Let me add, that this our author is above exception ; for
being both a politic statesman and pious prelate, no doubt
his pen striketh the true and even stroke betwixt king and
patriarch. Besides, he might well see the truth of this
matter, writing in a well proportioned distance of time
from it. Those who live too near the stories they write,
oftentimes willingly mistake through partiality; and those
who live too far off, are mistaken by uncertainties, the foot-
steps of truth being almost worn out with time.
But to return to Godfrey, who though unwilling at first,
yet afterwards not only on Candlemas day restored to the
patriarch the fourth part of the city, but also on the Easter
following gave him all Jerusalem, Joppa, and whatsoever
he demanded ; conditionally that the king should hold it of
the patriarch till such time as he could conquer Babylon,
or some other royal city fit for him to keep his court in.
If in the mean time Godfrey died without issue, the patri-
arch was to have it presently delivered unto him.
We will be more charitable than those, that say that the
1 Lib. 9, cap. 16.
A.D. 1099 THE HOLY WAR. .55
patriarch herein did bewitch and bemad Godfrey to make
this large donation to him, by torturing his conscience at
the confession of his sins 2 . Only we may question the
discretion of this prince in giving a gift of so large a size ;
for Charity's eyes must be open as well as her hands;
though she giveth away her branches, not to part with the
root.
And let the reader observe, that Godfrey at the time of
this his bountiful grant lay on his death-bed, sick of that
irrecoverable disease which ended him. How easily may
importunity stamp any impression on those whom desperate
sickness hath softened ! And if the sturdiest man nigh
death may be affrighted into good works for fear of purga-
tory, no wonder if devout Godfrey were pliable to any
demand. Pierce Plowman 3 maketh a witty wonder, why
friars should covet rather to confess and bury, than to
christen children ; intimating it proceeded from covetous-
ness, there being gain to be gotten by the one, none by the
other. And this was the age wherein the convents got their
best living by the dying, which made them (contrary to
all other people) most to worship the sun setting.
CHAP. VI. Godfrey's Death and Burial.
AUTHORS differ on the death of this noble king, some
making him to die of that long wasting sickness,
others of the plague 1 . It may be the plague took him out
of the hands of that lingering disease, and quickly cut off
what that had been long in fretting. He died July the
18th, having reigned one year wanting five days. A prince
valiant, pious, bountiful to the church ; for, besides what
he gave to the patriarch, he founded canons in the Temple
of the Sepulchre, and a' monastery in the vale of Jehosha-
phat.
We would say his death was very unseasonable (leaving
the orphan state not only in its minority, but in its infancy),
but that that fruit which to man's apprehension is blown
down green and untimely, is gathered full ripe in God's
providence. He was buried in the Temple of the Sepulchre,
where his tomb is unviolated at this day, whether out of a
religion the Turks bear to the place, or out of honour to
his memory, or out of a valiant scorn to fight against dead
bones ; or perchance the Turks are minded as John king
2 Centuriatores, centur. 12, col. 490. De schism.
3 In his Pass. 11. ' P. ^Emilius, lib. 5.
56 THE HISTORY OF A. D.I 100
of England was, who being wished by a courtier to untomb
the bones of one who whilst he was living had been his
great enemy, " Oh no," said King John, " would all mine
enemies were as honourably buried !"
CHAP. VII. Baldwin chosen King. He keepeth Jerusalem
in despite of the Patriarch.
GODFREY being dead, the Christians with a joint
consent despatched an embassy to Baldwin his bro-
ther [11 00], count of Edessa (a city in Arabia 1 , the lord
whereof had adopted this Baldwin to be his heir) entreated
him to accept of the kingdom ; which honourable offer he
courteously embraced.
A prince whose body nature cut of the largest size, being,
like Saul% higher by the head than his subjects. And
though the Goths had a law always to choose a short thick
man for their king 3 , yet surely a goodly stature is most
majestical. His hair and beard brown, face fair, with an
eagle's nose ; which in the Persian kings was anciently
observed as a mark of magnanimity 4 -. Bred he was a
scholar, entered into orders, and was prebendary in the
churches of Rheims, Liege, and Cambray 5 ; but afterwards
turned secular prince, as our Ethelwolf, who exchanged
the mitre of Winchester for the crown of England 6 . Yet
Baldwin put not off his scholarship with his habit, but
made good use thereof in his reign. For though bookish-
ness may unactive, yet learning doth accomplish a prince,
and maketh him sway his sceptre the steadier.
He was properly the first king of Jerusalem (his brother
Godfrey never accounted more than a duke) and was
crowned on Christmas day [Dec. 25]. The reason that
made him assume the name of a king was thereby to strike
the greater terror into the Pagans 7 . Thus our kings of
England from the days of King John were styled but lords
of Ireland, till Henry VIII. first entitled himself king,
because lord was slighted by the seditious rebels 8 . As for
that religious scruple which Godfrey made, to wear a
crown of gold where Christ wore one of thorns, Baldwin
easily dispensed therewith. And surely in these things the
1 Plin. lib. 5, cap. 24. 2 Tyrius, lib. 10, cap. 2.
3 Munst. Cosraog. lib. 3, p. 264.
4 Pantal. in Vita Caroli V. 5 Tyrius, lib. 10, cap. 1.
6 Fox, Martyrol. p. 136. 7 Munst. Cosmog. p. 1008.
8 Camden, Brit. p. 732.
A. D. 1102
THE HOLY WAR.
57
mind is all ; a crown might be refused with pride, and
worn with humility.
But before his coronation there was a tough bickering
about the city of Jerusalem. Dabert the patriarch, on the
death of Godfrey, devoured Jerusalem and the tower of
David in his hope, but coming to take possession, found
the place too hot for him. For Gamier earl of Gretz, in
the behalf of King Baldwin (who was not as yet returned
from Edessa) manned it against him. But so it happened,
that this valiant earl died three days after, which by Dabert
was counted a just judgment of God upon him for his
sacrilege 9 . Now though it be piety to impute all events to
God's hand, yet to say that this man's death was for such a
sin, showeth too much presumption towards God, and too
little charity towards our neighbour. Indeed if sudden
death had singled out this earl alone, it had somewhat
favoured their censure ; but there was then a general
mortality in the city which swept away thousands 10 ; and
which is most material, what this patriarch interpreted
sacrilege, others accounted loyalty to his sovereign. As for
that donation of the city of Jerusalem, and tower of David,
which Godfrey gave to the patriarch, some thought that
this gift overthrew itself with its own greatness, being so
immoderately large ; others supposed it was but a personal
act of Godfrey, and therefore died with the giver, as con-
ceiving his successors not obliged to perform it, because it
was unreasonable that a prince should in such sort fetter
and restrain those who should come after him. Sure it is,
that Baldwin having both the stronger sword, and possession
of the city, kept it perforce, whilst the patriarch took that
leave which is allowed to losers, to talk, chafe, and com-
plain; sending his bemoaning letters to Boemund prince
of Antioch 11 , inviting him to take arms, and by violence
to recover the church's right; but from him received the
useless assistance of his pity, and that was all.
CHAP. VIII. The Church Story during this King's Reign.
A Chain of successive Patriarchs Dabertus, Ebremarus,
Gibelline, and Arnulphus. Their several Characters.
\ FTERWARDS, this breach betwixt the king and
-/A. patriarch was made up by the mediation of some
friends [1 102] ; but the skin only was drawn over, not dead
9 Tyrius, lib. 10, cap. 4.
11 Tyrius, lib. 10.
Ursperg, p. 236.
58
THE HISTORY OF A.D.1103
flesh drawn out of the wound, and Arnulphus (whom we
mentioned before), discontented for his loss of the patriarch's
place, still kept the sore raw betwixt them. At last
Dabertus the patriarch was fain to flee to Antioch, where
he had plentiful maintenance allowed him by Bernard,
patriarch of that see [1103]. But he was too high in the
instep to wear another man's shoes, and conceived himself
to be but in a charitable prison whilst he lived on another's
benevolence. Wherefore hence he hasted to Rome 1 , com-
plained to the pope, and received from his holiness a
command to King Baldwin to be reestablished in the
patriarch's place ; but returning home died by the way at
Messina in Sicily, being accounted seven years patriarch,
four at home, and three in banishment.
1107.] Whilst Dabertus was thrust out, one Ebremarus
was made patriarch against his will by King Baldwin. A
holy and devout man, but he had more of the dove than
the serpent, and was none of the deepest reach. He, hear-
ing that he was complained of to the pope for his irregular
election, posted to Rome to excuse himself, showing he
was chosen against his will ; and though preferment may
not be snatched, it needs not be thrust away. But all
would not do ; it was enough to put him out, because the
king put him in. Wherefore he was commanded to return
home, and to wait the definitive sentence, which Gibellinus
archbishop of Aries, and the pope's legate, should pronounce
in the matter.
Gibellinus, coming to Jerusalem, concluded the election
of Ebremarus to be illegal and void, and was himself
chosen patriarch in his place, and the other in reverence of
his piety made archbishop of Caesarea. And though Ar-
nulphus (the firebrand of this church), desired the patri-
arch s place for himself, yet was he better content with
Gibellinus's election, because he was a thorough old man,
and hoped that candle would quickly go out that was in the
socket.
To this Gibellinus King Baldwin granted, that all places
which he or his successors should win, should be subject to
his jurisdiction 21 ; and this also was confirmed by Pope
Paschal II. But Bernard, patriarch of Antioch, found
himself much aggrieved hereat 3 , because many of these
cities, by the ancient canon of the council of Nice, were
1 Tyrius, lib. 11, cap. 4.
3 Baronius in anno 1108.
2 Idem, lib. 11, cap. 28.
A. D. 1112 THE HOLY WAR. 59
subject to his church. At last the pope took the matter
into his hand, and stroked the angry patriarch of Antioch
into gentleness with good language. He showed, how
since the council of Nice the country had got a new face ;
ancient mountains were buried, rivers drowned in oblivion,
and they new christened with other names ; yea, the deluge
of the Saracens' tyranny had washed away the bounds of
the church's jurisdictions, that now they knew not their
own severals, where Mahometanism so long had made all
common and waste. He desired him therefore to be con-
tented with this new division of their jurisdictions, especially
because it was reasonable, that the king of Jerusalem and
his successors should dispose of those places, which they
should win with their own swords. Bernard, perceiving
hereby how his holiness stood affected in the business,
contented his conscience that he had set his title on foot,
and then quietly let it fall to the ground, as counting it no
policy to show his teeth where he durst not bite.
Gibellinus never laid claim to the city of Jerusalem,
whether it was because in thankfulness for this large eccle-
siastical power which King Baldwin had bestowed upon
him, or that his old age was too weak to strive with so
strong an adversary. He sat four years in his chair, and
Arnulphus, thinking he went too slow to the grave, is
suspected to have given him something to have mended
his pace, and was himself substituted in his room by the
especial favour of King Baldwin.
1112]. This Arnulphus was called mala corona, as if all
vices met in him to dance a round. And no wonder if the
king, being himself wantonly disposed, advanced such a
man; for generally, loose patrons cannot abide to be pinched
and pent with over-strict chaplains. Besides, it was policy
in him to choose such a patriarch as was liable to exceptions
for his vicious life, that so if he began to bark against the
king, his mouth might be quickly stopped. Arnulphus
was as quiet as a lamb, and durst never challenge his
interest in Jerusalem from Godfrey's donation, as fearing
to wrestle with the king, who had him on the hip, and
could out him at pleasure for his bad manners. Amongst
other vices he was a great church robber, who to make
Emmelor his niece a princess, and to marry Eustace prince
of Sidon, gave her the city of Jericho for her dowry, and
lands belonging to his see worth five thousand crowns
yearly. And though papists may pretend that marriage
causeth covetousness in the clergy, yet we shall find when
60 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1101
the prelacy were constrained to a single life, that their
nephews ate more church bread than now the children of
married ministers. Yea, some popes not only fed their
bastards with church milk, but even cut off the church's
breasts for their pompous and magnificent maintenance.
And thus having dispatched the story of the church in this
king's reign, we come now to handle the business of the
commonwealth entirely by itself.
CHAP. IX. A mountain-like Army of new Adventurers, after
long and hard Travail, delivered^ of a Mouse. Alexius' &
Treachery.
THE fame of the good success in Palestine, summoned
a new supply of other pilgrims out of Christendom
[1101]. Germany, and other places which were sparing at
the first voyage, made now amends with double liberality.
The chief adventurers were, Guelpho duke of Bavaria (who
formerly had been a great champion of the popes against
Henry the emperor, and from him they of the papal faction
were denominated Guelphes ', in distinction from the impe-
rial party which were called Gibellines). Hugh brother
to the king of France, and Stephen, earl of Blois (both
which had much suffered in their reputation for deserting
their fellows in the former expedition, and therefore they
sought to unstain their credits by going again. Stephen
earl of Burgundy, William duke of Aquitain, Frederick
count of Bogen, Hugh brother to the earl of Toulouse,
besides many great prelates, Diemo archbishop of Salzburg,
the bishops of Millain and Pavie % which led fifty thousand
out of Lombardy, the total sum amounting to two hundred
and fifty thousand. All stood on the tiptoes of expectation to
see what so great an army would achieve ; men commonly
measuring victories by the multitudes of the soldiers. 'But
they did nothing memorable, save only that so many went
so far to do nothing. Their sufferings are more famous
than their deeds, being so consumed with plague, famine,
and the sword, that Conrad abbot of Ursperg, who went
and wrote this voyage, believeth that not a thousand of all
these came into Palestine 3 , and those so poor that their
bones would scarce hold together, so that they were fitter
to be sent into an hospital than to march into the field,
having nothing about them wherewith to affright their
1 Pantal. De Hist. Germ, part 2, p. 151.
2 Ursperg. p. 237. 3 In Chronico, p. 239.
A.D. 1101 THE HOLY WAR. 61
enemies, except it were the ghost-like ghastliness of their
famished faces. The army that came out of Lornbardy
were so eaten up by the swords of the Turks, that no frag-
ments of them were left, nor news to be heard what was
become of them ; and no wonder, being led by prelates
unexperienced in martial affairs, which though perchance
great clerks, were now to turn over a new leaf, which they
had no skill to read. Luther was wont to say 4 , that he
would be unwilling to be a soldier in that army where
priests were captains, because the church, and not the camp,
was their proper place ; whereas going to war, they willingly
outed themselves of God's protection, being out of their
vocation.
But the main matter which made this whole voyage
miscarry in her travail, was the treachery of the midwife
through whose hands it was to pass. For Alexius the
Grecian emperor feared, lest betwixt the Latins in the
east in Palestine, and west in Europe, as betwixt two mill-
stones, his empire lying in the midst should be ground to
powder. Whereupon, as these pilgrims went through his
country, he did them all possible mischief, still under the
pretence of kindness, (what hinderer to a false helper?)
calling the chief captains of the army his sons, but they
found it true, the more courtesy, the more craft. Yea, this
deep dissembler would put off his vizard in private, and
profess to his friends that he delighted as much to see the
Turks and these Christians in battle, as to see mastiff dogs
fight together 5 ; and that which side soever lost, yet he
himself would be a gainer 6 .
But when they had passed Grecia, and had crossed the
Bosporus (otherwise called the arm of St. George), enter-
ing into the dominion of the Turks, they were for thirty
days exposed a mark to their arrows. And though this
?reat multitude was never stabbed with any mortal defeat
in a set battle, yet they consumed away by degrees, the
cowardly Turks striking them when their hands were
pinioned up in the straits of unknown passages. The
generals bestrewed the country about with their corpses.
Great Hugh of France was buried at Tarsus in Cilicia ;
duke Guelpho, at Paphos in Cyprus; Diemo the arch-
bishop of Salzburg saw his own heart cut out 7 , and was
4 Cited by Lampad. Mellif. Histor. part 3, p. 268.
5 Bwoldus. 6 P. ^Emilius, p. 140.
7 Munst. Cosmog. p. 640.
62 THE HISTORY OF A.D.H.
martyred by the Turks at Chorazin 8 ; and God (saith ir.
author) manifested by the event, that the war was ni
pleasing unto him.
CHAP. X. Antipatris and Ctesarea won by the Christian*
The Variety of King Baldwin's Success.
MEANTIME Ring Baldwin was employed with bette
success in Palestine; for hitherto Joppa was th<
only port the Christians had ; but now by the assistance o
the Genoan fleet (who for their pains were to have a thirc
part of the spoil, and a whole street to themselves of even
city they took 1 ), Baldwin won most considerable haven-,
along the Midland Sea. He began with Antipatris, t(
ransom the Christian honour which was mortgaged here
because Godfrey was driven away from hence ; and nc
wonder, having no shipping z , whereas that army \vhicF
takes a strong harbour, otter-like, must swim at sea as wel
as go on ground.
Next he took Caesarea-Stratonis, built and so named
the honour of Caesar Augustus, by Herod the Great, whc
so politicly poised himself 3 , that he sat upright whilst th<
wheel of fortune turned round under him. Let Antony
win, let Augustus win, all one to him ; by contrary wind
he sailed to his own ends. Caesarea taken, Baldwin a
Rhamula put the Turks to a great overthrow.
But see the chance of war; few days after at the san
place he received a great defeat by the infidels, wherein
besides many others, the two Stephens, earls of Burgund
and Blois, were slain. This was the first great overthrow
the Christians suffered in Palestine, and needs must blow
be grievous to them who were not used to be beaten. Th
king was reported slain, but fame deserved to be pardonec
for so good a lie, which for the present much disheartene
the Christians, a great part of the soldiers' courage being!
wrapped up in the life of the general.
Baronius (as bold as any Bethshemite to pry into the arki
of God's secrets 4 ) saith, this was a just punishment on
Baldwin for detaining the church's goods 5 . But to leave
hidden things to God, the apparent cause of his overthrow
was his own rashness 6 , being desirous to engross all the
8 Ursperg. p. 238. Tyrius, lib. 10, cap. 14.
2 Tyrius, lib. 9, cap. 18. 3 Josephus. 4 1 Sam. vi.
5 In Annal. Eccles. anno 1100, et rursus, anno 1104.
Tyrius, lib. 10, cap. 20.
1104 THE HOLY WAR. 63
it alone, without sending for succours and supplies from
neighbours. He assaulted his numerous enemies with
andful of men, and so brake himself, with covetousness
purchase more honour than he could pay for. And
in he discovered his want of judgment, being indeed
an arrow well feathered, but with a blunt pile ; he
swift, but did not sink deep. Thus his credit lay
eding, but he quickly stanched it. The Pagans, little
peeling to be reencountered, gave themselves over to
th and jollity (as security oftentimes maketh the sword
all out of their hands from whom no force could wrest
when Baldwin coming on them with fresh soldiers,
ttuck them with the back blows of an unexpected enemy,
*|ich always pierce the deepest, routed them and put
m to the flight. This his victory followed so suddenly
r his overthrow, that some mention not the overthrow
all, but the victory only ; as that good horseman is
rce perceived to be thrown, that quickly recovereth the
die.
, XL The Conquest of sundry fair Havens by the
Christians. Ptolemais, etc.
7HILST the king was thus busied in battle [1102],
Tancred prince of Galilee was not idle, but enlarged
Christian dominions with the taking of Apamea and
icea. These cities in Celosyria were built by Antio-
s 1 , and they agreed so well together, that they were
i [led sisters ; and as in concord, so in condition they went
d in hand, being now both conquered together,
tolemais next stooped to the Christian yoke [1104],
named from Ptolemeus Philometer king of Egypt ; a city
edj the Mediterranean, of a triangular form, having two
es washed with the sea, the third regarding the champion.
Genoan galleys being seventy in number, did the main
vice in conquering, and had granted them for their
ard large profits from the harbour, a church to them-
ves, and jurisdiction over a fourth part of the city. This
lemais was afterwards the very seat of the holy war.
t me mind the reader of a Latin proverb, Lis Ptole-
ica* ; that is, a long and constant strife, so called, from
_|olemais, a froward old woman who was never out of
angling. But may not the proverb as well be verified
1 Tyrius, lib. 10, cap. 23. Idem, cap. 28.
2 Vide Erasm. Adag.
64 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1107{
of this city, in which there was ninescore years' fighting
against the Turks ?
With worse success did Baldwin count of Edessa, and
Earl Joceline besiege Charran in Mesopotamia 3 ; for when
it was ready to be surrendered, the Christian captains fell j
out amongst themselves, were defeated by the Pagans, and |
the two forenamed earls taken prisoners. This Charran is
famous for Abraham's living, and his father Terah's dying
there 4 ; and in the same place rich Crassus the Roman
vomited up the sacrilegious goods he had devoured of the
temple of Jerusalem, and had his army overthrown 5 . Nor
here may we overpass, how Boemund prince of Antioch,
with a great navy, spoiled the harbours of Grecia [llOTj,
to be revenged of treacherous Alexius the emperor. Volun-
taries for this service he had enough 6 , all desiring to have
a lash at the dog in the manger, and every man's hand
itching to throw a cudgel at him ; who like a nut tree must
be manured by beating, or else would never bear fruit ;
yet on some conditions an agreement at last was made
betwixt them 7 .
To return to Palestine. The next city that felt the
victorious arms of the Christians was Biblus ; a good
haven, and built by Heveus, the sixth son of Canaan.
Here Adonis was anciently worshiped, whose untimely
death by a boar Venus so much bemoaned ; and the fable
is moralized, when lust lamenteth the loss of beauty con-
sumed by age. Nor did Tripoli hold out long after [1109] ;
so called, because jointly built by the Tyrians, Sidonians,
and Aradites. And Berytus (since Barutus) accompanied
her neighbour, and both of them were yielded unto the
Christians. The king created one Bertram, a well-deserving
nobleman, earl of Tripoli, who did homage to the king for
his place, which was accounted a title of great honour, as
being one of the four tetrarchies of the kingdom of Jeru-
salem.
CHAP. XII. The Description of Sidon and Tyre ; the one
taken, the other besieged in vain, by Baldivin, 1110.
SIDON is the most ancient city of Phoenicia ; and though
the proud Grecians counted all Barbarians besides them-
selves, yet Phoenicia was the schoolmistress of Grecia, and
first taught her her alphabet. For Cadmus, a Phoenician
3 Tyrius, lib. 10, cap. 30. 4 Gen. xi. 31.
5 Josephus. Tyrius, lib. 11, cap. 6.
7 Idem.
A. D. 1112 THE HOLY WAR. 65
born, first invented and brought letters to Thebes. Sidon
had her name from the eldest son of Canaan 1 , and was
famous for the finest crystal glasses which here were made.
The glassy sand was fetched forty miles off, from the river
Belus; but it could not be made fusile till it was brought
hither 2 ; whether for want of tools, or from some secret
sullen humour therein, we will not dispute. This city
anciently was of great renown, but her fortune being as
brittle as her glasses, she was fain to find neck for every
one of the monarchs' yokes ; and now at last (by the assist-
ance of the Danish and Norwegian fleet 3 ) was subdued by
the Christians [Dec. 19. 1112].
Flushed with this conquest, they next besieged Tyre.
Sea and land, nature and art, consented together to make
this city strong ; for it was seated in an island, save that it
was tacked to the continent with a small neck of land, which
was fortified with many walls and towers. It is questionable
whether the strength or wealth of this city was greater;
but out of question that the pride was greater than either.
Here the best purples were dyed, a colour even from the
beginning destined to courts and magistracy ; and here the
richest clothes were embroidered and curiously wrought.
And though generally those who are best with their fingers
are worst with their arms, yet the Tyrians were also stout
men, able mariners, and the planters of the noblest colonies
in the world. As their city was the daughter of Sidon, so
was it mother to Rome's rival Carthage, Leptis, Utica,
Cadiz, and Nola. The most plentiful proof they gave of
their valour was, when for three years they defended them-
selves against Nebuchadnezzar ; and afterwards stopped the
full career of Alexander's conquests ; so that his victori-
ous army which did fly into other countries, was glad to
creep into this city. Yet after seven months' siege (such is
the omnipotency of industry) he forced it, and stripped this
lady of the sea naked beyond modesty and mercy, putting
all therein to the sword that resisted, and hanged up two
thousand of the prime citizens in a rank along the sea-
shore.
Yet afterwards Tyre outgrew these her miseries, and
attained, though not to her first giant-like, yet to a compe-
tent proportion of greatness. At this time wherein King
Baldwin besieged it, it was of great strength and impor-
1 Gen. x. 15. 2 Sand. Trav. p. 210.
3 Tyrius, lib. 11, cap. 14.
F
66 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1113
tance, insomuch that, finding it a weight too heavy for his
shoulders, he was fain to break off his siege and depart.
With worse success he afterwards did rashly give battle
to the vast army of the Persian general [1113], wherein he
lost many men, all his baggage, and escaped himself with
great difficulty 5 .
CHAP. XIII. The pleasurable Voyages of King Baldwin,
and his Death.
AFTER the tempest of a long war, a calm came at last,
and King Baldwin had a five years' vacation of peace
in his old age ; in which time he disported himself with
many voyages for pleasure : as one to the Red Sea [1116],
not so called from the redness of the water or sand, as some
without any colour have conceited, but from the neigh-
bouring Edomites, whom the Grecians called Erythreans,
or red men, truly translating the Hebrew name of Edomites :
they had their name of redness from their father Edom x .
And here Baldwin surveyed the country, with the nature
and strength thereof. Another journey he took afterwards
into Egypt* [1117], as conceiving himself engaged in
honour to make one inroad into that country, in part of
payment of those many excursions the Egyptians had made
into his kingdom. He took the city of Pharamia 3 , anciently
called Rameses, and gave the spoil thereof to his soldiers.
This work being done, he began his play, and entertained
the time with viewing that riddle of nature, the river Nile,
whose stream is the confluence of so many wonders : first,
for its undiscoverable fountain ; though some late geogra-
phers, because they would be held more intelligent than
others, have found the head of the Nile in their own brains,
and make it to flow from a fountain they fancy in the moun-
tains of the moon, in the south of Africa ; then for the strange
creatures bred therein, as river bulls, horses, and croco-
diles. But the chiefest wonder is the yearly increasing
thereof from the 17th of June to the midst of September 4 ,
overflowing all Egypt, and the banks of all human judg-
ment to give the true reason thereof.
Much time Baldwin spent in beholding this river,
5 Tyrius, lib. 11, cap. 19.
1 Scalig. on Festus in .'Egyptius, et Fuller, Miscell. lib. 4,
cap. 20. 2 Tyrius, lib. 11, cap. 31.
3 Calvisius makes it to be won at the former voyage.
4 Sand. Trav. p. 94.
A.D. 1118 THE HOLY WAR. 67
/herein he took many fishes, and his death in eating them ;
'or a new surfeit revived the grief of an old wound, which
many years before received at the siege of Ptolemais.
His sickness put him in mind of his sins, conscience
speaking loudest when men begin to grow speechless ; and
especially he grieved that, having another wife alive, he had
married the countess of Sicily, the relict of Earl Roger ;
jut now, heartily sorrowful for his fault, he sent away this
iis last wife : yet we read not that he received his former
again. Other faults he would have amended, but was pre-
vented by death. And no doubt, where the deed could not
present, the desire was a sufficient proxy. He died at
Laris, a city in the road from Egypt, and was brought to
Jerusalem, and buried on Palm Sunday, in the Temple of
the Sepulchre, in the eighteenth year of his reign [March
26,1118].
A prince superior to his brother Godfrey in learning,
equal in valour, inferior in judgment; rash, precipitate,
greedy of honour, but swallowing more than he could
ligest, and undertaking what he was not able to perform ;
little affected to the clergy, or rather to their temporal
greatness, especially when it came in competition with his
own ; much given to women (besides the three wives he
had, first marrying Gutrera, an English woman ; after her
death, Tafror, an Armenian lady; and, whilst she yet sur-
vived, the countess of Sicily), yet he had no child : God
commonly punishing wantonness with barrenness. For the
rest, we refer the reader to the dull epitaph written on his
tomb, which (like the verses of that age) runneth in a kind
of rhythm, though it can scarce stand on true feet :
Rex Baldwinus, Judm alter Maccab&us,
Spes patrite, vigor ecclesitf, virtus utriusque ;
Quern formidabant, cui dona tributa ferebant,
Cedar 5 , JEgypti Dan, ac homicida Damascus ;
Proh dolor ! in modico clauditur hoc tumulo.
Baldwin, another Maccabee for might ;
Hope, help of state, of church, and both's delight ;
Cedar, with Egypt's Dan, of him afraid,
Bloody Damascus to him tribute paid :
Alas! here in this tomb is laid.
Let him who pleaseth play the critic on the divers read-
ings; and whether by Dan be meant the Souldan, or whe-
* A liter Caesar.
63 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1118
ther it relateth to the conceit that Antichrist shall come of
the tribe of Dan. But perchance the text is not worth a
comment.
CHAP. XIV. Baldwin the Second chosen King. Prince
Eustace peaceably renounceth his Right.
IT happened the same day King Baldwin was buried, that
Baldwin de Burgo, his kinsman, and count of Edessa,
came casually into the city, intending only there to keep
his Easter, when behold the Christian princes met together
for the election of a new king. The greater part did centre
their suffrages on Prince Eustace, brother to the two former
kings, but then absent in France. They alleged that it was
not safe to break the chain of succession, where the inver-
sion of order bringeth all to confusion ; and that it was high
ingratitude to the memories of Godfrey and Baldwin to
exclude their brother from the crown, especially he being
fit in all points to be a king, wanting nothing but that he
wanted to be there ; that in the mean time some might be
deputed to lock up all things safe, and to keep the keys of
the state till he should arrive.
On the other side, some objected the dangers of an inter-
regnum, how when a state is headless, every malecontent
would make head ; inconveniences in another country would
be mischiefs here, where they lived in the mouth of their
enemies; and therefore to stay for a king was the way to
lose the kingdom.
Then Joceline, prince of Tiberias, a man of great autho-
rity, offered himself a moderator in this difference, and coun-
selled both sides to this effect : to proceed to a present
election, and therein to be directed, not confined by suc-
cession ; though they missed the next, let them take one of
Godfrey's kindred. As the case now stood, he must be
counted next in blood that was next at hand ; and this was
Baldwin, count of Edessa, on whom he bestowed most
superlative praises. All were much affected with these his
commendations, for they knew that Joceline was his sworn
adversary, and concluded that it must needs be a mighty
weight of worth in Baldwin, which pressed out praise from
the mouth of his enemy ; though indeed private ends
prompted him to speak this speech, who hoped himself to
get the earldom of Edessa when Baldwin should be trans-
lated to Jerusalem. However, his words took effect, and
Baldwin hereupon was chosen king [April 2, 1118], and
crowned on Easter day by Arnulphus, the patriarch 1 .
1 Tyrius, lib. 12, cap. 4.
A.D. 1119 THE HOLY WAR. 69
Meantime some secretly were sent to Prince Eustace to
come and challenge the crown. But he, hearing that another
was already in possession, though he was on his journey
coming, quietly went back again. A large alms, to give
away a kingdom out of his charity to the public cause.
Baldwin was of a proper personage, and able body, born
nigh Rheims, in France, son to Hugh, count of Rorstet,
and Millesent, his wife. He was exceedingly charitable to
the poor, and pious towards God ; witness the brawn on
his hands and knees made with continual praying : valiant
also, and excellently well seen in all martial affairs .
We had almost forgotten what happened in this year, the
death of Alexius the Grecian emperor, that arch-hypocrite
and grand enemy of this war; on whom we may bestow
this epitaph :
If he of men the best doth know to live
Who best knows to dissemble, justly then
To thee, Alexius, we this praise must give,
That thou to live didst know the best of men.
And this was it at last did stop thy breath,
Thou knew'st not how to counterfeit with death.
His son, Calo-Johannes, succeeded him in his empire, of
whom we shall have much cause to speak hereafter.
CHAP. XV T .- The ecclesiastical Affairs in this King's
Reign.
ACCORDING to our wonted method, let us first rid
out of the way church matters in this king's reign, that
so we may have the more room to follow the affairs of the
commonwealth. We left Arnulphus, the last patriarch of
Jerusalem; since which time the bad savour of his life
came to the pope's nose, who sent a legate to depose him.
But Arnulphus hasted to Rome with much money 1 , and
there bought himself to be innocent, so that he enjoyed the
place during his life.
Guarimund succeeded in his place [1119], a very reli-
gious man, by whom God gave the Christians many victo-
ries. He called a council at Neapolis or Sichem, wherein
many wholesome things were concluded for reformation of
manners. Betwixt him and William, archbishop of Tyre
(an Englishman), there arose a difference, because this
archbishop would not receive his confirmation of him (from
whom, by ancient right, he should take it), but from the
1 Tyrius, lib. 11, cap. 26.
70 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1128
pope, counting it the most honour to hold of the highest
landlord. And indeed the pope for gain confirmed him,
though he should have sent him to .the patriarch. But the
court of Rome careth not though men steal their corn, so
be it they bring it to their mills to grind.
After Guarimund's death [1128], Stephen, abbot of St.
John de Valia, was chosen patriarch ; once a cavalier, but
afterward, laying down the sword, he took up the word, and
entered into orders. He awaked the patriarch's title to
Jerusalem, which had slept during his three predecessors,
and challenged it very imperiously of the king, for he was
a man of spirit and mettle. And indeed he had too much
life to live long. For the king, fearing what flame this spark
might kindle, and finding him to be an active man, gave
him (as it is suspected) a little more active poison, which
cut him off in the midst of his age and beginning of his
projects.
The king coming to him when he lay on his death-bed,
asked him how he did : to whom he answered 3 , " My lord,
for the present I am as you would have me" [1130]. A
cruel murder, if true ; but it is strange, that he whose hands
(as we have said) were hardened with frequent prayer,
should soften them again in innocent blood. Wherefore we
will not condemn the memory of a king on doubtful evi-
den. The patriarch's place was filled with William, prior
of the Sepulchre, a Fleming; a man better beloved than
learned.
CHAP. XVI. Knights-Templars and Teutonics instituted.
ABOUT this time the two great orders of Templars and
Teutonics appeared in the world [1119]. The former
under Hugh de Paganis, and Ganfred of St. Omer, their
first founders. They agreed in profession with the Hospi-
tallers, and performed it alike, vowing poverty, chastity, and
obedience, and to defend pilgrims coming to the sepulchre.
It is falsely fathered on St. Bernard, that he appointed them
their rule * ; who prescribeth not what they should do, but
only describeth what they did*: namely, how they were
never idle, mending their old clothes when wanting other
employment. ; never played at chess or dice, never ha%vked
nor hunted, beheld no stage-plays ; arming themselves with
faith within, with steel without; aiming more at strength
3 Tyrius, lib. 13, cap. 25. ' Baronius, in anno 1127.
2 Quarto el quinto cap. exhort.
A.D. 1119 THE HOLY WAR. 71
than state ; to be feared, not admired ; to strike terror with
their valour, not stir covetousness with their wealth in the
heart of their enemies. Other sweet praises of them let
him who pleaseth fetch from the mouth of this mellifluous
doctor.
Indeed, at first they were very poor, in token whereof
they gave for their seal two men riding on one horse 3 . And
hence it was, that if the Turks took any of them prisoners,
their constant ransom was sword and a belt 4 ; it being con-
ceived that their poor state could stretch to no higher price.
But after their order was confirmed by Pope Honorius (by
the entreaty of Stephen, the patriarch of Jerusalem), who
appointed them to wear a white garment, to which Euge-
nius the Third added a red cross on their breast, they grew
wonderfully rich by the bounty of several patrons ; yea,
the king and patriarch of Jerusalem 5 dandled this infant
order so long in their laps till it brake their knees, it grew
so heavy at last ; and these ungrateful Templars did pluck
out the feathers of those wings which hatched and brooded
them. From almsmen they turned lords ; and though 'very
valiant at first (for they were sworn rather to die than to
fly), afterwards laziness withered their arms, and swelled
their bellies. They laughed at the rules of their first insti-
tution, as at the swaddling clothes of their infancy ; neg-
lecting the patriarch, and counting themselves too old to be
whipped with the rod of his discipline ; till partly their
viciousuess and partly their wealth caused their final extir-
pation, as (God willing) shall be showed hereafter 6 .
At the same time began the Teutonic order, consisting
only of Dutchmen well descended, living at Jerusalem in
a house which one of that nation bequeathed to his country-
men that, came thither on pilgrimage. In the year 1190
their order was honoured with a great master, whereof the
first was Henry a- Walpot; and they had a habit assigned
them to wear, black crosses on white robes : they were to
fight in the defence of Christianity against Pagans. But
we shall meet with them more largely in the following
story.
3 Weaver, Fun. Mon. p. 71. 4 Hospin. De Orig.
8 Tyrius, lib. 12, cap. 7. 6 Lib. 5, cap. 1 3.
Mon.
72 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1122
CHAP. XVII. The Christians' Variety of Success. Tyre
taken by the Assistance of the Venetians.
IT is worth the reader's marking how this king's reign
was chequered with variety of fortune ; for first, Roger,
prince of Antioch * (or rather guardian in the minority of
young Boemund), went forth with greater courage than
discretion; whereunto his success was answerable, being
conquered and killed by the Turks. But Baldwin, on the
14th of August following, forced the Turks to a restitution
of their victory, and with a small army gave them a great
overthrow, in spite of Gazi, their boasting general.
To qualify the Christians' joy for this good success, Joce-
line, unadvisedly fighting with Balak, a petty king of the
Turks, \vas conquered and taken prisoner [1122]; and
King Baldwin, coming to deliver him, was also taken him-
self, for which he might thank his own rashness ; for it had
been his best work to have done nothing for a while, till
the Venetian succours, which were not far off, had come
to him, and not presently to adventure all to the hazard of
a battle.
Yet the Christians' hands were not bound in the king's
captivity; for Eustace Grenier, chosen viceroy whilst the
king was in durance, stoutly defended the country, and
Count Joceline, who had escaped out of prison, fighting
again with Balak at Hircapolis, routed his army, and killed
him with his own hands. But the main piece of service
was the taking of Tyre, which was done under the conduct
of Guarimund, the patriarch of Jerusalem ; but chiefly by
the help of the Venetian navy, which Michael their duke
brought, who for their pains were to have a third part of
the city to themselves. Tyre had in it store of men and
munition ; but famine increasing (against whose arrows
there is no armour of proof), it was yielded on honourable
terms. And though perhaps hunger shortly would have
made the Turks digest coarser conditions, yet the Christians
were loath to anger their enemies' valour into desperateness.
Next year the king returned home [June 29], having
been eighteen months a prisoner, being to pay for his ransom
a hundred thousand Michaelets, and for security he left his
daughter in pawn. But he paid the Turks with their own
money, or (which was as good coin) with the money of
the Saracens, vanquishing Barsequen their captain at An-
1 Tyrius, lib. 12, cap. 10.
i.D. 1131 THE HOLY WAR. 73
ioch [1125] : and not long after he conquered Doldequin,
mother great commander of them at Damascus [1126],
To correct the rankness of the Christians' pride for this
*ood success, Damascus was afterwards by them unfortu-
nately besieged [1130]. Heaven discharged against them
thunder ordinance, arrows of lightning, small-shot of hail,
whereby they being miserably wasted were forced to depart.
And this affliction was increased when Boemund, the young
)rince of Antioch, one of great hope and much lamented,
defeated and slain [1131]. Authors impute these
mishaps to the Christians' pride, and relying on their own
strength, which never is more untrusty than when most
rusted. True it was, God often gave them great victories,
.vhen they defended themselves in great straits : hereupon
they turned their thankfulness into presumption, grew at last
from defending themselves to dare their enemies on disad-
vantages to their often overthrow : for God will not unmake
lis miracles by making them common. And may not this
also be counted some cause of their ill success, that they
always imputed their victories to the material cross which
was carried before them ; so that Christ's glory, after his
ascension, suffered again on the cross by their superstition.
CHAP. XVIII. The Death of Baldwin the Second.
KING Baldwin, a little before his death, renounced the
world, and took on him a religious habit. This was
he fashion of many princes in that age, though they did it
or divers ends. Some thought to make amends for their
disordered lives by entering into some holy order at their
deaths; others, having surfeited of the world's vanity, fasted
rom it when they could eat no more, because of the impo-
ency of their bodies ; others, being crossed by the world by
ome misfortune, sought to cross the world again in re-
nouncing of it. These, like furious gamesters, threw up
heir cards, not out of dislike of gaming but of their game ;
and they were rather discontented to live than contented to
die. But we must believe that Baldwin did it out of true
devotion, to ripen himself for heaven, because he was piously
ffected from his youth, so that all his life was religiously
uned, though it made the sweetest music in the close. He
died not long after, on the 22d of August, in the thirteenth
ear of his reign, and was buried with his predecessors in the
Temple of the Sepulchre. By Morphe, a Grecian lady, his
wife, he had four daughters, whereof Millesent was the
eldest ; the second Alice, married to young Boemund,
or THE '
UNIVERSH
74 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 113:
prince of Antioch; the third Hodiern, wife to Reimund
prince of Tripoli; and Mete the youngest, abbess c
Bethany.
CHAP. XIX. Of Fuko, the fourth King of Jerusalem.
FULCO, earl of Tours, Mara, and Anjou, coming som<
three years before on pilgrimage to Jerusalem [1132]
there took in marriage Millesent, the king's daughter. IL
had assigned to him the city of Tyre, and some othe
princely accommodations for his present maintenance, anc
the kingdom after the death of his father-in-law, which h
received accordingly. He was well nigh sixty years old
and by his first wife he had a son, Geffrey Plantagenet ear
of Anjou, to whom he left his lands in France, and frorr
whom our kings of England are descended. This Fulc
was a very valiant man, able both of body and mind. Hi
greatest defect was a weak memory (though not so bad a
that of Messala Corvinus 1 , who forgot his own name)
insomuch that he knew not his own servants, and those
whom he even now preferred were presently after strangers
unto him. Yet though he had a bad memory whilst he
lived, he hath a good one now he is dead, and his virtues
are famous to posterity.
CHAP. XX. The' Church Story during this King's Reign.
The remarkable Ruin of Rodolphus, Patriarch of Antioch.
THE church of Jerusalem yielded no alterations in the
reign of Fulco. But in Antioch there was much
stir who should succeed Bernard, that peaceable long-lived
man, who sat thirty-six years, and survived eight patriarchs
of Jerusalem. Now, whilst the clergy were tedious in theii
choice, the laity was too nimble for them, and they (thinking
it equal to have a hand in making, who must have theii
arms in defending a .patriarch) clapped one Rodolphus, ol
noble parentage, into the chair* [1136]. He presently took
his pall off from the altar of St. Peter, thereby sparing both
his purse and pains to go to Rome, and acknowledging no
other superior than that apostle for his patron. This man
was the darling of the gentry (and no wonder if they loved
him who was of their cloth and making), but hated of the
clergy. Wherefore knowing himself to need strong arms
who was to swim against the stream, he wrought himsell
1 Plin. lib. 7, cap. 24. 2 Tyrius, lib. ID.
D. 1136 THE HOLY WAR. 75
nto the favour of the princess of Antioch, the widow of
young Boemund, so that he commanded all her command,
ind beat down his enemies with her strength. He promised
o make a marriage betwixt her and Reimund, earl of
Poictou (a Frenchman of great fame, who was coming into
these parts), but he deceived her, and caused the earl to
marry Constantia, the daughter of this lady, by whom he
ad the principality of Antioch. Indeed this Constantia
was but a child for age ; but they never want years to marry
who have a kingdom for their portion.
The patriarch, to make sure work, bound Prince Reimund
by an oath to be true to him ; but friends unjustly gotten
are seldom comfortably enjoyed. Of his sworn friend he
)roved his sworn enemy, and forced him to go up to Rome,
here to answer many accusations laid to his charge, wherein
the groundwork perchance was true, though malice might
set the varnish on it. The main matter was, that he made
Ddious comparisons betwixt Antioch and Rome, and counted
limself equal to his holiness.
Rodolphus, coming to Rome, found the pope's doors shut
against him, but he opened them with a golden key.
Vloney he sowed plentifully, and reaped it when he came to
be tried ; for he found their hands very soft towards him
whom formerly he had greased in the fist. He also resigned
lis old pall, and took a new one from the pope. As for
lis other crimes, it was concluded that Albericus, bishop of
Ostia, should be sent into Syria the pope's legate, to examine
matters, and to proceed accordingly with the patriarch, as
hings there should be found alleged and proved; whereat
lis adversaries much stormed, who expected that he should
nstantly have been deposed.
Yet afterwards they prevailed mightily with Albericus,
he legate, and bowed him on their side. He, coming to
Antioch, cited the patriarch to appear, who, being thrice
ailed, came not. On his absence all were present with
heir conjectures what should cause it ; some imputing it to
lis guiltiness, others to his contempt, others to his fear of
lis enemy's potency, or judge's partiality, for indeed the
egate came not with a virgin judgment, but ravished with
>rejudice, being prepossessed with this intent to dispossess
iim of his place. Some thought he relied on his peace
ormerly made at Rome, where the illegality of his election
ras rectified by his laying down his first pall, and assuming
new one from the pope.
Here was it worth the beholding in what several streams
76 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1141
men's affections ran 3 . All wished that the tree might be
felled, who had hopes to gather chips by his fall, and espe-
cially one Arnulphus, and Dean Lambert, the promoters
against the patriarch. Others pitied him, and, though
perchance content that his roof might be taken down, were
loath he should be razed to the ground. Some reserved their
affections till they were counselled by the event which side
to favour, and would not be engaged by any manifest
declaration, but so that they might fairly retreat if need
required. Amongst other prelates which were present,
Serlo, archbishop of Apamea, was one, who formerly had
been a great enemy to the patriarch, but had lately taken
himself off from that course. The legate demanded of him
why he proceeded not to accuse the patriarch as he was
wont; to whom he answered 4 , " What formerly I did was
done out of unadvised heat against the health of my soul,
discovering the nakedness of my father, like to cursed Ham
and now God hath recalled me from mine error : so that I
will neither accuse, nor presumptuously judge him, but am
ready to die for his safety." Hereupon the legate immedi-
ately (such was the martial law in a churchman) deposed
him from his archbishopric. Little hope then had the
patriarch, who saw himself condemned in his friend : and he
himself followed not long after 5 , being thrust out by vio-
lence, cast into prison, and there long kept in chains, till at
last he made an escape to Rome, intending there to traverse
his cause again, had not death (occasioned by poison, as is
thought) prevented him [1141].
CHAP XXI. Calo- Johannes, the Grecian Emperor, dc-
mandeth Antioch. Reimund, the Prince thereof, doeth
Homage to him for it.
(^ ALO-JOHANNES, the Grecian emperor, came up
\J with a vast army of horse and foot 1 [1136], and de-
manded of Reimund, prince of Antioch, to resign unto him
that whole signory, according to the composition which the
Christian princes made with Alexius, his father 1 .
Hereat Reimund and all the Latins stormed out of
measure: had they purchased the inheritance of the land
with their own blood, now to turn tenants at will to another?
3 Baronius, in anno 1136. 4 Tyrius, lib. 15, cap. 16i.
5 Tyrius, lib. 15, cap. 17. Idem, lib. 14, cap. 14.
2 Vide supra, book l,chap. 15.
.D. 1140 THE HOLY WAR. 77
ome pleaded that the ill usage of Alexius 3 extorted from
rodfrey and the rest of the pilgrims that agreement, and
n oath made by force is of no force, but may freely be
roken, because not freely made. Others alleged that when
oitioch was first won, it was offered to Alexius, and he
ifused it 4 ; so fair a tender was a payment. Others argued
lat that generation which made this contract was wholly
ead, and that the debt descended not on them to make
good. But most insisted on this, that Alexius kept not
is covenants, and assisted them not according to the agree-
lent. Indeed he called these princes his sons, but he
isinherited them of their hopes, and all their portion was
n promises never paid. No reason then that the knot of
he agreement should hold them fast, and let him loose.
The worst of these answers had been good enough, if their
words had been as strong as the Grecian emperor's. But he
:oming with a numerous army, in few days overcame all
^ilicia (which for forty years had belonged to the prince of
^.ntioch), and then besieged the city of Antioch itself.
? orce is the body, and resolution the soul of an action :
30th these were well tempered together in the emperor's
irmy, and the city brought to great distress; whereupon
?ulco, king of Jerusalem, with some other princes, fearing
vhat woful conclusion would follow so violent premises,
nade a composition between them ; so that Reimund did
lomage to the emperor, and held his principality as a vassal
rom him. And though four years after the emperor came
igain into these parts [1140], yet he did not much harm ;
)illaging was all his conquest. Some years after he died,
>eing accidentally poisoned by one of his own arrows,
which he intended for the wild boar. A prince so much
better to the Latins than his father Alexius, as an honourable
be is above a treacherous friend. His empire he disposed
to Emmanuel, his son.
CHAP. XXII. The Succession of the Turkish Kings and the
Saracen Caliphs. Of the unlimited Power of a Souldan.
Some Resemblance thereof anciently in the Kingdom of
France.
O great service of moment was performed in the reign
__ . of King Fulco, because he was molested with domesti-
cal discords, and intestine wars against Paulinus count of
3 Ursperg. p. 235, tortis sacramentis.
4 Vide supra, book 1, chap. Id.
N
73 THE HISTORY OF
Tripoli, and Hugh earl of Joppa; only Beersheba was
fortified, and some forts built about Askelon, as an intro-
duction to besiege it. Also skirmishes were now and then
fought with variety of success against Sanguin, one of the
Turks' great princes.
And here let the reader take notice, that though we have
mentioned many commanders, as Auxianus, Corboran,
Ammiravissus, Tenduc, Gazi, Balak, Dordequin, Borscquin,
Sanguin, some Turkish, some Saracen, yet none of these
were absolute kings (though perchance in courtesy some-
times so styled by writers), but were only generals and lieu-
tenants accountable to their superiors, the caliphs either of
Babylon or Egypt. Who what they were, we refer the reader
to our chronology.
Caliph was the pope (as I may say) of the Saracens, a
mixture of priest and prince. But we need not now trouble
ourselves with curiosity in their successions, these caliphs
being but obscure men, who confined themselves to plea-
sures, making play their work, and having their constant
diet on the sauce of recreation. We are rather to take
notice of their generals and captains, which were the men
of action. FoY a souldan (which was but a viceroy), with
his borrowed light, shineth brighter in history than the
caliph himself, yet may we justly wonder that these slothful
caliphs should do nothing themselves, and commit such
unlimited power to their souldans,especially seeing too much
trust is a strong temptation to make ambitious flesh and
blood disloyal. Yet something may be said for the caliph
of Egypt, besides that the pleasures of that country were
sufficient to invite him to a voluptuous life*. First, the
awful regard which the Egyptians had of their princes gave
them security to trust their officers with ample commission.
Secondly, herein they followed an ancient custom practised
by the Pharaohs anciently, who gave unto Joseph so large
authority, as we may read in Genesis 1 . Some example also
we have hereof in France about nine hundred years ago.
Childeric, Theodoric, Clovis, Childebert, Dagobert, &c. a
chain of idle kings well linked together, gave themselves
over to pleasures privately, never coming abroad ; but only
on May-day they showed themselves to the people, riding
in a chariot, adorned with flowers, and drawn with oxen
(slow cattle, but good enough for so lazy luggage) whilst
1 Sir Walter Raleigh, part 1, book 2, chap. ytf.
2 Gen. xli. 40.
ID. 1143 THE HOLY WAR. 79
lharles Martell and Pipin, mayors of the palace, opened
tickets, gave audience to embassadors, made war or peace,
lacted and repealed laws at pleasure, till afterwards, from
mtrollers of the king's household, they became controllers
the kings, and at last kings themselves.
To return to Egypt. Let none be troubled (pardon a
laritable digression to satisfy some scrupulous in a point
chronology) if they find anciently more kings of the
Igyptians, and longer reigning than the consent of times
fill allow room for : for no doubt that which hath swelled
te number, is the counting deputies for kings. Yea, we
id the Holy Spirit, in the same breath, speak a viceroy to
a king and no king; There was no king in Edom; a
\puty was king 3 .
[CHAP. XXIII. The lamentable Death of King Fulco.
"HEN Fulco had now eleven years with much in-
dustry and care (though with little enlarging of his
)minions) governed the land, he was slain in earnest as
blowing his sport in hunting, to the great grief of his sub-
its 1 [1142]. And we may hear him thus speaking his
>itaph :
A hare I hunted, and death hunted me ;
The more my speed was, was the worse my speed :
For as well-mounted I away did flee,
Death caught and kill'd me, falling from my steed.
Yet this mishap a happy miss I count,
That fell from horse that I to heaven might mount,
prince of a sweet nature ; and though one would have
ad him to be very furious by his high-coloured countenance,
[et his face was a good hypocrite ; and (contra leges istiiis
loris, saith Tyrius *) he was affable, courteous, and pitiful
all in distress. He was buried with his predecessors in
le Temple of the Sepulchre, leaving two sons, Baldwin who
ras thirteen, and Almerick seven years old*
!HAP. XXIV. The Disposition of Baldwin the Third. The
Care of Queen Millesent in her Son's Minority.
BALDWIN succeeded his father [1143], who quickly
^ grew up, as to age, so in all royal accomplishments,
id became a most complete prince; well learned, espe-
3 1 Kings, xxii. 47. Melek in both.
1 Tyrius, lib. 15. cap. ult. 2 Lib. 14. cap. 1.
80 THE HISTORY OF A. D.I 148
cially in history; liberal ; very witty and very pleasant hi
discourse; he would often give a smart jest, which would
make the place both blush and bleed where it lighted : yet
this was the better taken at his hands, because he cherished
not a cowardly wit in himself, to wound men behind their
backs, but played on them freely to their faces ; yea, and
never refused the coin he paid them in, but would be
contented (though a king) to be the subject of a good jest :
and sometimes he was well-favouredly met with 1 ; as the
best fencer in wit's school hath now and then an unhappy
blow dealt him. Some thought he descended beneath him-
self in too much familiarity to his subjects : for he would
commonly call and salute mean persons by their names :
but the vulgar sort, in whose judgments the lowest stars are
ever the greatest, conceived him to surpass all his prede-
cessors, because he was so fellow-like with them.
But whilst yet he was in minority, his mother Millesent
made up his want of age with her abundant care, being
governor of all : a woman in sex, but of a masculine spirit.
She continued a widow : and as for children's sake she
married once, so for her children's sake she married no
more. St. Bernard and she spake often together by letters* :
he extolled her single life, how it was more honour to live a
widow, than to be a queen': this she had by birth, that by
God's bounty ; this she was happily begotten, that she had
manfully gotten of herself 3 . Yet we find not that she made
a vow never to marry again ; wherein she did the wiser :
for the chastest minds cannot conclude, from the present
calm, that there will never after arise any lustful storm in
their souls. Besides, a resolution is a free custody ; but a
vow is a kind of prison, which restrained nature hath the
more desire to break.
CHAP. XXV. Of Fulcher Patriarch of Jerusalem, and the
Insolence of the Hospitallers against him.
WILLIAM, who was last possessed of the patriarch's
chair in Jerusalem, was none of the greatest clerks.
But whatsoever! he was for edifying of the church, he was
excellent at building of castles (one at Askelon, another at
Ramula, a third called Blank-guard for the securing of pil-
grims), till at last, having sat in his place fifteen years, he
1 Tyrius, lib. 16, cap. 2. 2 Epist. 206, col. 1569.
3 Illud tibi ex genere, istud ex munere Dei; illud feh'citer
nata es, hoc viriliter nacta. Epist. 289. col.
A. D. 1156 THE HOLY WAR. 81
|\vas translated to heaven [1145], and on earth Fulcher
archbishop of Tyre succeeded him. An honest old man,
whose weak age was much molested with the pride and
rebellion of the Hospitallers, who lately had procured from
the pope a plenary exemption from the patriarch. This his
holiness did the more willingly grant, because hereby he
made himself absolute master of all orders, pinning them
on himself by an immediate dependence, and so bringing
water to his mill by straighter and nearer stream. But hereby
the entireness of episcopal jurisdiction was much maimed
and mangled, and every convent was a castle of rebels, armed
with privileges to fight against their lawful diocesan.
Now as these Hospitallers wronged the power of the
bishops, so did they rob the profit of poor priests, refusing
to pay any tithes of their manors, which contained many
parishes (so that the pastors who fed the flocks were
starved themselves; and having laboured all day in the
vineyard, were at night sent supperless to bed), the Hospi-
tallers pleading that the pope had freed them from these
duties ; as if an acquittance under the hand of his holiness
was sufficient to discharge them from paying of tithes, a
debt due to God. Other foul crimes they also were guilty
of: as, outbraving the Temple of the Sepulchre with their
I stately buildings ; giving the sacraments to and receiving of
excommunicated persons; ringing their bells when their pa-
triarch preached, that his voice might not be heard ; shooting
I arrows into the church to disturb him and the people in
[divine service 1 ; a bundle whereof were hung up as a mo-
nument of their impiety [1156].
Fulcher the patriarch crawled to Rome, being a hundred
years old, to complain of these misdemeanours; carrying
with him the archbishop of Tyre and five other bishops.
But he had sped better, if instead of every one of them he
had carried a bag of gold. For the Hospitallers prevented
him, and had formerly been effectually present with their
large bribes, so that the patriarch's suit was very cold ; and
no wonder, seeing he did afford no fuel to heat it. The
cardinals' eyes in the court of Rome were old and dim ; and
therefore the glass wherein they see any thing must be well
silvered. Indeed two of them, Octavian, and John of St.
Martin, favoured Christ's cause and his ministers, but all
the rest followed gifts, and the way of Balaam the son of
Tyrius, lib. 18. cap. 3.
c
82 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1142
Bosor 3 . But here Baronius 4 , who hitherto had leaned on
Tyrius 's authority, now starteth from it : and no wonder,
for his pen will seldom cast ink, when he meeteth with the
corruption of the Romish court. But sure it was, that the
good patriarch, wearied with delays, returned back with his
grievances unredressed. Whereupon the Hospitallers grew
more insolent; and, under pretence of being freed from
fetters, would wear no girdle; denying not only subjection,
but any filial obedience to a superior.
CHAP. XXVI. Of Almericus Patriarch of Antioch, his
instituting of Carmelites. Their differing from the Pattern
of Elias.
AFTER the tragical life and death of Rodolphus patri-
arch of Antioch [1142], who was twelve years patri-
arch, counting his banishment, Haymericus by the contrary
faction and power of Prince Reimund succeeded him, with
little quiet and comfort of his place.
And here, to our grief, must we take our final farewell of
the distinct succession of the patriarchs of Antioch, with the
years that they sat ; such is the obscurity and confusion of
it. Yet no doubt this Haymericus was the same with Al-
mericus 1 , who about the year 1160 first instituted the order
of Carmelites. Indeed formerly they lived dispersed about
the mountain of Carmel: but he gathered them together
into one house; because solitariness is a trespass against the
nature of man, and God, when he had made all things good,
saw it was not good for man to be alone.
Surely from great antiquity in the primitive church, many
retired themselves to solitary places (where they were always
alone, and always in the company of good thoughts) chiefly
to shade themselves from the heat of persecution *. Whose
example was in after ages imitated by others, when there
was no such necessity : as here by these Carmelites, whose
order was afterwards perfected in the year 1216, by Albert
patriarch of Jerusalem, with certain canonical observations
imposed upon them. And in the next age, these bees, which
first bred in the ground and hollow trees, got them hives
in gardens ; and, leaving the deserts, gained them princely
a Alii omnes abeuntes post munera, secuti sunt vias Balaam
filii Bosor. Tyrius, lib. 18, cap. 8.
4 Annal. Eccles. in anno 1155.
1 Compare Baronius with himself in these years, 1143, 1154,
1181, and we shall tind Haymericus and Almericus the same.
* Polid. Virg. lib. 7, cap. 3. Sabel. Enn. 9, lib. 5. Hospin.
De Orig. Men.
A.D. 1142 THE HOLY WAR. 83
houses in pleasant places. They pretended indeed that
they followed the pattern of Elias, though far enough from
his example. First, for their habit, they wore white coats
guarded with red streaks 3 : but they have no colour in the
Bible that Elias ever wore such a livery ; it suits rather
with Joseph than with him. Secondly, by their order they
were to ride on he-asses ; whereas we read that Elias went
on foot, and rode but once in a chariot of fire. Thirdly
they by the constitution of Pope Nicholas V. had sisters of
their company living near unto them 4 ; we find Elias to have
no such feminine consorts. Fourthly, they lived in all lust
and laziness, as Nicolas Gallus their own general did com-
plain 5 that they were Sodomites, and compareth them to
the tail of the dragon : so that their luxury differed from
Elias's austerity, as much as velvet from sackcloth. Where-
fore that the Carmelites came from mount Carmel cannot be
denied: but on that mountain I find that both Elias and
Baal's priests gathered together; and let the indifferent
reader judge which of them their lives do most resemble.
Afterwards Pope Honorius III. counting the party-co-
loured coats these Carmelites did wear to be too gaudy,
caused them to wear only white, the colour which nature
doth dye ; simple, and therefore fittest for religion. But
Melexala king of Egypt, who formerly was very bountiful
to the Carmelites, knew not his almsmen in their new coats,
but changed his love, as they their livery, and persecuted
them out of all Egypt. It seemeth afterwards, by the com-
plaint of Mantuan, that they wore some black again over
their white : for he playeth on them, as if their bad manners
had blacked and altered their clothes 6 .
Now, though Palestine was their mother, England was
their best nurse. Ralph Fresburg, about the year 1240,
first brought them hither; and they were first seated at
Newenden in Kent 7 . A hundred and forty English
writers have been of this order 8 . And here they nourished
in great pomp, till at last King Henry VIII., as they came
out of the wilderness, so turned their houses into a wilder-
ness ; not only breaking the necks of all abbeys in England,
but also scattering abroad their very bones, past possibility
of recounting them.
3 Antonius, tit. 20. cap. 5. * Balaeus in Vita Nicol. V.
5 Vide Balaeum, centur. 4, cap. 42, in append. 2.
6 Eclog. 2. Iramutarunt mutati vellera mores.
7 Yet Camden saith they were first seated in Northumberland.
8 Pitsaeus, in indice Carm.
84 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1147
CHAP. XX VII. Edessa lost. The hopeful Voyage of Con-
rad the Emperor and Louis King of France, to the Holy
Land, blasted by the Perjidiousness of Em?nanuel the
Grecian Emperor.
EMPIRES have their set bounds, whither when they
come, they stand still, go back, fall down ; this we
may see in the kingdom of Jerusalem, which under Godfrey
and the two first Baldwins was a gainer, under Fulco a
saver, under the succeeding kings a constant loser, till all
was gone. For now Sanguin, prince of the Turks (as
bloody as his name), wrested from the Christians the
country and city of Edessa, one of the four tetrarchies of
the kingdom of Jerusalem. And though Sanguin shortly
after was stabbed at a feast, yet Noradin his son succeeded,
and exceeded him in cruelty against the Christians.
The loss of Edessa [1147] (wherein our religion had
flourished ever since the apostles' time 1 ) moved Conrad,
emperor of the West, and Louis VII. surnamed the Young,
king of France, to undertake a voyage to the Holy Land.
Pope Eugenius III. bestirred himself in the matter, and
made St. Bernard his solicitor to advance the design. For
never could so much steel have been drawn into the east,
had not this good man's persuasion been the loadstone : the
emperor's army contained two hundred thousand foot,
besides fifty thousand horse ; nor was the army of King Louis
much inferior in number. In France they sent a distaff
and a spindle to all those able men that went not with them,
as upbraiding their effeminateness 1 ; and no wonder, when
women themselves went in armour (having a brave lass, like
another Penthesilea, for their leader, so befringed with gold
that they called her Golden-foot 3 ), riding astride like men ;
which I should count more strange, but that I find all
women in England in the same posture on their horses, till
Anna 4 , wife to Ring Richard II., some two hundred years
since, taught them a more modest behaviour. The Turks
did quake, hearing of these preparations, which to them
were reported far greater than they were, feme (contrary to
all other painters) making those the greatest which are pre-
sented the farthest off.
1 Christiano nomini atemporibus Apostolorum devota. Tyri-
us, lib. 16, cap. 5. 2 P. ^mil. in Ludov. VII.
3 Nicetas, in Emm. Comn.
4 Camd. Britan. in Surrey.
A. D. 1147 THE HOLY WAR. 85
Conrad, with his army, took his way through Grecia;
where Emmanuel, the emperor, possessed with an hereditary
fear of the Latins, fortified his cities in the way, as knowing
there needed strong banks where such a stream of people
was to pass. And suspecting that if these pilgrims often
made his empire their highway into Palestine, little grass
would grow in so trodden a path, and his country thereby
be much endamaged, he used them most treacherously,
giving them bad welcome, that he might no more have such
guests. To increase their miseries, as the Dutch encamped
by the river Melas 5 (if that may be called a river which is
all mud in summer, all sea in winter), deserving his name
from this black and dismal accident, it drowned many with
its sudden overflowings, as if it had conspired with the
Grecians, and learned treachery from them.
. They that survived this sudden mishap were reserved for
lingering misery. For the Grecian emperor did them all
possible mischief, by mingling lime with their meal, by
killing of stragglers, by holding intelligence with the Turks
their enemies, by corrupting his coin, making his silver as
base as himself (so that the Dutch sold good wares for bad
money, and bought bad wares with good money), by giving
them false conductors, which trained them into danger, so
that there was more fear of the guides than of the way. All
which his unfaithful dealings are recorded by that faithful
historian Nicetas Choniates 6 ; who, though a Grecian born,
affirmeth these things ; the truth of his love to his country,
men no whit prejudicing his love to the truth.
CHAP. XXVIII. The Turks conquered at Meander. The
Dutch and French arrive in Palestine.
SCARCE had the Dutch escaped the treachery of the
Greeks, when they were encountered with the hostility
of the Turks, who waited for them on the other side of
Meander. The river was not fordable ; ship or bridge the
Christians had none: when, behold, Conrad the emperor
adventured on an action, which, because it was successful,
shall be accounted valiant, otherwise we should term it
desperate. After an exhortation to his army, he com-
manded them all at once to flounce into the river ! . Meander
was plunged by their plunging into it: his water stood
amazed, as unresolved whether to retreat to the fountain or
5 Nicetas, ut prius. 6 In Vita Manuel. Comn. lib. 1, 5.
' Knolles, Turk. Hist. p. 33.
86 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1147
proceed to the sea, and in this ecstasy afforded them a dry
passage over the stream z ; an act, which like that of Hora-
tius Cocles's leaping into Tiber 3 , plus famte ad posteros
habiturum quam Jidei, will find more admirers than be-
lievers with posterity. The affrighted Turks, on the other
side, thinking there was no contending with them that did
teach nature itself obedience, offered their throats to the
Christians' swords, and were killed in such number, that
whole piles of dead bodies remain there for a monument ;
like those heaps of the Cimbrians slain by Marius, near
Marseilles, where afterwards the inhabitants walled their
vineyards with sculls, and guarded their grapes with dead
men 4 -. Hence Conrad made forward to Iconium, now
called Cogni, which he besieged in vain, to the great loss
of his army.
The king of France followed after with great multitudes,
and drank of the same cup at the Grecians' hands, though
not so deeply; till at last, finding that those who marched
through the continent met with an ocean of misery, he
thought better to trust the wind and sea than the Greeks ;
and, taking shipping, safely arrived in Palestine, where he
was highly welcomed by Reimund, prince of Antioch.
Some weeks were spent in complying, entertainments, and
visiting holy places ; till at last, Eleanor, wife to the king of
France, who accompanied her husband, made religion her
pander, and played bankrupt of her honour 5 ; under pre-
tence of pilgrimage, keeping company with a base Saracen
jester, whom she preferred before a king. Thus love may
blindfold the eyes, but lust boreth them out. Yea, now she
pleaded that she might be no longer wife to the king,
because she was too near unto him, within the degrees for-
bidden. This new started scruple never troubled her before ;
but some have sluices in their consciences, and can keep
them open, or shut them as occasion required.
CHAP. XXIX. Damascus besieged in vain. The Return
of the Emperor and King; with- the Censure on this
Voyage.
THE late come pilgrims having sufficiently recreated
themselves, the emperor and the king of France con-
cluded to besiege Damascus : for a small town was con-
2 Nicetas, in Man. Comn. lib. 1, 6. 3 Liv. lib. 2.
4 Munst. Cosmog. lib. 2, p. 227.
5 Serres, translated by Grimstou, in Vita Ludov. VII. and
P. .-Emilias, in ejusdem Vita.
A. D. 1148 THE HOLY WAR. 87
ceived too narrow an object of their valour, whilst so
eminent an action was adequate to the undertakers. Da-
mascus is so pleasant a city, that Mahomet durst never
enter it, lest this deceiver should be deceived himself, and
be so ravished with the pleasures of the place, that he should
forget to go on in that great work he had in hand. Some
make Eliezer, Abraham's steward, builder of this city,
because he is called Eliezer of Damascus; though that
phrase speaketh him rather to have had his birth or dwell-
ing there, than the city her building from him. To pass
this by, because as the foundations are hidden in the ground,
so the founders of most ancient places are forgotten. It
was for many years after the metropolis of Syria, and was
now straitly besieged by the Christians with great hope of
success [1148], had they not afterwards fallen out amongst
themselves who should eat the chickens before they were
hatched. Conrad and King Louis destined the city to
Theodoric, earl of Flanders, lately arrived in those parts ;
whilst other princes which had been long resident in Pales-
tine, and borne the heat of the war, grudged hereat ; and
their stomachs could not digest the crudity of a raw upstart
to be preferred before them. Yea, some of the Christians,
corrupted with Turkish money (though when they received
it, it proved but gilded brass 1 ; may all traitors be paid in
such coin !), persuaded the king of France to remove his
camp to a stronger part of the walls; which they long
besieged in vain, and returned home at last, leaving the city
and their honours behind them.
The French proverb was verified of this voyage, " Much
bruit and little fruit." They not only did no good in the
Holy Land (save that some think their coming advantaged
King Baldwin for the taking of the city of Askelon 1 ), but
also did much harm. For now the Turks, seeing one city
both bear the brunt and batter the strength of both armies,
began to conceive that their own fear was their greatest
enemy ; and those swords of these new pilgrims which they
dreaded in the sheath, they slighted when they saw them
drawn, and shook off that awe which had formerly pos-
sessed them, of the strength of the western emperor. Many
thousand Christians perished in this adventure, whose souls
are pronounced by all the writers of this age to be carried up
into heaven on the wings of the holy cause they died for ;
1 Tlieodor. a Niein De Privileges Imperil, cap. de Con-
rado 4. a Sabellicus.
88 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1148
whose blessed estate I will not disprove; nor will I listen
to the unhappy Dutch proverb, " He that bringeth himself
into needless dangers, dieth the devil's martyr 3 ."
We must not forget how the French king, coming home-
ward, was taken prisoner by the fleet of the Grecian empe-
ror, and rescued again by Gregory, admiral to Roger king
of Sicily. When he was safely arrived in France, in open
parliament his wife was divorced from him. Her nearness
in blood was the only cause specified; and the king took
no notice of her inconstancy, accounting those but foolish
husbands who needlessly proclaim their wives' dishonesty.
He gave her back again all the lands in France which he
had received with her in portion, scorning her wealth which
neglected his love. Herein he did nobly, but not politicly,
to part with the dukedoms of Poictou and Aquitain, which
he enjoyed in her right ; for he brake his own garland by
giving her her flowers back again; mangled and dismem-
bered his own kingdom, and gave a torch into Henry king
of England's hands (who afterwards married her) to set
France on fire 4 -.
CHAP. XXX. An Apology for St. Bernard, whom the vul-
gar Sort condemned for the Murderer of those that went
this Voyage.
SLANDER (quicker than martial law) arraigneth, con-
demneth, and executeth all in an instant This we may
see in poor St. Bernard, who was the mark for every man's
tongue to shoot arrows against : and when this voyage had
miscarried, many condemned him 1 , because his persuasion
set this project not only on foot but on wings ; as if he had
thrust so many men, as one morsel, into the jaws of death.
But much may be alleged truly to excuse this good man.
First, he was but an instrument employed by Pope
Eugenius and a provincial council of French bishops to
forward the design *. . Rather then should they have blamed
his holiness who set him on work : but the saddle oftentimes
is not set on the right horse, because his back is too high
to be reached, and we see commonly that the instruments
are made screens to save the face of the principal from
scorching.
3 Cited by Luther, on Gen. iii. 4 Serres, in Ludov. VII.
1 Goffridus, in Vita Bern. lib. 3, cap. 4.
a Baron. Annal. Eccl. in auno 1140. Insistens operi sibi
coinmisso ab Eu^enio.
A. D. 1148. THE HOLY WAR. 89
Secondly, the true cause of the ill success was the vicious-
ness of the undertakers. For Germany at this time sur-
feited of lewd people, and those grew the fattest which
lived on the highways. But this voyage robbed the whole
country of her thieves 3 , and then no wonder if they found
their death in Asia, who deserved it in Europe. Hear
what Otho Frisingensis, who went this voyage, speaketh
impartially in the matter 4 :- " If we should say that Bernard,
that holy abbot, was inspired by God's Spirit to incite us to
this war, but we, through our pride and wantonness, not
observing his holy commands, deservedly brought on our-
selves the loss of our goods and lives, we should say nothing
but what is agreeable to reason, and to ancient examples."
However, it was a heavy affliction on St. Bernard's aged
back to bear the reproach of many people : it being a great
^rief for one to be generally condemned as guilty, for want
of proof of his innocency. And though God set his hand
to St. Bernard's testimonial by the many miracles which
it father wrought 5 , yet still some challenged him for a
counterfeit.
And surely this humiliation was both wholesome and
necessary for him. For the people, who cannot love with-
out doting, nor approve without admiring, were too much
transported with a high opinion of this man and his direc-
tions ; as if that arrow could not miss the mark which came
out of St. Bernard's bow. Wherefore this miscarriage came
very seasonably to abate their overtowering conceits of him ;
and perchance his own of himself. And no doubt he made
a good use of this bad accident. The less his fame blazed,
the more his devotion burned ; and the cutting off of his top
made him take deep root, and to be made more truly hum-
bled and sanctified. In his book of Consideration 6 he
maketh a modest defence of himself; whither we refer the
reader. To conclude : the devotion of this man was out of
question, so neglecting this world, that )ie even did spit out
that preferment which was dropped into his mouth : but as
for his judgment, it was not always the best; which gave
occasion to the proverb, Bernardus non videt ornnia.
3 Germania tune latrociniis frequens, purgabatur eo genere
liominum. Krantz. 6 Sax. cap. 13.
4 In Vita Fred. lib. 1, cap. 6, in fine.
6 Goffrid. ut prius. 6 Lib. 2, cap. 1.
90 THE HISTORY OF A.D.114&
CHAP. XXXI. Unseasonable Discords betwixt King Bald-
win and his Mother. Her Strength in yielding to her
Son.
UPON the departure of Emperor Conrad and King
Louis, Noradin the Turk much prevailed in Pales-
tine [1149]. Nor was he little advantaged by the discords
betwixt Millesent, queen-mother, and the nobility; thus
occasioned: There was a nobleman called Manasses, whom
the queen (governing all in her son's minority) made con-
stable of the kingdom. This man, unable to manage his
own happiness, grew so insolent that he could not go, but
either spurning his equals, or trampling on his inferiors.
No wonder then if envy, the shadow of greatness, waited
upon him. The nobility highly distasted him 1 ; but in all
oppositions the queen's favour was his sanctuary, who, to
show her own absoluteness, and that her affection should
not be controlled, nor that thrown down which she set up,
still preserved the creature she had made.
His enemies, perceiving him so fast rooted in her favour,
and seeing they could not remove him from his foundation,
sought to remove him with his foundation ; instigating
young King Baldwin against his mother, and especially
against her favourite. They complained how the state
groaned under his insolency ; he was the bridge by which
all offices must pass, and there pay toll ; he alone sifted all
matters, and then no wonder if much bran passed ; he, under
pretence of opening the queen's eyes, did lead her by the
nose, captivating her judgment instead of directing it; he,
like a by-gulf, devoured her affection, which should flow to
her children. They persuaded the king he was ripe for
government, and needed none to hold his hand to hold the
sceptre. Let him therefore either unite or cut himself loose
from this slavery, and not be in subjection to a subject.
Liberty needeth no hard pressing on youth ; a touch on
that stamp maketh an impression on that waxen age.
Young Baldwin is apprehensive of this motion, and prose-
cuteth the matter so eagerly, that, at length, he coopeth up
this Manasses in a castle, and forceth him to abjure the
kingdom. Much stir afterwards was betwixt him and his
mother; till at last, to end divisions, the kingdom was
divided betwixt them : she had the city of Jerusalem, and
the land-locked part; he the maritime half of the land.
1 Tyrius, lib. 17, cap. 13.
A. D.1153 THE HOLY WAR. 91
But the widest throne is too narrow for two to sit on
together. He, not content with this partition, marcheth
furiously to Jerusalem, there to besiege his mother, and to
take all from her. Out of the city cometh Fulcher, the good
patriarch 2 (his age was a patent for his boldness), and freely
reproveth the king : why should he go on in such an action
wherein, every step he stirred, his legs must need grate and
crash both against nature and religion? Did he thus
requite his mother's care in stewarding the state, thus to
affright her age, to take arms against her ? Was it not her
goodness to be content with a moiety, when the whole king-
dom in right belonged unto her?
But ambition had so enchanted Baldwin, that he was
penetrable with no reasons which crossed his designs : so
that by the advice of her friends she was content to resign
up all, lest the Christian cause should suffer in these dissen-
sions. She retired herself to Sebaste 3 , and abridged her
train from state to necessity. And now the less room she
had to build upon, the higher she raised her soul with
heavenly meditations ; and lived as more private, so more
pious till the day of her death.
CHAP. XXXII. Reimund, Prince of Antioch, overcome and
killed. Askelon taken by the Christians. The Death of
King Baldwin.
r 1 ^HESE discords betwixt mother and son were harmony
A in the ears of Noradin the Turk : who, coming with a
great army, wasted all about Antioch ; and Prince Reimund,
going out to bid him battle, was slain himself, and his army
overthrown : nor long after Joceline, count of Edessa, was
intercepted by the Turks, and taken prisoner.
As for Constantia, the relict of Reimund prince of
Antioch, she lived a good while a widow, refusing the
affections which many princely suitors proffered unto her,
till at last she descended beneath herself to marry a plain
man, Reinold of Castile [1153]. Yet why should we say
so, when as a Castilian gentleman (if that not a needless
tautology), as he maketh the inventory of his own worth,
prizeth himself any prince's fellow: and the proverb is,
Each layman of Castile may make a king, each clergyman
a pope. Yea, we had best take heed how we speak against
this match ; for Almericus, patriarch of Antioch, for in-
veighing against it, was by this Prince Reinold set in the
2 Tyrius, lib. 17, cap. 14. 3 Idem, ibidem.
92 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 115
heat of the sun with his bare head besmeared with honey
(a sweet bitter torment), that so bees might sting him t
death. But Ring Baldwin mediated for him, and obtaine<
his liberty, that he might come to Jerusalem, where he IP
many years in good esteem. And God's judgments aiT
said to have overtaken the prince of Antioch ; for, beside
the famine which followed in his country, he himself aftei
wards fighting unfortunately with the Turks, was takei
prisoner.
But let us step over to Jerusalem, where we shall fin<
King Baldwin making preparation for the siege of Aske
Ion ; which city, after it had long been blocked up, had a
last an assauhable breach made in the walls thereof. Thi
Templars (to whom the king promised the spoil if they too'
it) entered through this breach into the city ; and conceiving
they had enough to wield the work and master the place
set a guard at the breach, that no more of their fellov
Christians should come in to be sharers with them in th<
booty. But their covetousness cost them their lives 2 ; fo:
the Turks, contemning their few number, put them everj
one to the sword. Yet at last the city was taken, thoug
with much difficulty [Aug. 12, 1154].
Other considerable victories Baldwin got of the Turks
especially one at the river Jordan, where he vanquisher
Noradin: and twice he relieved Caesarea-Philippi, whicf
the Turks had straitly besieged. But death at last put
period to his earthly happiness [1163], being poisoned (a]
it was supposed) by a Jewish physician ; for the rest of the
potion killed a dog to whom it was given. This king':
youth was stained with unnatural discords with his mother
and other vices, which in his settled age he reformed. Le
the witness of Noradin, his enemy, be believed, who honour
ably refused to invade the kingdom whilst the funer;
solemnities of Baldwin were performing; and professec
the Christians had a just cause of sorrow, having lost sucl
a king, whose equal for justice and valour the world did no
afford 3 . He died without issue, having reigned one an<
twenty years. So that sure it is the printer's mistake ii
Tyrius, where he hath four and twenty years assigned hin
more than the consent of time will allow.
1 Tyrius, lib. 18, cap. 1. 2 Idem, lib. 17, cap. 27.
3 Idem, lib. 19, cap. 34.
D. 1163
THE HOLY WAR.
93
CHAP. XXXIII. King Almerick's Disposition.
LMERICK, brother to King Baldwin, earl of Joppa
and Askelon, succeeded to the crown [Feb. 18, 1163J.
It before his coronation he was enjoined by the pope's
[ate, and by the patriarch of Jerusalem, to dismiss Agnes
wife, daughter to Joceline the younger, count of Edessa,
mse she was his cousin in the fourth degree; with this
[ervation, that the two children he had by her, Baldwin
Sibyll, should be accounted legitimate, and capable of
[ir father's possessions. A prince of excellent parts ; of a
)st happy memory 1 (wherein also his brother Baldwin
.s eminent, though Fulco, their father, was wonderfully
[getful ; so true is the maxim, Pure personalia non propa-
itur, Parents entail neither their personal defects nor
[rfections on their posterity), solid judgment, quick appre-
ision ; but of a bad utterance, which made him use words
ly as a shield when he was urged and pressed to speak,
lerwise he preferred to be silent, and declined popularity
>re than his brother Baldwin affected it. Very thrifty he
and though Tully saith z , Did hominem frugi non
habet laudis in rege, yet moderate frugality is both
idable and necessary in a king. But our Almerick went
lewhat too far, and was a little poor in admiring of
|hes, laying great taxations on the holy places to their
ter impoverishing : yet was he not mastered by his purse,
ft made it his vassal, and spared no money on a just
:asion. He never received accusation against any of his
icers, and never reckoned with them (count it as you
>, carelessness or noble confidence), because he would
It teach them to be dishonest by suspecting them. Nor is
I the last and least part of his praise, that William, arch-
shop of Tyre (so often mentioned), wrote the Holy War
I his instance. Once he angered the good archbishop with
is question, Hpw the resurrection of the body may be
>ved by reason 3 ? Hereat the good prelate was much
spleased, as counting it a dangerous question, wherewith
[e removeth a foundation stone in divinity, though with
tent to lay it in the place again. But the king presently
nested, that he demanded it not out of any diffidence in
nself about that article, but in case one should meet with
sturdy man, who (as too many nowadays) would not
I 1 Tyrius,lib. 19, cap. 2.
I 3 Tyrius, lib. 19, cap. 3.
2 In Orat. pro Deiotaro.
94 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 116SJ
trust faith on her single bond, except he have reason joined
for security with her. Hereupon the archbishop alleged
many strong arguments to prove it, and both rested well
satisfied.
CHAP. XXXIV. Ecclesiastical Business. A Sultan of
Iconium, and the Master of the Assassins desired to be
christened. The Commonwealth of the Assassins de-
scribed.
IN the church of Jerusalem we find Almerick still patri-
arch ; a Frenchman born, but little fit for the place to
which he was preferred by the favour of Sibyll, countess of
Flanders, the king's sister. Meantime the church needed
a salique law, to forbid distaffs to meddle with mitres ; and
neither to be nor to make patriarchs.
But the most remarkable church matter in this king's
reign, was the clandestine christening of a sultan of Iconium.
And more of his courtiers might have followed him *, but
that his ambassadors being at Rome, were offended there
with the viciousness of Christians' lives ; which made them
to exclaim, " How can fresh and salt water flow from the
same fountain 2 ?" [1169] This hath made many Pagans
step back, which had one foot in our church, when they
have seen Christians believe so well and live so ill ; break-
ing the commandments against the creed.
Not long after, the great master of the Assassins wag
really disposed to receive our religion ; and to this end
sent an ambassador to King Almerick, which ambassador
was treacherously slain by one of the Templars [1173].
The king demanded this murderer of the master of the
Templars, that justice might pass upon him 3 . But the
master proudly answered, that he had already enjoined him
penance, and had directed to send him to the pope, but
stoutly refused to surrender him to the king. This cruel
murder imbittered the Assassins more desperately against
the Christians.
These Assassins were a precise sect of Mahometans, and
had in them the very spirits of that poisonous superstition.
They had some six cities, and were about forty thousand
in number, living near Antaradus in Syria. Over these
was a chief master (hell itself cannot subsist without a
Beelzebub ; so much order there is in the place of confu-
1 Baron, in anno 1169. 2 M. Paris in anno 1169.
3 Tyrius, lib. 20, cap. 32.
i. D. 1165 THE HOLY WAR. 95
ion), whom they called The Old Man of the Mountains 4 .
Vt his command they would refuse no pain or peril, but
.tab any prince whom he appointed out to death ; scorning
lot to find hands for his tongue, to perform what he
jnjoined. At this day there are none of them extant
except revived by the Jesuits, for sure Ignatius Loyola, the
ame father of blind obedience, fetched his platform hence),
Deing all, as it seems, slain by the Tartarians 5 , anno 1257.
But no tears need be shed at their funerals ; yea, pity it is
that any pity should be lavished upon them, whose whole
government was an engine built against human society,
worthy to be fired by all men ; the body of their state being
i very monstrosity, and a grievance of mankind.
UHAP. XXXV. Dargan and Sanar, two Egyptian Lords,
contending about the Sultany, Sanar callet/i in the Turks
to help him. Of the Danger of mercenary Soldiers ; yet
how, well qualified^ they may be serviceable.
EGYPT was the stage whereon the most remarkable
passages in the reign of King Almerick were acted.
[t will be necessary, therefore, to premise somewhat concern-
ng the estate of that kingdom at this time. Whilst the Turks
thus lorded it in Syria and the Lesser Asia, the Saracen caliph
commanded in Egypt; under whom, two great lords, Dar-
gan and Sanar, fell out about the sultany or viceroy ship of
that land. But Sanar, fearing he should be worsted by
Dargan, sued to Noradin king of the Turks at Damascus
for aid, who sent him an army of Turks, under the com-
mand of Syracon, an experienced captain, against Sultan
Dargan [1165]. So Dargan and Sanar met and fought.
The victory was Dargan's, but he enjoyed it not long, being
shortly after slain by treachery, whereby Sanar recovered
the sultan's place. Meantime how strange was the volup-
tuous lethargy of the caliph Elhadach, to pursue his private
pleasures, whilst his viceroys thus fought under his nose,
and employed foreign succours, yet he never regarded it ;
as if the tottering of his kingdom had rocked him fast
asleep.
Nor was he moved with that which followed, and more
nearly concerned him. For Syracon the Turkish captain,
whom Sanar had gotten to come into Egypt, would not be
entreated to go home again; but seized on the city of
4 M. Paris, anno 1147. P. ^railius, in Ludov. Juu.
5 M. Paris (aut ejus Continuator), in anno 1257.
06 THE HISTORY OF A.r.1161
Belbis, fortified it, and there attended the arrival of more
Turks from Damascus, for the conquest of Egypt. Which
afterwards they performed, the land being never completely
cleared of them, till at last they conquered the whole king-
dom, partly under this Syracon, and wholly under Saladin
his nephew.
And here my discourse (by the leave of the reader) must
a little sally forth to treat of the danger of entertaining
mercenary soldiers. They may perchance be called in with
a whistle, but scarce cast out with a whip. If they be
slugs, they endanger a state by their slothfulness ; if spirited
men, by their activity. Caesar Borgia, Machiavel's idol,
whose practice he raaketh the pattern of policy, saith, that
he had rather be conquered with his own men, than be
conqueror with an army of others, because he counted that
conquest to be none at all 1 .
Yet good physic may be made of poison well corrected.
They may sometimes be necessary evils, yea, good and
serviceable to defend a land, if thus qualified : First, if they
have no command of castles, or place near about the prince's
person, for then they have a compendious way to treason,
if they intend it. Secondly, if they be not entertained in
too great numbers, but in such refracted degrees, that the
natives may still have the predominancy; for a surfeit oi
foreign supplies is a disease incurable. Thirdly, if the
prince who employeth them hath their wives, children, and
estates in his own hands ; which will be both a caution and
pawn for their fidelity, and will also interest their affections
more cordially in the cause. Lastly, if they be of the same
religion with them, and fight against the enemy of the
religion of both ; for then they are not purely hirelings, but
parties in part, and the cause doth at least mediately
concern them. I believe that it will scarcely be shown,
that the protestants have turned tails and betrayed them
they came to assist.
We may observe, the Low Countries have best thrived by
setting this trade of journeymen soldiers on work. Let
them thank God and the good English; for if Francis
duke of Anjou with his Frenchmen had well succeeded,
no doubt he would have spread his bread with their butter.
Next them the Venetians have sped best ; for they have
the trick, when they find it equally dangerous to cashier
1 Mach. Prince, cap. 9. Se malle vinci suis annis quam
alienis victorem esse.
A. D. 1166 THE HOLY WAR. 97
their mercenary general or to entertain him any longer,
fairly to kill him, as they served Carmignola*. England
hath best thrived without them ; under God's protection we
stand on our own legs. The last I find are a handful of
Almains used against Kett, in Norfolk in the days of King
Edward VI. 3 . And let it be our prayers, that as for those
hirelings which are to be last tried and least trusted, we
never have want of their help, and never have too much
of it.
CHAP. XXXVI. Sunar imploreth the Aid of King Almerick.
A solemn Agreement made betwixt them, and ratified by
the magnificent Caliph.
SULTAN Sanar perceiving himself pressed and overlaid
by these Turks [1166], who with Syracon their captain
refused to return, and of assistance turned invaders, bor-
rowed the help of Almerick king of Jerusalem to avoid them
out of Egypt. Whilst Almerick marched thither, an unfor-
tunate battle was fought [Aug. 10], betwixt Boemund the
third of that name prince of Antioch, Reimund count of
Tripoli, Calaman Grecian governor of Cilicia, and Joceline
III. the titular count of Edessa, on the one side; and
Noradin king of the Turks, on the other. The Turks got
the victory, and these four Christian princes were taken
prisoners; and their army lost so much good blood that
day, that cast it into an irrecoverable consumption, and
hastened the ruin of this kingdom. Noradin, following
his blow, won Csesarea-Philippi.
Nevertheless Almerick went on effectually in Egypt, and
for a time expulsed the Turks out of this land [Aug. 18].
But Syracon would not so quickly quit the country, but
goeth to the caliph of Babylon (who was opposite to him
of Egypt, each of them claiming as heir to Mahomet, that
false prophet, the sovereignty over all that were of the Saracen
law) and offereth him his means for the extirpation of this
schismatical caliph, and the reduction of all Egypt to the
subjection of the Babylonian.
The motion was joyfully entertained, and Syracon with
a mighty power descendeth into Egypt.
Sanar, affrighted hereat, maketh new and large proffers
to King Almerick to stop this deluge of his enemies, and
proffereth him a pension of forty thousand ducats yearly
2 Mach. Prince, cap. 8. 3 Speed, Edward VI.
93 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1166
for his behooveful assistance. But the king, understanding
that the sultan (how much soever he took upon him) was
subject to a higher lord, would make no such bargain with
him, but with the caliph himself; and therefore sent his
ambassadors, Hugh earl of Caesarea, and a knight-templar,
along with the sultan to Caliph Elhadach, then resident at
Cairo 1 . Arriving at his palace, they passed through dark
passages well guarded with armed Ethiopians. Hence
they were conducted into goodly open courts, of such
beauty and riches, that they could not retain the gravity of
ambassadors, but were enforced to admire the rarities they
beheld 2 . The farther they went, the greater the state; till
at last they were brought to the caliph's own lodging ;
where, entering the presence, the sultan thrice prostrated
himself to the ground before the curtain behind which the
caliph sat. Presently the traverse wrought with pearls was
opened, and the caliph himself discovered, sitting with
great majesty on a throne of gold, having few of his most
inward eunuchs about him.
The sultan humbly kissed his master's feet, and briefly
told him the cause of their coming, the danger wherein the
land stood, the proffers he had made to King Almerick,
desiring him now to ratify them, and in demonstration
thereof, to give his hand to the king's ambassadors. The
caliph demurred hereat, as counting such a gesture a
diminution to his state; and at no hand would give him
his hand bare, but gave it in his glove. To whom the
resolute earl of Caesarea 3 : " Sir," said he, "truth seeketh
no holes to hide itself. Princes that will hold covenant,
must deal openly and nakedly ; give us therefore your bare
hand ; we will make no bargain with your glove." He
was loath to do it, but necessity (a more imperious caliph
than himself at this time) commanded it ; and he did it at
last, dismissing the Christian ambassadors with such gifts
as testified his greatness.
According to this agreement King Almerick cordially
prosecuted his business, improving his utmost might to
expel Syracon with his Turks out of Egypt, whom he bade
battle, and got the day, though he lost all his baggage ; so
that the conquest in a manner was divided ; the Turks
gaining the wealth, the Christians the honour of the victory.
Following his blow, he pinned up the Turks afterward in
1 Tyrius, lib. 19, cap. 16. 2 Idem, cap. 18.
3 Idem, cap. 19.
A. D. 1168 THE HOLY WAR. 99
the city of Alexandria, and forced them to receive of him
conditions of peace, and then returned himself with honour
to Askelon [Sept. 21, 1167].
CHAP. XXXVII. Almerick, against his Promise, invadet/i
Egypt. His Perjury punished with the future Ruin of the
Kingdom of Jerusalem. His Death.
WHEN a crown is the prize of the game, we must
never expect fair play of the gamesters. King
Almerick having looked on the beauty of the kingdom of
Egypt, he longed for it [1168] ; and now no longer to drive
out the relics of the Turks, but to get Egypt to himself;
and the next year, against the solemn league with the caliph,
invaded it with a great army. He falsely pretended that
the caliph would make a private peace with Noradin king
of the Turks, and hence created his quarrel. For he hath
a barren brain, who cannot fit himself with an occasion if
he hath a desire to fall out. But Gilbert master of the
Hospitallers chiefly stirred up the king to this war, upon
promise that the city and country of Pelusium, if conquered,
should be given to his order. The Templars were much
against the design (one of their order was ambassador at
the ratifying of the peace) and with much zeal protested
against it, as undertaken against oath and fidelity.
An oath being the highest appeal, perjury must needs be
a heinous sin, whereby God is solemnly invited to be
witness of his own dishonour. And as bad is a God-
mocking equivocation ; for he that surpriseth truth with an
ambush, is as bad an enemy as he that fighteth against her
with a flat lie in open field. I know what is pleaded for
King Almerick, namely, that Christians are not bound to
keep faith with idolaters, the worshippers of a false god, as
the Egyptian caliph was on the matter. But open so wide
a window, and it will be in vain to shut any doors. All
contracts with Pagans may easily be voided, if this evasion
be allowed. But what saith St. Hierome ? " It matters not
to whom, but by whom we swear 1 /' And God, to acquit
himself, knowing the Christians' prosperity could not stand
with his justice after their perjury, frowned upon them.
And from hence authors date the constant ill success of the
holy war. For though this expedition sped well at the
1 Non considerandum cui, sed per quern juraveris. Com-
ment. Ezek. xvii.
100 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1173
first, and Almerick won the city of Belbis or Pelusium, yet
see what a cloud of miseries ensued.
First, Noradin in his absence wasted and won places
near Antioch at pleasure.
Secondly, Meller prince of Armenia, a Christian, made
a covenant with Noradin % and kept it most constantly, to
the inestimable disadvantage of the king of Jerusalem.
This act of Meller must be condemned, but withal God's
justice admired. Christians break their covenant with
Saracens in Egypt, whilst other Christians, to punish them,
make and keep covenant with Turks in Asia.
Thirdly, the Saracens grew good soldiers on a sudden,
who were naked at first, and only had bows ; but now
learned from the Christians to use all offensive and defen-
fensive weapons. Thus rude nations always better them-
selves in fighting with a skilful enemy. How good marks-
men are the Irish nowadays, which some seventy years
ago, at the beginning of their rebellions, had three men to
discharge a handgun 3 !
Fourthly, Almerick's hopes of conquering Egypt were
frustrated ; for after some victories he was driven out, and
that whole kingdom conquered by Saladin (nephew to
Syracon), who killed the caliph with his horse-mace as he
came to do him reverence, and made himself the absolutest
Turkish king of Egypt. And presently after the death of
Noradin [May, 1173], the kingdom of the Turks at Damas-
cus was by their consent bestowed upon him. Indeed
Noradin left a son, Melexala, who commanded in part of
his father's dominions ; but Saladin, after his death, got all
for himself. Thus rising men shall still meet with more
stairs to raise them ; as those of falling, with stumbling-
blocks to ruin them.
Meantime Jerusalem was a poor weatherbeaten kingdom,
bleak and open to the storm of enemies on all sides, having
no covert or shelter of any good friend near it, lying in the
lion's mouth betwixt his upper and nether jaw ; Damascus
on the north, and Egypt on the south; two potent Turkish
kingdoms, united under a puissant prince, Saladin. This
made Almerick send for succours into Europe ; for now, few
voluntaries came to this service ; soldiers must be pressed
with importunity. Our western princes were prodigal of
their pity, but niggardly of their help. The heat of the
2 Centurist. Centur. 12, in Almerico.
3 Morison, iii the Description of Ireland, anno 1598.
JA.D. 1174 THE HOLT WAR. 101
I war in Palestine had cooled their desires to go thither,
which made these ambassadors to return without supplies,
having gone far to fetch home nothing but discomfort and
despair.
Lastly, King Almerick himself, wearied with whole volleys
of miseries, ended his life of a bloody flux, having reigned
eleven full years, and was buried with his predecessors;
leaving two children, Baldwin and Sibyll, by Agnes his first
wife, and by Mary his second wife (daughter to John
Proto-Sebastus, a Grecian prince), one daughter, Isabel ;
married afterwards to Hemphred III. prince of Thorone 4 .
CHAP. XXXVIII. Baldwin the Fourth succeedeth. His
Education under William, the reverend Archbishop of
Tyre.
BALDWIN'S son, the fourth of that name, succeeded
his father [July 15, 1174] ; so like unto him, that we
report the reader to the character of King Almerick, and will
spare the repeating his description. Only he differed in
the temper of his body, being inclined to the leprosy called
elephantiasis, noisome to the patient, but not infectious to
the company ; not like Uzziah's, but Naaman's leprosy,
which had it been contagious, no doubt the king of Assyria,
when he went into the house of Rimmon, would have
chosen another supporter. Meantime the kingdom was as
sick as the king; he of a leprosy, that of an incurable
consumption.
This Baldwin had the benefit of excellent education
under William archbishop of Tyre, a pious man and excel-
lent scholar, skilled in all the learned oriental tongues, be-
sides the Dutch, and French his native language; a mode-
rate and faithful writer : for in the latter part of his history
of the holy war, his eye guided his hand, till at last the
taking of the city of Jerusalem so shook his hand, that his
pen fell out, and he wrote no more. Treasurer he was of
all the money contributed to the holy war, chancellor of this
kingdom; employed in several embassies in the west ; pre-
sent at the Lateran council, the acts whereof he did record :
cardinal he might have been, but refused it 1 : in a word,
unhappy only that he lived in that age, though that age was
happy he lived in it.
4 Tyrius, lib. 22, cap. 4.
1 Centurist. Centur. in Episcopis.
102 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1181
CHAP. XXXIX. The Viciousness of Heraclius, the Patri-
arch of Jerusalem. His Embassy to Henry the Second
King of England) with the Success. The Maronites re-
conciled to the Roman Church.
AFTER the death of Almerick, patriarch of Jerusalem,
Heraclius was, by the queen-mother Mary, second
wife to King Almerick, for his handsomeness, preferred to
be patriarch [1181]. William, archbishop of Tyre, was
violent against his election, because of a prophecy, that as
Heraclius king of Persia won, so an Heraclius should lose
the cross 1 . But others excepted, that this exception was
nothing worth; for let God give the man, and let the devil
set the name. As for those blind prophecies, they miss the
truth oftener than hit it ; so that no wise man will lean his
belief on so slender a prop. But Heraclius had a worse
name than his name, the bad report of his vicious life ;
keeping a vintner's wife, whom he maintained in all state
like an empress, and owned the children he had by her :
her name, Pascha de Rivera* , and she was generally saluted
the patriarchess 3 . His example infected the inferior clergy,
whose corruption was a sad presage of the ruin of the realm ;
for when prelates, the seers, when once those eye-strings
begin to break, the heart-strings hold not out long after.
In his time the Maronites were reconciled to the Roman
church. Their main error was the heresy of the Monothe-
lites, touching one only will and action in Christ. For
after that the heresy of Nestorius, about two persons in our
Saviour, was detested in the eastern churches, some thought
not themselves safe enough for the heresy of two persons
till they were fallen with the opposite extremity of one
nature in Christ : violence making men reel from one ex-
treme to another. The error once broached, found many
embracers ; as no opinion so monstrous, but if it hath had a
mother, it will get a nurse. But now these Maronites,
renouncing their tenets, received the Catholic faith [1182] ;
though soon after, when Saladin had conquered their
country, they relapsed to their old errors; wherein they
continued till the late times of Pope Gregory XIII. and
Clement VIII., when they again renewed their communion
with the Roman church. They live at this day on Mount
Libanus, not exceeding twelve thousand households, and
1 Besoldus, De Reg. Hieros. p. 282. 2 Besoldus, p. 284.
3 Patriarchissa, Marinas San. lib. 3, pare. 6, cap. 24.
A. D. 1185 THE HOLY WAR. 103
pay to the great Turk, for every one above twelve years
old, seventeen sultanines by the year 4 ; and for every space
of ground sixteen span square, one sultanine yearly; to
keep themselves free from the mixture of Mahometans.
A sultanine is about seven shillings and sixpence of our
money 5 .
To return to Heraclius. Soon after he was sent ambas-
sador to Henry II. king of England [1185], to crave his
personal assistance in the holy war, delivering unto him the
royal standard, with the keys of our Saviour's sepulchre,
the tower of David, and the city of Jerusalem, sent him by
King Baldwin. King Henry was singled out for this ser-
vice before other princes because the world justly reported
him valiant, wise, rich, powerful, and fortunate ; and
(which was the main) hereby he might expiate his murder,
and gather up again the innocent blood which he had shed
of Thomas Becket. Besides, Heraclius entitled our Henry
to the kingdom of Jerusalem because Geoffrey Plantagenet
his father, was son (some say brother) to Fulco IV. king of
Jerusalem. But King Henry was too wise to bite at such
a bait, wherein was only the husk of title without the kernel
of profit. Yet he pretended he would go into Palestine ;
and got hereby a mass of money towards his voyage, making
every one, as well clerk as lay (saving such as went) to pay
that year the tenth of all their revenues, moveables, and
chattels, as well in gold as in silver. Of every city in Eng-
land he chose the richest men ; as in London two hundred,
in York a hundred, and so in proportion: and took the
tenth of all their moveables, by the estimation of credible
men who knew their estates 6 ; imprisoning those who re-
fused to pay, sub e.leemosynfe titulo vitium rapacitatis in-
cludens, saith Walsingham. But now, when he had filled
his purse, all expected he should fulfil his promise; when
all his voyage into Palestine turned into a journey into
France.
Heraclius, whilst he stayed in England, consecrated the
Temple Church in the suburbs of London, and the house
adjoining belonging to the Templars ; since turned to a
better use, for the students of our municipal law ; these
new Templars defending one Christian from another, as the
old ones Christians from Pagans.
4 Possevine, Appar. sacr. in Maron.
5 Brierwood, Inquiries, cap. 25. 6 Daniel, in Henry II.
104 THE HISTORY OF
CHAP. XL. Saladin fitteth himself with foreign Forces.
The Original and great Power of the Mamalukes, with
their jirst Service.
IN the minority of King Baldwin, who was but thirteen
years old, Milo de Planci, a nobleman, was protector
of the realm; whose pride and insolence could not be
brooked, and therefore he was stabbed at Ptolemais, and
Reimund, count of Tripoli, chosen to succeed him.
Now Saladin seriously intendeth to set on the kingdom
of Jerusalem, and seeketh to furnish himself with soldiers
for that service. But he perceived that the ancient nation
of the Egyptians had lasted so long, that now it ran dregs ;
their spirits being as low as the country they lived in, and
they fitter to make merchants and mechanics than military
men : for they were bred in such soft employments, that
they were presently foundered with any hard labour.
Wherefore he sent to the Circassians by the lake of Maeotis,
near Taurica Chersonesus, and thence bought many slaves
of able and active bodies. For it was a people born in a
hard country (no fuel for pleasure grew there nor was
brought thither), and bred harder ; so that war was almost
their nature, with custom of continual skirmishing with the
neighbouring Tartars.
These slaves he trained up in military discipline, most
of them being Christians once baptized; but afterwards un-
taught Christ, they learned Mahomet, and so became the
worse foes to religion for once being her friends. These
proved excellent soldiers and special horsemen, and are
called mairralukes. And surely the greatness of Saladin
and his successors stood not so much on the legs of their
native Egyptians, as it leaned on the staff of these strangers.
Saladin, and especially the Turkish kings after him, gave
great power, and placed much trust in these mamalukes 1 :
who lived a long time in ignorance of their own strength,
till at last they took notice of it, and scorning any longer to
be factors for another, they would set up for themselves,
and got the sovereignty from the Turkish kings. Thus
princes who make their subjects overgreat, whet a knife for
their own throats. And posterity may chance to see the
insolent janizaries give the grand seignior such a trip on the
heel as may tumble him on his back. But more largely of
1 Tyrius, lib. 21, cap. 23.
A. D. 1181 THE HOLY WAR. 105
these mamalukes usurping the kingdom of Egypt (God
willing) in its proper place.
Thus Saladin, having furnished himself with new sol-
diers, went to handsel their valour upon the Christians, in-
vaded the Holy Land, burning all the country before him,
and raging in the blood of poor Christians, till he came and
encamped about Askelon.
Meantime, whilst Reimund count of Tripoli, protector
of the kingdom, with Philip earl of Flanders, and the chief
strength of the kingdom, were absent in Celosyria, wasting
the country about Emissa and Csesarea, young King Bald-
win lay close in Askelon, not daring to adventure on so
strong an enemy. With whose fear Saladin encouraged,
dispersed his army, some one way, some another, to forage
the country. King Baldwin, courted with this opportunity,
marched out privately, nor having past four hundred horse,
with some few footmen, and assaulted his secure enemies,
being six and twenty thousand [Nov. 25, 1176]. But vic-
tory standeth as little in the number of soldiers, as verity in
the plurality of voices. The Christians got the conquest,
and in great triumph returned to Jerusalem.
This overthrow rather madded than daunted Saladin;
who, therefore, to recover his credit, some months after,
with his mamalukes, fell like a mighty tempest upon the
Christians, as they were parting the spoil of a band of
Turks, whom they had vanquished ; put many to the sword,
the rest to flight. Otto, grand master of the Templars, and
Hugh, son-in-law to the count of Tripoli, were taken
prisoners ; and the king himself had much ado to escape.
And thus both sides being well wearied with war, they were
glad to refresh themselves with a short slumber of a truce
solemnly concluded ; and their troubled estates breathed
almost for the space of two years. Which truce Saladin the
more willingly embraced, because of a famine in the king-
dom of Damascus [1179], where it had scarce rained for
five years together 2 .
IHA.P. XLI. The fatal Jealousies betwixt the King and
Reimund Earl of Tripoli.
BUT this so welcome a calm was troubled with domestical
discords [1181] ; for the king's mother (a woman of a
turbulent spirit), and her brother, his steward, accused
Reimund count of Tripoli, governor of the realm in the
2 Centurist. Cent. 12, in Baldvino IV.
106 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1181J
king's minority, as if he affected the crown for himself:
which accusation this earl could never wholly wipe off. For
slender and lean slanders quickly consume themselves ; but
he that is branded with a heinous crime (though false),
when the wound is cured, his credit will be killed with the
scar. Before we go further, let us view this Earl Reimund's
disposition, and we shall find him marked to do mischief,
and to ruin this realm. He was son to Reimund, grand-
child to Pontius earl of Tripoli, by Cecilie, the daughter
of Philip king of France 1 , great grandchild to Bertram
first earl of Tripoli, great great grandchild to Reimund
earl of Toulouse, one of special note amongst the primitive
adventurers in the holy war. His mother was Hodiern,
third daughter of Baldwin II. king of Jerusalem. A man
whose stomach was as high as his birth, and very serviceable
to this state whilst the sharpness of his parts was used
against the Turks, which at last turned edge against the
Christians : proud, not able to digest the least wrong ; and
though long in captivity amongst the Turks, yet a very
truant in the school of affliction, who never learned the
lesson of patience ; so revengeful, that he would strike his
enemy, though it were through the sides of religion and
the Christian cause. For this present accusation of treason
good authors seem to be his compurgators for this at this
time, though afterwards he discovered his treacherous in-
tents. And because he could not rise by his service, he
made his service fall by him, and undid what he had done
for the public good, because thereby he could not attain
his private ends. He commanded over the earldom of
Tripoli, which was a territory of large extent, wherein he
was absolute lord. And by the way we may take notice of
this as one of the banes of the kingdom of Jerusalem, that
the principalities of Antioch, Tripoli, and Edessa (whilst it
was Christian), were branches of this kingdom, but too big
for the body ; for the princes thereof, on each petty distaste,
would stand on their guard, as if they had been subjects
out of courtesy, not conscience ; and though they confessed
they owed the king allegiance, yet they would pay no more
than they thought fitting themselves.
To return to King Baldwin. This suspicion of Earl
Reimund, though at first but a buzz, soon got a sting in the
king's head, and he violently apprehended it. Whereupon
Reimund, coming to Jerusalem, was by the way com-
manded to stay, to his great disgrace. But some of the
1 Tyrius, lib. 21, cap. 5.
A.D. 1181 THE HOLY WAR. 107
nobility, foreseeing what danger this discord might bring,
reconciled them with much labour. However, Baldwin
ever after looked on this earl with a jealous eye. Jealousy,
if it be fire in private persons, is wildfire in princes, who
seldom rase out their names whom once they have written
in their black bills. And, as the Italian proverb is, " Sus-
picion giveth a passport to faith to set it on packing ;" so this
earl, finding himself suspected, was never after cordially
loya.1, smothering his treachery in this king's life, which
afterwards broke forth into an open flame.
CHAP. XLII. Saladin is conquered by King Baldwin, and
conquereth Mesopotamia. Discords about the Protector-
ship of Jerusalem. The Death and Praise of Baldwin the
Fourth.
THE kingdom of Damascus being recovered of the
famine, Saladin having gotten his ends by the truce,
would now have the truce to end ; and breaking it (as not
standing with his haughty designs), marched with a great
army out of Egypt through Palestine to Damascus, much
spoiling the country. And now having joined the Egyptian
with the Damascene forces, reentered the Holy Land. But
young King Baldwin meeting him, though but with seven
hundred to twenty thousand, at the village Frobolt, over-
threw him in a great battle * ; and Saladin himself was
glad with speedy flight to escape the danger, and by long
marches to get him again to Damascus. Afterward he be-
sieged Berytus both by sea and land ; but the vigilance and
valour of King Baldwin defeated his taking of it.
Saladin, finding such tough resistance in the Holy Land,
thought to make a better purchase by laying out his time
in Mesopotamia. Wherefore, passing Euphrates, he won
Charran and divers other cities; and then returning, in
Syria besieged Aleppo, the strongest place the Christians
had in that country ; so fortified by nature, that he had
little hope to force it. But treason will run up the steepest
ascent, where valour itself can scarce creep; and Saladin,
with the battery of bribes, made such a breach in the loyalty
of the governor, that he betrayed it unto him.
Thus he cometh again into the Holy Land more formi-
dable than ever before, carrying an army of terror in the
mentioning of his name, which drove the poor Christians all
into their fenced cities. As for King Baldwin, the leprosy
1 Centurist. Cent 12, in Baldvino IV.
108 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1183
had arrested him prisoner, and kept him at home. Long
had this king's spirit endured this infirmity, swallowing
many a bitter pang with a smiling face, arid going upright
with patient shoulders under the weight of his disease. It
made him put all his might to it, because when he yielded
to his sickness, he must leave off the managing of the state;
and he was loath to put off his royal robes before he went to
bed, a crown being too good a companion for one to part
with willingly. But at last he was made to stoop, and
retired himself to a private life [1183J, appointing Baldwin
his nephew (a child of five years old) his successor; and
Guy earl of Joppa and Askelon, this child's father-in-law,
to be protector of the realm in his minority.
But soon after he revoked this latter act, and designed
Reimund earl of Tripoli for the protector. He displaced
Guy, because he found him of no over-weight worth, scarce
passable without favourable allowance, little feared of his
foes, and as little loved of his friends. The more martial
Christians slighted him as a slug, and neglected so lazy a
leader that could not keep pace with those that were to
follow him : yea, they refused (whilst he was protector) at
his command to fight with Saladin ; and, out of distaste to
their general, suffered their enemy freely to forage ; which
was never done before : for the Christians never met any
Turks wandering in the Holy Land, but on even terms
they would examine their passport how sufficient it was,
and bid them battle.
Guy stormed at his displacing, and though little valiant,
yet very sullen, left the court in discontent, went home, and
fortified his cities of Joppa and Askelon. What should
King Baldwin do in this case? Whom should he make
protector ? Guy had too little, Reimund too much spirit for
the place. He feared Guy's cowardliness, lest he should
lose the kingdom to the Turks ; and Reimund's treachery,
lest he should get it for himself. Thus anguish of mind
and weakness of body (a doughty conquest for their united
strengths, which single might suffice) ended this king's days,
dying young at five and twenty years of age. But if by the
morning we may guess at the day, he would have been no
whit inferior to any of his predecessors ; especially if his
body had been able : but (alas !) it spoiled the music of
his soul, that the instrument was quite out of tune. He
reigned twelve years, and was buried in the Temple of the
Sepulchre [May 16, 1185] : a king happy in this, that he
died before the death of his kingdom.
i.D.1185 THE HOLY WAR. 109
^HAP. XLIII. The short Life and woful Death of Bald-
win the Fifth, an Infant. Guy, his Father-in-law, succeed-
eth him.
IT is a rare happiness of the family of St. Laurence [1 185],
barons of Howth in Ireland 1 , that the heirs for four
hundred years together always have been of age before the
death of their fathers : for minors have not only baned fa-
milies, but ruined realms. It is one of God's threatenings :
* I will give children to be their princes, and babes shall
rule over them 1 ." With this rod God struck the kingdom of
Jerusalem thrice in forty years; Baldwin the third, fourth,
and fifth, being all under age ; and this last but five years
old. He was the posthumous son of William, marquis of
Montferrat, by Sibyll his wife, sister to Baldwin IV. daughter
to King Almerick : she was afterwards married to Guy,
earl of Joppa and Askelon.
Now Reimund earl of Tripoli challenged to be protector
of this young king, by the virtue of an act of the former
king so assigning him. But Sibyll, mother to this infant, to
defeat Reimund, first murdered all natural affection in
herself, and then by poison murdered her son ; that so the
crown in her right might come to her husband Guy. This
Baldwin reigned eight months and eight days 3 , saith mis-
taken Munster; and some mistake more, who make him
not to reign at all : cruel to v ri ">ng his memory of his
honour, whom his mother had robbed both of his life and
kingdom.
His death was concealed, till Guy, his father-in-law, had
obtained by large bribes to the Templars and Heraclius the
patriarch, to be crowned king: one more ennobled with his
descent from the ancient family of the Lusignans in Poictou,
than for any eminence in himself 4 : his gifts were better
than his endowments. Yet had he been more fortunate, he
would have been accounted more virtuous ; men commonly
censuring that the fault of the king, which is the fate of the
kingdom. And now the Christian affairs here posted to
their woful period, being spurred on by the discords of the
princes.
1 Camd. Brit, in the Descript. of the County of Dublin.
2 Isa. iii. 4. 3 Cosmog. lib. 5, in Terra Sancta.
4 Tyrius, lib. 22, cap. 25 et 27, calleth himhorainem indiscre
tum et penitus inutilem.
110 THE HISTORY OF
CHAP. XLIV. Church Affairs. Of Haymericus, Patriarch
of Antioch. Of the Grecian Anti-patriarchs ; and of the
learned Theodorus Balsamon.
WHILST Heraclius did patriarch it in Jerusalem, one
Haymericus had the same honour at Antioch. He
wrote to Henry II. king of England, a bemoaning letter of
the Christians in the East, and from him received another,
fraught with never- performed fair promises. This man must
needs be different from that Haymericus who began his
patriarchship in Antioch anno 1143, and sat but twelve
years, say the centuriators * : but Baronius 2 , as different
from them sometimes in chronology as divinity, maketh
them the same. Then must he be a thorough old man,
enjoying his place above forty years ; being probably before
he wore the style of patriarch, well worn in years himself.
I must confess it passeth my chymistry to exact any agree-
ment herein out of the contrariety of writers. We must also
take notice that, besides the Latin patriarchs in Jesusalem
and Antioch, there were also Grecian anti-patriarchs ap-
pointed by the emperor of Constantinople ; who, having no
temporal power nor profit by church lands, had only juris-
diction over those of the Greek church. We find not the
chain of their succession, but here and there light on a link;
and at this time in Jerusalem on three successively: 1.
Athanasius, whom though one 3 out of his abundant charity
is pleased to style a schismatic, yet was he both pious and
learned, as appeareth by his epistles. 2. Leoutius, com-
mended likewise to posterity for a good clerk and an honest
man 4 . 3. Dositheus, inferior to the former in both respects 5 :
Isaac the Grecian emperor sent to make him patriarch of
Constantinople, and Dositheus catching at both, held neither,
but betwixt two patriarchs' chairs fell to the ground.
Antioch also had her Greek patriarchs : as one Sotericus
displaced for maintaining some unsound tenets about our
Saviour ; after him Theodorus Balsamon, the oracle of the
learned law in his age. He compiled and commented on
the ancient canons ; and principally set forth the privileges
of Constantinople ; listening, say the Romanists, to the least
noise that soundeth to the advancing of the eastern churches,
1 Centur. 12, in Episcop. 2 Annal. Eccl. in Haymerico.
3 Baronius, in anno 1180.
4 Nicetas Choniates, in Isaacio Angelo, p. 438.
5 Idem, ibidem.
.D. 1187 THE HOLY WAR. Ill
nd knocking down Rome wheresoever it peepeth above
Constantinople. This maketh Bellarmine except against
urn as a partial writer ; because a true historian should be
either party, advocate, nor judge, but a bare witness.
By Isaac the Grecian emperor this Balsamon was also
eceived 6 : he pretended to remove him to Constantinople,
n condition he would prove the translation of the patriarch
o be legal, which is forbidden by the canons. Balsamon
ook upon him to prove it : and a lawyer's brains will beat
o purpose when his own preferment is the fee. But herein
did but crack the nut for another to eat the kernel : for
he emperor mutable in his mind, changing his favourites as
veil as his clothes before they were old, when the legality
f the translation was avowed, bestowed the patriarchship of
Constantinople on another; and Theodorus was still staked
own at Antioch in a true spiritual preferment, affording
rim little bodily maintenance.
:HAP. XLVThe Revolt of the Earl of Tripoli. The
Christians irrecoverably overthrown^ and their King taken
Prisoner.
rHERE was at this time [1187] a truce betwixt the
Christians and Saladin, broken on this occasion :
Paladin's mother went from Egypt to Damascus, with much
;reasure and a little train, as sufficiently guarded with the
:ruce yet in force ; when Reinold of Castile surprised and
obbed her. Saladin, glad of this occasion, gathereth all his
strength together, and besiegeth Ptolemais.
Now Reimund earl of Tripoli appeareth in his colours,
/exed at the loss of the government. His great stomach
lad no room for patience : and his passions boiled from a
iever to a phrensy ; so that, blinded with anger at King Guy,
le mistaketh his enemy, and will be revenged on God and
religion ; revolting with his principality (a third part of the
dngdom of Jerusalem) to Saladin ; and in his own person,
mder a vizard, assisted him in this siege.
Out of the city marched the Templars and Hospitallers, and
fallingon the Turks killed twenty thousand ofthem[May l.J.
5fet they gave well nigh a valuable consideration for their
victory, the master of the Hospitallers being slain; and a
brave general in battle never dieth unattended.
Saladin hereupon raiseth his siege ; and Reimund earl
rf Tripoli, whether out of fear the Christians might prevail,
6 Nicetas Chron. in Isaacio, p. 440.
112 THE HISTORY OF A.D. lia*
or remorse of conscience, or discontent, not finding th
respect he expected of Saladin (who had learned th
politic maxim, to give some honour, no trust to a fugitive
reconciled himself to King Guy ; and, sorry for his form
offence, returned to the Christians.
King Guy hereupon gathering the whole strength of hi.
weak kingdom to do their last devoir, determined to bi
Saladin battle; though having but fifteen hundred horse,
and fifteen thousand foot, against a hundred and twenty
thousand horse, and a hundred and sixty thousand foot.
Nigh Tiberias the battle was fought [July 3] ; they close
in the afternoon, but night moderating betwixt them, both
sides drew their stakes till next morning ; then on afresh
The Christians' valour poised the number of their enemies
till at last the distemper of the weather turned the scales to
the Turks' side. More Christians (thirsty within and scalded
without) were killed with the beams the sun darted, than
with the arrows the enemies shot. Reinold of Castile was
slain, with most of the Templars and Hospitallers. Gerard
master of the Templars, and Boniface marquis of Mont-
ferrat, were taken prisoners l ; and also Guy the king, whc
saw the rest of his servants slain before his eyes, only
obtaining of Saladin the life of his schoolmaster. Yea. ir
this battle, the flower of the Christian chivalry was cu k
down; and, what was most lamented, the cross (saith
Matthew Paris), which freed men from the captivity of
their sins, was for men's sins taken captive. Most impute
this overthrow to the earl of Tripoli, who that day com-
manded a great part of the Christian army, and is said d
some treacherously to have fled away. But when a great
action miscarrieth, the blame must be laid on some ; am"
commonly it lighteth on them who formerly have been
found false, be it right or wrong; so impossible is it for
him who once hath broken his credit by treason, ever to
have it perfectly jointed again. It increaseth the suspicion,
because this earl, afterwards found dead in his bed (as
some say), was circumcised.
Victorious Saladin, as he had thrown a good cast, played
it as well ; in a month conquering Berytus, Biblus, Ptole-
mais, and all the havens (Tyre excepted), from Sidon to
Askelon. He used his conquest with much moderation,
giving lives and goods to all, and forcing no Christians to
depart their cities, save only the Latins. This his gentle-
1 Besoldus, in Guidone ; ex Crusio.
I.D. 1187 THE HOLY WAR. 113
ess proceeded from policy, well knowing that if the
Christians could not buy their lives cheap, they would sell
icm dear, and fight it out to the uttermost. Askelon was
,out, and would not surrender. Wherefore Saladin, loath
with the hazard of so long a siege to check his fortune in
.he full speed, left it, and went to Jerusalem, as to a place
}f less difficulty and more honour to conquer.
CHAP. XLVI. Jerusalem won by the Turk; with woful
Remarkables thereat.
T) EFORE the beginning of the siege, the sun, as sympa-
JLJ thizing with the Christians' woes, was eclipsed [Sept.
4]. A sad presage of the loss of Jerusalem. For though
those within the city valiantly defended it for a fortnight,
yet they saw it was but the playing out of a desperate game
which must be lost: their foes near, their friends far off;
and those willing to pity, unable to help. Why then should
;hey prolong languishing, where they could not preserve
life ? Concluding to lavish no more valour, they yielded
up the city [Oct. 2], on condition all their lives might be
redeemed, a man for ten, a woman for five, a child for one
besant 1 ; and fourteen thousand poor people, not able to
pay their ransom, were kept in perpetual bondage. All
Latins were cast out of the city, but those of the Greek
religion were permitted to stay therein ; only Saladin to
two Frenchmen gave liberty to abide there, and maintenance
to live on, in reverence to their age: the one Robert of
Corbie, a soldier to Godfrey of Bouillon when he won this
city; the other Fulco Fiole, the first child born in the city
after the Christians had conquered it*.
Saladin, possessed of Jerusalem, turned the churches into
stables, sparing only that of the Sepulchre for a great sum
of money. Solomon's Temple he converted to a mosque,
sprinkling it all over with rose-water, as if he would wash it
from profaneness, whilst he profaned it with his washing.
Thus Jerusalem, after it had fourscore and eight years
been enjoyed by the Christians, by God's just judgment
was taken again by the Turks. What else could be
expected ? Sin reigned in every corner ; there was scarce
one honest woman in the whole city of Jerusalem 3 . He-
raclius the patriarch, with the clergy, was desperately
1 M. Paris, in anno 1187.
2 Besoldus, in Guidone, p. 285.
3 Ibid, p. 284,
I
114 THE HOLY WAR. A. D. 1187
vicious ; and no wonder if iron rust, when gold doth ; and
if the laity followed their bad example.
This doleful news brought into Europe, filled all with
sighs and sorrows. Pope Urban III. (as another Eli at
the ark's captivity) died for grief; the cardinals lamented
out of measure, vowing such reformation of manners ;
never more to take bribes, never more to live so viciously ;
yea, never to ride on a horse so long as the Holy Land was
under the feet of the Turks 4 . But this their passion spent
itself with its own violence, and these mariners' vows ended
with the tempest.
In this general grief of Christendom, there was one
woman found to rejoice, and she a German prophetess
called St. Christian, a virgin ; who, as she had foretold
the day of the defeat, so on the same she professed that
she saw in a vision Christ and his angels rejoicing. For
the loss of the earthly Canaan was gain to the heavenly ;
peopling it with many inhabitants, who were conquerors in
their overthrow ; whilst they requited Christ's passion, and
died for him who suffered for them 5 . But for the truth
both of the doctrine and history hereof, none need burden
their belief farther than they please. We will conclude all
with Roger Hoveden's witty descant on the time 6 : When
Jerusalem was won by the Christians, and afterwards when
it was lost, an Urban was pope of Rome, a Frederick
emperor of Germany, an Heraclius patriarch of Jerusalem.
But by his leave, though the first of his observations be
true, the second is a flat falsity, the third a foul mistake,
and may thus be mended : (it is charity to lend a crutch to
a lame conceit) When the cross was taken from the Persians,
Heraclius was emperor ; and when it was taken from the
Turks, Heraclius was patriarch. Thus these curious obser-
vations (like over-small watches), not one of a hundred
goeth true. Though it cannot be denied, but the same
name (as Henry of England, one the win-all, another the
lose-all in France) hath often been happy and unhappy in
founding and confounding of kingdoms. But such nominal
toys are rags not worth a wise man's stooping to take them
up.
4 Roger Hoveden, in Henrico, anno 1187.
5 Qaandam morti Salvatoris virem cum multa devotione
rependunt. Baronius, in anno 1187. 6 Loco prius citato.
BOOK III.
CHAP. I. Conrad of Montferrat valiantly defendeth Tyre,
and is chosen King.
IN this woful estate stood the Christian affairs in the
Holy Land, when Conrad marquis of Montferrat arrived
there. His worth commandeth my pen to wait on him
from his own country till he came hither. Son he was to
Boniface marquis of Montferrat, and had spent his youth
in the service of Isaac Angelus, the Grecian emperor.
This Isaac, fitter for a priest than a prince, was always
bred in a private way; and the confining of his body
seemeth to have brought him to a pent and narrow soul.
For he suffered rebels to affront him to his face, never
sending an army against them, but commending all his
cause to a company of barefooted friars whom he kept in
his court, desiring them to pray for him, and by their pious
tears to quench the combustions in the empire. But our
Conrad plainly told him, he must use as well the weapons
of the left hand as of the right x ; meaning the sword as
well as prayers ; and by the advice of this his general, he
quickly subdued all his enemies. Which his great service
found small reward ; only he was graced to wear his shoes
of the imperial fashion 1 ; a low matter, but there (forsooth)
accounted a high honour. But soon after Isaac was sick
of this physician who had cured his empire. If private
debtors care riot for the company of their creditors, much
less do princes love to see them to whom they owe them-
selves and their kingdom ; so unwelcome are courtesies to
them when above their requital. Now it is ancient policy,
to rid away high spirits by sending them on some plausible
errand into remote parts, there to seek for themselves an
honourable grave. To this end Isaac by the persuasions
of some spurred on Conrad (free enough of himself to any
noble action), to go into Palestine, there to support the
1 Nicetas, in Isaacio Angelo, lib. 1, 7.
2 Ibid, lib. 2, 1. Movov TO fiij TOIQ woXXoif of
TV irodoQ TO T&v KcuiTapwv Xeyw Trapaonj/xov.
116 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1187
ruinous affairs of the Christians. Conrad was sensible of
their plot, but suffered himself to be wrought on, being
weary of the Grecians' baseness, and came into the Holy
Land with a brave company of gentlemen furnished on their
own cost.
For a while we set him aside, and return to Saladin ;
who by this time had taken Askelon, on condition that
King Guy, and Gerard, master of the Templars, should be
set at liberty. Nor long after was the castle of Antioch
betrayed unto him by the patriarch 3 ; and the city, scarce
got with eleven months' siege, was lost in an instant,
with five and twenty strong towns more, which attended
the fortune of Antioch : and many provinces thereto be-
longing, came into the possession of the Turks. Must not
the Christians needs be bankrupts if they continue this
trade, buying dear, and selling cheap; gaining by inches,,
and losing by ells ?
With better success those in Tripoli (which city the wife
of Earl Reimund after his death delivered to the Christians)
defended themselves against Saladin 4 . For shame they
would not forego their shirts, though they had parted with
their clothes. Stark naked from shelter had the Christians
been left, if stripped out of Tripoli and Tyre. Manfully
therefore they defended themselves; and Saladin, having
tasted of their valour in Tripoli, had no mind to mend his
draught, but marched away to Tyre.
But Conrad of Montferrat, who was in Tyre with his
army, so used the matter, that Saladin was fain to fly, and
leave his tents behind him, which were lined with much
treasure; and the Christians had that happiness to squeeze
that sponge which formerly was rilled with their spoil.
They in Tyre, in token of gratitude, chose this Conrad king
of Jerusalem ; swearing themselves his subjects who had
kept them from being the Turks' slaves. To strengthen his
title, he married Eliza or Isabella 5 (authors christen her
with either name), formerly espoused to Humfred of Thorone,
sister to Baldwin IV., daughter to Almerick king of Jeru-
salem.
By this time King Guy was delivered out of prison [l 1 88],
having sworn never more to bear arms against Saladin ;
which oath by the clergy was adjudged void, because forced
from him when he was detained in prison, unjustly against
3 Sabell. Enn. 9, lib. 5, p. 377. 4 Hoveden.
5 Besoldus, ex Ritio De Reg. p. 293.
A. D. 1188 THE HOLY WAR. 117
promise. The worst was, now he had gained his liberty?
he could not get his kingdom. Coming to Tyre, they shut
the gates against him, owning no king but Conrad. Thus
to have two kings together, is the way to have neither king
nor kingdom.
But Guy following the affront as well as he might, and
piecing up a cloth of remnants, with his broken army be-
sieged Ptolemais [August]. The Pisans, Venetians, and
Florentines, with their sea succours, came to assist him.
But this siege was churchwork, and therefore went on
slowly ; we may easier perceive it to have moved than to
move, especially if we return hither a twelvemonth hence.
CHAP. II. The Church Story in the Holy Land to the End
of the War. The Use and Abuse of titular Bishops.
WE must now no longer look for a full face of a
church in the Holy Land ; it is well if we find one
cheek and an eye. Though Jerusalem and Antioch were
won by the Turks, the pope ceased not to make patriarchs
of both. We will content ourselves with the names of those
of Jerusalem, finding little else of them remarkable.
After Heraclius, Thomas Agni was patriarch, present in
the Lateran council under Innocent III*.
Geraldus succeeded him, who sided with the pope against
Frederick the emperor 2 '.
Albertus, patriarch in Jerusalem when the Christians lost
their land in Syria. He prescribed some rules to the Car-
melites 3 .
After him, Antony Beak, bishop of Durham, the most
triumphant prelate of the English militant church, except
Cardinal Wolsey. He founded and endowed a college for
prebends at Chester 4 , in the bishopric of Durham ; yet no
doubt he had done a deed more acceptable to God, if
instead of sacrifice he had done justice, and not defrauded
the Lord Vessy's heir, to whom he was guardian. Let
those who are delighted with sciography paint out (if they
please) these shadow-patriarchs, as also those of Antioch,
and deduce their succession to this day : for this custom
still continueth, and I find the suffragans to several arch-
1 Centur. Cent. 13, cap. 9.
2 Mattli. Paris, in anno 1229. 3 Centur. ut prius.
4 Camden, Brit. p. 601. Godwin, in Episc. Dunelm. See
this catalogue of patriarchs altered 0ud perfected in the Chro-
nology.
118 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1188
bishops and bishops in Germany and France style themselves
bishops of Palestine 5 : for example, the suffragans of 1.
Tournay, 2. Munster, 3. Mentz, 4. Utrecht, 5. Sens, 6. Tri-
ers, write themselves bishops of 1. Sarepta, 2. Ptolemais,
3. Sidon, 4. Hebron, 5. Caesarea, 6. Azotus. But well did
one in the council of Trent give these titular bishops the
title of fgmenta hum ana, man's devices 6 ; because they
have as little ground in God's word and the ancient canons
for their making, as ground in Palestine for their mainte-
nance : yea, a titular bishop soundeth a contradiction ; for
a bishop and a church or diocess are relatives, as a husband
and his wife. Besides, these bishops, by ascending to so
high an honour, were fain to descend to many indecencies
and indignities to support themselves, with many corrup-
tions in selling of orders they conferred, the truest and
basest simony.
However the pope still continueth in making of them.
First, because it is conceived to conduce to the state and
amplitude of the Roman church to have so many bishops in
it, as it is the credit of the apothecary to have his shop
full, though many outside-painted pots be empty within.
Secondly, hereby his holiness hath a facile and cheap way
both to gratify and engage ambitious spirits, and such
chameleons as love to feed on air. Yea, the pope is not
only free of spiritual dignities, but also of temporal titular
honours ; as when, in the days of Queen Elizabeth, he
made Thomas Stukely (a bankrupt in loyalty as well as in
his estate) marquis of Leinster, earl of Wexford and Car-
low, Viscount Murrough, Baron Rosse and Hydron in
Ireland 7 : the best is, these honours were not heavy nor
long worn, he being slain soon after in Barbary, else the
number of them would have broken his back. Lastly,
there is a real use made of these nominal bishops ; for these
ciphers, joined with figures, will swell a number, and sway
a side in a general council, as his holiness pleaseth ; so
that he shall truly cogere concilium, both gather and compel
it. Of the four archbishops which were at the first session
in the council of Trent, two were merely titular, who never
had their feet in those churches whence they took their
honour 8 . But enough hereof. Now to matters of the
commonwealth.
5 Adricomius, in Terra Sancta.
6 History of Trent, lib. 8, p. 7.
7 Camd. Brit, in his Descript. of Dublin.
8 History of Trent, lib. 2, p. 140.
A. D, 1188 THE HOLY WAR. 119
CHAP. III. Frederick Barbarossa's sett ing forth to the Holy
Land. Of the tyrannous Grecian Emperors.
MATTERS going thus wofully in Palestine, the Chris-
tians' sighs there were alarms to stir up their brethren
in Europe to go to help them, and chiefly Frederick Barba-
rossa, the German emperor. Impute it not to the weakness
of his judgment, but the strength of his devotion, that at
seventy years of age, having one foot in his grave, he would
set the other on pilgrimage. We must know that this
emperor had been long tied to the stake, and baited with
seven fresh successive popes ; till at last, not conquered
with the strength, but wearied with the continuance of their
malice, he gave himself up to be ordered by them ; and
Pope Clement III. sent him on this voyage into the Holy
Land.
Marching through Hungary with a great army of one
hundred and fifty thousand valiant soldiers, he was wel-
comed by King Bela 1 [June 29]. But changing his host,
his entertainment was changed ; being basely used when he
entered into the Grecian empire.
Of the emperors whereof we must speak somewhat. For
though being to write the Holy War I will climb no hedges,
to trespass on any other story ; yet will I take leave to go
the highway, and touch on the succession of those princes
which lead to the present discourse.
When Conrad, emperor of Germany, last passed this
way, Emmanuel was emperor in Greece; who, having
reigned thirty-eight years, left his place to Alexius, his son :
a youth, the depth of whose capacity only reached to
understand pleasure ; governed by the factious nobility,
till, in his third year, he was strangled by Andronicus, his
cousin.
Andronicus succeeded him ; a diligent reader and a great
lover of St. Paul's epistles % but a bad practiser of them :
who rather observing the devil's rule, that it is the best way
for those who have been bad to be still worse, fencing his
former villanies by committing new ones, held by tyranny
what he had gotten by usurpation ; till, having lived in the
blood of others, he died in his own, tortured to death by
the headless multitude ; from whom he received all the
1 Arnoldus Lubecensis.
2 Nicetas Choniates, in fine Vitae Andronici.
120 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1190
cruelties which might be expected from servile natures when
they command.
Then Isaac Angelus, of the imperial blood, was placed
in his throne; of whom partly before 3 . Nero-like, he
began mildly, but soon fell to the trade of tyranny: no
personal, but the hereditary sin of these emperors. He
succeeded also to their suspicions against the Latins, as if
they came through his country for some sinister ends. This
jealous emperor reigned when Frederick, with his army,
passed this way ; and many bad offices were done betwixt
these two emperors by unfaithful ambassadors 4 , as such
false mediums have often deceived the best eyes. But
Frederick, finding perfidious dealing in the Greeks, was
drawn to draw his sword, taking as he went Philippople 5 ,
Adrianople [Aug. 25], and many other cities, not so much
to get their spoil as his own security. Isaac understanding
hereof, and seeing these pilgrims would either find or make
their passage, left all terms of enmity, and fell to a fair
complying [11 90], accommodating them with all necessaries
for their transportation over the Bosporus [March 28],
pretending to hasten them away because the Christians*
exigencies in Palestine admitted of no delay; doing it
indeed for fear, the Grecians loving the Latins best when
they are farthest from them.
CHAP. IV. The great Victories and woful Death of Frede-
rick, the worthy Emperor.
FREDERICK, entering into the territories of the Turkish
sultan of Iconium, found great resistance, but van-
quished his enemies in four several set battles. Iconium
he took by force [May 19], giving the spoil thereof to his
soldiers, in revenge of the injuries done to his uncle Conrad
the emperor, by the sultan of that place. The city of
Philomela he made to sing a doleful tune, razing it to the
ground, and executing all the people therein, as rebels
against the law of nations, for killing his ambassadors; and
so came with much difficulty and honour into Syria.
Saladin shook for fear, hearing of his coming ; and, fol-
lowing the advice of Charatux, his counsellor 1 (counted
one of the wisest men in the world, though his person was
3 la the first chapter of this book.
4 Xicetas Choniates, in Isaacio, lib. 2, p. 436.
5 Baronius, Anna).
1 ^Kmilius, in Phil. Augusto, p. 178, 179.
L.D. 1190 THE HOLY WAR. 121
nost contemptible ; so true it is, none can guess the jewel
>y the casket), dismantled all his cities in the Holy Land,
;ave some frontier places, razing their walls and forts, that
hey were not tenable with an army. For he feared if the
Dutch won these places, they would not easily be driven
>ut ; whereas now, being naked from shelter, he would
;veary them with set battles, having men numberless, and
.hose near at hand ; and so he would tame the Roman eagle by
matching him, giving him no rest nor respite from continual
ighting. It is therefore no paradox to say, that in some
:ase the strength of a kingdom doth consist in the weakness
}f it. And hence it is, that our English kings have suffered
;ime, without disturbing her meals, to feed her belly full on
;heir inland castles and city walls; which, whilst they were
standing in their strength, were but the nurseries of rebel-
ion. And now, as one observeth% because we have no
strong cities, war in England waxeth not old (being quickly
stabbed with set battles), which in the Low Countries hath
already outlived the grand climacterical of threescore and
ten years.
But Frederick the emperor, being now entering into the
Holy Land, was, to the great grief of all Christians, sud-
denly taken away, being drowned in the river of Saleph ; a
river (such is the envy of barbarism, obscuring all places)
which cannot accurately be known at this day, because this
new name is a stranger to all ancient maps. If he went in
to wash himself, as some write, he neither consulted with
lis health nor honour : some say his horse foundered under
him as he passed the water; others, that he fell from him.
But these several relations, as variety of instruments, make
a doleful concert in this, that there he lost his life : and no
wonder, if the cold water quickly quenched those few sparks
of natural heat left in him at seventy years of age. Neubri-
gensis 3 conceiveth that this his sudden death was therefore
inflicted on him because, in his youth, he fought against the
popes and church of Rome : but I wonder that he, seeing
the emperor drowned in a ditch, durst adventure into the
bottomless depths of God's counsels. Let it content us to
know, that oftentimes heaven blasteth those hopes which
bud first and fairest ; and the feet of mighty monarchs do
slip, when they want but one step to their enemies' throne.
After his death, Frederick, duke of Suabia, his second
2 Barklav. Bellum in Anglia non senescit.
3 Lib. 4,"cap. 13.
122 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1190!
son, undertook the conduct of the army. Now the Turks,
conceiving grief had steeped and moistened these pilgrims'
hearts, gave them a sudden charge, in hope to have over-
thrown them. But the valiant Dutch, who, though they had
scarce wiped their eyes, had scoured their swords, quickly
forced them to retire. Then Frederick took the city of
Antioch [June 21], which was easily delivered unto him,
and his hungry soldiers well refreshed by the citizens, being
as yet, for the most part, Christians. Marching from hence
in set battle, he overthrew Dodequin, general of Saladin's
forces, slew four thousand, and took a thousand prisoners,
with little loss of his own men ; and so came to the city of
Tyre, where he buried the corpse of his worthy father in the
cathedral church, next the tomb of learned Origen ; and
Gulielmus Tyrius, the worthy archbishop, preached hisl
funeral sermon. We may hear his sorrowful army speaking
this his epitaph unto him :
Earth scarce did yield ground enough for thy sword
To conquer, how then could a brook afford
Water to drown thee ? Brook, which since doth fear
(O guilty conscience) in a map to' appear.
Yet blame we not the brook, but rather think
The weight of our own sins did make thee sink.
Now sith 'tis so, we'll fetch a brackish main
Out of our eyes, and drown thee once again.
From hence, by sea, they were conveyed to the Christians'!
army before Ptolemais, where young Frederick died of thej
plague: and his great army, which at first consisted of a:
hundred and fifty thousand at their setting forth out of
Germany, had now no more left than eighteen hundred
armed men 4 .
CHAP. V. The Continuation of the famous Siege of Ptole-
mais. The Dutch Knights honoured with a Grand
Master.
WE have now, at our leisure, overtaken the snail-like
siege of Ptolemais, still slowly creeping on. Before
it the Christians had not only a national but oecumenical
army ; the abridgment of the Christian world : scarce a
state or populous city in Europe but had here some compe-
tent number to represent it.
4 ^Emilius, in Pbil. 2, p. 175.
D. 1190 THE HOLY WAR. 123
How many bloody blows were here lent on both sides,
d repaid with interest ; what sallies, what assaults, what
counters, whilst the Christians lay betwixt Saladin with
great army behind them, and the city before them !
i memorable battle we must not omit. It was agreed
twixt Saladin and the Christians to try their fortunes in a
tched field ; and now the Christians were in fair hope of
conquest, when an imaginary causeless fear put them to a
al flight 1 ; so ticklish are the scales of victory, a very
ote will turn them. Thus confusedly they ran away, and
ot would have been given to change a strong arm for a
ift leg. But behold, Geoffrey Lusignan, King Guy's
other (left for the guarding of the camp), marching out
th his men, confuted the Christians in this their ground-
s mistake, and reinforced them to fight, whereby they
>n the day, though with the loss of two thousand men,
d Gerard, master of the Templars.
It was vainly hoped, that after this victory the city would
surrendered ; but the Turks still bravely defended it,
ough most of their houses were burnt and beaten down,
d the city reduced to a bare skeleton of walls and towers,
ley fought as well with their wits as weapons, and both
des devised strange defensive and offensive engines; so
at Mars himself, had he been here present, might have
arned to fight, and have taken notes from their practice,
eantime famine raged amongst the Christians ; and though
me provision was now and then brought in from Italy
or so far they fetched it), yet these small showers after
eat droughts parched the more, and rather raised than
ated their hunger.
Once more we will take our farewell of this siege for a
elvemonth : but we must not forget that at this time,
fore the walls of Ptolemais, the Teutonic order, or Dutch
nights 21 (which since the days of Baldwin II. lived like
ivate pilgrims) had now their order honoured with Henry
~ Walpot their first grand master, and they were enriched
the bounty of many German benefactors. These, though
>w, were sure ; they did hoc agere, ply their work ; more
rdial to the Christian cause than the Templars, who some-
mes, to save their own stakes, would play booty with the
urks. Much good service did the Dutch knights in the
ly war ; till at last (no wise doctor will lavish physic on
Fuga imaginario metu orta. Sabell. Enn. 9, lib. 5, p. 377.
3 Munster, de Germania, lib. 3, p. 778.
124 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 119(
him in whom he seeth faciem cadaverosarn, so that deatl
hath taken possession in the sick man's countenance), find
ing this war to be desperate, and dedecus fortitudinis, thei
even fairly left the Holy Land, and came into Europe
meaning to lay out their valour on something that vvouh
quit cost. But hereof hereafter.
CHAP. VI. Richard of England and Philip of France se
forward to the Holy Land. The Danger of the Inter
views of Princes.
THE miseries of the Christians in Syria being reportec
in Europe, made Richard I. king of England, anc
Philip II., surnamed Augustus, king of France, to make uj
all private dissensions betwixt them, and to unite thei
forces against the Turks-
Richard was well stored with men, the bones, and quickb
got money, the sinews of war; by a thousand princeb
skills gathering so much coin as if he meant not to return
because looking back would unbow his resolution. T(
Hugh, bishop of Durham, for his life, he sold the county o
Northumberland ; jesting, he had made a new earl of an oh
bishop 1 : he sold Berwick and Roxburgh to the Scottisl
king for ten thousand pounds : yea, he protested he wouk
sell his city of London 2 (if any were able to buy it) rathe
than he would be burdensome to his subjects for money
But take this, as he spake it, for a flourish : for, pretending
he had lost his old, he made a new seal, wherewith h
squeezed his subjects, and left a deep impression in thei
purses; forcing them to have all their instruments nevi
sealed, which any ways concerned the crown 3 .
Having now provided for himself, he forgot not hi:i
younger brother, John earl of Morton, who was to staj
behind him ; an active man, who, if he misliked the main
tenance was cut for him, would make bold to carve for him-
self: lest, therefore, straitened for means, he should swel
into discontent, King Richard gave him many earldoms anc
honours, to the yearly value of four thousand marks. Thu:
he received the golden saddle, but none of the bridle of th<
commonwealth ; honour and riches were heaped upon him
but no place of trust and command. For the king deputec
William, bishop of Ely, his viceroy ; choosing him for tha
place rather than any lay earl, because a coronet perchanc*
1 Matthew Paris, Rich. I. p. 207.
2 Martinus, in Richardo I. 3 Speed, in Richard I.
D. 1190 THE HOLY WAR. 125
ly swell into a crown, but never a mitre : for a clergy-
*an's calling made him incapable of usurpation in his own
rson.
Thus having settled matters at home, he set forth with
my of our nation, which either ushered or followed him.
f these the prime were, Baldwin archbishop of Canter-
ry, Hubert bishop of Salisbury, Robert earl of Leicester,
ilph de Glanville late chief justice of England, Richard
Clare, Walter de Kime, &c. The bishops of Durham
d Norwich, though they had vowed this voyage, were
spensed with by the court of Rome (qua. nulli deest pecu-
n lurgienti*) to stay at home. His navy he sent about
Spain, and with a competent number took his own
urney through France.
At Tours he took his pilgrim's scrip and staff from the
chbishop. His staff at the same time casually brake in
eces 5 ; which some (whose dexterity lay in sinister inter-
eting all accidents) construed a token of ill success,
kewise, when he and the French king, with their trains,
issed over the bridge of Lyons, on the fall of the bridge
s conceit was built, that there would be a falling out
twixt these two kings 6 ; which accordingly came to pass,
eir intercourse and familiarity breeding hatred and discon-
nt betwixt them.
Yea, the interviews of equal princes have ever been
served dangerous. Now princes measure their equality
t by the extent of their dominions, but by the absolute-
ss of their power ; so that he that is supreme and inde-
ndent in his own country counteth himself equal to any
ler prince how great soever. Perchance some youthful
ngs may disport and solace themselves one in another's
mpany, whilst as yet pleasure is all the elevation of their
uls ; but when once they grow sensible of their own great-
ss (a lesson they will quickly learn, and shall never want
ichers), then emulation will be betwixt them ; because at
eir meeting they cannot so go in equipage but one will
11 be the foremost : either his person will be more proper,
carriage more courtlike, or attendance more accom-
ished, or attire more fashionable, or something will
ther be or conceived to be more majestical in one than
e other : and corrivals in honour count themselves eclipsed
4 Matthew Paris, in Richardo I. p. 207.
5 Roger Hoveden, in Richardo I. p. 666.
6 Idem, ibidem.
126 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 119C
by every beam of state which shineth from their competitor
Wherefore the best way to keep great princes together is tc
keep them asunder, accommodating their business by am
bassadors, lest the meeting of their own persons part theii
affections.
CHAP. VII. King Richard conquereth Sicily and Cyprus,
in his Passage to the Holy Land.
AT Lyons these two kings parted their trains, and wen
several ways into Sicily. King Richard in his passage]
though within fifteen miles of Rome, wanting (forsooth]
either devotion or manners, vouchsafed not to give hi:
holiness a visit ; yea, plainly told Octavian, bishop o
Ostia, the pope's confessor, that, having better objects t<
bestow his eyes on, he would not stir a step to see tht
pope ; because lately, without mercy, he had simonicalh
extorted a mass of money from the prelates of England *'
At Messina, in Sicily, these two kings meet again ; wherei
to complete King Richard's joy, behold his navy then
safely arriving, which, with much difficulty and danger, hac
fetched a compass about Spain.
And now King Richard, by his own experience, grevi
sensible of the miseries which merchants and mariners ai
sea underwent, being always within a few inches, oftei
within a hair's breadth, of death. Wherefore, now touchet
with remorse of their pitiful case, he resolved to revoke thi
law of wrecks, as a law so just that it was even unjust. Fo
formerly, both in England and Normandy, the crown wa:
entitled to shipwrecked goods, and the king, jure gentium
made heir unto them 1 ; which otherwise, jure naturali
were conceived to be in bonis nullius, pertaining to m
owner. But now our Richard refused to make advantag(
of such pitiful accidents, and to strip poor mariners but o
those rags of their estates which the mercy and modesty o
the waves and winds had left them. And therefore, in tht
month of October, at Messina, in the presence of mani
archbishops and bishops, he for ever quitted the claim t<
wrecks 3 : so that if any man out of the ship cometh alivi
to the shore, the property of the shipwrecked goods is stil
preserved to the owner. Yea, this grant was so enlarged bj
1 Hoveden, in Rich. I. p. 668, and Matth. Paris, in eodem
p. 213. 2 Bracton, lib. 2, cap. 5.
3 Quietum clamavit, Wreck, &c. Roger Hoveden, in Rich
ardo I. p. 678.
D. 1190 THE HOLY WAR. 127
ir succeeding kings, that if a dog or a cat escaped alive to
nd, the goods still remained the owner's, if he claimed
tern within a year and a day 4 .
Tancred at this time was king of Sicily ; a bastard born :
id no wonder, if climbing up to the throne the wrong wayj
i shook when he sat down. Besides, he was a tyrant
)th detaining the dowry and imprisoning the person of
[pan, wife to William, late king of Sicily, and sister to
Jng Richard. But in what a case was he now, having
such mighty monarchs come unto him. To keep them
kit was above his power, to let them in against his will.
(Veil he knew it was woful to lie in the road where great
rmies were to pass ; for power knoweth no inferior friend,
id the landlord commonly loseth his rent, sometimes his
1, where the tenant is too potent for him.
At last he resolved (how wisely or honestly let others
idge) openly to poise himself indifferent betwixt these two
lings, secretly applying himself to the French ; which King
Tichard quickly discovered, as dissembling goeth not along
ivisible before a judicious eye.
Meantime the citizens of Messina did the English much
r rong, if not by the command, with the consent of the
:ing. For though it be unjust to father the base actions of
mruly people on their prince ; yet Tancred not punishing
lis people for injuring the English, when he might and was
equired thereunto, did in effect justify their insolencies,
ind adopt their deeds to be his. Wherefore King Richard,
avenge himself, took Messina by assault, seized on most
irts in the island, demanding satisfaction for all wrongs
lone to him and his sister. Tancred, though dull at first,
low pricked with the sword, came off roundly with many
[housand ounces of gold ; and seeing, as the case stood, his
>est thrift was to be prodigal, gave to our king what rich
editions soever he demanded.
Worse discords daily increased betwixt the kings of
'ranee and England ; King Richard, slighting the king of
'ranee's sister, whom he had promised to marry, and ex-
>ressing more affection to Beringaria, daughter to the king
f Navarre. Some princes interposing themselves in this
(reach, rather assuaged the pain than removed the malady :
o dangerous are ruptures betwixt great ones, whose affec-
tions, perchance, by the mediation of friends may be brought
igain to meet, but never to unite and incorporate. King
4 Sir Edward Coke, vol. vi. p. 107.
128 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1191
Philip, thinking to forestall the market of honour, and take
up all for himself, hasted presently to Ptolemais : Richard
followed at his leisure, and took Cyprus in his way. Isaac
(or Cursac) reigned then in Cyprus ; who, under Androni-
cus, the Grecian emperor (when every factious nobleman
snatched a plank out of that shipwrecked empire), seized
on this island, and there tyrannized as a reputed king.
Some falsely conceived him a pagan : and his faith is
suspected, because his charity was so bad ; killing the Eng-
lish that landed there, not having so much man as to pity a
woman, and to suffer the seasick Lady Beringaria to come
on shore. But King Richard speedily overran the island,
honoured Isaac with the magnificent captivity of silver
fetters ; yet giving his daughter liberty and princely usage.
The island he pawned to the Templars for ready money.
And because Cyprus, by antiquity, was celebrated as the
seat of Venus, that so it might prove to him, in the joyous
month of May he solemnly took to wife his beloved Lady
Beringaria.
CHAP. VIII. The Taking of the City Ptolemais.
"TT7HILST King Richard stayed in Cyprus, the siege of
W Ptolemais went on [1191] : and though the French
king thought with a running pull to bear the city away,
yet he found it staked down too fast for all his strength to
stir.
Meantime, the plague and famine raged in the Christians'
camp ; which the last year swept away fifty princes and
prelates of note : who, no doubt, went hence to a happy
place ; though it was before Pope Clement VI. commanded
the angels (who durst not but obey him) presently to
convey all their souls into paradise which should die in
their pilgrimage 1 .
This mortality notwithstanding, the siege still continued.
And now the Christians and Turks, like two fencers long
playing together, were so well acquainted with the blows
and guards each of other, that what advantage was taken
betwixt them was merely casual, never for want of skill,
care, or valour on either side. It helped the Christians not
a little, that a concealed Christian within the city, with
letters unsubscribed with any name, gave them constant and
1 Chemnitius, ex Weselo, Exam. Cone. Trid. tract. De
Indulg.
A. D.I 191 THE HOLY WAR. 129
faithful intelligence of the remarkable passages amongst
the Turks.
No prince in this siege deserved more than Leopold,
duke of Austria, who fought so long in assaulting this city,
till his armour was all over gore blood, save the place
covered with his belt. Whereupon he and his successors,
the dukes of Austria, renouncing the six golden larks, their
ancient arms, had assigned them by the emperor a fesse
argent in a field gules, as the paternal coat of their family*.
By this time King Richard was arrived [June 8] (taking
as he came a dromond, or Saracen ship, wherein were fifteen
hundred soldiers, and two hundred and fifty scorpions 3 ,
which were to be employed in the poisoning of Christians),
and now the siege of Ptolemais more fiercely prosecuted.
But all their engines made not so wide a breach in that city
walls, as envy made betwixt the French and English kings.
Yet at last the Turks, despairing of succour, their victuals
wholly spent, yielded up the city by Saladin's consent, on
condition to be themselves safely guarded out of it [July
13] : all Christian prisoners Saladin had were to be set free,
and the cross to be again restored.
The houses which were left, with the spoil and prisoners,
were equally divided betwixt Philip and Richard. Whereat
many noblemen, partners in the pains, no sharers in the
gains, departed in discontent 4 . Some Turks, for fear, em-
braced the Christian faith, but quickly returned to their
vomit 5 : as religion dyed in fear never long keepeth colour,
but this day's converts will be to-morrow's apostates. Here-
upon it was commanded that none hereafter should be bap-
tized against their wills.
Here the English cast down the ensigns of Leopold,
duke of Austria, which he had advanced in a principal
tower in Ptolemais; and, as some say, threw them into the
jakes. The duke, though angry at heart, forgot this injury
till he could remember it with advantage ; and afterwards
made King Richard pay soundly for this affront. It is not
good to exasperate any, though far inferior : for, as the fable
telleth us, the beetle may annoy the eagle, and the mouse
befriend the lion.
When the city was taken, it grieved the Christians not a
2 Pantal. De illustribus Germanise, part 2, p. 201.
3 Matth. Paris, in anno 1191.
4 Roger Hoveden, in Richardo I. p. 696.
5 Fox, Martyrol. p. 24.7.
130 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1191
little that their faithful correspondent 6 , who advised them
by his letters, could no where be found : pity it was that
Rahab's red lace was not tied at his window. But indeed
it was probable that he was dead before the surrendering of
the city. Greater was the grief that the cross did no where
appear, either carelessly lost, or enviously concealed by
the Turks. Whilst the Christians stormed hereat, Saladin
required a longer respite for the performance of the con-
ditions. But King Richard would not enlarge him from
the strictness of what was concluded ; conceiving that was
in effect to forfeit the victory back again. Besides, he knew
he did it only to gain time to fetch new breath ; and if he
yielded to him, his bounty had not been thanked, but his
fear upbraided, as if he durst not deny him. Yea, in anger
King Richard commanded all the Turkish captives which
were in his hands, seven thousand in number, to be put to
death (except some choice persons) on that day whereon
the articles should have been, but were not performed 7 .
For which fact he suffered much in his repute, branded
with rashness and cruelty, as the murderer of many Chris-
tians : for Saladin, in revenge, put as many of our captives
to death. On the other side, the moderation of the French
king was much commended, who, reserving his prisoners
alive, exchanged them to ransom so many Christians.
CHAP. IX. The unseasonable Return of the King of
France.
MEANTIME the Christians were rent asunder with
faction : Philip the French king, Odo duke of Bur-
gundy, Leopold duke of Austria, most of the Dutch, all the
Genoans and Templars siding with King Conrad ; King
Richard, Henry count of Champagne, the Hospitallers,
Venetians, and Pisans taking part with King Guy. But
King Conrad's side was much weakened with the sudden
departure of the French king ; who, eighteen days after the
taking of Ptolemais, returned home [July 31], pretending
want of necessaries, indisposition of body, distemper of the
climate, though the greatest distemper was in his own
passions. The true cause of his departure was, partly envy,
because the sound of King Richard's fame was of so deep
a note that it drowned his ; partly covetousness, to seize on
6 Hoveden, in Rich. I. p. 694.
7 P. yEmilius, in Philippo Augusto, p. 174. But Matthew
Paris saith but two thousand six hundred.
A. D. 1191 THE HOLY WAR. 131
the dominions of the earl of Flanders lately dead ' ; Flan-
ders lying fitly to make a stable for the fair palace of France.
If it be true, what some report 7 -, that Saladin bribed him
to return, let him for ever forfeit the surname of Augustus,
and the style of The most Christian Prince.
His own soldiers dissuaded him from returning, beseech-
ing him not to stop in so glorious a race, wherein he was
newly started : Saladin was already on his knees, and would
probably be brought on his face, if pursued. If he played
the unthrift with this golden occasion, let him not hope for
another to play the good husband with. If poverty forced
his departure, King Richard proffered him the half of all his
provisions 3 .
All would not do ; Philip persisted in his old plea, how
the life of him absent would be more advantageous to the
cause, than the death of him present ; and by importunity
got leave to depart, solemnly swearing not to molest the
king of England's dominions.
Thus the king of France returned in person, but remained
still behind in his instructions, which he left (with his army)
to the duke of Burgundy ; to whom he prescribed both his
path and his pace, where and how he should go. And that
duke moved slowly, having no desire to advance the work
where King Richard would carry all the honour. For in
those actions wherein several undertakers are compounded
together, commonly the first figure for matter of credit
maketh ciphers of all the rest. . As for King Philip, being
returned home, such was the itch of his ambition, he must
be fingering of the king of England's territories, though his
hands were bound by oath to the contrary.
CHAP. X. Conrad King of Jerusalem slain. Guy exchanges
his Kingdom for the Island of Cyprus.
ABOUT the time of the king of France's departure,
Conrad king of Jerusalem was murdered in the mar-
ket-place of Tyre 4 " [April 27] ; and his death is variously
reported. Some charged our King Richard for procuring
it : and though the beams of his innocency cleared his own
heart, yet could they not dispel the clouds of suspicions
1 Matthew Paris, p. 220.
2 Speed, out of Hoveden, in Richard I.
3 Matthew Paris, in Richardo I. p. 219.
4 Roger Hoveden, in Richardo I. p. 716, saithon the calends
of May ; but Sabellicus putteth it sooner.
132 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1192
from other men's eyes. Some say Humphred prince of
Thorone killed him, for taking Isabella his wife away from
him. But the general voice giveth it out that two assassins
stabbed him ; whose quarrel to him was only this, that he
was a Christian. These murderers being instantly put to
death, gloried in the meritoriousness of their suffering * :
and surely were it the punishment, not the cause, made
martyrdom, we should be best stored with confessors from
gaols, and martyrs from the gallows.
Conrad reigned five years, and left one daughter, Maria
lole, on whom the Knights-templars bestowed princely
education. And this may serve for his epitaph :
The crown I never did enjoy alone;
Of half a kingdom I was half a king.
Scarce was I on, when I was off the throne;
Slain by two slaves me basely murdering.
And thus the best man's life at mercy lies
Of vilest varlets, that their own despise.
His faction survived after his death, affronting Guy the
ancient king, and striving to depose him. They pleaded
that the crown was tied on Guy's head with a woman's
fillet, which being broken by the death of his wife, Queen
Sibyll (who deceased of the plague, with her children, at
the siege of Ptolemais 3 ), he had no longer right to the
kingdom ; they objected he was a worthless man, and unfor-
tunate. On the other side, it was alleged for him, that to
measure a man's worth by his success, is a square often
false, always uncertain. Besides, the courtesy of the world
would allow him this favour, that a king should be sen/el et
semper, once and ever.
Whilst Guy stood on these ticklish terms, King Richard
made a seasonable motion, which well relished to the palate
of this hungry prince. To exchange his kingdom of Jeru-
salem for the island of Cyprus ; which he had redeemed
from the Templars, to whom he had pawned it : and this
was done accordingly, to the content of both sides [Sept.
1 192 *]. And King Richard, with some of his succeeding
English kings, wore the title of Jerusalem in their style for.
liu*, in Phil. Augusto, p. 179.
3 Roger Hoveden, in Richardo 1. p. 685.
4 Calvi-iiis.
A. D. 1192 THE HOLY WAR. 133
many years after 5 . We then dismiss King Guy, hearing
him thus taking his farewell :
I steer'd a state, war-toss'd, against my will ;
Blame then the storm, not the pilot's want of skill,
That I the kingdom lost, whose empty style
I sold to England's king for Cyprus' isle.
I pass'd away the land I could not hold ;
Good ground I bought, but only air I sold.
Then as a happy merchant may I sing,
Though I must sigh as an unhappy king.
Soon after, Guy made a second change of this world
for another. But the family of the Lusignans have enjoyed
Cyprus some hundred years : and since, by some transac-
tions, is fell to the state of Venice ; and lately, by conquest,
to the Turks.
CHAP. XI. Henry of Champagne chosen King. Tfie noble
Achievements and Victories of King Richdrd.
CONRAD being killed, and Guy gone away, Henry
earl of Champagne was chosen king of Jerusalem, by
the especial procuring of King Richard his uncle. To
corroborate his election by some right of succession, he
married Isabella, the widow of King Conrad and daughter
to Almerick king of Jerusalem. A prince (as writers
report) having a sufficient stock of valour in himself, but
little happy in expressing it ; whether for want of oppor-
tunity, or shortness of his reign, being most spent in a
truce. He more pleased himself in the style of prince of
Tyre than king of Jerusalem ; as counting it more honour to
be prince of what he had, than king of what he had not.
And now the Christians began every where to build :
the Templars fortified Gaza; King Richard repaired and
walled Ptolemais, Porphyria, Joppa, and Askelon. But,
alas ! this short prosperity, like an autumn-spring, came
too late, and was gone too soon, to bring any fruit to matu-
rity.
It was now determined they should march towards
Jerusalem ; for all this while they had but hit the butt ;
that holy city was the mark they shot at. Richard led the
vanguard of English ; Duke Odo commanded in the main
battle over his French ; James of Auvergne brought on the
5 Sabell. Enn. 9, lib. 5, p. 378.
134 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1192
Flemings and Brabanters in the rear. Saladin, serpent-
like biting the heel, assaulted the rear, not far from Bethle-
hem ; when the French and English wheeling about, charged
the Turks most furiously. Emulation, formerly poison,
was here a cordial, each Christian nation striving not only
to conquer their enemies, but to overcome their friends in
the honour of the conquest. King Richard, seeking to put
his courage out of doubt, brought his judgment into ques-
tion, being more prodigal of his person than beseemed a
general. One wound he received *, but by losing his blood
he found his spirits, and laid about him like a madman.
The Christians got the victory, without the loss of any of
number or note, save James of Auvergne, w r ho here died in
the bed of honour ; but more of the Turks were slain than
in any battle for forty years before.
Had the Christians presently gone to Jerusalem, pro-
bably they might have surprised it, whilst the Turks' eyes
were muffled and blindfolded in the amazement of this great
overthrow. But this opportunity was lost by the backward-
ness and unwillingness of King Richard and the English,
say the French writers z . To cry quits with them, our
English authors impute it to the envy of the French 3 ; who
would have so glorious an action rather left undone, than
done by the English. They complain likewise of the
treachery of Odo duke of Burgundy, who, more careful of
his credit than his conscience, was choked with the shame
of the sin he had swallowed, and died for grief, when his
intelligence with the Turks was made known. This cannot
be denied, that Saladin sent (term them bribes or presents)
both to our king and the French duke, and they received
them : no wonder then if neither of them herein had a good
name, when they traded with such familiars. But most hold
King Richard attempted not Jerusalem, because, as a wise
architect, he would build his victories so as they might
stand, securing the country as he went ; it being senseless
to besiege Jerusalem, a straggling city, whilst the Turks as
yet were in possession of all the seaports and strong forts
thereabout.
About this time he intercepted many camels loaded with
rich commodity, those eastern wares containing much in
a little. And yet of all this, and of all the treasures of
1 P. ^Emil. in Phil. Augusto, p. 180.
2 P. JEmil. ibidem.
3 Matih. Paris, iu Richardo I. p. 216.
A. D. 1192 THE HOLY WAR. 135
England, Sicily, and Cyprus, which he brought hither,
King Richard carried home nothing but one gold ring 4 ;
all the rest of his wealth melted away in this liot service.
He wintered in Askelon, intending next spring to have at
Jerusalem.
CHAP. XII. The little honourable Peace King Richard
made with Saladin. Of the Value of Relics.
BUT bad news out of Europe shook his steadiest
resolutions, hearing how William bishop of Ely, his
viceroy in England, used unsufferable insolencies over his
subjects ; so hard it is for one of base parentage to personate
a king without overacting his part. Also he heard how the
king of France, and John earl of Morton his own brother,
invaded his dominions ; ambition, the pope in their belly,
dispensing with their oath to the contrary. Besides, he
saw this war was not a subject capable of valour to any
purpose; the Venetians, Genoans, Pisans, and Florentines
being gone away with their fleets, wisely shrinking them-
selves out of the collar, when they found their necks wrung
with the hard employment. Hereupon he was forced first
to make the motion of (in plain terms, to beg) peace of
Salidin.
Let Saladin now alone to win, having all the game in
his own hand. Well knew he how to shoot at his own
ends, and to take aim by the exigencies wherein he knew
King Richard was plunged. For he had those cunning
gipsies about him, who could read in King Richard's face
what grieved his heart; and by his intelligencers was
certified of every note-worthy passage in the English army.
Upon these terms therefore or none (beggars of peace shall
never be choosers of their conditions) a truce for three
(some say five) years might be concluded, that the Chris-
tians should demolish all places they had walled since the
taking of Ptolemais ; which was in effect to undo what with
much charge they had done. But such was the tyranny
of King Richard's occasions, forcing him to return, that
he was glad to embrace those conditions he hated at his
heart.
Thus the voyage of these two kings, begun with as great
confidence of the undertakers as expectation of the beholders,
continued with as much courage as interchangeableness of
success, baned with mutual discord and emulation, was
* P. ^Emil. p. 181. Excepto hoc annulo nudus inopsque.
136 THE HISTORY OF A. D.I 192
ended with some honour to the undertakers, no profit either
to them or the Christian cause l . Some far-fetched dear-
bought honour they got; especially King Richard, who
eternized his memory in Asia; whom if men forget, horses
will remember; the Turks using to say to their horses when
they started for fear, Dost thou think King Richard is
here ? Profit they got none, losing both of them the hair
of their heads in an acute disease; which was more, saith
one% than both of them got by the voyage.
They left the Christians in Syria, in worse" case than they
found them ; as he doth the benighted traveller a discourtesy
rather than a kindness, who lendeth a lantern to take it
away, leaving him more masked than he was before.
And now a little to solace myself and the reader wi:h a
merry digression, after much sorrow and sad stories. ing
Richard did one thing in Palestine which was worth all
the cost and pains of his journey; namely, he redeemed'
from the Turks a chest full of holy relics (which they had
gotten at the taking of Jerusalem), so great, as four :nen
could scarce carry any way 3 . And though some know
no more than ^Esop's cock how to prize these pearls, let
them learn the true value of them from the Roman jewellers.
Tirst, they must carefully distinguish between public and
private relics : in private ones some forgery may be sus-
pected, lest quid be put for quo ; which made St. Augustine
put in that wary parenthesis, Si tamen martyrum, If so be
they be the relics of martyrs 4 . But as for public ones
approved by the pope, and kept in churches (such no doubt
as these of King Richard's were) oh let no Christian be
such an infidel as to stagger at the truth thereof! If any
object, that the head of the same saint is showed at several
places ; the whole answer is by a synecdoche, that a part is
put for the whole 5 . As for the common exception against
the cross, that so many several pieces thereof are shown,
which put together would break the back of Simon of Cyrene
to bear them, it is answered, Distrahitur, non diminuitur,
and, like the loaves in the gospel, it is miraculously multi-
plied in the dividing. If all these fail, Baronius hath a
razor shaveth all scruple clear away ; for, saith he 6 , Quicquid
sit, Jides purgat facinus ; so that he worshipeth the false
1 P. ^mil. p. 181. Tanto duorum regum conatu nihil actum.
2 Daniel, p. 100. 3 Matth. Paris, in Rich. I. p. 222.
4 In lib. De Oper. MOD cap. 28.
5 Bellarm. De ileliq. cap. 4. 6 Annal. Eccl. in anno 226.
. D. i.192 THE HOLY WAR. 137
elics of a true saint, God taketh his good intention in good
vorth, though he adore the hand of Esau for the hand of
acob. But enough of these fooleries.
/HAP. XIII. King Richard taken Prisoner in Austria;
sold, and sent to the Emperor ; dearly ransomed, return-
eth home.
KING Richard setting sail from Syria, the sea and wind
favoured him till he came into the Adriatic [Oct. 8] ;
,nd on the coasts of Istria he suffered shipwreck ; where-
ore he intended to pierce through Germany by land, the
icarest way home. But the nearness of the way is to be
neasured not by the shortness but the safeness of it.
He disguised himself to be one Hugo a merchant, whose
nly commodity was himself, whereof he made but a bad
argain. For he was discovered in an inn in Austria,
ecause he disguised his person, not his expenses ; so that
hk very policy of an hostess, finding his purse so far above
is clothes, did detect him [Dec. 20] ; yea, saith mine
luthoi . Fades orbi terrarum nota, ignorari non potuit. The
ude people, flocking together, used him with insolencies
inworthy him, worthy themselves ; and they who would
hake at the tail of this loose lion, durst laugh at his face
low they saw him in a grate ; yet all the weight of their
ruelty did not bow him beneath a princely carriage.
Leopold duke of Austria hearing hereof, as being lord of
he soil, seized on this royal stray [Dec 20] ; meaning now
o get his pennyworths out of him, for the affront done
into him in Palestine.
Not long after the duke sold him to Henry the emperor,
or his harsh nature surnamed Asper, and it might have
>een Stevus, being but one degree from a tyrant. He kept
ting Richard in bands, charging him with a thousand
aults committed by him in Sicily, Cyprus, and Palestine.
Che proofs were as slender as the crimes gross, and Richard
laving an eloquent tongue, innocent heart, and bold spirit,
icquitted himself in the judgment of all the hearers. At
ast he was ransomed for a hundred and forty thousand
narks, collen weight 1 . A sum so vast in that age, before
he Indies had overflowed all Europe with their gold and
ilver, that to raise it in England they were forced to sell
.heir church plate, to their very chalices. Whereupon out
f most deep divinity it was concluded, that they should
1 Matth. Paris, in Rich. I.
138 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1192
not celebrate the sacrament in glass 2 , for the brittleness of
it ; nor in wood, for the sponginess of it, which would suck
up the blood ; nor in alchymy, because it was subject to
rusting; nor in copper, because that would provoke vomit-
ing; but in chalices of latten, which belike was a metal
without exception. And such were used in England for
some hundred years after 3 , until at last John Stafford arch-
bishop of Canterbury, when the land was more replenished
with silver, inknotteth that priest in the greater excommu-
nication that should consecrate poculum stanneum. After
this money Peter of Blois 4 (who had drunk as deep of
Helicon as any of that age) sendeth this good prayer,
making an apostrophe to the emperor, or to the duke of
Austria, or to both together :
Bibe nunC) avaritia,
Dum puteos argenteos,
Larga diffundit Anglia.
Tua tecum pecunia,
Sit in perditionem.
And now, thou basest avarice,
Drink till thy belly burst,
Whilst England pours large silver showers,
To satiate thy thirst.
And this we pray, thy money may
And thou be like accurst.
The ransom partly paid, the rest secured by hostages,
King Richard much befriended by the Dutch prelacy, after
eighteen months' imprisonment, returned into England.
The archbishop of Cullen, in the presence of King Richard,
as he passed by, brought in these words in saying mass,
" Now I know that God hath sent his angel, and hath
delivered thee out of the hand of Herod, and from the
expectation of the people," &c. But his soul was more
healthful for this bitter physic, and he amended his man-
ners, better loving his queen Beringaria 5 , whom he slighted
before ; as soldiers too often love women better than wives.
Leave we him now in England, where his presence fixed
the loyalty of many of his unsettled subjects, whilst in
Austria the duke with his money built the walls of Vienna ;
so that the best stones and mortar of that bulwark oi
2 Lindwood, lib. 1, De summa Tri. p. 6.
3 Eulogium ; a Chronicle cited by Fox, Martyrol. in Rich. I
4 Epist. 57. 5 Speed, in Rich. I.
D.1193. THE HOLY WAR. 139
hristendom are beholden to the English coin. We must
)t forget how God's judgments overtook this duke, punish-
ig his dominions with fire and water, which two elements
innot be kings, but they must be tyrants ; by famine, the
rs of wheat turned into worms ; by a gangrene, seizing
i the duke's body, who cut off his leg with his own hand,
id died thereof; who by his testament (if not by his will)
used some thousand crowns to be restored again to King
ichard.
HAP. XIV. The Death of Saladin. His Commendation,
even with Truth, but almost above Belief.
after, Saladin, the terror of the east, ended his
life [Feb. 16, 1193], having reigned sixteen years,
onsider him as a man, or a prince, he was both ways
.mirable.
Many historians (like some painters, which rather show
eir skill in drawing a curious face, than in making it like
him whom it should resemble), describe princes rather
mt they should be, than what they were; not showing
much their goodness as their own wits. But finding
s Saladin so generally commended of all writers, we have
cause to distrust this his true character.
His wisdom was great, in that he was able to advise;
d greater, in that he was willing to be advised ; never
wedded to his own resolves, but on good ground he
3uld be divorced from them. His valour was not over-
ee, but would well answer the spur when need required,
his victories he was much beholden to the advantage of
ason, place, and number ; and seldom wrested the garland
honour from an arm as strong as his own. He ever
irched in person into the field, remembering that his
edecessors, the caliphs of Egypt, brake themselves by
ng factors, and employing of souldans. His temperance
great, diet sparing, sleep moderate, not to pamper
ture, but keep it in repair. His greatest recreation was
riety and exchange of work. Pleasures he rather sipped
in drank off; sometimes, more to content others than
ase himself. Wives he might have kept sans number,
t stinted himself to one or two ; using them rather for
sterity than wantonness. His justice to his own people
s remarkable, his promise with his enemies generally
11 kept. Much he did triumph in mercy ; fierce in fight r
, mild in conquering ; and having his enemies in his
id, pleased himself more in the power than act of revenge.
140 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 119*1
His liberality would have drained his treasure, had it noi
had a great and quick spring, those eastern parts being ver
rich. Serviceable men he would purchase on any rate ; am
sometimes his gifts bore better proportion to his own great
ness than the receiver's deserts. Vast bribes he would givi
to have places betrayed unto him, and often effected tha
with his gold, which he could not do with his steel. Zealou
he was in his own religion, yet not violent against Christian
qua Christians. Scholarship cannot be expected in hin
who was a Turk by his birth (amongst whom it is a sin t<
be learned) and a soldier by breeding. His humility wa
admirable ; as being neither ignorant of his greatness, no
over-knowing it. He provided to have no solemnities at hi:
funeral ; and ordered that before his corpse a black clotl
should be carried on the top of a spear, and this proclaimed
Saladin, conqueror of the East, had nothing left him but thi
black shirt to attend him to the grave l .
Some entitle him as descended from the royal Turkisl
blood ; which flattering heralds he will little thank for thei
pains; counting it most honour, that he, being of mean pa-
rentage, was the first founder of his own nobility. His status
(for one of that nation) was tall. His person rather cut ou
to strike fear than win love ; yet could he put on amiablenes
when occasion required, and make it beseem him. To con
elude : I w r ill not be so bold, to do with him as an easten
bishop * doth with Plato and Plutarch, whom he com
raendeth in a Greek hymn to Christ, as those that cam<
nearest to holiness of all untaught Gentiles : (belike hi
would be our Saviour's remembrancer, and put him in mim
to take more especial notice of them at the day of judgment.
But I will take my farewell of Saladin with that com
mendationlfind of him: He wanted nothing to his eterna
happiness, but the knowledge of Christ 3 .
CHAP. XV. Discords amongst the Turks. The miserabl
Death of Henry King of Jerusalem.
SALADIN left nine (some say twelve) sons [1194]
making Saphradin his brother overseer of his will
who of a tutor turned a traitor, and murdered them all ex
ceptingr one, called also Saphradin, sultan of Aleppo; who
not by his uncle's pity, but by the favour and support of hi
1 Sabell. Enn. 9, lib. A, p. 378.
2 Joan. Euchaitensis, jampridem Etoniae Graece editus.
3 Sabell. Enn. 9, lib. 5, p. 378.
D. 1197 THE HOLY WAR. 141
ther's good friends, was preserved. Hence arose much
testine discord amongst the Turks ; all which time the
hristians enjoyed their truce with much quiet and security.
1196] Not long after, Henry king of Jerusalem, as he
as walking in his palace to solace himself, fell down out
a window, and brake his neck 1 . He reigned three years,
ut as for the particular time he died on, I find it not spe-
lled in any author.
HAP. XVI. Almerick the Second, King of Jerusalem.
The great Army of the Dutch Adventurers doth little in
Syria.
A FTER his death Almerick Lusignan, brother to King
1L Guy, was in the right of his wife crowned king of
jrusalem : for he married Isabella, the relict of Henry the
ist king. This lady was four times married: first to
umphred prince of Thorone; then to the three successive
ngs of Jerusalem, Conrad, Henry, and this Almerick.
e was also king of Cyprus ; and the Christians in Syria
romised themselves much aid from the vicinity of that
sland. But though he was near to them, he was far from
elping them, making pleasure all his work ; being an idle,
izy, worthless, prince. But I trespass on that politic rule,
)f princes we must speak the best, or the least ; if that be
ot intended, when the truth is so late that danger is en-
liled upon it.
In his time, Henry emperor of Germany, indicted by his
Dnscience for his cruelty against King Richard, seeking to
erfume his name in the nostrils of the world, which began
be unsavoury, set on foot another voyage to the Holy
,and [1197]. Pope Celestine III. sent his legates about
) promote this service, showing how God himself had
Dunded the alarm by the dissension of the Turks: Jerusalem
ow might be won with the blows of her enemies ; only an
rmy must be sent, not so much to conquer as to receive it.
Jeneral of the pilgrims was Henry duke of Saxony; next
im, Frederick duke of Austria, Herman landgrave of Thu-
ingia, Henry palatine of Rhine, Conrad archbishop of
tfentz, Conrad archbishop of Wurtzburg, the bishops of
Jreme, Halberstadt, and Regenspurg, with many more
relates ; so that here was an episcopal army, which might
ave served for a national synod : insomuch that one truly
light here have seen the church militant. We have no
Continuator Ursp. in anno 1196. Et M. Paris, in eodeiu.
142 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 119
ambition, saith one of their countrymen *, to reckon ther
up ; for they were plurimi et nulli, many in number, non
in their actions.
Some of these soldiers were employed by Henry th
emperor (who knew well to bake his cake with the church'
fuel) to subdue his rebels in Apulia. This done, they passei
through Greece, and found there better entertainment tha
some of their predecessors. Hence by shipping they wer
conveyed into Syria : here they brake the truce made b
King Richard 21 (it seemeth by this, it was the last fiv
years), the pope dispensing therewith ; who can make
peace nets to hold others, but a cobweb for himself to breai
through. The city Berytus they quickly won, and as quickl;
lost. For Henry the emperor suddenly died, the root whicl
nourished this voyage, and then the branches withered
Henry also, duke of Saxony, general of this army, wa
slain. And Conrad archbishop of Mentz, one of th<
electors, would needs return home to the choice of a nev
emperor ; knowing he could more profitably use his voic<
in Germany than his arms in Syria. Other captains secretl;
stole home ; and when their soldiers would have fought
their captains ran away 3 . And whereas in other expedition
we find vestigia pauca retrorsum, making such clean worl
that they left little or no reversions ; of this voyage man^
safely returned home with whole bodies and woundec
credits.
The rest that remained fortified themselves in Joppa, anc
now the feast of St. Martin was come, the Dutch thei
arch-saint. This man being a German by birth, and bishop
of Tours in France, was eminent for his hospitality 4 ; anc
the Dutch, badly imitating their countryman, turn his cha
rity to the poor into riot on themselves, keeping the eleventl
of November (I will not say holy-day, but) feast-day. A
this time the springtide of their mirth so drowned thei:
souls, that the Turks coming in upon them cut every one o
their throats, to the number of twenty thousand 5 : anc
quickly they were stabbed with the sword that were cup-
shot before. A day which the Dutch may well write ir
their calendars in red letters dyed with their own blood
when their camp was their shambles, the Turks theii
1 Ursp. Chron. in anno 1197, p. 304. 2 Ursp. ut priiis.
3 Baron. Annal. Eccl. in anno 1197.
4 Pantal. De Vir. illustr. Germ, in Vita S. Martini.
5 Knolles, Turk. Hist. p. 74.
D. 1199 THE HOLY WAR. 143
utchers, and themselves the Martinmas beeves : from
hich the beastly drunkards differ but a little.
The city of Joppa the Turks razed to the ground ; and of
is victory they became so proud, that they^had thought,
ithout stop, to have driven the Christians quite out of Syria,
ut by the coming of Simon count of Montford 6 [1198] (a
iost valiant and expert captain, sent thither by Philip the
rench king with a regiment of tall soldiers, at the instance
F Innocent III., that succeeded Celestine in the papacy),
nd by civil discord then reigning amongst the Turks them-
elves for sovereignty, their fury was repressed, and a peace
jtwixt them and the Christians concluded for the space of
n years 7 : during which time the Turks promised not to
lolest the Christians in Tyre or Ptolemais. Which peace
concluded, the worthy count returned with his soldiers
ito France [1199].
JHAP. XVII. A Crusado for the Holy Land diverted by
the Pope to Constantinople. They conquer the Grecian
Empire.
IP HIS truce notwithstanding, another army of pilgrims
JL was presently provided for Syria ; the tetrarchs whereof
ere Baldwin earl of Flanders, Dandalo the Venetian duke,
heobald earl of Champagne, Boniface marquess of Mont-
errat, with many other nobles.
Leave we them awhile, taking the city of Jadera in Istria
or the Venetians. Meantime, if we look over into Greece,
we shall find Isaac Angelus the emperor deposed, thrust
nto prison, his eyes put out (the punishment there in
ashion), so that he ended his days before he ended his life,
y the cruelty of Alexius Angelus, his brother, who suc-
ceeded him.
But young Alexius, Isaac Angelus's son, with some
Grecian noblemen, came to the courts of most western
)rinces, to beg assistance to free his father and expel the
yrant. He so deported himself, that each gesture was a
let to catch men's good will ; not seeking their favour by
osing himself, but though he did bow, he would not kneel :
so that in his face one might read a pretty combat betwixt
the beams of majesty and cloud of adversity. To see a
prince in want would move a miser's charily. Our western
6 Magdeburgenses, Cent. 12, cap. 16, sub finem.
i Knolles, ut prius.
144 THE HISTORY OF A.D.12CK:
princes tendered his case, which they counted might be
their own; their best right lying at the mercy of any stronger
usurper. Young Alexius so dressed his meat, that he pleased
every man's palate; promising for their succours to disen-
gage the French from their debts to the Venetian; pro-
mising the Venetian satisfaction for the wrongs done them
by the Grecians ; and bearing the pope in hand he would
reduce the eastern churches into his subjection : things
which he was little able to perform 1 . But well may the
statute of bankrupt be sued out against him who cannot be
rich in promises. These his fair proffers prevailed so far,
that the pope commanded, and other princes consented, that
this army of pilgrims, levied for the Holy Land, should be
employed against the usurping Grecian emperor. Many
taxed his holiness for an unjust steward of the Christian
forces, to expend them against the Grecians, which were to
be laid out against the infidels : especially now, when Pales-
tine, through the dissension of the Turks, offered itself into
the Christians' arms to be regained. Others thought the
pope took the right method ; because he who should win
Jerusalem must begin at Constantinople ; and by this war
the Grecian empire, which was the bridge to Syria, would
be made good, and secured for the passage of pilgrims.
The soldiers generally rejoiced at the exchange of their
service ; for the barren wars in Syria starved the under-
takers ; and a cook himself cannot lick his fingers where no
meat is dressed. There nothing but naked honour was to
be gotten, here honour clothed with spoil ; the usurper's
treasure would make brave scrambling amongst them ; and
it was good ploughing up of that ground which had long
lain fallow.
Setting sail from Jadera (which city they had subdued to
the Venetian, forcing them to pay three thousand cony-
skins yearly for tribute to that state 2 ), like good fencers,
they struck at the head, and made for Constantinople ;
which they quickly took, after some hot skirmishes [July
17, 1203]. Alexius Angelus the usurper, with his wife,
whores, and treasure, fled away. Blind Isaac Angelus was
fetched out of prison ; he and young Alexius his son saluted
joint emperors. Which brittle honour of theirs was quickly
broken ; for soon after the father died, being brought into
an open place, kept before in a close pent dungeon ; and
having long fasted from good air, he now got his death by
1 Mtetas. 2 Blondus, lib. 6, decad. 2, p. 270.
A. D. 1204 THE HOLY WAR. 145
surfeiting on it. His son was villanously strangled by
Alexius Ducas, called, from his beetle brow, Mursiphlus ;
one of base parentage, who was tumultuously chosen empe-
ror by the people. This Ducas offered some affronts to the
Latins which lay before Constantinople in their ships.
Wherefore, and also because they were not paid for their
former service, they the second time assaulted the city, and
took it by main force [April 21, 1204] ; killing none, but
robbing all ; ravishing women, and using a thousand inso-
lencies. Some fled for their succour to the shrines of
saints : but the sanctuaries needed sanctuaries to protect
themselves, the soldiers as little respecting place, as for-
merly age or sex; not standing on any reverence to the
saints, they stood upon them, making footstools of their
images and statues.
Nicetas Choniates, hitherto an historian, now a plaintiff
(writing so full of ohs and exclamations as if the while
pinched by the arm), rather without measure than cause,
bemoaneth the outrages the Latins here committed. Poor
man ! all the miseries our Saviour speaketh of in a siege,
met in him : his flight from Constantinople was in the
winter, on the Sabbath-day, his wife being great with child 3 .
But when the object is too near the eye, it seemeth greater
than it is ; and perchance he amplifieth and aggravateth
the cruelty of these pilgrims, being nearly interested therein
himself, especially when the rhetoric of grief is always in
the hyperbole. Nor is it any news for soldiers to be so
insolent when they take a city by assault; which time is
their Saturnalia*, when servants themselves do command,
acknowledging no other leader or captain than their own
passions.
Within a twelvemonth all Greece was subdued, save
only Adrianople : Baldwin earl of Flanders chosen empe-
ror [April 24; crowned May 16]; Thomas Maurocenus
elected first Latin patriarch in Constantinople; Boniface
marquess of Montferrat made king of Thessaly ; Geoffrey
of Troy, a Frenchman, prince of Achaia and duke of
Athens : the Venetians got many rich islands in the Egean
and Ionian seas ; so that one could not now see the Grecian
empire for empires. It was now expected that they should
have advanced hence into Palestine : but here, having well
feathered their nests, they were loath to fly any further.
3 In libello cui titulus, Status Const antinopolis, 1, p. 637.
4 Servorura hie dies est. Lips. lib. 1. Satur. cap. 2.
L
146 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1206
And now no wonder if the Christians' affairs in Palestine
were weak and lean, the pope diverting the meat that should
feed them another way.
CHAP. XVIII. The Pope sendeth an Army of Croiscs
against the Albigenses. Three several Opinions concern-
ing that Sect.
POPE Innocent III., having lately learned the trick of
employing the army of pilgrims in by-services, began
now to set up a trade thereof [1206]. For two years after
he levied a great number of them, whom he sent against
the Albigenses in France. These were reputed heretics,
whom his holiness intended to root out with all cruelty;
that good shepherd knowing no other way to bring home a
wandering sheep than by worrying him to death. He fully
and freely promised the undertakers the selfsame pardons
and indulgences as he did to those who went to conquer
the Holy Land ; and very conscionably requested their aid
only for forty days, hoping to chop up these Albigenses at
a bit. Though herein he was deceived, and they stuck in
his and his successors' teeth for fifty years together. The
place being nearer, the service shorter, the work less, the
wages the same with the voyage into Syria, many entered
themselves in this employment, and neglected the other.
We will trace this army by their footsteps, and our pen
must wait on their swords. And I hope that his holiness,
who absolved many of their vows from Palestine, and com-
muted them into a journey into France, will also of his
goodness dispense with my venial digression herein, in
prosecuting their actions. Yea, indeed, I need not his
dispensation, being still resident on my own subject, this
also being styled the holy war, the war for the crucifix, the
army of the church; the soldiers also bearing the badge of
the cross on their coat-armour.
But first let us thoroughly examine what these Albigenses
were, and what they held : a question that will quit the cost
in studying it.
They were a younger house of the Waldenses, and
branched from them ; not different in doctrine, but later in
time, and distant in place; so called from the country
Albigeois, in France, where they lived.
I find three grand different opinions of authors concern-
ing them.
First, some make them to have been very monsters in life
and doctrine; so that the heaviest punishment was too
A. D. 1206 THE HOLY WAR. 147
ight for them. And this is the general voice of most
writers in that age, and all Romanists in our days.
Secondly, others, clean contrary, hold that these Wal-
denses (for I make them and the Albigenses synonyma, as
others have done f ) were only the true church of God in
that age; whilst all others, being corrupted with abomi-
nable superstition, were no true church at all. These alone
were God's virgins, his witnesses in sackcloth, his woman
in the wilderness, his sealed ones, his seven thousand whose
knees were not suppled with the Baalism of that age. This
is the express opinion of some strict Protestants ; and of
some who speak it not out, yet mutter it to themselves.
Thirdly, a third sort explode this opinion, as trespassing
on Divine providence 1 ; that God, who neither slumbereth
nor sleepeth, should be in so long a lethargy as to suffer
hell to eat up his heaven on earth for so many years toge-
ther, leaving no true church but so small a company of such
simple people. They conceive that the maintainers hereof
engage themselves in a labyrinth of difficulties, hanging too
great a weight on so slender a string, in making such a
handful of men the only church for so long continuance.
More moderately, therefore, they hold, that these Albi-
genses were a purer part of the church; and, though guilty
of some errors (as there must be a dawning before the day),
and charged with more, yet they maintained the same
doctrine in ore, which since Luther's time was refined 3 ; so
that the main body of the church visible at this time was
much in dilapidations, whilst the Albigenses, as an inner-
most chapel thereof, was best in repair.
Let the reader choose the probablest opinion when he
hath perused the evidences of all sides ; which we will now
produce, deducing the history of these Albigenses from
their first original.
1 Jo. Paul. Perin. De Alhig. lib. 1, cap. 1.
2 Dr. Field, Of the Church, lib. 3, cap. 8. We acknowledge
them (viz. Wickliffe, Huss, Hierome of Prague, &c.) to have
been the worthy servants of God, and holy martyrs and confes-
sors, suffering in the cause of Christ against antichrist ; yet do
we not think that the church of God was found only in them.
a Dr. White, in his Reply to Fisher, p. 104, 105. The
Waldeuses maintained the same doctrine in substance with the
modern protestants.
148 THE HISTORY OF
CHAP. XIX. The Beginning of the Albigenses. Their
Dispersion, Persecution, Increase^ Names, and Nick-
names.
ABOUT the year 1160, Peter Waldo, a merchant of
Lyons, rich in substance and learning (for a layman),
was walking and talking with his friends, when one of them
suddenly fell down dead. Which lively spectacle of man's
mortality so impressed the soul of this Waldo, that instantly
he resolved on a strict reformation of his life, which to his
power he performed ; translating some books of the Bible ;
instructing such as resorted to him in godliness of life ;
teaching withal, that purgatory, masses, dedication of tem-
ples, worshiping of saints, prayers for the dead, were inven-
tions of the devil, and snares of avarice ; that monkery was
a stinking carrion, the church of Rome the whore of Babylon,
the pope that antichrist paramount : he sharply lanced the
vicious ulcers of clergymen's lives, reproving their pride and
luxury. Soon got he many followers, both because novelty
is a forcible loadstone, and because he plentifully relieved
his poor disciples ; and those that use that trade shall never
want custom.
The archbishop of Lyons, hearing such doctrines broached
as were high treason against the triple crown, ferreted
Waldo and his sectaries out of Lyons and the country
thereabouts. But persecution is the bellows of their gospel,
to blow every spark into a flame. This their division proved
their multiplication. Some fled into the Alps, living there
on so steep hills, and in so deep holes, that their enemies
were afraid to climb or dive after them. Here they had
the constant company of the snow : and as it, by the height
of the hills, was protected from the sunbeams, so they from
the scorching of persecution, even to Luther's time. Others
fled into Picardy, Flanders, England, Alsace, Bohemia,
Bulgaria, Croatia, Hungaria, and whither not 1 ? the per-
fume of the pope's presence not keeping this supposed
vermin out of Italy itself. Many of them were cruelly
massacred; five and thirty burgesses of Mayence burned at
Bingen in one fire, eighteen at Mayence, fourscore at Stras-
burg, at the instance of the bishop thereof. But martyrs'
ashes are the best compost to manure the church ; for others
were won to their opinion by beholding their constancy and
patience. Strange that any should fall in love with that
1 Matth. Paris, in Heii. III. in anno 1213.
THE HOLY WAR. 149
profession, whose professors were so miserable ! But truth
hath always a good face, though often but bad clothes.
They were called by sundry names ; sometimes from the
places where they lived : as from Albigeois, Toulouse,
Lyons, Picardy, Bohemia ; Albigenses, Toulousians, Lyon-
ists, Picards, Bohemians. Sometimes from their principal
pastor : as from Waldo, Joseph, Henry, Esperon, Arnold ;
Waldenses, Josephists, Henricians, Esperonites, Arnoldists.
In England they were termed Lollards, from Lollard 1
their teacher ; not as some friar descanteth, quasi Lolium in
area Domini. It appeareth not whether they were thus
called of others, or called themselves. But grant the latter :
and if any object, that they seemed ashamed of Christ, their
first godfather, who gave them the name of Christians, thus
to denominate themselves from their teachers ; I answer, it
is the same the papists do, calling themselves Benedictines,
Dominicans, Franciscans, &c. from the founders of their
order.
They had also nicknames ; called, first, Poor men of
Lyons; not because they chose to be poor, but could not
choose but be poor, being stripped out of all their goods :
and why should the friars' glory be this people's shame?
they mocking at poverty in others, which they count meri-
torious in themselves. Secondly, Patarenians ; that is,
sufferers, whose backs were anvils for others to beat on.
Thirdly, Turlupins ; that is, dwellers with wolves (and yet
might they be God's sheep), being forced to flee into woods.
Fourthly, likewise they were called Sicars ; that is, cut-
purses. Fifthly, Fraterculi ; that is, shifters. Sixthly,
Insabbatha ; that is, observers of no sabbath. Seventhly,
Pasagenes; that is, wanderers. As also Arians, Mani-
cheans, Adamites (how justly will appear afterwards). Yea,
scarce was there an arrow in all the quiver of malice which
was not shot at them.
CHAP. XX. The Albigenses their Answer, confessing some,
denying most Crimes laid to their Charge. Commenda-
tions their Adversaries give them.
COME we now to the full and foul indictment wherewith
these Albigenses are charged : that they gave no rever-
ence to holy places 1 ; rejected the baptism of infants; held
that temporal power was grounded in grace ; that it was a
2 Jo. Paul. Perin. Hist. Waldens. lib. 1, cap. 3.
1 Reinerius, p. 22, art. 32.
150 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1206
meritorious work to persecute the priests of Rome and their
subjects : with the Adamites they went naked (an affront to
nature) ; with the Manicheans they made two first causes,
God of good, the devil of evil ; held community of all things,
even of wives, amongst them ; were sorcerers and conjurers z
(pretending to command the devil, when they most obeyed
him), guilty of incest, buggery, and more unnatural sins,
whereby men (as it were) run backward to hell.
No whit affrighted with this terrible accusation, many
late writers dare be their advocates to defend them, though
confessing them guilty of some of these, but not in so high
and heinous a manner as they are accused.
True it is, because most in that age ran riot in adoring
of churches (as if some inherent sanctity was ceiled to their
roof, or plastered to their walls ; yea, such as might more
ingratiate with God the persons and prayers of people there
assembled), the Waldenses (out of that old error not yet
worn out, that the best way to straighten what is crooked
is to over-bow it) denied churches that relative holiness
and fit reverence due unto them. Baptism of infants they
refused not (though St. Bernard 3 , taking it rather from the
rebound than first rise, chargeth them therewith), but only
deferred it till it might be administered by one of their own
ministers ; their tender consciences not digesting the popish
baptism, where clear water by God's ordinance, was by
man's additions made a salve or plaster. That dominion
was founded in grace, seemeth to be their very opinion ;
yea, it hangeth as yet in the schools on the file, and is not
taken off, as a thing disputable, finding many favourers.
But grant it a great error (for wicked men shall be arraigned
before God, not as usurpers, but as tyrants; not for not
having right, but not right using the creatures), yet herein
they proceeded not so far as the papists nowadays, to un-
throne and depose excommunicated princes ; so that they
who do most have least cause to accuse them. That they
spoke too homely and coarsely of the Romish priests,
inveighing too bitterly and uncharitably against them, con-
demning all for some, may perchance be proved ; and no
wonder if they spake ill of those from whom they felt ill.
But take their speeches herein as the words of men upon
the rack, forced from them by the extremity of cruel usage.
In these errors the Albigenses hope to find favour, if men
2 Claudius Rubis, Hist, of Lyons, p. 269.
3 lu Lis 66 Homily on the Canticles.
A. D; 1206 THE HOLY WAR. 151
consider, First, the ignorance of the age they lived in : it is
no news to stumble in the dark. Secondly, the frailty (that
squire of the body) attending on man's nature ; yea, he shall
be immortal who liveth till he be stoned by one without
fault. Thirdly, the errors themselves, which are rather in
the out-limbs than vitals of religion. And it may be con-,
ceived they might have been reclaimed, if used with gentle
means, not catechised with fire and faggot ; it being a true
rule, that men's consciences are more moved with leading
than dragging or drawing.
But the sting of the indictment is still behind in the tail
or end thereof; charging them with such heinous errors
in doctrine, and vices in life : all which the patrons for the
defendants deny and defy, as coined out of the mint of their
enemies' malice 4 .
It will be objected, if denying the fact might serve the
turn, we should have no malefactors : this therefore is but
a poor plea, barely to deny, when that such clouds of
witnesses are against them. And grant they have a few
straggling writers or some sleeping records which may seem
to acquit them, what are one or two men (though suppose
them giants) against a whole army ?
To this I find it answered for the Albigenses, that it
hath been the constant practice of the Romish writers,
always to defame those that differ from them, especially if
they handle too roughly the Noli me tangere of the pope's
supremacy. In later times what aspersions, as false as
foul, have Cochleus 5 and Bolsecus 6 laid on Luther and
Calvin! Now how fearless will they be to steal at mid-
night, who dare thus rob men of their good name at noon-
day ? When such authors as these lie with a witness, yea,
with many witnesses 7 , who could disprove them ; no wonder
if they take liberty falsely to accuse the Albigenses, con-
ceiving themselves out of the reach of confutation ; writing
in such an age when all the counsel is on their own side,
being plaintiffs, and none assigned for the defendants.
4 Bishop Jewel, Apol. part l.chap. 2. divis. 1. Waldo and
the rest, for aught we know, and I believe (setting malice aside),
for aught you know, were godly men. Their greatest error was
that they complained of the dissolute and vicious lives of the
5 In Vita Lutheri. 6 In Vita Calvini.
7 Solidly confuted by Dr. Whitaker, Ue Notis Ecclesiae, cap.
15. Out of Melancthon, Sleidan, Gryneus, Beza, eyewiu
nesses. .
152 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1206
Secondly, I find they produce the authentical copies
(such as are above their enemies' calumnies) of the cate-
chisms, apologies, remonstrances of these Albigenses ;
wherein the distilled doctrine of the protestants is delivered
free from Manicheism, or any other heresy fathered upon
them.
Thirdly, their enemies' slanders plainly appear in some
particulars, which justly shaketh the credit of the whole
accusation. For whereas they are charged with the Adam-
ites willingly to have gone naked, we find them rather
nudati than nudi, forced thereunto by the pope's legate ;
who being about to take the city of Carcassone in France,
where these people most swarmed, he would not grant
them their lives but on this condition, that both males and
females should go forth and pass by his army stark naked 8 .
Argued it not a very foul stomach in him, who could feed
his eyes with contentment on such a sight, which otherwise"
would more deeply have wounded the modesty of the
beholder than of the doers, who did it by compulsion ?
See now how justly these innocents are charged ! As well
may the Israelites be blamed for cruelty to themselves, in
putting out their own eyes, when they were commanded to
do it by the merciless Ammonite.
Lastly, they are cleared by the testimonies of their very
enemies ; and who knoweth not, but such a witness is
equivalent to a general consent? For those, who, when
bemadded with anger, most rave and rage against them,
yet per luctda intervalla, in their cold blood, when their
words are indicted from their judgments not passions, do
most sufficiently acquit them from these accusations.
Reinerius, a Jacobine monk, and a cruel inquisitor of the
Waldenses, testified *>, that they lived justly before men,
and believed all things well of God, and held all the articles
contained in the Creed; only they blasphemed the Romish
church, and hated it.
Claudius de Seissell archbishop of Turin confesseth, as
touching their life and manners they were sound and unre-
proveable, without scandal amongst men, giving themselves
(to their power) to the observation of the commandments of
God.
8 So witnesseth Peter De Valle Sarnensi, being himself a
monk, and lately printed (anno 161.5) in Paris. See Rivet ou
Genesis, p. 138.
9 Cited by Fox in his Martyrol. p. 232.
JA.D. .1206 THE HOLY WAR. 153
King Louis XII. of France, being thoroughly informed
of the faith and life of the Waldenses in his time, bound it
with an oath, that they were better men than he or his
people. The same king having killed many of those poor
Deople, and having called the place where they lived, Vallis
neretricia, for their painted and dissembled piety, upon
setter instructions changed the name, calling it from him-
self, The Vale of Louis I0 .
William de Belai, lieutenant of Piedmont, gave this com-
mendation of the Merindelites (a sprig which some hundred
years after sprouted from the Waldenses), that they were a
aborious people, averse from suits, bountiful to the poor,
duly paying their princes' tributes and lords' dues, serving
God with daily prayers, arid showing forth much innocency
n manners 11 .
Thuanus, one that writeth truth with a steady hand, jogged
leither by Romanists nor Huguenots, thus charactereth the
^on- waldenses I2r , a stem of that stock we speak of: They
used raw pelts clapped about them for their clothes, the
four feet whereof served instead of buttons; all equal in
>overty, having no beggars amongst them; their diet on
deer and milk ; yet was there scarce any amongst them
)ut could read and write handsomely, understand the
Bible, and sing psalms ; scarce a boy but could presently
and by heart give an account of his faith. Tribute they
paid very religiously, &c.
More might be added; but I end all with Gamaliel's
words, " If this work be of men, it will come to nought ;
)ut if it be of God, ye cannot overthrow it l3 ." It argueth
he goodness of their cause, in that all their enemies' cruelty
unwise to think to spoil the growth of chamomile by tram-
>ling on it) could never suppress them ; but they continued
ill the days of Luther, when this morning star willingly
urrendered his place to him, a brighter sun. But enough
)f their life and manners. And if any condemn me for
uperfluity herein, I guard myself with St. Augustine's
hield, Non est multiloquium, quando necessaria dicuntur,
uantalibet sermonum multitudine ac prolixitate dicantur u .
10 Thuanus, torn. 2, lib. 27, p. 15.
11 Idem, torn. 10, lib. 6, p. 188.
12 Tom. 2, lib. 27, p. 16. 13 Acts, v. 38, 39.
14 In his preface to his Retractat.
OF
154 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1206
CHAP. XXI. The holt/ Army advance against the Albigen-
ses. The Cities of Besier and Carcassone taken.
POPE Innocent III., having now gathered together an
army of one hundred thousand pilgrims, set for-
wards for the final extirpation of the poor Albigenses. The
.best champions for his holiness herein were the duke of
Burgundy, the earls of Nevers, St. Paul, Auxerre, Geneva,
Poitiers, with Simon earl of Montfort ; of the clergy, Milo
the pope's legate, the archbishop of Sens, Rovan; the
bishops of Clermont, Nevers, Lisieux, Bayeux, Chartres,
with divers others ; every bishop with the pilgrims of his
jurisdiction ; to whom the pope promised paradise in hea-
ven, but not one penny on earth. Their work was to
destroy the Albigenses, which were in great numbers in
Dauphine, Provence, Narbonne, Toulouse, and other parts,
of France. Their commission also extended to the rooting
out of all their friends and favourers, whether detected, or
only suspected ; such as were Reimund earl of Toulouse,
Reimund earl of Foix, the viscount of Besiers, Gaston lord
of Berne, the earl of Bigorre, the Lady of la Vaur, with
divers others. See here a new gate to heaven never opened
before, for men to cut their way thither through the throats
of their innocent brethren ! Behold the Holy Ghost, who
once came down in the form of a dove, now counterfeited
in the shape of a vulture !
But we must not forget, how, just before the war began,
the pope pretending to reclaim them by reasons to the
church of Rome ; to which end he gave order for a dispu-
tation with them. The parties, place, and time were agreed
on ; who, where, when they should dispute ; but in fine
nothing was effected. Yea, who ever knew conferences in
so great oppositions to ripen kindly, and bring any fruit to
perfection ? for many come rather for faction than satisfac-
tion, resolving to carry home the same opinions they brought
with them : an upright moderator will scarce be found,
who hangeth not to one side ; the place will be subject to
suspicion, and hinder liberty ; boldness and readiness of
speech, with most (though not most judicious) auditors, will
bear away the bell from solidity of arguments ; the passages
in the disputing will be partially reported, and both sides
will brag of the conquest ; so that the rent will be made
worse, and more spirits conjured up than allayed.
But now words ended in blows ; the pope only entertain-
.D. 1210 THE HOLY WAR. 155
ng them in conferences 1 , that in the mean time he might
prepare his great armies more suddenly to suppress them.
The first piece of service his soldiers performed was in
lacking the city of Besiers, and borough of Carcassone,
n which many catholics, steadfast in the Romish faith, did
dwell, and promiscuously were slain with the Albigenses ;
yea, priests themselves were cut in pieces in their priestly
irnaments, and under the banner of the cross ; so that the
wallowing of their foes made their friends also go down
glib through their throats, without danger of choking. As
or the city of Carcassone, which was not far from the
borough, to the inhabitants thereof those immodest condi-
,ions were propounded, whereof formerly : which they
efused, and God better provided for them ; for whilst the
city was besieged, they escaped out by the benefit of a vault
under ground, and so shifted abroad for themselves.
!HAP. XXII. Simon Earl of Montfort chosen Captain of
the Holy War. He conquereth the King of Aragon,
prevaileth against the Albigenses, and at last is killed by
a Woman.
HITHERTO this war was managed by the pope's
legate ; but now it was concluded that a secular
captain should be adjoined to him, in whose person the
chief command should reside over martial affairs; and for
lis pains, by the pope's donation, he was to enjoy all
countries that should be conquered from the Albigenses or
heir favourers 2 -. The place was offered to the duke of
Burgundy, who refused it, saying, " he had lands and lord-
ships enough of his own, without spoiling others of their
roods." It was waved also by the earls of St. Paul and
Vevers, whether out of conscience or policy ; because
though the pope gave them the bear's skin, they must first
kill and flay him themselves. At last Simon of Montfort,
nigh Paris, accepted of it, swearing to vex the Lord's
enemies [1210]. And for a breakfast to begin with, he
was seized of the vicecounty of Besiers, proceeding from
lence to take many castles and cities.
One grand inconvenience attended on this army of pil-
grims ; for when their quarantine, or forty days' service, was
expired (the term the pope set them to merit paradise in),
1 Jo. Paul Perm. De Alhig. lib. 1, cap. 2.
8 See the substance of this following story in Jo. Paul Perin.
ib. 1 , cap. 6, et deinceps.
156 THE HISTORY OF A.o.1212
they would not stay one whit longer,; like posthorses they
would run to their set stage, but could not be spurred one
foot further; contenting themselves they had already pur-
chased heaven, and fearing they should be put in possession
thereof too soon, by losing their lives in that service. And
though the bishops persuaded some few to stay, that so the
surplusage of their merits might make up the arrearages of
their friends which wanted them, yet could they not prevail
to any purpose. Nor could they so cast and contrive their
matters, the tide of people's devotion being uncertain, but
that betwixt the going out of the old, and coming in of the
new store of pilgrims, there would be a low ebb, wherein
their army was almost wasted to nothing; whereof the
Albigenses made no small advantage*
However, the earls of Toulouse, Foix, and Comminge,and
prince of Berne, the patrons of the Albigenses, finding they
were too weak for this holy army, sheltered themselves under
Peter king of Aragon; whose homagers they were, receiving
investiture from him, though their dominions lay on this
side ofthe Pyrenean hills. This king had the greatness of
the earl of Montfort in suspicion, fearing lest these several
principalities, which now were single arrows, should be
bound in one sheaf, conquered and united under Earl
Simon. Wherefore he fomented a faction in them against
the holy army, publicly protesting against the proceedings
of Earl Simon; charging him to have turned the bark
of God's church into a pirate's ship, robbing others, and
enriching themselves under the pretence of religion, seizing
on the lands of good catholics for supposed heretics, using
God's cause as hunters do a stand, in it the more covertly
to shoot at what game they please ; otherwise why was the
viscount of Besiers, who lived and died firm in the Romish
faith, lately trained into the legate's hand, and, against oaths
and promises of his safe return, kept close prisoner till his
death, and his lands seized on by Earl Simon ?
At last the king of Aragon taking the earl of Montfort
on the advantage (shooting him as it were betwixt wind and
water, the ending of the old and beginning of new pilgrims),
forced him to a b'attle [1 21 2] . The king had thirty thousand
foot and seven thousand horse ; but the earl, of both foot
and horse not above two thousand two hundred. They
closed together near the castle of Moret; and the king,
whether out of zeal of conquest and thirst of honour, or
distrust of under officers, or desire to animate others, or a
mixture of all, ran his curvet so openly, and made his turns
A. D. 1218 THE HOLY WAR. 157
and returns in the head of the army, that so fair a mark
invited his enemies' arrows to hit him, by whom he was
wounded to death, and fell from his horse ; to lesson all
generals to keep themselves, like the heart, in the body of
the army, whence they may have a virtual omnipresence in
every part thereof; and not to expose their persons (which,
like crystal vials, contain the extracted spirits of their soldiers
spilled with their breaking) to places of imminent danger.
With his body fell the hearts of his men ; and though the
earls of Toulouse, Foix, and Comminge, persuaded, en-
treated, threatened them to stay, they used their oratory so
long till their audience ran all away, and they were fain to
follow them, reserving themselves by flight to redeem their
honour some other time.
Simon, improving this victory, pursued them to the gates
of Toulouse, and killed many thousands. The friars im-
puted this victory to the bishop's benediction, and adoring a
piece of the cross, together with the fervency of the clergy's
prayers, which, remaining behind in the castle of Moret, bat-
tered heaven with their importunity. On the other side, the
Albigenses acknowledged God's justice in punishing the
proud king of Aragon ; who, as if his arm had been strong
and long enough to pluck down the victory out of heaven
without God's reaching it to him, conceived that Earl Simon
came rather to cast himself down at his feet than to fight.
But such reckonings without the host are ever subject to a
rear account.
Yet within few years the face of this war began to alter
(with writers of shorthand we must set a prick for a letter, a
letter for a word, marking only the most remarkables). For
young Reimund earl of Toulouse, exceeding his father in
valour and success, so bestirred himself, that in few months
he regained what Earl Simon was many years in getting :
and at last Earl Simon besieging Toulouse, with a stone
which a woman let fly out of an engine, had his head parted
from his body [1218].
Men use not to be niggards of their censures on strange
accidents: some paralleled his life with Abimelech, that
tyrant judge; who with the bramble (fitter to make a fire
than a king of) accepted of the wooden monarchy, when the
vine, olive, fig-tree, declined it. They paired them also in
their ends, death disdaining to send his summons by a mas-
culine hand, but arresting them both by a woman. Some
persuaded themselves they saw God's finger in the woman's
hand ; that, because the greater part of his cruelty lighted on
158 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1218
the weaker sex (for he had buried the lady ofla Vaur alive,
respecting neither her sex nor nobility), a woman was chosen
out to be his executioner : though of himself he was not so
prone to cruelty, but had those at his elbow who prompted
him to it. The time of his death was a large field for the
conceits of others to walk in ; because even then, when the
pope and three councils, of Vaur, Montpelier, and Lateran,
had pronounced him son, servant, favourite of the faith, the
invincible defender thereof: and must he not needs break,
being swoln with so many windy titles ? Amongst other of
his styles he was earl of Leicester in England 1 , and father
to Simon Montfort, the Catiline of this kingdom 2 , who,
under pretence of curing this land of some grievances, had
killed it with his physic, had he not been killed himself in
the battle of Eveshold in the reign of Henry III.
And here ended the storm of open war against the Albi-
genses, though some great drops fell afterwards. Yea, novv
the pope grew sensible of many mischiefs in prosecuting
this people with the holy war : first, the incongruity betwixt
the word and the sword ; to confute heretics with armies iu
the field opened clamorous mouths. Secondly, three
hundred thousand of these croised pilgrims lost their lives
in this expedition, within the space of fifteen years 3 ; so
that there was neither city nor village in France, but by
reason hereof had widows and orphans cursing this expe-
dition. And his holiness, after he had made allowance for
his loss of time, blood, and credit, found his gain de claro
very small. Besides, such was the chance of war, and good
catholics were so intermingled with heretics, that in sacking
of cities they were slain together. Whereupon the pope
resolved of a privater way, which made less noise in the
world, attracted less envy, and was more effectual ; to pro-
secute them by way of inquisition. Hereby he might single
them out by retail, rooting out the tares without hurting the
corn, and overthrowing them by piecemeal whom he could
never stagger in gross.
Dominic, a Spaniard, was first author hereof. Well did
his mother, being with child of him, dream that she had a
dog vomiting fire in her womb 4 . This ignivomous cur
(sire of the litter of mendicant friars called Dominicans)
did bark at and deeply bite the poor Albigenses. After his
1 See Camd. in Leicestershire. 2 Also in Worcestershire.
3 Perin, Of the Albigenses, lib. 2. cap. 4.
* Martyrol. in Vita Dominici.
,0.1206 THE HOLY WAR. 159
eath, Pope Honorius for his good service bestowed a
aintship on him : for he dreamed he saw the church of
Rome falling, and Dominic holding it up with his shoul-
lers ; wherefore he canonized this Atlas of their religion.
The proceedings of this inquisition were the abridgment of
11 cruelty, turning the sword of justice into the butcher's
xe. But no doubt God, when he maketh inquisition for
blood 5 , will one day remember this bloody inquisition.
And who can but admire at the continuance of the doctrine
f the Albigenses to this day, maugre all their enemies ? Let
hose privy councillors of nature, who can tell where swal-
ows lie all winter, and how at the spring they have a resur-
rection from their seeming deadness, let those, I say, also
nform us in what invisible sanctuaries this doctrine did
urk in spite of persecution, and how it revived out of its
ashes at the coming of Luther. To conclude : it is observed,
hat in those parts of France where the Albigenses were most
cruelly handled, now the protestants (heirs to most of their
;enets) flourish most; as in the countries of Gascoigne,
Dauphine, and Languedoc.
CHAP. XXIII. King Almerick, for his Laziness, deposed
by the Pope.
TT7 ELCOME the Holy Land, welcome Ptolemais ! How
VV shallow and almost quite dry is the stream of pil-
grims grown here, since the pope hath drained it with so
large a by-channel into France !
As for Almerick, the idle king of Jerusalem, we find him
as we left him, crowning his cares constantly in wine : Tiis
hands being lazier than those that are printed in the margin
of a book, which point what others should read ; whilst he
would neither do nor order what should be done : so true
was it of him, what is said of another 1 , Titularis non tute-
laris rex ; defuit non prafuit reipublica.
And now the war betwixt Noradin, Saladin's son, and
Saphradin his uncle, about the sovereignty, lasting nine
years, ended with Saphradin's death; and Noradin con-
tented himself with the government of Aleppo, whilst
Saphradin's two sons shared his dominions, Coradin com-
manding in Damascus and Syria, and Meledin in Egypt.
The former of these without any resistance built a fort in
Mount Tabor, to the great annoyance of the Christians. To
prevent further mischief arising from Almerick 's negligence,
5 Psalm ix. 12. l Of Chilperick king of France.
160 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1209
the pope (who would have a finger in every crown, and a
hand in this) deposed him from the kingdom. This Alme-
rick, grieved to lose what he was never careful to keep, soon
after died for sorrow. But how doth this agree with Marinus
Sanutus, who maketh him to die of a surfeit of giltheads 1
five years sooner, and saith there was five years' interregnum
in Palestine, wherein the Christians had no king at all ?
CHAP. XXIV. John Bren made King of Jerusalem. A
most promising Voyage into Palestine of new Pilgrims,
who remove the Seat of' the War into Egypt.
IN the place of Almerick the pope appointed John de
Bren, a private French gentleman, to be king [1209] ;
who, to twist his title with another string, married Maria
lole, the sole daughter of Conrad, late king of Jerusalem.
This John had behaved himself right valiantly amongst
other Latin princes in the voyage against the Greeks, and
was a most martial man, as all do witness : only one calleth
him imbellem hominen\' i ; why I know not, except he be of
that humour to delight to be one of the antipodes, treading
opposite to a world of writers besides. In the beginning
of his reign this accident (whether monstrous or miraculous)
fell out [1213] : in France, a boy (for his years) went about
singing in his own tongue,
Jesus, Lord, repair our loss ;
Restore to us thy holy cross.
Numberless children ran after him, and followed the same
tune their captain and chanter did set them. No bolts, no
bars, no fear of fathers or love of mothers, could hold them
back, but they would to the Holy Land to work wonders
there; till their merry music had a sad close, all either
perishing on land or drowned by sea. It was done (saith
my author 3 ) by the instinct of the devil, who, as it were,
desired a cordial of children's blood to comfort his weak
stomach long cloyed with murdering of men.
Soon after began the Lateran council under Innocent
III. [1215] ; wherein many things were concluded for the
recovery of the Holy Land : as, that the cross should every
where be preached with zeal and earnestness to procure
1 A fish called aurata, or aurella.
2 Theod. a Niein, De Privileg. Imper. cap, De Expedit.
Hierosol.
3 Matth. Paris, in anno 1213, p. 324. Praestigio diabolico
penitus infatuati.
A. D. 1217 THE HOLY WAR. 161
pilgrims ; that all tiltings in Christendom for three years
should be forbidden, that so the spears of Christians might
only be broken against infidels 4 -; that clergymen that went
this voyage might (if need were) mortgage their church
livings for three years to provide themselves with present
necessaries ; that all debtors, during their pilgrimage (though
bound by oath in conscience, the strongest specialty), should
be dispensed with to pay no use to their creditors ; who, if
Christians, by excommunications; if Jews, were to be forced
by the secular power to remit their interest ; that all priests
should contribute the twentieth part of their revenues for
three years, to advance this design. " And lest (saith his
holiness) we should seem to lay heavy burdens on others
which we will not touch with our least finger, we assign a
ship at our own cost to carry out pilgrims of the city of
Rome ; and disburse for the present what can be spared
from our necessary expenses, to the sum of thirty thousand
pounds, to further the project ; and for three years to come,
we and our brethren the cardinals of Rome will fully pay
the tenth of our church profits."
Hereupon next spring a numerous army set forward to
Palestine [1216], conducted by Pelagius the pope's legate,
Andrew king of Hungary (who having washed himself in
the river of Jordan, would stay no longer, but instantly re-
turned home), the three electoral archbishops, with those of
Liege, Wurtzburg, Bamberg, Strasburg, Paris, &c. Louis
duke of Bavaria, Leopold of Austria, a navy of our English,
besides Florentines, Genoans, and many other nations.
The autumn they spent in the fruitless besieging of the
fort of Mount Tabor ; whilst King John Bren won from
the Turks the castle of Pilgrims, a place of great conse-
quence on the sea-side [Nov.].
1217]. Then was it debated on both sides of translating
the war into Egypt ; which many advised to be done : for
that country afforded the Turks their victuals and munition,
and the best way to draw them low was to stop them in the
fountain. It was also most honour to rouse the lion in his
own den. And Palestine was so foraged, that there was
nothing to be gleaned in the stubble ; whereas Egypt was so
rich and fruitful, it cared not for the frowns of heaven, so it
might have the favour of Nilus ; and there was no fear to
want bread in that the granary of the world. That accord-
ing to the rule, Plus animi est inferenti periculum, quum
4 Centuriat. Cent. 13, cap. 9.
M
162 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1217
propulsanti, the Christians would be heartened, but the
Egyptians discouraged in the invasion of Egypt. The sad
spectacle of their country's vastation would disturb their
minds, make them diffident of their own worth, and in-
sufficient to maintain their cause. Lastly, the Christians
might leave when they list, reserving at all times Ptolemais
to entertain them in case fortune should cross their designs.
But the reasons to" the contrary wanted not weight but
weighing. They considered not (what was objected) that
to invade a strong entire country without having a party
within it to side with them, was to endeavour to cleave a
tree with a beetle without a wedge. Besides, Egypt was an
exception from the rules of all other countries, and had
certain local maxims of leading an army appropriated to it
alone. That valour must needs have the fall, when it
wrestleth with nature itself, and fighteth against bogs,
rivers, and inundations. That it was more agreeable to
reason, first to recover and defend what once was their
own, before they attempted other men's possessions. That
these their forces afforded little hope of victory in another
kingdom, which were not able to clear their own country,
and the forts in Syria, from so dangerous an enemy. Lastly,
that the Egyptians fighting for their fathers, wives, and
children, would raise their valour to the highest point of
resolution. These arguments notwithstanding, the watch-
word was given for Egypt, whither all addressed them-
selves.
And here began the discords betwixt King John and the
pope's legate, who challenged not only an influence but a
predominancy in every thing, and would dictate to the
general what he should do in martial affairs ; he presumed
on his book-learning to control the practice of experienced
captains by his military speculations. The king stormed
hereat, showing there were some mysteries in the captain-
craft not communicable to any which had not served the
trade, and which the heart of a scholar was too narrow to
contain ; that though scholarship was a stock fit to graft
any profession on, yet some good time is requisite there-
unto, and that they must not think to proceed military
masters at their first admission in a camp ; that though the
legate might conceive himself to know the latitude of war-
like principles, yet he knew not the use of distinctions, ex-
ceptions, and cautions of application, and might easily be
misled by disproportion and dissimilitude of examples, the
variation of circumstances, the infiniteness of punctual
A. D. 1218 THE HOLY WAR. 163
occurrences : wherefore he forbade him to meddle with
martial matters, challenging them to belong to his own dis-
posal. But Pelagius the legate, highly opinioned of his own
sufficiency, as if his place made him infallible in every thing,
and loath to confess himself besides the cushion whilst he
sat in the chair, would have an oar in all actions. He held
this conclusion, that the general rules of war were easily
known ; and as for the qualification of them pro ezigentia
hie et nunc, herein reason was the key of the work, which
scholars having most perfected by learning, were thereby
the most competent judges what should be done on all
occasions. How dearly the Christians paid for this his
error, and how this discord, smothered for a while, brake
out, we shall see hereafter. Meantime, noising up sails,
the pilgrims' navy safely arrived at Damietta.
CHAP. XXV. Damietta besieged and taken. The Christians
unadvisedly refuse honourable Conditions.
DAMIETTA is a chief haven of Egypt, anciently Pelu-
sium ; seated on the easternmost stream of the Nile.
Here the east and west world met together to exchange their
wars, she grudging for trade to give the upper hand to
Alexandria itself. At their landing the moon was almost
totally eclipsed 1 [July 9, 1218]; whence the Christians
conceited (guess the frailness of the building by the incon-
stancy of the foundation) that the overthrow of the Maho-
metans (whose ensign was the half-moon 2 ') was portended.
But the calculators of after-chances seldom hit right. In the
siege of this city they were to encounter with a fourfold
difficulty, besides Damietta itself :
First, with a great chain crossing the harbour; which
with indefatigable pains, and art mingled with labour, they
brake asunder ; industry in action being as importunity in
speech, by continual inculcation forcing a yielding beyond
the strength of reason.
Secondly, the river Nile did much annoy them. This
river (the height of whose flowing is the Egyptian almanack,
whereby they prognosticate future plenty or penury) now
out of time and beyond measure drowned the country. Bold
rishes swam into the Christians' tents, who took them with
their hands, though willingly they could have wanted such
dainties 3 ; for the sauce was more than the meat. Against
Matth. Paris, in Joan. p. 401. 2 Munster.
Illis tamen deliciis carere maluissent. Matth. Par. p. 405.
164 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1219
this mischief they fenced themselves with prayer, and a
public fast enjoined by the legate ; whereby the water soon
abated. And lest God's mercy herein, when gotten, should
be forgotten, a public thanksgiving was proclaimed, that
this favour obtained by prayer might be kept by praises.
Thirdly, they were to grapple with the fort of Pharia, a
seeming impregnable place, betwixt them and Damietta.
To check this fort, the Christians built a tower on ships ;
which suddenly falling, brained many, bruised more of their
own men ; and all who felt not the blow were stricken with
the fright. King John comforted his soldiers discouraged
hereat, desiring them to apprehend actions by their true
causes; and as not to vaunt of blind victories, so not to be
dismayed at casual mishaps, so purely accidental, that there
was no guard against them in the schools of defence, either
of wisdom or valour. By his advice a more substantial
lower was built, the rarest piece in that kind the world ever
saw ; by the manning whereof, after many bloody assaults,
they mastered the fort of Pharia [Aug. 24].
Fourthly, they had to do with Meladin king of Egypt,
who lay beside them, constantly furnishing the city with
men and victuals, and exercising the Christians with con-
tinual skirmishes. In one, with his wildfire he did them
much harm, and King John was dangerously scorched [Feb.
1219]. But seeing that the Christians hewed their way
through the rocks of all difficulties, he propounded peace
unto them by the mediation of Noradin his brother, king of
Damascus ; proffering them, if they would depart, to restore
them the true cross, the city of Jerusalem, and all the land
of Palestine.
The English, French, and Italians would have embraced
the conditions 4 , pleading, that honourable peace was the
centre of war, where it should rest ; that they could not
satisfy their conscience to rob these Egyptians of their lands
without a special command from God ; that it was good
wisdom to take so desperate a debt whensoever the pay-
ment was tendered ; otherwise, if they would not be content
with their arms full, they might perchance return with their
hands empty.
But the legate would noways consent, alleging this
voyage was undertaken not only for the recovery of Pales-
tine, but for the extirpation of the Mahometan superstition.
And herein no doubt he followed the instructions of his
4 P. JEmil. p. 201.
A. D..1220 THE HOLY WAR. 165
master, whose end in this war was, that this war should have
no end, but be always in doing though never done. He
knew it was dangerous to stop an issue which had been long
open, and would in no case close up this vent of people
by concluding a final peace. Besides, an old prophecy,
that a Spaniard should win Jerusalem, and work wonders
in those parts, made Pelagius that countryman more zealous
herein 5 . Coradin, angry his proffer was refused, beat down
the walls of Jerusalem and all the beautiful buildings
therein, save the Tower of David and the Temple of the
Sepulchre. Not long after, Damietta, having been besieged
one year and seven months, was taken without resistance
[Nov. 5] ; plague and famine had made such a vastation
therein. The Christians entered with an intent to kill all ;
but their anger soon melted into pity, beholding the city all
bestrewed with corpses. The sight was bad, and the scent
was worse, for the dead killed the living. Yea, God's
sword had left their sword no work : of threescore and ten
thousand, but three thousand remained 6 ; who had their
lives pardoned on condition to cleanse the city, which em-
ployed them a quarter of a year. Hence the Christians
marched and took the city of Tanis ; and soon after the pope
substituted John de Columna, a cardinal, legate in the
place of Pelagius 7 .
CHAP. XXVI. New Discords betwixt the King and the
Legate. They march up to besiege Cairo.
GREAT was the spoil they found in Damietta [1220],
wherein, as in strong barred chests, the merchants of
Egypt and India had locked up their treasure. A full
year the Christians stayed here, contented to make this inn
their home. Here arose new discords betwixt the king and
the new legate, who by virtue of his legation challenged
Damietta for his holiness, which by public agreement was
formerly assigned to the king. Bren in anger returned to
Ptolemais, both to puff out his discontents in private, and to
teach the Christians his worth by wanting him; for pre-
sently they found themselves at a loss ; neither could they
stand still without disgrace, nor go on without danger.
The legate commanded them to march up ; but they had
too much spirit to be ruled by a spiritual man, and swore
not to stir a step except the king was with them. Messen-
5 Magdeburg. Cent. 13, cap. 16, col. 692.
6 P. ^Emil. p. 203. 7 Magdeburg, p. 693.
166 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1220
gers, therefore, were sent to Ptolemais to fetch him. They
found him of a steely nature ; once thorough hot, long in
cooling : yet by promising him he should have his own
desires, they overpersuaded him not to starve an army by
feeding his own humours.
Scarce, after eight months' absence, was he returned to
Damietta, but new divisions were betwixt them. The legate
persuaded the army to march up and besiege Cairo; he
promised, if they would obey him, they should quickly
command all Egypt, by present invading it. Let defend-
ants lie at a close guard, and offer no play. Delays are a
safe shield to save, but celerity the best sword to win a
country. Thus Alexander conquered the world before it
could bethink itself to make resistance. And thus God
now opened them a door of victory, except they would bar
it up by their own idleness.
But the king advised to return into Syria ; that Cairo
was difficult to take, and impossible to keep; that the
ground whereon they went was as treacherous as the people
against whom they fought; that better now to retire with
honour, than hereafter fly with shame ; that none but an
empiric in war will deny, but that more true valour is in an
orderly well grounded retreat, than in a furious rash in-
vasion.
But the legate used an inartificial argument drawn from
the authority of his place, thundering excommunication
against those that would not march forward : and now
needs must they go when he driveth them.
The crafty Egyptians (of whom it is true, what is said of
the Parthians, their flight is more to be feared than their
fight) ran away, counterfeiting cowardliness. The Chris-
tians triumphed hereat ; as if the silly fish should rejoice
that he had caught the fisherman, when he had swallowed
his bait. The legate hugged himself in his own happiness,
that he had given so successful advice. And now see how
the garland of their victory proved the halter to strangle
them.
CHAP. XXVII. The miserable Case of the drowned Chris-
tians in Egypt. Damietta surrendered in Ransom of their
Lives.
EGYPT is a low level country, except some few advan-
tages which the Egyptians had fortified for themselves.
Through the midst of the land ran the river Nile, whose
stream they had so bridled with banks and sluices, that they
A.D. 1220 THE HOLY WAR. 167
could keep it to be their own servant, and make it their
enemies' master at pleasure. The Christians confidently
marched on ; and the Turks, perceiving the game was come
within the toil, pierced their banks, and unmuzzling the
river, let it run open mouth upon them ; yet so, that at first
they drowned them up but to the middle, reserving their
lives for a further purpose, thereby in exchange to recover
Damietta and their country's liberty.
See here the land of Egypt turned in an instant into the
Egyptian sea ! See an army of sixty thousand, as the neck
of one man, stretched on the block, and waiting the fatal
stroke ! Many cursed the legate, and their own rashness,
that they should follow the counsel of a gowned man (all
whose experience was clasped in a book) rather than the
advice of experienced captains. But too late repentance,
because it soweth not in season, reapeth nothing but
unavoidable misery.
Meladin king of Egypt, seeing the constancy and patience
of the Christians, was moved with compassion towards them.
He had of himself strong inclinations to Christianity, weary
of Mahometanism, and willing to break that prison, but for
watchful jailers about him. He proffered the Christians
their lives on condition they would quit the country and
restore Damietta. They accepted the conditions, and sent
messengers to Damietta to prepare them for the surrender-
ing of it. But they within the city, being themselves safe on
shore, tyrannized on their poor brethren in shipwreck,
pretending that this army of pilgrims deserved no pity, who
had invited this misfortune on themselves by their own rash-
ness; that if they yielded up this city for nothing, which
cost so many lives, they should betray themselves to the
derision of the whole world ; that if these perished, more
men might be had, but no more Damiettas ; being a place
of such importance, it would always be a snaffle in the mouth
of the Egyptian king. On the other side, the friends of the
distressed Christians confessed that indeed their voyage was
unadvised and justly to be blamed; yet worse and more
inconsiderate projects have armies oft undertaken, which, if
crowned with success, have been above censure ; yea, have
passed not only without questioning but with commenda-
tions. But this is the misery of misery, that those who are
most afflicted of God shall be most condemned of men.
Wherefore they requested them to pity their brethren, and
not to leave them in this forlorn estate. How clamorous
would their innocent blood be in the court of Heaven, to sue
168 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1220
for revenge on those who forsook them in this distress !
And grant Damietta a city of great consequence, yet cities
in themselves were but dead things, and men were the
souls to enliven them : so that those soldiers which won
Damietta, if preserved alive, might haply recover as strong
a city afterwards.
But finding their arguments not to prevail, they betook
themselves to arms, by. force to compel the adverse party
to resign the city. King John also threatened, in case they
denied to surrender it, to give up to Meladin Ptolemais in
Syria in exchange for Damietta. At last, according to thfi
agreement, Damietta was restored to the Turks, and the
Christian army let out of the trap wherein it was taken.
Meladin out of his princely goodness furnished them with
victuals, and with horses to carry their feeble persons upon *.
And thus the Christians had the greatest blow given them
without a blow given them ; the Egyptians obtaining their
victory not by blood but by water.
CHAP. XXVIII. John Bren resigneth the Kingdom of
Jerusalem to Frederick the Second, German Emperor.
THERE was also concluded a peace with the Turks for
eight years. And now matters being settled as well
as they might be in Syria, King John took a journey to
Rome, where he was bountifully feasted, and honourably
entertained by the pope. Here it was agreed (whether at
the first by his voluntary offer, or working of others, it
appeareth not) that lie should resign the kingdom of Jeru-
salem to Frederick II., German emperor, who was to
marry lole, the sole daughter of King John by his first
wife, though by a second he had another, Martha, married
to Robert emperor of Constantinople, so that he was father-
in-law both to emperor of east and west.
Some condemned his resignation as an unadvised act, as
if he had first parted from his wits, who would willingly
part from a kingdom; whilst others commend his discretion.
For, first, his wife was dead, in whose right he held his
kingdom, and thereby a door was opened for other litigious
pretenders to the crown. Secondly, it was policy, fugere nt
fugaretur ; yea, this was no flight, but an honourable de-
parture. Well he knew the Turks' power to invade, and
his own weakness to defend what was left in Syria ; so that
finding the weight too heavy for himself, he did well to lay it
1 P. ^Einil. p. 205.
.D.1227 THE HOLY WAR. 169
;' pn stronger shoulders. Thirdly, before his resignation he
5 had little more than a title ; and after it he had nothing less,
men having so tuned their tongues to salute him king
3 f Jerusalem, that he was so called to the day of his death!
/ctstly, what he wanted in the stateliness of his bed, he had
in the soundness of his sleep; and though his commons
enhance were shorter, yet he battled better on them.
He got now more in a twelvemonth than in seven years
before, going from country to country ; and yet the farther
this stone rolled, the more moss he gathered. In France,
besides rich gifts left to himself, he had the managing of
sixty thousand crowns; the legacy which Philip Augustus
the king on his death-bed bequeathed to the Templars and
the holy war 1 . In England he received from Henry III.
many great presents, though afterwards he proved but
unthankful for them 1 . In Spain he got a rich wife, Berin-
garia, the daughter of the king of Castile. In Italy he
tasted very largely of the pope's liberality, and lived there
in good esteem. But he went off the stage without any
applause, because he lost himself in his last act, perfidiously
raising rebellions against Frederick, his son-in-law, at the
instigation of his holiness. Nor recovered he his credit,
though after he went to his son, Robert, to Constantinople,
and there did many good offices. He died anno 1237.
CHAP. XXIX. The true Character of Frederick. How
the History of his Life is prejudiced by the Partiality of
Authors on both Sides.
THE nuptial solemnities of Frederick with the Lady
lole were performed at Rome, in the presence of the
pope, with all ceremonies of majesty ; and Frederick pro-
mised to prosecute in person his title in Palestine within
two years. Little hope have I to content the reader in this
king's life, who cannot satisfy myself; writers of that age
are so possessed with partiality 3 . The faction of the
Guelfes and Gibellines discovereth not itself more plainly
in the camp than in the chronicles; yea, historians turn
schoolmen in matters of fact, arguing them pro et con.
And as it is in the fable of the man that had two wives,
whilst his old wife plucked out his black hairs, the evidence
P. ^Emil. in Phil. 2, p. 205. 2 Matth. Paris, p. 627.
3 Blondus, Fazellus, &c. for the Pope. Ursperg. Petrus de
Vineis (till corrupted with bribes), &c. for the emperor.
Matth. Paris, a moderate man, whom we follow most.
170 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1227
of his youth, his young one un-grayhaired him, that nc
standards of antiquity might remain, they made him bald
betwixt them : so amongst our late writers ; whilst Protes-
tants cut off the authority from all papized writers of that
age, and Romanists cast away the witness of all imperialized
authors then living (such as Urspergensis is, and generally
all Germans), counting them testesdomesticos, and therefore
of no validity : betwixt them they draw all history of that
time very slender, and make it almost quite nothing. We
will not engage ourselves in their quarrels ; but may safely
believe that Frederick was neither saint nor devil, but man.
Many virtues in him his foes must commend, and some
vices his friends must confess. He was very learned 4 ,
according to the rate of that age, especially for a prince, who
only baiteth at learning, and maketh not his profession to
lodge in. Wise he was in projecting, nor were his thoughts
ever so scattered with any sudden accident, but he could
instantly recollect himself. Valiant he was, and very fortu-
nate, though this tendeth more to God's praise than his ;
wondrous bountiful to scholars and soldiers, whose good
will he enjoyed, for he paid for it.
But this gold had its allay of cruelty, though this was
not so much bred in him as he brought to it. Treasons
against him were so frequent, he could not be safe but must
be severe, nor severe without incurring the aspersion of
cruelty. His pride was excessive, and so was his wanton-
ness : a nun's veil was but a slender shield against his
lust. This sin he was given to 5 , which was besides the
custom of the Dutch, saith one, who, though great friends to
Bacchus, are no favourites of Venus ; which is strange, that
they should heap up so much fuel, and have no more fire.
In a word, he was a better emperor than a man, his
vices being personal, most hurting himself; his virtues of a
public nature, and accomplishing him for government.
CHAP. XXX. Mines and Countermines betwixt the Em-
peror and the Pope, seeking to blow up, or at leastwise to
stay, the Projects each of other.
IT is verily conceived that the pope provided this match
for Frederick to employ him in Palestine, whilst he at
home might play his game at pleasure. For as provident
Nature, in marshaling the elements, assigned fire a place
in the verge and border of this lower world far from the
4 Pantal. De Viris illustr. Germ, part 2, p. 121.
5 Piaster gentis morem. Ignatius.
A.D. 1227 THE HOLY WAR. 171
rest, lest otherwise the activity thereof might set the others
in combustion; so the pope disposed this hot violent-
spirited emperor far off, and engaged him in a distant and
dangerous war out of the borders of Europe.
Frederick smelled the project of his holiness, being also
master in the art of dissembling, though he must acknow-
ledge the pope his senior in that faculty ; wherefore he
deferred the performance of his promise and his voyage
into Palestine from month to month, and year to year, wisely
gaining time by losing it.
The truth was, he was not yet ripe for such an expedi-
tion.
The pope was afraid of his valour, he of the pope's
treachery, and more feared him behind his back than the
Turk before his face. He was loath to let go the eagle he
had in hand, to catch the little bird that was in the bush.
Wherefore as yet he refused to go, pleading that the eight
years' truce which King Bren had made with the Turks was
not yet expired ; before which time to fight against them was
to fight against God and conscience ; and that it was no way
to propagate the faith by breach of faith.
Pope Honorius continued still to put him in mind of his
promise ; yea, he rubbed his memory so roughly, he fetched
off the skin with his threats and menaces. But before Fre-
derick's journey began, Honorius's life ended [March 19],
and Gregory IX. succeeded him, who at the first dash ex-
communicated the emperor for his delay.
Know by the way, that his namesake Gregory VII. (other-
wise Hildebrand) first handseled his excommunication on
Henry IV. Before his time the imperial majesty (what is
observed of the seal, that it is never hit with thunder) was
never fulminated against with excommunication ; afterward
nothing more usual, till the commonness of those thunder-
bolts caused their contempt, and the emperors' natures were
so used to this physic it would not work with them. Of
late his holiness is grown more advised, very sparingly
using them, especially against protestant princes, counting
it policy to hold that weapon within the scabbard which
hath no other edge but what is given it by the opinion of
those against whom it is used.
Frederick at last cometh forth of Germany with his army,
marcheth through Italy, cometh to Brindisi, where the
plague seizeth on his men, whereof died the landgrave of
Thuringia [September 13], and others. Soon after he fell
very desperately sick himself, which stayed his journey
many months.
172 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1228
It went near to the pope that the emperor was so near
to him ; his case now was worse than formerly, for he had
roused the lion out of his den, but could not get him into
the net. His sickness must either be more or less to do
good. And the pope having no variety of weapons, excom-
municated him afresh, pretending Frederick's disease was
only the cramp of laziness, and that he was sick to do good,
but sound to do mischief, as appeared by his unjust seizing
on the goods of Louis landgrave of Thuringia, late de-
ceased.
The emperor protested his innocency, accused the pope's
injustice, putting himself on the trial of all Christian
princes, to whom he wrote letters. At last health came,
and Frederick departed [Aug. 1J, 1228], bearing up with
his navy for Palestine. The pope hearing thereof, belibelled
him more foully than ever before, because like an undutiful
son he departed without his father's blessing, being not
absolved and reconciled to his mother the church.
CHAP. XXXI. Frederick recovereth all Palestine and
Jerusalem without Expense of Time or Blood.
SEE how God's blessing goeth along with the pope's
curses ! The fame of Frederick's valour and maiden
fortune, never as yet spoted with ill success, like a har-
binger hastening before, had provided victory to entertain
him at his arrival ; yea, this emperor, swifter than Caesar
himself, overcame before he came over into Palestine.
At this time the state of the Turks in Syria was very
aguish, and Frederick's coming put them into a shaking fit.
Coradin was dead, his children in minority, the Turkish
souldans factious, boiling in enmity one against another 1 .
Whereupon the sultan of Babylon, who was of chiefest
authority, and governed Syria, proffered Frederick so' ho-
nourable conditions as he might desire, but could never
hope for : namely, to restore unto him Jerusalem and all
Palestine, in as full and ample a manner as it was possessed
by Baldwin IV., before Saladin subdued it ; to set all
Christian captives at liberty, provided that the Turks might
have access to the sepulchre (though not lodging in the city
but suburbs, and that in small numbers at a time), there to
do their devotions, they also having a knowledge of, and
giving an honour to Christ, though no better than ignorance
and dishonour of him.
Frederick, before he ratified any thing by oath, sent to
1 Centuriat.
A. D. 1229 THE HOLY WAR. 173
have the pope's approbation, who ill entreated and im-
prisoned his messengers, denied them audience, and con-
temptuously tore the emperor's letters 2 . Wherefore Frede-
rick without, yea, against his holiness's consent, concluded
a ten years' truce with the sultan ; and on Easter day
triumphantly entering Jerusalem, crowned himself king with
his own hands 3 [1229]. For Gerard patriarch of Jeru-
salem, and Oliver master of the Templars, with all the
clergy, absented themselves; neither was there any mass
sung in the city as long as the emperor being excommuni-
cated remained there 4 .
See that produced as it were in an instant, which the
succession of many years could not perform, all the Holy
Land recovered ! Some gallants perchance (whose curious
palates count all conquests dry meat which are not juiced
with blood) will dispraise this emperor's victory for the
best praise thereof, because it was so easily gotten without
drawing his sword for it. But they deserve to go naked,
who scorn to wear good clothes if they cost not dear.
The Templars were vexed at heart that they had no
partnership in the glory of this action ; yea, this touched
their copyhold. Had they lived lazy thus long in Pales-
tine, sucking the sweet of Christendom to no purpose 5 ?
See Frederick, with few men, little money, less time, as
master of his craft, had finished that which these bunglers
had so long in vain been fumbling about !
Wherefore they, wanting true merit to raise themselves to
the pitch of Frederick's honour, sought by false detraction
to depress him to the depth of their own baseness ; defaming
him, as if he conspired with the sultan to the ruin of all
Christianity. In the mean time the Christians every where
built and repaired the cities of Palestine, being now resigned
into their hands. Joppa and Nazareth they strongly forti-
fied : the walls of Jerusalem were repaired, the churches
therein adorned, and all public edifices either wholly cast
their skin with the snake, or at leastwise renewed their bill
with the eagle, having their fronts either built or beautified.
But new tackling to an old rotten keel will never make
serviceable ship. Short were the smiles of this city, which,
groaning under God's old curse, little joyed herself in this
her new bravery.
2 Centuriat. 3 Matth. Paris, in anno 1229, p. 480.
4 Matth. Paris, in anno 1229, p. 479. 6 Idem, ibidem.
BOOK IV.
CHAP. I. Frederick battered with the Pope's Force, and
undermined with his Fraud, leaveth Palestine, and re-
turneth into Italy.
THUS the Christians' affairs in Palestine were in good
case and possibility of improvement [1229]. But the
pope knew he should catch no fish if the waters were thus
clear; wherefore he stirred up John Bren, Frederick's
father-in-law (guess whether his plots ran not low when he
used such dregs) to raise a rebellion in Italy against him.
His holiness spread a false report of purpose, that Frede-
rick was dead. Who would think there were so much
substance in a shadow? This vain rumour wrought real
effects, strengthening Frederick's foes with hopes, and
staggering his friends with fear and uncertainties. Bren,
striking the iron whilst it was hot, won many places from
the emperor. And though Time soon after was delivered
of her daughter Truth, yet the confutation came too late, to
shut the door when the steed was stolen ; the pope having
attained his ends, and served his turn already.
A jubilee of liberty was proclaimed to all the emperor's
subjects, and they dispensed with from the pope for their
allegiance to him. Milan, and many other cities in Italy,
formerly imperial, danced at this music, made a foot-cloth
of their master's livery, and from this time dated themselves
free states. Here was brave gleaning, where all ran away
with whole sheaves ; where robbery was privileged for lawful
purchase. And the pope, wise enough not so to give away
the pie but to keep the best corner for himself, carved all
Apulia for his own part.
Whilst hostility in Italy, treason beset Frederick in Syria :
the Templars intimated to the sultan his privy project to
wash himself in Jordan, that so he might be surprised. But
the sultan (no doubt out of pity to see a lion catched in
a fox-trap, there being a consanguinity of all princes, and
the royal blood which runneth in their veins causing a
sympathy of majesty betwixt them) scorned to advantage
himself by treachery, and sent their letters to Frederick,
who afterwards used the Templars, and generally all the
D. 1229 THE HOLY WAR.
175
ergy in Palestine (counting them accomplices with the
3pe) coarsely, not to say cruelly.
At last having confirmed his ten years' truce, and having
^pointed Reinold duke of Bavaria his lieutenant in Syria,
ithout noise he cometh into Europe ; for to return triumph-
itly in state had been but an alarm to awaken envy, and a
arning piece for his enemies to prepare against him. He
itsailed fame itself, landing in Italy in person before he
rived there in report. Then the love of his loyal subjects,
therto rather coverted than quenched, appeared ; and
ough formerly forced to a contrary motion, returned now
aickly to their own prince, their proper centre.
Within fifteen days, assisted with the duke of Spoletum,
rederick recovered all which was won from him, and
travelled the fair web of John Bren's victory, even to the
ry hem thereof.
Then was all Italy (resembled by geographers, for the
hion thereof, to a man's leg) troubled with the incurable
ut of schism and faction : not a city of note in it which
as not dichotomized into the sect of the Guelfes, which
voured the pope, and Gibellines, which adhered to the
iperor.
Guelfes for Gibellines for
Guelfes for Gibellines for
the Pope. the Emperor.
the Pope. the Emperor.
IN ROME.
IN GENOA.
Jrsini Columnienses
Fosci Spinolse
iabellii Frangepanes
Grimaldi Adurnii
Caesarini
Fregosii Dorii
IN FLORENCE.
IN BONONIA.
^dimarii Pazii
Caneduli Bentivoli
iJondelmontii Uberti
Pepuli Malvecii
\midei Donati
Marescotii
3erchii Albicii
liccii Strozi
IN FERRARA.
VIedicei Salviati
Estenses Saligureri
3 actii
IN MILAN.
IN LUCCA.
Interminelli Obicii
Vicecomites Turregiani
IN PADUA.
IN MANTUA.
Carrarii
Gonzagae Bonacursii *
These are collected out of Lampad. Mellif. Hist, part 3,
303.
176 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 123
I will not quarrel with the tradition, that elves and goblin
in our English tongue, had their first original from the d<
pravation of the names of Guelfes and Gibellines 2 . If s<
sure I am, what now we make terriculamcnta infantun
scarecrows to affright children, were then true harpies t
devour men.
I would farther prosecute these discords ; and also sho 1
how Frederick was forced to ask pardon of him who ha
most wronged him, and dearly to purchase his absolutio
from the pope (for though this emperor's heart was as har
as stone, yet was it furrowed, dinted, and hollowed at la:
with the pope's constant dropping and incessant raining <
curses upon him); but I dare wander no farther in th;
subject, lest any should question my pass ; but return bac
to the Holy Land.
CHAP. II. The Tartars jirst appearing in the World affrig}
both Christians and Turks. Of their Name and J\dtur
Whether Turks or Tartars be easier convertible to the in
Religion.
REINOLD duke of Bavaria, being left Frederick
lieutenant in Syria, wisely discharged his office, an
preserved the peace entire which was concluded with th
sultan of Babylon. But the Templars sought by all mear
to bring this ten years' truce to an untimely end; which WE
as bad as a Lent to them, wherein they must fast froi
fighting, the meat and drink of turbulent spirits. Thesi
counting all lukewarm which were not scalding hot, cor
demned Reinold for want of zeal in the holy war, and gav
him many a lift to heave him from his place; but still h
sat sure, poised with his own gravity. Nor did the enmit
of Henry king of Cyprus much trouble him, who challenge
the principality of Antibch, as next of kin to the' prim
deceased: for Reinold met and defeated him in battle, an
bestowed Antioch on Frederick, base son to Frederick tr
emperor 1 [1232J.
But that which kept both Christians and Turks in aw.
and made them willing mutually to observe the truce, was tr
fear of the Tartars, a fierce nation, which now had their fir
flight out of their own nest into the neighbouring countrie
These Tartarians, anciently called Scythians, inhabit tl
northern part of Asia, a country never conquered by any
the monarchs, privileged from their victorious arms chief
2 Sir John Harrington. ' Magdeburg. Cent. 13, cap. 1(
A.D. 1232 THE HOLY WAR. 177
by its own barrenness : for except soldiers were ambitious
of hunger and cold, here is nothing to countervail their
pains of an invasion ; yea, no meat to maintain them. It is
true, rhubarb the best of drugs groweth in this the worst
of countries : but soldiers seek rather for food than physic
when they invade a country. A greater part of their land
is undiscovered, though map-makers, rather than they will
have their maps naked and bald, do periwig them with
false hair, and fill up the vacuum (especially towards the
north) with imaginary places of l/wg, and Gog, and the
plains of Bargu* : so true it is what one saith wittily in the
comedy, " that Phantasies, the servant of Geographus, tra-
velled farther beyond the arctic circle than ever his master
durst."
If it be surest to follow the most, the stream of writers
make it called Tartaria from the river Tartar; but Europe
and Asia will by woful experience justify the etymology, if
deduced from Tartarus, Hell. For when the spring-tides
of this nation overflowed the banks, hell might seem to have
broken loose, and to have sent so many devils abroad.
As for those that count them the offspring of the ten
tribes of Israel, which Salmanaser led away captive, because
Tatari or Totari signifieth in the Hebrew and Syriac
tongue, a residue or remnant, learned men have sufficiently
confuted it 3 . And surely it seemeth a forced and over-
strained deduction, to farfetch the name of Tartars from a
Hebrew word, a language so far distant from them. But
no more hereof: because perchance herein the woman's
reason hath a masculine truth ; and the Tartarians are called
so, because they are called so. It may be, curious etymo-
logists (let them lose their wages who work in difficult
trifles) seek to reap what was never sown, whilst they study
to make those words speak reason, which are only voces ad
placitum, imposed at pleasure.
Under their new name Tartarians, they keep their old
nature of Scythians, fierce, cruel ; yea, sometimes, instead
of other meat, making man their meat. One humour they
have, much affecting the owl 4 , a bird which other nations
scorn and hate, as the usher of ill hick. The occasion was
this : A king of Tartary, sought for by his enemies, hid him-
self in a bush, whither his foes came to seek him; when
2 See Mercator's maps.
3 See Brierwood's Inquiries, chap. 13.
'* Sabell. Eim. 9, lib. 6, p. 391.
N
178 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1232
presently an owl flew out of the place : whereupon they
desisted from further search, conceiving that that anchorite
bird proclaimed nothing was there but solitude and deso-
lation. Hence in gratitude they never count themselves
more gay than when their helmets are hung with owls' fea-
thers. Whereat I should strange more, but that I find this
fowl dedicated to Minerva, the goddess of wit 5 , and that
Athens (schoolmistress of the world) counted it a token of
victory. The king of these Tartarians styleth himself the
great cham, and is monarch of a great part of the world in
possession, of the rest in imagination. He taketh and his
subjects give him little less than divine honour; who in
other things at this time were pure pagans and idolaters.
Now their country, which is like a poor man whose common
is overstocked with children, swarming with more bees than
hives, sent their superfluous numbers to seek their fortunes
amongst the Christians. They needed no steel armour who
had iron bodies. Only with bows, cruelty, and multitude
they overran Lithuania, Podolia, Polonia, and those coun-
tries which are the east boundaries of Europe. Others took
their way southward into Asia, committing outrages as they
went; and, sensible how incomparably their own country
was surpassed for pleasure and profit by these new lands
(blame not their judgment if they preferred a palace before
a prison), they little cared to return home.
Their incursions into Europe were so far and frequent, that
Pope Innocent IV., about the year 1245, began to fear them
in Italy. Wherefore he sent Askelin, a friar much admired
in that age, with three others, into Tartary, to convert that
nation to Christianity. Where Askelin, instead of teaching
them the elements of our religion, laid this foundation, to
amplify to them the power of the pope, setting him out in
his full dimensions, how he was above all men in the Chris-
tian world. A good nurse, to feed infants, instead of milk,
with such dry bones : enough almost to affright them from
entering into our church, seeing such a giant as they painted
the pope to stand before the door.
But Baiothnoi, chief captain of the Tartarian army (for
they were not admitted to speak with the great cham him-
self), cried quits with this friar, outvying him with the great-
ness and divinity of their cham ; and sent back by them a
blunt letter :
" Pope, know this : thy messengers came and brought
5 Vide Erasm. Adag. in Xoctua volat.
A. D. 1232 THE HOLY WAR. 179
letters to us ; thy messengers spake great words; we know
not whether thou enjoinedst them, or whether they spake of
themselves : and in thy letters thou writest thus, Many men
you kill, slay, and destroy." At last he thus concluded :
" If thou wilt set upon our land, water, and patrimony, it
behoveth that thou, pope, in thy proper person come unto
us ; and that thou come to him who containeth the face of
the whole earth ;" meaning their great cham 6 .
Never did his holiness so meet with his match before*
He durst not meet the great cham of the east, his competitor
in the imaginary monarchy of the world, to try whose title
was truest. Let others tear their skins, he would sleep in
a whole one. And indeed that shepherd loved his flock of
Christians better, than by his absence in a long journey
into Tartary to expose them to the wolves. And so the
conversion of Tartary at that time was disappointed.
It is a pretty quare, whether Turks or Tartars be easier
convertible to the Christian religion : I mean ex parts
objecti ; for otherwise all things are equally easy to an infi-
nite agent. Now it seemeth the Tartars are reducible with
most facility to our religion ; for pure Paganism and native
infidelity, like white cloth, will take the tincture of Chris-
tianity ; whereas the Turks are soiled and stained with the
irreligious religion of Mahometanism, which first with much
pains must be scoured out of them. And though they may
seem to be in some forwardness to conversion, because they
have a kind of knowledge and reverence of Christ, yet the
best joint of their belief must be broken before it can be
Well set, and every drop of their present religion pumped
out before true faith be infused into them. And experience,
the most competent witness herein, hath proved, that after-
wards more Tartars, both private men and princes, than
Turks of either condition, have embraced Christianity.
Enough at this time ; we shall have occasion too soon to
speak more of the Tartars.
CHAP. III. The Greeks recover their Empire from the
Latins. The Holy War thereby much endamaged.
IT was conceived that it would be much beneficial to the
pilgrims in their voyages to Palestine, that the Latins
were lately possessed of the Grecian empire ; for what is
saved is gained : and grant that the Latins in Greece should
6 Magdeburg. Cent. 13, cap. 2. Sed ex Vincent, lib. 31,
cap. 51.
180 THE HISTORY OF A.o.1232
not actually assist in the holy war, yet it was a considerable
advantage what all justly expected, that pilgrims should
now have safe and secure passage through Greece, the pit-
fall which formerly had devoured so many.
But these fair hopes soon miscarried. For what through
the celerity of Theodorus Lascaris, and the gravity of John
Ducas his son-in-law, who reigned as Grecian emperors in
Nice, the Greeks recovered every foot of ground that the
Latins had won from them : only the Venetians, being good
at holdfast, kept their portion when all others had spent
theirs, and enjoy Candia to this day. This is imputed to
their discretion in their choice, who, in the sharing of this
empire amongst the western princes, refused the continent
countries (though greater in extent and richer in cities),
and chose rather the islands, which, being as little worlds
in themselves, were most capable of entire fortifications,
especially in their way, who were most powerful at sea.
Sixty years almost did the Latins make a hard shift to
hold Constantinople, under five succeeding emperors :
'1. Baldwin I. earl of Flanders [1203] ; 2. Henry his bro-
ther [1205] ; 3. Peter, count of Auxerre in France, Henry's
son-in-law [1216]; 4. Robert [1221] ; 5. Baldwin II. and
last [1238]. An example which the observers of the ominous
circulation or return of names allege, that as a Baldwin
was the first, so a Baldwin was the last Latin emperor in
Greece.
Of these, the first Baldwin had his hands and feet cut off,
and died in a ditch ; Peter, invited to a feast, paid the
shot with his life ; the other three died without any violence,
but with much misery. And thus their conquest of Greece,
like a little sprig stuck into the ground, did sprout at the
first whilst it had any sap in it, but then withered for want
of a root.
Indeed it was impossible long to continue ; for when the
generation of the primitive adventurers in this action were
dead, there wanted another to succeed them ; and the
countries whence they came were so far off, that supplies of
Latin people came thither very slowly : only Venice well
peopled her parts from the vicinity of her dominions. And
that number of soldiers which is sufficient by sudden con-
quest to overrun a country, is incompetent, without a second
edition of new supplies, to make good, manage, and main-
tain it; especially being to meddle with the Greeks, far
exceeding them in number, subject only out of fear, longing
-daily for their liberty, and opportunity to recover it.
A.D. 1237 THE HOLY WAR. 181
Let never any pilgrims hereafter make Greece their inn in
their journey to Palestine. Yea, also at this time the fur-
nace of the Grecian jealousy was made seven times hotter;
for besides this civil, an ecclesiastical and spiritual breach
happened betwixt them and the Latins, which we come
now to describe.
CHAP. IV. The incurable Breach betwixt the Eastern and
Western Churches, with the Occasion thereof.
HITHERTO Grecians and Latins lived together in
Palestine in some tolerable correspondency ; differ-
ing in judgment, but complying in affections ; as counting
themselves two several sides, yet both making up the body
of Christians. But now, by an unhappy discord they were
irreconcilably parted asunder, to the great advantage of the
Turks and prejudice of the holy war. We will fetch this
flame from the first spark ; and, though we go far about, the
length of the journey will be recompensed by the goodness
of the way.
Anciently in the primitive time the church of Rome was
esteemed the first and chiefest of all others, but without any
jurisdiction above them. Because that was the imperial
city and queen of the world, therefore the church therein
was highest in account ; as the candle which is in the fairest
candlestick is always set above the rest (though otherwise
equal unto it in light) at the upper end of the table.
It happened afterward that the emperor removed his seat
from Rome to Constantinople; whereupon orphan Rome
suddenly decayed (for the emperor's court carried day with
it, and left night behind it), was chief mourner at the fune-
rals of her own greatness, and from a pleasant garden turned
a wilderness overgrown with Goths, Vandals, and other
barbarous weeds ; whilst Constantinople, tricked and tired
herself, started up in an instant great, rich, and stately;
insomuch that John her patriarch claimed to be universal
bishop over all other. Gregory the Great, bishop of Rome,
stoutly withstood him, protesting that he was the usher of
Antichrist who assumed that swelling title; wherein he
heated the brand to mark his successor with : for Boniface
(save one, the next), pope of Rome, so dealt with Phocas
the emperor of Constantinople, that he got himself confirmed
universal bishop over the whole world. A chaplain and a
patron well met, both usurpers, supporting one another
(like stones in an arch) with their reciprocal aid ; Phocas
held Boniface in his chair, and Boniface kept Phocas in his
182 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1237
throne. And thus was the pope of Rome first possessed of
his primacy both of dignity and authority, both of pre-
cedency and of power and jurisdiction over all other
churches. As for his pretence, to challenge it by com-
mission from Christ and succession from Peter, this string
to his bow is so full of galls, frets, and knots, it cannot
hold, and is broken by many learned divines.
However, Constantinople rather overborne than overcome,
for want rather of strength than stomach, ever rebelled, or
rather resisted (for no rebellion against usurpation) Rome's
supremacy (especially when she found herself befriended
with any advantage) for many hundred years after.
It happened (to come to the matter in hand) that a Gre-
cian archbishop went to Rome, there to have his confirma-
tion 1 ; where the court demanded of him such unreason-
able fees (toll more than the grist) that the prelate perceived
it would weaken him to be confirmed, and shake his estate
to settle him in his bishopric. Home therefore he cometh
with a loud alarm against the extortions of Rome, and mus-
tereth together many of his countrymen ; who hereupon
for ever withdrew their obedience from Rome, and threw
off that heavy yoke they could not bear, hereafter owning
her for their sister, not mother.
It may seem strange that the Roman court, being here
justly taxed for extortion, would not amend it. But how
often soever she be told of her dirty face, she will never-
wash it: for reforming would argue a former fault; and
they feared, if they yielded themselves guilty in one point,
it would shake the whole fabric of their credit. Besides, if
the Grecians had received satisfaction and redress in this
grievance, it would have given them pretence to prepare
more requests, and to think that they also were due. Lastly,
no strength of persuasion will draw men from those sins
which are glued unto them by their profit. Thus the avarice
of the Romish officers (as of late the shameful shameless
covetousness of their indulgencemongers occasioned Luther's
falling from them) caused the Grecians wholly to renounce
their subjection to that see ; and Germanus patriarch of
Constantinople now grew absolute of himself, without any
dependency on the pope.
His holiness, despairing to reduce them by fair means,
proclaimed war against them. And as formerly against the
Albigenses, so now against the Grecians, resolved to send an
1 Matth. Paris, in anno 1237, p. 622.
A. D. 1237 THE HOLY WAR. 183
army of croised soldiers 1 : it being his custom to make the
secular power little better than a hangman to execute those
he should please to condemn ; yea, he hath turned the back
of the sword towards infidels, and the edge against Chris-
tians dissenting from him in small matters. But few volun-
taries were found for this service, because of a pious horror
and religious reluctancy against so odious an employment:
only in Cyprus 3 (I believe in a private persecution rather
than open war) some Grecians were put to death ; the pope
using the same severity against wolves and wandering
sheep, foes and prodigal children.
CHAP. V. Wherein the Greeks dissent from the Latins.
What must charitably be conceived of them.
BESIDES their rejecting of the pope's both ecclesias-
tical and temporal tyranny, the Greeks differ from the
Latins in other matters of moment : for they maintain the
procession of the Holy Spirit from the Father alone. As
for their other tenets, they stand in some middle terms of
opinion betwixt papists and protestants ; yet so, that they
approach nearer the papists in more, to us in more weighty
and dominative points. With Rome they concur in tran-
substantiation, in the whole sacrifice of the mass, in praying
to saints and for the dead, in auricular confession, in wor-
shiping of pictures (only of Christ and our Lady), but all
images they detest ; a kind of purgatory they hold, but not
in hell or the skirts thereof, nor by any outward torment 1 .
With us they consent in the sufficiency of the Scriptures to
salvation, in denying the infallibility of the church (much
more of the pope), the overplus of merits, service un-
understood, indulgences, liberaties out of purgatory, and the
like.
Hereupon the Romanists condemn them all for heretics
and castaways, killing more than a third of all Christians
(as Cain did a quarter of mankind with a blow) with this
their uncharitable censure. But heaven-gate was not so
easily shut against multitudes when St. Peter himself wore
the keys at his girdle. And let us not with rash judging
thrust all into the pit of hell whom we see walking near the
brink thereof. We shall think better of them if we consider
that,
First, their tenets wherein they dissent from the Ro-
2 Matth. Paris, in anno 1237, p. 622. 3 Idem, p. 614.
1 Sir Edw. Sand, Relig. of the West, p. 233, 234.
184 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1237
manists are sound enough, save that of the Holy Ghost.
Concerning which it is a useful quare, whether, granting
the first authors and ringleaders of that error in a bad con-
dition, there be not some favour to be allowed to those who
in simplicity succeed to hereditary errors received from
their ancestors, if they do not wilfully bar nor bolt their
eyes against the beams of the truth, but be willing (as we
charitably conceive of the Greeks) to receive and embrace
better instruction.
Secondly, the master of the sentences (waited on herein
with other learned men 2 ) is of opinion, that in the sense of
the Greek church cL Filio and per Filium is no real dif-
ference, but a question in modo loquendi. Sure it would
have grated the foundation, if they had so denied the pro-
cession of the Holy Ghost from the Son as thereby to make
an inequality betwixt the two persons ; but since their form
of speech is, that the Holy Ghost proceedeth from the'
Father by the Son, and is the Spirit of the Son, without
making any difference in the consubstantiality of the per-
sons, their doctrine may pass with a favourable inter-
pretation.
Thirdly, our quickest sight in the matters of the Trinity
is but one degree above blindness. Wherefore, as concerning
it, let our piety lodge there where in other disputes the
deceit of sophisters used to nestle itself, namely, in univer-
salibus, in large and general expressions, and not descend
to curious particulars. To search into the manner of the
Spirit's procession is neither manners nor religion; and
rather falleth under an awful adoration and belief than an
exact and curious inquiry.
Lastly, this their tenet doth not infect any other point in
divinity with its poisonous inferences. Some errors are
worse in their train than in themselves, which (as the dra'gon
in the Revelation drew down a third part of the stars with
his tail), by their bad consequences, pervert other points of
religion ; but this Grecian opinion (as learned men pro-
pound it) concerning the Holy Ghost, hath this happiness,
that it is barren, and begetteth no other bad tenets from it,
being entire in itself.
More may be alleged for the lessening of this error;
but grant it in its full extent, yet surely the moderate judg-
2 Bonavent. 1. Sent. dist. 11, art. 1, quaest. 1. Scotus, 1.
Sent. dist. 1, quaest. 1. Th. Aquin. part 1, qufest. 36,
.D. 1237 THE HOLY WAR. 185
ent of that learned divine 3 , whose memory smelleth like a
eld the Lord hath blessed, will abide trial ; who in effect
ms concludeth, Their schisms are sinful, wicked, and in-
xcusable; their doctrine dangerous, but not so damnable as
xcluding from all possibility of salvation.
As for the observation of a schoolman 4 , that afterwards
e Turks won Constantinople on Whitsunday, the day
edicated to the memorial of the Holy Spirit, as if God
srein pointed at the sin of the Grecians in dishonouring the
'oly Ghost ; we leave it to the reader's discretion, desiring
ther to be sceptical than definitive in the causes of God's
dgments.
HAP. VI. A comparative Estimate of the Extent of the
Greek and Latin Church. What Hope of Reconcilement
betwixt them. The Influence this Breach had on the Holu
War.
F that religion were surely the best which is of the greatest
L latitude and extent, surveyors of land were fitter than
vines to judge of the best religion. Neither is it any
alter of great moment to measure the greatness of either
urch; but because Rome maketh her universality such a
asterpiece to boast of, let us see if the Greek church may
>t outshoot her in her own bow.
If we begin with the Grecian church in Africa under the
triarch of Alexandria, thence proceeding into Asia, and
tch a compass about Syria, Armenia, Asia the Less, with
yrus, Candia, and other islands in the Midland Sea, and
come into Greece; if hence we go into Russia and
uscovy (who, though differing in ceremonies, dissent not
doctrine, as a sundry dialect maketh not a several
nguage) to take only entire kingdoms, and omit parcels :
is a larger quantity of ground than that the Romish
ligion doth stretch to, since Luther cut so large a collop
t of it, and withdrew North Europe from obedience to
s holiness.
Perchance the Romanists may plead they have lately
proved the patrimony of their religion by new purchases
both Indies; but who knoweth not that those people,
ather watered than baptized, affrighted with cruelty into
Christianity, deserve not to be accounted, settled, and well-
rounded professors of their religion ?
3 In his third book Of the Church, chap. 5.
4 Estius, dist. 11, $ 2.
186 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 123
As for reconciliation betwixt the Grecians and Latins,
is utterly improbable, except the Greeks submit to th
pope's primacy, which they will never do. No hope the
of their meeting together, when neither party will stir ste
towards other.
True it is, some forty years since (anno 1594), the bishop
of Little Russia (a country following the eastern church
but under the king of Poland), on condition they woul
accept the pope's supremacy ', were dispensed with, an
permitted in other matters to adhere to the Greek church
and keep union with it; the pope manifesting herein, the
he aimeth not so much at the reduction of the Greeks to th
truth as to his own obedience.
Besides the hatred they have against the pope's prid<
another great hinderance of the union is the small intercom's
the eastern Christians have or desire to have with thi
western. They live amongst the Turks, and are grown to b|
contented slaves; and, having long since parted with the
hopes, now almost have lost their desire of liberty.
We must not forget how some fifty years ago solem
news was reported in Rome, that the patriarch of Alexandri;
with all the Greek church in Africa, by their ambassador
had submitted and reconciled themselves to the pope, an
from him received absolution and benediction*. All whic
was a politic lie, perchance therefore reported, that it migl
make impression in the minds, and raise and confirm tn
spirits of the vulgar, who easily believe all that their bettei
tell them. And though afterwards this report was coi!
trolled to be false, yet men's spirits, then being cold, we |
not so sensible of it as before ; and the former news came
many men's ears who never heard afterwards of the che<
and confutation thereof. Nor is there any state in tl
world that maketh such use and advantage, as the pap
doth, of false news. To conclude: as it is a maxim
philosophy, ex quibus constamuSj ex iisdew nutrimur ;
a great part of their religion consisting of errors and fals
hoods, it is suitable that accordingly it should be kept \
and maintained with forgeries and deceits.
To return to Palestine : this rent (not in the seam b
whole cloth) betwixt these churches was no mean hinderan
to the holy war. Formerly the Greeks in Syria were not
clearly cut asunder from the Latins, but that they hui
1 Possevin in Apparatu sacro, in Rutheni. See Brierwoo<
Inquiries, chap. 18. 2 Sir Edw. Sand. West. Relig. p. 101
L.D, 1238
THE HOLY WAR.
187
together by one great sinew in the common cause, agreeing
igainst the Turk the enemy to both; but since this last
>reach, the Greeks did in their desires propend and incline
the Turks, being better contented they should conquer,
rom whom they should have fair quarter, free exercise of
iir religion, and secure dwelling in any city, paying a
let tribute ; than the Latins, who they feared would force
jheir consciences, and bring their souls in subjection to the
ope's supremacy. Expect we then never hereafter, that
tither their hearts or hands should afford any assistance to
jmr pilgrims in their designs.
Some conceive 3 , that at this day if the western Christians
lould stoutly invade Turkey with any likelihood to prevail,
Greeks therein would run to aid them. But others are
|>f a contrary judgment ; considering, first, the inveterate
Lnd inlaid hatred (not to be washed off) they bear the
tins; secondly, the jealousy they have that they will
jver keep promise with them, who have always a warrant
lormant from the pope to break all contracts prejudicial to
"ie Romish church ; thirdly, that custom and long conti-
luance in slavery have so hardened and brawned their
[boulders, the yoke doth not wring them so much ; yea,
Ihey had rather suffer the Turks, being old full flies, to suck
jhem, than to hazard their galled backs to new hungry
nes ; finding by experience, that they themselves live on
mer terms of servitude under the Turk, less grated and
'rinded with exactions than some of their countrymen do
mderthe Latins; for instance, in Zante and Candia under
Ihe Venetians.
lHAP. k VII. Theobald King of Navarre ?naketh an unsuc-
cessful Voyage into Palestine.
'HE ten years' truce by this time [1238] was expired,
which Frederick made with the Turks ; and Reinold
riceroy of Palestine, by instructions from him, concluded
mother truce of the same term with them 1 . He saw that
mis young Christian kingdom of Jerusalem, like an infant,
ld thrive best with sleeping with peace and quietness,
or was it any policy for him to move at all, where there
is more danger to hurt than hope to help their present
ite.
3 Sir Edw. Sand. West. Relig. p. 242.
1 Magdeburg. Cent. 13, cap. 16. Decennales inducias nuper
ienuo confirmarat.
188 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1239
But though this peace was honourable and profitable,
having no fault but that Frederick made it; yet the Templars,
who did not relish the father, must needs distaste the child.
They complained that this peace was not used as a slumber
to refresh the soldiers' spirits, but as a lethargy to benumb
their valour; and chiefly snarled at this indignity, that the
Turks had access to the Temple of the Sepulchre, and that
goats had free commonage in the sheep's pasture. Where-
fore Pope Gregory, to despite the Emperor Frederick, caused
the Dominicans and Franciscans, his trumpeters, to incite
people to the holy war*. These were two twin orders, but
the Dominican the eldest, which now were no sooner
hatched in the world, but presently chirped in the pulpits.
In that age sermons were news, and meat for princes, not
common men ; yea, the Albigenses with their preaching had
drowned the voices of secular priests, if these two orders had
not helped to out-noise those supposed heretics. These
amplified with their rhetoric the calamity of the Christians,
tyranny of the Turks, merit of the cause, probability ol
success ; performing their parts with such gravity, show ol
devotion, accents of passion, not glued on for the presenl
purpose but so natural as from true affection, that many were
wooed to undertake the voyage [1239]; principally, Theo-
bald king of Navarre, Almerick earl of Montfort, Henry oi
Champagne, Peter earl of Bretagne, with many others ol
inferior rank.
Ships they had none ; wherefore they were fain to shape
their passage by land through Greece ; where they were
entertained with treachery, famine, and all the miseries
which wait on distressed armies. These came last that way,
and (I may say) shut the door ; for no Christian army evei
after went that tedious journey by land.
Having passed the Bosporus, they marched into Bithy-
nia ; thence through Galatia they came unto the mountair
Taurus, where they were much damnified by the Turks, wh(
fell on and off upon them, as they were advised by theii
own advantages. The Christians desired no other gift bu
that a set battle might be given them, which the Turk:
would not grant, but played at distance and would neve
close. But with much ado the Christians recovered t<
Antioch, having scarce a third part of them left; their horse:
all dead, and themselves scarce mounted on their legs
miserably weak ; as what the mercy of sword, plague, anc
famine, had pleased to spare.
2 Magdeburg. Cent. 13, cap. 16.
*.D. 1239 THE HOLY WAR. 189
Hence the Templars conducted them to Gaza, where
hey fell on foraging the country of the sultan, assaulting no
laces which were of strength, or honour to subdue, but
>nly spoiled poor villages, which counted themselves walled
ith the truce as yet in force. Abundance of wealth they
ot, and were now late returning home, when after their
lentiful supper a dear and sharp reckoning was called for.
Behold, the Turks in great numbers fell upon them near
into Gaza, and the Christians down with their bundles of
poil, and out with their swords, bravely defending them-
selves till such time as the night parted the fray. Here they
ommitted a great error, and (as one may say) a neglect in
ver-diligence ; for, instead of reposing themselves to rest,
nd appointing a set watch, they all lay in a manner perdues,
10 one slumbering all night, but attending their enemies;
:ontrary to the rules of an army, which with Argus should
lever have all its eyes wake or sleep together. Next
norning when the Turks, whose numbers were much in-
reased, set upon them, alas ! they being but few to many,
aint to fresh, were not able to make any forcible resistance ;
ret, what they could not pay in present, they pawned their
ives for; that their arms being too weak for their hearts,
:hey were rather killed than conquered. Earl Henry was
lain, Almerick taken prisoner, the king of Navarre escaped
>y the swiftness of his Spanish gennet ; which race, for their
ringed speed, the poets feigned to be begot of the wind.
Meantime the other Christians looked on, and saw their
Drethren slaughtered before their eyes ; and yet though they
were able to help them, were not able to help them, their
lands being tied with the truce, and Reinold charging them
10 way to infringe the peace concluded with the sultan.
Hereupon many cursed him as the Christians' cut-throat;
ie as fast condemned the king of Navarre and his army for
>reaking the truce. And though the papal faction pleaded
hat the former peace concluded not these late adventurers,
ind that it was only made with Frederick the emperor, yet
ie representing the whole body of Christianity, all the
bundle of their shifts could not piece out a satisfactory
mswer, but that they were guilty of faith-breaking.
Home hastened the king of Navarre with a small retinue,
clouding himself in privateness ; as that actor who cometh
off with the dislike of the spectators stealeth as invisibly as
he may into the tiring-house. Expectation, that friendly
foe, did him much wrong; and his performance fell the
lower, because men heightened their looking for great
matters from him.
190 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1240
CHAP. V III. Richard Earl of Cornwall saileth to the
Holy Land. His Performance there, and the Censure
thereof.
T^IFTEEN days after the departure of Theobald 1
J7 [October llth, 1240], Richard earl of Cornwall,
brother to Henry III. then king of England, landed
at Ptolemais. This prince was our English Crassus 01
Crcesus; Cornwall was his Indies, where he turned tin intc
gold and silver. So well monied he was, that for ten years
together he might for every day expend a hundred marks 1
So that England never since had together a poorer king anc
a richer subject.
Before he began his voyage, he craved a subsidy o:
prayers from the monks of St. Albans; yea, scarce was there
any convent appearing for piety, to whose devotions h<
recommended not himself, counting that ship to sail th<
surest which is driven with the breath of goodly men';
prayers. Theodoricus lord prior of the English Hospitallers
with many other barons and brave soldiers attending him
passed through France, and was there honourably enter
tained by King Louis.
Being come to the Mediterranean Sea, the pope's le:at<
brought him a flat countermand, that he must go no further
but instantly return. Richard at first was astonishec
hereat ; but quickly his anger got the mastery of his amaze
ment, and he fell on fuming. Was this Christ's vicar '
Unlike was he to him, who was thus unlike to himself, wh(
would say and unsay, solemnly summon, then suddenly
cashier his holy soldiers. This was deluding of people':
devotions with false alarms, to make them put their armou
on to put it off again. As for his own self,, he had vowec
this voyage, his honour and treasure was engaged therein
and the pope should not blast his settled resolutions with ;
breath: his ships were manned, victualled, and sailing
forward ; and in such great actions the setting forth is mon
than half the journey 3 .
All know his holiness to be too wary an archer to shoo
away his arrows at nothing. He had a mark herein, a plo
in this restraint, but that too deep for others to fathom. I
could not be this, to make this rich earl (a fish wortl
angling for) to commute his voyage into money, and to bu;
1 Matth. Paris, p 670. 2 Caniden, in Cornwall.
3 -Matth. Pans, in Hen. III. p. 7 19.
. D. 1240 THE HOLY WAR. 191
dispensation of his holiness to stay at home, as formerly he
ad served many meaner pilgrims. Surely, though the
)ope's covetousness might have prompted, his wisdom
YOU Id have dissuaded him from a project spun with so
oarse a thread.
On saileth Earl Richard, and safely arriveth at Ptolemais ;
vhere he is well welcomed, especially by the clergy, solemnly
inging, Blessed is he that cometh in the name of' the Lord*.
He proclaimed, no Christian should depart for want of
iay ; for he would entertain any, and give them good wages
lat would do work in this war. But he found the Christians
here shivered into several factions, and the two great orders,
Hospitallers and Templars, two great confusions of the
oly cause. Of these the Hospitallers were the seniors in
landing, their original being dated eighteen years before
tie Templars, and therefore challenged superiority. But
hat which made the younger brother so brisk was, that he
vas his father's darling. The Templars in all their broils
ad support from the pope, because the others were sus-
ected to have a smack of the imperial faction. This made
lem active, daring, offering of affronts ; and what country-
nen soever the Templars were, they were always Italians,
hat is, true to the triple crown. These, being madded with
mbition, were the more outrageous for their high fare (their
reat revenues), and deserved to be dieted with a poorer
>ittance, except they would have used their strength better.
)ur earl knew, to please one side would certainly displease
le other, and to please both would probably please
either.
Wherefore he managed his matters entirely to himself,
without relating to either of the parties, taking no ground of
leir giving, but bowling at the public good by the aim of
is own eye.
The sultans in Syria (for the Turkish power there was
ivided into several sultanies, as those of Damascus, Cracci 5 ,
leisser, but Babylon the chiefest), hearing of Richard's
reparations, proffered peace unto him. But whilst as yet
ie conditions were in suspense, Richard fortified Askelon
in all the bunch there was not a better key, or harbour of
nore importance), not only to strength but state, with marble
illars and statues ; though the silent ruins thereof at this
[ay confess not to the beholders that any such cost was ever
estowed there. He also caused the corpses of the Christians
4 Matth. Paris, in Hen. III. p. 729.
5 Called anciently Arabia Petraea, Tyrius, lib. 21, cap. 5.
,
192 THE HISTORY OF A.o.124
killed at the late battle of Gaza, and hitherto unburied,
decently to be interred ; and appointed an annual salary to a
priest to pray for their souls. Hereby he had the happiness
with little cost to purchase much credit; and the living
being much taken with kindness to the dead, this burying oi
those Christians with pious persons won him as much
repute as if he killed so many Turks.
At last the truce for ten years was concluded with the
sultan [1241]; all Christian captives were discharged and
set free, many sorts of them restored, and matters for the
main reduced to the same estate they were at the first peace
with Frederick the emperor; and Richard returning through
Sicily and by Rome, where he visited his holiness, safely
came home to England, where he \vas welcomed with bad
news, that a discontented Cornish man, banished for his
misdemeanours, had found out tin mines in Bohemia 6 ;
which afterwards more assuaged the swelling of this earl's
bags than all his voyage to Palestine; for till that time that
metal was only fetched from England, which afforded meat
to some foreign countries, and dishes to all.
His voyage was variously censured ; the Templars whiclj
consented not to the peace, flouted thereat, as if all this
while he had laboured about a difficult nothing, and as
good never a whit as never the better, for the agreemenl
would never hold long. Others thought he had abundantl)
satisfied any rational expectation ; for he compelled, saith
one, the Saracens to truce 7 (a strange compulsion without
violence, except the showing of a scabbard), he restored man)
to the life of their life, their liberty ; which alone was
worth all his pains : the peace he concluded was honourable
and a cheap olive-branch is better than dear bays.
Two of our English Richards were at Palestine ; on
famous for drawing his sword, the other his purse. He wai
also remarkable herein, that he brought all his men anc
ships safe home (next of kin to a miracle), and none wil
deny but that in such dangerous adventures a saver is :
gainer. One good he got hereby : this journey brought hin
into play amongst foreign princes; henceforward the beyond,
sea world took notice of him, and he of it. Never would h'
have had the face to have courted the crown imperial, if thes
his travels had not put boldness and audacity into hire
which made him afterwards a stiff rival to bid for th
empire of Germany.
6 Matth. Paris, p. 765. 7 Camden, in Cornwall.
A. D. 1244 THE HOLY WAR. 193
CHAP. IX. The Corasines cruelly sack the City of Jeru-
salem, and kill the Christians therein.
\ BOUT this time (though we find not the punctual date
-/JL thereof), happened the death of Remold, Frederick's
lieutenant in Syria, who by his moderation had been a good
benefactor to the holy war. But the Templars counted him
to want metal, because he would not be mad, and cause-
lessly break the truce with the sultan. In his grave was
buried the happiness of the Christians in Palestine: for now
the lawless Templars observe no other rule but their own
will.
And now the inundation of the Tartarians, in spite of all
dams and banks, overran the north of Asia, and many
nations fled from their own countries for fear of them.
Amongst other the Corasines (called by some Choermines,
and Groissoms), a fierce and warlike people, were notwith-
standing by the Tartarians forced to forsake their land.
Being thus unkennelled, they had their recourse to the
sultan of Babylon, and petitioned him to bestow some
habitation upon them. Their suit he could neither safely
grant nor deny : a< denial would egg their discontents into
desperateness, and such sturdy dangerous vagabonds might
do much harm ; to admit them to be joint tenants in the
same country with the Turks, was a present inconvenience,
and would be a future mischief 1 . Instead therefore of
giving them a house, he sent them to a workhouse ; yet so,
that they apprehended it a great courtesy done unto them :
for he bestowed on them all the lands which the Christians
held in Palestine : liberal to give away what was none of
his, and what the others must purchase before they could
enjoy. The sultan encouraged them to invade that country ;
whose people he pretended were weak and few, the land
wealthy and fruitful, so that the conquest would be easy,
especially they having his assistance in the present service,
and perpetual patronage hereafter.
Animated herewith, in come the Corasines with their
wives and children (bringing their households with them to
win houses and lands for them,) into Syria, and march
directly to Jerusalem; which being a weak and unfortified
place, was taken without resistance [1244]. Weak and
unfortified ! strange ! It is confessed on all sides, that Fred-
erick the emperor, and Reinold his lieutenant, spared no
1 Matth. Paris, p. 851.
o
194 THE HISTORY OF A D. 1244
expense in strengthening this city ; since which time we
find no solemn taking it by the Turks ; who then can ex-
pect less than an impregnable place, where so much cost
was sown ? Which driveth us to conceive one of these three
things ; either that the weakness of this city was chiefly in
the defenders' hearts ; or else that formerly there happened
some blind and silent despoiling of this place, not mentioned
by authors ; or lastly, that Jerusalem was a Jericho, I mean,
a place cursed in building, like Pharaoh's lean kine, never
a whit the fatter for devouring much meat ; and which still
went in rags, though her friends bestowed change of raiment
upon her.
Thus this city, after that it had been possessed fifteen
years by the Christians, was won by this barbarous people,
never since regained to our religion. Sleep, Jerusalem, sleep
in thy ruins, at this day of little beauty and less strength,
famous only for what thou hast been.
The Christians, flying out of Jerusalem with their families,
took their course towards Joppa; but looking back, beheld
their own ensigns advanced on the city walls, so done in
policy by their enemies. Whereupon their credulity thus
commented, that their fellows had beaten the Corasines in
Jerusalem, and by these banners invited them to return 2 :
but going back, they found but cold (or rather too hot) en-
tertainment, being slain every mother's child of them. Dull
nostrils ! not to scent so stale and rank a stratagem of their
foes, so often used, so easily defeated ; not to send some
spies to taste the bait before all swallowed it. But men
marked out for destruction will run their own heads into
the halter.
CHAP. X. Robert Patriarch of Jerusalem, with tfie inhale
Strength of the Christians, conquered by the Corasines.
THE desperateness of the disease privilegeth the taking
of any physic. The Christians being now in deep
distress, resolved on a dangerous course, but (as their case
stood) thought necessary : for they made peace with the
sultan of Damascus and Seisser, and with the sultan of
Cracci ; (these were dynasties in Syria of some good strength,
and were at discord with the sultan of Babylon,) and
swearing them to be faithful, borrowed an army of their
forces, with them jointly to resist the Corasines; seeking,
Matth. Paris, p. 8.35.
A. D. 1244 THE HOLY WAR. 195
saith Frederick the emperor 1 , to findjldem in perfidia, trust
in treachery. Many suspected these auxiliary forces ;
thinking, though the forest wolves fell out with the moun-
tain ones, they would both agree against the sheep.
Robert patriarch of Jerusalem was a most active com-
mander over all. St. Luke's day was the time agreed upon
for the fatal battle ; near Tiberias was the place. As
the Christians were ordering themselves in array, it was
questioned in what part of their army their new Turkish
assistants should be disposed, and concluded that they
should be placed in the front, where, if they did no other
good, they would dull the appetite of their enemy's sword.
This is thought to have been a notorious error, and cause
of their overthrow. For though those soldiers who mean to
be false will never be made faithful in what place soever they
be bestowed, yet may they be made less dangerous if cast
into the body or main battle of the army, whence they have no
such scope to fling out, and to take advantage of place to do
mischief, as they have either in the front or wings thereof.
Thus in Caesar's time Crassus an experienced general under
him being to bid the Gauls battle, auxillares copias, quibus
adpugnam non multum confidebat, in medium aciem cottocavit z ;
that so being hemmed in before and behind, they might be
engaged to fight manfully without starting away. And to
instance in later times; our Richard III. (who though he
usurped the crown, had, as none will deny, a true title both
to prowess and martial policy) marching toBosworth, placed
suspected persons (whose bodies were with him and hearts
with Earl Henry) in the midst ; and those whom he most
trusted, before, behind, and on every side 3 .
The battle being joined, the Turks ran over to the other
side 4 , though some braved them only with cowardliness, not
treachery, and that they fled from the battle, but not fell to
the enemie^. The Christians manfully stood to it, and
though overpowered in number, made a great slaughter of
their enemies, till at last they were quite overthrown. Of the
Teutonic order escaped but three ; of three hundred Tem-
plars, but eighteen ; of two hundred Hospitallers, but nine-
teen : the patriarch, (to use his own words) whom God re-
puted unworthy of martyrdom, saved himself by flight, with
a few others. And this great overthrow, to omit less partner
1 In his letter to Richard of Cornwall.
2 Cses. lib. 3. De Bello Gallico.
3 Graft, in Rich. III. p. 102. 4 Matth. Paris, p. 884.
196 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1245
causes, is chiefly imputed to the Templars former so often
breaking the truce with the sultan of Babylon.
Thus were the Christians conquered by the Corasines,
and beaten by a beaten nation ; Palestine being won by
those who could not keep their own country. Improving
this victory they left nothing to the Christians but Tyre,
Ptolemais, and Antioch, with some few forts. Soon after,
these Corasines elevated herewith fell out with the sultan
himself; who in anger rooted out their nation, so that none
of their name remained 5 : yea, all writers are silent of them
both before this time and ever after 6 : as if God at this very
instant had created this people to punish Christians ; which
service performed, they were annihilated again.
CHAP. XI. Louis the Ninth setteth forward against the
Turks. The Occasion of his Journey, and his Attendants.
SOME two years after, Louis the ninth of that name, king
of France, came to assist the Christians. The occasion
of his voyage this : he had been visited with a desperate
sickness, insomuch that all art cried craven, as unable to
help him ; and the physicians resigned him to divines, to
begin with him where they ended; they also gave him
over ; and for a while he lay in a trance, not the least
breath brought news of any life left in him [1245], Then
Blanche the queen mother (and queen of mothers for her
care of her son and his kingdom) applied a piece of the
cross unto him *. Thereat (whether thereby, let others dis-
pute) he revived and recovered ; and thereupon was croised,
and in thankfulness bound himself with a vow to sail to the
Holy Land. But his nobility dissuaded him from that
design ; the dangers were certain, the success would be
doubtful of so long a journey ; his own kingdom would be
left desolate, and many mischiefs, unseen as yet, would
appear in his absence ; besides, his vow was made in his
sickness, whilst reason was scarce as yet in the peaceable
possession of his mind, because of the remnant dregs of his
disease ; it might also be dispensed with by the pope ; yea,
his deserts did challenge so much from his holiness. King
Louis, as persuaded hereat, laid down the cross, to the
great comfort and contentment of all the beholders ; but
5 Matth. Paris, p. 475.
6 Except any make them to be Chorasmii a people placed by
Athenaeus in the east of Parthia.
Matth. Paris, p. 880. Et P. yEmil. in D. Ludov. p. 214.
A. D. 1246 THE HOLY WAR. 197
then altering his countenance, he required the cross should
be restored to him again, and vowed to eat no bread until
he was recognised with the pilgrim's badge 1 . And because
his vow should suffer no diminution or abatement from his
disease, now no longer Louis the sick, but Louis the sound
undertook the holy war. His nobles seeing him too stiff to
be unbent, and counting it a kind of sacrilegious counsel to
dissuade him from so pious a work, left him to his own
resolutions. There went along with him his two brothers,
Charles earl of Anjou, Robert earl of Artois, his own queen,
and their ladies, Odo the pope's legate, Hugh duke of
Burgundy, William earl of Flanders, Hugh earl of St. Paul,
and William Longspath earl of Salisbury, with a band of
valiant Englishmen, who went without license from Henry
king of England; for in those days this doctrine went
current, that their princes' leave was rather of compliment
than essential to their voyage, as if the band of this holy
war was an acquittance from all others. Our Henry, dis-
pleased at this earl's departure, for his disobedience de-
prived him of his earldom and castle of Salisbury, not
suffering that sheep to graze in his pasture which would not
own him for a shepherd. William also son to this earl,
smarting for his father's fault, never enjoyed that honour 3 .
And though King Henry himself, being a prince of more
devotion than policy, did most affectionately tender this
holy cause, yet he used this necessary severity towards this
earl at this time ; first, because it would weaken his land
thus to be dispeopled of martial men ; secondly, his sub-
jects' forwardness might be interpreted a secret check of his
own backwardness in that war ; thirdly, the sucking in of
foreign air did wean people from their natural prince, and
did insensibly usher into their hearts an alienation from their
own sovereign, and a dependence on the king of France ;
lastly, he had some thoughts on that voyage himself, and
reserved such prime peers to attend on his own person
thither.
1246.] The pope gave to this Ring Louis his charges,
the tenth of the clergy's revenues through France for three
years; and the king employed the pope's collectors to
gather it, knowing those leeches were the best suckers.
Hereupon the states of the clergy were shaved as bare as
their crowns, and a poor priest who had but twenty shillings
annual pension, was forced to pay two yearly to the king ;
2 Fox, Martyrolog. p. 293. 3 Camden in Wiltshire.
198 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1248
and this by my author 4 is made the cause of his following
ill success, there being much extortion used by his under
officers. No wonder then if the wings of that army did
quickly flag, having so heavy a weight of curses hanging
upon them. And though money be the sinews of war, yet
ill-gotten money, like gouty sinews, rather paineth than
strength eneth. True it is, that this pious king was no way
guilty thereof, but such as were under him, and oftentimes
the head doth ache for the ill vapours of the stomach. He
himself most princely caused to be proclaimed through his
realm, If any merchant or other had been at any time
injured by the king's exactors, either by oppression or
borrowing of money, let him bring forth his bill, showing
how, and wherein, and he should be recompensed 5 . How
this was performed we find not; but it was a good lenitive
plaster to assuage the people's pain for the present.
Having at Lyons took his leave of the pope, and a bless-
ing from him, he marched towards Avignon ; where some
of the city wronged his soldiers, especially with foul language.
Wherefore his nobles desired him that he would besiege the
city, the rather because it was suspected that therein his
father was poisoned. To whom Louis most Christianly, ]
come not out of France to revenge my own quarrels, or
those of my father or mother, but injuries offered to Jesus
Christ 6 . Hence he went without delay to his navy, and
committed himself to the sea [Aug. 25, 1248].
CHAP. XII. Louis arriveth in Cyprus; the Conversion oj
the Tartarians hindered ; the Treachery of the Templars.
SAILING forward with a prosperous wind, he safely
arrived in Cyprus [Sept. 20] ; where Alexius Lusignan
king of the island entertained him according to the stateliest
hospitality. Here the pestilence (one of the ready attend-
ants on great armies) began to rage ; and though a French
writer 1 saith it was minax magis quam funesta, yet we find
in others, that two hundred and forty gentlemen of note
died by force of the infection.
Hither came the ambassadors from a great Tartarian
prince (but surely not from Cham himself), invited by the
fame of King Louis's piety, professing to him, that he had
renounced his Paganism, and embraced Christianity ; and
4 Matth. Paris, in anno 1246, p. 943.
5 Fox, Martyrolog. p. 292. 6 Matth. Paris, p. 995.
' P. ^Emil. in Ludov. IX. p. 215.
A. D. 1249 THE HOLY WAR. 199
that he intended to send messengers to Pope Innocent to
be further instructed in his religion. But some Christians
which were in Tartary dissuaded him from so doing, lest
the Tartarians, coming to Rome, should behold the disso-
luteness of men's lives there, and so refuse to suck the milk
of sweet doctrine from so sour and bitter nipples, besmeared
about with bad and scandalous conversation. Yea, never
could the Christian religion be showed to Pagans at any
time on more disadvantages 2 ; Grecians and Latins were
. at deadly feud ; amongst the Latins, Guelfes and Gibellines
sought to ruin each other ; humility was every where
preached, and pride practised ; they persuaded others
to labour for heaven, and fell out about earth themselves ;
their lives were contrary to their doctrines, and their doc-
trines one to another.
1249.] But as for these ambassadors, King Louis re-
ceived them very courteously, dismissing them with bounte-
ous gifts. And by them he sent to their master a tent,
wherein the history of the Bible was as richly as curiously
depicted in needle work ; hoping thus to catch his soul in
his eyes, and both in that glorious present : pictures being
then accounted laymen's books, though since of many
condemned as full of erratas, and never set forth by au-
thority from the king of heaven to be means or workers of
faith.
Whilst Louis stayed in Cyprus, the Templars in the
Holy Land began to have his greatness in suspicion. This
order (as both the other, of Hospitallers and Teutonics)
though mown down to the bare roots at the last unfortunate
battle, yet now in three years space sprung up as populous
as ever before; their other brethren, which lived in their
several convents and commanderies over all Europe, having
now refurnished the houses in Palestine.
Now these Templars were loath King Louis should come
to Ptolemais, though they counterfeited he should be very
welcome there. They formerly there had commanded in
chief without control, and were unwilling, having long sat
in the saddle, now to dismount and hold the stirrup to
another. Besides, they would not have so neat and cleanly
a guest see their sluttish houses, fearing Louis's piety would
shame their dissoluteness (being one so godly in his conver-
sation, that by the preaching in his life he had converted
many Saracens 3 ), yea, perchance he being a strict discipli-
2 P. JEmil. ut prius. 3 P. vEmil. p. 216.
200 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1249
narian would punish their vicious manners. Wherefore
they wrote to him out of Syria, to accept of a peace which
the sultan of Egypt now offered, and to proceed no further
in war against him.
The French king, whose heart was ever open to any fair
agreement, and shut against any dishonourable suspicions,
had entertained the motion, had not the king of Cyprus,
being more studied in the Templars' treacheries, better
instructed him ; for he told him this was but a trick of their
great master, who underhand had sent to the sultan, and
procured him to proffer this peace only for their own private
ends, for to divert the king from coming amongst them 4 .
Louis, though the mildest and most patient of princes, yet
not a drone which wanted the sting of anger, commanded
the master of the Templars upon the price of his head
thenceforward to receive no embassage, nor keep any intelli-
gence with their enemy, and resolved with himself to invade
Egypt.
CHAP. XIII. The wise Preparations of the Egyptians.
The Valour of the French at their Landing. Damietta
won.
BUT he stood so long in aiming, that the bird saw him,
and had leisure to fly away, and Meladin the Egyptian
king to provide himself to make resistance. Last time
(some thirty years before) when the Christians under John
Bren invaded Egypt, they were not impeached in their
arrival, but suffered to land without any opposition. But
Meladin now was sensible of the discommodity in permit-
ting his foes safely to come on shore ; for first, they wasted
and spoiled the country and the provision about them;
secondly, opportunity was given to mal-contents and ill-
disposed persons to fly to the enemy ; lastly, he found it
most policy to keep the enemy off at arm's end, and to close
at the last, and not to adventure his kingdom on the single
die of a battle, but rather set it on a chance, that so he
might have the more play for it. Wherefore he resolved to
strengthen his maritime places, and not suffer them to land,
though also herein he met with many difficulties. For as
nothing was more certain than that Louis would set on
Egypt, so nothing more uncertain; and because it was
unknown at what time or place he would come, all times
and places were provided for. This exhausted a mass of
4 Knolles, Turk. Hist. p. 102.
.
A.D. 1249 THE HOLY WAR. 201
treasure to keep in pay so many soldiers for many months
together. But it is no time to dispute about unnecessary
thrift, when a whole kingdom is brought into question to be
subdued.
And because the landing places in Egypt are of great
disadvantage to the defendants, yielding them no shelter
from the fury of their enemies' artillery, being' all open
places and plain (the shores there being not shod against the
sea with huge high rocks, as they are in some other coun-
tries, because the land is low and level), Meladin was
forced to fortify well nigh a hundred and eighty miles along
the seaside ; and what nature had left bare, art put the more
clothes on ; and by using of great industry (such as by Tully
is fitly termed horribilis industria), in short space all that
part of Egypt was fenced which respecteth the sea.
Winter being past, Robert duke of Burgundy and Al-
phonse, King Louis's brother, arrived in Cyprus with a new
army; and hereupon they concluded to set forward for
Egypt, and attempted to land near Damietta [June 4],
But the governor thereof, with a band of valiant soldiers,
stoutly resisted them. Here was a doubtful fight; the
Egyptians standing on the firm ground, were thereby enabled
to improve and enforce their darts to the utmost 1 , whilst
the French in their ticklish boats durst not make the best of
their own strength. Besides, those on land threw their
weapons downwards from the forts they had erected, so that
the declivity and downfal did naturally second the violent
impression of their darts. However, the infidels at last
were here beaten with what commonly was their own
weapon, I mean, multitude; so that they fled into the
town, leaving behind them their governor and five hundred
of their best soldiers dead on the shore [June 5],
Damietta was a strong city, the taking whereof was
accounted the good task of an army for a year. But now
the Egyptians within were presented afresh with the memory
of the miseries they endured in the last long siege by the
Christians ; and fearing lest that tragedy should be acted
over again, set fire on their houses, and in the night saved
themselves by flight. The French, issuing in, quenched
the fire, and rescued much corn and other rich spoil from
the teeth of the flame [June 9].
Meladin, much troubled with this loss, to purchase peace
offered the Christians all Jerusalem, in as ample a manner
1 P. ^Emil. p. 216.
202 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1249
as ever formerly they had enjoyed it 2 ; all prisoners to be
restored, with a great sum of money to defray their charges,
and many other good conditions : so that we may much
wonder at his profuseness in these proffers, and more at the
Christians' indiscretion in their refusal. For though some
advised to make much of so frank a chapman, and not
through covetousness to outstand their market 3 ; yet the
pope's legate and Robert earl of Artois, heightened with
pride that they could not see their profit, and measuring
their future victories by the largeness of their first footing in
Egypt, would make no bargain except Alexandria, the best
port in Egypt, were also cast in for vantage, to make the
conditions downweight ; and King Louis, whose nature was
only bad because it was so good, would in no wise cross his
brother in what he desired. Whereupon the Turks, seeing
themselves in so desperate condition, their swords being
sharpened on extremity, provided to defend their country to
the utmost.
CHAP. XIV. Discords betwixt the French and English.
The Death and Disposition of Meladin King of Egypt.
ABOUT this time brake out the dissensions betwixt the
French and English. The cause whereof (as some
say) was, for that the earl of Salisbury in sacking a fort gol
more spoil than the French. But surely the foundation of
their discontents lay much lower, being an old enmity
betwixt the two nations ; and Robert earl of Artois used
Earl William and his men with much discourtesy.
This Robert stood much on the royalty of his descent,
being brother to King Louis, though nothing of kin in
conditions, being as bountiful to deal injuries and affronts
as the other alms and charitable deeds. The English earl
though he stood on the lower ground in point of birth, yet
conceived himself to even him in valour and martial know-
ledge. And though godly King Louis used all his holyj
water to quench these heart-burnings, his success answered
not his pains, much less his desires ; only his cooling per-
suasions laid their enmities for the present fairly asleep.
Amidst these broils died Meladin the Egyptian king. A
worthy prince he was ; though some write very coarsely of
him ; as he must rise early, yea, not at all go to bed, who
will have every one's good word. Let Christians speak of
him as they found ; whose courtesies to them when they^
2 Matth. Paris, p. 1047. 3 Knolles, Turk. Hist.
A. D. 1250 THE HOLY WAR. 203
were half drowned in Egypt, if they will not confess, they
deserve to be wholly drowned for their ingratitude. In the
latter end of his age he quite lost the good will of his subjects,
and lived unloved, and died unlamented, though a deserving
and fortunate man, which oftentimes covereth a multitude
of faults. The chief reason whereof was, because they
suspected him to be unsound in his religion, and offering to
Christianity ; besides, having reigned above thirty years, his
government became stale; and good things, if of long con-
tinuance, grow tedious, they being rather affected for their
variety than true worth : lastly, the rising sun stole the
adorers from the sun setting ; and Melechsala, his son, being
an active and promising prince, reigned before in men's
desires over the kingdom. To him now they all applied
themselves ; and having more wisdom in their generation
than the Christians, instantly ceased their private dissen-
sions. And now the sultans of Damascus, Aleppo, and
Babylon twisted themselves in a joint agreement with
Melechsala to defend their Mahometan religion.
CHAP. XV 7 . Robert Earl of Artoisfghting with the Egyp-
tians, contrary to the Counsel of the Master of the Tem-
plars, is overthrown and drowned.
FROM Damietta the French marched up towards Cairo
[1250] ; the governor whereof, offended with Melech-
sala, promised to deliver that regal city to the French.
With some danger and more difficulty, they passed an arm
of the Nile, being conducted by a fugitive Saracen to a
place where it was fordable. Hence Earl Robert marched
forward with a third part of the army, and suddenly assault-
ing the Turks in their tents (whilst Melechsala was absent
in solemnizing a feast), put them to flight. Hereupon this
earl proclaimed himself, in his hopes, monarch of the world :
this blow made his enemies reel, the next would fell them.
Now speed was more needful than strength ; this late
victory, though gotten, was lost if not used. What though
they were not many ? the fewer the adventurers, the greater
the gain. Let them therefore forwards, and set on the whole
power of the Turks, which was encamped not far off.
But the master of the Templars, in whom the sap of
youth was well dried up, advised the earl to stay and digest
the honour he had gotten, expecting the arrival of the rest
of their army ; for the work was weighty they undertook,
1 Matth. Paris, p. 1049.
204 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1250
and needed two shoulders, the united strength of the Chris-
tians, effectually to manage it : his soldiers were weary, and
must be refreshed ; and it was madness to starve them to-day
in hope of a feast to-morrow; that they were to march
through a strange country, and their best instructors were
behind ; let them stay for their lantern, and not go in the
dark. He minded him that he overvalued his victory, not
considering the enemies' strength, whose harvest was not
spoiled by losing a handful of men.
But the earl, full of the emptiness of self-conceit, allowed
no counsel for current but that of his own stamp. He
scorned to wait the leisure of another opportunity, and
opprobriously objected to the Templars the common fame,
that the Holy Land long since had been won, but for
the collusion of the false Templars and Hospitallers with
the infidels z .
Here the earl of Salisbury interposed himself to make
peace, and to persuade Robert to listen to the wholesome
counsel that was given him. But his good will was rewarded
with " Coward, dastard, English-tail," and such like contu-
melious terms. Wherefore said our earl, " Well, general,
on, in God's name ; I believe this day you shall not dare to
come nigh my horse's tail 3 ." And now the touchstone
must tell what is gold, what is brass.
Marching on, they assaulted the castle of Mauzar, and
were notably repulsed ; and Melechsala, coming in with his
whole strength, hemmed them in on every side. The
Christians were but the third part of the army ; and, at the
present, they themselves were scarce the half of themselves,
being faint for want of refreshing. Yet never shall one
read more valour in so little a volume ; they played their
parts most stoutly. As for the French earl, who went on
like thunder, he went out like smoke, crying to the earl of
Salisbury, " Flee, flee, for God fighteth against us." To
whom our earl, " God forbid my father's son should flee
from the face of a Saracen." The other, seeking to save
himself by the swiftness of his horse, and crossing the river,
had there water enough to drown him, but too little to wash
from him the stain of rashness and cowardice. Thus died
the earl of Artois ; who had in him the parts of a good
general, but inverted and in transposition, bold in counsel,
,
2 Matth. Paris, p. 1050.
3 Eriraus (credo) hodie, ubi non audebis caudam equi mei
attingere. Idem ibid.
A. D. 1250 2*HE HOLY WAR. 205
fearful in execution. He was one of that princely quater-
nion of brothers which came hither at this voyage, arid
exceeded each other in some quality ; Louis the Holiest,
Alphonse the Subtlest, Charles the Stoutest, and this Robert
the Proudest,
As for the earl of Salisbury, he resolved to sell his life at
such a rate that the buyer should little boast of his penny-
worth, slaying many a Turk; and though unhorsed and
wounded in his legs, stood on his honour when he could not
stand on his feet ; and, refusing all quarter, upon his knees
laid about him like a desperate man. The longer he fought,
the fewer wounds he had ; and there at last he breathed forth
his soul in the midst of his enemies. Of all the Christians
there escaped no more than two Templars, one Hospitaller,
and one common soldier, the messengers of this heavy news.
The French writers, because they can say little good, say
little of this battle, and lessen the overthrow as much as
may be ; which authors of other nations have more fully
reported. Thus sometimes unfortunate gamesters flatter
themselves, belie their own purses, and dissemble their
losses, whereof the standers by take more accurate notice.
P. ./Emilius (an Italian, born at Verona ; but by long
writing the French history, his pen is made free denison of
France), though with his hand he doth hide the orifice of
the wound, yet it is too narrow to cover the whole sore
round about; so that it plainly appeareth, that a great
and grievous and most mortal blow was here given to the
Christians.
CHAP. XVI. King Louis, almost in the same Place, hath the
same woful Success; conquered and taken captive by Me-
lechsala.
IT is easier to be conceived than expressed, what general
grief this doleful news brought to the French ; who
followed not far off, and who before had cause enough to
sorrow for themselves ; for the plague began to rage furiously
amongst them, and daily swept away thousands. Meantime
good King Louis sent many of the weakest and impotentest
people down the river to Damietta, there to enjoy the benefit
of privacy, good attendance, and physic. Melechsala, having
intelligence hereof, met them by the way, and setting upon
them (having neither arm to fight, nor legs to run away),
either burned or drowned them all, save one Englishman,
Alexander Giffard (whose ancient and famous family flou-
risheth to this day at Chellington, in Staffordshire), who,
206 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1250
wounded in five places of his body, escaped to the French,
and reported what had happened to the rest.
And by this time Melechsala understood of the corres-
pondence betwixt King Louis and the governor of Cairo for
the betraying of the city ; whereupon he caused him sud-
denly to be apprehended, whereby the French king lost all
hopes to obtain that place of importance. Yea, now full
willingly would the Christians have accepted the terms
formerly offered them; and now their hungry stomachs
would make dainties of those conditions which before, when
full of pride, they threw away as fragments. But the Turks
now slighted them, as not worth the treating with ; and as
knowing that these Frenchmen, who at their first landing
were more than men, would at last be less than women.
Then began the French lords to persuade King Louis to
provide for the safety of his own person, and to return to
Damietta. They told him, that if he stayed with them
there was no hope grounded on probability (and what was
any other but a wilful self-delusion ?) of his escaping. If
he were killed, his death would be a living shame to their
religion ; if taken prisoner, how would Mahomet insult
over Christ ! The captivity of the most Christian of the
most Christian kings would be foundation enough for the
Turks thereon to build trophies of eternal triumph. But
Louis would not leave them, that they might not leave him,
but resolved to be a commoner with them in weal and woe ;
disdaining to be such a niggard of his life as not to spend it
in a good cause in so good company.
Forward they march, and come to the fatal place where
the last battle was fought. There behold the mangled,
headless, handless, feetless corpses of their fellow country-
men. They knew in general they were all their friends;
none knew his particular friend. The cause of this un-
wonted cruelty to the dead was a proclamation which
Melechsala made, assigning a great sum of money to every
one who would bring the head, hand, or foot of a Chris-
tian : and this -made many of his covetous cowards (who
carried their valour in their purses) to be courageous. Whilst
the French were here bemoaning their fellows, Melechsala
came upon them with an infinite multitude [April 5], and
put them all (being few and feeble) to the sword ; taking
King Louis, with his two brethren, Alphonse and Charles,
prisoners.
Instantly the Turks went up with French ensigns to
Damietta, hoping so suddenly to surprise it; which project
.D. 1250 THE HOLY WAR. 207
ad it took effect, then farewell King Louis for ever. He
nust be sent a present to the caliph of Babylon, from
vhom never any returned alive ; Melechsala being but pur-
atory, whence there was redemption ; but the Babylonian
aliph hell itself, from whence no hope of release. But God
efeated their design ; for the Turks could not French it so
andsomely, but that they were discovered. The very
anguage of their hands made them suspected afar off, be-
,ause they could not counterfeit the French idiotisms in
nanaging their bucklers, that nation being most punctual
nd critical in their military postures ; but being come near,
was plain for any to read Turk in their beards and
omplexions; so that they departed without having what
hey desired.
!?HAP. XVII. The woful Impression which the ill Success
of the French wrought on the Christians in Europe.
^OME made more haste than good speed (bad news
being the worst ware a ship can be fraught with) to
ail into France with the sad tidings of this overthrow,
'hese intelligencers Blanche, the queen-mother and regent
f France, rewarded with the gallows ; and my author
oubteth not to pronounce them all martyrs 1 . But let
hem be contented with the coronet of their own innocence,
lough without the crown of martyrdom; that honour alone
Belonging to such as suffer death for fundamental points of
eligion. But so great an eclipse could not long be kept
Tom the eyes of the world ; and this doleful and dismal
lews was sounded and seconded from every side. Then
,vas there a general lamentation over all Christendom,
hiefly in France, where all were so sorrowful, that any
tilth was counted profaneness. Many bounded not them-
ielves within the banks of grief, but brake out into blas-
)hemy, both in France and elsewhere, taxing Justice itself
)f being unjust; and, not content to admire what they could
lot conceive, condemned God's proceedings herein to be
igainst right, because above their reason. Fools, because
hey could not conquer on earth, did quarrel with heaven.
This bad breath, though it came but from the teeth of some,
pet proceeded from the corrupted lungs of others; some
pake but out of present passion, but others even out of
nbred atheism. Many who before were but lukewarm in
1 Quos martyres credimus esse manifestos. Matth. Paris,
). 1059. .
208 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1250
religion, now turned stark cold. In Venice and some other
cities of Italy, the inhabitants whereof Matthew Paris 1
calleth semi-christumos, but half Christians (though this his
harsh appellation wanteth three parts of charity) began
wholly to tend to apostasy. And now for a crutch to stay
their reeling faith, it was high time for the clergy to ply the
pulpits. They persuaded those Rachels who in this voyage
had lost any children and would not be comforted, that
their children were in a most blessed condition ; they
emptied all their boxes of their colours of rhetoric, therewith
to paint out the happiness of their estate which they en-
joyed in heaven ; they pieced out their sermons with report-
ing of miracles : how William earl of Salisbury appeared
to his mother, and assured her that he reigned most glo-
rious in heaven 3 . She presently forgot her grief for losing
her son, for joy that she had found a saint, yea, a martyr.'
This was their constant custom ; when any in Europe wept
for the loss of their friends in this war, their tears were
instantly dried up with some hot miracle that was reported
them : wherewith the silly people were well pleased; as babes
of clouts are good enough to keep children from crying.
About this time many thousands of the English were
resolved for the holy war, and would needs have been gone,
had not the king strictly guarded his ports, and kept his
kingdom from running away out of doors. The king pro-
mised he would go with them, and hereupon got a mass 01
money from them for this journey. Some say that he never
intended it, and that this only was a trick to stroke the
skittish cow to get down her milk. His stubborn subjects
said, that they would tarry for his company till midsummer,
and no longer. Thus they weighed out their obedience with
their own scales, and the king stood to their allowance. But
hearing of this sorrowful accident, both prince and people
altered their resolution; who had come too late to help the
French in their distress, and too soon to bring themselves
into the same misery.
CHAP. XVIII. King Louis, exchanged for Damietta,
stayeth some years at Ptolemais.
BUT to return to Egypt, where King Louis was kept
prisoner by Melechsala, who often felt his disposition
about the resigning: of Damietta, but found that to hear ol
death was more welcome music unto him.
2 Ut prius. 3 Matth. Paris, p. 1051.
A. D. 1250 THE HOLY WAR. 209
But see here a sudden alteration. One Tafquemine, a
sturdy mamaluke, with another of that society, killed
Melechsala in the very height of his victorious happiness,
and succeeded him in the Egyptian kingdom. This Tar-
quemine came in with an intent to send Louis the same
way ; which poor prince was only armed with innocence
and majesty, and yet his bare person defended his person
from that cruel attempt: such an awful impression did his
very presence, saith my author, strike into him who would
have stricken him. But we may rather think that the city
of Damietta was King Louis's corslet, and that all the
towers and walls of that place fenced him ; Tarquemine
reserving his person as an equivalent ransom, thereby to
redeem that royal city.
Now Louis had changed his lord, but not his lamentable
condition, continuing still a prisoner. At last he was re-
stored to his liberty, on condition that the Christians should
surrender Damietta, and he also pay back to the Turks
many thousand pounds, both for ransom of Christian cap-
tives, and in satisfaction of the vastations they had com*
mitted in Egypt. Louis, for security of this money, pawned
to the Turk the pyx and host (that is, the body of Christ
transubstantiated in the eucharist), as his chiefest jewel
which he should be most careful to redeem. Hence, in per-
petual memory of this conquest, we may see a wafer cake
and a box always wrought in the borders of that tapestry
which is brought out of Egypt 1 .
Note by the way, that the Turks were most unreasonable
in their rates of ransoming soldiers, and in all other their
pecuniary demands. For their own country being near to
the fountain of gold and silver, they made as if it flowed as
plentifully in other places, measuring the wealth of other
lands by their own, and asking as much for a private man's
ransom as would drain a prince's purse in these western
parts.
Thus was Damietta restored again to the Turks, and the
Christians punctually performed their promises ; though the
false miscreant on the other side set not half the captives
free, killed all the sick persons whom by promise he should
relieve, and (contrary to the agreement) suffered not any
Christian to transport any of his goods out of Egypt.
Hence Louis sailed to Ptolemais ; where he lived in a
miserable case, being forsaken of his brothers, subjects,
1 Du Series, in the Life of Louis IX.
p
210 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1250
friends, and the pope himself. His brothers, Alphonse and
Charles, though sent into France to solicit his suit, and to
advance his ransom with speed, yet being arrived, forgot
the affliction of Joseph, and the king was as far from their
mind as their sight ; wherefore God justly visited Alphonse
with an incurable disease. His subjects, though furious at
first in bemoaning him, yet the fit past, complained not so
much for him as on him ; charging him for ill managing the
matters in Egypt by his cowardliness and indiscretion. His
friends, the Pisans and Genoans, reviled him as the marrer
of their mart, Damietta being formerly their most gainful
port; but now their honey was spoiled by destroying the
hive ; for the sultan, seeing the city taken twice of the
Christians in a short time, to prevent further dispute about
it, took away the subject of the question, and razed it to the
ground. The pope forsook him; and, though many en-
treated his holiness not to prosecute the Emperor Frederick'
any further, from whom Louis expected all the beams of
his comfort, yet he would hear of no submission from him,
but sought finally to ruin him. Only Blanche, King Louis's
mother, was careful for her son, and laboured his cause day
and night. But alas ! her arms were too short to bring all
ends together. And having gathered a considerable sum
of money, and shipped it for Palestine, a tempest in a mo-
ment cast that away which her care and thrift was many
months in getting 2 ". All this he bore with a soul not be-
numbed with Stoical senselessness, but becalmed with
Christian patience : a second Job, so that what pleased
God pleased him 3 . It somewhat mitigated his misery, that
he had the company of his consort Margaret, a woman
worthy so good a husband. Here she bore him a child,
which, because another Benoni, or son of sorrow, was called
Tristram. But that name is more ancient 4 , nor had it its
birth from the christening of this child.
Four years King Louis lived (not to say loitered) in
Syria, daily expecting in vain that some prince of Europe
should fetch him off with honour, being loath to return till
he could carry home his credit with him. And though he
was out of his kingdom, yet was he in his kingdom, whilst
surveying there the sacred monuments wherewith he was so
highly affected.
2 Matth. Paris, p. 1091. 3 Ibid.
4 Sir Tristram, a knight long before. See Carew, in Corn-
wall, fol. 61.
A.D. 1250 THE HOLY WAR. 211
CHAP. XIX. The Commonwealth of the Mumalukes de-
scribed, presenting us with many unexampled Remark-
ables.
NOW more largely of Tarquemine, and his killing
Melechsala, and of the commonwealth of the mama-
lukes begun by him. And because great is the merit of
this story, as very memorable, we will fetch it from its first
original.
Saladin (as is touched before *) was the first of the Turkish
kings who began the gainful trade of the mamalukes. These
were Christian captives, brought out of Taurica Cherso-
nesus, and instructed as in Mahometanism so in all military
discipline; Saladin disposing them in martial nurseries,
and continuing a constant succession of them one under
another. It is above belief how much and speedily they
were improved in warlike exercises : art doubled their
strength by teaching them to use it. And though they came
rough out of their own country, they were quickly hewn
and polished by education ; yea, their apprehensions pre-
vented the precepts, and their practice surpassed the pre-
cedents of those that instructed them. And k is observed
in fruits and flowers, that they are much bettered by change
to a fitter soil; so were these people by altering their cli-
mate : the cold country wherein they were bred gave them
big and robustious bodies ; and the hot climate whereinto
they were transplanted ripened their wits, and bestowed
upon them craft and activity, the dowry of the southern
countries. They attained to be expert in any service,
especially were they excellent horsemen ; and at last they
began to ride on the backs and necks of the Turkish kings
themselves.
True it is, Saladin kept his distance over them, used them
kindly, yet made them not wantons; and so poised these
mamalukes with his native Egyptians, that in all actions he
still reserved the casting voice for himself. But Meladin
and Melechsala, his successors, entertained them without
number, and instructed them beyond reason, so that under
them in a manner they monopolized all places of strength
and command ; till at last, the stem of these mercenary
soldiers being too great for the stock of the natives, the
Turkish kingdom into Egypt, like a top-heavy tree, became
a windfall. Indeed, the dastardness of the Egyptians made
1 Book 2, chap. 40.
212 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1250
these mamalukes more daring and insolent. For the Egyp-
tians more loved profit than honour, and wealth than great-
ness ; and though contented to abide labour, would in
nowise undergo danger. Merchandise they were wholly
employed in ; and it seemed they used trading so long, till
at last they made sale of their own spirits. Yea, one could
not now know Egypt to be Egypt, but only by the over-
flowing of the Nile, not by any remaining ancient marks of
valour in the people's disposition. Thus the genius of old
kingdoms in time groweth weaker, and doteth at the last.
But to come to Tarquemine : he being one of these
mamalukes, and perceiving how easy it was for those that
did support, to supplant the Turkish kings, with another of
his associates slew Melechsala, as it was said. And because
it was unfitting so great a prince should go to the grave
alone, he also sent his children and intimate friends thither,
to attend him. Tarquemine afterwards procured of his
society to be chosen king of Egypt. He was the Solon or
Lycurgus of this slavish commonwealth, and by the consent
of the rest of his company he enacted many laws ; whereof
these were those of the grand charter, which admitted of no
revocation :
First, that the sultan, or chief of this servile empire,
should be chosen always out of the mamalukes 2r .
Secondly, that none should be admitted to the order of
the mamalukes which were either Jews or Turks by birth,
but only such as, being born Christians, were afterwards
taken captives, and then from the time of their slavery had
been instructed in the Mahometan religion.
Thirdly, that though the sons of the mamalukes might
enjoy their father's lands and wealth, yet they might not
take upon them the name or honour of a mamaluke.
Fourthly, that the native Egyptians should be permitted
no use of weapons, but only such as with which they fought
against weeds, to till and manure the land.
In surveying this state, we can turn no way but must
meet with wonders :
First, one would think that there was such an indelible
character of slavery in these captives, and such a lasum
principiwn in them, that none of them ever should make
a good prince, as Knowing no more how to sway a sceptre
than a pure clown to manage a sword ; or else that they
should overstate it, turn tyrants, and only exchange their
a Knolles, Turk. Hist. p. 107.
A. D. 1250 THE HOLY WAR. 213
slavery by becoming vassals to their own passions. Yet
many of them in their kinds were worthy princes for govern-
ment, no whit inferior to those which are advantaged with
royal birth and breeding.
Secondly, it is a wonder they should be so neglective of
their own children. How many make an idol of their
posterity, and sacrifice themselves unto it, stripping them-
selves out of necessaries to provide their heirs a wardrobe !
Yea, it is a principle in most moderate minds to advance
their posterity, thinking hereby in a manner they overcome
death, and immortalize their memories in leaving their
names and honours to their children ; whereas the contrary
appeared in these mamalukes.
Thirdly, it is admirable that they fell not out in the elec-
tion of their prince, being in a manner all equal amongst
themselves. We see elective states in Christendom, though
bound with the straitest laws, often sag aside into schisms
and factions ; whereas this strange empire in their choice
had no dangerous discords, but such as were quenched in
the kindling.
Lastly, whoever knew a wall that had no better cement, to
stand so sure and so long? Two hundred sixty and seven
years this state endured : and yet had it to do with strong
and puissant enemies. Some kingdoms owe their greatness
not so much to their own valour and wisdom as to the weak-
ness of their neighbours, but it fared not thus with the
mamalukes. To omit Prester John, who neighboured them
on the south, on all other sides they were encompassed with
potent opposers, from whom right valiantly they defended
themselves, till in the year 1517 they were overcome by
Selimus, the great Turkish emperor.
To conclude : as for the Amazons and their brave
achievements, with much valour and no manhood, they
and their state had only being in the brains of fabulous
writers. As for the Assassins, or regiment of rogues, it never
spread to the breadth of any great country, nor grew to the
height of a kingdom ; but, being the Jakes of the world, was
cast out in a place betwixt barren hills. But this empire of
vassals was every way wonderful, stretching so far over all
Egypt and most of Syria, and lasting so long. A strange
state, wherein slavery was the first step to their throne, and
apostasy the first article in their religion !
214 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1250
CHAP. XX. The Manner of the Death of Frederick King
of Jerusalem ; his Will and Posterity after him. An
Interregnum both in Germany and the Kingdom of Jeru-
salem.
IN this same year [1250] Frederick king of Jerusalem and
emperor of Germany, ended his troublesome days. A
prince, who in the race of his life met with many rubs, some
stumbles, no dangerous fall. Besides the Turk, he had to
do with the pope (the pope immortal in his succession).
And though his holiness was unfit for war (as being always
old, and never ripe for that place till almost rotten), yet he
used his own head, and commanded the hands of others;
whereby he kept Frederick in a continual war. Yet never
could he have beaten him with fair play, had he not used a
weapon, if not against the law of arms, against the law of
God, and against which no guard ; arming his subjects
against him, and dispensing with the oath of allegiance.
But he gave Frederick the mortal wound, in setting him-
self against himself; I mean, Henry his eldest son. And
though Frederick easily conquered that rebellious youth,
and made him fast enough, keeping him in prison in Apulia,
where he died, yet he carried the grief hereof to his grave.
For now he knew not where or in whom to place any con-
fidence, as suspecting the single cord of loyalty would not
hold in others, which brake in his own son though twisted
with natural affection.
The greatness of his spirit was a great hastening of his
death ; and being of a keen, eager, and active nature, the
sharpness of the sword cut the scabbard the sooner asunder.
Bow he could not, break he must. Whatever is reported,
he died of no other poison than sorrow (which ushered him
into a wasting ague), grief being a burden whereof the
strongest shoulders can bear the least. As for the fame, that
Manfred his base son should stifle him with a pillow * ;
though I must confess he might be taken on suspicion, as
likely enough to play such a devilish prank ; yet it is un-
reasonable, that he who is acquitted by the authors of the
same time, should be condemned on the evidence of the
writers of after ages 1 .
He died at Florence in an obscure castle on St. Lucy's
1 Bzovius, anno 1250, $ 14.
2 Falsum ex ejus temporis hominum testimonio esse convin-
citur. Pantal. in Fred. II.
A. D. 1250
THE HOLY WA R.
215
day [Dec. 13; as others, 26], having reigned king of Jeru-
salem three and twenty years. By his will he bequeathed
many ounces of gold to the Knights Templars and Hos-
pitallers, in recompense of the wrongs they had received by
him. He left a great sum of money for the recovery of the
Holy Land, to be disposed at the discretion of the aforesaid
knights. He forbade any stately funeral for himself, though
in his life immoderately excessive in pomp; as if he would
do penance for his pride after death. A prince, who, had
he not been hindered with domestical discords, would have
equalized Caesar himself: for if thus bravely he laid about
him, his hands being tied at home with continual dissen-
sions, what would he have done if at liberty ? A scandal
is raised since his death, that he was but a miller's son 3 ;
but he would have ground them to powder who in his life-
time durst have averred it. Indeed he was very happy in
mechanical matters, such as we may term liberal handi-
crafts ; as casting, founding, carving in iron and brass :
neither did this argue a low soul, to dabble in such mean
employments, but rather proved the amplitude and large-
ness thereof; of so general acquaintance, that no art was a
stranger to him. But the suspicion of his birth rose from
the almost miraculous manner of it; Constantia, his mother,
bearing him when well nigh sixty years of age. But, both
in Scripture and other writers, we may see the sons of long-
barren mothers to have been fruitful in famous achieve-
ments.
Pity it was that he had some faults; yea, pity it had been
if he had not had some. But his vices indeed were noto-
rious and inexcusable. Many wives and concubines he had,
and by them many children.
His legitimate __ . ,,
Children. Their Preferment.
Henry, who re- King of the Re-
belled against mans,
him.
Conrad. Duke of Suabia.
His Wives.
1. Constantia, queen of
Aragon.
2. lole, daughter to John
Bren.
3 Agnes, daughter to
the Marquess of Mo-
ravia, childless 'di-
vorced.
3 Others say, a falconer's, or a physician's. See Minister,
De Italia, lib. 2, p. 235.
216
THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1250
His Wives.
4. Rutina.
5. Isabella of Bavaria.
His legitimate
Children.
Agnes.
6. Maud, daughter to Constance.
John king of Eng-
land.
Their Preferment.
Married to Con-
rad, landgrave
of Hesse.
Wife to Lewis,
landgrave of
Hesse.
His Concubi
Blanch.
His base Sons.
1. Henzius. King of Sardinia.
2. Maufred. Usurper of Sicily.
3. Frederick. Prince of Antioch. 4
It is much, that succession adventured in so many several
bottoms should miscarry : yet these four sons dying, left no
lasting issue; and in the third generation Frederick's stock,-
and that whole race of Suabian princes, was extinct : which
in the judgment of some men was a judgment of God on him
for his lasciviousness.
We must not forget a memorable passage which hap-
pened more than twenty years after Frederick's death :
One Tylo Colupp, a notable juggler, some time brought up
at the court, cunningly sewing together all the old shreds of
his courtship, and stretching them out with impudency,
pretended to be Frederick die emperor, long detained in
captivity in Palestine 5 . The difference betwixt their aspects
was easily reconciled ; for few physiognomy marks are so
deeply fixd in any face, but that age and misery will alter
them. The credulity of the vulgar sort presently betrayed
them to be cozened by him ; yea, some princes took this
brass for gold without touching it. But the best engine
which gave this puppet his motion was a bruit constantly
buzzed, that Frederick was not dead; for princes, the
manner of whose deaths hath been private and obscure,
fame commonly conjureth again out of their graves, and
they walk abroad in the tongues and brains of many, who
affirm and believe them to be still alive. But the world
soon surfeited of this cheater's forgery ; and this glowworm,
when brought into the light, shined no more, but at Nanse
was burnt to ashes by Rodulph the emperor.
After Frederick's death there was an interregnum for
4 Gathered out of Lampad. Mellif. Hist, part 3, p. 3()6.
5 Calvisius, anno 1285, ex Spang. Et Pantal. in Rodulpho
Ca-sare.
A. D. 1251 THE HOLY WAR. 217
three and twenty years in the empire of Germany. True
it is, that of some, William earl of Holland (one without a
beard, not valour) was nominated emperor. The spiritual
electors chose Richard, brother to our King Henry III.
And as in Cornwall he got much coin, so Germany gave
him a bottomless bag to put it in. A third party named
Alphonse, king of Castile, an admirable mathematician;
but the ointment of his name is marred with the dead fly of
his atheistical speech, that if he had been in God's stead,
he could have framed the world better than now it is*
Notwithstanding, the best Dutch writers make an interreg-
num, as counting the empire still a widow, and all these
rather her suitors than any her husband.
In like manner also in Palestine there was not any king
for fourteen years after Frederick's death. The right
indeed lay io Conrad duke of Suabia, Frederick's son by
lole daughter to John Bren king of Jerusalem ; but he
was so employed in defending himself in Sicily against
Maufred his base brother (who soon after dispatched him
out of the way), that he had no leisure to prosecute his
title to the fragments of the kingdom of Jerusalem.
CHAP. XXI. The Pastorells killed in France. King Louk
returned home.
GO we back to King Louis, who all this while stayed
in Palestine, busying himself partly in building and
fencing of Sidon and Caesarea, partly in composing discords
betwixt the Pisans and Genoans, even proceeding to
threaten them into agreement ; but these armed men little
cared for his naked menacing. He being also an excellent
religious antiquary and critic on holy monuments, much
employed himself in redeeming of old sacred places from
the tyranny of time and oblivion.
Meantime, in his kingdom of France happened this
strange accident [1251]; an Hungarian peasant, who is
said to have been an apostate to Mahomet and well learned,
gathered together many thousands of people, pretending
they had intelligence from heaven to march to the Holy
Land*. These took on them the name and habit of Pus-
torelli, poor shepherds; in imitation belike (as the devil is
God's ape) of those in the gospel, who were warned by
angels in a vision to go to Bethlehem.
Being to shape their course into Palestine, they went
. Matth. Paris, p. 1094,
218 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1253
into France; showing they had a vertigo in their heads,
mistaking the west for the east ; or else, that like vagabonds
they were never out of their way.
The holy Lamb was their ensign, but their actions neither
holy nor lamb-like. They pillaged and killed the poor
Jews as they went (an unhappy nation, whose heads lie pat
for every one's hands to hit, and their legs so stand in men's
way that few can go by them without spurning at them) ;
where they wanted Jews, they made Jews of Christians,
especially if they were rich, using them with all cruelty.
But at last near Bourdeaux threescore thousand of them
were slain, and the rest dispersed. A rhymer of that age
(or in courtesy call him a poet) made this epitaph on
them.
M semel, et bis C, L I, conjungere disce ,
Uuxit pastorum sava Megtera chorum 1 ,
Learn to put together well,
What M, C, C, L, I, do spell ;
When some devilish fiend in France
Did teach the shepherds how to dance.
By this time [1253] Louis in Syria had stayed out the
death and burial of all his hopes to receive succour from
his own country. Long expecting in vain that France
should come to him, he at last returned to it. The great-
ness of the burthen he bore made him go the faster ; and
being laden with debts to his Italian creditors, he secretly
hasted home; where safely arriving [April 25,] besides
loyalty to their prince, love to a stranger was enough to
make him welcome.
CHAP. XXII. The Conversion of the Tartarian^. Haalon
conquereth Persia, and extinguisheth the Caliphs of -Baby-
lon.
LOUIS is gone, and left the Christians in Syria in a
woful condition, without hope of amendment. Now
can any good come out of Tartary ? can the northern wind
blow a comfortable warmth ? Yea, see a strange vicissitude
of things ! Haito, the Christian king of Armenia, had
travelled to Mango the cham of Tartary, to communicate
to him the present danger of the Turks, and to consult of
a remedy 1 . He showed, how if order were not taken with
2 Magdeburg. Cent. 13, cap. 16, col. 698.
1 Marinus Sanutus. Magdeburg. Cent. 13, cap. 16, col,
699.
A. D. 1255 THE HOLY WAR. 219
hem in time, they would overrun all Asia : let him not
count that he lay out of their road, because of his remote
ituation ; for what is the way wanderers will not trace ?
tie might expect only this courtesy, to be last devoured.
[n conclusion, Haito prevailed so far with this pagan, that
not only promised his assistance, but also was baptized,
and took the Christian religion on him : so also did his
whole country by his exam pie [1254]; and Christianity being
he court fashion, none would be out of it. Never since
he time of Constantine the Great, did the devil at once
ose a greater morsel, or was there made a more hopeful
accession to the faith.
Understand we this conversion of Tartary (though authors
predicate it universally of that whole country) only of
Jathaia, the eastern and most refined part of that empire ;
for cannibals were still in the north, who needed first to be
converted to reason and to be made men, before they could
become Christians. Also at this same time we find a swarm
of western Tartarian heathens foraging Poland*. So it
seemeth, so vast was the empire, that it was still night in
the west, though it was day in the eastern part thereof.
Now, whether the conversion of these Tartarians was
solemnly, deliberately, and methodically wrought by preach-
ing, first, those things wherein the light of nature concurreth
with faith ; then, those wherein human reason is no foe but
standeth neuter ; lastly, such as are merely of faith, leaving
the issue of all to God, whose oratory alone can persuade
souls 3 ; or whether (which is more probable) it was but
tumultuously done, many on a sudden rather snatching than
embracing religion, we will not dispute. Sure it is that
Mango sent Haalonhis brother [1255] (who is said to have
married a wife an excellent Christian, and descended from
the wise men who came to see our Saviour 4 ) with a great
army to suppress the Turks and assist the Christians. It
seemeth his army rode post, for, falling into Persia, he con-
quered it sooner than one can well travel it, in half a year 5 .
It facilitated his victory, because that country had much
unfurnished herself to furnish her foreign colonies and
garrisons in Syria; and generally active nations are strong-
2 Calvisius, ex Hist. Pol. in anno 1259
3 Qtlov ian KfiQiv rdf ^v\aQ Athanasius.
4 Magdeburg. Cent. 13, cap. 2, p. 5.
5 So Knolles, Turk. Hist. p. 112. The Magdeburgenses say
less, Semestri spatio, Cent. 13, cap. 16, col. 699.
220 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1256
est abroad, and weakest at home ; where they are only
strong with a conceit of their strength believed in other
countries. The city Samarcand only resisted him [1256].
Haalon, seeing it would not come at the first, let it stay;
counting it beneath a conqueror to tempt his fortune with
a long siege, which perchance might alter the whole course
of the cards, and make him rise a loser. Wherefore he
himself only skimmed the cream of the conquest, and went
away with what was easy and smooth, deputing an inferior
captain to hew this knotty service ; who after a long siege
subdued it. For in respect of the age of this siege, that ol
Troy was but a child, it lasting seven and twenty years 6 ;
and at last not taken but yielded up, the defendants then
wanting clothes to cover their nakedness.
From Persia Haalon marched to Babylon [1258]; the
caliph whereof, called Musteazem, was so superstitious ar
idolater to his wealth, that he would not provide necessaries
for the defence of the city, and therefore it was quickl)
subdued. The covetous caliph he famished to death, anc
then filled his mouth with melted gold 7 . Every when
mosques went down and churches up.
Hence into Mesopotamia, which he instantly conquered
.with the cities of Aleppo and Edessa [1260]. He wor
and restored many places to Conrad the Christian prince o
Antioch, which the Turks formerly detained from him
Yea, this Tartarian army so awed Melechem the mamaluk<
prince of Egypt, who succeeded Tarquemine, that hi
durst not budge. And many other good offices this Haaloi
did to the Christians in Syria.
CHAP. XXIII. The Discord bctwlvt the Genoans ant
Venetians, who burn the Genoan Ships in Ptolemais.
BUT they were unworthy of this happiness, who-woul(
not be at leisure to make use of it, but busied them
selves in private dissensions, the Genoans against the Pisan
and Venetians. These states (as many others in Italy) a
this time were so proud in their master's old clothes, the;
scarce knew themselves, grown brave with the feathers th<
eagle had moulted, and set up by the breaking of th<
emperor in Italy. The Venetians and Genoans were hardl;
matched ; the Pisans were not so strong, but as stomachfu
as either of them, and then in this point of policy superio
6 Magdeburg, et Knolles, ut prius.
7 Calvisius, in nuno 1158, ex Bizaro.
. D. 1260 THE HOLY WAR. 221
o both : that first siding with the Genoans, they whipped
he Venetians ; then when they were sufficiently humbled,
aking part with the Venetians, they stripped and lashed
be Genoans : and the scales being even before, Pisa made
chat weigh down by course wherein she cast her grains.
Now not content to fall out at home, within the doors of
taly, they must fight in Syria in the open street, where the
\irks looked on and laughed at them; counting it in their
apprehension as good sport as to see a spider poison a toad.
Besides their old grudges transported hither out of Italy,
his green wound was the cause of their dissension here ;
n Ptolemais these three states had their several streets,
several markets for trading, and courts for causes both civil
nd criminal; but all three had one church (that of St.
sabbas) common unto them, by the ordering of the pope
limself, who counted the same church might serve the
worshippers of the same God. But the Venetians, by the
virtue of an ancient agreement betwixt them and King
Baldwin for their service in winning this city, challenged a
peculiar interest therein 1 . Hereabout was there old bust-
ing, and in a tumult, the Genoans, at that time surpassing
or number, drave the Venetians out of the church ; yea,
:> hilip of Montfort, a French governor of Ptolemais in the
ime of the interregnum, wanting not only policy for a
nagistrate, but wit for a man (Blondus saith he was half
nad 2 , and his actions speak him no less), compelled the
Venetians generally to forsake the city.
Implacably incensed hereat, the Venetians arm thirteen
galleys which they had at Tyre, and coming to Ptolemais
breed asunder the chain which crossed the haven, and
urned five and twenty ships of the Genoans which lay
here. For alas ! being straitened in the haven, they had
10 room (being entangled) to turn and free themselves one
rom another. And though united force be most forcible,
fet not when so stifled and smothered that it cannot express
ind exercise itself. Many brave soldiers in these ships lost
heir lives in a bundle, without selling them, or ever
>pening their wares.
To avenge this loss, the state of Genoa sent from home a
lavy of fifty ships of all sorts, which came to Tyre. There
neet they with Reinerius Zenus duke of Venice, with the
So saith Blondus, Decad. 2, lib. 8, p. 308. But if we
jonsult Tyrius, lib. 10, cap. 28, the Genoans and not the
Venetians won Ptolemais. 2 Loco prius citato.
222 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1260
united power of the Venetians and Pisans, counting no
fewer than seventy-four vessels well provided. They would
have fought in the very haven of Tyre, but the governor ol
the city forbade it : it would be more scandalous to Chris-
tianity; the roving fireballs might hurt the city, and
sinking ships hinder the harbour; besides, the conquered
party would probably complain of the partiality of the
place, that it more favoured one side ; they should not fighi
under his nose ; if they had a mind to it, let them out, and
try their fortunes in the open sea.
CHAP. XXIV. The Genoan Navy beaten by the Venetian
Sea and Land-service compared, both in Danger am
Honour.
\ CCORDINGLY it was performed ; out they go anc
J^\~ fall to their work. Their galleys, like ostriches, us.ec
their legs more than their wings, more running with oar:
than flying with sails. At that time, before ordnance wa
found out, ships were both guns and bullets themselves
and furiously ran one against another.
They began with this arietation : herein strength wa
much but not all ; nimbleness was also very advantageou
to break and slent the downright rushings of a stronge
vessel. Then fell they to grappling : here the steady shi
had the better of it ; and those soldiers who best kept thei
legs could best use their arms, the surest slander bein
always the soundest striker. Much valour was showed o
both sides, and at last the victory fell to the Venetian. Th
Genoans, losing five and twenty of their ships, fled, am
saved the rest in the haven of Tyre, after a most cruel an.
desperate battle.
And surely, generally sea-fights are more bloody tha
those on the land, especially since guns came up, whos
shot betwixt wind and water (like those wounds so ofte
mentioned in the scripture under the fifth rib), is commonl
observed mortal. Yea, far harder it is for a ship, whe
arrested and engaged in a battle, to clear itself, than fc
soldiers by land to save themselves by flight. Here neithe
his own two nor his horse's four legs can bestead any ; bt
like accidents they must perish with their subjects, and sin
with their ship.
And then why is a sea victory less honour, being moi
danger, than one achieved by land? Is it because seaservic
is not so general, nor so full of varieties, and the mysterie
thereof sooner learned? Or because in seafights fortune ma
seem to be a deeper sharer, and valour not so much in
A. D. 1265 THE HOLY WAR. 223
terested? Whatsoever it is, the laurel purchased on land
lath a more lively verdure than that which is got at sea.
We return to the Venetians: who, using or rather abusing
this conquest, enter Ptolemais, cast out all Genoans thence r
throw down their buildings both public and private, de-
molish the fort which they had builded at St. Saba, rifle and
spoil their shops, warehouses, and storehouses : only the
pope prevailed so far with them, that they set at liberty the
prisoners they had taken.
Ten years did this war last betwixt these two states in
Syria, composed at last (saith my author) by the authority
of Pope Clement IV., and by famine (the bad cause
of a good effect) which in Palestine starved them into
agreement. Longer these wars lasted betwixt them in
Italy : their success like the sea they fought on, ebbing and
flowing. In this costly war Pisa was first beggared ; and
for all her politic partaking, Genoa at last strode so heavy
upon her, that ever since she hath drooped and hung the
wing, and at this day is maid to Florence, who formerly
was mistress of a good part of Italy. But I have no calling
and less comfort to prosecute these bloody dissensions : for
wars of Christians against Infidels are like the heat of ex-
ercise which serveth to keep the body of Christianity in
health; but these civil wars amongst themselves, like the
heat of a fever, dangerous, and destructive of religion.
CHAP. XXV. Charles made King of Sicily and Jerusalem
by the Pope ; Hugh King of Cyprus pretendeth also to go
to Jerusalem.
WE have now gotten Pantaleon, a Frenchman, who
succeeded Robert in the titular patriarchship of
Jerusalem, to be pope, by the name of Urban IV. 1 To
advance the holy cause, after fourteen years interregnum
in Syria, he appointed Charles duke of Anjou, younger
brother to King Louis of France, king of Sicily and Jeru-
salem, and it was ratified by Clement IV. his successor.
This honour was first offered to Louis himself; but piety
had dried up in him all ambitious humours : then to our
Henry of England ; but his war-wasted purse could not
stretch to the pope's price: at last, this Charles accepted
it [1265]. But it is not for any special favour to the bush,
if a man run under it in a storm : it was no love to Charles,
but to himself, to be sheltered from Maufred, that the pope
conferred this honour upon him. And the wife of Charles,
Platina, in Urban IV.
224 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 120
that she might go in equipage with her three sisters, beinc
queens, sold all her jewels to furnish her husband with
money to purchase these kingdoms 2 ; that sex lovinp-
bravery well, but greatness better.
Now the pope (whose well-grounded and bounder'
bounty will never undo him ; for where he giveth away th
meat he selleth the sauce), conditioned with Charles 01
these terms 3 : first, that he should conquer Maufred then
king of Sicily, who molested the pope ; and that he should
finally subdue all the remaining race of Frederick II.,
emperor, who claimed that kingdom. Secondly, in ac-
knowledgment that he held these kingdoms from the pope,
he should pay him an annual pension of four (some saj
forty) thousand pounds. Provided, if this Charles should
chance to be chosen emperor of Germany, that then he
should either resign Sicily back again into the hands of his
holiness, or not accept the empire 4 . For he knew that all
emperors would be possessed with an antipapal spirit; and
that they would hold Sicily, not in homage from the church,
but as a member of fhe empire ; besides, the pope would
not dispense that princes should hold plurality of temporal
dominions in Italy ; especially, he was so ticklish he could
not endure the same prince should embrace him on both
sides.
Ever since, the twin titles of Sicily and Jerusalem havt
gone together; and fit it is that the shadow should follow
the substance. Charles subdued Maufred and Conradin
his nephew (the last of the Suabian race, and grandchild to
Emperor Frederick), and was possessed of Sicily, and lived
there; but as for the gaining of Jerusalem, he little regarded
it, nor came thither at all: a watchful king, who never slept
in his kingdom.
His absence gave occasion to Hugh king of Cyprus tc
furbish up new his old title to the kingdom, as lineally
descended from Almerick II 5 . And coming to Ptolemais
he there was crowned king of Jerusalem [Sept. 27, 1269]
but the extremity of the famine (all things being excessive
dear) much abated the solemnity and state of his coronation
2 Besoldus, De Reg. Sicil. p. 645, 649.
3 See these conditions at large (five and twenty in number
Out of Jo. Anton. Summont. cited in Besoldus, p. 647.
* Platina, in Clem. IV. Neve imperium Romanum, etian
ultro oblatum, acciperet.
5 Calvisius, in anno 1269, ex Marino Sanuto.
A.D. 1262 THE HOLY WAR. 225
CHAP. XXVI. The Tartarians alienated from the Chris-
tians. Bendocdar tyrannizeth over them, and Louis King
of France setteth forth again for to succour them.
BUT betwixt two kings the kingdom went to the ground
[1261] : for Haalon the Tartarian prince *, and late
Christian convert, was returned home to succeed his
brother Mango in the empire, leaving Abaga his son with
competent forces in the city of Damascus, which he had
won from the Turks. Soon after, Abaga followed his father,
and substituted Guirboca his lieutenant in Damascus.
This Guirboca, upon the the occasion of his nephew
rashly slain by the Christians in a broil, fell off wholly from
Christianity, with all the Tartarians his countrymen [1262].
The occasion this : the Dutch Christians return with great
booty they had taken from the Turks ; Guirboca's nephew
meeteth them, demandeth it for himself 2 ; the Christians
deny him (as soldiers are very tender-conscienced in that
point, counting it a great sin to part with the spoil they
are possessed of) : hence brawls, then blows ; Guirboca's
nephew is slain : hereat the Tartarians (who were very
humorous in their friendship ; if not observed to an inch,
lost for ever), in discontent, all either reel aside to Mahomet,
or fall back to paganism.
Herein the Christians cannot be excused : infant-converts
must be well tended. It had been discretion in them, even
against discretion to have yielded a little to these Tartarians,
and so to continue their amity, which was so advantageous
to the holy war. However, one may question the truth of
their conversion, whether real at first: this spring was too
forward to hold ; and the speedy withering of their religion
argueth it wanted root. Arid as tame foxes, if they break
loose and return wild, do ten times more mischief than those
which were wild from the beginning; so these renegadoes
raged more furiously than any pagans against religion.
Guirboca sacrificed many Christians to the ghost of his
nephew, destroyed Ceesarea and burnt it, using all cruelty
against the inhabitants.
Nor less were the Christians plagued at the same time
with Bendocdar the mamaluke prince in Egypt ; who suc-
ceeded Melechem, and every where raging against them,
either killed or forced them to forswear their religion. The
1 Calvisius, ex Marino Sanuto, in anno 1260.
2 Magdeburg. Cent. 13, cap. 16, col. 699.
Q
226 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1268
city of Joppa he took and burned [l 268J ; and then won
Antioch, slaying therein twenty thousand, and carrying
away captive a hundred thousand Christians. But it may
justly be suspected that these numbers were written first in
figures, and therefore at too much length, when the adding
of nothing may increase many thousands.
These woful tidings brought into Europe, so wrought on
the good disposition of Louis king of France, that he re-
solved to make a second voyage into Palestine to succour
the Christians.
He so fixed his mind on the journey's end, that he saw
not the dangers in the way. His counsel could not dissuade,
though they did dissuade him. First, they urged, that he
was old ; let younger men take their turns : they recounted
to him his former ill success; how lately had that hot
country scorched the lilies of France, not only to the blasting
of the leaves, but almost withering of the root ! Besides, the
sinews of the Christians in Syria were so shrunk, that
though lifted up they could not stand ; that nature decayed,
but not thus wholly destroyed, was the subject of physic ;
that the Turks had got a habit of conquering, and riveted
themselves into the possession of the country ; so that this
voyage would but fleet the cream of the kingdom to cast it
into the fire.
But as a vehement flame maketh fuel of whatsoever it
meeteth; so this king's earnest resolution turned bridles
into spurs, and hinderances into motives to his journey
Was he old? let him make the more speed, lest envious
death should prevent him of this occasion of honour. Hac
he sped ill formerly ? he would seek his credit where he
lost it : surely, Fortune's lottery had not all blanks, but that
after long drawing he should light on a prize at last. Were
the Christians in so low a case ? the greater need they had
of speedy help.
Thus was this good king's judgment over-zealed. Anc
surely, though devotion be the natural heat, discretion (which
wanted in him) is the radical moisture of an action, keeping
it healthful, prosperous, and long-lived.
Well, King Louis will go, and to this end provideth hi?
navy; and is accompanied with Philip and Tristram hi;
sons, Theobald king of Navarre his son-in-law, Alphons*
his brother, and Guido earl of Flanders. There went als(
Edward eldest son to Henry king of England. It was :
wonder he w r ould now adventure his head when he was t
receive a crown, his father being full ripe to drop dow?
without gathering, having reigned longer than most me
A. D. 1270 THE HOLY WAR. 227
live, fifty and five years. But thirsty was this Edward of
honour : Longshanks was he called ; and as his strides were
large, so vast and wide was the extent of his desire. As
for his good father, he was content to let go the staff of his
age for to be a prop to the church. And though King
Louis was indiscreet in going this journey, he was wise in
choosing this his companion, to have this active prince
along with him ; it being good to eye a suspicious person,
and not to leave him behind.
With Edward went his brother Edmund earl of Lancaster,
surnamed Crouchback ; not that he was crookshouldered, or
camelbacked : (from which our English poet most zealously
doth vindicate him ;
Edmund like him the comeliest prince alive,
Not crookback'd, ne in no wise disfigured,
As some men write, the right line to deprive,
Though great falsehood made it to be scriptured 3 .)
but from the cross, anciently called a crouch (whence
crouched friars) which now he wore in his voyage to Jeru-
salem. And yet it maketh it somewhat suspicious, that in
Latin records he is never read with any other epithet than
Gibbosus*. But be he crooked or not, let us on straight
with our story.
CHAP. XXVII. King Louis besiegeth the City of Tunis.
His Death and Commendation.
LOUIS now having hoised up sail [1270], it was con-
cluded, by the general consent of his council, that to
secure and clear the Christians' passage to Palestine from
pirates, they should first take the city of Carthage in Africa
by the way.
This Carthage long wrestled with Rome for the sove-
reignty, and gave as many foils as she took, till Scipio at
last crushed out her bowels with one deadly fall. Yet long
after the city stood before wholly demolished, to be a spur
to put mettle into the Romans, and to be a foreign mark for
their arrows, lest otherwise they should shoot against them-
selves. At last by the counsel of Cato it was quite de-
stroyed : who alleged, that it was not safe to have a knife
so near their throat; and though good use might be made
of an enemy at arm's end, yet it was dangerous to have him
too close to one's side ; as Carthage was within a day's sail
from Rome.
3 Harding, chap. 147.
4 Vincent's Discoveries of Brook's Errours, Tit. Lancaster.
228 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1270
Out of the ruins of this famous city Tunis arose ; as often
a stinking elder groweth out of the place where an oak
hath been felled. Thieving was their trading; but then as
yet they were apprentices to piracy, whereof at this day
they are grown masters. Yea, not considerable was Tunis
then in bigness, great only in mischief. But as a small
scratch just upon the turning of a joint is more troublesome
than a bigger sore in another place, so this paltry town
(the refuge of rogues, and wanderers home), seated in the
passage betwixt Europe, Asia, and Africa, was a worse
annoyance to Christian traffic, than a whole country of
Saracens elsewhere. Wherefore both to revenge the blood
of many Christians, who passing this way to Palestine were
either killed or taken captive, as also to secure the way for
the time to come, Louis with his whole fleet (augmented
with the navy of Charles king of Sicily and Jerusalem, his
brother) bent his course to besiege it.
It was concluded both unnecessary and unfitting, first in
a fair way to summon the city; because like pernicious
vermin they were to be rooted out of the world by any
means ; nor was it meet to lavish the solemn ceremonies of
war on a company of thieves and murderers.
The siege was no sooner begun but the plague seized on
the Christian army, whereof thousands died ; amongst
others, Tristram King Louis's son : and he himself of a
flux followed after. This Louis was the French Josiah,
both for the piety of his life, and wofulness of his death,
engaging himself in a needless war. Many good laws he
made for his kingdom : that not the worst, he first retrenched
his barons' power to suffer parties to try their intricate titles
to land by duels 1 . He severely punished blasphemers,
searing their lips with a hot iron 2 '. And because by his
command it was executed upon a great rich citizen of Paris,
some said he was a tyrant : he, hearing it, said before many,
I would to God that with searing my own lips I could
banish out of my realm all abuse of oaths. He loved more
to hear sermons than to be present at mass ; whereas on
the contrary our Henry III. said, he had rather see his God
than hear another speak of him though never so well 3 . His
body was carried into France, there to be buried, and was
most miserably tossed ; it being observed, that the sea
1 Sir Walter Raleigh, Hist, part 1, lib. .5, cap. 3.
2 Alfonso Villeg. in the Life of St. Louis.
3 Continual. Matth. Paris, in anno 1273.
A. D. 1271 THE HOLY WAR. 229
cannot digest the crudity of a dead corpse, being a due
debt to be interred where it dieth ; and a ship cannot
abide to be made a bier of. He was sainted after his
death by Boniface VIII., and the five and twentieth day of
August (on which day in his first voyage to Palestine he
went on shipboard) is consecrated to his memory. Herein
he had better luck than as good a man, I mean our Henry
VI., who could not be canonized without a mighty sum of
money ; belike angels making saints at Rome.
CHAP. XXVIII. Tunis taken. The French return home,
whilst our Edward valiantly setteth forward for Palestine.
BY this time Tunis was brought to great distress, and at
last on these conditions surrendered [1271]; that it
should pay yearly to Charles king of Sicily and Jerusalem
forty thousand crowns ; that it should receive Christian
ministers, freely to exercise their religion ; if any Saracen
would be baptized, he should be suffered ; that all Christian
captives should be set free; that they should pay back so
much money as should defray the Christians' charges in this
voyage. Our Edward would needs have had the town
beaten down, and all put to the sword, thinking the foulest
quarter too fair for them. Their goods (because got by
robbery) he would have sacrificed as an anathema to God,
and burnt to ashes : his own share he execrated, and
caused it to be burnt, forbidding the English to save any
thing of it ; because that coals stolen out of that fire would
sooner burn their houses than warm their hands. It
troubled not the consciences of other princes to enrich
themselves herewith, but they glutted themselves with the
stolen honey which they found in this hive of drones ; and
which was worse, now their bellies were full they would go
to bed, return home, and go no further. Yea, the young
king of France, called Philip the Bold, was fearful to
prosecute his journey to Palestine; whereas Prince Edward
struck his breast, and swore, that though all his friends
forsook him, yet he would enter Ptolemais, though but
only with Fowin his horsekeeper. By which speech he
incensed the English to go on with him.
The rest, pleading the distemperature of the weather,
went to Sicily, in hope with change of air to recover their
health ; where many of them found what they sought to
avoid, death : amongst other, Theobald king of Navarre,
and Isabel his wife, and William earl of Flanders, who
ended their days at Drepanum. Besides, their navy was
230 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1271
pursuivanted after with a horrible tempest, and a curse
(entailed either on their ill-gotten goods, or deserting God's
cause, or both) arrested them in their return, so that of this
great wealth little was landed in Europe, their ships being
wrecked, and the goods therein cast into the sea, with
which the waves played a little, and then chopped them up
at a morsel. Whilst the weather, frowning on them, smiled
on the English, Prince Edward no whit damnified either
in his men or ships, with Eleanor his tender consort then
young with child, safely arrived at Ptolemais, to the great
solace and comfort of the Christians there being in great
distress.
CHAP. XXIX. Prince Edward's Performance in Palestine.
He is dangerously wounded, yet recovereth, and returneth
home safe.
AT his arrival the last stake of the Christians was oh
losing ; for Bendocdar, the mamaluke prince of Egypt
and Syria, had brought Ptolemais to so low an ebb, that
they therein resolved (if some unexpected succour reversed
not their intentions) within three days to resign the city
unto him. Edward landing stayed this precipitation, who
arrived with his army there in the very interim, in opportu-
nity itself, which is the very quintessence of time; so that
all concluded his coming (thus hitting the mark) was
guided by the hand of an especial providence.
And now those who before in despair would have thrown
up their cards, hope at least to make a saving game ; and
the Christians, taking comfort and courage, both defy their
enemies, and their own thoughts of surrendering the city.
Prince Edward having sufficiently manned and victualled
Ptolemais, taking six or seven thousand soldiers, marched
to Nazareth, which he took, and slew those he found there.
After this, about midsummer, understanding the Turks
were gathered together at Cakhow forty miles off, very
early in the morning he set upon them, slew a thousand,
and put the rest to flight.
In these skirmishes he gave evident testimonies of his
personal valour ; yea, in cold blood he would boldly
challenge any infidel to a duel. To speak truth, this his
conceived perfection was his greatest imperfection ; for the
world was abundantly satisfied in the point of his valour,
yet such was his confidence of his strength, and eagerness
of honour, that having merited the esteem of a most stout
man, he would still supererogate ; yea, he would proffer to
A. D. 1272 THE HOLY WAR. 231
fight with any mean person, if cried up by the volge for a
tall man; this daring being a general fault in great spirits,
and a great fault in a general, who staketh a pearl against
a piece of glass. The best was, in that age a man fighting
with sword and buckler had in a manner many lives to
lose ; and duels were not dangerous.
Whilst he stayed at Ptolemais, Eleanor his lady was
delivered of a fair daughter, called from her birthplace
Joan of Acre ; but fear of her husband's death abated her
joy at her daughter's birth. The Turks, not matching him
in valour, thought to master him with treachery, which was
thus contrived : The admiral of Joppa, a Turk, pretended
he would turn Christian, and employed one Anzazim, an
Assassin, in the business betwixt him and Prince Edward ;
who carried himself so cunningly, that by often repairing
to our prince he got much credit and esteem with him.
Some write 1 , this Anzazim was before always bred under
ground (as men keep hawks and war-horses in the dark, to
make them more fierce), that so coming abroad, he should
fear to venture on no man. But sure so cunning a compa-
nion had long conversed with light, and been acquainted
with men, yea, Christians and princes, as appeareth by his
complying carriage ; else, if he had not been well read in
their company, he could not have been so perfect in his
lesson. But let him be bred any where, or in hell itself;
for this was his religion, to kill any he was commanded, or
on the nonperformance willingly to forfeit his life.
1272.] The fifth time of his coming he brought Prince
Edward letters from his master, which whilst he was read-
ing alone and lying on his bed, he struck him into the arm
with an envenomed knife. Being about to fetch another
stroke, the prince with his foot gave him such a blow that
he felled him to the ground, and wresting the knife from
him, ran the Turk into the belly, and slew him ; yet so,
that in struggling he hurt himself therewith in the forehead.
At this noise in sprang his servants, and one of them with
a stool beat the brains out of the dead Turk's head, show-
ing little wit in his own ; and the prince was highly dis-
pleased, that the monument of his valour should be stained
with another's cruelty.
It is storied, how Eleanor his lady sucked all the poison
out of his wounds 71 , without doing any harm to herself; so
1 Continual. Matth. Paris, in anno 1272, p. 1345.
2 Speed, in Edward I.
232 THE HISTORY OF A.o.1272
sovereign a medicine is a woman's tongue, anointed with
the virtue of loving affection. Pity it is so pretty a story
should not be true (with all the miracles in Lovers' Legends),
and sure he shall get himself no credit, who undertaketh to
confute a passage so sounding to the honour of the sex ;
yet can it not stand with what others have written 3 , how
the physician who was to dress his wounds spake to the
Lord Edmund and the Lord John Voysey to take away
Lady Eleanor out of the prince's presence, lest her pity
should be cruel towards him, in not suffering his sores to
be searched to the quick. And though she cried out and
wrung her hands, " Madam," said they, " be contented ; it
is better that one woman should weep a little while, than
that all the realm of England should lament a great season :"
and so they conducted her out of the place. And the
prince, by the benefit of physic, good attendance, and an
antidote the master of the Templars gave him, showed
himself on horseback whole and well within fifteen days
after.
The admiral of Joppa, hearing of his recovery, utterly
disavowed that he had any hand in the treachery, as none
will willingly father unsucceeding villany. True it is, he
was truly sorrowful, whether because Edward was so bad,
or no worse wounded, he knoweth that knoweth hearts.
Some wholly acquit him herein 4 , and conceive this mischief
proceeded from Simon earl of Montfort's hatred to our
prince, who bearing him and all his kindred an old grudge
for doing some conceived wrong to his father (in very deed,
nothing but justice to a rebel), hired, as they think, this
Assassin to murder him; as a little before, for the same
quarrel, he had served Henry son to Richard king of the
Romans, and our Edward's cousin german, at Viterbo in
Italy. It is much this Simon living in France should
contrive this prince's death in Palestine ; but malice hath
long arms, and can take men off at great distance. Yea,
this addeth to the cunning of the engineer, to work unseen ;
and the further from him the blow is given, the less is he
himself suspected.
Whosoever plotted, God prevented it, and the Christians
there would have revenged it, but Edward would not suffer
them. In all haste they would have marched and fallen
on the Turks, had not he dissuaded them 5 , because then
3 See Fox, Martyrol. p. 337. 4 P. yEmil. D. Ludov. p. 227.
5 Continual. Matth. Paris, in anno 1272, p. 1347.
A. D. 1272 THE HOLY WAR. 233
many Christians unarmed, and in small companies, were
gone to visit the sepulchre, all whose throats had then pro-
bably been cut before their return.
Eighteen months he stayed at Ptolemais, and then came
back through Italy, without doing any extraordinary matter
in Palestine. What music can one string make when all
the rest are broken ? what could Edward do alone, when
those princes fell back on whom the project most relied?
Louis and Charles were the main undertakers ; Edward
entertained but as an adventurer and sharer : and so he
furnished himself, accordingly, with competent forces to
succour others, but not to subsist of themselves. But as
too often, where the principal miscarrieth, the second and
sureties must lie at the stake to make the debt good ; so in
their default he valiantly went forward, though having in
all but thirteen ships and some thousands of men (too
many for a plain prince to visit with, and too few for a
great one to war with), and performed what lay within the
compass of his power. In a word, his coming to Ptolemais,
and assisting them there, was like a cordial given to a
dying man, which doth piece out his life (or death rather),
a few groans and as many gasps the longer.
By this time Henry his aged father being dead (his lamp
not quenched but going out for want of oil), the English
nobility came as far as the Alps in Savoy to wait on Edward
in his return. Leave we him then to be attended home by
them to receive the crown, to which no less his virtues than
birth entitled him. Since the Conquest he was the first
king of his name, and the first that settled the law and state
(deserving the style of England's Justinian 6 ) and that freed
this kingdom from the wardship of the peers, showing himself,
in all his actions after, capable to command not the realm
only but the whole world.
CHAP. XXX. Rodolph the Emperor's Voyage to Palestine
hindered. The Duke of Mecklenburg's Captivity and
Enlargement.
BEFORE Edward's departure, Hugh king of Jerusalem
and Cyprus concluded a peace (to our prince's small
liking ') with the mamaluke sultan of Egypt, to hold only
in and near Ptolemais ; whereby the Christians had some
breathing time. But that which now possessed all men's
6 Sir Robert Cotton, in his Henry III.
1 Marinus Sanutus.
234 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1273
thoughts and talk in Syria, was the expectation of Rodolph
to come thither with a great army ; who (after two and
twenty years' interregnum) was chosen emperor of Ger-
many.
1273.] This Rodolph was a mean earl of Hapspurg
(Frederick the last emperor was his godfather * ; who little
thought, that having so many sons of his own, his godson
should next succeed him), and lived in a private way. But
now the empire refusing her rich suitors, married this earl
without any portion, only for pure love. A preferment
beyond his expectation, not above his deserts ; for Germany
had many bigger lights, none brighter. Pope Gregory X.
would not ratify his election but on this condition, that he
should in person march with an army to Palestine. And
though this was but an old policy, to send the emperors far
away, that so he might command in chief in their absence ;
yet his holiness did so turn and dress this threadbare plot
with specious pretences of piety, that it passed for new and
fresh, especially to those that beheld it at a distance. But
Rodolph could not be spared out of Germany, being there
employed in civil discords ; the knees of the Dutch princes
were too stiff to do him homage, till he softened them by
degrees. And indeed he was not provided for the holy
war, and wanted a stock of his own to drive so costly a
trade, having no paternal lands considerable, no bottom to
begin on ; though through his thrift and providence he first
laid the foundation of the Austrian family.
1275.] Yet somewhat to answer expectation, he sent
Henry duke of Mecklenburg with competent forces into
Palestine; who, coming to Ptolemais, made many notable
incursions into the country about Damascus, with fire and
sword destroying all as he went, and carrying thence many
rich booties; till at last he was circumvented and taken
prisoner by the mamalukes. Twenty-six years he lived in
captivity, keeping his conscience free all the while ; at last
the sultan of Egypt (a renegade German, who formerly had
been engineer to this duke's father) set him at liberty,
together with Martin his servant ; that he who so long had
shared of his misery, might also partake of his happiness.
No sooner had this duke put to sea, but he was again taken
by pirates, and the sultan, out of pity to this distressed
prince, and out of scorn that fortune should, frustrate and
defeat his real courtesy, set him free again. At last he
2 Pantal. De illustr. Germ, part 2, in Vita Rodulphi.
A. D. 1282 THE HOLY WAR. 235
came safely home, and was there welcomed with as much
wonder as joy ; his subjects conceiving his return a resur-
rection, having buried him in their thoughts long before.
Here he found two counterfeits, who pretended themselves
to be this duke, and on that title challenged lodging with
Anastasia his lady 3 . But the one of them had a softer
bedfellow provided him, a pool of water, wherein he was
drowned ; the other was made a bonfire of, to solemnize
the joy of the duke's return.
CHAP. XXXI. Charles King of Jerusalem. His Intentions
in Syria stopped by the Sicilian Vespers. His Death t
and Son's Succession.
BY this time Charles king of Jerusalem and Sicily had
made great preparations for the holy war. And to
make his claim to the kingdom of Jerusalem the stronger,
he bought also the title of Maria Domicella princess of
Antioch, who pretended a right to the same. He sent
also Roger the count of St. Severine as his viceroy to
Ptolemais ; where he was honourably received in despite of
Hugh king of Cyprus, by the especial favour of Albertine
Morisine the Venetian consul there. And now his navy
was reported to be ready, and that by the way he had a
project upon Michael Paleologus the emperor of Greece :
when all his intentions were suddenly blasted ; it so hap-
pening, that on Easter day [1282], as the bell tolled to
even-song, all the throats of the Frenchmen in Sicily were
cut in a moment by the natives thereof, and that island won
by Peter king of Aragon. The grand contriver of this
massacre was one Jacobus Prochyta a physician, and I dare
say he killed more in an hour than he cured all his lifetime.
Those that condemn the Sicilians herein, cannot excuse
the French ; such formerly had been their pride, lust, covet-
ousness, and cruelty to the people of that island, putting
them causelessly to exquisite torture, so that an ordinary
hanging was counted an extraordinary favour. But the
secrecy of contriving this slaughter of the French was little
less than miraculous ; that so many knowing it none should
discover it ; like cunning dogs, barking in triumph after
they had bitten, not before, to give any warning. Hence
grew the proverb of the Sicilian Vespers; though their
even-song was nothing to the Errglish matins intended in
the gunpowder-treason. Meantime King Charles was at
3 Pantal. De. illustr. Germ, part 2, p. 245.
236 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1284
Rome, beholding the making of cardinals, when this dole-
ful news was brought unto him, and struck him to the
heart. He survived a year or two longer, but dull and
melancholic, living as it were without life, and died at last,
having reigned king of Jerusalem twenty years: a prince
who had tasted of various success ; fortune for a while
smiling on him, and at last laughing at him.
1284.] His son Charles succeeded him in the kingdom of
Naples and in the title of Jerusalem. He was surnamed
Cunctator, delayer; not in the same sense as Fabius the
shield of Rome was so called : he only stayed till oppor-
tunity was come; our Charles till it was passed. I find
nothing memorable of him except this, that offended with
the Templars in Palestine for taking part against him with
the king of Cyprus, he seized on their lands, and confiscated
all their goods they had in Naples or any other part of his
dominions. However, let him have room in the catalogue
of our kings of Jerusalem. For as high hills near the sea-
side, though otherwise never so base and barren ground, yet
will serve to be sea-marks for the direction of mariners; so
this Charles, together with Hugh, John, and Henry, kings
of Cyprus, pretending also to Jerusalem, though we read
nothing remarkable of them, will become the front of a
page, and serve to divide and distinguish times, and to
parcel the history the better to our apprehension. As for
the bare anatomy of their reign (for we find it not fleshed
with any history), with the dates of their beginnings and
endings, we shall present it to the reader hereafter in our
chronology.
CHAP. XXXII. The Succession of the Mamduke Princes
in Egypt. Alphir taketh Tripoli and Tyre. The woful
Estate of Ptolemais.
BUT whilst these titular kings slept, the mamaluke
princes were vigilant to infest the relics of the
Christians in Palestine : which prince's succession we will
adventure to set down ; nor are we discouraged with the
difficulties which encounter us herein. The hardness in the
story of the mamalukes proceedeth (as we conceive) from,
one of these causes : First, the state is not written directly,
but by reflection; not storied by any constant writer of
their own, but in snaps and parcels, as the chroniclers of
neighbouring Christian countries have catched at them.
Secondly, out of a popular error, their chief captains by
reason of their large authority pass for absolute kings.
A. D. 1289 THE HOLY WAR. 237
Thirdly, the same king hath many names, and the same
name by translation in sundry languages is strangely dis-
guised. However, we will use our best conjectures in
these uncertainties : and a dim candle is better than no
light.
Bendocdar or Bandodacar, otherwise Melechdaer, was
the last Egyptian prince we mentioned : a dangerous man
to the Christians, but that Abaga the Tartarian took him to
task, and kept him in continual employment. This Abaga
had a pretty trick to make cowards valiant, causing them
that ran away from the battle, ever after to wear women's
clothes. Bendocdar died at Damascus of a wound he re-
ceived in Armenia J ; or, as some say, by cold, in swimming
over Euphrates.
Elpis succeeded him, his son* (say some); but the mam-
alukes' laws forbid that, except his extraordinary worth was
his faculty, and dispensed with him ad succedendum patri.
But who knoweth not that the eastern tongue speaketh
nephews and kinsmen to be sons ? Some wholly omit him ;
enough to make us suspect that he was only some deputy
clapped in to stop up the vacancy till Melechsaites was
chosen.
Melechsaites (called by Marinus, Melechmessor) won the
strong castle of Mergath from the Hospitallers. He much
loved and was very bountiful to the Carmelites, who lived
dispersed in Syria : but afterwards he banished them out of
his country [1285], because they altered their habit, and
wore white coats at the appointment of Pope Honorius ; the
Turks being generally enemies to innovations, and loving
constancy [in old customs. Nor was this any mishap but
an advantage to the Carmelites, to lose their dwellings in
Syria, and gain better in Europe, where they planted them-
selves in the fattest places : so that he who knoweth not to
choose good ground, let him find out a house of the Car-
melites (a mark that faileth not) for his direction.
1289.] Alphir was next to Melechsaites, otherwise called
Elsi. He, perceiving that now or never was the time finally
to expel the Christians out of Palestine, whilst the princes
in Europe were in civil wars, besieged and won Tripoli,
Sidon, Berytus, and Tyre, beating them down to the
ground, but suffering the inhabitants on some conditions to
depart. Nothing now was left but Ptolemais: which
1 Vide Calvisium in anno 1277, et Magdeburg. Cent. 13.
a Magdeburg. Cent. 13. cap. l6,col. 701.
238 THE HISTORY OF A.D.1289
Alphir would not presently besiege, lest he should draw the
Christians in Europe upon him ; but concluded a peace for
five years with the Venetians, as not willing wholly to exas-
perate them, by winning all from them at once, and thinking
this bitter potion would be better swallowed by them at two
several draughts.
Meantime Ptolemais was in a woful condition. In it
were some of all countries ; so that he who had lost his na-
tion might find it here. Most of them had several courts to
decide their causes in ; and the plenty of judges caused the
scarcity of justice, malefactors appealing to a trial in the
courts of their own country. It was sufficient innocency
for any offender in the Venetian court, that he was a Ve-
netian. Personal acts were intituled national, and made
the cause of the country. Outrages were every where prac-
tised, no where punished ; as if to spare divine revenge the
pains of overtaking them, they would go forth and meet it.
At the same time, there were in fitters about prosecuting
their titles to this city, no fewer than the Venetians, Genoans,
Pisans, Florentines, the 'kings of Cyprus and Sicily, the
agents for the kings of France and England, the princes oi
Tripoli and Antioch, the patriarch of Jerusalem, the masters
of the Templars and Hospitallers, and (whom I should
have named first) the legate of his holiness, all at once with
much violence contending about the right of right nothing,
the title to the kingdom of Jerusalem, and command of this
city ; like bees, making the greatest humming and buzzing
in the hive, when now ready to leave it.
CHAP. XXXIII. Ptolemais besieged, and taken by
Sultan Serapha.
TT/'ITHIN the city were many voluntaries lately come
W over, five hundred whereof were of the pope's
furnishing. But belike he failed afterwards in his payment
to them, the golden tide flowing not so fast out as into his
holiness's coffers. The soldiers being not paid, according
to their blunt manners, would pay themselves; and,
marching out, pillaged the country contrary to the truce :
Sultan Serapha (who succeeded Alphir) demanding resti-
tution, is denied, and his ambassadors ill entreated.
1290.] Hereupon he sitteth down before the city with six
hundred thousand men. But we are not bound to believe
that Alexander's soldiers were so big as their shields speak
them, which they left in India, nor Asian armies so nu-
merous as they are reported. Allow the Turks' dominions
A.D. 1290 THE HOLY WAR. 239
spacious and populous, and that they rather drained than
chose soldiers ; yet we had best credit the most niggardly
writers, which make them a hundred and fifty thousand.
Serapha resolveth to take it, conceiving so convenient a
purchase could not be over-bought : the place, though not
great, yet was a mote in the eye of the Turkish empire, and
therefore pained them.
Peter Belvise master of the Templars, a valiant captain,
had the command of the city assigned him by general con-
sent. He encouraged the Christians to be valiant, not like
prodigal heirs to lose this city for nothing which cost their
grandfathers so much blood; at least let them give one
blaze of valour ere their candle went out. How should
they show their friends their faces, if they showed their foes
their backs ! Let them fight it out manfully ; that so, if
forced at last to surrender it, they might rather be pitied
for want of fortune, than justly blamed for lack of valour.
And now Ptolemais,being to wrestle her last fall, stripped
herself of all cumbersome clothes : women, children, aged
persons, weak folks (all such hindering help, and mouths
without arms), were sent away; and twelve thousand re-
mained, conceived competent to make good the place.
Serapha marcheth up furiously ; his men assault the city,
with open jaws ready to devour it, had not their mouths
been stopped with the artillery the Christians shot at them.
Back they were beaten, and many a Turk slain. But
Serapha was no whit sensible thereof: who willingly would
lose a thousand men in a morning for a breakfast, double
so many at a dinner, and continue this costly ordinary for
some days together; yea, in spite, he would spend an ounce
of Turkish blood, to draw a drop of Christian.
In this conflict Peter Belvise was slain with a poisoned
arrow : a loss above grieving for. Many were strong in
desiring the honour, who were weak to discharge the office.
But the worst mischief was, the Christians were divided
amongst themselves, and neglected to defend the city, con-
ceiving that though that was taken, yet every particular
nation could defend itself, having their buildings severally
fortified : and this dangerous fancy took off their thoughts
from the public good, and fixed them on their private ends.
Meantime, the patriarch of Jerusalem, and others (some
name with them Henry king of Jerusalem and Cyprus),
more seeking their safety than honour, secretly fled (with
their bodies after their hearts) out of the city ; and some of
them, shunning a noble death, fell on a base end, being
240 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1291
drowned in the sea. Their cowardliness is imputed by some
authors to all the rest ; whereas it appeareth on the contrary,
they most valiantly behaved themselves.
1291.] At last, the Turks entered the city by undermining
the walls, and conceived their work now done, when it
was new begun. For they found Ptolemais not a city
but a heap of cities thrown together; wherein the people of
every country so fenced themselves in their several forts,
that they powdered the Turks with their shot when they
entered the streets. It is hardly to be paralleled in any
siege, that a taken city was so long before it was taken ; for
it held out fifty days; and the Knights-hospitallers made
good their castle for two whole months together 1 . But,
alas ! as the several parts of Insecta being cut asunder may
wriggle and stir for a while, not live long ; so these divided
limbs could not long subsist, and at last most of them were
slain.
Yet was it a bloody victory to the Turks; most of them
that entered the city being either burned with fire, or killed
with arrows, or smothered with the fall of towers, the very
ruins (as thirsty of revenge) killing those that ruined them.
Serapha evened all to the ground, and (lest the Christians
should ever after land here) demolished all buildings ; the
Turks holding this position, that the best way to be rid of
such vermin is to shave the hair clean off, and to destroy
all places wherein they may nestle themselves.
Some say, he ploughed the ground whereon the city stood,
and sowed it with corn : but an eyewitness affirmeth% that
still there remain magnificent ruins, seeming rather wholly
to consist of divers conjoined castles, than any way inter-
mingled with private dwellings.
No fewer than a hundred thousand Latin Christians (all
that were left in Syria) fled at this time into Cyprus. It is
strange what is reported, that above five hundred matrons
and virgins of noble blood, standing upon the shore of
Ptolemais, and having all their richest jewels with them,
cried out with lamentable voice, and proffered to any
mariner that would undertake safely to land them any where,
all their wealth for his hire, and also that he should choose
any one of them for his wife. Then a certain mariner came,
and transporting them all freely, safely landed them in
Cyprus; nor by any inquiry could it after be known (when
1 Lampad. Mellif. Hist, part 3, p. 313.
2 Sand. Trav. p. 204.
A. D. 1291 THE HOLY WAR. 241
he was sought for to receive his hire) who this mariner was,
nor whither he went 3 .
The Hospitallers for haste were fain to leave their treasure
behind them, and hide it in a vault ; which, being made
known from time to time to their successors, was fetched
from thence by the galleys of Malta, about three hundred
years afterwards 4 .
Henry king of Cyprus, to his great cost and greater com-
mendation, gave free entertainment to all pilgrims that fled
hither, till such time as they could be transported to their
own countries ; and thanks was all the shot expected of
these guests at their departure.
Thus after a hundred ninety and four years ended the
Holy War ; for continuance the longest, for money spent the
costliest, for bloodshed the cruelest, for pretences the most
pious, for the true intent the most politic the world ever
saw. And at this day, the Turks, to spare the Christians
their pains of coming so long a journey to Palestine, have
done them the unwelcome courtesy to come more than half
the way to give them a meeting.
3 Lampad. p. 312. 4 Sand. Trav. p. 204.
BOOK V. (SUPPLEMENT).
CHAP. I. The Executing of the Templars in France.
MY task is done. Whatsoever remaineth is voluntary
and over-measure, only to hem the end of our his-
tory that it ravel not out : as to show what became of the
Templars, the Teutonic order, and the Hospitallers ; what
were the hinderances of this war ; what nation best deserved
in it ; what offers were afterwards made to recover Jeru-
salem ; by how many challengers that title at this day is
claimed ; what is the present strength of Jerusalem ; what
hope to regain it; with some other passages which offer
attendance on these principal heads.
Know then, some nineteen years after the Christians had
lost all in Palestine, the Templars, by the cruel deed of Pope
Clement V., and foul fact of Philip the Fair king of France,
were finally extirpated out of all Christendom [1310J 1 .
The history thereof is but in twilight, not clearly delivered,
but darkened with many doubts and difficulties : we must
pick out letters and syllables here and there as well as we
may ; all which put together spell thus much.
Pope Clement, having long sojourned in France, had
received many real courtesies from Philip the king ; yea,
he owed little less than himself to him. At last, Philip
requested of him a boon, great enough for a king to ask
and a pope to grant : namely, all the lands of the Knights
Templars through France, forfeited by reason of their
horrible heresies and licentious living. The pope was
willing to gratify him in some good proportion for his
favours received (as thankfulness is always the badge of a
good nature), and therefore being thus long the king's guest,
he gave him the Templars' lands and goods to pay for his
entertainment.
On a sudden all the Templars in France they clapped into
prison, wisely catching those lions in a net, which, had
1 Sabellicus, Enn. 9, lib. 7. Platina, in Vita Clem. V.
A. D. 1310 THE HOLY WAR. 243
they been fairly hunted to death, would have made their
part good with all the dogs in France. Damnable sins
were laid to their charge ; as, sacrificing of men to an idol
they worshiped, roasting of a Templar's bastard and
drinking his blood, spitting upon the cross of Christ,
conspiring with Turks and Saracens against Christianity,
sodomy, bestiality, with many other villanies out of the
road of human corruption, and as far from man's nature as
God's law.
Well, the Templars thus shut in prison, their crimes
were half proved. The sole witness against them was one
of their own order, a notorious malefactor ; who at the same
time being in prison and to suffer for his own offences,
condemned by the master of their order, sought to prove
his own innocency by charging all his own order to be
guilty. And his case standing thus, he must either kill or
be killed, die or put others to death, he would be sure to
provide water enough to drive the mill, and swore most
heartily to whatsoever was objected against the order.
Besides, the Templars, being brought upon the rack, con-
fessed the accusations to be true wherewith they were
charged. Hereupon all the Templars through France
were most cruelly burned to death at a stake, with James
the grand master of their order.
CHAP. II. Arguments produced on either Side, both for
the Innocency and Guiltiness of the Templars.
THERE is scarce a harder question in later history than
this : whether the Templars justly or unjustly were
condemned to suffer. On the one side it is dangerous to
affirm they were innocent, because condemned by the pope,
infallible in matters of such consequence. This bugbear
affrighteth many, and maketh their hands shake when they
write hereof. If they should say the Templars were burned
wrongfully, they may be fetched over the coals themselves
for charging his holiness so deeply ; yea, hereby they bring
so much innocent blood on the pope's head as is enough
to drown him ; some therefore in this matter know little,
and dare speak less, for fear of afterclaps. Secondly, some
who suspect that one eye of the church may be dim, yet
hold that both the eyes, the pope and general council
together, cannot be deceived.
Now the council of Vienne countenanced the extirpation
of the Templars, determined the dissolution of their order,
244 THE HISTORY OF A.D. 1310
and adjudged their lands to be conferred to the Knights-
hospitallers. Men ought then to be well advised how they
condemn a general council to be accessory post factum to
the murder of so many men.
For all this, those who dare not hollow do whisper on
the other side, accounting the Templars not malefactors but
martyrs : first, because the witness was insufficient, a
malefactor against his judge; and secondly, they bring
tortured men against themselves. Yea, there want not
those that maintain that a confession extorted on the rack
is of no validity. If they be weak men and unable to
endure torment, they will speak any thing ; and in this
case their words are endited not from their heart but out-
ward limbs that are in pain ; and a poor conquest it is, to
make either the hand of a child to beat or the tongue of
the tortured man to accuse himself. If they be sturdy and
stubborn, whose backs are paved against torments, such as
bring brazen sides against steely whips, they will confess
nothing. And though these Templars were stout and
valiant men, yet it is to be commended to one's considera-
tion, whether slavish and servile souls will not better bear
torment, than generous spirits, who are for the enduring of
honourable danger and speedy death, but not provided for
torment, which they are not acquainted with, neither is it
the proper object of valour.
Again, it is produced in their behalf, that being burned
at the stake, they denied it at their death, though formerly
they had confessed it ; and whose charity, if not stark-blind,
will not be so tender-eyed as to believe that they would not
breathe out their soul with a lie, and wilfully contract a
new guilt in that very instant wherein they were to be
arraigned before the Judge of heaven. A Templar being
to be burned at Bourdeaux, and seeing the pope and King
Philip looking out at a window, cried unto them, " Clement
thou cruel tyrant, seeing there is no higher amongst mortal
men to whom I should appeal for my unjust death, I cite
thee together with King Philip to the tribunal of Christ,
the just Judge who redeemed me, there both to appear
within one year and a day, w T here I will lay open my cause,
and justice shall be done without any by-respect 1 ." In like
manner, James grand master of the Templars, though by
piecemeal he was tortured to death, craved pardon of God,
and those of his order, that forced by extremity of pain on
1 Hospin. De Orig. Mon. cap. 18, p. 193.
A. D. 1310 THE HOLY WAR. 245
the rack, and allured with hope of life, he had accused
them of such damnable sins, whereof they were innocent*.
Moreover, the people with their suffrage acquitted them :
happy was he that could get a handful of their ashes into
his bosom, as the relic of pious martyrs, to preserve. In-
deed little heed is to be given to people's humours ; whose
judgment is nothing but prejudice and passion, and com-
monly envy all in prosperity, pity all in adversity, though
often both undeservedly: and we may believe that the
beholding of the Templars' torments when they were burned,
wrought in the people first a commiserating of their per-
sons, and so by degrees a justifying of their cause. How-
ever vulgus non semper errat, aliquando eligit : and though
it matters little for the gales of a private man's fancy, yet
it is something when the wind bloweth from all corners :
and true it is, they were generally cried up for innocents.
Lastly, Pope Clement and King Philip were within the
time prefixed summoned by death to answer to God for
what they had done. And though it is bad to be busy
with God's secrets, yet an argument drawn from the event,
especially when it goeth in company with others, as it is
not much to be depended on, so it is not wholly to be
neglected. Besides, King Philip missed of his expectation,
and the morsel fell beside his mouth ; for the lands of the
Templars, which were first granted to him as a portion for
his youngest son, were afterwards, by the council of Vienne,
bestowed on the Knights-hospitallers.
CHAP. III. A moderate Way what is to be conceived of
the Suppression of the Templars.
BETWIXT the two extremities of those that count these
Templars either malefactors or martyrs, some find a
middle way ; whose verdict we will parcel into these
several particulars.
1. No doubt there were many novices and punies
amongst them, newly admitted into their order; which, if
at all, were little guilty ; for none can be fledged in wicked-
ness at their first hatching : to these much mercy belonged :
the punishing of others might have been an admonition to
them ; and cruelty it was, where there were degrees of
offences, to inflict the same punishment, and to put all of
them to death.
2. Surely many of them were most heinous offenders.
2 P. ^Emil. in Philippe Pulchro.
246 THE HISTORY OF A. D. 1310
Not to speak what they deserved from God (who needeth not
pick a quarrel with man, but always hath a just controversy
with him), they are accounted notorious transgressors of
human laws; yet perchance if the same candle had been
lighted to search, as much dust and dirt might have been
found in other orders.
3. They are conceived in general to be guiltless and
innocent from those damnable sins wherewith they were
charged * ; which heinous offences were laid against them,
either because men out of modesty and holy horror should
be ashamed and afraid to dive deep in searching the ground-
work and bottom of these accusations, but rather take them
to be true on the credit of the accusers ; or that the world
might the more easily be induced to believe the crimes
objected to be true, as conceiving otherwise none would be
so devilish as to lay such devilish oifences to their charge ; .
or lastly, if the crimes were not believed in the total sum,
yet if credited in some competent portion, the least parti-
cular should be enough to do the deed, and to make them
odious in the world.
4. The chief cause of their ruin was their extraordinary
wealth : they were feared of many, envied of more, loved
of none. As Naboth's vineyard was the chiefest ground
for his blasphemy, and as, in England, Sir John Cornwall
Lord Fanhop said merrily, that not he, but his stately
house at Ampthill in Bedfordshire, was guilty of high
treason 2 ; so certainly their wealth was the principal evi-
dence against them, and cause of their overthrow. It is
quarrel and cause enough, to bring a sheep that is fat to the
shambles. We may believe King Philip would never have
took away their lives if he might have took their lands
without putting them to death ; but the mischief was,, he
could not get the honey unless he burned the bees.
Some will say, the Hospitallers had great, yea, greater
revenues, nineteen thousand manors to the Templars' nine
thousand; yet none envied their wealth. It is true: but
then they busied themselves in defending of Christendom,
maintaining the island of Rhodes against the Turks, as the
Teutonic order defended Prussia against the Tartarian ; the
world therefore never grudged them great wages who did
good work. These were accounted necessary members of
Christendom, the Templars esteemed but a superfluous
1 Urspergens. Paralip. p. 368. Antoninus, tit. 21, cap. 1, $ 3.
2 Canulen's Brit, in Bedfordshire.
A. D. 1311 THE HOLY WAR. 247
wen; they lay at rack and manger, and did nothing : who
had they betook themselves to any honourable employment,
to take the Turks to task either in Europe or Asia, their
happiness had been less repined at, and their overthrow
more lamented. And certain it is, that this their idleness
disposed them for other vices ; as standing waters are most
subject to putrefy.
I hear one bird 3 sing a different note from all the rest in
the wood ; namely, that what specious shows soever were
pretended, the true cause of their ruin was, that they began
to desert the pope and adhere to the emperor. If this was
true, no doubt, they were deeply guilty, and deserved the
hard measure they suffered. Sure I am, however at this
time they might turn edge, they had formerly been true
blades for his holiness.
All Europe followed the copy that France had set them.
Here in England King Edward, the second of that name,
suppressed the order, and put them to death ; so by virtue
of a writ sent from him to Sir John Wogan, lord chief
justice in Ireland, were they served there ; and such was
the secrecy of the contrivance of the business, that the
storm fell upon them before they saw it, and all crannies
were so closely stopped that none could steal a glimpse of
the mischief intended against them.
1311.] In Germany they found some mercy and milder
dealing ; for Hugh Wildgrave coming with twenty of his
order all in armour into a council of Dutch bishops, who
intended to execute the sentence of the pope upon them,
there protested his innocency, and appealed to the next
pope who should succeed Clement, as to his competent
judge 4 . Hereupon their lives were spared ; only they
were forced to renounce the name of Templars, and to
enter themselves into other orders, chiefly of Hospitallers
and Teutonics, on whom their lands were bestowed. We
will conclude all with that resolution of a brace of Spanish
writers 5 , who make this epilogue to this woful tragedy:
Concerning these Templars, whether they were guilty or
not, let us suspend our censure till the day of judgment;
and then, and no sooner, shall we certainly be informed
therein.
3 Joach. Stephanus, De Jurisdictione, lib. 4, cap. 10, 18.
4 Hospin. De Orig. Mon. cap. 18, p. 193.
* Hieronimo Romano, De la Republica Christ, lib. 7, cap.
6 ; et Pero Mexya, De la Silva de varia licion, lib. 2, cap. 5.
248 THE HISTORY OF
CHAP. IV. Of the Teutonic Order; when they left Pales-
tine, and on what Conditions they were entertained in
Prussia. Their Order at last dissolved.
FREQUENT mention hath been formerly made of the
Teutonic order, or that of Dutch knights, who behaved
themselves right valiantly clean through the holy war ; and,
which soundeth much to their honour, they cannot be
touched either for treason or faction, but were both loyal
and peaceable in the whole service.
But at last they perceived, that by the course of the
cards they must needs rise losers if they continued the war
in the Holy Land, and even resolved to abandon it. It
happened at the same time that Conrad duke of Masovia
offered them most honourable conditions ; namely, the
enjoying of Prussia, on condition they would defend it
against the infidels who annoyed it. Indeed the fratres
gladiferi, or sword-bearing brothers, brave slashing lads,
undertook the task ; but, finding either their arms too weak
or swords too blunt to strike through their enemies, they
employed the aid of and conjoined themselves to this
Teutonic order. Hereupon, in the year of our Lord 1239,
Hermannus de Saltza, fourth master of these Dutch knights,
came with most of his order into Prussia ; yet so that he
left a competent number of them still in Palestine, which
continued and did good service there even to the taking of
Ptolemais.
But the greater number of the Dutch knights, in Prussia,
did knight-service against the Tartarians, and were Christen-
dom's best bank against the inundations of those barbarous
people. By their endeavours the Prussians, who before
were but heathen Christians, were wholly converted ; many
a brave city builded, specially Marienburg, where formerly
a great oak stood (who would think so many beautiful
buildings would spring out of the root of one tree ?) and
those countries of Prussia and Livonia, which formerly
were the coarse list, are now become the rich fringe of
Europe.
At last the Prussians grew weary of the tyrannous op-
pression of those Dutch knights (as appeareth by the
grievances they presented), and applied themselves to
Casimire king of Poland. He took to task Louis Erlinfuse
the master of their order ; and so ordered him, that whereas
before he pleaded himself to be a free prince of the empire,
hereafter he should acknowledge the king of Poland for his
THE HOLY WAR. 249
lord and master. The successors to this Louis fretted
against this agreement, as prejudicial to them ; they could
do no less than complain, and could do little more ; for
the king of Poland, in spite of their resistance, held them to
their agreements.
Albert of the house of Brandenburg was the last grand
master of this order, and first duke of Prussia. He brake
the vow of their order, losing his virginity to keep his
chastity, and married Dorothy daughter to the king of
Denmark. The other Teutonics protested against him,
and chose Gualther Croneberg in his room : yea, Albert
was proscribed in a diet in Germany, and his goods confis-
cated, but the proscription never executed, the emperor of
Germany being the same time employed in matters of
greater moment which more nearly concerned himself.
And thus in this Albert, for aught we can find to the
contrary, the Teutonic order had its end, and was quite
dissolved.
CHAP. V. The several Flitting* of the Knights-hospitallers,
from Cyprus, by Rhodes, Nice, Syracuse, to Malta.
WE must now wait on the Hospitallers to their lodg-
ings, and we have done. We left them driven
from Ptolemais, and landed at Cyprus ; where King Henry
courteously entertained them. But a friend's house is no
home ; hence therefore they were conveyed to their several
alberges in Europe.
But such active spirits could not long be idle ; such
running streams would not end in a standing pond. Where-
fore they used all their own strength, and improved their
interest with all their benefactors, to furnish out a fleet;
which done, under Fulk de Vilderet their grand master
they won the island of Rhodes from the Turks eighteen
years after Ptolemais was lost, and there seated them-
selves.
Besides Rhodes, they also enjoyed these five adjacent
islands, saith my author, Nicoria, Episcopia, lolli, Limonia,
and Sirana; places so small, that consulting with maps
will not find them out: enough almost to make us think
with Tertullian of Delos, that once there were such islands,
which at this day are quite vanished away.
Two hundred and fourteen years, to the terror of the
Turks, comfort of the Christians, and their own immortal
fame, they maintained this island, and secured the seas for
the passage of pilgrims to Jerusalem; till at last in the
250 THE HISTORY OF
year 1523, after six months' siege, they surrendered the
city, to their own honour, and shame of other Christians
who sent them no succour in season.
Yet changing their place they kept their resolution to be
honourably employed. Hence they sailed to Nice in
Piedmont, a city lying opposite to Africa, from whence the
Moors and Saracens much infested Christendom. Where-
fore Charles duke of Savoy bestowed that city upon them
to defend it; counting the courtesy rather done to him
than by him, that they would accept it.
Afterwards, they perceived it was more needful to stop
the Turks' invasions than their pillagings : they had lately
won Buda, and (as it was thought) would quickly stride
over the Adriatic Sea, and have at Italy. Wherefore the
Hospitallers left Nice, and planted themselves at Syracuse
in Sicily ; where they right valiantly behaved themselves
in defending that country.
But Charles V., a politic prince, though he saw their
help was useful, yet desired not much to have them live in
his own country. He liked their neighbourhood better
than their presence, to have them rather near than in his
kingdom. Wherefore he appointed them the island oi
Malta to keep for themselves, their grand master only
paying yearly to the king of Spain a falcon in acknowledg-
ment they held it from him '. Loath were the Hospitallers
to leave Sicily, that paradise of pleasure, and went very
unwillingly from it.
Malta is an island in the Midland Sea, seated betwixl
Europe and Africa, as if it meant to escape out of both a?
being in neither. Here St. Paul suffered shipwreck, wher
the viper stung him not, but the men did, condemning hiir
for a murderer z . And here the Hospitallers seated. them-
selves, and are the bulwark of Christendom to this day.
giving daily evident proof of their courage. But thei:
masterpiece was in the year 1565, when they courageously
defended the city of Malta besieged by Solyman ; when h<
discharged seventy-eight thousand bullets (some of then
seven spans in compass) against it, big enough not only t<
overthrow walls but overturn mountains ; yet notwithstand
ing they held out valiantly five months, and at last forcec
the Turk to depart.
These knights of Malta are at this day a good bridle t<
1 Hospin. De Orig. Mon. cap. 17, p. 190.
3 Acts xxviii. 4.
THE HOLY WAR. 251
Tunis and Algiers. I am informed by a good friend 3
(who hath spent much yet lost no time in those parts) that
these knights are bound by vow not to fly from the Turks,
though one man or one galley to four (half which odds
Hercules himself durst not venture on) j but if there be five
to one, it is interpreted wisdom, not cowardliness, to make
away from them : also if a Christian ship wherein there is
a knight of Malta take a Turkish ship, that knight is bound
by his order first to go aboard to enter it. The grand
master of this order hath a great command, and is highly
esteemed of; insomuch that the author of the Catalogue of
the Glory of the World 4 believeth he is to take place next
to absolute kings, above all other temporal princes, even
above kings subject to the empire. Sure he meaneth, if
they will give it him ; otherwise it seemeth improper that
the almsman should take place of his benefactors. Yet
the lord prior of the Hospitallers in England was chief
baron of the realm, and had precedency of all other lords :
and here his order flourished with great pomp till their
final period ; which I now come to relate.
CHAP. VI. The Hospitallers in England stoutly withstand
three several Assaults, which overthrew all other religious
Foundations.
THE suppression of the Hospitallers in England de-
serveth especial notice, because the manner thereof
was different from the dissolving of other religious houses ;
for manfully they stood it out to the last, in despite of
several assaults.
1. Cardinal Wolsey, by leave from the pope, suppressed
certain small houses of little value, therewithal to endow
his colleges in Oxford and Ipswich. He first showed
religious places were mortal, which hitherto had flourished
in a seeming eternity. This leading case of Wolsey's did
pick the mortar out of all the abbey-walls in England, and
made a breach in their strongest gate-houses, teaching
covelousness (an apt scholar) a ready way to assault them
(for it is the dedication, not the value of the thing dedicated,
stampeth a character of sacredness upon it). And King
Henry VIII. concluded, if the cardinal might eat up the lean
convents he himself might feed on the fat ones, without
danger of a sacrilegious surfeit. True it is, Wolsey not
3 Mr. Gr. Gibs, of St. Perrot, Dorset.
4 Cassanseus, part 9, considerat. 4.
252 THE HISTORY OF
wholly but in part alienated the lands of these petty houses
reserving them still to the general end of pious uses : bu
the king followed this pattern so far as it was for his purpose
and neglected the rest.
2. For not long-after, the parliament granted him al
religious houses of and under the value of two hundrec
pounds yearly 1 : and it was thought, that above ter
thousand persons, masters and servants, lost their liveli-
hoods by the demolishing of them. And for an introductior
to the suppression of all the residue, he had a strai
watch set upon them, and the regulars therein tied to
strict and punctual observation of their orders without an)
relaxation of the least liberty; insomuch that many did
quickly unnun and disfriar themselves, whose sides, for
merly used to go loose, were soon galled with strait lacing
3. Then followed the grand dissolution or judgment-da}
on the world of abbeys remaining; which, of what valu
soever, were seized into the king's hands. The Lord Crom
well, one of excellent parts but mean parentage, came from
the forge to be the hammer to maul all abbeys. Whose
magnificent ruins may lesson the beholders, that it is nol
the firmness of the stone nor fastness of the mortar maketh
strong walls, but the integrity of the inhabitants. For in-
deed foul matters were proved against some of them, as
sodomy and much uncleanness: whereupon, unwillingly
willing, they resigned their goods and persons to the king's
mercy. But the Knights-hospitallers (whose chief mansior
was at St. John's, nigh London), being gentlemen and soldiers
of ancient families and high spirits, would not be brought
to present the king such puling petitions and public recog-
nitions of their errors as other orders had done. The)
complained it was a false consequence, as far from oharit)
as logic, from the induction of some particular delinquent:
to infer the guiltiness of all religious persons. Wherefor*
like stout fellows they opposed any that thought to enricl
themselves with their ample revenues, and stood on thei
own defence and justification.
CHAP. VII. The Hospitallers at last got on an Advantag
and suppressed.
BUT Barnabas' day itself hath a night; and this long
lived order, which in England went over the graves
of all others, came at last to its own.
They were suffered to have rope enough, till they liai
1 Statut. in 27 Henry V11I.
THE HOLY WAR. 253
laltered themselves in apramunire : for they still continued
heir obedience to the pope, contrary to their allegiance,
vhose usurped authority was banished out of the land * ;
ind so (though their lives otherwise could not be impeached
or any viciousness) they were brought within the compass
)f the law. The case thus standing, their dear friends per-
uaded them to submit to the king's mercy, and not to
apitulate with him on conditions, nor to stop his favour by
heir own obstinacy, but yield whilst as yet terms honest
md honourable would be freely given them : that such was
he irresistibleness of the king's spirit, that like a torrent it
nvould bear down any thing which stood betwixt him and
lis desires; if his anger were once inflamed, nothing but
heir blood could quench it: let them not flatter themselves
nto their own ruin, by relying on the aid of their friends at
lome, who would not substitute their own necks to save
heirs from the axe ; nor by hoping for help from foreign
parts, who could send them no seasonable succour.
This counsel, harsh at first, grew tunable in the ears of the
Hospitallers; so that, contented rather to exchange their
clothes for worse than to be quite stripped, they resigned
all into the king's hands. He allowed to Sir William
Weston, lord prior of the order, an annual pension of one
ihousand pounds : but he received never a penny thereof,
but died instantly 2 - [May 7, 1540], struck to the heart
when he first heard of the dissolution of his priory : and
lieth buried in the chancel of Clerkenwell, with the por-
traiture of a dead man lying on his shroud, the most arti-
ficially cut in stone (saith my author 3 ) that ever man beheld.
Others had rent assigned them of two hundred, one hundred,
eighty, sixty, fifty, twenty, ten pounds, according to their
several qualities and deserts.
At the same time justs and tournaments were held at
Westminster; wherein the challengers against all comers
were Sir John Dudley, Sir Thomas Seymour, Sir Thomas
Poinings, Sir George Carew, knights ; Antony Kingstone,
and Richard Cromwell, esquires; to each of whom, for re-
ward of their valour, the king gave a hundred marks of yearly
revenues, and a house to dwell in, to them and their heirs,
out of the lands belonging to these Hospitallers. And at
this time many had Danae's happiness, to have golden
showers rained into their bosoms.
These abbey-lands, though skittish mares to some, have
1 Parlam. anno 32 Hen. VIII. 3 Weaver, Mon. p. 114.
3 Idem, p. 430
254 THE HISTORY OF
given good milk to others : which is produced as an argu-
ment, that if they prove unsuccessful to any, it is the user's
default, no inherency of a curse in the things themselves.
But let one keep an exact register of lands, and mark their
motions, how they ebb and flow betwixt buyers and sellers,
and surely he will say with the poet, 'Ou^svo? aXXa TU^?.
And this is most sure ; let land be held in ever so good a
tenure, it will never be held by an unthrift.
The Hospitallers' priory church was preserved from
downpulling all the days of King Henry VIII. : but in the
third year of King Edward VI., with the bell-tower (a
piece of curious workmanship, graven, gilt, and enamelled)
it was undermined and blown up with gunpowder, and the
stone employed in building the lord protector's house in the
Strand*.
Thus as chirurgeons, in cutting off a gangrened leg,
always cut it off above the joint, even where the flesh is
whole and sound ; so (belike for fear of further infection) to
banish monkery for ever, they razed the structures and harm-
less buildings of priories, which otherwise in themselves
were void of any offence. They feared if abbeys were only
left in a swoon, the pope would soon get hot water to recover
them : to prevent which, they killed them and killed them
again, overturning the very foundation of the houses, in-
fringing, altering, and transferring the lands, that they might
never be reduced to their old property. Some outrages
were committed in the manner of these dissolutions: many
manuscripts, guilty of no other superstition than red letters
in the front, were condemned to the fire : and here a prin-
cipal key of antiquity was lost, to the great prejudice of
posterity. But in sudden alterations it is not to be ex-
pected that all things be done by the square and com-
pass.
CHAP. VIII. Queen Mary setteth up the Hospitalkrs
again ; they are again deposed by Queen Elizabeth.
QUEEN Mary (a princess more zealous than politic)!
attempted to restore abbeys to their pristine estate and
former glory ; and though certain of her counsellors ob-
jected, that the state of her kingdom, and dignity thereof,
and her crown imperial, could not honourably be furnished
and maintained without the possession of abbey-land ; yet
she frankly restored, resigned, and confirmed by parliament
4 Stow.
THE HOLY WAR. 255
ill ecclesiastical revenues which, by the authority of that
high court in the days of her father, were annexed to the
crown, protesting, she set more by her salvation than by
ten kingdoms 1 .
But the nobility followed not her example: they had
eaten up the abbey-lands, and now after twenty years' pos-
session digested and turned them into good blood in their
estates : they were loath therefore to empty their veins again ;
and the forwardest Romanist was backward enough in this
costly piece of devotion.
However, out of her own liberality, she set up two or
three bankrupt convents, as Sion and Westminster, and
jave them stock to trade with. The knights also of St. John
)f Jerusalem she reseated in their place ; and Sir Thomas
Tresham, of Rushton in Northamptonshire, was the first and
ast lord prior after their restitution : for their nests were
)lucked down before they were warm in them, by the
coming in of Queen Elizabeth.
To conclude : in the founders of religious houses were
some good intents mixed with superstitious ends; amongst
the religious persons themselves, some piety, more looseness
and laziness ; in the confounders of those houses, some de-
.estation of the vices of friars, more desire of the wealth of
riaries; in God, all just, all righteous, in permitting the
>adness and causing the destruction of these numerous
raternities.
CHAP. IX. Observations on the Holy War. The horrible
Superstition therein.
WE have finished the story of the holy war: and now
I conceive my indentures are cancelled, and I dis-
:harged from the strict service and ties of an historian ; so
hat it may be lawful for me to take more liberty, and to
nake some observations on what hath been passed.
Before I go further, I must deplore the world's loss of
hat worthy work which the Lord Verulam left unfinished,
joncerning the holy war ; an excellent piece, and, alas ! it
s but a piece : so that in a pardonable discontent we may
ilmost wish that either it had been more, wholly to have
atisfied our hunger, or less, not at all to have raised our
ippetite. It was begun not in an historical but in a politic
vay, not reporting the holy war passed with the Turks, but
idvising how to manage it in the future. And no doubt if
1 Parlam. anno 2 et 3 Phil, et Mariae.
256 THE HISTORY OF
he had perfected the work, it would have proved worthy the
author; but since, any have been deterred from finishing
the same; as ashamed to add mud walls and a thatched
roof to so fair a foundation of hewn and polished stone.
From that author we may borrow this distinction, that
three things are necessary to make an invasive war lawful ;
the lawfulness of the jurisdiction, the merit of the cause, and
the orderly and lawful prosecution of the cause. Let us
apply to our present purpose in this holy war : for the first
two, whether the jurisdiction the Christians pretended over
the Turks' dominions was lawful or not ; and, whether this
war was not only opera but vita pretium, worth the losing
so many lives ; we refer the reader to what hath been said
in the first book 1 . Only it will not be amiss, to add a
story or two out of an author of good account 2 . When
Charles VI. was king of France, the duke of Brabant
sailed over into Africa with a great army, there to fight
against the Saracens. The Saracen prince sent a herald
to know of him the cause of his coming : the duke answered,
it was to revenge the death of Christ the son of God, and
true prophet, whom they had unjustly crucified. The
Saracens sent back their messenger again to demonstrate
their innocency, how they were not Saracens but Jews
who put Christ to death, and therefore that the Christians
(if posterity should be punished for their predecessors'
fault), should rather revenge themselves on the Jews who
lived amongst them.
Another relateth 3 , that in the year of our Lord 1453, the
great Turk sent a letter to the pope, advertising him how
he and his Turkish nation were not descended from the
Jews, but from the Trojans, from whom also the Italians
derive their pedigree, and so would prove himself akin to
his holiness. Moreover he added, that it was both his and
their duty to repair the ruins of Troy, and to revenge the
death of their great grandfather Hector upon the Grecians;
to which end the Turk said he had already conquered a
great part of Greece. As for Christ, he acknowledged him
to have been a noble prophet, and to have been crucified
of the Jews, against whom the Christians might seek their
remedy. These two stories I thought good to insert,
because though of later date, and since the holy war in
1 Chap. 9 and 10.
2 Froissard, lib. 4, cap. 18, 19.
3 Monstrell. lib. 3, cap. 68.
THE HOLY WAR. 257
Palestine was ended, yet they have some reference there-
unto, because some make that our quarrel to the Turks.
But grant the Christians' right to the Turks' lands to be
lawful, and the cause in itself enough deserving to ground
a war upon ; yet, in the prosecuting and managing thereof,
many not only venial errors but inexcusable faults were
committed, no doubt the cause of the ill success.
To omit the book called the Office of our Lady, made
at the beginning of this war, to procure her favourable
assistance in it (a little manual, but full of blasphemies in
folio, thrusting her with importunate superstitions into
God's throne, and forcing on her the glory of her Maker),
superstition not only tainted the rind, but rotted the core of
this whole action. Indeed most of the pottage of that age
tasted of that wild gourd. Yet far be it from us to condemn
all their works to be dross, because debased and allayed
with superstitious intents : no doubt there was a mixture of
much good metal in them, which God the good retiner
knoweth how to sever, and then will crown and reward.
But here we must distinguish betwixt those deeds which
have some superstition in them, and those which in their
nature are wholly superstitious, such as this voyage of
people to Palestine was. For what opinion had they of
themselves herein, who thought that by dying in this war
they did make Christ amends for his death ? as one saith :
which if but a rhetorical flourish, yet doth hyperbolize into
blasphemy. Yea, it was their very judgment, that hereby
they did both merit and supererogate ; and by dying for
the cross, cross the score of their own sins and score up
God for their debtor. Bur this flieth high, and therefore
we leave it for others to follow. Let us look upon pilgrim-
ages in general, and we shall find pilgrims wandering not
so far from their own country as from the judgment of the
ancient fathers.
We will leave our army at home, and only bring forth
our champion : hear what Gregory Nyssen saith 4 , who
lived in the fourth century, in which time voluntary pilgrim-
ages first began ; though before there were necessary pil-
grims, forced to wander from their country by persecution.
Where, saith he, our Lord pronounceth men blessed, he
reckoneth not going to Jerusalem to be amongst those good
deeds which direct to happiness. And afterwards, speaking
* Epist. seu Orat. de iis qui adeunt Hierosol. Edit. Gr. Lat.
Parisiis, 1615.
258 THE HISTORY OF
of the going of single women in those long travels : A
woman, saith he, cannot go such long journeys without a
man to conduct her ; and then whatsoever we may suppose,
whether she hireth a stranger or hath a friend to wait on
her, on neither side can she escape reproof, and keep the
law of continency. Moreover, if there were more divine
grace in the places of Jerusalem, sin would not be so
frequent and customary amongst those that live there : now
there is no kind of uncleanness which there they dare not
commit ; malice, adultery, thefts, idolatry, poisonings,
envies, and slaughters. But you will say unto me, If it be
not worth the pains, why then did you go to Jerusalem?
Let them hear therefore how I defend myself: I was ap-
pointed to go into Arabia to a holy council, held for the
reforming of that church ; and, Arabia being near to Jeru-
salem, I promised those that went with me, that I would
go to Jerusalem to discourse with them who were presi-
dents of the churches there; where matters were in a very
troubled state, and they wanted one to be a mediator in
their discords. We knew that Christ was a man born of
a virgin, before we saw Bethlehem ; we believed his
resurrection from death, before we saw his sepulchre ; we
confessed his ascension into heaven, before we saw Mount
Olivet; but we got so much profit by our journey, that by
comparing them we found our own more holy than those
outward things 5 . Wherefore you that fear God, praise
him in what place you are. Change of place maketh not
God nearer unto us : wheresoever thou art, God will come
to thee, if the inn of thy soul be found such as the Lord
may dwell and walk in thee, &c.
A patron of pilgrimages, not able to void the blow yet
willing to break the stroke of so pregnant and plain a
testimony, thus seeketh to ward it ; that indeed pilgrimages
are unfitting for women, yet fitting for men. But sure God
never appointed such means to heighten devotion necessary
thereunto, whereof the half of mankind (all women) are by
their very creation made incapable.
Secondly, he pleadeth, that it is lawful for secular and
laymen to go on pilgrimages, but not for friars, who lived
recluse in their cells, out of which they were not to come ;
and against such (saith he) is Nyssen's speech directed.
But then, I pray, what was Peter, the leader of this long
dance, but a hermit ? and (if I mistake not) his profession
5 Td //juertpa TU>V t%w iroXii ayiwrtpa.
THE HOLY WAR. 259
was the very dungeon of the monastical prison, the strictest
and severest of all other orders. And though there were
not so many cowls as helmets in this war, yet always was
the holy army well stocked with such cattle ; so that on all
sides it is confessed that the pilgrimages of such persons
were utterly unlawful.
CHAP. X. Of Superstition in Miracles in the Holy War,
ranked into four Sorts.
BESIDES superstition inherent in this holy war, there
was also superstition appendant or annexed thereunto,
in that it was the fruitful mother of many feigned miracles.
Hitherto we have refrained to scatter over our story with
them ; it will not be amiss now to shovel up some of them
in a heap.
One Peter (not the Hermit), found out the lance where-
with Christ was pierced * ; and to approve the truth thereof
against some one who questioned him herein, on Palm
Sunday, taking the lance in his hand, he walked through a
mighty fire without any harm ; but it seemeth he was not
his craft's master, for he died soon after.
An image of our Lady brought from Jerusalem, but set
up near Damascus, began by degrees to be clothed with
flesh % and to put forth breasts of flesh, out of which a
liquor did constantly flow; which liquor the Templars
carried home to their houses, and distributed it to the
pilgrims which came to them, that they might report the
honour thereof through the whole world.
A sultan of Damascus who had but one eye, chanced to
lose the other, and so became stark blind ; when coming
devoutly to this image, though he was a pagan, having
faith in God, and confidence therein, he perfectly was
restored to his sight 3 .
Infinite are the shoals of miracles done by Christ's cross
in Jerusalem; insomuch that my author 4 blamed the
bishop of Aeon, who carried the cross in that battle wherein
it was lost to the Turks, for wearing a corslet ; and there-
fore (saith he) he was justly slain, because his weak faith
relied on means, not on the miraculous protection thereof.
When Conrad landgrave of Thuringia was enrolled in
the Teutonic order to go to the holy war, and received his
benediction (as the fashion was), the Holy Ghost visibly
1 M. Paris, in anno 1099. 2 Jdem.
3 Idem. * Roger Hoveden, in anno 1187.
260 THE HISTORY OF
descended upon him in the shape of fire 5 . The said
Conrad received of God as a boon for his valour in this
service, the rare faculty, that by looking on any man he
could tell whether or no he had committed a mortal sin,
yea, at first sight descry their secret sins 6 .
But the last miracle of our Lady in Palestine is the lady
of all miracles, which was this: In the year 1291, when
the Holy Land was finally subdued by the Turks, the
chamber at Nazareth, wherein the angel Gabriel saluted her
with joyful tidings, was wonderfully transported into Scla-
vonia 7 . That country being unworthy of her divine pre-
sence, it was by the angels carried over into Italy, anno 1 294.
That place also being infested with thieves and pirates, the
angels removed it to the little village of Loretto ; where
this pilgrim chapel resteth itself at this day, and liketh her
entertainment so well, it will travel no further.
But enough ; for fools' meat is unsavoury to the taste of
the wise. I have transgressed already : two instances had
been sufficient (as Noah preserved but two of all unclean
creatures), the rest might be lost without loss, and safely be
drowned in oblivion. However, we may observe these mil-
lions of miracles are reducible to one of these four ranks :
1. Falsely reported, never so much as seemingly done.
Asia, the theatre whereon they were acted, is at a great
distance, and the miracles as far from truth, as the place
from us. And who knoweth not, when a lie is once set on
foot, besides the first founders, it meeteth with many
benefactors, who contribute their charity thereunto?
2. Falsely done, insomuch as at this day they are
sented amongst the Romanists 8 . Who would not laugh
to see the picture of a saint weep? Where one devout
catholic lifteth up his eyes, ten of their wiser sort wag their
head.
3. Truly done, but by the strength of nature. Suppose
one desperately sick, a piece of the cross is applied to him,
he recovereth ; is this a miracle ? Nothing less ; how many
thousands have made an escape after death in a manner
hath arrested them ? As therefore it is sacrilege to father
God's immediate works on natural causes; so it is super-
stition, to entitle natural events to be miraculous.
5 Xauclerus, Gen. 42. 6 Chron. Pruten.
7 Spondanus, in anno 1291.
8 Miracula, si pia utilitate aut necessitate careant, de facto
siispecta sunt et rejicienda. Gerson.
THE HOLY WAR. 26 l
4. Many miracles were ascribed to saints which were
done by Satan. I know it will nonplus his power to work
a true miracle, but I take the word at large ; and indeed
vulgar (not to say human) eyes are too dim to discern
betwixt things wonderful and truly miraculous. Now
Satan, the master juggler, needeth no wires or gins to work
with, being all gins himself; so transcendent is the activity
of a spirit. Nay, may not God give the devil leave to go
beyond himself? it being just with him, that those who
will not have truth their king, and willingly obey it, should
have falsehood their tyrant, to whom their judgment should
be captivated and enslaved.
CHAP. XL The second grand Error in prosecuting the
Holy War, being the Christians notorious breaking their
Faith with Infidels.
NEXT unto superstition, which was deeply inlaid in the
holy war, we may make the Christians' truce-breaking
with the infidels the second cause of their ill success. Yet
never but once did they break promise with the Turks;
which was (as I may say) a constant and continued faith-
breaking, never keeping their word. To omit several
straining of the sinews and unjointing the bones of many a
solemn peace, we will only instance where the neck thereof
was clearly broken asunder.
1. When Godfrey first won Jerusalem, pardon was
proclaimed to all the Turks who yielded themselves; yet
three days after, in cold blood, they were all, without differ-
ence of age or sex, put to the sword.
2. Almerick I. swore, effectually to assist the Saracens
in driving the Turks out of Egypt ; and soon after invaded
Egypt, and warred upon the Turks against his promise.
I know something he pretended herein to defend himself,
but of no validity; and such plausible and curious witty
evasions to avoid perjury, are but the tying of a most
artificial knot in the halter, therewith to strangle one's own
conscience.
3. There was a peace concluded for some time betwixt
King Guy and Saladin; which non obstante, Reinold of
Castile robbed Saladin's own mother ; whereupon followed
the miserable overthrow of the Christians, and taking of
Jerusalem.
4. Our Richard, at his departure from Palestine, made
a firm peace for five years with Saladin, and it stood yet
262 THE HISTORY OF
in force when Henry duke of Saxony, coming with a great
army of new adventurers, invaded the Turkish dominions.
5. Frederick II., emperor, made a truce of ten years
with the sultan of Babylon ; and yet, in despite thereof,
Theobald king of Navarre foraged the country of Gaza, to
the just overthrow of him and his army.
6. Reinold viceroy of Palestine, in the name of Frede-
rick the emperor, and after him our Richard earl of
Cornwall, drew up a firm peace with the said sultan, which
was instantly disturbed and interrupted by the turbulent
Templars.
7. Lastly, the Venetians, in the name of all Christian
princes, concluded a five years' peace with Alphir the
mamaluke prince of Egypt ; yet some voluntaries in Ptole-
mais pillaged and robbed many Saracen merchants about
the city. But pardon them this last fault, we will promise
they shall never do so any more in Palestine, hereupon
losing all they had left there.
And how could safety itself save this people, and bless
this project so blackly blasted with perjury ? As it is
observed of tyrants, where one goeth, ten are sent to the
grave ; so where one truce concluded with the Turks did
naturally expire and determine, many were violently broken
off. A sin so repugnant to all moral honesty, so injurious
to the quiet and peace of the world, so odious in itself, so
scandalous to all men, to dissolve a league when confirmed
by oath (the strongest bond of conscience, the end of
particular strife, the soldier of public peace, the sole
assurance of amity betwixt divers nations, made here
below, but enrolled in his high court whose glorious name
doth sign it) ; a sin, I say, so heinous that God cannot
but must severely punish it. David asketh, " Who shall
rest upon thy holy hill ?" and answereth himself, " He that
sweareth to his neighbour and disappointeth him not,
though it were to his own hinderance "." No wonder then,
though the Christians had no longer abidance in the holy
hill of Palestine (though this, I confess, is but the bark of
the text), driving that trade wherewith none ever thrived,
the breaking of promises ; wherewith one may for a while
fairly spread his train, but he will moult his feathers soon
after.
1 Psalm xv.
THE HOLY WAR. 263
CHAP. XII. Of the tlinderances of the good Success in the
Holy War; whereof the Popes, and Emperors of Greece,
were the two principal.
SO much concerning those l<ssa principia in this holy
war, superstition and perjury, which struck at the root
of it. Come we now to consider many other hinderances,
which abated the good success thereof. Amongst these we
will not be so heretical as to deny the pope's primacy ; but
account him the first cause of their ill success. Such
wounds as we find in his credit, we will neither widen nor
close up ; but even present them to the reader as we found
them. In four respects he baned the Christians' good
speed in this war.
1. He caused most of their truce-breaking with the
Turks, urging men thereunto. Thus Pope Celestine drove
on the Christians against the Turks, whilst as yet the peace
our Richard concluded with them was not expired; and
so many other times also. For, alas ! this was nothing with
his holiness, who, sitting in the temple of God, so far
advanceth himself above God as to dispense with oaths
made sacred by the most holy and high name of God ; and,
professing himself the sole umpire and peacemaker of the
world, doth cut asunder those only sinews which hold peace
together.
2. In that twice the kingdom of Jerusalem was offered
to the Christians, and the pope's legates would not suffer
them to accept it (no doubt, by instructions from their
master, this being to be presumed on, that those his abso-
lute creatures altered not a tittle, but went according to the
copy that was set them) ; once, anno 1219, when Pelagius
the legate refused the free offer of Melechsala ; and the
second time, some thirty years after, when the same boun-
tiful proffer was refused by Odo the pope's legate : for
when the same Melechsala again offered the free resignation
of the whole kingdom of Jerusalem, whereby the same day
great quietness had entered into all Christendom, with the
end of much bloodshed and misery ; the legate, frontose
contradicens, would in no wise receive the conditions
offered 1 .
3. Frederick II., emperor, was possessed of it; when
the pope molested him, and stirred up the Templars against
1 M. Paris, p. 1047. Huic pacis formae ex papae mandate
rebellis erat legatus, et frontose contradhens, &c.
264 THE HISTORY OF
him, as so many needles to prick him when he was to sit
down on the throne.
4. By diverting the pilgrims, and over-titling his own
quarrels to be God's cause ; nothing being more common
with him, than to employ those armies which were levied
for the holy war, in subduing the Albigenses and many
others of his private enemies.
By all these it plainly appeareth, that what fair shows
soever his holiness made, calling councils, appointing le-
gates, providing preachers, proclaiming pardons, to advance
this war ; yet, in very deed, he neither intended nor desired
that the Christians should make a final conquest of Pales-
tine, but be employed in continual conquering it. He
would have this war go on cum decente pausa, fair and
softly: let the Christians now beat the Turks, and then
the Turks beat the Christians; and so let them take their
turns, whilst his private profit went on. For (as we touched
before) to this war the pope condemned all dangerous
persons (especially the emperors of Germany) to be there
employed. As little children are often sent to school, not
so much to learn, as to keep them out of harm's way at
home ; so this careful father sent many of his children to
the holy war, not for any good he knew they would either
do or get there, but it would keep them from worse doing ;
who otherwise would have been paddling in this puddle,
raking in that channel, stirring up questions and controver-
sies unsavoury in the nostrils of his holiness, and perchance
falling into the fire of discord and dissension against their
own father. Indeed at last this war ended itself in despite
of the pope, who no doubt would have driven this web
(weaving and unweaving it, Penelope-like) much longer if
he could ; yet he digested more patiently the ending
thereof, because the net might be taken away when the fish
was already caught, and the war spared now the German
emperor's strength thereby was sufficiently abated in Italy.
Much also this war increased the intracto of the pope's
revenues. Some say, purgatory fire heateth his kitchen ;
they may add, the holy war filled his pot, if not paid for
all his second course. It is land enough, to have the office
of collecting the contributions of all Christendom given to
this war. So much for his great receipts hereby. And as
for what he expended, not too far in the point. If the pope
(saith their law 1 ) thrusteth thousands of souls into hell,
8 Dist. 4O. can. Si papa suae et fraternaj salutis negligeas.
THE HOLY WAR. 265
none may say to him, Why doest thou so? It is presump-
tion then to make him answer for money, who is not ac-
countable for men.
With the pope let the emperors of Greece their jealousy
go, as the second bane of the Christians' success in this war.
These emperors tormented themselves in seeking that they
would have been loath to find, the treachery of the Latins ;
and therefore, to. begin first, used them with all treachery :
whereof largely formerly 3 . And surely, though a cautious
circumspection be commendable in princes, yet, in such
over-fear, they were no less injurious to themselves than to
the western pilgrims. Yea, generally, suspiciousness is as
great an enemy to wisdom, as too much credulity ; it doing
oftentimes as hurtful wrong to friends, as the other doth
receive wrongful hurt from dissemblers.
CHAP. XIII. The third Hinderance, the Equality of the
Undertakers ; the fourth, the Length of the Journey.
THE next cause of their ill success was the discord
arising from the parity of the princes who undertook
this voyage. Many of them could abide no equal ; all, no
superior: so that they had no chief, or rather were all
chiefs; the swarm wanted a master-bee, a supreme com-
mander, who should awe them all into obedience. The
German emperor (though above all) came but seldom, and
was not constant amongst them : the king of Jerusalem
(especially in the declining of the state) was rather slighted
than feared : the pope's legate usurped a superiority, but
was never willingly nor generally obeyed. Surely smaller
forces being united under one command would have been
more effectual in proof (though not so promising in opinion
and fame), than these great armies variously compounded
by associations and leagues, and of the confluence of
princes otherwise unconcurring in their several courses.
Livy writing of that great battle (the critical day of the
world's empire) betwixt Hannibal and Scipio, It is small,
saith he 1 , to speak of, yet of much moment in the matter
itself, that when the armies joined, the shouting of the
Romans was far more great and terrible, as being all of
one voice from the same nation; whilst Hannibal's soldiers'
voices were different and disagreeing, as consisting of
several languages. If such a toy be considerable, and dif-
3 See Book 2, chap. 9, 27. Lib. 30.
266 THE HISTORY OF
fering in tongues lesseneth the terribleness in an army ;
how doth dissenting in hearts and affections abate the force
thereof; and what advantage had the united Turks against
divided Christian princes who managed this war? Had
the emulation betwixt those equal princes only been such
as is the spur of virtue, far from enmity and hateful con-
tention, striving with good deserts to outstrip those who by
the same means sought to attain to the like end ; had it
been mixed with love in regard of the affinity of their affec-
tions and sympathy of their desires, not seeking the ruin of
their competitor, but succouring him in danger; then such
simultates had been both honourable and useful to the ad-
vancing of the holy cause: but, on the other side, their
affections were so violent, and dispositions so crooked, that
emulation in them boiled to hatred, that to malice, which
rested better satisfied with the miserable end of their oppo-.
site partner, than with any trophies deservedly erected to
their own honour. And herein the wars betwixt the
Venetians and Genoans in Syria are too pregnant an in-
stance.
The length of the journey succeedeth as the fourth im-
pediment. There needed no other hinderance to this voyage
than the voyage ; the way was so long. In sensation, the
object must not be over-distant from the sense ; otherwise
Lynceus' eyes may see nothing : so it is requisite in
warlike adventures, that the work be not too far from the
undertakers. Indeed the Romans conquered countries far
from home : but the lands betwixt them were their own,
wherein they refreshed themselves ; and well may one lift a
great weight at arm's end if he hath a rest to stay his elbow
on. So though Spain hath subdued much in the Indies,
yet there they met with none or naked resistance. It fared
not thus with the Christians in this war : by the tediousness
of the journey their strength was exhausted ; they ran dregs
when first they were broached in Syria, and as it were
scattered their powder in presenting, before they came to
discharge.
Frederick Barbarossa wrote a braving letter to Saladin,
reckoning up the several nations in Europe under his com-
mand, and boasting what an army of them he would bring
into Syria. Saladin answered him, that he also ruled over
as many peoples, and told him, that there was no sea which
hindered his men from coming quickly together; whereas,
saith he, you have a great sea, over which with pains and
danger you must pass before you can bring your men
THE HOL Y WAR. 267
hither 1 . Besides, if the Christians shaped their journey by
land, then their miseries in Hungary, Greece, and Asia the
Less, made their land-journey more tedious and troublesome
than if they had gone by sea.
CHAP. XIV. The fifth Impediment, Clergymen being
Captains.
THAT prelates and clergymen were often generals in
this action (as Peter the Hermit, Pelagius the Cardinal,
and many others) was another cause of their ill success ;
for allow them able in their own way, for matter of learning,
yet were they insufficient to manage martial affairs. Many
who in England have learned the French tongue, and
afterwards have gone over into France, have found them-
selves both deaf and dumb in effect, neither hearing to
understand, nor speaking to be understood : they, in like
manner, who frame to themselves in their studies a model
of leading an army, find it as full of errors as rules, when
it cometh to be applied ; and a measure of war taken by
book falleth out either too long or too short, when brought
into the field to be used.
I have heard a story of a great mapmonger, who under-
took to travel over England by help of his maps, without
asking the least direction of any he met. Long he had
not ridden but he met with a non plus ultra, a deep unpass-
able gullet of water, without bridge, ford, or ferry. This
water was as unknown to his Camden's or Speed's maps,
as to himself; because it was neither body nor branch of
any constant river or brook (such as only are visible in
maps), but an extempore water, flowing from the snow
which melted on hills. Worse unexpected accidents sur-
prise those who conceive themselves to have conned all
martial maxims out of authors, and warrant their skill in
war against all events, out of their great reading; when on
the sudden some unwonted occurrent taketh them unpro-
vided, standing amazed till destruction seizeth on them.
Indeed, sometimes such unlooked for chances arrest
even the best and most experienced generals, who have
long been acquainted with war ; nor are they privileged by
all their experience from such casualties, nor are they so
omniscient but that their skill may be posed therewith, a
minute showing sometimes what an age hath not seen
before : but then such aged commanders have this advan-
2 M. Paris, p. 197.
268 THE HISTORY OF
tage, that finding themselves at a fault, they can soonest
know where to beat about and recover it.
Add to the inability the incongruity of prelates going to
fight. True, in defensive wars necessity is their sufficient
dispensation ; but otherwise it is improper. In the battle
against Amalek, Joshua fought; Moses prayed ; the Levites
bare the ark, no office of command in the camp. And
better it had been that Cardinal Columna had been at his
beads, or in his bed, or any where else, than in the camp
in Egypt; where by his indiscreet counsel he brought all
the lives of the Christians into danger.
CHAP. XV. The sixth Hinderance, the Diversity of the
Climate disagreeing with the Bodies of Europe ; and what
weakeneth northern Men going southward.
NOW followeth the diversity of the climate, which
caused the death of many thousands of the Christians,
sweeping them away with horrible plagues and other diseases.
For even as men, when they come into a new corporation,
must pay their fees before they can be freemen thereof and
set up trading therein ; so it always cost the Christians of
Europe a dangerous sickness at least, before they could be
well acquainted with the air and climate of Palestine.
Amongst other diseases, the leprosy was one epidemical
infection which tainted the pilgrims coming thither. This
(though most rife in our Saviour's time, God so ordering it
that Judea was sickest while her physician was nearest) at
this time of the holy war was very dangerous. Hence was
it brought over into England (never before known in this
island), and many lazar-houses erected for the relief of
those infected therewith ; their chief houses were at Burton-
lazars in Leicestershire. I say not, as this disease began
with the holy war in England, so it ended with it : sure
such hath been God's goodness, that few at this day are
afflicted therewith ; and the leprosy of leprosy, I mean
the contagion thereof, in this cold country is much abated.
Many other sicknesses seized on the pilgrims there,
especially in summer. The Turks, like salamanders, could
live in that fiery country, whose scorching our northern
bodies could not endure. Yea, long before I find it observed
by Vitruvius, that they who come cold into hot countries
cannot long subsist, but are dissolved ; whilst those that
change out of hot into cold find not only no distemper and
sickness by the alteration, but also grow more healthful,
THE HOLY WAR. 269
solid, and compacted ; but this perchance is easilier said
than maintained.
But let us not hereupon be disheartened to set on our
southern foes for fear to be impaired, nor they invited to
invade us by hope to be improved. Know, it is not so
much the climate, as bad and unwholesome diet enraging
the climate against us, which unsineweth those northern
nations when they come into the south; which bad diet,
though sometimes necessary for want of better food, yet is
most times voluntary through men's wilful intemperance.
In the Portugal action, anno 1589, more English owed their
calenture to the heat of wine than weather. Why do our
English merchants' bodies fadge well enough in southern
air? why cannot our valour thrive as well there as our
profit; but chiefly for this, that merchants are careful of
themselves, whilst soldiers count it baseness to be thrifty of
their own healths?
Besides, the sins of the south emasculate northern bodies.
In hot countries the sirens of pleasure sing the sweetest,
which quickly ravish our ears unused to such music. But
should we marching southwards observe our health in some
proportion of temperance, and by degrees habituate our-
selves to the climate ; and should we keep our souls from
their sins, no doubt the north might pierce the south as far,
and therein erect as high and long-lasting trophies, as ever
the south did in the north.
Nor must it have admittance without examination into a
judicious breast, what some have observed ; that northern
people never enjoyed any durable settled government in
the south. Experience avoweth they are more happy in
speedy conquering than in long enjoying of countries.
But the first monarch the world ever knew (I mean the
Assyrian) came from the north ; whence he is so often
styled in Scripture, The King of the North ; conquering,
and for many years enjoying, those countries which lie
betwixt him and the sun ; as Chaldea, Mesopotamia, Baby-
lonia, Syria, Egypt ; to speak nothing of the Turks, who
in the dichotomizing of the world fall under the northern
part, and coming out of Scythia at first subdued most
southern countries.
270 THE HISTORY OF
CHAP. XVI. The seventh Impediment, the Viciousness of
the Undertakers.
THUS are we fallen on the next hinderance of success
in this holy war, the viciousness of the undertakers.
But here first we must make an honourable reservation for
many adventures herein, whom we confess most pious and
religious persons. Let us not raise the opinion of our own
piety by trampling on our predecessors, as if this age had
monopolized all goodness to itself. Some, no doubt, most
religious and truly valiant (as fearing nothing but sin),
engaged themselves in this action; of whom I could only
wish, that their zeal herein had either had more light or
less heat. But with these, I say not how many, but too
many, went most wicked people, the causers of the ill
success.
It will be objected, Sanctitas morum hath been made of
some a note of the true church, never the sign of a fortunate
army : look on all armies generally, we shall find them of
the soldier's religion, not troubled with over-much precise-
ness. As our King John said (whether wittily or wickedly
let others judge), that the buck he opened was fat, yet
never heard mass: so many soldiers have been successful
without the least smack of piety ; some such desperate
villains, that fortune (to erroneous judgments) may seem to
have favoured them for fear.
True; but we must not consider these adventurers as
plain and mere soldiers, but as pilgrims and God's army ;
in whom was required, and from whom was expected, more
piety and purity of life and manners than in ordinary men :
whereas, on the contrary, we shall make it appear, that they
were more vicious than the common sort of men. Nor do
we this out of cruelty or wantonness, to wound and mangle
the memory of the dead ; but to anatomize and open their
ulcerous insides, that the dead may teach the living, and
lesson posterity.
Besides those that went, many were either driven or fled
to the Holy Land. Those were driven, who, having commit-
ted some horrible sin in Europe, had this penance imposed
on them, to travel to Jerusalem to expiate their faults 1 .
1 Totura vulgus, tarn casti quam incesti, adulteri, homicidaa,
perjuri, praedones. Albertus Aquensis, Chron. Hierosol. lib.
1, cap. 2. Besoldus, p. 101, ex Brochardo. Malefactor de-
prehensus, homicida, latro, fur, incestuosus, adulter, foriiicator,
THE HOLY WAR. 271
Many a whore was sent thither to find her virginity ; many
a murderer was enjoined to fight in the holy war* to wash
off the guilt of Christian blood by shedding blood of Turks.
The like was in all other offences; malefactors were sent
hither to satisfy for their former wickedness. Now God
forbid we should condemn them, if truly penitents, for
impious. May he who speaketh against penitents, never
have the honour to be one ; since Repentance is the
younger brother to Innocence itself. But we find that
many of them reverted to their former wickedness; they
lost none of their old faults, and got many new, mending
in this hot country as sour ale in summer. Others fled
hither, who having supererogated the gallows in their own
countries by their several misdemeanours, theft, rapes,
incest, murders, to avoid the stroke of justice, protected
themselves under this voyage; and, coming to Palestine,
so profited in those eastern schools of vices, that they
learned to be more artificially wicked. This plainly ap-
peareth, as in sundry other authors, so chiefly in Tyrius,
a witness beyond exception, who often complaineth hereof 1 .
And if we value testimonies rather by the weight than
number, we must credit so grave a man, who writeth it
with grief, and had no doubt as much water in his eyes as
ink in his pen, and surely would be thankful to him that
herein would prove him a liar.
CHAP. XVII. The eighth Hinderance, the Treachery of
the Templars. Of Sacrilege alleged by Baronius, the
came of the ill Success.
ROBERT earl of Artois upbraided the master of the
Templars, that it was the common speech, that the
Holy Land long since had been won, but for the false
collusion of the Templars and Hospitallers with the infidels ;
which words, though proceeding from passion in him, yet
from premeditation in others, not made by him but related,
deserve to be observed the rather, because common reports
(like smoke, seldom but from some fire, never but from
much heat) are generally true. It is not to be denied, but
that both these orders were guilty herein, as "appeareth by
the whole current of the story. Yea, King Almerick fairly
timet a judice condignam pcenam, et transfretat in Terram
Sanctam.
2 Especially in the end of King Almerick's Life.
272 THE HISTORY OF
trussed up twelve Templars at once, hanging them for
delivering up an impregnable fort to Syracon 1 . These,
like a deceitful chirurgeon, who hath more corruption in
himself than the sore he dresseth, prolonged the cure for
their private profit ; and this holy war being the trade
whereby they got their gains, they lengthened it out to the
inmost; so that their treachery may pass for the eighth
impediment.
Baronius concludeth this one principal cause of the
Christians' ill success, that the kings of Jerusalem took
away that city from the patriarchs thereof, herein commit-
ting sacrilege 2 , a sin so heinous that malice itself cannot
wish an enemy guilty of a worse. But whether or no this
was sacrilege, we refer the reader to what hath been largely
discussed before.
And here I could wish to be an auditor at the learned
and impartial arguing of this question, Whether over-great'
donations to the church may not afterwards be revoked ?
On the one side it would be pleaded, who should be judge
of the over-greatness, seeing too many are so narrow-hearted
to the church, they count any thing too large for it ; yea,
some would cut off the flesh of the church's necessary
maintenance, under pretence to cure her of a tympany of
superfluities. Besides, it would be alleged, what once
hath been bestowed on pious uses must ever remain thereto :
to give a thing and take a thing, is a play too childish for
children ; much less must God be mocked therewith, in
resuming what hath been conferred upon him. It would
be argued on the other side, that when kings do perceive
the church ready to devour the commonwealth by vast and
unlimited donations unto it, and clergymen grown to sus-
picious greatness, armed with hurtful and dangerous privi-
leges derogatory to the royalty of princes; then, then it is
high time for princes to pare their overgrown greatness.
But this high pitch we leave to stronger wings : sure I am
in another kind, this holy war was guilty of sacrilege, and
for which it thrived no whit the better ; in that the pope
exempted six and twenty thousand manors in Europe,
belonging to the Templars and Hospitallers, from paying
any tithes to the priest of the parish ; so that many a
minister in England smarteth at this day for the holy war.
And if this be not sacrilege, to take away the dowry of the
' Tyrius, lib. 19, cap. 11.
2 Annal. Ecclesiast. in anno 1100 et 1104.
THE HOLY WAR. 273
church without assuring her any jointure in lieu of it, I
report myself to any that have not the pearl of prejudice in
the eye of their judgment.
CHAP. XVIII. Three grand Faults in the Kingdom of
Jerusalem, hindering the Strength and Puissance thereof.
COME we now to survey the kingdom of Jerusalem in
itself: we will take it in its vertical point, in the be-
ginning of Baldwin III., when grown to the best strength
and beauty; yet even then had it some faults, whereby it
was impossible ever long to subsist.
1 . It lay far from any true friend. On the west it was
bounded with the Midland Sea, but on all other sides it was
environed with an ocean of foes, and was a country contin-
ually besieged with enemies. One being to sell his house,
amongst other commendations thereof, proclaimed, that his
house had a very good neighbour; a thing indeed consider-
able in the purchase, and might advance the sale thereof a
year's value: sure I am, the kingdom of Jerusalem had no
such conveniency, having bad neighbours round about:
Cyprus indeed their friend lay within a day's sail ; but, alas !
the kings thereof had their hands full to defend themselves,
and could scarce spare a finger to help any other.
2. The kingdom was far extended, but not well com-
pacted : all the body thereof ran out in arms and legs.
Besides that ground inhabited formerly by the twelve tribes,
and properly called the Holy Land, the kingdom of Jeru-
salem ranged northward over all Crelosyria, and Cilicia in
the Lesser Asia : north-eastward, it roved over the princi-
palities of Antioch and Edessa, even unto Carrae beyond
Euphrates : eastward, it possessed far beyond Jordan the
strong fort of Cracci, with a great part of Arabia Petrea :
southward, it stretched to the entrance of Egypt. But as
he is a strong man, whose joints are well set and knit
together, not whom nature hath spun out all in length and
never thickened him, so it is the united and well compacted
kingdom entire in itself which is strong, not that which
reacheth and strideth the farthest. For in the midst of the
kingdom of Jerusalem lay the kingdom of Damascus, like
a canker feeding on the breast thereof: and clean through
the Holy Land, though the Christians had many cities
sprinkled here and there, the Turks in other strong holds
continued mingled amongst them.
3. Lastly (what we have touched once before), some
subjects to the kings of Jerusalem, namely, the princes of
T
274 THE HISTORY OF
Antioch, Edessa, and Tripoli, had too large and absolute
power and authority ; they would do whatsoever the king
would command them, if they thought good themselves.
Now subjects should be adjectives, not able to stand without
(much less against) their prince, or they will make but bad
construction otherwise.
These three hinderances in the kingdom of Jerusalem,
added to the nine former, will complete a jury. Now if
any one chance to censure one or two of them, let him not
triumph therein ; for we produce not these impediments
severally but jointly, not to fight single duels, but all in an
army : non noceant quamvis singula,juncta nocent.
CHAP. XIX. What is to be conceived of the incredible
'Nume.ronsness of many Armies mentioned in this Story.
T^REQUENT mention hath been made through this holy
JL war of many armies, as well Christian as Turkish,
whose number of soldiers swell very great; so as it will
not be amiss once for all to discuss the point concerning
the numerousness of armies anciently. And herein we
branch our opinion into these severals.
1 . Asian armies are generally observed greater than those
of Europe : there it is but a sucking and infant company to
have ten thousand ; yea, under fifty thousand no number.
The reason of their multitude is, not that Asia is more
populous, but more spacious, than Europe. Christendom
is enclosed into many small kingdoms and free states;
which severally can send forth no vast numbers, and seldom
agree so well as to make a joint collection of their forces :
Asia lieth in common, in large countries, and many of them
united under one head. Besides, it is probable (especially
in ancient times, as may be proved out of Scripture) that
those eastern countries often spend their whole stock of men,
and employ all their arms-bearing people in their martial
service, not picking or culling them out, as we in Europe
use to do.
2. Modern armies are far less than those in former ages.
The war genius of the world is altered nowadays, and
supplieth number with policy ; the fox's skin pieceth out
the lion's hide. Especially armies have been printed in a
smaller letter since guns came up : one well mounted
cannon will spare the presence and play the part of a whole
band in a battle.
. 3. Armies both of Europe, and chiefly in Asia (as farther
off), are reported far greater than truth. Even as many old
THE HOLY WAR. 275
men use to set the clock of their age too fast when once
past seventy; and, growing ten years in a twelvemonth, are
presently fourscore, yea, within a year or two after, climb
up to a hundred : so it is in relating the numher of
soldiers ; if they exceed threescore and ten thousand, then
ad rotundltatem numeri, they are hoised up to a hundred,
and then fifty thousand more cast in for advantage. Not to
speak of the facile mistake in figures; one telleth, at the first
voyage of pilgrims there went forth six hundred thousand 1 ;
another counteth three hundred thousand slain at the last
taking of Ptolemais 2 ': their glib pens making no more
reckoning of men than of pins. We perchance may do
justly in imitating the unjust steward, setting down in the
bill of our belief but fifty for every hundred.
Nor is it any paradox, but what will abide the touch, that
competent forces of able and well-appointed and well-dis-
ciplined soldiers under an experienced general, are far more
useful than such an unwieldy multitude. Little loadstones
will in proportion attract a greater quantity of steel than
those which be far greater, because their poles are nearer
together, and so their virtue more united : so shall we find
braver achievements by moderate armies, than by such por-
tentous and extravagant numbers. I never read of any
miracle done by the statue of St. Christopher in Paris,
though he be rather of a mountainlike than manlike bigness.
Yea, such immoderate great armies are subject to great in-
conveniences. 1. They are not so easily manageable; and
the commands of their general cool and lose some virtue in
passing so long a journey through so many. 2. It is im-
probable that so many thousands can be heaped together,
but the army will be very heterogeneous, patched up of
different people unsuiting in their manners, which must
needs occasion much cumbrance. 3. These crowds of sol-
diers may hinder one another in their service ; as many at
the same time pressing out at a wicket. 4. Victuals for so
many mouths will not easily be provided ; the provisions of
a country serving them but a meal, they must fast after-
wards. 5. Lastly, such great numbers (though this, I must
confess, is only per accident, yet often incident) beget care-
lessness and confidence in them ; as if they would not thank
God for their victories, but conceive it a due debt owed to
1 Malmesb. lib. 4, p. 133. Sexagies (surely a mistake for
sexies) centum millia.
2 Lamp. MelliHc. Hist. p. 313.
276 THE HISTORY OF
their multitudes. This hath induced some to the opinion to
maintain, that a competent able army of thirty thousand
(which number Gonzaga, that brave general, did pitch on as
sufficient and complete) need not fear, upon a parity in all
other respects, any company whatsoever to come against
them : such are enough, being as good as a feast, and far
better than a surfeit.
CHAP. XX. Of the numberkss Christians who lost their
Lives in this Service.
ERXES viewing his army, consisting of more than a
million, from a high place all at a sight, is said to
weep at the thought, that within a hundred years all those
would be mowed down with death : but what man could
behold without floods of tears, if presented to him at one
view, the infinities of people who lost their lives in this
action !
In the first voyage [1095] went forth (as the most con-
scionable counters report) three hundred thousand: of these
we can make the reader but spendthrifts' accounts, All is
gone; without showing the particulars. For after the taking
of Jerusalem, this army was drawn so low, that Godfrey
being to fight with Ammiravissus the Egyptian, and bringing
forth his whole strength, had but twelve hundred horse and
nine thousand foot left him [1099] 1 .
At the second setting forth, of two hundred and fifty
thousand led hither by Hugh, brother to the king of France,
and sundry other bishops, not a thousand came into Pa-
lestine 1 .
In the third voyage, Conrad the emperor led forth no
fewer than two hundred thousand foot and fifty thousand
horse ; nor was the army of King Louis of France far infe-
rior : of whom such as returned make no noise, as not con-
siderable in number.
At the fourth setting forth, Frederick Barbarossa counted
a hundred and fifty thousand soldiers in his army : of
whom when they came to Ptolemais, no more than eighteen
hundred armed men remained 3 .
Fifthly, what numbers were carried forth by our Richard
I. and Philip of France, I find not specified ; no doubt they
did bear proportion to the greatness of the undertakers: all
1 Tyrius, lib. 9, cap. 12. 2 Ursperg. in Chron. p. 239.
3 P. ^Einil. in Phil. Aug. p. 175.
THE HOLY WAR. 277
which at their return were consumed to a very small com-
pany.
To omit several other intermediate actions of many
princes, who went forth with armies and scarce came home
with families, King Louis carried forth two and thirty
thousand, of which only six thousand came home, as their
own writers report, who tell their tale as it may sound best
for the credit of their country ; whilst others count eighty
thousand to have lost their lives in that voyage*; yea,
some reckon no fewer than a hundred thousand common
men, besides seven counts, to have died in Cyprus of the
plague 5 .
At his second voyage to Tunis, of a hundred and
twenty ships which lay at anchor at Trape in Sicily, there
were no more saved than the mariners of only one French
ship, and the thirteen ships of our Prince Edward ; all the
rest, with men, armour, and ammunition, did miserably
perish 6 .
But enough of this doleful subject. If young physicians
with the first fee for their practice are to purchase a new
churchyard, Pope Urban II. might well have bought some
ground for graves when he first persuaded this bloody
project; whereby he made all Jerusalem Golgotha, a place
for skulls; and all the Holy Land, Aceldama, a field of
blood.
CHAP. XXI. The Throne of Deserts : what Nation merited
most Praise in this War; and Jirst r of the French and
Dutch Service therein.
AS in the first book we welcomed each several nation
when they first entered into this service ; so it is good
manners now to take our solemn farewell of them at their
going out, and to examine which of them deserved most
commendation for their valour in this war. And herein
methinketh the distinction usual in some colleges, of
founders, by-founders, and benefactors, may properly take
place. The founders of this holy war were the French ;
the by-founders, the Dutch, English, and Italian; the
benefactors (according to the different degrees of bounty),
the Spanish, Polish, Danish, Scots, and all other people of
Europe.
4 Knolles, Turk. Hist. p. 106.
4 Magdeburg. Cent. 13, col. 606.
6 Fox, in Martyrol. in Hen. III. p. 337.
278 THE HISTORY OF
The French I make the founders for these reasons : First,
because they began the action first. Secondly, France in
proportion sent most adventurers. Some voyages were all
of French, and all voyages were of some French. Yea,
Frenchmen were so frequent at Jerusalem, that at this day
all western Europeans there are called Franks (as I once
conceived, and perchance not without company in my error),
because so many Frenchmen came thither in the holy war.
Since, I am converted from that false opinion, having found
that two hundred years before the holy war was dreamed
of, namely, in the time of Constantine Porphyrogenetes
emperor of the east 1 , all western Christians were known to
the Greeks by the name of Franks ; so that it seemeth the
Turks borrowed that appellation from the Grecians. Thirdly,
as France sent the most, so many of most eminent note ;
she showeth for the game no worse cards than a pair royal
of kings : Louis the Young, Philip Augustus, and Saint
Louis; besides Philip the Bold his son, who went half
way to Tunis. The first and last Christian king of Europe
that went to Palestine was a Frenchman ; and all the kings
of Jerusalem, Frederick the emperor only excepted, origi-
nally were of that nation. Fourthly, even at this day
France is most loyal to the cause. Most grand masters of
the Hospitallers have been Frenchmen ; and at this day the
knights of Malta, who have but four alberges or seminaries
in all Christendom, have three of them in France 1 : viz.,
one of France in general, one of Auvergne, and one of
Provence. Yet France carrieth not the upper hand so
clearly, but that Germany justleth for it ; especially if we
add to it the Low Countries, the best stable of wooden
horses, and most potent in shipping in that age of any
country in Europe; which though an amphibian betwixt
both, yet custom at this day adjudgeth it Dutch.
Now these are the several accents of honour in the
German service : first, that country showeth three emperors
in the holy war ; Conrad, Frederick Babarossa, and Frede-
rick II. The last of these was solemnly crowned and
peaceably possessed king of Jerusalem. Secondly, Ger-
many sent more princes to this war than all Europe besides.
It would be an infinite task to reckon them all ; it being
true of the German nobility, what logicians say of a line,
that it is divisibilis in semper divisibilia. Here honours
1 Vide M. Selden on Polyolbion, p. 150.
2 Sandys' Travels, p. 229.
THE HOLY WAR.
279
equally descend to sons and daughters ; whereby they have
counts without counting in the whole empire : there were
seventeen princes of Hainault, and seven and twenty earls
of Mansfeld, all living together; so that one of their own
countrymen saith, that the Dutch esteem none to be men,
but only such as are noblemen. We will not take notice
of Germany, as it is minced into petty principalities, but as
cut into principal provinces. We find these regnant princes
(for as for their younger brethren, herein they are not
accounted) to have been personally present in the holy
war:
Prince Palatine of Rhine,
Henry 1197
Duke (or as others, King} of
Bohemia,
Jaboslaus, or La-
dislaus 1147
Duke of Saxony,
Henry the younger 1197
Marquess of Brandenburg,
Otho* 1197
Archbishops of Mentz,
1 Conrad
2 Siphred 1197
Archbishop of Triers,
Theodoric 1216
Archbishop of Colen,
Theodoric 1216
Dukes of Austria,
1 Leopold II. ... 1190
2 Frederick 1197
3 Leopold III.,
surnamed the
Glorious 1216
Dukes of Bavaria,
1 Guelpho 1101
2 Henry 1147
3 Louis 1216
Landgraves of Thuringia,
1 Herman 1197
2 Louis 1227
Marquess of Moravia,
Conrad 1197
Duke of Meckknburg,
Henry 1277
Earls of Flanders,
1 Theodoric 1147
2 Philip .... 1190
3 Baldwin 1200
4 William Dam-
pier 1250
5 Guido 1270
Dukes of Brabant,
1 Godfrey 1195
2 Henry 1227
Earl of Holland,
William... .. 1216
All these (I say not these were all) went themselves, and
led forth other companies, suitable to their greatness. The
reader, as he lighteth on more, at his leisure may strike
them into this catalogue. Thirdly, Germany maintained
the Teutonic order, wholly consisting of her nation, besides
Templars and Hospitallers, whereof she had abundance;
of whose loyal and valiant service we have spoken largely
before. Lastly, she fought another holy war at the same
time against the Tartars and other barbarous people, which
invaded her on her north-east part. And though som*
280 THE HISTORY OF
will except, that that war cannot be entitled Holy, because,
being on the defensive, it was rather of nature and necessity
than piety; yet upon examination it will appear, that this
service was less superstitious, more charitable to Christen-
dom, and more rational and discreet in itself; it being
better husbandry to save a whole cloth in Europe, than to
win a rag in Asia.
CHAP. XXII. The English and Italian Service compared.
Of the Spanish, Polish, Xorwegian, Hungarian, Danish,
and Swedish Performance in this War.
NEXT in this race of honour follow England and Italy,
being very even and hard matched. England (it is no
flattery to affirm what envy cannot deny) spurreth up close
for the prize ; and though she had a great disadvantage in
the starting (Italy being much nearer to Palestine), yet she.
quickly recovered it. Our country sent one king (Rich-
ard I.) and three kings' sons (Robert Courthois, Richard of
Cornwall, and Prince Edward) to this war. Yea, England
ard was a daily friend to this action ; and besides these great
and gross sums of visible adventurers, she dropped and
cast in privily many a pilgrim of good quality ; so that
there was scarce any remarkable battle or memorable siege
done through the war wherein there were not some English
of eminent desert.
Yet Italy cometh not any whit behind, if the achieve-
ments of her several states, Venetians, Genoans, Pisans,
Sicilians, Florentines, were made and moulded up together :
yea, for sea-service and engineers in this war, they bear the
bell away from all other nations. But these things allay
the Italian service: 1. It was not so abstracted from the
dregs of mercenariness as that of other countries (whose
adventurers counted their very work herein sufficient wages),
but before they would yield their assistance they indented
and covenanted with the king of Jerusalem to have such
and such profits, pensions, and privileges in all places they
took, to them and their posterity ; not as an honorary
reward freely conferred on them, but in nature of wages
ex pacto contracted for aforehand : as the Genoans had in
Ptolemais, and the Venetians in Tyre. 2. These Italians
stopped two gaps with one bush ; they were merchant
pilgrims, and together applied themselves to profit and
piety 1 . Here in Tyre they had their banks, and did drive
1 Tyrius, lib. 10, cap. 28, el lib. 12, cap. 25.
THE HOLY WAR. 281
a sweet trade of spices and other eastern commodities.
3. Lastly, as at first they gave good milk, so they kicked
it down with theirheel, and by their mutual discord caused
the loss of all they helped to gain in Syria.
Spain was exercised all the time of this war in defending
herself against the Moors and Saracens in her own bowels ;
yet such was her charity, that whilst her own house was
on burning, she threw some buckets of water to quench
her neighbour's ; and as other nations cast their superfluity,
she her widow's mite, into the treasury of this action ; and
produceth two Theobalds kings of Navarre, and Alphonse
king of Castile, that undertook expeditions to Palestine.
Hungary showeth one king, Andrew ; who washed him-
self in Jordan, and then shrinking in the wetting returned
presently home again. But this country, though itself did
go little, yet was much gone through to the holy war
(being the road to Syria for all land armies), and merited
well in this action, in giving peaceable passage and courte-
ous entertainment to pilgrims; as to Duke Godfrey, and
Frederick Barbarossa, with all their soldiers as they travelled
through it. Had the kings of Hungary had the same
principle of baseness in their souls as the emperors of
Greece, they had had the same cause of jealousy against
the Christians that passed this way; yet they used them
most kindly, and disdained all dishonourable suspicions.
True it is, at the first voyage, King Coloman, not out of
cruelty but carefulness and necessary security, did use
his sword against some unruly and disorderly pilgrims;
but none were there abused which first abused not them-
selves. But, whatever Hungary was in that age, it is at
this day Christendom's best land bulwark against the
Turks ; where this pretty custom is used, that the men wear
so many feathers as they have killed Turks ; which if
observed elsewhere, either feathers would be less, or valour
more in fashion.
Poland could not stir in this war, as lying constant
perdue of Christendom against the Tartarian ; yet we find
Boleslaus Crispus duke or king thereof (waiting on, shall I
say ? or) accompanying Conrad the emperor in his voyage
to Palestine 2 -; [1147] and, having defrayed all his and his
army's costs and charges towards Constantinople, he returned
home, as not to be spared in his own country. But if, by
King David's statute 3 , the keepers of the baggage are to
2 Munst. Cosmog. in Polon. 3 1 Sam. xxx. 24.
282 THE HISTORY OF
be sharers in the spoil with the fighters of the battle, thei
surely Poland and such other countries may entitle them
selves to the honour of the war in Palestine ; which in th
mean time kept home, had an eye to the main chance, am
defended Europe against foreign invaders.
Norway (in that age the sprucest of the three kingdom:
of Scandia, and best tricked up with shipping ; though a
this day the case is altered with her, and she turned frorr
taking to paying of tribute) sent her fleet of tall soldiers tc
Syria ; who, like good fellows, asked nothing for their work
but their victuals, and valiantly won the city of Sidon foi
the king of Jerusalem. And it is considerable, that Syria
(but a step or stride from Italy) was a long race from
Norway ; so that their pilgrims went not only into another
country, but into another world.
Denmark was also partner in the foresaid service. Also
afterwards, Ericus her king, though he went not quite
through to the Holy Land, yet behaved himself bravely in
Spain, and there assisted the winning of Lisbon from the
infidels 4 . His successor Canute, anno 1189, had provided
his navy, but was prevented by death ; his ships neverthe-
less came to Syria 5 .
Of Sweden, in this grand jury of nations, I hear no Vow
avez; but her default of appearance hath been excused
before 6 .
CHAP. XXIII. Of the Scottish, Welsh, and Irish, their
several Adventures.
remain behind the Scottish, Welsh, and Irish.
JL It may occasion suspicion, that these nations eithei
did neglect or are neglected in this holy war, because clean
through this history there is no mention of them or theii
achievements. True it is, these countries can boast of nc
king of their own sent to Syria, nor of any great appearing
service by them alone performed. It seemeth then the)
did not so much play the game themselves, as bet on the
hands of others : and haply the Scottish service is accounted
to the French ; the Welsh and Irish, to the English.
That Scotland was no cipher in this war, plainly appear-
eth : 1. In that David earl of Huntington, and youngei
brother to William the elder king of Scotland, went along
* Vide Calvisium in anno 1145, et Jo. Magnum, Hist. Goth,
lib. 19, cap. 10.
5 Barorrius, in anno 1189. 6 Lib. cap. 13.
THE HOLY WAR. 283
with our Richard I. 1 ; no doubt suitably attended with
soldiers. This David was by a tempest cast into Egypt,
taken captive by the Turks, bought by a Venetian, brought
to Constantinople, there known and redeemed by an English
merchant, and at last safely arrived at Alectum in Scotland *;
which Alectum he, in memory and gratitude of his return,
called Dundee, or Dei donum, God's gift. 2. By the
)lentiful provision which there was made for the Templars
and Hospitallers, who here enjoyed great privileges ; this
amongst many others (take the Scottish law in its pure
laturals), That the master of the knicts of the Temple and
hief priors of the hospitall of Jerusalem (wha were keepers
f strangers to the haly grave), sould be receaved themselves
Dersonally in any suit without entertaining a procuratour
or them 3 . Nor must we here forget a saint, William a
Scot, of Perth by birth, by trade a baker, in charity so
abundant that he gave his tenth loaf to the poor, in zeal so
ervent that he vowed to visit the Holy Land. But in his
ourney, as he passed through Kent, he was slain by his
ervant, buried at Rochester, afterwards sainted, and showed
many miracles 4 .
Neither may we think, whilst all other nations were at
his martial school, that Wales the while truanted at home.
The Welsh, saith my author 5 , left their forests; and now
with them no sport to the hunting of Turks ; especially
fter that Wizo, and Walter his son, had founded the fair
ommandery for Hospitallers at Slebach in Pembrokeshire,
ind endowed it with rich revenues 6 .
Ireland also putteth in for her portion of honour in this
service. Indeed, for the first fourscore years in the holy
war, Ireland did little there or in any other country. It
was divided into many petty kingdoms ; so that her people's
alour had no progressive motion in length, to make any
mpression in foreign parts, but only moved round in a
ircle at home, their petty reguli spending themselves
gainst themselves, till our Henry II. conquered them all.
4.fter which time the Irish began to look abroad into
alestine : witness many houses for Templars, and the
tately priory of Kilmainham, nigh Dublin, for Hospitallers ;
he last lord prior whereof, at the dissolution, was Sir John
1 Buchan. in Gulielmo Seniore. 2 Hect. Boeth.
3 Third Book of Majest. cap. i8.
4 Lambert, Peramb. Kent.
5 W. Malraes. lib. 4, p. 133. 6 Camden, in Pembr.
284 THE HISTORY OF
Rawson. Yea, we may well think, that all the concert
Christendom in this war could have made no music if tt
Irish harp had been wanting.
CHAP. XXIV. Of the honourable Arms in Scutcheons <_'
Nobility occasioned by their Service in the Holy War.
NOW for a corollary to this story, if we survey th
scutcheons of the Christian princes and nobility E
this day, we shall find the arms of many of them pointin
at the achievements of their predecessors in the holy war.
Thus the dukes of Austria bear gules a fesse argent, i;
memory of the valour of Leopold at the siege of Ptolemais '
whereof before.
The duke of Savoy beareth gules a cross argent, bein;
the cross of St. John of Jerusalem ; because his predecesspi
were special benefactors to that order, and assisted them ii
defending of Rhodes 2 -.
Queen's College in Cambridge (to which I owe m;
education for my first seven years in that university) givet
for parcel of her arms, amongst many other rich coats, th
cross of Jerusalem; as being founded by Queen Margare'
wife to King Henry VI., and daughter of Renate earl c
Angiers and titular king of Sicily and Jerusalem.
The noble and numerous family of the Douglases i
Scotland (whereof at this day are one marquess, two earls
and a viscount) give in their arms a man's heart, ever sine
Robert Bruce king of Scotland bequeathed his heart t
James Douglas, to carry it to Jerusalem, which he ac
cordingly performed 3 .
To instance in particulars were endless ; we will onl
sum them up in generals. Emblems of honour bor.ne i
coats, occasioned by the holy war, are reducible to thes
heads :
1 . Scallop shells, which may fitly, for the workmanshi
thereof, be called artificium nature. It seemeth pilgrirr
carried them constantly with them, as Diogenes did h
dish, to drink. I find an order of knights called equiti
cochleares, wearing belike cockle or scallop shells, belong
ing to them who had done good sea-service, especially i
the holy war; and many Hollanders (saith my author
1 Pantal. De illustr. Germ, part 2, p. 201.
2 Hospin. De Orig. Mon. cap. 17, p. 190.
3 Camden, in his Descript. of Cludisdale.
THE HOL Y WAR.
285
>r their good service at the siege of Damietta, were admitted
ito that order 4 .
2. Saracens' heads; it being a maxim in heraldry, that
is more honourable to bear the head than any other part
ff the body. They are commonly borne either black or
)loody. But if Saracens in their arms should use Chris-
ians' heads, I doubt not but they would show ten to one.
3. Pilgrims' or palmers' scrips or bags; the arms of
le worshipful family of the Palmers in Kent 5 .
4. Pilgrims' staves, and such like other implements and
joutrements belonging unto them.
5. But the chiefest of all is the cross; which though
>rne in arms before, yet was most commonly and generally
jsed since the holy war. The plain cross, or St. George's
ross, I take to be the mother of all the rest; as plain song
much senior to any running of division. Now as by
ansposition of a few letters a world of words are made-;
by the varying of this cross in form, colour, and metal
inging as it were the changes), are made infinite several
>ats : the cross of Jerusalem or five crosses, most frequently
|sed in this war; cross patce, because the ends thereof are
; jichie, whose bottom is sharp, to be fixed in the
[round ; wavee, which those may justly wear who sailed
|iither through the miseries of the sea, or sea of miseries-;
)linee, because like to the rind of a mill ; saltyrte, or
It. Andrew's cross; floria, or garlanded with flowers;
Le cross crossed ; besides the divers tricking or dressing,
piercing, voiding, fimbriating, ingrailing, couping ; and
fancy and devices there is still a plus ultra, insomuch
liat crosses alone, as they are variously disguised, are
lough to distinguish all the several families of gentlemen
England.
Exemplary is the coat of George Villiers duke of Buck-
jgham ; five scallop shells on a plain cross, speaking his
redecessors' valour in the holy war. For Sir Nicolas de
| r illiers knight, followed Edward I. in his wars in the Holy
ind ; and then and there assumed this his new coat ; for
|>rmerly he bore sable three cinquefoils argent. This
ficolas was the ancestor of the duke of Buckingham,
leally descended from the ancient family of Villiers in
[ormandy 6 ; than which name none more redoubted in
4 Zuerius Boxhorn's Apology for the Holland Shipping,
6 Gwill. in his Heraldry.
I 6 Burton, in Leicestershire.
286 THE HISTORY OF
this service; for we find John de Villiers the one an
twentieth master of the Hospitallers 7 ; and another Phili
de Villiers master of Rhodes, under whom it was surrer
dered to the Turks ; a yielding equal to a conquest.
Yet should one labour to find a mystery in all arm;
relating to the quality or deserts of the owners of ther
(like Chrysippus, who troubled himself with great conten
tion to find out a stoical assertion of philosophy in ever
fiction of the poets), he would light on a labour in vain
For I believe (be it spoken with loyalty to all kings o
arms, and heralds their lieutenants in that faculty) that a
the first, the will of the bearer was the reason of the bear
ing 8 ; or if at their original of assuming them there wen
some special cause, yet time since hath cancelled it; ant
as, in mythology, the moral hath often been made since tb
fable ; so a sympathy betwixt the arms and the bearer hat!
sometimes been of later invention. I deny not but in som
coats some probable reason may be assigned of bearinj
them ; but it is in vain to dig for mines in every ground
because there is lead in Mendip Hills.
To conclude : as great is the use of arms, so this espe
daily, to preserve the memories of the dead. Many ;
dumb monument, which through time or sacrilege hath los
its tongue, the epitaph, yet hath made such signs by th
scutcheons about it, that antiquaries have understood wh
lay there entombed.
CHAP. XXV. Some Offers of Christian Princes fop Pale*
tine since the End of the Holy War, by Henry the Fourt
of England, Charles the Eighth of France, and Jame
the Fourth of Scotland.
AS after that the body of the sun is set, some shinin;
still surviveth in the west, so after this holy war wa
expired, we find some straggling rays and beams of valou
offering that way; ever and anon the Christian prince
having a bout with that design. To collect the severa
essays of princes glancing on that project, were a task c
great pains and small profit ; specially, some of them beinj
umbrages and state representations rather than realities, t
ingratiate princes with their subjects, or with the oratory c
so pious a project to woo money out of people's purses
or thereby to cloak and cover armies levied to other intents
7 Hospin. De Orig. Mon. in Joati.
8 Dr. Ridley, View of the Civil Law, 6, p. 100.
THE HOLY WAR.
287
>ides, most of these designs were abortive, or aborsive
ither, like those untimely miscarriages not honoured with
soul, or the shape and lineaments of an infant. Yet, to
ive the reader's longing, we will give him a taste or two ;
rid begin with that of our Henry IV. of England.
The end of the reign of this our Henry was peaceable
md prosperous. For though his title was builded on a
id foundation, yet it had strong buttresses ; most of the
lobility favoured and fenced it; and as for the house of
r ork, it appeared not ; its best blood as yet ran in feminine
reins, and therefore was the less active. Now King Henry,
In the sunshine evening of his life (after a stormy day), was
lisposed to walk abroad, and take in some foreign air. He
pitched his thoughts on the holy war, for to go to Jerusa-
em, and began to provide for the same 1 . One principal
lotive which incited him was, that it was told him he
[hould not die till he had heard mass in Jerusalem. But
lis proved not like the revelation told to old Simeon 2 ;
>r King Henry was fain to sing his Nunc dimittis, before
expected ; and died in the chamber called Jerusalem in
Westminster. By comparing this prophecy with one of
.polio's oracles, we may conclude them to be brethren
they are so alike), and both begotten of the father of lies ;
>r the devil eartheth himself in an homonymy, as a fox in
he ground ; if he be stopped at one hole, he will get out
t another. However, the king's purpose deserveth remem-
irance and commendation, because really and seriously
itended.
Far better, I believe, than that of Charles VIII. king of
[ranee ; who, in a braving embassage which he sent to our
[enry VII., gave him to understand his resolutions; to
lake reconquest of Naples, but as of a bridge to transport
is forces into Greece 3 ; and then not to spare blood or
[easure (if it were to the impairing of his crown and dis-
>pling of France) till either he had overthrown the
lupire of the Ottomans, or taken it in his way to Paradise ;
nd hence (belike) he would have at Jerusalem, invited (as
said) with the former example of our Henry IV. But
ir King Henry VII. (being too good a fencer to mistake
[flourish for a blow) quickly resented his drift (which was
persuade our king to peace, till Charles should perform
1 Lord Verulam, in bis Henry VII. p. 87.
2 Luke, ii. 26.
3 Lord Verulam, in Henry VII.
288 THE HISTORY OF
his projects in little Britain and elsewhere), and dealt wit!
him accordingly. And as for the gradation of Kin^
Charles's purposes, Naples, Greece, Jerusalem, a stateb
but difficult ascent (where the stairs are so far asunder, th
legs must be long to stride them), the French nation wa:
weary of climbing the first, and then came down, vaulting
nimbly into Naples and out of it again.
More cordial was that of James IV. king of Scotland
that pious prince 4 ; who, being touched in conscience foi
his father's death (though he did not cause it, but seemec
to countenance it with his presence), ever after, in token o
his contrition, wore an iron chain about his body ; and, tc
expiate his fault, intended a journey into Syria. He pre-
pared his navy, provided his soldiers, imparted his project
to foreign princes, and verily had gone, if at the first othei
wars, and afterwards sudden death, had not caused his
stay.
CHAP. XXVI. The fictitious Voyage of William, Land-
grave of Hesse, to Palestine confuted.
THESE are enough to satisfy, more would cloy. Only
here I must discover a oheat, and have it pilloried,
lest it trouble others as it hath done me : the story I find
in Calvisius, anno 1460; take it in his very words:
** William the landgrave appointed a holy voyage to
Palestine ; chose his company out of many noblemen and
earls, in number ninety-eight : he happily finished his
journey ; only one of them died in Cyprus. He brought
back with him six ^nd forty ensigns of horse. Seven
months were spent in the voyage. Fab." So far Calvisius,
avouching this Fab. for his author. Each word a wonder ;
not to say an impossibility. What ? in the year 1 460,
when the deluge of Mahometans had overrun most of
Greece, Asia, and Syria? William a landgrave (of Hesse,
no doubt), neither the greatest nor next to the greatest
prince in Germany, far from the sea, unfurnished with;
shipping;, not within the suspicion of so great a performance !
Six and forty horse ensigns taken ! Where? or from whom ?
Was it in war, and but one man killed ? A battle so blood-
less seemeth as truthless ; and the losing but of one man
savoureth of never a one. But seven months spent ! Such
achievements beseem rather an apprenticeship of years
than months. Besides, was Fame all the while dead
4 Buchanan, in the Lite of James IV.
THE HOLY WAR. 289
speechless, or asleep, that she trumpeted not this action
abroad? Did only this Fab. take notice of it? be he Faber,
Fabius, Fabianus, Fabinianus, or what you please. Why
is it not storied in other writers ? the Dutchmen giving no
scant measure in such wares, and their chronicles being
more guilty of remembering trifles than forgetting matters
of moment.
Yet the gravity of Calvisius recording it, moveth me
much on the other side ; a chronologer of such credit, that
he may take up more belief on his bare word than some
other on their bond. In this perplexity 1 wrote to my
oracle in doubts of this nature, Mr. Joseph Mead, fellow of
Christ's College in Cambridge, since lately deceased ; hear
his answer :
SIR,
" I have found your story in Calvisius's posthume
Chronology, but can hear of it nowhere else. I sought
Reusner's Basilica Genealogica, who is wont with the
name of his princes to note briefly any act or accident of
theirs memorable, and sometimes scarce worth it ; but no
such of this William, landgrave. So in conclusion, I am
resolved it is a fable out of some romance; and that your
author Fab. is nothing but Fabula defectively written.
But you will say, Why did he put it into his book ? I
answer, he himself did not, but had noted it into some
paper put into his Chronology, preparing for a new and
fuller edition ; which, himself dying before he had digested
his new edition (as you may see 1 think somewhere in the
preface), those who were trusted with it after his death to
Iwrite it out for the press, foolishly transferred out of such
[paper, or perhaps out of the margin, into the text; thinking
Ijthat Fab. had been some historian, which was nothing but
,|that she author Fabula. If this will not satisfy, I know
Jnot what to say more unto it. Thus with best affection I
Jrest
"Yours,
" JOSEPH MEAD."
Christ. Coll. June 20, 1638."
c h| This I thought fit to recite, not for his honour but to
uslhonour myself, as conceiving it my credit to be graced with
Lijlso learned a man's acquaintance.
Thus much of offertures. I will conclude with that
peech of the Lady Margaret, countess of Richmond and
290 THE HISTORY OF
Derby, and mother to our King Henry VII. (a most pious
woman, as that age went; though I am not of his faith
who believed her to be the next woman in goodness to the
Virgin Mary) : she used to say, that if the Christian princes
would undertake a war against the Turks to recover the
Holy Land, she would be their laundress 1 . But I believe
she performed a work more acceptable in the eyes of God,
in founding a professor's place in either university, and in
building Christ's and St. John's colleges in Cambridge
(the seminaries of so many great scholars and grave divines),
than if she had visited either Christ's sepulchre or St John's
church in Jerusalem.
CHAP. XXVII. The Fortunes of Jerusalem since the
Holy War ; and her present Estate.
SEVEN years after the Latin Christians were finally ex-
pelled out of Syria, some hope presented itself of rees-
tablishing them again. For Casanus the great Tartar prince,
having of late subdued the Persians, and married the
daughter of the Armenian king (a lady of great perfection)
and of a Mahometan become a Christian, at the request of
his wife he besieged the city Jerusalem 2 , and took it with-
out resistance [1298]. The temple of our Saviour he gave
to the Armenians, Georgians, and other Christians, which
flocked thick out of Cyprus there to inhabit. But soon after
his departure it fell back again to the mamalukes of Egypt;
who enjoyed it till Selimus the great Turk, anno 1517,
overthrew the empire of the mamalukes, and seized Jeru-
salem into his hand: whose successors keep it at this day.
Jerusalem better acquitteth itself to the ear than to the
eye ; being no whit beautiful at all. The situation thereof
is very uneven, rising into hills and sinking into dales; the
lively emblem of the fortunes of the place ; sometimes ad-
vanced with prosperity, sometimes depressed in misery.
Once it was well compacted, and built as a city that is at
unity in itself 3 ; but now distracted from itself: the suspi-
cious houses (as if afraid to be infected with more misery
than they have already, by contiguousness to others) keep
off at a distance, having many waste places betwixt them ;
not one fair street in the whole city 4 .
It hath a castle, built (as it is thought) by the Pisans,
1 Camden's Remains.
2 Centuriatores, p. totius operis penult.
3 Psal. cxxii. 3. 4 Bidulph, p. 117.
THE HOLY WAR. 291
tolerably fortified 5 . Good guard is kept about the city,
and no Christians with weapons suffered to enter. But
the deepest ditch to defend Jerusalem from the western
Christians is the remoteness of it; and the strongest wall
to fence it is the Turkish empire compassing it round about.
Poor it must needs be, having no considerable commodity
to vent; except a few beads of holy earth, which they pay
too dear for that have them for the fetching. There is in
the city a convent of Franciscans, to whom Christians re-
pair for protection during their remaining in the city.
The padre guardian appointeth these pilgrims a friar, who
showeth them all the monuments about the city : scarce a
great stone, which beareth the brow of reverend antiquity,
that passeth without a peculiar legend upon it : but every
vault under ground hath in it a deep mystery indeed.
Pilgrims must follow the friar with their bodies and belief;
and take heed how they give tradition the lie, though she
tell one never so boldly. The survey finished, they must
pay the guardian both for their victuals and their welcome,
and gratify his good words and looks ; otherwise if they
forget it, he will be so bold as to remember them. The
guardian farmeth the sepulchre of the Turk at a yearly rent :
and the Turks, who reap no benefit by Christ's death, re-
ceive much profit by his burial ; and not content with their
yearly rent, squeeze the friars here on all occasions, making
them pay large sums for little offences.
The other subsistence which the friars here have, is from
the benevolence of the pope and other bountiful benefactors
in Europe. Nor getteth the padre guardian a little by his
fees of making knights of the Sepulchre : of which order I
find, some hundred years since, Sir John diamond of
Lancels in Cornwall to have been dubbed knight 6 . But I
believe no good English subject at this day will take that
honour if offered him; both because at their creation they
are to swear loyalty to the pope and king of Spain 7 , and
because honours conferred by foreign potentates are not here
in England acknowledged, neither in their style nor prece-
dency, except given by courtesy : witness that famous case
of the Count Arundel of Wardour, and Queen Elizabeth's
peremptory resolve, that her sheep should be branded with
no stranger's mark, but her own 8 .
5 Sandys' Travels, p. 158.
6 Carew, in his Survey of Cornwall, p. 118.
" Bidulph, p. 119. 8 Camden's Elizabeth, in anno 1596.
292 THE HISTORY OF
The land about it (as authors generally agree) is barren.
Yet Brochard a monk 9 , who lived here some two hundred
years since, commendeth it to be very fruitful. Sure he had
better eyes, to see more than other men could ; or else by a
synecdoche he imputeth the fertility of parcels to the whole
country. But it is as false a consequence, as on the other
side, to conclude from the baseness of Bagshot-heath the
barrenness of all the kingdom of England. We may rather
believe, that, since the fall of the Jews from God's favour,
the once supernatural fertility of the land is taken away, and
the natural strength thereof much abated and impaired.
CHAP. XXVIII. Whether it be probable that this Holy
War will ever hereafter be set on foot again.
THUS we state the question : Whether this holy war, I
mean for the winning of the city of Jerusalem and re--
covering of Palestine, will probably ever hereafter be pro-
jected and acted again. We may believe this tragedy came
off so ill the last acting, that it will not be brought on the
stage the second time.
1. The pope will never offer to give motion to it, as
knowing it unlikely to succeed. Policies of this nature are
like sleights of hand, to be showed but once ; lest what is
admired at first be derided afterwards.
2. Princes are grown more cunning, and will not bite at
a bait so stale, so often breathed on. The pope's ends in
this war are now plainly smelt out ; which though pretty
and pleasing at first, yet princes are not now, like the native
Indians, to be cozened with glass and gaudy toys: the
loadstone to draw their affection (now out of nonage) must
present itself necessary, profitable, and probable to be
effected.
3. There is a more needful work nearer hand; to resist
the Turks' invasion in Europe. Hark how the Grecians
call unto us, as once the man in the vision did to St. Paul,
" Come over into Macedonia, and help us 1 ." Yea, look on
the pope's projects of the last edition, and we shall find the
business of the sepulchre buried in silence, and the holy
war running in another channel, against the Turks in Chris-
tendom.
4. Lastly, who is not sensible with sorrow of the dissen-
sions (better suiting with my prayers than my pen) where-
with Christian princes at this day are rent asunder? wounds
8 De Terra Saucta, part. 2, cap. 1. l Acts, xvi. 9.
THE HOLY WAR. 293
so wide that only Heaven's chirurgery can heal them : till
which time no hope of a holy war against the general and
common foe of our religion.
We may safely conclude, that the regaining of Jerusalem
and the Holy Land from the Turks, may better be placed
amongst our desires than our hopes ; as improbable ever to
come to pass : except the Platonic year, turning the wheel
of all actions round about, bring the spoke of this holy war
back again.
CHAP. XXIX. Of the many Pretenders of Titles to the
Kingdom of Jerusalem.
NO kingdom in the world is challenged at this day by
such an army of kings as this of Jerusalem : it is
sooner told what princes of Europe do not than what do
lay claim to it; they be so many. Take their names as I
find them in the catalogue of Stephen a Cypriot.
1. The emperors of the east.
2. The patriarchs of Jeru-
salem.
3. The Lusignans, kings of
Cyprus.
4. Hemfred prince of Tho-
rone.
5. Conrad de la Rame
marquess of Mont-
ferrat.
6. The kings of England.
7. His holiness.
8. The kings of Naples.
9. The princes of Antioch.
10. The counts of Brienne.
11. The kings of Armenia.
12. The kings of Hungary
13. The kings of Aragon.
14. The dukes of Anjou.
15. The dukes of Lorraine.
1 6. Louis the Eleventh, king
of France.
17. The dukes of Bourbon.
18. The dukes of Savoy.
1 9. James de Lusigna, base
son to the king of
Cyprus.
20. Charles de Lusigna, son
to the prince of Ga-
lilee.
21. The state of Genoa.
22. The marquess of Mont-
ferrat.
23. The count of la Val.
24. The archduke of Nice.
25. The sultan of Egypt.
26. The emperor ot the
Turks.
It seemeth, by the naming of Louis XI. and James the
bastard of Cyprus, that this list was taken about the year
1466. And now how would a herald sweat with scouring
over these time-rusty titles, to show whence these princes
derived their several claims, and in whom the right resteth
at this day ! And when his work is done, who should pay
him his wages?
My clew of thread is not strong enough, on the guidance
294 THE HISTORY OF
thereof for me to venture into this labyrinth of pedigrees ;
\ve will content ourselves with these general observations :
1. It seemeth this catalogue containeth as well those who
had jus in regno as those who had jus ad regnum : as
namely, the prince of Thorone, and patriarchs of Jerusalem,
and state of Genoa ; whose ambition surely soared not so
high as to claim the kingdom of Jerusalem, but rather
perched itself upon some lands and signories challenged
therein.
2. A small matter will serve to entitle a prince to a
titular kingdom : in this case, kings can better digest
corrivals where they be many, and all challenge what is
worth nothing. In this catalogue it seemeth some only entitle
themselves out of good fellowship and love of good com-
pany : these like squirrels recover themselves, and climb
up to a claim on the least bough, twig, yea leaf, of a right.
Thus the counts of Brienne in France (if any still remain of
that house) gave away theiu cake and kept it still ; in that
John Bren parted with his right to this kingdom, in match
with lole his daughter to Frederick the second emperor,
and yet the earls of his family pretend still to Jerusalem.
3. We may believe, that by matches and under-matches
some of these titles may reside in private gentlemen ; espe-
cially in France : and what wonder? seeing within fourteen
. generations, the royal blood of the kings of Judah ran in
the veins of plain Joseph a painful carpenter 1 .
4. At this day some of those titles are finally extinct : as
that of the emperors of the east, conquered by the Ottoman
family : their imperial eagle was so far from beholding the
sun, that the half-moon dazzled, yea, quite put out his eyes.
Rank in the same form the kings of Armenia and sultans of
Egypt.
5. Some of these titles are translated: that of the Lu-
signans, kings of Cyprus, probably passed with that island
to the state of Venice; the claim of the Hungarian kings
seemeth at this day to remain in the German emperor.
6. Some united : the claim of the archdukes of Nice (a
style I meet not with elsewhere), twisted with that of the
duke of Savoy ; the kings of Naples and Aragon, now joined
in the king of Spain.
7. Of those which are extant at this day, England's ap-
peareth first ; our Richard receiving it in exchange of King
Guy for the island of Cyprus. Guy's resignation was vo-
1 Matth. i. 16.
THE HOLY WAR. 295
luntary and public; the world was witness to it: he truly
received a valuable consideration, which his heirs long
peaceably enjoyed; and our English kings styled them-
selves kings of Jerusalem % till afterwards they disused it
for reasons best known to themselves 3 . Our poet Harding,
in a paper he presented to King Henry VI. cleareth another
double title of our kings thereunto : and because some
palates love the mouldy best, and place the goodness of old
verses in the badness of them, take them as they fell from
his pen :
To Jerusalem, I say, ye have great right
From Erie Geffray that hight Plantagenet,
Of Aungeoy erle, a prince of passing might,
The eJdest sonne of Fouke, and first beget,
King of Jerusalem by his wife dewly set;
Whose sonne GerTray foresaid gat on his wife
Henry the Second, that was known full rife.
Yet have ye more, from Bawldwyne Paralyticus
King afterward, to the same King Henry
The crown sent and his banner pretious,
As very heire of whole auncestrie
Descent of bloud by title lineally
From Godfray Boleyn, and Robert Curthose,
That kings were thereof and chose.
8. Then cometh forth the pope's title; who claimeth it
many ways : either because he was the first and chiefest
mover and advancer of this war, lord paramount of this
action, and all the pilgrims no better than his servants ; and
then according to the rule in civil law, Quodcunque per ser-
vum acquiritur, id Domino acguiritur suo 4 : or else he
challengeth it from John Bren, who subjected that kingdom
to the see of Rome 5 ; and yet the said John used the style
of Jerusalem all the days of his life, and also gave it away
in match with his daughter : or else he deriveth it as forfeited
to him by the Emperor Frederick II. and his sons, for taking
arms against the church. But what need these far-abouts?
They go the shortest cut, who accounting the pope God's
lieutenant on earth (though by a commission of his own
penning) give him a temporal power (especially in ordine ad
spirituals) over all the kingdoms of the world.
2 Sabellicus, Ennead. 9, lib. 5, p. 378.
3 In his Proeme, p. 5. 4 Institut. lib. 1. tit. 8. $. 1.
5 Knolles, Hist. Turk, p- 123.
296 THE HISTORY OF
The original right of Jerusalem he still keepeth in him-
self, yet hath successively gratified many princes with a
title derived from him : nor shineth his candle the dimmer
by lighting of others. First he bestowed his title on Charles
of Anjou, king of Sicily (from which root spring the many-
branched French competitors) and since hath conferred the
same on the house of Aragon, or king of Spain. Which
king alone weareth it in his style at this day, and maketh
continual war with the Turk, who detaineth Jerusalem
from him : yea, all west Christendom oweth her quiet
sleep to his constant waking, who with his galleys muzzleth
the mouth of Tunis and Algiers. Yea, God in his provi-
dence hath so ordered it, that the dominions of Catholic
princes (as they term them) are the case and cover on the
east and south to keep and fence the protestant countries.
The quit-rent which the king of Spain payeth yearly to
the pope for the kingdoms of Jerusalem, Naples, and Sicily,
is four thousand crowns, sent to his holiness upon a hack-
ney 6 ; who grudgeth his tenant so great a pennyworth ;
yet cannot help himself, except he would follow the friar's
advice, to send home the Spanish hackney with a great
horse after him. What credit there is to be given to that
thorough old (if not doting) prophecy, that a Spaniard
shall one day recover Jerusalem 7 , we leave to the censure
of others ; and meantime we will conclude more serious
matters with this pleasant passage :
When the late wars in the days of Queen Elizabeth
were hot between England and Spain 8 , there were com-
missioners on both sides appointed to treat of peace; they
met at a town of the French king's ; and first it was debated,
what tongue the negotiation should be handled in. A
Spaniard, thinking to give the English commissioners a
shrewd gird, proposed the French tongue as most fit, it
being a language which the Spaniards were well skilled
in ; " and for these gentlemen of England, I suppose (said
he) that they cannot be ignorant of the language of their
fellow subjects ; their queen is queen of France as well as
England." " Nay, in faith, masters (replied Doctor Dale,
the master of requests) the French tongue is too vulgar for
a business of this secrecy and importance, especially in a
French town ; we will rather treat in Hebrew the language
e Sir Edwin Sandys' View of the West World, p. 137.
7 Centuriatores, Cent. 13. cap. 16, col. 692.
8 Heylin, Microcos. in Palestine.
THE HOLY WAR. 297
>f Jerusalem, whereof your master is king ; I suppose you
ire herein as well skilled as we in French."
At this day the Turk hath eleven points of the law in
Ferusalem, I mean possession; and which is more, pre-
cription of a hundred and twenty years, if you date it
'rom the time it came into the Ottoman family ; but far
nore, if you compute it from such time as the mamaluke
Turks have enjoyed it. Yea, likely they are to keep it,
;>eing good at hold fast, and who will as soon lose their
eeth as let go their prey. With the description of the
greatness of which empire will, we (God willing) now close
his history.
HAP. XXX. Of the Greatness, Strength, Wealth, and
Wants, of the Turkish Empire ; what Hopes of the
approaching Ruin thereof.
THE Turkish empire is the greatest and best compacted
(not excepting the Roman itself in the height thereof)
hat the sun ever saw. Take sea and land together (as
)ones and flesh make up one body) and from Buda in the
west to Taurus in the east, it stretcheth about three thou-
sand miles; little less is the extent thereof north and south.
[t lieth in the heart of the world, like a bold champion
)idding defiance to all his borderers, commanding the
most fruitful countries of Europe, Asia, and Africa ; only
America (not more happy in her rich mines than in her
remoteness), lieth free from the reach thereof.
Populous it is not ; for men will never grow thick where
meat groweth thin : it lieth waste, according to the old
Droverb, Grass springeth not where the grand signior's
lorse setteth his foot. Besides, a third part (I may say
lalf) of those in Turkey are not Turks, but either Jews or
'hristians.
The strength of this empire consisteth either in bones or
stones, men or munition. Of the first, the best stake in
;he Turk's hedge is his great number of horsemen called
imariots, conceived to exceed seven hundred thousand
fighting men * : these are dispersed over all his dominions,
and have lands allotted unto them in reward of their good
service and valour, much in the nature of those soldiers of
the Romish empire called benejiciarii. And indeed the
Turkish empire resembleth the Roman in many particulars;
Knolles, in his descrip. of the greatness of the Turkish
Empire.
298 THE HISTORY OF
not that they ever studied imitation, and by reading o
history conformed their state to Roman precedents (far bt
it from us to wrong them with the false imputation of sc
much learning), but rather casually they have met in some
common principles of policy. Of these timariots, on
occasion and competent warning, he can bring into the
field a hundred and fifty thousand, all bound by the tenure
of their lands to arm, clothe, feed, pay themselves ; so
great an army, which would drain the wealth of other
princes, doth cost the Great Turk no drop of expense.
Next follow his best footmen, called janizaries, taken
young from their Christian parents (parallel to the Roman
pretorian soldiers), being the guard of the grand signior's
person. But as they watch about him, so he casteth a
watchful eye on them ; seeing of late they are grown from
painful to be proud, yea, insolent and intolerable ; it being
true of these janizaries in the Turkish empire, as 61
elephants in an army; if well ruled, they alone are enough
to win the battle ; if unruly, they alone are enough to lose
it. As for all other sorts of the Turks, both foot and
horse, they are but slugs ; as whom the grand signior
little trusteth, and others need less fear.
His frontier cities, especially those which respect Chris-
tendom, are exactly fortified. Rank with these such places
of importance and castles as command passages of conse-
quence. As for his inland cities, there is no superfluous,
scarce competent strength in them. But if we allow those
people to be chaste who never were solicited to be other-
wise, then may many cities lying in the bowels of his
empire pass for strong, which for a long time have not had
nor in haste are likely to have the temptation of a siege.
. Of ordnance he hath great store, and hath excellent
materials to make them of; and is also very powerful in
shipping. Indeed ships of great burden would be burden-
some in those narrow seas, and experience hath found
lesser vessels of greater use, whereof he hath store. And
though the Turks either want ingeny or industry, either
care not or cannot be good shipwrights themselves ; yet
the spite is, as long as there is gold amongst the Turks
there will be dross amongst the Christians, I mean some
who for base gain will betray the mysteries of our useful
arts unto them. As for wood to build with, he hath
excellent in Bithynia ; yea, generally in this wild empire,
trees grow better than men. To his sea munition may be
reduced his multitude of slaves, though not the informing
THE HOLY WAR. 299
yet (against their wills) the assisting form of his galleys,
and in whom consisteth a great part of their strength and
swiftness.
Nor must we forget the pirates of Tunis and Algiers,
which are Turks and no Turks; sometimes the grand
signior disclaimeth, renounceth, and casteth them off to
stand upon their own bottom; as when those Christian
princes which are confederate with him complain to him
of the wrongs those sea robbers have done them. But
though he sendeth them out to seek their own meat, he can
cloak them under his wings at pleasure : and we may verily
believe, though sometimes in the summer of his own
prosperity he throweth them off as an upper garment of no
use, yet in cold weather he will buckle them on again ; and,
if necessity pincheth him, receive them not as retainers at
large, but as his best servants in ordinary.
Nor is it the last and least part of the strength of this
empire, that all her native people are linked together in
one religion ; the discords about which in other kingdoms
have been the cause, first of the unjointing, and then of the
final ruin and desolation of many worthy states ; whereas
here, the Mahometan religion (if I wrong it not with so
good a name) is so full of unity and agreement, that there
is no difference and dissension about it. Yea, well may
that coat have no seam which hath no shape. A senseless
ignorant profession it is, not able to go to the cost of a con-
troversy : and all colours may well agree in the dark.
Next the strength followeth the wealth ; yea, it is part
thereof: for all rich kingdoms may be strong, and purchase
artificial fortification. The certain and constant revenues
of the Great Turk are not great, if withal we consider the
spaciousness of his dominions. Some have mounted his
ordinary yearly income to eight millions of gold 1 . But
men guess by uncertain aim at princes' revenues, especially
if they be so remote : we may believe that in their conjec-
ture herein, though they miss the mark, they hit the butt.
Far greater might his intrado be, if husbandry, and chiefly
merchandise, were plied in his country ; merchants being
the vena porta of a kingdom ; without which it may have
good limbs, but empty veins, and nourish little. Now
although this empire be of a vast extent, having many safe
harbours to receive strangers there, and stable commodities
(chiefly if industry were used) to allure them thither ; yet
3 Knolles.
300 THE HISTORY OF
hath it in effect but four prime places of trading : Constan-
tinople, Cairo, Aleppo, and Tauris. As for the extraordi-
nary revenues of the grand signior, by his escheats and
other courses if he pleaseth to take them, they are a nemo
scit ; for in effect he is worth as much as all his subjects
(or slaves rather) throughout his whole empire are worth,
his sponges to squeeze at pleasure.
But the lion is not so fierce as he is painted, nor this
empire so formidable as fame giveth it out. The Turk's
head is less than his turban, and his turban less than it
seemeth ; swelling without, hollow within. If more seri-
ously it be considered, this state cannot be strong, which is
a pure and absolute tyranny. His subjects under him
have nothing certain but this, that they have nothing
certain; and may thank the grand signior for giving them
whatsoever he taketh not away from them. Their goods
they hold by permission, not propriety ; not sure that either
they or theirs shall reap what they sow, or eat what they
reap; and hereupon husbandry is wholly neglected; for
the ploughman (as well as the ground he plougheth) will
be soon out of heart, if not maintained and (as I may say)
composted with hopes to receive benefit by his labours.
Here great officers, if they love themselves, must labour
not to be beloved ; for popularity is high treason : and
generally wealth is a sin to be expiated by death. In a word,
it is a cruel tyranny, bathed in the blood of their emperors
upon every succession ; a heap of vassals and slaves ; no
nobles (except for time being, by office) no gentlemen, no
freemen, no inheritance of land, no stirp or ancient families ;
a nation without any morality, arts, and sciences, that can
measure an acre of land or hour of a day.
And needeth not that kingdom constant and continued
pointing, which is cemented with fear, not love ? May we
not justly think, that there be many in this empire who
rather wait a time than want desire to overthrow it? For
though some think the Grecians in Turkey bear such in-
veterate hate to the Latin Christians, that they would rather
refuse deliverance than accept them for their deliverers ; yet
surely both they, and perchance some native Turks, out of
that principle of desiring liberty (the second rule next pre-
serving life in the charter of nature), would be made (if this
empire were seriously invaded, so that the foundation
thereof did totter), sooner to find two hands to pluck it
down than one finger to hold it up.
And we have just cause to hope that the fall of this
THE HOLY WAR. 301
unwieldy empire doth approach. It was high noon with it
fifty years ago; we hope now it draweth near night; the
rather, because luxury, though late, yet at last hath found
the Turks out, or they it. When first they came out of
Turcoman! a, and were in their pure naturals, they were
wonderfully abstemious, neglecting all voluptuousness, not
so much out of a dislike as ignorance of it ; but now,
having tasted the sweetness of the cup, they can drink as
great a draught as any others. That paradise of corporeal
pleasure which Mahomet promised them in the world to
come, they begin to anticipate here, at leastwise to take an
earnest of it, and have well soaked themselves in luxury.
Yea, now they begin to grow covetous, both prince and
people, rather seeking to enjoy their means with quiet
than enlarge them with danger.
Heaven can as easily blast an oak as trample a mush-
room. And we may expect the ruin of this great empire
will come; for of late it hath little increased its stock, and
now beginneth to spend of the principal. It were arrant
presumption for flesh to prescribe God his way ; or to
teach him, when he meaneth to shoot, which arrow in his
quiver to choose. Perchance the western Christians, or
the Grecians under him (though these be better for seconds
than firsts, fitter to foment than raise a faction), or his own
janizaries, or the Persian, or the Tartarian, or some other
obscure prince not as yet come into play in the world,
shall have the lustre from God to maul this great empire.
It is more than enough for any man to set down the fate of
a single soul ; much more to resolve the doom of a whole
nation when it shall be. These things we leave to Provi-
dence to work, and posterity to behold. As for our gene-
ration, let us sooner expect the dissolutions of our own
microcosms than the confusion of this empire ; for neither are
our own sins yet truly repented of, to have this punishment
removed from us ; nor the Turks' wickedness yet come to
the full ripeness, to have this great judgment laid upon
them.
SOLI DEO GLORIA.
CHRONOLOGY.
PREFACE.
EREIN I present the Reader with a general view and
synopsis of the whole story of the age of the Holy
ar ; that he may see the coherence betwixt the East and
West, and in what equipage and correspondency of
me the Asian affairs go on with those of Europe : for they
ill reflect a mutual lustre and plainness on one another.
The Chronology is marshalled into ranks and files: the
nks, or transverse spaces, contain twenty years on a side ;
ie files, or columns directly downward, are appropriated
those several states whose name they bear.
In the first six columns I have followed Helvicus with
In implicit faith, without any remarkable alteration, both
ingraffing of years and making them concur, as also
.ving sometimes empty spaces. In the other columns I
ave followed several authors, and left the years unnoted
here the time was uncertain ; counting it better to bring
an ignoramus than to find a verdict where the evidence
as doubtful and obscure.
Such long notes as would not be imprisoned within the
rates of this Chronology, we have referred to at the foot
f the page.
Know that every note belongeth to that year wherein it
ieginneth, except signed with this mark; which reduceth
to the year it endeth in.
Br. standeth for brother, S. son, M. months, D. days.
Tote, whilst there were caliphs of Egypt, then the sultans
were but deputies and lieutenants; but afterwards the
mamaluke sultans were absolute princes, acknowledg-
ing no superior.
304
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.
<
Popes.
of the
Emper.
of the
West.
Kings of
England
Kings of
France.
Holy fl'ar, and Kings of
Jerusalein.
1095
Urban 8
Alex- 15
Hen- 40
Wil- 8
Phi-36
The Council of Clermont
II.
usCom-
ry IV.
iam
ipl.
foundeth the Holy War.
len
Rufus
6
9
16
41
9
37
st Voyage under Godfrey,
Duke of Bouillon.
7
10
17
42
10
38
Nice, I
8
11
18
43
11
39
9
A/.4. D.IS
19
44
12
40
Jerusalem, J
1100
Paschal 2
20
45
13
41
Godfrey, King of Jerusa- 1
11.
lem.
Baldwin, his brother.
j
j
21
46
Hen-1
42
2nd Voyage under several 1
ry I.
Caesarea, ] fPrincesaud
LPrelates.
2
t
22
47
2
43
Apamia,
2
Laodicea,
-
5
23
48
3
44
.3
i
4
6
24
49
4
45
Ptolemais,
4
7
25
M. 10
5
46
won by the I
^ Christians.
i
26
Henry
|
47
V.
27
2
7
48
7
1
28
8
49
s
Louis
1
29
4
the 2
Gross
Tripolis,
111
1<
30
5
10
i
Btrytus, 1C
Sidon, J
1
31
11
4
11
2
14
32
7
12
5
12
3
15
33
8
,3
i
13
4
if
34
9
14
7
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.
305
Princes of Antioch.
Patri-
archs of
Antioch.
Patriarchs of
Jerusalem.
Masters
ofKts.
Hospi-
tallers.
Caliphs
of Sy-
ria.
Caliphs
of
Egypt.
Mnste- 1
Mus- 1
taher.
teal.
2
8
3
3
Boemund. 1
4
4
2
5
5
He is taken cap- 3
live. Tancred
Ber- 1
nard.
[. Arnulphus M. 5.
I. Ge- 1
rard.
6
C
manageth the
state in his ab- 4
2
II. Dabertus. He 1
2
7
Ela- 1
sence.
stickleth for Jeru-
mir, S.
5
3
salem, to get it
from the king. 2
3
8
2
Boemund ran- 6
4
3
II.Rei-1
9
3
somed.
mund
de Po-
Be unfortunately 7
5
Flieth to Antioch ; 4
dio. 2
10
4
besiegeth Char-
ras ; travelleth
"O E'C
into France; 8
6
1 5T 5- f Thence to 5
3
11
5
rc ^ fctj Rome
9
7
2 ||| 6
4
12
6
MW 3 Dieth in
Returneth and 10
wasteth Grecia
8
3 o a-S Sicily. 7
? ?'
5
13
7
with his navy.
11
9
IV. Gibellinus, 1
6
14
S
Archbishop of
Aries.
Boemund II. S. 1
10
2
7
15
9
yet a child, and
living in Apulia: 2
11
3
8
16
10
in whose minority,
first Tancred, then
Roger his kins- 3
12
4
9
17
11
man, were princes
in trust.
4
13
V. Arnulphus, 1
10
18
12
Archdeacon of
Jerusalem.
5
14
2
n
19
13
6
15
3
12
20
14
306
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.
S5
^
Popes.
Emper.
of the
East.
|l
"=
Kings of
England
Kings of
France.
Holy War, and Kings of
Jerusalem.
l}15
17
35
10
15
8
15
6
IS
36
11
16
9
16
7
M.5. D.Q.
37
12
17
10
Baldwin's voyages into Egypt : 17
1st. When he took Pharamia.
8
9
Gelasius. 1
D. 5
Calo- 1
Johan-
nes S.
2
13
14
18
19
11
12
2nd. When he got his death. 18
Baldwin II. his kinsman. 1
1120
Calixtus 2
II.
3
15
20
13
2
1
3
4
16
21
14
3
2
3
4
5
5
6
17
18
22
23
15
16
He fighteth on disadvantage 4
with the Turks, and is taken
captive.
5
4
AT. 10. #.13
7
M. 9
24
17
He is dearly ransomed. 6
Tyre taken by the Christians.
5
6
Honorius2
II.
3
8
9
Lo- 1
thari-
us the
Sax- 2
on.
25
26
18
19
Baldwin getteth so much spoil 7
from the conquered Turks as
serveth to pay his ransom.
7
4
10
3
27
20
9
8
5
11
4
28
21
10
9
M. 2. D. 3.
12
5
29
22
11
1130
Innocen- 1
tius II.
13
6
30
23
12
1
2
14
7
31
24
(a) 13
2
3
3
4
15
16
8
9
32
33
25
26
Fulco, Earl of Anjou, in right 1
of Millesent, his wife, eldest
daughter to King Baldwin.
2
4
5
17
10
34
27
3
fa) 1131. Helvicus givelh Baldwin II. sixteen years : but herein he is deceived!
as also in allowing King Fulco but eight. We, according the consent of the best
authors, have given the former thirteen, the latter ten.
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.
307
Princes of
Antioch.
Patri-
archs of
[ntioch.
Patriarchs of
Jerusalem.
Masters
of Kts.
Hospi-
tallers.
Masters of
Kniyhts
Templars.
Caliphs
oftiyria.
Caliphs
ofEaypt
7
16
4
13
21
15
8
17
5
14
22
16
Roger,
18
3e is accused 6
15
23
17
fighting
for his wicked
unadvi-
life; (b)
sedly 10
19
7
16
Muste- 1
18
with the
ras-
Turks, is
chad
slain. 11
20
VI. Guari- 1
17
Hugh de 1
S. 2
19
mund of
Paganis,
12
21
Amiens. 2
18
and Gan- 2
3
20
fred of S.
Omars.
13
22
3
19
3
4
21
14
23
4
20
These first 4
5
22
nine years
there were
15
24
5
21
but nine 5
6
23
Templars.
16
25
6
22
6
Ras- 1
24
chid
S. af-
Boemund, 17
26
7
23
7
ter- 2
25
now of
wards
age, cometh
to Anti- 18
27
8
24
8
deposed
by the 3
26
och, and
Wise-
marrieth
The Order
man of
King 19
28
9
25
of the 9
the Is-
27
Baldwin's
Templars
mael-
daughter.
confirmed
ites.
20
29
VII. Stephen 1
26
by the 10
28
suspected to
have been poi-
Pope and a
Council.
21
30
soned by the 2
27
Everardus, 1
29
He is sur-
King.
master of the
prised and22
slain in
31
VIII. William 1
Prior of the
28
Templars, 2
to whom
30
Cilicia.
Alice, the 1
32
Sepulchre.
29
Peter Clu-
niacensis 3
31
relict of
writ a
Boemund,
book in
Princess 2
Regent in
33
3
30
praise of 4
this Order.
32
the minority
of Con- 3
34
4
31
33
stantiaher
daughter.
4
35
5
32
34
(b) Arnulphus posteth to Rome, and there buyeth to be innocent.
t
308
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.
cS
r
Popes.
Emper.
of the
East.
y?
4*
vs
Ji
^
Kings of
France.
Holy ff'ar, and Kings of
Jerusalem.
1135
6
18
11
35
28
4
6
7
19
12
Ste- 1
29
5
phen
the U-
7
8
20
13
snr- 2
30
6
per.
6
9
21
Con-1
3
Louis 1
7
rad
VII.
III.
or the
9
10
22
2
4
Youn- 2
8
ger.
1140
11
23
3
5
3
9
1
12
24
4
6
4
10
2
13
M. 7.
5
7
5
Baldwin III. S. Edessa 1
won by Sanguinfrom the
Christians.
3
M.7.D.8.
Eman-1
6
8
6
2
nelCom-
neous,S.
4
Celestine
2
7
9
7
3
II. M. 5.
5
Lucius II.
3
8
10
8
4
M. 11.
6
Eugenius 1
4
9
11
9
5
III.
7
2
5
10
12
10
3 Voyage under Conrad, the 6
Emperor, and Louis,
8
3
6
11
13
11
King of France.
Damascus besieged in vain. 7
9
4
7
12
14
12
Discords between Baldwin 8
and his mother Millesent.
1150
5
8
13
15
13
9
1
6
9
14
16
14
10
2
7
10
Fre- 1
17
15
11
deri-
CDS
3
31.4. D.12.
11
Bar- 2
18
16
12
Anastasius
baros-
4
IV.
37.4. D.1\.
12
sa.
3
19
17
Baldwin taketh the city of
Ascalon. 13
(
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.
309
Princes of
Antioch.
Patri-
archs of
Antioch.
Patriarchs
of Jerusa-
lem:
Masters
ofKts.
Hospi-
tallers.
Masters of
Knights
Templars.
Caliphs
of ^Sy-
ria.
Caliphs
of Egypt.
5
36
6
33
Mucta- 1
35
phil S.
Reiiruiml 1
Earl of
Poictou, in
Rodol- 1
phus
chosen
7
34
to Mus-
teta- 2
her.
EJha- 1
fhit, S.
,1 [|, ( .
right of 2
Constantia
his wife.
He ac- 3
knowledg-
eth himself
vassal to 4
the Grecian
Patri- 2
arch by
the lai-
ty. 3
4
8
9
10
35
36
37
Robert of
Burgundy.
Tyr. lib.
15. c. 6.
4
20th 2
year of
his reign
he was 3
killed
by one
Nosra- 4
dine.
Emperor; 5
and resign-
eth Cilicia
5
11
38
(
Vide 5
Tyr. lib.
1ft /a n
to him. 6
6
12
39
7
.to. cap.
49, et 6
Calvis.
in 1156.
7
Alme- 1
13
40
j
'7
ricus.
6
2
14
41
9
8
9
3
15
42
10
9
10
4
9 Fulcher 1
43
11
10
Archbishop
of Tyre.
11
5
2
44
12
11
fte honour- 12
6
3
45
13
12
ably enter-
taineth the
King of 13
France.(a)
7
4
46
14
13
Constantia 1
8
5
47
Gaza given
15
14
his wid.
to the Tem-
Princess. 2
9
6
48
plars to de-
16
15
fend Ber-
nard deTre-
3
10
7
49
nellape.
The Tem-
17
16
plars with
4
11
8
50
Bernard
18
17
Reinold of
The Hospi-
their Mas-
Castile 5
allers re- 9
ter, through
marrieth
12
>el against
51
their own
19
18
Constantia,
the Patriarch
covetous-
and is prince 1
in her right.
13
and deny 10
to pay tithes.
52
ness, slain at
Ascalon.
20
19
(a) Reimund is slain in battle by Noradin. Tyr. lib. 17. c. 9.
310
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.
Q
^
Popes.
Emppr.
of the
East.
i^
n~
11
!l
Kinysof
France.
Holy War, and Kings of
Jerusalem.
1155
Adrian 2
13
4
Hen-l
18
14
IV.
ryll.
6
3
14
5
2
19
15
7
4
U
6
3
20
10
8
ytf.S. Z2.2S
16
7
4
21
u
9
Alexan- 1
17
8
,
22
18
der III.
1160
2
Irt
9
6
23
Order of the Carmelites first 19
begun in Syria.
1
3
1!,
10
7
24
20
2
4
20
11
8
25
21
3
5
21
12
9
26
Almerick, his brother. 1
4
6
22
13
10
27
2
5
7
23
14
11
28
3
G
8
24
15
12
29
At the instance of Saltan Sanar 4
7
9
25
16
13
30
he goeth into Egypt, and
driveth out Syracon.
Cassarea-Philippi lost. 5
8
10
20
17
14
31
Almerick, contrary to his pro- 6
mise, invadeth Egypt.
9
11
27
18
15
32
7
1170
12
28
19
16
33
He taketh a voyage into Grecia, 8
to visit the Emperor his
kinsman.
1
13
29
20
17
34
9
2
14
30
21
18
35
10
3
15
31
22
19
36
11
4
16
32
23
20
37
Baldwin IV. 1
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.
311
Princes
of Anti-
och.
Patri-
archs of
Antiock.
Patri-
archs of
Jerusa-
lem.
Masters of
Knights
Hospitallers.
Masters of
Knights
Templars.
Cnliphs
of Syria.
Caliphs of
Egypt.
He, to 2
Alme- 14
In 11
53
Bertrand de 1
21
20
tespite
ricu?cru-
vain he
Blanchfort.
the Gre-
elly tor-
crawl-
cian 3
men- 15
eth to 12
(a) 54
2
22
Elhadach. 1
Empe-
ed for
Rome
ror, was-
teth 4
the is-
land Cy-
speak-
ng a- 16
;ainst
Prince
to com-
plain 13
of them.
III. Augeri-
usde Bal-
ben.
He is taken 3
prisoner.
Tyr.l. lS.c.15.
23
These Caliphs
of Egypt are 2
very difficult
to regulate by
prus. 5
Rei- 17
14
Philip of 1
24
chronology ; 3
nold's
Naples.
and are ever
marri-
heteroclites,
6
age. 18
X. A- 1
Afterward 2
25
either defici- 4
malri-
he renounceth
ent or redun-
7
19
cus, 2
III. Arnold-
his place
26
dant in the 5
Reinold
Prior of
us de Cam-
Tyr. lib. 20. c.
proportion of
carried
the Se-
pis.
24.
time consent-
captives
20
pul- 3
Mus-1
ing with other 6
to Alep-
chre.
tene-
princes. Hi-
po.
ged.
therto we have
3oe- 1
He 21
4
2
followed Hel- 7
mund
jrescri-
vicus ; now
III. S.
)eth
adhere to Ty-
to Rei-2
rules 22
5
3
rius, lib. 19. 8
mund.
to the
cap. 19. and
Carme-
lib. 20. cap. 12.
3
lites. 23
6
4
9
4
24
7
V. Gilbertus
12 Templars
5
Sanarand 10
Assalit : who,
hanged for
Dargon fight
to get Pelu-
traitors.
for the Sul-
3e is 5
25
8
sium for his
Otto de Sancto
6
tany of E- 11
conquer-
own Order,
Amando, one
gyp 1 -
ed, and
instigated
that feared
taken 6
26
9
King Alme-
neither God
7
12
)risoner;
rick (con-
nor man.
ranso-
trary to his
Tyr. lib. 21. c.
meth 7
27
10
oath) to in-
29.
8
13
limself.
vade Egypt.
8
28
11
9
14
20
12
Mus-1
tezi,
15
Turkish Kings
1Q
VI Castus.
S.
2
of Egypt.
10
3C
|
Saladin with his
horse-mace
11
31
14
3
knocketh out
the brains of
12
32
15
VII. Jober-
The Templars
basely kill the
4
Elhadach, the
last Turkish Ca-
tus.
Embassador
liph in Egypt.
of the Assas-
7fyr.lib.20. cap.
13
33
16
sins. 5
12.
(a) 1156. This catalogue of the Masters of the Hospitallers I find in Hospinian,
De Origine. Monachatus. It seemeth strange this Nestor Rodulphus should govern
his Order 54 years; yet it appeareth to be so, if we compare Tyrius, lib. 14.
cap. 6.
312
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.
cj
^
Popes.
Emper.
of the
East.
in
::
Kings
of En-
gland.
Kl
* $
Holy War, and Kings
of Jerusalem.
1175
17
33
24
21
38
2
6
18
34
25
22
39
William Marquis of Mont- 3
ferrat marrieth Sibyl, the
King's sister.
1
19
35
26
23
40
Saladin shamefully con- 4
quered at Ascalon.
8
20
36
27
24
41
5
&
21
37
28
25
42
Fatal jealousies between 6
M.S.
the King and Reimund,
1180
M. 11. .0.29.
AJexiusl
29
26
Phi- 1
Prince of Tripoli, for 7
Comne-
lipAu-
many years.
nns.
gust-
1
Lucius III. 1
2
30
27
us, 2
8
S.
2
2
Andro- 1
31
28
3
9
nicus, S.
3
3
2
32
29
4
Baldwin disabled with le- 10
prosy, retireth himself
from managing the state.
4
4
M. 11.
33
30
5
11
If. 3. D. 28.
5
Urban III.
Isaac- 1
34
31
6
Baldwin V. after eight
Angelas.
months, poisoned.
6
M. 10. D. 25.
2
35
32
7
Guy de Lnsignan, in right 1
of Sibyl, his wife.
7
G^ojy
3
36
33
8
Conrad, Mar- Guy taken pri-
1 nuisofMont- soner : Jeru- 2
M. 1. D. 27.
rerrat. defen- salem won by
deth Tvre, Saladin.
8
Clement 1
III.
4
37
34
M. 7.
Rich-
9
and is cho- Guy having got
2 sen King. Ifbertv, fe- 3
Biegeth Ptole-
9
2
5
38
ard 1
10
3 4th Voyage under Frederic, 4
I.
surnamed Barbarossa.
1190
3
.6
Hen-1
2
11
4 5th Voyage under Richard 5
ry VI.
of England, and Philip
S.
of France.
1
M. 2. D. 10.
7
2
3
12
5 Conrad murdered in the 6
market-place of Tyre.
Ptolemais taken.
2
^elestine 2
8
3
4
13
Guy exchangeth his king- 7
III.
dom of Jerusalem for Cy-
3
3
M. r. 9
4
5
14
prus.
Henry, Earl of Cham- 1
Alexius
pagne.
Comne-
4
4
nus 1
5
6
15
2
Angelus.
(a) 1188. That Antioch was betrayed by a Patriarch, is plain by Sabellicus : but
whether Almericus was this traitor Patriarch, or whether it was done by the
Grecian Antipatriarch, is uncertain. Here we cease that column, as despairing to
continue their succession any longer.
(b) 1192. Here is a subject for industry to deserve well, in filling up the %a.<rtjut
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.
313
Princes of
Antioch.
Patri-
archs of
Antioch.
Patri-
archs of
Jerusa-
lem.
Masters
ofKts.
Hospi-
tallers.
Masters of
Knights
Templars.
Mas-
ters of
Dutch
Kts.
Ca-
liphs
Syria
Turkish
Kings of
Egypt.
14
34
17
6
15
35
18
VIII.
7
He get-
:eth I
Roger
Damas- 1
de Mo-
cusand
Keinold of 16
36
19
ris.
8
whole
Castile, once
Turk- (y
Prince of An-
sh ^j
cioch, ran- 17
37
20
Arnoldus
9
lorn in
somed from
de Troge.
Syria.
captivity.
Tyr.lib.
"(Jyr. Q
.ib. Jil. ")
18
38
21
22. c. 7.
10
'n de-
iBoemuntl, 19
39
22
Nar-1
spite of A
Norad- 4
by putting
zai, S.
m's
away Theo-
dora, his 20
40
XI. He- 1
2
son.
S *
'lawful wife.
radius,
rreat U
causeth much
Archbi-
reckon
trouble in 21
41
shop of 2
3
Sala- f
this state.
Cesarea.
din's U
feign of
16 years
22
42
3
4
(for so 7
He dieth
many /
in an em-
authors
five
23
43
4
bassy to
the Prin-
. 5
b i
He went
ces in Eu-
tiis sci-
zinir of
24
44
Antioch
by the 45
He tra- 5
velleth into
the West,
with He-
raclius
into the
West;
rope.
Gerardus
Ridford.
6
S,/ Q
king- ^
lorn of
25
Patri-
cometh 6
return-
7
"in
archs 46
to Eng-
eth;
But if
betrayed
land, con-
we
26
to Sala-
din. (a)
secrateth 7
the Tern-
Is slain in
a battle
near Pto-
He is taken
prisoner.
8
his* U
reign
27
Church 8
temais.
IX. Gar-
Tericus,
Master of the
9
from
the kil- -I o
ling of 1 A
in London,
nerius
Templars
theE-
and retur-
de Nea-
during Ge-
28
neth 9
poli Sy-
rard's du-
10
he be- ' J.
without
riae.
Gerard is set
Antioch won a-
prain from the
any aid. 10
at liberty,
and slain in
Hen-1
11
gan far 1 A
sooner. 1
Turks, bv Frede-
rick, UuieofSu-
the siege of
Ptolemais.
ry a
Wal-
abia.
11
pot. 2
12
15
The time of Bo-
emund's death is
as uncertain as
who was his suc-
cessor : only we
He lived
viciously,
(*)
3
13
16
find from this
and died
time forward, the
same princes (but
without name or
certain date) sty-
led both of An-
obscurely.
(c)
X. Er-
megar-
dus
Daps.
4
5
14
15
Saphra- 1
din, bro-
ther to Sa-
ladin. 3
tioch and Tripoli
of the Masters of the Templars, from the death of Gerard till the year 1215, whose
names we cannot find.
(c) 1193. Hitherto the succession of the Patriarchs of Jerusalem is accurately
collected out of Tyrius. The order of those which follow is not so authentic, beinj
catched as we might out of several authors.
314
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.
.
^."
^?5
5
Popes.
of the' |- .
East. -^ >-r
IJ
II
Holy War, and Kings of
Jerusalem.
1195
5
2
6
7
16
3
6
6
3
7
8
17
Almerick II. King also of 1
Cyprus.
7
3f.9. D.ll
4
8
9
18
6th Voyage, under Henry 2
Duke ot Saxony. (a)
8
Innocent 1
5
9
10
19
The Dutchmen miserably 3
III.
killed of St. Martin's day.
Othol
9
2
6 IV.
11
20
Simon Earl of Montfort co- 4
meih into Palestine, and
1200
3
7 2
John 1
21
maketh a profitable peace. 5
his
br.
1
4
8
3
2
22
6
Isaac
2
5
again
with 9
4
3
23
7th Voyage, under Baldwin, 7
Earl of Flanders ; but by
Alexius
the Pope diverted against
3
6
his S.
5
4
24
the Grecian usurping Em- 8
Bald- 1
peror.
win.E.
4
7
of Flan-
6
5
25
1 Interregnum of 5 years. Al- 9
ders. 2
merick dieth of a surfeit,
5
8
Henry 1
7
6
26
according to Marinus Sa-
2 nutus. ~ 10
his br.
6
9
2
S
7
27
3 The holy war turned against 11
the Albigenses in France.
7
10
3
9
8
28
4 12
8
11
4
10
9
29
5 Almerick for his laziness de- 13
posed by the Pope, dieth
soon after.
9
12
5
11
10
30
John Bren made King of Je- 1
rusalem by the Pope.
1210
13
6
12
11
31
2
1
14
'
13
12
32
3
2
15
8
Fre-1
13
33
4
de-
rick
3
16
9
II. 2
14
34
An army of children going to 5
the holy war wofully perish
by the way.
4
17
10
3
15
35
6
(a) Henry the Palatine, Herman Landgrave, &c. win Berytus.
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.
315
Princes
of An-
tioch.
Patri-
archs of
Jerusa-
lem.
Masters
ofKts.
Hospi-
tallers.
Masters of
Knights
Templars.
Masters of
Dutch
Knights.
Caliphs
oftiyria
Turkish Kings
of Egypt.
6
16
Between him 3
and Saladin's
sons (whom
7
17
at last he con- 4
quered and
subdued) was
8
18
long war, to 5
the great com-
XII. Al-
fort and pro-
bertus
9
19
fit of the 6
succeed-
Christians.
eth He-
raclius.
10
20
7
-Spond.
II. Otto a- 1
21
8
Kerpin.
2
n
9
XI. Got-
fridus de
3
23
10
Deny-
jon.
4
24
11
He per-
fecteth
5
25
12
and wri-
teth a
rule to
6
26
13
the Car-
Leo, King of
melites.
Armenia, re-
-Idem.
storeth to the
III. Her- 1
27
14
Templars
what he had
mannus,
Bart.
violently
:aken from
2
28
1 Meladin 15
(as most com-
them.
pute) succeed-
3
29
2 eth his fa- 16
ther Saphra-
din in Egypt.
4
30
3 17
XII.
Thomas
IV. Her- 1
mannus a
31
4 18
Agni.
Saltza.
2
32
5 19
3
33
6 20
XII. Al-
)honsus
de Por-
4
34
r 21
ugallia.
5
35
3 22
316
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.
3
Popes.
Emper.
of the
East.
ill
vs
II
Kings of
France.
Holy War, and Kings of
Jerusalem.
1215
18
11
4
16
36
The Great Lateran Council, to 7
advance the Holy War.
6
V.6..D.9.
Peter 1
Earl of
Aux-
5
17
37
8th. Voyage under Andrew, 8
King of Hungary.
7
Hono- 2
erre. 2
6
Hen-1
38
9
rius III.
ry III.
c
8
3
3
7
o.
2
39
Damietta besieged. 10
9
4
4
8
3
40
Damietta taken. 11
1220
5
5
9
4
41
The Christians entrapped in 12
water, restore Damietta for
their liberty; and conclude
1
6
Ro- 1
10
5
42
an eight years' truce. 13
bert.
2
7
2
11
6
43
14
3
8
3
12
7
He 44
John Bren cometh into France, 15
dieth.
and there receiveth rich lega-
cies from Philip Augustus.
4
9
4
13
S
Lou- 1
16
is
VIII.
5
10
5
14
9
2
17
6
M. 8
6
15
10
3
He is honourably entertained 18
at Rome, and resigneth his
kingdom.
7
Gregory 1
IX.
7
16
11
St. 1
Louis
Frederick, by marriage of lole, 1
Bren's daughter.
8
2
Bald- 1
17
12
2
2
win
II.
9
3
2
18
13
3
9th Voyage under Frederick; 3
who crowned himself King
1230
4
3
19
14
4
of Jerusalem; and concluding 4
a ten years' truce, returneth
into Europe, leaving Reinold,
1
5
4
20
15
5
Duke of Bavaria, his viceroy 5
in Palestine.
2
6
5
21
16
6
6
3
7
6
22
17
7
7
4
8
7
23
18
8
8
1CAL TABLE.
317
Princes of
Antioch.
Patri-
archs of
Jerusa-
lem.
Masters
ofKts.
Hospi-
tallers.
Masters
of Kts.
Tem-
plars.
Masters
of Dutch
Knights
I Caliphs
\ of Syria.
Turkish Kingt
of Egypt.
He is
present
in the
Lateran
MIL
Gotheri-
dus de-
la-Rat.
P.de
Monte-
acuto.
I
36
37
Q Saphradin 23
(according to
M. Paris, p. 404.)
10 dieth for 2'
Council
to solici
the Holy
(
38
grief that the
fort nigh to
11 Damietta 25
War.
was taken.
He fight
9
39
12 Meladin 1
eth stout
ly with
the rest
in
40
13 2
of his
Order a
11
41
14 Is wonder- 3
the ta-
fully kind to
dng of
the Christians
Damiet-
12
42
15 half drown- 4
ta.-Mat
ed in Egypt.
Paris, p
409, and
13
43
16 5
419.
60,000crowns
bequeathed
14
44
17 6
by the K. ot
France, to
XIV.
the Hospi-
tallers and
Oliver.
15
45
8 7
Geral-
Templars.
dua.
XIV. Gua
rinus de
16
Ta- 1
19 8
Monte-
ier,S.
acuto.
A bitter
17
2
20
enemy
lewasto
Frede-
The 1&
3
21 10
rick the
XV. Cer-
)utch
Smpe-
vius.
{.nights
ror, and
mder 19
4
22 11
ided
Her-
with the
nannus
fnT
An inve-
erate
heir 20
Master
23 12
ThePr. of Anti-
tem-
enemvto
come 21
24 13
och dieth with-
plars
Frede"-
nto
out lawful issue.
igainst
rick,
J rnssia ;
Frederick, base
liin.
XVI. Ber-
whom he
yet so 22
5 14
S. to Fred. the
trandusde
most
is many
Em p. is byRei-
nold, viceroy 1
Campis.
piteful-
y and
of (a)
hem 23
6 15
of Jerusalem,
reache-
till re-
made Pr. of An-
ously
mained
tioch, in spite 2
used.
nSy-24
7 16
of Hen. K. of Cy-
ia.
Mus-
prus, who claim-
enat-
ed that place. 3
25
er.
8 17
(a) 1230. Several authors assign several dates wherein the Dutch Knighlscame
into Prussia : Perchance they came in several parcels. Their succession I had out
of Pantaleon, Mnnster, and the Centurists. Quaere, whether these Masters of the
)utch Knights in Prussia had also command over those of their Order in Syria ?
j
Popes.
13 *
Emper.
of the
Itest.
!!
ii
Holy War, and Kings of
Jerusalem.
1235
it
8
24
19
9
it
6
10
9
25
20
10
10
7
11
10
26
21
11
11
8
12
11
27
22
12
The former ten years' truce ex- 12
pired. Reinold concludeth
another of the same term.
9
13
12
28
23
13
10th Voyage under Theobald, 13
King of Navarre.
1240
14
M. 5.
13
29
24
14
He is unfortunately overthrown 14
in battle at Gaza.
Celestiue
1
IV.
D. 17.
14
30
25
15
llth Vovage under Richard, 15
Earl of Cornwall.
2
The See
15
31
26
16
16
void.
3
Innocent 1
16
32
27
17
If
IV.
4
2
17
33
28
18
The Corasines conquer (he Chris- 18
tians, and sack Jerusalem.
5
3
18
34
29
19
19
6
4
19
35
30
20
20
7
5
20
36
31
21
12th Voyage under St. Louis, 21
King of France.
S
6
21
37
32
22
He arriveth in Cyprus, and 22
there wintereth ;
9
7
22
38
33
23
taketh Damietta ; 23
beateth the Saracens.
1250
8
23
Inter- 1
34
24
Robert, Earl of Artois slain. 1
1
9
regnnm
of 23
24 years, 2
35
25
Louis taken prisoner.
Interregnum of 14 years.
The Pastorells overthrown in 2
wherein
France.
there
2
10
25
were 3
36
26
King Louis being ransomed, 3
many
coineth into Palestine ; reco-
competi-
vereth and fortineth Sidon:
5
11
26 tors for 4
37
27
returneth into France. 4
the Em-
pire.
4
J/.5. 1M4.
27
5
38 28
5
tl KU1M fJL ULr
319
Princes
ofAn-
tioch.
Patri-
archs of
Jerusa-
lem.
Masters of
Knights Hos-
pitallers.
Masters
of Kts.
Tem-
plars.
Masters
of Dutch
Knts.
1
Great Chams
of Tartary.
Turkish
Kings of
Egypt.
4
26
29 18
5
27
30 10
6
28
31 20
7
29
32 21
8
30
33 22
9
31
v.
34 23
10
XV. Ro-
Her-
Con- 1
35 24
bertus.
mannus
rad
Petrago-
Land-
11
XVII. Petrus
de Villebride ;
rinus.
M.Paris
grave2
of
36 25
p. 726.
Has-
IS
sia. 3
37 26
taken captive
All the
13
He was in
by the Cora-
Tem-
4
33 27
the batlle
sines. M.
plars
against the
Paris, p. 833.
slain to
14
Corasines :
XVIII. Guli-
eighteen
5
39 28
as appear-
eliiius de Cas-
'a) the
eth in M.
tello novo.
Hospi-
15
Paris ;
M. Paris, p.
tallers to
6
40 29
where he
836.
nine-
writeth a
teen, the
ie dieth at
"he 16
bemoan-
Dutch
7
Damiet- 30
\ntio-
feians,
ing letter.
K.nights
to three.
ta's taking.
Melech- 1
lighting
8
sala.
inadvi-
iedly
Mameluke
,vith the
9
Sultans 2
^urks,
of Egypt.
ire over-
The Patri-
All the Hospi-
All the
10
Tarque- 1
grown.
arch of Je-
tallers, with
Tem-
minus.
rusalem
their Master,
plars,
Conrad,
was taken
slain to one.
with
11
2
\. to
prisoner
XIX. Hugo
their
<Yede-
with the
Revel : He
Master,
ick,
King of
made a statute
slain to
12
3
'rince
France.
whereby wo-
two.
Mango per-
)f Anti-
>ch.
Magde-
burg, cent.
men were ad-
mitted into
VI. 1
suaded by
HaitoK. 1
4
13. col.
this Order.
Poppo
of Armenia
697.
lo turn
2
Christian 2
(a) 1245. Here we are at another loss for the names of the Templars, and will
>e thankful to those who will help us to them.
G$
r
Popes.
is!
35 >*<
Emper.
of the
West.
11
!i
A-/M//.S- of
France.
Holy War, and Kings of
Jerusalem.
1255
Alexan- 2
28
6
39
29
Q
der IV.
6
I
29
7
40
30
7
7
t
30
8
41
31
8
8
g
31
9
42
32
These 10 years following, the 9
Genoans fighting against the
Venetians and Pisans, hasten
9
6
32
10
43
33
the ruin of the Christians in 10
Palestine.
1260
.V. 5. 2?. 5
Mi- 1
11
44
34
U
chael
Pate-
1
Urban 1
olo- 2
12
45
35
M
IV.
gus.
2
2
3
13
46
36
13
3
i.
14
47
37
14
4
3/.l./>.4.
5
15
48
38
Charles, Earl of Anjou, by the 1
Pope made King of Jerusa-
lem and Sicily.
5
Clement 1
6
16
49
39
2
IV.
6
2
1
17
50
40
3
7
3
8
18
51
41
4
8
M.9. Z>.25.
9
19
52
42
9
The See
void.
10
20
53
43
Hugh King of Cyprus.
1 13th Voyage under St Louis, 6
King of France, Charles of
1270
11
21
54
44
2 Sicily, and our Prince Ed- 7
ward.
Tunis taken. Louis dieth.
1
Gregory 1
12
22
55
Phi- 1
ip the
3 Prince Edward cometh to 8
Ptolemais ;
Bold.
2
2
13
23
56
2
4 is desperately wounded, yet 9
recovereth.
3
3
14
Ro- 1
Ed- 1
3
10
dolph ab
ward
flaps-
I.
4
4
15
purg. 2
2
4
11
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.
321
Princes of
Antioch.
Patri- \1
rchs of
Jerusa-
lem.
tasters
lospi-
allers.
asters
of
Dutch
Knts.
Valiphs
Tf Syria.
reat Chams
f Tartary.
Matnaluke.
Sultans of
Egypt.
tvi.
3
3
Panta-
leon, a
French-
4
Nus- 1
4
Melech, other-
man.
eazem,
wise called
the last
Clothes.
5
Caliph 2
[aalach, 5
of Syria,
brother to
a cove-
Mango,
6
ous 3
taketh the C
miser,
city of
on-
Babylon.
7
uered
7
>y the
Haalacli the
Tartarian
8
'artari-
ns.
8
iemloedar.
j cometh to
Antioch ; is
He is
9
Haalach 1
2
there kindly
made
succeedeth
entertained
by Prince
Conrad.
Pope by
he name
of Ur-
10
his brother
Mango. 2
3
ban IV.
Platina
11
3
4
Conrad
12
Abaga J
He winneth 5
conieth int
Europe to
Cham his
S.
the kingdom ot
Damascus from
succour
VII. 1
the Tartarian, fc
Conradine
I anno
his kins-
de San-
man.
<
XX. Ni
colas
;er 2
lausen.
Taketh Saphet, 7
and killeth all
Longar
that would not
turn Mahome- 8
tans : winneth
Joppa.
Antioch, in
i
9
the absence
of Conrad,
won by
Q
10
Bendocdar.
Boemund
1]
IV.
19
1
11
1
1
11
322
l/ n -ft t/
Q
!
Popes.
Emper.
of the
East.
Emper.
of the
f'f'est.
>
It
<
Kings of
France.
Holy War, and Kinys of
Jerusalem.
1-275
6
M. 4. D. 10.
Innocent V.
M. 5.
16
17
3
4
3
4
5
6
12 The last voj
under Henry
Mecklenburg
13
age 7
Duke of
S
7
8
9
1-280
Adrian V.
M. 1. D. 7.
John XX.
M. 8. D. 8.
Nicolas III.
M. S. D. 29.
IS
19
20
6
9
5
6
7
7
8
9
14 Maria Do-
micella,
Princess of
15 Antioch, re-
signeth her
right of the
16 Kingdom of
Jerusalem to
9
10
11
The See void.
21
8
2
8
10
17 Charles.
12
1
Martin II. 1
22
9
9
11
18
13
2
2
23
10
10
12
19 The Sicilian
Vespers.
14
3
4
5
3
4
M. 1. Z. 7.
And- 1
milieus
Paleo-
logus. 2
3
11
12
13
11
12
13
13
14
15
20
\ Charles II.
surnamed
the Lame,
2 or the De-
layer.
15
John 1
his S.
Henry 1
his Br.
6
HonoriusIV. 2
4
14
14
Philip 1
the Fair.
3
2
7
D.I.
5
15
15
2
4
3
8
9
Nicolas IV. 1
2
6
7
16
17
16
17
3
4
5
Tripoli
Sidon
6 Berytns
Tyre. <g
4
riost. 5
1290
3
S
37. 9.
18
5
7 Ptolemais besieged ; 6
1
2
4
,f. 1. D. 14.
9
10
Adol- 1
phus of
Nassau.
19
20
6
7
8 taken : and the Latin 7
Christians finally ex-
pelled ouiof Syria.
9 S
3
The See void.
Celestlne V.
M. 5. />. 7.
11
P
21
8
10 9
4
Boniface VIII.
1-2
4
22
9 11 10
If the reader do observe any difference betwixt our former computation in the
book, and our chronology here, let him rather rely on this latter, which I take to
be better perfected.
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.
323
Princes of
Antioch.
Patri-
archs of
Jerusa-
lem.
Masters
of Kts.
Hospi-
tallers.
Masters of
Knights
-Templars.
Masters
of
Dutch
Kts.
Great Chams
of Tartary.
Mamaluke
A'ultaru of
Egypt.
Dieth May 1
11
12
16
11. Boemum
V. S. under
the tuition 2
of theBisho)
of Tortosa.
XXI.
John de
Villiers.
12
13
Dieth by cold
gotten with
swimming 17
in Euphrates.
3
Her- 1
14
Melechsait,!
mannus
or Melech-
III.
sarbs.
4
2
15
2
5
3
16
3
6
4
He is poi- 17
soned by the
4
Sultan of Ba-
7
About
5
bylon. 18
5
this time
we find
Tangodor, his
Boemund 8
a name-
XXII.
6
Br. styled 1
6
now of age,
ess Pa-
Odo de
liimself Ma-
sideth a-
triarch of
Pinibus.
homet
gainst the 9
Ferusa-
7
Cham, and 2
7
Templars to
lem,
was a great
:he destruc-
persecutor
tion of the 10
8
of the 3
8
Christian
Christians.
cause.
11
Peter Belius,
Bur- 1
chard us
Argon 1 He expel- 9
Cham killed leth the Car-
a valiant
Schua-
his Br. Ma-
melites out
12
soldier.
dens. 2
lomet: he 2
of Svria 10
favonreth Ifor changing
the Chris-
their coats.
Lucy his 1
The Hos-
3
tians. 3
11
sister, mar-
pitallers
ried in Eu-
win the
ro pe.-Fide 2
castle of
4
Ragaithus 4
12
Calvis. in
who fled
Mer-
tiisBr. a lazy
hoc anno.
out of
gath.
voluptuous
3
Ptole-
5
glutton. <g) 1
Elpis, or 1
mais
Alphix.
lowever, 4
vhen it
XXIII.
He is chosen
6
Casanus,S. I
2
one Hugh,
challengeth
both the 5
was be-
ieged,
and was
Vicilbel-
mus de
Villaret.
governor of
Ptolemais,
and therein
De- 7
to Argon.
He was very
favourable 2
Seraph, or 1
title of An-
drowned
slain.
posed.
to the Chris-
Arraphus.
tioch, and
n his
tians.(a)
>rincipa!i- 6
flight: it
James Ma- 1
Conra- 1
3
2
ty of Tripoli.
seemeth
saiberga-
dus de
Knolles, p.
his name
mon.(5)
Fertuan-
123. 7
was
2 gen. 2
4
drowned
with
8
lim.
3
3
5
(a) For in the ninth year of his reign he winneth the city of Jerusalem, and re-
storeth it to the Eastern Christians; who soon after lose it to the Sultan of Egypt.
(6) Last master of the Templars in Syria. Continuator Belli Sacri, 1. 5. c. 18,
et 17.
INDEX.
AB\G\ makcth cowards valiant,
257.
Abbeys, how and why suppressed in
England, 251 255.
Adamites against their will, 150.
Albigenses, three opinions concern-
ing them, 146, 147; their original,
persecution, nicknames, 148. 149 :
defended from crimes objected,
150 152; commended by their
adversaries, 152.
Alexius emperor, his treachery, 25 ;
causeth the Christians'overthrow,
61 ; bis death and epitaph, 69.
Alexius Angelas the younger, a
princely beggar, 143.
Almerick king or'Jerasalem.hischa- j
racier, 93; he helpeth the sultan
of Egypt, 97; invadeth Egypt |
against promise, 99; big death, 101. |
Almerick II., 141; deposed for la- !
ziness, 159.
Almerick patriarch of Antioch, 82:
of Jerusalem, 94.
AndroniiMis, a bad practiser of St.
Paul, 119.
Antioch won by the Christians, 29 ;
betrayed by the patriarch to Sal-
adin,116; recovered by the duke I
of Suabia, 122; finally lost to the !
sultan of Eg\ pt, 226.
Apostasy of many Christians in
Europe upon king Louis' captiv-
ity, 207.
Arms of gentlemen deserved in this
war, i'84.
Arnulphus the firebrand-patriarch of
Jerusalem, 49, 59, 69.
Assassins, their strange commonweal,
94.
BALDWIN king of Jerusalem, his
nature, 56; he wins Antipatris
and Caesarea, 62 ; his two voyages
into Egypt, 66 ; his death, 67.
Baldwin II. chosen king, 68; he is
taken prisoner, and ransomed, 72;
he renouncelh the world, and
clieth, 73.
Baldwin III., his character, 79;
discord betwixt him and his mo-
ther, 90; he winnethAskelon,92;
his death, and commendation, 92.
Baldwin IV., 101 ; he conquereth
Saladin, 105, 107; he is arrested
with leprosy : his death, and
praise, 108.
Baldwin V. poisoned by his mother,
109.
Baldwin earl of Flanders emperor
of Constantinople, 145-
Balsamon, Theodore, how cozened,
111.
Battles at or near Dogorgan, 27 ;
Aiitioch, 29; Askelon, 50; Rha-
raula, 62 ; Meander, 86 ; Tiberias,
112,195; Ptolemais, 123; Beth-
lehem, 134 ; Moret in France, 156;
Gaza, 188 ; Mauzar in Egypt,
204 ; Mauzar again, 206.
Bendocdar sultan of Egypt, 225, 237.
Bernard patriarch of Antioch, 49.
Bernard St., an apology for, 88. '
Bibliander's wild fancy, 18.
Bishops numerous in Palestine, 49.
Boemund prince of Antioch, 29; lie
is taken prisoner, 51 ; he wasteth
Grecia, 64.
Boemund II., 73.
Boemnnd III., 97.
CALIPHS, their voluptuousness, 78,
98.
Calo-Johannes Grecian emperor, 76.
INDEX.
325
Carmelites, their original, luxury,
and banishment, 82, 83.
Carthage described, 227.
Chalices in England, why oflatten,
138.
haratux one of the wisest men in
the world, 120.
diaries earl of Anjon, king of Jeru-
salem, 223 ; he dieth for grief, 236.
harles II., surnamed the Delayer,
223.
hildren marching: to Jerusalem
wofnlly perish, 160.
Jhoermines, their obscure original,
193; and final suppression, 196.
llerks no fit captains, 61, 267.
'lermont council, 13.
Ilimate, how it altereth health, 268.
inferences betwixt opposite parties
in religion never succeed, 154.
"onrad emperor of Germany, his
unfortunate voyage, 85; he con-
quereth the Turks, 85.
Conrad of Montferrat, king of Jeru-
salem, 115 ; he is miserably slain,
131.
lonversions of pagans hindered by
Christians' badness, 94, 199 ; how
it must orderly and solemnly be
done, 219.
Crouch back, Edmund, not crooked,
227.
DA BERT patriarch of Jerusalem, 49 ;
he scuftleth-with the kings for that
city, and dies in banishment, 53,
57, 58.
Damascus described, 87 ; in vain
besieged by the Christians, 87.
Datnietta twice taken by the Chris-
tians, 165, 201; and twice sur-
rendered, 168, 209.
Danish service in ibis war, 23, 282.
drunkenness wofully punished, 142.
Duel declined, 48.
Duels forbidden by St. Louis, 228.
3B n E M A R u s patriarch of Jeru salem,
58.
Edward, prince, his voyage, 226:
he is desperately wounded, and
recovereth, 231, 232.
Eleanor queen of France playeth
false with her husband, 86.
Eleanor wife to Prince Edward, her
unexampled love to her husband.
232.
Elhadach caliph of Egypt, 98.
Emmanuel emperor of Greece, 85.
Engines before guns, 44.
English service in this war, 22, 28O.
Equality of undertakers ruineth this
Holy War, 265.
Eustace refuseth the kingdom, 69.
FAITH-BREAKING the cause of the
Christians' overthrow, 99, 261.
Fame's incredible swiftness, 14.
Fear, the strength of imaginary, 123.
Forts make some countries weaker,
121.
Franks, how ancient in the East, 278.
Frederick Barbarossa, his unhappy
voyage, 119; his woful drowning,
121.
Frederick II., king of Jerusalem, his
disposition, 170, 214, 215; his
grapplings with the pope, 171,
174; his death and posterity, 214,
215.
French service in this war, 21, 278.
Fulcher patriarch of Jerusalem, 80.
Fulco king of Jerusalem, 74, 79.
GALILEE described, 33.
Genoans' achievements in this war,
62.
German service in this war, 22, 278.
German nobility numerous, 279.
George, St., 30.
Gibellines and Guelfes, 175-
Godfrey king of Jerusalem, 48 ; his
virtuous vice, 47; his death, 55.
Goose, the pilgrims carry one to
Jerusalem, 18.
Greek church rent from the Latin,
181; on what occasion, 181;
wherein it dissenteth, 183 ; what
charitably is to be thought of
them, 184 ; what hope of recon-
cilement, 187.
Guarimund patriarch of Jerusalem,
69.
Guy king of Jerusalem, 109 ; he is
taken prisoner, 112 ; he ex-
changeth his kingdom for Cyprus,
132.
HAALON cham of Tartary, 219,225.
Helen no ostleress, 5.
Henry earl of Champagne, king of
326
INDEX.
Jerusalem, 133 ; his woful death,
141.
Henry earl of Mecklenburgh, his
long captivity and late deliver-
ance, 234.
Henry IV. king of England, his
intended voyage to Jerusalem,
287.
Heraclins the vicious patriarch of
Jerusalem, 102.
Holy fraud, 30.
Holy War, arguments for it, 14 ;
arguments against it, 16 ; unlikely
again to be set on foot, 292.
Hugh king of Jerusalem and Cyprus,
224.
JAMES IV., king of Scotland, hath
some intentions for Jerusalem, 288.
Janizaries, their present insolency,
298.
Jerusalem destroyed by Titus, 1 ;
rebuilt by Adrian, 2 ; largely de-
scribed, 38; won by the Chris-
tians under Godfrey, 43 ; lost to
Saladin, 113 ; recovered by Fre-
derick the emperor, 173 ; finally
won by the Choermines, 193 ; her
present estate at this day, 291.
Jews, their woful present condition,
4; the hinderance of their con-
version, 4.
Interviews of princes dangerous,
125.
John Bren king of Jerusalem, 160 ;
his discords with the legate, 162 ;
he resigneth his kingdom, 168.
Irish service in this war, 283.
Isaac Angelus emperor of Constan-
tinople, 115.
Italian service in this war, 22, 280.
Judea described, 36.
KING for deputy in eastern tongues,
79.
Kingdom of Jerusalem, three faults
in the, which hindered the strength
of it, 273.
Knights-hospitallers, their original,
51 ; they degenerate through
wealth into luxury, 52 ; they rebel
against the patriarch about tithes,
81 ; brawl with the Templars, 191;
flight from Cyprus by Rhodes to
RJalta, 250 ; the manner of their
suppressionin England, 251 254;
in vain restored by queen Mary,
254.
Knights-templars instituted, 70;
many slain through their own co-
vetousness, 92 ; they become rich
and proud, 191 ; their treacherv
hindereth the Holy War, 27 1":
they are finally extirpated out of
Christendom, 242 ; arguments
for and against their innocency,
with a moderate way betwixt
them, 243247.
KnightsTeutonicks, their institution,
71 ; they are honoured with a
grand master, 123; they come
into Prussia, their service there,
248.
Knights of the Sepulchre, 291.
LATERAN council, 160.
Length of the journey hinderance of
this war, 266.
Leopold duke of Austria, his valour,
129.
Leprosy, 268.
Louis the Young, king of France,
woful journey, 85, 86.
Louis, St., his voyage to Palestine,
196 ; lie wintereth in Cyprus, 198 ;
lands in Egypt, wins" Darniettaj
201 ; is conquered and taken cap-
tive, 206 ; dearly ransomed, 209.
Louis, St., his second voyage, 226;
he besiegeth Tunis, 227 ; his
death and praise, 228.
MAHOMETANISM, the cause why
it is so spreading, 8.
Mamalukes, their original, 104 ;
their miraculous empire, 213
Maronites, their tenets, and recon-
cilement to Rome, 102.
Meladin king of Egypt, his bounty
to the Christians, 167; why not
loved of his subjects, 203 ; his
death, 202.
Melechsala his son king of Egypt,
203.
Melechsaites sultan of Egypt, 237.
Mercenary soldiers dangerous, 96;
yet how, well qualified, they may
be useful, 96.
Miracles of this war examined, and
ranked into four sorts : viz. 1, not
done ; 2, false! v done ; 3, done b
Nature, 260 ; 4, done by Sata
261.
NICE besieged and taken by th
Christians, 27.
Nile, the, its wonders and natur
66.
Northern armies may prosper in tl
south, 269.
Norwegian service, 23, 282.
Numbers numberless slain in thes
wars, 276.
Numbers, what, competent in a
army, 274, 275.
Numbers of Asian armies, what w
may conceive of them, 274.
OBSERVATION of Roger Hovede
confuted, 114.
Ofters for Palestine since the end o
the war, 286288.
Office of the Virgin, why instituted
Owls, why honoured by the Tar
larians, 177.
PALESTINE in general described
31.
Pastorelli in France slain, 218.
relagius the legate, 163,
3 fifpr ilin Ha~...;t K: i.
INDEX.
327
"~" J * Acgaic, J.UO.
Peter the Hermit, his character, 12 ;
he proves himself but a hyuo '
crite, 12.
'eter king of Aragon, a favourer of
the Albigenses, slain in battle,
157.
'hilip Augustus king of France, his
voyage to Palestine,and unseason-
able return, 130.
i'ilgrimages proved unlawful, 258.
J oland's service in this war, 23,
Pope's, the, private profits by the
holy war, 18 ; he the principal
cause of the ill success, 263.
'tolemais won by the Christians,
63; regained by Saladin, 112 j
after three years' siege recovered
by the Christians, 128; finally
taken by sultan Serapha, 240. '
UALITY of the adventurers in this
war, 20.
ED Sea, why so called, 66.
Reformation, why Rome is averse
from it, 182.
Reimundearl of Tripoli, his discords
with Baldwin, 106 ; his apostasy
Relics, how to be valued, 136 why
so many before death renounced
the world, 73.
Richard king of England, his voy-
age to Palestine, 125 ; he taketh
?< Lo nd C W US in his Ravage,
127,128; vanquished Saladin in
asetbattle,134;inhisreturnheis
taken prisoner in Austria, and
ransomed, 138.
Richard earl of Cornwall, his vovasre
to Palestine. 190.
Robert duke of Normandy, his va-
lour, 28; he refusetb the kingdom
of Jerusalem, and thriveth not
after, 47.
Rodolph chosen unexpectedly em-
peror of Germany, 234; sendeth
supplies to Syria, 234.
Rodolph Ihe unhappy patriarch of
Antioch, 74, 75.
SACRILEGE, 272.
Saladin killeth the caliph of Egypt
100; succeeds in Egypt and Da-
mascus, 100; conquereth Guy,
112; taketh Jerusalem and all
Syria, 113 ; his commendations
and death, 139.
Scholars without experience no
good generals, 162.
cottish service in this war, 23.
*ea and land service compared, 222.
idon described; won by the Chris-
tians, 64, 65 ; lost to the sultan of
Egypt, 237.
irnon earl of Montfort conclndeth
a truce in Syria, 143 ; chosen cap-
tain against the Albigenses, 155 ;
is killed by a woman, 157.
aanish service in this war, 23, 281.
tephen patriarch of Jerusalem, 70.
uperstition tainting this whole war,
uspected soldiers, in armies where
to be placed, 195.
ultans, their large commissions, 78.
weden appeareth not in the Holy
War, 23.
328
INDEX.
TARTARIA described, 10, 176. Tyre described, 65; taken by tl
Tartars, their name and nature, 134 ;
when first known to the world,
176; converted to Christianity ,
218; their relapse to paganism,
225 ; the occasion, 225.
Theobald king of Navarre, bis un-
happv voyage, 188.
Titular bishops, their use and abuse,
118 ; pretenders of titles to the
kingdom of Jerusalem, 293
Tunis described, 228 ; besieged,
228 ; taken by the Christians, 229.
Turks, whence descended, 10 ; their
large strides into Asia, 11 ; harder
Christians, 72; valiantly defend*'
by Conrad, 115 ; won" by suit:
Alphir, 237.
VENETIANS' performance in thi;
war, 72 ; their bloody sea-batti<
with the Genoans, ti22.
Viciousness of the pilgrims whicl
went to Palestine, 270.
WAFER-CAKE, why wrought in tin
borders of all Egyptian tapestry
209.
Welsh service in this war, 283.
to be converted than Tartars, 179. William patriarch of Jerusalem, 80
Turkish empire, its greatness
strength, and wealth, 297299 ;
the weakness and defects of it,
William landgrave of Hesse, h
fictitious voyage to Jerusalen
con luted, 288, 289.
300; what hopes of its approach- | Women warriors, 21, 84.
ing ruin, 301. Wrecks first quitted by the kings o
Tylo Colnpp a notable cheater, 216. England to their subjects, 126.
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