jJtflY OF rmcETo^
Logical sev^
DC 111 .B7 1845
Browning, William Shergold,
d. 1874.
A history of the Huguenots
Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2015
https://archive.org/details/historyofhuguenoOObrow
A
HISTORY
OF
THE HUGUENOTS.
A NEW EDITION,
CONTINUED TO THE PRESENT TIME.
W. S. BROWNING.
PHILADELPHIA :
LEA & BLANCHARD.
18 45.
PREFACE.
The volume now presented to the Public comprises the History of the Hugue-
nots during the Sixteenth Century, (published in 1829,) and the continuation of
the same subject to 1838, which appeared within the last year. The whole has
been carefully revised, with considerable additions.
Yet although no pains have been spared to render this Publication complete, it
is obvious that its very nature excluded minute detail on incidents not connected
with the general history. Many episodes concerning the biography of eminent
Huguenots might have been interwoven, but for the limits which the Author had
laid down for his undertaking. His views are amply explained in the original
Preface, (which is reprinted,) and in the following passages which introduced his
last work.
" The vicissitudes which befell the French Protestants, during the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries, embrace a series of most affecting incidents, which have
tended to produce important political results; and in addition to the innate inte-
rest of the occurrences, a connected narrative has an additional claim on atten-
tion, from the almost general silence of French authors. Before the Revolution
of 1789, a succinct history of the Huguenots would assuredly have been branded
as libellous, and the few works composed in reference thereto were either printed
clandestinely, or in foreign countries.
"With respect to the violence and persecutions of 1815, the difficulty expe-
rienced by the Author in procuring exact information" proves the want of a gene-
ral detail, and renders the present publication more necessary, the events of that
terrible period being known to very few persons. Even among well-informed
Frenchmen, there are many whose knowledge of the troubles of Nismes is limited
to a few striking incidents.
" In composing the accounts of that comparatively recent time, the Author has
been favoured with ihe acquaintance and correspondence of several inhabitants of
iv
PREFACE.
Nismes — both Catholic and Protestant — some of them victims of what has been
often represented as the effect of political reaction. He has also enjoyed the in-
appreciable advantage of submitting his statement to individuals, qualified by their
official experience to correct any erroneous assertions.
" Conscious of an honest endeavour to relate the truth impartially, unbiassed by
national or religious prejudice, the Author is nevertheless aware that his uncere-
monious strictures upon certain functionaries will ensure him the animadversions
of a powerful party. The interesting narrative of the events of Nismes in 1830,
by the pastor Frossard, although composed with studied moderation, has been dis-
dainfully treated as a libel — the present volume therefore can hardly escape cen-
sure. The most careful investigations may have left the Author in some instances
under a wrong impression ; but if errors exist in consequence, they are uninten-
tional. Amenable to the tribunal of criticism, he Will respect its verdict ; and if
any admirer of those principles, which desolated the south of France in 1815, will
indicate mis-statements, and assist in establishing the facts, his suggestions shall be
cheerfully attended to, in the event of a future edition."
No attempt at refutation has come to the Author's knowledge, and he has con-
sequently no justification to present on behalf of the latter period of his history.
But with respect to the sixteenth century, he feels bound to offer some explana-
tion, in reply to a charge of "careless examination of authorities," advanced in
the British Critic for July, 1829.
Three particular instances are indicated by the reviewer. The first relates to
the apocryphal character of Davila's account of the Legate Morosini's connivance,
when Henry III. proposed to murder the Cardinal of Guise; which the critic ob-
serves " has been adopted without giving a hint that his story is naught." To this
assertion the Author invites the reviewer's attention to the volume on which he
was passing judgment, and he will find a note containing the reasons why Davi-
la's version was preferred to that of Maimbourg.
The second article in the indictment is, " That the author has either mistaken
or misrepresented the authority on which he relied," in narrating the minor cir-
cumstances that immediately followed the battle of .Tarnac. The critic's suscepti-
bility is wounded by its appearing in these pages that the Duke of Anjou slept at
Jarnac, in the same house where Conde had lodged the preceding night — and in
addition, that the victor's bearing was indecorous and cruel; while it appears that,
according to Davila, the duke entrd la medesima sera dtlla giornata viltoriosa in
Giarnacco, without stating where he slept ; and with respect to his demeanour,
non permcsse il dnca die a' cadaere di lui fosse asato scherno. To this the Au-
thor cannot advance a direct plea of not guilty ; because, unfortunately, the refe-
rence to Davila appears alone in the copy. The fact in itself is so trivial, that it
PREFACE.
V
may appear pedantic to adduce a list of authorities. De Thou, lib. 45, sect. 4, is
more laconic than Davila : — "Jlndinus victor Jarnacum venit ;" leaving it doubtful
whether he reposed there or not: but that author describes the duke as juvenili-
ter exu/tans, and afterwards alludes to the current report quasi ipsius jussu in-
terfeclus essef. The Author is, however, of opinion that, having Brantome con-
stantly before him, his statement was borrowed from the facetious Abbe, and that
he inadvertently omitted to place his name in the margin. Brantome is well known
to have considered a warrior's death one of the themes most worthy of contem-
plation ; and being a well-placed contemporary, his account is worth perusal. It
is as follows : — " Pour tourner & Monsieur le Prince, estant mort, Monsieur n'en
fut nullement marry, mais tres joyeux; car il avoit opinion qu'il luy en eust fait
faire de mesme: car d'ennemy a grand ennemy il n'y a que se garder. Monsieur
le voulut voir apres la battaille achevee; et son corps fut charge sur une vieille
asnesse qui se trouva la apropos, plus par derision que pour autre sujet, et fut
porte ainsi, bras et jambes pendantes, a Jarnac, en une salle basse sous celle de
Monsieur et la chambre, on le dit prince le jour avant avoit loge. Quel change-
ment ! comme a Courtras le roy de Navarre logea en la chambre de Monsieur de
Joyeuse, ou il avoit couche le soir auparavant, et l'autre estoit estendu mort des-
sous. Si on leur eust dit a tous tels revers de fortune, ils ne l'eussent pas cru. Le
dit prince demeura assez en spectacle a tous ceux du camp qui le voulurent aller
voir." — Vie di M. le Prince de Conde.
The third instance adduced by the critic arose from an error in copying; for in
this instance, the missing reference existed in the original MS., and the omission
was discovered before the criticism was published. The reviewer observes (page
189) that, " unless the author has relied on other authorities than De Thou and
Brantome, (and he has not cited any other,) he has fallen into very great inaccu-
racies in his transcription." In the statement thus commented upon, the Author
had consulted also Le Discours du Hoi Henri J If. a un personnage d'honneur,
&c. (Miron.) This piece is preserved in the Memoires d'Etat de Villeroy; and
mentions large pictures, in which les execution* de la Saint Barthelemi, failes a
Paris el autres lieux, etoient peintes an vif, et lea figures representees apres le
nalurel, §-c.
The other strictures have been received with due deference, and if all the de-
fects have not disappeared, it is less from a refractory feeling, than from the im-
possibility to re-write a long work.
The Author cannot refrain from expressing his acknowledgments to several
friends for their assistance in the latter portion of the history. He is particularly
indebted to the pastors Juillerat and Monod, for the details respecting Paul Rabaud
and his sons: through their kindness, he has had the benefit of Madame Rabaut-
1*
VI
PREFACE.
Pomier's recollections; and some interesting facts have been supplied by Madame
.luillerat, who received her religious instruction from Rabaut St. Etienne.
The Reverend Charles Cook, of Nismes, has also rendered the Author very va-
luable assistance, by making inquiries concerning 1815, of M. Cavalier, at that
time Procureur-General, and subsequently Mayor of Nismes. His official charac-
ter gave him great facility for being well acquainted with the events of that time :
and he kept a regular journal, writing by night, at great peril of his life, the facts
of each day, in the hope that some of the criminals might be brought to justice.
But, unsupported as he was by the authorities, with the gens-d'armes abetting the
assassins, he could do nothing. Two individuals, who successively filled his post,
applied to M. Cavalier for a copy of his journal, but neither made any use of it.
M. Cavalier's generous defence of the persecuted Protestants is the more praise-
worthy, as he is a Roman Catholic, and had two brothers priests at the time. His
testimony in favour of Lauze de Peret's statement justifies the frequent reference
to that work in these pages; and his readiness to communicate the rich stores of
his memory gives him a lasting claim on the Author's gratitude.
Paris. January, 1840.
EXTRACT FROM THE PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION.
In the vast range of subjects for the pen of the historian, one of the most inte-
resting presents itself in the violent disputes which have from time to time occur-
red among the public teachers of religion. Their conflicting opinions have pro-
duced effects of such magnitude, that centuries have rolled away while they were
still in operation. The partisans of opposite systems have considered it their duty
to condemn, often to misrepresent, each other; strong efforts have been made to
c all the public feelings into action, and a difference which ought to have been set-
tled in a cloister or a consistory, has generally ended in the desolation of a king-
dom. The more, therefore, we enlarge the sphere of our information upon this
important subject, we shall be the more inclined to cultivate that enlightened
humanity which inculcates indulgent sentiments towards every creed : such at
least will be the consequence with all reflecting minds.
The work now submitted to the public is one, which in its progress offered end-
less opportunities for polemical discussion ; but for the writer to have availed him-
self of them would have been at once imprudent and unwise. While recording
PREFACE.
vii
the wild rage of religious persecution, and the (rightful excesses of religious zeal,
he has abstained from partiality and controversy : his duty has been to narrate
the truth without becoming the accuser or the champion of either of the contending
parties, whose disputes no good mind can reflect upon without wishing they should
be set at rest for ever.
The Author has in no case been tempted by prejudice or party feeling to give
a colouring to facts which the truth would not warrant: he has laid them before
the reader with that attention to accuracy which can alone give value to history,
and the want of which can never be compensated by any charms of eloquence, or
flights of imagination. Unhappily there is enough in the history of religious fac-
tions to excite the reader's indignaton without any effort to that purpose on the
part of the writer. In contemplating these events, we must make due allowance
for the barbarous period when they occurred ; congratulate ourselves that we live
in an era of religious liberty ; and rejoice in the progress of those principles which
give assurance, that the altar of the God of mercy will never again be reddened
by the brand of the bigot, nor stained with the blood of the martyr.
The period which occupies these volumes has engaged the attention of many
writers. The sixteenth century is justly styled the Age of Persecution: indi-
vidual experience was at that time very eventual ; and contemporaries, in their
private memoirs, have left abundant materials for examination and inquiry. The
century that followed was the Age of Controversy. Numerous works upon
ecclesiastical history then made their appearance; and the auto-biographies of the
preceding times beheld a progeny of histories of particular events, persons, and
parties.
But those histories were written in a controversial spirit ; and it is therefore pre-
sumable that an account, divested of all theological discussion, would be both
useful and interesting.
The object of this work is to give a clear detail of the circumstances connected
with the troubles generally called the religious wars of France. Those events
are interwoven with our own history, and are frequently referred to in the present
day. Among the many works which relate to the Huguenots, there is scarcely
one that comprises the whole in a connected narrative ; and not one, in the Eng-
lish language at least, that is exclusively historical.
The facts prove (and, therefore, the assertion is not partial) that the church of
Rome both instigated and promoted the persecutions of the Huguenots. If we
compare the preaching of the Reformation in England with its introduction into
France, we cannot fail to observe, that though the circumstances of those king-
doms were widely different the consequences were the same; similar in character,
though differing in degree. The priests were unwilling to resign their authority.
viu
PREFACE.
and persecutions arose in butli countries; but, happily, the struggle which our
forefathers had to maintain was shortened by the difference between Henry VIII.
and the Pope, and the circumstances which sprang out of that quarrel. Had
so powerful a stimulus operated on the sovereigns of France, the Vatican could
not have had such influence on their decisions; and the troubles of that country
would have been settled without difficulty, at any rate without the delay of half a
century.
/Wis, March. 1*29
CONTENTS.
Page ,
Preface . . . . iii I
Contents ix
Chap.
I. Containing an Outline of the early
History of the Refi >rmation ; Ac-
count of the Paulicians, Vau-
dois, Lollards, Hussites, &c. &.c. 13
II. The Reformation preached in
France — The Huguenots, or
Protestants, are persecuted by
Francis I. — Massacres at Me-
rindole and Cabrieres. . . 20
III. Reign of Henry . II. — Divided
State of his Court — Revolt in
Guyenne — Peace between Eng-
land and France . . .24
IV. Persecution under Henry II. —
Edict of Chateaubriant — War
with the Emperor — Siege of
Metz — Abdication of Charles V. 26
V. Increase of the Protestants — Mat-
thew Orri appointed Inquisitor
— Seguier's Speech to the Coun-
cil— Attack of the Populace
on the Protestants — Renewal
of Hostilities — Inquisition esta-
blished 29
VI. Treaty of Cateau Cambresis —
Meetings at the Pre-aux-Clercs
— Du Bourg and five other
Counsellers arrested — Death of
Henry II. .• . .32
VII. Accession of Francis II. — Re-es-
tablishment of the Guises — Ex-
ecution of Ann Dubourg for
heresy . . . . .36
Chap. Page
VIII. Conspiracy of Amboise . . 39
IX. Death of the Chancellor Olivier,
who is succeeded by Michael
de l'Hopital — Assembly of the
Notables at Fontainebleati —
Slates-general at Orleans — Ar-
rest and condemnation of the
Prince of Conde — Death of
Francis II 43
X. Reign of Charles IX. — Assembly
of the States-general — Forma-
tion of the Triumvirate — Edict
of July 47
XI. States-general at Pontoise — Con-
ference of Poissy — The King of
Navarre deserts the Protestant
party . . .- .51
XII. Edict of January, 1562 — Discon-
tent of the Catholics — Massa-
cres at Vassy, Tours, and Sens —
Guise enters Parisin triumph —
The Triumvirs seize the king's
person . . . . .55
XIII. The Protestants take Orleans and
other Towns; — They negotiate
for Assistance from Abroad —
Conferences of Toury and Talsy
— IWugoncy taken and Plun-
dered 60
XIV. Hostilities between the Catho-
lics and Huguenots — Sieges of
Bourges and Rouen — Death of
the King of Navarre — Battle of
Dreux — Sieges of Orleans and
Caen . . . . .65
XV. Assassination of the Duke of
Guise 72
X
CONTENTS.
Chap. Page
XVI. Edict of Amboise — Havre
taken — Charles IX. declared
of age — Coligny accused of
the murder of Guise — Pius
IV. excommunicates the
Queen of Navarre and some
Bishops — Encroachments on
the liberty of the Protest-
ants .... 77
XVII. Conclusion of the Council of
Trent — Secret arrangements
made for the destruction of
heresy — Arrest of Charles
de Moulin — Journey to Bay-
onne — Interviews between
Catherine and the Duke of
Alva — Plot for seizing the
Queen of Navarro and her
son . . . . .81
XVIII. Affair between Marshal Mont-
morency and the Cardinal of
Lorraine — The Attempts to
assassinate Coligny — Perfi-
dious conduct of Charles IX. 85
XIX. Project for suppressing the
protestant religion — Attempt
to seize the King at Meaux
— Battle of St. Denis —
Death of the Constable . 89
XX. Protestants advance to meet
the ReUtres — General contri-
bution of the Army to pay
their Allies — Capture of Or-
leans and Rochelle — Peace
of Longjumeau — Settlement
of the Protestants in Ame-
rica— Bold enterprise of
Dominic de Gourges . . 94
XXI. Plan for seizing the Protest-
antleaders — Flight ofCondfl
and Coligny from Noyers —
Renewal of the war. . . 97
XXII. Battle of Jarnac— Death of
the Prince of Conde . . 101
XXIII. The Prince of Bean, pro-
claimed chief of the Pro-
testant party — Arrival of re-
enforcements from Germany
— Attackon Laroche-Abeille
—Letters of Pius V. . . 105
XXIV. Siege of Poictiers— Defeat of
the Protestants at Montcon-
tour Ill
XXV. Sieges of Niort and St. Jean
d'Angely — The Princes and
Coligny retire into Beam —
Battle of Arnay-le-Duc —
Peace of St. Germain-en-
Laye 117
Chap. Page
XXVI. Artifices of the Court to
draw the principal Protest-
ants to Paris — Death of the
Queen of Navarre . . 123
XXVII. Review of the proofs of a pre
meditated attack upon the
Protestants — Attempted as-
sassination of Coligny . 129
XXVIII. Massacre of the Saint Bar-
tholomew .... 135
XXIX. Massacres in the Provinces . 148
XXX. Conversion of Navarre and
Conde — Execution of Brique-
maut and Cavagnes — Fourth
civil war — Siege of Rochelle
— Conspiracy of the Poli-
liques— Death of Charles IX. 159
XXXI. Capture and execution of
Montgomery — Flight of Hen-
ry III. from Poland — Death
of the Princess of Conde and
of the Cardinal of Lorraine . 169
XXXII. The Duke of Alengon es-
capes from court to join the
malcontents — Defeat of the
Reitresat Dormans — Escape
of the King of Navarre . 174
XXXIII. Rise of the League — Estates
of Blois— War of 1576 . 180
XXXIV. Edict of Poictiers— Death of
the king's minions — Treaty
of Nerae — Attempt on Li-
mnoes — The Lovers' war —
Taking of La Fere, Mon-
taign and Cahors . . 18?
XXXV. Ill-jiidgeil deportment of Hen-
ry HI.— Death of fire Duke
of Anjou — Revival of i lit?
League — Notice of the Ji-
suits . . . . .193
XXXVI. The Cardinal of Bourbon
head of the League — Treaty
of Philip II. with the League
— Treaty of Nemours — Ex-
communication of Navarre
and Conde by Sixtu, V. . 199
XXXVII. Unsuccessful attempt of the
Duke of Mercosur against
the Huguenots — Siege of
Brouage — Enterprise on An-
gers— Capture and defence
of Oleron — Conferences be-
tween the Queen-mother
and the King of Navarre —
Renewal of the War — Bat-
tle of Courtras . . . 205
CONTENTS.
XI
Ciiap. Page
XXXVIII. Tumult at St. Severin—
Defeat of the Germans at
Vimory and Auncau — In-
creased insolence of the
League — Meeting at Nancy
— Death of Conde — The
Barricades .... 214
XXXIX. Flight of Henry III. from
Paris — Deputations to Char-
tres — Edict of union — At-
tack on the Duke of Epernon
— States-general of Blois —
Death of the Duke and the
Cardinal of Guise . . 222
XL. Death of Catherine de Medicis
— Conclusion of the States-
general — Violence of the
League in Paris — Mayenne
appointed Lieutenant-gene-
ral 232
XLI. Review of the Affairs of the
Huguenots — Meeting at Ro-
chflle — Reconciliation be-
tween Henry III. and the
King of Navarre — Attack
upon Tours by the Duke of
Mayenne — Paris invested
by the Royal Armies . . 238
XLI I. Assassination of Henry III.
by Jacques Clement — Acces-
sion of Henry IV. . . 243
XLIII. Rejoicings of the League at
the death of Henry III. —
Battle of Arques — Attack on
the suburbs of Paris . . 250
XLIV. Henry IV. takes Vendome —
Is acknowledged by the se-
nate of Venice — Sieges of
Falaise and Honrleur — Ar-
rival of the Legate Cajetan
— Defence of Meulan . 256
XLV. Battle of Ivry and Siege of
Paris . . . .261
XLVI. Death of the Cardinal of
Bourbon and Sixtus V. — At-
tack on St. Denis — Siege
of Chartres — Edict of Nantes
— President Jeannin sent to
Spain — Conspiracy of the
young Cardinal of Bourbon
—Siege of Noyon . . 268
XLVII. Murder of the President Bris-
son and others — Siege of
Rouen . .274
XLVIII. Negotiation for a peace— As-
sembly of the States-general
at Paris — Conference at Su-
resne — Abjuration of Henry
IV 284
Chap. Page
XLIX. Barriere meditates an attempt
on the King's life — Reduc-
tion of Paris — John Chatel
stabs the King — Banishment
of the Jesuits . . . 289
L. Henry absolved by the Pope
— Battle of Fontaine Fran,
cjaise — Ham taken by Hu-
mieres — Capture of Dour-
lens and Cambray by the
Spaniards — Sieges of La
Fere and Calis — Assembly
of Notables ai Rouen — Siege
of Amiens — Edict of Nantes
— Peace with Spain . . 295
LI. Condition of the Huguenots
under Henry iV. — Biron's
conspiracy — Restoration of
the Jesuits .... 303
LI I. Death of La Treinouille —
D'Aubigne's conversation
with the King — Meeting at
Chatellerault — Reduction of
Sedan— Death of Henry IV. 310
L1II. Regency of Mary de Medicis
— Assembly at Saumur —
States-general — Insurrection
of 1616 .... 320
LIV. Condc arrested — Death of
Marshal D'Ancre — Ri-esta-
blishment of the Romish rr.
Jigion in Beam — Notice of
D'Aubigne . . . 329
LV. Assembly at Rochelle — Riots
at Tours — St. Jean D'Ange-
ly subdued — Siege of Mon-
tauban — Violence of a mob
in Paris . . . .335
LVI. Military movements in the
south — Expedition to the Isle
of Ries, tinder Soubise — La
Force submits to the King
— Sieges of Negrepelisse
and Montpellier — Richelieu
named Prime Minister . 340
LVII. Siege of Rochelle . .347
LVIII. Conde's expedition against the
insurgents — Rohan's treaty
with Spain — Sack of Privas
— Pacification of 1629 —
Synod at Charenton — Death
of Rohan, Montmorency, and
Urban Grandier . . . 354
LIX. Mazai in's administration —
Encroachments on the edicts
by Louis XIV.— Madame
de Maintenon's influence —
Commencement of the dra-
gonnades .... 361
xu
CONTENTS.
Chap. Page
LX. Letters of Christina, ex-Queen
of Sweden — Sufferings of
Jean Migaull — General per-
secution of the Huguenots —
Forced conversions . . 371
LXI. Revocation of the Edict of
Nantes .... 378
LXII. Troubles in the Vivarais —
Notice of Claude Brousson
— Severities at Orange —
Remarks on the intendant
Basville, and on the emigra-
tion of the Huguenots • 385
LXIII. Commencement of the Ca-
misard War under the Count
de Brosrlie . . . .390
Chap. Page
LXIV. Continuation of the Camisard
war under Marshal Montre-
vet
LXV. Conclusion of the Camisard
war under Marshal Villars .
LXVI. Reigns of Lou is XV. and XVI.
LXVII. Restoration of Louis XVIII.
— Troubles at Nismes and
environs .
LXVIII. Administration of M. de Cazes
— Intrigues of the Ultras —
309
405
412
420
Appendix
Revolution of 1830 — Present
condition of the Protestants 434
. 441
A
HISTORY OF THE HUGUENOTS.
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.
Containing an Outline nf the early History of the Re-
f'irinalion; Account of the Paulicians, Vauclois, Lol-
lards, Hussites, &x., &c.
An almost general consent has fixed upon
the commencement of the sixteenth cen-
tury as the era of the Reformation; of the
establishment of the Protestant religion:
but its origin is of a far more ancient date ;
although the invention of printing, which
took place about fifty years previous to
that period, enabled Luther and Calvin to
triumph over obstacles which had pa-
ralyzed the energies of Wickliffe, and
brought Huss and Jerome of Prague to
the stake.
So early as the year 660, an inhabitant
of Mananalis, near Samosata, named Con-
stantine, having obtained a copy Of the
New Testament, devoted himself to the
study of it, as the rule of his faith. The
society which he formed took the name of
Paulicians, from the circumstance of their
endeavouring closely to imitate St. Paul:
they went so far as to assume the names
of the apostle's companions; and as a si-
milar practice had been adopted by the
Manichaians in the third century, that epi-
thet was applied to them, and they were
soon doomed to experience the persecu-
tions with which that sect had been visited.
The Paulicians, however, condemned the
opinions of the Manichaeans, and the ap-
plication of the term was considered an
act of injustice.
Their form of worship was very simple,
and the unceremonious manner with
which they freed themselves from relics,
images, and saint worship, bears a great
resemblance to the Reformation preached
by Knox. As novelty captivates the mul-
titude, it is not surprising that Constantine,
2
who assumed the name of Sylvanus, be-
held an increase of his followers. He
pursued his apostolical career for twenty-
seven years, when he fell a victim to per-
secution. The most cruel decrees were
issued against him and his flock; and one
Simeon was sent from Constantinople,
armed with every power to reclaim the
wanderers and punish their leader. The
unfortunate Constantine was placed in
front of his disciples, who were command-
ed by Simeon to murder their spiritual
teacher, as the price of their own pardon :
but, with the exception of an individual
named Justus, they all refused to perpe-
trate so foul a crime.
One circumstance, however, renders
this persecution very remarkable: Simeon,
whose commission was to destroy or bring
back the Paulicians, himself adopted their
opinions, and after putting their leader to
death, became a martyr for their cause.
They endured persecutions during a pe-
riod of one hundred and fifty years, but
were roused to revolt in 845. Carbeas
was their leader; his father had been im-
paled by the Catholic inquisitors, and a
desire to be avenged of that circumstance
might urge him on, as well as the wrongs
of his fellow-worshippers. Being joined
by five thousand of his brethren, he re-
nounced all connexion with Rome; and
sought and obtained the protection of the
Saracens. The city of Tephrice, in Ar-
menia, then became the head quarters of
the Paulicians, and a war was maintained
against the eastern emperors till 880.
Their society, without a leader, remained
scattered among the mountains till 970,
when John Zimisces conducted a number
of them to Thrace, whither some Pauli-
cians had emigrated during the persecu-
14
rAULICUNS, VAUDOIS.
tion in the seventh century. They were
joined by numbers of the Bulgarians ; es-
tablished themselves in Macedonia, Epirus,
Croatia, and Dalmatia; and in course of
time spread into Italy and France.*
Gregory VII. was elevated to the papal
throne in 1073: he is well known in his-
tory as Pope Hildebrand, and a more au-
dacious, proud, and fiery priest, was never
elected to that office. Under such a pon-
tificate, it can be readily imagined that the
disciples of St. Paul would meet with that
sort of treatment most likely to prevent
the publication of their opinions; their ex-
istence, therefore, as a society was kept
secret, and we hear no more of the Pauli-
cians. But Gregory's conduct towards
the emperor Henry IV., and the insolence
of his decrees, raised such a stormfcgainst
him, that he was forced to flee from Rome,
and died at Salerno.f The avarice and
despotism of the priests, the corruptness
of their manners, and the grossness of the
superstitions which were rapidly in-
creasing with every succeeding council,
all combined to prepare the minds of
many for embracing a purer form of wor-
ship, whenever it should be held out for
their adoption. The clergy were so much
detested by all classes during the eleventh
and twelfth centuries, that, according to
an unquestionable authority, it was com-
mon, in condemning an action, to say, "I
would rather be a priest than have done
it."|
An attempt to enforce the law of celi-
bacy on the clergy, was the means of
keeping alive this germ of the Reformation.
~Sot long before Gregory's death, several
ecclesiastics of Milan refused to put away
their wives. They withdrew from the
communion of Rome, and held assemblies
in a place called Patara. Their numbers
increased very considerably, and they
formed that society known by the several
names of the Vaudois, Waldenses, and
Albigenses. The fact of Peter Valdo, a
rich citizen of Lyons, devoting his time
and property to comforting the poor, and
circulating the Scriptures, has caused an
idea that he was their founder; but erro-
neously, for he flourished in 1 170, and the
term Vattdis occurs in a book written in
* Spe Appendix, No. I.
f 241 h May, 10S5. Bayle, art. O
din Hist. Eccles.
I D Vuiss
'regory VII. and Tur-
:. Eccles.
lissetts, I.'ist. de Langutioc, vol. iji. p. 129.
the year 1 100.* The epithet Manichaeans
was also applied to them by their enemies,
but without a shadow of reason, for their
confession of faith, which is given by
Lampe in his Church History, is pure pro-
testantism, and would have obtained the
approbation of Calvin or Beza. That their
morals were good, we have the testimony
of an anonymous writer, reported by
Gretzer, a Jesuit, who laments that the
clergy should give such examples of pride,
avarice, incontinence, anger, envy and
drunkenness, because it makes them (the
Vaudois) place more faith in their heresi-
archs, who give them good examples of
humility, chastity, sobriety, peace, bro-
therly love, and other virtues. t
Popery, uniform in its hatred of every
attempt to restore Christianity to its ori-
ginal simplicity, was not backward in
hurling its thunders at these unoffending
people. The third council of Lateran
was held in 1179, under Alexander III.:
the twenty-seventh canon of that council
calls upon all princes to wage war against
them, and promises indulgence to those
who obey the call, while a severe curse is
threatened against " whoever shall give
any of them shelter, protect them on his
estates, or have any commerce with them."
The persecution which followed tended
only to increase their zeal, and their dis-
persion caused a great dissemination of
their doctrines ; their opinions spread over
Languedoc and Provence, and the Pyre-
nees at last became the limits of the re-
formed church.
In the year 1198, Lothaire, son of the
Count of Signia, was elected Pope, and
took the title of Innocent III. Matthew
Paris says of him, that he was the proud-
est and most ambitious of all mortals, and
the history of his pontificate verifies the
assertion. He gave orders for conferences
to be held in the canton of Albi and other
parts inhabited by these heretics, with a
view to lead them back to orthodoxy: but
finding persuasions ineffectual, he sent two
legates in 1204, to reduce them by vio-
lence and terror. Raymond VI., Count
of Toulouse, felt indignant at a foreign
power setting up a tribunal in his domi-
nions. The sufferings of his grandfather
during the crusades had destroyed in him
that blind and infatuated obedience to the
* Appendix, No. II.
t Lampe, Hist. Eccles. p. 246—249.
PAULICIANS, VAUDOIS.
15
see of Rome which had induced the com-
panion of Godfrey of Bouillon to gather
barren laurels on the Syrian shore. He
therefore paid no attention to the general
call, and was so far from joining in the
persecution, that he afforded an asylum to
the sufferers. Nothing more was want-
ing for his denunciation as a heretic : and
from that time, the church waited only for
a favourable opportunity of wreaking her
vengeance upon him, for his boldness in
daring to hesitate when she required his
aid, and for his impiety in showing com-
passion to those whom she had doomed
to misery.
The Count of Toulouse was still desi-
rous of avoiding a rupture with the holy
see, and took skilful measures of modera-
tion, to heal the differences which had
been made known. But Peter Castelnau,
who was the pope's chief legate at the
time, conducted himself in such a manner
as to prevent any kind of reconciliation ;
he was proud, inflexible, and averse to
every concession. He threatened Ray-
mond in his own dominions; and required
him to proscribe his own subjects. The
count, disgusted with his behaviour, and
indignant at his demands, sent him away :
as he was returning to Rome, he was
assassinated, and Innocent, resolved to'
avenge his legate's death on Raymond,
put his estates under an interdict.* The
clergy, docile instruments of the pontifical
power, called on the King of France to
assist the church. Philip Augustus, on
his side, was well pleased at having an
opportunity of confiscating the domains of
the Count of Toulouse: he raised four
thousand men at arms, whom he sent into
Languedoc, and authorized the preaching
of a crusade in his kingdom.
The approach of more than fifty thou-
sand crusaders, who were in arms, and
ready to destroy every one of his subjects,
alarmed Raymond ; he endeavoured to
allay the storm which was ready to burst
over him, by telling the legate, that he
was willing to make a public penance.
He appeared in his shirt at the door of a
church, and made a solemn abjuration of
his errors. The legate passed his stole
over his neck, and drew him to the altar,
where he promised entire obedience to
* 15th Jan. 1208. Fleury, Hist. Eccles. liv. 76. Du
Haillan, Hist, de France, liv. 10, p 510. Pierre de Vaulx
Cernay, Hist, des Albigeois. Dan Vaissette, Hist de Lan-
guedoc, vol. iii. p. 153.
the court of Rome, and was relieved from
his excommunication, on his engaging to
fight against his own subjects. The cru-
saders then ravaged Languedoc, and put
every thing to fire and sword. At Be-
zieres alone thirty thousand persons are
said to have been killed by the crusaders,
under Montfort, Earl of Leicester ; and
seven thousand persons who had taken
refuge in the churches, were not allowed
the benefit of the sanctuary, respected for
every crime at this period, but were
cruelly put to the sword.*
Wherever the Vaudois were seized,
they were burnt alive ; and many were
murdered who fled to England and Ger-
many. It is difficult to describe the hor-
rors of this continued massacre; the fana-
ticism of an ignorant soldiery was worked
upon, to make them think they were act-
ing in a meritorious manner ; but what
language can be strong enough to charac-
terize the horrible councils of Rome — of
that church which arrogates to itself the
attribute of infallibility, and which not
only excited this persecution, but canon-
ized two monsters, who were the most
active in the work of murder and devas-
tation ? They were Dominick Gusman,
and Francis d'Assise, who each of them
founded an order of monks called after
their respective names. The Dominicans
have zealously imitated their founder, and
we find that the offices of the Inquisition
have almost always been filled by them.
"I can never admit," says Pasquier in a
letter to the* President Brulart, " that the
material arms of Montfort would have
overcome the Albigenses, without the holy
exhortations and preachings of St. Domi-
nic, who was with him throughout the ex-
pedition."!
While Languedoc was being laid waste,
Raymond went to find the pontiff at Rome,
and entreated him to put an end to the
work of destruction. The pope sent or-
ders to his legate to suspend hostilities,
but his commands obtained no attention.
Raymond then became indignant, and
hastened to join the ranks of the Albigen-
ses, invoking the support of the Emperor
Otho, then suffering papal excommunica-
tion. That emperor paid no attention to
his prayer, but Peter II. of Arragon, his
* In July 1209. Fleury, Hist. Eccles. liv. 76. De Thou
liv. 6.
f (Euvres, vol. ii. p. 268.
1G
LOLLARDS, HUSSITES, &C.
kinsman, came with an army to his as-i
sistance* At the siege of Toulouse, in
1218, Simon Montfort, the barbarous chief
of the crusaders, was killed, by which
event Raymond was enabled to recover
most of his estates. But it was not till
six years afterwards that the pope could
be induced to restore the title to the fa-
mily; for he had made the cruel Montfort
Count of Toulouse, during Raymond's
excommunication. The latter part of the
thirteenth century was occupied with the
struggles between the Guelph and Ghibe-
line factions, which, added to another cru-
sade in the East, left the Vaudois in com-
parative obscurity, and their persecution
abated.
John Wickliffe, an Englishman, was
the next who entered the lists for the
cause of the Reformation. His first at-
tacks were directed in 1360, against the
abuses of the mendicant friars ; he after-
wards preached against the errors of
popery in general. He earnestly recom-
mended the study of the Scriptures, and
translated the Bible into English. The
powerful protection which he received
from John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster,
alone preserved him from the severe pu-
nishment which the enraged monks would
have inflicted on him. He died at Lutter-
worth, on the 31st of December, 1387;
thirty years after, by order of the council
of Constance, his body was dug up from
the grave, burned, and the ashes thrown
into a neighbouring stream. His follow-
ers were called Lollards or Wickliffites,
and they very soon began to experience
persecution. Lord Cobham, who had
professed their doctrines, was hung up by
a chain round his waist, and was burned
or rather roasted to death. About the
same time, John Huss and Jerome of
Prague were burned alive for the same
opinions: Huss had obtained a safe con-
duct from the emperor, before he would
answer the summons to appear ; but the
council of Constance refused to recognise
it, declaring, " that faith need not be kept
with heretics."!
Although it is not clear that any of the
Vaudois were able to establish themselves
in England; it can hardly be doubted, that
a considerable portion of Wickliffe's he-
* Peter of Arrajon was killed at the siege of Muret
in 1213 Fleury, Hist, t ccles. Iiv.77. Du Haillan, liv. 10.
t John Huss suffered 15th July, 1415. Jerome of
Prague, 30th May, 1416. Lord Cobham in 1416.
resy was acquired when he was sent by
Edward III. on different missions to the
popes of Rome and Avignon, for at that
time, the church had two infallible heads.
At that period, the unfortunate Vaudois
were burned whenever they were taken ;
and their opinions having been once de-
scribed, his acute intellect was thenceforth
occupied in inquiring whether they were
not right, and if the church herself was
not wallowing in heresy. A great many
of the Vaudois took refuge in Bohemia,
and different parts of Germany; and when
Wickliffe's preaching and writings were
made known, they rallied, and resumed
existence as a reformed church.
A war ensued, which lasted thirteen
years. The Hussites were headed by
John Zisca, who led them to repeated vic-
tories, which, we must confess, were ac-
companied at times with cruelty and
fanaticism.* He died in 1424, and was
succeeded by Procopius, who was equally
serviceable to them. By a well-timed
concession respecting the use of the cup
by the laity in the Sacrament of the Lord's
Slipper, the church of Rome regained its
authority over a considerable number of
the Hussites. The rest remained firm, and
in the succeeding age were among the
first to join the followers of Martin Luther.
There were still some Vaudois in
France in the reign of Louis XII., and
those of Cabrieres and Merindole sent de-
puties to plead their cause before that king :
they obtained a-n audience, in spite of the
opposition of the clergy. Having declared
that they received and adopted the Scrip-
tures, the Apostles' Creed, the Decalogue,
and the Sacraments, but that they did not
believe in the pope, nor in his doctrines,
the king sent persons to inquire on the
spot if their assertions were true. The
commissioners, on their return, reported,
"that in those parts, baptism was admi-
nistered ; the articles of faith, and the ten
commandments were taught ; the Sabbath
was solemnly observed ; and the word of
God expounded : and that as to the forni-
cations and poisonings of which they were
accused, there was no instance of it to be
found." The king, on hearing this, de-
clared, " these people are much better than
myself, and all the rest of my Catholic*
subjects."!
* Lenfant, Hist, dc la Ouerre des Hussites et du Coa-
cile de Bale.
t Lanipe, Hist. Eccles p. 231.
REFORMATION IN GERMANY.
17
At the begirtning of the sixteenth cen-jof penance enjoined by the church, they
tury, the chair of St. Peter was filled by preached them as celestial favours, which
three popes in succession, (for the ponti- by themselves abolished the most enor-
ficate of Pius III. lasted only twenty-six mous crimes; and at the suggestion of
days,) whose characters, though widely
different, contributed to discredit the holy
see, and to ensure success to the preach-
ers of a reformation. Roderic Borgia,
who assumed the title of Alexander VI.,
is so well known in history, that his very
name inspires horror; he died in 1503.
Julian de Rovero, or Julius II., after pro-
curing his election by presents and pro-
mises, filled Europe with wars and fac-
tions. To such a degree did he annoy
Louis XII., King of France, that although
styled the eldest son of the church, he re-
solved on attempting to destroy the pa-
pacy.* So undisguised was this pope's
passion for arms, that when Michael An-
gelo, who was employed in making a
statue of him, asked if he would not like
to have a book placed in his hand, he an-
swered, " Rather a sword, for I should
know better how to make use of it."f
Julius II. died in February, 1513, and
was succeeded by the Cardinal John de
Medicis, who took the name of Leo X. ;}
a man insatiate of luxury and splendour:
when he was asked, in what style he
would be treated; he answered, "As a
great prince." Highly gifted by nature,
he became the chief ornament of his own
court, and the acting statesman of his own
cabinet. He was a great patron of let-
ters, and thus promoted the means of at-
tacking superstition ;o he was a great friend
to the arts, and was by that means led
into expenses, which brought about the
memorable sale of indulgences for the re-
plenishment of his treasury. The Domi-
nican monks, who were commissioned to
Cardinal Pucci, the power of the indul-
gences was extended even to the dead,
whose souls were released from purgatory
directly after the money was paid*
The people of Germany received these
pardon-mongers in a manner very differ-
ent from the inhabitants of Italy, France,
and Spain; they had suffered too much
from the quarrels between the emperors
and popes, to entertain much veneration
for the Roman hierarchy. Besides, every
one who was sufficiently qualified by edu-
cation, occupied himself with the discus-
sions which had followed the preaching
and the persecution of the Hussites; and
but little was requisite to excite a violent
feeling against the indulgences.
Among the preachers who exerted
themselves to display the folly of the in-
dulgences, and the profaneness of the Do-
minican monks, the most conspicuous was
Martin Luther, a young theologian of
Wittenberg, in Saxony: his bold philip-
pics struck them into absolute discredit.
Had the Dominicans been withdrawn
from Germany, the discussion would have
been forgotten, and Luther's name would
have been scarcely known; but the loss
of what had been reckoned upon as sure
profit made the Dominicans outrageous,
and abuse was directed against the
preacher by all who had expected to share
in the spoil. Having once excited the
hatred of the Dominicans, and rendered
himself obnoxious to the Vatican, Luther
could easily perceive that his only chance
of safety was in a complete victory, in a
thorough reform. He was well acquainted
sell them, abused their trust, and defeated ' with the state of Rome under Alexander
its very object; instead of announcing
them as pardons proper for the remission
* Louis XI I. had a medal struck with i Ins inscription
•' Perdam babylonis nomen." — Turretin, Hist Eccles.
t Arniand Smiles, Portraits Historiuvcs efes Pu]>rs.
I Guicciardini, Pa'ulua Jovius, and Fra Paolo S.irpi
have each described the character of thia pope; ami rhey
all differ in their account of his ruling passion Guic-
efcrdini represents him as influenced hy political craft.
Paulus Jovius declares pride anil vanity to have ope-
rated on his resolutions ; and Fra Paolo describes him
as a voluptuary, passionately fond of pageantry, and
willing at all tunes to sacrifice the interests of the
church, in order to gratify his own desires. It is possi
hie that all three characters may he true, if his life be
examined at different periods.
§ He was so anxious that his briefs should be well
written, and free from the barbarisms which abounded
in those of his predecessors, that he look for his secre-
taries Hemlio ami Sadolet, Ihe two best writers of the
ajje. Varillas, /list. sec. de la Muison de Medicis, liv. G
2
VI. ; he knew to what extent every kind
of vice was encouraged by the example
of the superior clergy; and he boldly at-
tacked the papacy with all the force of his
satire and his indignation.
Leo X. receiving the homage of men
of science, and beholding the great im-
provements which his fostering care had
produced in the fine arts, at first would
hardly condescend to notice the audacity
of this monk, whose object was to over-
turn his government ; to free modern Eu-
* Histoire du Concile de Trcvte, par Fra Paolo Sarpi, p.
4, traduction de Houssaje. Edit. 4to, Amjtedam, 1G8C>.
18
REFORMATION IN GERMANY.
rope from rites more superstitious than
those of Paganism ; and, in a word, to re-
store Christianity to Christendom. But
when the pontiff found that Luther's
preaching produced conviction in the
minds of several princes, and that the old
heresy of the Hussites was rekindled by
him, he summoned Luther to appear at
his tribunal, and give an account of his
conduct. The unhappy fate of Savona-
rola, who was burned for having expa-
tiated on the vices of Alexander VI. was
church is traced in a chain of descent
from the Paulicians to the Vaudois, Lol-
lards, Hussites, Lutherans, and Hugue-
nots, our attention will be confined to the
long and arduous struggle which the
French Protestants had to maintain, not
only for their social and religious exist-
ence, but also for the preservation of their
lives.
1. Germany being the scene of Lu-
ther's operations, it is natural that his doc-
trines should produce an earlier effect in
too recent an example for Luther not to j that country, than in any other; we have
take warning by; he refused to appear, [already seen that he was cited to Rome,
and proceeded in his labours with the i but refused to go. Having a great friend
more earnestness, as the pope had become in the Elector of Saxony, interest was
his declared enemy. made that he should be allowed to an-
It is possible, that if the Augustine ,swer the accusation in Germany: heap-
monks had been appointed to sell the in-!peared, in consequence, at Augsburg, be-
dulgences instead of the Dominicans, the fore Cardinal Cajetan, the pope's legate,
former community would not have been j As Luther refused to renounce his opi-
the first to attack their utility ; and conse- [ nions, Leo X. issued two bulls, one to con-
quently Luther would not have been j firm and recommend the indulgences, the
raised from privacy, to perform the emi- j other to condemn Luther's doctrine as im-
nent part he afterwards undertook. But; pious and heretical; at the same time or-
to assume that if Luther had remained j dering his books to be burned, arid Luther
quiet, the Reformation would not have (himself to be excommunicated and pro-
been preached, is an hypothesis which can 'scribed, if he did not return to his duty
never be acceded to; and it is therefore within two months.* Luther appealed to
no argument against Protestantism, to as- a general council, and publicly burned the
sert that disappointed avarice was its prin- Pope's bull at Wittenberg. In 1521, Lu-
cipal cause.* The numerous body of ther attended the diet at Worms, having
learned men who were living at that time previously been furnished with a safe con-
could not all have remained silent; and (duct. Pie was sent away in safety, but
the only difference would have been a! immediately after was proscribed, and
trifling postponement of the date, and a 'would certainly have been overpowered
change in the name of the Reformer. In-! by his enemies, but for the protection of
deed we are informed that Zuinglius com-J the elector Frederic, who concealed him
menced preaching in Switzerland in 1516, |nine months in the castle of Westberg.
the year before Luther began his attack.tj On his enlargement, he prosecuted his
The history of Luther's labours does preaching and writing with great success,
not belong to our subject ; he is too well j His followers were first called Protestants
known as the leading Reformer, to re- 1 in 1529, when the diet of Spire having for-
quire any further account of him; a mere! bidden the abolition of the mass, several
outline of the progress of his doctrines is! princes protested against the decree, and
therefore all that is necessary to form a I formed the league of Smalcalde. That
just opinion of the succeeding history. 'appellation now includes all who protest
We shall mark their establishment in Ger- ; against the authority of the pope and the
many, Switzerland, Sweden, and Den- (councils, whatever may be their particular
mark, Great Britain, Holland and France; 'tenets. After a long struggle, the treaty
and when once the original Christian [of Passau, decreed in July 1552, and con-
firmed at Augsburg in 1555, assured tran-
quillity to the Protestants, who by that
time amounted to one half of the German
population. Martin Luther died 18th of
February, 1546, aged sixty-three years.
* Even Cardinal Pallavicini refutes this ; for lie states
that it was not customary to employ t lie Augustine
monks on "rich occasions : the Fra nciscans, nominicans
and Teutonic knights having had that privilege, with-
out any claim being put in hy the Augustines. hist.
Omeilli Tridentini, lib. J, c. 3.
t Turretin, Hist. Ecclcs. Beside!? which there is the
preaching of John Weselius, or de VVesel, a Fleming,
uliuse doctrines were condemned in 1478.
Dated, 15 June, \5!t). Hist, du Coneile de Trente, p 10-
REFORMATION IN SWITZERLAND, SWEDEN AND ENGLAND. 10
2. Switzerland was prepared by Zuin-
glius, CEcolnmpadius, and others, to em-
brace with eagerness the Reformation.
Bernardin Samson, a Franciscan monk,
was employed to sell the indulgences in
that country ; and his avidity and impu-
dence outdid Tetzel, the Dominican, who
had excited Luther's indignation in Sax-
ony. He promised the remission of every
crime, whatever it might be, to those who
brought him their money; and declared
that such was his power over purgatory,
that at his wish alone the souls were re-
leased.* The whole country was a fer-
ment, and the monks complained of the
preaching of Zuinglius; the senate thought
it best to have the case publicly argued;
and Zuinglius maintained his opinion by
the. Scriptures in opposition to traditions,
councils, &c. so that he overcame all op-
position, and found himself supported by
the magistracy of Zurich. This was in
1523. The reform made great progress :
at first processions were prohibited ; the
tombs said to contain relics, &c. were
afterwards opened, and their contents,
which consisted of bones and rubbish,
were buried; the images were then re-
moved from the churches; and in April,
1525, the mass was abolished. ' The ex-
ample of Zurich was followed by Berne,
Bale, Schaffhausen, St. Gall and Geneva;
Fribourg, Soleure, and the small cantons,
not only adhered to popery, but made
war with Zurich and Berne. The Pro-
testants were defeated at Cappel, the 1 1th
of October, 1531, when Zuinglius was
killed. His death was afterwards avenged,
and, after a sanguinary struggle, all the
cantons united in proclaiming toleration.
3. The Reformation was preached in
Sweden by Olaus Petri, who had heard
Luther in Germany. The change of re-
ligion was effected with great facility in
this kingdom, as it was a question of in-
dependence rather than theology. Gus-
tavus Vasa encouraged it, secretly at first,
but when he found the clergy would not
contribute a portion of their revenues to-
wards the necessities of the state, he sent
to Wittenberg for preachers to assist Olaus
Petri: the Protestant religion was esta-
blished by law in 1527. In Denmark,
the opposition was very trifling; the so-
vereigns of that country, particularly
Christian III , giving their protection to
the Lutheran preachers; but it was esta-
blished in Denmark rather later than in
Sweden, although introduced at the same
time into both countries.
4. When Luther began to preach the
Reformation, the throne of England was
occupied by Henry VIII., a man whose
abilities would have rendered him con-
spicuous, had he been born in a private
station; as a king, he would have been
memorable for his violence and rapacity,
even if his reign had not been so much
connected with this most important era
of our history. The first news of Lu-
ther's attack on the church of Rome
kindled his zeal to such a degree, that he
wrote a Defence of the Seven Secraments,
for which he was rewarded by the pope
with the title of Defender of the Faith.*
But so liable are all men to yield to cir-
cumstances, when their interests or pas-
sions are concerned, that Henry, on the
pope's refusing him a divorce, threw off
his allegiance to the see of Rome, and
declared himself head of the church in his
own dominions. The ice being once
broken, his impetuosity could not be re-
strained; he robbed the monasteries to
raise funds for his extravagance, and at-
tacked the papacy in every possible man-
ner, because it thwarted his views ; but
the advantage which accrued to the Re-
formation was never contemplated by him.
A well known writer has so ably defined
his character and conduct, that I shall
quote his words:t "The Reformation
owed nothing to the good intentions of
King Henry: he was only an instrument
of it by accident; nor doth he appear,
throughout his whole reign, to have had
any other views than those of gratifying
his insatiable love of power, cruelty, op-
pression, and other irregular appetites.
! But this kingdom, as well as many other
j parts of Europe, was at that time gene-
rally weary of the corruptions and im-
positions of the Roman court and church;
and disposed to receive those doctrines
which Luther and his followers had uni-
versally spread. Cranmer, Cromwell,
and others of the court, did secretly em-
brace the Reformation; and the king's
abrogating the pope's supremacy, made
the people in general run into new the
* Turret! n, Hist Eccles.
* Leo at the same time conferred indulgence on all
who peruseil the king's work — Hallavicini, lib. 2, c. 1.
t Swift, Preface to the Bishop of Salisbury's Intro-
duction.
20
HUGUENOTS PERSECUTED BY FRANCIS I.
doctrine with greater freedom, because
they hoped to be supported in it by the
authority and example of their prince,
who disappointed them so far, that he
made no other step, than rejecting the
pope's supremacy as a clog upon his own
power and passions, but retained every
corruption besides, and became a cruel
persecutor, as well of those who denied
his own supremacy, as of all others who
professed any Protestant doctrine. Nei-
ther hath any thing disgusted me more
in reading the histories of those times,
than to see one of the worst princes of
any age or country, celebrated as an in-
strument in that glorious work of the Re-
formation."
On his death, in January, 1547, the
sceptre passed into the hands of his son,
Edward VI., then only nine years of age.
He had been educated as a Protestant,
and had he lived to manhood, he would,
in all probability, have perfected what his
guardians had begun during his youth.
But his premature death in July, 1553, al-
lowed the bigotted venom of his sister
Mary, who became queen, to wreak itself
on the Protestants, and her reign of five
years is one continued tale of blood. None
have more cause to lament this reign than
the Roman Catholics, for the persecution
she excited has left such a deep remem-
brance, that the popish religion has ever
since been detested by the nation.
Elizabeth, daughter of Henry VIII. by
Anne Boleyn, would naturally encourage
the Reformation when she succeeded to
the crown. Her reign lasted forty-five
years, and the Protestant religion was
firmly established. The church of Eng-
land combines some of Luther's doctrines,
with others of Zuinglius and Calvin: the
most eminent divines of the age were em-
ployed in organizing the new church, and
so careful were they to follow the doctrines
of the Bible, that there are very few Pro-
testant dissenters who do not approve of
the thirty-nine articles, although they may
reject the discipline and liturgy of the
church.
5. In Scotland, like most countries, the
priests would not resign their authority
without a struggle, and the early preach-
ers of the Reformation became martyrs.
But the vehemence of John Knox, who re-
ceived his notions from Calvin, added to
the confusion which followed all the three
marriages of Mary Queen of Scots, ena-
bled the Reformers to effect a more com-
plete change than had been made in Eng-
land. In the latter country, the monarch
directed the reform, in Scotland the people
did it all; and that is sufficient to account
for the difference.
6. The Netherlander, in addition to the
effects of Luther's preaching, were excited
to revolt by the tyranny of Philip II. and
the cruelty of the Duke of Alva; the new
doctrines had been received there in 1550,
and the Lutherans were rather numerous
at that time. After an arduous struggle,
they not only succeeded in establishing the
rights of conscience, but also obtained a
national independence.
There remains yet to be described the
preaching of the Reformation in France ;
and we approach the immediate subject
of this history.
CHAPTER II.
The Reformation preached in France — The Huguenots,
or Protestants, are persecuted hy Francis I. — Massa-
cres at Merindole and Cabiieres.
At the eventful period which now occu-
pies our attention, two illustrious women
were very instrumental in the encourage-
ment of the Reformation; they were
Renee, Duchess of Ferrara, daughter of
Lewis XII. ; and Margaret, Queen of Na-
varre, sister of Francis I., and mother of
the celebrated Jane d'Albret.
The Duchess of Ferrara, with a vigo-
rous mind, indulged in the prevailing sub-
ject of inquiry, and listened with attention
to the preachers of the new doctrines.
But the vicinity of her husband's domi-
nions to Rome, made him fearful of ex-
citing the temporal, as well as the spiritual
wrath of his neighbour, and the duchess
was compelled to dissemble her sentiments
during his life. When she became a
widow, she resolved on returning to
France; she resided at the castle of Mon-
targis, not far from Paris; and in the midst
of their persecution, she constantly afford-
ed an asylum to the Huguenots*
The Queen of Navarre, without em-
bracing openly the new opinions, con-
tented herself for a long time with pro-
* Gibbon. Antiquities of the House of Brunswick ; atvd
Brantome, vol. i. p. 3'i8.
HUGUENOTS PERSECUTED BY FRANCIS I.
21
tecting the learned men of that party, and
giving them shelter in her states from the
cruel death which awaited them in France.
By degrees, however, she changed her
opinions so much, that the constable Mont-
morency, discoursing with Francis upon
the means of extirpating heresy, had no
hesitation in saying, " that if he wished it
to be exterminated, he must begin with
the court and his relatives, naming the
queen, his sister." Francis answered,
" Do not speak to me upon that matter,
she loves me too well to think otherwise
than I approve of."*
It was under such auspices that John
Cauvin, or Calvin, began to preach the
gospel. He was born at Noyon, in Pi-
cardy, in 1509, and was ordained a priest
at sixteen years of age: he had received
his religious instruction principally from a
relation named Olevitane, who inhabited
one of the valleys of Piedmont, and had
translated the Scriptures into French in
1520. Bucer and Melancthon had visited
France just before, and created a taste for
reform. f A Protestant congregation was
established at Meaux the following year,
and the doctrines of the Huguenots,f (the
name by which they were subsequently
called,) made so much progress, that the
clergy were alarmed, and made such re-
presentations to Francis I, that from being
rather favourably inclined towards the
Reformation, they persuaded him to be-
come a cruel persecutor.
An edict against the heretics was pub-
lished the 9th of June, 1523, and the con-
gregation of Meaux was dispersed. Some
fled to Metz, others to Switzerland, and
their minister, John Leclerc, became a
martyr : he was tortured in a most horri-
ble manner, and his mangled body was
then burned.
The Jesuit Fleury mentions this perse-
cution, in the following unfeeling terms: —
" From time to time some false prophet
appeared upon the scene, to publish his
fanaticism, or sound the disposition of the
court. But repression was prompt: it
cost dear to one Berquin of Arras ; to Jean
Leclerc, a wool-carder of Meaux ;$ and to
* Biantome, vol. i. p. 335 (fie de Margaret!)
t Maimbnurg complains of Ihese pretended doctors
taking the insolent liberty of interpreting Hie Bible in
a sense different from the Catholic church.— Hist, du
Calvanisme, liv. 1, p. 10. Paris 1682.
t See Appendix, No. III.
§ Leclerc was banished from Meaux for calling the
pope Antichrist; he was burnt at Metz, in 1523, for
breaking an image; Berquin suffered at Paris, 152U.
Benoit, Hist, de I' Edit de JfanUs' vol. i. p. 8.
Jacques Pavane, a clothier of Boulogne,
for having spoken under pretended inspi-
ration. They were all burnt alive ; and a
dread of the fire silenced the spirit of se-
veral oracfts. History mentions these
despicable names, doubtless to perpetuate
the reproach of their birth or their impiety,
rather than to celebrate these vile found-
ers of the Calvanistic church."*
These martyrdoms were followed by
many others ; and such havoc was made
among the Huguenots, that an annual
procession was instituted to render thanks
to the Almighty that they had got rid of
the heretics. It would be a painful task
to give an account of the many examples
of constancy on one side, and Satanic
rage on the other; so numerous were the
cases which occurred, that to describe
them would convert this work into a mar-
tyrology ; one circumstance, however,
cannot be passed in silence, as it shows
what encouragement was personally af-
forded to the murderous zeal of the priests
by Francis I. When Dymond Levoy
was burned with five others in 1528, that
king went bare-headed to witness the exe-
cution, and was accompanied by a proces-
sion of priests and monks.f
Francis, Cardinal de Tournon, Arch-
bishop of Lyons, was at this period the
king's principal adviser. He is celebrated
as a negotiator and statesman, but espe-
cially as a persecutor. Born in 1489, at
Tournon, in the Vivarais, he entered an
Augustine monastery at the age of twelve;
and in his twenty-eighth year was elevated
to the archbishopric of Embrun. During
the captivity of Francis I. he was frequently
consulted on public affairs, and was com-
missioned to negotiate for that monarch's
liberty: from that time he possessed the
king's entire confidence. He passed suc-
cessively to the sees of Bourges, Auch, and
Lyons ; and was raised to the dignity of
cardinal in 15304
He was long employed in attempts to
reconcile the King of England with the
pope ; and was subsequently engaged in
negotiations with Charles V. But when
the return of peace, in 1538, gave him
* Hist, du Cardinal de Tournun, par le P. Charles Fleu-
ry, de la compagnie de Jesus, p 215. Paris, 1728. This
violent writer must not be confounded with Claude
Fleury, author of the Hist. Eccelsiastique.
t See Beza, D'Aubigne, and De Thou for an account
of these martyrdoms. Even Maimbourg adds his testi-
mony to the " rigouis exercised against these pretended
martyrs."— Hist, du Calvanisme, liv. 1.
t Biographie Umverselle, art. Tournon.
22
HUGUENOTS PERSECUTED BY FRANCIS I.
leisure to attend to the internal affairs of
France, all his efforts were devoted to the
suppression of heresy ; which object he
pursued to the end of his life, although the
decease of his patron Franeis, deprived
him of the means of entirely accomplish-
ing, it.
The influence of such a man was unfor-
tunate for the Protestants, who were re-
covering from the consternation caused by
the first persecution. The Q,ueen of Na-
varre openly encouraged the Reformation,
and gave the Protestant ministers a refuge
in Beam: she even appointed a Calvanist,
named Roussel, to the bishopric of Oloron;
and united her influence with that of the
Duchess d'Estampes, to give the king a
favourable impression of the reformed re-
ligion.* By their persuasions, Francis
was induced to hear a sermon preached
by Lecoq, curate of St. Eustache. He
publicly professed Catholicism and a
hatred of Luther; " but," observes Maim-
bourg, " he preached the doctrines of Zu-
inglius, and the king could not at first
discern the venom concealed in his fine
phrases." The cardinals of Lorrainf and
Tournon compelled Lecoq to make a pub-
lic recantation of his errors; but the Queen
of Navarre was not discouraged; she ex-
tolled the merits of Melancthon, and per-
suaded the king to invite him to a confe-
rence with the French divines, upon the
best means of restoring harmony in the
church.f
Melancthon being renowned for learn-
ing and .eloquence, the Catholic clergy
were alarmed in the same degree that the
Protestants were elated at the prospect of
his visit. Tournon, however, succeeded
in changing the king's opinions, by a
scheme, described by Maimbourg, as
worthy of immortality. He entered the
royal apartment, reading, or pretending to
read, a work of St. Irenaeus. Francis in-
quired what book engaged him, and the
cardinal instantly directed his attention to
a page, where Irenaeus had given full
scope to his feelings against heretics;
showing that the apostles would not even
frequent any public place where they were
admitted. Tournon then expressed his
grief that with such examples, the eldest
son of the church should have sent for an
* Mirapnu, Hist, des Troubles de Beam, p. 107.
t John, Cardinal of Lorrain, brother of Claude, Duke
of Guise.
X Maimbourg, Hist, du Calvinisme, liv. 1. p. 26.
heresiarch, the most celebrated of Luther's
disciples. His observations produced the
intended effect : Francis revoked the invi-
tation of Melancthon ; protested upon oath,
that he would never desert the Catholic
faith ; and issued orders to prosecute the
heretics with rigour. Upon which the
learned father observes: — "This sudden
and generous resolution was like a thun-
derbolt to the Protestants, who had no
idea of such a reverse under the protec-
tion of the Q.ueen of Navarre."*
In the meanwhile, Calvin was diligently
employed preaching at Bourges and
Ligneres ; and it was not until the danger
was most imminent that he retired from
■France. He took refuge in Italy with the
Duchess of Ferrara, but persecution fol-
lowed him, and he went into Germany.
Passing through Geneva, in 1536, he was
induced to remain there by the persua-
sions of William Farel, who, like himself,
had been compelled to quit his native land,
on account of his religion. Calvin became
the head of the church at Geneva, and
wrote there his Christian Institutes,
which he dedicated to Francis I., im-
ploring his compassion for the Protest-
ants.t Cardinal Tournon represented to
that monarch, that the dedication of such
a work was an outrage on the royal ma-
jesty, and the religion of his ancestors.
The book tended to increase, rather than
to diminish the rage of persecution in the
king's breast ; influenced by the cruel sug-
gestions of the clergy, he gave fresh orders
for punishing the Calvinists wherever they
could be found, and persons were em-
ployed to hunt after them : it was even de-
clared a crime to pray in French. :f Num-
bers of pious men and women were burned
alive ; and as the speeches delivered by
the martyrs at the stake became a power-
ful means of conversion, measures were
taken to prevent them from addressing the
spectators.
Tournon's orders were rigorously exe-
cuted. To use his biographer's expres-
sion, " it was as dangerous to converse in
secret, as to discuss in public. Nothing
escaped this great man, who seemed to
* Maimbourg, Hist, du Calvinisme, liv. 1, p. 29.
t The Abbe Anquetil, in his work entitled Esprit dc
la Ligue, considers this publication as the grand support
of the heresy, for it systematized the doctrines of the
Protestants, and enabled the different congregations to
keep together, even if their minister were taken from
them.
X Hist, du Concile de Trenle. p. 95.
MASSACRE AT MER1ND0LE.
23
multiply himself, in order to discover arti-
fice or punish temerity; so that foreign
princes were accustomed to say, that he
alone was equal to an inquisition in
France."*
But cruel as was the general persecution
of the Huguenots throughout France, it
appears almost nothing compared with the
massacre of the inhabitants of Merindole
and Cabrieres. They were the descend-
ants of the ancient Vaudois, who had taken
refuge in different countries, and amongst
others in the mountains of Dauphiny;
where they procured the means of subsist-
ence by unwearied industry. Directly
they heard of the Reformation in France,
they declared the Huguenots to be their
brethren; and the identity of their faith
drew upon them the same kind of ven-
geance. They were summoned by the
parliament of Aix on account of their re-
ligion, but were restrained from appearing
by the imminent danger which would at-
tend their compliance. It was then de-
creed that they should be exterminated as
rebels, their goods confiscated, their
houses destroyed, and that even the trees
of their plantations should be dug up.t
During the life of the President Chassante
this horrible sentence was not executed ;
but his successor, the Baron d'Oppede, ob-
tained from Francis I. permission to car-
ry it into execution, which he did with the
troops returning from Italy ; and to pre-
vent the charge of having highly coloured
this tale of wo, the account is taken from
a Catholic writer, who will not be sus-
pected of exaggeration.}
" Uninterrupted executions, however,
did not arrest the progress of the seduc-
tion ; the innovators continued to increase,
although the sword of justice was constant-
ly hanging over their heads; at length, in
1545, Francis I. gave permission to em-
ploy the aid of arms against' them. It
was granted at the solicitation of the Ba-
ron d'Oppede, first president of the parlia-
ment of Aix, a violent and sanguinary
man, who revived against the Vaudois,
assembled in the vaileys of the Alps on
the side of Provence, a decree of that par-
liament given five years before. Every
thing was horrible and cruel, says the
historian De Thou, in the sentence pro.
* Charles Fleury, ut antca, p. 214.
t Decree, dated Idlh November, 1540, Hist, du Calvin-
ismc. liv. 2.
J Abbj Anquetil, Esprit dela I.igue, vol. i. p. 14, ctsrq
nounced against them, and every thing
was still more horrible and more cruel in
the execution. Twenty-two towns or vil-
lages were burned or sacked with an in-
humanity, of which the history of the
most barbarous people hardly presents
examples. The unfortunate inhabitants,
surprised during the night, and pursued
from rock to rock by the light of the fires
which consumed theirdwellings, frequently
escaped one snare only to fall into another ;
the pitiful cries of the old men, the women,
and the children, far from softening the
hearts of the soldiers, mad with rage like
their leaders, only set them on following
the fugitives, and pointed out the places
whither to direct their fury. Voluntary
surrender did not exempt the men from
execution, nor the women from excesses
of brutality, which make nature blush. It
was forbidden under pain of death, to af-
ford them any refuge. At Cabrieres, one
of the principal towns of that canton, they
murdered more than 700 men in cold
blood ; and the women who had remained
in their houses, were shut up in a barn,
filled with straw, to which they set fire:
those who attempted to escape by the win-
dow were driven back with swords and
pikes; finally, according to the tenor of
the sentence, the houses were razed, the
woods cut down, and the fruit trees
pulled up; and in a short time this country,
so fertile and so populous, became unin-
habited and uncultivated. Historians
agree that on this occasion the orders of
Francis were exceeded ; and many add
that this prince when dying, enjoined his
son severely to punish the guilty."*
De Thou, in his history, states more
than has been related by the Abbe An-
quetil, for he says that previous to per-
mitting this horrible affair, Francis com-
manded William Du Bellay, to make
inquiry respecting the doctrines and
morals of these people, and that he had
sufficient evidence of their innocence and
piety, with the exception of their holding
in horror the superstitions of the church
of Rome. But what was the result of
this inquiry and report? only a delay of
three months, which was allowed them to
amend themselves in ; with the threat, that
if they still persisted in their error at the
* Maimboiirp, in describing this massacre, says, thai
above '.MM persons were killed, and !)0il houses were
plundered, and ihen destroyed. Hist. du. Cahintimt,
liv. i.
24
REIGN OF HENRY II.
expiration of that period, the punishment
would be inflicted on them.*
The following account of this persecu-
tion is from a source beyond suspicion —
a report to the Jicademie des Inscriptions,
on the preliminaries of the execution at
Cabrieres and Merindole.f The Vaudois
of the latter place had petitioned the par-
liament of Aix. The perusal of this docu-
ment, observes the reporter, brought tears
into our eyes; we notice at the commence-
ment, a confession entirely Calvinistic;
such doctrine having been either derived
from Valdo, or communicated by the
preachers of Geneva. The Vaudois of-
fered to renounce all opinions contrary to
the Scriptures; but the parliament replied,
that as they were notorious heretics, they
must abjure ; for there was no alternative.
The parliament was anxious to be
spared the severe measures which would
be forced upon them, if the Vaudois did
not change their opinions: an endeavour
was made to soften their obstinacy, but
in vain. Among them were several Ca-
tholics, who were involved in their fate.
The report states, " God offered to spare
a criminal city, if ten righteous persons
were to be found there; but a greater
number of orthodox Christians could not
save Merindole. Unfortunately the presi-
dent Chassanee died about this time.
(1542.) His death did not appear natu-
ral ; it was believed to be the work of
those who meditated the sanguinary exe-
cution, of which Oppede was the principal
instrument."
The people of Cabrieres were subjects
of the pope ; while their brethren of Me-
rindole were engaged in parleys about
abjuration, they resorted to arms; and
drove up the papal troops to the gates of
Avignon. The pontiff implored assistance
from the King of France, who ordered the
Count de St. Grignan to employ the mili-
tary against the rebels.}:
The excesses committed were fully sub-
stantiated on the trial before the Parlia-
ment of Paris, which occupied no less than
fifty sittin«s.§ The Baron d'Oppede's de-
fence, which is deemed an extraordinary
specimen of eloquence, admits the accu-
sation in full, but justifies the deed by the
Divine command, and casts the entire re-
sponsibility on the precise orders of the
king:* he was acquitted ; but Guerin, ad-
vocate-general of the parliament of Aix,
was beheaded at the Greve. He had
acted under the instructions of Cardinal
Tournon;f but the terrible influence of
that ecclesiastic had been greatly dimi-
nished in the interval previous to the pro-
ceedings; or he would unquestionably
have prevented their being instituted.
Justice was demanded of Francis, imme-
diately after the commission of such atro-
cities ; but the representations of the par-
liament of Aix, induced him to give a let-
ter of approval, with orders to continue
the prosecution of the remaining heretics.
And it was only the approach of death,
that caused him to enjoin a scrupulous
inquiry upon his son.J »
Such was the condition of the French
Protestants at the death, of Francis I.
which took place the 31st of March, 1547;
he was succeeded by his son Henry II. ;
but so divided was the court at his acces-
sion to the throne, that the Protestants
obtained considerable support and protec-
tion. Many nobles, and even some princes
of the blood, gave them countenance; the
motives of most of whom might have
originated in court intrigue, but the great-
er part finished by embracing the Pro-
testant religion from absolute conviction.
* l)e Thou, liv. 6.
t Mem. de I'AcaU. des Inscriptions, torn, xviii. p. 375.
t Ibid. p. 3£3.
§ Cause deferred to Parliament of Paris, 17th March,
1551.
CHAPTER III.
Reign of Henry II. — Divided State of his Court— Revolt
in Uuyenne — Peace between England and France.
On the accession of Henry II. every
thing seemed to promise a happy and a
prosperous reign ; the kingdom was at
peace, and the finances were in good or-
der; the state being not only free from
debts, but having a considerable sum in
the treasury.§ The new king was also
of an age to induce an idea of experience
in him; especially as his father had early
initiated him into the secrets of govern-
ment, and had introduced him to his
councils. Added to this the state of the
forces was satisfactory ; the troops being
* Maimbourg. ut anttn, liv. 2.
t Charle- Fleury. p. J52.
i Maimbourg, lit supra.
J Brantome, vol. vn p. 2.
REIGN OF HENRY II.
23
numerous, well disciplined, and command-
ed by skilful generals.
The expectations, however, in which
the nation had indulged, were soon re-
duced to nothing. The court became
very soon divided into four parties; and
their mutual opposition and jealousy pro-
duced the long series of wars, with which
France was torn during the remainder of
the sixteenth century.
The party first in importance was that
of the constable Montmorency, who had
been exiled from court by the late king,
but who enjoyed the friendship of the
young monarch, and possessed very great
influence. Francis I. had cautioned his
son against recalling the constable ;* but
Henry paid no respect to his father's ad-
vice, for the first thing he did was to send
a courier to Montmorency, ordering his
return. The constable mounted his horse
the moment the courier reached him, and
soon arrived at the palace, where he was
kindly received by the king, who con-
versed with him for full two hours in his
chamber.! Such marks of favour were
enough to make his friendship sought byj
many of the nobility, and even some ofj
the princes of the blood, who loaded him
with their civilities.
The second party, which was equally
powerful with the former, if the king's fa-
vour be not taken into the account, was
that of the princes of Lorrain, generally
called the Guises.t. Francis I. had viewed
the whole of their conduct with a suspi-
cious eye : he considered the pitch to which
their ambition might carry them, and the
subsequent history of France has justified
his fears ;§ for he is said to have warned
his son that their great fortune would
create troubles in France || Henry II.
* The cause of this dislike was Montmorency's in-
terfering when the Cardinal Tournon recommended
Francis to make Charles V. sign a promise to give up
the Milanese. The constable contended that the empe-
ror's word was sufficient. Viellcuille, vol. i. p. 284.
Fleury. Hist, du C. Tournon. p. 1-4
t Braniome. vol. vii. p. 147. Vie de Coligny, p. 79.
I Claude of Lorrain. Duke of Guise, had six sons,
viz. 1. Francis, who succeeded him in 15.jl) as Duke of
Guise: he is sometimes called Prince of Joinville, some-
times Count d'Aumale. 2. Charles, Archbishop of
Rheims and Cardinal of Lorrain. 3. Claude, created
Duke of Aumale in 1.147. 4. Louis, Cardinal of Guise.
5. Fiancis. Grand Prior. 6. Rene, Marquis d'ElbcBuf.
5 The following quatrain was very common in
France:
Le roy Francois ne faillit poin t,
Qnnnd il predtt que ceux de Guize,
Mettroient ses enfans en pourpoint
SLt tous ses sujets en chemise.
See Mnn. de Condi, and Satyre Menippie.
D Davila, liv. 1, traduction de Baudoin, 12mo., Paris,
1066.
3
was therefore bound to keep them out of
power as much as possible. This party
had the advantage of having two leaders,
who were constantly in good intelligence,
because they could not become each
others rival; the Cardinal of Lorrain was
at work about the court, while the Duke
of Guise was in the field, and as the de-
fence of the Catholic religion was the plea
for every act of this party, the clergy were
all engaged in its support.
Diana of Poictiers, Duchess of Valen-
tinois, the king's mistress, was at the head
of a third party.* She possessed great
influence over the king by her beauty and
her wit ; but it does not appear that she
abused her power. Brantome says of
her, that she was a very good Catholic,
and bore a great hatred to those of the
relio-ion.j
The fourth party was that of the queen,
Catherine de Medicis, whose character
could barely show itself in the life-time of
her husband, but who afterwards possessed
supreme influence in the government of
France, during the successive reigns of
her three sons. She surpassed Machia-
velli himself in political craft : by constantly
adjusting the equilibrium of the contending
parties, she prevented each from over-
whelming the other; and by prolonging
the sanguinary struggle, she extended the
duration of her own power.
These four parties were eagerly looking
out for the means of increasing their influ-
ence, and enriching themselves and their
connexions ; and to effect their object, they
made use of every kind of manoeuvre to
deceive the king, whose authority was in
a great measure laid aside during the
struggle. J: The constable plainly saw that
his only strength lay in coinciding with
the Duchess of Valentinois, and flattering
the king's passion for her. The dismissal
of Cardinal Tournon, and other ministers
of Francis I., was the consequence.
A very few months had elapsed, before
the internal peace of the kingdom was dis-
turbed by a revolt in Guyenne and Sain-
tonge. Some violence had accompanied
the collection of the taxes in those pro-
vinces, and the people made loud com-
plaints. No attention being paid to them,
their complaints were changed into threats
* De Thou, liv. 3.
f Brantome, vol. vii. p. 11. {Vie de Henri II.
I Vielleville, vol. l. p 2113, el scq.
26
PERSECUTION UNDER HENRY II.
which soon produced a rebellion. The
public indignation was very great, and
fifty thousand men were assembled, and
fought several actions with the king's
troops. The magistrates and the parlia-
ment of Bordeaux succeeded in calming
the tumult in that quarter, and thus saved
that great city from the horrors of pillage.
But in other parts the insurrection was
quelled with more difficulty. Moneins,
the king's lieutenant in Dauphiny, was
killed by the insurgents. Montmorency
represented to the king, how necessary it
was to make some severe examples, and
by the most rigorous justice prevent any
repetition of such disorders.* Two divi-
sions of the army in consequence marched
towards these provinces ; one was com-
manded by Francis of Lorrain, afterwards
Duke of Guise; the severe constable him-
self commanded the other. The former
commander exercised some clemency, and
punished only the leaders of the sedition;
but Montmorency made preparations for
the most ample vengeance. The inhabi-
tants of Bordeaux were terrified at his
approach, and sent deputies to try to soften
him ; they offered him the keys of the city,
which he refused to receive at their hands.
" Begone," said he, " with your keys, I will
open your gates with mine, (meaning his
cannons;) I will have you all hanged; I
will teach you how to rebel against your
king, and to kill his lieutenant and go-
vernor, "t
The erection of a tribunal of blood, was
the consequence of Montmorency's arri-
val at Bordeaux. Executions took
place without intermission, and a dreadful
number of the inhabitants were burned
alive or hanged. Bordeaux was treated
like a town taken by assault by a foreign
army ; the bells were taken from the
churches to make cannon; the Hotel-de-
Ville was demolished ; and a heavy con-
tribution levied on the inhabitants. The
constable's cruelty was not however sa-
tiated by ruining one great city; he ra-
vaged every district which had partici-
pated in the revolt, and exercised his ven-
geance on those towns, which had even
been visited by the other division of the
army.J
"While the domestic peace of France
was thus affected by revolt, Germany was
* Vi' lleville, vol. i. p. 433. De Tliou, liv. 5, p. 343.
t Brantoine, vol. vii. p. 87.
j Viellevi lie, vol. i. p. 437, et seq. Te Thou, liv. 5.
the scene of a violent struggle. The Pro-
testants had formed a union called the
League of Smalcalde, and the emperor
Charles V. had entertained fears, lest he
should be compelled to come to terms with
the Lutheran party. The battle of Muhl-
burg, which was fought the 4th of April,
1547, put an end to the war, by the vic-
tory which he gained over that body.
During the reign of Francis I. the rivality
between that king and the emperor be-
came the motive of considerable assistance
in favour of the German Protestants.
Henry on succeeding to the crown of
France, had sent Vielleville to London, to
propose a peace with Edward VI. ; that
failing, he was afterwards absorbed in a
plan for taking Boulogne from the English ;
and by discontinuing the reinforcements
for the Protestants of Germany he insured
success to the emperor. Henry com-
menced the siege of Boulogne in the sum-
mer of 1549; but Charles V., having set-
tled his own affairs, was ready to oppose
him, in his quality of guardian of the young
King of England ; and he remonstrated
with Henry II. against the siege of Bou-
logne, which was raised in consequence.
That town was afterwards redeemed
from the English for four hundred thou-
sand crowns, besides the loss of all the ex-
penses of a long siege. A treaty of peace
was then concluded between England and
France, in which it was stipulated that
Edward VI. should marry the princess
Elizabeth, daughter of Henry II.*
The prospect of a lasting peace with
England was highly gratifying to the king,
who began to grow weary of the fatigue
of government, and longed for an oppor-
tunity of indulging his bias for pageantry
and pleasure. He had been absent from
Paris above two years, and his return was
celebrated by the most splendid fetes.t
CHAPTER IV.
Persecution under Henry II.— Edict of Chateauhriant—
War with the emperor— Siege of Metz— Abdication of
Charles V.
The system of persecution which had
been adopted by Francis I. as the means
of extirpating heresy, was vigorously con-
* Treaty dated 24th March, 1549-50.
t 15th May, 1550.
WAR WITH THE EMPEROR.
27
tinned during the reign of his successor.*
But the Huguenots were not to be de-
terred from following the dictates of their
conscience ; on the contrary, the danger of
martyrdom, while it excited every gene-
rous feeling in the breasts of the sincere,
became a preventive to desertion with the
wavering, who though willing to acknow-
ledge themselves persuaded in matters of
theology, would avoid liability to an accu-
sation of dreading personal danger. It
was in vain that the funeral piles were
kindled incessantly in every town in
France ; the Protestants persisted in hold-
ing their assemblies, and making a profes-
sion of their doctrines. Henry, to add to
the importance of the executions, went in
person to several ; and on his return to
Paris, the fires were kindled in different
parts of the city. At one of these piles, an
old domestic of the king's was dying in
the flames when the monarch passed by:
he was seized with horror, and retired im-
mediately to his palace, to conceal his agi-
tation and remorse.f
At length it suited the political views of
the Cardinal of Lorrain to arrest so horri-
ble a persecution ; he was desirous of en- j
gaging Henry in a war with Charles V.,
and of coining to an arrangement with the
Pope Julius W.fwho had joined the empe-
ror in attempting to expel Octavius Far-
nese from his duchy of Parma ; notwith-
standing the latter had married Charles's
natural daughter. None of the princes of
Italy would dare to assist Farnese, and
but for the help which he received from
France, the duke must have been over-
whelmed. The struggle in Italy ended by
the pope's seeking peace; a measure to
which he was driven by an edict passed
in France, forbidding any money to be'
sent to the court of Rome. Another edict
was published at the same time, which
stopped in some degree the violence of
the persecution, by placing the Calvinists
under the secular jurisdiction : it was
called the edict of Chateaubriant.}
A new war was preparing in Germany :
Maurice of Saxony and Albert of Bran-
denburg put themselves at the head of the
Protestants, and marched against the em- 1
peror. They sent an embassy to Henry
II. reminding him of his engagements and
promises, and urging him to establish an
alliance with them* The King of France
could not recede with honour; not to as-
sist the Protestants would be imputed to
the fear of Charles V., and the war was
ardently desired by the young nobles of
the court, who demanded an opportunity
of exercising their valour. The most la-
vish flattery was bestowed upon the king,
who was excited by the description which
was given of his father's chivalry. Still
Henry was averse to renew the expedi-
tions of Francis I. ; he preferred the image
of war in tournaments to the honour of
undergoing the reality with arms in his
hands. The deputies, before they left
Paris, were entertained with brilliant fetes,
in October, 15514
A bed of justice was held the 12th of
February, 1552, when the king announced
to the parliament the motives of the war,
and directed the measures necessary for
supplying the funds for its expenses. The
speech, however, which Henry addressed
to the assembly, contained the most incon-
gruous ideas; he justified the war by
showing that he was bound to assist the
Protestants of Germany, and at the same
time recommended the most severe mea-
sures against the Protestants of France.
The taking of Metz was the first event
in this war. The Constable Montmorency
gained possession of that town by a stra-
tagem which excited the admiration of
Charles V. himself.}: But the approach of
the French forces, and some successes
which the allies had gained, induced the
emperor to take other measures. He be-
gan to be tired of opposing the Reforma-
tion, which all his power had proved un-
able to quell, or even to repress. He
perceived that he was fighting the battles
of Rome at his own cost; and he proposed
to the Elector of Saxony to hold a con-
gress at Passau, the 26th of May, and that
a truce should be kept till the 8lh of June.§
But so zealous was the emperor in sup-
port of the Catholic religion, that he could
hardly bring him'self to relinquish the
struggle with heresy; and when he pro-
posed the truce, he most likely contem-
plated the advantage which might be
taken of the interval, in sending to Italy
* Fra Paolo, Hist du Concile de, Trcnle, p. 280.
t Hi9t. lie U V jlle de Paris, par M Fehbien, vol. ii.
p. 103-2. D'Aubigue, I I'm. Univtrselle. vol. i. p. 75.
t Dated 27th June, 1551.
* Hist, du Cardinal Granvelle, p. 170. Paris, 1761.
t Vielleville, liv. 4.
i Brantome, vol. vii. p. 134. Metz was taken 10th
April. 1552.
§ Hist, du Cardinal Granvelle, p. 178.
23
SIEGE OF METZ.
for fresh troops. However, the conduct
of the pope himself decided Charles; di-
rectly the fortune of war appeared adverse
to his party, the pope took measures ac-
cordingly, and immediately dissolved the
council of Trent. The treaty of Passau
was concluded in July, 1552, and the pa-
cification of Germany enabled the empe-
ror to direct his whole force against
France.*
Henry was very much vexed at having
drawn upon himself so formidable an en-
em}', who resolved on carrying the war
into the heart of his kingdom : he would
willingly have purchased peace by the res-
titution of the places he had taken, but the
emperor's anger gave no opportunity for
an accommodation.} All that could be
done was to put strong garrisons in those
towns which the emperor would probably
attack first. Coligny offered to defend
Metz, but the Duke of Guise was pre-
ferred: there was, however, employment
for him elsewhere, for the emperor had a
hundred thousand soldiers, besides twen-
ty-five thousand which he had in Flanders,
most of them veteran troops who had as-
sisted in his previous campaigns. The
king was so embarrassed that every one
expected the constable would be disgraced,
as he had advised the king to go to war.
Anthony of Bourbon, Duke of Vendome,
afterwards known as King of Navarre,
commanded the forces sent against the
army of Flanders ; but as his military
judgment was not very highly esteemed,
he was accompanied by the Admiral Co-
ligny.{ Meanwhile the emperor was
making the most formidable preparations
for the siege of Metz. He had collected
around him all his most skilful generals;
and he was supplied with the most nume-
rous train of artillery ever seen at any;
siege. On reviewing his forces, Charles I
exclaimed, " I will take Metz, or I will pe-
rish before the place."§
On the other hand, the Duke of Guise
was resolved to defend the town to the
utmost: the desertion of the Elector of
Brandenburg, who joined the emperor
with his troops, did not disconcert him.
The breaches were repaired as soon as
made, and such was the duke's confidence
in his garrison, that he sent a letter to the
king with the assurance that he would
* De Thou. Iiv. 2. t Vie de Coligny; p. 125.
J Vie ile Coligny, p. 12fi. De Thou, liv. 2.
§ Hist, du Cardinal Grenville, p. 193.
answer for Metz, and that the troops col-
lected in Champagne and Lorrain might be
disposed of in other parts.* Frequent
sorties were made, and were generally
directed against the quarters of the treach-
erous Elector of Brandenburg: his army
was by that means almost destroyed in
detail; had the elector himself fallen, it
would have been a just punishment for his
ingratitude to a king, who was involved
in the war solely by serving him.
The examples of bravery were so fre-
quent and vigorous on the part of the be-
sieged, that when a general assault was
ordered, the army remained mute. The
emperor was indignant, and after losing
thirty thousand men, he raised the siege
and retired to Brussels, overwhelmed with
vexation, and resolved to effect something
to remove his disgrace.t Early in 1553,
he attacked Therouanne. Henry II. was
indulging in fetes and tournaments when
the news reached him, and Coligny was
sent with assistance immediately; Francis
de Montmorency, the constable's son,
commanded the town, but was obliged to
propose a capitulation. Charles seemed
to acquiesce, and while the garrison were
waiting the result of the terms they had
offered, the emperor ordered an assault
and the place was taken. The garrison
were put to the sword, and the town was
destroyed.}
The emperor then attacked Hesdin with
success, but failed in his attempt upon
Doullens, where the admiral Coligny had
the command. The operations in the
course of the following year were varied.
The battle of Renti, fought on the 13th of
August, 1554, was the only event of con-
sequence: both parties claimed the vic-
, tory, but the emperor's object was effected,
j He wished to raise the siege of Renti,
; | which place the admiral had invested, and
the battle rendered that measure neces-
sary.§ Charles was nearly made prisoner
i on the occasion, and escaped only by the
• excellence of his horse. ||
f Both parties at last grew tired of the
■ war, yet neither would make, a proposal
for peace, and the war was carried on
; until the accession of Philip II. in February,
* [bid, p. 194. t 21st Jan 1553.
I Hist, du Cardinal Granvelle, p. 200. Mathieu, Hist,
des Ouerres enlre les Maisoiis de France U d'Espagne,
p. 18.
§ Vie de Coligny, p. 151. Mem. de Tavannes, p. 173,
fo. edit.
|| Brantome, vol. iv. p. 14.
INCREASE OF THE PROTESTANTS.
29
1550. In the interim Pope Julius III. died,
on the 23d of March, 1555; he was pos-
sessed of but little abilities, or he would
have contributed to disgrace the see of
Rome. To increase his superiority over
the cardinals, he endeavoured to lower
them ; perhaps from the consciousness of
his being unable to elevate himself: he be-
stowed a cardinal's hat on a boy who had
the care of a monkey, and assigned that
as a reason, when the college remonstrated
with him about it.* Marcellus II., who
succeeded him, survived only a few days,
and the chair was then filled by John
Peter Caraffe, who took the title of Paul
IV. As Charles V. had thrown great im-
pediments in the way of his election, he
was desirous of being avenged, and un-
dertook to drive the emperor out of Italy.
He openly espoused the interest of France,
and did everything to excite the zeal of
Henry Iff He promised him the investi-
ture of the kingdom of Naples, and de-
clared Charles to be an enemy of the
church. A division of the spoils of that
monarch was projected by the pontiff,
who distributed crowns and territories to
those who would join his cause. But
whilst Europe was in suspense respecting
the turn affairs might take, the monarch
himself retired to the monastery of St.
Just, in Estremadura, abdicating his vast
dominions, and resigning all his riches,
with the exception of one hundred thou-
sand crowns per annum: Charles V. died
the 21st September, 155&, aged fifty-eight
years.
CHAPTER V.
Increase of the Protestants— Matthew Orri appointed
Inquisitor— Siguier's Speech to the Council— Attack
of the Populace on the Protestants— Kenewalof Hos-
tilities—Inquisition established.
A truce for five years between France
and Spain immediately followed the abdi-
cation of Charles V. : neither of the mo-
narchs, however, intended to conclude a
peace by that means; they only reposed
in order to be better prepared for new
combats. Henry took the opportunity of
fortifying himself in his new acquisitions,
while Philip, who penetrated Henry's de-
signs, was equally anxious for a renewal
* Arniand Saifites, Portraits Historiau.cs des Papcs.
( Mem. de TaVannes, p. 192
of the war; an event which the pope like-
wise was eager to bring about. The
truce was at length broken, but the state
of the Protestants in France requires some
mention : to that subject, therefore, we now
return.
The neighbourhood of Geneva had fa-
cilitated the introduction of the reformed
doctrines at Lyons, and the spread of Pro-
testantism was very rapid. Tournon
hastened from Rome to purify his diocess
from heresy : he found, on reaching Lyons,
that the Calvinistic worship was regularly
organized, and that a synod was soon to
be held in that city. Five ministers were
instantly arrested by his orders; they
were tried as deserters from the faith of
their fathers — as rebels to the edicts of
their prince ; and as such were condemned
to be burned. This severe treatment of
the pastors struck terror into their flocks;
and the measures of vigilance adopted for
detecting further attempts to preach the
proscribed tenets, were very successful.
" The archbishop's cares were not fruit-
less," observes his eulogist ; " Lyons pre-
served its faith in the midst of contagion,
and in the vicinity of Babylon."*
It has already been mentioned, that by
the edict of Chateaubriant. the crime of
heresy was made cognizable by the civil
power. The parliament of Paris, not-
withstanding its recent degradation, by
the creation of judiciary charges, which
were sold to replenish the treasury, was
still a respectable body, and included
among its numbers many men eminent
for their talents and virtue. Thirty years
had not slackened the fires of persecution,
while the priests were judges of the here-
tics; but no sooner was the parliament
entrusted with the charge, than the Pro-
testants experienced a great improvement
in their condition. The inutility of the
executions became evident to that body.,
and the rigour of the law was suspended.
The Calviriists took advantage of the op-
portunity to strengthen their cause, and
in 1555 a church was erected for the re-
formed worship.f The clergy were en-
raged at this indulgence, but the parlia-
ment remained firm ; the enemies of tole-
ration, finding their influence was decay-
ing with the magistracy, had recourse to
every machination they could devise, to.
* Fleury, Wist, da Card. Tournon, pp. 274— 279.
t Beza, hist. Eccles. Gartner, Hist, de tranc; vol..
xiv. p. 3.
30
seguier's speech to the- council.
excite the hatred of the populace, and the
vengeance of the government, against the
followers of the reformed religion ; by the
influence of the Cardinal of Lorrain, they
obtained an edict which again enabled
them to wreak their bigotry upon the Pro-
testants.*
One method of depriving the Oalvinists
of an indulgent interpretation of the edict
of Chateaubriant, was the appointment of
an Inquisitor of the Faith in France,
Matthew Orri, a Dominican monk, had
been appointed by the pope to that office, f
He was authorized to cite all heretics be-
fore him, to interrogate, and condemn
them ; in addition to which, he possessed
the power of penetrating into the privacy
of families by means of a secret police,
and of exercising a surveillance over the
religious opinions of every one, by his nu-
merous band of spies. Even the bishops
themselves were disgusted with such an
investiture of authority, and remonstrated
against it ; the king's council, however,
approved of the plan, and it was very
soon presented to the parliament in the
form of an edict.
The odious tendency of the proceeding
excited the indignation of the parliament.
Seguier, one of their presidents, was
charged to declare their remonstrance, in
presence of the council.! In his speech,
that orator traced out all the dangers of
the proposed measure; he also dwelt with
great force upon the right of appeal, which
lie invoked for the accused. " We abhor,"
continued he, "the establishment of a tri-
bunal of blood, where secret accusation
takes the place of proof; where the accused
is deprived of every natural means of de-
fence, and where no judiciary form is res-
pected. . Begin, sire, by procuring for the
nation an edict which will not cover the
kingdom with funeral piles, which will not
be wetted either with the tears or the
blood of your faithful subjects. At a dis-
tance, sire, from your presence, bowed
down under the pressure of rural labour,
or absorbed in the exercise of arts or of
* De Thou. liv. l(i. t heza.Hist Eccles.
X Pierre Seouier, born in 1.304, died 1.580, was elevated
tothe rank of president d morlicr, in 1554. His speerbes,
which are remarkable fur tlieir bold sentiments have
been collected and printed, as well as bis treatise De
Cognititne Dei. Tin- speech in question is one of the
finest lie ever made, and has been inserted at length by
Garnier. Mai aire de France, vol. xiv. p. 2H. Fleury also
gtvea a part of it in bis Ecclesiastical History. The ex-
tract in the text is but a small portion of the speech,
Abich was delivered ltilh OcloLer, 1555.
trade, they are ignorant of what is pre-
paring against them ; they do not suspect
that at this moment it is proposed to sepa-
rate them from you, and to deprive them
of their natural guardian. It is for them,
it is in their name, that the court presents
you its humble remonstrances, its ardent
supplications. As for you, sirs," said he,
turning himself towards the ministers and
counsellors of state, " you, who so tran-
quilly hear me, and apparently think that
the affair does not concern you, it is fit
that you should be divested of that idea.
So long as you enjoy favour, you wisely
make the most of your time; benefits and
kindnesses are showered on your heads:
everybody honours you, and it enters the
mind of no one to attack you ; but the
more you are elevated, the nearer you are
to the thunderbolt; and one must be a
stranger to history, not to know what is
often the cause of a disgrace. Even al-
though this misfortune should befall you,
you would retire at least with a fortune,
which would in a measure console you for
your fall, and which you might transmit
to your heirs. But to date from the re-
gistering of this edict, your condition
would cease to be the same ; you will have,
as before, for successors, men poor and
hungry, who, not knowing how long they
may remain in office, will burn with a de-
sire to enrich themselves at once, and they
will find a wonderful facility in so doing:
for, certain of obtaining your confiscation
of the king, it will only be necessary to
make sure of an inquisitor and two wit-
nesses, and though you may be saints, you
would be burned as heretics." This
speech made a very deep impression on
the council, and the king was so much af-
fected, that he remitted the affair to ano-
ther examination.
Notwithstanding the opposition of the
government, and the appointment of an
inquisitor, the doctrines of the Reforma-
tion made astonishing progress. A simple
and reasonable form of worship, in which
the preachers expounded the Holy Scrip-
tures in their vernacular tongue, and as-
sured the congregation that their worship,
to be accepted, must proceed from the
heart; a service stripped of a number' of
unmeaning ceremonies, and free from the
gaudy trappings of the Roman church, I
must necessarily make converts with all
I who dared to think seriously upon the sub-
ATTACK ON THE PROTESTANTS.
31
ject. The papists denied to man the
right of thinking for himself; they asserted
that the Scriptures having been examined
by the councils, their meaning was fixed,
and to investigate them was impious ; the
Protestants, on the contrary, invited their
congregations to search the sacred
writings; to take nothing from their bare
assertion, but to try their sermons by the
test of Scripture ; an immense number of
converts was the necessary consequence
of the difference.
But another motive, and a very power-
ful one too, contributed to increase the
number of Calvinists. The government
had declared in favour of the Romish
clergy, and had shown a resolution to
support the Catholic religion in every pos-
sible way ; in consequence, every one who
was dissatisfied with the ministry, felt in-
duced to join the ranks of its declared ad-
versaries. While the enemies of the
court were affected by the disappointment
of their hopes, and induced to join the Cal-
vinists out of spite, a very considerable
number of the nobility, who were actually
belonging to the court of Henry II., were
stimulated by curiosity to attend the Pro-
testant service, principally because it was
forbidden. Many of them were seriously
affected by what they heard, and some
openly professed themselves Protestants.
In spite of his severity, Henry II. found
himself surrounded by Calvinists.*
In the month of May, 1557, a tumult
took place, which sufficiently announced
the hostile disposition of the Catholics.
Four hundred Protestants were assembled
one evening to celebrate the Lord's Sup-
per, at a house in the Rue St. Jacques,
opposite the College Plessis. The oppor-
tunity was too good to be lost, and their
enemies collected a mob around the house.
No effort was made to interrupt the ser-
vice, but when the Protestants wished to
quit the place, and retire to their respec-
tive homes, they were assailed with such
abuse and threats, that they could plainly
perceive their lives were in danger. The
darkness of the night would have enabled
most of them to escape through the crowd,
and thus avoid the fury of their numerous
enemies, had not lanterns been placed in
the windows of tiie neighbouring houses.
Many were murdered ; some few who had
arms succeeded in cutting their way
through the mob ; but there remained
some old people and women, who would
certainly have been massacred, had not a
magistrate appeared, accompanied by
some soldiers, who took them into cus-
tody to the number of two hundred; the
mob then dispersed.*
Proceedings were immediately com-
menced against the prisoners, among
whom were persons of great family con-
nexions. The Cardinal of Lorrain de-
manded the condemnation of all of them ;
but the parliament was not so blood-
thirsty, and after a long process, and
great delay, five Protestants were con-
demned to the fire.t Fortunately for the
others, the king required some levies in
Germany and Switzerland ; the Elector
Palatine solicited the enlargement of the
prisoners; and as it would have been in-
convenient for Henry to lose the friend-
ship of that prince, he ordered them to be
treated with moderation, to the infinite
regret of Pope Paul IV., who loudly com-
plained of it in the Consistory. f
Hostilities had been renewed some
time : the pope flattered Henry with a
prospect of the empire, and the possession
of Italy. The Duke of Guise took the
command in that country, where he was
opposed to the Duke of Alva ; but no ac-
tion was fought in that quarter; and
though he took Naples, he could not keep
it. On the side of the Netherlands, the
Admiral Coligny made an attempt on
Douay; he ravaged Artois, which be-
longed to the King of Spain, and pillaged
the town of Lens. The English taking
part with Spain, sent reinforcements to
Flanders, and the Spaniards prepared to
take St. Quentin, whither Coligny had
retired. On the 1 Oth of August, 1557, the
Constable Montmorency, having ad-
vanced to relieve the town, contrary to
the wish of Marshal St. Andre, was sud-
denly attacked by the enemy, who had
treble his force. The event was most dis-
astrous: John of Bourbon, brother of the
King of Navarre, was killed; St. Andre
and Montmorency were taken prisoners,
all the baggage was lost, and six hundred
gentlemen of rank were left upon the field
* Uarnier, vol. liv. p. 33.
This
* De Thou, liv. 19. Pascjuier, vol. ii.
writer, however, says it occurred in August.
t Tliey were burned 13th September, lo57. Felibicn
vol. ii. p. 106P.
{ Hist, du Concile de Trente, p. 338. Soulier, Hist, du
Calviaitme, p. 15.
32
TREATY OF CATEAU CAMBRESIS.
of battle. Coligny, however, detained the
enemy seventeen days before the feeble
ramparts of St. Quentin, and thus pre-
vented the Spaniards from taking the full
benefit of their victory.* The king was
alarmed at the news, and despatched se-
veral couriers to the Duke of Guise, or-
dering him to come with his army from
Italy. The duke resolved secretly to
avenge the disgrace of St. Quentin upon
Calais,! which town he took the 8th of
January, 1558, after it had been in posses-
sion of the English above two hundred
years. Vielleville followed up this success
by besieging Thionville, a strong town,
from which the Spaniards frequently dis-
turbed the French territory ; and Guise
arrived with his forces and took the place.}:
As a contrast to his great success, Mar-
shal Termes was defeated at Gravelines,
and taken prisoner by the Spaniards,
when a great many persons of rank were
killed. On this occasion, also, the oppor-
tune arrival of the Duke of Guise pre-
vented the victor from pursuing his ad van-
tage. 5
The duke's reputation acquired great
lustre from the success of his operations.
The court were enraptured with him, and j
his influence increased considerably. The j
use which was made of it was injurious to
the Protestants; for the Cardinal of Lor-.j
rain, his brother, persuaded the king tOj
establish the Inquisition by edict. Three
inquisitors general were appointed, viz., [
the Cardinal of Lorrain ; the Cardinal of
Bourbon, brother of the King of Navarre ; ;
and the Cardinal of Chatillon. They had
power to inflict capital punishment on all
persons found guilty of heresy. ||
The parliament could not well refuse to
register this edict, as it proceeded from
the king himself in a bed of justice; but i
they mitigated its severity, by allowing all
laymen an appeal from such a tribunal, j
The power of life and death was once
more snatched from the clergy, although
they had given a million crowns at the
states-general to induce the king to grant
their wishes. But on the other hand, an
I
* Vie de Coligny. p. 1?0. Vie de Crillon, vol i. p. 1G '
In: Tliou, liv. 19. D Aubigne, vol. i. p. 20. Brantome,
vol. v. p. 101.
t Pasquier, vol. ii. p. 76. Mem. de Tavannes. p. 203.
De Thou, liv. 20.
t 23d June, 1558 Marshal Strnzzy was killed at this
siege. Brantome, vol. v. p. 320. Vielleville, vol. iv. pp.
30 and 92.
5 Brantome, vol. v. p. 102. D'Aubignu, vol. i. p. 26.
ij Hist, du Coucile de Tiente, p. 3D5.
edict was published, forbidding the judges
to commute the sentence of death and con-
fiscation of property for any convicted,
not only of heresy, but also of having
brought into France books printed at Ge-
neva against the Catholic religion.*
CHAPTER VI.
Treaty of Cateau Cambresis— Meetings at the Pre-aux-
Clercs— Du linurg and live other Counsellors arretted
—Death of Henry II.
The captivity of the constable had
thrown the direction of affairs into the
hands of the Cardinal of Lorrain, and the
Guises had availed themselves of the eclat
of the duke's victories, to promote the
marriage of the Dauphin with Mary Queen
of Scots, their niece; the power and influ-
ence of that family was paramount. But
the king's esteem for Montmorency re-
mained undiminished; so great was Hen-
ry's attachment to him, and such delight
did he take in his conversation, that he
would often sleep with him.f His impri-
sonment, therefore, would be a cause of
great regret to that monarch.
On the other hand, Philip was well in-
formed of Henry's weakness ; he knew
that no event would please him like the
constable's liberation ; and having himself
a great desire for peace, he craftily allowed
his prisoner to have an interview with his
sovereign. A conference at Cercamp fol-
lowed; plenipotentiaries met for France,
England, Spain, the Empire, and Savoy.
The terms offered were too humiliating
to be accepted, the negotiations were
broken off, and Montmorency went back
to his confinement. At length, after seve-
ral ineffectual attempts at a treaty, the
King of Spain consented to more reason-
able terms; the death of Mary Queen of
England, had removed a considerable
part of the difficulty.
Peace, let the treaty which might pro-
duce it be ever so good, would do away
with the greater part of Guise's power, and
would therefore be opposed by him; the
Cardinal of Lorrain also was too canning
to promote a measure calculated to de-
stroy his authority. But in vain did that
party exert themselves to prolong the war,
* Maimbnurg, Hist. du. Calcinisme liv. 2
t Vie de Cohgny, p. 102.
MEETINGS AT THE PRE-AUX-CLERCS.
33
for the resentment of the Duchess of Val-
entinois counteracted all their plans, by
using her influence with the king in fa-
vour of the constable. The cardinal find- .
ing his family at the highest pitch of
favour, considered he had no further oc-
casion for support. Forgetful of his great
obligations to the Duchess of Valentinois,
he began to think it a humiliation to pay
her the accustomed deference. He even
went so far as to make use of railleries
against her, which she could not forgive.
Her influence over the king continued in
a surprising degree, and she was deter-
mined to show him that she would not be
insulted with impunity, and that she had
power enough to shake his credit. She
resolved to get back the constable, and
oppose him to the Guises. She was able
not only to persuade the king to make
peace, but even to appoint Montmorency
himself as the negotiator.* She secretly
informed him of what she was doing in
his behalf; and to unite his interests more
closely with hers, she proposed the mar-
riage of her neice, Henrietta of Bouillon,
with d'Amville, his second son.f
The conferences of Cercamp were
again resumed, and the treaty of Cateau
Cambresis was signed the 3d of April,
1559. The following articles were agreed
to, among others ; that Calais, and several
other towns in that quarter, should be
given up to France ; that Elizabeth, daugh-
ter of Henry II., should marry the King of
Spain ; and that the Duke of Savoy should
have Piedmont, and marry Margaret,
daughter of Francis I.
The Guises were completely stripped of
their power by this treaty. The cardinal
sought for an occasion of making himself
necessary to his sovereign : he considered
that religion was the subject most fertile
in circumstances, calculated for his object,
and it was not long before an occasion
presented itself. At this time the most
frequented promenade in Paris was the
Pre-aux-Clercs, situated where a part of
the Faubourg Saint Germain is at present.
The students of the university were gene-
rally in favour of the reformed religion,
* Vie de Crillnn, vol. i. p 30.
f Thi; constable, Annede Montmorency, had five sons,
viz. L Francis, generally known as Marshall Montmo-
rency. 2. Henry J)uc d'Amville, also a marshal; and as
his brother died in 1570 without issue, he look the title
of Montmorency; he was constable under Henry IV.
3. Gabriel, Lord of Moritheron. killed at the battle of
Dreux. 4. Charles, Lord of Mem, and subsequently
d'Amville. 5. William, Lord of Thore.
and not only made a profession of it, but
publicly defended its principles. They
had been in the habit of meeting at this
place for several years, and the monks of
the abbey St. Victor having refused to let
them assemble in the Pre-aux-Clercs, a
very serious affair sprang out of the refu-
sal, at the commencement of this reign.*
So far from confining their dispute to
wrangling, or even invective, they had se-
veral recounters in which blood was shed.
The students, being the more numerous
party, carried their point; the monks re-
signed the field to them, and the Pre-aux-
Clercs was more than ever frequented.
It became at this time the grand rendez-
vous of all the Protestants, who would
sing Marot's psalms during the summer
evenings.f Such numbers giving confi-
dence, many persons declared themselves
Protestants whyse rank had hitherto de-
terred them from such a step. Among
such, the most eminent was Anthony of
Bourbon, first prince of the blood, and in
right of his wife, King of Navarre. The
Bourbon princes had been kept aloof from
court as much as possible, during the late
and the present reigns : the example of the
Constable of Bourbon had caused it to be
thought dangerous to give them power :%
this circumstance, added to the hatred
subsisting between them and the Guises,
explains why the King of Navarre and the
Prince of Conde would join the Huguenot
party. The Queen of Navarre, Jane
d'Albret, had early imbibed the doctrines
of the Reformation from her mother, Mar-
garet, sister of Francis I. : she had besides
received great injuries from the most Ca-
tholic King, who had seized upon part of
her dominions.
At length the public attention was so
much drawn to this assembly, that games
and dances were neglected for the sake
of going there. Prohibition only served
* In 1548. De Thou, liv. 5, p. 337. Felibien, Hist, de
Paris, vol. ii. p. 1005.
t Clement Marot had recently published a translation
of the psalms in French verse; they had been set to
music, and were very much admired by the king and
court. But when the Protestants made use of them as
part of their worship, these psalms were considered the
characteristic of heresy, and were consequently forbid-
den among the Catholics.
J The Bourbons descend from Robert, fifth son of
Louis IX., commonly called Saint Louis. Charles of
Uourbon, Count de Vendome had seven sons, viz. 1.
Louis; 2. Anthony, King of Navarre; 3. Francis, Count
d'Enghien ; 4. A second Louis; 5. John, killed at the
battle of St. Quentin ; ti. Charles, Archbishop of Rouen
and Cardinal; 7. Louis, Prince of Conde; none left any
issue except the King of Navarre and the Prince of
Conde.
34
MEETINGS AT THE
PRE-AUX-CLERCS.
to excite a desire of joining the Huguenots,
and exhortation upon its dangerous ten-
dency was unheeded. Every day pro-
duced some new writing either to defend
the reformed doctrines, or to attack the
errors of popery. The Catholics pub-
lished replies; but discussion tended to in-
crease the mischief still more, for the re-
plies being serious,-instead of persuading,
produced only disgust and ennui, while
the satire awakened attention, and forti-
fied prejudice.
The evil pervaded every condition ; the
court and the army, the cities and the
country places, and even the tribunals,
hitherto inaccessible to heresy. The Ca-
tholic clergy could be restrained no longer ;
they resolved to do something which
should stay the moral pestilence; and the
Cardinal Bertrand denounced the assem-
bling at the Pre-aux-Clercs, as factious
and seditious* The parliament could not
entertain a question which would accuse
many of its own members of heresy, and
Bertrand's summons produced no effect,
notwithstanding the powerful appeal made
to their fanaticism, by Bourdin, the attor-
ney-general.f
The Cardinal of Lorrain was indignant
at such a want of bigotry in the parlia-
ment, and persuaded the king to hold a
bed of justice, when he might appear to
consult the counsellors on the measures to
be taken with the heretics ; but that the
different persons should be minutely ob-
served, and if possible their secret senti-
ments ascertained : he proposed also that
some measure should be submitted to
their consideration and judgment, which
might draw from them avowals, proving
their own heresy. Montmorency, instead
of dissuading the king from such black
treachery, approved of the cardinal's ad-
vice in the council. Vielleville alone
raised his voice against it, as a measure
degrading the royal dignity. To induce
the king to adopt his proposal, the cardinal
is said to have expressed himself as fol-
lows:— "Sire, although it should serve
for nothing more than to show the King
of Spain that you are firm in the faith,
and that you will not suffer in your king-
dom any thing whatsoever which may dis-
parage your excellent title of Most Chris-
* De Thou, liv. 20
t La vraye Hisloire de la fansse Procedure contre
Anne Dubour;;, &c. first printed in 1501, republished in
Mem. de Condi, vol. i.
tian King, still you ought to proceed
about it boldly and with great courage;
you must gratify all these grandees and
nobles of Spain (who have accompanied
the Duke of Alva for the solemnity and
honour of their king's marriage with your
daughter) by ordering half a dozen coun-
sellors of the parliament to be burned in
the public place, as Lutheran heretics,
which indeed they are. By so doing we
shall preserve the body of the parliament.
But if you do not take these measures of
precaution, the whole court will be infected
and contaminated with it, even to the
clerks, attorneys, and tipstaves." As
Vielleville was averse to the Lorrain party,
he may have exaggerated the cardinal's
proposition ; but he declares, that when it
was his turn to speak upon the subject, he
opposed the measure to the utmost, and
told the king to his face, " that he was
going to take upon himself the office of an
inquisitor of the faith, and that the cardi-
nal's proposal would entirely destroy the
joyous feeling of the public."*
The cardinal's opinion, however, pre-
vailed, and on the 15th of June, 1559, the
king, accompanied by the constable, the
Duke of Guise, the Cardinals of Lorrain
and Bourbon, and a crowd of the nobility,
went to the parliament unexpectedly, and
opened a bed of justice without any pre-
paration having been made for that so-
lemnity. The palace had been given up
for the fetes of the royal marriages about
to take place, and the parliament was at
this time sitting at the convent of the Au-
gustins, which on the king's arrival was
immediately surrounded with soldiers.t
The counsellors were then engaged in
framing certain regulations respecting the
judgments to be given against the Protest-
ants. The king's arrival not only created
surprise, but even great uneasiness among
them: which perceiving, the monarch en-
deavoured to conceal his violent indigna-
tion, and tried to assuage their alarm by
mild and courteous observations. He de-
clared himself free from every kind of an-
gry feeling against those counsellors who
had adopted the new religion, and begged
them all to speak their opinions freely, and
to recommend what to each seemed best
calculated to pacify the kingdom.
The counsellors readily fell into the
* Vielleville, liv. 7, c. 24.
t De Thou, liv. 22.
0
PU BOURG AND FIVE OTHER COUNSELLORS ARRESTED. 35
snare. For they were invited to speak
openly and candidly by their sovereign ;
and that sovereign too the son of Francis
I., who considered the word of a gentle-
man the most binding obligation ; and
whose usual adjuration was to that effect,
foi de gmtilhomme .'
Many of the counsellors urged the
cause of justice and humanity ; and while
they recommended a milder legislation for
the Protestants, they pointed out the clan-
ger of continuing a useless rigour towards
a party now become so numerous. The
more experienced judges confined their
remarks to general ideas, but some used
less caution. — "Let us begin," said Louis
Faur, " by examining who is the real au-
thor of our troubles, for fear lest the same
answer should be made to us, which Eli-
jah formerly made to Aha!), 'It is thou
that troublest Israel!'" A look at the
Cardinal of Lorrain directed the applica-
tion of the passage to him. Anne Dubourg
excited considerable surprise by the bold-
ness of his remarks: he had enlarged upon
the cruelty with which the Protestants
were pursued, and energetically observed,
" While men are conducted to the stake
for the sole crime of praying for their
prince, a shameful license encourages and
multiplies blasphemies, perjuries, debauch-
eries, and adulteries." The courtiers be-
came uneasy, for they considered the re-
mark was intended for the king and the
Duchess of Valentinois.*
Among the counsellors who supported
the cause of mercy and toleration were
Seguier, De Thou,+ and Harlay. The
president, Lemaitre, was for continuing
rigorous measures, and eulogized in his
speech the different monarchs who had
distinguished themselves in the suppres-
sion of heresy, particularly Philip the Fair,
who condemned to the fire six hundred
heretics in one day.|
Henry's purpose was decided before he
went to the parliament; the speeches
which he heard there were not the cause
of the proceeding which followed, but
were a strong reason for exciting his per-
sonal displeasure against several of. the
counsellors. He rose in a great passion,
and gave vent to a torrent of reproaches
* Pasqnier, vol. ii p. 77. D'Auuigne, vol. i. p. 84. De
Thou, liv. 21. — La vraye Ilisloire. &c
t Christopher De Thou, father of the historian; he
was made chief president in 150-2.
I Hist, dti Oonciln de frenle. p. 396-7. D'Aubignc, el
supru, and La vrayc Histuirc, Sec.
against all those who had called for lenient
measure. On leaving the place, he made
a sign to the Count Montgomery, captain
of his Scotch guards ; a fierce look directed
toward Dubourg, Faur, and three others,
were sufficient instructions for him ; he im-
mediately arrested them in the midst of
the parliament, and conducted them to
prison.*
The king gave orders that their trials
should be proceeded with immediately,
especially that of Dubourg, whom he was
desirous of seeing burnt with his own
eyes.f The arrest of the counsellors was
followed by the apprehension of all known
Protestants. The prisons were filled with
persons accused of heresy; informers re-
ceived encouragement for denunciations;
and the dread of being enveloped in their
punishment, prevented every one from
affording them protection or concealment.
The destruction of the reformed religion
was resolved upon, and when the ambas-
sadors of several Protestant princes of
Germany endeavoured to obtain some mi-
tigation of the severity with which they
were treated, the king refused to attend
to their observations.^ Every hope was
destroyed for the Huguenots, not one of
whom was to be left in France, when, un-
expectedly, an event occurred which com-
pletely changed the face of affairs, and re-
moved their persecutor from this world,
by the hands of the same man, whom he
had just employed in violating the law of
the land, and that too in the very sanctu-
ary of justice.
In order to add splendour to his daugh-
ter's marriage, a tournament was held in
the Faubdiyg St. Antoine, the 29th of
June, 1559; fourteen days after the king's
visit to the parliament. A vast concourse
of people assembled to behold the chief
nobility display their prowess. The four
champions were the king, the Prince of
Ferrara, the Duke of Guise, and the Duke
of Nemours.^ Among such true-bred
courtiers, the king of course would be the
conqueror; and he was so delighted with
his achievements, that he called upon
Montgomery to appear in the lists, and
take one of a pair of lances, which had
not yet been broken. The count made
* Pasquier, D'Aubigng, Fdibien, vol. ii. p. 1006, and
Hist, dii Calvinisme, liv. 2.
t Hist, du Concile de Trentc, p. 400. Vielleville, vol.
iv. 158.
} Hist, du Concile de Trente, p. 397.
§ See ISraiitomc, Pasquier, and Tavannes, p. 217.
36
RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF THE GUISES.
every excuse, and the queen did all in her
power to dissuade her husband from re-
newing the combats ; it would seem that
she had anticipated some accident.* The
king persisted, and the champions rushed
on each other. In the rencounter, a splinter
from Montgomery's lance struck the king
in his left eye, at the instant when the
sudden shock had moved his visor : Henry
fell immediately, and was carried to the
palace of Tournelles, where he expired
eleven days alter, the 10th of July, 1559,
in the forty-first year of his age. The
character he has left behind him has es-
caped a considerable part of the obloquy
which it deserves, on account of his de-
fects being carried to such excess by his
sons, Charles and Henry. It must, how-
ever, be borne in mind, that it was his
fixed intention to destroy all the Protest-
ants,! and that his sudden death alone has
preserved him from the execration which
clings to the name of Charles IX. Weak-
ness and deceit were as predominant in
him as in his son Henry III., but in conse
Francis Hercules, Duke of Alengon; the
eldest, barely sixteen years of age, suc-
ceeded him as Francis II.
The young king, of a mild temper and
a feeble mind, gave himself up entirely to
his wife, Mary Queen of Scots, a niece of
the princes of Lorrain; which was suffi-
cient to restore the Guises to power, in-
dependent of the hatred which the queen
mother had conceived for Montmorency,
on account of the alliance between his
family and the Duchess of Valentinois.
Francis himself had also taken a great
dislike to the constable, for having pre-
vented his joining the army two years
before.* To win the queen mother en-
tirely to their party, the Guises joined in
her views of vengeance against those who
had displeased her; particularly the late
king's mistress, who was immediately
exiled from the court. t
The Bourbon princes, whom the Guises
considered their natural rivals, were re-
moved more than ever from any influence.
During the interval which elapsed be-
quence of some favourable circumstances,! tween tne unfortunate tournament and
he was less embarrassed ; an estimate ofi the king's death, Montmorency had ex-
his government may be properly made.jerted himself to induce the princes of the
by comparing the flourishing state of the j blood to join him in keeping the Guises
treasury at the death of Francis I. with [from the supreme authority. The King
its miserable condition at the accession of of Navarre was not sufficiently alert; the
Francis II. Guises were powerful and on the spot;
the princes of the blood were sent on
some errand into Spain; and the constable
was recommended, by the king himself,
to take the benefit of the air at his country
seat.
Montmorency's vexation was soothed
by the hope that his cause would be
avenged- by his nephews the Chatillons,
The death of Henry II. caused a com- better known by their seignorial appella-
plete revolution in the court, by changing tions of Goligny and Andelot.j Their
the relative power of the different factions; , importance was considerably increased
the nation at large, too, was considerably | by their becoming leaders of the Protest-
affected by the circumstance, as the civil ant party; and at this time, they indulged
wars which afterwards desolated France, | the idea of persuading their aged uncle to
although not entirely caused by the mea- Join that interest. They were indebted
to him for their advancement, and he
could plainly see that they would become
CHAPTER VII.
Accession of Francis II.— Re-establishment of Hie
Guises— Execution of Anne Dubourg for heresy.
sures which followed, were certainly
hastened and heightened by them. Henry
left four sons, viz. Francis, Charles and
Henry, who reigned in succession; and
* Brantome, vol. vii. p. 46. This writer also men-
tions that a short lime previous. Henry had had his na-
tivity cast, and the astrologer told him he would die in
a duel or single combat. The constable, who was pre-
sent, ridiculed the idea; hut the king observed, that those
people sometimes spoke the truth; and that for his part
he should prefer dying by the hand of some brave man.
p. 58. (Vie de Henri II.)
t Apologie de Louis XIV. par l'Abbe Caveyrac, p. 33.
* Brantome, vol. ix. p. 409. (Vie de Charles IX.)
t Davila. liv. I.
J The Marshal de Chatillon married Louisa de Mont-
morency, the constable's sister : he had three sons. viz.
1. Odet, Cardinal of Chatillon and Bishop of Beauvais;
2. Gaspard Chatillon de t.'oligny, Admiral of France :
and 3 Francis Chatillon d'Andciot, colonel general" of
the French infantry. The family of Chatillon had an-
ciently exercised sovereign authority over Nantua and
Monlouet, two small towns in the neighbourhood of
Geneva.
RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF THE GUISES.
37
formidable to the Guises. Montmorency, | testant he continued the same acts,
however, was too determined a hater of, changing only tlie priests for Protestant
the Huguenots, Jo think of' supporting
their cause.
Andelot was a warm, enthusiastic ad-
mirer of the Reformation; he scorned to
conceal his sentiments, and his conversa-
tion was noticed by all the court. Shortly
after his taking of Calais, Hency II.,
hearing that he had made some very
heretical assertions, sent for him to his
chamber, at the suggestion of the Cardinal
of Lorrain, and interrogated him upon his
opinions. Andelot, without being in the
ministers.* When his brother was in
prison, he blamed him for his conduct,
showed him that to irritate vthe monarch
was not the best method of serving his
cause. With great difficulty, Coligny at
length obtained from his brother a decla-
ration of regret for having expressed him-
self in such a manner, and by the influence
of the constable he was set at liberty. So
anxious were the Guises to ruin Mont-
morency, that they set spies upon his
conduct, while his nephew was in con-
least disconcerted, answered the king with finement, in hopes of being able to accuse
great firmness, notwithstanding he had
been cautioned .to use prudence in his
answer, "Sire, in matters of religion, I
can use no disguise, nor can I deceive
God. Dispose, as you please, of my life,
my property and my appointments; but
my sonl, independent of every other
sovereign, is submitted solely to the
Creator, from whom I have received it,
and whom alone I believe it my duty to
obey under present circumstances, as my
Almighty master; in a word, I would
rather die than go to mass." The king's
anger was so excited, that he was about
to stab the intrepid man, but he contented
himself with sending him to prison at
Melun, and depriving him of his office of
colonel-general." Pope Paul IV. impe-
riously demanded that Andelot should be
burned for heresy, but that was not an
easy matter to effect; for the constable,
his uncle, had great influence at the time;
him of openly favouring the Protestants.t
But both the Chatillons, had become
anxious for an opportunity of publicly
declaring their sentiments; and the stale
of affairs, at the beginning of the new
reign, soon supplied them with occasions.
The violent persecution which had sig-
nalized the laft days of Henry's reign,
had created a spirit of resistance; from
existing by stealth and concealment, the
Huguenots' were driven to defend them-
selves: and they became an important
party in the kingdom. Coligny and his
brother publicly joined the Protestants,
and induced many persons of distinction
to do the same; among others the Count
de la Rochefoucanlt, and Francis de Ven-
dome, VidaHne of Chartres.J The queen
mother also felt the tyranny of the Guises
to such a degree, that the Protestants
entertained great hopes of her joining
their party, as the only means of coun-
and the Cardinal of Chatillon, his brother, ■ teracting their power,
was one of the inquisitors-general, and of j In the mean time Montmorency's plan,
course would refuse to sacrifice so dear a
relative.
Coligny was remarkable for his caution
in taking a step; but having once decided,
he was inflexible; no one possessed
greater intrepidity, or more perseverance;
instead of overcoming him, difficulties
served only to excite his ardour. It was
his brother Andelot who first gave him a
taste for the new opinions, but he was
too wary to make public profession of
them at once. He had been noticed for
his very religious conduct when a Catho
although it failed at first, was not altoge-
ther without effect; the King of Navarre
became the centre of a party, composed
of the princes of the blood, and the heads
of the principal families, who held an
assembly at Vendome. The constable
was not there, buf sent his secretary.
Whatever difference there might be anions
11'' 0
them, was all merged in the grand ques-
tion of hatred to the Guises. But no
entreaties of Coligny, backed by the de-
sire of vengeance, could induce the 'con-
stable to join the Protestants: to change
lie; lie had maintained several priests at I his religion, at the end of a long orthodox
Chatillon, and established schools for the life, alarmed his conscience; and to him
instruction of youth; on becoming a Pro
* Iirnntome, Le Lalioureur, Commentaircs de Mont*
luc, and Vie de Coligny.
4
* Vie de Coligny. p. 74. 1 Ibid. p. 192.
I A viilame was a person who held lands under a
bisnop.bn condition of defending the temporal interests
of the see.
3S
EXECUTION OF ANNE DUBOURG.
it appeared impossible for an honourable
man to he of a religion tl i lie re n t from that
of the king. The general measure, how-
ever, was discussed by the assembly. It
resolved itself into two questions; whe-
ther the authority ought to be removed
from the Guises? and what means should
be employed to bring it about? The first
question was decided without a dissen-
■ tient voice; but as to the means of suc-
cessfully acting upon that decision the
meeting was divided; some being for
negotiation, others for violence. The
milder counsel prevailed, and the King
of Navarre was sent to court to try to
obtain the interest of the queen mother.*
The Guises were informed of what
was passing, and when Navarre went to
court, they left nothing undone to worry
and vex him. His arrival was announced,
but the king had been persuaded to hunt
in an opposite direction. t The apart-
ments prepared for him were very unsuit-
able to his rank; and whenever the Duke
of Guise came in contact with him, he
•was assailed with hectoring language, and
insolent remarks. At last he obtained an
audience of Francis, but it was in the
presence of the two Lorrain princes: and
when he exposed the complaints of the
nobility against them, Francis dismissed
him, observing that he was very well
satisfied with theirservic.es.
Having failed in his errand to the king,
he tried how far the queen mother would
befriend him; he had several conferences
■with her, which ended by her declaring
herself in his favour, but she informed
him at the same time, that she could do
nothing for him. The populace in general
were so attached to the Guises, that his
appeal to them met with no better suc-
cess; his commission disgusted him, and
he resolved to rid himself of it.i
After having conducted the Princess
Elizabeth to Philip II., her husband, he
retired to his principality of Beam, de-
termined to have nothing more to do
with affairs. He had consented to go
to Spain, conceiving that he might make
some arrangement respecting his domi-
nions, which that monarch had seized;
but Guise's cause and Philip's were
identified, as the whole of the king's
* Davila, liv. 1. D'Aubigne, vol. i. p. 87.
\ tDe Thou. Iiv. 23.
t Davila, Iiv. 1. D'Aubigne, vol. i. p. 87.
reign testifies; and the same disappoint-
ment awaited him in that quarter. The
conferences of Vendome therefore pro-
duced no other effect than to expose the
wishes of the party, and indeed the per-
sons composing it.
It was now five months since Anne
Dubourg had been in prison for heresy:
a few days after the late king's death, he
had been declared a heretic, and was
ordered to be given up to the secular
power for punishment; but he made
appeals at every stage of the proceedings,
and a long delay was the consequence.
The other counsellors were liberated, but
he was condemned to be hanged, and his
body to be burned.* Minard presided at
his trial; he displayed such partiality,
and evinced such personal hatred to the
accused, that Dubourg could not resist
the impulse of his feelings, and upbraided
the judge with his conduct; he concluded
by telling him that he would soon have
to appear at a more awful bar, when he
would wish to be as innocent as he then
vvas.t This prediction was soon verified,
for on the 12th of December the presi-
dent Minard was shot as he was returning
to his house in the evening. The indivi-
dual who murdered him was supposed to
be Robert Stuart, a person of very good
family in Scotland, and distantly related
to the queen; a man of daring and in-
triguing disposition.;!; He endured the
torture without giving the least informa-
tion, and the Guises persuaded the queen
to disown him for her relation. Dubourg
was executed on the 23d; his firmness
on going to the fatal spot excited much
sympathy among the spectators: but
measures were taken to prevent his ad-
dressing them; for the executioner had
orders to gag him if he attempted to
speak. At the foot of the gibbit, he re-
fused to kiss a crucifix which was offered
him, and was immediately pulled up and
strangled, while the mob uttered shouts
of Jesu Maria.§
A violent persecution of the Protestants
then took place: the Cardinal of Lorrain
established a commission for judging and
condemning heretics.|| The judges of
* Mem. de Conde, vol. i. p. 300. Edit. 4to. Paris, 1743-
t Vie de Coligny, p. 197.
J The same person who killed the Constable de Mont-
morency, at the battle of St. Denis.
§ There is a proccs verbal of the execution in Mem. de
Conde. vol. i. 300.
H Mem. de Cavannes, p. 220.
CONSPIRACY OF AMBOISE.
39
this bloody tribunal completely answered
the cardinal's wishes; they even excited
his surprise, by the extent of their opera-
tions and alacrity in convicting' and exe-
cuting heretics. A legion of spies, under
the direction of the inquisitor Mouchares,
were dispersed through Paris, and added
daily to the number of victims.* The
cardinal's object was to encourage the
populace in their fanaticism. The Ca-
tholics were permitted to assemble in the
streets, and sing hymns before little
images of the Virgin. Persons passing
by were invited to join their devotions;
if they refused to do so, they were ill-
treated, and whatever complaints might
be made, the excesses remained un-
punished, f
The Cardinal of Lorrain gave full
scope to his passions: his haughty be-
haviour excited the discontent of many of
the nobility, and his cruel persecuting
spirit kindled a general feeling of horror.
Francis was king in name only, for the
cardinal and his brother possessed all the
authority; and instead of using their
power in any manner beneficial to the
country, they seemed to study the rea-
diest methods of debasing it. When
tyranny suffers crime to go unpunished,
and makes no attempt to prevent its re-
currence, it almost invariably drives the
people into a conspiracy, which gives
them a hope of overturning what would
otherwise overwhelm them. The French
Protestants were at this time reduced to
that extremity.
CHAPTER VIII.
Conspiracy of Amboise.
It may be owing to the mild character
of the King of Navarre that the con-
ferences at Vendome produced no effect:
he felt an aversion to creating a civil war,
and was besides of so undecided a cha-
racter, that by a hope of regaining his
wife's estates he could at any time be
diverted from his main object. His bro-
ther, the Prince of Conde, was a different
kind of man; ambitious, restless, and en-
* This is the origin of the term Mouchard, a spy of the
police.
t Hist, du Concile de Trente, p. 401. De Tliuu, liv. 23.
terprising; detesting the Guises, and
being allied to Montmorency and the
Chatillons, he assumed an important rank
in the discontented party, which .was
now swelled by all the Protestants, and
such Catholics as joined in the hatred of
the Lorrain princes.
At the close of the year 1559, several
conferences had again been holden at
Vendome and Lalerte: when, finding
their party included six hundred gentle-
men of family, a resolution was adopted
to have recourse to arms, to take the
king out of the hands of the Guises, and
bring these latter to an account for their
conduct. The Prince of Conde, in join-
ing this association, is said to have made
a restriction to his engagement; that no-
thing should be undertaken agains the
king, the princes, his brother, or the
state.*
In this affair, which arose as much
from political discontent as from religious
persecution, and which is named the con-
spiracy of Amboise, the principal agent
was John de Bari, Lord of La Renaudie,
a gentleman of Perigord, who combined
every quality requisite for directing such
a movement. Having committed a for-
gery, he had been assisted by the kind-
ness of Guise himself in making his
escape from the prison of Dijon,f and had
subsequently led a life of concealment,
of banishment. It was desirable that the
head of the conspiracy should not be too
distinguished a person, in order to avoid
suspicion; it was at the same time neces-
sary that he should be a Huguenot, in
order to have the full co-operation of the
Protestants. La Renaudie was, therefore,
extremely well suited for the occasion:
during his residence at Geneva he had be-
come acquainted with all the French in
that town who had been expatriated for
their religion; he was active, intelligent
and persevering, and had several times
shown himself brave even to rashness.!
The pjan of operation being decided
on, he announced to all his friends that
the Prince. of Conde would put himself
at their head whenever their force was
sufficient to warrant his so doing; at the
same time he invited them all to meet
him at Nantes, on the 1st of January,
* L'Hisloire du Tinniille d' Amboise, reprinted in the
first volume of Mum. de Conde, pp. 320 ct seq
t lirantome, vol. viii. p. a->. J Uavila, liv. I.
40
CONSPIRACY OF AMBOISE.
1500, availing himself of the concourse of
people which some fetes about to be given
would collect, as a blind for the sudden
arrival of so many persons from different
parts.
The gentlemen were punctual to the
rendezvous; and though a considerable
number of them were not informed of the
full purpose of their meeting, they express-
ed neither surprise nor backwardness:
they agreed without hesitation to attack,
in a time of peace and in the very presence
of the king, the ministers invested with
his authority. The tyranny of the Guises
had excited such a feeling, that nothing
could chill their ardour. La Renaudie
addressed the meeting at length. After
displaying the injuries which the ministry
of the Lorrain princes had brought upon
the country, he gave them to understand
that they only waited for the death of
Francis II. to establish their family upon
the throne. " For my part," added the
speaker vehemently, " I swear, I protest,
I take God to witness, that I will never
think or do, or say any thing against the
king, against the queen his mother, against
the princes his brothers, against any of
his blood ; but that I will defend to my
latest breath the majesty of the throne,
the authority of the laws, and the liberty
of the country, against the tyranny of
foreigners."* We swear it ! exclaimed
every one present. They signed the
oath, shook hands in token of union, em-
braced each other weeping, and loaded
with imprecations any who should be
perfidious enough to betray their associ-
ates. Before they separated, they fixed
the place and time for carrying their plot
into execution: it was to be on the 15th
of March, at Blois.f
Brantome, who was personally attached
to the Guises, and was constantly about
them, declares that Coligny had no part
in this conspiracy :| those concerned in it
considering that he would not join in a mea
sure personally against the Duke of Guise,
who was not at that time his declared
enemy. But he heard that the plot was
in agitation, by letters from the Prince of
Conde and Andelot, and they all three
resolved to take the field immediately La
Renaudie should have made himself mas-
ter of Blois, when they would arrest the
* De Thou, liv. 24. t Davila, liv. 1.
% iSraiuome, vol. viii. p. 168.
Guises in the king's name, and call the
states-general.*
Every 'thing happened at the outset en-
tirely to their wishes, and they grew more
sanguine and less reserved, or perhaps
some member was either treacherous or
indiscreet; but by some means the Guises
had scent of the plot, and removed the
king from Blois to Amboise, a town with
a strong castle and garrison ; there, con-
sidering themselves sufficiently safe from
any sudden attack, they again became
supine, and were on the eve of being sur-
prised, when the too great confidence of
the chief conspirator caused the entire
failure of the plot.f La Renaudie lodged at
Paris, at the house of a friend named Ava-
nelles, a lawyer, who observing the num-
ber of persons constantly calling at this
house, conceived some suspicions ; and
mentioning them to La Renaudie, he
frankly acknowledged the existence of the
conspiracy. Avanelles heard him atten-
tively, and showed great good-will for
the success of the enterprise: but turning
over in his mind the importance of the
affair, and foreseeing its difficulties and
dangers, he was seized with fear, and de-
cided upon revealing the whole to the
Duke of Guise's secretary, then at Paris.t
The secretary sent Avenelles to Amboise
without delay, where he was interrogated:
the Guises were thus informed of their
danger. Hitherto they had fancied the
conspiracy was confined to a few indivi-
duals, but the confession of Avanelles
gave them warning to prepare against a
formidable and an organized party.
They were, however, as yet, only in
possession of the extent of the plot, and
the name's of some of the conspirators, for
Avanelles knew no more ; they were thus
obliged to make exertions for discovering
further particulars. Robert Stuart, who
was suspected of having killed the presi-
dent Minard, and who was at this time in a
dungeon at Vincennes, was sent for, with
several others, to be examined, on the
supposition that they must have some
knowledge of the plot.§ The majority of
* Vie do Coligny, p 207. Mem. de Tavannes, p. 222-
t Davila, liv. 1. Pasquier, vol. i. p. 860, and vol.ii.
p. 79.
I It is stated in rfflstqire du Tumuhe d'Jlmboisc, that
Avenelles belonged to the conspiracy, and was induced
to betray his friends by the hope of making a fortune ;
but as that account was drawn up under feelings of
irritation, I have preferred the statement of the princi-
pal French historians.
§ The king wrote a letter to Montmorency, desiring
CONSPIRACY OF AMBOISE.
41
the council considered the Chatillons as
more likely to know the state of the case,
and the queen mother sent for them,
under pretence of consulting on the plan
which ought to be adopted under such
circumstances. Coligny and Andelot
came very readily, and on being intro-
duced to the queen mother's chamber, the
admiral spoke warmly against the bad
administration of affairs; he pleaded the
cause of the Protestants, and recommend-
ed that the penal statutes against them
should be suspended. The chancellor
Olivier and the more moderate of the
council adopted his opinion, and an edict
was drawn up in favour of the Calvinists.*
But the remedy came too late to be of
use; the declaration was not published
before the 12th of March, and the day
fixed for the enterprise was the 16th; it
had been changed from the 15th when the
court removed from Blois to Amboise.
The Prince of Conde not despairing of the
case, came to Amboise with some resolute
men, who were to be concealed in the
castle, as well as in the town, and ready
to second La Renaudie's attack from
without. Neither the nearness of the
danger nor its magnitude were able to
disconcert the Duke of Guise, who gave
orders well calculated for the circum-
stances. He sent instructions to the
governors of the provinces to arrest
all persons taking the road to Amboise ;
he collected troops and called upon all the
neighbouring nobility to attend the king.
Such officers as hecould not depend upon,
were sent upon distant commissions; still,
in spite of these precautions, the conspi-
racy would have succeeded, had not some
one given Guise the plan of operations ;
he required no more, and prepared every
thing accordingly.
On the 16th of March the troops of the
conspirators appeared, and, as far as they
could, they followed the plan agreed upon
at Nantes. It was there arranged that a
a troop of Calvinists, unarmed, should
enter the town on pretence of petitioning
the king: if they were admitted they
would soon be able to get possession of
linn to proceed immediately to Amboise, with his son
the Marshal, and to take with tliein those persons » ho
know something of the plot : one of them was Robert
Stuart. -The letter was dated 25th Feb. —Mem. de Condi,
vol i. p. 3114.
* D'Aubigne, vol. i. p. 93. The edict, dated 11th
March, 1559-60, is given in the Memoirs of Conde: the
Huguenot preachers were excluded from its benefits.
4*
the ramparts; if they were refused ad-
mittance, a large body of cavalry in the
neighbourhood was to hasten up, and
make themselves masters of the gates of
the town. While this was taking place,
those who had come in with the Chatillons
and Conde were to go at once to the
Guises and arrest them ; or, if they re-
sisted, to kill them on the spot.
As the duke knew all this plan, he
changed the king's guard, and ordered
the walls to be built up. He posted the
Chatillons and the Prince of Conde in the
most conspicuous places, and surrounded
them with confidential persons, who would
prevent their joining the assailants.*
Parties of cavalry were also sent to
scour the country before the conspirators
had assembled; they were thus attacked
in detail, and all the prisoners then taken
were hanged up on the battlements of the
castle. Still the conspirators persevered:
the fate of their companions did not deter
them from continuing their operations.
La Renaudie exerted himself to collect the
different parties: in so doing he some-
times traversed the country attended by
one man only. On one occasion he was
near the castle of Noizai, the arsenal of the
conspirators, defended by the Baron de
Castelnau.f A detachment of royalists
surrounded him, with orders to take him
alive, if possible: a relation of his, the
Baron de Pardaillan commanded it.
Finding it impossible to gain the castle,
La Renaudie resolved to sell his life dearly;
he rushed on Pardaillan, and killed him
with his own hand : he very soon after
received a bull from a carbine, fired by a
page of the baron's; he had sufficient
strength to kill the person who had shot
him, and then expired. His little band on
losing their leader, fled in every direction;
many of them were killed on the spot,
and others were made prisoners and
hanged. La Renaudie's body was placed
on a gibbet with the inscription — Chief of
the rebels.];
The death of the leader having to all
appearance put an end to the conspiracy,
the Chancellor Olivier recommended an
amnesty to all who would return to their
homes. Many had availed themselves
* Uavilla, liv. 1.
t Noi/.ai, in the Touraine, is two leagues N. W. of
Amboise.
t Ilavila, liv. 1 — Pasquier. vol. i. p. P(iO — ne Thou,
liv. 24.— D'Aubigne, vol. i , Hist, da Tumulte d Jlmboisc.
42
CONSPIRACY OF AMBOISE.
of the proclamation, and had set out on
their journey, when a last effort of some
of their party in the neighbourhood of
Amboise, brought on their destruction :
they had attempted to enter the town
during the night; their object was foiled,
but the Guises were indignant; the am-
nesty was revoked, and above twelve
hundred persons were put to the sword,
hanged, or thrown into the Loire with
their hands and feet bound.* Many per-
sons were put to the torture in order to
obtain sufficient evidence for attacking
Conde and the Chatillons, upon the
grounds of the conspiracy; but among so
many conspirators, there was only one
who implicated them, and even he could
only speak from report.f One of the most
considerable victims on this occasion was
the Baron de Castelnau; a man greatly
distinguished for his virtues and his ser-
vices. The Duke of Nemours having
met him one day at the head of a detach-
ment, called to him, asking how he came
to be in arms against his king] Castelnau
answered, " that their plan was not to
make war against the king, but only to
make remonstrances against the tyranny
of the Guises." " Lay down your arms
then," said Nemours, "and if you wish to
address the king as becomes a faithful
subject, I promise you, upon my faith, to
enable you to speak to the king and to
bring you back in safety." Castelnau, in
consequence, surrendered the castle of
Noizai to the Duke of Nemours, who took
an oath and signed it, that no harm should
happen to him or his followers. They
went together to Amboise, where the un-
fortunate baron found that the promise
which had been made him was not bind-
ing, for the' Duke of Nemours had ex-
ceeded his orders. Castelnau's bravery
did not forsake him on the scaffold, where
he died a martyr to his religion ; the Duke
of Nemours felt very indignant at the cir-
cumstance, as he had given his signature,
which tormented him probably much
more than it would have done if his word
alone had been passed 4
The Prince of Conde could not expect
to escape the suspicion of being concerned
in the conspiracy; scarcely any charge
* D'Anbigne. ?/f supra. — Tlie edict is given in the
Journal-tie Brulart.
t Vie de Coligny, p. 20?.
t D'Anbigne, vol. i. p. 94. Hist, du Tumulte d'Am-
bmse Vielleville, vol. iv. p. 191. Brantome, vol. vi. p.
410 De Thou. liv. 24.
could be made out from the confession of
La llenaudie's secretary, who had been
racked for that purpose, but some letters
were discovered, which, whether genuine
or not, afforded materials for an accusa-
tion. The Guises kept secret the contents
of the letters in question, and waited a fa-
vourable opportunity for laying hold of
the prince. His friends, however, sent
him advice of what had occurred, and
warned him not to come to court ; but the
queen mother sent him word that she
would answer for his safety, and he came
directly and demanded to have his cha-
racter cleared of the charge. The king
gave him an audience before the whole
court, and the different ambassadors, when
the prince pleaded his cause with great
ability. He complained of the suspicions
which had been raised against him; that
some persons had represented him as a
man who meditated designs against the
king's person ; he showed that his arrival
was sufficient proof of his innocence, for
that if he felt himself guilty, he should not
have been mad enough to surrender him-
self as he had done. He took a review of
the accusations against him, declaring
them the calumnies of his private enemies,
who would not dare to state them in his
presence. " But," said the prince in con-
clusion, " if any one is bold enough to
maintain that I have tempted the French
to revolt against the sacred person of the
king, and that I am author of the conspi-
racy, renouncing the privilege of my rank,
I am ready to prove him a liar in single
combat.1'
The Duke of Guise plainly perceived
that these words were addressed to him,
but he took care not to notice them; on
the contrary, he pretended to be persuaded
of Conde's innocence ; for he immediately
rose in the assembly, and said aloud, " that
he would not suffer so great a prince to
be thus aspersed ; and begged to be
chosen as his second."* Those who had
seen the letters upon which the charge-
was grounded, could not comprehend the
reason of the duke's conduct; reflection,
however, made it generally thought that
the queen mother's influence had drawn
the Prince of Conde from his unpleasant
situation in order to display her power to
* Davila. liv. 1. De Thou. liv. 24. D'Anbigne, vol. i.
p. 9i, and Hist. des Usurers Troubles de France, vol. i.
p. 4. Paris, 1000.
1
DEATH OF THE CHANCELLOR OLIVIER.
43
the Guises, that they might not fail in due
deference to her will in future.*
It was otherwise with the nation at
large, who were astonished at Guise's ge-
nerosity to his greatest enemy. The
duke's cruelty to the other conspirators
was forgotten, and every prejudice against
him was effaced. The king could not
condemn, and yet was afraid to absolve
the Prince of Conde ; he remained a short
time about the court, when his presence
being a burden to the Guises, he was al-
lowed to retire to his chateau at La Ferte-
sous-Jouarre.
CHAPTER IX.
Dcatli of the Chancellor Olivier*, who is succeeded hy
Michael de I'Hopital — Assembly of the Notables at
Fontainebleau — States General at Orleans — Arrest
and condemnation of the I'rince of Conde — Death of
Francis II.
The executions which took place in
consequence of the conspiracy of Amboise,
were both numerous and summary; a ju-
dicial process was not even thought of,
and capture was followed by immediate
punishment.! But when the first feelings
of indignation had subsided, and the
greater part of the malcontents were
killed or dispersed, the government took
measures for a more moderate line of con-
duct. The chancellor Olivier had always
advocated gentle methods, and had shown
great reluctance in condemning the nu-
merous victims, required by the revenge
of the Lorrain princes. The chancellor
trembled lest the nation should charge
him with so much bloodshed; while the
Guises entertained strong suspicions that
he belonged to the conspiracy. The con-
flict of his feelings so affected this eminent
judge and excellent man, that he was
taken ill and died a few days after.J He
deplored to the last the sad necessity
which had reduced him to appear an in-
strument of Guise's despotism; he turned
his face to the wall, and refused to see the
Cardinal of Lorrain. who called on him
just before he died, saying, that he was
the accursed cardinal who had been the
cause of all the condemnations.5
The person appointed to succeed him
was Michael de I'Hopital, than whom no
one could be found more deserving or
more capable. He was born about the
year 1503 ; his father was physician to the
Constable of Bourbon, and accompanied
him to Italy, taking with him his son Mi-
chael. When he returned to Paris his
talents soon brought him into notice, and
he passed with honour through the differ-
ent gradations of the magistrature.
While a counsellor of the parliament, he
had exerted himself to reform the different
abuses, which long neglect had suffered
to arrive at a disgraceful pitch : he re-
ceived, as might be expected, but little
support, and his single arm could do
scarcely any thing in furtherance of his
laudable undertaking; still his endeavours
ultimately produced benefits, for which
France is bound to revere his memory.
The persecution of the Protestants had
occupied his attention, from the first at-
tempt to establish the inquisition ; and on
every occasion his powers had been ex-
erted in the promotion of tolerant mea-
sures. At every step of his advancement,
so highly was his character esteemed, that
the appointment was universally ap-
plauded. . He was, however, very austere,
and was feared by all the magistracy,
who dreaded his inquiring into their lives
and capacities. Brantome calls him a se-
cond Cato, having his appearance in
everything, with his long white beard, his
pale face, and grave manner : he mentions
also that many persons at court used to
say he was a perfect likeness of St.
Jerome.*
The favourite object of the new chan-
cellor was to calm the public mind, by
having the great question of toleration
discussed in an assembly of the states-ge-
neral; and to call a national council for
regulating and defining the theological
disputes and differences then prevalent.!
He feared at first that the Duke of Guise
would be opposed to such a plan ; but to
his surprise, both the duke and the cardi-
nal consented to call an Assembly of the
Notables at Fontainebleau, on the 21st of
August. L'Hopital indulged the idea of
establishing peace in the kingdom, and an-
* Vie de Cohgny, p. 210.
t Us ealoyent pendua toua bottcz etesjieronnez. Hist,
des thrniers Troubles, liv. 1.
t 30th March, IMu.
§ Viellevillc, vol. iv. p. 193. Hist, du Tumulle cl'Am-
boise.
* Brantome, vol. vii. p. ill.
t One of his first measures was the Edict of Romoran-
I tin, dated 4th May, loiiO. De Thou says, that it was
framed solely with a view to prevent tiie Guises frou:
establisbing the inquisition in France.
44
ASSEMBLY OF THE NOTABLES AT FONTAINEBLEAU.
ticipated a happy conclusion to the solemn
deliberations about to take place. The
Guises it appears looked forward with
equal complacency to the probable conse-
quences of such a discussion ; they consi-
dered that in the collision of the opposite
parties, in the warmth of debate, the real
opinions of different persons might be per-
fectly ascertained ; they could then count
their enemies with ease, and take the most
effectual measures for strengthening their
own cause. The persons invited to the
assembly were the princes of the blood,
the more powerful nobles, and the princi-
pal magistrates.
The general conduct of the Guises dis-
played such haughtiness to the whole
noblesse, and such rancour against a con-
siderable number of families, that the as-
sembly at Fontainebleau was looked upon
as a snare. The dreadful example of Am-
boise showed how far their revenge would
carry them, and the more the character
of those princes was considered, the
greater distrust was excited in the public
mind. The King of Navarre and the
Prince of Conde paid no attention to the
king's summons; they retired to the cha-
teau of Nerac in Gascony. The Mont-
morencies and Chatillons did not dare to
disobey the call, but went to the assembly
as to a military conference, being escorted
by a large body of horsemen.* When the
business of the assembly was opened, the
admiral went on his knees before the king,
and presented a petition from the Protest-
ants. The king handed it to l'Aubespine,
his secretary, who having read "a request
of the people, who address their prayers
to God according to the true rule of piety,"
all those who were in favour of the Guises
began to murmur. The king ordered si-
lence, and the secretary continued reading
the petition, which contained a very hum-
ble prayer that the persecutions might
cease ; it showed also, that though they
were called heretics they were quite ready
to abide by the Scriptures; that the pope
was not a proper person to decide u\mn
such matters, as his decisions had more
partiality than justice; and concluded with
supplicating the king to reflect upon their
miseries, and adopt such remedies as his
prudence might suggest.!
Coligny's proceeding went directly to
* Davila, liv. 2.
t Vie de Coligny, p 213. De Thou, liv. 25.
excite the opposition of the violent Catho-
lics, and the Cardinal of Lorrain spoke at
length against the Protestants. Coligny
in his reply observed, that " he spoke on
behalf of fifty thousand persons," which so
enraged the Duke of Guise, that he de-
clared vehemently, " that he would break
all their heads with a hundred thousand
good Catholics, whom he would lead
against them."* This is said to be the be-
ginning of the mortal feud which arose
between the Duke of Guise and the admi-
ral. Marillac, Archbishop of Vienne, and
Montluc, Bishop of Valence, both ad-
dressed the assembly, and proposed (as
the best and safest way of settling the
question) to submit to the resolution of a
general council freely and legitimately as-
sembled ; it was concluded that the states-
general should be held in December, and
the national council in January.!
Opinions are divided respecting the con-
duct of the Guises on this occasion ; some
writers maintain that, but for the hostile
movements of the Prince of Conde, the
states general would have been conducted
without any violent measure on their
part ; others, however, contend that their
design from the first was to collect the
Protestant leaders, and arrest them all at
once; but the secret information which
reached the prince compelled him to take
arms in his own defence. Secrecy was
no longer necessary, and the Guises
openly pursued their principal object, the
destruction of the Bourbon princes, who
were a barrier to their ever obtaining the
throne.
With this view they changed the com-
manders of the different provinces, in
order to have all the forces at their dis-
posal, and surround the King of Navarre
and his brother with their emissaries.
They had therefore the earliest intelligence
of Conde's collecting troops in Dauphiny ;
they seized a person in his employ, named
Lasague, who had on his person some of
the prince's correspondence.! The letters
appeared to contain nothing of impor-
tance; but the bearer was tortured to
make him give sufficient information for
[ * Brantome, vol", viii, p 170. Pasquier, vol. ii. p. 80
Davila, liv. 2.
t 1 1 1 ^-t des derniers Trouvjes, liv. ]. p. 4. D'Aubigni,
vol. i. p !)7. Hisl. ilu Concilc de Tiente, p. 413. Mem,
,de Conde, vol. i. p. 555.
X De Thou, liv. 25, p. 536— Snmmaire rpcit de la Ca-
I lomnieiiBe Accusation de M. le Prince de Conde, &c,
&.C. Inserted in vol. ii. of Mem. de Conde.
INTRIGUES OF THE GUISES.
45
them to put the prince on his trial. La-
sagne informed them, that there was a
project for a general movement to demand
the disgrace or the death of the Lorrain
princes. It was not, however, till his life
was threatened, that he gave them the de-
sired information; he told them to dip in
water the wrapper of a letter written by
the Vidame of Chartres. The hand-wri-
ting of Dardois, the Constable's secretary,
became visible ; they learned the continued
and unchangeable resolution of that noble-
man to destroy the Guises, with his opi-
nion that he hoped to succeed in spite of
the King, and that they must no longer
hesitate, but attack them with open force.*
The Vidame of Chartres was immedi-
ately put in the Bastille, where he was
treated with great rigour ;f the queen-
mother was said to have entertained a
great passion for him, but she deserted
him on this occasion. After remaining
for some time in suspense as to his fate,
he was set at liberty, and died soon after,
with a suspicion of having been poisoned. £
The Bourbon princes received at first
the most pressing invitations, and after-
wards imperative orders to attend the
states-general at Orleans: if they were
absent, they were informed that they
would be treated as criminals. Conde
was for setting the court at defiance, but
the King of Navarre would not risk the
loss of his estates. They had already as-
sembled a considerable number of gentle-
men, both catholics and protestants, who
traversed Gascony with them, and who
would have supported the undertaking, as
recommended by the Constable Montmo-
rency. Repeated commands from the
court at length intimidated the King of
Navarre, and he dismissed his little army,
saying, •" I must obey, but I will obtain
your pardon of the King." "Go," said
an old captain, " and ask pardon for your-
self; our safety is in our swords."J The
gentlemen became indignant, and went
away to their different homes.
In the month of October the Bourbon
princes set out for Orleans. They were
cautioned not to go, as they would be
called to account for several tumults which
had taken place in different parts; but
* Davila, liv. 2. D'Aubigne, vol. i. p. 'J7. DeThou,
liv. 25, p. 542.
t 2'J Aug, 1560. Journal de Brulart.
I Bran tome. vol. x. p. 365.
§ Voltaire, Essai sur les guerrcs cicilcs tic France.
they considered that their friends who
would be at the meeting, were sufficiently
numerous to prevent any measure of that
kind. Some of their well-wishers who
were about the court, proposed to seize
the children of the Duke of Guise as hos-
tages ; others suggested that Conde should
remain in security, while Navarre went
to Orleans. This latter counsel was in
vain urged by the Princess of Conde and
her mother ; contrary advice, given by the
Cardinal of Bourbon prevailed, and the
two brothers pursued their journey toge-
ther.* The Admiral had received similar
cautions, and his brother, the Cardinal of
Chatillon, was very urgent in persuading
him to stay away: he had, however, so
great a wish to obtain the edict for liberty
of conscience, that nothing could restrain
him ; he considered also that his friends
would require his presence, and that he
should not doubt the word of the king,
who had promised personal safety to all
whom he summoned.!
The Bourbon princes and the Chatil-
lons arrived at Orleans about the same
time ; the Prince of Conde was immedi-
ately arrested ; the King of Navarre was
watched so closely that he could not be
said to be at liberty ; and Coligny and
Andelot were surrounded by persons,
who were to keep a constant eye upon
them4 The friends upon whom all four
had reckoned, thinking their cause hope-
less, abandoned them; indeed the king
showed such indignation against the
Prince of Conde, that his destruction ap-
peared inevitable.
A commission was appointed to try
him: the prince refused to plead to such a
tribunal, alleging that a prince of the blood
could be tried only by the parliament of
Paris, assisted by the peers: he was told
that the king's pleasure was, that he should
be so tried, and that if he did not plead,
they should proceed at once to condemn
him. j The prince displayed great intre-
pidity, and protested against the power
which put him on his trial contrary to
law; he was found guilty, and condemned
to be beheaded. Although the greatest
despatch was used in every stage of the
* D'Aubigne, vol. i. p. 101.— Davila, liv. 2. De Tliou,
liv. 2b\
f Vie de Coligny, p. 218.
i D'Aubigne, vol i. p. 101. Pasquier, vol. ii. p. 81.
§ An arrit to that ellect was gnen 2Jtll Nov, 150U.—
Mem. de C'oude, vol. i.
46
INTRIGUES OF THE GUISES.
proceeding, a delay inevitably took place,
and postponed the conclusion of the affair.
The relations of the prince availed them-
selves of this interval, in trying to obtain
his pardon. The Princess of Conde threw
herself at the king's feet, bathed in tears.
Francis said to her, " Your husband has
wished to take away my crown and my
life." When the Guises were applied to,
they observed, " We must with one blow
cut off the head of both heresy and rebel-
lion."* The complete destruction of he-
resy wis to follow the prince's execution,
and every one was to be compelled to
sign a confession of faith, drawn up by
the Sorbonne, in 1542.t
The King of Navarre made great efforts
to save his brother's life, little thinking
that his own was in danger at the same
time.} The Duke of Guise had formed a
plan for murdering him in the king's
chamber; and had even obtained the con-
sent of Francis II. Navarre was sum-
moned to the king's presence, but at first
refused to go, having been told, that at a
sign from Francis, the assassins would fall
upon him. When the order came a third
time, he went, making this remark to
Reinsy, one of his gentlemen, " I will go,
I will fight as long as I have a breath of
life. If I fall, take my shirt, stained with
my blood ; carry it to my son, and let him
give up his life rather than the desire of
avenging it." Francis did not dare to at-
tempt so foul a crime; the signal was not
given, and Navarre returned without
harm. The Duke of Guise, quite vexed
at seeing him escape, exclaimed with in-
dignation, " what a poor king we have."§
No entreaties could move the king to
pardon his kinsman, whose execution was
now urged by the Guises. Every delay
which occurred was a disappointment to
them ; and Francis had resolved on a jour-
ney to Chambord, in order to avoid wit-
nessing the dreadful spectacle, when sud-
denly be was taken ill, and compelled to
keep his bed. At this news the Chancel-
lor sent for Ambrose Pare, the king's sur-
* Davila, liv. 2. t Hist. <lu t'alvinisme, liv. 2.
X On one occasion a soldier was hired to murder him
with a pistol, while hunting; hut the Duke of Aumale
advised him not to join in the excursion. He went to
bed, complaining of a violent colic, anil when the king
found that the chief object of the bunting party was de-
feated, he returned at once to his apartments. — Caijct,
liv. (!. p 510.
§ De Thou, D'Aubigm; and Cayet. According to t lie
Abbe Anquetil, Guise's expression, when he found Fran-
cis would not consent to the murder, was, " O le lache!
O lepoltron .'" — Esprit de la Ligue, vol. i. p. 84,
geon, and on questioning him, he found
that Francis was not likely to recover.
He was very desirous of postponing the
prince's death, and had delayed signing
the order for his execution by counter-
feiting illness. The Guises, alarmed at
the state of the king's health, and fearing
their victim would escape, went to his
house, and begged him to sign it : he pre-
tended to have a violent colic, which pre-
vented him from examining the body of
the decree, a thing necessary for him to do,
before he could sign it. The Chancellor's
pretended illness lasted till the king's dan-
ger became imminent; he then changed
his ground, and recommended the queen
mother to take advantage of the present
situation of affairs, for uniting herself
closely with the princes of the blood, as the
Guises already began to despise her. She
agreed with the Chancellor, and Coligny
was charged with the negotiation.*
The Prince of Conde, in the mean time,
was proof against all fear: his tranquillity
was unruffled. Although deprived of his
own servants, and debarred from seeing
his wife, his gaiety never deserted him;
and he wrote letters to the princess, full
of consolation.! Nor did his firmness quit
him when the state of the king's health
gave him some hopes; for when he was
solicited to consent to an accommodation
with the Guises, he answered, " the only
means of settling it is with a lance."}
The king continued to get worse every
day, and the Guises knew well that they
could find no equivalent in the next reign
for their influence over their neice the
queen consort ; the death of C onde, there-
fore, became of less importance to them
than the friendship of the queen mother,
who would be sure to direct every mea-
sure, when the succeeding monarch came
to the crown. The King of Navarre
having promised to renounce his rights
to the regency, which must very soon oc-
cur, Catherine agreed to suspend the sen-
tence of death hanging over his brother. §
The Guises at first were anxious to have
it carried into execution; they recom-
mended the destruction of the house of
Bourbon, and offered their persons, their
fortunes, and their influence, to assist her.||
But the Chancellor 1'Hopital had shown
the queen that to support the Lorrain
* Vie de Ooligny, p. 220. D'Auhigne, vol. i. p. 103.
t De Thou, liv. 20. I Esprit de la Ligue, vol. i. p. 85.
§ Mem. de Tavannes, p. 242. || De Thou, liv. 215.
REIGN OF CHARLES IX.
47
princes would ensure her own ruin : she ;
was wise enough to value his advice, and
sufficiently crafty to avail herself of the j
offers of each family against the other, i
Francis II. died the fifth of December,!
1560, in the eighteenth year of his age,|
having reigned only seventeen months.!
Extremely feeble in both body and mind,i
his youth exempts him from being account-
able for the misfortunes of his government, j
and converts into pity the reproaches to
which he would be exposed.
The death of Francis II. has frequently
been attributed to poison. Such suspi-
cions can never be either clearly defined,
or fully removed ; their very nature pre-
senting a barrier to all eclaircissement.
The Prince of Conde was, of all others, the
most interested in the event; and next to
him the Admiral Coligny, who was in
prison till the king's illness rendered him
necessary to the queen mother, in the ne-
gotiation between her and the King of Na-
varre; but neither Conde nor Coligny
were accused of having instigated such a
thing. The Guises had too much to lose
by the king's death to be exposed to such
a suspicion.
The surgeon, Ambrose Pare, has been
charged with putting poison into an ab-
scess in the king's ear, at the command of
Catherine de Medicis, who saw no other
way of preserving her authority.* That
Pare was not considered guilty of such a
crime, by those who were the most com-
petent judges, we may infer from this cir-
cumstance; that although a declared Pro-
testant, he was continued in his post of
king's surgeon, and at the massacre of the
St. Bartholomew, Charles IX. kept him in
his own chamber, to preserve him from
the slaughter: he sent for him previous to
the massacre, and commanded him not to
stir out.t Whereas had he been really
suspected by the Guises; such is their ac-
knowledged character for vengeance, that
he must have fallen a victim to it: sup-
posing him guilty, he had doubly injured
them ; he had destroyed the great power
and influence they were enjoying, and he
had thwarted their revenge upon the
Prince of Conde.
With respect to Catherine de Medicis,
it must be stated, that she has been ac-
cused of poisoning three of her sons, be-
sides the Dauphin Francis, her husband's
brother,* and Jane d'Albret, Queen of Na-
varre. Her general character certainly
justifies the imputation ; but such serious
charges ought not to be too generally re-
ceived, for in all ages and countries a sus-
picion of poisoning has always been cir-
culated, when any important person has
died suddenly. At the same time there is
evidence enough in history, to prevent us
from dismissing every such accusation, as
equally unfounded.
* Vie de Coligny, p. 221.
| Brantonie, vol. i. p. 426.— (Tic dc Charles [X.)
CHAPTER X.
Reign of Charles IX. ;— Assembly of the Slates general;
— Formation of the Triumvirate;— Edict of July.
The accession of Charles LX. completely
changed the face of affairs : the ascendancy
of Catherine de Medicis over her son
Francis, had been counteracted by the in-
fluence of the Guises over their niece, his
consort; the new king was only ten years
of age, and his mother assumed the direc-
tion of affairs free from almost every con-
trol. The rival parties were busy in op-
posing each other, instead of limiting her
authority.
One of the first acts of this reign was
a letter which Charles wrote to the parlia-
ment, on the 8th of December, 1560 ;f in
which after announcing the death of Fran-
cis II. he informed that body, " that con-
sidering his youth, and confiding in the
virtue and prudence of the queen his mo-
ther, he had requested her to undertake
the administration of affairs, with the wise
counsel and advice of the King of Navarre,
and of the persons of distinction in the
late king's council." This was a great
blow to the Guises ; but though lowered
in their power and influence, they were
very far from being cast down, for all
zealous Catholics placed their entire hopes
in that family, for preventing the growth
or even the continuance of heresy. On
the other hand the Prince of Conde reco-
vered his liberty, and the hopes of the
* Rrantome, vol. vi. p 3!)'J. According to De Thou
liv. 1. p. 37. the king (Francis I.) would not permit an
investigation. In the ' Life of Tournon' by the Jesuit
Flenry, suspicion is directed against Hie Emperor.
"The confes.-ions of Montecuculi did no credit to the
enemies of France," p. 141. It is however obvious that
Charles V. was more interested in the death of prince
Henry and his bride than in that of the dauphin. In
the arret, see Villeroy, vol. vii.
f Mem, de Conde, vol. ii. p. 212.
48
REIGN OT CHARLES IX.
Protestant party began to revive ; espe-
cially as the King of Navarre was lieute-
nant-general of the kingdom, and the
Chancellor PHqpital had openly expressed
his desire of establishing liberty of con-
science. As the two factions were now
about equal in force, the queen was in
hopes of maintaining her ascendancy over
both; her object was therefore to remain
on good terms with all parties, and to
avoid taking any part in their disputes; |
every succeeding quarrel, let the advan-
tage be on whatever side it might, would
increase her relative strength ; and in an
age when violence was so much resorted
to, the number of her rivals, and enemies,
must soon be diminished.
As yet the Constable was independent
of each party; his hatred to the Guises
was equalled only by his detestation of
the Huguenots; Catherine, however,
thought it prudent to attach him to her-
self, and sent for him to court. On his
arrival, both parties caressed him, and
left nothing untried to win him to their
side: he refused the offers of the Guises,
without, however, joining the Bourbon
princes.
When he came to Orleans, he exercised
his authority as Constable, in dismissing
the bodies of armed men, who were sta-
tioned at the' gates: "I wish," said
he, "that in future the king may go
about his kingdom in security without
guards." On approaching the young
king, he went on his knee, and shed tears
on his hand, while he kissed it with heart-
felt loyalty : " Sire," said he, " let not the
present troubles alarm you ; I will sacri-
fice my life, and so will all your faithful'
subjects, for the preservation of your
crown."*
After making the necessary arrange-
ments for conducting the different branches
of the administration, the states-general
assembled on the 13th. of December. It
would seem that in reality they had been
convoked under Francis II. for no other
purpose than to assure and legalize the
vengeance intended for the Prince of
Conde; that project having failed, there
was no farther occasion for them. Still
as they were assembled, it was thought
they ought not to separate without doing
something; and, in consequence, the king
* Mem. de Tavannes, p. "43. Davila, liv. 2.
with the whole court went to hear the
speeches made by the chancellor and
other orators*
The Chancellor L'Hopital was deceived
by the demonstrations of pretended zeal
for the public good, and by the politic
conduct of the queen mother. His speech
attests his mistake: he indulged in the
anticipation of beholding France restored
to happiness and concord. The guaran-
tee of this happy prospect, of this restora-
tion, of the rightful authority of the king
and the laws, was to be the .work of a
national council, in which religious dis-
cord was to be extinguished, and the
salutary reign of toleration should be
hailed by all parties. In tracing out the
long series of troubles, and the gloomy
picture of crimes committed in the name
of religion, he disposed the minds of many
to be favourable to his plan, and partake
of his hopes. The necessity of peace was
his main argument, and he easily proved
that a difference of faith was no reason
for breaking it. He passed in review the
different departments of the government,
and pointed out the reforms, of which
each was susceptible. Much was re-
quired to be done in the laws, and courts
of law; but his display of the financial
state of France quickly convinced them
that there was the part which required the
most speedy and the most complete re-
form ; " the king," said he, " has found
his finances so much exhausted by ten
years of war and other expenses, that his
father and his brother appear to have left
him no other inheritance than subjects for
weeping."!
The president of the noblesse demand-
ed a reform of every body except the
nobles, who alone did their duty, accord-
ing to his opinion. The speaker for the
Tiers Etat inveighed severely against the
clergy, and the speaker for the clergy
called upon the king to punish the here-
tics without pity; his sentiment, however,
was so ill received that the orator was
forced to explain it away.J: The chan-
cellor was delighted to find the temper of
the states-general so well inclined for tole-
ration, and so cheerfully did the various
* The chancellor had sufficient influence to set a con-
firmation of the edict of Rnmorantin, and a letter from
the king ordering the enlargement of nil persons in
prison on account of religion. Mem. tie Conde, vol. ii. p.
LHSO ct scg.
f De Thou, liv. 27. J Ibid.
ASSEMBLY OF THE STATES-GENERAL.
49
parties appear to concur in promoting the
general good, that he considered his end
as already attained.
But the unfortunate state of the finances
spoiled the smiling prospect. The present
penury was traced to the extravagant
gifts, which Henry II. and the late king
had bestowed on different courtiers. In
the discussion, the names of many nobles
were mentioned, as possessing great sums
which ought to be refunded. The enemies
of Guise in particular did not conceal their
hopes of compelling him to restore very
large sums, the grants of which could not
be justified. L'Hopital perceived that
their ill-will would be aroused, and their
quarrels rekindled : in order to avoid
such consequences he adjourned the
States-general to the fifth of May.
The sittings had continued till the end
of January, 1561. During that interval
the Prince of Conde had been called to
court, and was subsequently declared
innocent of the charges which had been
brought against him :* he appeared in
great credit and favour. The Bourbons
found their party constantly increasing;
still the Guises were very much favoured
by the queen mother. At length, the
King of Navarre, and his brother, the
Constable, the Chatillons, and the prin-
cipal nobility, threatened to quit the court
and to go to Paris, and have the King of
Navarre declared regent by the parlia-
ment, unless the Lorraine princes were
sent away.t The carriages were ready
to leave Fontainebleau, where the court
then was, having left Orleans at the com-
mencement of February ; and all the par-
tisans of the Bourbon princes were pre-
pared to mount, when the Chancellor
advised the king to call Montmorency
into his apartment.}. Charles forbade the
constable to quit the court, and expressly
ordered him to remain near his person.
This order overturned every thing : the
constable dared not give an example of
such disobedience; he stayed with the
king. The King of Navarre, fearing that
* A decree for that purpose ivaa drawn up 13th March,
(DcTh'm, liv. 27) but it was not registered till 13th
June, 1561.— Journal de Brulart.
t Letter from Perrenot de Ohanlonuey, the Spanish
Ambassador: this correspondence is inserted invol.ii.
of the Mem. de Conde.
t Mem. de Tavannes, p 243.— Brantome insists ihat
the queen acted solely from her own suggestions,
" for," says he, " she had more prudence than all the
kine's council together."— Vol. i. p. iio.— (Vie dc Calk,
de Med.)
while they were going to Paris, the affair
might be settled altogether without him,
remained likewise. The parties then
' began to negotiate.*
Catherine supported the Guises in this
affair, considering their power so great,
that the consequences of their enmity
were to be dreaded, by herself and her
i son. But she soon discontinued her pro-
tection ; for it became very evident that
I the Spanish ambassador was the decided
auxiliary of that party ; he gave them ad-
vice, regulated their projects, and changed
their plans, when not consistent with his
views ; the Guises, on their part, did no-
thing without consulting him, and lent
him every assistance in their power,
whenever he required such co-operation. f
Such a connexion naturally excited the
suspicions of Catherine, who deemed it
necessary to encourage the Calvinists as
a counterpoise. She showed herself
friendly to the Protestant leaders, in
order that they might be disposed to
second her in case of need. But her
tolerance, although it gained her the good-
will of most of the Protestants, was the
means of her losing the Constable's friend-
ship; and, in consequence, her plan en-
tirely failed. Montmorency was disgusted
with the preference she showed for the
new religion ; one cause of discontent was
followed by another, and he soon after
joined the party of the Guises.
Circumstances were decidedly in favour
of the reformed at this period, and, with-
out the energy and influence of the Guises,
the Protestant cause might have been suc-
cessful. " Heresy," observes a talented
Jesuit, " was seen to enter triumphantly
into the palace of the most Christian king;
and it may be said that there it exercised
complete sway." The queen permitted
ministers to preach in the royal apart-
ments, which were thronged, while a poor
Jacobin who preached the Lent sermons
at Fontainebleau, had no audience. The
whole court seemed Calvinist ; and meat
was served at all the tables during Lent.
No one talked of hearing mass ; and the
young king, who was taken to church for
the sake of appearance, went almost alone.
The pope's authority was ridiculed, the
worship of saints, images, &c, was treated
as superstition ; and to sum up the edict
* De Thou, liv. 27.
t Esprit de la Ligue, vol.
p. 100.
50
ASSEMBLY OF THE
STATES-GENERAL.
in favour of the Huguenots prevented any
one from being troubled on account of
religion*
Tournou exercised his influence over
the Constable, to bring about a reconci-
liation between him and Guise; and,
inflamed by the cardinal's elocution, the
noble veteran spared no efforts for sup-
pressing such a scandal against the Ca-
tholic religion. Having heard that Mont-
luc, Bishop of Valence, was preaching in
the Louvre with a hat and short cloak,
similar to those worn by the ministers, he
entered hastily, and fixing a menacing
look on the bishop, called out to his at-
tendants to pull down from the pulpit
that bishop, disguised as a minister.
Monfluc, alarmed, quickly- made his es-
cape, to avoid the threatened violence.!
As the main strength of the Guises lay
in the fanaticism of the multitude, they
did all in their power to make the queen
suspected of heresy. They gave out that
she had for some time embraced those
opinions, otherwise she would not have
interested herself on behalf of some Pro-
testants who were condemned to death.
But all this would have led to nothing,
had not the King of Navarre, in his desire
to be revenged on the Guises, proposed
that, instead of levying fresh imposts, all !
the grants made by the two last kings
should be revoked. The Constable, who
had received at different times as much as
four hundred thousand francs, from that
time looked upon the King of Navarre as
his greatest enemy. The sums which the
Guises had obtained were far more consi-
derable; their old enmity was now buried
in their community of interest.^
It has been mentioned that the states-
general had been adjourned and not dis-
missed : it was decided, that in the interval
before their re-assembling, there should be
held an assembly in each province, to pre-
pare the affairs for the general meeting.
The assembly of Paris, among other
things, proposed that an account should
be made out of the large grants given by
the two last kings to the Guises, the
the Duchess of Valentinois, the Marshal
Saint Andre, and others.^ This last
named person was of a good family; his
name was James dAlbon. He had been
* Maimbourg, Hist, du Calvirtisme, liv. 3.
t Fleury, Hist, du Cardinal Tournou, p 258.
j Vie de Coligoy, p. 225.
§ bavila, liv. 2. Me m. de Conde, vol. ii. p. 331.
the early companion of Henry If., and
possessed a considerable share of his es-
teem. No one surpassed him in his ex-
pensive way of living ; his table was served
extravagantly, and his furniture and equi-
pages were of the most costly description.
In spite of the extent of his sovereign's
kindness, he was constantly in debt; and,
in consequence, he was always ready to I
share in any confiscation of property, on
the ground either of heresy or rebellion.
He and the Duchess of Valentinois had
rendered themselves particularly ob-
noxious to the Protestants by their ac-
tivity in that particular*
To avert the threatened storm, St.
Andre proposed to the Duke of Guise to
form a strict union with the Constable.
In vain did the Chatillons assure their
aged uncle that the proposed measure
would not affect him; he was deaf to their
entreaties; the influence of the Duchess
of Valentinois induced Montmorency to
be reconciled entirely to his old enemy.f
A league was formed, which has obtained
the name of Triumvirate : Guise, Mont-
morency, and St. Andre, all swore at the
altar to forget their old quarrels, and
signed a treaty by which they were to be
united, for the purpose of exterminating
1 the heretics. The specious presence of
serving religion, while they meditated the
most violent resentments, is of a piece
with the tyranny which they inflicted
upon France.
The different parties were now blended
into two ; the Triumvirs supported by the
Catholics, and the Bourbon princes at the
bead of the Protestants. The queen had
no desire to oppress the latter party, and,
after some discussion, the Chancellor took
the opportunity of proposing an edict,
which suspended the pursuits against the
Calvinists until the general council had
been assembled. This was a great point
gained : the different towns in France were
for some time to be freed from the terrible
spectacle of men being burned alive, for
daring to follow the dictates of conscience.
It was called the edict of July, 1561. But
though it relieved the Protestants from the
punishment of death, it still refused them
the principal prayer of their petition — per-
mission to assemble for public worship.
The Duke of Guise was highly pleased.
* Hist, du Concile de Trente. p. 369.
t Davila, liv. 2, p. ICS. De Tliou, liv. 27.
STATES- GENERA
L AT PONTOISE.
51
and said aloud as he quitted the parlia-
ment, " To maintain this decree, my sword
shall never stick to its scabbard."* Re-
markable words, which the duke after-
wards acted upon, when a subsequent
edict gave the Protestants further liberty.
CHAPTER XI.
States-General at Pontoise— Conference of Poissy — The
King of Navarre deserts the Protestant patty.
The declared object of the Triumvirate
being to extirpate heresy, the Protestants
foresaw that they must endure fresh per-
secutions : prudence, therefore, induced
them to prepare for their own defence.
Their alarm commenced early in the
spring;! and the spirit which they dis-
played contributed a great deal towards
the passing of the edict of July.
The Protestants were considerably in-
creased in number, and the court was
alarmed by a report, that the Huguenots
intended to trouble the procession of the
Fete Dieu. The Duke of Guise had quitted
the court for a short time, intending to
pass a few weeks with some friends at
his chateau. About a fortnight after he
had left, the queen-mother and the king
sent for him back, as he was much wanted.
Guise arrived, willing to undertake any
thing for the good of the Catholic religion.
When he prepared to attend the summons
he said to his followers, " If it were for any
other subject I would not stir ; but as it
concerns the honour of God, I will go ;
and whoever may wish to attempt any
thing, I will die in the cause, for I cannot
die in a better." Brantome, who relates
this, mentions that he was present, and
accompanied the duke in a speedy journey
to Paris. He adds, that the processions
were made very devoutly and quietly,
without any disorder, tumult or insolence:
but that every body said, with one voice,
that but for the Duke of Guise there
would have been lewdness and insolence,
which being foreseen, he told the principal
among them, that if there should be the
least stir, they would soon join hands, and
* Pasquier, vol. ii. p. 85.
t A letter from the Spanish ambassador, dated 10th'
May, 156], mentions a tumult at Beauvais, on which
occasion the Cardinal de Chatillon was in very great
danger. Mem. de Condi, vol, ii. p. 11. Il is also men-
tioned by De Thou in liv. 28.
the Huguenots would get the worst
of it*
One result of the edict of July was the
apparent reconciliation between the Prince
of Conde and the Duke of Guise; it was
brought about by order of the king, who
wished to see them friends. They em-
braced each other, ate together, and
swore mutual friendship; but they never
pardoned each other. In the mean time
the states-general were assembled at Pon-
toise;! they confirmed the queen in the
regency, and the King of Navarre in his
post of Lieutenant-general of the kingdom.
The meeting was very thinly attended,
having no representatives of the clergy,
and but few for the other two orders.
Instead of discussing the restoration of the
royal grants, as the Triumvirs expected,
the states-general attacked the whole body
of the clergy; and so heartily did the
greater part concur in condemning the
dissolute and extravagant lives of the
priests and monks, that the Huguenots
began to entertain the most sanguine ex-
pectations. The cry became popular;
and the ignorance, the bad morals, ati'd
the riches of the ecclesiastical body, were
the general topics of conversation. The
public wish was that their property should
be reduced; one third, well administered,
it was said, would suffice for the mainte-
nance of the ecclesiastics, and the re-
mainder could be employed in paying oft
the debts of the state, by which means
the taxes might be diminished.];
But although the clergy had deserted
their post in the states-general, the inter-
ests of Rome were not left unprotected.
Among the courtiers who possessed great
influence, the Pope had several pension-
ers ; they formally opposed the proceed-
ings. The public voice however was so
strong on the occasion, that they consi-
dered the only way to avert the impending
storm was to offer the king a round sum
of money as a gift; the court accepted it,
and the public clamours subsided.
The states-general, however, continued
to demand a tolerant legislation in matters
of religion; and to call for numerous re-
forms in the clerical order : this was the
* Brantome, vol. viii. p HO, et seq.
f The stales general held at Pontoise, were opened at
St. Germains.
\ The discourse of M. Bretagne, orator of the Tiers-
etat, contains a development of these principles ; it is
given at length in the 2d vol. of Mem. de Conde. See
also de Thou, liv. 28.
52
STATES- GENERAL AT PONTOISE.
business of a general council, and the con-
vocation of one became the desire of all
parties.
The dogma of the Pope's infallibility,
so far from having antiquity to plead in
its favour, was not thoroughly established
before the council of Trent. The old
practice of the Romish church was quite
contrary to such a notion.* Councils were
continually held for discussing religious
matters, and whether the affair related
to doctrine or to discipline, all the prelates
of Christendom were to be summoned to
the assembly ; but when a spirit of inquiry
became diffused, the dangers of an (Ecu-
menic Council were very much dreaded;
and this dogma was more strongly insisted
upon to counteract the evil.
When the reformation was first preach-
ed, Luther merely exposed those points
which were fit subjects for a general
council ; most persons who were attached
to the church acquiesced in the propriety
of adopting some reforms, and earnestly
desired that a council should be held, to
consider what changes were necessary
for the good of the Catholic religion.
Had this been done, the reformation
would have been effected without creating
the violent convulsions which occurred
throughout Europe. But the ecclesiastics
in general were convinced that no reform
could take place without stripping them
of their wealth and impunity. t The
clergy both regular and parochial, were
zealous in opposing the measure; the
popes also displayed an extreme repug-
nance to it; they considered that in pro-
portion as a reform in discipline would
give dignity and glory to the church, it
would diminish their grandeur and power.
The Protestants, so far from objecting to
a council, were willing to abide by its deci-
sion, provided it were free and independ-l
ent; that it should not be held in Italy,
but in Germany; and that the decisions
should be framed, not upon the sentiments
of scholastics, or the laws of the Pope,
but exclusively according to the Word of
God. The Pope would not consent to
such a trial ; and when Charles V. insisted
* Jnlm Gerson, a celebrated divine nf the Mill cen-
tury, contends in one of Ins works, that a genera] coun-
cil can depose the Pope, and elect another. See Pasquier,
vol. i. p. 34li.
t " The chief pari of the property of the church, being
given to have prayers for the dead, the heretics hy de-
stroying Purgatory impoverish it."— jMcm. de Tavannes,
p. 121.
upon a council being called, Clement VII.
answered him by excuses, equivocations,
and delays.*
The succeeding pontiff, Paul III., was
so pressed that he consented to call
a council at Mantua in 1527: a variety
of circumstances afforded excuses for re-
peated delays and removals. Vicenza
was fixed upon in 1538; in 1542 the le-
gate went to Trent, and the council began
its deliberations; the prelates, however,
arrived very slowly, and an adjournment
took place till 1 545. Eight sessions were
held during 1546 and 1547, when a
plague broke out, and gave a fresh occa-
sion to delay the council. The death of
Paul III., a war, and the opposite opinions
of two or three succeeding popes pro-
longed this memorable council, which alto-
gether had twenty-five sessions, the last
of which was concluded the 3d of Decem-
ber, 1563.
In all probability the council would
never have been brought to a conclusion,
if the people of France had not demanded
it so earnestly. While they only expressed
their desire by petitions, remonstrances,
and letters from persons of rank, the Pope
held firm, and the council remained sus-
pended. But at length the call of the
nobles was joined to the clamour of the
nation, and it was announced, that if the
Pope did not call one, a national council
should be held. Pius IV. was alarmed,
and in 1561 gave a bull for re-assembling
the council at Trent.
The remedy did not come till the dis-
order was too far spread to feel its effect,
and the delays of the court of Rome had
made such an impression that the council
would never be held, that a public discus-
sion of the differences between the Pro-
testants and Catholics was already agreed
I upon. It was decided that it should be
I held at Poissy ; and although the Pope's
legate, aided by a number of prelates, did
their utmost to prevent it, the only thing
which they could effect was, that the
assembly should be called a Conference,
instead of a Council.
The Cardinal of Lorrain had shown a
great willingness to hold a council, and
anticipated some renown from the part
which he should take in it, as he prided
himself greatly upon his theological know-
* Turretin, Hut. Eccles. v. 2. p. CO. Pallavicini, Hist.
Concilii Trid. lib. 2, c. 10, and lib. 3, c. 7.
CONFERENCE OF POISSY.
53
ledge. The more zealous Catholics, how-
ever, blamed him very much for com-
promising a faith which had subsisted so
many ages; for whatever might be said,
the bare wish for discussion was an at-
tack upon it. " The government," says a
violent Catholic, " committed a very great
lor's speech, that they might at a conve-
nient time call upon him to give an ac-
count of his already too much suspected
faith.*
Beza was the first who spoke : he ad-
vanced into the centre of the assembly,
and kneeling clown, offered a most fervent
fault, or at least an idleness, in permitting prayer for divine assistance. He then
the conference of Poissy, instead of send- made a profession of faith, expatiated on
ing Beza and his troops to the council of the rigours which had been exercised
Trent."* against his brethren, and concluded by
The Pope also was so little pleased at j defending the different points which were
the conference being held, that he sentjdisputed by the Church of Rome. He
Jacques Lainez, the general of the Jesuits, i was patiently heard until he came to
to try to break it off.t Maimbourg gives i the subject of the real presenre in the
the following as the substance of his j Eucharist; his free style of discussion
speech. " There was nothing more dan- seemed not only indecent but horrible,
gerous than to treat of any kind of recon- He was, however, suffered to conclude
ciliation with the heretics, who are com- his speech; but not without interruptions
pared in the Scriptures to foxes and wolves by the occasional expressions of anger,
in sheep's clothing; because under the
fine appearance of an ambiguous expres-
sion, they insinuate the venom of their
heresy, which becomes authorized by
being received without precaution."}:
The Catholic bishops and the Protest-
ant ministers were summoned, and the
horror, and bigotry, which escaped from
the Catholics.t
Cardinal Tournon spoke next ; his re-
marks were chiefly directed to allaying
any doubts, which the too forcible speech
of Beza must have created in the minds
of the king and princes present. He pro-
conference commenced on the ninth of [tested against the discussion altogether,
September. The king went there with j and condemned the imprudence of ex-
all his court, the princes of the blood, and posing the young monarch to doubts which
the great officers of state. The divines! might injure his faith. ,
consisted of five cardinals, forty bishops, The hopes of the papists were fixed on
a great number of doctors, and twelve the Cardinal of Lorrain : they considered
ministers of the reformed religion. Theo- his powers would bear down all before
dore Beza was the leader of the argument! him. He confined his remarks to two
on the side of the Protestants, and by his points; viz., the authority of the church,
ability in this discussion, he obtained great i and transubstantiation. His harangue
honour; he quite justified the confidence
of his party, and if he did not convince
the Catholics, he astonished them by his
eloquence, which was lively and animated;
was very diffuse, and displayed conside-
rable talent. When he had concluded,
the cardinals and bishops formed a circle
round the king, and said to him — •* There
by the acuteness of his reasonings, and ( is the Catholic faith; that is the pure doc-
the extent of his learning. He was assisted . trine of the church ; we are all of us ready
by Marloratus, and Peter Martyr.^
The first sitting was opened by the
Chancellor, who reasoning in his usual
plain manner, insinuated that the Catho-
lics ought to relax upon some points in
order to win back the Calvinists. Such
a compromise did not please the bishops,
who wished to take note of the Chanccl-
* Caveviar, J3iiolngie de Louis XIV. p. 30.
t Vie de Coligny, p 235.
T Hist. (In Calvinisme, liv. 3.
§ Discours des a'tfls de Poissy. The Jesuit Fleury
appears unable to restrain his indignation in describing
this conference. He is lavish with abuse and calum-
nious insinuation. Hist, da Card. T. p. 367.
to subscribe it, to maintain it ; and, if ne-
cessary, to seal it with our blood." Beza
wished to reply, but as it was late, the
sitting was concluded.};
The king was not present at the other
sittings, in which a great deal was said to
no purpose. The eucharist was the prin-
cipal point of dispute, and the Cardinal of
Lorrain availed himself of the presence of
some Lutheran divines to brin^ them into
* Hist, tin Cnncile deTrente, p. 435. De Thou. liv. 28.
t Journal de lirulart, Discours des actes de Poissy.
J Hist du Cnncile de Tiente, p. -:37. De Thou, liv.
28. Discours des actes de Poissy.
5*
54 FROTESTANTS DESERTED BY THE KING OF NAVARRE.
contact with Calvinism, upon almost the
only point of consequence wherein they
differ. His object was to destroy the in-
fluence which the Huguenots possessed
with the Duke of Wirtemburg, and to pre-
vent any assistance coming to them from
Germany.
The cardinal was arguing that subject,
and concluded his speech with this ques-
tion, addressed to Beza, " Do you, like the
Lutherans of Germany, admit consubstan-
tiation ?" Beza replied, " And do you,
like them, reject transubstantiation ]"*
It was found useless to continue the
conference, and the form of discussion was
changed ; each party named five commis-
sioners to confer upon the disputed points.
Both sides composed confessions of faith,
which were reciprocally offered for signa-
ture, and were reciprocally rejected ; and
when they mutually desisted from de-
bating, each party claimed the victory.
Such was the result of a conference, from
which the Chancellor l'Hopital anticipated
such benefits for France. f
The conference, however, was not
without effect, for several bishops were so
moved by Beza's arguments, that they
devoted their attention to an inquiry after
the truth. By the conversations which
they occasionally had with the queen, they
so far brought about a change in her sen-
timents, that she wrote a letter to the pope
on the subject. " Those of the Reform,"
she observed, "are neither anabaptists
nor libertines; they believe the twelve ar-
ticles of the apostles' creed ; therefore
many persons think that they ought not
to be cut off from communion with the
church. What danger could there be in
taking away the images from the churches,
and retrenching some useless forms in the
administration of the sacraments! It
would further be very beneficial to allow
to all the communion on both kinds; and
to permit divine service to be performed
n the vulgar tongue. For other matters
•hey are agreed, that there shall be no in-
novation in the doctrine or discipline ; and
• hat they constantly preserve for the sove-
reign pontiff the respect and obedience
which are due to him. "J The pope im-
* Esprit de la Ligue, vol i. p. 121. De Thou. liv. 28.
t Tlit conference ended lUtli ^epleniher. Le Journal
it Brulart contains a long account of the proceed-
ings.
\ Hist, du Concilede Trcnte.p. 433. Davila, liv. 2, p
185.
mediately wrote to his legate at Paris, to
spare no exertions for strengthening the
Catholic party.* The best plan appeared
to consist in winning over the King of
Navarre, who was offered the kingdom'of
Sardinia in exchange for his dominions,
which the Spanish government had seized
upon. Cardinal Granvelle made the com-
munication, but that prince had been so
often duped in his treaties and discussions
with the King of Spain, that he would not
be tempted by the offer. The Guises and
the legate then proposed that his marriage
with Jane d'Albret should be annulled,
and that he should marry Mary Queen of
Scots, relict of Francis II. ; but he refused
that offer also, as well as the hand of Mar-
garet, the king's sister.f
But though proof to all the proposals
which were made him, Anthony of Bour-
bon could not resist the impulse of his
feelings, when his pride was attacked.
The Prince of Conde was described as the
head of the Protestants, while he was only
second ; the king's youth, on the other
hand, opened for him a long career of au-
thority; and if he became a Catholic, his
power and influence would be so much
increased, that he would be able to com-
pel the King of Spain to come to some ar-
rangement with him. The influence of
the Spanish ambassador was added, and
he very soon declared himself in favour of
the Catholics, turning his back on his old
supporters. The Triumvirs joyfully re-
ceived the illustrious deserter; and the
queen-mother saw no other way of re-
storing the equilibrium than by openly
supporting the Protestants. The remain-
der of the year 15G1 passed quietly away;
both parties felt conscious of an approach-
ing rupture, and occupied themselves du-
ring the interval in preparation for the
conflict.
Navarre immediately compelled his con-
sort to discontinue the preaching which
had taken place at his residence; and
from full liberty in that respect, the inha-
bitants of St. Germains passed to a com-
plete prohibition. The Protestants of dis-
tinction became in consequence more
urgent in their applications to obtain a
legal permission to assemble for worship.}
* Brantonie, vol. viii. p. 2(ii). (vie du roy de JV.)
t Hist du Card. Granvelle, p. 3G1 etscq. Davila, liv.
2, p. 178. I'asquier, vol. ii. p. 95. De Thou, liv. 28.
Strada, lib. 3.
I Mem. de Conde, vol. ii. p. 21.
EDICT OF JANUARY, 1562.
55
CHAPTER XII.
Edict of January, 1562— Diwontent of the catholics—
which were declared an encroachment in
the edict. In other parts, where the Pro-
testants were not very numerous, the Ca-
tholics took upon themselves to avenge
Massacres at Vasay. lours and Sens-Guise enters (-|le outrages On their religion. Bloodv
Paris in triumph— The Triumvirs seize the king's I T , • , J
person. | scenes took place in various parts; and as
I the Protestants exercised reprisals, the
Coligny, ever watchful for the interests whole kingdom appeared to be torn by an
of the reformed religion, was early ap- ! extensive feud.
prised of the attempts to win over the! In December, 1561, the Huguenots
King of Navarre. He had suspected the broke into the church of St. Medard, and
motives of a mission to Spain, and em- J committed terrible Havoc. Several per-
ployed persons to observe the messenger; 'sons were killed in the fray, and the fol-
who was arrested on his return, in the 'lowing day the scene was renewed with
disguise of a pilgrim. He was searched the destruction of the images, &c. The
from head to foot, in hopes of finding let- j reason assigned was, that the bell for ves-
ters upon him, but in vain. Some one, jpershad disturbed the Huguenots in their
however, observing, that when he was; worship, and prevented them from hearing
taken, he threw away his staff, the admi-ja sermon preached by one of their minis-
ral desired it might be sent for; a coun- Iters in a neighbouring house. It appears,
tryman had picked it up, and carried it to j however, from a statement published at
his cottase : on examination it was found the time, that when the Huguenots peace-
to be hollow: it contained letters relative ably requested the ringers to desist (for
to the Guises' application to the King of vespers were finished,) they ill-treated
Spain, who, anxious to embroil France, 'their messengers: the Protestants were not
had promised to grant them every thing the aggressors, or they would not so soon
they desired.*
The admiral was surprised at Navarre's
after have obtained the edict of January.''
Complaints were continually brought to
conduct ; and the queen-mother was abso- the government, from the party, which,
lutely alarmed on hearing of the affair, according to circumstances, fared the
She perceived that she was lost if a recon- \ worst ; and the queen, at the joint solicita-
ciliation took place between him and the tions of the admiral and the chancellor.
Guises, and she could not expect support summoned a meeting, at St. Germains, of
from Coligny, having given him so many deputies from all the parliaments in the
reasons for distrusting her. At first she ! kingdom. The object of this assembly
attempted to turn the King of Navarre was to frame another edict, which would
from his design, but finding that chance 'define the rights and privileges of each
hopeless, she decided on throwing herself party, beyond the possibility of doubt or
into the arms of the admiral; and in order infraction.!
to gain his confidence, she promised to To manifest their opposition to the mea-
do all that he required of her.f The Re- sure, neither the Duke of Guise nor his
form was the object of his solicitude; and .brother were present; but the constable
•he obtained, in fact, an extension of the land Marshal St. Andre took their seats
edict of July, by securing personal protec- among the nobles invited along with the
tion to the Protestants, because they be- j deputies: they indulged in the hope of
came free from molestation on account of raising the whole assembly against the
religion, although the edict did not ex- (chancellor's proposal. This latter delivered
pi essly grant them liberty of conscience, a speech, remarkable for the frankness and
The queen's protection gave the Pro- the wisdom of the principles developed in
testants great encouragement ; and where! it. He avoided all controversial matter,
their numbers were sufficient to deter any and explained the principal object of their
attempt at violence, they propagated their deliberations. " Does the interest of the
doctrines with success. They were gua-j state," said he, "require the permission,
ranteed from a legal accusation; and the
Catholics loudly complained of the autho-
rities, for permitting the public preachings,
* Vie de Coligny, p. 238. \ Ibid, p. 293.
or the prohibition of the meetings of the
* De Thou, liv. 28
Conde, vol. ii. p. 541.
t Hist, du Concile de Trenlc, p. 452
ii. p. 91.
Journal de Brulart. Mem. de
Pasquier, vol.
56
DISCONTENT OF
THE CATHOLICS.
Calvinists ? To decide, it is not necessary ,
to examine religious doctrines ; for even
supposing the Protestant religion to be
bad, is that a sufficient reason for pro-
scribing those who profess it? Is it not
possible to be a good subject without being
a Catholic, or even a Christian? and can-
not fellow-citizens, differing in their reli-
gious opinions, still live in good harmony?
Do not, therefore, fatigue yourselves with
inquiring which of the two religions is :
best; we are here, not to establish a dog-
ma of faith, but to regulate the state."*
The good old man, in pleading the cause
of toleration and justice, did not conceal
from himself the difficulty of his task; he
expressed his conviction of the inflexible
character of his opponents ; but such was
the influence of his discourse, combined
with his venerable appearance, and the so-
lidity of his character, that the assembly
assented to his proposal, and adopted the
well-known edict of January.t It was
there decreed, that the Protestants should
restore the churches which they had seized
on, and the images, crucifixes, relics, and
other ornaments, of which they had
stripped them: they were not to oppose
the collection of tithes, or other ecclesias-
tical revenues; they had the privilege of
meeting for the exercise of their religion
outside the towns, but unarmed ; gentle-
men alone were allowed to go armed ; the
Protestant ministers were forbidden to cri-
ticize the ceremonies of the Catholic reli-
gion in their sermons, books, or conversa-
tion ; they were also forbidden to hold any
synod, without permission from the court,
or to travel from town to town to preach,
but confine themselves to one church:
with a few other articles; the whole being
provisionally granted, until the decision of
the general council.
The passing of this edict was considered
a triumph for the Calvinists; while the Ca-
tholics received it with a gloomy silence,
which indicated the desire of revenge,
without expressing it. Most of the par-
liaments registered it without difficulty ;
but that of Paris refused to consent.! The
fear of giving offence to the court induced
the counsellors to yield after receiving two
letters of Jussions; and the edict was re-
* Hist, du Concile de Trent, p. 452. De Thou, liv. 29.
t Dated 17 Jan. 1501-2.
I The answer gi\en by that body was non possumus,
ncc debemus. Journal de Brulart.
gistered with these restrictions — "consi-
dering the urgent necessity, as a tempo-
rary measure, and without approbation of
the new religion."*
The new edict seemed to have a fair
chance of bearing down every obstacle
opposed to it. The Guises had quitted
the court ; the King of Navarre was occu-
pied entirely with his passion for the fair
Rouhet, one of the queen's maids of ho-
nour.! The only supporters of the Ca-
tholics remaining at court were St. Andre
and the constable, who were very far from
being able to cope with Coligny and An-
delot, backed as they were by the queen-
mother. But the triumvirate was not
cast down: it was not without a special
object in view that Guise had retired into
Lorrain: he expected the Protestants
would call on the different princes of Ger-
many for help, and to prevent that was his
first consideration. The pope's legate and
the Spanish ambassador were continually
inveighing against the edict; they found
fault with the king's education ; gave
money and promises to create a party, and
went so far as to demand the dismissal of
the Chatillons; and when the queen gave
as a reason for declining to comply, that
the Calvinists were a powerful body, the
ambassador made an offer of troops to
wage war against them. The triumvirate,
emboldened by the assurance of such pro-
tection, formed a plan for collecting a
number of troops during the winter, and
seizing upon the king's person early in
the spring.|
In the mean time, Coligny, perceiving
that his enemies did all they could to
kindle a civil war, considered it right to
take measures of precaution. He united
himself more closely with the Prince of
Conde, and called on him to make a pub-
lic profession of the Protestant religion,
which he did; and the effect of his exam-
ple was such that many persons of rank
did the same; and the number of persons,
who came to the Faubourgs to hear the
* Hist, du Concile de Trent, p. 453. and Mem. de
Conde, vol. iii. p. 15, etstq. In the interval, before the
edict was registered, a remonstrance of the parliament
was addressed to the ki utr. in which the persecution of
the Protestants was justified by Calvin's treatment of
Servelus. Calvin certainly arted on that occasion as a
cruel persecutor, but it must be borne in mind that he
had been educated in the Knmisli church, and acquired
Ins bigotry in that school. The remonstrance is in Vil-
leroy vol vii.
f This lady bore him a son, who was archbishop of
Rouen.
I Mem.de Conde, vol. iii. p. 377.
MASSACRE AT VASSY.
57
preaching, in a short time amounted to It has been said that Guise wished to
fifty thousand
interpose his authority, and prevent the
flie indignation of the popish party, \ effusion of blood; and that but for the
excited by the acts of the legate, and in-
flamed by the spread of the Huguenot no-
tions, began at last to show itself. Male-
dictions and menaces resounded from
their pulpits, and the anathema was soon
followed by an exhortation to destroy the
object of the curse. Wherever the Catho-
lics were in sufficient numbers, and were
not restrained by the authorities, they
murdered a great many Protestants.
In such a season of public irritation, the
wound he received, no massacre would
have taken place. As a warrior he was
celebrated for heightening the splendour
of his victories by his humanity to the
vanquished ; but his generosity was con-
fined, it would appear, to the field of ho-
nour; and when bigotry urged on to
murder, that noble quality could not ex-
pect to be encouraged. Surely he would
otherwise have shown, on behalf of de-
fenceless women and children, and un-
Catholics in Paris wrote to the Duke of I armed men, some of that pity which he
Guise to come and help them, as the had displayed upon the field of battle,
queen seemed to become more closely His attendants consummated a frightful
connected with the Huguenots: Guise; butchery, while he had a slight wound
obeyed the summons, and left Joinville
about the end of February: his suite, al-
ready numerous, increased as he pro-
ceeded; he was, in short, at the head of a
little army.
Guise arrived at Vassyf precisely as the
Huguenots were performing divine ser-
vice. He expressed great indignation,
and went to church to hear mass. Only
a small party followed him, the rest has-
tening to the spot where the Protestants
were, assembled, commenced their attack
upon them by gross insults and abusive
language. An assault so unprovoked,
excited the indignation of the Protestants,
and both parties soon came to blows.
The strife was very bloody, for Guise's
men rushed into the building where the
meeting was held, and fell upon the assem-
bly sword in hand: women, children, and
aged persons, were the earliest of their
victims. The news of this tumult reached
the duke, who immediately left the church
to appease it. , Unfortunately he received
a blow on his cheek from a stone : the
sight of his face bleeding rekindled and
augmented the rage of his followers; they
renewed the massacre, and continued it
with barbarous activity. They pulled
down and destroyed the pulpit, burned the
books, and spared neither age nor sex ;
every one that could not escape from them
was murdered. More than eighty persons
were killed on this occasion.}:
* Vie de Coligny, p. 243. The Cardinal of Chatillon,
Bishop of Beauvais ; and James ipifame, Bishop of Ne-
vers, went so far as to be publicly married.
f 1st March, I5u2. Vassy is a small town in Cham-
pagne, (Haute-Marne,) sixty leagues east of Paris,
J See Vie de Coligny, p. 243 Brantome (Vie de Guise.)
and almost every writer of or upon that period. The
dressed at a trifling distance: indeed his
retiring for that purpose tacitly encouraged
them by exhibiting his wound as an ex-
cuse, as well as a pretext for their conduct.
Subsequently, when the public voice ac-
cused him as the butcher of Vassy, he
made an attempt to justify himself, and
get rid of the imputation; but his observa-
tion to one of his officers, who commanded
at Vassy, is an unanswerable argument
for his guilt. Guise reproached him with
having been the original cause, in not pre-
venting a meeting of heretics. The of-
ficer excused himself by saying, that the
edict of January allowed them to assemble
in the suburbs. This reply inflamed the
rage of the duke, who laid his hand upon
his sword, declaring that it must be set-
tled by that means.* His attendants,
therefore, had anticipated his intentions.
If the special object of Guise's journey be
taken into consideration, it must be admit-
ted that he could not well be displeased
with the zeal of his followers, in first in-
sulting, and afterwards attacking the Hu-
guenots; and he must bear all the igno-
miny of the transaction. One account!
states that the duke approached when they
Abbe Anquetil states, "that the carnage ceased only on
account of the multitude of the killed and wounded." —
Esprit de la Ligue, vol. i.
There were four accounts of this affair published at
the time: they are reprinted in the third volume of Mem.
de Condc. — 1. Relation de I'occision du Due de Guise
execulee a Vassy en Champagne. — 2. Kiscours an vray
eten abbrege dece qui est dernierement ailvenu a Vassi,
y passant Monseigneur le Due de Guise ; par Guillaume
Morel; imprimeur du Roy, par privilege expris du diet
Seigneur— 3. Memoire dressee par un Huguenot, au
sujet du tumulte de Vassy. This is in Latin, and was
intended for circulation among the Protestants of Ger-
many.— 4. Discount entier de la persecution et cruaut''
exercee en la ville de Vassy, &c.
* Davila, liv. 3. t Mem. de Castelnau.
58 MASSACRE
were preaching, out of curiosity ; another,*
that he warned the Protestants to suspend
their service, till after he had heard mass,
but that they only sang the louder, out of
bravado, for he happened to come at the
very moment they were singing psalms.
But neither of these offer any reason to
suppose that a handful of unarmed Pro-
testants would have given provocation to
a considerable troop, commanded by the
first captain in France. Most Catholic
writers treat this massacre with a cruel
indifference ; but as it was the occasion of
a civil war which followed, they are al-
ways anxious to make the Protestants ap-
pear the aggressors. f
Vassy was not the only scene of vio-
lence and massacre; great excesses were
committed at Cahors, Toulouse, Sens,
Amiens, and Tours. At the latter town
the greatest refinement of cruelty was dis-
played. Three hundred Protestants were
shut up without food during three days ;
then tied together two by two, and led to
a slaughter-house, where they were mur-
dered in different ways. At Sens there
was also an exhibition of atrocious fanati-
cism ; during three successive days the
bells of the cathedral invited the inhabi-
tants to murder the Huguenots. Even
the vines which had belonged to Protest-
ants were pulled up by the roots. The
bodies of the victims floating down the
Seine appeared to call for justice on their
persecutors, as they passed the residence
of Catherine of Medicis.| But while one
party called for justice, another clamoured
for the extermination of the Protestants,
and Montluc addressed a memoir show-
ing how easily it might be effected. J
The news of the massacres, but espe-
cially that of Vassy, excited a general
indignation throughout France. The
Protestants loudly complained of this dis-
astrous infraction of the edict, and the
Prince of Conde was charged to bear their
remonstrances to the foot of the throne.
The queen promised them full satisfaction,
but it was not her intention to fulfil her
* Brantom". This writer was very anxious to clear
the duke's character; his account agrees with the Jour-
nal de Brulart.
t Tavannes, however, is an exception; lie states,
" that Guise arrived at Vassy at their hour for preach-
ing, seized the minister, and killed several of the Pro-
testants, and that his soldiers plundered the rest." —
Jtlem. de Tavannes, p. 247.
t See the histories of the time by Beza, De Thou, and
d'Aubigne.
§ The memoir is to be found at length in the Mem. de
Condi, vol. iii. p. 184, ct s- j.
AT VASSY.
promise. Theodore Beza hoped that the
King of Navarre would be so affected by
Guise's conduct, that he would again join
the Protestants; but that prince called
them all heretics and insurgents, and told
Beza, " that whoever touched even the fin-
ger's end of his brother, the Duke of Guise,
touched him in his whole body." Beza's
reply was this: "I speak for a religion
which teaches how to endure injuries bet-
ter than to repel them ; but remember,
sire, it is an anvil which has used up many
hammers."*
The admiral also endeavoured to re-
claim the King of Navarre, but in vain.
He would hardly receive him; he said that
the Huguenots had abused the edict in
their favour; and as they knew that Guise
had opposed its being made, they had
done every thing in their power to assas-
sinate him.f
The Protestants perceiving that their
destruction would be gradually effected
by their enemies in spite of any edict in
their favour, justly considered that an open
war would afford them more security.
The Prince of Conde, and all the persons
of distinction in their party were anxious
to take arms, but Coligny could not be in-
duced to join them, and his refusal pre-
vented their coming to any resolution.
The queen-mother perceived that such
was the irritated state of both parties, that
a civil war was imminent ; still she did not
give up all hopes of peace. She wished
to attempt some conciliatory measures,
and to contrive an interview between
Conde and Guise, in the king's presence.
Marshal Montmorency endeavoured to
persuade the Protestants to suspend the
exercise of their worship for a short time,
but they would not concede so much to
their adversaries, and demanded the full
observance of the edict of January.! Ca-
therine therefore wrote to the duke, en-
treating him to defer his journey to Paris,
and join the king at Monceaux. But Guise
wished for a triumph, not a reconciliation :
* Beza, Hist Eceles. liv. G. In the title page of the
edition printed at Geneva. 1580, there is a vignette re-
presenting three men in armour striking an anvil ; with
this motto: —
Phis d mefrapprr on s'amnse,
Tant plus de marteaux on y use.
t Vie de Coligny, p. 245. The king actually issued
letters patent for an inquiry into the violences, aggres-
sions, and excesses committed at Vassy, by some of the
new religion, against the person of the Duke if Ouist,
The letters are dated 3l)lh April, 1562,
I Beza, Hist. Eceles. liv. (i,
THE TRIUMVIRS SEIZE THE KING.
59
he had several reasons for continuing his
journey : lie was anxiously looked for by
the Parisians, who thought his presence
necessary for the preservation of the Ro-
mish religion : he knew also that they de-
tested Marshal Montmorency their go-
vernor, and expected on his arrival to be
freed from him; he therefore informed the
queen in reply, that his presence was
more necessary in the capital than she
supposed.*
No sovereign ever entered Paris in a
more magnificent manner, than did the
Duke of Guise on this occasion: he was
accompanied by the Constable Montmo-
rency, a brilliant escort of two thousand
gentlemen, and a strong body of cavalry .t
The provost of the trades harangued him ;
other bodies followed the example; and
the shouts of the multitude, who crowded
on his passage, overwhelmed him with the
illusions of popularity.
The Prince of Conde returned to Paris,
! in order to oppose the Duke of Guise, but
he had no chance; he could do nothing
against so powerful an adversary, whom
the Parisian populace had styled the de-
fender of the faith, and who looked upon
him as their liberator. It was in vain that
he attempted to increase the number of
; his partisans, by showing himself fre-
quently in the streets, accompanied by his
gentlemen; and all that he could do, was
i to prevent Guise from wreaking his ven-
geance on the Protestants, which it ap-
pears was in contemplation.^ At length
! Conde found that Paris was not safe for
him. He decided on quitting that city,
: and retired to Meaux, to assemble his
forces. He wrote to the Chatillons : " Cae-
! sar has not only crossed the Rubicon, but
has already made himself master of Rome,
and his standards are beginning to be dis-
played in the country.^
In the mean time, the queen had writ-
ten to Coligny and Conde for assistance,!!
which was willingly given on the part of
* Vie de Coligny, p. 245. Mem. de Conde, vol. iii. n
224. H
t Journal de Brulart.
t Mem. de Conde, vol. iii. p. 194.
§ Sa Moue, Discour? politiijues ct militaires, p. 546.
Bale, 15bT.
||"0e qui est trop certain, que sans elle ni lui, ni
I ceuxdeChalillon, n'eussent jamais oseenterprerfdre."—
Discount etc. de la rie de Catherine de Medicis. This
tract, which is written with great talent, has been at-
tributed to different authors. It is published in the
Journal de Henri HI , vol. ii, Edit. Cologne.
the Protestants, who were in general so
incensed against Guise, that they were de-
termined to crush him, or perish in the
attempt. Numbers of Huguenots assem-
bled from all parts of France, and directly
they had sufficient force they determined
to go to help the queen, and prevent her
falling into the hands of her enemies. An
event of that kind had been foreseen by
Catherine, and as the castle of Monceaux
offered no defence, she had conducted the
king to Melun, a fortified town, and after-
wards to Fontainebleau ; but in vain had
she taken these precautions, for the Tri-
umvirs set out suddenly from Paris with
a strong detachment of cavalry, and on
their arrival at Fontainebleau, they in-
formed the queen, "that they had come
for the king ; and that for her own part,
if she would not go with them, she might
retire where she pleased." Catherine
made an attempt to gain time by threats
and entreaties, in the hope of Conde's ar-
rival. The constable, however, gave or-
ders for departure, and every thing being
hastily got ready, the convoy set out for
Melun. Catherine was in a state of
dreadful perplexity ; she was afraid to re-
sign herself to the Triumvirs, but could
' not go away and leave her son in their
hands. The place in which they were
lodged had been used as a prison above
a century.*
The Prince of Conde and Coligny were
at the head of three thousand horse, but
arrived too late to assist the queen ; they
therefore posted their forces at Villeneuve
St. George, which was on the road by
which Guise would conduct the king to
Paris. It was of the greatest importance
to the Protestants to deliver the king from
the hands of the Triumvirs, and as their
forces were more numerous than those of
their enemies, they confidently reckoned
upon a victory; but Guise had made a
circuitous march with great expedition,
and arrived in safety at the castle of Vin-
cennes, with the king and queen mother :
he very soon removed them into Paris for
greater security.!
During this time the queen suffered
great uneasiness from her knowledge of
the violent characters of the Triumvirs,
especially as they were aware of her
* Beza, Hist. Eccles.. liv. 29. De Thou, liv. C.
t Vie de Coligny, p. 248.
60 THE PROTESTANTS TAKE ORLEANS AND OTHER TOWNS.
having written to the Prince of Conde,
entreating him to help her. She had also
desired Conde to pay no attention to any
letters, which she or the king might be
compelled to sign.* Having thus identi-
fied her cause with that of the Huguenots,
she expected the worst from them, and
took measures for being informed of their
deliberations. The Triumvirs used to hold
their consultations in the King of Navarre's
chamber ; and Catherine fixed a tube from
the room above it, so that she could dis-
tinctly hear their conversation. Among
other matters, she heard it proposed, by
Marshal St. Andre, to tie her in a sack
and throw her into the river, for other-
wise they should never do any good.
Guise could not consent to such a horrid
measure, and showed how unjust it would
be to murder the wife and the mother of
their kings. Still, though she was sure of
personal protection from Guise, she greatly
feared lest an attempt should be made on
her life by St. Andre without his know-
ledge.f Catherine's greatest resource
was in the attachment of the fair Rouliet,
whose ascendancy over the King of Na-
varre enabled her to procure information
of the views of the Triumvirate; measures
were taken to counteract them, and the
Triumvirs finding all their plans discon-
certed, and having suspicions of the way
in which it occurred, looked upon Navarre
as a faithless prince, who was more cal-
culated to ruin than to benefit a party.
From that time they kept him ignorant of
all their intentions.
The Catholic cause being greatly
strengthened and cheered by the arrival
of the Triumvirs, and their success in
seizing the king's person, they renewed
their persecutions of the Huguenots in
Paris; they drove them out of their
churches, and loaded them with abuse.
Montmorency, with his troops, ranged in
order of battle, went into the suburbs,
and attacked the Protestant places of
worship ; he broke open the doors, de-
stroyed the pulpits and benches, and set
fire to them. He then returned into the
city amidst the acclamations of the popu-
lace, who saluted him with the title of
Captain Brulebancs.f
* Discours de la vie de Catherine de I\f., p. 371.
t Hrantome, vol. i. p. 68 (ric de Catherine.)
J brantome, vol. vii. p. ?'J. Pasquier, vol. ii. p. 9C.
CHAPTER XIII.
The Protestants take Orleans and other Towns— they
Negotiate for Assistance from Abroad— Conferences
of Joury and Tal*ey— Beaugency Taken and Plun-
dered.
Had the Prince of Conde marched upon
Fontainebleau a few hours earlier, he
would have had that advantage over the
Triumvirs which they now had over
him ; and as they would not have been
able to remove the king from his hands,
the result would, in all probability, have
been highly favourable to the Protestants.
He received a letter from the queen very
soon after her arrival at Paris, in which
she assured him, that her hopes rested
upon him and his followers, to prevent
her enemies from depriving her of the go-
vernment*
Conde immediately directed his views
towards Orleans, and got possession of it.
Andelot had proposed to surprise that
town by introducing some troops; but,
being discovered, he had to maintain a
sanguinary battle against the Catholics.
The prince's forces, fortunately arriving in
the midst of the struggle, assured the vic-
tory to the Protestants.t This town be-
came their head-quarters, and served them
as a rallying point and depot. The prin-
cipal nobles of that party came to join the
prince, and the certainty of an approach-
ing war became every day more evident.
Manifestoes were published on both sides:
Conde accused the Guises of being the
authors of the troubles, in wishing to de-
prive the Protestants of the free exercise
of their religion, which the edict of Janu-
ary allowed them ; and called upon all
true Frenchmen to join him at Orleans,
that they might go and deliver the king
and queen from the hands of the Trium-
virs. \
On the other hands, the Guises pub-
lished a declaration, stating that they
were not more chargeable with the pre-
sent state of affairs than the king of Na-
varre, the Constable, and other Catholic
nobles, who made common cause with
them: and to show that they were not
* The Queen's letters are printed in Mem. tie Conde,
vol. iii.
t La Noue, p. 554.
J Davila, liv. 3. The Prince of Conde published two
manifestoes, one dated the 8th, the other the 29th April,
1502. Mem. de Conde, vol. iii. pp. 222 and 31U.
PROTESTANTS TAKE ORLEANS AND OTHER TOWNS.
61
striving to deprive the Protestants of the
edict of January, the king confirmed it in
council, excepting always Paris and the
court, where it was not to be allowed.*
Another edict also appeared, in which the
king declared that he was not a prisoner,
and that all the reports about his captivity
were false, f
The Protestant chiefs, however, ex-
tended their conquest, and fortified them-
selves in a great many towns; the queen
mother also wrote to Tavannes, " that she
was decided on favouring the Huguenots
as her only resource against the Trium-
virate."! Conde showed every where
the queen's letters, calling upon him for
assistance ; numerous bodies of gentle-
men hastened to join his standard ; and
his forces soon amounted to six thousand
men. He was for attempting a coup-de-
main on Paris, but abandoned that idea
on the representation of Coligny, who re-
commended the establishment of a line of
defence upon the Loire.
The court was embarrassed at the rapid
extension of the Protestant cause : they
were very soon in possession of the prin-
cipal towns of different provinces; Lyons,
Bourges, Vienne, Valence, Nismes, Mon-
tauban,and Rouen, with manyothers.J All
the Orleannoise was subjected to them,
and the whole of Normandy declared in
their favour : levies of men were every
where made to swell their ranks, and de-
tachments went from every part to join
the Prince of Conde.
A remarkable instance of the zeal of
tire Huguenots is related by Brantome,
from which some idea may be formed of
the general feeling. A party of fifty sol-
diers set out from Metz for Orleans, and
M. d'Espan, governor of Verdun, being
informed of the circumstance, resolved to
cut off their march. When he came up
with them, they had taken a position in a
windmill, and defended themselves till
night put an end to the conflict. Before
morning they made a bold sortie, and
routed the few troops left to watch them,
while the others took rest in a neighbour-
ing village. They then renewed their
march, and, after nearly thirty different
* Dated 11th April. 15C2. Mem. fie Conde, vol. iii.
T Davila, liv 3, p. 211. A letter to the same purpose
was sent to the Duke of Wirtemburg, dated 17th April
1562.
J Mem. Tavannes. p. 253.
§ Lynns was taken 30th, Valence 25th, Msnies 3d
April, I5tj2. Mem. de Conde, vol. in.
6
skirmishes, they arrived at Orleans, with
the loss of only three of their number.*
By their position at Orleans, they pre-
vented any thing coming to Paris from
beyond the Loire; by possession of Rouen,
nothing could arrive by the Seine. But
although ever)' thing answered their
wishes, and even surpassed their expec-
tations, Coligny wisely reflected, that an
enterprise against a party who held the
king in their hands, and who could avail
themselves of his name when they thought
proper, was no trifling affair; he therefore
induced Conde to do two things; to send
into Germany for assistance, and to make
such arrangements among the troops,
that they should not be disbanded, either
for want of pay, or through neglect of dis-
cipline. Andelot was appointed to the
former charge, and acquitted himself with
satisfaction, although the Guises thought
they had taken their measures so well,
that they were safe in that respect. f
To introduce order into an army com-
posed of such materials was no ordinary
task, and it required all the energy of
Coligny to effect it. His first step was to
have the Prince of Conde acknowledged
for their genera), and himself as his lieute-
nant, for hitherto they could not be called
troops who had followed them, but well-
wishers and volunteers, who had taken
the field, thinking that one battle would
decide their differences. Other ordinances
were made for introducing order into the
army ; one principally for preventing
every kind of excess and immorality — an
order necessary on the ground of con-
sistency, as they had taken arms for the
defence of their religion. He also ap-
pointed chaplains to the different divisions,
and succeeded in establishing great regu-
larity and decorum.! An edict, compel-
ling all suspected Huguenots to leave
Paris, also contributed to swell their
numbers. 5
The Protestants, besides the mission to
Germany for help, had sent the Vidame
of Chartres|| and Briquemaut to England,
to treat with the Queen Elizabeth for
assistance. It is not necessary here to
inquire into the probable motives of that
queen's actions; she may have been moved
* Drantorpe, Discours sur les belles rctrailes.
t Vie de Coligny, p. 249. Jluid.
§ Dated 26th May, 1562. Mem. de Conde, vol. iii, p.
462.
|| John de Ferrieres. Lord of Maliany; he succeeded
his cousin, Francis of Vendome, in that office.
62
CONFERENCE OF TOURY AND TALSY.
by the appeal to her compassion on behalf
of the Huguenots; or her feelings may
have been made subservient to her poli-
tical views. The loss of Calais was recent:
it was a wound to the national pride :
and the opportunity of putting English
garrisons into Rouen, Havre, and Dieppe,
seemed to hold out a prospect of ultimately
obtaining an equivalent. She sent six-
thousand men to the Protestants, and was
to hold those three towns as a security for
the surrender of Calais.*
This conduct on the part of the Pro-
testants appeared so unnatural in the eyes
of the queen mother (who, though not a
native of France, was very desirous of
maintaining the national honour,) that
she completely changed her opinion of the
Huguenot party ; and, being very much
incensed against Conde for publishing her
letters to him, as well as for facilitating the
introduction of foreign armies into the
kingdom, she. threw the whole weight of
her influence into the scale of the Trium-
virate.
But if the Huguenots are blameable for
calling for assistance from abroad, their
enemies are equally so ; for the conditions
which the pope and the King of Spain
imposed upon the Catholics were quite as
degrading to the dignity of a great king-
dom ; and the demand of the Duke of
Savoy was exactly parallel to that of
Elizabeth, being the cession of Turin,
which the treaty of Cateau-Cambresis had
ceded to France. .
At the close of June the contending
parties took the field : their forces were
nearly equal, each having about ten thou-
sand men. Condi; and Coligny left Or-
leans, to attack Paris and deliver the
king ; the Triumvirs at the same time set
out from Paris, to besiege the Huguenots
in Orleans. Their forces thus coming in
contact, an engagement was on the verge
of taking place, when the queen mother
proposed an interview with the Prince of
Conde, probably in consequence of his
overtures, for several letters had passed
between them.f The queen was accom-
panied by the King of Navarre; the
prince by Coligny. The conference was
held at Toury, a small town in the Or-
leannais ; and the escorts were regulated
* Davila. liv. 3, p. 236. Brulart, in his Journal, ob
serves on this transaction, voila lies effects dc la nouiclle
religion !
t Mem. de Conde, vol. iii p. 481, et seq.
by mutual consent, even to the number
of paces which should separate them ; lest,
from words, they should proceed to re-
proaches, and thence to violence. But
the gentlemen of the escorts had not been
long in presence, when they recognised
their relations and friends in the opposite
ranks: they obtained permission of their
commanders to approach, and rushing
into each other's arms, they vowed recip-
rocally to promote pacific measures and
sentiments *
The conference lasted two hours, when
the parties separated without coming to
any conclusion : Conde persisted in de-
manding the dismissal of the Triumvirs,
and the execution of the edict of January ;
the King of Navarre was decidedly averse
to both measures. Some other unsuc-
cessful attempts at negotiation followed.
At length a secretary of state went in the
king's name, and commanded the Prince
of Conde to lay down his arms, restore
the towns he had taken, and dismiss his
troops, promising that' the Triumvirs
should immediately quit the court, and
that no one should be molested for having
taken arms, or on account of religion/!"
Conde and Coligny were too shrewd
to fall into such a snare : they were satis-
fied that when once they had deposed
their arms, the Triumvirs would over-
whelm them with their power; and they
refused to enter into any negotiation,
unless the Constable, Guise, and Saint
Andre withdrew from the court and the
camp,} The queen persuaded them to
retire to some distance, arid a second con-
ference took place at Talsy. Conde was
desirous of knowing the queen's real in-
tentions concerning the Protestants, and
inquired if they were to be allowed the
free exercise of their religion. Catherine's
answer astonished him: for, notwith-
standing she had given them great en-
couragement; had promoted the publica-
tion of the edict in their favour; and, in
addition, had called upon them to pre-
serve her and her son from the power of
the Triumvirs, she did not scruple to say,
" That, considering the constitution of the
kingdom, no solid peace could be ex-
pected in France, so long as any other
religion than the Roman was wished to
* navila, liv. 3. La None, p. 558. De Thou, liv. 30.
t De Thou, liv. 30, p. 214.
J Mem, de Conde, vol. iii. p. 512.
CONFERENCES OF TOURY AND TALSY.
63
be established ; that the edict of January-
had been the signal for all the troubles:
that edict must therefore be abolished, and
the Huguenots be contented with the in-
ternal and private-exercise of their reli-
gion." Upon this Coligny replied, " That,
without the edict of January, there was
no safety for them in France, they had
therefore only to choose between death
and exile; that they would prefer quitting
their country, to remaining in it aLthe
mercy of butchers, and they would volun-
tarily exile themselves, if they had the
king's permission." The Prince of Conde
expressed similar sentiments.*
Catherine had employed Montluc Bi-
shop of Valence to bring round the
Huguenot chiefs to this way of thinking,
or at least to induce them to make this
offer. That prelate, addressing the prince,
said, "The queen wishes to serve you,
but you must have appearances on your
side ; propose to leave the kingdom, as a
means of preserving peace, provided the
Triumvirs will retire from the court: they
will not do so, and you will throw the
odium of the war upon your enemies, and
give the queen an opportunity of joining
your party." The queen pretended sur-
prise on hearing such a proposition, and
led the prince and the admiral to repeat
their declarations, by seeming to doubt the
possibility of their carrying it into effect;
she afterwards told them, that, as it was
the only remedy for their troubles, she
accepted their offer: "It will be," said
she, " only for a time, and during the
interval we must hope the public mind
will be assuaged. I do not even renounce
your services; and I flatter myself, that if
any ill-intentioned persons should wish to
create a disturbance during your absence,
I should always find you disposed to help
the state. We will confine ourselves to
this preliminary to-day; to-morrow we
will settle every thing."!
The Protestants had been drawn on by
the queen's address so far that they could
not retract; but they soon perceived the
dreadful consequences which would result
from such a measure. The whole army
murmured, and loudly complained of the
issue of the negotiation. What would be-
come of them when they were no longer
* Mem. cle Conde, vol. iv. 15.
t La Noue, p 500. Da/ila, liv. 3, n. 224. De Thou,
liv. 30.
able to defend themsel ves? when they should
have given up the towns which now afforded
them refugel and when their leaders should
have abandoned them? On the following
morning, when the prince returned to the
conference, the queen expected that every
thing would succeed, and that the affair
would be completed.* But Conde began
by making complaints of the Triumvirs,
of whose bad faith he had been apprized
by an intercepted letter, in which they
boasted of their intention of deceiving
him. The queen wished to reply, but her
voice was lost in the confusion which took
place. The prince's friends called upon
him to retire, as his person was not safe,
for the duration of the interview not being
fixed, the Triumvirs were free to return
when they pleased. Every thing was then
in the greatest disorder. The queen made
a fruitless attempt to restrain the prince,
who was carried off by his friends. They
took horse immediately, md set out for
Orleans, determined to break off all nego-
tiation, t
The conference being thus broken off
at the moment when the treaty was ex-
pected to be concluded, created a great
excitement in both parlies. The queen
mother was blamed for not having made
sure of Conde *and Coligny, which she
might easily have done, as she had guards
round her person, and the prince had
none. For though the prince's escort
was at nrj greater distance than that
which accompanied her, it was evident
that while the two escorts were fighting,
the Protestant chiefs might easily .have
been carried off f
The discontent which had displayed
itself in the Huguenot army, on hearing
of the preliminaries of the treaty, was
effaced by the joy which was testified by
the troops on the arrival of the prince, and
the rupture of the conference. The sol-
diers loudly called out for attacking the
enemy directly, before the Triumvirs
should have resumed their places in the
royal army. The troops marched for
that purpose, but their guides misled
them: they lost time, and on arriving
* Catherine was so confi.lent of success, that she
wrote a letter to the Parliament of Paris, stating that
peace was agreed upon. — Mem. tie Conde, vol. iii. p. 508.
t Mem. de Conde, vol. iii. p. 540. Davila, liv. 3, p.
229. — Disconrs ties Moycns qui le P. de Conde a tonus
pour pacifier tes troubles, See. Printed in Mem. de Conde,
vol. iv.
% Vie de Coligny, p. 203.
64
SACK OF BEAUGENCY.
before the royal camp, they found the
Triumvirs prepared to receive them.*
During the late conferences the King of
Navarre had. received in trust the town
of Beaugency ; but he refused to restore
it when they were broken off. The
Prince of Conde was indignant at such
conduct, and when he found it useless to
attack the royal army, he directed his
forces against that place, and took it, after
a very vigorous resistance on the part of
the Catholics : the town was given up to
plundcr.t The soldiers behaved in the
assault as if there had been a premium
for him who should do the worst. Coligny
himself had predicted great disorders,
when somebody praised the decorum and
good morals of his army. " This disci-
pline," said he, " is a fine thing, so long as
it lasts ; but I am afraid lest these folks
should lose their goodness all at once. I
have commanded the infantry, and know
them : they often make out the old say-
ing— A youno: hermit, ami an oi l devil."\
The sack of Beaugency served as an ex-
cuse for still greater cruelties, which were
exercised by the Catholics on retaking
several places. The carnage in the towns,
and conflagrations in the country, where
chateaux were delivered to the flames,
were the first results of the war between
the Catholics and Protestants.^ The pic-
ture of France at this time is the most
melancholy that can be imagined. Where
the Huguenots had the advantage they
destroyed altars and images; while the
Catholics burned all the Bibles they could
seize. || There was no security, no asylum
against violence: the faith of treaties and
the sanctity of oaths were both set at
nought. Tortures, contrived with care
for delaying death, and increasing the
duration of pain, were inflicted on persons
who had surrendered upon capitulation.
Husbands and fathers were poignarded
in the arms of their wives and daugh-
ters, who were then violated in the
sight of the dying men. Women and
children were treated with brutality that
defies description. Aged magistrates, the
victims of an unbridled rage, were insulted
* La None, p. 566. t Davila, liv. 3, p. 234.
I La None, p. 575.
§ Tile detail of these violences would be too volumi-
nous to insert here; several hooks of De Them's history
are almost exclusively devoted to the subject. The pro
vince of Maine was remarkable for the dreadful scenes
which occurred. Kenouard, lhst. dii Maine, vol. ii. p. 47.
j| Hist, du Concile de Trent, p. 62tf.
after death by the populace, who dragged
their yet palpitating entrails through the
streets, and even ate of their flesh. This
account is drawn out by a Catholic
writer,* who informs us that " these ex-
cesses arose from the Calvinists not re-
specting the relics, images, and other
objects of the Catholic worship, which
caused the priests to thunder against the
criminals from their pulpits ; the zeal of
the priests became madness and rage in
the people, and the leaders lamented the
abominable excesses, which they were
unable to put a stop to."
When fanaticism pervades a people,
there will naturally be excesses on both
sides; for revenge will operate as forcibly
as bigotry. But it is not right to attribute
these violences to the destruction of a
few images and reliquaries; for it has
been admitted by many persons, and
among others by Brantome, whose reve-
nue was derived from the church, "that
the war had enriched France by bringing
considerable treasures into circulation,
which before had served no purpose
whatever."!
The outrages committed by the con-
tending parties in the central and western
parts of France were outdone by the con-
duct of the generals who commanded in
Languedoc, Provence, the Lyonnais, &c.
Monti uc was the leader of the Catholics,
and Des Adrets of the Huguenots : they
emulated each other in cruelty, and tried
which could do the most.}
Blaise de Montluc in his memoirs re-
lates, with great sang-froid, the cruelties
which he had practised on the heretics. " I
procured," says he, "two executioners,
who were called my lacqueys, because
they were so much with me."§ He can-
didly avows, that his chief object was to
injure the sectarians ; that he would have
destroyed them to a man ; and that he
felt against them a hatred and rage which
carried him beyond himself, and made
him use not only rigour, but cruelty.||
Beaumont, Baron des Adrets, his rival,
was of great service to the Protestants by
his activity: he overran all the south of
France, and the pope had great fears lest
* The Abb6 Anquetil in Esprit de Ligue, vol. i. pp,
161 4.
t Vol. viii p. 213. {Fir de Chatillon.)
I liranlonie. vol. vii. p. 279. Bayle. art. Beaumont.
§ Montluc, liv. 5, vol. iii. p. 27.
|! Ibid. liv. 4, vol. ii. p. 408.
HOSTILITIES BETWEEN THE CATHOLICS AND HUGUENOTS. 65
he should march into Italy, and attack Guise, who had offended him; and the
Rome. He was very furious, and pos-j queen, wishing to injure that family, wrote
sessed courage in a great degree; and,: to Ues Adrets, exhorting him to destroy
on account of his cruel disposition, was .Guise's authority in Dauphiny by any
more formidable than any of his contem- means whatever, even by the help of the
poraries. His treatment of the Catholic 'Huguenots, and promising him her pro-
garrison of Montbrison shows the most tection and authority.*
dreadful brutality :* he amused himself But it was not necessary to know his
by making his prisoners leap from the top motives for making a profession of Pro-
of a very high tower. One of them, testantism, for his conduct showed that he
having advanced a second time to the
edge of the precipice, made a halt.
" What ! do you take twice to do it?" ex-
claimed the baron. The unfortunate man
had no religion whatever. We learn,
from the Abbe Caveyrac,f " that he re-
turned sincerely to God and his king :"
but not without his resentments being
answered without hesitation — " I will give; again called into action; for his cruelty
you ten times to do it in." His readiness excited such horror, that the Prince of
obtained him a pardon, which perhaps iConde sent Soubise to supersede him in
was the only occasion that Des Adrets ] the government of Lyons, which made
ever exercised any mild feeling.f He J him renounce the Protestant religion, and
killed and laid waste with a barbarity \ return to the Catholic church. J
which made his officers shudder, and I The Protestants afterwards experienced
drew forth an admonition from Calvin, I the effects of the cruel example which he
and a reproof from the admiral. De Thou set his children. " He taught them," says
says that " he saw him very old at Gre- Brantome, "to be like himself and to
noble, but in an old age still robust and i bathe themselves in blood. His eldest son
vigorous: he had a ferocious look, an did not spare it at the St. Bartholomew,
aquiline nose, a face lean and bony, and sand died at the siege of Rochelle, with re-
marked with spots of black blood, as Sylla
has been represented to us. In every
other respect he had the appearance of a
complete warrior. "J
The Protestantism professed at the time
by this monster has become the ground-
work of an argument, showing that reli-
gious considerations had no place among
the motives of Catherine de Medicis,
whenever she displayed the cruelty of
her policy. "Catherine took upon herself
to prove, that the difference of worship
was not considered in her calculations.
Was it not she, in fact, who about the
same time had the Catholics massacred
by the Protestant bands of the ferocious
Baron des Adrets V'q
Maimbourg, whose testimony on this
occasion is unquestionable, states that he
blindly threw himself into the Huguenot
party, to revenge himself on the Duke of
* Montbrison was taken by Des Adrets lGt h July
m>. 1
t D'Aubigne, vol. i. p. 147. De Thou, liv. 31.
t Mem de la Vie de ./. Jl. de Thou, p 10. This work-
Was first published with a preface by Rigault, so framed
as tu lead to the supposition that he was the author;
but it is generally thought that De Thou himself wrote
the memoir.
6 From the Etoile Paris newspaper of 3d September,
1836. The article from which this is extracted is upon
the Saint Bartholomew which occurred in 1.572; the
cruelties practised by Ues Adrets were in 15G2, and yet
the writer does not scruple to say about the same lime.
morse for the quantity he had shed.
CHAPTER XIV.
Hostilities between the Catholics and Huguenots —
Sieges of liourgesand Rouen— Death of the King of
Navarre — Battle of Dreux— Sieges of Orleans and
Caen.
Notwithstanding the ill-will which fol-
lowed the rupture of the late negotiations,
the queen continued her efforts to bring
Conde to an accommodation, to persuade
him to make some attempt at conciliation.
She informed him, that the council was
determined to pursue the heretics with the
utmost rigour; and that the king would
put himself at the head of the forces, on
the arrival of some foreign troops which
he expected, and which would enable him
to suppress the revolt. The parliament
of Paris gave a decree, authorizing all per-
sons to take arms and fall upon the Hu-
guenots, wherever they could meet with
them. || And lest any thing should be
wanting to frighten the Protestants, let-
* Hist du Calvinisme, liv. 4.
f In a note to his apoloey for Louis XIV. p. 7.
i Hist, du Calvinisme, liv. 4.
§ Brantome, vol. vii. p '28f.
I; Dated 3Ulh June, 1562;
6*
66 HOSTILITIES BETWEEN THE CATHOLICS AND HUGUENOTS.
ters-patent were issued,* declaring rebels without coming to an engagement. As
all those who had taken arms; it showed they were dispersed through the different
that they were guilty of lese majesty, and provinces, it was a work of time; and Co-
as such condemned them all to death, con- ligny sent word to the commander of the
fiscated their property, and declared them town, to hold out as long as possible, as
and their posterity for ever unfit for all there would be assistance ere long. But
employs, honours, and dignities. To Courges was taken before the relief could
avoid the consequences which might have arrive.*
followed, had all hope of peace been ex- j A circumstance occurred during this
tinguished, the Prince of Conde was ex- siege, which is highly characteristic of the
cepted in this edict, on the ground of his violence of these times. Among the dif-
being a prisoner in the hands ofthe rebels.! ferent convoys which Coligny attacked,
Considerable reinforcements of Swiss was a considerable one, commanded by a
and Germans arrived to join the royal particular friend of Guise, named Chon.
army, while the confederates had the mor- He, observing the admiral approach, called
tification of observing their forces gradu- out to him, that he should be delighted to
ally diminish; and as the towns, which engage with him in single combat. Co-
had declared for them, were very widely ligny's purpose not being to fight a duel,
situated from each other, it frequently but to perform his duty as a general, an-
happened, that, before Coligny could as- swered him by so brisk a charge, that his
sist anyplace that was attacked, it was squadron was thrown into confusion,
taken. In that manner the greater part , Chon did not lose sight of his object, which
of Normandy was recovered by the Ca- was very discernible, for he called out to
tholics.J But these reverses, alarming as his men, "Ah, cowards! is that what you
they were, did not cause so much uneasi-' promised me?" Upon which two horse-
ness to Coligny, as the attempts and in- men quitted the ranks, and tried to ap-
trigues of the King of Navarre, to win proach the admiral, who, perceiving their
over the Prince of Conde: his fears, how- intention, gave orders to take them alive,
ever, on that subject were groundless, for . if possible. They fought desperately: one
Conde assured the admiral that he would of them fell, after killing three of the admi-
make no arrangement without consulting ral's men, preferring death to being taken
him; and, to prove his sincerity, he in- 1 prisoner, although they called out to him
formed him fully of every proposal which] that he should be spared. The other was
was made 5 i taken after receiving several wounds. He
The Triumvirs proposed to attack Or- j was carefully guarded, while Coligny
leans, and finish the war by the capture continued the fight with Chon, who was
of Conde and Coligny, who made that obliged to abandon his convoy, consisting
town their residence; they, on the other; of provisions and ammunition. The fight
hand, considering their reputation attached had scarcely finished, when some troops
to the preservation of that city, took every were seen in the distance coming to
measure for its defence. The King of Chon's assistance, which induced him to
Navarre then turned his attention to return with them and again attack the
Bourges, which was defended by a much Huguenots. But Coligny, observing that
smaller garrison. Conde exerted himself their forces would be no longer equal, pru-
to relieve the place, but his force was not dently resolved to set fire to all the plun-
sufficient to break through the enemy's der, which would prevent his retreat ; and,
lines: Coligny, with his division, then ho-! as soon as he was in safety, he examined
vered about the besiegers, and attacked his prisoner, upon the reproach which
such parties as were detached from the Chon had made him. At first he refused
main body. to give any information, but at length ac-
He despatched messengers, at the samei knowledged that Chon had promised him
time, to urge the return of many gentle- and his companion a considerable reward,
men, who had quitted him only from the if they could kill the Admiral Coligny du-
dislike they had to remaining in arms ring the combat, and that they had been
* Dated 20th July.
t Hist. cluConcile de Trentr, p. 029. Mem. de Conde, * Davila, liv. 3, p 242. Vie de Coligny, p. 266. The
■vol. iii. p. 571. capitulation, dated 31st August, 1562, is in the 3d vol.
} Vie de Coligny, P- 265. § Ibid. of Mem. de Conde.
ROUEN TAKEN BY STORM.
67
each furnished with a proof cuirass, and'tlemen, who volunteered to perish in the
good arms. In a chivalrous age, the fact
of challenging, and the desire of fighting
such a commander as Coligny, has no-
thing reprehensible in it, rather the re-
defence of the town.* The King of Na-
varre commanded the besieging army.
The place was vigorously attacked, and
as obstinately defended. The queen, who
verse; but the assassins, who were hired j was in the camp, several times summoned
on this occasion, show that something the inhabitants to surrender. Theparlia-
more than honourable fighting was in-
tended. As Chon would not give any
explanation of the affair, the original in-
stigator could never be discovered.*
Bourges being taken, the project of at-
ment had been removed to Louviers, and
the principal citizens had quitted the city
before the siege; and those who remained
were very determined, being influenced
by their ministers, who were personally
tacking Orleans was revived, but the \ interested in holding out to the last ex-
queen-mother was opposed to it : she
would not consent to a measure, which,
if successful, would have given the Trium-
virs too much influence: she recommended
the siege of Rouen, and founded her argu-
ment on the fear of the English again es-
tablishing themselves in Normandy.| Her
tremity, as the principal condition required
by the queen was their banishment. In-
stead of submitting, they replied that they
were faithful subjects of their king, but
that they would not submit to the Guises:
they demanded the free exercise of their
religion; and — asked to negotiate in the
representations were backed by the ap-jname of their whole party, an honour
peals of the Parisians, who promised the | which was not allowed them, notwith-
king a present of two hundred thousand , standing a great wish on the queen's part
crowns, if he would drive the Huguenot to save the town from plunder.!
garrison from Rouen, as they suffered no-j This obstinacy, on the part of the be-
thing to go up the river.J Such weighty sieged, irritated the assailants, who re-
considerations could not be overlooked. ! doubled their attacks. A breach was no
It was with difficulty the English had [sooner made than the active Montgomery
been deprived of Calais, and already their j threw up an intrenchment behind it, losing
troops were in Havre-de-Grace, to make no opportunity for prolonging the defence,
up for that loss: again, the blockade ofj as he knew that Conde would endeavour
the river might cause a disturbance in to assist him. A second assault was given
Paris: the royal army, in consequence, on the 26th of October, when Guise led his
marched into Normandy, and commenced ■ men to the attack after a spirited harangue,
the siege of Rouen at the end of Septem
ber.
The town was commanded by Count
Montgomery, the same who had unfortu-
nately killed Henry II. in a tournament.
He was an excellent officer, very coura-
geous, and capable of turning to his ad-
the effect of which he heightened by a
display of great personal bravery. The
explosion of a mine contributed to the suc-
cess of the attack, which soon gave the
Catholics possession of the town.}
Montgomery had only time to leap into
a galley, which was in the port, and by
vantage the most untoward events: satis-; the promise of liberty, he induced the gal-
fied that he could expect no quarter, he ley-slaves to row so well, that they got
resolved to make the place his grave, and
displayed an inexhaustible stock of inven-
tions for impelling the enemy. 5 As the
out to sea, although they had to pass a
chain which was placed a few leagues be-
ow, to prevent the English sending any
Protestants had warning of this siege, the ( assistance up the river.g
garrison had received a reinforcement of' Rouen, thus taken by storm, suffered
two thousand English, twelve hundred i all the horrors of pillage during three days,
choice infantry from Conde's army, four
squadrons of horse, and one hundred gen-
* Vic de Coligny, p. 2f>7.
t Davila, liv. 3, p. 246. De Thou, liv. 33. Mom. do
Comic, vol iii. Queen Elizabeth made a treaty with
Comic, by which she engaged to assist the Huguenots
against the Guises. Her disposition for securing an
equivalent made this treaty a subject of uneasiness to
Catherine The treaty is dated '20th Sept. 1562.
t Vie de Coligny, p. 269. § Ibid., p. 271.
It is said, that when Guise beheld the re-
sult of his attack, while he was yet upon
the ramparts, he recommended three
things to his followers: to respect the ho-
* Oavila, liv. 3. p 250.
t Mem de Conde, vol. ii. p. 98, and vol. iv. pp. 45, 46.
I Davila, liv 3, p. 258.
§ Vie de Coligny, p. 271. Brantume, vol. viii. p. 262.
De Thou, liv. 33.
63
DEATH OF THE KING OF NAVARRE.
nour of the women; to spare the lives of came the tool of intriguing persons: he
such good Catholics as had remained in! thought himself the Duke of Guise's equal,
the town from necessity ; and to show no while he was no more than his slave,
mercy to the English, the ancient enemies Voltaire says of him* — "Anthony of
of France.* Bourbon, father of the firmest and most
The parliament of Rouen resumed its intrepid of men, was the weakest and
functions when the siege was over, and
gave the weight of its authority to the pu-
nishments inflicted on the rebellious Hu-
guenots. Several citizens and ministers,
who had escaped the massacre, were put
to death.f Among those who suffered
was Augustin Marloratus, who had been
conspicuous at the conference of Poissy :
he was hanged in front of the cathedral.
The constable and his son Montberon
least decided. He was always so waver-
ing in his Catholicism, that it is doubted
in which religion he died. He bore arms
against the Protestants, whom he loved ;
and served Catherine of Medicis, whom he
detested, and the party of the Guises, who
oppressed him." Brantome states, "That
he died, regretting his change of religion,
being resolved to help the Protestants
more than ever, if he had lived ; and that
were so unfeeling as to insult the vene- he sent word to that effect to the prince
rable minister when conducted to the
place of execution. The Protestants at
Orleans exercised reprisals on some pri-
soners: they hanged the Abbe Gastines,
and Sapin, one of the presidents of the
parliament of Paris. J Such measures are
greatly to be deplored, yet unhappily are
of too frequent occurrence in civil wars.
The taking of this important town cost
the King of Navarre his life. He had be-
haved with the greatest courage through-
his brother."! His death deprived the
Triumvirs of the influence of his name;
but they had so firmly established their
power, that the loss of it was of no im-
portance.
Guise having obtained a great acces-
sion of glory by the success of his attack
on Rouen, the queen's anxiety and unea-
siness were again excited: she had re-
course to her favourite plan of sowing
dissensions: and, to check his growing as-
out the siege, not sparing himself any ; cendency, she would again have consented
more than the meanest soldier: he had I to protect the Huguenots. She attempted
tried to eclipse, if possible, the prowess of to create a dispute between Guise and
the Duke of Guise. § On the day before 'Montmorency, by recommending the im-
the final assault, he went into the trenches [ mediate siege of Havre ; a measure which
to observe the town, when a discharge ofjshe was sure was contrary to the duke's
musketry struck him in the shoulder. At .intentions.} But the constable was proof
first the surgeons thought lightly of the [against her insidious flattery : he perceived
her object, and was only the more willing
to second the measures which Guise might
recommend. Her motives were equally
discovered by the Duke of Guise, who,
however, pretended not to have any sus-
picion : he opposed her proposal with the
same earnestness of reasoning, which he
wound, and he had a great wish to make
a triumphal entry into the conquered city;
but symptoms of danger were soon evi-
dent, and he expressed a desire to be trans-
ported to St. Maur, a village near Paris.
He did not live to reach that place, but
died at Andelys, the seventeenth of No-
vember, 15G2, in the forty-fourth year of would have used if he had not penetrated
his age. || All writers who have given his her views. He proved, that as Havre
character, describe him as deficient in [would certainly be assisted By the En-
every princely quality, except personal glish, it was useless to attempt any thing
bravery: he was ambitious, without pos-
sessing foresight, or a capacity for seizing
on the noble part which fortune seemed to
have destined for him. He might have
been the head of a powerful party, but be-
" Brantome, vol, viii. p. 101. (Vicde Quisc.)
* Journal de Brulart. Beza, liv. H.
} D'Aubigne, vol, i. p. 15'J. Mem. ile Conde. vol. ii.
p. 105
§ Brantome, vol. viii p. 271. (Fie de Ji. de Bourbon.)
|; Davila, liv. 3, p. 2G0; but De Thou (liv. 33) says he
was forty two years of age.
without a good fleet: he contended that
* In a note to the Henriade
t Brantome, vol. viii. p. 27-2. It is asserted by D'Au-
bigne, that he refused to listen to n Dominican, who
w ished to confess him. hot declared his attachment to
the reformed religion.— Hist. Univ. vol. i p 15-i. Pec
also liezn, Hist. Ecr.les. ; and Particularity, de la mortdu
Roij de Jfavarrt, in the Mem de Conde, vol. iv.
X The letters of the Spanish ambassador (Mem. de
Condi, vol. ii.) show that the Huguenot* wished to es-
tablish themselves securely in Normandy, to be more
ready to communicate with England. Guise, therefore,
would be desirous of attacking them in other parts, to
draw away their forces.
BATTLE OF DREUX.
69
the Huguenot force should be crushed in
the different parts of Prance ; to effect
which, they must atta™ and vanquish
them, for otherwise they would always
have ministers and preachings ; and con-
cluded by showing that negotiation was
useless, for any treaty would soon be
broken by the Huguenots, if they fad not
what they asked for, and by the Catholics,
if they were obliged to endure heresy any
longer. It was then resolved to march
upon Orleans*
On the other hand, Conde was in rather
an embarrassed state, for the only towns
of importance which remained to his cause
were Lyons and Orleans; too remotely
situated to assist each other. A strong
body, which Count Duras was conducting
to him, had been defeated and scattered;
and he trembled lest an army of Reitres,
which had been raised in Germany, should
be unable to escape Marshal St. Andre,
who watched that frontier with a very su-
perior force. His anxiety was at length
relieved by information, that La Roche-
foucault had collected the remains of Du-
ras' division, and was on his way to join
him; and that Andelot was near at hand
with between seven and eight thousand
men : he had conducted the German army,
before mentioned, by circuitous routes,
and had undergone the greatest difficul-
ties. A reinforcement, at such a time, and
of such magnitude, made the Huguenots
forget the loss of Rouen : they thought no
more of the decree of the parliament
against their chiefs, who were condemned
to death as rebels ;f the greatest joy per-
vaded their ranks, and, thinking their
forces quite a match for their enemies,
they calculated on a victory if once they
met. The Prince of Conde marched di-
rect upon Paris, and fixed his head-quar-
ters at Montrouge, from whence his troops
pillaged the faubourgs on that side. This
movement brought back the royal army
to the capital. |
The queen-mother was not at ease on
seeing an army of Huguenots under the
walls of Paris : she had recourse as usual
to negotiation, and sent proposals for
peace, which she would have been pleased
to conclude upon, had it been in her power.
* Vie de Coligny. p. 273.
t Decree, dated IGlti Nov. 1502. Mem. de Conde, vol.
iv. p. 114.
1 Mem. deTavannes, p. 267. Pasquier, vol. ii. p. 101 .
La Noue, p. 583. Davila, liv. 3.
The constable and Guise pretended to ap-
prove of them, because, by delaying the
contest, they expected the arrival of Mont-
luc, with five or six thousand men. Be-
sides, they constantly kept at work on the
fortifications, threw up intrenchments in
the faubourgs, and took every advantage
of the time which Conde gave them.
Conde and Coligny were aware that if the
negotiation did not succeed, the fault they
had committed was irreparable ; but they
both wished to terminate the war, and in-
dulged in the hope of a new edict to con-
firm that of January.*
When the queen sent her proposals, she
remarked, " that this time her terms were
so reasonable, that she could not conceive
that they could be rejected." She offered
to allow the public exercise of the reformed
religion, in all places allowed by the edict
of January, except Paris and Lyons, the
seats of sovereign courts, and the frontier
towns: the Prince of Conde wished it to
be extended to the suburbs of all towns
and the houses of nobles and gentlemen;
he also demanded one of the king's bro-
thers, and a member of the families of
Guise and Montmorency, as hostages,
which could not be granted. The discus-
sion was long; but when the expected re-
inforcement had joined the royal army,
the conferences were completely broken
off.t
The Protestant army was all this time
suffering from the inclemencies of the sea-
son, while their opponents were quartered
in the town. Conde had projected an at-
tack on Paris by night; but hearing of
the arrival of some Spanish soldiers, and
observing that an unusual stillness per-
vaded the city, he had suspicions of some
design against himself, and on the tenth of
December, very early in the morning, he
set out for Normandy, with a view of join-
ing some English forces which Queen Eli-
zabeth had promised to send him, accom-
panied by a considerable sum of money
for his use.| He was closely pursued by
the royal army, and overtaken near
Dreux, where he found it impossible to
avoid giving battle.^ As a large body of
troops had been left to protect Orleans
from a surprise, there was a considerable
* Vie de Coligny, p. 275.
t Davila. liv. 3. Journal de Brulart, Doc. 1502. De
Tliou, liv. 33. Mem de Conde, vol. iv. pp. 144 to 716.
I lirantome, vol. viii. p. 109. (Vie de Ouise.)
$ 19th Dec. 1502.
70
BATTLE OF DREUX.
difference in the force of the two armies : , was lost, he rode up to his brother Ande-
that of the royalists consisted of nineteen ; lot, and urged Injp to lose no time in get-
thousand infantry and two thousand ca- 1 ting into Orleans with as many men as he
valry ; the confederates had four thousand could ; for he foresaw that the next ope-
horsemen, and only six thousand infantry.
Montmorency and St. Andre each com-
manded a division of the army, while
Guise remained in reserve, the quiet spec-
tator of a battle imprudently commenced
by the constable attacking Conde's divi-
sion with only five hundred gentlemen.
The prince received his charge with such
resolution, that the Catholics were thrown
into complete disorder. The light cavalry,
which came up to support the constable,
was dispersed by Coligny. The veteran
tried to rally his men : he led them a se-
cond time to the charge, but with no bet-
ter success. Being wounded in the face, I themselves to slay him, or perish
and thrown from his horse, he was pre-
sently surrounded and made a prisoner;
his third son, Gabriel de Montberon, was
killed at his side about the same time. So '
much was the constable detested by the I
Huguenots, that two gentlemen, into whose j
hands he had fallen, consulted whether j
they ought not to put him to death ; but
being joined by a person named Vesins,
he persuaded them to abandon the idea of
so shameful an act.t
The fight lasted altogether seven hours,
during which time the advantage was con-
stantly wavering ; but at a moment when
victory seemed to have declared for the
Protestants, Guise, who had with difficulty
restrained the ardour of his men, seized
the opportunity of snatching the prize
from the Prince of Conde. At the head
of the troops who formed the reserve, he
rushed forward upon the conquerors, ex-
hausted by a long and bloody fight.
"March!" said he to those around him,
"March! the victory is ours!"t The
shock of fresh troops was irresistible; the
Prince of Conde, almost alone, fought
amidst the Catholics, when his horse fell
and delivered him into the hands of his
enemies. Singular reverse of fortune!
He had but just before considered his vic-
tory as certain on the capture of Montmo-
rency; and on the renewal of the conflict
he became a prisoner in the hands of
Damville, Montmorency's second son.
Directly Coligny perceived the battle
ration of the enemy would be against that
town. Coligny then retired behind a
wood, to a village called Blain ville, whither
Guise followed him close, being determined
if possible to annihilate the Huguenot
army, in spite of the recommendations of
his friends, who wished him to be satisfied
with his success. The fight was renewed
with great obstinacy ; and unlike the bat-
tles of modern times, in which the can-
non deals destruction without being di-
rected against particular persons, on this
occasion the object aimed at was Coligny's
life. Several of Guise's army had devoted
But
the admiral's good fortune carried him
through the dreadful day, while almost
every one who aimed at assaulting his
person was killed. One of them was
dressed in Guise's armour, and called on
Coligny to advance, and fight him. He
dashed into the admiral's ranks in pursuit
of his object, and was killed. So closely
did this person resemble Guise, that for
some time it was thought the duke himself
was killed. The esquire rode a remark-
ably fine charger of his master's, which
deceived the Huguenots*
Among the slain was Marshal St. Andre,
who was taken prisoner, and afterwards
murdered by a person who recognised
him, and whom he had formerly injured.t
Night at length put an end to the conflict;
when the admiral, observing his men de-
jected at the capture of the Prince of
Conde, availed himself of the darkness to
retire, and thus avoid renewing the fight,
which would have taken place had he slept
there. About eight thousand men were
killed on this occasion ; among others, La
Brosse, a great favourite of Guise, and
who had begun the massacre at Vassy :
his son was killed by his side.}: Guise re-
mained master of the field, and attributed
the victory to himself, although his loss
was greater than that of the Protestants,
* Hist, des Derniers Troubles, liv. 1.
t Vie de Coligny, p. 1271.
I Brantome, vol. viii. p. 112.
* Beza, in lot. Brantome, Disc, sur les belles relraites-
t There is some difference in the accuunts of the per-
son who killed St. Andre. Brantome calls him Aunigny;
others Baubigne; while, in the Life of Coligny, two Rei-
tres are said to have killed bim. Mezeiay says it was
Bnhigny Mezieres, son of the town-clerk of Paris Vielle.
ville is very minute in his account of the Marshal's
death.
| Beza, liv. 6. ■
SIEGES OF ORLEANS AND CAEN.
71
in consequence of St. Andre's death. But
he sent some standards to Paris, and re-
port magnified his advantage, by announ-
cing the death of Andelot, who not being
seen any where was thought to be among
the slain. This being the first pitched
battle in these wars, the greatest import-
ance was attached to it. The first ac-
count, which ascribed the victory to the
Huguenots, was soon carried to Paris.
The queen, on hearing it, is said to have
observed coolly, " Well, then, we will
pray to God in French ;"* and when she
received the subsequent accounts, she was
far from expressing any joy at the event.
She could not see without fear the degree
of honour to which it raised the Duke of
Guise, who had no longer any rival to
share his triumphs; and who wrote a let-
ter, demanding the disposal of St. Andre's
baton, in so arrogant a style, that the king,
as well as his mother, were astonished.t
Conde was treated with great kindness
by Guise, who conducted him to his
quarters: they supped together, and the
prince accepted of the offer of half the
duke's bed. J He was afterwards taken
to court, where the queen-mother exerted
herself to win him back from the Hugue-
not party; a task which offered some
chances of success to her view, as, being
removed from the counsels of the inflexi-
ble admiral, she thought he might be
easily biassed. The kindness and atten-
tion he received from heron the occasion
excited the disapprobation of the Spanish
ambassador and many Catholics. §
The Constable in the mean time was
taken to Orleans, where he was attended
by his neice, the Princess of Conde,
who used every persuasive means in her
power to promote a reconciliation be-
tween that veteran and her husband. A
proposal was made for the exchange of
the two captive generals; but the royal
army, with Guise at its head, did not re-
quire Montmorency, while the confede-
rates stood in need of the Prince of Conde.
The queen would have promoted an ac-
commodation, but she had no longer the
power to oppose the ambition of the
Duke of Guise.
The Parisians prepared for conferring
* Note to the 2d book of I lie Henriade.
f Vielleville, vol. v. p. 7.
t Brantome, vol. viii. p. 2-18. Mem. rte Conde, vol. ii.
p 116.
§ Mem. <le Conde, vol. ii. p. 128.
the honours of a triumph on the defender
of the faith, the conqueror of the heretics;
but he would not be diverted from his
purpose by such useless homage, and
without delay commenced the siege of
Orleans.* His approaches to the town
were effected with great difficulty, on
account of the frequent sorties made by
the garrison, in which he lost a great
many men. As he could not expect the
admiral would suffer him to get posses-
sion of the place without making an effort
to relieve it, he fortified all the avenues
to his camp, and made lines of circumval-
lation of unusual magnitude, accompanied
with every precaution likely to annoy an
enemy. t
The admiral was not surprised to see
him take such careful measures, and, in
order to keep him in constant expectation
of an attack, he would not retire to any
distance, but endeavoured to recruit his
forces without quitting that province.
He never despaired of his cause ; and
without loss of time he had himself pro-
claimed general of the confederate army.
The ministers in all parts, of France con-
tributed to assist him, and knowing how
urgent the affair was, they sent him men
and money as quick as possible: this,
with some assistance from England,
made him as strong as he was before
the battle. Still he did not think it pru-
dent to attack Guise in his entrench-
ments; a measure which he was also the
less inclined to take, as Andelot sent him
word that he need entertain no fear on
his account, for he hoped that at the end
of three months the duke would be no
more advanced than he was at the begin-
ning of the siege. I
As Coligny could confide in his bro-
ther's statement, and was also convinced
that the season of the year, the numerous
sorties of the garrison, and the incessant
fatigue of a siege would greatly weaken
Guise's force, he marched to meet the
English troops in Normandy, thinking to
return with greater force, and he able to
raise the siege. But when he had got to
some distance, he was deeply concerned to
hear that a change had taken place in his
brother's affairs; and a letter from Guise
to a friend being intercepted, he learned
* 5th Feb. 1563.
t Vie de Coligny, p, 281. Davila, liv. 3.
I Vie de Coligny, p. 282.
72
ASSASSINATION OF THE DUKE OF GUISE.
that one of the Faubourgs had been taken, i
and that Andelot had lost near six hun-|
dred men in defending it; with manyj
other untoward circumstances. The letter |
concluded by stating, that Andelot could
hardly keep the inhabitants from giving
up the town, and that in four or five days
he expected to be master of it, for he
proposed to bombard the place two days
successively, and then give a furious
assault: as the fortifications were not
very strong, he would probably have
succeeded*
This news afflicted and perplexed the
admiral. To return and attack the duke's
camp with his forces when they were
fatimied would be madness, as he had
considered it impracticable while they
were fresh: such a proceeding would
ruin his army without helping his bro-
ther. His enemies already exulted in his
ruin, and it was given out, that if the two
Chatillons could be taken it would only
be necessary to execute the decree of the
parliament, which condemned them to
death as guilty of high treason. The
admiral, being resolved to do something
for his brother, went at once and laid
siege to Caen, which was commanded "by
the°Marquis d'Elbceuf, brother of Guise ;
proposing if he could get hold of him to
make him a pledge for Andelot's safety .f
No time was to be lost; and, notwith-
standing there was an armed force in the
neighbourhood, the admiral would not
make any lines, but at once attacked the
' town, of which he had possession in two
days, by the gates being opened to avoid
an assault. The marquis retired to the
castle; but being quite inexperienced in
the art of war, as well as those who were
with him, his capture appeared a certainty.
Coligny consoled himself with the pros-
pect of having him for a prisoner, when
a courier arrived, and brought intelligence
of the assassination of the Duke of Guise,
and the consequent safety of Orleans.
CHAPTER XV.
Assassination of the Duke of Guise.
The Admiral Coligny is charged by
the Roman Catholics with having excited
* La Noue. p 503. Vie de < nlieny, p. 282 Two [et-
ui's written by the Duke of Guise toconvey this intelli-
gence are printed in Mem. de Conde, vol. rV pp. 224-*
t Vie de Coligny, p. 2ri4. La r>oue, p. b03.
the murderer to this terrible act ; and the
enemies of the Reformation attempt to
fix a stigma on the Protestant religion
when they allude to it: it demands, in
consequence, a full and candid inquiry.
That such a charge should be encouraged
by the house of Lorrain is not at all sur-
prising: the members of that family knew
the extent of the animosity which sub-
sisted between the parties; they might
also be privy to the projected attempt
upon Coligny's life, and would suppose
that the common feelings of revenge were
sufficient to excite him to it. Neither is
it to be wondered at, that the principal
Catholic writers have perpetuated the ac-
cusation; for the baneful spirit of perse-
cution, which afflicted so many countries
at this period, would envenom the ac-
counts, either written or verbal, which
were given of every occurrence. Still
less can we be astonished, that such
calumnies should be readily adopted and
promulgated among a multitude devoid of
instruction, imbued with fanaticism, and
inflamed with bigotry; they would never
doubt an accusation against men whom
they were taught, not only to hate, but to
abominate. But the truth cannot be en-
tirely concealed, and among the numerous
writers who lived at this time, there are
several who, by their great minuteness,
have contributed to render justice to Co-
ligny's memory. Brantome is the most
lemarkable among them, and his evidence
is of great importance: he was a great
friend of Guise's; he was an Abbe, and
consequently his interests would never
incline him to be favourable to the Hu-
guenots; and he was present on the occa-
sion.
It appears that, very soon after the
battle of Dreux, a gentleman of Angou-
leme, named John Poltrot de Mere, ar-
rived at the head-quarters of the Hugue-
not army, with a letter of introduction
from Soubise, who commanded for that
party in Lyons. Finding, on his arrival,
that the Prince of Conde was a prisoner,
he addressed himself to the admiral, on
whom the command had devolved. Co-
ligny made several inquiries of him re-
specting the state of affairs in the Lyon-
naise; when Poltrot shook his head, say-
ing, "That things did not go on very well
there; and, fearing lest the religion should
be endangered, he was resolved to sacri-
ASSASSINATION OF THE DUKE OF GUISE.
73
lice himself for it: that the Duke of
Guise was its most dangerous enemy;
that lie believed him to be brave, because
every body said so, but that after all, he
was not more so than others ; and that,
if he were so fortunate as to serve in an
army engaged with him, he would find
him out, if he were in the midst of fifty
thousand men, and try his own courage
against him. There was a considerable
degree of temerity in this declaration, bul
as it did not ill become a young man of
five-and-twenty to exhibit an ardent dis-
position, the admiral gave him encourage-
ment; he permitted him to stay in his
army, and made him a present of one
hundred crowns, purposing to put his
courage to the proof on the first opportu-
nity*
When Coligny suddenly quitted the
neighbourhood of Orleans to hasten the
arrival of some English troops, there ap-
peared no chance of an opportunity for
signalizing himself, and Pollrot proposed
to pass into the duke's camp as a spy.
His enthusiasm had become a gloomy fa-
naticism: he burned with a desire of dis-
playing his zeal for the faith which he
again professed, after several changes;
and no service which he could render it
appeared equal to that of killing the most
terrible enemy of the Protestants. A. re-
solution to assassinate was very different
from his first intention, which proceeded
from a courageous principle; but the
wretched man's mind was so bent upon
it, that the enormity of the crime was lost
sight of, in the benefits which he con-
templated it would effect. He again pre-
tended an abjuration of the religion he
wished to serve, and presented himself
to Guise, telling him, "That, being con-
vinced of the errors of the Huguenots, he
had entirely renounced them; and now
wished to live in the good religion, and
serve God and the king."t
Changes of religion were so common
at this period, that the duke had no sus-
picion of Poltrot's veracitv; and, as he
was a man of family, and possessed a
good exterior, Guise received him with
great kindness, ordered him an apart-
ment, and invited him to dine with him.J
But such affability was unable to subdue
the terrible design which occupied exclu-
* Vie de Coligny, p. 286.
t Brantome, vol. viii. p. 123. J tbid.
sively his gloomy imagination; and an
opportunity was all he now wanted for
executing his purpose.
An occasion soon presented itself:'
Guise, accompanied by a few persons,
was passing from the trenches to his
head-quarters; Poltrot, steady to his pur-
pose, perceived his opportunity, and has-
tened forward. Somebody asked him
where he was going, to which he an-
swered, that he wished to announce the
duke's arrival to the duchess — an excuse
which seemed plausible, as Guise had pre-
viously intended sleeping in a tent, that he
might better superintend some works.t A
hedge offered a suitable place for his mur-
derous purpose, and he waited behind it,
ready to fire on Guise as he passed. The
duskof the evening would have prevented
his taking a good aim, but a white plume
in the duke's hat served as a mark; the
pistol was loaded with three balls, which
struck him on the left shoulder. The
blow made him stagger, and he is reported
to have said, "That was to be expected;
but I think it will be nothing."! Those
persons who were with him paid little
attention to the assassin, in their earnest-
ness to help the duke. They carried him
to his quarters, where the best surgical
aid was summoned, for the preservation
of a life so valuable to his cause. The
balls were declared to have been steeped
in poison, and Guise prepared to quit this
world.
On his death-bed he displayed consi-
derable regret at many of the circum-
stances of his violent, ambitious, and
warlike life. His late repentance served
only to inflict upon him the sharp pangs
of remorse. The massacre of Vassy tor-
mented his conscience, which could not
be soothed by the praises of the priests,
nor the admiration of the Parisians, who
styled him the French Moses, and the
modern Jehu. He accused himself of
being the cause of the bloodshed which
had accompanied the civil war, but re-
peatedly declared that the massacre of
Vassy was entirely accidental § He is
* 16th Feb. 1563. t Vie de Coligny, p. 287.
J Brantome. — The duke's expression is reported dif-
ferently by almost every writer, as to the words, but
they all agree in the significations
6 The Bishop of Kiez wrote an account of all that
was uttered hy Guise after he was wounded. Accord-
ing to the bishop he said to those around him, "Je vous
prie cioire qeu I inconvenient adventl B ceuxde Vassy, est
advent] contre ma vnlnnle . . . J'ai elu deliendeur, non
agresseur." — Mem. de Condi, vol. iv. p. 258.
74
ASSASSINATION OF THE DUKE OF GUISE.
said to have alluded to Coligny, when
speaking of the assassination : " And
you, too, I forgive, who are the author
of it."* His wishes, which, all through
his life had prompted him to the exter-
mination of every heretic, had now
changed; and his dying advice to the
queen was in favour of mild and tolerant,
measures/!" After going strictly through
all the duties prescribed by his religion,!
he heaved his last sigh, on the eighth day |
from the assassination.^ The genius of!
civil war seemed to make a halt before
his bier; the animated attacks upon Or-;
leans entirely ceased; and the animosity
between the contending parties gave way!
to the renewal of negotiations for a gene-;
ral reconciliation.
In the mean time the assassin was
arrested. Directly he had fired on the!
duke, he called out, " Take him ! take1
him!'' and began running, as if in pur-
suit of some one;§ but terror having seized
upon his mind, he was unable to act with
sufficient promptitude to make his escape.
He wandered about all night, and when
he thought himself ten leagues from the
camp, the return of day showed him that
he wasstill in the neighbourhood. When
seized, he declared that he had committed
the act solely by divine inspiration, and
that he was so far from repenting of it,
that he would do the same thing over
again. || But violent tortures were in-
flicted upon him, to draw out a confession
of the names of those who were supposed
to have excited him to such a crime. He
accused Coligny, La Rochefoucalt, Sou-
bise, and the Viscount Aubeterre, of being
his accomplices; some accounts include
Beza in the charge. When particulars
were demanded, he stated that he had re-
ceived a present from the admiral for the
promises he had made. The criminal
was examined in the presence of the
court, and made to sign a long confession
implicating Coligny ; but it must be re-
inembeied, that Catherine was very anx-
ious to fix the stigma upon him for seve-
ral reasons:H she thought it would weaken
the Huguenot cause, by diminishing their
confidence in, and esteem for their leader;
she anticipated a greater compliance with
her views on Coligny's part, if he had
such a charge hanging over him; and she
feared that otherwise she might be sus-
pected herself: for, since the King of
Navarre's death, she had been quite a
slave to the ambition of Guise, and her
complaints on the loss of her authority
were generally known.* Poltrot's con-
fession was printed and widely circulated;
and orders were given to lose no time in
executing the sentence of the parliament.-
When Coligny heard of what had oc-
curred, and that the assassin accused him
of complicity, he wrote to the queen, de-
manding a safe conduct in order to be
confronted with him.t Such a request
proves much, especially as his avowed
enemies refused to grant it. If the court
expected that Poltrot's confessions could
have been substantiated, they would not
have hurried his condemnation and exe-
cution, which was not only precipitate,
but barbarous: his breasts were torn
with hot pincers, and his body was torn
asunder by four horses: to add to the
cruelty of his sentence, he was compelled
to undergo an examination after suffering
the first part of it.J
While he remained in prison, he had
always varied in his confessions. Bran-
tome says,§ " he confessed every thing,
and I spoke to him myself: he always ad-
mitted that Soubise and Aubeterre had
excited and persuaded him to it, but, as
to the admiral, he varied and contradicted
| himself very much in his examinations,
i when tortured, and at his death." It is
certain that he retracted before the chief
president de Thou, and acknowledged
j having made use of this means to retard
his condemnation, and contrive eventual
j chances of escape: nor is this affected by
jhis renewal of the charge on going to ex-
ecution; for the hope of postponing the
moment of such a dreadful punishment
might still make him utter a calumny.
Upon what, then, is the charge against
Coligny founded? On the accusations of
a wretch who had yielded to the impulses
* llranjome, vol. viii. p. 120.
t [rAubigu'e, vol. i. p. 180. Hist, du Concile de Trente,
p. 061.
t Francis of Lorrain, Duke of Guise, died 24th Feb.
15(>3, aged 44 years.
§ BrantoniP, vol. viii p. ]24.
| Vie de Coligny, p. 293. U Ibid. p. 288.
* The queen subsequently said toTavannes, "Ceux
de Guyse se vouloient faire Roys; je les en ay bien
garde de vant Orleans." — Mem. de Tavannes, p. 87'. In
another part, (p. 276,) he says the queen was said to
have consented to the employment of Poltrot.
t Vie de Coligny, p. 288.
j Relation de la btessure, &c— Mem de Condi, vol. iv.
p. 240.
§ Vol. v. iii. p. 127.
ASSASSINATION OF THE DUKE OF GUISE.
75
of fanaticism, without partaking of the
strength which that execrable feeling
usually imparts; who had arranged every
thing for his escape, and, failing in that,
would hesitate at nothing calculated to
procure a delay, or a commutation of his
punishment. Poltrot alone is Coligny's
accuser, and it has therefore been justly
declared, that history should not hesitate
to acquit him.*
But the absence of proofs of guilt (espe-
cially in an affair which from its nature
would be shrouded in secrecy), although
it may protect the accused before the.
laws, must be accompanied with a con-
viction that the charge was unfounded,
or posterity will arraign the reputation of
the individual. Here, then, the legal
axiom is reversed, and it is our task to
show that Coligny was innocent of this
terrible crime.
The principal points for and against
him shall therefore be placed in array ; by
which means, if the admiral's innocence
be not entirely proved, at least the im-
probability of his guilt will be made to
appear. The arguments in support of the
charge are as follow: —
1. The great interest which Coligny
had in the death of Guise at that particular
time. His brother, whom he tenderly
loved, and Orleans, the stronghold of his
cause, were both on the eve of falling into
his power. There seemed no other chance
of relief for the Protestants; and it was
very difficult to persuade the nation, that
an event so much to his advantage had
occurred without his preparing it.
2. The probability that Coligny would
wish to revenge some attempts on his
own life, particularly that which was pro-
jected during the siege of Bourges. There
is reason to suppose that Cuise himself
Poltrot: this is admitted to be a fact by
almost every one, except Brantome, who
gives a particular account of the purchase
of a horse by Poltrot. He adds, "It was
said, that the admiral had given him this
money, but he was too wary to do such a
thing: besides, Poltrot made no such
avowal."* It must also be borne in mind,
that, in this age, when a gentleman was
obliged to serve without any remunera-
tion, there was nothing extraordinary in
a commander's helping to equip him.
4. The admissions of writers favourable
to the Huguenots, particularly that of
John de Serres, in his Commentaries,!
which has been laid hold of by the Abbe
Anquetil, who makes thereon the follow-
ing remarks :| — " It appears from the nar-
rative of Serres, that the admiral was ac-
quainted with Poltrot's design against the
Duke of Guise. He says, that Poltrot
went to the admiral, charged with letters
of recommendation from Roubise, and
that he offered to join Guise's army as
a spy, and even to kill the duke; that the
admiral approved of the firmer proposal,
and ridiculed the latter; that he gave him
at first twenty golden crowns, and after-
wards a hundred, to purchase a horse.
This manner of receiving the proposal of
an assassination as if it were a joke, and
afterwards giving money, without being
informed of the way in which it was to be
employed, does not tend to clear the ad-
miral."
This extract alone is sufficient to show
what inconsistencies may be written by
the supporters of a false accusation. The
Abbe states that the present was for the
purchase of a horse, and afterwards as-
sumes that it was given without inquiring
to what use it was destined.
D'Aubigne also admits, that Poltrot had
thought so, for, when he received the publicly declared his intention of killing
wound, he observed, " That it was to
have been expected."!
3. The present which Coligny made to
* Lacrclelle, Hist, ties Querres de Religion, vol. ii.
p. 133
t It is related by V nril I as ami others, that an attempt
was made nn I lie duke's life during tin: siege nf Knuen,
and the assassin is said to have acknowledged "Thai
he wished to deliver his religion from its worst enemy "
The following reply lots been attributed to Guise: " If
your religion teaches you to kill one who has never in.
lured you. mine, conformable to the gospel, orders me to
pardon you." Such an expression is ridiculous in the
mouth of so notorious a persecutor, the very champion
of bigotry; and Mr. Bayle has blended a little sarcasm
with his remarks upon it in his dictionary — An Fran-
Ch Duke of Quite.
Guise, but that little attention was paid
to him, for he was considered a madman. §
But, whether he was believed or not in
these declarations, it is scarcely possible
that such a thing could be publicly talked
of without reaching the ears of some of
Guise's friends. Besides, Poltrot's propo-
sal to become a spy is a reason for sup-
posing that such persons were often em_
* Brantome, vol. viii. p. 123.
t Commentariorum de statu religionis et reipublics in
egno (iallia*, lihn ties
1 Preface to Esprit de In Ligue, p C7.
j Hint. Univ. vol. i. p 170.
76
ASSASSINATION OF THE DUKE OF GUISE.
ployed at this period ; and if Coligny had
entertained any thought of such an at-
tempt, he was too prudent to suffer its
becoming the gossip of his camp.
5. An expression, which it is said the
admiral would frequently repeat, de-
claring, " That he had nothing to do with
it, nor would he have been its author on
any account, but that his death had deli-
vered the Protestant religion from a dan-
gerous enemy." Brantome observes
thereon,* " that many were surprised
that lie, who was usually so cool and
sparing of his words, should continually
allude to an event so long gone by." But
Coligny could not forget that such a
charge had not only been made, but was
continually renewed ; for the queen con-
stantly excited the family to demand jus-
tice against him. His frequent allusion
to the subject therefore amounts to no-
thing.
6. An insinuation of Brantome's must
also be added to the preceding articles.
" The admiral," says he, " was too keen
to give Poltrot instructions or advice about
it ; but he acted like the shepherd in the
fable, who refused to tell the huntsmen
where the stag had taken refuge, and at
the same time pointed with his finger to
the spot."f But it must be allowed that
this observation is completely at variance
with his remarks in general.
Except the foregoing, I cannot find any
argument for maintaining the accusation:
let the witnesses for the defence be now
examined.
1. Coligny's voyage to Normandy, and
his attack upon Caen, are reasons for
supposing he had no expectation of Guise's
death. He would have remained in the
neighbourhood of Orleans, to take advan-
tage of the event, and not have been con-
tented with the mere removal of a rival.
Before he could with prudence approach,
the treaty of peace was decided upon, very
much against his wish. "This treaty,"
said he, " ruins more churches than the
enemy's force could have destroyed in ten
years."| Besides, if he had been nigh at
hand, the murderer might have been
sheltered from arrest ; the confessions
would never have been extorted from
him ; and it must be admitted that, in the
* Vol. viii. p, 120, t Ibid, p, 12?.
t Hist du (Joncile de Trente. p. 074. Davila, liv. 3,
p. 306.
absence of Poltrot's confession, the affair
would assume a different aspect.
2. His letter to the queen bears great
testimony in his favour. It was written
from Caen* and stated that he feared
nothing so much as the execution of Pol-
trot before the truth was ascertained.
After reminding the queen of circum-
stances which would indicate the impro-
bability of his projecting such a crime, it
expressed his anxiety lest the parliament
should hasten the condemnation and exe-
cution of this prisoner, in order to fix a
stigma upon him. He adds, " Do not
think, however, that I feel any regret for
Guise's death; for I consider it the best
thing which could have happened to this
kingdom, and to the church of God; and
particularly to me and my family." A
sentiment which no one would be very
forward in avowing, who was conscious
that the death in question had been effect-
ed by his contrivance or subornation.
3. The demand of a safe-conduct, in
order to be confronted with the prisoner,
has already been mentioned: the refusal
is a decided proof of the queen's doubts
respecting the truth of the accusation ;
while the haste of the parliament in exe-
cuting the sentence of the law, betrays a
fear lest the assassin should make known
the means resorted to for modelling his
confession.! His death prevented all cor-
roboration; the thing to be desired above
all others, where justice is the aim, and
truth the object of a judicial inquiry.
4. Among the different means made
use of to repel the charge arising from this
assassination, " it was verified,'''' says
Brantome,^ "that the admiral had sent
word to Guise some days before, to take
care of himself, for there was a man hired
to murder him." I rather doubt of this
information having been sent, as it is
completely at variance with every re-
ceived account, and is moreover impro-
bable, as no measures of precaution were
adopted. Coligny, it is true, might have
sent such intelligence, and the letter miss
its destination. But whether Brantome's
account be true or false, the bare mention
of such a circumstance, by one so devoted
* 12th March, 1563. It is to he found in the Memoirs
of Conde.
f It was considered generally, at the time, that Pol-
trot had been promised a pardon, if his instigator could
be brought to justice — Vie de Coligny, p. 293.
} Vol, viii. p. 120.
EDICT Of AMBOISE.
77
to the House of Lorrain, and in a great
measure dependent on that family, is a
proof that he had not the least idea of the
admiral's guilt.
5. In the narrative which precedes, no-
tice has been taken of Brantome's account
of the contradictory nature of Poltrot's
What degree of importance is to be at-
tached to these several arguments, for or
against the accusation, is not here to be
pronounced. The facts of history are ap-
proved or condemned, according to the
light in which they are viewed by poste-
rity. That is the only tribunal compe-
confessions ; the same writer gives positive tent for such decisions; and the lapse of
testimony in favour of the admiral in ano- two centuries and a half leaves Coligny as
ther place.* "The admiral who was | much as ever exposed to censure if guilty ;
suspected of it (the death of Guise) was j while, on the other hand, the long duration
not so guilty as was thought. Others
were far more criminal, who never suf-
fered anything on that account ; but this
great captain was obliged to pay the reck-
oning for all the others, and the young
duke used to say, that he alone was wor-
thy of his hatred and his vengeance."
6. The general tenor of Coligny's life
may be fairly brought forward to show
the improbability of his becoming the em-
ployer of an assassin : a recent work on
this subject contains the following remark:
— "If the previous life of Coligny be an
answer to this terrible accusation, what
he did afterwards, in two other civil wars,
repels the charge still better.
of a calumny, so far from imparting au-
thenticity to its own existence, becomes
an additional reason for carefully and im-
partially investigating the truth.
CHAPTER XVI.
Edict of Amboise— Havre taken — Charles IX. declared
of age — Coligny accused of the murder of Guise — Pins
IV. excommunicates the Queen of Navarre and some
Bishops — Encroachments on the liberty of the Pro-
testants.
Guise's death put an end to the Trium-
virate, and the queen-mother again pos-
sessed the supreme authority. A generar
How could | reconciliation became the wish of all par-
a man capable of such a crime have so ties. The English had established them-
constantly abstained from the fury of ven- selves in Normandy. The land, being
geance, and reprisals, which appeared law- uncultivated, provided no means of alle-
ful'f't viating the scarcity which afflicted the
7. An accusation, the malice of which I country ; and the labourers, taken from
it is impossible entirely to conceal, must 'their usual occupations to swell the ranks
be received with caution. What other
motive could have induced the enemies
of the Protestants to insert Beza's name
in Poltrot's confessions ? Catholic writers
refer to the document, and exultingly as-
perse that eminent divine; but Brantome,
who was on the spot, makes no mention
whatever of his name.
8. There is in Poltrot's confession one
of the contending parties, now Jived by
robbery. Never was peace more requi-
site for any kingdom. Catherine, more-
over, was desirous of concluding some
treaty, for the Huguenots would very soon
have been able to dictate their own terms,
as there was no one to be found capable
of taking the command of the royal army ;
the queen had offered that post to the
point which bears the characteristic of a 'Duke of Wirtemburg, but he refused it.*
false origin: Poltrot states that when he Her fears were excited by the known in-
arrived at the camp he was referred to j flexibility of Coligny, who would be sure
the Seigneur de Chatillon, &c, whereas! to insist upon the full establishment of the
the persons who are said to have used that I Protestant religion, as the basis of the
expression never called him otherwise than 'treaty ; it was therefore her interest to
Monsieur PAmiral. Coligny, in his reply, | come to some conclusion while he was at
published at the time, alludes to this, tola distance.!
show that his enemies dictated the confes-
sion to the suffering wretch, who would
say what he thought would be most agree-
able to the persons around him.
* Hist, do Charles IX. (vol. ix. p. 417 )
t Lacrelellc, Hist, des Querrej de Religion, vol. ii. p.
I?,J
7*
* Beza's History, (Bonk li) contains the negotiation
at length One of the Duke's reasons for declining the
offer is, '• that as the Prince of Conde and his party de-
[Handed only the observance of the edict of January, and
as the troubles and cruelties proceeded from Ihe differ
eiice of religion alone, he could not join in any thing
which might be prejudicial to those of the same faith as
himself, some trifling difference excepted."
t Letter from the Spanish ambassador, dated 20th
March. Mem. de Conde, vol. ii. p. 145.
78
HAVRE TAKEN.
To win over the Prince of Conde she
was exceedingly lavish of her caresses;
she tenderly embraced the princess, and
entreated her assistance in turning the ob-
stinacy, not only of her husband, but of
her uncle Coligny. An'interview between
the prince and Montmorency was soon
arranged, and the bases of a treaty were
then discussed.*
Conde demanded the full execution of
the edict of January, and Montmorency
protested that he would never subscribe
to a measure so prejudicial to the Catholic
religion. Each was persuaded to relax
by repeated solicitations, and the result of
the conference produced the edict of Ara-
boise.t By it the Protestants were per-
mitted the exercise of their religion, in all
the towns which were in their possession
on the 7th of March ; the general permis-
sion to preach in the country places,
which the edict of January allowed, was
considerably restrained in the present. In
order to heal animosities, the edict made
no mention of amnesty, as that implied
previous rebellion : but it carried complete
oblivion of the past; declared the prince
and his partisans faithful subjects of the
king ; and acknowledged that they had
taken arms with pure intentions, and for
promoting the good of his cause.} An ad-
ditional article stipulated, that both parties
should concur in driving the English out
of the kingdom. Some church-lands were
sold to defray the expenses of the war:
the pacification in consequence contained
the seeds of future troubles.J and has been
considered as both insulting to the king,
and pernicious to religion.||
This edict, however, rendered it neces-
sary to abandon many of their churches,
which lowered Conde in the estimation of
the Protestants. Coligny no sooner heard
of it than he hastened to the prince, and
remonstrated with him on the fault he had
committed, in contenting himself with such
trifling concessions, when his circum-
stances placed him in such a commanding
position.1T He saw clearly that there was
no chance of such another opportunity,
and had great fears that the present edict
would be of very little protection to them
when their forces were disbanded. But
* Mem. de Conde, vol. iv p. 275
t Dated ]!)th March, 1562-3. J De Thou, liv. 34.
§ l'asquier, vol. ii. p 108.
II Pallavicini, lib. 20, p. 407.
IT Hist, du Concile de Tiente, p. G74.
his observations had no effect upon the
prince, who was weary of the war: con-
siderations of humanity and the general
interest were urged, to allay the vexation
and doubts of the admiral ; and it appears
that, if Conde had not felt himself bound
to preserve appearances, he would have
been contented with still less favourable
terms.*
Calvin, Beza, and other ministers, also
reproached the prince with having sacri-
ficed their cause: they all told him he
would not be long before he repented of
it: but the affair was concluded, and there
was no revising it. The prisoners were
set at liberty, the towns restored, and the
troops disbanded. The registration of the
edict, however, met with great opposition
in all the parliaments.t
The admiral, before he dismissed his
companions in arms, paid them great at-
tentions, that he might be able to calcu-
late upon their assistance in case of need.
The queen was displeased at this precau-
tion, and complained of it to the Prince of
Conde, whom she tried to separate from
him by various methods.
Conde told her in reply, that this con-
duct of Coligny ought to be attributed
solely to a grateful desire of acquitting his
obligations to the nobility ; and that it was
the least he could do for those who had
quitted their homes and families to serve
him. Catherine did not expect such an
answer from the prince, whom she had
endeavoured to impress with the belief,
that the confidence of the Protestants in
Coligny was to his prejudice ; but Conde
was aware of her motives, and was cau-
tious of taking the bait.}.
The cessation of intestine commotions
enabled the French to unite in expelling
their common enemy; negotiations were
at first entered into, but without success ;§
arms were then resorted to, and the En-
glish were soon dispossessed of Havre.
That town had been delivered to Queen
Elizabeth, as a security for money she had
lent the Prince of Conde. Nothing can
justify this conduct of the prince; to give
up an important town to another govern-
ment, and thus facilitate the entry of an
enemy into the heart of a kingdom, is a
measure which will be reprobated by
* Vie de Coligny, p. 281 t Davila, liv. 3. p. 308.
J Vie de Coligny, p 291.
$ Mem. de Conde, vol ii. p. 103.
CHARLES IX. DECLARED OF AGE.
79
every one possessing the least spark of
patriotism. The circumstances of this
case still admit of some palliation, as it was
apparently the only means of saving the
Huguenots from extermination ; but Conde
was so anxious to efface the blot, that he
offered his services to retake the town.
Havre was defended by the Earl of War-
wick, with a garrison of four thousand
men. In addition to the brisk attacks of
the French, he was assailed internally by
a pestilence, which rapidly destroyed his
men. He also felt astonished at the fury
with which the Huguenots repaid his coun-
try, for the assistance which had been sent
them ;* while they fought the more ear-
nestly, in order to clear their character
from the reproach of having introduced
foreigners into France. The town capitu-
lated on the twenty-seventh of July, and
the next morning the governor had the
mortification cf seeing an English fleet ar-
rive with reinforcements. When the ships
came in sight, the French commander sent
Lignerolles in a small vessel to acquaint
the English admiral " that the town was
in the possession of the King of France ;
and that if he wished to land for refresh-
ments, the queen (Catherine) would re-
ceive him in a friendly manner; for as the
most Christian King had recovered what
belonged to him, he did not pretend to
continue at war with the Queen of En-
gland, "f
Elizabeth was very indignant when she
heard of the loss of this town, which she
hoped would have compensated for Ca-
lais. She is reported to have said, that if
the admiral again required her assistance,
she should know how to act; but when
her anger had subsided, she observed, that
the King of France was happy in having
such faithful subjects.:):
As the king's minority had afforded
pretexts for all the attempts against the
government, Catherine was desirous that
he should be declared of full age: that
measure would not affect her influence
over her son, while it would protect her
from the intrusions of the princes of the
blood, and the great personages of the
state. Charles IX. entered his fourteenth
year during the siege of Havre, and she
* Piaconra an vray do la reduction du Havre-de-Grace,
&c — Mem. de Conde, vol. iv.
t Letter of Spanish ambassador. —Mem. de Condi, vol.
ii. p. 171.
\ Vie de Coligny, p. 297.
wished the parliament to make the decla-
ration without delay, according to the law
of Charles the Wise, which fixed the ma-
jority of the king at fourteen years. The
Chancellor l'Hopital, who also wished for
the measure, considered that the parlia-
ment of Paris would not readily consent
to it ; and he recommended the queen to
apply to that of Rouen in preference. A
bed of justice was held there the seven-
teenth of August, and the king was de-
clared of full age, the parliament agreeing
with the chancellor, that the year being
entered on was deemed complete. AH
the other parliaments registered the edict,
except that of Paris, which made strong
remonstrances. As that was the repre-
sentative of the states-general, and the first
court in the kingdom, it was deemed very
derogatory to its dignity, that such an
edict should be presented to the other par-
liaments before it had received the appro-
bation of that body. The chief president
and two counsellors were deputed to con-
vey these sentiments to the king, who as-
sumed as much severity as he was able,
telling them to obey, and not meddle with
public affairs which depended upon his
will ; and dismiss the idle notion, that they
were the guardians of the king, the de-
fenders of the kingdom, and the protectors
of the city of Paris *
The king delayed returning to Paris till
after the parliament had become con-
formable : a further delay was occasioned
by the queen's illness. Instead of pro-
ceeding direct to the capital he made a
stay at Meulan, to which place the mo-
ther, the widow, and the children of Guise,
with a numerous train of relatives and
friends, all clothed in deep mourning, went
in a body, and on their knees presented
a request demanding justice on his mur-
derer.t This step was at the queen's in-
stigation ; and in order to blind the public,
as to the part she had taken in urging the
family to such a proceeding, she told them
that she could not conceive why they
should complain, for Poltrot had been
punished as rigorously as they could pos-
sibly wish. This gave them an opportu-
nity of better explaining themselves, and
they stated, that as Coligny had been
charged by the confessions and declara-
* Davila, liv. 3, p 318. Journal de Brulart, in he.
t Mem. de Conde , vol. v. p. 24. Tlie request was dated
■2(>lh iept. 1503.
80
COLIGXY ACCUSED OF THE MURDER OF GUISE.
tions of Poltrot, it was proper that he.
should justify himself from the accusation,'
or suffer the punishment due to such a I
crime.* The king promised them his
support, and the parliament commenced
an inquiry. Many of the counsellors
thought the duchess ought not to be]
allowed to risk another civil war by pur-
suing the affair; but the queen gave them
to understand her wishes, and the parlia-
ment commenced proceedings against
the admiral. Catherine was in hopes of
thus compelling Coligny to yield to her]
authority and influence, but it only
strengthened the union between him and
Conde, who reproached the queen with
having excited this odious accusation. A]
memorial was also presented to the king, l
representing that, as the government had
refused to delay Poltrot's execution, it1
was not right to argue from his deposi-
tion ; and that, as oblivion was promised
for all that occurred during the war, if
the duchess were permitted to accuse the:
admiral, he ought to be allowed to insti-]
tute proceedings against the duke's me-!
mory and character, in order to condemn
him for the massacre of Vassy, which was
the cause of the civil wart It was evi- 1
dent that the duchess only acted from the
queen's suggestions, and the proceeding!
was looked upon as a persecution. Mar-j
shal Montmorency, eldest son of the Con-i
stable, warmly espoused Coligny's cause,
and the queen became fearful of the con-i
sequences of her conduct.} The admi-t
ral's party appeared still more important
when he entered Paris to join the king,]
accompanied by a greater train of nobles,
and gentlemen than had been seen for many ]
years.§ The Guises were astonished, andt
immediately placed their hotel in a state1
of defence. But they persisted in accusing
Coligny, and at last the king issued a de-
cree suspending all inquiry for three years,
which put an end to the public discussion!
of the affair.il
In the mean time, the insufficiency of1
the edict of Amboise for securing the1
peace became very evident. Wherever
the Protestants were most numerous, they
* Vie de Coligny, p, 202. Davila, liv. 3. p. 321.
t Vie tie Coligny, p. 293.
J Letter of the Spanish ambassador.— Mem. dc Condi.
vol. ii. p. 181.
§ Brief disconrs dc tout re quie a este negotie pour la
querelle qui est entre les maisons de Guysc et de Chas-
tillon, &c — Mem. de Condi, vol. v.
I The decree is dated 5th January, 1563-4.
extended the liberty of the edict; and
when they were the weaker party, they
were unable to enjoy its benefit. The
Catholics in general were angry at the
concessions made to the Protestants, and
loudly manifested their discontent. No
one was more displeased about it than the
constable, notwithstanding the treaty was
principally his own work. These mur-
murs were repeated by a number of dis-
contented persons, who made his house
their rendezvous. Montmorency argued
that the Huguenots would necessarily
increase in numbers and influence if the
peace continued, and that therefore a war
was the only remedy for the evil. A plan
was formed for raising a disturbance in
the capital, and about three hundred of
the principal protestants were marked out
for destruction : this violent measure it
was supposed would cause another war.
Every thing was arranged for execution :
persons were posted to stir up the popu-
lace, and engage them to fall on the Cal-
vinists, murder them, and plunder their
houses. The constable himself gave
orders for carrying the plan into effect;
but the queen received timely information,
and the plot was frustrated. Montmo-
rency retired in confusion to Chantilly,
and some of the most furious of his ac-
complices were hanged at their own win-
dows, without any form of trial: the
others were allowed to escape.*
This attempt was not confined to the
capital. Damville, Tavannes, and other
governors attempted similar measures.
Like most persecutions, it received great
encouragement from the clergy, whose
zeal could not remain inactive when the
Pope had hurled his thunders, and the
council its anathemas, against the vic-
tims; added to which, several foreign
princes solicited severe measures against
them, and sent embassies to convey their
threats if such were not adopted.^
Pius IV., who at this time directed the
politics of the Vatican, readily perceived
that the temporal authority of his see
would be undermined if the Protestants
could enjoy liberty in France : his object
was therefore to make them hateful to (he
government. To prevent the clergy from
giving them countenance, he determined
on punishing those French prelates who
* Vielleville, liv. 9, < h. 32 an I 35.
t D'Aub!gne, vol. i. p. 197. De Tho i, liv. 33.
COLIGNY ACCUSED OF THE MURDER OF GUISE.
81
had adopted the new doctrines, or had
been guilty of tolerance. He excommu-
nicated the Cardinal of Chatillon ; St.
ltomain, Archbishop of Aix ; Montluc, Bi-
shop of Valence; Carraccioli ofTroyes;
Barbancjon, of Pamiers; and Guillart of
Chartres: they were all summoned to ap-
pear before him, and give an account of
their conduct*
The audacity of the pontiff was the
means of saving those prelates from his
wrath, by rendering it necessary for the
king of France to interfere. The pope
cited the queen of Navarre to give an
account of her faith ;t and if within the
space of six months she did not appear
before the sovereign pontiff, he declared
her proscribed, convicted of heresy, fallen
from royalty, and deprived of her estates
and dignities, which were given to the
first occupant.} Such an attack upon a
crowned head, and a near relative of the
King of France, caused a strong represen-
tation from the French ambassador; and
the pope in consequence withdrew his
bull.}
A new edict was published about the
same time: it was called a declaration,
and was avowedly to explain the doubt-
ful part of that of Amboise, but in reality
to curtail the liberty of the Protestants. ||
Several of the clergy had performed i
divine service in their churches, according
to the new rite, and many had permitted
it in their dependencies. By the new
edict, all lands and buildings belonging to
the church were excepted from the liberty
of worship: similar means were resorted
to for curtailing their liberty of preaching in
general ; and as many persons had quitted
the monastic life, and had married, they
were enjoined to return to their convents,
and renounce their illegal marriages, or
quit the kingdom.
Such an encroachment on the edict of
Amboise could not be submitted to, with-
out an attempt on the part of the Protest-
ants to defend their rights. They inun-
dated the kingdom with apologies, com-
plaints, and remonstrances to the king,
the queen, and particularly the. Prince of
* Hist, du Concile de Trentc, p. 769.
t The hull is dated 2Hih Sept. 1503; it is to be found
in the fourth vol. of Mem. de Condi.
t D'Auhigne, vol. i. p. 201. Maimbotirg, Hist, de Cal-
vinisme, liv. 4.
§ Hist, du Uoncile de Trente, p. T96. Mem. de Conde,
vol. iv. p. G80.
II Dated Hth December, 1503.
Conde, as he was in some decree answer-
able for the fulfilment of the treaty, having
prevented the admiral from securing
better terms. But Catherine had artfully
surrounded him with every charm and
variety of pleasure, and he was too much
engaged to bestir himself on their account.
His amorous disposition made him an
easy prey to the intrigues set on foot by
the queen. She amused him with the
hope of being lieutenant-general of the
kingdom, and encouraged him to pursue
his brother's claims to Sardinia: she pro-
jected at the same time a marriage be-
tween him and Mary Queen of Scots, as
his princess had lately died. Conde's
wit and vivacity, added to his reputation
for courage and skill, made him a great
favourite at court, and the widow of Mar-
shal St. Andre and Isabella de la Tour cfe
Turenne disputed for his hand : the prince
resigned himself to luxury, and for a time
the queen's object was effected.*
Coligny had great difficulty in dis-
suading the prince from marrying the
widow, who was so deeply enamoured,
that she gave him the chateau of Vallery ;f
nor was this the only proof of her tender-
ness, according to the memoirs of the ad-
miral.
The noblesse were ensnared in a simi-
lar manner. Catherine's maids of honour,
young and beautiful girls, were the syrens
employed to captivate the Huguenot lead-
ers. The queen hoped to lull them into
security, in order more completely to have
them in her power. Treachery was the
leading feature of her conduct: her aim
being bad, she would not be scrupulous
about the means, and the morals of her
court would be exposed to but little scru-
tiny. Those who were most successful
received the greatest honour; and de-
bauchery and perfidy entered very early
into the habits of Charles IX.
CHAPTER XVII.
Conclusion of the Council of Trent — Secret arrange-
inents made for the destruction of heresy— Arrest of
( liarlesdu Moulin — Journey to Bayonne— Interviews
between Catherine and the Duke of Alva — Plot for
seizing the Ctueen of Navarre and her son.
The month of December, 1563, was
rendered remarkable by the conclusion
* De Thou, liv. 35. | Brantome, vol. ix. p. 3.
82
CONCLUSION OF THE COUNCIL OF TRENT.
of the Council of Trent. Pius IV. had
renewed the sessions, with a determina-
tion to come to some decision ; he was
convinced that unless some fixed princi-
ples were adopted, some boundary esta-
blished for the church, the most sincere
Catholics might be seduced into heresy,
by the arguments of those who claimed
the right of interpreting the Holy Scrip-
tures for themselves. The different dis-
cussions during the twenty-five sessions
of this council embraced the whole range
of subjects which affected the power, the
wealth, and the supremacy of the court
of Rome. The decrees were prefaced
with the following style, " The holy (Ecu-
menic Council, legitimately assembled
under the guidance of the Holy Spirit,
the apostolical legates presiding."* But
as the pope had the council under his
control, nothing was discussed beyond
what the legates proposed : and instead of
deliberating upon the spiritual interests of
Christendom, for effecting a complete abo-
lition of the corruptions and superstitions,
which were the grounds of Luther's at-
tack, there were only proposed some
slight modifications of the most glaring
abuses, while additional authority was
conferred upon almost every point, in
which the councils and traditions appeared
at variance with the Scriptures; and what
was intended to reform the church, thus
served only to confirm its errors. It
could hardly be otherwise, for the council
was chiefly composed of men devoted to
the pope, and whose number he could in-
crease at his pleasure; while the most
learned divines of the different nations
were never invited to attend, and if any
one ventured to express an opinion con-
trary to the papal interests, he was soon
put to silence. It was observed at the
time, that the Holy Spirit was sent from
Rome in a portmanteau.!
The concluding act of the council, was
to establish the dogma of the pope's infal-
libility. The council declared that the
authority of the holy see remained invio-
late, and the decision of any difficulties,
without exception, which might arise out
of the decrees, was referred to the pope,
as sovereign pastor of the church.}
The Cardinal of Lorrain appeared at
* Hist. <lu Concile de Trente, p. 124.
t Turretin, Mist. Eccles.
I Maimbour?. Hist, du Lutheranisme, Fra Paolo.
Hist, du Concile de Trente.
the council with great splendour; and
the occasion for discussing some genera!
plan for the annihilation of heresy was not
lost. He conferred with the emperor, and
conversed with the pope; and the em-
bassy to France soon after, on the part
of the pope, the King of Spain, and the
Duke of Savoy, was generally attri-
buted to that conversation* The pro-
position was kept very secret ; and both
the court and the deputies carefully con-
cealed what was discussed. But Coligny,
who had good active spies abroad, pene-
trated the nature of the embassy, and
roused the Prince of Conde to exert him-
self ; the queen feared a renewal of the
war, and acted accordingly.!
When the ambassadors arrived at Fon-
tainebleau, where the king then was, they
could only obtain vague answers. They
demanded, among other things, that the
Council of Trent should be received ,in
France; that the heretics should be pu-
nished without mercy; and that the au-
thors of the death of Guise should be con-
demned as guilty of high treason. Charles
assured them that he would live in the re-
ligion of his fathers, that he was disposed
to render justice to all his subjects, and
that for the rest he would write to their
masters.}
But so much did the ultramontane inte-
rest predominate in the decrees of the
Council of Trent, that the Catholics of
France were very averse to their recep-
tion. A celebrated lawyer, named Charles
du Moulin, published a memoir, showing
that this council was null and vicious in
all its parts, contrary to former decrees,
and prejudicial to the dignity of the crown,
and the liberties of the Gallican church. 5
He was arrested for this publication, while
going up the steps of the Palace of Justice,
and that circumstance nearly caused a
tumult; for the other lawyers felt indig-
nant at such treatment of a man who was
an honour to their profession, and they
excited their clerks to attempt a rescue.
The Conciergerie, however, being close
at hand, the archers very soon secured
their prisoner, and, by a prompt flight,
escaped the vengeance of their pursuers.
No sooner did this affair reach the ears of
Coligny, than he made the case his own
* Pasquier, vol. ii. p. 108.
t Vie de Coligny, p. 302.
J D'Aiibignt:, vol. i. p. 203. Mem. de Conde, vol. v. p. 4A.
§ Mem. de Conde, vol. v. pp. 81 at seq.
SECRET ARRANGEMENTS FOR THE DESTRUCTION OF HERESY. 83
(for he had encouraged Du Moulin to pub-
lish the memoir:) he went to the queen,
and by a full representation of the affair,
and its probable results, obtained an order
for Du Moulin to be set at liberty*
Catherine had for some time entertained
a great wish to travel through the king-
dom, and show the young monarch to his
people. The communications from the
ambassadors had created an additional
motive, for it became necessary to ascer-
tain the strength of the Huguenots in the
provinces. She was attended by all the
lords of the court, and the whole royal
family, with the exception of the Duke of
Alengon and the Prince of Conde. The
population crowded on the passage of this
brilliant escort, and saluted the king with
their acclamations. The young monarch's
presence dissipated every where that]
gloomy distrust which had lately showed
itself; and every one thanked him for the
peace he had bestowed on France. These
testimonials of affection should have en-
gaged Charles IX. to merit them by a pa-
ternal administration of the public affairs :
but the queen would not quit her son a
single moment; she beheld the enthusiasm
of the people with indifference, and the
rising feelings of gratitude were stifled in
the king's breast. Catherine also took
especial care to revive the expiring sparks
of fanaticism, by encouraging shouts of
Vive le Roi, la Reine, el La Messe .'
Skilful agents controlled the multitude,
who mingled abuse of the Protestants with
expressions of loyalty to the king; but
that did not prevent the Huguenots from
making their complaints. f
The queen did not long conceal her per-
fidious intentions. The king's steps were
at first directed to Lorrain, to visit the
duke, who had married his sister. A num-
ber of fetes were given in honour of this
visit, and the court was occupied with
pleasure : but Catherine availed herself of
the opportunity to negotiate with the
neighbouring German princes, and prevent
their subjects from coming to France to
assist the Protestants: she offered to pay
them for this civility. The Duke of Wir-
temburg, the count palatine, and the Duke
* Vie do Coligny, p 304. and Journal de Brulart, Tlh
June, 1504. Yet, within a short time, Du Moulin drew
up a most violent accusation against the Protestants,
entitled Fails et Informations, &c; inserted in Villeroy,
vol. vii.
t Mem. de Conde, vol. ii. p. 194.
of Deux Ponts, contended for the right of
assisting their friends; the Marquis of
Baden, and one or two others, accepted
her proposal, and engaged besides to send
troops to her assistance : she had thus
gained a great point towards the accom-
plishment of her project.*
From Lorrain, Charles IX. went to-
wards the southern parts of France. The
Duke of Savoy approached the king, to
offer his respects, as the court passed by
that frontier. To some this act appeared
only a courtesy on the part of the duke;
but many expressed their suspicions of the
secret interviews which he had with the
queen. At Avignon the honours of the
place were rendered by the vice-legate,
but the pope had sent, at the queen's de-
sire, a Florentine, his confidant : he dis-
cussed the secret affairs, while the public
functionaries attended to pageantry and
pleasure. Catherine could there declare
sentiments, which she had feared to im-
part to ordinary legates.!
As if her policy required no mask, Ca-
therine gave orders for destroying the for-
tifications of the places where the Pro-
testants were numerous; and citadels
were built to keep the great towns in
check. Every day witnessed some en-
croachment on the edict of Amboise. Se-
veral other edicts had been passed, inju-
rious to the Protestants, by restraining
their liberty: the edict of RoussillonJ de-
clared that the liberty of public worship
on their estates, which had been given to
the gentry, was only intended for their
servants and vassals : it forbade the col-
lection of any money for the minister's
support ; and repeated the injunction to
the priests, monks, and nuns, who had
contracted marriages, to resume their for-
mer conditions, or to quit the kingdom.
The Prince of Conde addressed a remon-
strance to the king, which was probably
the cause of two royal proclamations,
which were issued soon after, enjoining
all governors, &c, to observe the edict of
pacification. J
The court arrived at Bayonne, the 10th
of June, 1565, when the king was met by
* Pasquier, vol. ii. p. 309. I>avila, liv. 3, p. 329.
t Davila, liv 3. Maimbourg adds, that the legate
was mcrrcdleuscmr.vt. tatitfait With this conference.
Hist, du Calcinisme, liv. 5
X Dated 4th Aug. 1504.
$ Proclamations, dated Marseilles, 8th and 9th Nov.
15G4 ; ihey are given at length in (he first vol. of Mem.
de Conde; the prince's remonstrance is in vol. v. p. 201.
84
JOURNEY TO BAYONNE.
his sister, the Queen of Spain, who had
been sent by her husband, Philip II., an
unconscious instrument of his dark policy.
She was accompanied by a numerous and
brilliant suite, and her principal attendant
was the ferocious Duke of Alva : an envoy
quite equal to the commission confided to
him, by his talents and his sanguinary,
bigoted disposition.
At this time, when all the luxury and
pomp of the court of France was em-
ployed in fetes and pageantry, when the
French and Spanish courts endeavoured
to outvie each other's splendour, the queen-
mother wished it to be thought that her
stay at Bayonne was only to divert her
daughter. Her attention, however, was
directed to another object; for, under pre-
tence of going to see her, by a gallery
which she had ordered to be constructed
to connect their apartments, she conversed
every night with the Duke of Alva.*
Subsequent events have shown that these
conferences were about a secret alliance
between the two kings, for the entire ex-
tirpation of heresy in France. j Cathe-
rine was discussing the best means of ef-
fecting that object, when the Duke of Alva
observed, that " ten thousand frogs were
not worth the head of a salmon."| These
words were overheard by the young
prince of Beam, whose penetration was
far beyond his years : he considered them
as applicable to Conde and Coligny, and
immediately informed his mother, the
Queen of Navarre, of what he had heard.
This prince, who will hereafter occupy
a very considerable share of our attention,
was born at Pau in Beam, the 13th of
December, 1553. He was the son of An-
thony of Bourbon and the Queen of Na-
varre. Henry d'Albret, King of Navarre,
had a presentiment that his grandson
would one day avenge the injuries he had
received from the King of Spain ; and,
while he lived, he superintended those who
* De Tliou, liv. 37.
t The following testimony is above suspicion, " Les
Rnynesne France et d'Espagne a Bayonne. assistees do
Due d'Albe, resoulent la mine des heretiques en Prance
et Flandrcs."— Mem. de Tavanncs, p. 282. Strada's his
lory also mentions it.
J Mathieu, in his History of France, admits a consul-
tation for crushing the I'rotestants, by previously re-
moving their leaders, but rejects the idea of the Pt. Bar-
tholomew being then in contemplation. The words used
on this occasion are given in a different form by almost
every writer, but the animus is the same in all. Ac-
cording to Brantnine, it was a favourite phrase with the
Duke of Alva, who made use of it when he entrapped
the Counts Egmont and Horn to be massacred. See his
Jiife of the I'rince of Orange.
had the care of him.* His education was
unlike that of princes, for he was exer-
cised like a young Spartan, and nourished
with food of the coarsest kind. His first
years were passed amidst the rocks of
Beam, and the children of the peasants
were his companions. This hard ap-
prenticeship prepared him for his heroic
destinies. His mother, in the mean time,
provided him an excellent tutor, named
La Gaucherie, one of the most learned
men of the day ; and his death occurring
soon after, a Protestant, named Florent
Chretien, was charged with his tuition.
When he was presented at the court of
France, the blunt frankness of the little
mountaineer prince caused some amuse-
jment to the courtiers; but his wit and
[gracefulness gained him the kindness of
Catherine, who liked to have him con-
I stantly with her.t There was also a great
[interest excited in his favour while at
j Bayonne, on account of a conspiracy
against him, which had recently failed.
The object, was to seize and carry off the
Queen of Navarre and her son, and deliver
them into the hands of the King of Spain.
What their fate would have been can only
be conjectured, but there was every thing
to be feared on their account from such a
sanguinary prince, who found in religion
a pretext for every crime, and who had
authority from the pope to possess her
kingdom. Elizabeth, Queen of Spain,
heard of the plot, and trembled for the
life of her relative: she sent immediate
information to the Queen of Navarre and
the queen-mother, and the project failed in
consequence. It is uncertain whether this
plot was of French or Spanish origin ; but
memoirs of the time mention that Mont-
luc and several Catholic generals knew of
it. Catherine thought it sufficient to have
prevented the effect of the conspiracy, and
refrained from inquiring into the guilt of
any one concerned in it : the rank and
number of the criminals rendered that po-
licy necessary.!
The fetes at Bayonne being concluded,
the Queen of Spain returned to her hus-
band, and the French court set out for
Nerac in Gascony, the residence of the
* Henry d'Albret was born at Sangnesa. in Navarre,
in 15t)3; he died 1555. Charles V. considered him one of
the most accomplished men of his age.
t Cayet, vol. i. p. 236, H seq.
j Recitd'une enterprise faicteen 1'an 15(55 contre la
royne de Navarre, &c, inserted in Villeroy, vol. ii.
AFFAIR BETWEEN MONTMORENCY AND CARDINAL OF LORRAIN. 85
Queen of Navarre. Charles restored the
Catholic worship in those parts, and at-
tempted, but in vain, to bring back the
queen to that faith. She joined the reti-
nue of the court, and the king loaded her
with civilities and attentions. Catherine,
determined on keeping alive her son's
hatred of heresy, pointed out to his notice
the ruined monasteries, the overthrown
crosses, and the mutilated images of saints,
which were often in view. Her words
were deeply impressed on the young king's
mind, and created a distrust of the Pro-
testants which nothing could remove.
He frequently repeated the remark made
by the Duke of Alva, and from that time
adapted his policy to that object.*
The court arrived at Blois at the close
of the year; and an assembly of all the
great personages was convoked to meet
atMoulins, in the month of January, 1566:
at that assembly an edict was passed
which confirmed that of Roussillon, and
others, which had been made during the
king's journey; but whatever new dispo-
sitions were made, were of a civil nature,
and had no reference to the Protestants. t
Catherine did not find events favourable
to her views, or she would on this occa-
sion have adopted the suggestions of the
Duke of Alva : at least such was the gene-
ral opinion among the Protestants, and all
confidence in the queen was from that
time destroyed.^
CHAPTER XVIII.
Affair between Marshal Montmorency and the Cardinal
of Lorraine— Attempts to assassinate Coligny — Per-
fidious conduct of Charles IX.
The king had been absent from Paris
nearly two years. During that time a
disturbance occurred, which warmly in-
terested the whole court. An edict had
prohibited all persons from carrying fire-
arms, as the irritated state of the nation
made it dangerous for either party to
have weapons at hand: the prohibition
extended to all ranks; but the Cardinal of
* Davila, liv. 3.
t Thanks to the energy of the chancellor, whose
firmness in opposing the projects of the Cardinal of
Lorrain obtained for him some insulting remarks in the
assembly. The scene is detailed in the Mem. de LKstoile
•vol. i. p. 12. Edit. Cologne, 1719.
X Vie de Coligny, p. 314. Davila, liv. 3. De Thou,
Lorrain, fearing a fate similar to his bro-
ther's, had obtained permission under the
great seal to be attended by guards well
accoutred. On his return from the
Council of Trent, in January, 1565, he
invited all his friends to join him and
swell his escort, that he might make a
sort of triumphal entry into Paris.
Marshal Montmorency was at that
time governor of Paris, and was desirous
of mortifying the cardinal's vanity: he
well knew that certain persons were pri-
vileged in spite of the edicts, and that the
cardinal was among the number;' but to
put a good appearance on his conduct,
he went to the parliament, and said that
he had information that somebody pro-
posed coming to Paris with armed fol-
lowers, which, if it occurred, he would
resist with open force.
The cardinal was informed of the mar-
shal's design, but paid no attention to it,
and entered boldly into the city. Mont-
morency soon arrived, and ordered him
and his followers to put away their pis-
tols. He had sent a messenger to make
the same communication before the car-
dinal had entered; but that person was
not well received, and the marshal im-
mediately set out at the head of a bodv
of horsemen. A skirmish ensued; the
cardinal jumped from his horse, and ran
into a shop, from whence he gained his
own hotel in the night
The cardinal felt the affront too much
to overlook it. All the partisans of the
Guises were summoned, and an explana-
tion was demanded. The cardinal urged
the permission he had to go armed: the
marshal contended he ought to have ex-
hibited that authority. Montmorency,
far from yielding to the cardinal, paraded
before his house with armed men; and
having written to his different friends,
he received a great reinforcement. Co-
ligny brought with him twelve hundred-
gentlemen;* Andelot also brought some
with him; and the Prince* of Conde, and
the Cardinal of Chatillon supported him
by their presence. Th$ marshal ex-
pressed his determination''^ compel the
cardinal to obey him; while he fearing
his hotel should be forced in the night,
consulted some counsellors of the parlia-
ment, who offered to convince Montmo-
* According to De Thou, he arrived in Paris, 22d
Jan., 1565.
8G
ATTEMPTS TO ASSASSINATE COLIGNY.
rency of his authority to carry arms. The
admiral also joined in accommodating
the business, as he feared otherwise ano-
ther civil war might be kindled. The
cardinal was induced to send a copy of
the king's permission to carry arms, but
Montmorency demanded the original.
Upon this, Coligny persuaded the mar-
shal that he ought to be satisfied with the
deference which had been shown him;
and that the cardinal was severely pu-
nished, in undergoing such a mortifica-
tion, in sight of a great city, where he
had expected to be received with accla-
mations.
The Duke of Aumale, brother of the
cardinal, was determined to resent the
affront put upon his family. He col-
lected a number of gentlemen, and ap-
peared before Paris. Montmorency
wished to go out and settle the affair in
the field, but was dissuaded from it by
Coligny, who knew that a renewal of the
war would inevitably take place if they
came to blows: still the marshal was
about to give way to his feelings, when
orders arrived from the king for both
parties, to lay down their arms.*
The whole noblesse was divided into
two parties about this affair: one contend-
ed that the marshal was right; the other
blamed his conduct. The Prince of
Conde observed respecting it, — "If not
a joke, it is too little; if it be one, it is
too much."t The Duke of Montpen-
sier, receiving his account from the car-
dinal, was led to take up the affair
warmly: he wrote a severe letter to the
marshal, giving him to understand that
all the princes of the blood were affec ted
by his behaviour to the cardinal. The
marshal in his reply explained the dif-
ference there was between princes of the
blood and foreigners: he thus gave the
affair a different appearance, and ap-
peased the queen-mother.l
Coligny quitted Paris when he found
that his cousin had no farther occasion
for his assistance. He had not been
long at home, before he received clear
evidence that the queen-mother had been
busy in forming a league with the pope
and the Spaniards, for the extermination
* De Thou, liv. 37. Vie <ie Coligny, p. 213. Davila,
liv. 3. p. 341. Brantnme, Discours sur les Duels, and
Feliliieri, Hist, dc Paris, vol. ii. p. 1092.
t f)e Thou, liv. 37, vol. v. p. 11.
I Brantome, vol. vii. p. 169.
of the Protestant religion. At first he
was inclined to doubt the intelligence;
but the same news being confirmed, and
repeated in different quarters, he felt it
his duty to adopt some measures of pre-
caution: he consulted with Conde, and
they agreed to take arms at the first spark
which might appear. When the king,
soon afterwards, held the assembly at
Moulins, before mentioned, Coligny and
the prince went well accompanied: by
that means Catherine's aim was frus-
trated, and she feared to attempt the very
thing for which the meeting had been
appointed*
The charge brought against Coligny
by the Guises had been renewed at the
assembly, and the queen-mother, in or-
der to allay any suspicions in the admi-
ral's mind, exerted herself to effect a
complete reconciliation. The widow
and the cardinal were at length per-
suaded to say, that, after the oath Co-
ligny had taken, they believed him in-
nocent. They embraced each other,
and promised to banish all resentment.
The form agreed upon was scarcely
finished when the son of the deceased
Guise observed that he had nothing to
do with the ceremony. Aumale chal-
lenged Coligny to a single combat, and
the admiral complained to the queen of
the Guises wishing to assassinate him.t
There were in fact two attempts to as-
sassinate the admiral. One of them was
discovered by his intercepting some let-
ters from one of his gentlemen, named
Hambervilliers. The purport was, that
the persons whom he addressed need
take no trouble, and that before long he
would settle the admiral's business for
him. Every precaution had been used
in disguising the writing, and concealing
the name of the party to whom it was
sent, as that would have shown plainly
who had promoted the attempt.
Coligny was loth to entertain suspi-
cions of such a man, but was resolved on
inquiring more into it. He sent for
Hambervilliers, and desired him to ex-
plain what it meant. He, surprised at
such an accusation, denied having writ-
ten it. "I am glad of it," said Coligny;
" but as it is important that I should be
* Vie de Coligny, p. 314.
t Journal de lirulart, 29lh Jan., 15fifi. Pasquier, vol.
ii. p. 110. Vie de Coligny, p. 315. Davila, liv. 3. I)e
Thou, liv. 39.
ATTEMPTS TO ASSASSINATE COLIGNY.
87
assured, I beg you will take a pen, that I
may compare the writing, and be con-
vinced of the truth of what you say."
Hambervilliers, unable to refuse such a
test, attempted to write as differently as
possible; but he was so alarmed at his
position, that writing a very few words
sufficed to show that he was the author of
the letter. Coiigny plainly told him his
opinion, when Hambervilliers threw
himself at his feet to implore his mercy.
The admiral took, no other revenge than
expelling him from his service, and tell-
ing him to inform those who had em-
ployed him that there were other me-
thods, and more honourable than that,
for getting rid of a man whom they
wished to injure. Coiigny did not even
press him for information, but told him
that he forgave him as he was from Lor-
rain, and might therefore consider him-
self bound to serve the house of Guise.
He gave orders, however, to his steward
that he should carefully inspect what-
ever was intended for his table.*
The other attempt to murder the ad-
miral was the following. He was hunt-
ing, and was accosted by a man who had
formerly been in his service, but who at
that time kept an inn at Chatillon. This
man, named Demay, told him that the
animal he was pursuing had gone in a
certain direction, and offered to take him
by a short route, so that he could arrive
before the doo-s.
The admiral thanked him, and re-
quested he would walk on and show the
way. This was not what the other
wished, as he intended to make his blow
from behind; added to which, a gentle-
man overtook Coiigny, and kept close to
him. This so disconcerted the man,
that they both suspected something.
They soon found that the road they were
in could not lead to where the hunt was,
for Demay had conducted them into the
depths of the forest. Colignv then drew
his sword, and laid hold of the man, sav-
ing, "Tell me this moment, you scoun-
drel, where you are conducting me, and
what is your design!" The gentleman
laying hold of him at the same time, he
was unable to resist, or do any thing in
desperation. As he would give no ex-
planation, they searched him, and a pis-
tol being found upon him, was a proof of
* Vie de Coiigny, p. 31o\
some bad intention. He persisted in
keeping silence; so Coiigny and his com-
panion bound him, and delivered him
into the hands of justice. The fellow
was well known to the magistrates, and
had escaped the punishment due to a
multitude of crimes, solely because it
was thought the admiral would protect
his old servant. This affair, however,
disabused them upon that point, and he
was tried and condemned to be hanged.
To prolong his life, and create a pos-
sibility of escape, he appealed to the par-
liament, stating that this was a false ac-
cusation,—a persecution on account of
his having refused to assist in poisoning
the queen. But the counsellors saw
through his motives, and confirmed his
sentence of death, changing the punish-
ment from hanging, to be broken on
the wheel. Before he died, he acknow-
ledged that his intention was to murder
the admiral, at the request of the Duke
of Aumale, who had given him a hun-
dred crowns, with a great many pro-
mises, if he succeeded.*
To lull Coiigny into supineness
Charles and his mother pursued a new
line of conduct. He became in great
favour at court, and received innumerable
kindnesses from the perfidious king,
whose secret aim was to destroy him.
Coiigny even felt ashamed of having lent
an ear to the advice which had been sent
him from Bayonne: and had not con-
tinued complaints been addressed to him
from the provinces, wary as he was, he
would have fallen into the snare. But in
spite of the edicts in their favour, the
Protestants could not have the enjoyment
of their liberty; and bigots derived en-
couragement from the impunity with
which they pursued their persecutions,
for justice was deaf to the appeals of
the Huguenots. Catherine, grieved that
such events should thwart her design,
was eager to convince the admiral, that,
whatever misht take place in the pro-
vinces, she and her son were favourable
to his cause. She went beyond all pre-
cedent in paying him attentions. The
king was to be god-father to the Prince
of Conde's child, and chose Coiigny to
represent him at the font. He after-
wards dined at the same table with the
* Vie de Uollgny, p. 321. De Thou, liv. 3!», gives an
imperfect account of this affair, but what he does state
corroborates the text.
83
PERFIDIOUS CONDUCT OF CHARLES IX.
king, and was waited upon by the offi-
cers of the household, in the same style
in which a sovereign prince would have
been received. Coligny was fearful of
exciting the envy of the courtiers, and
attempted to decline the honour, but in
vain: his prudence, however, did not for-
sake him in the blaze of splendour which
surrounded him, and nothing could pre-
vent his retiring to his own house in the
evening. Charles tried every method to
induce his guest to remain in the palace,
l* in hopes," says the admiral's biogra-
pher, "that a favourable opportunity for
seizing him would present itself." But
Coligny was firm, and retired in safety.*
During the conferences at Bayonne the
Duke of Alva had obtained the king's
permission to traverse part of France,
with an army intended to crush the re-
bellion in Flanders. Coligny, who never
lost any opportunity of serving the Pro-
testant cause, entertained hopes of per-
suading the king to assist the Flemings,
by showing the great advantages which
would arise from such a measure. But
the plan agreed upon at Bayonne was
directly at variance with this suggestion:
the most advantageous treaty with Flan-
ders, even its annexation to his crown,
could not compensate this infatuated and
cruel king for the opportunity of sup-
pressing heresy in France; and that op-
portunity he expected to derive from the
co-operation of the Spaniards in Flan-
ders.
When Coligny found that the king
could not be brought to prevent the Spa-
nish army from traversing the kingdom,
he resolved to take some measures for
protecting the French Protestants from
dangers, which the arrival of so ferocious
a commander rendered imminent. He
addressed the queen on that subject: she
was willing enough to adopt a proposal,
which she could afterwards turn against
the Huguenots; and nothing could have
suited her views better, for she wished
to have an armed force at hand, but had
delayed taking any measures for it, lest
she should thereby excite suspicions in
Coligny's mind: an order was issued
without delay for the levy of six thou-
sand Swiss. t
It was the Prince of the Roche-sur-
Yonne who represented to the admiral,
* Vie de Coligny, p. 318. f Davila, liv. 4.
what an error he had committed, in thus
preparing means for his own oppression;
the Swiss, he showed him, would not be
dismissed when the occasion for calling
them was past, and Catherine would
thus possess additional force for destroy-
ing the Huguenot party. Indeed it re-
quired very little penetration to discover
that it would be so employed; for every
day beheld an increase of the persecu-
tions which the Protestants had to un-
dergo.
The letters of the nuncio, Prosper de
St. Croix, to Cardinal Borromeo prove
that during 1564 and 1565 measures
were secretly taken for overthrowing the
Protestant religion. " In a short time,"
says he, " we shall have no more Hugue-
nots in France; and every one acknow-
ledges how much we are indebted for that
to the good counsels of your eminence."*
Such treatment naturally produced a
great number of petitions and remon-
strances. Coligny was constantly em-
ployed in urging their claims with the
king and queen. Charles found it diffi-
cult to conceal his sentiments, for though
he had been well instructed in dissimula-
tion, he was inexperienced; and impa-
tience drew from him remarks, indicative
of his latent hatred. The admiral one
day entreated his attention to the prayer
of a petition, which made him say, "It
is not long since you were satisfied with
toleration from the Catholics; now you
demand to be their equals; shortly you
will wish to drive us from the kingdom."
Coligny retired; and Charles went in a
rage to his mother, and said, in the hear-
ing of the chancellor, " The Duke of Alva
is right: such lofty heads are dangerous for
a state; address serves to no purpose, we
must use force." The queen had diffi-
culty in pacifying him; and she could only
do so, by showing him the danger of dis-
covering himself too much.t
An embassy arrived about the same
time from some Protestant princes of
Germany, who solicited justice and pro-
tection for the Huguenots. Charles was
enraged at their demands — one of which
was that liberty of conscience in its full-
est sense should be granted: for some
time he could hardly speak; he then told
* Leller, dated Chalons, 24ih April, 1564. This cor-
respondence, in Italian and French, is given in Les
Synodes dcs Eglises reformies cn France, La Haye, 1710.
t Davila, liv. 4.
PROJECT FOR SUPPRESSING THE PROTESTANT RELIGION.
89
them that he would remain friendly with
their masters, if they would interfere with
his kingdom no more than he did with
their governments; adding, scornfully,
"I am very much inclined to request
them also to allow the mass, and Ca-
tholic preachers in their towns."* His
argument was unanswerable; but the worst
consequences were argued from his sen-
timents, which then became known; and
the result has proved that those fears
were too well founded.
CHAPTER XIX.
Project forsnppvessingthe Protestant religion— Attempt
to seize the Kini at Meaux — Battle of St. Dennis —
Death of the Constable.
Among the different promises, with
which the queen had won over the Prince
of Conde to consent to a peace, one was
that he should be made lieutenant-general
of the kingdom: the Duke of Alva's pas-
sage through France gave him an oppor-
tunity fop demanding its fulfilment. The
constable alone had a right to oppose it,
but Conde had obtained his consent for
filling that office. Catherine, however,
had not the least intention of keeping her
word, and her fertile mind readily pro-
vided an occasion for breaking it. She
raised up a powerful competitor in the
person of the Duke of Anjou, the king's
next brother.t Her artful insinuations
were almost generally irresistible, and she
had therefore no difficulty in kindling a
proper feeling in the mind of her son.
She represented that a prince like him
ought to cherish the ambition of being- a
great captain; that he would have good
opportunities of earning that reputation, if
he were at the head of the forces, with
the title of lieutenant-general of the kino--
dom; but that if the Prince of Conde ob-
tained that post, he, born on the throne, and
brother of the reigning prince, would be
necessarily idle, or compelled to submit to
a general born to obey and to respect
him.
The Duke of Anjou's ambition was
kindled by his mother's remarks, and he
felt great indignation that Conde should
have dared to demand a charge, to which,
as the king's brother, he alone was en-
* Davila, liv. 4. f Ibid.
titled. It soon after happened that he
met the prince at a supper given by the
queen: he immediately took hold of his
arm, and led him apart into the recess of
a window, where he talked very roughly,
and upbraided him for his boldness in
daring to seek an appointment to which
he had so incontestable a right; then, put-
ting his hand to his sword, he threatened
that, if the prince persisted in his appli-
cation, he would make him as little as he
wished to be great.*
The Duke of Alva, in the mean time,
was marching quietly through France;
and the Swiss, under Colonel Pfeiffer,
•advanced into the interior. The Pro-
testants in general entertained great fears
that the rumoured plans were immediate-
ly to be put into execution. The liberty
which had been granted them by different
edicts was infringed upon continually, so
that it was reduced almost to nothing:
they were attacked and massacred every
where with impunity, and they could not
obtain justice either of the parliaments or
the king's council. It had become the
general wish to take arms immediately;
but Conde and Coligny persuaded them
to remain quiet, and suffer any thing ra-
ther than do so: for a second war would
make them the horror of all France; and
so violent a hatred would be kindled
against them in the king's mind, that no-
thing could ever efface it.t
It is probable that the Protestants
would have abstained from taking arms,
had not the prince of theRoche-sur-Yonne
informed Coligny that a secret council
had been held, in which it was resolved
to arrest the Prince of Conde and himself:
to imprison the prince for life, and bring
him to a scaffold; to place garrisons of
two thousand Swiss in Paris, Orleans,
and Poictiers; to increase the garrison of
suspected places with the armies then on
service; and to revoke the edict of pacifi-
cation, and forbid every where the exer-
cise of the new religion.!
The king gave orders to Tavennes to
enrol his good subjects of the ancient and
Catholic faith, that he could depend upon
in case the Protestants should make any
attempt against his authority and edicts.
A species of league was formed in conse-
* Brahtqme, vol, viii. p. 240.
t Mezerav. -Abrege Cfirov.
I La None, p. 606. Davila, li v. 4, p. 378. De Thou,
liv. 4'2. Discourse de la vie de Catherine, p. 380.
90
ATTEMPT TO SEIZE THE KING AT MEAUX.
quence, called the Brotherhood of the
llolij Spirit: in addition to the oath of
obedience to the chief, and of friendship
to each other, the members swore to make
no mention of the association to any per-
son whatever.* This discovery, con-
nected with the information given to
Coligny, was enough to drive the Pro-
testants to arms.
AVhen the Protestant generals met at
Chatillon, to consider what was to be
done in such an emergency, neither Con-
de nor Coligny were willing to commence
another war; but Andelot was less scru-
pulous than his brother, and less im-
mersed in pleasures than the prince: he
showed them, that unless they came at
once to some resolution, it would soon
be out of their power to do any thing;
and he brought them to join in antici-
pating the movements of their enemies.*
The court was then at Monceaux,
a pleasant summer residence, but quite
destitute of defence. The queen lived
with as little precaution as if she had
never thought of a measure, which, by
creating desperate feelings on an acciden-
tal discovery, might urge the Protestants
to the most hazardous undertaking. In
the midst of this feeling of security, ru-
mours were spread, in the beginning of
September, 15G7, of movements in some
of the provinces. Couriers, who Arrived
from different parts, declared that they
had never seen so many persons on the
different roads. But little or no attention
was paid to these reports, and the diver-
sions of the court were continued.
In the middle of the same month, Cas-
telnau arrived at Monceaux: he was a
man of great judgment, and had been to
Flanders on a mission from the king. He
related, that several gentlemen of Picardy
requested permission to join his suite, and
that during their journey their conversa-
tion had reference to some sudden aitack.
The constable, unwilling to allow that he
could be surprised, said, " If there were
an army of Huguenots on foot, I should
know of it."! The chancellor declared,
" that it was a capital crime to bring to
the sovereign false news, tending to make
him distrust his subjects." " At least,"
represented Castelnau, "let me be per-
* Mem. d'> Tavennes. p. 297.
t Vie df Coligny, p. 325. La Noue, p. C09. D'Aubignc,
vol. i. p. 209.
J Mem. de Castelnau, lay. 6, ch. 4.
initted to send some one to observe the
admiral's chateau." It was agreed to,
and he sent his two brothers. The report
of the first was to little purpose; that of
the second induced the queen to retire at
once to Meaux; while a nobleman, whom
the king sent to Coligny upon some pre-
text, brought back word, that he found
him dressed as a farmer, and looking af-
ter his vintage.* This was the 26th of
September; and two days afterwards all
France was in a flame.
The rendezvous had been fixed at Ro-
soy, in Brie, for the 28th of September.
Conde, Coligny, Andelot, and La Roche-
foucault, easily possessed themselves of
the town, with about four hundred gentle-
men, who had arrived one by one. Their
plan was to seize the whole court the fol-
lowing day, when the king would be
holding a chapter of the order of St. Mi-
chael. The queen having retired to
Meaux, their attempt was foiled; and
their next resolution was to march against
the Swiss troops, which were scattered in
some villages around Monceaux, and from
whence they went by turns to guard the
king's person. That force was his only
protection, and if they had done this at
once, they'might easily have defeated the
different detachments, and there would
have remained nothing to prevent their
getting possession of Meaux. The queen,
suspecting their plan, or perceiving the
danger of their thinking of it, sent Marshal
Montmorency to amuse them, while the
Swiss troops were collected in Meaux.
Andelot was for rejecting all discussion,
till after they had executed their resolution;
but others although they agreed with him,
were reluctant to push things to extremity:
they informed the marshal what they
wanted, and he reported their demands to
the king.t
The Swiss having entered Meaux the
fears of the court subsided: but the Hugue-
not army was constantly increasing, and
information arrived that they would soon
be numerous enough to undertake any
thing: a council was held in consequence,
to consider if the king should not be con-
ducted to Paris. The advice given by
the constable was, that the king should
* Mem. de Tavennes, p 299. Pasquier, vol. ii. p.
117- Mem. du Due de Bouillon, p. 35 (vol. xxxv. of
Petitot's collection.)
t Vie de Coligny, p. 326, et scq. Davila, liv. 4. De
Thou, liv. 42. Journal de Brulart. Mem. de Castelnau ,
liv. 6, ch. 3.
BATTLE OF ST. DENIS.
91
not quit Meaux, because that could not
be done without the risk of an engagement,
the result of which was uncertain. The
chancellor said the same thing; and added
that if once the sword were drawn, an ac-
commodation could never be made: for
the king would feel an eternal resentment
against the Huguenots, while they would
have a perpetual necessity for remaining
armed, for fear of his vengeance. The
Cardinal of Lorrain recommended the
removal of the king; and it was the un-
fortunate destiny of France that his party
should prevail in the council.* The king
set out for Paris in the night: he was in
the midst of the Swiss, who surrounded
him, and eight hundred horsemen of his
suite — a train more likely to embarrass
than to protect him.
They had not proceeded many leagues,
when the Prince of Conde appeared, and
prepared to encounter them, with about
five hundred horsemen. The Swiss were
firm, and showed themselves ready to re-
ceive the charge. Charles was in a vio-
lent passion, and ordered them to attack
the Huguenots; which would have been
done, had not the constable prudently
prevented it. He urged the king to quit
the Swiss escort, and go on to Paris by
another route, adding that it must be done
promptly, for the prince to know nothing
of it. Charles went away with two hun-
dred men, while the confederates, thinking
him still with the main body, hovered
constantly about, with a view of attack-
ing it if possible, and some skirmishes
took place on the flanks and rear. The
king arrived safe at Paris in the evening.
Speaking of this affair he said, " With-
out the Duke of Nemours, and my good
companions the Swiss, my life and my
liberty were in great danger." True it
is that, but for their firmness, Conde
would have made the whole court prison-
ers.!
The Protestants then seized upon the
principal avenues leading to Paris: they
occupied Montoreau, Poissy, and Argen-
teuil, and their head quarters were at St.
Denis. Their troops were not sufficient
to establish a blockade; but by destroying
the mills around Paris, and preventing the
* De Thou says, that the cardinal considered the
troubles of France highly suited to his views, as he
wished to bring forward his nephews, liv. 42, vol. v. p.
352.
t La Noue, p. 614. Vie de Coligny, p. 328. Davila,
liv. 3.
usual arrivals from the country, they con-
trived to inflict great hardships and in-
conveniences on the capital ; which, how-
ever, only increased the king's anger, and
the hatred of the Parisians.*
One of the first acts of the king after his
arrival in Paris, was to issue an edict, en-
joining all the confederates to lay down
their arms, promising amnesty for all who
did so within twenty-four hours, and in-
viting all loyal persons to help him to sub-
due those who refused.! But the Protest-
ants paid no attention to these menaces ;
and they persevered in their attempt to
blockade the capital with a handful of men.
They were able to seize all the bridges,
and stop the communications in every
direction. The queen had recourse, as
usual, to negotiations : she proposed terms
of accommodation, which were discussed
for eight days. But the Protestants having
made an attempt to win the multitude by
demanding a diminution of the taxes, ren-
dered excessive by the Italian collectors,
the queen took offence, declared that they
asked more than could or would be grant-
ed, and broke off all treaty.}:
Another method became necessary, for
the chancellor and the constable were very
earnest in their attempts to prevent the
shedding of blood by another civil war.
A herald was sent to St. Denis§ with an
order from the king, signed by two secre-
taries of state, containing the alternative
either to lay down their arms, or to de-
clare that they confirmed their revolt; that
then he might know how to act towards
them. It was addressed by name to all
the chiefs of the confederate army, and
embarrassed them considerably, as it
placed all the responsibility of the war
upon them. When Conde saw the herald
advance, he said to him angrily, "Take
care about what you are going to do: if
you bring hither any thing contrary to my
honour, I will have you hanged." The
herald replied, "I come from your master
and mine; and your threats will not pre-
vent me from obeying his orders." So
saying, he presented the message. The
prince announced that he would give an
answer in three days: " You must give it
in twenty-four hours," answered the he-
rald, who then withdrew. ||
* Paequier. vol. ii. p. 118. t Journal de Brularl
\ Mem de Castelnau, liv. C, ch. 5. De Thou, liv. 42.
§ 7 Oct. 15G7.
|| Da Vila, liv. 4, p. 394. D'Aubigne, vol i. p. 21&
92
DEATH OF THE CONSTABLE.
The confederates resolved to address
a new request to the king, drawn up with
more moderation and less haughtiness
than the former. The conferences were
renewed by Conde and Montmorency, at
La Chapelle, a village between Paris and
St. Denis. Conde demanded as a sine
qua non the public exercise, general' and
irrevocable, of the reformed religion.
Montmorency's powers did not go beyond
the concessions of the last edict of Am-
boise : a short conversation ensued in
which the constable stated, that, in grant-
ing the Huguenots their privileges, the
king had never intended it for a perma-
nency ; but, on the contrary, his intention
was to suffer but one religion in his do-
minions. Warm altercation ensued be-
tween the parties, after which they sepa-
rated, both resolving to decide the ques-
tion in the field.*
The confederate army was every day
increasing, and Conde's intention was to
wait the arrival of some Reitres, before he
attempted any thing. Still the royal army
in Paris was much more numerous,
and the Parisians complained against the
constable for suffering so small a force to
insult the capital: they even said that he
was in league with his nephew. Such
imputations roused the bold veteran: he
left Paris on the 10th of November, and
attacked the confederates at St. Denis.
As he went out with his troops, he said to
the citizens that his fidelity would be
proved on that occasion, and they would
see him again either dead or victorious.
The combat was most unequal, for the
royal army consisted of sixteen thousand
infantry and five thousand cavalry, while
the confederates had only twelve hundred
infantry and fifteen hundred horsemen,
their force being so distributed in the oc-
cupation of the surrounding places. Mont-
morency thought that they would not dare
to wait for him in the field, with such an
insignificant force, and without artillery.!
The Protestants, however, burned with
impatience to engage, and well sustained
the attack of the numerous troops who
advanced against them. The shock was
terrible.} The field and the spoil re-
* Davila, liv. 4. De Thou, liv. 42. Mem. de Caslel-
nau, liv. 6, ch. 6.
t D'Auhiqne.vol. i. p. 214. La Noue, p 614. Davila,
liv. 4. De Thou, liv. 42. Le Lahoureur. — Sdditions,
&c. vol. ii. p 458.
t The Cardinal de Chatilton was engaged : according
mained to the Catholics, but the honour 'of
the day belongs to the Huguenots, who
fought so desperately that this victory was
worse than many defeats.* The Catho-
lics lost many of their valuable officers;
their general, the constable, was among
the number. He had received several
wounds through his cuirass, which was
barely proof on account of the weight, but
still continued fighting in the midst of the
enemy's horse. He was recognised and
attacked by Robert Stuart, a Protestant
officer. Montmorency tendered him his
sword, but, instead of receiving it, Stuart
drew his pistol — "You do not know me,
then ?" said Montmorency. Stuart an-
swered, " It is because I do know you that
I give you that," and immediately fired.
The ball struck the constable in the
shoulder; he fell, and both parties con-
tended for some time for the possession of
this trophy. f The numbers of the Catho-
lics prevailed ; their enemies were re-
pulsed; and they conducted the expiring
constable back to Paris, rather against his
desire, for he wished to die on the field of
battle.} He expired the next day, in the
seventy-seventh year of his age.
His character is a compound of bigotry,
bravery, loyalty, and ambition. As a
general, a negotiator, and a minister, he
had on various occasions shown great
ability and talents; but fortune was un-
favourable to him, and the victory of St.
Denis, the only one he gained in his long
military career, cost him his life. His
zeal for religion has been vaunted by some
Catholic writers, but it was the zeal of a
barbarian, and his religious ideas were
entirely confined to formalities. Bran-
tome's account of him is well known: —
" He never failed in his devotions or his
prayers, for every morning he would re-
peat his paternosters, whether he was in
the house, or on horseback, or among the
troops; which caused the saying, Take
care of the constable's paternosters; for
while he was repeating, and muttering
lo Bran tome, " II fit ires bien, et eombattit tres vaillam
ment" vol. vi p. 420.
* Tavannea, in his remarks upon this hattle, says.
" Fan t confeaaer que I'Amiral de Coligny, estoit Capi
taine. — Memoires, p. 83.
t Davila. liv. 4. But Pnsquier (vol. ii. p. 122) stales
that, when called upon tn surrender, the constable
struck his antagonist on the mouth and broke Iwo of
his teeth, which made Stuart lire upon him. De Thou
states the same, liv. 42.
I llrantome, vol. vii. p. 124. Dufaure says that he
died at his residence, Hotel de Mesmes, Rue St. Avoye.
DEATH OF THE CONSTABLE.
93
them, as occasions presented themselves,
he would say, 'Go hang up such a one;
tie him up to a tree; run him through with
the pikes this instant ; shoot all those fel-
lows before me ; cut in pieces those vaga-
bonds who wished to hold out that church
against the king; burn me that village;
set fire to the country for a quarter of a
league around ; and such like sentences
of justice and of war he would utter ac- j
cording to the circumstance, without
leaving off his paternosters until he had
quite finished them, and thinking he,
should commit a great error if he had de-
ferred saying them to another time ; so
conscientious was he."* The same writer :
adds, " That he fasted every Friday, and
that, when he was at court, the queen
placed a chair for him, and conversed j
while they were at supper, but that he
would never eat any thing." At the!
closing scene of his life, when such minute
attention to trifles would lead us to expect;
something from his blind devotion, we are
surprised by a display of stoicism quite
inconsistent with his character. A Fran-
ciscan monk attended to confess him, and,
attempted to inspire proper sentiments, by
long exhortations; "Leave me, father,"]
said the constable, " leave me : do you
think I have lived with honour near four-i
score years, and not learned to die for a
quarter of an hour!"f
The news of the sad victory of Saint
Denis was received at court with a sullen
silence. " It is not your majesty who has
gained the battle," said Marshal Vielleville
frankly to the king. "And who then 1"
Charles asked hastily. " The King of
Spain," replied the marshal.]: Philip was
pleased to see France again involved in a
war; and whether the news of Coligny's
proposal had reached him or not, the
chance of the Flemings receiving assist-
ance was always probable if France re-
mained quiet. Pius V. had written a let-
ter exhorting him to assist the King of
France against the rebellious heretics.
" Your majesty," says the letter^ " will do
all in your power to help this king, both
because it is religion which is concerned,
* Brantome, vol. vii. p. 70. f Davila, liv. 4. p. 404.
I Vielleville. vol. v. p. 175.
§ Dated 13tli October, 1567. The letters of Saint
Pius V., winch will be frequently referred to, were
published at Antwerp, in 1640, by Francil Goubau, se-
cretary to the Spanish embassy at Rome. Those which
concern the history of France have recently been pub-
lished in Paris, translated by M. de Xotler.
and because you are allied to him." But
Philip did not desire a speedy destruction
of the Protestants of France : he wished
the war to continue, that he might have
that fine country at his mercy when it was
exhausted. The aid he sent was confined
to some companies of infantry, which the
Duke of Alva despatched from his army.
The queen felt no regret at the loss of
the constable, as she was thus freed from
the remaining check upon her authority :*
neither would she suffer the vacant office
to be filled up. The king offered to con-
fer the dignity on Vielleville; but he knew
the wishes of the queen-mother, and de-
clined the honour.f Catherine afterwards
had the Duke of Anjou declared comman-
der-general of the forces. That prince
was only in his sixteenth year, and re-
quired men of experience to assist him in
the office : his mother took care to place
around him persons upon whom she could
depend for securing to herself the real
direction of affairs.
The commencement of this civil war
appears to have had an extensive ramifi-
cation. At the close of September, Jac-
ques de Crussol, Seigneur d'Acier, arrived
at Uzes, with instructions from Conde to
prepare a general rising of the Protestants
of Languedoc ; and, within a very few
days, a dreadful scene occurred at Nismes.
A number of Catholics were inhumanly
butchered ; all, in fact, who were unable
to conceal themselves or flee. This sad
event is termed the Michelade, from its
being intended to take place on Michael-
mas-day. According to most Catholic
writers the Protestants were the aggres-
sors, and their crime is represented as al-
together unprovoked. The odium is, on
the other hand, almost generally admitted
by the silence of Protestant writers; none
of whom have attempted to extenuate the
charge. Yet it is worthy of remark, that
the accusation is in some degree modified
by a historian, highly esteemed among the
Catholics as a correct writer and diligent
investigator. He observes: "They did
no harm to the wives of the Catholics;
their animosity being directed against
priests, monks, and heads of families; and,
among them, they selected as victims
those only who had molested or declared
against them." Four of the leaders in
* Mem. de Tavannes, p. 306.
t Vielleville, vol. v. p. 17!) etseq.
94
PROTESTANTS ADVANCE TO MEET THE REITRES.
this butchery were condemned and exe-
cuted at Toulouse in 15G9.*
CHAPTER XX.
Protestants advance to inept the Reitres— General con-
tribution of the Army to pay their Allies— Capture of
Orleans and RocheUe — l'eace of Longjnmeau — Settle
ment of the Protestants in America — Hold enterprise
of Dominic de Gourges.
The battle of Saint Denis was far from
destroying the hopes or the strength of the
Protestants. Andelot arrived with his
division the day after the fight, and en-
couraged them to advance boldly upon
Paris : they continued to destroy the mills
and country-houses close to the walls.
After employing a few days in this way,
they set out to meet the troops expected
from Germany, under Prince Casimir, son
of the elector palatine. They were suffered
to go away to some distance before the
royal army made any attempt to pursue
them; a circumstance which it is difficult
to explain, as their ruin might have been
completed without much risk, on account
of the inequality of their forces. One
reason which has been assigned is, that
the queen feared her son would be master
if he found he had no need of her counsel ;
but, on the other hand, it is said that she
dismissed those commanders, who by their
negligence had allowed the Protestants to
escape.t
The Catholic army at length went in
pursuit of them : they were overtaken and
their rear-guard defeated at Chalons ; but,
crossing the Meuse at St. Michael's in
Bar, they were out of their enemies' reach.
Here they waited the arrival of the Rei-
tres. After staying five days they had no
more news of them, says La Noue, than
when they were before Paris, which cre-
ated murmurs among many even of the
noblesse, who displayed very rude impa-
tience to their leaders upon it. J Every
thing combined to make their attendance
irksome, for the weather was extremely
cold, the month of December being far
advanced.
The delay in the arrival of their auxilia-
ries was caused by the queen's agency :
she had sent ambassadors to the Protest-
* Menard, Hist, de Nimes, vol. v. pp. 22 and 45.
t Vie ile Coligny, p 333.
I La Noue, Viscours politiques, &c. p. 024.
ant princes of Germany, to inform them,
that this war was not at all on account of
religion, for full liberty was granted to the
Huguenots, but that the royal authority
was openly attacked. This representation
induced the Duke of Saxony and the Mar-
quis of Brandenburg to forbid' the levies
in their dominions: the elector palatine
was greatly inclined to do the same, and
did retain those troops which his son had
assembled ; but hearing the real account
from some one who had returned to
France with the envoy, and who had
seen the Prince of Conde, he exhorted
his son to continue his march.*
But the joy which the Protestant leaders
experienced on the arrival of the Reitres
soon gave place to the vexations of a
most serious embarrassment. The Prince
of Conde had agreed to give their auxilia-
ries a hundred thousand crowns directly
they joined his army; but Elizabeth,
Queen of England, on whom he relied for
the money, feeling indignant at the way
in which her last assistance had been re-
quited, was not so forward in contributing
to help the Huguenots; and the whole
stock in the military chest did not exceed
two thousand crowns. The case was very
distressing for Conde; but his great popu-
larity with his army enabled him to effect
a thing unheard of with any other gene-
ral ; his own troops received no pay from
him, and yet he ventured to propose that
they should pay the sum required for the
Reitres.t An appeal was made to the
zeal and devotedness of the Protestant
army in their critical position, and every
one answered the call; everyone made
a sacrifice of his money, and effects which
would produce it, such as chains, rings,
and jewels. There was a general emula-
tion of disinterestedness and patriotism :
" Only," says a contemporary, already
quoted on several occasions, "when it was
proposed to press the disciples of plunder,
who have the faculty of knowing how to
take so boldly, and to give so basely,
there was the struggle. For all that, they
acquitted themselves in it much better
than was thought for: to the very boys,
every one gave; and the emulation was
so great, that at last they thought it a dis-
honour to have given so little."}.
This reinforcement of the Reitres,
* D'Aubigne, vol. i. p. 218. f Davila, liv. 4.
I La Noue, p. 626.
CAPTURE OF ORLEANS AND ROCHELLE.
95
added to others brought from the pro-
vinces by noblemen of the Protestant
party, increased their army to above
twenty thousand men: they re-entered
France in the beginning of January.
Hitherto we have only noticed the pro-
ceedings of the principal body of Protest-
ants : the operations of their partisans in
different parts have also a claim upon our
attention. The rendezvous at Rosoy for
seizing upon the whole court was natu-
rally to be supported by movements in
well as to have in his hands a city of such
importance. La None was intrusted with
the undertaking, and he, following care-
fully the good instructions of Coligny, and
being seconded by the inhabitants, became
master of the town in a short time, to the
great mortification of the Catholic party.*
The Protestants, in addition, had posses-
sion of many towns in the southern parts
of the kingdom.
Such was the position of affairs, when
the army of the confederates entered
other parts. La Rochefoucalt, Mouy, | France, in the beginning of 1568. It was
and La Noue collected numerous troops no longer a wandering troop, retreating
in Poitou, the Angoumois, and Saintonge; before a victorious enemy ; but a nume-
indeed they were joined by more than rous and disciplined body, capable of
they had the means of supporting: but
the most eminent of their services was
obtaining possession of Rochelle, which
was for many years the refuge of Pro-
testantism in France.*
The reform had been early introduced
effecting the designs of its leaders, and
calculated to alarm the court and capital
on its approach. The Protestants tra-
versed Burgundy; laid siege to Chartres,
which was obstinately defended by An-
thony de Lignieres, who had a numerous
there; and, in 1534, a girl named Mary i garrison ; and promised themselves that,
Belandelle was burned for her religious ! after taking this town, they would again
opinions. The obscurity of her condition I attack Paris. The besiegers, after some
did not deter her from challenging a Fran- 1 delay, diverted from its channel the river
ciscan to controversy: her dauntless con-j which turned the mills: had they done so
duct ensured a capital condemnation; but I at the beginning of the siege, the inhabi-
she beheld the fatal pile without emotion, tants would soon have felt the want of
and died with constancy. In 1546, seve- ! bread ; but Catherine had not waited till
ral nuns cancelled their vows, and were
married; and in 1552, three Protestants
were condemned to be burned before the
church door; but only two suffered, the
this time to set negotiation on foot, and a
treaty was concluded time enough to save
the town.t
Even a few days after the battle of St.
third being flogged and banished. This ! Denis, the queen had attempted to draw
severity did not suppress the rising sect, j the Prince of Conde into a snare, and
In 1558, when the King and Queen of
Navarre made Rochelle their residence, a
priest, named David, preached without a
surplice in the church of St. Bartholomew,
and expounded the new doctrines, which
he had openly embraced. From that
time, the reform took deep root in Ro-
chelle.t
Orleans was likewise attached to the
Protestant cause ; and the queen, feeling
doubts about that place, had placed there
a governor entirely devoted to her. The
inhabitants entertained a great dislike to
this governor, who conducted himself in
a haughty and distrustful manner; and
they wrote to the admiral, begging him
to send some one to enable them to throw
off the yoke. Coligny was very willing
to do so, on account of relieving them, as
* D'Auhism;, vol. i. p. 218.
f Arcere, IJist. de Rochelle, vol. i. pp. 323 and 333.
made overtures to prevent his going to
join Prince Casimir. But he having
suddenly set out for the frontier, nothing
more was done till the month of January,
when the queen had a conference at
Chalons with the Cardinal of Chatillon,
who was invested with due powers
by the confederates. Not being able to
come to an agreement, Catherine appoint-
ed another meeting at Vincennes; and
that conference was equally unsuccessful.!
At last, perceiving that there was no
medium — that she must consent to a
prompt peace, or have a battle in the
heart of France — she appointed a final
meeting at Longjumeau. The plenipo-
tentiaries on one side were Gontaut de
Biron, and Henry de Mesmes, Lord of
* Vie de Ci>li!fny, p. 334. Biantome, vol. ix. p. 323.
Davila, liv. 4. Amiraiilt, Vic dc La AT./iio, p. 14.
t La Noue, p. 633. Davila, liv. 4. De Thou, liv. 42.
X D'Aubign6, vol. i. p. 227.
96
PEACE OF LONGJUMEAU.
Malassise, master of the court of requests;
on the other, were the Cardinal of Cha-
tillon and his counsel : several ambassa-
dors were present as mediators.*
The instructions given by the queen to
her delegates were not very ample : they
were to make peace on any terms, pro-
vided the Prince of Conde was to take no
part in the government of the country.
In fact, the prince's intention was to that
purpose, but Coligny counteracted him as
much as possible, for two reasons: first,
if Conde should obtain his demands, he
feared that he would no longer trouble
himself about the Protestants; secondly,
it might cause slanders, for the Catholics
would say, that it was solely for that ob-
ject he had taken arms. The Cardinal of
Chatillon understood his brother's views,
and at the first meeting he declared, that
the only thing to be agreed upon was the
exercise of the reformed religion. Biron
and Mesmes, seeing him inflexible on that
point, signed the treaty, by which the king
bound himself to execute the last treaty of
pacification, revoking and annulling all
edicts subsequently passed, which were
contrary to it, and particularly the edict of
Roussillon.t
It was stipulated in this treaty, that the
Protestants should restore all the towns,
strong places, and castles which they had
taken; that both parties should disband
their foreign troops; and that the king
should advance the funds for paying the
Reitres. It was signed on the 20th of
March, and verified and published the 23d
of the same month : it was called the
treaty of Longjumeau4
In consequence of the peace, the siege
of Chartres was raised, and the Protestants
gave up most of the towns they held ; but
Rochelle refused to submit to the king,
and the example was followed by some
other towns. The queen called upon
Conde to send away Prince Casimir and
the Germans; without, however, intending
to dismiss the Swiss, Spanish, and Italian
troops which had come to her support. A
large sum was due to the Reitres, and
Catherine wished to pay them with her
* Davila, liv. 4, p. 428.
t Davila, 1 1 v. 4. Vie de Coligny, p. 341.
X The Protestants in general were not satisfied with
the treaty, and called it La paix boiteuse el malassise ;
in allusion to Uiron's lameness and the seignorial ap-
pellation of his colleague : it is also known as La petite
faiz.
valuable promises; but they were not
satisfied with such a proposal, and threat-
ened to attack Paris if they were not paid.
It was considered necessary to treat with
them, and Castelnau was charged with
the commission. He paid them some
money, and gave them reason to expect
more when on their march ; they set out,
confiding in that promise, but they found
that the farther they went from Paris, the
less chance there was of their being paid,
and they resolved on carrying off Castel-
nau himself as a hostage. The affair was
at length terminated, and they left the
kingdom, loaded with plunder, and gave
Castelnau his liberty.*
The perfidious Catherine, in order to
prevent the Huguenots from again re-
ceiving such help from Germany, wrote
to Tavannes, who commanded in Bur-
gundy, to attack and destroy them, in
spite of the safe-conduct given by the
king. Tavannes prudently refused to
obey, knowing that the order would be
disavowed by the queen; he would then
be blamed for an infraction of the peace,
and the princes of the blood would become
his enemies.t
Coligny was well aware that Catherine
had made the peace with no other view
than to be better able to choose her own
time for effecting the ruin of the Protest-
ants : he knew that so violent was her
hatred to Conde and himself, that she
would never rest so long as either of them
lived. He did not consider it sufficient
that Rochelle was well fortified, and that
several other towns were in the hands of
his party; he wished to establish some
colonies of Protestants in the New World,
| whither he and his friends could retire, if
their affairs should ever render it neces-
sary for them to leave France. J An ex-
pedition had been sent to Brazil in 1555,
which completely failed ; but he was not
deterred from making another experi-
ment.
A settlement was also commenced in
Florida, at the first peace in 1563, but dis-
ease and scarcity of provisions prevented
the colonists from making any progress.
Ships were occasionally sent to join them;
many, however, never reached their des-
tination, for the Spaniards, having appro-
* Mem. de Castelnau, liv. 6, ch. 11.
t Mem. de Tavannes. p. 314.
J Vie de Coligny, p. 345.
BOLD ENTERPRISE OF DOMINIC DE GOURGES.
97
priated all that part of the world to them- , and two hundred soldiers. On landing
selves, treated the French settlers as he entered into friendship with some
pirates, and seized their ships whenever : tribes of natives, who had sufTered greatly
they could. Coligny made great exer- from the Spaniards; he then attacked the
tions to send substantial assistance to the! fort, of which he got possession, with two
colonists, but that expedition was also 'others they had built in the neighbour-
unfortunate.*
A squadron was sent from the Ha
vanna to destroy the infant colony,
hood. The garrison consisted of eight
hundred men: those who escaped into the
woods were killed by the natives; such
which, but for this cruel attack, might I as were made prisoners were hanged
have afforded a retreat for many families,
who were compelled to stay in France,
having no place to flee to. The massa-
cres, under Charles IX. and Louis XIV.,
might then have been rendered unneces-
sary to the bigoted policy of those
monarchs, as the kingdom would pro-
bably have been freed from a great num-
ber of those who so sturdily adhered to
the reformation, in spite of their persecu-
tions : like the ancient Israelites, they
would willingly have quitted polished
society for a wilderness, if when there,
they could have been sure of enjoying
the free exercise of their religion.
with this inscription over them, Not as
Spaniards, but as perfidious murderers.*
On his return to France, Dominic de
Gourges' life was in great danger: the
Spanish ambassador demanded his head,
and the court was quite willing to give it;
but Coligny and his friends enabled him
to escape from his perilous situation. t
This would however have been scarcely
possible, had not the Huguenots refused
to receive the king's garrisons in several
towns, viz. Rochelle, Sancerre, and Mon-
tauban. It was a great point gained for
their protection; but, at the same time, it
compelled the court to think of more
The Spanish squadron appeared off severe measures against them: besides
Fort Charles very soon after the arrival which, Rochelle became the cause of
of John Riband, who had been sent over complaints from the King of Spain, who
by Coligny to help the colony: he had [accused the Huguenots of fitting out a
brought with him seven ships, and directly ! considerable number of ships at that port,
he saw the enemy approach he stood out for the assistance of the Prince of Orange
to sea to attack them. Unfortunately a (in the Low Countries.^
hurricane arose, which drove several of
his ships against the rocks of that coast.
Those of the crews who reached the
shore fell into the hands of the Spaniards;
they took the fort, and put all their pri-
soners to death in the most barbarous
manner which can be conceived. Pedro
Melandez, the Spanish commander, an-
nounced that they were treated, not as
Frenchmen, but as Lutherans and here-
tics.
The news of this affair produced no
effect upon the court of France, which
might be considered half Spanish in its
interests, and entirely so in its views. No
attempt being made to demand justice for
the massacre, an individual named Domi-
nic de Gourges, a native of Mont-Marsan
in Gascony, undertook to avenge this in-
sult on his country. By selling his own
property, and borrowing money of his
brother, he equipped a few ships and
sailed to Florida, with a hundred sailors
* De Thou, liv. 44.
CHAPTER XXI.
Plan for seizins the Protestant leaders— Flight of Cond*
and Coligny from Noyers — Renewal of the war.
The short duration of the peace of
Longjumeau excited no astonishment, for
the interval between the cessation and the
renewal of hostilities had exhibited no
signs of reconciliation. The contending
parties seemed vexed that they must de-
sist from assailing each other, and the
treaty became a mere truce, to make pre-
parations for soon entering on another
campaign: the king kept his forces to-
gether, and placed bodies of men at all the
important posts. § Short however as it
was, the peace was imbrued with the
blood of the Protestants. In the large
* D'Aubiane, vol. i. p. 355. De Thou, liv. 44.
■f De Thou states that he arrived in France, 13th June
1568.
{ Mem. de Castelnau, liv. 7, ell. 1.
§ Pasquier, vol. ii. p. 125.
98
PLAN FOR SEIZING THE PROTESTANT LEADERS.
towns, the populace, excited by furious
preachers, gave themselves up to the
greatest excesses against the Protestants;
and the representations of their chiefs
were unavailing with the government,
which scarcely deigned to apologize for
the impunity which was allowed the per-
secutors. Indeed, the system of the
court appeared completely changed. Hi-
therto the Protestants had met with pro-
mises of protection, and had hopes of re-
dress held out to them: the promises cost
nothing, for they were never realized, and
the hopes had invariably led to disappoint-
ment; but at this time their complaints
were not even attended to. The pulpits
resounded with the horrid maxims, that
faith need not be kept with heretics, and
that to massacre them was just, pious,
and useful for salvation.* Such dis-
courses produced tumults and assassina-
tions, which were never brought to jus-
tice; and the dagger, poison, and the
dungeon, awaited not only the Huguenots,
but those also who were connected with
them.
The Protestants had neither peace, nor
liberty of conscience, and were in greater
perils than during the war. In three
months' time there were murdered above
two thousand of them. At Ligny in Bar,
a Huguenot, having refused to ornament
his house, on occasion of the Fete-Dieu
in June, 1568, was dragged from his home
bv the populace, in the presence of the
magistrates: he was burned alive without
any form of trial, and with wood actually
taken from his own store.t Some Pro-
testants, who were desirous of concluding
the peace, are reported to have said, " We
have committed a folly; do not let us
therefore think it strange that we must
drink of its effects; at any rate, it seems
the draught will be bitter."!
The different chiefs having retired to
their chateaux, the queen beheld their de-
pal ture with satisfaction, as she was glad
to be freed from their surveillance and
importunity; but she soon experienced
alarm about them, and not without some
reason. Coligny and Conde were visited
in their retirement by all the Protestant
nobility, who foresaw the approaching
and unavoidable rupture. Conde Was at
his castle of Noyers in Burgundy! Co-
* De Thou, liv. 44. Vie de Coligny, p. 350.
t De Thou, liv. 44. t La Noue, p. 638.
ligny at his estate at Chatillon. " Their .
retreat," says the admiral's historian,
" would have been extremely satisfactory
to this princess, if she had not seen that
one-half of the kingdom paid their court
to them; and, in fact, so great was the
confluence at Chatillon and Noyers, that
the Louvre was a desert in comparison.
All the noblesse of their party went in
crowds to see them, and when ten gen-
tlemen went out by one door, twenty
went in at another. This obliged the ad-
miral to incur great expense; and, if he
had not been a careful man in every thing
else, it would have been enough to ruin
him. However, he was so much be-
loved, that a thousand presents were con-
stantly brought to him; and although he
forbade his attendants taking them, that
did not prevent the same thing from being
done every day. The different churches
collected and sent a hundred thousand
crowns to prevent the prince and him
from entirely bearing such a charge.*
As money is the nerve of war, the
queen resolved to deprive the Prince of
Conde of every financial resource. Pay-
ment was demanded of a hundred thou-
sand crowns, advanced on his account, to
get the Reitres out of the country; fear-
ful, however, lest the levying of this sum
should afford him a pretext for collecting
more, the king announced that he did not
claim that money from the Protestants
generally, but only from the chiefs who
had guarantied the payment to the fo-
reigners. The object of the demand was
evident to all: to ward off such a blow,
Teligny, a young man of great merit, was
sent to court; and the Duchess of Savoy
was applied to, that she should use her
influence with Catherine, and conjure her
not to drive them into a state of despera-
tion.t
The siege of Rochelle was already re-
solved on; but the queen considered that
it would be almost impracticable while
the prince and the admiral were at large,
and able to relieve the place: it became
necessary therefore to seize upon their
persons. With this object in view, she
sent an engineer to Noyers, to see in what
manner the castle was built, what people
were there, and if it would be possible to
get possession of it. He entered the
* Vie de Coligny, p. 346.
t Davila, liv. 4, p. 439.
FLIGHT OF CONDE AND COLIGNY FROM NOYERS.
99
place without difficulty, under pretence of
coming from a rich farmer in the neigh-
bourhood: some fowls served him as a
passport. He was well received, but
when he began to talk, it was suspected
that he was something more than he pre-
tended: he was then watched by some of
the prince's people. He was followed
after he quitted the casde, and at night
was detected sounding the moat. This
discovery induced the prince to inform
Coligny of the circumstance, that he might
be on his guard; they then wrote to their
friends, to inform them that, as they
might soon require their help, they should
all be ready for the first call.* Catherine
was more than ever resolved on freeing
herself and the kingdom from the ob-
noxious Huguenot faction; and it became
clear that she could never succeed in
abolishing the different edicts in their fa-
vour, unless she previously removed the
Prince of Conde and the admiral. Such
being her aim, she fortified and en-
couraged the fanaticism of the different
governors of provinces by bestowing fresh
favours upon them; and at the same time
she removed to a distance from her coun-
cils every advocate of moderation. The
virtuous Michael de L'Hopital was a
great barrier to the queen's wishes: his
advice had long since been unheeded and
despised, but his presence troubled the
bigoted party: in the midst of perfidy and
corruption, he persisted in raising his
voice in behalf of the oppressed; senti-
ments of truth and justice, accompanied
with unanswerable arguments, were de-
livered by him in the council, with such
perseverance, that Catherine found it im-
possible to bring her son to a maturity of
guilt, so long as he was awed by the pre
sence of this respected chancellor.
The party in the immediate interests of
the pope had long endeavoured to decry
his character; and insinuations of his
being a heretic were very general. Had
such a charge been capable of verification,
he would probably have been arraigned
upon it; for the Cardinal d'Este in his
correspondence states, " There is no way
of accusing him of heresy, because he is
known to go regularly to mass and con-
fession, and to communicate." A proverb
however became very common, "Deliver
us from the chancellor's mass."t
In August, 1568, a bull was sent from
Rome, permitting the king to alienate
church property, to the value of one hun-
dred thousand crowns, on condition that
he should make war against the heretics,
and utterly destroy, or bring them back
to the church. The chancellor opposed
the reception of the bull, and, addressing
the queen, he entreated her to avoid a
measure which would again deluge the
kingdom with blood. His influence de-
layed the reception of the bull; and ap-
plication was made for another in lieu of
it, which should authorize the use of the
money to be applied to the public service,
but without making war upon the Pro-
testants.* This opposition excited the
Romish agents to make fresh efforts.
The Cardinal of Lorrain used all his in-
fluence with the king and queen, being
urged by a desire to avenge his brother's
death on the Huguenots in general: back-
ed by the whole body of the clergy, he
at last succeeded in effecting the chancel-
lor's dismissal, by representing him to
have warned the Prince of Conde to es-
cape from Noyers; a circumstance by no
means improbable, as he was present
when the queen proposed her cruel mea-
sured
Catherine's plan was decided upon:
the secret attempt to seize upon the castle
of Noyers had been discovered, and she
was determined to compensate by force
for the failure of her stratagem. The
troops which had been destined for the
siege of Rochelle were ordered into Bur-
gundy; and Tavannes, who commanded
in that province, had instructions to arrest
the prince and his friends. On this oc-
casion the queen's character thwarted her
own design: Tavannes, like every ex-
perienced courtier of that day, was well
aware that, if any trouble arose in the
kingdom on this account, the government
would readily sacrifice him, as a means
of allaying the storm. He would neither
take upon himself this odious commission,
nor suffer another to do it in his govern-
ment. He therefore sent couriers with
letters to the court, containing the intelli-
gence that every thing was ready: these
couriers were ordered to pass in the di-
rection of Noyers, and, as Tavannes in-
tended, were taken by Conde's people,
as well as some others who were sent to
* Vie de Colisny, p. 347. La Noue, p. 638.
t Braatome, vol. vii. p. 103.
* Villemain. Vie de I'Hopital.
t Davila, liv. 4.
100 FLIGHT OF CONDE AND COLIGNY FROM NOYERS.
sound the moat.* The answers which
they gave, on being questioned, con-
vinced the prince that any loss of time
would be an imprudence. The admiral
had feared some measure of the kind,
ever since he heard of the engineer being
discovered in disguise. He had taken
his family to Noyers: they quitted the
castle without delay, and had they been
three days later their escape would have
been impossible; for the province was
filling with soldiers, the bridges and fords
were guarded, and a number of troops
were concealed in the environs.
They quitted Noyers on the 25th of
August, as secretly as it could be done
with the embarrassing tra-in which ac
companied them. They took, partly on
horseback and partly in litters, the prin-
cess and her children; Andelot's wife,
and a child at the breast; Coligny's young
family (his wife had died recently,) with
nurses and female attendants: their escort
was about. one hundred and fifty men.
It was a painful sight to see so many
women and children exposed to the fa-
tigues of such a journey, and the dangers
of being assailed on the road; but what
man could leave any part of his family in
the power of a king who had sworn his
ruin ?
The better to conceal their flight, the
prince wrote the king a letter of complaint
and remonstrance, and gave out that he
should wait for an answer: but his time
was too precious to lose a moment: a gen-
tleman of that country, who by frequent
hunting was perfectly acquainted with
the fords and by-paths, conducted him to
the banks of the Loire, opposite Sancerre.
They crossed the river with the water
scarcely above their horse's knees: a
heavy storm of rain fell for two hours
after they were on the other side, which
swelled the river so much that it com-
pletely screened them from pursuit.
AVhile they were reposing on an emi-
nence, they could distinctly see a body
of horsemen waiting on the opposite
bank, not daring to venture across the
river to follow them. Coligny felt very
grateful on the occasion, and impressed
his companions with corresponding sen
timents for so great a deliverance.!
The remainder of their journey was
full of dangers, the Catholic forces and
themselves being directed towards the
same point ; but they arrived in safety on
the 18th of September, when the people
of Rochelle received them with acclama-
tions.*
Similar measures had been planned for
entrapping the other leading Protestants,
but they all failed in the execution. The
Cardinal of Chatillon, who was at his see
(Beauvais,) escaped into Normandy, took
the disguise of a sailor, and crossed over
to England in a small vessel : he was of
great service to the cause by his negotia-
tions.! The Queen of Navarre, warned
in time by the admiral's letter, hastened
to Rochelle with her son and daughter,
some money, and four thousand soldiers.
The chiefs in general assumed the defen-
sive, and immediately raised levies in their
different provinces. The guerillas, main-
tained by these persons, kept the Catholic
army in full employment, and preserved
Rochelle from an attack, till proper mea-
sures had been taken for its defence. This
general movement of the Huguenots con-
vinced the queen-mother that her project
had been betrayed : the accusation against
the chancellor could no longer be doubted,
and his dismissal took place accordingly.!
Coligny's letters to his friends, in conse-
quence of his early suspicions of treachery
on the part of the court, had given the
Protestants such an advantage, that they
were in a few days assembled in great
force in different parts of France. The
queen, on the other hand, was astonished
at the vigour of their measures; and,
hoping to cajole them, published an edict,
declaring the willingness of the govern-
ment to protect them in future, as well as
to render them justice for the past. The
edict was so completely at variance with
her conduct for some time previous, that
it produced no effect on the minds of the
Protestants. Catherine then gave the
command of the army to the Duke of An-
jou, and published several other edicts
against the Protestants. Her behaviour
on this occasion shows much spite and
ittle management. She revoked every
* Mem. cle Tavannes, p. 314. But Brantome, vol. jx
p. 109, st.ites that the letters were intercepted contrary
to the wish of Tavannes.
f An advocate, in an inflated speech, compared the
event to the passage of the Israelites through the Red
Sea. Arcere, vol. i. p. 369.
* D'Auhigne, vol. i. p. 262. Vie de Coligny, p. 346.
Pasquier, vol. ii. p. 127. Davila, liv. 4 p 443.
f Davila, liv. 4, p. 447. Castelnau, liv. 7, ch. 1.
j 7th Oct. 1568. Journal de Brulart, and Davila, liv.4.
BATTLE OF JARNAC.
10!
edict which had been given in their favour: their cause. To check their progress, the
she forbade, under pain of death, the exer-
cise of any religion besides the Roman,
and she ordered all who professed the new
Duke of Anjou set out to join the Catholic
army, of which he had already been nomi-
nated generalissimo. Conde, who was
faith to quit their employs.* Her manner aware of the young duke's passion for
of conducting affairs at this period was ' glory, fidt assured that he would lose no
not of the sort usually adopted by her,
and her crafty policy seems to have been
dormant. The sudden revocation of the
edicts was a public declaration that it was
a war for religion. The Queen of En£r-
time before he gave battle; he therefore
sent orders to hasten the arrival of some
troops which were coming from Langue-
doc to join him: he even set out to meet
them. A misunderstanding unfortunately
land was more easily persuaded to help, arose between Dacier and Mouvens, who
the confederates, and the numbers of men i commanded them, and the royal forces,
who flocked to the Protestant standard ex-
cited general surprise. The perfidious
manner in which the Huguenots had been
treated drove them to great excesses im-
mediately they had the power of avenging
themselves. Every thing therefore which
was identified with the Romish worship
experienced their fury: churches and mo-
nasteries were pulled down, priests and
monks were murdered, and it is said that
many nuns suffered excesses of the most
brutal kind, and which did not even save
them from the sword. Oppression natu-
rally creates resistance, and long irritation
excites a thirst for revenge. When a
people once gain the upper hand of their
oppressors, they can set no bounds to
their resentments, for their passions are
uncurbed. We cannot wonder, therefore,
that the popular wrath on this occasion
fell upon the ecclesiastics, as the priests
had uniformly been the approvers and
even instigators of their sufferings, and the
authority of the church had been always
invoked to sanction the burning and mur-
dering of their relatives and friends: no-
thing done in retaliation, therefore, ap
peared excessive in the eyes of the enraged
Huguenots, who sullied their cause by
such deplorable excesses.
CHAPTER XXII.
Battle of Jarnac— Death of the Prince of Conde.
During the month of October, 15G8, the
Protestants obtained possession of a con-
siderable extent of territory beyond the
Loire, and took all the towns in that part
of the country, with the exception of Poic-
tiers. Every thing seemed favourable to
7, ch.
Journal tie Brulart. Castelnau, liv.
under Brissac, completely routed them
without difficulty.*
The misconduct of the officers having
caused this reinforcement to be greatly
reduced in number, the Prince of Conde
was of opinion that they should be tried
for it by a court-martial ; but Coligny pru-
dently remonstrated, and showed him,
that, although it was quite reasonable that
discipline should be strictly enforced, there
were occasions when it became necessary
to relax its rigour: those who had com-
mitted this fault were persons of credit
and authority, and therefore it would be
more prudent to use persuasion than me-
naces: the latter would do very well in
the royal armies, where the king's name
had a prodigious effect, but as they had
taken arms against him on account of their
religion, they had many things to manage
with caution. f
Conde was persuaded to adopt the
milder course, and set out to attack the
Duke of Montpensier, who commanded
the royal army during the absence of the
Duke of Anjou: he was coming on by
short journeys to assume his post, but,
hearing of the prince's movements, he
hastened forward, and summoned a coun-
cil of war directly he arrived: his propo-
sal was to attack the confederates imme-
diately, but some old captains persuaded
him to defer such a measure, as the ene-
my's force would certainly be diminished
by a delay; the gentlemen, they said,
would be tired of waiting, in a state of in-
action, at their own expense, and would
soon insist upon returning to their homes :
the army weakened in that manner would
be an easier prey.J
The king's army at this time consisted
of twenty-four thousand infantry and four
* Vie de Coligny, p. 352.
liv. 4.
t Vie de Coligny, p. 353.
La Noue, p. 646.
J Ibid. p. 354.
Davil5
102
SANGUINARY ZEAL OF ST. PIUS.
thousand horsemen ; that of the confede-
rates was less by a fourth, but was com-
posed of very determined men, who had
staked their all upon the success of their
arms. Conde, relying upon their valour,
sought every occasion for a battle; Anjou
as carefully avoided it, but could not ho-
nourably retire to winter-quarters. In the
meantime it was disadvantageous to both
parties that the affair should be thus spun
a reinforcement for the Protestants: the
Dukes of Aumale and Nemours, with six
thousand men, were posted in Lorrain, to
prevent his passing to the interior.
Had the introduction of foreign armies
into France been the only result of these
applications for assistance from abroad,
the page of history would have been spared
the details of the most dreadful transac-
tion ever recorded. The German, Spa-
out, and a battle delayed: the Protestant ' nish, and Italian troops arrived; fought for
chiefs had fears, lest the gentlemen in their their respective friends; and on the con-
army should wish to go home; and the, elusion of a peace retired. But the chances
king had difficulty in finding the means of war were too uncertain for the calcu-
for keeping his army on foot, notwith-
standing the exertions made in his behalf
by the pope, Pius V.*
The severity of the winter inflicted
great hardships on both armies: the con-
federates, however, suffered less than
their enemies, as they were chiefly quar-
tered in villages, and in the suburbs of
towns. At length they were compelled to
seek for refuge from the inclemency of the
season, which carried off, in the two ar-
mies, more than eight thousand men.t
During the remainder of the winter,
both parties were busy in strengthening
themselves by every kind of reinforcement.
Elizabeth, Queen of England, at the soli-
citation of the Cardinal of Chatillon, sent
the Protestants a quantity of money, pro-
visions, and ammunition.!; But the most
lations of the Vatican ; the sacred college
was too anxious for victory over heresy
to wait the result of policy and craft: a
bold measure was requisite to bring about
the extinction of the evil, and that measure
ended in the massacre of the St. Bartho-
lomew.
Pius V. was so zealous in the cause of
the Roman hierarchy, that he has been
canonized for his holy intentions, as a
compensation for his not having lived to
see the fruit of his exertions* He had
written pressing letters to different princes,
in order to obtain help for the most Chris-
tian king : at last he unbosomed himself to
the Cardinals of Bourbon and Lorrain ;
both letters were written on the same
day.t
After informing the Cardinal of Bour-
fruitful source from whence they drewibon, that he was ready to face death in
their supplies arose from the circumstance [the cause of religion, his holiness added,
of Coligny being at the head of the French I " that gives us the right of earnestly ex-
marine. In his quality of admiral, he com- 1 horting you by our letters, and of exciting
missioned a fleet of nine ships, and some I you to make every effort to employ all
frigates, and sent them to cruise off the your influence for procuring a definitive
coast, from Brittany to Flanders. These
enterprises were very successful: they
and serious adoption of the measure, most
proper for bringing about the destruction
were sure of shelter in the English ports;: of the implacable enemies of God and the
and they captured a great number of Spa-! king; a measure, without which it will be
nish and Flemish vessels; and a tenth of
the value of those prizes was the legal pro-
perty of the admiral. {
Both parties had sent into Germany for
levies : the Catholics were joined by a
considerable body, under the Margrave
of Baden, and other captains. The Duke
of Deux-Ponts at the same time conducted
* The pope sent Charles IX. 10,000 pieces of gold
towards defraying the expenses of the war. See the
letters uf Pius V. to different personages during this
year.
•f Davila, liv. 4, p. 470. La Noue, p. 659. Castelnau,
liv. 7 ch. 2.
J DAubigne, vol. i. p. 2H3. Castelnau, liv. 7, cb. 2.
§ La Noue, p. 095. Davila, liv. 4, p. 452.
always impossible to pursue warmly the
operations of the war, and to conduct it to
a happy issue." The letter then enlarges
on the necessity of depriving the heretics
of the time for collecting their scattered
forces, and thus secure the advantage of
a victory. "Expedition and ceaseless ac-
tivity are moreover necessary, because the
* Michael Ghislieri was born A D 1504. at Roschi. in
Piedmont. His family was poor, and he joined the Do.
minicans. By his severity to all heretics, he obtained
the rank of cardinal, and the office of grand inquisitor.
Elected pope in 156fi, he took the style of Pius V., and,
until his death, in May, 1572, be was unceasingly em-
ployed in fomenting persecutions for religion.
t 17th January, 1569.
BATTLE OF JARNAC — DEATH
treasury is becoming more exhausted
every day. The importance of the inte-
rests which we discuss, and the dangers
of the kingdom, reduced to the last ex-
tremity, would possibly require fuller de-
velopment ; but your known love for the
Catholic religion, and the zeal which ani-
mates you for the divine honour, render
it unnecessary to dwell further upon these
things with you."
To the Cardinal of Lorrain, St. Pius
writes : " we not only demand that you
display the greatest zeal in doing what we
desire, but we beg you also to inflame the
spirits of the king, the queen, and all whom
they employ in this war; and to excite
them to execute with activity what has
been neglected till now, as well as to pre-
pare diligently, and without delay, what-
ever may contribute to put an end to this
disastrous war, by conquering and sub-
duing the enemy." This letter contains
remarks very similar to the other, urging
a speedy termination of the war, by at-
tacking the heretics at once, and following
up the blow till they were all destroyed.
These letters were followed soon after
by another to Charles,* informing him
that he had sent Sforza, Count of Santa-
fiore, with some troops to help him:
" We pray Almighty God, who is the
Lord of Hosts, the King of Kings, and
who directs and governs every thing by
his wisdom, mercifully to grant your ma-
jesty the victory over our common ene-
mies. When God, as we trust, shall
have given us the victory, it will be for
you to punish, with the utmost rigour,
the heretics and their leaders, because
they are the enemies of God; and you
must avenge upon them, not only your
own injuries, but also those of Almighty
God."
Directly the season would permit, the
contending parties renewed their opera-
tions. Tavannes was nominally under
the orders of the Duke of Anjou, but in
reality possessed the chief command of
the royal army. He was anxious to con-
fine the confederates within their present
limits, while Conde wished to gain the
centre of France, that he might be more
ready to join the Germans who were
coming to his aid. Each party was con-
stantly on the watch for an opportunity of
surprising their enemy. At length a bat-
* Dated 6th Murch, 1569^
OF THE miNCE OF CONDE. 103
tie was fought at Jarnac, a small town in
the Angoumois, on the borders of the ri-
ver Charente.*
The Duke of Anjou had decided on at-
tacking the confederates, but it was neces-
sary to pass the river: in his first attempt
he was repulsed by the admiral, with the
loss of three hundred men. On the night
preceding the battle, Tavannes effected
the passage by making a false march, and
suddenly returning to Chateauneuf, one
of the outposts of the Protestants. The
officer who commanded there was struck
with such a panic fhat he made no de-
fence : had he merely cut some ropes,
which held together a bridge of boats at
that part, there would have remained no
means of crossing the river. Coligny
flew to the spot the moment he heard of
the affair, but before he could arrive, the
detachment had crossed.
Conde, thus surprised, was in a dilem-
ma: he had not time to collect all his
troops: if he gave battle, it would be to a
great disadvantage; if he retreated, the
consequences might be still worse. The
prince's misfortune was increased by an
inexcusable delay on the part of some
gentlemen in his army, by which the Ca-
tholics were enabled to strengthen them-
selves still more in taking the post of
Bassac : instead of taking horse at dawn,
they laid in bed till half-past eight o'clock.
The courage of the Prince of Conde
during this battle was very remarkable.
He had been wounded in the arm two
days previous, and, while preparing for
action on this occasion, he received a
kick from the horse of his friend La
Itochefoueault. Without complaining of
the pain, he made an animated appeal to
the nobles around him, and desired them
to bear in mind the condition in which
Louis of Bourbon went into action, on
behalf of his religion and his country.
His bravery, however, was not attended
with the success it merited. From the
first onset, fortune declared for the Duke
of Anjou: he charged upon La Noue,
who was at the head of the Protestant
rear-guard; he was thrown into complete
confusion, and would have been over-
whelmed, had not Anclelot arrived to his
assistance, and enabled him to rally his
men. A second charge left him a priso-
* 13th March, 1569. It is sometimes called the battle
of Bassac, from its vicinity to that town. Jarnac is 2
leagues from Cognac.
104
DEATH OF THE PRINCE OF CONDE.
ner in the hands of the Catholics, who
obtained that advantage by his horse
being killed under him. When he heard
that La Noue was a prisoner, the Admiral
observed, that he could better have spared
any ten others.
The strutrgrle continued for some time,
and the Admiral firmly sustained the re-
peated shocks of the royal army: but his
force was unequal to the task, and it be-
came evident that, unless he was assist-
ed, he must soon yield. The Prince of
Conde in consequence hastened to help
him: he charged upon the main body of
the enemy's cavalry, and, crippled as he
was, he fought among them till his horse
fell under him. To be dismounted on
such an occasion rendered his capture in-
evitable; and he surrendered himself to
two gentlemen, named Dargence and St.
John, who conducted him out of the fray,
and seated him under a hedge. Montes-
quieu, captain of the Duke of Anjou's
guards, unfortunately chanced to pass at
the time: he inquired who the prisoner
was, and, on being informed, drew his
pistol, and shot the prince through the
head. Satisfied with the death of the
Protestant general, the Catholics did not
take the full advantage of their victory:
they scarcely pursued the Protestants,
who retired in good order under the com-
mand of Coligny.*
It was generally thought, that orders
had been given to spare no Huguenot of
distinction who might be taken in this
battle. Brantome states,t " that it had
been strongly recommended to several of
the Duke of Anjou's favourites." Robert
Stuart, among others, being made a priso-
ner, was taken before the duke, by the
Marquis of Villars, who entreated per-
mission to put him to death, for having
killed the Constable Montmorency at the
battle of St. Denis. Anjou refused his
consent; but, being strongly pressed by
Villars, he turned his head away, and
said, " Well, be it so!" Stuart was then
led to a short distance, and killed.^ La
Noue was brought before the severe
Duke of Montpensier, who thus ad-
dressed him: " My friend, your process
is finished; yours, and that of all your
companions: look to your conscience!"§
* Davila, d'Aubigne, De Tlinu, and Castelnau.
t Vol. viii. p. 244. (Vie at Condi.)
I Brantome, (Vie de Montmorency.)
§ Ibid. (Vie de Montpensier.)
An old comrade of La Noue's, named
Martigues, saved him from death, and af-
terwards effected his exchange for Sessac,
lieutenant of Guise's men-at-arms.*
The Duke of Anjou slept at Jarnac, in
the same house where the Prince of
Conde had lodged the preceding night.
He had the cruelty to behold the body of
the unfortunate prince borne by an ass
through the Catholic army. Conde's
body became an object of derision with
many who before had trembled at his
name alone. It was afterwards sent to
the Prince of Beam, who caused it to be
interred at Vendome in the sepulchre of
his ancestors.!
Such was the end of Louis of Bourbon,
Prince of Conde; a man distinguished
for his bravery, skill, and wit, at a court
where such qualities, to be distinguished,
must have been possessed in a very great
degree. His principal failing, an extreme
susceptibility of tenderness for the fair
sex, exposed him to many snares, by
which he was impeded in his proper
channel of advancement: but his charac-
ter as a good, unflinching friend, a sin-
cere and affable man, was free from the
least imputation; and his good qualities
made him regretted, even by the party
opposed to him. He has been accused
of ambitiously aspiring to the throne;
certainly he was ambitious, for, in his
day, that passion was cherished as a vir-
tue by every person of distinction. He
bore arms against his sovereign, but was
driven to do so by the first instinct of na-
ture— self-preservation.
Those who accuse the Prince of Conde
of having aimed at the crown, found
their accusation principally on his coining
money bearing his effigy, and the inscrip-
tion, Louis XIII., King of France. Some
particulars respecting this coinage have
been preserved, and may not be misplaced
here.}
Brantome, after minutely describing
the coining of this money, as the effect of
the prince's vain-glory, mentions, " that
the constable presented it to the council
at the Louvre, in the year 1567, the se-
» Amiranlt. (Vie de la Jfoue, p. 31.)
■f Davila. liv. 4, p. 4fi.
j Tlie subject was discussed in 1741 by M. Secousse
in an essay, entitled " Dissertation <m I on examine s'tl
eat vrai qu'il ait cti J'rappc pendant la vie de Louis /.,
Prince de Condi, une monnaie sur laquclle on lui ait
donnt le litre de Roi de France." Mem. de l'Acad. des
Inscriptions, tome xvii. p. 607.
PRINCE OF BEARN PROCLAIMED CHIEF OF THE PROTESTANTS. 105
venth day of October, in the afternoon."*
It must, therefore, have been prepared
before the attempt upon Meaux was ar-
ranged. But, in the notes to the Henri-
ade, it is described as an artifice of the
court made use of to ruin the prince.
Some pieces were contrived to fall into
Montmorency's hands: he, being fully sa-
tisfied that they had been coined by the
prince's order, went in a rage to the king,
and showed them to him.t
When the coin first appeared, many of
the prince's sincere, though inexperienced
friends, were highly pleased at it; but
those who, from their condition, were
able to form a proper estimate of the bu-
siness, saw at once that it was an attempt
to make his party odious. The admiral
convinced the Prince of Conde how ne-
cessary it was to counteract this machina-
tion, and a severe punishment was threat-
ened against any who should circulate the
coin: the proclamation was repeated, that
no one might plead ignorance. An un-
lucky suttler, however, offered some of
these pieces in change to his customers
in the camp, and was hanged on the spot.
This severity silenced many of the slan-
ders in which the Catholics indulged
against the prince ; and they were com-
pelled to adopt some other plan for per-
suading the world that ambition, and not
liberty of conscience, was the cause of the
war.J
Brantome mentions another circum-
stance, which shows that all who were
in habits of intimacy with the prince
were satisfied it was a manoeuvre, for his
approval of the coinage could not have
been concealed from them. Briquemaut,
a very worthy man, who fought solely on
account of his religion, § was wounded in
the leg a few days before the battle of
Jarnac. Conde and the admiral visited
him in his bed; and in conversation the
word reigning escaped the prince. "Sir,"
said Briquemaut, " it appears from your
remarks that ambition excites you more
than religion: if that be your aim, I quit
you. Let us join for the service of God,
* Brantome, vol. viii. p. 239. tint notwithstanding
this minuteness, the Abbe Anquetil insinuates that
Conde coineil the money at Rochelle in 15U8, when the
Protestant affairs were so very successful.
f It was at the same time reported in Paris that
Conde hail been crowned at St. Denis. Secousse, Dis-
sertation. &c.
I Vie de Coligny, p. 349.
§ II estoit un fort homme de bien, et qui ne combattoit
que pour sa religion. Brantome, Vie de Condi.
otherwise I shall retire." If so slight an
allusion to power, probably misunder-
stood, made Briquemaut threaten to quit
the prince, would he have stayed in his
army after such a step as qualifying him-
self King of France upon the coin ?
CHAPTER XXIII.
The Prince of oVarn proclaimed chief of the Protestant
party — Arrival of reinforcements from Germany —
Attack on Laroche- Abeil'e— Letters of Pius V.
Coligny, being informed of the Prince's
death, directed his attention to preserving
the remains of the army. He ordered the
infantry to retire to Cognac, and destroyed
the bridge by which they crossed the ri-
ver: he protected their retreat at the head
of the cavalry, and kept up a running
fight till the dusk of the evening, when
the enemy desisted. St. Jean d'Angely
being more exposed to an attack from the
Duke of Anjou than any other town in
his power, the admiral went thither to
strengthen and encourage the garrison.
He visited Xaintes, and then went to
Cognac, which was the general rendez-
vous of the party.*
When the Prince of Conde was cap-
tured at the battle of Dreux, the com-
mand was immediately and unanimously
conferred upon Coligny; and no one could
doubt that he was entitled to succeed him
at his death. But there was a strong
party again3t him among the Huguenot
nobility, who, esteeming themselves equal
to him in every respect, were unwilling
to be under his orders. Some pretext
was, however, necessary to cover their
refusal to serve under Coligny, and there-
fore he was blamed for having suffered
the army to be surprised, and for quitting
the field too soon, instead of making some
effort to retrieve the misfortune of the day.
The way in which these complaints were
urged, and their general sentiments, which
he had the means of ascertaining, con-
vinced the admiral that, unless his party
had the name and authority of a prince of
the blood, its strength and credit would
soon fail. He therefore wrote to the
Queen of Navarre, that the time was
come when she ought to think of raising
* Vie de Coligny, p. 358.
106 ARRIVAL OF REINFORCEMENTS FROM GERMANY.
her son to the dignity which was his
due.*
The Queen of Navarre immediately
set out from Rochelle for Cognac. On
her arrival she advanced in front of the
army, and presented her son Henry,
Prince of Beam, then in his sixteenth
year, and Henry, son of the deceased
Conde, who was rather younger. She
addressed the soldiers, recommended to
them the two youths, and so animated
and touching was her speech, that it pro-
duced great effect upon the army. "The
good cause," said she, " has not perished
with Conde; and his misfortune ought
not to cause despair among men attached
to their religion. God watches over his
own people. During his life he gave the
prince companions able to assist him, and
he has left us brave captains, capable of
repairing the loss caused by his death. I
offer you my son, and I confide to you
the son of the prince who excites our re-
grets: Heaven grant that they may both
show themselves worthy inheritors of the
bravery of their ancestors, and that the
sight of these tender pledges may excite
you constantly to remain united for the
support of the cause which you defend. "t
The Admiral and La RochefoucauU pub-
licly swore fidelity to the Prince of Beam;
the other nobles did the same; and after-
wards the whole army, amidst shouts of
joy and approbation, which continued till
the Prince of Beam advanced with a firm
step, and swore to defend their religion,
and constantly to persevere in the com-
mon cause, until death or victory gave
them the full liberty which they desired. J
The Prince of Conde gave his assent
more by gesture than by words.
As the two princes were too young
to take the direction of affairs, the ma-
nagement was left to the admiral: all the
objections which had been made against
his having the command now vanished,
as the point of honour was saved by their
having a prince for their commander in
chief, and Coligny's orders were exe-
cuted without hesitation. The principal
charge being disposed of there was no
difficulty in arranging some other ap-
pointments which had become vacant, to
* D.ivila, liv. 4, p. 488.
+ Esprit de la Ligue, vol. i. p. 292. D'Auhigne alludes
to this speech, but does not give it at length, in his Hist.
Vniversclte.
t Davila, liv. 4, p. 489.
the regret of the Protestants; the trusty
and courageous Andelot, who was always
on the alert to second his brother's ope-
rations, and whom Coligny repeatedly
called his right hand, fell ill of a fever
and died in a few days.* Catholics bear
testimony to his good character: " He
was true and sincere, and, of the Calvinist
chiefs, one of the most persuaded of his
religion; naturally frank, candid, and ge-
nerous, he attracted as much friendship
as his brother, more severe and reserved,
conciliated esteem. "t D'Acier was ap-
pointed to the command of the infantry,
which was Andelot's last employ: Jac-
ques Bouchard, a warm friend of Co-
ligny's, died about the same time, and
left vacant the command of the artillery;
Genlis succeeded him.t A council was
then held for deciding on the plan of their
future operations: several proposed that
the Protestant forces should be concen-
trated in Rochelle and the strong posts in
that neighbourhood; they argued that
there the Duke of Anjou could not attack
them with any possibility of success, on
account of the marshy nature of the coun-
try. But this plan was represented by
Coligny, as timid and unworthy of their
cause. The most esteemed captains
were of the same opinion, and it was
finally resolved that the army should be
divided; that troops should be placed in
the principal towns situated on rivers to
protect them from siege, and delay the
progress of the royal army, until they
had positive intelligence of the force
which the Duke of Deux-Ponts was
bringing from Germany; that when they
heard of the approach of those troops,
they should collect their forces and make
an effort to join them, wherever they
might be: if the junction could be ef-
fected, they would equal the Catholic
army; otherwise they must separate, and
by returning into different provinces,
they would oblige the king to divide his
army, and thus be in a condition to fight
with better chances of success. § These
plans being agreed to, the Queen of Na-
varre went back to Rochelle; the princes
and the admiral retired into St. Jean
d'Angely; the other captains went into
* 27th May, 1569. He was buried with great pomu
at Rochelle.
t Esprit de la Ligue, vol. i. p. 2f8.
J D'Aubigne.vol. i. p. 283.
§ Davila, liv. 4, p. 491.
ATTACK ON LAROCHE ABEILLE.
107
different towns, which were well forti-
fied, by the country around them being
intersected by several deep rivers: mili-
tary science had likewise contributed to
the defence of those places.
While the Protestants appeared to ac-
quire additional force from their reverses,
and to be stimulated by their defeat to
make greater exertions, the ardour of the
Catholics very soon subsided. The
Duke of Anjou, in his eighteenth year,
had displayed great bravery in the re-
cent battle: he charged several times at
the head of his cavalry, fought amidst
the ranks of the enemy, and had a horse
killed under him; but after the victory
his fire seemed to be exhausted, and
those alternations of activity and listless-
ness were then remarked, which after-
wards rendered his reign so stormy. Al-
though the duke had only the name of
chief commander of the Catholic army,
his character had some influence on its
operations. He persuaded himself that ■
his work was accomplished, and that his
enemies were crushed. Flattery on the
part of some chiefs and interested mo-|
tives on the part of others, prevented his
being exhorted to a proper line of con-
duct. Repeated delays took place, and
the siege of Cognac was not attempted
till after the Protestants had had suffi- 1
cient time to strengthen and supply the
place. The Catholics were obliged to
relinquish that siege, and for some time [
confined their operations to taking a few
unimportant towns; among others, Mu-
cidan, in Perigord, in attacking which
place the Count de Brissac was killed.*
In the mean time, Wolfgang, Duke of
Deux-Ponts, was advancing to join the
Protestants with a strong reinforcement.
He quitted Saverne at the end of Febru-
ary, and took his march through Alsace
and Lorrain; he had seven thousand five
hundred Reitres, and six thousand Lans-
quenets. William of Nassau, Prince of
Orange, and Louis his brother, who were
driven out of Flanders by the Duke of
Alva, joined him with some companies
of cavalry; and about twenty French
captains from Dauphiny, who had as-
sembled near Strasburg a force of four-
teen hundred men.t
The court sent the Dukes of Aumale
and Nemours to oppose his passage, but,
although their forces were superior, the
Duke of Deux-Ponts effected his object.
When they approached too near he at-
tacked the royal army, and as Aumale
contented himself with hovering about
the Germans, they passed the Saone
without hindrance at Montier. Aumale
then hastened on to wait for them at the
Loire, where he hoped to be joined by
some detachments from the Duke of
Anjou's army. As a means of stopping
their progress the Catholics had destroyed
the bridge at la Charite. This would
have been a serious impediment had not
Wolfgang been informed of a ford at
Pouilly, where his army crossed, each
horseman taking a foot soldier behind
him.* He continued his march towards
the river Vienne, and, at the moment
when his task was on the eve of being
completed by the junction of the two
armies, he fell a victim to a quartan ague
at Nessax, a town three leagues distant
from Limoges.t Finding himself dying,
he summoned his principal officers", and
in their presence appointed Count Mans-
field his successor; he exhorted them to
obey him, and assured them, that, if any
division arose among them, it would be
the means of preventing their ever return-
ing home. They continued their march;
and although the Duke of Anjou guarded
every ford of the Vienne, they succeeded
in joining the admiral four days after the
death of Wolfgang.}
Very great surprise was expressed that
the Dukes of Nemours and Aumale, with
a number of experienced officers in their
army, should suffer an enemy of inferior
force to traverse France and cross the
Loire before their eyes, without offering
any obstacle. It was attributed to a dis-
agreement which arose between them,
and which, to use the words of a con-
temporary, "made them miss some fine
* Davila, liv. 4. D'Aubigne.
t D'Aubigne, vol. i. p. 285.
* 20th May, 1569. There is some difference in the ac
counts of this passage of the Loire: according to d'Au-
bigne, the Germans crossed the ford at Pouilly brforc
they took La Charite; Davila states, that by taking the
town they opened a convenient passage; while in the
Life of (,'oligny, it is said that the bridge was destroyed
before the town surrendered, and that, to avoid a loss
of time in constructing another bridge, the Germans
availed themselves of the ford at Pouilly.
t 18th June, 1569.
J Davila, liv. 4. Mem. de Tavannes. Vie de Colig*
ny-
108
ATTACK ON LAROCHE — ABEILLE.
enterprises."* In fact, there was at the
time a great misunderstanding at court,
and the intrigues and rivalries, which
were there agitated, contributed essen-
tially to strengthen the Protestant party.
The kin<r became jealous of the reputa-
tion which his brother had obtained at
Jarnac: in this feeling he was stimulated
by the crafty cardinal of Lorrain, who
wished to have the command intrusted to
one of his family. He did not blame
the queen's choice, but represented how
much belter it would be to owe such
successes to some French captain, or
even a foreigner like the Duke of Alva,
than to have such a rival as the Duke of
Anjou. The queen perceived the cardi-
nal's intention, and took secret mea-
sures with Tavannes to prevent any suc-
cess on the part of the Dukes of Aumale
and Nemours, which might add to the
influence of that family. At the same
time, to remove him from the king's per-
son, she made a journey to the camp,
and took the cardinal with her. His
meddling disposition made him interfere
in every profession, and he gave his opi-
nion freely upon the movements of the
army. On one occasion the Huguenots
had feigned a retreat in order to draw
their opponents into an ambuscade, when
the cardinal commanded a pursuit. Ta-
vannes prudently opposed his orders;
and when it was afterwards known that
a large body of cavalry were behind a
the Catholics
position, their
The Hugue-
culties he should experience in finding
supplies for his army in a woody and
mountainous district, resolved on imme-
diately attacking the right flank, where
Strozzy* was posted with some Italian
troops: if the attempt proved successful
he would deprive the roval army of the
convenience of an extensive meadow, in
which their cavalry found some pasture.
The attack commenced with the dawn,t
by a body of arquebusiers charging upon
the Catholics: they were supported by a
division of four thousand men. A san-
guinary conflict ensued,
having the advantage of
assailants that of numbers,
nots aimed at driving their enemies from
their post, and fresh troops continually
advanced to their assistance: all their ef-
forts, however, would have been in vain,
had Strozzy been satisfied with defend-
ing himself; but many of his French
officers making allusion to their late com-
mander Brissac, and expressive of their
disdain of serving under an Italian, he
called upon them to follow him, and
charged furiously upon the Huguenots.
They were thrown into great disorder,
and Strozzy pursued his advantage till
he had proceeded a considerable distance
into the plain. Coligny then advanced,
and completely surrounded him and his
men. Strozzy and his- 'followers fought
very bravely, and after many had fallen
the rest were made prisoners. The ad-
hill, the queen could not resist telling thejmtral pursued his advantage, and charged
cardinal that his plan, if followed, would the other divisions of the Catholic army;
have been their ruin: Tavannes alsoob-|hut being nearer their post they were
served, "That each should keep to his safe from the charges of the cavalry, and
trade, for it was impossible to be both a
clever priest and a good soldier."!
The two armies were within a quarter
of a league of each other: the Protestant
force consisted of above twenty-five
thousand men; that of the Catholics
might be more numerous, for the Duke
of Alva, the Grand Duke of Tuscany,
and the pope had sent large bodies to
reinforce the royal army: still the Pro-
testants, every thing being considered,
were the stronger party, which induced
the Duke of Anjou to take a secure po-
sition at Laroche-Abeille. The admi-
ral, having well observed the duke's
position, and duly considered the diffi-
* I, a None, p. 673.
t Mem. de Tavannes, p.
the Huguenot infantry were loo much
exhausted to renew the assault very vigo-
rously. This circumstance, added to the
arrival of some light cavalry who came
up to assist them, enabled the Catholics
to recover their position. While the ad-
miral attacked Strozzy on the right, ano-
ther division was similarly employed on
the left, where Count Santa Flore com-
manded: he repelled the attack without
making any sortie; and though the con-
flict lasted nearly an hour longer than
that on the right, the number of slain was
only twenty-six. The loss of the Ca-
tholics altogether was about four hundred
338.
* Philip Strozzy, son of the marshal : he was named
colonel-general of the infantry on the death of Ande-
lot.
f25th June, 1569.
LETTERS OF PIUS V.
109
men; Strozzy was a prisoner, and St.
Leu and Roquelanre, his lieutenants,
were left upon the field with twenty-two
captains. The Prince of Beam was in
the action, and made his first essay in
arms.*
A council was held immediately after-
wards in the royal camp, to consider
what measures ought to be adopted, as
many of their officers wished to return
home.t The queen and the Cardinals
of Bourbon and Lorrain were present at
the meeting. Some persons were strongly
in favour of a general engagement, and
argued that the Huguenot infantry, being
hastily levied, could not resist the vete-
rans of the royal army; while the Catho-
lic cavalry, composed of the principal
nobility of France, would easily overcome
the squadrons of Reitres, from whom, if
the captains and a few gentlemen were
taken away, there would remain nothing
but a parcel of grooms and valets unfit for
the exercise of arms: it was therefore evi-
dent that France might in that way be
freed from a number of ills produced by
the war, and the obstinacy of the Hugue-
nots be subdued in a short time: while,
on the other hand, long consultations
tended only to consume the nation, de-
stroy the nobility, and desolate the king-
dom; their enemies would take advantage
of the delay, and forward their enter-
prises; and it was very much to be feared
that more troops would arrive from Ger-
many, which might end in the subjuga-
tion of the kingdom by foreigners. Others
contended that it was very imprudent to
risk the state on the uncertain event of a
battle, and against an enemy who had no-
thing to lose; that a more safe plan was,
by prolonging the campaign, to give the
Germans leisure to dwindle away, as was
their custom; for, being in a climate so
different from their own, the heat of the
summer, and the abundance of fruit in
which they would certainly indulge,
would be sure to produce diseases among
them, which must reduce their army very
materially. The queen approved of the
latter counsel, and the forces were distri-
buted in the principal towns in the neigh-
bourhood of those occupied by the Hu-
guenots. The rest of the army was
allowed to separate with an understanding
* Davila, liv. 4. p. 505.
t Vie de Ooligny, p. 364.
10
that they should assemble again at a fixed
period.*
The admiral, instead of taking full ad-
vantage of the dispersion of the royal
army to extend his operations, and carry
the war into other provinces, sent to the
Duke of Anjou, entreating him to allow a
free passage to some deputies, whom he
proposed sending to the queen, with a
view of obtaining a peace. Anjou, who
felt more happy in the eamp than when
subjected to his brother at court, refused
the request. Coligny, however, succeed-
ed in forwarding a letter to Catherine, in
which he informed her majesty, " That it
was a strange thing that, to please some
enemies that he had near her, she should
wish to complete the ruin of all France;
that lie had fourteen thousand foreigners
in his army, and the Duke of Anjou had
no less in his, and that all those people
must be maintained at the expense of this
fine country, and who might notwith-
standing be all dismissed in a quarter of
an hour; that if he aimed at the crown,
or wished to participate in the govern-
ment of the state, he should not be sur-
prised that she risked so much, but that
it only related to permitting the Protest-
ants to enjoy liberty of conscience, a pri-
vilege which had been granted them by
several edicts, and which was conform-
able to the divine law; besides, if the
mere stay of foreigners produced such
mischief to the state, what might not hap-
pen if they should wish to become the
masters ? — for, should they be disposed to
unite, the country would be embarrassed
in resisting them: he concluded by earn-
estly imploring peace, which was the
only means of preventing such disorders,
and protested that it was more for her in-
terests than his own."t
The queen paid no attention to his let-
ter: her obligations to the papal influence
were too great to allow her to slight advice
coming from that quarter. The news of
the battle of Jarnac had been forwarded
to Rome, and some standards which had
been taken were sent to Pius V., who
wrote a congratulatory letter to the King
of France,;]: in which, after expressing the
gratitude he had felt and testified, for the
success over the enemies of God and the
church, the Christian pontiff adds: "But
* Davila, liv. 4, p. 510. t Vie de Coligny, p. 365.
I Dated 28th March, 1569.
110
LETTERS OF PIUS V.
the more the Lord has treated you and
me with kindness, the more you ought
with care and diligence to take advantage
of the opportunity which this victory of-
fers you for pursuing and destroying all
the enemies which still remain; for tear-
ing up entirely all the roots, and even the
smallest fibres of roots, of so terrible and
so confirmed an evil. For unless they
are radically extirpated, they will be found
to shoot out again, and as it has already
happened several times, the mischief will
reappear when your majesty least ex-
pects it. . . . You will bring this about,
if no consideration for persons or worldly
things induces you to spare the enemies
of God,* who have never spared God,
who have never spared yourself. For
you will not succeed in turning away the
wrath of God, except by -avenging him
rigorously on the wretches who have of-
fended him: by inflicting on them the
punishment they deserve. Let your ma-
jesty take for example, and never lose
sight of what happened to king Saul: he
had received the orders of God, by the
mouth of the prophet Samuel, to fight and
exterminate the infidel Amalekites, in
such a way that he should not spare one
in any case or under any pretext. But
he did not obey the will and the voice of
God; he pardoned the king of the Amale-
kites himself, and reserved his most va-
luable effects; therefore a short time
afterwards, severely reprimanded by the
same prophet who had anointed him king,
he was deprived of his throne and his
life. By this example, God has wished
to teach all kings, that to neglect the ven-
geance of outrages done to him, is to pro-
voke his wrath and indignation against
themselves. If your majesty continues,
as yon have hitherto done, in the rectitude
same words are used: his holiness assures
her majesty, that the assistance of God
will not be wanting, if she pursues the
enemies of the Catholic religion "until
they are all massacred, for it is only by
the entire extermination of the heretics,
that the Catholic worship can be re-
stored."
Pius V. appears to have duly appre-
ciated Catherine's influence in the go-
vernment, for his letters are frequently
addressed to her. Very soon after the
last, he sent her another exhortation,* in
which he informs her that "divine grace
can be obtained only by avenging the in-
juries done to Almighty God, in punish-
ing the rebels with severity." "We
are," he adds, " so much the more
anxious to recommend the affair seriously
to your majesty, as we have heard it
stated, that some persons exert them-
selves to save a small number of the pri-
soners, and to obtain their liberation. Be
careful that such a thing do not take
place; and neglect no means, no efforts,
that these abominable men may suffer the
punishment they deserve. "t The ex-
ample of Saul is again produced, to de-
termine the suppression' of any feelings
of humanity which might arise in the
breasts of the King or the Queen of
France.
Charles IX., the Duke of Anjou, and
the Cardinal of Lorrain, had each a letter
addressed to them on the same day. The
same sanguinary zeal pervades them all:
Pius compliments the Duke of Anjou
upon his victory, and enjoins him to re-
ject every intercession in favour of the
heretics: "It is your duty," says he, "to
show yourself justly inexorable to all."
The cardinal was exhorted to spare no
efforts that the Catholic religion alone
of your intentions and the simplicity of i should be observed by every body, as
your heart, to act openly 3nd frankly, for
the honour of God, and the interest of the
Catholic religion, you may be assured
that the aid of God will never fail you
until all his enemies are scattered, and
the ancient worship of the Catholic reli-
gion is restored in this kingdom, for the
glory of God and the salvation of souls."
The pope at the same time addressed
a similar letter to Catherine; the purport
is the same, and in a great measure the
* Hocautem facieo, si> nullarum personaruin rerun)-
que li imanarum respectus. te in earn mpnium adducere
iiotcrit, ut Dei hosiibus pareas. —Edit. Oobau.
well publicly as in the interior of the
conscience. He afterwards desires him
to convince the king of the notorious
truth, that he could never satisfy the Re-
deemer, nor obey his laws, but in show-
ing himself inexorable to all who should
dare to intercede for those abominable
men. To the king himself he repeats the
argument of his former letters; he assures
him that if he neglects from any motive
* Dated 13ih .April. 1509.
t Q,uod ne fiat, atque hnmines sceleratiesjmi jusiis
suppliriis afficiantur, curare te Qrtini studio airjiie iai-
dustria oportet.— Edit. Ooubuu, liv. 3, p. 150.
SIEGE OF POICTIERS.
Ill
to pursue and punish God's enemies, it
will end in wearying his patience and pro-
voking his wrath; and he cautions him
against listening to any entreaties, or
yielding to friendship or blood.
It would fatigue the reader to produce
every letter which proceeded from the
pope at the time now under discussion.
The conferences at Bayonne have been
very generally considered the origin of
the plan for the extirpation of the Pro-
testants. There is, however, reason to
believe that at that time (1565,) the pope,
the King of Spain, and Catherine de
Medicis, considered it sufficient to destroy
the leaders; the multitude might then be
scattered without difficulty, and their
congregations and public existence would
no longer be an eye-sore to the govern-
ment; but when the Prince of Conde's
place was immediately supplied by a
chief of equal rank, and the vacancies in
the Huguenot army were filled up with-
out any delay, Catherine perceived the
fallacy of her expectations. To assassi-
nate the admiral would serve no other
purpose than to irritate his party; and to
seize and put to death any number of
Huguenot captains would aggravate their
followers without materially weakening
their cause. The pope's advice was cal-
culated to effect his object ultimately, but
a civil war was fraught with every evil.
She resolved on making another effort in
the field before she concluded a peace;
but policy and her own experience show-
ed her that the result could be attained
much easier, much quicker, and far more
effectually by secret operations, which,
striking the whole body at once, would
prevent any organized resistance, and
leave the entire party at her mercy. An-
other victory she hoped might enable
her to dictate her own terms for a cessa-
tion of hostilities, and the war was con-
tinued with vigour; not so much with a
view of subduing the Huguenots by force
of arms, as with the steady purpose of
gaining some ascendency, suited for the
development of her ulterior policy.
CHAPTER XXIV.
Siege of Poietiers— Defeat of the Protestants at Mont,
contour.
Coligny waited impatiently for an
answer to the letter which he had sent
the queen-mother: he perceived at last
that there was no probability of his re-
ceiving any reply, and resolved to employ
his troops without wasting further time.
How they should be employed was dis-
cussed in a council of war: some pro-
posed to seize upon Saumur, obtain a
passage across the Loire, and thence pro-
ceed direct to Paris. Those who were
in favour of this measure- contended that
there was no other method of compelling
the queen to consent to reasonable terms;
that when she perceived the heart of the
kingdom ruined and Paris in danger, she
would be so fearful of an intelligence
with the inhabitants, that she would grant
all their demands, rather than risk a bat-
tle which would then be her only alter-
native. In opposing the proposition it
was argued that, by leaving Poietiers be-
hind them in the hands of the Catholics,
there was danger for all the towns they
held beyond the Loire; but by taking that
place they would so materially strengthen
their position in those provinces, that it
would be impossible to drive them out;
that, though it was not desirable to carry-
on war in their own quarters, it was ne-
cessary for them, since in case of misfor-
tune they required a secure retreat, the
benefits of which they had experienced
after the loss of the last battle, by reas-
sembling and refitting so soon, that thev
scarcely felt the loss they had sustained;
but that it would be quite different if they
ventured into the midst of an enemy's
country without money, ammunition, ar-
tillery, or provisions, unable to take any
with them; and, what is most important
of all, without any town or fortress in
which to take refuge, should they require
a place of retreat. Their prospect of suc-
cess was also doubtful, with respect to
the forces opposed to them; for the royal
army, although separated, was not dis-
banded, and could jeasily be collected
together. They vfould therefore be ex-
posed to great danger, without a cor-
responding chance of success.*
The latter advice prevailed, and the ad-
miral despatched Teligny to master some
places in the neighbourhood of Poietiers.
Chatellerault was taken without difficulty:
some persons in the town were in league
with the Confederates; they created a tu-
mult, and, in the confusion which fol-
* Vie de Coligny, p. 365. Davila, liv. 5, p. 515.
112
SIEGE OF POICTIERS.
lowed, obtained possession of one of the
gates, by which the Huguenot soldiers
entered. The governor made no further
attempt to defend the place, but escaped to
Poictiers. Several inconsiderable towns,
and the rich monastery of Branthome,
were plundered by the German troops,
who required such incitements to keep
them in obedience.
Lusignan was the next object of at-
tack: it was considered one of the strong-
est towns in France, and had formerly
withstood some long sieges, and violent
assaults. But the valour of the garrison
was very short of that of their predeces-
sors, and they made scarcely any op-
position. Some heavy pieces of ord-
nance taken in this town contributed to
strengthen the confederates for the siege
of Poictiers, which was commenced very
soon after, the admiral stopping only to
take possession of Mirebeau and St.
Maixant, two small places in his way.*
The Duke of Anjou had anticipated
such a measure from the regular way in
which the surrounding towns had been
taken, and had sent strong re-inforcements
to Poictiers. That town was at this pe-
riod the second in France in size and im-
portance; and if the Protestants could
have taken it, the influence which it must
have given them would have been very
considerable. The Duke of Guise, ac-
companied by his brother Mayenne and
a numerous body of noblesse, retired into
the town. In addition to the usual gar-
rison, the Count de Lude had entered
with six thousand soldiers, and a number
of peasants had been hired from the neigh-
bourhood to work at the fortifications, and
make every preparation which could be
devised for defending the place. The
young Duke of Guise was already in great
esteem among the Catholics, who antici-
pated the benefits which he would one
day confer on their cause: he was anxious
to avenge his father's 'death, and no less
desirous of equalling his renown. The
defence of Metz had procured unfading
laurels for one, and that of Poictiers of-
fered the other a fair chance of obtaining
a brilliant reputation. The Count de
Lude was governor of the province, and
the command of the town by right de-
volved on him; but he waived hispreten-
* Davila, liv. 5, p. 5113. D'Aubigne, vol. i. p. 291.
sions to that honour in favour of the
young hero.
The siege commenced on the 25th of
July, when the admiral attacked the fau-
bourg St. Lazare, which was unprovided
with fortifications, and defended by only
four hundred men. After three hours'
fighting, the admiral obtained possession
of the place. Guise counteracted this by
making a sortie, and destroying every
house, to deprive the assailants of shelter;
he also made many other sorties and was
always foremost in them, heedless of the
number of men he lost provided he de-
stroyed some of the besiegers. Coligny
was as assiduous in repeating his assaults,
and the siege was productive of excessive
bloodshed.
The admiral considered at length that
the better way of reducing the town
would be to turn the siege into a blockade.
The number of the troops which consti-
tuted its strength would also hasten a
scarcity of provisions. The plan was
good, but the acuteness of the Duke of
Guise suggested to him the same idea,
and measures were immediately taken for
husbanding the provisions in the town:
he retrenched the supply of his own table,
and every body followed his example; by
this measure the scarcity was not so soon
felt in the place.
The cannon of the besiegers had effect-
ed a great breach in the walls of Poictiers,
and by the 10th of August it was con-
sidered sufficient to warrant an assault.
A bridge constructed upon casks fastened
together with ropes was thrown across
the river: the admiral had reconnoitred
the breach, and would have ordered the
assault at once although he was aware of
the besieged having thrown up some
strong redoubts inside the wall to protect
the breach; but on examining the bridge^
he found that it would not with safety
allow the troops to march across it in suf-
ficient numbers: he ordered another to be
constructed and with more strength, so
that even the cavalry might cross, if they
once gained a footing in the town. The
plan however was rendered abortive by
a bold feat of one Capijuchy, a Roman
gentleman, who took with him two
good swimmers, and, diving under the
bridge cut the cords in different parts: the
current of the river soon carried the
whole away, and, while the Protestants
SIEGE OF POICTIERS.
113
were making another bridge, the besieged
had time to repair the breach. Guise
joined in the work, and helped to carry
the baskets full of earth, which kindled
such an emulation, that there was no' want
of assistance.*
In a short time the besiegers had con-
structed three new bridges, much strong-
er than the former, and had added to the
strength of their batteries. The besieged
at the same time succeeded in restoring
their rampart. A fresh assault was made
upon the town, and after some hard fight-
ing the Protestants were able to effect a
lodgement: but a fire was opened on them,
from some small pieces of artillery placed
in a convent, which soon compelled them
to abandon their post. Several persons
of note were killed, and La Noue was
wounded on this occasion. This check
did not destroy the ardour of the Hugue-
nots, and they made such progress with
their batteries in destroying the wall, that
the town could not long have been de-
fended on that side. As a last resource,
the inhabitants contrived to dam up the
river, which caused an inundation, and
thus prevented the assailants from ap-
proaching the breach. Coligny then di-
rected his efforts against another part of
the town, and succeeded in destroying
the wall to the extent of sixty feet. An
assault was attempted and a sanguinary
conflict ensued, in which the leaders on
both sides fought like private soldiers.
The Protestants persisted in their attacks
on the town, and the loss they sustained
had no effect upon them; but a dysentery
broke out among the troops, and the two
princes and the leading officers retired
from the army, leaving the admiral almost
alone to conduct the siege. Although at-
tacked with the disease himself, he would
not slacken his efforts ; and, though he
regretted that the siege had been under-
taken, he could not think of abandoning
the attempt. But he had' soon an oppor-
tunity of retiring without disgrace; for
Tavannes suggested to- the Duke of Anjou,
that he might well fill up his time in taking
some place, while the Huguenots were so
fully employed. The royal army was then
ordered to Chatellerault, and Coligny im-
mediately quitted Poictiers.f to prevent
any misfortune occurring to the two
young princes, who had retired to that
town. Coligny threw some reinforce-
ments into the place, and was in hopes of
taking the royal army by surprise; but a
deserter informed the Duke of Anjou of
his intention, and the attempt on Chatelle-
rault was immediately abandoned*
La Charite was the only town upon
the Loire which was in the hands of the
Huguenots: Sansac was sent by the Duke
of Anjou to take it, that the confederates
might abandon all thoughts of being able
to extend their operations beyond that
river. He made this attempt while the
admiral was besieging Poictiers. The
garrison made a desperate resistance, and
Sansac was obliged to retire after losing
several gentlemen and a considerable
number of soldiers.t
After such serious losses as the Protest-
ant army had suffered by the dysentery
and the sword, Coligny was desirous of
refreshing his troops and raising new
levies. He took up his quarters in the
faubourgs of Chatellerault. The Duke
of Anjou was advised to avoid an engage-
ment; to retire for a short time; and in
the interval to send for all those of his
army who had not yet returned to the
camp. The king and queen were at
Tours, and the Dukes of Anjou and
Guise went there to meet them. A coun-
cil was held, and the result of their delibera-
tions produced a decVee of the parliament
of Paris,}; which condemned Coligny as a
rebel and a felon ; and promised a reward
of fifty thousand golden crowns to any
one who should seize him dead or alive.
The Vidame of Chartres and Montgomery
were condemned to death about the same
time ; and all three were executed in
effigy at the Greve.§
An attempt was made to poison Coligny
very soon after this proclamation was"
issued. The criminal was his own valet:
he was condemned to be broken on the
wheel, but the admiral interceded, and
the punishment was commuted into being
hanged. Before he died he confessed his
crime, and stated that he had been insti-
gated by La Riviere, the captain of the
Duke of Anjou's guards; a circumstance
which made manysuspect the duke himself. H
Davila, li.v. 5. Vie de Colignv. liv. G.
Tlh September, 1509.
10*
* La Noue, p. 032. Davila, liv. 5. Vie de Colony, p m~.
t Davila, liv. 5, p.512.
t Dated 13th September, 1569.
§ Journal de lirulart, ami ne Thou, liv 43, altaeerd.
S Vie de Coligny, p. 372. De Thou, liv. 45.
114
BATTLE OF MONTCONTOUK.
When the Protestants were refreshed,
and ready fir action, the admiral regretted
very much the absence of the Duke of
Anjou. Many things made him wish for
a battle ; but in a short time the royal
army was considerably increased by the
arrival of gentlemen and their followers
from different parts ; and he was then as
anxious to avoid an engagement, as be-
fore he had been to seek it : he wished
above all things to wait till he could be
joined by the army under Montgomery,
who had been employed for several
months in recovering Guyenne and Beam,
which had been seized by the Catholics,
under the direction of Montluc and Ter-
ride, some time previous.*
Directly the admiral had ascertained
that he could depend upon the arrival of
the Germans in June, he sent Montgomery
to oppose the progress of the Catholics in
those provinces. By that person's exer-
tions the Queen of Navarre's authority
was restored ; he forced Terride to raise
the siege of Navarrins and took posses-
sion of Orthtz.f At the latter place he is
accused of breaking the articles of capitu-
lation, by cruelly murdering four barons
who were in the town. An act so bar-
barous cannot be defended; but the histo-
rian}: who makes the charge also says,
" That he had more regard for the orders
of the Queen Jane, who had commanded
him to treat them as traitors, than to his
own honour and faith." The success of
Montgomery's expedition may be attri-
buted to a disagreement between Mont-
luc and Terride, and the ill-will borne to
them both by Damville, governor of Lan-
guedoc.
The Duke of Anjou joined the royal
army at the close of September, and, by
the advice of Tavannes, he marched upon
the quarters of the Huguenots, resolved
to force them to an engagement. The
admiral on his side was quite averse to
engaging at this time, although he was
tormented by his officers-, and the Ger-
man auxiliaries, who were weary of such
a long campaign : he purposed to quit
Poitou, and gain Guyenne, by crossing
the rivers that lay in that direction ; at
the same time, to encourage his men, he
circulated among them a report that
* Mirasson. Hist, des Troubles de Beam, p. 218.
t D'Aullignfe, vol. i. p.295
1 Meseray.— Jibregi Chron.
Montgomery was on his road to join them.
If by this stratagem he could keep his
forces quiet for some time, he knew that
the royal army would suffer from a scar-
city of provisions, should the Duke of
Anjou make any attempt to follow him.
But Anjou perceived his intention, and
came up with him at Montcontour, on the
30th of September, to the great surprise
of the admiral, who thought him at a con-
siderable distance. The two armies were
drawn out ready for action, within musket-
shot of each other; a small river separated
them; the Catholics would not venture to
pass it in presence of their enemies, and,
night coming on, the battle was avoided
for that time.*
Coligny was advised by several officers
to give battle at once, as it could not be
long avoided ; he had therefore more
choice of position at that time, than if the
royal army were to overtake him in his
flight to Guyenne. Besides, by availing
himself of the eagerness to fight which his
men exhibited, he would have more
chance of success than when they had
become fatigued and dispirited : these
reasons made the admiral consent to wait
for the enemy in the plain of Montcon-
tour. The army was divided into three
parts: he led the van; the princes, with
Count Louis of Nassau, the main body ;
Count Wolrand and Muoy the rear.t
We are informed by La None that the
same discontent pervaded the royal army,
and that, the evening before this battle,
two Catholic gentlemen meeting some
Protestants conversed with them : " We
have," said the Catholics, " the appear-
ance of enemies, but we in no way hate
you or your party. Tell the admiral to
avoid giving battle, for our army is won-
derfully strong, from the reinforcements
which have arrived. But let him tempo-
rize for one month only ; for all the no-
bility have sworn and told the Duke of
Anjou, that they will not stay longer; yet,
if he will employ them within that time,
they will do their duty. And if they do
not have a victory very soon, several rea-
sons will constrain them to wish for peace,
and you will have advantageous terms."
Although this information came from an
enemy, and was liable to suspicion, the
admiral wished to follow the advice. It
* Davila, liv. 5, [>. 542. t H>'d. p. 547.
DEFEAT OF THE PROTESTANTS.
115
was agreed that nothing should be preci-
pitated, and at any rate they should seek
a better position than that of Montcontour.
But unfortunately the Germans became
mutinous when they received orders to
decamp; a considerable time was lost in
appeasing them, and, before order was re-
stored, the royal army appeared, and it
was impossible to avoid a battle.*
The Duke of Anjou had made a circui-
tous march during the night of the 2d of
October, and crossed the river at a spot,
where it was so shallow, that the passage
was effected without the order of march
being broken. The armies were in pre-
sence in the morning, and the eagerness
of the Huguenots to engage gave reason
to expect an obstinate fight. The action
commenced, on both sides, by a violent
cannonading at about nine in the morn-
ing. The Huguenots then rushed on their
enemies with a blind fury : the Catholic
battalions received the shock with great
firmness, and charging in turn threw their
opponents into great confusion. In spite
of the exertions of the Protestant captains,
the rout was complete. The Catholics
gave no quarter : they called out to each
other to spare no one, in revenge for their
companions who were killed at Laroche-
Abeille.t Most of the Protestants who
fell into their hands were put to the sword,
and entire regiments were coolly murder-
ed, after they had thrown away their arms
and surrendered. Out of an army of
twenty-five thousand men, scarcely six
thousand assembled with Coligny and the
princes at Parthenay.
The Duke of Anjou had exposed him-
self in the hottest of the fight : the Mar-
grave of Baden was killed at his side.
The admiral had received two wounds in
the beginning of the action, but so long as
he could sit on horseback nothing was
able to keep him from his post. The
Count Rbinegrave, at the head of some
cavalry, recognised and charged upon
him : the count discharged a pistol, which
struck the admiral on the lower jaw, and
broke four of his teeth; he at the same
time fired on the count and killed him.}
Coligny was fearful of exposing the per-
sons of the young princes, and had posted
them on a hill in the rear, with four thou-
* La None, p ti8G.
t Krantoinr, vol. x p. '280.
t Davila, liv. 5. p 550.
sand men under Louis of Nassau. The
Prince of Beam was eager to join the
battle, but was prevented. At one time
the Protestants had broken the ranks of
their enemies, and the arrival of the re-
serve at that moment must have secured
the victory, but Louis of Nassau would
not swerve from the admiral's instruc-
tions: the Prince of Beam then exclaimed,
" We lose our advantage, and the battle
in consequence."*
The admiral, covered with the blood
which poured from his wounds, continued
the fight till he saw it was impossible to
prevent entire defeat. He then tried to
make the best possible retreat, which was
effected in better order than could have
been expected. His life was in the greatest
danger on this occasion, and the devoted-
ness of his followers alone preserved him.
A blow he received in the fight broke
the buckle of his cuirass, which fell down :
while thus exposed his enemies pressed
around him, and some of his men encir-
cled him while he adjusted it. In the re-
treat he was pursued by two gentlemen
who were close upon him; and, as he
was so exhausted, he could not have
escaped them, had not some one opposed
the pursuers, killed one and fought the
other, and thus allowed the admiral time
to escape. This brave follower received
a severe wound, but which happily did
not prove mortal, and, while Coligny lived,
he gave him a pension.!
The battle lasted a very short time, but
the overthrow of the Protestants was com-
plete. All their artillery, baggage, and
stores, fell into the hands of the Catholics.
The numerous standards taken were sent
to Rome, and solemnly dedicated as tro-
phies in the church of St. John de Lateran.
A few of the prisoners escaped slaughter;
among others, Dacier, Blangon, and La
Noue, whose singular fortune it was to
fall into the enemies7 hands in almost
every engagement, and who would cer-
tainly have been put to death, if Anjou
had not protected him. He was after-
wards exchanged for Strozzy, who was
destined by the Protestants to suffer ex-
actly the same treatment as was shown
to La Noue. The Cardinal of Lorrain
opposed the exchange ; observing that
there were many like Strozzy, but there
* Pertfixe. t Vie de Coligny, p. 372.
1 16 DEFEAT OF THE
was only one La Noue. Strozzy however
had interest with the queen, and his safety
purchased that of La Noue.*
This terrible check was sufficient to
overwhelm the hopes of the Protestant
party, which might have been completely
destroyed, had the Catholics properly ex-
erted themselves to follow up their victory.
Those who escaped from the field of
battle had time allowed them to consider
what they should do ; and, with such a
leader as the admiral, they required no
more to enable them once more to make
head against misfortune: even his ene-
mies allow that Coligny was never so
great as when struggling with difficulties,
and that dangers only served to confirm
his courage and create fresh energies.
On the evening after the battle he held a
council of officers, and restored their
drooping spirits. Many of them were
cast down when they considered the loss
they had just sustained, and reflected that
they were destitute of almost every thing,
in a remote quarter of the kingdom, and
exposed to the vengeance of an irritated
king. Coligny, although from his wounded
jaw he could hardly speak, addressed
them in an animated style. He reminded
them, that after other defeats they had
always found themselves stronger and
more formidable to their enemies ; that
the defeat of an army would not finish the
war, provided they did not fail in courage
and constancy ; that they could always
calculate upon Germany as a vast and in-
exhaustible nursery for soldiers; that the al-
liance with England continued, and that the
news of their defeat would cause reinforce-
ments to be sent without delay ; that they
had friends in many parts of the kingdom,
who would create diversions in their fa-
vour; that they had a good army under
Montgomery, who would soon join them ;
that if they submitted to any terms at
present, they must yield to the will of the
conqueror, whereas, if they held out a
short time, and collected their forces toge-
ther, they could treat for peace on more
equal terms. The admiral's sentiments
were approved by all present ; and the
same night couriers were sent off to all
the Protestant states, informing them ofj
their defeat, and entreating further assist-
ance, f Letters were also written to the
* Amiratilt, p 40.
I Davila, liv. 5, p 554;
PROTESTANTS.
different towns of France, to prevent any
ill consequences arising from a report that
Coligny was dead of his wounds.* The
following day the confederates retired to
Niort: their plan was to abandon the
open country ; to strengthen the garri-
sons of the principal towns, such as Ro~
chelle, St. Jean d'Angely, and Angou-
leme; to retire with the remainder of their
forces to the mountains of Auvergne and
Gascony, and effect a junction withMont- '
gomery. By these means they hoped to
prolong the war till assistance could come
to them from abroad.f
When Catherine heard of the defeat of
the Huguenots at Montcontour, she consi-
dered Coligny as lost beyond recovery,
and congratulated herself on being freed
from the only man who was able to-
thwart her ambition. Hitherto the queen
had endeavoured to persuade Coligny
that her conduct towards him had been in-
spite of herself ; and to preserve that ap-
pearance she had given orders that his
private property should be respected: but
now that she deemed his credit quite
gone, and his resources entirely destroyed,
she ceased to make any such profession.
The reward of fifty thousand crowns was
again offered to any one who would bring
his head, in hopes that some mercenary
would be tempted to murder him. His
house at Chatillon was plundered, and
every thing belonging to himself, his bro-
ther, and his nephews, was taken away.
Policy had joined in preventing such a
measure before, for fear of restitution
being required at the peace. His property
was now confiscated, and his support de-
pended exclusively on the contributions-
of the different Protestant churches: they
sent him two thousand crowns every
month, which he consented to accept
during the remainder of the war.J: The
Protestant cause, though reduced, was-
far from being cast down ; and the exer-
tions which Catherine de Medicis made
for the destruction of the Huguenots
proved the means of enabling them to
collect new forces, and to appear again in
a condition to face their enemies. In exe-
cuting her plans she invariably offended
several powerful nobles, and thus raised
fresh obstacles- to be overcome.
* Vie de Coligny, p. 374. t Davila, liv. 5, p. 55S:
I Vie de Coligny, p. 375..
SIEGES OF NIORT AND ST. JEAN d'aNGELY.
117
CHAPTER XXV.
Sieges of Niort and St. Jean d'Angely— The Princes
and Coligny retire into Beam— Battle of Arnayle
Due— Peace of St. Germain en-Laye.
The excessive eclat which was thrown
over the victory at Montcontour, and the
praises which were lavished on the Duke
of Anjou, aroused the jealousy of the vete-
ran captains. The king determined to
join the army ; and by that measure he
rather fomented the discord which was
establishing itself among the leading offi-
cers: he could not conceal his real object,
which was to share his brother's glory,
instead of supporting his authority. Most
of the old generals had for some time been
tormented with vexation on beholding the
command in the hands of a youth : they
took no further interest in finishing the
war, as the honour of it would be taken
from them. The Guises had grown cool;
for the fact of subduing the Huguenots
was of no moment, in their estimation,
unless they could have the glory of the
work : they were, moreover, mortified at
being classed among the secondary com-
manders— a result of the queen's jealous
interference — she being fearful lest any
success of theirs should make them still
greater favourites with the Catholics.
The Montmorencies were offended at the
neglect with which they had been treated
since the constable's death, and besides
were favourably inclined towards Coligny,
their kinsman.
The operation of these feelings dis-
played itself at the council held immedi-
ately after the battle. Tavannes insisted
upon pursuing the fugitives with the
greater part of the army, leaving just
sufficient to mask the principal towns,
which would soon fall without sieges.
The Huguenots, he contended, should be
harassed and pursued from place to place,
till they had either quitted the kingdom,
or threw themselves into some town,
which might be made their grave. No
solid reason was opposed to this proposal;
but, instead of its being adopted, it was
resolved that their operations should be
directed to getting possession of the re-
volted towns. Tavannes in consequence
gave up his command, and the Protestants
were thus delivered from one very formi-
dable enemy.*
Several towns were taken without re-
sistance;! hut Niort prepared for defence,
and the Duke of Anjou commenced a
regular siege. Mouy commanded there:
he had retired to that town at the sugges-
tion of the admiral, who considered such
a measure necessary to cover the retreat
of the young princes, and give him an op-
portunity of collecting some of the re-
mains of his army : for had the conquerors
been unemployed, it was to be feared that
they would have overwhelmed him. On
quitting Parthenay, the admiral and his
companions silently took the direction of
Niort, where Mouy was left with the re-
mains of the infantry; Coligny then made
the best of his way towards Rochelle, with
a small body of horsemen. t.
Mouy's force was inconsiderable, and
he endeavoured to supply the deficiency
of his numerical strength by the most
courageous exertions. He made a sortie,
to stop the progress of the besiegers'
works: he committed great havoc among
them, and continued his attacks till the
evening, when he purposed retiring into
the town. Unfortunately, however, he
was shot by one Maurevel, who had
passed into the Huguenot camp for the
purpose of killing Coligny, whose sudden
departure for Rochelle preserved his life.
The assassin, however, was determined
to show himself worthy of his recom-
pense, and with a pistol shot Mouy in the
back: he then went immediately to the
Duke of Anjou ; and there has never been
any doubt expressed as to that prince
having hired him for the purpose. Mouy
quitted the town and retired to Rochelle,
where he died a few days afterwards;
which event so dispirited the garrison,
that they surrendered.^
The king arrived at the camp about
the time that Niort was occupied by his
forces, and was so pleased with the suc-
cess which had attended the operations of
his army, that he expected to take every
town with the same facility, and that
before long he should be master even of
* Mem. de Tavannes, p. 158.
t Parthenay, Lusignan, Uhatellerault, St. Maixent.
and Footenay.
t Uavila, liv. 5, p. 5G0.
§ Davila, liv. 5. Vie de Coligny, p. 376. Brantome,
Viede VAmiral. De Thou, liv. 46. Arcere, vol. i. p.
380.
118 THE PRINCE AND C0L1GNY RETIRE INTO BEARN.
Rochelle; but the vigorous defence of St.
Jean d'Angely made him change his
opinion. That town was defended by
Piles, a brave general, and it was not till
the end of two months, and when he was
at the greatest extremity, that he would
surrender.
Biron summoned the town,* and was
answered, that the surrender must be pre-
ceded by a peace, which should be bene-
ficial to all France. On the same day, to
convince the besieging army that they
were able to defend the place, the garri-
son made a sortie, and killed a great
number of their enemies. This check en-
raged the Catholics, who opened such a
cannonade upon the town, that a breach
was soon made. The garrison repaired it
in the night, and a second breach was ne-
cessary before an assault could be at-
tempted.! Repeated assaults were given:
the Catholics fought under the king's eye,
and emulated each other's prowess ; but
the firmness of the Huguenots was un-
shaken, and their exertions unabated. At
length, finding there was no prospect of
receiving any assistance from without,
Piles capitulated, and obtained very ho-
nourable terms, both for himself and his
garrison.}; The time occupied before St.
Jean d'Angely gave the princes an oppor-
tunity to re-establish themselves. The
Huguenots also took advantage of the de-
lay to fortify Rochelle, whither the Queen
of Navarre had retired. §
When the Catholics commenced the
siege of St. Jean d'Angely, Coligny pre-
pared to set out for Bearn. His friends
had been summoned to join him at Saintes ;
and they set out from that place on the
18th of October. A supply of one hundred
thousand crowns had been received from
England, and with that help he expected
to carry the war into Languedoc. At the
same time he received promises of assist-
ance from man}' princes, who had hitherto
declined aiding him.||
The king was informed of Coligny's de-
sign, and sent orders to destroy all the
bridges, and stave the boats on the rivers,
that he might not be able to make use of
them ; guards were placed at all the fords,
and they were commanded to put to death
* 2Gth Oct. 1569
+ De Thou. liv. 4C, vol. v. p. 657.
] 2d Dec. 150!). Arcere, vol. i. p. 382
§ La Noue, p. 693.
I Vie de Coligny, p. 377.
all stragglers. But these precautions were
unable to prevent his safely arriving in
Bearn, where deputies from all the churches
came to meet him. He crossed the Ga-
ronne without difficulty, although the Ca-
tholics were on its banks. The respect
which was shown him on his road was of
the most touching kind : in the midst of the
joy which was expressed at his arrival, the
greater number could not conceal their
emotions, at the dangers he had encoun-
tered in their behalf. As he approached
Montauban, the number of the company
was very much increased, and if Coligny
had permitted it, his entry into that town
would have been a triumphal one; but,
while at a few leagues' distance, he told
some who had come to inform him of
the honour intended him, that if they had
money to spare, they had better apply it
to some useful purpose, and that he found
it difficult to satisfy the German troops,
who had not been paid for some time.
When this was known in the town, the
inhabitants soon raised enough to pay their
auxiliaries.*
The people of Bearn testified great joy
at the arrival of their prince: the depend-
ents of the house of Albret immediately
came forward, and a body of three thou-
sand men was raised in a short time.
They levied heavy contributions on the
surrounding country, and continually add-
ed to their numbers.!
Monti uc made great exertions to pre-
vent Montgomery's army from joining the
Admiral;]; but a movement of the latter
upon the small town of Aiguillon compelled
the Catholic general to change his plan,
and the two Protestant armies were able
to unite. Coligny was thus once more at
the head of a powerful army, and in the
beginning of January, 1570, he marched
into Languedoc, where he took possession
of most of the towns without opposition ;
for so numerous were his partisans in
those parts, that all the gates were opened
to him. Toulouse alone refused to receive
him : the Huguenots had vowed ven-
geance against the parliament of that city,
and the counsellors promoted the defence
of the place. §
The parliament of Toulouse had always
been active in persecuting the Protestants:
* Vie de Colony, p. 378.
t Davila, liv 5, p. 567
I Comm. de Moialuc, liv. 7.
§ Vie de Coligny, p. 380. La Noue, p. 699.
THE PRINCE AND COLIGNY RETIRE INTO BEARN. 119
tevery reputed Huguenot, on being taken,
was immediately condemned and hanged.
At the conclusion of the peace in March,
1568, they refused to register the edict;
nor would they do it till they had been
four times commanded by the king : they
even murdered a Protestant gentleman,
named Philibert Rapin, who was com-
missioned to deliver the edict; they re-
newed some old charge against him, on
which he was summarily condemned.*
Several persons besides had been burned
alive, on the pretext that they were in cor-
respondence with Coligny, who threat-
ened to retaliate upon the first persons
that fell into his hands. f
The Protestant army laid waste the en-
virons of Toulouse, and committed terrible
devastations by way of revenge. The
houses of the president and counsellors of
the parliament were burned, and with the
charcoal of the ruins the soldiery wrote
upon the walls Vengeance de Rupin. The
garrison consisted of eight thousand men,
under the command of Joyeuse; but the
fury of the Huguenots had caused such a
terror, that none of them dared to stir
from the town.]: The Huguenots' revenge
was thought very severe; but they said
that it would serve as a lesson to make
the parliament more moderate for the fu-
ture.§ Having recovered from the shock
of their last defeat, and being again in a
tolerable condition for maintaining them-
selves, it was considered by the Protest-
ants a good opportunity for proposing a
pacification. Beauvais and Teligny were
sent with proposals; but the king would
not listen to them, pretending that they
ought to submit unconditionally. Still
the conclusion of the war being desirable,
Biron was sent back with them to ascer-
tain if the princes would abate their de-
mands,— a measure they were not pre-
pared to adopt.
Nismes fell into the power of the Pro-
testants in November, 1560, when the ex-
ercise of the reformed religion was res-
tored ; but the cause was tarnished by the
commission of excesses, unhappily charac-
teristic of the age.||
During the remainder of the winter the
Protestants were employed in attacking
* Dranlnme, vol. viii.p. 211.
i Vie <1« Coligny, p 3*).
1 r>'Aubi°nu, vol. i, p. 310.
5 La None, p. 0UE>. lirantomp. vol. viii. p. 211.
| Menard, Hist, de Aismu, vol. v. p. 50.
places held by the Catholics in the adja-
cent provinces. In the spring, Coligny
traversed Languedoc and Dauphiny, and
finding his army was very much increased,
he considered the best thing he could do
was to march direct upon Paris.* Several
reasons induced him to do so : he knew
that the Duke of Anjou had lost a great
part of his forces before St. Jean d'Angely,
and though he had gone into good quar-
ters, he had not yet been able to refit his
army : he also considered, that even if his
plan upon Paris should not succeed, he
could advantageously retire to Saintes
and Poictou, where La Noue had greatly
improved the face of affairs : he had made
some excursions from Rochelle in which
he was very successful, and recovered se-
veral towns.j
The Protestant army advanced towards
the Loire ; Coligny and the princes being
satisfied that they would never obtain an
advantageous peace until they carried the
war to the gates of the capital. Their
progress, however, was arrested by the
admiral's falling seriously ill. He was re-
duced to the last extremity, and every
hope of his recovery was abandoned.
The greatest consternation pervaded all
ranks; and, from the anxious concern
which was manifested on his account, it
would appear that the hopes of his party
centred in him. J Indeed, what could two
youths do without an experienced ad-
viser? The princes were brave and zea-
lous, but unable to manage the public af-
fairs of the Protestants. Measures were
already discussed by different captains for
providing for their personal safety ; and
many thought the army had better sepa-
rate, when the admiral's disorder took a
favourable turn and restored hope to his
friends.
Several attacks had been made upon
La Charite, which the Protestants still
held : it was considered a post of great
importance for passing the Loire. The
king finding the Huguenots again in the
field, and perceiving the probability of
their marching on Paris, sent Marshal
Cosse with a strong force to get posses-
sion of that place. Coligny received this
news at a time when his physicians had
given him over; but the importance of the
movement made him regardless of his own
* La None, p. 700. f Davila, liv. 5, p 572.
I De Tbou, liv. 47, vol. vi. p 3G.
120
BATTLE OF ARNA Y-LE-DUC.
Jife, and he gave orders to march imme-
diately, he being borne in a litter, and his
followers expecting his death every mo-
ment. Being desirous of crossing the
Loire, without descending so far as La
Charite, he seized St. Reimbert, where
there is a bridge; couriers were de-
spatched for calling in parties that were at
any distance, and the Protestant army
marched into Burgundy.*
The princes commanded the army du-
ring the admiral's illness, but his advice
regulated all their movements. They
were posted before Arnay-le-Duc,t intend-
ing to take possession of it, when Marshal
Cosse arrived suddenly: his army con-
sisted of fourteen thousand men and some
artillery, while the Protestants had not
half that number. The Marshal, on being
informed that the main body of the Pro-
testants had passed the Loire, changed
his plan, and, instead of attacking La
Charite, he decided on bringing the
princes to an engagement — a measure
which offered every chance of success, on
account of Coligny*s illness.}
Whether the marshal had any feeling
in favour of the reformed religion, or
acted only in compliance with the sugges-
tions of Anjou, who, being detained at St.
Germains by illness, did not wish the war
to be concluded at that time, is uncertain;
but it is clear that if he had attacked the
Protestants directly he came up with them,
they must have been hard pushed. He
gave them time, however, to take so fa-
vourable a position, that after an engage-
ment, which lasted the whole day, he
abandoned all idea of forcing the Hugue-
not camp, and withdrew his forces to La
Charite. §
Henry IV., subsequently speaking of
this battle to the historian Mathieu, gave
the following account of it : "I had no
place of retreat but what was more than
forty leagues off, and I should have been
at the discretion of the peasantry. In this
fighting I ran the risk of being taken or
killed, because I had no cannon and the
king's troops had : at ten Races from me
a gentleman was killed by a cannon-ball ;
but recommending the event to God, he
rendered it happy and favourable."!!
* Vie de Coligny, p. 331 U'Aubigne. vol. i. p. 322.
t Or ReneleDuc, a small town in Burgundy, situate
on the river Arroux.
} Vie de Coligny, p 3H2.
| 25ih of June, 1570. Davila, liv. 5, p. 574. La Noue,
p 701.
K Mathieu, vol. i p. 327.
Wherever the Protestant army had
passed, contributions had been levied to
defray the expenses of the war; the coun-
try was therefore very generally ex-
hausted. The advantage which they ob-
tained at Arnay-le-Duc put them in a
condition to march upon Paris, and the go-
vernment was thrown into great alarm:*
this consternation was increased on hear-
ing that some fresh levies had come from
Germany to join the Huguenots : the con-
duct of Cosse and Damville also gave the
queen great uneasiness. The king, the
queen, the Duke of Anjou, and the cardi-
nal of Lorrain, held a consultation, and
were unanimous in their views : they re-
solved to conclude a peace with the Hu-
guenots, as the only means of ridding the
kingdom of foreign troops, and wait for a
favourable oppportunity for effecting their
great object, the overthrow of the Pro-
testant religion.!
The Protestant chiefs were equally de-
sirous of a peace : the princes were tired
of the inconveniences which are insepa-
rable from warfare ; the different nobles
were weary of the expense, and wished
to return home ; and the admiral was anx-
ious to put an end to the desolation which
afflicted his country; but he would con-
sent to nothing short of a firm and irre-
vocable establishment of liberty to the fol-
lowers of the reformed religion. This the
queen knew, and that she might not lose
the confidence of the Catholics, by con-
senting to terms which would compro-
mise their exclusive ascendency, she made
an effort to win Coligny over to relax in
his demands. The deputies, who went
from the court to discuss the projected
treaty, made the admiral an offer of two
hundred thousand crowns, on condition
that he should abate some of the demands,
which he invariably put forward as es-
sential articles of any treaty he might
make. At the same time, to remove all
appearance of a bribe, Coligny was in-
formed that it was to remunerate him for
the spoliation of his house at Chatillon.
The moment Coligny heard of the pro-
posal, he sent instructions to his deputies
to reject every overture for the restoration
of his property, and to declare that, pro-
vided the reformed churches could be sa-
tisfied, he wished nothing for himself.
This step on Coligny's part frustrated the
* Mem. de Tavannes, p. 95.
i Davila, liv. 5, p. 57G.
PEACE OF ST. GERMAIN-EN-LAYE.
121
queen's plan, and the negotiations were
broken off.*
Marshal Cosse in the mean time had
placed himself between the Protestants
and Paris, and a battle was almost inevi-
table. Catherine was more than ever
embarrassed : to risk a battle so near the
capital was to place every thing at stake,
and a peace was the only alternative.
She sent instructions to her deputies to
come to a conclusion at whatever terms
they could. In vain did the Spanish am-
bassador make offers of assistance from
his court, provided she would continue
the war: Catherine saw through the dark
policy of Philip; and, feeling conscious of
the false pretexts which she had repeat-
edly advanced in the name of religion, she
paid no attention to his entreaties on that
ground. The pope also made great efforts
to prevent any accommodation : the cause
of God was his argument, but a zeal for
the establishment of the pontifical power
was evidently the main-spring of his con-
duct. Immediately after the battle of
Montcontour, in the letter of congratula-
tion! which he wrote to the King of
France, Pius had urged him to follow up
his success, and stifle every sentiment of
clemency as sinful and rebellious against
the Almighty. After holding out once
more the fate of Saul as a warning, his
holiness adds, " what else would it be, in
short, but to render vain the kindness of
God in this victory over the heretics'! The
fruits which it ought to produce are, the
extermination of the infamous heretics,
our common enemies, on account of the
deserved hatred which they inspire, and
the restoration of the ancient tranquillity
and peace of the kingdom. Do not suffer
any one to deceive you with vain senti-
ments of pity, and seek not the false glory
of a prel ended clemency in pardoning in-
juries done to God himself; for nothing is
more cruel than mercy towards wretches
who have merited the worst punishments.
If your majesty wishes to restore the an-
cient splendour, power, and dignity of
France, you must strive above all things
to make all persons who are subject to
your dominions profess the Catholic faith
alone ; that which from the first origin of
Christianity has remained uncontaminated
till this day." The letter concludes with
* Vie de Coligny. p 283.
t Datrtd 20th Oct., 10(ilJ.
11
recommending the execution of all who
have borne arms against the government;
and that inquisitors should be established
in every town throughout the kingdom.
Pius was unwearied in his exhorta-
tions, and letters arrived from him with-
out intermission. The same strain per-
vades most of them; but as the probability
of a peace became increased, he resorted
to more powerful arguments. The fol-
lowing is a part of one of these letters:*
" We assure you that such a reconcilia-
tion, far from enabling you to enjoy peace,
would become on the contrary the source
of the greatest evils for France. If there
are men who think otherwise, and who
try to draw your majesty awav with their
sentiments, believe either that they deceive
themselves, or, corrupted by the spirit of
flattery, they deceive your majesty. Al-
though they put forward the false pretext
of general utility, they forget the Catholic
religion and the glory of your majesty:
they revere neither your majesty nor
God. They ought to consider that in
concluding a peace your majesty permits
your most incensed enemies to pass from
their haunts of robbery into your own pa-
lace; that there must of necessity arise a
thousand dangers and snares of every
kind; and that if the heretics should want
the will to prepare you a snare, God him-
self, by a just judgment of his divine pro-
vidence, will inspire them with the idea,
in order that by this means he may punish
you for having neglected religion v/ith an
eye to your private interest. And al-
though we failed of every other proof to
establish the truth of what we have ad-
vanced, we have sufficient in the example
of Greece at this time; because she de-
spised the Catholic religion, she has lost
the splendour of her ancient nobleness,
and is now reduced to the most cruel
slavery under infidels."
Oilier letters followed this; but France
was weary of the horrors of civil war,
which had produced cruelties and re-
prisals of the worst character; and after
numerous interruptions a peace was con-
cluded at St. Germains on the fifteenth of
August, 1576. The bases of this treaty
were a general amnesty; the free exercise
of the leformed religion in the suburbs of
two towns in each province; the restora-
tion of confiscated property; admissibility
* Dated 23d April, 1570.
122
PEACE OF ST. GERMAIN-EN-LAYE.
to most offices in the state; and the right
of challenging six judges, presidents as
well as counsellors, in the different parts
of the kingdom. In addition to these ad-
vantageous terms, the Protestants were
allowed to hold four towns as security
for the full observance of the treaty; viz.,
Roehelle, Montauban, Cognac, and La
Charile. The Protestants on their side
were bound by oath to surrender them at
the end of two years.*
Such favourable terms being granted,
created suspicion in the minds of many
Protestants; but though the leaders would
not immediately go to court, the people
at large had full confidence in the treaty.
Manv different reasons were assigned by
the nation for the sudden decision- to
make such a peace. Some considered
that the emperor had influenced the king,
for Charles was soon to be married to his
daughter; some thought that the Spanish
interference had become so notorious,
that Catherine was jealous, while others
attributed it to her love of pleasure.
Those who had penetration suspected
some secret design against the Protest-
ants, when they should be disarmed and
scattered; and it was the knowledge that
such suspicions were entertained, which
rendered the queen's plan so difficult in
the execution.
La Noue has preserved some argu-
ments which were used against the peace.
The Catholics complained that it was un-
just and shameful to make peace with re-
bellious heretics, who deserved capital
punishment: the Protestants complained
that the treatv was a mere snare. The
former, he adds, were cured of their op-
position in the following manner: — If
they were swordsmen, they were recom-
mended to lead an assault, and to slay the
wicked Huguenots; and in two essays
they were sure to change their opinions:
if they were of the long robe, they were
invited to give half their income to sup-
port the war, and they soon supported
the peace. Similar arguments were used
on the other side, and they were brought
to examine the matter more candidly.
With respect to the admiral's opinion of
the treaty, the same person mentions that
* Davila, liv. 5, p. 577. De Thou, liv. 47,
Coligny declared more than once that he
would rather die than fall into such dis-
orders, and see so many evils committed
again before his eyes.*
The joy with which the peace was re-
ceived in France forms a striking con-
trast with the effect it produced on the
pope. He wrote letterst to the Cardinals
of Bourbon and Lorrain, in which he ex-
pressed his great concern at the misfor-
lune which had befallen France. " It is
especially to be feared," says St. Pius,
" that God may inflict a judgment on the
king himself, and all those who have ad-
hered to this negotiation." He called
upon them to do their duty, and defend
the church: he spared no kind of argu-
ment, usinsj threats, promises, and ap-
peals to their honour and pride. As the
subsequent letters of Pius V. were of a
very different character, we may fairly
presume that he was privately informed
of the plot already in preparation. It is
impossible otherwise to account for the
great change which is obvious in the dif-
ferent letters he afterwards wrote to the
King and Queen of France. After having
so repeatedly urged the extermination of
the Protestants, it is improbable that he
should suddenly discontinue his zeal, un-
less he had received some intimation of
the queen's designs; especially as his
correspondence evinces the same anxiety
for supporting the Catholic religion.
Very soon after, he made an attempt
to obtain troops from France for the as-
sistance of Mary Queen of Scots, and the
letter], is remarkable for the absence of
all exhortation to destroy the heretics; al-
though in persuading the queen to the
measure, he alludes to the help which the
Protestants continued to receive from the
Queen of England, whom they informed
of every thing that passed in France.
Pius complained of their becoming every
day more capable of realizing their
wishes, but said not a word about exter-
minating them, as he had been so accus-
tomed to do. The Bishop of St. Papoul,
however, was intrusted with a verbal
message, the substance of which is buried
in oblivion.
* La iN'oup, pp. 704 and 70S. Mem. de la vie de J. A.
de Thou, p. 11.
t Dated 23d September, 1570.
I Dated 18th June, 1571.
ARTIFICES OF THE COURT, &C.
123
CHAPTER XXVI.
Artifices of the Court to draw the principal Protestants
to Paris— Death of the dueeii of Navarre.
The admiral conducted his German
auxiliaries as far as Langres, and there
took, leave of them. His circumstances
prevented him from fully requiting them,
and they are said to have returned home
loaded with more promises than money.*
The Queen of Navarre fixed her residence
at Rochelle, where she was joined by the
young princes and the admiral.
This step on their part indicated the
existence of suspicions and doubts of the
queen-mother's sincerity in making the
treaty; and we have the evidence of a
courtier to show that those suspicions
were well-founded. Davila informs us,
" That as soon as the peace was con-
cluded, every secret spring which the
king and queen held ready in their
thoughts was put into action, to draw into
their nets the principal Huguenots, and
do by artifice what they had so many
times attempted by means of war."|
Catherine dissembled the vexation she
experienced, on finding the Queen of
Navarre and her friends retire to Ro-
chelle. She saw that it would be impos-
sible to effect her purpose while the ad-
miral remained there, and enjoyed so
much consideration; for, in fact, he had
more authority in that town than the king
had in Paris, although, for the sake of ap-
pearance, the two princes were his no-
minal superiors: whatever was to be
done, he was applied to for instructions.
Still he conducted himself so properly,
that he prevented any jealousy or suspi-
cion arising in the minds of the Queen of
Navarre or the princes.^
The queen, however, considered that
too great a change in her behaviour to-
wards the Protestants would fail in win-
ning their good opinion, as it would in-
crease their suspicions, and set them upon
.observing her more closely. She there-
fore made her son assume the public di-
rection of affairs, and convinced him of
the necessity of completely gaining their
confidence. During the whole of the
year 1571, the greatest anxiety was dis-
played that the last treaty should be
punctually observed. Every thing was
done that could appear calculated to
strengthen the new alliance, and care
taken to avoid every measure capable of
renewing hostile feelings.
Upon a pretext of this kind, Marshal
Cosse was sent to Rochelle, accompanied
by Malassise and La Routiere, two of the
queen's confidential creatures; but the
real object of the mission was to watch
the motions of the Protestants, to sound
their minds, and lead them to a state of
complete confidence, which was absolutely
necessary for Catherine's designs. She
forgot nothing which was likely to inspire
it; and Marshal Montmorency was sent
to Rouen, with the president Morsan, to
punish some excesses committed against
the Huguenots. Every infraction of the
treaty was severely punished, and Charles
usually called it his peace. He artfully
declared on all occasions, that he had
been induced to make this treaty that he
might support the princes of the blood
against the overgrown power of the
Guises, whom he accused of conspiring
with Spain to trouble the kingdom .*
The queen of Navarre and the princes
were more satisfied with the treaty than
the admiral, who remained a little in sus-
pense before he would trust entirely to
the king's professions. These doubts on
the part of Coligny, instead of cooling the
king's ardour, only excited him to more
powerful means for drawing the Hugue-
nots to court. " The king and the queen,"
says Davila, " were spurred on by an ex-
treme desire to see their designs carried
into effect."f
Some deputies had been sent to the king
from the Protestants. Charles gave them
the kindest reception : he even advanced
to Blois to meet them ; and, when they
quitted Paris, he caressed them very
much, and loaded them with presents. £
So anxious was the king to draw the ad-
miral to court, that he hesitated at nothing
which tended to overcome his reluctance.
Such unnecessary condescensions on the
part of the king ought to have confirmed
Coligny's suspicions; for, however kindly
disposed a sovereign may feel towards his
subjects, there is no necessity for him to
* Dr Thou. liv. 47.
i Davila, liv. 5, p. 578. J Vie de Coligny, p. 387.
* Sully, Ky. 1. Davila, liv. 5. D' Aubigne, vol. ii. p. 3i
t Davila, liv. 5. J Sully, liv. 1.
124
ARTIFICES OF THE COURT TO
throw aside his dignity in expressing his
good will. A kind reception in his palace
would have contented the deputies, with-
out his going out to meet them on the
road. Charles satisfied them on every
point; and, to display a personal regard
for Coligny, he offered to write to the
Duke of Savoy, in behalf of his wife, whose
lands that duke had confiscated, on the
ground of her having married without his
consent.*
Marshal Cosse did not fail to enlarge
upon these proofs of sincerity; and after
he had made some advances in the confi-
favourably inclined to the Huguenots, and
was expected, in consequence, to succeed
better in gaining Coligny's confidence
than any other person. He told the ad-
miral that the king being desirous to put
an end to the civil wars, wished to em-
ploy the warlike spirit of the nation
abroad ; and as he could find no persons
so proper for the projected war in Flan-
ders as him and Nassau, he wished very
much that they should both go to court to
confer upon it. The king and queen
rightly thought that the hope of this war
would have an irresistible effect on the
dence of the Queen of Navarre, he began admiral ; they therefore dwelt more upon
to discuss more seriously a project for [it than on any other topic. But the mar-
marrying the prince her son with the i riage was also dwelt upon as a firm pledge
Princess Margaret, sister of Charles IX. of peace. "Who," said Biron, " would be
He was authorized to promise, on the , so rash as to dare to excite dissensions
king's part, a dowry of four hundred thou- 1 between two brothers-in-law?"*
sand crowns. A princess of Cleves was The Queen of Navarre felt great aver-
proposed for Conde; and the admiral was I sion to the proposed marriage; but Co-
to be put in possession of the estates of ligny was so pleased with the prospect of
his late brother, the Cardinal de Chatillon,t
and receive a present of one hundred
thousand crowns. Coligny did in fact
enjoy the property for one year, and
Charles gave the above sum to refurnish
his house at C'hatillon.J
To strengthen the effect of Cosse's pro-
posal, Biron was sent to repeat the offers.
a war with Spain, that he was inclined to
go to court almost directly it was pro-
posed to him. Any backwardness which
he might have felt disappeared when Te-
ligny arrived, and informed him that no-
thing could be farther from the king's
intentions than to break the peace. His
wife, however, had sufficient influence to
He described the feelings of the court j prevent his going at that time: she con-
against Philip II., who was thought to vinced him that he would commit an un-
have poisoned his wife, the king's sister.^ j paralleled imprudence in confiding in a
After demanding a promise of secresy, he ; princess who had so often forfeited her
stated that Charles was determined to i word to him, and by going to a king whose
avenge it, by carrying the war into Flan? [ disposition was so ferocious, that if any
ders and Artois; the restitution of which I violent resolution were discussed he would
should be demanded of the King of Spain, t be the foremost in supporting it. Coligny
as ancient fiefs of the crown. Navarre 1 yielded more out of affection for his wife
also was to be claimed, and the Prince of than for any weight which he attached to
Orange was to be assisted in maintaining her reasons; and instead of going to court
possession of Mons. As an irresistible i he sent Teligny, whom the king received
bait, Biron added, that the king had his with marked attentions.t
eye on the admiral to command the army] So many favours continued to delude
in the Low Countries, with the title of i the admiral, but nothing contributed so
viceroy, and that he would have the nomi- [ much to it as the king's informing him, by
nation of the general officers to serve j Teligny, that he began to discover the
under him || Biron was reputed to be (slavery in which' his mother held him;
. jthat she gave the preference to his brother
the Duke of Anjou; governed the king-
dom so badly that it was in danger of
being reduced to nothing; and, as a
remedy, he was resolved on removing,
them both to a distance; but, having need
* Vie de Coligny, p. The lady w as Jacqueline de
Monbel, daughter of Unimt d'Autremont, and widow of
the Baron d'Antbon : the marriage took place soon after
the peace.
t He was poisoned at Southampton by his valet. Vie
de Coligny. I)e Thou, and LapopeNMiere.
j: iJ'Aubigne, vol. ii. p. 5.
§ A preacher of Madrid having ma le an allusion to
the death of this princess, in one of his sermons, was
banished to America, Brantome, Vie d' Elizabeth de F.
|l Sully, hv. 1.
* Davila, liv. 5.
t Vie de Coligny, p. 389.
DRAW THE PRINCIPAL PROTESTANTS TO PARIS. 125
of his servants, he should be pleased to asked her, if for some frivolous fears he
avail himself of the admiral's counsels, ought to renounce the benefits which
And that if he would not go to court, for; might accrue to the Protestant religion
reasons which he could not comprehend, (from the marriage of the prince with the
at least he should send some person with king's sister; and in spite of her tears and
whom he could confer, not only on these entreaties he set out from Rochelle for
matters, but also on the war in Flanders, Blois, where the court then was, having
which he should afterwards be glad to J previously requested the king's permission
undertake. This proposal was Irresistible, to be accompanied by fifty gentlemen,
and Louis of Nassau was sent to discuss not that he distrusted the royal word, but
the affair with Charles IX.* .to protect himself from private enemies*
Whether it was to amuse the Protest- 1 Coligny went to Blois in September,
ants, and lull them into supineness, or to 1 1 57 1 . On arriving in the king's presence,
prevent any assistance being sent from 'he went on his knee, but Charles raised
England, which would have created ob- and embraced him, calling him his father,
stacles to the execution of her design, or j The expression of his joy was of the
whether in reality the queen mother did: warmest kind: "I hold you now," said
desire such an alliance, is uncertain, but the king; "yes, I hold you, and you shall
it is known that Catherine proposed and mot leave me again: this is the happiest
promoted a marriage between the Queen 'day of my life." The queen, the Dukes
of England and the Duke of Anjou. The
negotiations were carried to a great
length; even to discuss the extent which
was to be allowed the duke, in the exer-
cise of the Catholic religion.! The queen-
mother wished to appear eager that the
marriage should take place, although she
knew that Elizabeth was of too high a
spirit to submit to the control of wedlock;
but the chance of seeing Anjou removed
to a distance was pleasing to the Protest-
ants, and the proposal remaining unde-
cided was likely to prevent any treaty for
a marriage between her and the Prince of
Beam from being thought of}; For the bare
idea of such a support would have rallied
the Protestant party, and their projected
destruction would have been impracti-
cable.
The king testified great joy when he
heard that Louis of Nassau was coming
to him: he sent word for him to travel
incognito for fear of exciting the jealousy
of the Spaniards. Louis found the king
at Fontenay : he was received with nu-
merous caresses, and Charles professed
to unbosom himself: he restored the
castle of Orange, which had hitherto been
held by the French troops. The report
which Louis made, added to the message
previously sent by Teligny, removed all
the admiral's scruples, and he resolved to
go to the king. His wife tried every
means to dissuade him, but in vain : he
* Vie de Coligny, Mezeray, and L'Estoilc.
j Mezeray, Mrcge Chron.
J Davila, I iv. S.
of Anjou and Aleneon, and the principal
nobles, all testified great joy at the return
of the admiral to court. The Queen of
Navarre accompanied Coligny to Blois,
but soon returned to Rochelle.t
The king's kindness excited the jealousy
of the courtiers: he restored to Coligny
all his former pensions, and admitted him
to his councils, preferring his advice to
that of all others. He several times re-
mained alone with him, and discoursed
upon the marriage of his sister, and the
war in Flanders; taking care to confirm
what had been mentioned to him by Te-
ligny, about the queen-mother and the
Duke of Anjou. When he had remained
some days at the court, the admiral
thought he could safely take a journey to
Chatillon; and when he asked the king's
permission, that monarch pretended to take
an interest in his safety, told him not to
go alone, and allowed him to keep an
armed force in his chateau.!
He remained at Chatillon five weeks,
during which time he continually received
letters from Rochelle, urging him to take
care of himself, and go back to his friends.
But he attributed all these letters to a dis-
trustful spirit which 'wanted healing.^
Anil when some persons remonstrated
with him on the fault he committed in
going to court, he said, "1 trust in my
king, and in his word, otherwise to live
in such alarms would not be living; and
* Vie de Coligny and Mezeray
t Lapopejiniere, liv. 25. De Thou. liv. 50.
t Vie de Coligny, p. 302.
§ De Thou, |iv. 51, vol vi.
126
CHARLES QUARRELS WITH THE DUKE OF GUISE.
it is much better to die at once, than to ; pressed the great uneasiness that he felt
live a hundred years in fear."*
At the expiration of that time, the king
wrote him a letter requiring his presence
for the negotiation of a treaty with the
Queen of England and the princes of
Germany, in order that, when his forces
were occupied in Flanders, he might be
free from any interruption on their part.t
On this occasion the admiral was more
caressed than before: the courtiers mur
mured, the clergy were indignant, and the
people expected the king would soon em-
brace the Protestant religion ; even the
Guises, who knew of his design, had ap
prehensions lest, in the excellence of his
dissimulation, he should turn these feints
against them.];
Such professions of friendship, while a
most dreadful crime was in contemplation,
appear incredible ; but there is too much
evidence to admit any doubt of the fact
that Charles IX. and his mother wished
to assemble all the leading Huguenots at
Paris, and have them at their disposal,
either to imprison or kill them, as a mea-
sure necessary to ensure the complete
on account of the marriage being hurried
to a conclusion, in the vain hope that the
princess might bring back the prince to the
Catholic religion ; but that it was rather to
be feared that she would be perverted by
him. Pius embraced several subjects in
his letter, but there is great reason to sus-
pect that his written communications were
only a blind for the verbal messages
which he sent by the trusty Bishop of St.
Papoul. "Our venerable brother," says
the pontiff, " will treat with you upon this
affair, and upon the reconciliation so fatal
to the Catholics."
The Duke of Guise had cherished the
hope of marrying the king's sister : he
had long entertained a violent passion for
the princess, and her affection for him was
undisguised. The house of Lorrain was
desirous that this union should take place;
and when an ambassador from Portugal
demanded Margaret's hand, in the name
of his sovereign, the Cardinal of Lorrain
said to him very haughtily, " The head of
my house has married the eldest daughter,
and a younger branch shall have the
abolition of every privilege enjoyed by I younger princess."* This arrogant predic-
the Protestants. On a former occasion, |tion, however, was not verified, although
the king had converted the sacrament of, the princess openly declared she would
baptism into a snare for the admiral ; now J have no other husband than the Duke of
his sister's marriage was employed for:Guise.t
effecting his purpose.
Whether the ardour of Guise's passion
The king and queen communicated abated, or, being influenced by the Cardi-
Iheir plans to none, besides the Duke ofnal of Lorrain, he esteemed the destruc-
Anjou, the Cardinal of Lorrain, the Duke tion of Coligny and his friends a more
of Guise, and Albert Gondy, Count 'de important thing, or was alarmed at the
Retz, a detestable character, and who is displeasure of his sovereign, is unknown,
said to have given the finish to the cor- [but he withdrew his pretensions, and re-
rupt habits of the king:$ some add to this tired from court, to the great satisfaction
number, Birague and Tavannes, which is of the Huguenots. The king, being fearful
probable. The secresy observed was so that Guise's passion for his sister might
profound, that, in addition to the intended : mar his plans, had taken measures for re-
effect of their measures on the minds of moving such an obstruction. The prin-
the Huguenots, the pope became uneasy cess was at a ball, when Guise presented
at the favour which was shown them.
He was alarmed at the projected mar-
riage, and refused his dispensation for it.
He wrote a letter to the king, to dis-
suade him from the measure. II He ex-
* Brantome, vol. viii p 205.
t Vii! de Coligny , p 3!):!.
| Mezeray, Jibrtgi Citron.
§, Brantome. in his life of Charles, gives some ac-
count of Gondy. whom he describes as possessing every
had quality; and, in speaking of Ins family, he adds,
that his father traded at Lyons, where he became a
bankrupt, and his mother kept a house of ill fame.
|j The letter is dated 25th Jan. 1572.
himself elegantly attired ; the king stopped
him at the door, and without offering his
caresses and embraces as usual, he asked
where he was going? Guise replied,
"That he came there to serve his ma-
jesty;" to which Charles answered, "That
he had no need of his services."}: But it
was not sufficient to have shown Guise
that he disapproved of his proceeding, for
the princess might persist in giving him
* Esprit de la Ligne, vol. ii.
t Davila, liv. 5, t Ibid.
CHARLES QUARRELS WITH THE DUKE OF GUISE.
127
encouragement; and, although one of
his confidential friends, Charles resolved
on putting him to death. He thus ad-
dressed the grand prior,* a natural son of
Henry II. : " Of these two swords which
thou seest, one is to kill thee, if to-morrow,
when I am hunting, thou dost not kill the
Duke of Guise with the other. "t To pre-
vent any effects of the king's irritation,
Guise decided the next day on marrying
Catherine of Cleves. Although a princess
of great beauty, fortune, and accomplish-
ments, she was not to be compared with
Margaret ; but a thirst of power, a wish
to avenge his father's death, the persua-
sions of his uncle, and a dread of the
king's violent temper, overwhelmed every
other consideration in his marriage.f
Coligny again retired to his chateau,
but the king kept up a constant corre-
spondence with him ; and in his letters
asked his advice respecting some very
secret affairs. § The admiral, being now
completely deceived, contributed all his
efforts to persuade the Queen of Navarre :
he conjured her not to oppose what
would be so beneficial to the reformed
religion ; repeated that the marriage was
to seal peace, and that testifying the sus-
picions which she harboured was there-
fore the worst thing she could do. He
admitted that two points gave him con-
cern : the credit of the Duke of Anjou,
and the friendship between the king and
the Spanish government : but the duke
was ready to set out for Poland, where
Catherine was taking measures for his
election to the throne, on the vacancy,
which, from the illness of Sigismond,
could not be very distant; and concern-
ing Spain, he knew better than any one
about that subject, and it only required
the king to see his real interests, for him
to decide on a war. The Queen of Na-
varre beina thus entreated by one in whom
she placed confidence, and public report
corroborating the admiral's assertions,
she consented to her son's marriage, and
prepared to go to court J|
Pius V. made another effort to prevent
the marriage, by sending his nephew,
Cardinal Alexandrin, to dissuade the
* Sometime:) styled Chevalier, sometimes Duke d'An
Kouleme: he was killed at Aix, in I58G.
t Kathieu, liv. G, p. 333. De Thou, hv. 47, vol. vi. p.
62.
t Davila, liv. 5, p 583. § L'Estoile, in loc.
li Vie de Uoliguy, p. 30 J.
king.* Charles excused himself from
granting the pope's request, which was
to give Margaret in marriage to the King
of Portugal : but being pressed with
questions, and fearing lest his silence
should expose him to animadversion at
Rome for his condescension to the Pro-
testants, he requested the legate to assure
the holy father of his filial obedience ;
and, pressing his hand, said, " Oh ! that
I were at liberty to explain myself far-
ther." This conversation has been dis-
puted, because it clearly proves the trea-
chery of the king and queen. But it is be-
yond doubt that the king excused him-
self to the legate.! " He could not," says
a contemporary, " with honour revoke
the promise given to the Prince of Bearn,
but he wished the pope to be satisfied
that it was arranged for a good ob-
ject, even the honour and advancement
of the Catholic faith : the extraordinary
favour likewise which he bestowed on
the Huguenots tended to no other end."J
Every thing was arranged for the mar-
riage by the middle of April : the pope's
dispensation, on account of their consan-
guinity, was alone wanting, and Pius re-
fused to give it. Charles was very in-
dignant at this obstinacy, and declared,
with his usual oaths, that, if the pope
would be so stupid, he would take his
sister by the hand, and conduct her to a
Huguenot church to be married. § We
have no means of ascertaining whether
this difficulty with the dispensation was
studied, and the king's anger entire pre-
tence; or whether Pius V. was really
averse to the prostitution of one of the
sacraments of his church, even for effect-
ing the suppression of heresy. His death,
however, removed all difficulty: he ex-
pired on the first of May, and was suc-
ceeded by Hugh Buon Compagnon, a
Bolognese, who assumed the title of Gre-
gory XIII. The new Pontiff readily
"ranted the dispensation, and the first of
June was fixed for the nuptials; some
difficulties, however, being urged by the
Cardinal of Bourbon caused a farther
postponement.il
* De Thou, liv. 51.
+ Alexamlrinus honorifiee in aula except"?, re tamen
infeclfi dimissmest: ita enim vulgo ferebatur, ac pas-
sim tola Oallia creclitiun est." Eremundus, Dc furori-
bus Oallicis, p. 371. This work lias been attributed to
F. Holman.
t Lapopeliniere, liv. 25. Mem. de Tavannes, p. 378.
§ L'Estoile, in loc. || Mezeray, Abrege Chron.
12S
DEATH OF THE QUEEN OF NAVARRE.
The Queen of Navarre arrived in Paris
towards the end of May ; on the ninth of
June she died. An opinion prevailed
throughout France that she had been
poisoned, and great pains were taken to
efface such a notion. Indeed, at this
time there had been such a series of
crimes, that the suspicion is not at all
surprising; neither can we be astonished
at the extreme ferocity of the populace in
general, which soon after displayed itself,
for the court was an assemblage of all
that was vicious and depraved. Perefixe,
Archbishop of Paris, declares that there ne-
ver was a more corrupt court : " impiety,
atheism, necromancy, most horrible pol-
lutions, black cowardice, perfidy, poison-
ings and assassinations, reigned there in
a supreme degree."* The historian Da-
vila informs us, that not only did every
thing proceed to the wish of their majes-
ties, but had arrived to such a point, that
the execution could no longer be delayed,
in consequence of the feeling excited by
the taking of Mons. He adds, " The first
.stroke of this execution was lanced
against the person of the Queen of Na-
varre, who, on account of her sex and
royal condition, was poisoned, as it is
thought, by means of certain gloves
which were presented to her, the poison
of which was so subtile, that very soon
after she had handled them, she was
seized with a violent fever, of which she
died four days afterwards. Her death,
so sudden and unexpected, caused sus-
picions among the Huguenots; and the
king, who knew that the force of the
poison had affected the brain alone, or-
dered the body to be opened, which was
found perfect : but they did not touch the
head, under pretence of humanity; and,
on the testimony of those of the profes-
sion, the report circulated that she died a
natural death through the malignity of
the fever."t Such suspicions attaching
to the death of this princess ought to have
stimulated the court to make every thing
as clear as possible, supposing them to be
unfounded ; but we find the greatest con-
tradictions in the different accounts given
by those who attempt to defend the court.
Le Grain contends that it was pleurisy,
others consumption ; some say the head
was opened, others not. De Thou relates
* Hist, de Henri [V. t Uavila, liv. 5.
that the surgeons attributed her death to
an abscess in the chest;* while some
venture to assert that she died of vexa-
tion and spite for having been compelled
to place hangings before her house on
account of the procession of the Fete-
Dieu. Voltaire,t with his usual con-
tempt for every generally- received opi-
nion, rejects the charge as vulgar, al-
though in another work he makes use of
the following expression : " She (Cathe-
rine) feared no other enemies than Jane
d'Albret, Coligny, and the Protestants ;
and she thought that with one blow she
could destroy them all and firmly esta-
blish her power."!
Many who consider as preposterous
the premeditation of a general massacre,
are willing to admit that the leading Pro-
testants were doomed to destruction, as
the only method of subduing the rebel-
lious heretics. But to murder, or even
imprison the Queen of Navarre, would
have made the court odious to the whole
world : some other method of removing
her was therefore necessary; and not-
withstanding the declaration of the sur-
geons, that her death was not caused by
poison, the suspicion must continue to
exist, so long as all parties agree in two
material points — the shortness of her ill-
ness, it being only four days; and the
surprise which it caused, a circumstance
from which her previous health may be
inferred, in spite of the consumption un-
der which she is said to have laboured, or
the supposed abscess in her chest. At
the time of her decease this queen was in
her forty-second year.
" She was a woman," says Davila, of
invincible courage, very great under-
standing, and bravery, fir beyond her
sex. These eminent qualities, accom-
panied with a remarkable modesty, and
unexampled generosity, would have pro-
cured for her an eternal commendation,
if she had not been imbued with the opi-
nions of Calvin, and obstinately adhered
to them, through her desire to penetrate
the profound mysteries of theology, un-
aided by the sciences.''^
This melancholy event caused a far-
ther delay in celebrating the marriage
* Cayet says the same, liv I, p. 129.
t In ilis notes on t lie Ifenriaile,
! Kssai sur les Guerres Civile* de France,
(j Oavila, liv. 5. p. 005.
REVIEW OF THE PROOFS, &C.
129
of the Prince of Beam, who now assumed
the title of King of Navarre. The king
and his detestable mother were obliged
also to defer the execution of their con-
templated coup d'etat : time was thus
given for several Protestants of rank to
retire from Paris, for many felt alarmed
in consequence of the sudden death of
Jane d'Albret. The Baron de Rosny,
father of the celebrated Sully, had from
the first entertained so unfavourable a
presentiment of the marriage, that he de-
clared several times, " If it takes place in
Paris, the wedding favours will be crim-
son."*
CHAPTER XXVII.
Review of the proofs of a premeditated attack upon the
Protestants— Attempted assassination of Coligny.
It was Coligny's destiny to be blinded
as he approached the close of his career,
or he must have been astonished at the
excessive kindness and attention which
he received at court. His wariness had
always rendered him remarkable, and
formed a striking contrast with his pre-
sent infatuation.! Several of his friends
took alarm, and many who could not
conveniently quit Paris retired from the
city to the suburbs. Marshal Montmo-
rency, although a Catholic, was not free
from suspicion; and, pretending illness,
he retired to his seat at Chantilly; nor
could he be persuaded to return, although
repeatedly pressed by the king and
queen. Two reasons are assigned for
this step on his part : one, that when
Montluc, Bishop of Valence, quitted
Paris for Poland, to negotiate for the
Duke of Anjou's election to the throne of
that country,f 'ie having in some measure
penetrated the secret, recommended seve-
ral of his friends to remove. § The other
cause was the interception of a letter
from Cardinal Pelleve at Rome to the
Cardinal of Lorrain, which indicated the
contemplation of some treachery. This
letter may have been a fabrication, but a
* Sully, liv. 1.
t Before the peace. M- de Thore had invited him to
meet the king, when he replied, "There is no Count
d'Egmont in France." Amelot de la Houssaye, Mem.
Hist. vol. ii. p. 108.
1 Sigismond, the last of the Jagellons, died 7th July,
1572.
§ Sully, liv. 1.
copy of it was certainly shown to Co-
ligny; and whether it were genuine or
not, there must have existed suspicions, to
have caused it to be written.*
A gentlemen, named Langoiran, who
was very much attached to the admiral,
was among the number of those who
prudently withdrew from Paris. When
he called to take leave of Coligny, the
latter expressed surprise, and inquired
why he wished to quit him. " Because,"
said Langoiran, " we are too much ca-
ressed here ; and I would rather save my
life with fools than lose it with those who
are too wise."f But all these circum-
stances produced no effect upon Co-
ligny, who, believing that some benefi-
cial results would accrue to the reformed
religion from the marriage of the King of
Navarre, attributed these reports and
suspicions to the machinations of those
who wished to prevent it. To convince
the king that he placed unbounded con-
fidence in him, and at the same time to
obtain more attention to his advice re-
specting the war in Flanders, he offered
to give up the cautionary towns before
the time fixed for their surrender.]; The
Huguenots murmured greatly at this
step on his part, and the people of Ro-
chelle would not consent to surrender
their town. Brantome informs us "That
when Coligny was opposed in this, he
always founded his reasons upon the
great question of religion, saying, ' Since
we have our religion, what more do we
require?' From which we may learn that
he was a better man and more religious
than was thought ; and it was this good-
ness which caused his ruin."§
After a short absence, Coligny again
returned to Paris to be present at the
marriage, free from all suspicion, and in-
dulging in the anticipations which the
projected war afforded him.|| On one
occasion he was at St. Cloud in company
with Strozzy and Brantome, and dis-
coursed with great cheerfulness upon the
affairs of Flanders. "God be praised!"
said the admiral, "every thing is going
* Dr. Lingard, in replying to the Edinburgh Review,
(p. 07, Paris edit.) alludes to this letter : " The copy and
not the original was sent to the admiral:?' an original
threfore must have existed.
f Davila, d'Aubigne, and P. Daniel.
\ According to Lapopeliniere, liv. 28, it was demand-
ed by the king.
§ Brantome, vol viii. p. 177.
|| De Thou, liv. 52.
130
REVIEW OF THE PROOFS OF A
on well; before long we shall have driven
the Spaniard from the Low Countries,
and have made our king master of them,
or we will all die there, myself among the
first, and I shall not care for my life if I
lose it in so good a cause."*
On the eighteenth' of August the mar-
riage took place : the ceremony was per-
formed by the Cardinal of Bourbon, on a
platform erected before the door of the
church of Notre-Dame, and according to
a certain form agreed upon by both par-
ties. It was remarked by many persons,
that when the princess was asked if she
were willing to take the King of Navarre
for her husband, she made no reply what-
ever; and the king, her brother, with his
hand made her incline her head, which
was taken for her assent, although it was
known that she had repeatedly declared
that Guise alone should be her husband,
and that she could not reconcile herself to
taking one of his greatest enemies. f
When the ceremony was concluded, the
King of Navarre and his Protestant
friends retired, while his bride went into
the church to hear mass. A grand din-
ner was afterwards given at the episco-
pal palace adjoining, and for the four fol-
lowing days all Paris was occupied with
fetes, ballets, and other amusements.J
It was during these festivities that the
final arrangements were made for execu-
ting the designs of the court upon the Pro-
testants. A resolution to massacre so
many persons, because they refused to
adopt the ceremonials of the Roman
Church, is so diabolical, that it is no won-
der its premeditation should be doubted,
and the affair attributed principally to the
irritation of the moment. It was to avert
such an imputation that all the parties be-
came in a measure their own accusers, in
order to establish the proofs of the minor
offence, and thus escape a portion of the
ignominy which became their due. The
Abbe Anquetil lays the blame entirely on
Catherine, who was alarmed at the confi-
dence which Charles IX. placed in the ad-
miral. " The Queen," he observes, " was
cautioned by Villequier, De Sauve, and
Retz, assiduous and penetrating courtiers,
in whom also the king placed great confi-
dence, that her son was about to escape
* Biantome, vol. viii. p. 179.
+ Davila, liv. 5. p. 609.
I Le Grain, Mezeray, and others.
from her; that he was completely gained
over by the Protestants ; and that without
some violent remedy they could not hope
to bring him back."* She availed herself
of an early opportunity to take the king
apart, and when she had shut herself
alone with him in a retired apartment, she
burst upon him with bitter reproaches.
Then making a display of maternal fond-
ness, she said, with tears, " if they (the
Huguenots) have the management of af-
fairs, what will become of me? What will
become of the Duke of Anjou ? How
shall we escape from their fury > Give me
permission to return to Florence; give
your brother time to make his escape."
Having excited great emotions in Charles's
mind, she withdrew; he followed her to
another apartment, where Anjou, Retz,
Tavannes, and De Sauve were assem-
bled.! The king desired to know what
were the crimes of which they had to ac-
cuse the Protestants, and received from
each a long account of alarming expres-
sions and threats which had come to their
knowledge; some of them were pure in-
ventions, many were distorted, but a few
were the thoughtless words of some young
nobles, who were enraptured at the favour
which Coligny enjoyed. Charles promised
to be on his guard with the admiral ; but
as he did not show a resolution to do any
thing decisive, they resolved on commit-
ting him with the Calvinists beyond the
possibility of reconciliation : a courier was
immediately sent to summoij the Guises,
and many other nobles and gentlemen.
" All this," says the Abbe, " took place be-
fore, the marriage of the King of Navarre."};
The statement which the Duke of An-
jou made to Miron, his surgeon, during
his journey to Poland, does not differ ma-
terially from the preceding hypothesis:
only he declares himself the originator of
the plot, on account of some angry looks
which the king was accustomed to give
him, from the time that Coligny had been
so much in favour; that, in consequence,
his mother and he resolved to despatch
the admiral, and the general massacre af-
terwards became necessary to protect
them from the vengeance of the Hugue-
nots on one hand ; on the other from the
* Esprit de la J.iffue, vol. ii. p. 2J. Tim Ahbe's ac-
count is taken chiefly from the statement of Tuvaustej,
f Mem. de Tavannes, p. 416.
j Esprit de la Ligue, vol. ii. p. 27.
PREMEDITATED ATTACK ON THE PROTESTANTS.
131
king's anger, in case he discovered that
they had employed the assassin*
Some French writers, feeling great sen-
sibility for their national character, dwell
upon the crime being altogether Italian in
its origin, contrivance, and execution;
while others, in their zeal for the church
of Rome, represent it as an entirely politi-
cal atfair. But there is too much evidence
to allow any impartial person to suppose
that the king's friendship for Coligny was
sincere, or that his eagerness to collect all
the leading Protestants at Paris was un-
connected with the plot. The general
massacre may have been concerted but a
short time previous to the fatal day ; but
there are so many authorities to show the
perfidious intentions of the court at the
peace of 1570, that if the guilt of Charles
IX. and Catherine de Medicis be consi-
dered problematical, there is scarcely any
fact in history which is worthy of credit.
It appears, after full investigation, that the
plan was to assemble the leading Hugue-
nots; to put to death the most obnoxious,
and imprison the rest; and then adopt
strong measures for entirely suppressing;
the exercise of the reformed religion.
The following extract is from Maim*
bourg, who, although considered an indif-j
ferent authority as an historian, may be i
trusted on this subject, on account of his J
violence against the Protestant religion : — i
"But not to dissemble, as the queen did;
in this treaty, there is every appearance J
that a peace of this kind was not made in
good faith on the part of this princess, who
had her concealed designs, and who
granted such things to the Huguenots only
to disarm them, and afterwards to surprise
those upon whom she wished to be re-
venged, and especially the admiral, at the
first' favourable opportunity which she
should have for it."t He adds, that the
king and queen very frequently held a
council upon this business; that the king,
having sworn he would never forget or
pardon the attempt on Meaux, was easily
persuaded that he need not keep a pro-
• The statement entitled. Discours du Hoi Ilcnri III.
d un personage d honncur, SfC is printed in a great many
works, but first appeared in the M< moires dElat de V\l-
lerotj. There is, however, no proof that it was made
by the Duke of An on; and the introductory remarks
show how necessary it was for him to place his charac-
ter in a more favourable light respecting the massacre.
It is therefore extremely probable that the a count of
Miron being called in the middle of the night, &x., is
inserted meiely to give it greater plausibility.
f Hist, du Calvinisme, vol ii. p- 453.
mise made by ever so solemn a treaty,
with him who had first violated his faith
by so horrible an attempt upon the sacred
person of his king; and that the only way
to prevent a fourth civil war was to be be-
forehand with so bad a man, and assure
the peace of the kingdom by the destruc-
tion of this declared enemy of God and the
king.
The confidential report which Tavannes
addressed to the king, in 1571, is corro-
borative.* He represents, that although
both parties required peace from the ex-
hausted state of their affairs, a surprise
was still possible, and the king ought to
guard against it ; that in fact the dispute
could never be definitively settled, until
one party had seized upon the leaders of
the other ; the Huguenot chiefs could not
be taken while in their strongholds, but
for them to surprise the royal family was
not so difficult : force could neither obtain
possession of their fortresses, ncr destroy
their religion, nor dissolve their foreign
connections. He recommended several
precautionary measures, and concluded
by»observing : — "the king must keep his
word, that the Huguenots should have no
pretext for resuming their arms, before his
majesty could take the necessary mea-
sures; for if he had time to anticipate this
movement on their part, assuredly they
would always be defeated." Now, the
bare fact of a general representing to his
sovereign the necessity of keeping his
word until he had taken measures for pre-
venting any surprise, gives fair room for
inferring that he was privy to some in-
tended violation of the treaty, on account
of which the Huguenots had laid aside
their arms. Brantome alludes to this ad-
vice of Tavannes, in his life of that cap-
tain : " as it was difficult to subdue them
by force, he recommended the king and
queen to effect their purpose by art."t
The testimony of Perefixe, Archbishop
of Paris, also displays the existence of
treachery on the part of the king. " In
the mean time, the king being satisfied
that he could never subdue the Hugue-
* This report is not to be found in the Memoirs of
Marshal Tavannes; but in I hose of William de Saulx,
Seigneur de Tavannes, p 411, in vol xxxv. of Petitol's
Collection. The War>hal (Gaspard de Saulx de Tavan-
nes) had two sons, viz : William, above mentioned, and
John, commonly called the Viscount Tavannes: the lat-
ter published his father's memoirs, to which I have uni-
formly referred to J\Icm. de Tavannes. I have made use
of the folio edition printed at Lyons.
t His words are par la voye de renard, vol. iz. p. 112.
132
ASSASSINATION OF LIGNEROLLES.
nots by force, resolved to employ other
methods, more easy, but much more
wicked. He took to caressing them ; he
pretended that he wished to treat them
favourably ; he granted them the greater
part of their demands, and lulled them
with the hope of making war in the Ne-
therlands against Spain, which they pas- 1
sionately desired. And the better to de-j
coy them, he promised, as a pledge of his
faith, his sister Margaret to be married to J
our Henry ; so that by these means he
drew the principal chiefs of that party to:
Paris."*
Davila's assertion is unequivocal :f "But
as the stratagems formerly practised had
always produced but little benefit, either j
because ministers had perfidiously di-
vulged them, or the queen had conducted
herself with some hesitation and too much
respect; or the Huguenot princes had dis-l
trusted her inclination and wishes; so at;
this time_a most complete and favourable
issue was expected. For the most secret;
designs were no longer confided to any'
but ministers deeply interested, in addition
to the attention which the king hirrfcelf
gave. The principal difficulty consisted
in rallying the minds of the Huguenot no-'
bility, and from the suspicions in which |
they indulged to lead them to such a pitch
of confidence that they should feel no ap-
prehension in coming to court unarmed."!
Unless the affair of Lignerolles can be
effaced from the page of history, we have
another clear proof that a plot was in con-
templation previous to Coligny's quitting
Rochelle to go to court. That young
man was a favourite of the Duke of An-
jou, who bestowed on him so much confi-
dence that he imparted the king's design,
and explained the reasons of such kind-
ness being shown to the Protestants. It
happened one day that the king having
given an audience to the Huguenot depu-
ties dismissed them affably, and immedi.
* Hist, rip Henri le Grand, p 13 Amsterdam. 1682.
f Dr. Lingarri (in his FiniJication) represents Da Vila
J|9 unworthy of credit; but I persist in thinking him
gond authority (or several reasons. Mis family were in
the household of Catherine : and himself, his brother,
and John Henry de Villers. his sister's husband, were
all in the royal armies; he was therefore constantly in
the company of those w ho could rightly appreciate the
transactions of this period. His bias, moreover, is so
decidedly favourable to Calheiine, that the Abbe An-
quetil observes of his history." We should distrust Da-
Vila when he writes in favour of the court." Surely
such a person would have avoided exaggeration in de-
scribing a case which, at the time tie wrote, required all
possible palliation on behalf of his friend and patron.
I Davila, liv. 5. p. 578.
ately after they had withdrawn, he threw
off his restraint, and showed very great
displeasure at the insolence of their de-
mands. Lignerolles, proud of possessing
a secret of such importance, and with a
thoughtlessness common to his age, ap-
proached the king, and observed, that his
majesty had only to be patient for a short
time ; that he should laugh at the impu-
dence and temerity of those people, since,
by an interview already contrived, he
would have them in his nets in a few days,
and could punish them as he thought pro-
per. Charles was astonished at such a
remark, and did not know how to reply ;
he pretended not to hear him, and retired
in a rage to a private apartment, where
he sent for De Retz, thinking it was he
who had imparted the secret to Ligne-
rolles. Charles upbraided him with the
kindnesses he had conferred upon him,
and then declared that he would punish
his perfidy and ingratitude. De Retz per-
sisted in a denial, and offered to remain
in prison until the affair was cleared up:
this removed the charge from him, and
the queen-mother was sent for. She
heard her son's complaint ; told him, with
'a smile, that she did not need his instruc-
tions how to keep a secret; and cautioned
him against making known, by his impa-
tience, what he thought had been put in
evidence by others. Charles then began
to display his rage : he sent for the Duke
of Anjou, who freely confessed what he
had told Lignerolles, but assured his bro-
ther that the secret was safe with him.
."I will make sure of that," replied the
king, "for, before he has time to speak of
it, it shall cost him his life." Anjou took
no pains to dissuade his brother from the
murder, either not daring to oppose the
violence of the king, or being vexed at the
imprudence of his favourite. George Vil-
lequier, Viscount de La Guerche, was
then summoned to the royal presence, and
received a command to get rid of Ligne-
rolles that very day, in any way what-
ever. He, being a secret enemy of his
victim, readily undertook the commission,
and, being joined by Count Charles de
Mansfeld, they assassinated Lignerolles
while hunting, the king and his brother
J purposely galloping to a distance from
them. Charles, with his usual dissimula-
tion, pretended anger, and sent the two
' assassins to prison ; whence after a short
DUPLICITY OF THE FRENCH KING.
133
time they were released upon the pressing of the king's deception, is at least an evi
application of the Duke of Angouleme.*
The Duke of Nevers has also added his
testimony, which is the more valuable as
he was known to detest the reformed re-
dence of the duplicity attributed to him by
his contemporaries. On the Wednesday
before the admiral was wounded, as the
said nobleman conversed with his majesty
ligion. "The admiral," says he, " pro-: concerning the religion, he said, "My
posed the war in Flanders, with the most father, I beg you will give me only four
flattering representations; but the king
would hear nothing of it, for fear of of-
fending his brother-in-law, the most Ca-
tholic King. His Majesty wishing to
avoid such a misfortune, and thinking to
or five days to make merry; after that, I
promise you, on the faith of a king, that I
will satisfy you, and all those of your re-
ligion."*
Coligny perceived that his words had
destroy the Huguenots, rather than their great effect upon the king; it was that
heresy, ordered the St. Bartholomew in\ which made him so heedless of all the
August, 1572."f warnings he received, and it is very pos-
The king and queen had spared no ex- sible that, but for the execrable queen-
ertions in drawing Coligny to court, but, , mother, who would not relinquish her
when they had effected that object, they I project, the reproaches of conscience,
were undecided how they should carry added to the prospect of territorial acqui-
their plan into execution: that was ren-jsition displayed by Coligny, would have
dered still more difficult, on account of overcome resolutions formed in a troubled
the admiral's arriving about eight months | day, and made Charles inattentive to the
before the Queen of Navarre. For, how- : calls of bigotry and rage. If these cir-
ever unfounded the idea of a war in Flan- cumstances are taken into consideration,
ders may have been originally, the king, many contradictory accounts may be re-
was obliged to converse frequently with conciled; and although, at the conclusion
Coligny upon that subject; and the ad-! of the peace in 1570, the king was most
miral, with his sanguine calculations, had forward in the plot, it afterwards required
created in Charles's mind a desire to an- all the influence and exertions of Cathe-
nex those provinces to his dominions, rine and the Duke of Anjou to keep him
So that, rebel as he had been, he appeared to his first resolution. Charles fluctuated
on this occasion a zealous promoter of, between the martial feeling which the ad-
the dignity of France ; and the personal | miral had kindled, and the rancour which
hatred which had existed against him his fiend-like mother fanned incessantly:
began to abate in the monarch's mind, at last she excited his fears, by a persua-
Duplessis Mornay drew up a memoir, sion that great danger awaited him: he
which the admiral presented to Charles 'joined in her purposes, and must share
IX.; it strongly urged the prosecution of a! her infamy.
war in Flanders, and concluded thus:! It is impossible to fix on any period as
" To sum up, you will acquire a territory J the precise time when the murderous re-
to which none of your provinces can be solution was adopted, for secrecy is es-
compared in extent, beauty, riches, popu- sential to a plot. No one denies the
lation, towns, and conveniences, both by memorable expression of Charles IX.:
sea and by land, from which you may!" I consent to the admiral's death; but let
easily draw an annual contribution of a there not remain one Huguenot to reproach
million (livres,) &c. And you, sire, who me with it afterwards:" the contested
will have received with immortal honour; point is, whether it was uttered before or
the incredible advantage of such a con-
quest, shall be so feared by your enemies,
so cherished by your friends and allies,
that your fortune will speedily open the
way for your becoming the greatest mo-
narch of Christendom."!
The following, if not a complete proof
* Davils, liv 5. De Thou, liv. 50. Branioine, Dis-
course sur Irs duels. Bassoinpierre, JVouv. Mem. p. 100.
t Mem. tie Nevers, vol. ii. p. 16.
J Mem. ile Duplessis, vol. i. p. 1.
12
after the attempt to kill Coligny. Ca-
veyrac acknowledges that the death of
the leaders and factions was decided on.t
Anquetil states that before the marriage
took place a resolution was formed to
commit the king with the Protestants,
beyond the possibility of a reconciliation.^:
The younger Tavannes, in vindicating
~* Mem. de l'Estoile, vol. i. p. 22.
t dissertation sur le St. Barthglemi, p. 25.
X E9prit de la Ligue, vol. ii. p. 26.
134
ATTEMPTED MURDER OF COLIGNY.
his father's memory, makes use of the
following words: "It is a fact that the
Huguenots were alone the cause of their
massacres, by placing the king in the ne-
cessity of a war with Spain or with
them. His majesty, by the advice of
Tavannes, chose that which was least pre-
judicial, being as salutary for the Catho-
lic religion as for the state. And as Ta-
vannes is accused of giving this counsel,
all those of the Catholic religion must
esteem and praise him, considering that
if he had not, by his good advice, pre-
vented the marriage of England with M.
d'Anjou (that of the King of Navarre being
already concluded, and the King Charles
being bent upon the war with Spain,) in-
evitably the kingdom of France, and ul-
timately all Christendom, except Italy
and Spain, would be of the heretical
party. And since this stroke of the St.
Bartholomew, they have constantly di-
minished and become weaker. Let honour
then be given to those to whom it be-
longs: not that these great murders are
praiseworthy, but for having avoided and
prevented three quarters of Europe from
being connected with the heretical party
by marriages and alliances, and for having
diverted from France a most dangerous
war with Spain, at a time when the king-
dom was enfeebled."* This passage in-
dicates the king's participation in the plot
before the attempt on Coligny's life, for
an alternative afterwards was impossible.
Brantome gives similar testimony: "The
king, therefore, not desiring to make use
of him (the admiral) in such good affairs,
was either of himself, or by some of his
council, persuaded to have him killed. "t
It cannot be supposed that the death of
Coligny alone would have answered the
purpose of the king or his mother: an-
other captain would have taken his place;
and the King of Navarre's increasing ex-
perience made him nearly equal to take
the command without assistance: any at-
tempt upon his life was necessarily ac-
companied with some measure for pre-
venting his death from being avenged;
and on that account, in addition to the dif-
ferent authorities which have been pro-
duced, there is sufficient reason for con-
cluding that Charles was a party to the
premeditation of the massacre.
Catherine's tortuous policy exhibits a
line of conduct unparalleled in history:
nothing appeared criminal in furtherance
of her views; but no sooner was her ob-
ject attained, than her own work was
condemned to destruction, from some idea
which she had subsequently conceived.
During the wars she lamented the defeats
of the Huguenots, because they increased
the importance of the Guises; and it was
frequently her policy to attack that family
in turn. If the Huguenot leaders were
doomed to destruction, common prudence
made her inquire what barriers she could
in future oppose to the house of Lorrain,
the head of which considered himself
equal to the princes of the blood; and
who, if he made an attempt to possess
the throne, would be certain of the Romish
and Spanish influence in his behalf. De
Retz proposed a measure which promised
the destruction of the Protestants, and
rendered very probable the removal of
some of the Guises: the plan suited her
views, and policy justified it to her con-
science.
That proposal was to this effect: that,
although it was easy of execution, and
quite just, to kill all the Huguenots, still
it was desirable to have a pretext for it:
if the life of the admiral alone were taken,
every one would think the -Guises had
done it, and the Huguenots in their rage
would fall upon that family; the Parisians
would support their favourites, and the
Huguenots would certainly be over-
whelmed; the object would thus be ac-
complished, and the fault imputed to the
private resentment of the house of Lor-
rain, and not to the deliberations of the
court.* Some accounts give this further
development: when botli parties were ex-
hausted and reduced, the king was to
march from the Louvre, at the head of
his guards, and punish the rebellious on
both sides; no impediment would then
exist, to prevent the re-establishment of
the king's authority.!
An assassin was soon found to despatch
the admiral: it was Mau revel, the same
who killed Mouy at Niort, and who was
known as the King's fisaasisin.\ By
* Mem. de Tavannes, p. 419.
t Braiilome, vol. viii. p. 182.
* Davila, liv. 5 D'Aubigne, vol. ii. p 13 Maim-
bona'. Hist du Cnlvinisme, liv. 8 De Thou, liv. 52.
t Mnzeray, Mbregc Chron. Voltaire, Note to the
Henriade.
I He wag called Lt tueur du Roy, ou It tveur auz
gages du Roy. ISrantome, vol. viii. p, 182.
ATTEMPTED MURDER OF COL1GNV.
135
whom he was employed on this occasion
is immaterial, for Guise was so desirous
of avenging his father's death, that the
king's permission to satisfy his resent-
ment was all he required; he would there-
fore become a willing instrument in the
hands of the court* Still it is probable
that revenge executed by a hireling would
not have suited his courageous character;
and the fact of Maurevel being employed
affords a presumptive proof that the pro-
posal of De Retz was in reality that
which was decided upon.
Maurevel took his post in the house
of Villemur, a canon of St. Germain
L'Auxerrois, and who had been tutor to
the Duke of Guise. He waited some
days before he had an opportunity, but
on Friday the 22d of August, Coligny
was returning from the Louvre, and
walked very slowly, as he was reading
some papers. t Maurevel fired on him
from behind a curtain; his piece was
loaded with two balls, which struck the
admiral, one in each arm. He pointed to
the spot whence the blow came, but be-
fore his attendants could force their way
in, the assassin had made his escape upon
a horse belonging to the king's stables,
which was waiting for him by the cloisters
of the church.};
This event caused great confusion
among all parties. The Protestant
leaders hastened to Coligny's house to
discuss the affair, but amidst the nume-
rous opinions given, no conclusion was
adopted. When the admiral's wounds
had been dressed, and the first dismay
had subsided, it was resolved that they
should complain to the king, and demand
justice, the general impression being that
it was the work of the Guises. The cal-
culations of De Retz were thus proved to
be correct, and the suspicion fell where it
was intended. But Maurevel's aim was
not sufficiently true; and Coligny being
still alive, his friends were advised by
him, instead of taking justice into their
own hands. Had he been killed on the
spot, there is every probability that the
Huguenots would have taken arms im-
mediately; but, whatever resentment was
* Caveyrac stales Hint he was not present at the
counrit. — Dissertation sur le St'Barthi/emi, p. 3.
t The admiral lived in the Rue lielhizy; Villemur in
(he Rue des fosses St Germain : in his way home from
the Louvre, Coligny had therefore to go along the latter
etreet
J SuJIy, liv. 1. De Thou, liv. 52.
expressed by any of them, their defence-
less state, when they were attacked soon
after, shows that no violence was medi-
tated among them. Their coolness ren-
dered a change necessary in the plans of
the court.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
Massacre of the Saint Bartholomew.
The king was playing at tennis when
he was told that Coligny was wounded,
and that the King of Navarre and the
Prince of Conde were coming to him, to
demand justice against the Guises. The
circumstance both surprised and alarmed
him: Maurevel had so seldom failed in de-
spatching his victim, that his blow had
been looked upon as sure; and, on the
other hand, it could not have been ex-
pected that the Huguenots would think
of seeking redress from him. Their
prompt application, by bringing him so
directly in contact with the Duke of
Guise, placed him in a dilemma. He
threw away his racket in a passion; and,
after giving vent to a number of oaths,
declared lie would have the assassin
sought for, even in the recesses of
Guise's hotel.* Charles succeeded in
satisfying the young princes that the as-
sassin should meet with exemplary pun-
ishment, and immediately ordered the
President De Thou, the Provost Morsan,
and Veale, a counsellor, to commence an
investigation:! this calmed them in some
measure, and made them give up the plan
which they had agreed on of leaving
Paris immediately.!:
But the king felt convinced that some-
thing more must be done, to prevent the
intended mischief from recoiling on him-
self: that measure required deliberation;
but, in order to amuse the Huguenots,
and convince them of his good will, he
announced his intention of visiting the
admiral in the afternoon. He coidd not
with prudence go among the Huguenots
unprotected, nor could he consistently be
attended by his guards; he therefore de-
sired that all the court should visit Co
ligny also.
* Sully, liv. t. t Felibien, vol. ii p. 111".
J D'Aubigne, vol. ii. p. 14. Mezeray, Jlbregi Chron.
136
COLIGNY REFUSES TO LEAVE PARIS.
Charles entered the admiral's dwelling,
accompanied by his mother, the Duke of
Anjou, De Retz and his other coun-
sellors, the marshals of France, and a
numerous suite* He began by consoling
the admiral, and then swore that the
crime should be punished so severely,
that his vengeance should never be effaced
from the memory of man. Coligny
thanked his sovereign for such testimo-
nials of his kindness, and conjured him
to support with his authority the execu-
tion of the different edicts in favour of the
Protestants, many points of which were
violated or misunderstood. " My father,"
answered the king, "depend upon it, I
shall always consider you a faithful sub-
ject, and one of the bravest generals in
my kingdom ; confide in me for the exe-
cution of my edicts, and for avenging you
when the criminals are discovered."
" They are not difficult to find out," said
Coligny ; " the traces are very plain."
"Tranquillize yourself," replied the king;
" a longer emotion may hurt you, and re-
tard your cure."t The conversation then
turned upon the war with Spain, and lasted
near an hour. Coligny complained of the
Spanish government being informed of
whatever was decided on j tind s s the inti-
macy'between the queen-mother and the
Spanish ambassador was very great, and
caused suspicion, he spoke to the king in
a low voice. | The war in Flanders was
a subject of great alarm for Catherine;
she knew her son's secret wishes, and she
dreaded the effect which Coligny's re-
marks might have upon him : she inter-
rupted the conversation, and prevailed
upon the king to leave the place. Charles,
who was exerting himself to efface any
suspicion which might have arisen in Co-
ligny's mind, became vexed at the anx-
iety displayed by his mother ; and, as they
were returning to the Louvre, being
pressed to tell what Coligny had said, he
declared with an oath, " That the admiral
* All accounts Mate that the king was well attended
on (his occasion.; n is therefore absurd to argue Ins ig-
norance of the plot, because lie trusted himself unarm d
anions the Huguenots.
t D'Aubigno, vol n p. 15. Pe Thou, liv. 52.
| The confederates seeing that this ambassador WIS
usually present at the council where everything was
discussed ; remarking, besides, the friendly discourse
which ihe Spaniard held frequently w ith the queen and
his excellency, and the secret conversation which they
had the greater part of the time, made some think that
all did not pull together ; so thai looking at that and
such other things, the more they were informed of e.ich
particular, the more suspicions they entertained.— La-
yvpehniere, liv. 25, vol. ii. p. 21,
had said what was true, that he had suf-
fered the authority to fall from his hands,
and that he ought to become master of
his own affairs."* When the king and
his suite retired, the admiral's friends ex-
pressed great astonishment at his affability,
and the desire he showed to bring the
crime to justice. " But," says Brantome,
"all these fine appearances afterwards
turned to ill, which amazed every one
very much how their majesties could per-
form so counterfeit a part unless they had
previously resolved on this massacre."t
Under pretence of protecting Coligny
and his friends from any tumult which the
populace might stir up in favour of the
Guises, the king recommended the leading
Huguenots to lodge near the admiral,
and placed a guard in the neighbourhood
to defend them ; all the gates of the town
(except two) were closed, and the admiral
himself was invited to remove into the
Louvre for security.^ The real object,
however, was to prevent any Huguenots
of rar>k from escaping : when collected
they were more easily watched ; and, in
the execution of the murderous plan,
Charles could call to mind the pithy ob-
servation of Alaric, "Thick grass is easier
mown than thin." Those soldiers who
were said to be for the defence of the
Protestants were the Duke of Anjou's
guards, and became the most zealous of
their murderers ; arms were delivered out
at the same time to the populace, who
concealed them in their houses till the
proper time.
Charles was so thorough a dissembler,
that he practised his deception even in the
Louvre. His sister Margaret (either
anxious to palliate his conduct, or willing
to believe his declarations) represents him
as completely persuaded that Guise had
caused the attack on the admiral. "No-
thing," says she, " could appease the king,-
he could neither moderate nor change his
passionate desire to have justice done,
constantly ordering that Guise should be
sought after and arrested ; for he would
not suffer such an act to remain unpun-
ished. "§ But, independent of the caution
with which the sister's narrative should
be received, it is to be observed that this
* Discourse du Roi Henri HI., &c.
t lirantome, vol. viii. p. 184.
1 Mezeray.
§ Mem. de la Reine Marguerite, p. JT4, vol lii. of the
Collection of Memoirs, printed 178"..
PREPARATIONS FOR THE MASSACRE.
137
was a part of the king's original plan, and
every thing which he did or said was
meant to throw the odium of the affair
upon the Guises.
Soon after the king had quitted Co-
Iigny's chamber, the leading Protestants
assembled to deliberate on their position.
The Vidame of Chartres was for imme-
diately transporting the admiral to Cha-
tillon, and vehemently declared against
placing any further confidence in the
tion which they procured caused in turn
still greater uneasiness. It was impossible
to prevent Maurevel's employers from
being made known, and a council was
summoned at the Louvre; the behaviour
of Charles IX. at this council was con-
sistent with the rest of his actions. As he
approached the fatal moment, his con-
science appears to have assailed him. and
he hesitated to carry the plan into effect.
The queen entreated him to take firm
king;* he recommended also, that they measures to preserve her and the Duke
should do so before the people had shown of Anjou from the vengeance of the Hu-
themselves openly adverse to them. Te- guenots. who already accused them of the
ligny was so infatuated, that he stood for- j assassination of Coligny. De Retz told
ward to defend the king's honour and | the king that such was the irritated state
word; and Coligny himself was averse to I of the Protestants, that he, as well as
showing any suspicions. "If I do so,", Guise, would be sacrificed to their ven-
said he, "I must display either fear or dis- 1 geance. Soon after •intelligence was
trust; my honour will be hurt by one, brought that the Huguenots were pre-
and the king will be injured by the other; paring to carry Coligny out of Paris : if he
I should then be compelled to renew the should escape, their whole design would
civil war, and I would rather die than be frustrated, and a civil war become un-
again see such ills."t The Vidame, how- 'avoidable ; especially as the Huguenots
ever, made another effort on the following had threatened to rise en maa.se to obtain
day, and was for carrying off the admiral justice.* Catherine perceived the waver-
in a litter; this attempt being equally un-'ing state of her son's mind: she informed
successful, he left the city accompanied him that couriers had been already sent
by several of his friends. Many violent > off to Germany and Switzerland for
threats are said to have been uttered by troops, and that, in the unprovided state
these gentlemen: they declared they , of the government, his ruin was certain if
would take arms, and never lay them 'another war broke out. The wretched
down till they had put it out of the power king, whose mind was so framed that he
of the Catholics to injure them. Their; blindly followed the impulse of the mo-
suspicions were fully excited, and, upon a ment, and who the minute before had felt
review of every circumstance which then a repugnance to consent to the death of
became the subject of conversation they; so many subjects, was then so much in-
saw how shamefully they had been flamed by the solicitations and assertions
insnared. The Guises, notwithsland- of his counsellors, that he experienced all
ing their disgrace at court, had been the anger which could be called into ac-
twice seen in masks conversing with the! tion by a recollection of the past, a dread
queen, De Retz, and Birague; and this of the future, and the vexation of failing
circumstance, coupled with the king's pre-! in an attempt to punish the leaders of the
tended anger against them, made them sect so hateful to him. He became more
decide on quitting the dangerous ground eager than any to execute the resolution,
upon which they stood. | \ttlready taken in the secret council, to
The day after the attempt to kill Co- make a general massacre of the Hugue-
ligny was a dreadful interval for the king nots.j This could not safely be deferred
and his mother. His conduct from the ; any longer, as some-of them were quitting
first displayed all the irresolution and Paris every hour,, and the dawn of the
want of thought which accompanies crime. !next morning was to behold the consum-
In his eagerness to deceive the King of niation of this- inhuman scheme..
Navarre, he had appointed persons to in-
vestigate the assassination; the informa-
* D'Aubigne, Hist. Univ. vol. ii. p. 15. Ds Thou, liv
| Mathieu, vol.
; Sully, liv. i.
i. liu. Q, p MX
De Thou, liv. 52.
12*
At first there was no exception what-
* Maimbourg, Hist, du Calvinisme. liv. fi.
t " Ccte effiroyable resolution, qu'il av .it deja prise
dans le conseil secret, et qu'on lui avail tint quitter, de
faire un massacre general da tons tea Huguenots." —
Maimbourg, ui antea.
138
PREPARATIONS FOR THE MASSACRE.
ever from the massacre, and Charles con- 1 scruples of conscience, for which Tavannes
sented to destroy one branch of his own abused them in the king's presence. He
family: "It was deliberated," says the 'told them that if they refused they should
archbishop of Paris, "if they should not! all be hanged, and advised the king to
Navarre and the threaten them too. The poor frightened
the others, and all
for their death
murder the King of
Prince of Conde with
the murderers were
nevertheless, by a miracle, they resolved
on sparing them."* " The Duke of
Guise," says Davila, " wished that in kill-
ing the Huguenots they should do the
same with the King of Navarre and the
Prince of Conde ; but the queen-mother
and the others had a horror of dipping
their hands in royal blood. "f "Indubi-
tably," says Brantome, " he was pro-
scribed, and down on the red list, as they
called it; because, said they, it was ne-
cessary to dig up the roots, such as the
King of Navarre, the Prince of Conde,
the admiral, and other great persons; but
men then yielded, and promised to do such
execution that it should never be for-
gotten,* The instructions they received
were, that directly they heard the bell,
torches were to be put in the windows,
and chains placed across the streets;
piquets were to be posted in the open
places ; and, for distinction, they were to
wear a piece of white linen on their left
arms, and put a white cross on their hats.t
Notwithstanding the awful crime in
contemplation, the king rode out on horse-
back in the afternoon, accompanied by the
Chevalier d'AngouIeme, his natural bro-
ther; but the sight of his unsuspecting
people had no effect upon him. The
the said Queen (Margaret) threw herself | queen also showed herself at court as
usual in order to avoid suspicion.!
Secrecy was desirable till the last mo-
ment, and no one was informed of the
plan who was not necessary to its execu-
tion. But there were several persons
who caused great concern and anxiety to
both the king and queen. The Queen of
Navarre describes herself as altogether
ignorant of the affair previous to the exe-
cution ; and, when she retired after supper
to go to bed, her sister, the Duchess of Lor-
rain, entreated her not to go. The queen-
mother was angry at that, and forbid her
telling any thing further. The Duchess of
Lorrain thought that it would be sacri-
ficing her to let her go to bed ; and the
queen-mother said, that if she did not go it
might cause suspicion, and observed, that if
it pleased God no harm would befall her.§
The Count de la Rochefoucalt was a
great favourite with Charles, who took
such delight in his company, that he
wished to save his life. He had passed
the evening with the king, and when he
prepared to go home, Charles advised
him to sleep in the Louvre. In vain did
he press him : the count resolved to go :
the king was grieved that he could not
preserve him without violating his secret,
and observed, as his guest retired, "I see
clearly that God wishes him to perish."||
on her knees before King Charles her
brother, to beg the life of her husband
and lord. The King Charles granted it
to her with great difficulty, although she
was his good sister."]; It was also pro-
posed to kill the Montmorencies, who,
although Catholics, were very much con-
nected with the Huguenots; but the mar-
shal could not be drawn from Chantilly,
and was beyond their reach : so the
council concluded that to destroy the
younger branches, and leave the elder to
revenge their death, would only increase
the chances of a civil war.§ De Retz,
however, maintained that they should all
be killed. ||
Every thing was soon decided on : the
Duke of Guise was to begin the massacre
by despatching the admiral directly he
heard the signal given, by ringing the
great bell of the palace, which was used
only on public rejoicings. IT Tavannes in
the mean time sent for the provost of the
trades, and some other persons of influ-
ence among the inhabitants: he ordered
them to arm the companies and to be
ready by midnight at the Hotel-de-Ville.
Those persons made some excuses and
* Peretixe, Hist, de Henri le Grand.
+ Davila, liv. 5. p. 616.
+ Braruome, vol. i. p. 861. This statement, however,
is at variance with the Memoirs of Queen Margaret,
who declares she knew nothing of the massacre till it
occurred ; but it is possible that she begged for her hus-
band's life on the Sunday, when everything was to be
feared on his account.
§ Davila, liv. 5, p. C17.
J Mem. de Tavannes. p 421.
IT Mezitay, Mregi Chron.
* Urantome, Vic de Tavannes.
t Meimbourg and Mezeray
| Dr. Lingard. Vindication, &c. p. 30, Paris edition.
§ Mem. de la Reine Marguerite, p. 179.
|| Brantome, Vie de Charles IX. Voltaire, Essai stir
lcs Guerres Civiles.
MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW.
139
Ambrose Pare, his surgeon, was a per-
son indispensable for the king's health and
comfort, and he used less ceremony with
him. He sent for him in the evening into
his chamber, and ordered him not to stir
from thence: he said, according to Bran-
tome, " That it was not reasonable that
one who was so useful should be massa-
cred, and therefore he did" not press him
to change his religion."*
As midnight approached, the armed
companies were collecting before the Hotel-
de-Ville. They required some strong ex-
citement to bring them to a proper mind,
and in order to animate and exasperate
them, they were told that a horrible con-
spiracy was discovered, which the Hugue-
nots had made against the king, the queen-
mother, and the princes, without excepting
the King of Navarre, for the destruction
of the monarchy and religion : that the
king wishing to anticipate so execrable an
attempt, commanded them to fall at once
upon all those cursed heretics (rebels
against God and the king) without sparing
one; and that afterwards their property
should be given up to plunder.! This
was sufficient inducement for a populace
who naturally detested the Huguenots ;
every thing being thus arranged, they
impatiently waited the dawn, and the sig-
nal which it was to bring with it.
The wretched King of France had gone
so far that a retreat was impossible ; but
there is every reason to believe, that even
at the last moment he would gladly have
obeyed the dictates of nature, and have
desisted from the cruel purpose. Among
the inferior classes of murderers, whose
condition is unable to protect them from
the laws, we frequently find that, unless
their lives have been of an abandoned
description, they have generally hesitated
at the moment of committing the crime,
and have required some excitement to
urge them to the work. The hesitation,
therefore, which Charles displayed was
natural; although depraved in his mind,
and vindictive in his disposition, his rank
had preserved him from conduct which
would sear his feelings ; and we find that
too late he sent orders to prevent the mas-
sacre from, taking place. But the queen
had perceived the inquietude which tor-
mented him: she saw that if the signal de-
pended upon him, he would not have re-
solution enough to give it: she considered
that the hour should be hastened, to pre-
vent any rising remorse from destroying
her work: she therefore made another
effort to inflame her son, by telling him
that the Protestants had discovered the
plot ; and then sent some one to ring the
bell of St. Germain l'Auxerrois, an hour
earlier than had been agreed upon* A
few moments after was heard the report
of a pistol, which had such an effect on
the king, that he sent orders to prevent
the massacre, but it was then too late.f
Guise, who had waited with impatience
for. the signal, went at once to Coligny's
house, accompanied by his brother Au-
male, Angouleme, and a number of gentle-
men. Cosseins, who commanded the
guards posted there, broke open the doors
in the king's name, and murdered some
Swiss who were placed at the bottom of
the stairs. Besme,{ a Lorrain, and Pes-
trucci, an Italian, both in Guise's pay, then
went up stairs to the admiral, followed by
some soldiers. Coligny, awakened by
the noise, asked one of his attendants what
it was: he replied, "my lord, God calls us
to himself." Coligny then said to his at-
tendants, "save yourselves, my friends;
all is over with me. I have been long
prepared for death." They all- quitted
him but one; and he betook himself to
prayer, awaiting his murderers. Every
door was soon broke open, and Besme
presented himself. "Art thou Coligny !"
said he; "I am he indeed," said the admi-
ral; "young man, you ought to respect
my gray hairs; but, do what you will,
you can shorten my life only by a few
days." Besme replied by plunging his
sword into Coligny's body; his compa-
nions then gave him numerous atabs with
their daggers. Besme then called out of
the window to Guise, that it was done:
" very well," replied he, " but M. d" Angou-
leme will not believe it, unless he sees him
at his feet." The corpse was thrown out
into the court from the window; and the
blood spurted out on the faces and clothes
of the princes. Guise wiped the murdered
man's face in order to recognise him, and
then gave orders to cut off his head.§
* Bran tome, vol i
t Maimbourg, BU
. p. 42ri. Sully, liv. 1.
Uu Cvlcinisme, liv. 0, p. 473.
* De Thou, liv. 52. The church hell was rung al two
o'clock in (be morning of Sunday, the 24th August.
t Discern rs du Koi Henri III . &c, at the end:
[ Besme married a natural daughter of the Cardinal
of Lorrain ; and. as a further recompense for murdering-
Coligny, the King of Spain made bim a handsome
present. Brantonie, vol. viii. p. 1U5. liayle, art. Besme,
§ De Thou, liv. 52. Branluiue, vol. viii. p. 185,
140
MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW.
The ringing of the bell of St. Germain
1'Auxerrois was answered by the bells of
all the churches, and by a discharge of
fire-arms in different parts. Paris re-
sounded with cries and howlings, which
brought the defenceless people out of their
dwellings, not only unarmed, but half
naked. Some tried to gain Coligny's
house, in the hope of obtaining protection,
but the companies of guards quickly de-
spatched ihem : the Louvre seemed to hold
out a refuge ; but they were driven away
by men armed with spears and musketry.
Escape was almost impossible; the nume-
rous lights placed in the windows deprived
them of the shelter which the darkness
would have afforded them ; and patrols
traversed the streets in all directions, kill-
ing every one they met. From the streets
they proceeded to the houses; they broke
open the doors, and spared neither age,
sex, nor condition. A white cross had
been put in their hats to distinguish the
Catholics; and some priests, holding a
crucifix in one hand, and a sword in the
other, preceded the murderers, and encou-
raged them, in God's name, to spare nei-
ther relatives nor friends. When the day-
light appeared, Paris exhibited a most
appalling spectacle of slaughter: the head-
less bodies were falling from the windows;
the gateways were blocked up with dead
and dying; and the streets were filled
with carcasses which were drawn on the
pavement to the river.*
Even the Louvre became the scene of
great carnage: the guards were drawn
up in a double line, and the unfortunate
Huguenots who were in that place were
called one after another, and killed with
the soldiers' halberts.t Most of them died
without complaining, or even speaking;
others appealed to the public faith and the
sacred promise of the king. " Great God !"
said they, " be the defence of (he op-
pressed. Just Judge! avenge this per-
fidy.":): Some of the King of Navarre's
servants, who lived in the palace, were
killed in bed with their wives.§
Tavannes, Guise, Montpensier and An-
gouleme, rode through the streets, encou-
raging the murderers: Guise told them
that it was the king's wish ; that it was
* D'AubignG, Davila, Maiinbourg, De Thou, Mathieu,
&c, &c
t Mem. de Tavannee, p. 418. Davila, liv. 5.
j D'.vubigne, Hist. Umn. vol ii. p. 18.
4 Voltaire, Essai sur les Ouerres Civiles de France.
necessary to kill the very last of the here-
tics, and crush the race of vipers.* Ta-
vannes ferociously exclaimed, " bleed !
bleed! The doctors tell us that bleeding
is as beneficial in August as in May."f
These exhortations were not lost upon an
enraged multitude, and the different com-
panies emulated each other in atrocity.
One Cruce, a g'oldsmith, boasted of having
killed four hundred persons with his own
hands.
The massacre lasted during the whole
week, but after the third day its fury wa3
considerably abated ; indeed, on the Tues-
day a proclamation was issued for putting
an end to it, but no measures were taken
for enforcing the order: the people, how-
ever, were no longer urged on to the
slaughter.} What horrors were endured
during that time can be best described
by those who were present or contempo-
raries. Sully gives the following account
of his sufferings: — "I went to bed the
over-night very early: I was aroused
about three hours after midnight by the
noise of bells, and the confused cries of
the populace. St. Jtilien, my governor,
went out hastily with my valet-de-chambre
to learn the cause, and I have never since
heard any thing of those two men, who
were, without doubt, sacrificed among the
first to the public fury. I remained alone
dressing myself in my chamber, where a
few minutes after I observed my host
enter, pale and in consternation. He
was of the religion, and having heard '
what was the matter, he had decided on
going to mass'to save his life, and -pre-
serve his house from plunder. He came
to persuade me to do the same, and to
take me with him. I did not think fit to
follow him. I resolved on attempting to
get to the college of Burgundy, where I
studied, notwithstanding the distance of
the house where I lived from that college,
which made my attempt very dangerous.
I put on my scholar's gown, and taking a
pair of large prayer books under my arm,
I went down stairs. I was seized with
horror as I went into the street at seeing
the furious men running in every direc-
tion, breaking open the houses, and call-
ing out 'kill! massacre the Huguenots!*
"♦'EspritTde la I.igue, vol. ii. p. 48.
f Hrantome, vol. ix. p. 113.
X Lapopeliniere stales thut on the Sunday, and al-
most every day, orders were issued to slop the massacre,
but it still continued; " so that I he lastday of ihe week
was but little less remarked for murders llian tliOr
others," liv. 29, p. 67.
ESCAPE OF SULLY.
14L
and the blood which I saw shed before my
eyes redoubled my fright: I fell in with a
body of soldiers, who stopped me: I was
questioned ; they began to ill-treat me,
when the books which I carried were dis-
covered, happily for me, and served me
for a passport. Twice afterwards I fell
into the same danger, from which I was
delivered with the same good fortune. At
length I arrived at the college of Burgun-
dy: a still greater danger awaited me
there. The porter having twice refused
me admittance, I remained in the middle
of the street at the mercy of the ruffians,
whose numbers kept increasing, and who
eagerly sought for their prey ; when I
thought of asking for the principal of the
college, named Dafaye, a worthy man,
and who tenderly loved me. The porter,
gained by some small pieces of money
which I put into his hand, did not refuse
to fetch him. This good man took me to
his chamber, where two inhuman priests,
whom I heard talk of the Sicilian Vespers,
tried io snatch me from his hands, to tear
me to pieces, saying that the order was to
kill even the infants at the breast. All
that he could do was to lead me with
great secresy to a remote closet, where
he locked me in. I remained there three
whole days, uncertain of my fate, and re-
ceiving no assistance but from a servant
of this charitable man, who came from
time to time, and brought me something
to live upon."*
The Queen of Navarre has also given
an account of the dreadful night which
preceded, or rather ushered in, the mas-
sacre. She relates, that on retiring to
rest, her husband's bed was surrounded
by thirty or forty Huguenots, who were
talking all night of the accident which had
befallen the admiral, and resolved the
next morning to insist upon the king's
doing justice for them on the Guises.
No sleep was to be had under such cir-
cumstances; and before day the King of i
Navarre rose, with the intention of play-j
ing at tennis, till the king (Charles) was!
up. When the King of Navarre and his
gentlemen had retired, the queen soon |
fell asleep. In less than an hour she was
woke up by a man, striking with his
hands and feet against the door of her
chamber, and calling out Navarre! Na-
varre !— Margaret's chamber-maid opened
* Sully, liv. j.
the door, and immediately a man covered
with blood, and pursued by four soldiers,
ran in for refuge.* " He, wishing for
protection," says Margaret, " threw him-
self on my bed: I, feeling a man lay hold
of me, threw myself out at the bedside,
and hirn after me, still holding me round
the body: I did not know the man, nor
did I know if he came there to injure me,
or whether the soldiers were after him or
me; we both of us cried out, and were
both equally frightened." It was with
difficulty the queen could obtain this per-
son's pardon: the captain of the guards
conducted her to the chamber of her sis-
ter, the Duchess of Lorrain; and at the
moment of entering that apartment, a gen-
tleman was killed close to her. She al-
most fainted away, and could only be
brought to by her sister's care.t
On coming to herself the Queen of
Navarre inquired for her husband, who
on quitting his room had been conducted
to the king's presence, along with the
Prince of Conde. They were not al-
lowed to take their swords, and on the
way they saw several of their friends
murdered before them, particularly the
brave Piles, who so valiantly defended St.
Jean d'Angely. In order to frighten
them into compliance with the king's
wishes, they were made to feel the full
extent of their danger; they passed
through long lines of soldiers who were
prepared to massacre them. Charles re-
ceived them in great anger, and com-
manded them, with his usual oaths and
blasphemies, to renounce the religion
which he declared they had only taken
as a pretext for their rebellion. As the
princes, however, expressed the difficulty
they felt in changing their creed, his rage
became excessive, and he told them,
"That he would no longer be thwarted
in his wishes by his subjects; that they
ought to teach others, by their example,
to revere him as the likeness of God, and
be no longer the enemies of his mother's
images."| The Prince of Conde boldly
told him, "That he was accountable to
God alone for his religion; that his pos-
sessions and his life were in his majesty's
power, and he might dispose of them as
he pleased; but that no menaces, nor
* It wasGastnn de Levis. Viscountde Lnyran. Bran-
tome. vol. i. p. 202. D'Aubigne., vol. ii. p. 19.
t Mem. de la Reine Marguerite, p. 181.
J Sully, liv. 1.
142
ESCAPE OF THE YOUNGER LA FORCE.
even death, should make him renounce
the truth."* They were then remanded
for three days, with the information, that
if they did not become Catholics they
would be treated as guilty of high treason,
both human and divine. The King of
Navarre was, in addition, to send an order
to his states forbidding the exercise of
every religion but the Romish.t
Marshal de la Force was a child at the
time of the massacre; he has left some
memoirs of his life, and has given the
following narrative of what occurred to
him: " A horse-dealer who had seen the
Duke of Guise and his satellites go into
Admiral Coligny's house, and gliding-
through the crowd, had witnessed the
murder of that nobleman, ran immediately
to give information to M. Caumont de la
Force, to whom he had sold ten horses a
week before.
" La Force and his two sons lodged in
the faubourg St. Germain, as well as
many Calvinists. There was not then
any bridge which joined this faubourg to
the city. All the boats had been seized
by order of the court to carry over the
assassins. The horse-dealer plunged in,
swam across, and informed M. de la
Force of his danger. La Force was out
of his house, and had time enough to
save himself; but seeing his children did
not follow him, he returned to fetch them.
He had scarcely entered again when the
assassins arrived. One Martin, at their
head, entered his room, disarmed him and
his two children, and told him with dread-
ful oaths that he must die. La Force of-
fered him a ransom of two thousand
crowns; the captain accepted it; La Force
swore to pay it to him in two days, and
immediately the assassins, after having
stripped the house, told La Force and his
children to put their handkerchiefs in
their hats in the form of a cross, and made
them tuck up their right sleeves on the
shoulder: that was the token for the mur-
derers. In this state they made them
pass the river, and conducted them into
the city. The marshal declares that he
saw the river covered with dead bodies.
His father, his brother, and he landed be-
fore the Louvre: there they saw several
of their friends murdered, and among
others the brave De Piles, father of him
* D'Aubi^ne, Hist. Univ. vol. ii. p 19.
T Sully, liv. 1.
who killed in a duel the son of Malherbe.
From thence Captain Martin took his
prisoners to his house, Rue des Petits
Champs; made La Force and his sons
swear that they would not go out thence
before they had paid the two thousand
crowns; left them in the custody of two
Swiss soldiers, and went in search of
other Calvinists to massacre in the city.
" One of the Swiss, touched with com-
passion, offered the prisoners to let them
escape. La Force would do nothing of
the kind: he answered, that he had
pledged his word, and that he would
rather die than forfeit it. An aunt of his
had procured for him the two thousand
crowns, and they were going to be de-
livered to Captain Martin, when the
Count de Coeonas (the same who was
afterwards beheaded) came to tell La
Force that the Duke of Anjou wished to
speak to him. Immediately he made the
father and the children go down stairs,
bareheaded and without their cloaks. La
Force plainly saw that they were leadin
him to death: he followed Coeonas, pray-
irlg him to spare his two innocent chil-
dren. The younger (aged thirteen years,
the writer of this, and who was called
James Nompa) raised his voice, and re-
proached the murderers with their crimes,
telling them they would be punished for
it by God. In the mean time the two
children were led with their father to the
end of the Rue des Petits Champs.
They -first gave the elder several stabs;
he cried out, ' Ah, my father, Oh, my
God! I am dead.' At the same instant
the father fell upon his son's body co-
vered with wounds. The younger, co-
vered with their blood, but who by an
astonishing miracle had received no stab,
had the prudence to cry out also, ' I am
dead.' He threw himself down between
his father and brother, and received their
last sighs. The murderers believing them
all dead, went away, saying, 'There they
are all three.' Some wretehes afterwards
came to strip their bodies. The young
La Force had one stocking left; a marker
of Verdelet's Tennis Court wished to
have it: in taking it off he mused on the
body of the young child. « Aias !' said
he, 4 what a pity ! This is but a child,
what can he have done V These words
of compassion obliged the little La Force
to raise his head gently, and say, in a
IGNOMINIOUS TREATMENT OF THE CORPSE OF COLIGNY.
143
low voice, 'I am not yet dead.' The
poor man answered, ' Do not stir, child;
have patience.' In the evening, he came
to fetch him. ' Get up,' said he, ' they
are no longer here,' and put a shabby
cloak upon his shoulders. As he con-
ducted him, some of the executioners
asked him, who is that boy ? ' It is my
nephew,' said he, ' who has got drunk;
you see what a state he is in: I am going
to give him a good whipping.' At last
the poor marker took him to his house,
and asked thirty crowns for his reward.
From thence the young La Force was
taken, in the disguise of a beggar, to the
arsenal, to his relative, Marshal Biron,
grand-master of the artillery. He was
concealed some time in the girls' cham-
bers. At length, hearing that the court
were hunting after him to destroy him,
he made his escape in the dress of a page,
under the name of Beaupuy."*
Although bigotry and fanaticism were
the chief motives with the murderers,
part of the crimes committed on the oc-
casion were the effect of other bad pas-
sions, and many true Catholics were in-
a fire was placed underneath and disfi-
gured it horribly.*
It was in this state, when Charles went
with his court to indulge in the sight of
his murdered enemy: the same whom a
few days before he had called his father,
assuring him that he should always con-
sider him a faithful subject, and a brave
general. Some of the courtiers stopping
their noses on account of the smell, the
king remarked, "I do not do as you, for
the smell of a dead enemy is always
go«»d."t
Marshal Montmorency employed some
persons to take down the miserable re-
mains at night, and placed them in a se-
cret place, being afraid to trust them in
the chapel at Chantilly, lest they should
be taken away: they were afterwards in-
terred at Montauban, and subsequently,
when the decrees against Coligny's me-
mory were reversed, they were removed
to the tomb of his ancestors, at Chatillon-
sur-Loing4
They who thus insulted Coligny's re-
mains may be supposed to belong to the
lower classes; but the king gave a public
volved in the massacre: those who were approval of their conduct, and the cour-
rich were sacrificed by their heirs, and tiers endeavoured to exceed them in bru-
many fell victims to private resentments, tality. The monarch's ferocity appears
Marshals Biron and Cosse were both de- j to have been contagious, for ladies of his
voted to destruction, through the effect of court were seen descending into the
personal dislike; but Cosse found a | square of the Louvre, then filled with the
powerful intercessor in the Duke of dead bodies of Protestantgentlemen, many
Anjou's mistress; and Biron, who was ' of whom had cheerfully passed with them
commander of the Bastille, defended him- j some hours of the preceding day. It was
self by pointing' cannon against the in- by their siren-like qualities that many of
furiated mob: this attempt against him the Huguenot nobility had been drawn to
ensured his assistance for those Ilugue- ; court: they had now become harpies,
nots who sought his help.t | through the addition of cruelty to their
In the mean time Coligny's body was fanaticism and wantonness; and, tramp-
ling every proper feeling under foot, they
the object of every kind of insult. His
head was cut oft* and sent to Catherine
jested and laughed as they recognised any
what became of it afterwards is unknown: i of the murdered men. Among those who
some say it was sent to the pope, others j fell within the precincts of the palace was
to the King of Spain. X His body was | Soubise,§ whose wife had instituted a
mangled, and drawn through the streets j suit against him for a divorce, on the
during two or three days: the populace ground of impotency. His mangled body
then threw it into the river, but after- ] underwent an examination by all those
wards drew it out again, and hung it up ladies, whose barbarous curiosity was
by the heels at the gibbet of Monlfaucon;
* This narrative is inserted in the Notes of the Hen
riade: the circumstance is mentioned alto by De Thuu,
D'Aubicne anil Mezeray.
t He Thon, liv. 5'2.
I Tavannes says it was sent to Rome, Mem. p. 419:
and Felibien asserts the same, His. de Paris, vol. ii p
1119.
* Vie de Coliiny, D'Aubigne, and De Thou,
t Rrantoine. P Masson, and many others,
t Mem, de la Vie de J. A. De Thou, 14. Vie de
Coligny.
§ His name was Dupont (luillenec; but, having mar-
ried the heiress of James Parthenay, Lord of Soubise,
he assumed that name. The circumstance is mention-
ed by most writers.
144 DISSIMULATION
worthy of such an Abominable court.*
Restraint of every kind was thrown
aside; and while the men were victims
of bigoted fury, the women were exposed
to the violence of lust.f
The Count de Coconas boasted of
having rescued from the populace thirty
Protestants, to whom he promised their
lives if they would recant. He after-
wards put them all to death in a lingering
way. J
About seven or eight hundred persons
had taken refuge in the prisons, thinking
to find shelter under the wings of justice;
but the captains placed there had them
brought out to an open spot, when they
were knocked on the head and thrown
into the river.§
Guise considered it his interest to give
shelter in his hotel to a few Huguenots,
and even Tavannes spared some who
fell in his way. When they were
speaking of it in the Louvre, others re-
plied, fiercely: " It was betraying them,
it was betraying God and the king to
spare the heretics: if they are less nume-
rous, vengeance gtyes them more force:
Coligny is no more, but the King of Na-
varre and the Prince of Conde survive:
they will soon escape from the court;
and the church has every thing to fear
from such converts. We must still fight;
we must seek under the walls of Ro-
chelle and Montauban those who have
been suffered to escape from Pans, from
Provence, Languedoc, and other pro-
vinces. While we grow weary, they
hate us the more, and they have almost
ceased to fear us."|| Thus the murder of
so many of their countrymen appeared in
their view only an imperfect piece of
policy unless it were well followed up.
In attempting to detail the particulars
of this dreadful event, or rather series of
events, it is impossible to describe each
circumstance in its chronological order.
The reader must therefore excuse those
retrograde steps which are unavoidable in
such a narrative; perhaps the preponde-
* De Thou, liv 52. vol. vi. p 402.
t Brantome. vol. i. p. 303. " Je cognois denx grandes
dames Huguenottes. lesquels an massacre de la St. Bar-
thelemi souft'rirent la charge de quel<jHesuns que je scay
bien, cartout estoit lors a I'abandon," &c.
I L'Estoile, vol. i. p 32. Montfilave, Hist, dcs Can-
jarations lies Jesuites. In this work [ find the fnllowine
passage : "The Jesuits were very busy, and encouraged
the people to murder: their house had been a rondezvous
for some time previous "
§ Mezeray, Mbrege Cliron.
S Lacretelle, Hist, des Ouerres de Religion, vol. II.
OF THE KING.
ranee of his sensibility may cause a wish
that a mere outline had been given, which
would have spared him an account of
events so painful to humanity, so dis-
graceful to the cause they were intended
to benefit. The historian, however, is
bound to relate the whole truth; and,
when he treats of those circumstances
which affected the happiness of a nation,
he should exhibit every crime in its full
deformity. We have seen the wretched
Charles falter in giving the fatal order,
and we find him countermanding it when
too late: we must trace his behaviour
through the whole transaction.
In spite of the assertions of Romish
writers, that their church had nothing to
do with the massacre, it is very clear that
a zeal to support that religion was the
chief motive of Charles IX. He told
Ambrose Pare on the day of the massa-
cre, that the time was arrived when everv
one must become Catholic;* and it ap-
pears that his repugnance to it entirely
ceased when the King of Navarre and the
Prince of Conde showed a reluctance to
change their religion. His bigotry, meet-
ing with obstacles, became inflamed to
such a degree, that his impetuous temper
disdained all bounds, and he was as fu-
rious as any of the inferior murderers in
the city. From his window in the Louvre
he perceived some persons making their
escape across the river, and actually fired
at them, but happily without effect; call-
ing out to those who pursued them, " Kill!
kill!" not wishing, says Brantome, that
any should escape.t
But before the day had elapsed,
Charles reflected that so much bloodshed
required some account to be given, or all
Europe would resound with indignation
against him. On the evening of the 24th,
despatches were sent to all the governors
of the provinces, informing them of the
death of Coligny, and the troubles which
had occurred in Paris; attributing every
thing to the feud which had so long sub-
sisted between Guise and the admiral,
and stating that the populace in their en-
thusiasm for the Guises could not be re-
strained.! The governors were ordered
to make proclamation, that the edict of
* Sully, liv. 1.
+ Brantome, vol. ix. p. 427.
I See every historian except Lapopeliniere, who
passes it unnoticed. The Abbe Caveyrac gives a copy
of the proclamation.
DISSIMULATION OF THE KING.
145
pacification should be maintained, and in
order to shift the blame entirely from
himself, be added: — "I ain with the
King of Navarre, my brother, and my
cousin, the Prince of Conde: if they are
in any danger, I am determined to share
it with them."* In one letter he went
so far as to say, that he had joined with
the King of Navarre and the Prince of
Conde to avenge the death of his cousin
the admiral. t
This pretence, however, was too shal-
low to last; and, besides, the Guises had
sufficient influence to compel the king to
acknowledge the share he had in the
massacre. Charles was easily persuaded,
moreover, that his proclamation would
not only be disbelieved, but that he would
expose himself to contempt, by making
it appear that he had not authority
enough to compel the Guises to obey
him, nor strength nor resolution suffi-
cient to punish such a crime. He there-
fore changed his plan, and on Tuesday
he went to the parliament, and there
held a bed of justice.
. As the king was so eager to send off
his fust proclamation, it might have been
expected that no time would be lost in
justifying his conduct after he had shift-
ed his ground; but a whole day was
passed over. The vacillation of the
court is a proof of guilt. Charles was
unprepared with measures; and the ori-
ginal plan having failed, by Colisny not
being killed on the 22d, every thing was
hastily concerted, and badly executed.
When the admiral was dead, his house
was ransacked; but all his papers were
sent to the Louvre, where they were ex-
amined, in order to find materials for an
accusation against him. Some memoirs
on different subjects were then discover-
ed; among others, one to persuade
Charles to make war against the Eng-
lish. Catherine showed that to Wal-
singham, the English ambassador, who
only despised her for her baseness in re-
sorting to such means for stopping his
complaints against her treachery. Ano-
ther paper demonstrated the danger
which the state would incur, if the king
bestowed an appanage on the Duke of
Alengon. This was shown to that
prince, who had a great partiality for Co-
* p'AnbignC, vol. ii. p. 22, and De Thou, liv. 52
f fllezeray, Abreni Chron.
13
ligny. After reading it, he observed, " 1
do not know whether the writer is any
friend to me, but certainly he is a faith-
ful subject."*
On the 20th, the king, accompanied by
a numerous suite, went early to hear
mass, and return thanks to God for so
happy an event. He then summoned
all the court to hold a bed of justice. f
There, unmindful of his declaration and
letters, which had attributed the massacre
to a sudden tumult, he entered into a
long complaint of the conspiracy of the
admiral and his friends, and declared that
the massacre had taken place by his
orders, as the only means of.preventing
the destruction of himself and all the
royal family, not excepting the King of
Navarre. He concluded, by giving
orders to investigate the conspiracy of
the admiral and his accomplices, that the
prisoners might be punished, and the
memory of the dead stigmatized.]: The
counsellors could not venture to raise
doubts upon the charges made by the
king in person, although they considered
that, if they were maintainable by proof,
the parliament ought to have been sum-
moned on the first day. Still they could
not receive such a communication with-
out reply; and the chief president, De
Thou, had to express his approbation of
what he strongly condemned. The
words which he used on the occasion
would, under any other circumstances,
have been insulting: he praised the king
for having acted upon the precept of
Louis XI. — He who cannot dissemble is
not fit to rrign.^ But Charles could not
take offence at what had been his public
boast; and we are assured by Brantome
that he said, " Have not I played my
game well ? Have not I known how to
dissemble ? Have not I well learned the
lesson and the Latin of my ancestor,
King Louis XI. ?"||
Pibrac, the King's advocate, then
asked if his majesty would be pleased to
have the event registered in parliament,
to perpetuate the memorial of it, and if
he proposed reforming the ecclesiastic
and judicial orders: he also begged that
the murders should be discontinued.
* De Thou, liv. 52.
t Lapopeliniere, liv. 29, p. 67.
% Ibid. Davila, liv. 5.
\ D'Aubignt, vol. ii. p. 24. De Thou, liv. 52.
|| Branloine, vol. ix. p. 424.
146
DISSIMULATION OF THE KING.
The king consented to the first proposi-
tion, promised to consider of the second,
and made proclamation by sound of
trumpet, forbidding any one to kill ano-
ther person.
On the 28th, letters and a proclama-
tion were sent to all parts, by which
the king declared himself the author of
the massacre. The edict contained long
charges against the admiral and his
friends; declared that the edict of pacifi-
cation should be maintained; but, at the
same time, prohibited the exercise of the
reformed religion, until the king shall
have provided for the tranquillity of the
kingdom.* The parliament afterwards
passed a decree, convicting the admiral
of treason, condemning him as a distur-
ber of the peace, and an enemy of the
public safety. His memory was de-
clared infamous, his property confiscated,
and his family degraded to plebeian rank;
his body (and if that could not be found,
his effigy) was ordered to be drawn on a
hurdle, hung up at the Greve, and then
fixed on the gibbet at Montfaucon. His
portraits and arms were every where to
tie destroyed by the public executioner,
and his house at Chatillon was to be
razed, and the trees cut down. The de-
cree farther declared, that in future, on
the anniversary of h'is death, general pro-
cessions should be made, to thank God
for the discovery of this conspiracy.
In the conduct of Charles IX. it is diffi-
cult to decide whether his cruelty or his
dissimulation is most detestable. His
own edicts, which closely followed each
other, were very contradictory; but it is
asserted by an authority, not to be reject-
ed in this case,t that, the day after his
proclamation commanding every one to
remain tranquil, he despatched Catholics
of note to all the considerable towns,
with verbal orders quite contrary. I His
desire of exterminating the Huguenots
was also unabated, although he had pub-
lished orders, by sound of trumpet, for-
bidding any farther slaughter, " After the
fete was over," says Brantome, " which
lasted the week, the king being at table,
Tavannes came to him, when he said,
* Lapopeliniere, liv. Si), p. I>7.
f The Abbe Anquetil. Esprit de la Ligue, vol. ii. p. 52
t The parliament of Rouen was proceeding in an in-
quiry respecting llie slaughter which had taken place
within th^ir jurisdiction ; but the kin? ordered that
body to delist from the attempt. D'Aubigne, vol. ii. p.
' Marshal, we have not yet done with
these Huguenots, although we have well-
thinned the race: we must go to Rochelle
and Guyenne.' 'Sire,' said Tavannes,
'do not give yourself any trouble; I will
soon finish them with the aimy which
you have proposed to give me.' "*
But without taking into account the
difference between the declarations and
the actions of the king, the discordance
between the studied excuses made on
four occasions is sufficient to condemn
him. Elizabeth had sent an extraordi-
nary embassy to Paris, and Charles gave
the Earl of Worcester an account of the
massacre. He. afterwards wrote to La-
molie-Fenelon, his ambassador in Lon-
don, giving him the conversation at(
length. His defence then assumed was,
that, having discovered a dreadful con-
spiracy, he was obliged to permit what
had taken place. He said that it was
out of his power to act in a legal way,
as he was in great danger; and the con-
spiracy being on the point of execution,
he had not time to investigate and pursue
the conspirators, according to the forms
of justice; but was constrained, to his
great regret, to strike the blow which had
taken placet
Another attempt to palliate the king's
conduct was made by Montluc, bishop of
Valence, in an address to the Diet of Po-
land. Monduc had quitted Paris before
the massacre, he must therefore have re-
ceived his instructions from the court;
and as this speech was not delivered till
several months after, it was not the result
of any communication hastily made
during the disturbed state of the court of
France.! The bishop in his speech
went into a detail of all the advantages
which the Poles would derive from
having a French prince for their king.
But as reports of the massacre had
spread into every kingdom, he consider-
ed it necessary to vindicate the King of
France from the charge of tyranny and
cruelty. " You cannot find," said he,
any trace of cruelty during the whole
twelve years of the reign of our king,
whom they call a tyrant and cruel. No
one has ever by his commands been
* Branlorne, Vie de Tarnnnes.
t D israeli, Curiosities of Literature, &c, quoted by
Dr. Lingard.
t It was spoken 10th April, 1573. Lapopeliniere gives
It at length in his History, liv. 35, pp. 162, etseq.
EMBASSY OF DE RETZ TO ENGLAND.
147
killed or wounded, or stripped of his pro-
perty. Hut they endeavour by calum-
nies, foolishly and impudently invented,
to impute the death of the late admiral
and some other gentlemen to the king's
cruelty, to which he has always been
averse. But it is very easy to refute their
calumny by a single word; for their not
having been killed before, is a sure ar-
gument that the king never had it in his
heart to do so. A hundred times he has
had them near him at court, and espe-
cially at Blois a year since, where they
might have been massacred very con-
veniently without any fear of danger, be-
cause the blame of it would very proba-
bly have fallen on the Duke of Guise,
who complained of his father having
been treacherously killed by order of the
admiral. In this complaint were joined
his near relations and connexions, as
also the Dukes of Montpensier, Ne-
mours, and Nevers, who for certain pri-
vate offences had become his declared
mortal enemies. But what has occurred
in Paris has certainly been by accident,
which suddenly made it spring up, with-
out any one being able to foresee it; and
contrary to the hopes and opinions of
every body. For grievously as they
had offended the king, and were even
then accused of high treason for having
conspired, still the king, who by his na-
ture is more inclined to clemency, would
have preferred seizing their persons to
murdering them. His advice was that
the whole affair should be investigated;
the business, however, to be reserved for
the cognizance of the parliament of Pa-
ris. But, as it commonly happens in
tumults, on a sudden the people, swelled
with fury, became excited; and then the
affair took place otherwise than was de-
sired, and the king was very angry and
troubled on account of it."
The Count de Retz was sent to Eng-
land on an embassy i/i May, 1573. His
mission had two principal objects: to dis-
suade the queen from helping the Pro-
testants in Rochelle, and to refute the
accounts of the cruelty of the massacres
in France. Elizabeth received the am-
bassador with great respect, and went
towards Dover to meet him.* He as-
sumed a defence quite opposite to those
* Lapopelinicre, liv. 34, p. 159, The speech delivered
Uy De&elz ig alco given at length,
preceding, and vindicated the king's con-
duct in conspiring against Coligny. He
represented that the admiral was much
better accompanied than the king him-
self; and that thus making a greater ap-
pearance than his master, the king could
not suffer in him what she (Elizabeth)
would not consider proper in any of her
nobles. De Retz displayed great fami-
liarity with ancient' history, and gave ex-
amples of the danger which such ambi-
tion caused. " The king, my master,"
added he, "had examples more recent
and remarkable than those to warn him
of the admiral's overgrown power. For
lie had learned that the indolence of for-
mer kings had given too much opportu-
nity to the Pepins, the most ambitions of
their time, to aspire to the crown, which
they finally usurped." Having shown
how the Capets took the place of Pepin's
race, he enlarged on the utility of the
ostracism of the Athenians, which was
an excellent plan for preventing any one
from becoming dangerous by his popu-
larity: but that not being practicable in
these times, " the king was advised to
destroy the roots of his greatness, and
with the same hand cut down what had
already sprung up: this he considered
could not be done more effectually than
by the death of him whose interest and
resources were too much suspected
throughout the kingdom." This state-
ment made Elizabeth inquire for what
reason the massacre had included so
many other persons, innocent of such
ambition, and many of them incapable of
bearing arms. De Retz replied by as-
suring her that the number of killed was
not the fourth part of what had been told
her, and referred her to Walsingham for
corroboration.
The Swiss had felt and expressed
much indignation at the king's conduct
to the Protestants, and Bellievie was
sent to Baden in December, 1572, to ex-
plain the affair in a favourable manner.
He commenced a long speech by ex-
plaining the peril to which the kingdom
was exposed from the admiral's ambition,
so that his punishment could not be de-
ferred; and unfortunately some of his
majesty's subjects who professed the new
religion were sacrificed with him. But
Bellievre was commissioned equally by
the Guises to clear their character: hq
148
MIRACULOUS ESCAPES OF SOME OF THE PROTESTANTS.
therefore spares no effort to blacken Co-
ligny's character, and dwells upon Mau-
revel requiring no incitement to kill the
admiral, as lie considered himself in dan-
ger of assassination, at the instigation of
Coligny, rrho had always more murder-
ers in his pay than were to be found in
the rest of France. He then showed
that the Huguenots were better prepared
to take the field than the king; "and it
was resolved to arm the people and pu-
nish the admiral and his accomplices."*
Had Charles IX. been actuated by any
motive which admitted an avowal, he
would not so continually have shifted his
ground; but his excuses were always at
variance with each other. Supposing
any one of them to be true, there is then
great room for condemning his conduct,
even on the hypothesis most favourable
to his character: but unsupported and
contradictory as they are, we can only
reject them all as false; and if any per-
sons feel interested in removing the spots
of infamy which disfigure Charles's me-
mory, they must endeavour to prove
false, not only the accounts given by Hu-
guenot writers, but also those in favour
of the persecuting king.
It is curious that a very learned indi-
vidual, who has lately become conspi-
cuous in the discussion of this subject,
should use this identical argument to prove
the contrary propositions. " Whence
arise these contradictory explanations
imagined by the Court? Suppose the
massacre a sudden and unexpected mea-
sure, and they are easily accounted for. "I
But if we admit that it was sudden and
unexpected, we must suppose some vio-
lent impulse to have caused such a mea-
sure; and it is the contradiction that per-
vades the accounts of sucli impulse
which discredits every apology for
Charles IX.
CHAPTER XXIX.
Massacres in the Provinces.
The Huguenots were so unprepared
for any defence at the time of this trea-
cherous attack upon them, that out of
near seven hundred persons of rank who
were murdered, most of them experi-
enced soldiers and of approved courage,
only one (Guerchy) died with his sword
in his hand; he fought for a long time
with the assassins, and was at last over-
powered by numbers. Taverny, a law-
yer, aided by his valet, defended his
dwelling for nine hours, which was the
only resistance met with in pillaging so
many houses.* Had a few others done
the same, the whole body would have
had time to rally: but they seemed
equally unable to defend themselves or
to fly; their faculties were benumbed,
and they were completely in the power
of the murderers.
There were, however, a considerable
number that escaped destruction in spite
of the vigilance of their enemies. On
the day after Coligny's death, the Duke
of Anjou quitted the Louvre at the head
of his guards and traversed the town and
suburbs to force open the houses. " But
he found," relates Davila, "that either
the greater part of the Huguenots were
already dead, or that, frightened, they had
placed in their hats the white cross for a
token, as all the Catholics wore it; or
that they tried to save their lives by con-
cealing themselves in the best possible
manner. For if, by chance, going through
the street, they were pointed out, or re-
cognised in any manner, the people im-
mediately fell upon them and threw them
into the river. "t And another writer in-
forms us that many put the white cross
in their hats, and went to mass through
terror.}
Montgomery and the Vidame of Char-
tres, who lodged in the faubourg St. Ger-
main, were early informed of what was
passing in the city, but could scarcely be-
lieve it, thinking the Guises with a mob
were attacking the Louvre. They went
to the river intending to cross, and then
discovered their mistake, as they could
plainly seethe soldiers approaching them
in boats. They lost no time in taking
horse with a few followers, and escaped
into Normandy, from whence they passed
over to England. Their delay nearly
proved fatal ; for at the dawn the Dukes
of Guise, Nevers, Aumale, and others,
* Vi II troy, Mem. it El at. vol. vii. p 189.
t Dr. Lingaril's Vindication, &c. p. C'J.
* D'Aubigne. vol. ii. p. 23. Pasqnier, vol. ii. p. 133.
t Davila, liv. 5.
j Maimbourg, Hist. Du Calvinismc, liv. 6.
MASSACRES IN THE PROVINCES.
149
Well attended, set out to wake up those I Vezins, "be so mean as not to resent
who slept in the faubourg, and wishing the perfidy of the court ?" "Whatever
to go out by the gate on that side were others may do," answered Resnier, " I
delayed, because the porter, having should be ungrateful to you were I to re-
brought a key in mistake, was obliged to sent it." Vezins sternly replied: "I
return to his house to look for the right ; love courage both in an enemy and a
one. Guise sent a party in pursuit of the friend. I leave you at liberty to love or
fugitives as far as Montfort.* He had i to hate me; and I have biought you hU
promised Catherine to avenge the death ther, merely to enable you to make the
of her husband as soon as he had ob- 1 choice." Without staying to prolong
tainerl justice for his own father. t j the conversation, Vezins spurred his
Persons were sent to Chatillon to lay | horse and rode of!"."*
hold of Coligny's family, Andelot's son, ! D'Aubigne had arrived a short time
and some others who were there; but previous to the massacre, in order to ob-
they had succeeded in making their j tain permission to go into Flanders; but
escape, and arrived safe at Geneva. + having wounded an officer, who tried to
The widow of Teligny, the admiral's arrest him for being concerned in a duel,
daughter, afterwards married the Prince i he was obliged to fly, and meeting with
of Orange, who also fell by the dagger Langoiran, they both quitted Paris, three
of fanaticism. days before it took place. When the
Merlin, the admiral's chaplain, attempt- ! melancholy news of what had occurred
ed to escape along with Teligny, bv ! reached him, he was accompanied by
crossing the tops of the houses: he fell j eighty of his men; but their spirits were
into a loft, and lay more than three days so dejected on the occasion, that they
concealed by the hay: his only suste- j were seized with a panic and tied, merely
nance during that time was an egg, which because some one hallooed to them at
a hen laid every morning close to him. § a distance. The same men, however,
Resnier's escape was astonishing: he showed soon after that they had not lost
was saved by Vezins, a man who had their intrepidity, by attacking a very con-
often vowed his death, and whose cha- 1 siderable force with success.t
racter was a guarantee for his fulfilling In the mean time a retreat from Paris
it. Resnier naturally expected that his afforded but little security, for the massa-
enemy would not suffer the present op- ere was extended to the provinces. And
portunity to pass, and was fearfully again, we find the subject entangled with
awaiting him, when Vezins entered his controversy; for, notwithstanding the
apartment with his sword in his hand, general belief that orders were sent to
accompanied by two soldiers. " Follow kill the Huguenots in the provinces (and
me!" said he to Resnier, who passed be- this opinion is supported by numerous
tween the satellites, fully satisfied that-he Catholic authorities.) two writers strenu-
was going to death. Vezins made him ously contend that Charles was no partv
mount on horseback, and conducted him to it.J " The sufferers believed, as they
to his chateau at Quercy. On their ar- were not protected, they were persecuted
rival he thus addressed him: "You are by the commands of the court. But the
now safe: I could have taken advantage memory of Charles needs not to bo
of this opportunity to avenge myself, but loaded with additional infamy. There
between brave men the danger ought to is no evidence that the other massacres
be equal; it is for that reason that I have had his sanction or permission; and
saved you. When you please, you will vv"hen we consider that they happened at
find me ready to finish our quarrel as he- very different periods, and were confined
comes a gentleman." Resnier replied by to the places in which the blood of Ca-
protestations of gratitude, begged his tholics had been wantonly spilt, during
friendship, and asked for an opportunity the preceding insurrections, we shall al-
to serve him, " Can the Huguenots," said tribute them rather to sudden ebullitions
* I.apnpolini.ire. liv. 2Q. D.'Aubignci, vol. ii. p. 19.
t Bassompiwrre, Jfouceav,z Mem p. 110.
t Da Vila, liv 5.
§ D'Aubignu, Hist. Univ. vol. ii. p. 32.
* n<-. Thou, liv. 52. D/Anbigne, vr.l. ii. p. 23.
+ D'Aubigne, Mem., p. 31.— Amsterdam, 1731.
I j The Abbe Caveyrac and Dr. Lingard.
13*
150
HORRORS COMMITTED AT LYONS.
of popular vengeance, than to any pre- i
viously concerted and general plan."*
Whether the events took place by the
spontaneous feelings of the people, or in
consequence of the king's orders, will
not be discussed at this moment: the
events themselves are not denied; the
massacres at Meaux, Angers, Bourges,
Orleans, Toulouse, and Rouen were ter-
rible; and besides these places most of
the small towns, villages, and even cha-
teaux became scenes of carnage. It was
not so violent in Burgundy and Brittany,
because there were but few Huguenots;
nor in Languedoc, nor Gascony, because
they were sufficiently numerous to pro-
tect themselves.! But it was at Lyons
that the worst ferocity was displayed;
for the Guises had a strong party in that
town. Mandelot, the governor, having
learned that some Huguenots had escaped
the vigilance of the murderers, and yield-
ing to positive orders received from the
court, wished to compel the public exe-
cutioner to put them to death; but the
man bravely replied, that he was not an
assassin, and worked only according to
the orders of justice. J
De Thou's picture of the horrors com-
mitted at Lyons is heart-rending. He
estimates the victims at eight hundred:
but another contemporary makes the
number four thousand; and mentions that
a butcher who had signalized himself in
the massacres was invited to dine with
the legate on his passage through Lyons. §
There may be some exaggeration here:
it is however recorded elsewhere, that
when Cardinal Orsini arrived soon after
as legate, he found a concourse of people
on their knees before him, as he quitted
the church of St. John, after vespers.
Upon inquiry into the cause for which
his absolution was demanded, he learned
that they were the perpetrators of the
late massacres: he instantly acceded to
their request; and as the principal mur-
derer, Boydon, would not receive his
pardon so publicly, he waited upon the
legate, who absolved him in his cham-
ber. ||
All the circumstances connected with
t liis terrible scene have been critically
* Dr. Lin;ard. History of England. Note E. vol. viii.
edit, in §vo.
t Mezera'y, in lot. t De Thou, liv. 54.
5 Chronologie de 1'Hist. de Lyons.
{ Mem. de l'Etat. de France.
examined by a modern writer;* and it
results, that Mandelot's character is such
as might be expected from a partisan of
the Guises. It appears from this opus-
cule, that his letters to Charles IX. have
been preserved in the Royal Library;
and that, within two days after the mas-
sacre, he solicited a share of the confis-
cated property. Some of the king's let-
ters to him were destroyed; but the go-
vernor's replies abound with allusions,
that remove all doubt respecting the san-
guinary nature of the royal instructions.
Several of the governors of provinces
refused to lend themselves to such cru-
elty, and would not obey the king's or-
ders; for the secret council had de-
spatched letters to the governors of the
towns, in which the Protestants were nu-
merous, ordering them to plunder those
of the religion. t The Count de Tendes
preserved the Protestants of Provence,
observing, when he received the king's
letter, " That it could not be his majes-
ty's orders."! St. Heran de Montme-
rin, governor of Auvergne, addressed the
king in the following terms: " Sire, I have
received an order under your majesty's
seal, to put to death all the Protestants
who are in the province. I respect your
majesty too much to suppose the letters
are other than forgeries; and if (which
God forbid) the order has really emanated
from your majesty, I have still too much
respect for you to obey it."§ The Vis-
count d'Orthez, who commanded at Ba-
yonne, wrote a letter no less spirited: —
" Sire, I have communicated your majes-
ty's commands to the faithful inhabitants,
and to the garrison; I have found among
them good citizens, and brave soldiers,
but not one executioner. They and my-
self most humbly entreat your majesty
to employ our arms and our lives in
things possible; and however hazardous
they may be, we will devote thereto the
last drop of our blood. "|| The Viscount
d'Orthez and the Count de Tendes died
suddenly a short time after; and the pre-
valent opinion was, that they fell victims
to the king's resentment.^
The Bishopof Lizieux, James Hennuyer,
* Fericaut, Notice de Mandelot, Lyons, ]fc!28.
t Mem. de Tavanriee, p. 418.
t Brantnme, vol. vii. p 109.
tj Voltaire, Essai sur les Overres Cicilcs de France.
|| D'Aiibigne, De Thou, Sully.
If De Thou, hv. 52.
THE KING'S ORDERS RESISTED AT NISMES, &C.
151
also behaved in a merciful manner, and
displayed a truly Christian disposition.
He was originally a Dominican, and had
been confessor to Henry II. : on the death
of that king he was made Bishop of Li-
zieux. For twelve years he had watched
over his people, imparting to them the be-
nelit of his learning, and the advantages
of his example in mildness and piety, when
the king's lieutenant came to communicate
the orders he had received, to massacre
all the Huguenots of Lizieux. "No! no!
sir," said the Bishop to him: "I oppose,
and I will always oppose the execution of
such an order, to which I cannot consent.
I am pastor of the church of Lizieux, and
the people you say you are commanded
to slay are my flock. Although they are
at present wanderers, having strayed from
the fold which has been confided to me by
Jesus Christ, the sovereign pastor, they
may nevertheless return, and I do not give
up the hope of seeing them come back.
1 do not perceive in the gospel, that the
shepherd ought to suffer the blood of his
sheep to be shed; on the contrary, I there
find that he is bound to shed his blood,
and to give his life for them. Return then
with this order, which shall never be exe-
cuted so long as I live." "But," said the
lieutenant, " for my justification, you must
give me, in writing, your refusal to let me
act according to the king's orders." The
Bishop willingly gave rhe document re-
quired, and agreed to incur all the respon-
sibility of it. No further orders arrived
from court.* This amiable conduct of the
bishop overcame all opposition, and most
of the Protestants of that place returned to
the Catholic church, giving an unequivocal
example of the efficacy of mildness, and its
superiority to persecution in subduing
enemies.
Gordes, governor of Dauphiny, having
received a written order, which revoked
all the verbal communications, wrote to
the king, saying that he had received no
verbal order; to which the king replied,
that he need not trouble himself, for they
were given only to some who were about
him.+ All these tend to prove that the
king did issue orders in the provinces: be-
sides, if it had depended upon popular
fury, the massacres would have occurred
immediately after the arrival of the news
* Maimftourg, Hist du Calvinisme, liv. (j.
t Lingard, Vindication, &c.
from Paris; whereas, the time which was
[ occupied in awaiting the result of sponta-
neous feeling excited by example, and
sending orders where requisite, makes
it still more probable that the massacres
were ordered by the king. But we have,
in addition, the evidence of Tavannes on
this point. " Many towns of the king-
dom killed not only the leaders and fac-
tious, hi they had been commanded, but
behaved with the unbridled license of the
Parisians."* And De Thou, who was
in a situation to be well informed, de-
clares that verbal orders were sent.f
Davila goes so far as to say, that on
the day which preceded this dreadful ex-
ecution, the king despatched several
couriers to different parts of the kingdom,
with express orders to the governors of
the towns and provinces to do the same.J
And this assertion is supported by a
journal, which was kept by Mallet and
Vautier, inhabitants of Senlis, in which,
town no massacre took place. They
simply state, "That on the arrival of
orders from Paris against the Huguenots,
on the 24th of .August (the very day of
the St. Bartholomew,) the inhabitants
assembled, and having a horror of dip-
ping their hands in the blood of their fel-
low citizens, they only enjoined them to
quit the town, which was done without
noise and without tumult. "§
The orders of the court arrived at Nis-
mes in the evening of the 29th of Au-
gust Guillaume Villar, the consul of
that city, immediately shut the gates,
that no stranger might enter, and con-
fided the superintendence of that charge
to two eminent citizens, one a Protest-
ant, the other a Catholic. He then con-
voked a meeting, which was attended by
the principal residents belonging to each
religion; and, in an eloquent address,
showed the necessity of union in their
terrible situation. He called upon all
present to swear they would maintain
order, and prevent any violence; each
pledging himself to protect the others,
without distinction of religion. By this
laudable measure, Nismes was spared
the prevailing horrors.||
The events at Toulouse form a melan-
* Tavannes, p. 41!).
t De Thou. liv. 52.
X Davila, liv. 5.
§ This Journal is quoted in Esprit, de la Liguc, vol. ii.
p 57.
|| Menard, Hist, dc JVismes, vol. v. pp. 71, 72.
152
BARBARITIES AT TOULOUSE.
choly contrast with what precedes.! with seven or eight of the rabble, armed
There, the barbarity displayed was ag-l with axes, cutlasses, &c, proceeded to
gravated by a long detention, completely the Conciergerie, by order t)f the advo-
destroying all pretext of a hasty move- cate-general, and, having made the pri-
ment. The news of tbe massacre in soners descend one by one, murdered
Paris was kept secret for some days, as them at the foot of the steps, without
the parliament and the capitouls were giving any time to speak or pray. There
undecided how they should act. On;were three hundred killed in that man-
Sunday, the 31st of August, all the gates' ner. They were stripped, and their
were shut, with the exception of a post-, bodies remained in the court of the pa-
errand trustworthy persons were placed ! lace for two whole days, after which
to watch those who entered or went out. j they were thrown into a trench. The
Some Protestants had gone early in the counsellors were hanged in their robes
morning, for worship, to a village called ; before the palace; and the bodies of the
Castanet. They became suspicious, and; victims were abandoned to pillage. Or-
were inclined to keep away from the ; ders were afterwards issued to all places
town. Others returned, leaving their i in the dependencies of Toulouse to do
swords at the gate. The next day the the same.*
president Daphis sent for several coun-i The news of the massacre created a
sellors residing in the environs, as their great sensation throughout Europe. The
absence gave rise to rumours. It was indignation which it excited was aecom-
true, he said, that there had been a mas- panied by terror; for it seemed the sig--
sacre in Paris; but it had arisen out of alnal of a crusade against the Protestants,
private quarrel, and that the king would I The English were far from esteeming
not infringe the edict of pacification, i their insular position a guarantee: they
Some returned, but others, more wary, had experience of the impervious cha-
withdrew to Montauban. racter of Romish intrigue, in the different
On the 2d of September, in order to ' manoeuvres (not to say plots) on behalf
quiet those in the town, and attract those of Mary Queen of Scots: and the pre-
who were outside, there was published, j tended rupture between France and
by sound of trumpet, a prohibition against Spain, which vanished as soon as its ob-
molesting any of the religion: for decep- ject was accomplished, made them dread
tive purposes, great pomp was displayed either an immediate attack from Philip
on that occasion. The president, find- ill., or a general revolt of the papists in
i ng that many Protestants still kept away,! Great Britain. This alarm was increased
resolved to seize those in his power: and by the absence of news from their ani-
on the morning of the 3d of September,! bassador, Walsingham, whose messen-
the troops, divided into several bodies, ger had been detained by some accident,
broke into the houses, seized the Pro- The fugitives, hourly arriving, gave
testauts, and confined them in the pri- dreadful, often exaggerated, details; and
sons and convents. A general order was, an account of his death was generally
issued for their arrest; and those con-J expected. Walsingham was one of the
cealed were to be given up. Five coun-;most experienced statesmen of the age:
sellors were thus captured. The victims; his penetration was remarkable, and he
remained in the prisons during three constantly employed a number of spies ;
weeks, after which they were collected but the massacre took him by surprise,
in the Conciergerie; and, on the 3d of i His life, however, was in no danger; for
October, orders came from Paris, that his house was protected by order of
the execution was to be no longer delay- Catherine, and all the English who had
ed. The parliament still hesitated; and presence of mind to take shelter there
the president, perceiving an unwilling- were safe.
ness among the counsellors, said, "Do Lamotte-Fenelon, the French ambas-
as you please, and say what you think sador in London, was ordered to give an
fit; but for my part, I shall set about ex- account of the motives which had caused
editing, in the king's name, what my! the massacre: he was received by the
charsre and mv duty command." On the | ~~ ; . „ , : ,„„ , ,,.,„
uiaigu wiu m i 1 . . * Chromquede Castrcs, par un Anonvme, 1500,u lb 10.
next day, before sunrise, two students, I ms. uib. Koyaie, No. in.
REJOICING
queen and the court in deep mourning,
and nothing more was said to him than
civility and etiquette required.
The French Protestants were crying
out for aid, and the nation at large was
anxious to help them: Walsingham in-
formed his sovereign that the friendship
of Catherine de Medieis was more dan-
gerous than her enmity; but Elizabeth
persisted in refusing help to the sufferers,
and even permitted the proposal of a
marriage with the Duke of Alengon. It
must however be said, in justice to this
queen, that she would not hastily risk a
war, which at that time might cause slill
more injury to the Protestant interest:
and that, while she suffered the empty
forms of negotiation to be pursued, she,
being decided on refusing every offer of
marriage, was careful to send such secret
information as kept alive the hopes of the
Huguenots.
All the princes of Europe expressed
their indignation on the occasion, except
two: the King of Spain and the pope.
A courier, with an account of the mas-
sacre, was sent off to Philip II., who,
although pleased with the event, could
not conceal his regret that the King of
Navarre and the Prince of Conde had
been spared. Having read the letter, he
sent it to the admiral of Castile, who re-
ceived it while at supper, and thinking to
promote the cheerfulness of his guests,
he read it to them. The Duke of Infan-
tado, who was present, is stated to have
asked if the admiral and his friends were
Christians. And on receiving an answer
in the affirmative: "How is it then, that,
being Frenchmen and Christians, they
should have been killed like brutes?"
"Gently, duke," said the admiral; "do
you not know that war in France is
peace for Spain ?"* This dreadful event
put an end to Philip's fears for Flanders,
at least for the present; and policy recon-
ciles a tyrant to the worst of crimes.
At Rome great rejoicing took place:
the Cardinal of Lorrain liberally rewarded
the messenger, and questioned him, like a
person informed beforehand. t The Car-
dinal Alexandrin had made no secret of
expecting the news of a great victory
gained over the heretics, and exclaimed
when it arrived, "The king of France
* Brantome, vol. viii. p. 189.
t Esprit de la Ligue , vol. ii. p. 65.
AT ROME. 153
has kept his word!"* The pope went
in a grand procession, performed high
mass with all the splendour of his court,
and ordered a Te Deum to be sung in
order to celebrate the event; the firing of
cannon at the same time announced the
irlad tidings to the neighbouring villages.
A medal was struck, bearing on one side
the head of Gregory XIII., and on the
other the exterminating angel striking
the Protestants, with this inscription:
" Hugftmotorurn Stragrs, 1572."t
Here ought to finish the discussion of
this sanguinary subject; and here it
would finish, had not its continuation
been rendered necessary by the incon-
siderate zeal of the advocates of popery,
who, instead of excusing these excesses,
by attributing them to the ferocious man-
ners of the age, (in which they would in
some degree meet with the concurrence
of all candid persons,) deny the existence
of many facts which have been handed
down to us: while some go so far as to
reverse the tables, and attempt to show
that the church of Rome is less perse-
cuting than the reformed churches. On
this account it has been considered neces-
sary to examine the characters and
weight of the principal champions of the
church of Rome.
Lapopeliniere, a contemporary, and
the Abbe Caveyrac, in the last century,
are well known to all inquirers upon this
subject: their mouldering celebrity has
been recently revived by the polished
pen of a divine, whose anxiety to remove
this stain from his church has made him
also enter the lists. Of these writers,
the first aimed at making such a plausible
narrative, as should represent Charles,
and the Queen-mother in a favourable
light; the second tried to justify the
French government for having perse-
cuted the Huguenots; while the third
endeavours (and the effort cannot be
blamed) to efface those opinions which
Protestants in general entertain of the se-
vere persecutions inflicted by the church
of Rome. We find, in consequence, in
the works of the first, softened state-
ments, apologetic reasonings, and the
entire omission of some accounts; in the
pages of the second reigns a spirit of
* Lttcrefetle, Hist, des Guerrcs de Re/i«ion, vol. ii.
■f L'Estoile mentions that in June, 1608, lie obtained
one of these medals. Journal de Henri IV .
154
APOLOGY FOR THE EDICT OF NANTES.
rancorous bigotry accompanied with j
much sophistry; while the third offers a]
critical examination, the object of which
is to show that the received accounts be-
ing inconsistent with each other, the pro-
babilities arc favourable to the Catholic
religion. It will not be supposed that
these three are the only writers who
have undertaken the defence of the
church of Rome; but the periods at
which they wrote, and the feelings
which pervade them, give a superior in-
terest; while the constant reference which
is made to them creates an importance
edict of Nantes and the cruelties which
followed: the subject being continually
under discussion, it was considered ne-
cessary to publish some counter state-
ment, and the Abbe Caveyrac in conse-
quence composed his apology.* His
work may be said to carry its own refu-
tation within itself, and that may be the
reason why we hear of no reply of any
note: indeed it is impossible to read this
justification of bigotry, without pitying
the narrow or perverted mind that can
approve of it. The work itself does not
belong to this portion of our subject; but
beyond other authors on the subject; for[as it was requisite for the abbe to revert
these reasons 1 submit a short notice of1 to the commencement of the moral con-
each.*
Lancelot Vcesin de Lapopelinere was
educated as a Protestant, and became a
Catholic. The period of his conversion
is uncertain; but his historyf displays
feelings very different from the character
universally attributed to the Huguenots
of that irritated period. His eloquence
made him conspicuous at conferences;
but on aecount of his repeated efforts to
persuade the Protestants to abate their
demands, which were obstacles to a pa-
cification, he incurred the suspicions of
his comrades; he is said to have fought a
duel on that very account in 1579.| His
book is dedicated to the queen-mother, in
the style of a most servile courtier; and
to show how desirous he was of palli-
ating the conduct of the court, it is only
necessary to point out his unfairness in
tagion, he found it necessary to apologize
for another equally wicked piece of po-
licy in the century preceding the subject
of his labours. He, therefore, annexed
a dissertation on the St. Bartholomew,
which contains four propositions, viz.:
1. That religion had nothing to do with
the massacre. 2. That it was an affair of
proscription. 3. That it was only in-
tended for Paris. And 4, That the num-
ber killed was much less than has than
stated.
" Religion," says the abbe, " had no-
thing to do with it, either as motive,
counsel, or agent. The attempts to car-
ry off two kings, many towns being
withdrawn from their allegiance, sieges
maintained, foreign troops introduced into
the kingdom, and our pitched battles
fought against the sovereign, were mo-
one particular; he has not made the leastltives sufficiently powerful to irritate the
mention of the King's proclamation on
the 24th of August, which attributed the
massacre to the Guises, and which pro-
monarch and render his subjects hateful
to him: these caused him to write to
Schomberg, his ambassador in Germany,
clamation was so notorious, that he could that he could endure it no longer."! In
not plead ignorance of it. By that omis- J reply to these motives, the answer which
sion, Charles is made to appear consist- first suggests itself is, that Charles is ac-
ent in the charge which he laid before cused of making a peace in order to lull
the Parliament on the 26th, respecting' his Protestant subjects into security, and
the detected conspiracy of the Hugue-'of contriving a marriage . for the purpose
nots. of collecting their leaders together: if
The philosophical writers of the eigh- , therefore religion be unconnected with
teenth century had indulged in very se>
vere strictures on the revocation of the
* The memoirs of Tavannes have been greatly praised
as containing a ilhinterestcd and faithful account of the
event; but a careful perusal of them must convince
every one, that the younger Tavannes aimed at an
apology for his lather's memory, ill hopes of obtaining
the good graces of Henry IV.
t Histoire de France, &c. depuis, 1550, jusq'a ces-
temps, ( 1577.) 2 vols, folio, Paris, 1581.
% Diographie de Lavocat, Jijemoires, §-c. du P, Nice-
ran, vol. x:£Xi.\,p.381,
the motive, his treachery remains the
same; and when Caveyrac argues that
the above motives were sufficiently pow-
erful, he gives a practical illustration of
* Apo'ogie de Louis XIV., et de son conceit, sm la
revocation da PEditde Nantes; avec une Dissertation
snr la St. Barthelemi. Par I'Abbe Nove de Caveyrac.,
Paris, 1758.
] Dissertation, p. 2,
ArOLOGY FOR THE EDICT OF NANTES.
155
tfie odious decree of the council of Con-
stance, that faith need not be kept with
heretics; for Charles had published three
decrees of pacification, each of which
declared, that the Protestants, in taking
arms, had been actuated by a desire to
serve his majesty; and the friendship
that he professed to entertain for Coligny
is notorious.
In order to show that religion had no-
thing to do widi the massacre as counsel,
the abbe roundly asserts that neither car-
dinals, bishops, nor priests, were admit-
ted into this fatal divan; adding, "even
the Duke of Guise was excluded from
it."* It is remarkable how unsparingly
the abbe condemns almost every writer
on this subject: he cannot credit their
accounts, as they either wrote under a
delusion, or were interested in propa-
gating a falsehood; but still he offers no
reason why his bare assertion should be
received. It has been said by many con-
temporaries, that persons belonging to
the clergy were in the plot, and the ab-
sence of a refutation leaves their testi-
mony quite as good as the contradiction
of the Abbe Caveyrac. When Pius V.
denounced the wrath of God upon the
king, if he did not annihilate the enemies
of the church, the Catholic religion was
assuredly made both motive and coun-
sel;t and, if it were not, how is it that
the massacre was immediately followed
by the suppression of the reformed reli-
gion? '• But," says the abbe, " if Gre-
gory XIII. went in procession from the
church of St. Mark to that of St. Louis;
if he appointed a jubilee; if he had a
medal struck on the occasion, — all these
demonstrations of gratitude, rather than
satisfaction, had for their real and sole
principle, not the massacre of the Hugue-
nots, but the discovery of the conspiracy
which they had plotted, or at least which
the king took pains to accuse them of at
all the courts of Christendom. "J
To prove that the Catholic religion
had no part in the massacre as agent,
the abbe gives a long account of persons
saved from murder by Catholics, and
mentions cases where convents and reli-
* Diss. p. 3. The absence nf Guise certainly in-
creases the probability of De Retz having really made
the proposition attributed to him.
+ De Thou slates positively that a medal was pre-
sented to the king on the 7th of September with this
motto, Pietns ezcitavit justiliain, liv. 53.
I Dissertation, p. 3.
gious houses afforded refuge. " At Bor-
deaux there were several saved by priests
and other persons, from whom such help
was not expected'. On the other hand,
many Catholics perished; and if their
names had been preserved we should be
surprised at their number."* Here is an
evident attempt to divert the attention
from the main question, that religion was
the chief motive in the massacres which
were committed. It is undeniable that
the white cross was worn to distinguish
the murderers, and that the bare fact of
going to mass saved the lives of many;
if, therefore, the king and queen had no
idea of religion in commanding- the mas-
sacre, they were evidently convinced that
the multitude would better execute their
purpose, if they were called upon in the
name of the church. Admitting this sup-
position, the king's conduct appears still
blacker; it is deprived of the excuse of
pious intentions, and receives the addi-
tional stigma of having employed the re-
ligious feelings of a mob in the execution
of an atrocious crime. •
The Abbe's second proposition, show-
ing that it was an affair of proscription,!
contains a long series of abnse against
Coligny and the Huguenots, all which
confirms the generally received opinion,
that the court had some perfidious mea-
sures in contemplation for a long time
previous: it also destroys the only argu-
ment calculated to relieve the king from
his odious reputation, in attributing the
massacre to a dread of the Huguenots'
vengeance, when Guise had revenged his
father on the person of the admiral.
In developing his third proposition,
that the affair regarded Paris only, the
abbe gives a view of the different opi-
nions upon the plot; he considers three
hypotheses as particularly worthy of at-
tention. One is the account given by
Queen Margaret, who assures us that the
king was led to form the fatal resolution
by the threats of vengeance which
escaped the Huguenots. The second is
the statement made by Tavannes, ac-
cording to which it originated with the
queen-mother, who had great fears on
account of the king's placing so much
confidence in Coligny; .she employed
Maurevel to despatch him, and thus ren-
* Dissertation, p 5.
t Ibid. p.. 6.
156
LETTER OF THE VISCOUNT D'ORTHES.
dered the massacre necessary. The peetation was that the marriage would
third is the declaration made by the take place in June, and that ceremony
Duke of Anjou to his surgeon, Miron, ' heing over, the Huguenot nobility would
during their journey to Poland. This soon disperse; in addition to which, the
last, which is long, is the abbe's favour- ! king's eagerness in drawing them all to
ite version, " because the confession con- court would preclude the postponement
tains nothing in the prince's favour; but of his plan any more than was necessa-
on the contrary, he declares himself thelry; the letter was most probably written
accomplice, or rather the first author of to discredit the general opinions, by a re-
the admiral's death: if he had been less uluclio in absitrduvi.
alarmed at his brother's silence, his walk- 1 The letter of the Viscount d'Orthes,
ing with great strides, his angry looks, refusing to murder the Huguenots, is de-
and his putting his hand at times to his clared to be a fable, and every authority
dagger, he would not have gone to relate is rejected, except Lapopeliniere, whom
those things to his mother, and they i he takes care on every occasion to call a
would not have put together all the re-\Cafvinist writer, in spite of his abjura-
ports, notices, suspicions, &c," and theition. But admitting that no orders were
abbe then shows that the dreadful results ,sent, the abbe himself has shown that in
would not have taken place. "It is [many cases they were not necessary.
true," says he, " that this arch rebel
might have been able to destroy the
throne and the altar, as he designed, but
that was not the object of their fears at
the time: their aim was to prevent his
gaining all the king's confidence."* The
abbe thus attempts to show that the mas-
sacre was not premeditated, and then re-
futes all who have asserted that orders
were sent into the provinces to take simi-
lar measures, on the ground of those
massacres not being simultaneous. Some
occurred two
even a month
were
" The death of the leaders and factious
alone was resolved on: the horrors were
not meant to extend beyond Paris; and
if in spite of precautions, the murders
were spread from the capital to the other
towns, it was because the news of the
event, being diffused throughout the
kingdom, invited the Catholics of many
cities to do the same."* It will never be
contended that the news was more than a
week in penetrating into every corner of
France; whence then arose the delay in
and three weeks, some some of the towns? It was because the
after; which delay, to a : inhabitants felt averse to it, and. the mas-
candid inquirer, offers a fair presumptive sacres did not occur there till fresh in-
evidence, nut only that such orders were jstructions and instigating emissaries had
actually sent, but that, in consequence of
reluctance on the part of the governors,
additional orders were issued for en-
forcing the execution of the first.t But
not only does the abbe refuse his credit
to every writer, he attempts to discredit
all their accounts, by producing one
which is unworthy of attention, from
the palpable marks of f.ibi ication it
contains. It is a letter purporting to be
written bv the Queen to Strozzy, and
arrived to carry the point. In the towns
where fanaticism reigned, they wanted
only an example. Bigotry requires no
orders: permission to exert itself is all
that is necessary.
The fourth and last proposition is, that
the number of killed on the occasion is
much less than has been stated. After
examining every account, the abbe settles
down, as usual, with the opinion of La-
popeliniere, who estimates the killed in
sent to him in the month of April, with Paris at a thousand. "This opinion is
orders to open it on the 24th of August: the more probable, as it can be supported
it contains information of the massacre] by an account of the Hotel-de-Ville of
resolved on, and orders him to do the [Paris, from which it will be seen that the
same in his government
cessary to observe, that
the Queen of Navarre, the general ex-
* Dissertation, p 21.
t At Bordeaux the people were exhorted from Die
pulpits to massacre the heretics on the fete of St. .Mi-
chael. (29th Sep.)— D\iubigne, vol. ]i. p. 27.
It is only ne- provost, &c. had bodies to the number of
till the death of! eleven hundred buried in the environs of
St. Cloud, Autenil, and Chaillot. It is
certain, that with the exception of the
admiral, who was exposed at the gibbet
* Dissertation, p. 25
DR. LINGARD'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
157
at Montfaucon, and Oiulin Petit, a book-
seller, who was buried in his cellar, that
all the bodies were thrown into the Seine.
Carts were loaded with dead bodies of
girls, women, children and men, and
were taken to the river and thrown in.
The carcasses stopt partly at a small
island, which was then opposite the
Louvre, partly at that which is called the
Isle des Cygnes: it was therefore neces-
sary to take measures for their interment,
lest they should infect the air and water;
and eight grave-diggers were employed
for eight days, who, so far as we may
rely on people of that description, buried
eleven hundred bodies. If it were essen-
tial to examine this account, we should
find strong presumptions against its ac-
curacy. It is hardly possible that eight
grave-diggers could have buried eleven
hundred bodies in eight days; it was ne-
cessary to draw them out of the water;
it was requisite that the trenches should
be rather deep to avoid infection; the soil
where they were made is very firm, fre-
quently stony: how then could each of
these eight men have been able to bury,
for his part, one hundred and thirty-seven
bodies in eight days ? a thing difficult to
do and to believe. We ought even to
presume that these men, of but little de-
licacy by condition and nature, would
make no scruple of swelling the number
of interred, to increase their pay; and
indeed they had nobody to control them:
(query?) I therefore make every allow-
ance, in supposing a thousand persons |
were massacred in Paris, conformable to
what Lapopeliniere has written."*
Without staying to inquire where those
bodies were buried, which stopped facing
the Louvre, there is great probability,
from the strength of the current in the
Seine, that for every corpse which took
ground, six or seven floated on. The
island has disappeared within the last
twelve months;t but it will be recollected,
that the branch of the river separating it
from Auteuil was nearly dry during the
summer months; the bodies therefore on
the north side of the stream would be
carried into the opening, or against the
inlet, and there remain; while those in the
middle of the river would pass down to
* Dissertation, p. 30.
t It was (Jug away in 1826 and 1827, to widen the
river on the establishment of a dock atGrenelle.
14
the sea. Thus, this account from the
, Hotel-de-Ville, instead of proving that
fewer persons were killed than is thought,
'j actually substantiates the opinion to be
drawn from a general review of the ac-
counts of that lime, viz: that more than
six thousand persons fell in Paris alone.
It is clear that only a small portion of the
bodies lodged at the Isle des Cygnes; for
as the municipal officers thought fit to
have them thrown into the river at first,
why did they not simply renew the pro-
cess, and send the bodies on again, by
pushing them into the stream? but as they
remained there several days, and consti-
tuted but a small portion of the victims;
and as other towns contributed to charge
the rivers in the same way, it was thought
better to put them under ground. With
respect to those buried at Chaillot, there
could be no reason for carrying them half
a league over a high hill, from Auteuil,
which has a clay soil, to Chaillot, which
is very stony t it is much more likely
that they were persons killed at Chaillot
in attempting to make their escape; for at
that period, one of the principal outlets
of Paris was in that direction.
Great importance has been attached to
the recent publication of Dr. Lingard.
His history of England has been held up
as an antidote to the incorrect and preju-
diced writers of preceding times; the per-
secution of the French Protestants being
so interwoven with the events of Eliza-
beth's reign, he could not avoid discuss-
ling the subject; and a short notice of this
episode will therefore be useful. His
account is founded on the Duke of An-
jou's confession. In the body of the
work his remarks are short; but the sub-
ject is treated more at length in a note at
the end of the volume. The assertions
which are there made excited considera-
ble attention on their publication, and some
observations in the reviews became the
cause of a treatise in vindication of the
original remarks. In the history, the
notes, and the vindication, there are many
inaccuracies which will immediately
strike every one acquainted with the
French history of this period; and with-
out insinuating that the reverend gentle-
man has intentionally misrepresented any
point, there is fair ground for inferring
that he has in some cases taken a quota-
tion on the authority of a partial writer,
158
DR. LINGARD's HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
and that his acquaintance with the French
authors is very superficial: the following
are a few of the cases alluded to.
" Coligny and his counsellors perished;
the populace joined in the work of blood,
and every Huguenot, or reputed Hugue-
not, who fell in their way was murder-
ed."* Justice to the population of Paris
demanded a statement of the methods
used to excite their feelings; but that
is passed in silence, because the detail
would be fatal to the sentiment meant to
be impressed. "Several hours elapsed
before order could be restored in the ca-
pital."t Certainly several days elapsed
before any real attempt was made to put
an end to the carnage. In the afternoon
of the twenty-fourth, public proclamation
was made to desist from the massacre,
and Dr. L. has given a quotation from
Lapopeliniere, to show that the king gave
orders, by sound of trumpet, for every
B one to return home, under pain of death
for those who continued the murders;^
but in common fairness, the extract from
that writer should have been given more
at length: it would then appear that the
last day of the week was but little less re-
markable for murders than the others.§
The work contains some errors which
deserve notice, although they are unim-
portant in point of historical argument.
"So powerful a nobleman, who had
twice led his army against that of the
crown, was naturally an object of jea-
lousy. "|| " They reminded him (the
king) of the two rebellions of the Hugue-
nots, «fec."^f It is certainly of no real
consequence that Coligny had been en-
gaged against the king's troops more than
twice,** and that there had been three civil
wars or rebellions, instead of two; but the
assertion shows how much this writer's
reputation for research and accuracy has
been overrated. Two other remarks are
unaccountable: in one, the admiral's as-
sassin is placed in an upper window, ff a
thing impossible in a narrow street; the
other mentions the ringing of the bell
of the parliament hoicse.\\
* Hi/5t. of England, vol. viii. p. 96. f Ibid.
X Note E, p. 440.
§ Lapopeliniere, vol. ii. liv. 29, p. C7.
II Note E. |i- 4Hb.
IT Nnte E, p. 438.
** Brides sieges and skirmishes, there were no Ips«
than six battles, viz: Drcux, St Denis, Jarnac, La
roclie Abeille, Montcontour, and Arnay le Due.
ft Note E p. 437.
jj Note E. p. 439. If by Parliament House is meant
The doctor's remarks respecting the
number of killed, are curious: " among
the Huguenot writers, Perefixe reckons
100,000; Sully, 70,000; Thuanus,
30,000; Lapopeliniere, 20,000; the re-
formed Marty rologist, 15,000; andMasson,
10,000. But the Martyrologist adopted
a measure which may enable us to form
a tolerable conjecture; he procured from
the ministers in the different towns where
massacres had taken place, lists of the
names of persons who had suffered, or
were supposed to have suffered. He
published the result in 1582; and the rea-
der will be surprised to learn, that in all
France he could discover the names of
no more than 786 persons; perhaps, if
we double that number, we shall not be
far from the real amount."* Of the above
six Huguenot writers, three were well
known Catholics, viz : Perefixe, Arch-
bishop of Paris; Thuanus, or De Thou,
and Masson. Lapopeliniere abjured Pro-
testantism, and the only Huguenot of
them all is Sully, with the exception of
the anonymous Martyrologist, respecting
whom it is a fair subject for inquiry who
he was; and whether his work was not
one of the artifices of the League, to di-
minish the odium which even at that time
was entertained for these effects of Popish
bigotry. Dr. L. himself seems aware
that his position is untenable, for in his
Vindication he changes his ground; re-
presents his printer to have inserted the
word Huguenot instead of National;]
and afterwards declares how little import-
ance he attaches to the contradictory con-
jectures of historians; adding, that as he
had taken Caveyrac for I i is guide, he re-
fers the reader to him as his sole autho-
rity, t Such a reference renders comment
unnecessary; it must however be ob-
served, that more than seven hundred
persons of distinction were killed, § and
supposing the Martyrologist to have been
what is pretended, his researches must
have been for persons of a particular
class, or he could easily have found more
names than he did; but the list contains
chiefly the names of persons of the
lowest condition; and when the period of
the Palace of Justice, it is at variance with the general
accounts; and there was no other building which could
be so called.
* Note E. p. 441.
t Vindication, Ate , p 15. J 'bid. p. 45.
§ Maimbourg, Hist du Calvinisme, liv. ti.
CONVERSION OF NAVARRE AND CONDE.
159
its publication is considered, there is very-
great appearance of its being intended to
discredit the then prevailing opinions, if
not in France, at least in foreign parts.
In replying to the reviewers, Dr. L.
goes more deeply into the subject, but
with no better success, for errors are often
discernible. " The ceremony (the mar-
riage) had been fixed for the 18th of Au-
gust, but he (Coligny) went to court
in June, &n."* It was, however, the
death of the Queen of Navarre in June,
which caused it to be delayed till August.
To show how unlikely it was that the
king should be so great a dissembler, he
is stated to have been no more than
twenty years of age,t whereas he was in
his twenty-third year.
Respecting the league of Bayonne in
1565, there are some observations worthy
of attention. Dr. L. shows that there is
no proof of it beyond the suspicions of
the Huguenots, and which suspicions had
not much effect even on them: for they
placed themselves without hesitation at
the mercy of the court, at the assembly
at Moulins in 15664 So far, however,
from trusting to the court, the fact was,
that they went so well accompanied, that
the queen did not dare attempt any thing. §
It is moreover singular that to prove
there was nothing in contemplation
against the Huguenots, a letter should be
produced from Strada, written by Philip
II. to his sister in the Netherlands. It
states, " that the Queen of Spain having
entreated her brother and her mother to
remedy the perilous state of religion in
France, found them perfectly disposed to
follow the counsels which were discussed:
that several marriages, and an alliance
against the Turks were proposed; but
that nothing was decided, because the
queen turned aside every subject but that
of religion, which she recommended
anew to her brother and mother, at ihe
suggestion of the Duke of Alva, and that
the meeting broke up."|| It has been
said that Strada did not believe that any
idea of the massacre was entertained at
this meeting; but the substance of the
letter which he has preserved, shows that
measures were then canvassed for sup-
* Vindication, p. 18.
t Ibid. p. 13 Charles IX. was born ill May, 1550.
t Vindication, p. 51.
§ Vie de Coligny, p. 314.
K Vindication, 4c, p. 53.
pressing the Huguenot party; and, the
argument as to whether he did or did not
believe that the massacre was then dis-
cussed, rests altogether upon a disputed
punctuation.
CHAPTER XXX.
Conversion of Navarre and Conde— Execution of Bri -
quemaui ami Cavagnes— Fourth civil war— Siege of
UochellH—Conspiracy of the Politiques— Death, of
Charles IX.
On the morning of the St. Bartholo-
mew Charles IX. had ordered the King
of Navarre and the Prince of Conde to
abjure their heresy: when order was re-
stored, they were again summoned before
his presence. Catherine had employed
Cosmo Ruggieri, her countryman, to cast
the nativity of the princes. He made
the calculation with great apparent care
and minuteness, and announced that the
state had nothing to fear from them.*
Repeated efforts had been made in the
mean time to win them over by the ex-
hortations of Maldonathus, a Jesuit, as-
sisted by other theologians: Navarre dis-
played some reluctance to the change,
but Conde gave a most decided refusal.
The king's anger being inflamed by this
opposition to his will, he was inclined to
renew the dreadful scenes in Paris, which
even then continued to desolate the pro-
vinces. He vowed he would put to death
every Huguenot persisting in heiesy, be-
ginning with the Prince of Conde: he or-
dered his guards to be drawn out, and
then sent for the two princes. The young
Queen of France, whose charms gave her
some influence over her husband's violent
temper, entreated him with tears to desist
from his purpose, and wait a little longer:
Charles was persuaded to send away his
guards, but still ordered the princes to be
brought before liim.f Navarre was in-
duced to comply with the king's wish,
more by the example of De Rosiers (a
Huguenot minister, who had abjured,)
than from the effect of conviction; but
Conde was inflexible. Charles, with a
fierce look, said to him, " The mass,
death, or the Baslile .'" And sent him
back to confinement.^
* Mem. de la Viede J. A. Thou, p. 244.
t Sept. 9. Lapopeliniere, Maiinbourg, D'Anhigne.
t D'AubignG, vol. ii. p. 30. Mathieu, liv. 6, p. 348.
160
PREPARATIONS FOR WAR.
In a short time the prince yielded;
and, after proper instructions from his
uncle, the Cardinal of Bourbon, he went
to mass with the princess his wife, and
the different members of the Bourbon
family. They all received absolution;
and that they should not afterwards dis-
avow their consent, Navarre and Conde
were made to write to the pope for his
approval of their return to the church of
Rome. The King of Navarre also pub-
lished the declaration required of him,
which prohibited the exercise of the re-
formed religion in his states*
Zealous Catholics argued upon these
conversions, to show the utility of the mas-
sacre; and the king's counsellors recom
mended another cruel measure to prove
its necessity. Briquemaut and Cavagnes
were brought to trial for the alleged plot
of the Huguenots. Briquemaut had taken
refuge in Walsingham's house, where he
was seized in the dress of a groom.t
They were both condemned to be hanged,
as convicted of all the crimes which the
decree of the Parliament attributed to the
Protestants: the sentence was carried
into execution at the end of October.
Tavannes informs us J that they were
both offered their lives, if they would
confess the existence of a conspiracy, but
they refused to listen to sueh terms;
while De Thou declares, § that Brique-
maut himself made great efforts to avoid
death. He offered not only to acknow-
ledge Coligny's guilt, but even to serve
against Rochelle. Cavagnes, however,
exhorted him to display the firmness for
which he was celebrated; and from that
time his intrepidity never forsook him.
They were drawn on a hurdle, and the
effigy of Colignv was placed beside them.
The populace insulted them as they went
to execution, and afterwards offered every
possible indignity to their bodies. The
king and the queen-mother were at the
window of the Hotel-de-Ville, to witness
the dreadful spectacle; when, in order to
make the representation more complete
for the gratification of their vengeance, a
toothpick was placed in ih& admiral's
mouth. ||
* The teller to the poieami lie declaration are given
at length by LapopHmiere.
i Lapopeliniere ami Maltliien.
t Mem, p. 419 The same is mentioned in a work
entitled, De Furoribus Oallicis, p. 411. Edin., 1573.
§ Book 53. vol. vi. p. 4<i0.
jj De Thou, liv. 53. The admiral had a habit of con-
' The court," says the Abbe Crillon,
"thought to have drowned Calvinism in
the blood of its principal defenders; but
that hydra resumed fresh vigour."* A
fourth civil war became inevitable: the
government had taken measuresforseizing
the towns still in the hands of the Protest-
ants, but were successful only at La
Charite. A body of soldiers having ob-
tained admission upon some pretext, sud-
denly seized upon the gates and principal
places, so that the inhabitants were una-
ble to help themselves, and the town was
in the power of the king's officers.
Joyeuse and Strozzy attempted the same
thing at Montauban and Rochelle, but
failed, in consequence of information being
sent to those places, which put the garri-
sons on their guard. t
The timely arrival of Resnier was the
cause of Montauban being preserved.
After his remarkable escape from the
massacre he travelled southward, and ar-
rived at that town with about eighty
horsemen. He found the inhabitants in
such a state of alarm, that he could not
persuade them to defend the place. On
retiring from Montauban, his little troop
fell in with a division of Montluc's army:
they fought, less with any hope of suc-
cess, than from a desire to sell their lives
as dearly as possible; their desperation
was rewarded with a victory, for Mont-
luc's cavalry was nearly destroyed, and
his standard fell into the hands of the Pro-
testants. Returning to Montauban with
the news of this success, Resnier's exam-
ple revived the courage of the people;
they shut their gates against the king's
troops, and many other places were then
encouraged to do the same.t
By sacrificing the admiral and his
friends, the King of France had completely
destroyed every chance of employing the
martial spirit of the nation in a manner
either useful or glorious; and he had ren-
dered reconciliation with his revolted sub-
jects absolutely impossible. Great exer-
lions were requisite for raising his forces.
Three armies were levied : one under La
Chastre was employed to reduce San-
cerre; Damville, with another, undertook
stanllv using a tooth-pick ; and it became proverbial 10
>ay, Dieu me garde du curedent de M. I'JldmiraV See
Brantoine, vol. viii. p 535
* Vie de Cri/lon, written in 17?5 by one of his de-
scendants, Louis Abbe de Crillon, canon of Toulouse.
t Davila. liv. 5.
t Sully, liv. 1. D'Aubigne, vol. ii. p. 78.
ATTACK ON ROCHELLE.
161
to quiet Languedoc; the third, command-
ed by Villars, admiral of France, was sent
into Guyenne. Besides these, there were
the forces under Strozzy before Rochelle,
and Montluc's army near Montauban,
ready to join that of Marshal Damville .*
Rochelle being the head-quarters of the
Huguenots, it was considered that the
conquest of it would be followed by the
submission of the other towns, or at least
the dispersion of the Protestants, and the
retreat or adhesion of their leaders. To
make more sure of their object, Biron was
proposed as their governor, he being high
in the confidence of the Protestant party,
and reasonably so, as his destruction had
been intended with theirs. Another rea-
son for trying persuasion and gentle
means, was the fear lest despair might
make them deliver the place to the Eng-
lish. These proposals and delays gave
sufficient time to prepare for the defence
of trie place, by repairing the works, as
well as in sending abroad to negotiate for
assistance.
The Protestant authorities at Rochelle
began early to prepare for the storm,
which it was evident would soon burst
over them. The inhabitants were num-
bered, and all capable of bearing arms
were enrolled and exercised. The most
important posts were confided to indivi-
duals of approved fidelity ; and as a mea-
sure of precaution, they were renewed
everv week. Provisions were collected,
and a premium given for the importation
of ammunition. It is stated by Amos
Barbotf that thirty thousand casks of
wine were collected in the town ; so that
if their store of food was in proportion,
the Baron de la Garde gave rise to suspi-
cions of some project for seizing the town.
The unfavourable impression caused by
the letters was augmented by tidings from
Montauban, informing them of the treache-
rous conduct of a governor, who had been
admitted by the confiding inhabitants of
Castres, and a massacre of many Protest-
ants followed. The magistrates of Ro-
chelle were then fully decided against ad-
mitting Marshal Biron.*
Finding that Biron would not be re-
ceived, and that after what had passed the
Protestants would distrust any offer which
might be made, Charles sent La Noue to
Rochelle with full powers. f He was,
happily for him, in Hainault at the time of
the massacre, but finding himself too weak
to oppose the Duke of Alva, he returned
to France, and claimed the protection of
his old friend the Duke of Longueville.
His reputation stood so high with all par-
ties, that his Huguenotism was forgotten
in estimating his character. With the
greatest share of bravery and skill, he was
known to be earnest in his wishes for
peace : he was besides considered so in-
capable of dissimulation, that the highest
importance was attached to his recom-
mendations, by Catholics, as well as Pro-
testants.}: On his arrival at court, the
king, to his surprise, received him with
great demonstrations of kindness, and
conferred upon him the confiscated pro-
perty of Teligny, his brother-in-law.
Charles then proposed to him to go to
Rochelle, to persuade the inhabitants to
submit. La Noue declined such a com-
mission ; but the king's threats overcame
his reluctance. 5 He was accompanied by
they were well supplied. The consistory! a Florentine priest, named Gadagni; and
ordered a general fast, and prayers to im- on approaching Rochelle, sent a message
plore Divine assistance.}
Biron a/rived at the end of September,
and delivered letters from the court to the
magistrates of Rochelle. The letters were
attentively read before a full assembly.
One of them was from the King of Na-
varre, who recommended them to receive
the new governor. The magistrates were
undecided; and it was fully expected that
a deputation would be sent to meet the
marshal : but two letters received from
* D'Aubigne, Hist. Univ. Mezeray, Mregl Chron-
f An advocate, mayor in 1610. who compiled a
valuable record from the archives of this city.
X Arcere, vol. i. p. 404.
14
to the town to announce his arrival. ,|
Biron was in constant communication
with the leading Huguenots, and sent
them information calculated to dispel any
thoughts of submission,*! which, added to
the exhortations of their ministers, not
* I hid , p. 41-2.
t De Thou, liv. 53.
% On ne se pent as*ez saonler de dire les biens, les
vertus, les valeurs el les meriles- qui estoitit en luy ; si
hien qu'il fut ten ii estre resie le pins grand capifaine
que nous (Missions aujourd lmy en France. Brantorne,
y. de la Aoue.
$ I. a promesge de M. de I, a None avoit este faite. lui
aijunt le couteau d la gorge.— Mem. du due de Bouillon.
p. 12, vol. xlviii. of the collection, published in 1788.
[ D'Aubigne, vol. li. p 34.
IT Davila, liv. 5, p. 039.
*
162
ATTACK ON ROCHELLE.
only made them decided in defending the leys and negotiations, the inhabitants had
town, but rendered them distrustful and
suspicious of any offer which might be
made.
In a village near the town, La Noue
awaited the arrival of the deputies from
Rochelle ;* their coolness was painful to a
man so jealous of the esteem of his friends.
" We have been invited," said they, " to
confer with La Noue ; but where is he 1
an opportunity of furnishing themselves
with every necessary ; and in supplying
them with an excellent commander (which
they stood in need of) by sending La
Noue.*
The town is naturally well fortified ;
and batteries and trenches had been added
to its other means of defence. The garri-
son consisted of fifteen hundred regular
It is to little purpose that the person to troops, and about two thousand of the in-
whom we speak resembles him in person,
when in character he differs so widely
from him." La Noue, pointing to the ar-j
tificial arm he wore, (and which had pro-
habitants, who, though not well disciplined,
were far from being inexperienced, having
taken part in the preceding civil wars;
the women also joined with ardour in the
cured for him the surname of Bras de defence of the place, and emulated the
fer,) reminded them of the limb he had < animation of their husbands and brothers.
lost in their service :t but they persisted
in asserting, that they remembered with
gratitude their valued friend, but that they
could not then recognise him. Finding
it impossible to treat with the deputies, he
requested permission to enter the town :
the inhabitants received him joyfully, but
they would hear no more of his proposals
for a peace, and gave him a choice of
three things ; either to retire into England,
to remain in the town as a private indi-
vidual, or to become their general. In
accepting the mission, his conscience had
reproached him with having joined the
The influence of the preachers was
likewise very great: two among them, La
Place and Denord, were remarkable for
their energy in addressing the people.
Their harangues excited the feelings of
their hearers, whose humanity was ap-
pealed to, by descriptions of the sufferings
endured by their brethren; but they prin-
cipally dwelt upon the paramount claims
of religion to their most devoted services.
Denord was very eloquent; and possessed
such influence by his persuasive style,
that he was called the Pope of Rochelle.f
Although the town was not completely
enemies of his religion ; he had no hopes i invested before the close of January, 1573,
of persuading them to accept of peaceful
terms; and after consulting with Gadagni,
he consented to take the command of the
town.! This step on his part did not,
however, destroy the good opinion which
there were several attacks in December;
one in particular was upon a mill near the
counterscarp. As it could not be easily
fortified, it served as a barbican, or post
of observation in the daytime; and at
Charles had entertained of him; and it is I night, it was left, under the guard of a sin-
a case almost unparalleled, that being com-
missioned by two contending parties, he
preserved the confidence of both. In
action none more bravely joined in repel-
ling the assailants; and at quiet intervals
he never omitted to exhort the towns-
people to listen to the king's offers, which
were liberty of conscience and full security
for themselves ; but they insisted on treat-
ing for all the Protestants, a demand to
which the king would not listen.
It is remarked by Davila, that the
court committed two errors in the man-
ner in which they proceeded to reduce
Rochelle; by losing so much time in par-
* liaii Nov. 1572.
| At the siejie of Fonlenay, in 1569, his left arm was
so severely fractured by a musket- ball (bat amputation
•w as necessary. Ainirault, p 62.
J De Thou, liv 53. D'Aubigne, vol. ii p. 34.
gle sentinel. Strozzy considering the
position would be valuable to the besieging
force, advanced by moonlight to attack it.
The sentinel, with a hardihood rarely
equalled, resolved to defend the mill, al-
though twoculverines were pointed against
it. He fired briskly on the assailants ; and
in order to deceive them, called out as if
giving orders to his men, while an officer
hallooed from the nearest bastion that he
would soon be reinforced. The contest
was too unequal to allow time for assist-
ance to arrive; and to avoid the conse-
quences of an assault, he demanded quar-
ter for himself and his men : it was granted,
and he walked forth alone. Strozzy was
so enraged at his presumption in pretend-
* Davila, liv. 5.
t Arcire, p. 421.
SLACKENING OF THE SIEGE.
163
ing to hold out, that he ordered him to be
hanged for his insolence; but Biron inter-
fered, and saved his life, at the same time
condemning him to the galleys. This
courageous fellow happily succeeded in
making his escape; his name has not been
preserved ; but Amos Barbot says he was
a brazier of the isle of Rhe.*
In order to prevent the arrival of sup-
plies by sea, the besiegers made use of a
galleon, originally a prize of the Huguenot
cruizers, and afterwards taken by the
Catholics: dismasted, and filled with
stones, it was sunk at the mouth of the
harbour, and served as a redoubt for
annoying the town. The Rochellese at
once saw the inconvenience to which it
might expose them, and the following
night, at low water, proceeded with
torches and combustibles to destroy it.
The wood was too wet to ignite, before
the flood-tide compelled them to retire.f
The besieging army was formidable;
the Duke of Anjou had the chief com-
mand, and reached the camp in February.
He was accompanied by the elite of the
French nobility; the King of Navarre and
the Prince of Conde were also obliged to
appear in the royal army, with a view to
destroying more completely the hopes of
the Huguenots. The Rochellese defended
themselves in a manner which surprised
their assailants. The principal direction
of the royal army was intrusted to Biron i
and Strozzy; but Biron was not very de-
sirous of seeing the Huguenot party sub-
dued ; and although the operations were
on a grand scale, it is said that more
might have been done if he had thought
proper.} Another circumstance proved
very favourable to the besieged: in the
royal army there was neither system nor
secrecy. The Duke of Anjou became
disheartened, and summoned La Noue to
quit the place. That general obeyed the
order willingly; for in his endeavours to
persuade the town to submit to the king,
he had undergone many insults and mor-
tifications from the more violent Hugue-
nots: he asked for and obtained permis-
sion to retire to his own house, and live in
private.}
The Rochellese could not but regret the
loss of their brave leader ; but no time
was to be lost, and they chose five or six
* Arctic-, p. h36. t Ibid. p. 437.
t Davila, liv. 5. Brantome, vol. ix. p. 131.
i Uavila, liv. 5. D'Aubigne, vol. ii p 45.
men of experience, who jointly exercised
the command. Their hopes were kept up
principally by the news, that Montgomery
was coming to their assistance. He ar-
rived in April, but his vessels, though
numerous, were unfit for action ; and the
king's fleet and batteries compelled him
to keep out to sea :* one ship, however,
laden with ammunition and stores, suc-
ceeded in making the port, which proved
of great assistance to the besieged.f
Charles complained to the Queen of Eng-
land of this breach of the treaty existing
between them, but De Retz, who was
employed on the embassy, could only ob-
tain a disavowal of her having equipped
the fleet, which she said had been put to
sea unknown to her.f
In the mean time every thing lan-
guished in the royal camp : the Duke of
Anjou had been wounded ; Aumale and
several others of rank killed ; and above
twenty thousand men had perished in the
different attacks. The prince regretted
that he had undertaken an affair, which
seemed likely to destroy his reputation.
The length of the siege, instead of weak-
ening the Rochellese, seemed to impart
both vigour and desperation; and a furious
sortie which they made in June, convinced
him that his chance of success was very
small. Twelve hundred men attacked
the royal camp, while an equal number
from the wall opened a destructive fire
upon the besiegers. The efforts of Cril-
lon, one of the bravest men of the age,
preserved the royal army from defeat, but
he fell covered with wounds, and was
thought to be dead ; a violent struggle
ensued for the possession of his body,
which ended in the repulse of the Hugue-
nots.§ This circumstance proved clearly
to the Duke of Anjou how capable the
town was of prolonging the defence; and
notwithstanding the arrival of six thou-
sand Swiss to reinforce him, he decided
upon taking the first opportunity to raise
the siege.
The existence of a new confederacy
likewise contributed very much to help
the Rochellese, by adding to the confu-
sion and distraction which reigned in the
Duke of Anjou's councils. They were
* Brantome, vol. vii. p 358.
t Davila, liv. 5.
t D'Aubigne, vol. ii p. 48.
i Vie lie Crillon, (by the Abbe Crillon,) p. 3SL
164
SLACKENING OF THE SIEGE.
called the PolUiques, and embraced per-
sons of both religions. Their aim was to
destroy all foreign influence, and to effect
some reformation in the state, without
any consideration for religion. It had ori-
ginated with the Montmorencies, Biron,
and Cosse previous to the massacre ; the
Duke of Alencon from his intimacy with
Coligny had imbibed a taste for the re-
formed religion, and was easily persuaded
to join them ; Navarre and Conde would
not be induced to make common cause
with Alencon, while they were under sur-
veillance at court ; but on finding them-
selves more free in the camp, their adhe-
sion was soon brought about, by the
mediation of Turenne, a youth of great
talents* A plan was proposed for seizing
upon Angouleme or St. Jean d'Angely;
and they expected that upon their taking
arms and declaring their reasons, they
would be certainly joined by all the Hu-
guenots. La Noue returned to the camp
from Rochelle about the same time; and
as there was some difference among the
parties upon the plan of operations, they
agreed to refer to his experience. He
listened to all their reasons ; and showing
them the certainty of their danger, the
little probability of any advantageous re-
sult, and the prospect of Anjou's departure
for Poland, which would effect their pur-
pose for them without having recourse to
arms, he persuaded them to renounce it
altogether.t
The news of this combination reached
the king, who became uneasy, lest some
surprise should be attempted against him-
self; and he sent orders to his brother to
hasten the reduction of Rochelle, as he
required the troops near his own person.
These orders were the cause of so many
ill-timed assaults being made, and with so
little success. But while things were in
this position, the news arrived of Anjou's
election to the crown of Poland ; and the
diet having insisted on some conditions in
favour of the Huguenots, the opportunity
was taken for putting an end to the con-
flict. During the siege the Rochellese
* Henry de la Tour d'Auvergne, Viscount Turenne,
afterwards Mike of Bouillon: his mother was a daugh-
ter of the constable Montmorency, and his father w as
killed at the battle of St. Quentin.
t De Thou, liv. 56. Mem. de Bouillon, p. 24. Vie de
Mornay, liv. 1, p. 25. Davila, liv. 5. Arcere, vol. i. p.
501. Amirault, p. 97.
had several times been offered liberty of
conscience for themselves, but they de-
clared they would never betray their cause
by treating alone; the king at last finding
his treasury empty, and his army unable to
subdue the town, sent orders for con-
cluding peace on any terms ; and deputies
from Nismes and Montauban were sent
for, to confer with those of Rochelle.
A treaty was concluded at the end of June
which secured to all Protestants liberty of
conscience, but freedom of worship was
confined to Rochelle, Nismes, and Mon-
tauban. Great efforts were made to have
Sancerre included in the treaty, but as
that town was expected to surrender
every day, they could not carry that
point. The treaty stipulated also, that no
one should be troubled for any promise of
abjuration which had been extorted from
him, and that all who had taken arms
should be restored to their honours and
fortunes, and be acknowledged faithful
subjects. The treaty was ratified the
sixth of July, and Biron entered the town
as governor appointed by the king.*
La Chastre, governor of Berry, a vio-
lent Catholic and zealous partisan of the
Guises, had camped before Sancerre at
the close of the year 1572 ; his attacks on
the town were furious and incessant, but
the resolution of the besieged seemed to
increase with every assault. At the end
of three months he converted the siege
into a blockade, and then the inhabitants
exceeded even their former firmness. So
Ions; as they could procure the flesh of the
vilest animals, they cheerfully made it
their food; but having consumed every
thing of that kind, they ate skins and
parchments, and straw mixed with the
most rancid grease; human flesh was
their last resource, and even that was
eaten by some people. The defence of
Rochelle preserved them from desponding,
and having great hopes of being included
in any treaty which might be made, they
sustained their privations with firmness.
The same circumstances which obtained
favourable terms for Rochelle, really saved
the lives of the remainder of the garrison:
but the town was sentenced to pay a
heavy fine, the municipal privileges were
all cancelled, and the fortifications de-
* Davila, liv. 5. De Thou, liv. 56. D'Aubigne. vo!.
li. pp. iietseq. The latter gives ihetteaiy at length.
DEPARTURE OF ANJOU FOR POLAND.
165
stroyed.* The siege altogether had lasted
eight months.
The greatest magnificence was dis-
played in the reception of the Polish am-
bassadors : but Henry lingered in Paris,
he felt a wish to stay, from a warm at-
tachment to the Princess of Conde ; and
the Duke of Guise, while he hinted the
wretches have the insolence to propose to
us."* A sudden illness prevented the king
from going beyond Vitry, where he re-
mained while the queen-mother proceeded
to Blamont in Lorrain. She there took
leave of the King of Poland in a most
affecting manner, and her parting expres-
sion has caused suspicions of the too cer-
tain knowledge she had of Charles's ap-
said
possibility of an approaching vacancy on
the French throne, gave him to under- 'proaching death: "Go, my son,
stand that it was to his interest to remain! she, "you will not be long there."f
in France. Charles, however, observing! The King of Poland quitted France in
the delay in his departure, showed great! November, 1573. During the journey he
displeasure: he had felt extreme satisfac- stopped at Heidelberg, where the Elector
tion on hearing the decision of the Polish Palatine omitted nothing which could re-
diet; and Catherine, in a letter which has J mind him of the St. Bartholomew. In the
apartment destined for him was placed a
been preserved, informed the Duke of
Anjou, while before Rochelle, " that she
had never before seen his brother so
pleased at his good fortune, and that it
only remained for God in his grace to
enable him to take Rochelle ;" but the
delay made the king suspect some conspi-
racy against him ; he began to form plans
large picture of the massacre, in which
the admiral and the principal persons
murdered were represented in their natu-
ral size.J The king was surrounded with
French Protestants who had escaped: they
regarded him with a mournful air, and suf-
fered him to hear some of their murmurs
of a very violent nature to counteract i against himself, as a cause of their misfor-
them ; and declared with an oath that one
of them must leave the kingdom. f A
longer stay became dangerous, and Cathe
tunes. The elector afterwards led him to
the picture, and pointing to the portrait
of Coligny, he said, " You know this
rine recommended her favourite son to i man; you have killed in him the greatest
depart. He quitted Paris the 28th of Sep- captain in all Christendom. And you
tember, 1573.
Charles proposed
ought not to have done so, for he has
to accompany his ! done the king and yourself great ser-
brother to the frontier, less from affection vices." Henry attempted an excuse upon
than to prevent his taking up quarters in i the ground of the conspiracy, to which
some province. The king made a short the elector answered, "We know the
stay at Villers-Coierets, and while there whole history of that," and quitted the
received a deputation of Protestants, who room.§ This was not the only mortifica-
presented a request embracing many tion of the kind which Henry experienced
points, upon which that party founded on his journey.
their complaints. Catherine was very in- The Duke of Alencon aspired to filling
dignant at the boldness of the demand,
and said, "If Conde were still alive and at
the head of twenty thousand horsemen,
and fifty thousand infantry, and in pos-
the post of lieutenant-general of the king-
dom, which became vacant on his bro-
ther's departure. Charles was willing to
accede to his wish, but the queen-mother
session of the principal towns of the king- 1 considering it possible, that some means
dom, he would not ask for half what these
* Davila, liv. 5. D'Aubigne, vol. ii. p. 53. Mnthieu.
liv. (!. Slrada, de Bello Bclgico, lib. 7. ArcCre, vol. i.
p. 534.
t D'Aubigne, vol it p. I0fi. De Thou, liv. 57. The
Queen of Navarre in her Memoirs, p. 1f5, mention!
that she informed her brother of a conspiracy, on his
promising to take no vengeance on the p trues impli-
cated: it is not surprising then, that he should he irri-
tated. Charles appears to have had a design of assem-
bling the States General, as the best method of quiet-
ing the country ; for he appointed two gentlemen of
eai'h province-to make a survey, and ascertain what
was requisite.— See also the Memoirs of William de
Saulx seigneur de Tavannes, at the beginning of the
second book.
might be used to prevent the return of her
fayourite son, whenever the king should
die, — besides knowing his turbulent dispo-
sition, rendered more dangerous from his
inexperience, — she aimed at removing
him to some distance, and indulged him
with the hopes of a marriage with the
Queen of England, or of obtaining for him
* De Thou, liv. 57, vol vii p. ]7.
t D'Aubigne and Mezeray.
% Discours du Roi Henri III. (a Mirou )
} Brantome, vol. viii. p. 210. De Thou, liv. 57.
166
CONSPIRACY OF THE POLITIQUES.
the government of Flanders: the vacant arose between Navarre and Aleneon, and
office was in the mean time conferred upon i on one occasion it required the interposi-
the Duke of Lorrain. Alencon's dissatis-
faction revived the hopes of the Hugue-
nots, who anticipated great results, if they
could have the king's brother at their head :
they offered to make him chief of their
party ; persuading him that he might thus
obtain even more power and considera-
tion than had been refused him * In this
manner was renewed the project, which
had been abandoned at La Noue's recom-
mendation ; and the Politiques or malcon-
tents re-appeared as a party, with the ad-
dition of many persons of distinction.
The King of Navarre and the Prince of
Conde were ready to join in any under-
taking likely to put an end to their forced
residence at court, which, from the strict-
ness with which they were watched, was
a captivity; Navarre besides had a great
wish to visit his own dominions.! The
leaders of the association held their confe-
rences, sometimes at the residence of the
Queen of Navarre, sometimes at that of
Madame de Sauve :} both those ladies had
such a reputation for intrigue, that the
visits of the confederates *excited no sus-
picion. But bad as were the morals of
that corrupt court, the undisguised licen-
tiousness of this coterie excited at last the
king's severe displeasure.
The Duke of Aleneon had two favour-
ites, who were of bold and scheming dis-
positions, and by whose counsels he had
been excited to such measures. They
were Joseph Boniface de la Mole, and An-
nibal, Count de Coconas, an Italian. The
Queen of Navarre laid no restraint on her
passion for La Mole, and the Duchess of
Nemours, Guise's mother, placed her af-
fections on Coconas : the King of Navarre
and the Duke of Aleneon disputed for the
affection of Madame de Sauve, who was
also addressed by the Duke of Guise.
Charles IX. was indignant that his sister
should so disgrace herself, and employed
some person to despatch La Mole as he
quitted the young queen's apartment ; but
either being warned, or by chance, he
stayed there till morning, and thus es-
caped the snare.? Disputes frequently
* Davila, liv 5. Mezeray.
+ Perefixe, Hist, de Henri le Grand.
X She was the wife of the Baron Ue Sauve: after his
death, in 1579, she married the Marquis De Noirmou-
tier.
§ Journal de Henry III.
tion of several gentlemen to prevent their
fighting*
The Queen of Navarre was the person
who composed these differences; and in
spite of the little reserve which was main-
tained, the enterprise of the confederates
failed only from a misunderstanding re-
specting the day of its execution. Their
ulterior intentions are unknown, at least
there is so much uncertainty respecting
them, that it is impossible to form an opi-
nion upon the subject ; but whether they
contemplated any measure for excluding
the King of Poland after his brother's death,
or not, it is clear that, at the moment, their
object was only to withdraw all the con-
federated princes from the court, then
staying at St. Germain's; and to conduct
them into some province, in which the
Protestants were numerous. An escort
was all they required ; and if the evasion
were effected simultaneously with the ar-
rival of their conductors, success would be
certain. As a collateral measure, and to
prevent immediate pursuit, by any consi-
derable force, it was proposed to surprise
a few surrounding towns at the same
time.t
On Shrove Tuesday,} 1574, the court
was surprised by the information, that
armed bodies had been seen in every di-
rection around the chateau ; their arrival
was not to have taken place for a fort-
night, but the consternation of the queen-
mother gave the confederates every op-
portunity to effect their purpose at once.
Aleneon hesitated; and when his friends
begged him to depart without loss of time,
he replied, that he would not go, unless
the town of Mantes were ready to receive
him. Duplessis-Mornay represented that
his presence alone was sufficient to open
the gates, and that without him they could
not get possession of the town : the Duke
of Aleneon was inflexible.^
Mornay, unwilling to abandon the en-
* Matthieu, liv. 7, p 409.
t Le Lahoureur. hi his additions to Castelnau, re-
presents Navarre and Aleneon as having planned the
murder of Catherine (le Medicis But liayle (Art. Henry
IV.) considers there is no foundation for such a hypo-
thesis ; and, indeed, it is hardly probable thai if Navarre
had meditated such a thing, he would have chosen Alen-
eon for a conlederate
% The 30th of February is said to lie the precise day
by De Liques in his Life of Duplessis-Mornay, and
Amiraull in that of La Noue.
,;. Vie de Duplessis-Mornay, liv. 1, p. 20. Mem. de
Bouillon, p. 40.
CONSPIRACY OF THE POLITIQUES.
167
terprise, went to Mantes, accompanied by
his brother ; they each of them seized a
gate, and waited the arrival of Guitry,
who commanded the escort, when they
would be able to overpower the town.
He happened to arrive too late, and Mor-
nay and his brother escaped by a strata-
gem ; they sallied from the town under
pretence of attacking Guitry, and after
some pretended manoeuvres and pursuit,
they all retired together. The king
thanked him, by letters, for having saved
the town from surprise; but he would not
trust himself within reach of the king's re-
sentment, which he knew would be vio-
lent, when the whole affair were laid open*
La Mole, in the mean time, perceiving
that the enterprise had failed, thought to
obtain the queen's favour by giving a full
account of the affair : he assured her that
she need be under no apprehensions
whatever, as the exclusive object was to
release the princes from their captivity.
Catherine would not trust to this repre-
sentation, but gave immediate orders to
set out for Paris. D'Aubigne has given
us a description of the confusion which
this sudden departure of the court pro
duced: "the Cardinals of Bourbon, Lor
rain, and Guise, Birague the Chancellor,
Morvilliers, and Bellievre, were all mount-
ed on Italian coursers, grasping the saddle
bows with both hands, and in as great
fear of their horses as of their enemies."!
The king, dangerously ill, was taken out
of his bed in the middle of the night to be
carried in a litter. His sufferings, both
bodily and mental, ami the mystery which
still hung over the affair, made him sus-
pect the worst, and his mind recalled the
attempt uponMeaux: he said with a sigh,
as he was moved into his litter, "at least
they might have waited for my death !"J
The principal object of the confederates
failed; but the plans of the Huguenots had
led to events which were of serious con-
sequence. They had resolved on taking
arms in every part of France at the end
of the carnival; the Ilochellese had chosen
La Noue for their general ;§ and in the
night of Shrove Tuesday he seized two
towns by escalade. Other chiefs did the
same in different provinces; and among
them Montgomery, who was in Guernsey,
waiting for a favourable opportunity: he
took Carentan, Saint Lo, Domfront, and
Valognes, and levied contributions on the
surrounding country.* The Prince of
Conde, Thore, and Turenne escaped into
Germany ; the rest were imprisoned. Na-
varre and Alengon were confined in the
castle of Vincennes; the marshals Mont-
morency and Cosse were sent to the Bas-
tille, to the great joy of the Parisians, who
hooted and hissed them as they were con-
veyed thither,t the persons of inferior rank
were held in custody to await the result
of a judicial inquiry, which was proceeded
with directly the court appeared secure
from danger.}:
Catherine, alive to every suspicion, and
fearing the worst consequences if her fa-
vourite son were prevented from enjoying
his right of succession, was resolved on
adopting some measure of severity to
deter all parties from repeating these ma-
chinations ; and at the same time she
hoped to convert this attempt against her
authority into an occasion for strengthen-
ing it. The Viscount de Bourdeille, a
courtier who appears to have enjoyed the
confidence of the king and his mother,
wrote to the Duke of Alencon to caution
him how he conducted his affairs. "If,"
says he, " I had the honour of being with
you for two hours, I would tell you things
which you would find strange and ma-
liciously invented: so that unless the king,
the queen-mother, and you do not take
better care than hitherto, I fear I shall see
you aussi petits compagaons que mny.n\
From this it would appear that Bourdeille
participated in the queen's fears of some
deep plan of the Politiques respecting the
government. When Catherine questioned
the Duke of Alenpon, he confessed every
thing; and hetrayed his friends, without
stipulating for the least consideration in
their favour. || The queen wished the
chancellor to examine the King of Na-
varre; but he refused to submit to such a
proceeding, which would compromise his
* Vie lie Diiplessis-Momay, p. 27.
t Hist. Univ. vol. ii. p. 119.
X Brantome, vol. ix p 437
$ He had retired lo Knchelli' in Jan. 1574, aclunted by
doubts which he entertained on account of thelreache-
*ous character of the queen. Amirault, p. lUti.
* Brantome, vol. ix. p. 170. Davila, liv. 5.
t Davila liv. 5, p 665. Le Grain, liv. 2. p. 112.
t Commission pour instruire les proces, &c — Mem. de
Never*, vol. i. p. 72.
} Andre. Viscount and Baron de Bourdeille, was the
elder brother of Pierre de Bourdeille, Seigneur and
Abbe de Brantome. This and other letters are to be
found in the 14th volume of his works.
|| Mem. du U ic ile Bouillon, p. 42.
168
DEATH OF CHARLES IX.
dignity as an independent prince. How-
ever, to satisfy the queen-mother that he
was innocent of the charges she preferred,
he made a declaration in her presence, in
which he complained of many abuses; still
he does not appear to have made any dis-
closure which might implicate any one*
Thore indeed was so seriously involved
by Alencon, that he would certainly have
been put to death : Navarre met him in
the palace, and told him to lose no time in
making his escape. t It was necessary to
discover something on which to found a
charge of high treason, for the evasion of
the princes was an act which did not jus-
tify severity ; several were put to the tor-
ture and made to confess things against
Montmorency and Cosse. In searching
La Mole's dwelling they found an image
in wax, which was said to represent the
king, whom they attempted to destroy by
magic.} Upon these grounds La Mole
and Coconas were beheaded; a gentle
man named Tourtray, was also put to
death; and the Florentine, Cosmo Rug-
gieri, was sent to the galleys.^ This man
was famous, not only as an astrologer, but
also as a maker of subtile poisons : the
queen-mother and several noblemen gave
him great protection, and from that circum
stance arose so much suspicion of persons
of rank being poisoned at this time.
Charles in the mean time was drawing
to the close of his mortal career: he exhi-
bited a shocking spectacle of wretchedness,
to serve as a warning to kings who may
have an inclination for bigotry or cruelty.
His bodily sufferings were rendered more
violent by his dreadful remorse: his blood
is said to have started through all his
pores; and the St. Bartholomew being
ever present to his imagination, he could
not help expressing the regret which it
caused him. j| As his end approached he
sent for the King of Navarre, whom he
called his brother: the queen-mother, afraid
lest it was to confer upon him the regency
of the kingdom, wished to deter him from
obeying the summons. As he proceeded
to the king, who also was in the castle of
Vincennes, she gave orders that he should
pass through vaults, between a double line
of guards ready to despatch him. Na-
varre, startled, retreated a few paces, and
refused to go; but the captain informed
him there was no danger, and though he
placed but little dependence on the decla-
ration, he had to pass before the carbines
and halberts.*
The dying king conversed with him for
some time in a very friendly manner, and
expressed sorrow at the severity with
which he had been treated. " I know,"
said he, " that you were not concerned in
the late affair, though, if I had paid atten-
tion to what was said, you would not now
be alive ; but I have al ways loved you, and
to your care I confide my wife and my
daughter: I recommend them to you." The
king then cautioned him to distrust .
• D'Aubigne. vol. ii. p. 121. Le Grain, liv. 2, p. 112
Matlhieu, liv. 6, p. 374. De Thou, liv. 57.
f Mem. du Due de liouillon, p. 42.
j Me m. de Nevers, vol. i. p. 73.
^ This execution took place at il.e end of April, 1574.
Journal de Henry III.
|i Sully, liv. 1.
The name was not heard distinctly in the
chamber, but the queen-mother immedi-
ately said, " Sir, you should not say that !"
"Why not?" replied the king, "for it is
true." It is probable that the King of
Poland was alluded to, for his vices were
well known to Charles: some, however,
think it was against the queen-mother
herself that the caution was directed.t
Charles died a few days after, in the
25th year of his age, and the fourteenth
of his reign. | The reason assigned for
his death, by Ambrose Pare, his sur-
geon, was his passion for hunting, when
he incessantly blew a horn. " However,"
says Brantome, " it could not be driven
out of some persons' ideas, that he was
poisoned when his brother set out for
Poland; and it was said, with the powder
of some marine animal, § which makes
the party languish a long time, and then
by degrees he dwindles away and becomes
extinct like a candle. Those who have
been suspected of being the authors of it,
have not come to a better end."|| Mar-
shal Bassompierre relates in his memoirs,
that having cautioned Louis XIII not to
blow a horn too much, as it killed
Charles IX., that king answered, "You
mistake; blowing the horn did not. cause
his death; but he quarrelled with the
queen Catherine, his mother, at Mon-
ceaux, and left her and went to Meaux;
and if he had not yielded to the per-
suasions of Marshal de Retz, who con-
ducted him back to Monceaux, to join
* Cayet, liv. ], p. 252. f Ibid.
J 301 h May, 1574.
t Lie* re morin is the expression in the original.
I) Brantome, vol. ix. p. 44u.
CAPTURE OF MONTGOMERY.
169
the queen his mother, he would not have
died so soon."*
De Thou, in allusion to the king's ill-
ness at Vitry, says that few persons
would believe the disorder was natural,
andjjn giving an account of his death,
he mentions', " that, to remove doubts, the
king's body was opened, but some livid
spots which were discerned, and could
not be accounted for, only served to con-
firm the public in their suspicion."!
In his person Charles IX. was of good
stature, but without a pleasing physiog-
nomy: he took great pleasure in strong
bodily exercise, and did not want cou-
rage. His character can best be learned
from his history: he possessed a good
share of intellect, and was inclined to
poetry. Had he been free from- his mo-
ther's influence, he might have made a
much better king.
CHAPTER XXXI.
Capture and execntion of Montgomery— Flight of
Henry III. from Poland— Death of the Princess of
Conde and of the Cardinal of Lorrain.
During the latter month of Charles
life the queen-mother had tried to have the
regency settled upon her, in a manner
that should prevent every kind of dis-
pute. So long as the king retained his
strength, he refused to give any thing
more than letters to the governors of the
provinces, desiring them to obey her in
every thing during his illness; and, in
the event of his death, till the arrival of
the King of Poland; but, as his dissolu-
tion approached, he gave her the full
powers she wished for, and a short time
before he died he declared it in the pre-
sence of the princes and great officers of
state 4
The condition of public affairs would
have presented to any other person a
most appalling aspect; but discord was
Catherine's element, and it is even pro-
bable that she made the civil war, with
which France was threatened, a means
of obtaining her wish. The Prince of
Conde, on arriving at Strasbourg, had
abjured the Catholic religion and renew-
* Mem. de Bassompierre, vol. ii. p. 21.
t De Thou, liv. 57.
Journal de Henri III. Brantome, Vxt de Charles
15
ed his profession of Protestantism. This
event raised the hopes of the Huguenots,
and they took arms every where as if the
attempt on St. Germains had been suc-
cessful. The death of Charles IX. be-
came an additional motive with them, on
account of their detestation of his succes-
sor; and there is reason to suppose that
if the attempt had not been made too soon,
if the confederates had remained quiet
till after the king's death, they might
have succeeded in placing the crown on
Alencon's head. The taking of arms
was so general, that in the southern pro-
vinces every private gentleman assisted
in seizing on some strong place.*
Three armies had been levied to quell
the insurrection: one under the Duke of
Montpensier to oppose La Noue in Poic-
tou; a second, under his son, the prince
dauphin, was sent to Dauphiny; and the
third under Marshal Matignon was em-
ployed against Montgomery, who had
made great progress in Normandy. As
Marshal Damville already commanded
in Dauphiny and Languedoc, the queen
wished to displace him, and persons were
sent with orders to that effect, with pri-
vate instructions to put him to death if
possible. t The agents, however, could
do nothing against Damville's address:
he deceived the court by pretending to
take no offence at his brother's confine-
ment, and offered to lay aside his govern-
ment and charge of marshal, until the
king should be pleased to restore them;
but all the while he was increasing the
strength of his partisans in different
towns, and prevented any thing being
effected in the quarlei'4
The Duke of Montpensier could do
but little with his army; but Marshal
Matignon was more successful. He
marched direct to St. Lo, where Mont-
gomery was. The town is near the sea,
on the mouth of a river which afforded
the count a haven for his ships. Matig-
non succeeded in completely investing
the place, and a battery erected below the
shipping entirely blockaded the town on
that side. Montgomery, being well ac-
quainted with the neighbourhood, made
his escape by night; crossed an arm of
the sea in a fishing boat which lay on
* ltavila, liv. 5 p. ot)7.
f Brantome, vol. vii. p. 175. Davila, liv 5, p. 670.
Villeroy labours hard to clear himself from this impu-
tation.— Memoires d'Etat, vol. i. pp. 0, et seq
X Davila, liv. 5, p. 671.
170
CAPTURE OF MONTGOMERY.
the shove; and retired to Domfront, ano-
ther town held by his forces. His son
remained at St. Lo, the count promising
to return in a few days, with some
troops to help him. Directly Matignon
was informed of Montgomery's escape,
he followed him to Domfront, leaving
sufficient force to mask St. Lo: the for-
tifications of Domfront being very feeble,
the marshal soon obtained possession of
the town ; but the castle was extremely
strong.*
The court was delighted at the pros-
pect of capturing the count ; but jealousy
of Matignon, made Fervaques, an officer
of distinction, wish to disappoint him.
He was attached to the service of the
King of Navarre, who was naturally de-
sirous that Montgomery should escape.
Fervaques, accompanied by D'Aubigne,
went to the besieging army, with the in-
tention of conveying the count safely out
of the town, under pretence of examining
the trenches. D'Aubigne approached one
of the sentinels, and contrived to send a
message to the count, who met him at
the same place the next night. D'Au-
bigne offered him the means of escape,
which Montgomery refused, as he ex-
pected assistance from Germany very
speedily ; a few days after he was obliged
to surrender at discretion.!
The news of his capture reached Paris
three days before the king's death, but he
paid no attention to it, The queen was
surprised, and said to him, "How! my
son, do you not rejoice at the capture of
him who killed your father 1" He an-
swered, that he took no farther concern
about that, or any thing else. This list-
lessness was considered a sure sign of
his approaching end.f
Montgomery was the most obnoxious
man of all the Huguenot party, but the
death of Henry II. was purely accidental,
and ought not to have been placed among
the charges against him. He was an in-
defatigable leader, and his assistance and
co-operation had enabled Coligny to re-
" cover himself after the defeat at Montcon-
tour: he had besides been active and
useful in missions to England, to obtain
reinforcements. So particularly was he
doomed to destruction at the St. Bartho-
* Ibid. p. 075.
t D'Aubigne, vol. ii. p. 126.
i Branlome, vol. ix. p. 443. Malhieu, liv. G, p. 370.
lomew, that his escape was mentioned
in the first despatch sent off to communi-
cate the news to the King of Spain.*
No time was lost in condemning him
to the penalties of high treason ; he was
beheaded at the Greve, his body quar-
tered, and his family degraded from their
nobility. Previous to his execution, he
was cruelly tortured to make him confess
the existence of the late admiral's conspi-
racy, but the pain drew no such acknow-
ledgment from him, and mangled and
wounded as he was, he went to the
scaffold with remarkable serenity.f We
have an account, given by a contempo-
rary, of his steady attachment to his
principles: "He would not confess to the
Archbishop of Narbonne, who went to
him in the chapel to admonish him ; nor
would he take or kiss the crucifix, which
is usually presented to those who are
being led to execution, nor in any way
attend to the priest, who had been placed
in the cart by his side. A cordelier think-
ing to draw him out of error, began to
speak to him, and said that he had been
abused. Looking at him steadily, he an-
swered, "How! abused? and if I have
been it is by those of your order : for the
first person who ever handed me a Bible
in French, and made me read it, was a
cordelier like you ; and therein I have
learned the religion which I hold, which
alone is the true religion, and in which,
having since lived, I wish now by the grace
of God to die.' "J
Immediately after the death of Charles
IX. Catherine sent a courier to Poland to
communicate the intelligence to her son
Henry ; at the same time, to be more se-
cure in hef authority, she removed the
King of Navarre and the Duke of Aleneon
from Vincennes to the Louvre, where she
placed them in apartments, the win-
dows of which were grated : she alsofnt
so many persons to watch them, that
escape was impossible.^ But in order to
render their captivity less irksome, she
allowed them the society of her damsels
without any restraint.|| In addition to
these precautions, the queen had all the
gates of the Louvre blocked up, with the
exception of one, which was well guarded
* Biantome, vol. viii. p. 18-*.
t D'Aubigne, vol. ii. p. 131.
; 25ili June, 1574. Journal de Henri III.
§ Biantome, vol. i. p. 171.
H Mezeiay, Mrigt Chron.
FLIGHT OF HENRY III. FROM POLAND.
171
by Swiss ; and the streets adjoining were
barrica'doed, for she was fearful of some
attempt connected with the recent affair
of Shrove Tuesday.* Catherine's pre-
cautions were not without reason ; for two
proclamations were issued in the month
of July which forebode a great trouble
for her. One was from Damville, who,
finding himself exposed to such danger
from the queen's machinations, had de-
cided on joining the confederates; the
other was from the Prince of Conde, who
announced that his German levies would
be ready to march directly the Protest-
ants could find the means of paying them.
An assembly was held in consequence at
Milhaud, where it was decided that the
Prince of Conde should be proclaimed
their chief, until they could be joined by
the King of Navarre. t
The queen-mother, uncertain of the na-
ture of her son's policy, anxiously awaited
his arrival ; but as it was desirable to have
a strong force on foot, in case he should
wish to subdue his enemies by the sword,
she sent Count Schomberg to raise six-
thousand Swiss, and some troops of Ger-
man cavalry :\ while, in order to be nearer
the frontier on Henry's arrival, she went
to Lyons, taking with her the two cap-
tive princes; which, says Brantome, she
did so cleverly, that no one would have
thought they were prisoners who saw
them riding in her carriage with her.§
The courier with the intelligence of
Charles's death arrived at Cracow in the
middle of June, and Henry immediately
confirmed the regency to his mother.
The French nobles who had followed
him were pleased at the prospect of re-
turning to their native land. The Poles
were desirous of retaining him, and
especially wished that he should preside
at a Diet about to be held on the frontiers
of Lithuania. Henry had discussed the
affair, and he thought it better to quit
the kingdom immediately, than to waste
his time in formal consultations with the
Polish senate: his mother had informed
him of the state of affairs in France, and
that his presence was necessary ; and in
order to prevent his plans being sus-
pected, he acquiesced in the demands of
* Journal tie Henry III.
t Davila. liv. C>. Lapopeliniere, liv. 38. Mezeray,
Abrigi CUron. Arcere, p. 559.
X Davila, liv. C, p. U.
I Vol. i.p. 71. {Viedc Catherine )
the Poles, at the moment he was taking
measures for leaving them abruptly.
Bellievre, the French ambassador at his
court, demanded his audience of leave,
on the ground of his functions having
ceased at the death of the prince who had
commissioned him ; he set out for France
immediately, and ordered relays on the
road for the king and his suite. On the
night of the 18th of June, 1574, this
prince quitted his palace like a criminal
fleeing from justice ; but all his care and
arrangement barely preserved him from
being arrested and conducted back to the
Diet, which he had so shamefully insulted.
When his departure was known in the
morning, Count Tanchin, the grand
Chamberlain, pursued him with five hun-
dred horsemen ; but before he could over-
take him, Henry had reached the Impe-
rial dominions.* The French who re-
mained at Cracow were in danger of
being sacrificed to the vengeance of the
Poles ; the senate was in some measure
appeased by the explanation given by
Danzay, whom Henry had appointed to
be his ambassador in Denmark; he
showed the danger which pressed Henry's
return to France, Conde having an army
of Germans read)' to join the Huguenots
already in revolt. This excuse would
have justified Henry in the eyes of pos-
terity, if his flight had not presented such
inconsistency. He feared faction in
France; he knew that more than one
ambitious leader was ready to dispute the
crown with him, and felt conscious of
having incurred the hatred of a large
body in arms. But when he arrived at
Vienna, Maximilian treated him with
such distinction, that he forgot the state
of his affairs, and remained six days in
the midst of pleasure and festivity. f
The emperor's two sons conducted
hi in to the frontier, and w ishing to avoid
a renewal of the treatment he had expe-
rienced in passing through Germany, he
took the route of Friuli and Venice: he
was received at the latter town in a most
magnificent manner. He first alighted
at Murano, a town famous for its manu-
factories of mirrors and crystals, where
the display so enchanted his weak mind,
that he ennobled all the manufacturers:
* De Thou, liv. 58. Mnthieu, liv. 7.
t Brantome, vol. iv. p. 75. Mezeray, Abrigi Chion.
172
ARRIVAL OF HENRY III. IN FRANCE.
" by which," says a modern writer,* " it
is not to be understood that they became
Patricians of Venice; but that sort of no-
bility which swarms throughout Italy
and Germany. A grand procession of
gallevs of every kind were sent to con-
duct him from Murano to Venice. Hen-
ry threw his arms round the neck of
Antonio Canale, who superintended it;
lavished the most flattering compliments
upon him for his exploits at the battle of
Lepanto, and knighted him. At a sitting
of the grand council the king assisted in
the costume of a Venetian Senator."
Henry made some stay at Venice; but
throughout his journey he was willing to
stop wherever there were fetes: so much
so, that instead of being actuated by love
for France, his conduct seemed the result
of dislike to Poland. He was sumptu-
ously entertained by the Dukes of Fer-
rara, Mantua, and Savoy, and entered his
own dominions in the beginning of Sep-
tember, having occupied nearly three
months in his journey. f
Catherine presented to him the King
of Navarre and the Duke of Aleneon,
saying, " I hand over to you these two
prisoners: you have been informed of
their conduct, and it is for you to decide
on their fate." Henry received them
with a formal embrace, and listened to
their excuses, when they made many
protestations of their attachment to his
person and government. He set them at
liberty, recommended them to live united,
and cautioned them against pernicious
counsels which might be given them.:}
The princes received the sacrament with
him, and swore fidelity and obedience. §
Henrv hesitated for a considerable time
in deciding upon the policy he should
adopt. Not only France, but the princi-
pal governments of Europe were in sus-
pense; all being anxious to see whether
the hero of Jarnac and Montcontour
would quiet his kingdom by arms, or ap-
pease it by measures of a conciliatory
nature. At Vienna the Emperor had
* Dnru Hist, de fenise,\\v. 28.
t The Duke of Savoy availed himself of the oppor-
tunity to obtain a written promise that Pignerol and
some other places in Piedmont should he given up to
him: this disgraceful cession of territory paused a spi
rited remonstrance from the Duke of Nevers and Mar-
shal Bourdillon. — See Mem.de JVevers, vol. i. pp. 1,
and 68.
J Mathieu, liv. 7. p 402.
| Lui jurant par Ic Dieu qu'ils alloient recevoir, %c.—
Journal de Henri III.
urged him to abstain from rigorous pro-
ceedings, and the Venetian senate had
suggested the same thing; but his con-
sciousness of being detested by the Pro-
testants for his conduct at the St. Bartho-
lomew made him resolve on a war for
the purpose of exterminating them. He
found three armies in the field, and had
only to extend the scale of operations.
Two of these, however, being command-
ed by princes of the house of Bourbon,
the queen-mother thought it might lead
to a revival of the importance of that fa-
mily, and Marshal Bellegarde was ap-
pointed to command in Dauphiny, in the
place of the Prince Dauphin. Belle-
garde immediately commenced the siege
of Livron; but without any prospect of
success, for he was obliged to detach a
part of his forces to oppose Montbrun,
who ravaged Dauphiny uncontrolled.
Montbrun was a gentleman of Dau-
phiny, and one of the first who took
arms at the time of the conspiracy of
Amboise. He was nephew of Cardinal
Tournon, who persuaded him to return
to the Romish Church, and obtained for
him the king's pardon.* But he after-
wards rejoined his old friends, and his
successful encounters gave him such con-
fidence that he actually seized the king's
baggage in passing to Lyons. Being
summoned in the king's name to release
the prisoners he had taken, he answered
with astonishing effrontery: — "What!
the king writes to me as king, as if I
must acknowledge him as such. I wish
him to know, that it would be very well
in time of peace: but in war, when folks
are armed and in the saddle, every one is
equal." His good fortune at last desert-
ed him; a few months afterwards he at-
tacked some troops of Gordes, the go-
vernor of the province, when he got so
entangled in a position between a moun-
tain and a river, that his followers were
completely routed, and himself wounded
and taken prisoner: he was speedily ex-
ecuted, by order of the parliament of
Grenoble.t
But embarrassed as the public affairs
were at this period, Henry's disposition
to gallantry prevented him from giving
* Fleury. Hist da C. Tournou. p. 316.
t Feb. 1575. Brantome, vol. x. p. 178. Davila, liv. 6.
In his life, written by Guy Allard, (p. 90,) it is men-
tioned, that the king sent him a pardon, but the mes-
senger arrived too late; he had then been executed two
hours.
SUDDEN DEATH OF THE PRINCE ^OF CONDE.
173
them " his fixed and serious attention.
Catherine encouraged this bias, which
became so much security for the duration
of her authority. Nothing could surpass
the splendour of the court at Lyons; and
it was a great misfortune for Henry to be
so exposed, at a time when his affairs re-
quired such different pursuits. His mind,
bent upon pleasure, here received the
death-blow to all his energy; and his ac-
cession to the throne of France became
the epoch of so complete a change in his
disposition, that the Duke of Anjou could
no longer be recognised in him. Flat-
teries and seductions of every kind
fanned into dreadful activity almost every
bad quality, while his unbridled passions
made him a slave to licentiousness, to the
destruction of his character as a man,
and the loss of his dignity as a monarch.
Every attraction which female inge-
nuity could devise was put in practice at
this time by the numerous beauties of
the court, who aimed at the honour of
being the king's mistress; but the charms j
of the P rincess of Condc rendered their 1
efforts unavailing; and though Henry's
whole time was absorbed in gallantry
and dalliance, he never formed any at-
tachment. The princess had been the
idol of his heart before he left France:
while in Poland, he wrote to her with
his own blood, to assure her of his affec-
tion; and when he returned, he renewed
his correspondence with her. At last,
finding her fixed on rejecting his suit, he
proposed to marry her: a divorce, he re-
presented, could be easily effected, on the
ground of the prince's heresy, and the
circumstance of her having had no child;
by him. The letter which contained!
this proposal was intercepted by the
queen-mother, who took alarm at the idea
of such a marriage, by which her influ-
ence would be inevitably destroyed. Her
most ready method to prevent any result,
was to write to the Prince of Conde,
thinking that, jealous of his honour, and
his wife's affection, he would speedily
send for her to join him. But Conde
had full confidence in the validity of his
marriage, and in the virtue of the prin-
cess, and took no measures for removing
her trom a court where it suited his inte-
rests to have her remain.*
Catherine then persuaded her son how
necessary it was he should marry, to
preserve the kingdom from the horrors
of a contested succession. She recom-
mended several princesses, beautiful and
accomplished, it is true, but not likely to
excite him to act as a king, and to govern
for himself, which the Princess of Conde
would be sure to do. Henry appeared to
assent to his mother's wish; and to der
ceive her more completely, he sent an
embassy to Sweden to demand the hand
of that king's sister; but Catherine was
informed by her agents that he secretly
took measures for effecting his object,
and that he had arranged for speedily an-
nulling the prince's marriage, that he
might espouse the princess. This intel-
ligence was closely followed by orders
from the king, to prepare for his entry
into Paris; but while the preparations for
that entry occupied the attention of the
court, the Princess of Conde died sud-
denly.* Henry's grief was extremely
violent: he did not refuse to join in the
general suspicion, that the death of the
Princess of Conde was the effect of his
mother's contrivance; at the same time,
he entertained such a dread of her vin-
dictive disposition, that he did not dare
to reproach her with it. The condition-
of a country under such rulers cannot be
too much deplored.
The court was soon after diverted from
this subject by another demise; and Hen-
ry's grief was assuaged by the direction
of his thoughts into a different channel:
at the end of December the Cardinal of
Lorrain expired, after a short illness.
The very prominent part he had taken in
the government of France, during so
many years, caused his decease to ab-
sorb every other idea for some days.
The queen-mother was relieved from the
fears which his intriguing ambition had
frequently caused her; but his talents and
resources had, at times, been of inestima-
ble value. The cardinal had shown great
ability as a statesman; but, unfortunately
for his reputation, his ideas were framed
on the doctrines of Machiavelli. As an
ecclesiastic, he ranked high for his learn-
ing and eloquence, and he had a great re-
putation for piety; but, says Brantome,
he was thought to avail himself of tha;
* Malthieu, Mezeray, and De Lusaau, Vic de Crillon. * Vie de Crillon. Mezeray, Mregi Chron.
15*
174
PLOT AGAINST THE KING DISCOVERED.
for purposes of grandeur. The same
writer states,* " That he had frequently
heard the cardinal discuss the confession
of Augsburg, and preach upon it, too, in
order to win over the German princes,
more than for any other reason." In his
temper he was haughty, and in his dispo-
sition vindictive.: with respect to his con-
duct, if, as it has been said, he was a li-
bertine, he had sufficient prudence to
avoid public scandal in his pursuits. He
was liberal with his money, but his mind
was too elevated for him to sink into
common extravagance; and his chief ex-
penditure was the employment of agents
at every court in Europe, for obtaining
early information of what was going on.t
This rendered him formidable to his op-
ponents, by his knowledge of their diffe-
rent manoeuvres; while his thorough skill
as a financier made him highly valuable
to an administration.
CHAPTER XXXII.
The Duke of Alenoon escapes from court tn join the
malcontent*— Defeat of the Reitres at Dormans—
Escape of the King of Navarre.
Marshal Bellegarde was still before
the walls of Livron, the feeble garrison
of which town defied his continued ef-
forts: the king thought that his presence
would have some effect upon the exer-
tions of the besieging army, and went to
the camp, accompanied by the queen-mo-
ther and the whole court. His arrival
was no sooner known to the garrison,
than the walls were crowded with men,
women, and children, who said the most
insulting things of him and his mother.J
"Cowards!" they exclaimed, addressing
the king's followers; " Assassins! what
are you come for? Do you think to sur-
prise us in our beds, and to murder us, as
you did the admiral ? Show yourselves,
young minions! come, and prove to your
cost, that you are unable to make head
even against our women."§ Their inso-
lence was the more mortifying to the
king, as the courageous resistance of the
garrison had wasted his army considera-
bly; and the remains were so dispirited,
that he ordered the siege to be raised,
giving out as a pretext tha,t he wanted
the troops for his coronation.*
For that purpose he quitted Dauphiny
in January, 1575. He was on the road
to Rheims, when Fervaques approached
him in the dress of a countryman, to give
information of a plot against his life.
He denounced the Duke of Alencon as
the chief conspirator, and Henry was
willing to believe the account upon the
statement of Fervaques alone; but Ca-
therine recommended an inquiry into the
affair. Fervaques introduced a person,
named by the queen, to the assembled
conspirators, as a confidant of Alengon:
relying on the honour of Fervaques, they
threw off all reserve before the stranger,
and convinced him that their intention
was to kill the king, and place the Duke
of Alencjon on the throne. They were
satisfied that nothing could be more easy,
and complained of the Duke, who had
sent them no communications for a long
time. The spy gave them some plausi-
ble reason, and returned to make his re-
port, f It is unknown whether this con-
spiracy was altogether new, or merely a
revival of that for which La Mole and
others had suffered. The king immedi-
ately sent for his brother, and, in a me-
nacing and angry manner, reproached
him with the crime, of which he said he
had sufficient proofs, and for which he
deserved death. Alencon confessed that
the plan had been proposed to him, but
that he had never consented to be a party
to it, and that he imagined it had been
abandoned. The queen's influence and
persuasion brought the king to hush up
the matter; but if left such an impression
on his mind, that he was always ready
to encourage suspicions against his bro-
ther. As none of the accomplices in this
plot were punished, it was thought at the
time that the whole affair was got up by
the queen-mother, to answer some of her
intricate purposes, by alarming her son.
Henry confided his safety to the King of
Navarre, who acted as captain of his
body-guards, and never quitted the door
of his carriage.f
After various delays, Henry arrived at
Rheims, where he was crowned by the
* Vol. viii.p. 149.
I Sully, liv. 1.
f Ibid. p. 148.
§ De Thou, liv. GO.
* Mezeray, Jlbrege Chron.
f Matthieu, liv. 7, p. 410.
J Mein. de Nevers, vol. i. pp. 78—9. Perefixe.
THE KING SUSrECTS HIMSELF POISONED.
175
Cardinal of Guise * There were present
so few persons of distinction, that De
Retz performed the duty of constable :t
the day following he married Louisa de
Vaudemont, daughter of tiie Duke of Mer-
cceur, a relation of the princess of Lor-
rain ; a match which had been strongly
recommended by the late cardinal, and
very much increased the importance of
his family.
The king returned to Paris towards
the end of March, and in a short time re-
ceived proposals of an accommodation with
the confederates, who sent deputies for
that purpose, when they heard of his
arrival. Their demands, which were
thought unreasonable by the court, were
supported by the influence of the ambas-
sadors from England and the Swiss can-
tons. The king was unwilling to grant
the terms they desired ; and even had his
feelings been that way inclined, the re-
monstrances of the Catholic party were
so violent, that he would not have ven-
tured to slight them. The deputies
quitted the court, leaving one of their
number to keep open a chance of some
arrangement. |
Never was a court more curiously di-
vided than that of Henry III. at this time.
The Duke of Guise sought the friendship
of the King of Navarre, and they lived in
great harmony ; but Guise discovered
that he was deceived, and a mortal hatred
arose between them.§ Guise considered
that while Navarre lived he could never
be safe; while he was well aware that
Guise would never allow him the privi-
leges to which he was entitled, as first
prince of the blood. The queen-mother,
who had formerly been so partial to the
King of Navarre, now entertained an
equal dislike to him, and went so far as
to ask her daughter Margaret if he had
any defect, for in that case a divorce
should be obtained. || The queen's hatred
arose from an astrologer having predicted
that he would be king of France. Her
hopes had long dwelt upon another pre-
diction, that her four sons should be
kings, and she had made great endea-
vours to realize the idea. When Henry
returned from Poland, she endeavoured
* loth Feb., 1575.
t Brantnnie, vol. vi. p. 10.
t Davila, liv. 6, p. 13.
i Mem de la Vie de J. A. de Thou, liv. 3.
I Mem. de la Reine Marguerite, p. 183.
to place his brother on that throne, but
the diet had resolved on the election of
another* Alencon's ambition had there-
fore to fix upon a fresh object.
Navarre possessed the king's confi-
dence and esteem ; but Alencon was
suspected on account of the numerous
intrigues he had been concerned in : that
prince was also despised by the whole
court for his known bad qualities. His
position in the state alone preserved his
importance; and the valour of his friend
and confidant, Bussy d'Amboise, protected
him from many insults intended for him
at the instigation of the king, who could
no longer endure his presence, and was
resolved to have him despatched.
Soon after the king was dangerously
ill, and the disorder principally affected
his ear. He called to mind the prevailing
opinion upon the death of Francis II., and
considered himself poisoned by his bro-
ther's contrivance; he sent immediately
for the King of Navarre, whom he in-
formed of his suspicions, declaring that he
should regret leaving his crown to such a
detestable successor, and ordered him to
despatch the duke. The king's favourites
longed for an opportunity of punishing a
prince they so much detested, and pre-
pared to assist the King of Navarre, who
attempted to calm the king's mind by
showing him the dreadful consequences
of such an event. Henry became more
enraged, and ordered it to be done directly,
for fear it should not take place when he
was dead. The king of Navarre at last
persuaded him to ascertain that he was
really poisoned before he took such vio-
lent measures, and observed, that it was
to his interest, his honour, and his fame,
to protect the life of the duke, as he would
be open to much suspicion if any such
thing occurred, on account of his then
becoming first prince of the blood and
heir to the crown.f
Henry's recovery convinced him how
wrongfully he had suspected his brother;
and it was to have been expected that
his angry feelings towards him would
have given place to fraternal affection as
the proper recompense for his ill-treat-
ment. The king's hatred, however, ap-
peared to increase; as he took every
* Davila, liv. vi. The diet chose Stephen Battori, a
native of Huneary.
t Mathieu, Perenxe, P. Daniel, and Mem. do Nevers.
176
ESCAPE OF THE DUKE OF ALENCON.
opportunity of showing his contempt, by
encouraging his minions to insult the
duke. It was at his suggestion that a
plan was laid for murdering Bussy d'Am-
boise, the duke's favourite. As he was
leaving the Louvre one evening, that per-
son was ntt trfced by a number of armed
men, who fired at him several times : by
a wonderful chance he escaped. It was
generally believed that persons were sent
to inform the Duke of Aleneon that Bussy
was being murdered, and that if he had
gone to help him he was to have been
killed also: this affair made a great noise
at the court.*
Another circumstance occurred about
the same time, which shows that Henry
would consent to any atrocity, in order to
be freed from those whom he disliked.
Marshal Montmorency, who had remained j
in confinement ever since the attempt on i
St. Gef mains, had been preserved from
destruction by the influence of his wife, |
of whom the king was tenderly fond,f:
added to a dread of his brother's resent-
ment, if any harm should befall him.
As there appeared no chance of bringing
him to trial, notwithstanding the complete
proofs they had of his complicity in the late
affair, those who had contributed to the
severity of his confinement felt apprehen-
sive that, whenever he obtained his liberty,
he would surely take some sort of re-
venge : their object in consequence was
to destroy him. A report was circulated
that Marshal Damville was dead : all fear
ceasing from that quarter, the king was
easily persuaded to give orders for strang-
ling Montmorency and Cosse in prison. $
Their lives were spared by the postpone-
ments contrived by Gilles de Souvre,
who was intrusted with the dreadful com-
mission. The king had promised to make
him governor of Vincennes, as a recom-
pense ; but either from attachment to
Montmorency, or from pure motives of
humanity, he caused repeated delays, and
allowed time for the arrival of a courier
with the news of Damville's recovery :
the plan was then abandoned altogether.
Some poison had recently been given to
* Mem. de la Kerne Marguerite, p. 211. Perefixe,
liv. 1.
t Madame de Montmorency was a natural daughter
of Henry II. She was subsequently known as Diana,
Duchess d'Ancouleme. She went to Lyons in mourning
on the kind's arrival to intercede for her husband. De
Thou, liv. 5!». Brantome, Vie de Marichal M.
X Mem. de Nevers, vol. i. p. 81.
Marshal Damville, but good remedies ap-
plied with promptitude preserved his life:
the king, however, received information
that it had killed him, a fair ground for
supposing his knowledge of its being ad-
ministered.*
The friends of the captive marshals took
the only revenge in their power : which
was to stir up the discontented feelings of
the Duke of Alencon, and thus increase
the importance of the party. That prince
was very indignant at being refused the
post of lieutenant-general ; and besides,
considered the recent attack upon Bussy
as a personal injury : he resolved to quit
the court. His fondness for Madame de
Sauve prevented him from keeping secret
his intentions, and the king being informed
of them, he found it difficult to execute his
purpose. He succeeded by going one
evening to the faubourg St. Marcel, to
visit a lady who was known to receive
great attention from him; and while his
gentleman waited for him in the street, he
slipped out by a private door, and imme-
diately proceeded to the rendezvous of his
confidential friends. Horses were ready,
and without any loss of time they set out
for Dreux, where he arrived before morn-
ing.! The next day he published a mani-
fest, explaining his reasons for quitting
Paris. He enlarged on the improper
manner in which he and many noblemen
had been held in unmerited confinement;
he complained of the advisers about the
king, who would effect the complete ruin
of the kingdom; and demanded the call-
ing of the states-general for putting an end
to different abuses, and the assembling of
a general council for religious affairs.
This proclamation was chielly distri-
buted in those parts where the Huguenots
were numerous, from which it would ap-
pear that the prince placed his hopes of
support on that party. +
Alencon's escape was known at court a
few hours afterwards, and the Duke of
Nevers was sent in pursuit of him ; but he
was too far a-head to be overtaken.
Henry's anger was kindled against his
brother; he paced his room up and down,
and gave vent to his passion in the most
+ Bratctnine, vol. vii. p 175. De Thou, liv. 01. Ma-
thieu anil Mezeray.
i I5ih September, 1575. Davila, liv G. 16th accord-
ing to IV Thou, liv. til.
t Davila, liv. 6. D'Aubigne, vol. ii. p. 177. Mem.de
Neveis, vol. i. p. 97.
ALENCON JOINS THE MALCONTENTS.
177
violent threats ; lie ordered every one to
take horse immediately and bring back
the duke dead or alive. Several of the
courtiers pretended to obey the order, but
others observed " That they would devote
their lives for the king in any way; but
to go against Monsieur, his brother, they
were sure would bring his displeasure
upon them at a future time."* A council
was held the next day to consider what
measures ought to be adopted. The
queen-mother was of opinion that the
affair should be accommodated on any
terms whatever: as no price was too
great for detaching the prince from the
malcontents. The king took the same
view of the subject, and the two marshals
were released from prison, on the sole
condition of contributing their aid in
bringing about a reconciliation.! Circular
letters were also addressed to all the
princes of various houses of France, call-
ing for their co-operation.:):
The Duke of Alencon was soon sur-
rounded with a number of persons of
rank: Turenneaad La Noue were among
the first who joined him, The Prince of
Conde was advancing to meet him with
his foreign levies: he knowing Alengon's
ambitious disposition, and considering the
importance of his name, as brother of the)
king, would not dispute the precedence;!
and being sure that he possessed the con-]
fidence of the Huguenots and foreigners,
he proclaimed Alencon commander-in-
chief, satisfied with the real exercise of the
authority, while he resigned the name of1
it. He made, however, one stipulation :
that no peace should be concluded with-
oat his consent, and which did not secure
for him the government of Metz, Toul,
and Verdun.§
Thore, a younger brother of the Mar-
shals Montmorency and Damville, had
contributed a large sum towards the !
equipment of the foreign troops; and was
appointed to command a division, which
* Mem de Mevers, vol. i. p. 83.
t Davila, liv. 6.
J A copy of this letter is inserted at length in the
Mem. de Nevers. vol. i. p 92; but it is dated 6lh Sep-
tember, and -.peaks of the duke's flight as having taken
place the day before: if the Kith be meant, it agrees
with Davila, but if we lake into account the alteration
of the calendar (which occurred ten years after this
event,) we must add eleven days, which makes it the I
]7th; thereby confirming the dale given by De Thou, —
a circumstance the more probable, as there is another J
instruction to governors, &x. on the same subject, dated
the 10th.
§ Davila and Mezeray.
was to precede the main body under
Conde, consisting of more than twenty-
five thousand men. Thore considered the
confederates were in need of help, and
proposed traversing Champagne to join
them, some time before the Prince of
Conde could come up.*
The queen-mother had heard of the
approach of this army, and, immediately
she knew of Alencon's flight, wrote to
Thore, saying, " That if he advanced, she
would send him the heads of his brother
and Marshal Cosse." He sent back word
in reply, " That if she did as she threaten-
ed, there was not a spot in France where
he would not leave traces of his ven-
geance."! He continued his march, and
the queen, instead of displaying her angry
feelings, set out to exert her persuasive
talents in an interview with her son.
Meanwhile Thore, passing through
Champagne, endeavoured to avoid an
action with Guise, who was pursuing him:
he was overtaken at Dormans, and com-
pelled to oppose his men, fatigued with
long and continued marchings, to the
fresh troops of the Dukes of Guise and
Mayenne. The action was severe, and
the loss on both sides was great. Thore's
troops were completely routed, and the
cavalry were destroyed ; the infantry,
however, succeeded in effecting a very
good retreat. | It was in this action that
Guise received the wound in' his face,
which obtained for him the surname of
the Balafre.
Alencon had proceeded to Berry ; Ne-
vers would have prevented his passing the
Loire, but Catherine sent him an order
signed by herself which stopped his pur-
suit. She feared lest any bodily harm
should befall her son. She followed him
from town to town, accompanied by the
two marshals, through whose assistance
she hoped to succeed in her projected ne-
gotiation. She did not fail to take with
her a numerous train of damsels, upon
whose co-operating influence she placed
great expectations. At last, in the month
of November, she overtook the duke at
Champigny in Poictou, when a truce for
six months was agreed to. Catherine re-
turned to Paris quite satisfied with her
success, as, before the expiration of the
* Davila, liv. 6.
t Mathieu, liv. 7. p 423.
% Davila, liv. G. Mem. de Bouillon, p. 137.
178
ESCAPE OF THE KING OF NAVARRE.
term, she might calculate upon the dis-
persion of the German troops ; and from
what she knew of her son's disposiiion,
she anticipated his consent to much more
favourable terms*
For a long time no person of conse-
quence of the Huguenot party had been
allowed to approach the King of Navarre:
he was watched and guarded by bigoted
Catholics, the greater part of whom had
distinguished themselves at the massacre.
He was besides surrounded with spies of
both sexes, and of every rank, whose ex-
clusive object was to prevent his escaping
to join the Duke of Alencon. But that
was not his intention : he had too indif-
ferent an opinion of that prince to make
common cause with him ; and it had been
Catherine's policy to keep alive a mis-
understanding between them. She had
soothed Navarre with the hopes of being
lieutenant general ; and as his competitor
had left the court in so offensive a man-
ner, he made sure of the appointment.
But the ladies De Sauve and Carnavalet,
who were rather attached to him, put an
end to his delusion, by showing him that
if Alencon would return, the post would
be made at once the price of a recon-
ciliation.
Three faithful attendants however were
with the King of Navarre — D'Aubigne,
Armagnac, and Jonqueres, who endea-
voured Id rouse their master to activity.
Wearied with their repeated efforts, which
were rendered ineffectual by the seduc-
tive pleasures with which Catherine had
surrounded him, they were on the point
of quitting his service, in order to join the
Huguenots; but one night they overheard
him lament the absence of faithful friends,
as he repeated a verse in the Psalms.
D'Aubigne took the opportunity of ad-
dressing his master in a firm and serious,
but respectful manner: "You sigh, Sire,
on account of the distance of your faithful
friends, while they are lamenting your
absence, and are endeavouring to procure
your liberty. But you have only tears
in your eyes, while they have arms in
their hands ; they fight the very enemies
that you are servirg." He roused his
feelings by showing that his proper place
was filled by Alengon ; and concluded
with the assurance, that so far from there
* Davila, liv, C, p. 41. Arairault, p. 177.
being any probability of his having the
post of lieutenant-general, the promise had
become a public jest at court. The effect
of this address was strengthened by the
Queen of Navarre, who reported some
| violent expressions which the king her
brother had made use of respecting him;
and her physician declared that he had
been ordered to poison him.*
It was at last decided, afier repeated
consultations, that the King of Navarre
should leave the court in February, 1576;
and that Mans, Chartres, and Cherbourg
should be seized by persons in his confi-
dence. The different parties took a so-
lemn oath that nothing should make them
relinquish the enterprise, and vowed eter-
nal enmity to him who should betray
them. To facilitate their purpose, the
King of Navarre was to appear confident
of soon obtaining the lieutenancy of the
kingdom, and "to have his liberty of hunt-
ing extended to a greater distance. To
effect this he went into Guise's chamber
before lie was up, and got into the bed to
him, for more confidential conversation.
He talked of his approaching preferment,
and so completely deceived the duke, that
he went immediately after he was dressed
to divert the king with Navarre's cre-
dulity. This morning visit proved ex-
tremely useful, for the court had resolved
to deprive him of the liberty of hunting at
a distance; but thinking him so willing a
captive in consequence of his expecta-
tions, they made no infringement on his
liberty.f
The King of Navarre went to hunt near
Senlis, without any idea of putting the
plan into execution so soon ; but a cir-
cumstance had occurred which rendered
decision necessary. Fervaques had on a
former occasion preserved the king's per-
son, by informing him of a plot on the
road to Rheims : the merit of this action
was destroyed by his afterwards confess-
ing that he thought such a service would
have secured his beinsi made a marshal
of France. A similar feeling induced him
on this occasion to betray the King of
Navarre and his friends. D'Aubigne ob-
served the king and Fervaques whisper-
ing together, and suspecting the nature
of their conversation, he retired without
being seen. He staid near the gate of
* D'Aubignfe, vol. ii. pp. 183, el sea.
t Ibid. p. 187.
ESCAPE OF THE KING OF NAVARRE.
179
the palace, and when he perceived Fer-
vaques coming out, he suddenly laid hold
of him, saying, " Wretch ! what have you
been doing?" The traitor, taken una-
wares, confessed that his obligations to
the king had made him betray Navarre;
and added, " Go, and save your master."
D'Aubigne went immediately to Na-
varre's stables and succeeded in getting
out of the town with the horses and
equerries, just before the gates were shut
by the king's orders. They were met
near Senlis by the King of Navarre, on
his return from the chase, who inquired
the reason of his horses being there.
D'Aubigne informed him of the treachery
of Fervaques, and recommended him to
retire to Seden or Alencon. The King
of Navarre was quite decided; but he
had two spies about him, and to be freed
from them required address. Fie called
one, and sent him to court with a mes-
sage, slating that a report having circu-
lated to his prejudice, that he was about
to join the malcontents, he wished to know j
whether it was his majesty's pleasure for !
him to continue hunting, or to appear to
clear himself. He dismissed the other on
a pretence of having forgotten that the
king was to go into the country, and sent
him to meet his majesty in another direc- j
tion. The King of Navarre then set out]
with a few gentlemen on whom he thought
he could rely, passed the Seine at Poissy, J
and reached Alencon the following day.*
Among his companions was La Valette, |
afterwards Duke of Espernon, who quitted
him soon after, entirely on account of his
religion. \
Soon after his arrival at Alengon he '
was joined by about two hundred and
fifty gentlemen ; and among others by
Fervaques, who found it safer to trust to 1
the prince he had betrayed and injured, :
than to him whom he intended to have ;
served ; especially as Henry III. was ex - j
tremely angry with him, and appears to
have appreciated his real motives: hej
swore that he would have him hanged, and
that if any one informed the traitor, his ;
life should answer for it. Crillon, a gen-|
tleman renowned for his bravery, ven- j
tured to caution his friend, who imme-
diately set off for Alencon to join the
* D'Aubigpe, vol. ii. p. 188. Sully, liv. 1. Mathieu,
Girard, Vie de Dut d' Espernon , p. 8.
liv.
King of Navarre. The flight of Fervaques
was known in the morning, and Henry in
a rage turned over in his thoughts the
names of those who heard him resolve on
punishing him. Crillon entered at the
moment, and the king with fury in his
countenance thus addressed him: "Fer-
vaques has escaped from my vengeance,
and leaves me only the hope of exercising
it signally on him who has placed him be-
yond my reach : do you know who itl's ?"
" Yes, sire !" said Crillon. " Well, then,"
answered the king with vehemence,
" name him." Crillon acknowledged that
he was the guilty person, and Henry was
so struck with his candour and firmness,
that he pardoned him, observing that as
there was only one Crillon in the world,
his clemency towards him could not be
brought into precedent.*
When Fervaques came to the King
of Navarre, D'Aubigne accused him of
treachery; he pleaded, as his defence, that
Madame Carnavalet had previously in-
formed Henry of the whole affair, and
that she had entreated him to confirm her
account; which he did, thinking that, as it
was known, his declaration was of no
consequence. Navarre accepted his ex-
cuse : either from attachment to him, or
through a consciousness of his own weak-
ness, whenever his principles and his pas-
sions were in contact.
From Alencon the King of Navarre
went to Tours, where he renounced
popery, and protested against his abju-
ration in 1572, as compulsory. t This
step increased the boldness of the Hugue-
nots, and their troops in different parts
amounted to fifty thousand men. But so
formidable a force accomplished nothing,
for the queen made use of her proposals
and intrigues; and the Duke of Alencon
finding his consideration eclipsed, became
less zealous in the cause. A meeting of
the coru^derate chiefs was held at Moulins,
early in March, where they drew up the
terms which they required, but which
were such as the government was not
likely to accede to. The Huguenots
claimed a portion of the tithes for the sup-
port of their ministers ; Alencon demanded
an extension of his appanage to a degree
which would have made him an inde-
* Vie de Crillon, vol. i. p. 249. D'Aubigne, vol. ii. p.
189. "
t Sully, liv. 1. Cayet, liv. 1.
180
RISE OF THE LEAGUE.
pendent prince; Conde desired the go-
vernment of Picardy, with the absolute
possession of Boulogne ; and Navarre
claimed the government of Guyenne, the
free sovereignty of his paternal dominions,
the payment of the pensions formerly al-
lowed to his family, and the dowry of his
wife. These demands, if granted, would
have been the ruin of the monarchy, and
they were therefore rejected.*
The King of Navarre made a sudden
journey into Guyenne and Beam ; and as
the people of those provinces were uncer-
tain whether he was acting for or against
the king, he was able to get possession of
several important places; besides which,
he was immediately joined by the ancient
adherents of his family. This alarmed the
court, and Catherine went again to the
camp to see what she could do with her
son. Alengon was easily persuaded to
renounce his connexion with the Hugue-
nots, and finding that his influence was
reduced to nothing, by the importance of
Navarre and Conde, (one of whom had j
the full confidence of the Huguenots, and i
the other of the Germans,) he was ready :
to consent to a peace on easy terms. A
treaty was concluded, the terms of which
were more favourable to the Protestants i
than those of any one preceding, although j
the demands made by the meeting at
Moulins were considerably modified. The
Protestants were allowed the free exercise
of their religion, with a number of towns;
and the attainders of Coligny, Briquemaut,
Montgomery, La Mole, and others were
reversed ; while, for the security of the
Huguenots in the administration of justice,
mixed commissions were established, com-
posed of persons of both religions. The
edict contained sixty-three articles, one of
which (the thirty-second) is remarkable,
as it declares that " the disorders and ex-
cesses committed on the 24th of August
and following days, at Paris and in other
towns and places of our kingdom, have
occurred to our very great regret and dis-
pleasure."!
* D.ivila, liv. 6.
t The edict dated May, 1570. is given at lengtli in the
Mem. it tfcocrs, vol. i. pp. 117, et seq.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
Rise of the League— Estates of Blois— War of 1576.
The treaty which concluded the fifth
civil war was attended with but little
benefit, and produced an armistice, rather
than a peace. The Protestants had ob-
tained such favourable terms, that they
could object to none of its conditions; but
every one entertained doubts of their
being carried into execution. They knew,
from experience, that Catherine was never
so lavish of her concessions as when she
was planning some great deception ; and it
is astonishing, that with so much knowledge
of her perfidy, they could ever listen to
any proposals, while she was at the head
of the government.
The King of Navarre retired to Ro-
chelle, where he was received with great
distinction ; the inhabitants however would
not allow him to be accompanied by all
his officers and gentlemen. They objected
in particular to La Valette, and every one
who had been concerned in the St. Bar-
tholomew :* they further stipulated that,
notwithstanding his position as their os-
tensible head, he should not assume the
government of the city, neither were the
keys to be presented to him, as that ho-
mage was limited to the king and his heir
apparent. Navarre had the good sense to
despise matters of mere parade, and wrote
a letter which completely satisfied the ci-
tizens.!
It soon became evident that the edict
of pacification would not be executed ;
and it seemed generally understood, that
the promises had been made exclusively
for detaching the king's brother from the
confederates. The articles in his favour
were fulfilled, but no qthers.J He assumed
the title of Duke of Anjou, and entered on
the enjoyment of an increased appanage;
but the queen very soon convinced Na-
varre that he need not look for the full ex-
ecution of the treaty : she even denied
having promised any thing to the Hugue-
nots, who perceived that they must before
long resume their arms.§
The Catholic party expressed great in-
dignation at the favourable conditions
* Sully, liv. 1. Percfixe, liv. 1.
t Arcere, vol. ii. p 19.
j Davila, liv. 6.
§ Sully, liv. 1.
RISE OF THE LEAGUE.
181
granted to the Huguenots; and the prin-j
cipal object of the court being effected, the
king took measures for stopping such
complaints, by encouraging the attempts
made to prevent the meetings of the Pro-
testants, and by delaying, on a number of
frivolous pretences, the establishment of
the Chambres mi-varlies, or mixed com-
missions ; and when at last a nomination
took place, the parliament of Paris being
aware of the king's feelings, refused to ad-
mit the new counsellor.*
The Huguenots had been so often de-
ceived, that they could not readily believe
the king sincere in signing the edict, espe-
cially as the parliament of Paris was con-
sidered averse to the measure. Catherine
perceived the necessity of removing such
suspicions, and wrote to La Noue, assu-
ring him that the report was false ; invited
him to court ; and not only guarantied his
own safety, but promised that the king
would be delighted to see him. La Noue
indeed possessed the confidence of all par-
ties, and was at this time consulted by the
court, the magistrates of Bourges, and the
citizens of Montauban and Rochelle:
while on one side he was the adviser o(
Navarre and Conde, he was on the other
entreated by Villeroy to obtain a favour
of the Duke of Anjou. To win over such
a man was worth some flattery on the
part of Catherine de Medicis :.but La Noue
disregarded her promises of protection,
and his biographer observes, that it was
certain the court had no intention of ob-
serving the edict of pacification, nor of ful-
filling its stipulations; and that was soon
evident. The king, wary and dissembling
as he was, made use of an expression
which discovered the wish of his heart.
The Protestants of Rouen had resumed the
exercise of their worship; and the Cardi-
nal of Bourbon, accompanied by several
counsellors, went to their plane of meeting
to prevent the service. He entered with-
out difficulty; and mounted the pulpit,
either to .command or entreat them to de-
sist: but the- Protestants immediately with-
drew, and left him alone. The king was
soon after informed, that the cardinal had
dispersed the Huguenots of Rouen with
his cross and banner : on which he ob-
served, " would to God they could be as
easily driven from the other towns, were
* Davila, liv. 6.
16
lit even necessary to add the holy water
basin !"*
The Prince of Conde was the first who
expressed his dissatisfaction : his govern-
ment of Picardy was withheld, and he
found that he should derive none of the
advantages which he had expected from
the treaty. He wrote in consequence to
Prince Casimir, requesting him to remain
near the borders of Lorrain, with the
Reitres under his command, until the
peace was firmly established.! This step
on his part was soon justified by the be-
haviour of the Catholics, who were not
only disgusted with the treaty itself, but
were indignant at the steadiness which
the Protestants displayed in their resolu-
tion to maintain it. They called upon the
king to revoke the edict, and altogether
exterminate the heretics ; the association
formed for expressing this general feeling
produced the League.
During the sittings of the council of
Trent, the Cardinal of Lorrain had pro-
jected a similar thing, and many suppose
thai this was no more than the develop-
ment of his plan. He had proposed that
his brother should be the chief; and the
measure met with the unanimous appro-
bation of the council. But the news of
Guise's death arrived about the same time,
and the cardinal's penetration satisfied him
how dangerous it would be for his family
to see that important post filled by any
but a prince of that house ; the design was
therefore abandoned for a time.}
The idea was renewed in 1567, when
an attempt was made to establish a society
for the defence of religion and the state,
under the name of the Brotherhood of the
Hob/ Spirit ! The king ordered Ta-
vannes to enrol all good Catholics, and
report their numbers to him; but the war
which soon after' broke out appears to
have put an end to it, for the association
is not subsequently mentioned in the ac-
counts (public or private) of the affairs of
France.
The endeavours of the government to
suppress the public exercise of thereformed
religion, rendered such associations unne-
cessary, till the peace of 1573 gave prooi
that the Huguenots' strength increased
* Amiraiilt, Vie de la JVoue, p 191.
t Hist, des Derjiiers Troubles, vol. i. p. 6.
t Maimbourg, Hist de la Liguc, vol. i. p. 20. Paris,
16S3.
182
RISE OF THE LEAGUE.
with their persecutions; and that the St.
Bartholomew had only served to widen
the breach, and kindle a greater spirit of
resistance among them. Added to which,
the party of the Malcontents or Politiques
had obtained for them the support of many
Catholics, and there was a great prospect
of those persons ultimately adopting the
religious, as well as the political views of
the Huguenots. The Cardinal ofLorrain
again exerted himself to establish a league,
as the only barrier against the alarming
innovation : he died soon after, and another
postponement took place.
When the peace was concluded in 1576,
two circumstances were particularly fa-
vourable for its formation : the Duke of
Guise was able to take bis father's place,
and the kingly authority had been so much
disparaged by Henry's behaviour, that in
the organization of such a union there
was no fear of control from the court: full
scope was therefore afforded for the am-
bition of the Lorrain princes, who aiming
at the outset at no more than the chief
share in the administration of affairs, were
ultimately tempted to aspire to the throne
itself.
Ever since his return from Poland, the
king hid indulged in the most ridiculous
practices of Romish devotion. The jour-
nal of his reign mentions a number of his!
achievements of this description. In Oc-
tober, 1 575, he ordered a general and so-
lemn procession, in which he had the re-j
lies of the holy chapel carried ; he followed
the whole of the way, telling his beads;
with great devotion. The true cross had
been stolen from the chapel of the palace,
which caused a great sensation among
the Catholics.* Henry contrived to sup-
ply the loss, and ordered a public notice
in all the churches, that he had caused a
new crucifix to be made, in which was in-
serted a large piece of the. recti cross, and
that the people were to go to adore it
during the holy week of 1576.t
In the month of August, the king went
on foot through the streets of Paris, togain
the benefits of the jubilee, published by
Gregory XIII. ; he was accompanied only
by two or three persons, and held a large
rosary in his hands, muttering Pater-
* Great exertions were made by the authority to dis-|
cover this relic, but in vain. It was generally thought
the king had pledged it to the Venetians tor a large sum.
Uulaure, vol. I. p. 107. — Edit. 17e7.
t Journal de Henri III.
nosfers as he walked along. The queen-
mother had recommended him to do so,
with a view of showing his attachment to
the Catholic religion : but it failed of its
effect; and the people losing all respect
for his person, made upon him the most
insulting lampoons : they parodied his
titles, and turned into derision his encou-
ragements of the religious orders.*
The king's ill-judged behaviour con-
vinced all thinking Catholics that his pro-
tection was of no use to their religion ;
against such a leader the Huguenots
would be sure to succeed : they were in-
duced, in consequence, to adopt the views
of the league from principle. Some min-
gled other considerations with their reli-
gion, and thought the national welfare
would be better secured if intrusted to the
Duke of Guise, than to their imbecile and
enervated monarch, who knowing that a
treaty had put an end to the war, gave
himself no further trouble about public
affairs. He was surrounded by a num-
ber of young nobles of no reputation,
whom he loaded with favours, and kept
constantly in his company. The princi-
pal among them were Quelus, Maugiron,
St. Megrin, Joyeuse, and La Valette: they
had been chiefly introduced by Villequier,
a man of detestable character. Their ef-
feminate practices procured them the epi-
thet of the king's minions; and their scan-
dalous intimacy with the monarch gave
rise to imputations, which certainly were
justified by Henry's general conduct.!
" His manners," says Voltaire, J " were
those of a coquette: he wore gloves made
of a peculiar kind of skin, in which he
slept, to preserve the beauty of his hands,
which in fact he had finer than any lady
of his court :§ he put on his face a cosme-
tic paste, and wore a sort of mask over it."
His conduct had completely obliterated the
memory of his previous renown, and with
the proper qualifications of a king and
good opportunities for displaying them, he
became the burden of the state which his
arms had formerly sustained, while he
scandalized the religion for which he had
so much exerted himself.
* Journal de Henri III.
f He was very fond of masquerades, where he was
usually dressed in female apparel. — Journal de Henri III
p. 17.
% In a note to the Iknriodc.
§ Brantome. after praising the elegance of Pathe.
ri ne's hand, adds, "The king her sui. Henry IN., in-
herited a great deal of thai beauty."— Vol. i. p 4'J.
OBJECTS OF THE LEAGUE.
183
Guise had at one time possessed a great
share of Henry's friendship. The minions
had succeeded in excluding him from the
king's confidence, and then insulted him
openly ; a desire to resent such treatment
made him the more ready to avail him-
self of so favourable a combination of cir
cumstances. The nation was weary of
being a prey to the minions ; the princes
of the blood were all suspected through
their connexion with the Huguenots; the
king was universally despised, and him
self as generally beloved: he had moreover
the powerful influence of Spain and Rome
to support him, and a host of stanch and
persevering adherents in the persons of the
Catholic clergy.
A form was drawn up, and circulated
secretly by his emissaries: it was pre-
sented to Catholics of known zeal, who
signed it, and took a corresponding oath.
The forrtt declared the different objects of
the association, which were the restora-
tion of the Roman Catholic church, the
preservation of the king's authority con-
formable to the conditions which might be
set forth at a meeting of the states-gene-
ral, and the restoration of ancient liberties.
The parties mutually bound themselves
to devote their lives to enforce the above
declarations; to take vengeance on any!
who should molest one of their number,
as well as on him who, having once joined
them, should desire to separate from the
association ; ready obedience was also pro-
mised to the chief who might be chosen.*
At first there were but few persons of
respectability who would sign the league;
they wanted to know who was to be chief
before they engaged themselves. The
activity of the magistracy also presented
great obstacles, which might have proved
fatal to the association if Guise had not
been assisted by Jacques de Humieres,
governor of Peronne, who was not only
attached to the house of Lorrain, but was
also personally interested in the revoca-
tion of the treaty of peace; for that stated,
among other articles, that Peronne was to
be surrendered to the Prince of Conde.
His interest being so deeply concerned, he
published a manifest, justifying .the nobles
and gentlemen of Peronne in refusing to
receive the prince, and declaring it was
* This declaration is so well known, and is given
by so many writers, that 1 have considered its inser-
tion at length unnecessary.
known for a certainty that he had resolved
on abolishing the Catholic religion, and
setting up Calvinism throughout Picardy.*
This was however decidedly at variance
with the'conduct of the Protestants; for at
Rochelle, where they were independent
of control, they permitted the free exercise
of the Romish religion. A church was
fitted up for that purpose, and the service
celebrated with the usual pomp, in Sep-
tember, 1576.f
The king received early information of
great importance, which if properly at-
tended to by him might have saved France
many years of civil war. A lawyer,
named David, had either taken upon him-
self, or was employed by Guise to go to
Rome and lay before the pope and cardi-
nals the plan of the league.t He died on
his journey, in what manner is unknown;
but on examining his portmanteau there
was found a parcel of papers, which de-
scribed the object of this association. The
principal document commenced by de-
claring that the papal benediction, espe-
cially that of Stephen II., which was given
to the race of Charlemagne, did not ex-
tend to the family of Hugh Capet, usurper
of the crown; and the Princes of Lorrain,
being the true posterity of that emperor,
would have the assistance of Heaven in
bringing good out of evil, as all good
Catholics would assist in restoring them
to their rights from the extreme horror
they felt at the late unfortunate peace.
After a glowing description of the excel-
lence of the Guises, the statement pro-
ceeded, "from the time that the children
of Hugh Capet have seized on the throne,
to the prejudice of that emperor's descend-
ants, the curse of God has fallen upon
those usurpers: some have lost their
senses, others their liberty, or have been
struck with the thunder of the Church.
The greater part of them without health
or strength have died in the flower of
their age childless. During these unfor-
tunate reigns, the kingdom has become
the prey of heretics, such as the Albigenses,
and the paupers of Lyons. The last
peace, so favourable to the Calvinists,
tends also to estabjish them in France, if
advantage be not taken of this opportunity
to restore the age of Charlemagne to his
* Maimbonrg, llist.de la Ligue, vol. i. p. 38. Vie de
Mornay-, p 35.
+ ArcSre, vol. ii. p. 22.
I Cuyet, liv. 1 p. 5. De Thou, li v. G3.
1S4
OBJECTS OF THE LEAGUE.
posterity. The Catholics united in the
intention of supporting the faith have
therefore agreed together respecting what
follows, viz , that in the pulpit and the con-
fessional such as are of the clergy shall
exert themselves in opposing the privileges
granted to the Sectarians, and shall excite
the people to prevent their enjoying them.
If the king show any apprehension lest the
infraction of the peace in this important
point should plunge him again into fresh
troubles, they shall urge him to throw all
the blame on the Duke of Guise ; the
danger to which this prince will expose
himself by thus braving the hatred of all
the Protestants, will render him clearer to
the Catholics. His boldness will encou-
rage the timid to sign the league, and
thus increase the party. All the confede-
rates shall swear to acknowledge him for
their leader. The priests of the towns and
villages shall keep a list of those who are
in a state to bear arms; they will tell them
in confession what they will have to do,
as they shall have learned from the supe-
rior ecclesiastics, themselves receiving
their instructions from the Duke of Guise,
who will secretly send officers to form the
new levies.
" The Protestants have demanded the
assembling of the states; they shall be
convoked at Blois, a town quite open.
The chief of the party will take care to
effect the election of deputies inviolably
attached to the ancient religion and to
the sovereign pontiff. At the same time,
captains dispersed through the kingdom,
will raise a certain number of determined
soldiers, who will promise upon oath to do
what may be commanded them, at any
time or in any place. It will also be ne-
cessary to engage, by mild insinuations,
the Duke of Anjou, the King of Navarre,
the Prince of Conde, and every noble who
may be suspicious, to go to the states with
the king. The Duke of Guise will not be
there, both to avoid suspicion, and to be
in a better condition to give his orders.
" Should any one oppose the resolutions
which will be taken in the states, if a prince
of the blood, he shall be declared incapable
of succeeding to the crown; if of any other
quality, he shall be punished with death ;
or if he cannot be laid hold of, a price
shall be set on his head. The states will
make a general profession of faith ; order
the publication of the council of Trent;
place France under the immediate autho-
rity of the pope; confirm the ordinances
made for the destruction of heresy, and
revoke all contrary edicts. The king will
thus be disengaged from the promises
given to the Calvinists. A time will be
allowed for them to return to the Church;
and, during that interval, preparations can
be made for destroying the -more obsti-
nate. The states will represent to the
king, that to ensure success there must
in future be only one person charged with
the enterprise ; and they will recommend
the Duke of Guise, as the only skilful
general who has had no connexion with
the heretics.
" To give weight to this proposal, the
soldiers levied privately in the provinces
will appear around Blois on a certain day,
strengthened with some foreign troops.
They will carry off Monsieur, and put
him on his trial, for having extorted from
the king his brother such favourable con-
ditions for the heretic rebels. The Duke
of Guise will pursue the insurgents; make
himself master of the principal towns ; put
under a strong guard all the accomplices
of Monsieur, whose trial he will finish ;
and finally, by the pope's advice, he will
shut up the king in a monastery for the
remainder of his days, as Pepin formerly
served Childeric."
When the discovery of this paper was
made known, it was thought by some to
be an invention of the Huguenots, in
order to serve their cause by rendering
the league odious to the nation, and the
king himself treated it as a chimera; but,
says Maimbourg, "It is certain that this
lawyer, " who mortally hated the Hugue-
nots, (by whom he had been ill-treated,
and had, in consequence devoted himself
entirely to the league,) undertook this
journey to Rome, expressly to carry these
memoirs, and present them to the pope in
order to engage him in the cause
Besides the Seigneur John de Vivonne,
the king's ambassador in Spain, sent a
copy, with the assurance that they had
been shown to King Philip. Still there is
great appearance that these memoirs had
no other origin than the weak and trou-
bled imagination of this mad lawyer, who
put his furious reveries and chimerical
dreams on paper, which no one can read
ESTATES OF BLOIS.
185
without immediately discovering marks to unite all his subjects to the Roman Ca-
of a pitiable aberration of intellect."*' tholic church, by the best means he could;
The object of David's journey being to prohibit the exercise of the pretended
admitted by such authority, it will appear reformed religion, both in public and pri-
very astonishing that a crackbrained indi- vate, and to banish all the Protestant
vidual could have laid out, so distinctly, ministers.*
the plan which the Guises afterwards fol- j The king certainly committed a great
lowed. The journey may have been his error in joining the league; but that step
own spontaneous idea ; but the substance completely disconcerted the plans of the
of his memoirs must have been suggested Duke of Guise, who, directly he heard of
by some one well versed in the movements it, hastened to Blois, and called upon him
and resolutions of the party. !to fulfil his duty as a member of the holy
The states-general were held at Blois union, by immediately declaring war
towards the close of the year.t All par- against the heretics. It was, however,
ties had concurred in the wish that they desirable that, before the sword was again
should be assembled. The king imagined resorted to, an invitation should be sent
that a desire of preserving the peace to the King of Navarre, the Prince of
would influence every deputy ; the Pro- Conde, the Marshal Damville, calling
testants thought the junction of the mal- 1 on them to obey the king, and holding
contents had ensured their success for them responsible for the war if they re-
ratifying the late treaty ; while the league, fused.t Each of them received a deputa-
conscious of the number of its members, tion from the three orders: there was,
calculated with certainty on revoking it. however, but little success to be expected,
Henry appeared before the assembly with for they had protested against the assem-
more majesty and splendour than was to bly as a cabal of their enemies, directly
have been expected from the general im- its composition was known. The Protest-
becility which had for a long time rendered ants had been promised that the Estates
him the ridicule of his people. His speech 1 should be called, unfettered by any influ-
was good, both in substance and lan-jence; but when they did meet there were
guage; and his delivery of it is reported; ten thousand soldiers around Blois.} The
to have been very graceful.} He knew of
the existence of the league, but was doubt-
ful whether he should give any sign of
that knowledge or not ; his mother's
policy was what he wished to adopt, if
possible; he hoped to secure his own
authority while the struggle lasted be-
tween the Protestants and the league;
and it was not till he found it out of his
power to keep aloof that he declared him-
self chief of a faction of his own dominions,
bearing the title of the Holy Union.
Espinac, Archbishop of Lyons, was the
orator for the clergy ; the Baron de
Senecy, for the noblesse; Versoris, for the
commons. The clergy and the nobles
Archbishop of Vienne addressed the King
of Navarre in so pathetic a strain, giving
such a picture of the horrors of civil war,
that he brought tears into the eyes of that
prince, inured as he was to combats. He
replied, that he was not obstinate upon the
article of religion, but, believing the Pro-
testant to be the best, he would not pur-
chase peace at the expense of his honour
and conscience : the war, he said, with
which he was threatened, was not the
readiest way to convince him of his error;
and he could pot with any safety quit his
party at a time when an edict so solemnly
given was revoked. With a frankness,
for which he was remarkable, he declared,
contended that one religion alone should | " That if God opened his eyes that he
be allowed in the kingdom ; the commons I might see his error, not only would he
admitted the good effects of that unifor- immediately abjure it, but he would con-
mity, provided it could be effected by tribute his utmost efforts for abolishing
mild means. After a discussion of several j heresy altogether."^ This declaration is
days, it was decided.} by a majority of
votes, that the king should be entreated
* Hist, de la Ligue, vol. i. p. 49.
t bth Dec, 157(i, Muni, de Nevers, vol. i. p. 16G. That
nobleman kept a journal of the sittings,
t Hist. des Derniers Troubles, vol. i. pi 9.
} 2bth Dec, I57b\
highly characteristic of the epoch. He
* D'Aubigne, vol ii. p. 257.
t De Thou, Le Grain, Perelixe.
% D'Aubigne, vol. ii. p. 238. Duplessis-Mornay pub-
lished a strong remonstrance on the occasion. — Me
moires, vol. i. p. 18.
Mem. de Nevers, vol. i. p. 45G.
16*
186
WAR OF 1577.
was at the time in arms for liberty of con-
science, and yet declared his readiness to
become a persecutor, if a change took
place in his opinions.
The deputies to Conde and Damville
received the following answer: " We only
ask for peace; let the promises given us
be fulfilled and all will be quiet ; besides,
we do not acknowledge your states, and
we protest against every resolution there j
made to our prejudice."* Other deputa-
tions were sent with no better results.
The king and his mother held several
councils to devise some plan for averting
the war; but the influence of the league
predominated, and nothing short of a
complete revocation of the edicts favour- j
able to the Protestants could be admitted.
The original declaration of the holy
union contained expressions which could
not be justified in any manner; and as
the king had joined that body, those,
terms which were obviously at variance
with the royal authority were omitted in
the new declaration, drawn up by Hu- ;
mieres, who was chief of the league in j
Picardy. The new form was much less j
offensive: it preserved all the spirit of the
league, but appeared to act entirely by
the authority and for the service of the
kmg.f That faction had, however, re-j
ceived such powerful support, that it was
able, not merely to defy the government,
but to control its measures, and render its
authority subservient to the union. Gre-
gory XIII. secretly encouraged while he
refused to countenance it openly: he es-
teemed it a very efficient check to the
progress of Calvinism : the idea most ter-
rible to the Vatican was the holding of a
national council in France; and while the
league existed that could never take place.
Philip II. gave it his support : his fears
were for the Netherlands, and he was cer-
tain that while France was torn with in-
ternal troubles, the Flemings could not
expect any assistance from that quarter.
Henry, being unable to resist the league,
consented to revoke the edict of pacifica-
tion, and ordered two armies to be raised
for subduing the King of Navarre and the
Prince of Conde. They in the mean time
had made preparations for carrying on
the war, by increasing their forces and
taking possession of different towns,
* De Thou, liv. G3.
t Maimbourg, Bui de la Ligne,vo\. ii. p. 464.
whenever they could do so without an
open attack.
The King of Navarre, being desirous
of knowing the condition and feelings of
the Huguenots in different provinces, or-
dered D'Aubigne to make a circuit and
collect information, which might facilitate
the raising an army if circumstances re-
quired it.
As D'Aubigne was known to have as-
sisted Navarre in making his escape from
court, the enterprise was dangerous for
him, especially as it was a part of his in-
structions to go to Blois, while the states
were being held, to speak to the Duke of
Anjou and Marshal Cosse. Being dis-
guised, he succeeded in speaking to the
marshal, who recommended him to aban-
don the idea of addressing Anjou; but he
persisted, and, finding no other means of
approaching him, he went to a masked
ball, at which the court would be present.
One of the Queen's maids of honour not
only recognised him herself, but satisfied
him that others had also, and pointed out
two officers who were ordered to arrest
him. He succeeded in making his escape
from the room, and passed the river in a
boat, after having changed clothes with
his footman.*
On retiring from Blois to Chastelliers,
he found La Noue preparing to receive
the Duke of Mayenne. D'Aubigne suc-
ceeded in convincing that general that it
was unsafe for him to remain where he
was; and persuaded him to repair with-
out loss of time to Poictou.t He arrived
at Rochelle in January, when his advice
was invaluable to the Huguenot chiefs.J
The war was renewed at the end of
March, 1577: Anjou was appointed to
command one armv, which marched di-
rect to La Oharite. Guise had solicited
the lead of the other; but the king's jea-
lousy caused it to be given to his brother
Mayenne. He went at once into Poic-
tou and Guyenne, and drove the Hugue-
nots back to Rochelle; he then mada a
short truce with the King of Navarre:
after its expiration, he waited in Poictou
for further orders. Anjou attacked La
Charite at the commencement of April,
with a very strong force: the town having
scarcely any garrison, and being taken by
surprise, so that no assistance could ar-
* D'Anbignii. vol. ii. p. 239. t Ibid,
t Arcere, vol. ii p. 31.
RESISTANCE AND MASSACRE AT ISSOIRE.
187
rive, capitulated after sustaining two as-
saults.*
This served as a notice for the inhabi-
tants of Issoire, a strong and well-fortified
town; and the royal army found that place
a more difficult conquest than LaCharite,
for the garrison made a most obstinate
defence. After sustaining a siege till the
beginning of June, they were obliged to
surrender at discretion, having suffered
the greatest extremities in the defence of
the place. The inhabitants were all put
to the sword, the town plundered, and
then set on tire: there remained nothing
of Issoire but a heap of ruins.f
The affairs of the Huguenots were in
a sad condition. The King of Navarre
had wished to retain in his little court all
the Catholics of his old party : innume-
rable jealousies and cabals were the con-
sequence, in addition to the impediments
which their operations sustained from it.
Mayenne thought such a time favourable
for attempting to reduce Rochelle; most
of the surrounding towns had been taken
or destroyed; but Brouage having a port
from whence assistance might be sent,
resolved on taking that first, as a means
of ensuring success to his attack on the
city.
The siege was commenced in June.
Manducage, a gentleman of Picardy, was
intrusted with the defence; but unfortu-
nately his stock of provisions was very
slender, and the blockade so strict, that no
supply could arrive.J
The operations on this occasion were
not confined to the land, for each party
had a fleet; and an engagement took
place in the channel, where the Hugue-
nots were defeated. The land operations
were equally unfortunate for them, and
every reinforcement sent from Rochelle
was either taken or repulsed. The King
of Navarre was detained in defending
Nerac and Castel-Jaloux, which were as-
sailed by Villars, Admiral of France.
Having succeeded in repelling that com-
mander, he hastened to relieve Brouage,
and ordered Turenne to brine, on the rest
of his army; before he could arrive, the
town had surrendered. The besieged
being in great extremity, received intelli-
gence of the fall of Issoire, and that An-
ion's army was coming to join Mayenne.
Fearing a treatment similar to the fate of
that unfortunate town, they immediately
offered to capitulate: while Mayenne,
fearful that the hon&ur of the achieve-
ment would be claimed by the Duke of
Anjou, was quite willing to accede to very
reasonable terms.*
These events damped the spirits of the
Huguenots, and subdued the obstinacy
of their ministers; their affairs were ne-
ver in so bad a state before, Damville
having turned against them.t If they
had been pushed at this crisis, the plans
of the league might have been completed,
so far as concerns the suppression of the
Protestant religion in France. Damville
was besieging Montpellier, commanded
by Thore, and the young Count de Cha-
tillon, eldest son of the late Admiral Co-
ligny: the place was reduced to great
distress, but Chatillon quitting the town,
returned in a few days with a considera-
ble reinforcement, and was on the point
of giving battle to the besiegers, when a
courier arrived with the news of a peace
having been concluded between the
Kings of France and Navarre.J Dam-
ville requested the king's permission to
continue the siege notwithstanding the
peace, and represented the importance
of the place. But the king wished for
peace, and the Protestants insisted upon
the possession of Montpellier as one of
the conditions. §
* Hist, des Derniera Trouble*. Mizeray, Jlbrtgt
Chrcn.
t Davila. liv. 6, p. ](M>. Mem. de Ta\aunes, p. 160.
t Arctic, vol. ii. p. 42.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
Edict of Pnicticrs— Deaths of the King's minions —
Treaty of Nerac— Attempt on LimogHs— The Lovers
war — Taking of La Fere, Montaign and C'ahois.
The treaty concluded at Bergerac, in
Sept., 1577, was immediately followed by
the edict of Poictiers; which was so fa-
vourable to the Protestants, that, consi-
dering the unfortunate results of their
attempts during the campaign, we are
astonished at the liberality of the terms,.
The edict contained sixty-four articles,
and appears to have been drawn up with
great care, and a desire for firmly esta-
* Sully, liv, t, Mizeray, Mrigi Chron. Davila'
liv. G.
t Davila, liv. 6.
I Mezeray and D'Auhigne.
$ Marsollier, Hist, de Due <Ie Bouillon, liv. 2, p. 24*
188 EDICT OF
blishing the peace.* The Romish reli-
gion was established in full predomi-
nance, but the Protestants were secured
in their right of public worship: there
were a few places where this liberty was
restrained; but as a compensation, their
privileges in general were so well defined,
that they could not be tricked by varied
explanations of the articles. Several sa-
lutary clauses were inserted respecting
baptisms, marriages, and burials; one
especially gave great satisfaction by put-
ting an end to the disputes and troubles
occasioned by the, marriages of priests,
friars and, nuns. The edict protected the
parties from being questioned upon that
subject: they were secured from moles-
tation, but they were not allowed to claim
any succession, direct or collateral; and
their families could only inherit their per-
sonal property.
This edict contains a repetition of the
declaration contained in that of 1576, re-
specting the massacre of the St. Bartho-
lomew, as also the articles restoring the
reputation of the admiral and others. It
likewise attacked the league in a spirited
manner: " All leagues, associations, ami
brotherhoods, made and to be made un-
der any pretence whatsoever, to the pre-
judice of our present edict, shall be, and
are annulled, and dissolved, &c."f Hen-
ry thought he had subdued his worst
enemy, and spoke with exultation of Ma
edict.
The edict of Poictiers is so much at
variance with the declared object of the
war which it concluded, that, to compre-
hend it, one must know the various cir-
cumstances which combined to regulate
its composition, and which operated upon
those who framed it. Three events ma-
terially influenced the king to grant such
favourable terms: 1. The formation of
the league in France had caused a coun-
ter-league to be projected; and Henry
received information that the different
Protestant powers had consented to sup-
port it:t 2. The fear of the English
having possession of Roehelle; for when
Brouage was pressed by the Duke of
Mayenne, the Rochellese, fearful of fall-
ing into the hands of their catholic ene-
mies, had applied to Elizabeth for pro-
* Davila, liv. 6, p. 109. Mem. cle Neve re. vol. i. p.
200.
t Art. 56. J Journal de Henri III.
POICTIERS.
tection; and lastly, the great want of mo-
ney under which he laboured, not merely
to pay his own troops, but the different
sums due to Prince Casimir, who threat-
ened otherwise to march his Reitres back
into France.* Henry had no troops that
he could depend upon to send against
him, for a general spirit of insubordina-
tion prevailed. The Protestants hailed
the peace joyfully, and the Prince of
Conde accompanied its announcement
with a public illumination.t
In February, 1578, the Protestants
held a synod at St. Foy, in Guyenne,
when the King of Navarre was repre-
sented by Turenne. It was there "de-
cided, that four ministers should be de-
puted from the reformed churches of
France, to an assembly to be held in
August, at Frankfort. The Protestant
princes of Germany, the Queen of Eng-
land, and every state in which the refor-
mation was received, were to send accre-
dited agents to the meeting; the object of
which was to establish a confession of
faith, that should be generally adopted
among them: the attempt, however,
failed.}
Henry had at this time a good oppor-
tunily to establish his authority and re-
store prosperity to the kingdom: he had
shown a proper spirit, in giving the edict
of Poictiers; a vigorous execution of
which would have been a blessing to
France. His behaviour, however, was
unfortunately the reverse of what it
should have been; and the league, which
escaped being crushed solely on that ac-
count, recoiled for a short time, ready to
assail the throne with greater fury when-
ever a proper season should arrive. He
resigned himself to luxury and the so-
ciety of his minions; while to display
his orthodoxy he continued to bestow his
favours on the religious orders and to
fulfil all the processional ceremonies of
popery.
Still, if weakness had been all that
was objectionable in Henry's conduct, he
might have escaped a considerable part of
his misfortunes; his minions, by their
pride and insolence, completed the alien-
ation of the public mind. We are in-
formed by Le Laboureur, " That he took
* Mezeray, Abrigt Chrtm.
+ Davila, liv. 0. Hist, ties Derniers Troubles, liv. i.
p. 12.
J Soulier, Hist, du Calvunsmc, p. 183.
DEATH OF THE
pleasure in having several favourites to-
gether: he liked them to be brave, pro-
vided they were daring; and witty, pro-
vided they were vicious; in fact, he re-
fused them nothing, so long as they were
magnificent and prodigal, and he was
able to show a marked spite towards
those who pretended that he owed some-
thing to their birth or merit."* His at-
tachment to these favourites was particu-
larly manifested on an occasion when
two of them were killed Quelus, the
king's chief minion, had a quarrel with
Antraguet, Guise's favourite: they agreed
to settle the dispute with the sword, and
went early one morning to an appointed
place, near the gate of St. Antoine, each
being accompanied by two friends. t
They fought with such desperation, that
two of them were killed on the spot:
two died afterwards, in consequence of
their wounds, and two recovered. Que-
lus lingered for four or five days. The
king was constantly at his bed-side, and
promised the surgeon a recompense of a
hundred thousand francs if he recovered:
he died, however, says the journal of the
time, calling on the king, " but making
no mention of God or his mother."!
Maugiron was one of those who were
killed on the spot: both he and Quelus
were tenderly beloved by Henry, whose
grief was like that of a lover bereaved
by death of the dear object of his affec-
tion. He paid the most absurd attention
to their dead bodies, and had magnificent
obsequies performed for them.
St. Megrin, another favourite, was mur-
dered a short time after.§ The Duke of
Guise had been informed of his too great
intimacy with the duchess, and placed a
band of armed men to kill him, as he
quitted the Louvre in the evening. The
king had his body interred by the side of
Quelus and Maugiron, and erected a very
superb monument over their grave.
The removal of these minions prepared
the way for a reconciliation between the
king and the duke of Anjou. Immedi-
ately after the conclusion of the last trea-
ty, that prince had directed his attention
to Flanders, where he made sure of being
followed by a considerable number of the
* Le Labnureur. vol. ii.p. 51.
t 27th April, 1578.
t Journal d Henri III. Brantome, vol. ij. n. 117.
§ 21st July, 1578. Journal de Henri III.
king's minions. 189
Protestants, who would cheerfully go to
help their brethren. Anjou was so much
insulted by those insolent courtiers, that,
with his mother's approbation, he re-
solved to hasten his departure.* Cathe-
rine easily persuaded the king to consent
to the plan; but no sooner was he alone
with his corrupt advisers than they filled •
his mind with imaginary terrors, and
made him adopt an opinion quite contra-
ry. The difference between the brothers
was serious for a time; but when Henry
was no longer incited by the pernicious
counsels of the minions, he was induced
to encourage Anjou's views. In the
mean time the effects of the treaty ex-
tended to but a very small portion of
France. The news of the peace had
prevented considerable bloodshed in Lan-
guedoc, as the messenger arrived at the
instant the two armies were about to en-
gage; but the troops there assembled re-
mained under arms. Through the inex-
plicable conduct of Marshal Damville,
hostile operations were incessantly car-
ried on; and with such success on the
part of the Protestants, that Damville's
army was considerably reduced by their
harassing attacks.!
The queen-mother anxiously perceived
the ascendency which the Guises had ob-
tained : finding the pulpits resound with
animated addresses in behalf of the
League, she wished to win over the
King of Navarre ; and her late success
in gaining Damville afforded her great
encouragement. She resolved on a jour-
ney to Guyenne ; and as Navarre had
sent an envoy to court to demand his
wife, Catherine availed herself of the
pretext of conducting Margaret to her
husband. The queen's retinue was nu-
merous, and well supplied with sirens,
who were trained by Catherine to entice
persons of consequence from their party.
The court was at Auch for some months,
during which time persuasions and argu-
ments, seductions and military surprises,
were continually and simultaneously pur-
sued. Ussac, an elderly personage, go-
vernor of La Reole, having fallen in love
with one of the nymphs, was heartily
laughed at by the King of Navarre and
his companions : he felt so piqued at their
* Davila, liv. G. According to Do Thou, liv. CU, he
lefi the courl the I5lli February, 1578.
t D'Aubigne, vol. ii p. 333.
190
CATHERINE PROMOTES DISSENSIONS.
ridicule, that he delivered the town to a
governor of the court party.*
The King of Navarre took his revenge
by seizing on another town in the follow-
ing manner. During a ball given at
court, he ordered several confidential per-
sons to join him secretly at an appointed
place, with their arms concealed under
their clothes. Catherine, who fully
thought that Navarre had slept quietly at
Auch, was surprised to learn next morn-
ing that he had marched to Fleuranoe,
and taken it by surprise. She laughed
very heartily, and observed, that she had
got the best bargain ; which, indeed, she
had, as La Reole was a far more impor-
tant place than Fleurance.t
Catherine endeavoured to promote dis-
sensions between Navarre and Conde,
and amongst the different captains about
them. She quitted Auch in the begin-
ning of February, 15"79, to be present at
an assembly at Montauban ; where a
treaty proposed at Nerac was to be con-
sidered. As her voluptuous snares were
not likely to succeed among persons of
such austere morals, she adopted another
plan : she made great professions of
piety, and mingled texts of Scripture with
her conversation. Although she was
aided by the eloquence of Pibrac, the
king's attorney-general, she was unable
to produce any impression on the assem-
bly.! She then returned to Nerac, and
renewed the conference with Navarre.
After concluding a treaty, the principal
object of which was to explain and mo-
dify some articles in the edict of Poictiers,
she returned to Paris at the end of Feb-
ruary^
Catherine's object had completely fail-
ed ; and, instead of beguiling Navarre
into concessions suitable to her views, she
found that her own expedient had been
turned against herself: her chief counsel-
lor, Pibrac, became enamoured of the
Queen Margaret, who persuaded him to
consent to .terms highly favourable for the
•Huguenots.il
* De Thou, liv. 72. D'Aubigne, vol. jh p. 335.
t Sully, liv. 1. D'Aubigne, ut supra. Mem. de Bou
illon, p. 16, (vol. xlix. of the collection of 1788.}
I D'Aubigne, vol. ii. p. 337.
§ Bcnoit, vol. i.prtuees, fives the articles of the con-
ference at Nerac, and the edict* to winch it gave rise.
|j Mezeray, Mrtgi Chron. Guy deFaur. gieurde Pi-
brac, paid such attention to the study of the Scriptures,
that his abjuration was expected by many. Duplessis
Mornay wrote him a letter on the occasion. Mem. de
Duplessis, vol. i. p. 108.
Mean while the peace existed but in
name. The numerous instances of Ca-
therine's perfidy, and the known weak-
ness of the king, prevented any confidence
being placed in his promises or procla-
mations. Navarre not only refused to
go to court, but kept his army on foot,
and several enterprises were carried on,
which display considerable dexterity and
courage. A demand from the govern-
ment to give up the cautionary towns,
which the King of Navarre prudently re-
fused to accede to, made both parlies ex-
pect a renewal of hostilities: no oppor-
tunity, therefore, which presented itself
was neglected.
A circumstance which occurred at Li-
moges presents features peculiar to a
state of society torn by civil wars, and
animated by religious differences. One
Le Mas made overtures for delivering that
town to the Huguenots, pretending some
injurious treatment that he had received
in being unjustly condemned to banish-
ment. D'Aubigne was the person he
communicated with, and, after several
preliminaries were adjusted, a meeting
was fixed for a future day, to decide upon
their plan of action. When D'Aubigne
went into the town, he had sufficient rea-
son to see that the proposal to deliver up
Limoges was only a stratagem for laying
hold of some Huguenots of distinction.
He observed that he was watched, and,
with a presence of mind which never
failed him, he took out his pocket-book,
and pretended to draw a plan of the
town; he then returned to the inn where
he hnd left his horse. He was met by
Le Mas, who entered into conversation
with him. D'Aubigne, without display-
ing, either coolness or anxiety, told him,
that he was quite satisfied that the town
might be taken in the way agreed upon,
and concluded his remarks by saying
that the Prince of Conde would be of the
party. Le Mas, believing him to be
completely duped, thought it would be
wronp; to lose so good a chance of having
Conde in the snare: he made an excuse
for leaving the room, and went to the
soldiers on guard. A number of persons
were collected at the gates, with the pro-
vost at their head ; but Le Mas, inform-
ing that officer of what had passed, and
the spy confirming the account of D'Au-
bigne's having drawn a plan of the place,
SUCCESSES OF THE HUGUENOTS.
191
they retired, and suffered him to escape.
Notwithstanding the cogent reasons
which D'Auhigne gave for abandoning
the plan, two of his friends persisted in
confiding in Le Mas. They went to the
same inn where he had been: persons,
pretending to be dealers, came to them,
as they had previously gone to D'Au-
higne. Le Mas, in the mean time, having
secured their swords, they were seized,
and the the next day were beheaded.*
The war which broke out towards the
close of the year 1579 is generally called
the Lovers' War. It certainly was kin-
dled by female influence; but the original
cause was the king's suspicious disposi-
tion. The Duke of Anjou placed great
confidence in his sister Margaret, and she
was greatly attached to him; a constant
correspondence was maintained between
them, during Margaret's stay at Pan and
Nerac.f Henry feared the revival of the
party of the Malcontents, and resolved to
embroil Margaret with her husband: lie
also resumed his former distrustful be-
haviour to his brother, and caused the
murder of Bussy, by procuring some let-
ters he had received from Madame de
Montsoreau, and showing them to the
lady's husband.j The protestants in the
Low Countries had formed an alliance at
Utrecht, in the beginning of the year, and
every thing combined to promote Anjou's
enterprise in that quarter; a deputation
had been sent to offer him the govern-
ment^ He pressed the king to aid him
in the attempt. Henry was afraid of
offending the King of Spain, and opposed
his brother's measures, while Anjou,
supposing that a war would bring the
king to any terms for the sake of restoring
peace, pressed Navarre to recommence
hostilities.
Henry wrote to the King of Navarre,
informing him of the scandalous intimacy
subsisting between Alargaret and the
young Turenne. Navarre informed the
accused parties of the communication he
had received; they both protested their
innocence, rejecting the accusation as a
* D'Auhigne, vol. ii. p. 339.
t Anjou had returned [o court Kith March. Do Thou,
liv. 08.
t There are several vorsons nf this affair, which took
place in August, 1579. The Journal de Henri /If. slates
tint Anjou consented 10 the plan for entrapping him ;
De Thotl says that the kiu<: wished to he freed from I lie
bully, and made use of tome letters that were in his
hroi Iht's possession.
§ Uavila, liv G.
calumny arising out of the king's malice.
Turenne declared that it was only a pre-
text for withholding Cahors and other
places of Margaret's dowry. The Queen
of Navarre was indignant at the king's
behaviour, and wished to re-kindle the
war. She copied her mother's plans,
and influenced a young girl (Navarre's
favourite mistress) to exasperate him
against the king and the Guises. She
took similar means to win over the nobles
of importance; and her views were pro-
moted by the pressing letters of the Duke
of Anjou* A war was decided upon
chiefly for the foregoing reasons, but
likewise in consequence of the overt acts
of the government, whose troops had sur-
prised the town of Figeac in Quercy, and
held the castle besieged. t
Arrangements had been made for com-
mencing operations at the same time
throughout France: however, out of more
than forty expeditions which were plan-
ned, only three succeeded: La Fore in
Picardy, Montaigu in Poictou,and Cahors
in Guyenne. Conde seized upon La
Fere the 29th of November, 1579, and
having put it in a posture of defence# he
went to Flanders, England, and Germany,
in succession, in order to raise fresh
means of carrying on the war. As he
was returning into France through Savoy,
he was stopped and plundered without
being recognised: he afterwards put him-
self at the head of the Protestants in Lan-
guedoc.J
Montaigu was held by a garrison that
was little better than a band of highway-
men. De Pommieres, a Gascon, had
formed an intimacy with some of them,
and having communicated his ideas to La
Boulaye and D'Auhigne, they concerted
a plan for taking the castle. De Pom-
mieres informed his friends of a good
prize, and thus drew a considerable num-
ber, including their captain, out of the
castle: they were suddenly surrounded
by soldiers, and compelled to procure the
opening of a postern gate for La Boulaye
and his party. The castle was easily
taken, hut the town would have given
them great trouble, if the inhabitants, ig-
norant of the numbers of their assailants,
had not fled in every direction.
• D' \ ii biffiie. vol. ii. p. 3t5.
t Sully, liv. I.
t Ksprit de In Lig*Ue, vol. ii. p. 224.
192
ARRIVAL OF B1RON IN GUYENNE.
Their force was so inconsiderable, that,
if any attempt had been made to recover
the place, they were too feeble to resist;
their company not exceeding thirty men,
formore than a Fortnight. Their situa-
tion became dangerous, for the Catholics
in the neighbourhood would approach the
walls, and shake halters, to indicate their
approaching fate. D'Aubigne and his
friend La Valliere had wished from the
first to take measures for increasing their
numbers: that measure now became ab-
solutely necessary. They went on a
market day to Nantes and made some
additions to their company. Their dif-
ferent expeditions were successful, and
increased their reputation so much, that
they were soon joined by sufficient num-
bers to defy an attack; and within ten
days they had a force of fourteen hundred
men *
The attack on Cahors equals any ex-
ploit in ancient or modern history. The
King of Navarre left Montauban in the
spring of 1580, with about fifteen hun-
dred men. The town itself is very
strong, being surrounded on three sides
by water: it was commanded by Vezins,
a man of great intrepidity ;t and the gar-
rison consisted of two thousand veterans,!
a hundred horsemen, and a numerous j
body of armed citizens. The King of
Navarre and his little army arrived about!
midnight, within a quarter of a league of
the town. " We halted," says Sully,
"in a grove of walnut trees, where there
was a fountain, at which we quenched j
our thirst. It was June, and thundered a
great deal, but did not rain."J
Every arrangement being made, the
attack on the town commenced by the
Viscount de Gourdon advancing with ten
men, to force open the gates by means of
petards. The noise which this caused
soon brought a body of men to oppose
them: and the tocsin was rung to alarm
all the inhabitants. The people were
prepared for an attack; and when the
Protestants were in the town, they were
assailed with stones from the tops of the
houses, in addition to a sharp firing from
the windows. The struggle in the town
lasted five days and nights, every part
* D'Aubigne, vol. ii. p. 346.
t The same who saved Kesnier's life at the St. Bar-
tholomew.
t Sully, liv. I. De Thou, however, states that the
attack was made 5lh May, I5c0: liv. 72.
being barricadoed: Navarre fought like a
private soldier. His friends entreated
him to retire, as there was a reinforce-
ment coming to assist the garrison; but
he paid no attention, either to their sug-
gestions, or his own wounds, and said —
" What shall become of me on this occa-
sion is decreed above. Remember that
my retreat from this city without securing
it to our party will be the retreat of my
soul from my body. My honour is too
much interested for it to be otherwise.
Let no one therefore speak to me, except
of victory or death." The example of
their leader reanimated the assailants,
but there is great probability that they
would have been overwhelmed, if the
captain Chouppes had not heard of Na-
varre's perilous situation, and hastened to
join him with a hundred horsemen, and
five hundred musketeers: this arrival of
fresh troops enabled him to get posses-
sion of the town.
Notwithstanding the obstinacy of the
conflict, the King of Navarre had only
seventy of his men killed, but a great
number were wounded. The inhabitants
lost considerably more. Vezins, the go-
vernor, was killed in his shirt, at the first
attack : he was so brave a man, that, if
he had lived, the King of Navarre would
have found his undertaking much more
difficult, if not impossible.*
The king was no sooner informed of
the Huguenots being in arms, than he
ordered three armies to be raised : Matig-
non commanded in Picardy; Biron in
Guyenne; and Mayenne in Dauphiny,
Matignon signalized himself by re-taking
La Fere : he began the seige on the 22d
of June, and reduced it to capitulate, on
the 31st of August, 1580. The sons of
Mouy and Montgomery distinguished
themselves in the defence of the place.
Crillon, and La Valette, afterwards Duke
of Epernon, were signalized among the as-
sailants.!
The arrival of Biron in Guyenne with
his forces prevented the king of Navarre
from pursuing his advantages, and indeed
if the three royal armies had pressed the
Huguenots, their cause would have been
reduce^] to a low ebb. Fortunately how-
ever for them, the Duke of Anjou returned
* Sully, liv. 1. D'Aubigne, vol. ii. p. 439. Davila,
liv. 0.
t D'Aubigne, vol. ii. p. 367, et scq.
ILL-JUDGED DEPORTMENT OF HENRY III.
193
from England about the same time
that La Fere surrendered. That prince
was desirous to set out for the sovereignty
of the Netherlands, and tendered his me-
diation with the King of Navarre. The
court was very desirous of peace, as the
Reitres were expected every day to en-
ter France, for the purpose of joining
Conde; and consequently the terms pro-
posed were very liberal. Anjou imme-
diately set out for Guyenne, whither he
was followed by the Duke of Montpensier
and Marshal Cosse. By the end of No-
vember they had agreed to a treaty,
which scarcely differed from the treaty
of Nerac : the Prince of Conde willingly
acceded to the conditions, and peace was
restored to France for the seventh time.*
In order to prevent this accommoda-
tion from taking place, and, by the con-
tinuation of the war in France, to hinder
the Duke of Anjou from going to Flan-
ders, Philip II. made an offer of assistance
to the King of Navarre, if he would
break the peace and make himself master
of Guyenne. Navarre, to show his sin-
cere intention of observing the treaty, in-
formed the king of. this offer, f
The excursions made by the garrison
of Montaigu induced the Count de Lude
to besiege it. Ten different attempts had
been made to surprise it since the pro-
testants had been in possession. The
siege lasted four months, during which
time D'Aubigne had commanded in
twenty-nine sorties. This kind of war-
fare harassed the besiegers, and both
parties agreed to abide by the result of a
combat between ten men of each side
The day was fixed for the fight, but in
the mean time the Count de Lude re-
ceived the news of the general peace.}
CHAPTER XXXV
Ill-judged deportment of Henry III.— Penth nf the Dnke
of Anjou— Revival of the' League— Notice of the
Jesuits.
France had undergone so many, and
such violent convulsions, that a treaty of
peace was far from tranquillizing the
country. The lawless habits acquired
* Davita, liv. 4. p. 139.
t De Bury, Hist, de Henri IV. vol. i. p. 138.
t D'Aubiine, vol. ii. p. 382.
17
during the civil wars had created a dis-
like to the ordinary occupations of life,
and the kingdom was never free from
bands of armed men, who were ready
alike to promote the private views of
some chieftains, or to support themselves
by robbery. The king's forces, however,
were too numerous to suffer any thing
which could be called a revolt ; and Henry
supposing it better to avoid noticing the
existence of such petty feuds, had the
benefit of more than four years of peace,
in which time he might have restored
dignity to his crown and happiness to his
people. But he neglected to do what his
duty and his interests equally demanded,
and the melancholy conclusion of his
reign was insured by his imprudent con-
duct at this period.
His brother's expedition into Flanders
offered him additional facilities for re-
storing order, as a number of bold and ad-
venturous spirits had quitted France to
join that enterprise; but unhappily for his
kingdom and for himself, he occupied the
whole of his time in loose, trivial pleasures
with his minions, or in acts of ridiculous
superstition.
He erected the dukedoms of Joyeuse
and Epernon into peerages for his two
principal favourites, and spared no cost
to gratify their wishes. Joyeuse married
the sister of the queen consort, and Eper-
non received a large sum of money, to
show that he was equally beloved by the
monarch .*
Notwithstanding the alliance with the
Guises, which Joyeuse had formed by
marrying one of their family, they felt
great jealousy, both of him and of Eper-
non. That feeling gave way to indigna-
tion when they found the first dignities of
the kingdom were bestowed upon them;
particularly that of Admiral of France,
notwithstanding it had been promised to
the Duke of Mayenne. Epernon wished
Guise to resign the office of grand-master
in his favour ; but receiving a peremptory
refusal, the king made him colonel-gene-
ral of the infantry, a post which the
Count de Brissac had depended upon
having. The Guises now saw that they
were treated precisely in the same man-
ner that their family had treated the
* Mezeray, Ahrtgi Chron.
194
IMBECILITY AND UNPOPULARITY OF THE KING.
Bourbons and Montmorencies in the pre-
ceding reigns.*
The king's demeanour, instead of allay-
ing the resentments of the house of Lor-
rain, was calculated to excite them to ac-
tivity : it even held out encouragement to
their ambition. He was lowered in the
public opinion by his conduct in the pur-
suit of his pleasures: while his superstitious
acts destroyed the small remains of re-
spect which had been entertained for him.
He made solemn processions to Chartres
and Lyons to propitiate the Virgin, whose
influence he thought would procure him
offspring.t He gave great encourage-
ment to the monastic orders, and often
joined in their processions. He esta-
blished a new brotherhood called the
Penitents, and walked in their procession,
covered with sackcloth. }
For some time the king was in great
odour of sanctity among the monks, who
extolled his fervent piety. Edmond Au-
ger, a Jesuit, whom he had taken for his
confessor, declared in his sermons that
France had not for a long time had so
pious a prince. All accounts agree that
he lived more like a Capucin than a
king. §
Wean while the King of Navarre re-
mained in his government of Guyenne:
he employed a great portion of his time
in reading and serious occupations in
general. Plutarch was his favourite au-
thor, and contributed considerably to his
advantage, by displaying to his view the
maxims and conduct of great men.|| He
had sufficient judgment to perceive that
the League would never rest till the pro-
testant religion was abolished ; and was
also certain that Guise's ambition would
impel him to further that object, as a
means for advancing his own views. It
was desirable therefore to have some con-
fidential person at the court, who could
inform him of the movements of the fac-
tion. Sully was the agent he employed :
he had a good pretext for being there, as
his two brothers were about the king's
person : he was able to mix in the best
companies; and while he appeared to be
occupied with the gaiety which reigned
* Davila, liv. 7.
t Journal de Henri III. J Ibid.
§ There was at this time published an anagram of
the king's name — flenricus Tertius — In le verus Chris-
tus. 1 J 1 st. des Derniers Troubles, vol. i. p. 13.
. De bury, Hist, de Henri IV. vol. i. p. 140.
there, he was careful to inform the King
of Navarre of all that passed.*
Discontent was very general: Henry
had been so lavish in his expenditure, that
repeated edicts for raising money were
required. These edicts at length roused
the parliament to opposition, and the
President de Thou refused to verify one
of them, observing that according to the
law of the kingdom, which was the pub-
lic safety, it could not be done.t
All this contributed to swell the ranks
of the League. The people were weary
of the heavy contributions; the clergy
were disgusted with the tolerance of the
reformed religion; and all classes were
angry with Henry's edicts, particularly
that forbidding females to wear certain
stuffs and ornaments.
Henry appears to have taken no par-
ticular pains to avoid giving offence to
the King of Navarre. Margaret had
passed some time at her brother's court,
and had been among the most con-
spicuous in ridiculing his favourites, and
his orders respecting women's apparel
and ornaments : she employed some per-
son to seize a messenger bearing his de-
spatches on that subject. Her intimacy
with Guise had long caused his suspicion:
this step on her part excited his anger:
he reproached her with a detail of her
infamy, and desired her to quit the
court, and return to her husband.}: The
King of Navarre had previously de-
manded her return, and Henry seemed to
yield to the wishes of his brother-in-law.
She had, however, made but little pro-
gress on her journey, when she was
overtaken by the king's guards, who
searched her litter, unmasked her and her
attendants, and conducted them back to
Paris, where her ladies were interrogated
| concerning the queen's deportment.
When the King of Navarre was informed
of ibis, he sent Mornay to court, to learn
what his wife had done to subject her to
I such an affront; and desiring the king to
punish her if she deserved, it otherwise
to efface the scandal. \ This embassy
procuring no satisfaction, D'Aubigne was
sent to St. Germains with a remon-
strance, which the king received with
* Sully, liv. 2.
t Mezeray, jibrcgi Citron.
t Leltersde Bubbec, vol. iii. pp. 211, 230. D'Aubigne,
vol. ii. <
$ Journal de Henri III. Vie de Mornay, liv. 1. p- 72.
DEATH OF FRANCIS, DUKE OF ANJOU.
195
marks of displeasure. D'Aubigne
perceiving that the King of Navarre
would have no satisfaction, he renounced
in his master's name the king's alliance
and friendship. Henry did not perceive
the consequences which would probably
follow a rupture with the King of Na-
varre, and treated the affair in a cavalier
manner; but Catherine immediately made
an attempt to prevent any disagreement, !
and had an interview with D'Aubigne re-
specting it. Henry had resolved to punish i
D'Aubigne for his temerity, and sent a
party to arrest him on his return: but his
good fortune enabled him to elude them,:
and he reached his master in safety. A|
reconciliation between the kings was ef-
fected by a subsequent deputation.*
An assembly of Notables was held in
September, 1583, at St. Germains. The
king had called it with a view of obtain-
ing a present of some money ; but pre-
tended that his object was solely to re-
dress any grievances which might be
complained of. The clergy took the oc-
casion to demand the publication of the
Council of Trent t Joyeuse was sent to
Rome about the same time to obtain the
Pope's permission to sell some church
lands, and brought back for answer, " that
no farther alienation of the church pro-
perty could be granted, because the king
did not carry on a war, or any other ex-
pense for the church."]; Henry was thus
compelled to continue his edicts for im-
posing taxes, which added to the public
discontent, and which the parliament
would not register without compulsion.
Philip II., fearing the loss of his pos-
sessions in Flanders, thought that his best
chance of success lay in exciting some
trouble in France, which would operate
as a diversion. On the supposition that
the affront offered to the Queen Marga-
ret would render the King of Navarre
willing to adopt his proposal, he sent an
offer of men and money to help him in
case he would renew the war. He far-
ther proposed that Navarre should be
divorced from his unworthy wife, and
marry the Infanta his daughter; and that
he should marry Catherine, the King of
Navarre's sister. Duplessis-Momay, who
* D'Aubigne, Mem p. 98, and Hist. Univ. vol. ii. p.
414.
t Mezeray, Mregc Chron.
X Journal de Henri 111.
was charged to receive the proposal?, was
decidedlv opposed to such a sacrifice of
every principle. " You are not agree-
able," said the Spaniards to him, "and
yet you do not know what you are doing
when you reject our offers, lor the agents
of the Guises only wait your refusal to
accept our terms."* D'Aubigne and
Segur were then appointed to conduct
this negotiation. The Spaniards offered
to pay two hundred thousand ducats to the
king of Navarre, on his promising to re-
new the war: they also undertook to pay
other sums at future periods: but while
these conferences were pending, and before
any thing was decided, intelligence of the
Duke of Anjou's death airived, which
put quite a new feature on the affairs of
France. t
Francis, Duke of Anjou, after making a
successful beginning to his enterprise, was
compelled to retire: he went over to Eng-
land, where he lost much time in the per-
suasion that he should obtain the hand of
Elizabeth. After failing in an attempt on
Antwerp, he quitted Flanders in June,
1583. He was at court for a short time
in the early part of 1584, returned to Cha-
teau-Thierry, and languished till the tenth
of June, when he died.f As several at-
tempts had been made to assassinate him,
a report was circulated that he had been
poisoned at the instigation of Philip II.
This charge is unsupported by proof : but
it is remarkable, that at the same time an
attempt was made to murder Queen Eli-
zabeth; and the Prince of Orange unfor-
tunately fell a victim to the fanaticism of
Balthazar Gerard, a Spanish emissary.
The enterprise in Flanders opened a fine
field for a prince of any character; but
Anjou was not at all qualified for the post
he filled. The King of Navarre, speaking
of him one day, is reported to have said
"I shall be deceived, if he ever fulfils the
expectations formed of him : he has so
little courage, and so much duplicity and
mischief in his heart; so little grace in his
looks, and such a want of skill in every
kind of exercise, that I cannot persuade
myself he will ever do any great thing."j
His death was of great importance, as
* Vie de Mornav, liv. 1, p. ?C.
+ D'Aubigne*, lli.it. Univ vol. ii. p. 422.
t De Thou, liv. 7!*, p 184, mentions Hint when his
body was opened, t lie inside was found in a corroded
stalp, and bearing symptoms of poison.
J Sully, liv. 2.
196
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE JESUITS IN FRANCE.
the King of Navarre thereby became pre-
sumptive heir to the crown. His right
was incontestable, according to the prin-
ciples of the Salic law; and in spite of the
vidual, as his personal character has had
so powerful an effect on his companions
and followers. He was born in 1491, at
the village of Loyola, in Guipuscoa. His
violent character of the age, the nation ! mother was of such an enthusiastic turn,
was accustomed to revere the decisions that she was delivered in a stable, in ho-
of the parliament. The alarm which was
created by the prospect of a Protestant
wearing the crown threw many Catholics
nour of the Virgin Mary.* Ignatius passed
the early part of his life at court and in the
camp: in 1521 he was severely wounded
into the party of the League, and enabled | at Pampeluna, then besieged by the
that faction to act openly, and exhibit that French : the valour which he had displayed
additional power that it had gained by its ( in defending the place was remarkable,
secret operations; for the Duke of Guise i but his resolution afterwards was truly
knew his interest too well to stir about the astonishing. A ball had broken his right
succession before the last of the house of leg : finding that it had been unskilfully
Yalois was on the throne.* 'set, he consented to a new fracture that
But the League had not waited for An- he might have a perfect cure: there still
jou's death to take measures for changing: remained a bone displaced near his knee;
the succession. Henry's vicious habits he had it cut out to prevent any deformity.!
had completely destroyed his constitution,! In the interval before his recovery he
and the leaders of the party were woll felt the necessity of occupation, and asked
aware of the improbability of either of the for some romances of chivalry; but his
brothers having any issue. The Duke of father's austerity excluding all such books
Guise also took advantage of the existing1 from his collection, he was accommodated
discontent to enrol a number of partisans [ with one of a different character, entitled
among the lower orders; while Epernon'sj The Flower of the Saints. Its contents
insolence was the cause of his being joined forcibly struck his imagination, and he re-
by many persons of distinction,
Nothing, however, contributed so essen-
solved to consecrate his life to religion.
Reflection inflamed his zeal, and he had
tially to establish the league as the co-ope- no rest until he had devoted himself to
ration of the Jesuits, who, though but re- the service of the mother of Cod. Having
cently organized, had become a numerous in common with the young men of his
and influential body. They were a mon- country a taste for chivalry, he passed an
grel kind of clergy, being neither secular (entire night underarms before the altar of
nor regular: when they attempted to St. Mary ; and, like a true knight burning
establish themselves in France, they were
asked to give some account of their insti-
tution and object, and neither the parlia-
ment nor the university could get any
other answer than Tales (juales sumus.j
Their rules comprised every monastic
regulation fitted to enslave the mind and
destroy the principles of liberty; while
with a desire to display his zeal, he sought
an early occasion to evince the sincerity
of his vow: it is related that he nearly
killed a Moor for having asserted that St.
Mary had ceased to be a virgin when she
became a mother.}
Long abstinence and violent discipline,
in which he aimed at surpassing St. Do-
they discontinued the hospitality, charity, minic, produced a great effect upon him;
and other practices of the monks and and during the remainder of his residence
friars, which made them the friends of the in Spain his conduct made many think
poor and the stranger. Although it is
well known that the society was founded
by Ignatius Loyola, it may not be super-
fluous to give some account of that indi-
* Guise was recoih mended to make a movement in
France, while the Duke of Anjou was in Flanders: he
said on the occasion, 11 No tin. I w ill lake care to do no-
thing openly, so Ion;; as the kins has a brother; but if I
ever see upon the throne the last of the house of Valois, I
look forward to go to work so securely, that if I do not
get all the cake. I will have a good piece of it." See
Preface to Memoires de la Lmuc. written in 1589 : it is
to be found in vol. ii. of thu Edit, of Amsterdam, 1738.
t Pasquier, vol. i. p 335.
him a maniac. His purpose, however,
was unchangeably fixed ; and although
sincerely attached to a lady, who felt an
equal esteem for him, he renounced every
thing in favour of religion, and undertook
a voyage to the Holy Land.
After a residence of six years in France,
* Histoirc Impartiale des Jesuites. p. 8; a work which
has been recommended by the Superior of Montrouge.
lfmo Paris, 1826.
+ Ibid p. 9.
X Montglave, Hist, des Conspirations des Jesuites.
LOYOLA. CHOSEN GENERAL OF THE JESUITS.
197
during which time he had followed the
study of theology, he collected a few
friends to whom he imparted the project
which was uppermost in his ideas : they
went to a subterraneous chapel in the
church of Montmartre, and established the
society, by making a solemn vow of chas-
tity and poverty, after the celebration of
the mass.* They were afterwards joined
by three others, and went to Rome about
and to the pope his vicar, in the presence
of the Virgin mother and the celestial host,
that he would observe perpetual poverty,
chastity, and obedience."*
Loyola and Lainez immediately occu-
pied themselves in framing statutes for the
society. The result of their labours exhi-
bits an organization so complete, that the
society has been compared to a sword
with its hilt at Rome and its point every
Easter, 1538. At a meeting then held by, where. t The basis of these regulations is
them, Loyola, in a forcible speech, showed
his brethren that their efforts in the cause
they had undertaken would never be con-
siderable, unless they so organized their
society as to be able to increase their num-
bers at all times and in all places: he pro-
file vow of obedience to the pope and their
general : that is a fixed principle with the
society; but, with that exception, their
constitution is arbitrary, and depends upon
circumstances of time and plaee.j And
as unqualified obedience is required from
posed also, that as they would combat the; every one to those immediately above him
world under Christ's banner, they could
take no more appropriate name than that
of their Divine Redeemer. From that
time they assumed the title of the Com-
pany of Jesus.t
The year following Loyola applied to
Paul III. for his sanction of the new society,
which the pope refused to grant : the peti-
tion was referred to a commission of three
in the scale, the government is an absolute
monarchy, administered with unparalleled
order and system.
The entire world is divided by the so-
ciety into a certain number of jirovinces,
each of which is represented at Rome by
an assistant, who is the medium of com-
munication between tl.e general and the
Jesuits of his province. The different
cardinals, who also objected to the insti-l provinces are each under the authority of
tution. Loyola was indefatigable in his
applications, and succeeded in obtaining
permission for a certain number of his
companions to be employed where the
church had need of their labours. Their
utility then becoming evident in conse-
quence of the Reformation,! the pope con-
sented to give a bull for their establish-
ment, but not without great caution, for
he limited their number to sixty.§ They
had, however, sufficient influence to have
that restriction removed in a short time.
Loyola was chosen general of the order
in April, 1541 :|| he then made a public
vow in that capacity, "promising to God,
* 15th Aiij. 15:14, festival of the Assumption : the
Tjtrty was seven in number; viz: Loyola, Lefevre, P.
Xnvier, Rodrigues d'Azevedo, Lainez, Salinernuii, and
Bobadilla.
t An order of Monk', called Jesuits, was in existence
long before, having force founded by St. John Cnlonihn.nl
in the 1 1th century. Thai order was abolished by Cle-
ment IX. in Niliri.
t Nothing can exceed the hatred of the Jesuits to the
reformed religion. Kibedaneira, in his work de Prin-
cipe Ckriatiano, says, ■ The Queen of Scots has been
called a martyr; nevertheless, there is a remarkable
cireumitance in her life, which has very much the ap
pear a Dee of being the cause of her miserable end : she
suffered heresy in her kingdom, an I would not consent
to the death of the bastard Stuart, who was the sup-
porter of it."
§ The hull (Regimini militaniis ecclesi<e) 13 dated 27th
Sep. 1540.
i He died at Rome, 31st July, 155G.
a provincial, who makes frequent reports
to the general of what occurs, and from
time to time travels through his dominion
for purposes of inspection. The colleges
are governed by rectors, who, as well as
the provincials, are aided by a secretary
and a counsellor.^
The members of the society are divided
into three classes, according to the vows
they may have made: those only are eli-
gible to any office who have made the
full vow of obedience to the general, per
omnia ct in omnibus, which hinds them
to further the objects of the society at all
hazards, and at any cost; and, according
to their institutions, every Jesuit must be
ready to shed his blood for the general or
the society,|| and to esteem the orders of
their general equal to the commands of
God.^T This accounts for the numerous
* Conspirations des Jesuites, &c.
t Celte epil dont la poignee est d Rome et la painte par-
tout, : this expression originated with a Polish writer,
and is mentioned in I Anti Cotton, p 169.
* Comptes ilcs Institutions, &c. ; rendus au Parlement
de Normandie, 1763, p. in.
$ Lcs Jesuites Moderns, par M. de la Roche Arnand.
Tins account perfectly agrees with the different lists
published by the society, and containing an account of
the provinces, colleges, &c. There are several of them
in Jouvenci's History.
|l Comptes des Institution!, &c, p. 113.
1T Statuatis vobiscum ipsi quiequid superior prtrcipit
ipsius Dei praceptum esse. Reg. Sac. Jesu,— Lyons, 1607.
17*
193
FATHER CLAUDE MATHIEU.
plots and assassinations with which the
Jesuits were concerned at the close of the
sixteenth century: their first generals
were either Spaniards, or owed allegiance
to the King of Spain; and consequently
that monarch was assisted in all his plans
by the influence of the society. Indeed
the opinion which prevailed in France
was, that the order was established solely
for the advancement of Spanish affairs,
and in the life of their founder it is de-
clared to be their duty to pray earnestly
for the King of Spain.*
They experienced great difficulties be-
fore they could gain a foaling in France,
and were opposed by the clergy, the par-|
liaments, and the university. At last a
decree was passed in their favour at the
conference of Poissy in 1561, which,!
while it allowed them certain privileges!
in common with other orders, enjoined
them to assume some other name than
that of the society of Jesus, which it was
said was applicable only to the universal
church. f This condition was never ful-
filled on their part, but all the efforts to
dislodge them were ineffectual; they were
the champions of ultramontanism, and in
consequence obtained the full benefit of
the pope's protection.
At the Council of Trent, in 1562, Lai- ;
nez, their general, spoke with great am- ,
mation for two hours, to prove, that in
every thing connected with the clergy-
there was not a spark of authority but I
what emanated from the pope. This dis-
course was warmly extolled by the pope's
dependents, and as strongly censured by
the others. The Bishop of Paris was
confined to his chambei by illness, but
addressed some prelates who called upon
him. "This new doctrine," said he,
"changes the celestial kingdom into a
temporal tyranny, and converts the bride
of Jesus Christ into a handmaid prosti-
tuted to the will of a man. To declare
one bishop of divine right, and distributor
of power to the others, was to say there
was only one bishop, and that the others
were his vicars, who could be dismissed
by him." The bishop then showed how
the episcopal authority had been attacked
by the institution of the mendicant orders
* Dies noctetque Deum vostrum placard atque fatigarl
precibus debemus, ut Philippum, tip. Vita Ignatii, p.
11)9. Antwerp. 1587.
t Comptes des Institutions, &c, p. 123. Pasquier, vol.
j. p. 342.
in the twelfth century, and that the new
order, which seemed constituted for
troubling the peace of the church, at-
tempted to abolish the episcopal jurisdic-
tion altogether. The legates, finding that
this discussion had kindled a violent feel-
ing, were fearful of the results if the con-
troversy should be taken up out of doors:
they therefore ordered Lainez to give no
copy of his speech; but he could not re-
frain from publishing what he thought did
honour to the pope, and was calculated to
conciliate the infant society.*
When war became necessary to the
plans of Philip II. we find the Jesuits
the most active agents of the league; and
Henry Samnier, a Jesuit, was sent, in
1581, on a mission to several Catholic
princes, to observe and learn their feelings
and views. He traversed Germany and
Italy, to excite the foreign powers against
the King of France, whom he accused
of favouring the Huouenots.t No one
could be better qualified than he was for
the task: he would appear according to
circumstances dressed as a priest, a sol-
dier, or a merchant, and could assume
the language and manners of each class,
as easily as their garments. Dice and
cards were as familiar to him as his bre-
viary; and he maintained there was no
harm in his doing such things, as it was
for a good work.l
Father Claude Mathieu, also a Jesuit,
was another very active agent for the
league: he made four journeys to Rome
on behalf of the faction. The curates
were able to effect a great deal in recom-
mending the holy union from the pulpit
and the confessional, and most of the >
French clergy became outrageous lea-
guers: but their exertions being local, they
could not have excited such a general
spirit of revolt if they had been deprived
of the omnipresent influence of the Je-
suits; who regulated their movements, and *
formed a general communication, not only
between the party and their chiefs, but
with each other.
Two letters written by Claude Mathieu
* F. Paolo Sarpi. lii?t. du Ltmcile de Trente, p. 597.
I Vf.llerojr has preserved a document entitled. Me-
moire du. Consed tenu par ceui: de la l.igue. Src. It em-
braced a general plan tor creating a movement through-
out Europe, and finding employment for such princes as
they expected would oppose the league; among other
projpcls was this. "Tacbez par le moyen des Jesuites
d'attireren line Ligue le Roi d'Ecosse, qui se pourroit
aider de l'esperance de 1'armee d'Espagne, &c." Mem.
dEtat, vol. iii. pp. 112, et seq.
t Hist, des Conspirations, &c, p. 35.
CARDINAL OF BOURBON HEAD OF THE LEAGUE.
199
to the Duke of Nevers have been pre-
served, and substantiate the foregoing re-
marks. " I have sent," says he, " to M.
de Guise, one of our fathers, who has
accompanied me during this journey. . .
The pope does not consider it right that
any attempt should be made on the king's
life, for that cannot be done in good con-
science: but if his person could be se-
cured, ahd those removed from about him
who are*the cause of the ruin of the
kingdom, giving him servants who would
give good advice and make him attend to
it, he should approve of that."* Nothing
can more clearly show that the Jesuits
were actively concerned in this attempt to
dethrone the king.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
The Cardinal of Bourbon head of the League— Treaty
of Philip IT. will) the League — Trealy "f Nemours—
Excommunication of Navarre anil Conde hy Sixlus V.
"There's such divinity doth hedge a
king," that in spite of the injury which
Henry had inflicted on his dignity by his
indiscreet behaviour, the faction that
aimed at dethroning him was obliged to
have recourse to libels and exaggerations,
widely circulated, to prepare the public
mind for any violent measure which am-
bition might induce the Duke of Guise
to attempt.
The king was publicly spoken of with
the greatest contempt, and every day pro-
duced the most insolent attacks upon his
person and court: he was described as a
Sardanapalus, a sluggard meriting the fate
of Ghilderie, who was put into a monas-
tery after he had been deprived of his
crown.t Henry's device was three
crowns, with the motto Manet ultima
ccelo, for which was substituted Manet
ultima flauntrn ; in allusion to the ton-
sure, or monachal crown, which be would
receive whenever he should enter a
cloister.i
The journal of the time informs us,
that in November, 1584, a Huguenot
gentleman, named Pierre d'Esguain, was
seized with some defamatory verses and
* Mem. ;le Nevers, vol. i. p. 657.
t Hist, des Derniers Troubles, liv. 1. p. 15.
t The following was placed one night on the door of
the Louvre :
Qui dedit antcduas. unam abstulit, altera nutat ;
Tenia tonsoris estfacenda manu.
papers in his possession: he confessed
they were his composition; was hanged
at the Greve, and his body burned with
the papers.* This shows that the lea-
guers were not the authors of all the
libels which were circulated at this period;
but it is remarkable, that out of so many
persons who were liable to punishment
for that offence, the only one who suffer-
ed should be a Huguenot. The magis-
trates were not backward in doing justice
on this occasion, but the League was in-
debted to some powerful influence for
protection. The queen-mother had long
entertained violent hatred for the King
of Navarre, and by excluding him from
the succession, there was a prospect of
establishing the children of the Duchess
of Lorrain, her daughter: if therefore she
gave the League no positive assistance,
her views would prevent her from join-
ing in opposing it.
" The queen," says the Duke of Ne-
vers, in his memoirs, "intended that the
crown should descend to the children of
her daughter, the Duchess of Lorrain, as
the King of Navarre was a Huguenot,
and the Cardinal of Bourbon old; and
Guise was employed only as the servant
of M. de Lorrain, for the morsel was
never intended for him."t
The Duke of Guise performed his part
with great address, with strong assurances
of support from Spain; he saw that to
obtain the crown of France was not al-
together chimerical; but he did not blind
himself to the dangers of his attempt,
and was long entreated to act openly be-
fore he would acquiesce.
He won over the queen-mother by pre-
tending to further her views: the clergy
were already gained by the hope of anni-
hilating the reformed religion; and the
promise of such recompenses as success
would enable him to grant, had secured
a considerable number of the nobility.
Preachers addressed the public, to inflame
them by describing the horrors which
would be consequent on the King of Na-
varre's succeeding to the crown. It was
stated among other things that above ten
thousand Huguenots and Politiques were
ready to massacre all the Catholics in
order to serve the King of Navarre.!
* Journal de Henri III.
t Mem. de Nevers, vol. I. p. ]B3.
t Proces-verbal de Nicolas Poutuin. This document is
200
TREATY OF PHILIP II. WITH THE LEAGUE.
But as it was better to blind his real
object for some time, Guise announced
that the Cardinal of Bourbon was the
lawful heir to the crown, his nephew
being excluded on account of heresy;
and it was immediately proposed to the
cardinal to join the league. He being a
very ignorant and bigoted man, was
easily persuaded to consent; he was daz-
zled with the hope of a crown, which, ac-
cording to the course of nature, lie could
never expect to have; for he was more
than sixty years of age, while the reign-
ing king was only thirty-four. Guise
further suggested that he should obtain a
dispensation to marry the Duchess ofj
Montpensier: he was insensible to the ri-
dicule, and consented to the proposal.*
Henry could not long remain ignorant
of what was passing: he perceived that
the best thing which could be done was
to draw the King of Navarre to court;
and as he acknowledged him to be the
rightful heir to his throne, their interests
evidently required a sincere reconcilia-
tion. He sent the Duke of Epernon to
persuade him to return to the Catholic
church, and to co-operate with him in
subduing the league. Navarre received
the messenger with great affability; and a
long conference ensued, which however
produced no effect on the Huguenots,
his Catholic friends were not without
effect. It was principally by the recom-
mendation of M. de Segur that he had
been influenced; and D'Aubigne, whose
zeal for the Protestant cause was un-
bounded, considering that the only way
to prevent the king's intended journey
was to alarm his advisers, resolved on the
following expedient. He took an occa-
sion when he passed through a' saloon,
in which there were some young gentle-
men of the court, to lead Segur aside to
a window, which looked upon a steep
precipice: he then told him, that he would
be compelled to take that leap the day the
King of Navarre set out for the court of
Henry III. Segur, astonished, asked —
"But who will dare do that?" " If I
cannot do it alone," said D'Aubigne,
" here are some gentlemen who will
assist me." The young men perceiving
they were alluded to, immediately cocked
their hats, and assumed a determined air,
although they knew nothing of what was
passing, which had such an effect on
M. de Segur, that the journey was aban-
doned.*
In the mean time the Duke of Guise
was busily occupied in negotiations with
the King of Spain. For greater conve-
nience, he had retired to his government
of Champagne, and at the close of the
who were too firmly grounded in their year a treaty was concluded between the
principles to be flattered into a desertion ! envoys of Philip II. and the Cardinal of
of them.t So far indeed was this meet- 1 Bourbon, who had assumed the title of
ing from producing good, that the leaguers i the first prince of the blood and presump-
tive heir to the crown. The treaty de-
clared, that to preserve the Catholic reli-
made use of it as an argument for their
cause; they announced that the king's
declaring Navarre his successor would
confirm him in his heresy; and indeed
the account of the conference which was
drawn up, and published by Duplessis-
Momay, represented the advantage of the
discussion to have' been entirely in favour
gion in France, in the event of the king's
dying without children, the Cardinal of
Bourbon should succeed him, as next heir
to the crown, from which should be for
ever excluded all heretics, and encou-
ragers of heretics; that the cardinal, being
of the Huguenots, and that the King of king, should banish all heretics from the
Navarre was more than ever confirmed ikingdom, and cause the decrees of the
in his sentiments. i Council of Trent to be observed; the
Notwithstanding, the King of Navarre King of Spain on his part undertaking to
was so far persuaded, that he had deter- supply the league with money, which
mined on an interview with the King of; was afterwards to be repaid to him, by
France. His little court was not exclu- 1 aid in subduing the revolted Flemings,
sively Huguenot, and the entreaties ofjand by the cession of the town of Cam-
bray.t
The pope's public approbation appear-
ed indispensable for a union, the object
to be found in ttie ltst. vol. of tlie Journal de Henri III.
Eilit Cohgne.
* De Thou, liv. 81.
t There is an account of this conference in Villeroy,
vol. iii.
J Maitnbourg, Hist, de laLigue, vol. i. p. 7C.
* D'Auliiqiie, Mem. p. 101.
t Ue Thou, liv. 81. Davila, liv. 1
FATHER MATHIEU's MISSION TO ROME.
201
of which was the advancement of the
Romish faith: but in vain did father Ma
thieu travel from Paris to Rome to claim
the protection of his holiness; for although
the Cardinal Pelleve used great influence,
.he could make no impression on Gregory
XIII. That. pope could not clearly com-
prehend the object of the league, nor
would he openly sanction an enterprise
against a king so decidedly Catholic, and
entertaining so much veneration for the
church of Rome as Henry III. He took
time to reflect upon it, and summoned
several experienced cardinals to examine
the propositions of the league: their an-
swers were far from removing his doubts,
and he decided upon refusing the least
thing which might be considered an ap-
proval of the league; but in dismissing
Father Mathieu, he recommended the
union to watch incessantly over the in-
terests of religion, and to aim at the ex-
tirpation of heresy.*
Philip II. in the mean time became
impatient at such delays: an embassy had
arrived in Paris, entreating the King of
France to become the protector of the
new states, and the Spanish agents sent
word that Henry was inclined to listen to
their proposal. Some decisive measure
therefore was urgent: he called upon
Guise to act openly, and informed him
that he would otherwise send their trea-
ties to the King of France, and abandon
the league to his resentment.t Guise
found himself compelled to continue the
course into which he had entered, and
preparations were made for taking the
field. The Cardinal of Bourbon left
Paris for his diocess of Rouen, whence
he passed into Picnrdy, and foreign levies
were hastening to the frontiers, while
experienced captains were employed in
collecting the nobility and gentlemen of
the party. t The Jesuits proposed a plan
to get possession of Boulogne for the
* As these communications were viva voce, it ia not
surprising that there should he variations in the ac-
counts of them. Legrain, in his Decade. says(liv. 3, p
141,) " Couriers were sent to Rome to obtain the pope's
sanction to beparrain of the league; but he said that
he did not know the mother of the beast." On the
other hand, De Thou (liv. 81,) relates a conversation
with the Duke of Nevers, who declared thai the Jesuit
Mathieu had received the pope's promise of a bull in
favourof the league directly Guise was able to act.— See
also Davila, liv. 7. Maimbourg, Hist, tlj ta Ligue, liv.
1. Mem. de Nevers, vol. ii p. 77.
+ Mezeray, Mrtgi Chron.
1 Davila, liv. 7.
convenience of receiving supplies from
Spain.*
The Cardinal of Bourbon issued a
manifesto,! declaring the object of the
league; and very soon after the emissa-
ries of the faction seized upon towns in
different parts of France. Guise fixed
his head-quarters at Chalons, anxiously
waiting for the arrival of reinforcements,
but tolerably certain that the king would
not attack him. In spite of the exertions
that had been made, his army amounted
to no more than four thousand infantry,
and fifteen hundred horse; a force that
might so easily have been dispersed, that
Nangis meeting Guise at Chalons, asked
him how he should act if the king sent
any troops against him. Guise answered,
" Retire as quick as possible into Ger-
many, and wait a more favourable oppor-
tunity.!
Henry was unable to decide upon the
best measures to be taken at such a crisis;
and, unfortunately for him, his advisers
were by no means unanimous. Epernon,
the Chancellor Chiverney, D'O. and De
Retz, recommended him to join the King
of Navarre and the Huguenots, who would
cheerfully serve under him, against their
avowed enemies. Joyeuse, Villequier,
Villeroy, and Bellievre condemned the
idea of the most Christian king availing
himself of the services of the Huguenots,
whose friendship would disgrace him:
they urged that the chiefs of the league
should be satisfied, and that then it
was to be hoped the party would
dwindle away.§ The best plan would
have been to send an army at once against
the Duke of Guise: Marshal d'Aumont
strongly recommended it, and prepared to
march with a few regiments hastily col-
lected. || His loyalty, however, was frus-
trated by the queen-mother's representa-
tions: she was on good terms with Guise,
and wished also to remain at peace: by
her advice the king published a declara-
tion]f in answer to the manifesto of the
league, in which he appears to justify
himself, rather than to condemn his rebel-
lious subjects: to make use of the lan-
* Proces-verbal de Nicolas Poulain, p. 139. Davila'
liv. 8.
t Dated 13th March, 15P5 : it is to be found in Davila,
liv. 7, and De Thou, liv 81.
t Memoirs de Beauvais Nangis. } Davila, liv. 7.
J Maimbourg, Hist, de la Ligue, vol. i. p. 107.
U Given at length by Davila.
202
TREATY BETWEEN THE KING AND THE LEAGUE.
guage of a contemporary, " forgetting the
arms which nature and necessity pre-
sented to him, he had recourse to pen
and paper: he made a declaration, hut so
tamely, that you would say that he did
not dare to name his enemy, and that he
resembled a man who complains without
saying who has beaten him."*
The league succeeded in surprising
several towns, but failed at Metz, where
Epernon had a good garrison: at Bor-
deaux, where Matignon, by his activity,
counteracted a plot for overthrowing his
authority; and at Marseilles, which one
Dariez, a person in authority, had under-
taken, in concert with a man named Oha-
bannes, to deliver to the Duke of Nevers,
the intended future governor. The in-
habitants were, however, persuaded to
take arms, and they succeeded in capturing
Dariez and his confederate: they were
immediately tried, condemned, and hang-
ed. The king was much pleased at this
spirited affair, and told the deputation
sent to convey the news, that he could
never sufficiently reward their fidelity .+
When fear chills the heart of a sove-
reign, his dignity and majesty is lost; for
the audacity of revolt increases in the
proportion of its impunity. Could Henry
have again exhibited the conqueror of
Jarnac, he would have soon settled the
affair; but, wishing to appease the revolt,
rather than quell it, he entreated the queen-
mother to meet the Duke of Guise, and,
while she assured him of the king's
friendship, to offer him the full extent of
his wishes, rather than disturb the peace
of the kingdom. Guise presented a re-
quest, signed by himself and the Car-
dinal of Bourbon, which called for an
edict for the extirpation of heresy, and
the expulsion of the Huguenots (by force)
from their cautionary towns; the kins
was also to renounce the protection of
Geneva, and to become a partisan of the
league.J Such a request could not be
granted without some consideration; and
while the subject was under discussion,
the King of Navarre made a declaration,
copies of which were sent to all the
powers of Europe. § When the league
had shown a hostile disposition, the Hu-
* Hist, des Derniers Troubles, liv. i. p. 20.
+ Davila, Mezeray, and Mathieu.
t Hist, des Derniers Troubles, liv. 1, p. 22.
$ Dated, Berierac, 10th June, 15d5. It was written
by Duplessis Mornay,
guenots were pleased to witness such a
division in the camp of their enemies:
but when it became apparent that Henry
was in danger of succumbing, he sent an
offer of his services, urging him to lose
no time in preparing for the storm which
was ready to burst over him. The king
wrote in reply that he should not yet take
arms. " Let the Guises strike the first
blow," said the king, " in order that you
may not be accused of breaking the
peace, and that it may appear that they
are the cause of the war."*
As a treaty was all but concluded be-
tween the king and the League, the King
of Navarre foresaw that whatever oc-
curred would he to the injury of the
Protestants: he therefore took the oppor-
tunity of answering the various calum-
nies against him, in the above-mentioned
declaration, which may bo called his ap-
peal to the world. He declared that he
bore no ill-will to the Catholics; that,
with respect to his changing his religion,
he had been compelled at the St. Bartho-
lomew to make a profession of Catholi-
cism, but that he could not renounce the
faith in which he was educated, unless its
errors were clearly pointed out, and that,
in his case, they had always tried to de-
stroy, rather than instruct him. He con-
tradicted several assertions which had
been made respecting him, and concluded
by entreating the king to allow him and
Guise to decide the quarrel between them
in single combat, or with two, ten, or
twenty combatants on each side, offering
to fight in any place which his majesty
might choose in France; or, if the Duke
of Guise preferred, he would meet hiin
out of the kingdom. t
This declaration produced a great effect
on the minds of the nobility, who were
equally pleased with its reasonableness,
and the generous wish to avoid bloodshed.
It was publicly said that Guise could
not refuse such a challenge; but he would
not suffer the cause of the league to ap-
pear connected with a private quarrel,
and sent a message to that effect.}
The queen's conference with Guise
ended in the conclusion of the treaty of
Nemours. § The dishonourable terms
» Esprit frla Lipue, vol. ii. p. 270.
+ Cayet, liv. I, p. 8. Mem. de Dnplessis, vol. i. p 503.
{ Davila, liv. 7. Perefixe, p. 50 G. Leti, Vita ui
Sislo V.
§ Dated 7th July, J585. Registered in parliament
'I3tll. — Mem. dc Never3, vol. i. pp. C86— 692.
WAR DECLARED AGAINST THE HUGUENOTS.
203
therein extorted from the king were worse
than any war; for the success of the fac-
tion on this occasion encouraged them to
still greater attempts, and was the cause
of many persons joining the party. By
the treaty, Henry bound himself to for-
bid in his dominions the exercise of any
other religion than the Romish, under pain
of death. The Calvinist ministers were or-
dered to quit the kingdom within a month,
and in six months all other Calvinists
who would not abjure: heretics were de-
clared incapable of holding any office,
and the mixed commissions were to be
abolished. The king agreed to pay the
sums which might be due to Guise's i
foreign levies, and to give a number of
considerable towns as places of secu-
rity.*
The king was forced to declare warj
against the Huguenots; and measures
were discussed for attacking them imme-
diately, in all parts of France. The
leaguers persuaded Henry that a few days
would settle the affair, and that the report
of the first enterprise would frighten the
Kino- of Navarre into submission. t The
Huguenots assuredly were in a dreadful
dilemma; for the King of Navarre had
been kept inactive by Henry's promises
and declarations, and Conde's army was
very much diminished.
The King of Navarre was aware of the
desperate state of his cause; and, speaking
subsequently of the king's joining the
league, he declared that his regret was so
great, and his apprehension of its fatal re-
sults so sensible, that the news of it
bleached half of his mustaehios.J How-
ever, his energy was not to be paralyzed
bv a dread of danger, and he took mea-
sures for employing what resources he
had, and for negotiating for assistance
abroad. It was some consolation for him
to know, that the additional power which
the Guises had acquired would be the
means of raising friends for him, particu
larly the Montmorencies, Biron, and Ma
tignon.
While the Huguenots complained of
the late edict as a cruel persecution, the
Catholics were murmuring at the king
for having given them so much time as
six months. The complaints reaching
* Davila, Pasquier, an l Mathieu.
t Hiil. des Derniers Troubles, liv. 2, p. 24.
J Mathieu, liv. 8, p. 501.
the king, he sent one morning* for the
president of the parliament, the provost of
the trades, and the dean of the cathedral.
Money was what he required, and there-
fore he called upon them for it, as other-
wise he could not accede to the public
wish, by declaring war against the Hu-
guenots. He told them that he was
pleased at the good counsels they had
given him, and confidently expected a fa-
vourable result. After telling them that
he should require three armies, one in
Guyenne, another near his peison, and a
third to protect the frontier, and prevent
any invasion of Reitres, he added, "It is
against my own opinion that I have un-
dertaken this war: but no matter, lam re-
solved to spare neither care nor cost for
its success; and, since you were unwilling
to believe me, when I advised you not to
think of breaking the peace, it is at least
fair that you should help me to carry on
the war: for, as it is by your advice alone
that I have undertaken it, I cannot think
of being the only one to bear the burden.
Mr. Chief President, I applaud your zeal,
and that of your colleagues, who have so
highly approved of the revocation of the
edict;t hut I am desirous you should know
that war is not to be carried on without
money, and that, so long as this lasts, it
will be in vain to come and tease me
about your salaries being stopped. You,
Mr. Provost, must be persuaded that I
shall not do less with regard to the annui-
ties of the Hotel-de-Ville: therefore call
together the inhabitants of my good city
of Paris, and tell them that, since the re-
vocation of the edict has given them so
much pleasure, I hope they will not be
averse to furnishing me with six hundred
thousand livres, which will be requisite
for carrying on the war." Then, turning
to the Cardinal of Guise, who was pre-
sent, the king coolly observed, " That he
hoped for the first month to be able to
avoid troubling the clergy, for he would
rather empty the purses of the other
classes; but that for the subsequent
months, so long as the war lasted, he in-
tended applying to the church, without
waiting for the pope's consent: for, as it
was a religious war, he ought, in con-
science, to make use of the church reve-
* 1 1 til August, 15S5.
t That (if Poicliers, which was favourable to the
Protestants.
204 ARROGANCE
nues. " Tt is," said the king, " especially
at the solicitation of the clergy that I have
burdened myself with this undertaking:
it is a holy war, and, therefore, the clergy
must support it."
Henry then waited to hear their reply,
and, finding they were for remonstrating
against his proposal, he cut them short, by
saying, '• you ought, then, to have listened
to me, and kept the peace, instead of de-
ciding on a war in a shop or a church;
and, really, I apprehend, that while we
think to put an end to preaching, we may
endanger the muss."* The king's aver-
sion to the war was thus made known:
the populace were taught to suspect him
of duplicity, and when the news arrived
of the successes which the King of Na-
varre had obtained in Guyenne, Dauphiny,
and other provinces, they declared that it
was owing to Henry's treachery, and
charged him with being connected with
the Huguenots by a secret treaty.
The insolence of the league received an
additional stimulus from the open encou-
ragement afforded by Sixtus V.f Thai
pope had succeeded Gregory XIII., who
died in April, 1585. Having been bred
up a Franciscan, and filled the office of
grand-inquisitor, he would naturally in-
cline towards a persecuting faction, and
we find that, immediately after his election,
he gave the league the benefit of his influ-
ence. Being less scrupulous than his pre-
decessor, lie consented to give a bull, de-
claring the Bourbon princes a bastard and
detestable race, and excommunicating the
King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde
as incorrigible heretics, who had forfeited
all right to every thing in reversion, as
well as in possession, and particularly to
the succession to the crown of France. t
The arrogance of this act of pontifical
authority created a ferment amongst all
classes who were independent of the
league; and when published in Paris, the
parliament made a strong remonstrance
against it.§ One of the counsellors re-
commended to the king to throw it into
* Hist, dps Derniers Troubles, liv. 2. Davila, liv. 7-
Caypt, liv. 1, p. rt. lie Thou, liv. 81.
+ Felix Perelti, well known as Cardinal Montalto.
j The bull, dated 9th Sept. 1585, treals both princes
as already degraded. Quondam A'avarrte regem, et olim
principcm Covdenscm. A spirited work was published
on the subject, in which the defects of popery are
cleverly exposed. It is entitled, Brutum fulmcn Papa:
Siiti V., &c, editio 4, without date or name: attri-
buted to Hotmail.
§ Le Grain, liv. 3, p. 145.
OF SIXTUS V.
the fire, in the presence of the assembled
clergy, and to order the attorney-general
to prosecute those who had brought it
from Rome.* It was easy to show how
the king was interested in this bull, for if
the pope could nominate a successor to
the throne, he could easily extend that
power to the dethronement of a reigning
king, a thing which Pope Zachary had
done to Childeric III. But Henry had
such a dread of the league, that notwith-
standing the repeated exhortations he re-
ceived from faithful advisers, he never
would allow proceedings against the pub-
lishers of the bull, contenting himself with
refusing to give it his sanction. The in-
sulted princes, however, would not so
quietly submit to the pontifical audacity;
they drew up a protest against the bull,
appealing to the peers of France, and the
decision of a future council, and declaring
Sixtus soi-disant pope to be a liar and
Anti-Christ. This was publicly put up in
all the streets of Rome and the houses of
the cardinals, and even on the doors of
the Vatican.f
The league in the mean time became
clamorous for the war, and Henry was
compelled to prepare three armies. But
before that was ready which was destined
to oppose Navarre, and which the Duke
of Mayenne was to command, he sent a
deputation to that prince, entreating him
to return to the Catholic church, or at
least to suspend the public exercise of
Calvinism for a few months, to ^ive time
for an amicable adjustment. The depu-
ties were Lenoneourt, afterwards cardinal,
and the president Brulart, accompanied
by some doctors of the Sorbonne. They
were unable to make any impression on
Navarre, who told them that he was ready
to be instructed according to the decisions
of a council freely chosen, and not with a
poniard at his breast. f
Every attempt at persuasion proving
ineffectual, the King expressed his concur-
rence in the wish of the league: he pub-
lished an edict authorising the governors
of the provinces to pursue the Huguenots,
without waiting for the expiration of the
six months fixed in the treaty of Nemours.
Navarre forbade the edict being executed
where he possessed authority ; treated as
* Journal do Henri III.
+ Leti, De Thou, Davila, and many others.
| Davila, liv. 7. Maimbourg, Hist, de la Ligue, liv. 1.
THE HUGUENOTS SUCCESSFUL.
205
enemies the people of all towns that ad-
hered to the league ; and confiscated their
property for the support of his army.*
The flames of civil war were once more
kindled in this afflicted kingdom.
CHAPTER XXXVII.
Unsuccessful attempt of the Duke of Mercosur against
the Huguenots— Siege of Brouage — Enterprise on
Angers— Capture ami defence of Oliron— Confer-
ences between the Queen-mntber anil the King of
Navarre — Renewal of the War — Bailie of Courtras.
The renewal of the war made it neces-
sary for the King of Navarre to hold a
consultation with the Prince of Co fide
and Marshal Montmorency. They de-
cided upon a plan of action, and made
exertions to supply their different towns
with provisions and ammunition. Their
party had recently been joined by the
Duke of Thouars, of the family of Tre-
mouille, whose sister was shortly to be
married to the Prince of Co tide.
The Duke of Mercosur began the cam-
paign by suddenly quitting his govern-
ment of Brittany, to attack the Huguenots
in Poictou.t With only two thousand
men, he expected to perform some great
achievements, relying on his activity to
make up for the deficiency of his num-
bers. He had begun to lay waste that
province, when the news of his arrival
reached Conde, who had lately quitted St.
Jean d'Angely, with a little army he had
collected. He lost no time in marching
direct, to give battle to the Duke of Mer-
cceur; but he, being sensible that the
prince's force was superior to his own,
resolved on retreating to Fontenay, a town
held by the Catholics, and there await the
arrival of the royal army under Mayenne.
But the inhabitants of that town being
more attached to the king than to the
league, refused to admit him within their
walls, under the pretence of having no
orders from the king to that effect. He
was, therefore, compelled to take his
quarters in the suburbs, and make exer-
tions to procure provisions, as the inha-
bitants refused to supply him. In this
condition, he was attacked by the Prince
of Conde. The battle was severely con.
tested, the Catholics having the benefit
of position, and their assailants that of
numbers. When night came, Mercosur
perceiving that, if the fight should be re-
newed the following day, he would almost
certainly be defeated, resolved on de-
camping as secretly as possible, which he
did in the middle of the night. Conde
followed him the next day, and so
harassed his march, that his men had no
time to take refreshment. At last he suc-
ceeded in crossing the Loire, after leaving
behind, not only the plunder acquired at
the commencement of his expedition, but
I the greater part of his own baggage:
several parties of his men also fell into
the hands of Conde.*
The Huguenots were very successful
j in several affairs which followed this, and
[Conde considered himself equal to the
j siege of Brouage, then held by St. Luc,
with a considerable garrison. The people
of Rochelle were desirous of retaking
Brouage from the Catholics, and contri-
buted their assistance to the enterprise.
The town was invested completely at the
' beginning of October, 1585, and being
attacked by sea, as well as by land, its
fall was confidently expected, when a
circumstance oeeuned which called off
the Prince of Conde, and caused such a
change of affairs, that Marshal Matignon
had time to raise the siege. The citadel
of Angers had been seized upon by three
captains in a treacherous manner: they
were of different parties, but had acted in
concert on this occasion. Their names
were Du Halot, a royalist; Frosne, an
enemy of Brissac, the governor of An-
gers; and Roe-hemorte, a friend of the
King of Navarre. They entered the
town on a friendly pretence, and while
Frosne was at dinner with the officer left
1 in charge of the place, his companions
murdered '.he soldiers, who were not of
their faction. The commanding officer
was killed soon after, and the castle was
in the power of the confederates. But
instead of retiring into the castle, Dti
Halot went into the town and declared
I that he had acted in the name and on the
behalf of the king: that, however, had no
effect on the people, who arrested, and
soon after hanged him. The inhabitants
immediately attacked the castle, which
* Hist <les Derniers Troubles, p 27. * Davila liv. 8. Le Grain, liv. 4, p. 147. D'Aubigne\
t Cayet, liv. 1, p. 10. Mem. de la l.igue, vol. ii. p. 2. vol. li. p. 435.
18
206
CONDE ATTACKS THE FAUBOURGS.
ihe confederates perceiving, drew up the
bridge before Frosne could enter; lie tried
to climb by the chain, but was wounded
by the assailants, and falling into the
moat, was killed by a stag that was kept
there. Rochemorte, alone remaining,
was demanded for whom he held the
castle? He answered "For the King of
Navarre." Preparations were then made
for a regular attack, whenever the Duke
of Mayenne should arrive. A few days
after, Roehemort himself was killed by
two musket balls striking him while at
one of the windows. There then re-
mained sixteen persons in the castle, but
as they had lost their leaders, they pro-
posed to capitulate.*
Conde had been informed of the sur-
prise of the castle; and learning at the
same time that the place required assist-
ance, he despatched D'Aubigne with
eleven hundred men to secure the town
to his party. D'Aubigne, aware of the
importance of the place, lost no time in
executing his commission; but unfortu-
nately he was countermanded. Some
persons had persuaded the prince that
such an undertaking was worthy of him-
self: eleven days were lost in preparing
for his departure: he relinquished the
siege of Brouage, which was on the eve
of completion, leaving only a small portion
of his army to mask the town, and when
he arrived at Angers, on the twenty-first
of October, he found that place occupied
by six thousand of the enemy. f
Conde advanced to attack the faubourgs,
but soon discovered that the castle had
fallen into the hands of the enemy. The
object of his journey was thus completely
foiled; great confusion ensued in his
army, and he experienced such difficulty
in making his escape that this expedition
nearly caused his ruin. An army was
ready to cut off his retreat in every direc-
tion : Mayenne, Epernon, Joyeuse. and
Biron were each at the head of armies
opposed to him; and La Chastre had
undertaken to prevent his crossing the
Loire, every bridge and ford of which
was occupied. His numbers in the mean
time constantly diminished, as the alarm
made many seek their safety by flying
separately. The Duke of Rohan per-
* D.ivila, I ■ v. 8. Mem. de la Lijue, vol. ii. p. 13.
3ully. Iiv. 2. Cayet, liv. 1. D'Aubigne, vol. ii. p. 440.
(( D'Aubigne, vol. ii. pp. 442-0. Davila, liv. 8.
suaded Conde to retire privately from the
army, and escape by passing through un-
frequented routes: he followed this ad-
vice, and went through Brittany into
Guernsey, whence he passed over to
England. After the prince had quitted
the army, his followers divided into small
parties, and succeeded in making their
escape by sacrificing their baggage: some
of them, however, were so unfortunate as
to be discovered, and were put to death
by the Catholics.*
Doubts were entertained for some time
of Conde's safety, and the Protestant
party was depressed in the same propor-
tion as the league was encouraged by
the rumour. The king was loudly called
upon to annihilate the party; the Catholic
generals placed garrisons in all the towns
around Rochelle and St. Jean d'Angely
to prevent assistance reaching them, and
reinforcements were sent to the army in
Guyenne to ensure the defeat of Navarre,
and, if possible, to make him a prisoner.!
At the commencement of the following
year the King of Navarre published seve-
ral declarations, in which he laments the
miseries which a war inevitably inflicts
upon a country, and shows that he is not
to be blamed for the present struggle.
Addressing the clergy, he says, "If war
delights you so much; if you prefer a
battle to an argument, and a conspiracy to
a council, I wash my hands of it, and the
blood which may be shed shall be on your
heads."];
At this time the King of Navarre's
forces were far inferior to those opposed
to him, and he considered it necessary to
prolong the contest and avoid a general
engagement. He selected the flower of
his army to make a flying camp of two
thousand musketeers, three hundred ca-
valry, and a few of the nobility: the rest
he placed in different towns, and by his
activity and courage he effected such
operations that the Catholic army was
paralyzed. Navarre being well acquainted
with the country, surprised detachments,
intercepted convoys, and kept his adver-
saries in continual alarm. Mayenne in
the mean time found his army thinning
* Davila, liv. 8. Sully, liv. 2. De Thou, liv SB.
Muni <le Bouillon, p. 73. Hist, dps Derniers Troubles,
hv. '2, p. 29. Maihieu, liv 8, p. 5U7.
t Mem. de la Ligue, vol. ii. p. 31
t Mom. de Duplessis, vol. i. p 580. Dated Montau-
ban, 1st January, 1580
CAPTURE AND DEFENCE OF OLERON.
207
by sickness and desertion; and the siege
of St. Jean d'Angely, which he had re-
solved upon, was obliged to be aban-
doned.*
The Prince of Conde returned to Ro-
chelle in February, 158G, and the affairs
ofthe Huguenots resumed a smiiingaspect.
Several places in that quarter were taken
by Conde's captains; among others the
Isle of Oleron, in which D'Aubigne distin-
guished himself. But the glory he ob-
tained in taking the island was very soon
eclipsed by the brave defence which was
directed by him. In the beginning of
April, St. Luc, governor of Brouage,
attacked him with five thousand men,
assisted by some ships of war: a most
obstinate struggle was maintained for
twenty-four hours, in which the assailants
were driven out of the town after they had
succeeded in effecting a lodgement. St.
Luc was at last obliged to retire with the
loss of four hundred men and a great part
of his baggage. t
St. Luc's forces being divided on ac-
his making use of it, that he was obliged
to have recourse to bursal edicts.*
A fresh difficulty was impending over
Henry; the Protestant states of Germany
were preparing to send relief to their
brethren in France. Navarre had sent
agents to entreat the different princes to
take into consideration the persecuted
condition of the Huguenots; and their
extreme danger at the close of 1585 had
aroused the zeal of Beza, who, although
advanced in years, traversed Germany,
and with powerful eloquence addressed
all classes in behalf of the suffering Cal-
vinists. His preaching excited great
feelings, and a sort of crusade was pre-
pared.f
But the German princes being on terms
of friendship with the King of France,
considered it necessary, before they
marched any troops into his dominions,
to send an embassy to make complaints
of, and claim satisfaction for, the breach
of promises made in favour of the pro-
testants; and to entreat his majesty to
count of this expedition, the Prince of | restore tranquillity to that persecuted peo-
Conde availed himself of the opportunity pie. Great preparations were made to
to attack one division, commanded by a add splendour to their mission ; but when
gentleman named Tiercelin. Conde fell they arrived in Paris they had the morti-
in with him near Saintes.} and an engage- fication of rinding that the king had gone
ment ensued, which ended in favour of 10 'he south of France.| It is thought
the Huguenots. But their victory was 'bat his sole object in going from the
dearly purchased, many of their captains capital at such a time was to avoid re-
being wounded, and two of them mortally, ceiving these ambassadors; nor could he
the sons of the late Andelot: another son fix any time for his certain return, as he
had lately died at St. Jean D'Angely, and had engaged bis mother to confer with
their elder brother, the Count de Laval, 'be King of Navarre upon a plan which
was so afflicted, that he died of grief appeared to his refined and scheming
within eight days. J
policy to offer a sure way to save the
The king in the mean time was anxious government and crush the league. This
that the war should be finished. lie was plan consisted in forming a private treatv
unable to prosecute it for want of means; w''h Navarre, who should renounce his
and it was out of his power to stem the religion, be divorced from his wife, and
torrent of faction which had forced him marry the daughter of the Duke of Lor-
into hostilities. The clergy, encouraged rai": his title as presumptive heir to the
by the pope's nuncio, had importuned crown was then to be publicly recognised;
him to publish the decrees of the Council and the nation being biassed in favour of
of Trent; but having obtained a bull from 'he direct succession, would be easily
the pope to sell some church property drawn away from the league to full obe-
(most probably granted in the hope of dience.§* Catherine undertook the corn-
gaining his consent to the other measure,) mission, relying upon her usual method
they raised such a violent opposition to '. °f intriguing. The weight of years did
not prevent her from making so long a
journey, but no sooner was her departure
* Davila, liv. 8.
t dvsDdruiers Troubles, liv. 2. D'Aubiane, vol
in. p. IS.
t 7th April, 158C.
<? Mem, de la Ugue, vol. ij. p. 173. Hist, rles Ucr
fliers Troubles, liv. -Z. Davila, liv. 8. D'Aubirjne, vol
in. p. 10.
* Journal lie Henri III.
t Davila, liv. 8. Leti, Vila ili Sistt V.
I Caret, liv. 1, p. 2a. Davila, liv. 8, p. 380.
§ Davila, liv. 8.
208
THE KING RETURNS TO PARIS.
known than Henry was beset by the
league upon the subject of her mission.
He assured them that the negotiation was
only a manoeuvre to delay the arrival of
the Germans, and that it would in the
end prove beneficial to the holy union.*
This declaration being made public, and
the Huguenots knowing that his dissimu-
lation was unbounded, they encouraged
suspicions and apprehensions in each
other's minds, and the King of Navarre
was thus rendered less likely to accede
to his proposal.
The military operations of this interval
presented nothing of importance: a de-
sire to signalize himself beyond what the
Duke of Mayenne had been able to do,
made Biron resolve on besieging Marans,
a town very essential to the possession of
Rochelle. This movement brought Na-
varre from Guvenne to reinforce that
place and strengthen the fortifications, in
doing which he personally joined in the
work, to encourage his followers. Biron
was roughly handled when he commenced
his attack, and was wounded by a musket
ball, which carried off one of his fingers:
lie afterwards found that the place was
likely to offer a long defence, and carried
on his plan of attack with more coolness.
Before the siege could be concluded, the
Abbe Gadagni arrived from the court
with orders to suspend hostilities pre-
paratory to the conference between the
queen-mother and the King of Navarre.
Biron agreed to withdraw his troops be-
yond the Charente, and Navarre promised
to meet her majesty as soon as he had
settled affairs in Rochelle. t
The ambassadors were indignant at
being detained so long, and two of them
quitted Paris. Couriers were continually
sent to the king, entreating him to return
and give them an audience; but he de-
layed as long as possible, in hopes of re-
ceiving a favourable account of his mo-
ther's conference with Navarre. At last
he was induced to come back by the in-
telligence that the whole body had re-
solved on following the example of their
companions: he arrived at St. Germains
in the beginning of September, and gave
the long-expected audience. Henry's
* Davila, liv. 8.
t Davila, liv. 8. Cayet, liv. 1. p. 31. D'Aubigne, vnl
iii.p. 20. Mem. de la Ligue, vol. ii p. 53. The siege
of Marans lasted from the 1st June to 4tli August,
158(1.
manner of receiving the deputation suf-
ficiently evinced his displeasure with
their mission. He expressed his surprise
at such interference with his government,
and told them they need wait no longer,
for he should give them no other answer.*
This insult offered to their deputies ex-
cited the indignation of the German
princes. t
The king returned to Paris the following
day : his cool reception of the ambassa-
dors was generally known, as well as his
continued preparations for carrying on
the war: still he had the mortification to
find the popular feeling more furious than
ever against him. The pulpits resounded
with abuse; and the leaguers had circu-
lated a report that he favoured Navarre
and the Huguenots. It was said that he
endeavoured, in secret, to secure the suc-
cession to the crown for one, and full
liberty of worship for the other.l An ad-
ditional cause of discontent was to be
traced to the Duke of Mayenne, who
having failed to answer the great expec-
tations which had been entertained of him
and his army, was desirous of saving his
reputation in any way. He loudly com-
plained of having been deserted, betrayed,
and prevented from destroying the Hu-
guenots of Guyenne; which he declared
he should certainly have done, if he had
been properly seconded, and supplied
with provisions and ammunition. The
leaguers repeated these complaints, and
called upon the king to dismiss. Biron,
who was not sufficiently zealous in the
cause.
A new faction arose in the midst of
these complaints : it was called the League
of the Sixteen, and while it fully co-ope-
rated in all the plans of the original league,
it pushed its audacity in Paris to an in-
conceivable point. It was composed of
the most violent leaguers of the middle
and lower classes, and originated with
a shopkeeper named Rocheblond, who,
being carried away by a blind zeal for
religion, proposed to form an association
in Paris, to prevent the King of Navarre
from succeeding to the crown. Upon
communicating his plan to some eccle-
siastics, he was. soon joined by Prevost,
curate of St. Severin, and Boucher, curate
* Davila, liv. 8.
t Mem. de Nevers, vol. ii. p. 38.
J Ibid. p. 322.
AN ORIGINAL LETTER OF HENRY III.
209
of St. Benedict ; the latter of whom be-
came the most conspicuous and furious
of all the leaguers. They then added to
their numbers several attorneys, and per-
sons of intelligence and activity ; the most
celebrated of whom was Bussy-le-Clerc,
who distinguished himself afterwards as
governor of the Bastille. They were
called the Sixteen, on account of their
confederacy being managed by that num-
ber of persons, one of whom superintended
each of the sixteen divisions of Paris*
The faction had worked undeclared for
some time, having been established at the
beginning of 1585; and when it was
organized, the Duke of Guise and the
Cardinal of Bourbon were apprized of the
powerful auxiliary which had arisen for
them. But the king was informed of the
movements of the Sixteen : one Nicolas
Poulain' had been introduced to their
meetings, and revealed every thing to the
Chancellor Chiverny, who communicated
the intelligence to the monarch. He
contented himself, however, with placing
troops in the arsenal, the Bastille, and
other places ; and suffered the conspirators
to continue their meetings without making
any attempt to arrest the leaders, although
he was aware that they had more than
once deliberated upon an attempt to as-
sassinate him.f Henry's conduct is inex-
plicable ; and he appears to have wanted
firmness on every occasion, except when
he displayed a hatred of the Protestants :
then, and then only, he was decided and
vigorous.-
An original letter, in the hand-writing
of Henry III., has been preserved : it is
addressed to Hillier, governor of Bayonne,
and proves that the king was by no
means inattentive to public afifairs.t After
adverting to other matters, he says, "I
decease, representing to them the doubt-
ful condition of the state, &c. &c. .....
And as such discourses cannot but appear
suspicious to me, not knowing by whom
the said Bishop of Bayonne is so prompt-
ed, I beg you to ascertain of him if he has
held such language; for such curiosities
are of a dangerous and pernicious conse-
quence ; and I find it very strange that
this conduct of the bishop has been com-
municated to me by another than your-
self." We have not the contents of Hil-
lier's reply, but Poulain's notice, combined
with the information which had reached
him from Bayonne, was quite sufficient to
have roused the king to activity ; yet he
contented himself with preparing against
a surprise, when he should have displayed
his authority, and crushed the spirit of re-
bellion.
Still the placing of the troops in the
places intended to be the first objects of
their operations confounded the conspira-
tors, and prevented them from taking any
measures at that time. Mayenne, who
was to have superintended their opera-
tions, was anxious to retire from Paris;
and Henry permitted him to have an
audience previous to his departure, when
he rallied him in a manner that showed
he was fully aware of his connexion with
the conspirators: Mayenne notwithstand-
ing assured them of his resolution to sup-
port them.*
It is probable that if Catherine had been
at Paris at this juncture, she would have
recommended some measure which would
have awed the league; but she was oc-
cupied during the remainder of the year
in arranging conferences with the King of
Navarre, and using all her influence to
bring him back to the church of Rome.
A considerable time was taken up in de-
have heard that the bishop of my town of ciding where they should meet, and how
Bayonne has recently procured a list of j each party should be attended. The cas-
all the inhabitants of the place, by means
of the priests whom he has chosen for the
Easter confessions, and has particularly
inquired of those of the new opinions,
what they thought of the success of the
affairs of my kingdom in the event of my
* Cayet.liv. l, p. 12.
t I'rocesverbal of Nicolas Poulain, and Davila,
Jiv. 8.
t The tetter, dated 23d May. 158>i, is in possession of
Prince Polignac, a descendant of llillier's. I aril not
aware that it has ever been p inted ; and am obliged
to the Marquis de Portia for the use of a MS. copy of
it.
18*
tie of St. Bris, near Cognac, was at last
agreed upon : Catherine went there, at-
tended by Montpensier. Nevers, and Biron,-
Navarre was accompanied by Conde,
Turenne, and several chiefs of his party.|
The queen-mother soon discovered that
her influence was no longer so irresistible,,
and in vain had she taken with her a train
of lovely young women :f the princes had
* Esprit de la Ligue, vol. ii. p. 310.
t 14th Oecember, 1586.
X Cuthetine, tired of importuning the King of
210
•Catherine's cruelty and treachery.
been so often deceived, that they stood
firm to their proposal of a national coun-
cil; and the recollection of the deceptions
practised prior to the St. Bartholomew,
made them constantly on their guard, not
only as to any treaty they might con-
clude, but also for their personal safety.
Cayet informs us " that they would never
all three enter the queen's apartment at
once: when Navarre was there, the
prince and Turenne kept guard at the
door."* Turenne is also stated to have
said to her — "It is no longer possible,
madam, for us to be satisfied with your
bare promise, when your most solemn
edicts have been violated."!
Catherine, without consulting the King
of Navarre, had published a truce : he
considered it a scheme for stopping the
march of the Germans who were coming
to join him, and insisted on the publica-
tion being revoked, as an indispensable
condition of continuing the conference.
The queen's advisers were at a loss what
to recommend, and appeared astonished ;
but she being always ready to consenf to
any barbarity in furtherance of her plans,
told them to send some musketeers from
Niort, to attack and destroy two Hugue-
not regiments at Maillozais. "Go, and
cut them in pieces,*' said she, " and the
truce is at an end without further trouble."
Her cruel orders were instantly obeyed :
many of the Huguenots perished, and the
rest were made prisoners.!
At length the conference commenced:
the queen declared her regret at Na-
varre's obstinacy in refusing to change
his religion, and absenting himself from
court, by which he compelled the king to
wage war against him. The King of
Navarre complained, that notwithstand-
ing he fully obeyed the king's orders,
and scrupulously attended to the edicts,
the king had broken the' peace out of
compliance to tlve Guises, and other ene-
mies of the public tranquillity. He com-
plained of the king's bad faith towards
him, in ordering liim to remain quiet,
■while he suffered the league to make ad-
vances; showing that he had hazarded
his life by not taking arms sooner, and
that in order to satisfy those who wished
to reduce him to extremities, he had ne-
glected to look after his own preserva-
tion. "Madam," said he to the queen,
with emphasis, " you can only accuse me
of too much fidelity."* The proposal
for a divorce from Margaret, and a mar-
riage with the Duke of Lorrain's daugh-
ter, was developed in a second confer-
ence. But an 'offer of marriage from
Catherine de Medicis was ominous for
the Huguenot prince. He requested two
days to consider of it, and his reflections
only made him more resolved to refuse
the offer. He felt, besides, a great re-
luctance to have the appearance of fre-
quently changing his religious opinions,
and could not have deserted the Protest-
ants at such a time without disgrace.f
The conference was afterwards re-
newed at Fontenay, when Catherine de-
clared that the king would make no peace
nor treaty with him, unless he became
a Catholic. Navarre made his invariable
reply, that he would submit to the deci-
sion of a council freely chosen. The
queen argued that the change would
make his condition more secure, more
free, and more suitable to his rank; as he
would then enjoy the king's favour,
which would be better than staving at
Roehelle, where he could not do as he
wished. To which he answered that no
private gratification, nor even the pos-
j session of thirty crowns, should make
i him disgracefully renounce a religion
{ which he had followed thirty years: and
! that as to Roehelle, he could do what he
would there, because he desired nothing
but what was right.! Their conversa-
tion was very protracted; the queen
would not consent to a treaty of peace
unless Navarre promised his abjuration;
] the King of Navarre wished for an ar-
rangement which would ensure the set-
I dement of the affair by a council. She
i would not consent even to a truce, unless
he countermanded the approach of the
Germans; while he would not yield that
varre, said to him, " What is it that vnu would liave?"
He looked round on the young ladies, and said, '•No-
thin?, madam, that I t*e iieie. — i\u:ii.\e.
* Uayet, liv 1 p 32.
t Leti re <fun Oenlilhomme Frmicois,d tin sien ami a
ficme, contenant le discours da voyage de la /trine, Merc
du Roi. This piece is insetted in \ol. ii. of Mem. de la
Ligue.
\ Branlome, vol. i. p. 66. D'Aubigne, vol. iii.p. 24.
* D'Aubigneyvol. iii. p 23. Davila, liv. 8. Hist, des
Derniivs Troubles, li*. 2. p. 33. Mem. de la Ligue, vol.
ii. p. *-0.
j + Davila. liv. 8.
% Hist, des Derniers Troubles, liv. 2, p. 34. D'Au-
bigne, vol. iii. p. 23. Le Grain, liv. 4, p. 149. Mem.
' de la Ligue, vol. it. p. 81.
CONFERENCE HELD.
21L
point, unless he were sure that the truce tulated in November; and the town of
would produce a peace.* The queen at Tarase'on declared for the king without
last lost all patience, and said with an sustaining any attack.*
imperious tone, that no further delibera-
tion was necessary; for the king, who
wished to be absolute master in his king-
dom, was also determined that there
Bellievre was sent to London in De-
cember, 1586, avowedly to intercede in
the king's name for Mary, Queen of
Scots; but Mendoza, the Spanish ambas-
should be only one religion in France. ] sador, informed the Duke of Parma that
Upon this Turenne said with a smile of i the real object of the mission was to ob-
contempt — "Well, madam, we are quite tain Elizabeth's influence with Navarre
agreeable, provided it be ours; otherwise ! and Conde towards the conclusion of a
we will fight hard for it." And without j peace. t
waiting any reply, he made a profound The court passed away the winter in
bow and retired.f balls, routs and masquerades, in which
The conference had been kept open on the king cheerfully participated; his time
account of the uncertainty and indecision | being divided between such amusements
of the queen-mother: she would not land the ceremonials of the different mo-
make a concession unnecessarily, for fear S nastic orders under his protection. It
of offending the league; and therefore i was with regret he found himself forced,
wished to appear forced to accept the j as the spring advanced, to prepare for
terms under discussion. The intelli- 1 carrying on the war with vigour. The
gence which she received was besides J Germans were about to join the King of
very contradictory; and she was alter- Navarre, and it was absolutely necessary
nately alarmed by the success of the Hu- that something should be done to prevent
guenot party, and cheered by accounts of such an occurrence,
their desperate situation. Her wishes ] The league in the mean time had en-
inclined her to place more reliance on the deavoured to persuade the king that his
latter version, and she encouraged the; honour and welfare depended on his
hope of concluding a peace which would heartily joining that party as the only
satisfy the king.i ! means of suppressing the Huguenot fac-
Catherine then made haste back to tion, and saving his kingdom from being
Paris, where her son had great need of! a prey to foreigners. The queen's let-
her assistance; for in addition to the con-
spiracy which had lately been brought to
light, Cardinal Pelleve was discovered to
have so much injured the king, by his
representations to the pope, that Henry
confiscated all his property;§ but not-
withstanding the distressed state of his
treasury, he is said to have given the
value to the poor, instead of applying it
to carrying on the war, — a proof alike of
the sincerity of his devotion, and of his
complete unfitness to govern a nation.
While the negotiations had been carried
on between the queen-mother and the
King of Navarre, the Duke of Epernon,
assisted by Crillon, had been engaged in
subduing the Huguenots of Provence,
under Lesdiguieres. Seyne, a town,
placed in an almost inaccessible situation
on the frontier of Dauphiny, was taken
in September, 1586; the garrison of La
Reole offered a long resistance, and capi-
, * Hist, des Derniers Troubles, liv. 2, p. Zl.
t Cayet, liv. 1, p 32.
% Mem. de la Ligue. vol. ii. pp. 82, etseq.
t> Journal de Henri III.
ters in December, which announced Na-
varre's obstinacy, had raised his angry
feelings; and on the first d.ay of the new
year, in an assembly of the knights of
the Holy Ghost, he publicly made a so-
lemn oath that he would never suffer in
his dominions any other religion than the
Roman 4 But all this fervour of bigotry
availed him nothing: his oaths and pro-
mises had been so prostituted, that the
Catholics placed no reliance on him;
while the Huguenots were only the more
convinced that their case would be des-
perate, unless they were successful in the
field.
In the month of May, 1587, Guise
met the king at Meaux, when he made a
long complaint of the infractions of the
treaty of Nemours. He said that the re-
solution to make war against the heretics
had been so feebly acted upon, that it was
not at all surprising the result should be-
* Vie de Crillon, vol. i. p. 306— 321.
t Slrada, de Bella Belg. liv 8.
X Davila, liv. 8. Cayet, liv. 1, p. 35j
'212
MURDER OF THE GARRISON OF LA MOTTE.
fatal to France: in spite of the edict, the
heretics had been allowed to remain in
their houses, and enjoy their property in
quietness; and instead of confiscating
their goods, those of Cardinal Pelleve
had been seized, for having virtuously
defended in the consistory the justice of
the catholics taking arms against the he-
retics.*
Henry answered these complaints by
observations which seem to indicate a
better understanding than he has the re-
putation of having possessed, and by
showing the numerous cases in which
the leaguers had violated the tre'aty to
their advantage. This unfortunate king-
was in a great dilemma; nothing could
reconcile Navarre and Guise: if he grant-
ed suitable terms to the Huguenots, he
feared the resentment and violence of the
league; and if he made war against the
King of Navarre, he dreaded the inva-j
sion of fifty thousand foreigners. He
entreated Guise to think of peace, and to!
join in preserving the country from a
common enemy. Guise, however, was:
decided upon a war, and boldly told the
king that he would not consent to a peace
before the Catholic religion was secured
from danger.t His real motives are;
clearly represented in an intercepted let- 1
ter from the Duchess of Lorrain: "Goi
on," says she, "for there never was a
finer opportunity for your placing the
crown on your own head/'J
Finding he could not avoid carrying on
the war, the king resolved to take mea-
sures for assailing the league as well as
the Protestants. He therefore sent a
strong army into Poictou, under Joyeuse.
who would be able by that means to bear
down all before him; a second army was
sent under Guise against the Germans,
which being composed of inexperienced
troops, would probably suffer a defeat
and allow them to advance: the third, as
a reserve, he proposed to keep near him-
self, to be able to oppose the Germans,
who would endeavour to join Navarre
after having defeated the Duke of Guise.
This scheme w,as calculated to give him
such an advantage over both parties, that
he expected to be able to dictate his own
terms. His plan was frustrated by the
* Cayet. liv. 1, p. 36.
t Hist, lies Derniers Troubles, liv. 2, p 37. D'Au-
bigne, vol. ii, p. 61.
I Mem. de la Ligue, vol ii. p. 213.
valour of Navarre and Guise respective-
ly, and the war of the three Henries pro-
duced results very different from what
had been expected.
Joyeuse began his expedition by taking
La Motte,* the garrison of which place
was too weak to defend it; but by an ex-
traordinary display of bravery, they main-
tained the town much longer than could
have been expected. At last, under the
pressure of famine, they were induced to
rely on the promises of the duke, who
had the barbarity to murder the whole of
them in cold blood. What renders this
cruelty more revolting is, that when
D'Aubigne was employed to convey
some communication to Joyeuse, he
asked what inducement the Catholics
could have had to act so inhumanly?
The answer he received was, " That it
was the only way to gain applause from
the pulpits of Paris. "t
The King of Navarre recommenced
the campaign early, and was tolerably
successful in his enterprises. The sum-
mer passed away without any event of
importance; news arrived in September
of the Germans having entered France
by Lorrain. The King of Navarre
marched in that direction to meet them;
and Joyeuse, determined to arrest his
passage, attacked him at Courtras, in
Perigord, on the twentieth of October.t
The two armies exhibited a remarka-
ble contrast: that of Joyeuse consisted'
of many young nobility, and a consider-
able number of volunteers: their accou-
trements, all new, were elegantly orna-
mented with plumes and gold; and their
horses were of the finest kind, and in
good condition: they were armed more-
over with the strength of the king's
name and authority, but although ani-
mated with great spirit, they were very
much in want of experience. Navarre's
army, on the contrary, was clad in plain-
armour which had grown rusty in re-
peated campaigns; his men, however,
were the veterans who had fought at
Montcontour and Jamac.§ The Catholic-
force consisted of five thousand- infantry,
and about two thousand five hundred ca-
valry: the Huguenots had about four
thousand infantry, and between twelve-
* La Motte Achard, in Poictou. (Vendee.)
f D'Aubigne, vol. iii. p, 44.
X Mem. de la Ligue. vol. ii p. 239.
§ Perefixe, p. 61. Davila, liv. b.
BATTLE OF COURTRAS.
213
and thirteen hundred horsemen. This
difference of numbers was trifling com-
pared with all the previous battles inj
these wars: but if Joyeuse had consented
to delay the battle till Marshal Matig-
non's arrival with his army, it would
have been scarcely possible for the King|
of Navarre to have escaped destruction.
The marshal had sent word to Joyeuse,
requesting him to post himself at Cour-;
tras and wait his arrival.* The King of.
Navarre, however, had already taken that
position, and the two armies were so si-
tuated, that a battle could not well be
avoided.
Joyeuse, however, could not be re-
strained from attacking the Huguenots.
He had learned that he was declining ra-
pidly in his master's favour, and wished
to do something which would preserve
him from disgrace. Henry had told him
publicly that he was considered a coward
by the court, and that he would have
some difficulty in removing that impres-
sion, t No wonder, then, that he should
wish so ardently for battle; and he in-
formed the king that he should soon pre-
sent his majesty with the heads of Navarre
and Conde. His sanguine disposition
made him feel certain of a victory, and
when he found the King of Navarre was
posted between the rivers He and Drogne,
he said to his officers — " We hold the
enemy so shut in by these rivers, that it
is impossible for him to escape us: let
every thing then be ready for attacking
him to-morrow at break of day. "J He
gave orders that no quarter should be
given to the enemy, and that death should
be the punishment for saving the life of
a Huguenot, even if it should be the
King of Navarre.§
Navarre prepared to receive him ; for
although it was hazardous to fight where
a retreat was impracticable in case of de-
feat, it was still more so to give time for
Matignon's arrival. He arranged the
divisions of his army; and after commu-
nicating his plan to Conde, Turenne, and
the Count de Soissons, he addressed all
around him upon the calamities insepa-
rable from civil war. After recapitulating
fofa various endeavours to preserve peace,
he exclaimed with an animated voice —
» Brantome, vol. ix. p. J68.
t Davila, liv. 8.
§ D'AubignC, vol. iii. p. 48.
| Davila, liv. 8.
" Perish the authors of this war, and may
the blood which is going to be shed be
upon their heads !" He then called upon
Conde and Soissons, his cousins, to show
themselves worthy of their relationship
to him.*
When the King of Navarre had finished
his address, Duplessis-Mornay stepped
forward, and in a solemn manner re-
minded that prince of the great injury he
had done to the Protestant religion by
his flagrant incontinence; and particu-
larly to the family which he had afflicted,
by the seduction of a young lady of Ro-
chelle. Mornay advised him to make
public reparation for that misconduct,
lest his army should be defeated as a
judgment upon him.f Henry may have
felt influenced by religious apprehen-
sions, which the appeal of Mornay had
excited; but it is probable that he con-
sidered the ardour of his soldiers would
be still more animated, if their minds
were freed from any stigma on their
cause: he consented to make a public
avowal of his fault in the church of Pons,
and to do the same the first time he
should be at Rochelle. Henry after-
wards knelt down beside the minister
Clandieus, who offered a prayer for di-
vine help; and the whole army imme-
diately did the same. This spectacle,
instead of raising suitable feelings in the
mind of Joyeuse, only added to his con-
fidence: he exultingly called out — " See
how they tremble ! The day is ours!"
Laverdin, his lieutenant, observed to him
that he was mistaken in the men, who
always went to prayer when they had
made up their minds to conquer or to
die.J
The battle began about nine o'clock
with a cannonading on both sides. Na-
varre's artillery created great confusion
among his opponents: while theirs, be-
ing badly directed, had hardly any effect.
Laverdin perceived that no time was to
be lost in coming to close quarters, as the
only means of avoiding the effects of
the inferiority of their gunners. He im-
mediately gave the signal for advancing
to the charge. The shock was very
violent, but the victory was soon decided;
and in less than an hour the brilliant
* Perefixe and Matliieu.
f Vie de Duplessis-Mornay, liv. 1. p. 108.
X Journal de Henri III. Matliieu, P. Daniel, and
D'Aubigne.
214
TUMULT AT ST. SEVERIN.
army of the Catholics was completely
routed. Joyeuse himself was killed;
not in the fight, but after he was taken
prisoner: the person who shot him de-
clared that it was done to revenge
his cruelty at La Motte. The Ca-
tholics lost three thousand men, in-
cluding many persons of distinction: the
loss of the Huguenots was trifling, not
more than two hundred of them being
killed, and very few wounded.* The
cannon, baggage, &c. as a natural conse-
quence of such a rout, fell into the hands
of the King of Navarre, who is admitted
by writers of every party to have added
splendour to his victory by his clemency
to the vanquished. He set at liberty
nearly all his prisoners, and returned to
several their arms and standards.! But
his moderation had no effect upon his
enemies, who at first treated the affair as
an insignificant skirmish; and when the
truth was made known, the court, dis-
appointed in the hope of crushing the
King of Navarre, looked forward to re-
trieve the misfortune by successful ope-
rations in other parts.
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
Tumult at St. Severin— Defeat of the Germans at Vi-
mory and Aunean — Increased insolence of the
Keagoe — Meeting at Nancy— Death of Conde— The
Barricades.
The only result of the battle of Cour-
tras was the preservation of the Hugue-
not party from destruction, by placing
the Bourbon family in safety. Different
reasons have been assigned for Navarre's
measures after the battle: he had a choice
of two plans; to march at once to meet
the Germans, or to make himself master
of Poictou and Saintonge. He adopted
the latter line of action, and then set out
for Beam, with a small body of cavalry,
leaving Turenne with the command of
his forces. Some writers accuse Na-
varre of omitting to pursue his advan-
tage, through his desire to visit his mis-
tress, the Countess of Guiche;} another
opinion is, that he wished to avoid an
irremediable rupture with Henry III.
being desirous of keeping open a chance
of his return to court, which was so es-
* Davila, liv. 8. Cayet, vol. i. p. 38 Pasquier, vol
ii. p 303. D'Aubigne, vol. iii pp. 56 57.
r Mem. de la Ligue, vol. ii. p. '243.
Vie de Mornay, p. 111. D'Aubigne, vol. iii. p. 58.
sential to his ultimately succeeding to the
crown:* while a third, and perhaps the
real reason is, that the Huguenot army
was considerably diminished after the
battle by a great number of persons re-
turning to their houses. Navarre ob-
tained their promise to meet him again
on the 20th of November, to join the
Germans: but circumstances occurred in
the interval which disappointed his hopes
in that quarter. t
The German army consisting of near-
ly forty thousand men, with twenty
thousand pieces of artillery, had en-
tered Lorrain under the command of
the Baron Donau ord'Othna, a Prussian:
he was aided by the Duke of Bouillon,
his brother the Count de la Mark, and
the Count de Chatillon.i The Duke of
Guise had not received the reinforce-
ments which the king had promised
him when at Meaux, but still he hovered
about the enemy, and was so unwearied
in his attacks upon their flanks, that his
operations caused great astonishment.
Great dissatisfaction soon pervaded the
foreign army: they had calculated on be-
ing met on their arrival by the King of
Navarre, or the Prince of Conde; they
were only joined from time to time by
small parties of Huguenots, who added
to their dissatisfaction by relating the
difficulties they had overcome in reach-
ing them; while hunger, forced marches,
and the continual loss of some of their
baggage, made their situation very dis-
tressing.
Henry's plan had been to remain quiet
till the Reitres should have advanced to
a certain point; but the clamours of the
league compelled him to march to
Guise's help. The clergy carried their
insolence beyond all bounds; and, on one
occasion, a sermon preached at the
church of St. Severin contained such
abuse of the king, that the preacher was
sent for to the Louvre. Immediately a
report was spread that all the preachers
* Peretixe.
| Sully, in the 3d book of his Memoirs, accuses the
Count de Soissons of fanning Henry's passion for his
mistress with the intention of keeping him back from
pursuing his advaniage. Me treacherously aimed at
supplanting the King of Navarre in his possessions, by
marrying the princess his sister: the league then ap-
tieared certain of succeeding; and from their haired of
Navarre, the count imagined he could easily effect his
object. Sully also charges Conde with a design of dis-
membering France, and establishing an independent
sovereignty.
X Mem. de la Ligue, vol. ii. p. 212.
THE LEAGUERS AIM AT THE POSSESSION OF PARIS. 215
were to be arrested, and Bussy-le-Clerc
armed a company of leaguers, and
placed them in ambuscade near the
church, to prevent the individual from
beins taken* When the authorities ar-j
Guise was at dinner, with the different
princes of his family, when he received
information that some of the Germans
were at Vimory. He mused for a few
minutes, then gave orders to sound to
rived they were not allowed to enter, arms, and desired that the troops should
and the civil officer sent for help to force , be ready to march within an hour.* The
his way in. The whole quarter was in a Duke of Mayenne asking for what ob-
tumult, and the officers were unable to ject he gave those orders, Guise answered,
execute their orders. The Duke of Eper- « To attack the enemy." But as the dis-
non and the chancellor recommended the proportion between his force and theirs
king to send a strong force, and make was so great, he could scarcely believe
Le-Clerc and his party prisoners ; but his brother was serious. They arrived
others dissuaded him from doing so; and at Vimory at midnight, when Guise en-
Villequier having given Le-Clerc informa- tered the town secretly with a select
tion of what had been proposed, he and corps, the other chiefs remaining around,
his friends concealed themselves for a to make prisoners of those who should
time: but though their plans were carried attempt to escape. Every thing being
on in secret, they never lost sight of the ready, they set fire to several houses,
objects which had been proposed by the and shot all who came out on hearing the
Sixteen.f
After a painful march, the Germans ar-
noise. Scarcely any of the Germans
could escape. The Baron Donau, their
rived before La Charite on the 15th of commander, being at the opposite end of
October. The fruits of France, in which the town, took horse with a hundred fol-
they had indulged, had introduced dis- lowers, and got into the adjoining plain.
eases among them, and, to complete their
disasters, they found the king had come
in person to oppose them with a strong
force. They were unable to take La
Charite, and returned towards Montargis,
taking up their quarters at Vimory. It
was the king's army evidently that pre-
vented the progress of the foreigners ; and
Guise, by allowing them to pass the fron-
tier, had committed an unpardonable
error: but the league could see no fault
in their champion; they not only became
more insolent than ever to their sovereign,
but were actually taking measures for
seizing his person in the camp.
The leaguers consulted upon taking
possession of Paris during the king's ab-
sence; and Guise had informed them, that
he would seize the king himself in the
country. Those in Paris waited to as-
certain the result of Guise's attempt, and
sent several couriers to Estampes, where
he then lodged, to ascertain if it had suc-
ceeded. But Guise did not consider the
undertaking safe, on account of the strong
force in the neighbourhood, and he put
off the design, to the great regret of the
Sixteen.!
* 3d Sept. 1567. De Tliou, hv. B7. Mem. de la Ligue,
vol. li. p. 210.
t Proces- verbal de Nicolas Poulain, p. 152. Cayet
liv. l.p. 43.
t Proces verbal, &c, p. 152.
Mayenne was there, and prepared to
charge upon him. Donau received the
charge with firmness, and, springing for-
ward, he attacked Mayenne himself: he
discharged a pistol in his face, which
stunned him ; but the strength of May-
enne's vizor protected him from harm.
The Baron Donau continued the fight
some time; but his followers being nearly
all killed, he availed himself of the dark-
ness to cut his way through the opposing
squadron, accompanied by no more than
fourteen companions. The slaughter in
the town was dreadful ; and the Catho-
lics returned loaded with plunder; but the
Reitres fought so well, that above two
hundred of their assailants were killed,
above forty of whom were gentlemen of
distinction.!
This event threw the Germans into
great dismay, and their Swiss com-
panions sent an offer of submission to the
king; but about the same time the Prince
of Conty arrived with news of the vic-
tory at Courtras4 and, by his exhorta-
tions and entreaties, they were persuaded
* 26th Oct., 1517.
t Davjla, liv. 8. Mem de la Ligue, vol. ii. p. 21'J.
Hist, ries Derniers Troubles, liv. 2, p 42.
! This is Davila's version ; but in the Memoire.s de la
Liitue it is said that the news was brought by a messen-
ger who had been sent on purpose by the Count de
Chanllon ; and also that the Prince of Oonty arrived at
the camp on the 20th of November. Vol. ii. p. 225.
216
THE KING'S RETURN TO PARIS.
to wait for intelligence from the King of
Navarre, before they made any agree-
ment with the King of France. The
Prince of Conty's arrival made them for-
get their past difficulties; they took up
their head-quarters at Auneau, in the
Orleannais, and indulged themselves in
the good cheer which that province af-
forded.* The object of the chiefs of this
army was to pass beyond the Loire, and
several of them wished to proceed at
once, but unfortunately, their departure
was put off till the 24th of November,
and they experienced a second disaster
in consequence. This event was the
and, finding themselves at a distance from
the King of Navarre, ill-treated by their
French companions, deserted by the Swiss,
beaten by the league, and pursued by the
king, they met in December at Marsigni,
and accepted the king's terms, which had
been communicated by the Duke of Eper-
non.* -
The French chiefs made great efforts
to prevent their German friends from ac-
cepting these terms, and undertook to
conduct them to the King of Navarre's
army. Finding, however, that, instead
of listening to them, the foreigners had an
intention of arresting them, to ensure the
more vexatious, as the Duke of Guise payment of what they had promised, they
came up with them on that very day, by [separated secretly, and took different
means of a forced march. t He attacked routes to make their escape. The Prince
Auneau in the same manner as Vimory : of Conty went into Maine with four-
but, on this occasion, he publicly per- teen horsemen ; the Duke of Bouillon,
formed his devotions, and left instructions
for prayers to be said for the success of
his enterprise. He was, indeed, so deter-
mined not to fail for want of a sufficiency
of religious exercise, that he ordered three
masses to be performed during the night:
"A thing," says Maimbourg, " which is
contrary to the regulations of the church
of Rome, except on Christmas-eve; but
the good priests, who were not then so
well informed as they are now, devoutly
obeyed him without any scruple."}
The town, surprised in the night, fell
an easy prey, and the assailants committed
great havoc, with scarcely the loss of a
man. Excepting the Baron Donau, and
about ten others, none that were in the
town escaped. The other divisions of
the army that were placed in the neigh-
bourhood rallied at the distance of a
league. Donau urged the chiefs to re-
turn to Auneau, and attack the Catholics,
who, being intent upon their plunder,
would be an easy prey. But his exhor-
tations were in vain; the Swiss separated
with only five hundred horsemen, passed
through the Lyonnais to Geneva, where
he soon after died. Chatillon, de-
claring that he would surrender his
standard to none but the King of Na-
varre, set out with one hundred and
twenty horsemen, and, with great resolu-
tion, made his way to Languedoc. Man-
delot, governor of the Lyonnais, and the
Count de Tournon, both opposed his pas-
sage with their armies, and the tocsin re-
sounded in the different towns; but he
cleared every difficulty, and safely reached
the Vivarais, of which he was governor.!
The unfortunate Germans, however,
found that the pursuit of the royal forces
was not their only misfortune; for, after
submitting to the Duke of Epernon, they
were exposed to the attacks of the pea-
santry, who slew many of them as they
took their road homewards. Guise com-
plained of the terms which had been
granted them ; and on the ground of Eper-
non's having acted solely out of enmity
and spite to him, he refused to observe
from the Germans, and, having accepted] the conditions: he followed the main body
the terms offered by the king, they set' to the frontiers, making a terrible carnage
out for their own country. The rest of among them. The Swiss shared no
the army was with difficulty kept from better fate : marching southward, towards
disbanding. Conty, Bouillon, and C ha- Sarry, they were attacked near the Isere
tillon undertook to guaranty the payment by La Valette, Epernon's brother. This
of their arrears, and conducted them to j made them resolve on an effort to join
the forest of Orleans. But the season of
the year exposed them to great sufferings;
* Davila, liv. 8.
t Mem. de la Ligue, vol. ii. p. 227.
I Hist, de la Ligue, vol. i. p. 2'J5.
Lesdiguieres, who was at the head of the
* Davila, liv. 8. Mathieu and D'Aubigne. in loc.
t Mem.de la Ligue. vol. ii. p. 230- D'Aubigne, vol.
iii. p. (17. Brantome, Discours sur ies belles Rctraitcs.
Davila, liv. 8. Hist, des Demiers Troubles, liv. 2, p.
43.
THE KING'S RETURN TO PARIS.
217
Huguenots in that part : they sustained a
total defeat in Dauphiny, and, with a few
exceptions, all perished. Lesdiguieres
himself was obliged to take refuge in the
mountainous part soon after*
The king returned to Paris the 23d of
December, and made a public entry,
dressed in full armour, as if he had de-
feated the enemy in person. The people
ridiculed his pretensions to military re-
nown, and saluted him with shouts of,
" Saul has slain his thousands, but David
his ten thousands. "t A pamphlet was
also circulated at the time, which, though
publicly directed against the Duke of
Epernon, was known to be levelled
against the king himself. It was entitled
"The Achievements of the Duke of Eper-
non against the Heretics;" but the title-
page was the whole of the work, all the
other leaves being blank.} Henry found
that the spirit of sedition had very much
increased during his short absence from his
capital. The clergy threw off all restraint,
and publicly announced that the kins him-
self had invited the foreigners to help him
to suppress the league.^ The doctors of
the Sorbonne had recently holden a meet-
ing, when they passed a decree to sanc-
tion the dethronement of all princes who
did not govern properly, on the same
principle that authority might be taken
from a suspected guardian. || But, instead
of resenting such behaviour in a proper
manner, by punishing the authors of such
a doctrine, he merely sent for Boucher,
the leader among the doctors of the Sor-
bonne, and remonstrated with him upon
the impropriety of his conduct in calum-
niating his lawful sovereign against the
precepts of Scripture. He added, that he
should be justified in following the ex-
ample of Pope Sixtus V., who had sent
some monks to the galleys for having
made allusions to him in their sermons ;
but that though he refrained from such
severity on this occasion, he would surely
punish in an exemplary manner any re-
petition of such seditious and wicked con-
ducts
Such a line of policy only tended to
encourage the insolence of the league ;
* Davila. liv. 8, p. 41ti. Cayet, liv. 1. p. 42.
t Pasquier, vol. ii. p. 3UG. Hisl. des Dermers Trou-
bles, liv. a, p. 43.
t Branloine.vol. x. p. 320.
I) Cayet, liv. 1, p. 37.
If 16lh Dec , 1587. Journal de Henri lit.
U Journal de Henri III. Hist, de la Ligue, liv. 2.
19
and, from being accustomed to discuss the
propriety of dethroning their king, they
at last grew impatient for an opportunity.
Guise's resentment was kindled at being
excluded from a share in the appointments
made vacant by the death of Joyeuse. He
demanded the post of admiral for Brissac;
and was the more vexed at being refused,
as his hated rival Epernon was invested
with that office, as well as with the
governments of Normandy, Angouleme,
and Saintonge.* Soon after, Guise and
five others went in disguise to Rome,
where he made himself known to no one
but Cardinal Pelleve, with whom he was
in communication a whole day and night:
after staying there three days he returned.
The nature of his business at Rome may
be inferred from the circumstance of the
pope's sending him a sword, with flames
represented upon it. This sword, and
some other arms, were sent by the hands
of the Duke of Parma, who announced
that Henry of Lorrain alone was entitled
to bear arms for, and to be the defender
of the church.f
Henry soon after learned that the Lor-
rain princes had convoked a meeting at
Nancy at the end of January, 1588, when
it was resolved to call upon the king to
join the league more decidedly and openly;
to dismiss all obnoxious persons from his
service; to publish the council of Trent,
and establish the holy inquisition, with
several other clauses in unison with them.+
He then felt pleased that the King of Na-
varre had gained the victory at Courtras;
and regretted that he had contributed to
drive away the Germans, who would
faithfully have served him against a fac-
tion that now avowed an intention of de-
throning him. And besides being now
more interested in Navarre's preservation,
from the demonstration that he had no
other barrier to oppose to the league, he
was charmed with the moderation of the
Huguenot prince, who being asked what
terms he would require after gaining such
a battle, answered — "The same I should
ask after losing one, — a confirmation of
the edict of Poictiers, for as I took arms
only upon the breach of that treaty, I shall
lay them aside when it is renewed."^
* D'Aubigne, M<J/.eray, and others,
t Journal de Henri lit. Leti Vitadi Sisto F.
% Mem. de la Ligue, vol. ii. pp.209, ct scq. De Tliou,
liv. 90. Cayet, liv. 1, p. 44.
§ D'Aubignii, vol. iii. p. 57.
218
ATTEMPT TO SEIZE THE KING.
Navarre had retired to Rochelle when
he heard of the overthrow of the Ger-
mans: he soon after received the news
of another event which was highly dis-
couraging to his party. The Prince of
Conde died on the fifth of March at St.
Jean d'Angely, under the strongest suspi-
cion of having been poisoned ;* his wife
was brought to trial for being accessory
to the crime, and would have been con-
demned to death, if she had not been
pregnant. Being afterwards delivered of
a son, who succeeded to his father's title,
the proceedings were dropped, and the
King of Navarre, after his entry into Paris,
ordered all the papers respecting it to be
burned.t When he heard of the prince's
death, he declared that he had lost his
right hand.| The Cardinal of Bourbon,
on bearing the news to the king, and
being either so far plunged in the depths
of superstition and ignorance, as to enter-
tain such thoughts, or thinking the mo-
narch sufficiently weak to be affected by
his exhortation, he said, " See, Sire, the
effects of being excommunicated : for my
part, I think his death is to be attributed
to nothing but the thunderbolt of excom-
munication which has fallen upon him."§
It is highly probable the more crafty
leaguers thought that, by operating on
the monarch's fears, they should make
him more subservient to the church.
They found, however, by his reply that
his eyes were beginning to be opened
respecting them and their objects; and
from that time they took measures for his
dethronement.
When the plan for seizing Henry in his
camp had failed through the extreme cau-
tion of the Duke of Guise, the Sixteen
were only rendered more determined,
and became more impatient for an oppor-
tunity. They were in constant commu-
nication with Guise, and informed him
repeatedly of their being sufficiently strong
to execute the enterprise ; but instead of
coming to Paris, he sent them a letter
stating that they should wait for a good
opportunity, and that when one offered
* The report of (he surgeons who examined his body
is in Mem. de la Ligue, vol. ii. p. 305. See also De Thou,
liv. 90, mid the Wem. dd Duplessis, vol. i. p. 841.
f Mtzeray Micgt Citron. According to Davila, liv.
14, the princess was al^olved by the parliament in 1505,
on her promising to be a Catholic, and engaging to
educate her son in that religion.
I Pe re fixe.
j Journal de Henri III.
he would not let it pass.* No occasion
was omitted in the mean time for publish-1
ing invectivesand falseaccusationsagainst
the king, from the press as well as the
pulpit. But the efficacy of these means
was nothing compared with the advan-
tage derived from the confessional. The
confessors (many of whom were Jesuits)
abused the influence of their ministry,
sparing neither the king nor his adhe-
rents, and filled the minds of their peni-
tents with alarm. They urged the pro- '
priety of joining religious associations,
and persuaded all they could to join the
league, denying absolution to those who
refused. Complaints were made of these
seditious confessors, but they would not
desist ; they only became more circum-
spect, and fortified themselves with a new
dogma, "That the penitent who reveals
what his confessor tells him, is as bad as
the confessor who reveals the communica-
tion of his penitent."!
"On the fifteenth of April, 1588," says
Poulain, in his declaration, " calling on Le-
Clerc, he informed me, that Guise was
soon coming to assist them, and that then
they would fight for the Catholic faith."f
Bussy-le-Clerc then told Poulain that, on
the first Sunday after Easter, a certain
number of armed persons were to enter
Paris by night, through the Port St.
Denis, the keepers of which were devoted
to the league : their first care would be to
kill the Duke of Epernon, who superin-
tended the patrol of the city, and who
would be sure to present himself if he
heard the noise of horsemen. From thence
they were to attack the Louvre, and
master the king's guards, the captains in
the town at the same time defending their
several quarters by barricades. Le-Clerc
himself was to move about with a select
body, to seize strong houses and import^
ant posts. This intelligence would not
allow of any delay, and Poulain demanded
an audience of the king, where he gave a
full account of the danger which threat-
ened his majesty.
The king immediately sent for arms
and armour to be lodged in the Louvre:
he also ordered a division of four thousand
Swiss to approach the city, and take their
quarters in the neighbourhood. This
* Proces-verbal de N. Poulain, p. 153.
t De Thou, liv. 8(i, vol. ix. p. 652.
j Proces-verbal, &c, p. 156.
guise's interview with the king.
219
ehowed the conspirators that they were
discovered ; still they would not desist,
but sent repeated letters entreating Guise
to come to them. Henry was advised to
act with energy, and he might have over-
whelmed the faction, which then trembled
with apprehension, in consequence of his
being informed of their plot. A display
of authority at this time would have suf-
ficed; but being prepossessed with an
idea that without their chief the league
could do nothing, he sent Bellievre to
Soissons to forbid Guise coming to Paris.*
While Bellievre was thus employed, the
Duchess of Montpensier, Guise's sister,
threw herself at the king's feet, and with
tears implored his permission for her
brother to come and justify himself: but
at the same time she was treacherously
employed in placing an ambuscade to sur-
prise Henry on his return from Vincennes.
Directly they had seized the king's person,
they were to convey him to Soissons, and
some of their party were to give an alarm
in Paris, accusing the Huguenots of having
carried off the king: this alarm it was ex-
pected would give rise to another mas-
sacre. Poulain's information preserved
his sovereign from this danger: the king
sent into Paris for a hundred and twenty
horsemen, and thus foiled the intentions of
his enemies.t
Poulain, however, began to be sus-
pected by the leaguers of having given
information to the court, as he had been
met coming out of the Louvre by some
of their spies. To counteract his asser-
tions, and throw discredit on his state-
ment, it was insinuated to the king that
he was a Huguenot: while Villequier
maintained that his account was all false,
and that some of Guise's enemies had
suborned him to say such things. Pou-
lain offered to remain prisoner, and gave
the names of several persons with whom
he desired to be confronted; and that then
he would make good his charges or for-
feit his life.} The council took the affair
into serious consideration; the Duke of
Epernon left Paris for his government of
Normandy to secure Rouen and Havre,
and measures were taken for holding
Paris in check, by the possession of the
surrounding towns. This plan was adopt-
* Mem. <le la Ligue, vol. ii. p. 315.
t 5th May. 1588. Proces-verbnl, &.c, p. 158.
X Proces verbal, &c. p. 163. Payila, liv. 9.
ed at the suggestion of the queen-mother:
the bold manner in which the populace
had defended the Curate of St. Severin
convinced her that it would be useless to
make any attempt to seize the leaders of
the league in Paris, until the king had
received a considerable addition to his
force. She made use of an Italian pro-
verb, "Before you irritate a wasp, take
care to shield your face."*
But the Duchess of Montpensier had
written to her brother, that Henry medi-
tated some design against him, and that,
if possible, he should anticipate the
movement.! This, added to the entrea-
ties of the Sixteen, brought Guise to Pa-
ris: he entered by the Porte St Denis on
the afternoon of the 9th of May, and
went straight to the dwelling of the
queen-mother, accompanied by seven
gentlemen. Nothing can adequately de-
scribe the enthusiasm of the Parisians
on seeing their champion once more
among them. The streets resounded
with shouts of " Jive Guise! Long live
Ike pillar of the church.'" and a young
woman, in the Rue St. Honore, ex-
claimed in an audible voice, " Good
prince ! now that you are come to us we
are safe." J
Catherine received the Duke with an
observation of some ambiguity, purport-
ing, that though she was glad to receive
him, she would have had more satisfac-
tion in seeing him at another time.§ The
Queen had secretly desired him to come
to Paris, and most probably had wished
his party success, until the rebellion be-
came'too glaring: she had told Bellievre
when he was sent to forbid the Duke's
coming, "Unless he come, the king is
in such a rage, that a great number of
persons of distinction are lost." Bel-
lievre in consequence did not deliver the
king's commands in a sufficiently pe-
remptory manner; and Guise, who was
not at a loss for a pretext, told him,
" That he would come privately to justi-
fy his conduct to the king; for his sole
aim was to serve the religion and the
state; and that he would not disobev the
king's commands." But after dismiss-
* Davila, liv. 9. Bisogna coprirsi bene il viso,innanit
die si stuzziclti il vespaio.
t Proces verbal, &c p. Ifi5.
t Hist. des. Derniers Troubles, liv. 2, p. 49. D'Ati-
bisne, vol iii. p. 43. Mem. de la Ligue, vol. ii. p. 317.
$ Davila, liv. 9.
220
THE KING REPROVES GUISE.
ing BelliSvre with an idea that he would
wait at Soissons till he again heard from
the king, he ordered his horses, and set
out for Paris, avoiding the high roads; as
he knew he should meet persons bring-
ing orders for him to keep away.*
The news of Guise's arrival, and the
display of the popular feeling, made
Henry summon his counsellors to the
Louvre. The king had of late been a
great deal with the Abbe d'Elbene; and
he was one of the first who was consult-
ed. The Abbe recommended strong
measures. "Strike!" said he, "strike
the shepherd, and the sheep will be scat-
tered." But the dangers of such a mea-
sure were demonstrated by the other
counsellors. The queen -mother in the
mean time had sent Louis Davilaf to in-
form her son that Guise was coming
with her to the Louvre. Time pressed,
and some decision was necessary in
consequence. The unhappy king de-
spatched a messenger to urge her to de-
lay the visit as long as she could; but
she was already at the gates, and further
deliberation was impossible.]:
Catherine was in a chair: the duke
walked by her side, and the populace
crowded around them in countless multi-
tudes. Guise was greeted as he went
along, and might say, that there was
hardly a man among them present who
was not devoted to him; but his con-
science told him he was guilty of rebel-
lion, and a circumstance occurred, on en-
tering the Louvre, which shows he expe-
rienced some dread of incurring his sove-
reign's wrath. Crillon commanded the
guards before whom he passed: Guise
saluted that officer, but instead of re-
ceiving from him a return in unison with
his flattering reception elsewhere, a stern
look was coolly fixed upon him, at which
the champion of the league and the idol
of the Parisians turned pale. His un-
easiness was increased as he passed
through a double line of Swiss soldiers;
and when he found archers and gentlemen
placed in every quarter of the palace. A
princess is said to have whispered to
him that his death was then being dis-
cussed in the cabinet. §
* Davila, liv. 9. Mem. de la Ligue, vol. ii. p. 315.
t Brother of the Historian,
j Davila, liv. 9.
6 Davila, liv. 9. Maimbourg, Hist, de la Ligue, vol.
ii. p. 323.
On entering the king's chamber, the
duke made a most respectful bow, and
Henry said indignantly to him — "I sent
you orders not to come to Paris." Guise,
in a submissive tone, assured the king
" That he had thrown himself into his
majesty's arms to demand justice, and to
free himself from the calumnies of his
enemies; but that, notwithstanding, he
certainly would not have come if he had
received more clear and positive orders
from his majesty." The king turned to
Bellievre to know what he had said from
him, but, before he received a reply, he
told Guise "That he did not know whe-
ther he had been calumniated or not, but
that his innocence would be manifest if
no interruption of the public tranquillity
arose out of his arrival." It required all
the persuasion of the queen-mother and
the Duchess of Usez to restrain the king
from inflicting vengeance on Guise: they
satisfied him that the time was unfavour-
able for such a step, and the duke was
allowed to retire to his hotel in the Bue
St. Antoine.*
The following night was occupied by
both parties in consulting upon the mea-
sures to be taken; and the next day Guise
visited the queen-mother at her hotel.
But he would not again trust his person
to the king's vengeance, and took care to
be accompanied by some resolute and
trusty captains. The king was there to
meet him, and the prevailing opinion in
Paris was, that it was intended to have
Guise despatched.! Whether the king
did contemplate such an act or not we
cannot ascertain; subsequent events show
that he was capable of that kind of re-
venge; and when Guise had entered the
queen's garden, the door-keeper tried to
close the gate immediately; but St. Paul,
a zealous friend of the duke's, forced his
way in, accompanied by several friends,
and swore that if there was any thing to
be clone he would be in it.f
The king, the queen-mother, and the
Duke of Guise conversed at length, hut
without coming to any agreement. Hen-
* Davila, liv. 9. Cayet, liv. 1, p. 58. .
t Fclibien, on the authority of the Memoires de
Oodrfroy, states that the king asked Alphonso Ornano
what he should do. He replied, that if his majesty
pleased, the duke's head should be laid at his feet. The
king, however, was for different measures.— Hist, de
Paris, vol. ii. p. 1 166.
% Hist, de la Ligue, vol. ii. p. 27.
THE BARRICADES AND BUTCHERY OF THE SWISS. 221
ry was determined to expel from the city
all those who had lately arrived from the
country, and who were come solely at
Guise's instigation. This measure was
necessary before he could attempt to
bring any of the Sixteen to justice; and
notwithstanding the circumstances which
had followed the arrival of the Duke of
Guise, the king remained firm to his re-
solution.
Villequier and D'O were charged by
the king to expel the strangers from the
city: they were occupied in so doing the
whole of Wednesday, the 11th of May,
but to no purpose, for the leaguers con-
cealed them in their houses. Those gen-
tlemen informed the king, that to expel
them without violence was impossible,
and it was at once decided to use force.
The Swiss troops were ordered into Pa-
ris, and they entered early on the morn-
ing of the twelfth.* Biron had the dis-
posing ot the military, but the arrange-
ments he made do not show him to be an
experienced soldier; at least not in ope-
rations of this kind, when his only point
was to prevent the populace from be-
coming masters of the city. As he knew
that Guise was the life and soul of the
sedition, he should have taken possession
of all the avenues to his hotel, such as
the Rue St. Antoine, the Place de la Bas-
tille, &c; instead of which he posted bo-
dies of men at the burying-gronnd of the
Innocents, on the different bridges, and
at several markets and open places. A
strong guard of gentlemen, archers, and
musqueteers, was at the same time placed
at the Louvre, with orders not to stir
out.t
There were great numbers of persons
in Paris who had been forced into the
prevailing habits of sedition, but who, in
their hearts, would have rejoiced to see
the king succeed in mastering his ene-
mies. Still they were angry that, in or-
der to punish a few insolent rebels, he
should fill Paris with troops, and subject
them to all the dangers of a town taken
by assault. The Sixteen turned such
fears to their advantage, and circulated a
report that the king had resolved to put
to death one hundred and twenty of the
most considerable catholics; and a list
was made out of the intended victims,
* Cayct, liv. i. p. 47.
which began with Guise, and included
all the preachers and deputies of the
league. The troops being posted at so
many points at once confirmed the fears
of the people, and it was in vain t hoy
were told that the king had given orders,
forbidding the least insolence to any of
the inhabitants on pain of death; the
alarm had gone forth, and it was impos-
sible to allay it. The tradesmen refused
to open their shops; and thus added force
to the panic, while the monks mounted
guard in front of their convents*
The queen-mother wished to learn
what the Duke of Guise was doing, and
very early on the 12th sent Louis Davila
to pay him a visit upon some trifling pre-
tence: he was desired to be particular in
looking about him while at the duke's
hotel. On his arrival he was surprised
to find the house close shut up. He was
obliged to enter by a little door; and,
when he got in, he found the court filled
with armed gentlemen. When he had
delivered the queen's complimentary
message, Guise (who was fully aware of
her motive) took Davila by the hand, and
led him into the garden. He showed
him a prodigious quantity of arms of
every kind, and pointed out to his notice
a number of places full of soldiers. They
parted very civilly, and Davila went back
to the Louvre to make his report.
By that time the whole city was in
ferment, and it was clear that instructions
had been circulated to regulate the pro-
ceedings. Orders were sent to inarch
some troops to the Place Maubert, where
some people had assembled. Crillon
commanded the detachment employed,
but he was compelled to retire. The
moment was too late to be effectual; for
Bois-Dauphin, with a number of young
men from the university, and the boat-
men from the river, had thrown up a com-
plete defence. Chains were placed across
the streets, and the different approar-lit is
were blocked up with large pieces of tim-
ber, the stones of the pavement, and
casks filled with rubbish. As Crillon
was returning, he found himself shut in
by a body of men under Brissac, who
was the most active person on the occa-
sion. The alarum bells were rung; cries
t Davila, liv. 9 p.
19
* Davila. liv. 9. Hist, de DernierstTroubJe?. liv.
50. Pasquier, vol. ii. p. 334.
222
FLIGHT OF HENRY III. FROM PARIS.
of to arms resounded; the barricades
were made in every direction, even up to
the entrance of the Louvre; and in a
short time the king's troops, who were
brought into Paris to suppress the revolt,
M ere all prisoners of the mob: the word
was given to fall upon the Swiss, and a
terrible butchery ensued.*
Brissac exerted his influence to save a
considerable number who had thrown
down their arms and called for quarter:
he led them to the Marche Neuf, where
they remained his prisoners. He had
been very much incensed against the
king, who had said of him that he was
lit lor nothing by sea or by land; and, in
addition to the insult, he had refused to
make him admiral. When therefore he
surveyed the barricades, which he had
first suggested, and saw the king's troops
in his hands, he exclaimed with exulta-
tion— " The king shall know to-day that
I have an element, and that if I am good
for nothing by land or by sea, I can do
something on the pavement."t
Until the success of the barricades was
certain, Guise remained in his hotel, with
every thing arranged for assisting his
flight, if it should be necessary. When
however it was ascertained that the only
chance of safety for the king was in an
obstinate defence of the Louvre, he sallied
forth on horseback, and rode from quar-
ter to quarter, recommending the people
to act only on the defensive, and to rely
upon him. Persons had called upon him
earlier in the day to stop the tumultuous
proceedings: he coolly answered, that it
was beyond his power to restrain them,
as they were like wild bulls broken loose,
and that those alone were to blame who
had called in the military.! He after-
wards set at liberty the Swiss. It is
probable that he anticipated a more fa-
vourable result from negotiation, than
could be expected from pushing his ad-
vantage. It was his interest for the pre-
sent to have Henry in his power, rather
than to dethrone him altogether; and un-
til the Bourbons were formally declared
incapable of succeeding to the throne, it
was not the interest of the Guises to at
tempt his life.
* Davila, liv. 9. Mem. de la Ligue, vol. ii. p. 310
<■£ seq.
+ U'Auhiene. vo'. iii. p. 74.
J Hist, des Deruiers Troubles, liv. 2, p. 51. Davila
liv. 9.
The people of Paris at this time were
very angry with the Q.ueen of England
for having executed Mary Queen of Scots;
and Guise pretending that they contem-
plated an attack on the English ambassa-
dor, sent Brissae to his house with the
offer of a guard. The ambassador, in
thanking Guise, refused to have any pro-
tection beside that of the king. Brissac
then asked the ambassador if he had arms
to defend himself with'! The question
was deemed such as could not be put to
an ambassador, and no answer was given ;
but afterwards being asked as a friend,
he said that he had none, except the pub-
lic faith and the law of nations. Brissac
urged him to fasten his doors; but was
told, that an ambassador's house should
be always open.* The Duke of Guise
was anxious that a favourable account of
the affair should be sent to England, and
was desirous of appearing to protect the
ambassador: if he could not hope for sup-
port from the Q,ueen of England, he might
succeed in persuading her to remain
neutral.
CHAPTER XXXIX.
Flight of Henry III. from Paris— Deputations to Chat-
tres — Edict of union — Attack on the Duke of Eper-
non — States-general of Pdois— Death of the Duke and
Cardinal of Guise.
As usual, the settlement of the dispute
was left to the queen-mother, who went
to Guise's hotel on the afternoon of the day
of the barricades. The leaguers would
not allow their defences to be removed for
her coach, and she was compelled to go
in a chair: so great was the difficulty in
passing, that two hours were occupied in
going to the hotel.t Guise dictated the
most humiliating terms to the unhappy
king: he demanded for himself the post of
lieutenant-general, with the same autho-
rity which his father had possessed under
Franc is II. ; in return for which he under-
took to give so good an account of the
Huguenots, that very soon the Catholic
should be the only religion in all the king-
dom : he asked for a number of places of
* Mem. de la Ligne, vol. ii. p. 322. De Thou, liv. .90.
Mathieu, liv. 8, p. 549. It appears from the records of
Hie State Paper Office that Sir Edward Stafford was am-
bassador at Paris from 15b3 to 15S9.
f Davila, liv. 9.
WAVERING OF THE SWISS TROOPS.
223
security, and funds to pay their garrisons ;
the Bourbon princes were to be declared
incapable of succeeding to the crown;
Epernon, D'O, Biron, and several others
were to be dismissed from their employ-
ment, and their property confiscated in
favour of noblemen that he (Guise) should
name: the post of admiral was demanded
for Mayenne, and Brissac was to be go-
vernor of Paris, with the charge of colonel-
general of the infantry; besides a number
of appointments for his friends : the whole
to be confirmed by the states-general,
which should be held in Paris without de-
lay: the king in addition was called upon
to dismiss his guard of forty-five gentle-
men, a new institution which the enter-
prises of the league had rendered neces-
sary for his personal safety*
To consent to such proposals would
have been equivalent to an abdication ;
still the queen mother would not leave
Guise without hopes. She returned to
the Louvre, and showed to the king that
his only chance was to leave Paris: mea-
sures were taken in consequence to mis-
lead the Duke of Guise. For that purpose
she went again the next day to renew the
conference, notwithstanding her great age,
and the extreme inconvenience of the
transport. While her chair was being
lifted over one of the barriers, a citizen,
under pretence of assisting, told her in a
whisper that fifteen thousand persons
were going to attack the Louvre on the
side next the country. She sent one of
her gentlemen to tell the king, and conti-
nued her route. When she arrived at
the duke's she was more obstinate than
before, in order to prolong the conversa-
tion. In about two hours' time Mein-
ville, one of Guise's friends, came to tell
him that the king had escaped. Guise
exclaimed, "Madam, I am a dead man!
while your majesty is amusing me here,
the king goes away to ruin me." Cathe-
rine coolly replied, " that she did not know
his determination," and returned to the
Louvre, where she gave orders for the
court and the guards to make haste to
join his majesty.t
On hearing the message which the
queen had sent him, Henry, pretending to
take a walk in the garden of the Tuilleries,
* Davila, liv. 'J. Maimbourg, Hist, de la Ligue, vol
ii. p. 41.
t fiavila, liv. 9. Uayet, liv. ], p. 48. Alein. dc la
Ligue, vol. ii. p. 319.
went to the stables, where he equipped
himself for his intended journey, and im-
mediately set off on horseback, accompa-
nied by fifteen or sixteen gentlemen.
When he arrived at Chaillot, he stopped
a few minutes to look at Paris. He is said
to have poured out a malediclion upon it
and its inhabitants, and swore that he
would re-enter it only through the breach.
He was met by some of his court at St.
Cloud, and arrived at Chartres the next
day.*
The Swiss troops were on the point of
joining the league ; the brave Crillon, how-
ever, made an attempt to prevent it, and
was successful. He went to the place
where the Swiss were quartered, and ad-
dressed the colonel upon the report which
had reached him. " Remember," said he,
"the brave PleifFer, your predecessor,
who protected Charles IX., and brought
him in safety from Meaux to Paris, in
sight of a rebel army; and can you con-
sent to abandon a king who honours
you with his confidence?" Crillon de-
clared his conviction of their innocence,
although the charge was but too well
founded: he then called upon them to
choose their alternative, which was either
to fight with him and his loyal followers,
or to renew their oath of fidelity, and fol-
low the king to Chartres. They all con-
sented to follow Crillon, who had the sa-
tisfaction of calming the king's mind by
the presence of an armed force which was
equal to the protection of his person and
court.t
The king's friends had great difficulty
in escaping from the fury of the populace,
who became enraged against them, when
the king's flight was known. Many of
them left Paris in such haste that they had
not time to put on their boots. They
would have had no chance of escape if the
Pa risians had not been so taken by sur-
prise, that they were undecided whether
to pursue those who had escaped, or to
fall upon those that remained.^
The king's escape completely foiled
Guise's plans: he thought he should be
able to enforce the conditions he had al-
ready dictated. But by a sort of fatality
he committed the same fault which Henry
* Mem. de la Ligue, vol. ii. p. 321. Mathieu, Mezeray
and Maimbourg.
t Vie Je Crillon, vol. ii. p, 4.
J Hist, des Oemiers TroubL'S, liv. 3, p. Gl. Davila,
liv. 9.
224
TREATY OF THE QUEEN WITH GUISE.
had previously done. The leaguers were
dissatisfied with him on that account, and
some recommended that the enterprise
should be abandoned.* Pasquier ob-
serves upon this subject, " Since the duke
had the imprudence to come with only
six friends, the king should have arrested
him : he could have done so on the Tues-
day and Wednesday, because he had then
all the magistrates, the respectable inha-
bitants, and four thousand Swiss, besides
his guards ; the populace therefore would
not have stirred. Even on Thursday
morning he could have enclosed him with
his troops, if by a false policy he had not
in a manner tied the hands of his soldiers,
by forbidding them to fire on the people
when they began the barricades. But
since Guise had overcome all these dan-
gers, he ought not to have suffered the
king to escape. He should have remained
close to him, and then he might have ob-
tained from him any declaration he
pleased."f The probable fact was that he
could not conceive it possible for Henry
to act with so much decision.
The pope, Sixtus V., was quite con-
cerned at the great encroachments on the
authority and dignity of the French crown :
he had written at the beginning of the
year to Henry, exhorting him to sustain
with courage the honour of his throne, and
to repress with firmness the pride and in-
solence of his rebellious subjects. He told
him in his letter, " that he should apply fire
and sword to an inveterate evil ; and that
he should not spare the blood of his sub-
jects, which overflowed in their veins."i
But though Henry refused to follow this
recommendation, Sixtus could not con-
ceive that he would patiently be bearded
on his throne. " Oh, what a rash and im-
prudent man !" he exclaimed, when he
heard that Guise had come to Paris, and
placed himself at Henry's mercy ; " Oh !
what a weak prince !" he exclaimed still
louder, when he heard that Henry had
suffered the rebel to escape. $ We are not
informed of the exclamation he made,
when he heard that Guise in turn had
* The following is an extract of a letter from the
governor of Orleans : " Notre grand n'a su executer snn
aessien; s'etant le Roi sauve a Charires, par quoi je
suia d'avis que vous vous retiriez. en vos niaisons, le
plusdoucement que pourrez, aangfaire semblant d'avoir,
rien vu ; et si n'y pensiz etre surement, venez ici. —
Mem. de la Ligue. vol. ii. p. 13.
t Pasquier, vol. ii. p. 340.
I Leti. Vitadi Sislo V.
§.De Thou, liv. 90.
suffered the king to leave Paris; but may
fairly presume that it was not less charac-
teristic of his violent and sanguinary dis-
position.
After some deliberation, Guise seized
upon the Bastille, the Hotel-de-Ville, the
Chatelet, Arsenal, &c. Bussy-le-Clerc
was made governor of the Bastille, and a
new municipal administration was formed.
Guise wished the parliament to be assem-
bled, in order to confer importance on his
arrangements by the approbation of that
body. On addressing himself to the pre-
sident Harlay, he was told with a severe
look, " That it was much to be regretted
when the valet drives away the master."
Guise insisted on the necessity of certain
measures which the parliament should
adopt ; to which Harlay replied, " When
the majesty of the prince is violated, the
magistrates have no longer any autho-
rity." The president Brisson was more
complacent; and either through weak-
ness, or a secret attachment to the league,
he consented to the duke's proposal. The
barricades were taken down in a day or
two; St. Cloud, Vincennes, Charenton
and other places around, submitted to
Guise; and the public peace was restored.
The chiefs of the league addressed circu-
lars to their friends in the provinces, and
Guise addressed several letters to the king,
probably with the hope of drawing him
back to Paris. The king on his part pub-
lished an account of the occurrence, which,
by its humble tone, forms a striking con-
trast to the bold language of the Duke of
Guise.*
The queen remained in Paris to treat
with Guise: she availed herself of the me-
diation of the Duchess of Montpensier,
whom she lured with the hope of marry-
ing the Cardinal of Bourbon. They per-
suaded Guise to be reconciled to the king;
and the leaguers went in solemn proces-
sion to Chartres, to express their regret at
what had occurred, and to induce the king
to return to his capital. A procession of
persons, in the habit of penitents, was
made, to pray God to soften the king's
heart : they set out afterwards for Chartres
to address the king. " At the head of it,"
says De Thou, "appeared a man with a
great beard, dirty and greasy, covered
with hair-cloth, and wearing a broad belt,
* Davila, liv. 9. Hatbieu, liv. s. Cayet, liv. 1. Mem-
de la Ligue, vol. ii. pp. 313— 343. Villeroy, v.
DEPUTATION TO CHARTRES — EDICT OF UNION.
225
upon which hung a crooked sabre; at in-
tervals he sent forth some harsh discordant
sounds from an old rusty trumpet. After
him marched fiercely three other men
equally filthy, each of them having on his
head a greasy pot, instead of a helmet;
bearing coats of mail upon their hair-cloth,
with brassards and gauntlets: their arms
were rusty old halberts. These three
braggadoccios rolled about their wild and
savage eyes, and bustled a great deal to]
keep off the crowd collected by this spec-
tacle. After them came brother Ange de
Joyeuse, that courtier who had turned ca-
pucin the year before. He had been per-
suaded, in order to move Henry, to re-
present in this procession the Saviour
going up to Calvary : he had suffered him-
self to be bound, and to have his face
painted with drops of blood, which ap-
peared to flow from his thorn-crowned
head. He seemed to drag with difficulty
a long cross of painted pasteboard ; and
at intervals he threw himself down, utter-
ing lamentable groans. At his sides
marched two young capucins clothed in
white robes; one representing the Virgin,
the other the Magdalen. They turned
their eyes devoutly towards heaven, shed-
ding false tears; and every time brother
Ange fell down they prostrated themselves
before him in cadence. Four satellites,
resembling the three former, held the cord
which bound brother Ange, and gave him
blows with a scourge, which were heard
at some distance. A long train of peni-
tents closed this ludicrous procession."
When this pious masquerade passed
before the court at Chartres, Crillon, who
stood by the king, called out to those
who scourged brother Ange, " strike in
good earnest ; whip away ! he is a
coward, who has taken the frock that he
may bear arms no longer." The king
was disgusted with the indecent specta-
cle, and seriously reprimanded his former
favourite for turning into a farce the sa-
cred mystery of the redemption. He told
him also that they had abused his credu-
lity in persuading him to put himself at
the head of the rebels, under the pretext
of religion ; " And I know," said Henry,
raising his voice, " there are many re-
bels in this procession."*
Soon after this burlesque, a deputation
* De Thou, liv, 90.
waited on the king : it consisted of the
most respectable inhabitants of Paris;
and their address was in the most hum-
ble style of contrition. When the speaker
had concluded his harangue, he respect-
fully presented a statement of their re-
quest, comprising five articles: the extir-
pation of heresy by the united forces of
the king and the league ; the banishment
of Epernon and La Valette, his brother;
a full amnesty for the disturbance in
Paris; the confirmation of the new ap-
pointments to officers since the barri-
cades ; and the revival of the old ordon-
nanees of the kingdom, restoring to the
parliaments the right of verifying new
edicts, and remonstrating upon them.
The king, in reply, told them, that he
fully intended assembling the states-ge-
neral, as the most complete as well as
the safest remedy for the disorders of the
kingdom ; that there he would not neglect
the fears entertained by the Catholics
of falling under the dominion of the here-
tics; that as to the particular complaint
against the Duke of Epernon and his
brother, he would show that he was a
just and equitable prince, who would in-
jure no one, and would prefer the pub-
lic advantage to every other consider-
ation.*
The parliament was unwilling to ap-
pear forgetful of the sovereign, or to
countenance revolt by omitting any dis-
play of loyal homage : that body also
sent a deputation to express to his ma-
jesty the regret they experienced at the
misfortune which had forced him to
quit Paris, to claim his clemency for the
offenders, and to entreat him to return to
his capital. Henry told them that he
would treat them as children, not as
slaves, and sent them away. But in the
afternoon he sent for them again, a$&.
charged them to threaten the Parisians
with the removal of the royal courts, if
they persisted in their factious behaviour.
" I know," said the king, " that some per-
suade them, that, having offended me as
they have done, my indignation is beyond
the power of reconciliation ; but I wish
you to inform them that I have neither
the wish nor the humour to ruin them ;
and as God does not desire the death of
* Cayet, liv. 1, p. 62. Hist, des Derniers Troub ee,
liv. 3, p. 86—9. De Thou, liv. 91.
226
ATTACK ON THE DUKE OF EPERNON.
a sinner, neither do I, his unworthy
image on earth, desire their destruction."
His speech was rather lengthy : he ap-
pealed to the history of his life, and said,
" It is absurd to make a pretext of reli-
gion : you should adopt some other plan :
there is not in the whole world a more
Catholic prince than myself; and my ac-
tions and my life have sufficiently testified
it." He concluded with a short exhorta-
tion, and dismissed them*
In the mean time the nation seemed to
shudder at the recent insult offered to the
monarch. Not only a large proportion of
the Parisians, who already perceived the
injury their affairs would suffer from the
absence of the court, and such of the no-
bility as considered the barricades too
bold a measure, but several large towns
sent addresses, inviting his majesty to re-
pair thither to receive their warm greet-
ings, and accept of their faithful services.
Lyons, in particular, had sent deputies
for that purpose, but it was so distant
from the centre of operations that Rouen
was preferred. The king, on arriving at
that city, was received with unusual de-
monstrations of joy.f
During the king's stay at Rouen there
was a constant interchange of couriers
with Paris: the queen being in corre-
spondence with her son, and Guise with
his agents. Henry was never absent
from the consultations of his ministers;
but he heard their discussions with indif-
ference, and employed the intervals in
light pastimes, apparently as a relief for
his painful reflections.}. An edict was at
last produced, which was announced as
the Edict of Union, but which is more
generally known as the second Edict of
July.§ The Leaguers testified great joy
at the articles agreed upon between
Guise and the queen-mother; and with
reason, for every item was in their fa-
vour except one, which stipulated that the
Bastille should be given up to the king :
that article was never executed. The
league considered they had gained a
victory, and Henry confirmed that opi-
nion by publishing an order for the states-
* Cayet. liv. 1, p. (V7 De Thou, liv. 91. Hist, des
Derniers Troubles, liv. 3, p. 89, et scq. Mem. <le la
Ligue, vol. ii. p. 362.
t Caypt, liv. 1, p. 69. Davila, liv. 9.
I De Tliou, liv. 91.
J It was agreed upon tlie 15th, signed by the king on
the 16th, and registered in parliament the 21st July,
1588.
general to meet at Blois, in the month of
October. Guise was named commander-
general of the gend'annerie ; an appoint-
ment equal to that of constable: he met
the king at Chartres with great cordiality.
The Cardinal of Bourbon was declared,
by edict, the first prince of the blood, and
next in succession to the crown.*
Still the king refused to return to Paris ;
and we are told by Mathieu, that he
signed the edict with tears in his eyes.t
Two armies were raised to send against
the Huguenots; but the command of one
was given to the Duke of Nevers, who
was at variance with the Duke of Guise;
the king's confidants were D'Aumont,
Rambouillet, and others, who were by
no means friendly with him ; and a com-
plete change in the administration took
place, by the dismissals of Chiverny, Vil-
leroy, Bellievre, and others, who had ad-
vised the reconciliation with the league:
their places were filled by persons recom-
mended by Nevers, who had deserted
the Holy Union.}
Whether it formed a part of the king's
policy to deprive the Duke of Epernon of
the government of Angouleme, or that
Villeroy acted with treachery towards
him, and surreptitiously obtained the
king's signature to the instrument, is un-
certain ; but orders were sent to that
town to refuse him admittance.^ Eper-
non, however, had quitted his residence
at Loches earlier than the court expected,
and arrived at Angouleme before the
orders were received. The mayor of
the town was a zealous leaguer, and re-
solved on seizing him in the castle. He
entered the place with ten men well
armed; and the duke's attendants being
quite off their guard, they succeeded in
penetrating to th« ante-chamber of his
apartment. A violent struggle ensued ;
several were killed on both sides; but the
noise brought other persons to the duke's
assistance. The alarm spread through
the town, and the populace having been
inflamed by various statements, injurious
to the duke, followed the example of the
* The letters-patent for Giuise were dated the 14th of
August ; the edict for the Cardinal of Bourbon the l?lh
of August, 15SS. Cayet, liv. 1, p 74.
t Hist, des Derniers Troubles, liv. 3, p 102.
t Davila, liv. 9. Maiuibourg, Hist, de la Ligue, vol.
ii. p. 68.
5 Mem. d'Etat, vol i. p. 80. Villeroy, of course, in-
sists upon having done no more than he was com-,
mauded.
MEETING OF THE STATES-GENERAL.
227
Parisians, and made barricades in every
direction. But Epernon having the cita-
del with the garrison for him, in addition
to those troops stationed at the chateau,
or governor's residence, was able to sup-
press this tumult, though, not without
considerable danger and exertion. The
duchess had just before left the chateau,
to go to mass, and fell into the hands of
the leasuers. That however did not pre-
vent him from valiantly defending the
place, and declaring that he would
give no quarter to any that fell into
his hands. After thirty hours' fight-
ing, the arrival of some gens-d'armes,
made the people wish to settle the affair ;
and, by the mediation of the bishop, an
accommodation was brought about. The
nobles attached to the league quitted the
town, and the Duke of Epernon remained
governor: he had shown great personal
courage in defending himself, and his
moderation afterwards was equally great,
for he took no measures whatever to re-
sent the attack upon him, except refusing
the customary honours at the funeral of
the mayor, who fell in the fray.*
The court arrived at Blois on the 27th
of September. The king was desirous
of giving every importance to the assem-
bly about to be held ; and ordered a mag-
nificent procession for the Sunday follow-
ing the 2d of October. On the 9th, the
sacrament of the encharist was adminis-
tered to all the deputies present ; the king
and Guise receiving it together at the
hands of the Cardinal of Bourbon, with
the appearance of the most perfect recon-
ciliation. It was not till the 16th the
estates were opened. f
The meeting was held in the great
hall of the castle : the majority of the de-
puties were leaguers, and Guise reckoned
on certainly obtaining the full extent of
his wishes: he opened the session as
grand master of the king's household.
" The deputies having entered," says the
historian Mathieu, "and the door being
shut, the Duke of Guise, seated in a chair,
clothed in a dress of white satin, the cape
thrown across, his eye piercing into the
very thickest of the assembly to recog-
nise and distinguish his servants, and with
a single glance to strengthen them in the
* D'Auhigni':. vol iii. p. 121. DeThpii.liv.92i Cayet,
liv. 1, p. HO. Davila, liv. 9. Hist, des Denuers Troubles,
liv. 3, p. 107.
f Davila, liv. 9.
hope of advancing his designs, his for-
tune, and his grandeur, and silently to
tell them ' I see you,' rose, and after
making a reverence, followed by two
hundred gentlemen and captains of the
guards, went to fetch the king, who en-
tered full of majesty, wearing his grand
order at his neck."*
The speeches made at the opening of
the states-general contained nothing re-
markable; the second sitting was on the
Tuesday following, when the Archbishop
of Ambrun, representing the clergy, the
Count de Brissac, the noblesse, and the
advocate Bernard, the Tiers Etat, soli-
cited the king to swear anew the oath of
union. Henry found fault with such dis-
trust; "For having already sworn it at
Rouen, there was," said he, " no occa-
sion to renew the oath:" notwithstand-
ing, to satisfy the league, he consented,
and the sitting commenced with his
taking it. Silence being proclaimed by
a herald, the king said, " That in the for-
mer sitting he had testified his desire to
see all his subjects united in the true Ca-
tholic, Apostolic, and Roman religion;
and having given an edict in the month
of July last, to effect that object, he
wished it to be read publicly, and re-
ceive the solemn assent of the assembly."
The edict was read by Beaulieu, the se-
cretary; and the Archbishop of Bourges
seriously exhorted the meeting upon it :
after which the king and all the deputies
swore to observe and to maintain it as a
fundamental law of the kingdom. So
great was the joy of all present at the
king's piety, that shouts of Vive It Roy
resounded from all parts; and the assem-
bly followed him to church to sing a Te
Deum.i
Thus far the king and the states-gene-
ral were in unison ; but Guise had ex-
pectations of being proclaimed lieutenant-
general of the kingdom by the assembly,
who would at the same time exclude the
Bourbon princes from the succession.
The death of the king would then leave
him a free course for his ambition, even
on the supposition that he would be satis-
fied with waiting for his death. The
king had received information of Guise's
* Mathien, liv. 8, p. 631,
t Cayet, liv. 1, p. 95. Hist, des Derniers Troubles,
liv. 4, p. 120. Mem de la Ligue.vol. li. p. 508. Davila,
liv. 9.
228
AMBITION AND HAUGHTINESS OF GUISE.
ambitious schemes, and therefore is jealousy, they informed the monarch of
thought to have practised great dissimu- various circumstances which called for
lation when he made a public protesta-
tion of having forgotten the past, and
sent an assurance to that effect to tire
people of Paris.
After the treaty of July, 1588, between
the greatest energy on his part. The
Cardinal of Guise gave scope to the most
licentious railleries on the king, and
frequently said that he ought to be shut
up in a monastery, and that he should
the king and the league, Guise received j feel extreme pleasure in holding his head
a letter from the Archbishop of Lyons,
containing ad vice for his government and
conduct. The prelate described the pru-
dence of Charles Martel.and showed how
necessary it was for him to be either
lieutenant-general or constable, and to
have the majority of the courtiers depend-
ent upon him: he thus concludes — "This
is what I wish to see, in order that we
may afterwards consider what you should
do to attain your object" &c*
Soon after a circumstance occurred
which alarmed the whole court, and
might have produced results of a serious
nature. Its only consequence, however,
was to display the devotedness of Guise's
followers and the animosity which pre-
vailed among all ranks, connected with
either the king's party, or the league. On
the night of the 4th of November a quar-
rel arose between a servant of the Gui-
sard party, and the Duke of Montpensier's
page. The servant was killed; and both
parties took arms, collected their friends,
and began a terrible conflict. The Gui-
sards had the advantage, and drove their
opponents back into the king's residence/]"
The arrival of the military quelled the tu-
mult, but the king was alarmed until the
affair was cleared up: he was persuaded
that it was a plan of Guise's to attack
him; and this proof of the hatred between
the parties, and the readiness of the duke's
followers to proceed to extremities, was
an additional cause of disquiet, as it held
out so much encouragement to his am-
bitious schemes.
But Guise's audacity .in a certain de-
gree prevented his own success: ambition
had blinded his prudence; and as he had
escaped unhurt from the interview at
Paiis, he fancied it beyond the king's
power to molest him. His haughtiness
had destroyed the friendship which many
of the nobles had entertained for him;
and their coolness being converted into
while he received a capucin's crown.
The Duchess of Montpensier was furious
against the king; she constantly exhibited
a pair of scissors, which she said she
kept ready to give Henry a monachal
crown, whenever he was confined in a
convent;* and one of the deputies of the
clergy called the barricades a holy and
blessed event, even in the king's pre-
sence.! These things, added to the hos-
tile operations of the Duke of Savoy,
who was strongly suspected of acting in
concert with Guise, made Henry resolve
to adopt some strong measure towards
this insolent subject. The Duke * of
Savoy had seized upon the marquisate of
Saluces; and the general feeling of the
states-general was to lay aside domestic
quarrels, and attack the stranger; Guise
was opposed to this, and said that the
war with Savoy need not make any dif-
ference in the war with the Huguenots —
at the same time taking measures for
making the war impracticable, by spread-
ing a report that the king himself had
concerted the invasion of the Duke of
Savoy, in order to prevent the execution
of the edicts against the heretics.!
Guise, in the extent of his influence,
and the importance of his functions, re-
sembled the ancient mayors of the palace;
and Henry's mind was alive to that re-
semblance, as well as to the parallel con-
clusion, which was contemplated. Every
day, during his residence at Blois, he wa3
informed of some fresh insult on the part
of the Guises. Among others, Marshal
d'Aumont informed him of the duke's
proposal to join in compelling his majesty
to deprive the Duke of Montpensier of the
government of Normandy, and promising
to confer it on him as a reward. § This
desire to remove a prince of the blood
from his post inclined the king to give
more credit to a communication sent by
the Duchess of Aumale, informing him
* Villeroy, vol. iii. p, 124.
t Davila, IiV. 9.
* Oe Thou, liv. 93.
+ Pasquier, vol. ii. p. 362.
t Davila, liv. 9. Cayet, liv. ], p. 97.
$ De Thou, liv. 93.
MURDER OF THE DUKE OF GUISE CONTEMPLATED. 229
of the intended attempt to seize his per-
son, and confine hip in a convent, at the
same time advising him to anticipate the
blow. Letters were also received from
the Dukes of Mayenne and Epernon,
stating that an attempt upon his person
was under discussion.*
We know not the precise time when
these communications were made to the
king; but the journal of the time informs
us, " That, on the 4th of December, the
king swore upon the sacrament at the
altar perfect reconciliation and friendship
with the Duke of Guise, and forgetful ness
of all past quarrels; and which he did ap-
parently quite freely ; he even declared,
in order to amuse that party, that he was
resolved to leave the management of
affairs to his cousin of Guise and to the
queen his mother, in order to occupy
himself entirely with prayer and peni-
tence."! What a dreadful display of im-
pious perfidy ! It is true that he did not
finally resolve on putting Guise to death
till the eighteenth ;£ but it is also known
that, previous to the meeting of the states
at Blois, he had contemplated some strong
measure. Doth he and Guise were tryin»
to surprise each other, and each was
aware of the other's design.
When the king was convinced that it
was absolutely necessary for him to strike
the fatal blow, or consent to be struck, he
consulted with Marshal d'Aumont, Beau-
vais-Nangis, and two others, but without
calling in the queen-mother. After detail-
ing the injuries he had received from Guise,
he asked for their sincere opinions upon
the conduct he should follow in his dan-
gerous situation. The first who gave his
sentiments recommended the arrest of
Guise and his chief partisans, and that
they should be tried by the parliament;
but upon consideration it was judged im-
practicable, on account of the number of
his friends, and the influence of his party.
It was then agreed upon that his guilt of
high treasoq and rebellion was clear;
that as he was above the control of the
laws, he could be punished without the
formalities of justice, and that there was
no other way to prevent him from carry-
* Hist, deg Derniers Troubles, liv. 4, p. 142. D'Au-
bigne, vol. iii. p. 149 Mem. de Neverg, vol. ii. p. 63.
t Journal de Henri III.
j Davila, liv. 9.
20
ing into effect the design which he was
known to be planning against the king.*
The measures being decided on, Henry
looked around for a person capable of ex-
ecuting it, and fixed his eye on Crillon :
he considered a refusal from him very
improbable, for the Duke of Guise had de-
manded his banishment as one of the con-
ditions of reconciliation. He sent for him,
and, after exposing the Duke's crimes, he
said, "Do you think he merits death?"
" Yes," answered Crillon. " Well, then,"
said the king, " you are the man I have
chosen to punish him." Crillon was de-,
lighted at the honour of being the cham-
pion of his sovereign, and said, " I will
meet him, and my sword shall pierce his
heart, even if I receive his in my own
bosom, and die with him." " Stop," said
Henry, "I do not wish to get rid of the
chief of the rebels by exposing the life of
my friend ; your existence is dear to me ;
we must strike him without compromising
you." Crillon shuddered with horror at
the proposal, and felt inexpressible regret
that the king should have thought him
capable of such an act : at the same time,
to prevent any fear of his betraying the
secret, he offered to remain in custody.
His word, however, was sufficient for the
monarch. Loignac, captain of the guards,
called the Forty-Jive, undertook the com-
mission : the whole of that body were de-
voted to Epernon, and in consequence
were enemies of Guise.t
In the mean time Guise's friends be-
came alarmed for his safety, and urged
him to retire from Blois. The king's pa-
tience had excited their suspicions, which
were in a great measure confirmed by
their anxious inquiries. But Guise paid
no attention to their entreaties, and the
day before that which was intended for
his assassination, he found on sitting
down to table a note in the folds of his
napkin, containing a caution against an
intended attack upon him. He merely
wrote upon it with his pencil, " They
would not dare attempt it," and threw it
under the table.!
On the 22d of December the king sent
word to Guise, that as he purposed going
* Hist, des Dernierg Troubleg, liv. 4. Davila, liv. 9"
Pasquier, vol. ii. p. 366.
+ Davila, liv. 9. Vie de Crillon, vol. ii. p. 24.
% Hist, des Derniers Troubles, liv. 4, p. 146. D'Au-
bigne, vol. iii. p. 151.
230
MURDER OF THE DUKE OF GUISE.
to Notre-Dame de Clery to pass the fes-
tival of Christmas, he should hold his
council early the next morning. Loignac
at the same time received his instructions:
he had entered by a private door, accom-
panied by thirteen of the most resolute of
his company. Henry addressed them in
a few words, and promised them great re-
wards. He gave each of them a poniard
and said, " This is the greatest criminal
in my kingdom, and the laws, both human
and divine, allow me to punish him; but
not being able to do so by the ordinary
ways of justice, I authorize you by my
royal prerogative." He then placed them
in an antechamber, through which the
duke would pass.
The Duke and the Cardinal of Guise
consulted with the Archbishop of Lyons
on the propriety of retiring from Blois.
They considered the advantage which
Henry's friends would gain over them if
they withdrew from the conclusion of the
states-general ; and things had proceeded
so far, that the retreat of one party was
certain victory for the other. These con-
siderations, added to the most complete
contempt for the king, made them pay no
further attention to the warnings which
they continued to receive till the last mo-
ment : Guise passed the night with the
Marchioness of Noirmoutier,* who had
come to Blois on purpose to persuade him
to remove, bur nothing could induce him
to change his opinion.
Early the next morning he went to the
council, and when he had entered the cas-
tle the gates were shut. Pericard, his
secretary, observing this, wrote a note
and sent it to the duke folded in a
handkerchief: the note contained another
warning, but the bearer was not able to
obtain admission. Guise being in the hall,
was observed to look pale : different rea-
sons have been assigned for it, but the
most probable is, that, on finding himself
surrounded by soldiers of the Forly-five,
and none of those persons being present
who were usually in attendance, he called
to mind his repented warnings, and too
late regretted his blind presumption. Pre
sently he was summoned to the king's
presence, and as he approached the door
one of the assassins stabbed him in the
breast; the others did the same'; and the
* She was well known for her gallantries as Madame
de Sauve.
duke before he died had only time to
make a short exclamation, the substance
of which is not known with any certainty.*
The Cardinal of Guise, hearing the noise,
immediately suspected that it was an at-
tack upon his brother : he and the Arch-
bishop of Lyons ran to the door to give
the alarm, and call their friends; but the
Marshals d'Aumont and De Retz arrested
and placed them in a small room under a
strong guard. At the same time were
arrested the Cardinal of Bourbon, the
Prince of Joinville, then become Duke of
Guise by his father's death, the Dukes of
Elboeuf and Nemours, and the Duchess of
Nemours, Guise's mother. The principal
leaguers in the town were also taken into
custody, and among them Pericard, the
duke's secretary, by which means the
king obtained a number of letters and
papers, which showed that he had re-
ceived considerable sums from Spain to
promote his enterprise.!
When the door of the ante-chamber
was thrown open the king came out of his
apartment with his suite: many of the
courtiers made jesting remarks upon the
King of Paris, and Henry himself is said
to have kicked the dead body of his ene-
my.} The king then went to his mother's
chamber to inform her of what had taken
place. She was ill in bed, and had asked
several times what was the cause of the
noise and bustle, but no one had dared to
inform her of it. The queen having in-
formed her son that she felt rather better,
he answered, " And so do I, for this morn-
ing I have become King of France, having
put to death the King of Paris."
You have killed the Duke of Guise,"
said Catherine; "God grant that this
death do not make you king of nothing.
Have you considered the consequences 1
Two things are necessary for you, dili-
gence and resolution :" she also recom-
mended him to send Cardinal Gondy to
inform the legate.§
After hearing mass, the kin,g had a long
conversation with Cardinal Morosini, the
legate. He endeavoured to convince him
of the necessity in which he had found
* Some say it was Dieu ayei pitic de moi ! Others,
Akl truitri roi !
t i>'Aubij;ne, vol. iii. p 151. Davila, liv. 9. Hist,
iles Demiers Troubles, liv. 4, p. 147. C'ayet, liv. 1, pp.
105—110.
J Journal de Henri III.
i Davila, liv. 9. D'Aubignt, vol. iii. p. 153. Hist,
des lleriiiers Troubles, liv. 4, p 149.
MURDER OF THE CARDINAL OF GUISE.
himself placed to save his crown and his
life by that method; concluding by a re-
quest that he would inform the pope of all
those reasons before the misrepresenta-
tions of his enemies should raise an un-
favourable opinion of him in the mind of
his holiness.* Morosini, perceiving the
necessity of humouring the king to pre-
vent his thinking of a peace with the Hu-
guenots, answered him with great address;
while Henry was so anxious to preserve
the pope's friendship, that he swore to the
legate that if Sixtus would co-operate with
him, he would make still greater exertions
to exterminate the heretics from his king-
dom, in which he was resolved to suffer
none but the true religion to be exercised.
The legate was well aware of all the cir-
cumstances respecting Guise's death, and
Henry's communication taught him no-
thing fresh on that subject ; but the king's
principal aim was to have his sentiments
respecting the Cardinal of Guise, whose
death he had also contemplated. The le-
gate, however, avoided that subject, and
pretended not to know that the Cardinal
and the Archbishop of Lyons were in
prison : he continued his familiarity with
the king, went with him to mass, and
gave him marks of particular confidence.
This line of conduct was interpreted by
the king's friends as a silent approbation
of his vengeance, and made many think
that the pope was previously informed of
his intentions.!
The king, rinding the cardinal's impri-
sonment did not create any opposition
from the legate; and being informed of
the violent threats he had made on hear-
ing of his brother's death; and the dread
of his revenge, if he lived, operating on
many of the king's advisers, his death
also was decided on.J But a fresh difii-
* The correspondence with Cardinal Joyeuse, then nt
Rome, throws great light on the projects of the Guises
It is given at length by Villeroy, vol. iii.
t Cayet, liv. 1, p. 110. Davila, liv. 9, p. 553. D'Au
bigne, vol. iii. p. 15-2. Leti, liv. 10. But Maimbourg,
upon the authority of Morosim's letter to the Cardinal
Moutalto, asserts that the. interview between the king
and the legate did not take plaee till the 2(ith, that is,
after the death of the Cardinal. However, as Cayet,
Davila, and U'Aubigne were contemporaries, and Gre-
gorio Leti was in a situation to he well informed of the
merits of the case, I have adopted their ver-ion, and
am the more satisfied in so dning as Sixtus was very
angry with ins legate for being so friendly with the i
king: Morosim's letter, therefore, was a defence of his
own conduct, and being ez parti, is not of such an1
overwhelming authority, as to reduce contrary state-
ments to "fictions such as poets only are allowed to
nee. " See Hist, de la Ltgue, vol ii. p. 91.
J Vedendo dunque il re che il legato (che fa effelti-
fameiite la causa della niorte del cardinale 6 almeno da
: culty arose; the assassins, who had mur-
■ dered the duke without scruple, refused
I to stain their hands with the blood of an
ecclesiastic. At last four soldiers were
found, whose objections were overcome
f by a promise of four hundred crowns,
i They proceeded, on the morning of the
■ twenty-fourth, to the room where the car-
• dinal and his companion had passed a
troubled night. On opening the door,
i they called forth the archbishop, telling
! him the king wanted hiin. The two pri-
i soners received each other's confession,
i and were both in expectation of being
murdered: as the archbishop quitted the
■ chamber, they mutually exhorted each
other to think of God. After conduct-
■ ing the archbishop to another room, Du
Guast, who commanded the assassins,
. returned and told the cardinal he had the
: king's orders to kill him. "Execute
: your commission," said the cardinal,
: after a short pause occupied in prayer, at
the same time covering his head with his
gown: the soldiers immediately put him
to death with their spears.*
The two bodies were placed in quick-
lime to destroy the flesh, the bones were
afterwards burnt to ashes, and thrown
away by the king's orders: he was fearful
that their remains would be treated by the
league as holy relics. f
Thus perished the Duke and the Car-
dinal of Guise: had their death been at-
tended with the bare forms of justice,
there would exist but one opinion on the
subject. They had succeeded in* esta-
blishing such a power in the state, that
they could set the laws at defiance; and it
must also be recollected, that, according
to the ultramontane notions, then bearing
such terrible sway, the Cardinal of Guise
could not be brought to judgment by the
king of France. These circumstances
should have their weight in estimating
the king's conduct. Unhappily for him,
he had been nurtured in bigotry, and
trained to dissimulation. The former
prevented him from acting fairly by those
who would h ave preserved him from the
dreadful dilemma in which he found him-
questo hebbe origine la risolutione) nnn faceva alcuno
caso, ne si turbava della prigtonia de Cardinale, deli-
hero di passare innanzi, e liberarsi del Cardinale di
Ghisa, Leti, parte 2» lib. 5°, p. 39i>. Losanna, 1669.
* D'Aubigne vol. iii. p. 152. Davila, liv. 9. llist.des
Derniers Troubles, liv. 4.
t Journal, de Henri III., and D'Aubigne. Henry,
Duke of Guise, was born in 1550. Louis, the cardinal,
in 1553.
1232
IRRESOLUTION OF THE KING.
self; while the latter became a ready re-
source when he discovered the necessity
of adopting this measure as his only al-
ternative.
The Duke of Guise is described as
having excelled in every quality required
ill nobles of the time; and the cardinal
was reputed to be learned, generous, of
a penetrating mind and a courageous
spirit. But although the establishment of
the league, and the circumstances to
which it gave rise, raised the two bro-
thers to the first degree of importance
during the political hurricane, they can
never be compared to their father, Francis,
Duke of Guise, and his brother the Car-
dinal of Lorrain.
CHAPTER XL.
Death of Catherine de Medicis— Conclusion of the
States general— Violence of the League in Paris —
Mayennfi appointed Lieutenant-general.
The death of the Guises completely
changed the face of affairs; the king,
however, did not derive from the event
those advantages which had been ex-
pected. As so strong a measure had not
been decided upon without mature delibe-
ration, it should have been promptly fol-
lowed up with vigour; and Henry ought
to have attacked his revolted subjects
before they had lime to recover from the
amazement into which the loss of their
chief had thrown them; but his orders
were barely carried into execution when
he almost regretted having given them.
Irresolution, his bane, again possessed
him, and he seemed to recoil from his
own work.
Of all the leaguers taken into custody
when Guise was killed, there remained
in a few days only the young Duke of
Guise, the Duke of Elbceuf, the Cardinal
of Bourbon, and the Archbishop of Lyons;
they were confined in separate apartments
in the castle of Amboise, and Du Guast,
the assassin of the cardinal, was intrust-
ed with the charge of them. The Duke
of Nemours made his escape, and re-
turned to Paris; the Duchess of Nemours
(the mother of the Guises,) was set at
liberty in consideration of her birth, being
a grand-daughter of Louis XII.; and the
different deputies to the states-general
were enlarged on the plea of public faith.
The Duke of Mayenne was at Lyons,
and Alphonso Ornano was sent to arrest
him, but without success; for directly the
death of Guise was known, two leaguers
had quitted Blois to warn the remaining
hope of their party: and they had no time
to spare, for Mayenne quitted Lyons by
one gate as Ornano entered by another.
He went at once to Dijon, where he was
governor.* A similar activity on the part
of the league anticipated the king in
getting possession of Orleans. f Henry
was urged to take the field, to recall the
army from Poitou, and prevent Mayenne
from collecting his forces. He thought,
however, that he should be joined by the
Catholics of the League, whose aim being
more to suppress the Huguenots than to
assist the Guises, would cheerfully help
him in subduing the King of Navarre,
and thus enable him to restore order. He
contented himself therefore with publish-
ing a declaration, justify ing his conduct
towards the Guises, and renewing the
edict of union, to show his attachment to
the Catholic faith. Had he shown him-
self before Orleans, his presence alone
would have preserved that city from join-
ing in the rebellion; but he ridiculed the
advice which was given him both to that
effect, and also to unite with the King of
Navarre, a measure which ultimately he
could not avoid.]:
Soon after the Cardinal of Guise was
killed, two counsellors and a clerk were
sent to the Archbishop of Lyons, to ques-
tion him upon the charges against the
Duke of Guise. The archbishop told
them, that as they were laymen they had
no jurisdiction over him, and that he
should not answer their questions. When
this answer was reported to the king, he
sent Cardinal Gondy to speak to him.§
The archbishop said, he had nothing to
allege against the cardinal or the Duke of
Guise, but that if he had, he neither could
nor would be questioned, except by the
pope, or some one delegated by him; for,
as Primate of all Gaul, he had no other
judge; and that even he, the cardinal,
* Davila, liv 9.
t Cayet, liv. 1, p. 113. Hist, des Derniers Troubles,
liv. 4. p. 149.
t Hist, des Derniers Troubles, liv. 4, p. 153.
} Peter Gondy, liishop of Paris anil Cardinal , b rn at
Lyons in 1533; died 1016. lie was brother of Martial
de Relz.
DEATH OF CATHERINE DE MEDICIS.
233
Teas under his primacy, being Bishop of granted liberty of conscience to his sub-
Paris. " But," added he, " if Cardinal jects.*
Morosini, his holiness's legate, finds, on Those of the queen-mother's deeds
consulting with the other prelates, who which are known with certainty, (with-
are assembled for the states-generah that out considering those which are imputed
I ought to reply, I will follow their deci- to her with every appearance of pmbabi-
sion; for then it will be they, and not I, |lity,) display her character more clearly
who infringe upon the rights of eccle- ' than language can describe it: still the
siastics." Nearly a fortnight was occu- j fact of those charges against her being
pied in discussing whether the king did currently received, evidently proves that
or did not possess the right, of judging a by the nation at large she was thought
bishop of his kingdom; after which, the I to be capable of any crime. A notion
Bishop of Beauvais, and Ruze, a secre
tary of state, went to the Archbishop, and
exhorted him to conform to the king's
wishes, urging, as a reason for his com-
pliance, that his life had been spared. But
the archbishop was inflexible; he asked
the bishop in what capacity he came:
"If you come," said he, "as a bishop,
you cannot interrogate your superior; if
as a peer, it is a lay office to which I can-
not submit: thank God I know the privi-
leges and authority of the church; I can-
not think that the kino- wishes me to dis-
prevailed at Florence, that, when her na-
tivity was cast, the astrologers declared
that if she lived she would be the cause of
very great calamities, and would totally
ruin the family into which she married,
and the place where she might settle.
The Florentines, thinking she might
cause their ruin, proposed when Clement
VII. besieged them to expose her to the
enemy's fire; and a preacher in his ser-
mons recommended her to be disposed
of in some manner: among other things
it was suggested to place her in a bro-
regard them; and as he has given me my thel , and keep her ignorant of her birth. f
life, he surely will leave free my con-
science also, which is dearer to me than
a thousand lives." The archbishop con-
cluded by requesting his majesty to al-
low him to be accompanied by some ec-
clesiastic, and to hear mass in his room,
which permission was readily given.*
The queen-mother died on the fifth of
January, 1589. She went to see the
Cardinal of Bourbon, soon after the death
of Guise: as she entered his room he ex-
claimed, "Ah, madam! you have led us
all to be slaughtered." She assured him
that she had not the least idea of it before
it took place, and that she felt an un-
speakable regret that it had occurred; but
the Cardinal's reproaches became still
more violent, and she felt severely the
reflection, that she should have made her-
self liable to such a charge, by a long
series of duplicity and cruelty. She
went home and became a prey to the vio-
lent conflict of her ideas.t On her death-
bed she is said to have exhorted the king
to attach himself to the Princes of Bour-
bon, and especially to the King of Na-
varre; and to have impressed on his mind,
that he never could have peace unless he
* Hist, des Derniers Trouble?, liv. 4, p. 151. Davila,
liv. 9
f Brantome, vol. i. p. 119. D'Aubigne, vol. iii.p. 153.
Pasquier, vol. ii. p. 377. Mathieu, liv. 8, p. 669.
20*
She possessed a strong mind, a per-
suasive eloquence, and an invention so
ready that she never wanted an expedient:
this to be sure was more easy for her
than for others; because to effect her
purpose, she never considered any means
improper or unjust. In furtherance of
her artful plans, she availed herself of the
licentiousness of the court, and by her
encouragement raised it to a pitch of un-
paralleled dissoluteness and infamy. Her
principal weakness was the habit of fre-
quently consulting astrologers; but in the
exercise of her cruelty and perfidy, she
became so much detested by both Catho-
lics and Protestants that her foibles were
thrown in the shade. Being entirely
taken up with the weightier matters of
public affairs, she paid little or no atten-
tion to those subjects which generally
occupy the minds of ladies of rank, and
appears to have cared but little for the
adulations which are invariably offered to
a female sovereign.! The feelings of
* De Bury. Hist, de Henri IV , vol. i. p 315.
t Discours lie la Viede Catherine de Medici*, p. 355.
t After a long conference at St. Bria will] [he King of
Navarre, finding she coulrl not bring him to accept her
terms, she asked him if the trouble she had taken was
to produce noetfcct; adding that she wished for nothing
more than peace. " Madam," said Navarre, " it is not
my fault that you do not sleep in your own bed: imt
you prevent me from sleeping in mine: the trouble you
take gratifies and nourishes you, for quiet is the great-
est enemy of your life "—Perejiit, liv. 1, p uS.
234
CONCLUSION OF THE STATES-GENERAL.
vanity were smothered in her breast by
the calculations of policy, and the spnr-
rings of ambition: indeed this latter im-
pulse was too strong to allow maternal
affection to have its proper sway; for
she encouraged her children in habits of
licentiousness in order to make them sub-
servient to her purposes, and to prevent
them from becoming obstacles to her
views, instead of exciting them to actions
worthy of their important station in so-
ciety. Brantome extols her as being
unequalled in the management of a splen-
did court, and attempts to answer many
of the charges against her; while Davila
attributes the greater part of those charges
to malice or ignorance. The facts, how-
ever, are too well authenticated for her re-
putation to admit of much defence: she
possessed good qualifications rather than
good qualities, and the good which she
effected was only momentary, while the in-
juries she inflicted on the country were of
long duration. Catherine de Medicis, at
the time of her decease, was in the
seventieth year of her age.
The people of Paris, thinking she was
concerned in the murder of the Guises,
declared that if her body came there in
its way to St. Denis, they would drag it
through the streets and throw it into the
river.*
The states-general were closed on the
sixteenth of January, as the confusion of
public affairs prevented any probable
benefit being derived from their consulta-
tions. Previous to their separation each
order presented a remonstrance to the
king on the different disorders and irre-
gularities in the government. The prin-
cipal grievance in the eyes of the clergy
was the alienation of the church lands.
"Saint Augustin and several good fathers,
said the Archbishop of Bouige's, have per-
mitted the sale and alienation of church
property for redeeming captives, and for
the poor; but that was the vessels and
money belonging to the church, for the
alienation of church lands is without ex-
ample. Charles Mart el alone has made
himself infamous by attempting to obtain
the estates of the church ; and a horrible
serpent was afterwards found in his tomb.
Not all the wars against the Albigenses,
nor the distresses of the wars against the
English, have been able to destroy this
palladium, so much as the suggestions of
concealed Huguenots."*
The remonstrance of the noblesse, pre-
sented by the Count de Brissac, was as
inveterate against the Huguenots as that
of the clergy; but while they were willing
to help the king against that most dan-
gerous and abominable sect, whose im-
piety being extreme should be chastised
with extreme severity, they would not
overlook their own exclusive interests,
and called on his majesty to prevent per-
sons from obtaining, by money or other
means, the rank and privileges of gentle-
men.t
Bernard, the speaker of the Tiers Etat,
commenced his harangue, by solemnly
thanking the king for his promise to exe-
cute the holy edict of union, which he
stated to be written by divine inspiration,
and which would dissipate heresy, as fogs
are scattered by the sun. But the
picture which he afterwards gave of the
state of society was sufficient to prevent
any very considerable benefit to be ex-
pected from ' it. " Blasphemy," said he,
"is the ordinary conversation of many,
and adultery is their recreation ; magic
employs their minds, and occupies their
curiosity; and simony is their common
trade. Thus1 the splendour of justice is
dimmed, good customs are perverted,
virtue is banished, and vice placed in au-
thority; while rapine strides through the
kingdom with an unfurled standard. "|
Henry's zeal for the Catholic church
was well known. Duplessis-Mornay,
writing to the King of Navarre, says,
" Sire, I persist in my opinion of yester-
day; the king will continue the war
against you, unless his plans are traversed
by the remains of the league faction : at
any rale, he will not dare to speak of
peace."} But that did not preserve him
from the vengeance of the enraged Sixtus
V., who, after expressing his regret that
Henry should suffer so tamely the inso-
lence of the league, was surprised to find
that he had inflicted capital punishment
on a cardinal. When he heard that
Guise was killed, he told the Cardinal
Joyeuse, that, if he had been King of
• Journal ile Henri III.
* Hist, des Oernieis Troubles, liv. 4, p. 163.
t Ibid, p. 167. t Ibid. p. 170.
§ Mem. de Duplessis, vol. i p. 878. The letter is dated
27ih December, 1588.
EXCITEMENT OF THE POPE.
235
France, he would have done the same ;| have fled, and the populace would soon
but the news of the cardinal's arrest had have become calm and satisfied. The
put him in so violent a rage, that when city appeared overwhelmed with grief and
Cardinal Gondy arrived at Rome, he sat, astonishment; and the mass was per-
up a whole night with the Marquis Pisany, i formed in the churches without any kind
the French ambassador, consulting on of music* But the king's indecision
the best means of preparing the pontiff! ruined every thing, by giving time for the
for the news of which he was the bearer, active rebels to rally their companions;
It was impossible to avoid irritating him and in a few days the fury of the league
exceedingly by the communication, and l burst forth with redoubled fierceness. We
he refused to hear any thing of the king's I learn from the journal of the time, that on
attachment to the church. Sixtus said it j the 29th of December, the people, on
was useless to talk of Henry's submission leaving the church of St. Bartholomew,
to the church, while he held prisoners the [where Dr. Lincestre had been preaching,
Cardinal of Bourbon and the Archbishop pulled down the king's arms which were
of Lyons: " Your master," said he to the1 over the door, broke them to pieces, and
messengers, "thinks to deceive me, and! trampled them in the kennel, — being ani-
treats me as if I were no more than a poor \ mated to it by the discourse tney had just
monk; but you shall find that you deceive j heard, upon the perjuries and heresies of
yourselves, and that you have to deal with I Henry of Valois, who was no longer their
a pontiff who is ready to shed plenty of; king, f
blood when the honour and interest of the!
church require support."
father," said Pisany, " shall
rny master be at liberty to kill the Cardi
Versoris, who had been employed as
" But, holy ! the advocate of the Jesuits, was so affected
not the king I by the murder of the Lorrain princes,
that it caused his death. As he was ex-
nal of Guise, his mortal enemy, after Pope piring, he embraced Guise's portrait;
Pius IV. has authorized the murder of; arid, being shown that of the king, he
Cardinal Caraffe, who had been one of! called him a tyrant, and broke it to
his friends]" Sixtus was too enraged to
reply, and dismissed them both from his
presence.*
When the consistory was assembled,
Sixtus gave vent to his rage against
Morosini, whom he accused of not having
done what he could to prevent the cardi-
nal's death : he even threatened to de-
prive him of his purple. t Some time after
a bull of excommunication was issued
against the King of France, notwithstand-
ing repeated missions to Rome, to pacify
the pontiff, and obtain his absolution.
pieces.};
The preachers exerted themselves to
inflame the public mind; and the cardi-
nal's death gave them great scope for
their declamations. "To murder the
duke," said Lincestre, "indicated but
little attachment to the Holy Union ; but
to assassinate a prelate was a crime
against religion itself. The Catholics
must unite to avenge this crime, and em-
ploy, if necessary, their last mite, and
their last drop of blood for it. Swear to
do so; swear it, all of ye! and lift up
While the king was wasting his time at 'your right hands in token of your oath."
Blois, his enemies were making great ad- jThe president, *Harlay, happened to be
vantages, and the progress of rebellion in 'present, and the preacher insolently called
Paris surpassed all idea. When the out to him — "Lift up your hand, also, Mr.
leaguers first heard of the death of their Chief President, lift it up high, that every
chief they were paralyzed: they con-j
sidered it impossible for the king to have
body may see it."§
Every pulpit resounded with invectives
attempted such a thing, unless he were; against the king's person, and with the most
sure of some support, of which at present pathetic descriptions of the tragical death
they knew nothing. Their fears there-
fore magnified its force; and there can be
no doubt that, if Henry had sent some
officer of rank to Paris, with a few troops,
the violent members of the league would
* G. Leti, Vi'a diSisto V. lib. 10.
f Ibid.
of the two brothers, who were extolled as
martyrs. The hearers were moved to
tears ; but, instead of inculcating Christian
* Davila, liv. 10;
f Journal de Henri III.
§ 1st Jan. 1589. Cayet,
Henri III.
liv.
% Ibid.
1, p. 118.
Journal de
236
VIOLENCE OF THE
LEAGUE IN PARIS.
doctrines, and holding up the examples
of Christian martyrs, the preachers en-
deavoured to inspire an ardent desire of
revenge. " So' that those," says Maim-
bourg, " who had no wish to weep or to
sigh ; and who were scandalized with
manners so very unworthy of a holy
ministry, were constrained to counterfeit
weeping, for fear of being murdered."*
If we can depend upon Marshal Bas-
sompierre's narrative, the reanimation of
the league was principally occasioned by
the discovery of a concealed treasure,
which enabled his father, Christopher Bas-
sompierre, to raise an army of foreigners.
That gentleman was a native of Lorrain,
and a warm partisan of the League. He
was at Blois during the meeting of the
states-general; and as he was known to pos-
sess great influence among the Germans
and Swiss, the king sent Crillon to arrest
him immediately after the death of Guise.
Bassompierre, having some apprehensions
of such a measure, made preparations for
leaving Blois, and escaped with one at-
tendant, as the bridge was being drawn
up. He passed through Chartres, where
he called upon the people to take arms,
and proceeded to Paris, where he was in-
troduced to the council, then deliberating
at the Hotel-de-Ville. His opinion was,
that, unless they had money sufficient to
carry on a war, they had better make
the best terms possible with the king.
The assembly took time for delibera-
tion : in the interval, a mason, who
had been employed in concealing a sum
of five hundred and' thirty thousand
golden crowns, denounced this fact to the
council, who immediately decided upon a
war, and commissioned Bassompierre to
levy troops in Germany, and Switzer-
land.t
The Sixteen elected the Duke of Aumale
for their governor : he had not entertained
the most favourable idea of the estates of
Blois, and had remained in Paris.t This
choice was remarkable, as it was rumoured
that he had been in treaty with the king:
he demanded the government of Picardy
and Boulogne, and that his debts should
be liquidated out of the public treasury. 5
* Hist, de la Ligue. vol. ii. p. 114.
f Mem. de Bassompierre, vol. i. pp. 23 — 5.
t Davila, liv. 10.
, It was also believed that the Duchess of Aumale de-
cided Henry by a letter which she sent, to warn him
The Duchess of Montpensier, a woman
of great courage, contributed very much
to rally the spirits of the league ; and it
was said that her tongue did the king
more harm than her brother's swords.*
The Duchess of Guise, who was pregnant
at the time, at first gave vent to her grief,
and in silence and retirement poured forth
lamentations and tears. But afterwards
she presented a demand to the parliament,
calling for an inquiry into her husband's
death. The proceedings on this point
were carried to a great length ; but when
affairs took another turn, and the Parisians
opened their gates to Henry IV., the leaves
of the register were torn out and de-
stroyed, to avoid the resentment of that
prince, and of those counsellors who
would not be parties to the proceedings. f
Most probably that refusal on the part
of some counsellors of the parliament was
the cause of their being sent to the Bas-
tille. On the morning of the 16th of
January, Bussy-le-Clerc, accompanied by
twenty-five or thirty blackguards, armed
with pistols and cuirasses, went into the
court, and calling several counsellors by
name, told them to follow him to the
Hotel-de-Ville. Harlay and some others
wished to know by what authority he
thus acted, but was only told that they
had better lose no time in making objec-
tions, or force would be used. When the
presidents Harlay and Pothier followed
Bussy, they were attended by all the
counsellors, even those who were not
called, alleging that they could not sepa-
rate from their captains. Instead of going
to the Hotel-de-Ville, they were led to the
Bastille, and a new parliament was formed,
consisting of persons devoted to the league.
Mole was appointed attorney-general by
acclamation, although he was on Bussy's
list ; and it was with regret he accepted
the office, but to 'have refused it might
have cost him his life, on account of the
hatred borne to all who were suspected
of favouring the claims of the king of Na-
varre. Brisson was made the new chief
president, and in that quality assented to
a decree declaring the king fallen from his
dignity, and deprived of his authority;
but at the same time, to make sure of a
aijainst some violent measures contemplated by lie
Guises. See the Satyre Menipee.
* Davila, liv. 10. p 9.
t lb., liv. 10. Cayet, liv. 1, p. 140.
MAYENNE APPOINTED LIEUTENANT-GENERAL.
327
good plea, in the event of the king's party
prevailing, he made a protestation before
two notaries, in which he declared he had
been compelled to give his assent to mea-
sures against his inclination, and that he
had no other means of saving the lives of
his wife and children.*
A few days after a herald arrived from
the king, ordering Aumale to leave Paris,
and forbidding the parliament and other
courts to exercise any jurisdiction. So
far were the leaguers from paying any at-
tention to this summons, that they put the
herald in prison, whence, after remaining
some time in expectation of being hanged,
he was insultingly sent away. Every
thing which could be devised was done
to encourage the popular hatred to the
king; even his name was detested, and
no one would venture to mention it. Pro-
cessions of children were considered a
sure way of touching the sensibility of the
people ; and they frequently paraded the
streets. On one occasion they had assem-
bled to the number of near a hundred
thousand : they went from the cemetery
of the Innocents to the church of St.
Genevieve, each carrying a taper of con-
secrated wax. As they entered the
church, they extinguished the lights, and
uttered expressions indicating that the
race of Valois should become equally ex-
tinct. Other persons joined these proces-
sions afterwards, when the young women,
to show their excessive grief, went half
naked ; and as nocturnal processions were
made, the greatest disorders arose from
the licentious conduct of the Duke of Au-
male and his young companions.t
The decree of the Sorbonne, which re-
leased the French from their allegiance to
the king, had the full effect which its au-
thors intended.]: By this the confessors
were enabled to. stifle in the breasts of
their penitents every vestige of fidelity to
the king: absolution was refused to all
who would not renounce him as their so-
vereign ; and some recommended his as-
sassination as a meritorious act. Every
portrait, statue, and bust of Henry III.
was then thrown down, destroyed, and
cast with execrations into the river ; while
those of the Guises were placed upon the
* Journal de Henri lit. Cayet, liv. 1, p. 121. De
Thou, liv. 94. he Grain, liv. 4. Davila, liv 10.
t Journal de Henri III. Le Grain, liv. 4. p. 170.
t Cayet, liv. 1, p. 119. It was dated l?Ui January,
altars. Lincestre and Boucher, in the
mean time, were indefatigable in preaching
to the people the most inflammatory dis-
courses: Lincestre, in particular, recom-
mended assassination. " I still hear it
questioned," said he, "if it be lawful to
kill Henry of Valois : for my part, I declare
that I should be ready to kill him at all
times ; even when I am at the altar, and
holding the precious body of the Lord in
my hands."*
While the Parisians were in this state
of excitement, the Duke of Mayenne ar-
rived towards the end of February. He
had received letters while at Dijon from
his sister, the Duchess of Montpensier,
who gave him every encouragement to
make an effort for obtaining the crown ;
and certainly the flaming enthusiasm of
the leaguers throughout France afforded
him the greatest chance of success. No
wonder, therefore, that he disregarded a
letter from the king, in justification of the
death of the Guises, and offering to unite
with him for preserving the peace among
the Catholics, in order to make war
against the Huguenots. The duchess,
however, would not trust to her letter
alone, but went to Dijon notwithstanding
the inclemency of the season. Her ex-
hortations, and the advice he received
from-Aumale and others, made him decide
on becoming chief of the league: he com-
missioned persons to make preparations
for carrying on the war, and proceeded to
Paris, where he was solemnly invested
with the dignity of lieutenant-general of
the state and crown of France: he was to
have the full powers of royalty until that
point should be decided by the states-ge-
neral, which would be held at Paris in the
month of July.t
The king was fearful of being sur-
prised at Blois, and removed to Tours, to
which town he transferred the parliament
and royal courts of Paris. f He ordered
an inquiry to be instituted into the crimi-
nality of the two Lorrain princes; but the
league laughed him to scorn, and em-
ployed two doctors of the Sorbonne to
inquire into his private life and conduct.^
He found himself abandoned also by the
* Journal de Henri III.
t Davila, liv. 10. Le Grain, liv. 4.
I '23d March, 1589. Recueil des clioses memorables,
&c, depuis la Ciosture des Estals de Blois jusques a la
mort de Henri III.
§ Hist, du Parlement de Paris, ch. 30.
238
AFFAIRS OF THE HUGUENOTS.
Duke of Mercosur, the brother of his con-
sort, who joined the league with the
whole of Brittany, the parliament of
Rennes excepted. In a word, his condi-
tion was desperate: he found his domi-
nion reduced to very little more than the
town in which he lived, and the prediction
of his dying mother was recalled to his
mind: he was, in fact, a king without a
kingdom. He had been uniform in his
haired and opposition to the Protestants:
he had refused on several occasions to
accept of their services on more equal
terms: he was now compelled to join
them, for his personal safety.
CHAPTER XLI.
ileview of the Affairs of the Huguenots — Meeting at
Rodie He— Reconciliation between Henry III. arid the
King of Navarre — Attack upon Tours by the Duke of
Mayenne — Paris invested by the Royal Annies.
The important events, which in the
course of 1588 succeeded each other with
such rapidity at Paris and at Blois have
excluded the affairs of the Huguenots
from our attention : it will therefore be ne-
cessary to revert to the early part of that
year, when we left the King of Navarre
in rather unfortunate circumstances, in
consequence of the dispersion of his Ger-
man auxiliaries. It was useless for him
to attempt keeping the field with his small
force, and he retired to Rochelle, where
his little court was occupied with his pri-
vate affairs, and particularly with a mar-
riage which he then contemplated with
the Countess of Guiche. His faithful ad-
visers succeeded in convincing him that
in his situation such a measure might be-
an important post, on account of its vicinity
to Rochelle. Navarre made a spirited
effort to relieve the garrison, but in vain.
In the month of June he attacked it with
success, and expelled the troops placed
there by Laverdin. On the day the prin-
cipal attack was made, the Huguenots
were discerned to be at prayer, and the
garrison directly exclaimed to one ano-
ther, " They are at prayers, and wilt beat
us as at Courtras :" this prediction may
in a measure have been realized by then-
own dejection.*
Later in the summer an expedition was
planned for taking the town of St. Lazare,
at the mouth of the Loire. Duplessis-
Mornay was to conduct the maritime ope-
rations, and the King of Navarre was to
lead the land forces. The troops were to
embark at Beauvoir, and Navarre set out
in that direction. But some time was
lost in a fruitless attempt to take Clisson,
a fortified town in his route, and when he
arrived at Beauvoir, in the beginning of
October, the wind prevented his getting
out. To compensate for the disappoint-
ment, he resolved on laying siege to the
castle of that place, which was held by the
Catholics, and was well garrisoned and
fortified.!
The castle was well defended, which
compelled the besiegers to make great ex-
ertions ; and the King of Navarre was
always in the most dangerous and difficult
posts. On one occasion, he was out sur-
veying the surrounding country, and Vil-
leserin, the commander of the castle, placed
forty-five men in ambush on the road by
which the King of Navarre would return.
When he was within thirty paces walking
carelessly and conversing with D'Aubigne,
all those men started up, and levelled their
come an insuperable impediment in ob- .
. ■ . ,. . v, . , .. pieces at him. The King of Navarre s
taming bis rights to the crown after the ,. , . ,. . , , ° , ., ,
, ,,° , XT e TTT , . . ; , . attendants immediately placed themselves
death of Henry III., and he consented to , c .. , ,. , , J\ u- i
,. ,, c before him, and shielded his person : and
adjourn the discussion for the space of two ! ^e r
years. In the interval a change tookj,
place in his sentiments, and he never re-| .[,
£ , .. . . . ', ~ . c with great precipitation, and did but little
newed the subiect — the Countess of ~. m, TT . L
l execution
Guiche, in fact, had been superseded in j
)e and support of the Huguenots, fired
by the Marchioness of i ^ ., ,. .
J Catholics to
The Huguenots very soon be-
came the assailants, and compelled the
retreat. This circumstance
his affections
Guierchevi e. |w afterwards of great utility to the Hu
The death of the Prince of Conde had I .„,...& lL. : c .
afforded an opportunity to Laverdin, a
Catholic commander, to attack Marans,
guenots, for when the governor found
there was no chance of any help being
* Hist, des Amours du Grand Jllcandre, at the begin- 176
ning. D'Aubigne, Mem. p. 123.
* Mem. de Duplessie, vol. i. p. 855. Cayel, liv. 1, p.
| Mem. de la Ligue, vol. ii. p. 526.
THE HUGUENOTS MEET AT ROCHELLE.
239
sent to him, he offered to capitulate as the
best way of avoiding Navarre's resent-
ment for his recent attempt. The Duke
of Nevers, soon after coming into the pro-
vince with his army, compelled the Hu-
guenots to abandon their original design
on St. Lazare. Navarre strengthened the
garrisons of the different surrounding
towns, and returned again to Rochelle.*
While the states-general were assem-
bled at Blois, the Huguenots held a meet-
ing of their churches at Rochelle. The
deputies met on the 12th of November.!
The ministers did not fail to reproach the
King of Navarre with his improper con-
duct, and with his prodigality to his Ca-
tholic friends, while he permitted his ser-
vants of the reformed religion to suffer
terpoise. St. Gelais commanded the party :
they approached the town very silently,
and having placed their petards for burst-
ing the gate, the ladders were set against
the wall. The order preserved on this
occasion could be equalled only by the re-
solution displayed. On their arrival the
moon shone bright, and they were obliged
to lie concealed, waiting on the frozen
ground till the moon was down : on placing
the ladders at the foot of the wall, a senti-
nel called out Qui va la? but the silence
they observed, and their adroitness in con-
cealing themselves was such that they
could hear the sentinel tell the patrol of
the guard that he had heard some noise,
but that it was nothing. Soon after they
succeeded in mounting the wall, and the
extreme indigence: they charged him with petards being discharged against the gate
having sold the isle of Oleron to the Ca-
tholics; and they dwelt with severity upon
his shameless incontinence.]; But the si-
tuation of affairs would not admit of the
Huguenots being at variance with Na-
varre, nor could he dispense with their
services, and the meeting was brought to
unanimity by the proposal to send a de-
putation to Blois. The request addressed j
to the states-general was, that the king
should restore to them (exiles for their re-
ligion) the privileges granted by the edict
of January, 1561; that they should be re-
instated in the enjoyment of their property
and estates ; and that a national council
should be assembled, when the doctors of
both parties might in perfect safety calmly
discuss the differences of their opinions,
and solemnly decide upon the result. §
The temper of the majority of the deputies
at the states-general destroyed all chance
of this request obtaining any considera-
tion ; and its presentation only served to
stimulate the more violent leaguers.
The King of Navarre was at St. Jean-
d'Angely when he received the intelligence
of Guise's death, on the third day after it
had taken place. He was then engaged
in an attack upon Niort; and, to the sur-
prise of several of his officers, the news
caused no change in his operations. The
Duke of Nevers was besieging Ganache,
a town held by the Huguenots, and this
enterprise was considered a sort of coun-
* Cayet, liv. l, p. 87. D'Aubigne, vol. iii. p. 129, et
scq.
t Mem. de la Ligue. vol. ii. p. 529.
t D'Aubigne, vol. iii. p. J33.
} Hist, dee Derniers Troubles, liv. 4, p. 138.
at the same time made an entrance for the
rest of the party, and the town was com-
pletely in their possession after a short
struggle. Five large and some small
guns were found in the place.*
Ganache in the mean time was well de-
fended. After a cannonade of four days,
the Duke of Nevers ordered an assault,
which the besieged repulsed with great
finnness.f Navarre had set out to relieve
the place, but was seized with a sudden
illness, which at one time was so violent
that his death was generally reported.
His complaint was a pleurisy, with a vio-
lent fever, and he was taken ill at a vil-
lage, where no medical assistance could
be had for two days.J The Duke of Ne-
vers having offered favourable terms, and
the besieged seeing no chance of being
succoured, a capitulation was agreed to,
and the garrison evacuated the town,
taking with them their arms arid baggage.Q
During the King of Navarre's illness, the
Duke of Nevers had returned to Blois, as
his presence there was likely to be more
useful to the King of France. On his re-
covery he proposed to attack Brouageand
Saintes, which he could then do with ad-
vantage, as the king's forces in those parts
were very trifling. But Duplessis-Mornay
opposed his plan: "It is very well," said
he, "if we are to grow old in these marshes;
but if you are ever to be King of France,
* 28 Dec. 1588. Cayet, liv. ], p. 1 14- Hist, des Der-
niers Troubles, liv. 4, p. 155. D'Aubigne, vol. iii. p.
157. De Thou, liv. 94.
t Jan. 1589.
% Mem. cle Duplessis, vol. i. p. 883.
§ Mem. de la Ligue, vol. ii. p. 552. Mem. de Nevers.
vol. i. p. 878. De Thou, liv. 94. Cayet, liv. 1, p. 136.
240
THE KING RECONCILED WITH NAVARRE.
you must direct your views elsewhere. ! should think no more of his differences
The shortest of those sieges will detain 'in that quarter; that he was insulted by
you two months, and during that time the courts of Spain and Rome, and was
France will be lost. But take the field I in danger of suffering in his own person,
with all your troops and cannon, attempt1 what had been done to his effigy in Paris
something of consequence, go towards the : and Toulouse; that by availing himself
Loire and attack such places as Saumur. j of the help of the Huguenots, he could
The king, pressed on both sides, will not carry into effect his old threat of making
venture to treat with Mayenne, his hands 1 use of one enemy to be avenged upon ano-
being stained with the blood of his brothers, 1 ther;* and that such a measure was not
and he will be forced to throw himself unprecedented, for many Catholic kings
into your arms."* jand emperors had made use of infidels
Navarre was convinced by this reason- and heretics against their enemies,
ing; and, in order to make the King of These arguments induced the king to
France more ready to join him, he pub- consent to a treaty .f
lished a manifesto addressed to the three . The Duke of Epernon informed Na-
estates of the kingdom, in which he so- varre of the king's willingness to con-
lemnly called upon them to quit the league, 1 elude a treaty, and Sully was sent to
and warned them, that if they persisted in court incognito.} Henry repeated to that
their rebellion, he was resolved, if the messenger, that he wished to unite him-
king called upon him, to take the field in self with the King of Navarre: Sully,
his behalf, and he hoped by divine help to] however, being aware of the King's fic-
frustrate their designs: he publicly offered kle disposition, asked for a letter to his
his protection to all towns and persons
who would renounce their connexion with
the league, promising that there should be
nothing changed in the police or in reli-
gion. He afterwards deplored the neces-
sity of bearing arms in civil war: " would
master, which Henry refused to give.
"For fear lest it should fall into the
hands of the legate, or the Duke of Ne-
vers; and that, notwithstanding his good
will to him, he could not prevent his fall-
ing into their hands, if they discovered
to God!" said he, "that I had never been [that he had come to Tours." Stiil the
a captain, since my apprenticeship was to' assurances he gave to Sully, arid the
be made at the expense of France. I am
ready to ask peace of my lord the king;
repose for his kingdom and for mine. I
have often been summoned to change my
religion, but how 1 — with a dagger at my
throat ! If you simply desire my salvation,
I thank you; but if you desire my conver-
sion because you are afraid lest at some
time I should constrain you, you are
wrong."t
A reconciliation with Navarre was pro-
posed to Henry III. by some of his ad-
visers, but his aversion to the Huguenots
prevented him from listening to it. He
preferred purchasing an ignominious
peace of the League; and had written to
that effect to "the Duke of Lorrain. At
last his council convinced him that he
could no longer delay coming to some
decision, for he would soon find himself
alone between the two factions: that he
had done more to pacify the pope than
anv king had done before, and therefore
firmness with which he addressed him,
satisfied the King of Navarre, who from
that time discontinued his hostile ope-
rations. "Return," said he' to Sully,"
" and take my letters to him, for I fear
neither Morosin, nor Nevers."§
The Duchess of Angouleme, Henry's
natural sister, was the person who con-
tributed principally to the. conclusion of
a treaty: she was highly esteemed by
both parties, and persuaded each to make
concessions, which at first were positive-
ly refused. || Mornay concluded a treaty
on the 3rd of April, which stipulated
that there should be a truce between the
two kings for twelve months; that they
should make a war in concert against the
league; and that the Huguenots should
have Saumur, an important passage "on
* Vie de Mornay, p. 127.
t Mathieu, liv. 8, p. 734. It was dated 4th March,
1589.
* De inimicis meis, vindicabo inimicos mr.os, an expres-
sion which Henry frequently made use of.
■f Davila, liv. 10. Maimbourg, Hist, dc la Ligue, vol.
ii. p. 159.
t Although he was styled Rosny for several years after
this period. I have uniformly called him by the name
most familiar to us.
$ Sully, liv. 3.
J Cayet, liv. 1, p. 165.
MEETING BETWEEN THE KING AND NAVARRE.
241
the Loire. It was also agreed that the
treaty should not be made public till a
considerable time after.* Henry was
averse to the cession of Saumur, but the
discussion was given up, in consequence
of his discovering that Du Guast, who
held the castle of Amboise, was in treaty
with the League; their emissaries having
persuaded him that the king had accused
him at Rome of having sacrificed the
Cardinal of Guise to his private resent-
ment; and it became necessary to pacify
him, and separate his prisoners. At the
same time, the king learned that a plot
was in agitation to gain the city of Tours
for the league; emissaries had spread a
report that" the place was to be delivered
to the Huguenots, and the sedition was
appeased with difficulty .t
The pope's legate and the Spanish
ambassador were indignant when they
heard that negotiations were carrying on
with the Huguenots: the former made a
remonstrance, and the latter abruptly
quitted the court, and fixed his residence
at Paris.t As the king had assured the
legate that he had not consented to treat
with the Huguenots, until he was com-
pelled by the obstinacy of the pope in
refusing him absolution, and the refusals
of the Lorrain princes to come to some
arrangement, the legate entreated him to
grant a delay of ten days, in which he
might try to bring the Duke of Mayenne
to terms. He offered, in the king's name,
the government of Burgundy, and forty
thousand crowns per annum to Mayenne,
who was also to have the disposal of all
vacant places in that province: the young
Duke of Guise was offered the govern-
ment of Champagne, with a pension of
twenty thousand crowns. But he could
make no impression on Mayenne, al-
though for two days he endeavoured to
persuade him to accept the king's offers.
In speaking of the king, Mayenne con-
stantly called him a wretch, and declared
that he would not listen to any proposal
from a perfidious man, who had neither
faith nor honour: that he never would
trust to the word of him, who had so
cruelly murdered his brothers, and vio-
lated not only the public faith, but also
the oath he had made upon the holy sa-
* Mem. de Duplessis, vol. i. p. 897. D'Aubignc, vol.
iii. p. 168.
t Davila, liv. 10. J Ibid.
21
crament. The legate, finding lie could
not succeed with the Duke of Mayenne,
was as unwilling to remain with the
king, as to encourage the rebellious
leaguers: he therefore decided on quit-
ting France, and soon after went to
Rome, to give an account of his lega-
tion.*
The two kings met in the park of
Tours, on the 30th of April, amidst the
acclamations of an immense multitude.
The King of Navarre was some time in
deciding whether he should trust his per-
son to him who was an avowed enemy
of the Protestants; but as Catherine de
Medicis and the Duke of Guise no
longer existed, he banished all suspicion
from his mind. As he approached Tours,
he stopped on the banks of the river
Cher, and conversed with his gentlemen
before he crossed it. Several of his old
captains were averse to his going: they
argued, that so desperate were the king's
affairs, that he would be glad to obtain
the pope's absolution, even by sacrificing
the life of the King of Navarre. They
would not consent to expose him on the
promise of a prince whose word could
not be trusted.f At length Navarre broke
the conversation, by saying, " Come on,
the resolution is taken; we must not
think any more about it." He crossed
the river immediately, and went to meet
the King of France.!
Henry had waited some time for bis
arrival, and showed great displeasure at
the suspicions entertained by Navarre's
friends. The crowd was so great, that it
was some time before they could ap-
proach: when they met, the King of Na-
varre went on his knee; but Henry III.
raised him up, called him his dear bro-
ther, and embraced him several times,
while the people shouted Vivent les
i?oi's.§ They separated in the evening;
but early next day, Navarre visited the
king in his chamber, accompanied only
by a page: this mark of confidence com-
pletely dissipated every unfavourable
feeling in Henry's mind. The King of
Navarre derived equal satisfaction; and
wrote to Mornny, " The ice has been
broken, not without a number of warn-
ings, that if I went it would cost my
* Maimbouie, Hist, de la Ligur, vol. ii. pp. 160 — 1)5.
t De Thou, liv. 95. Le Grain, liv. 4. Pere rile, liv. 1.
j Sully, liv. 3.
5 Cayet, liv. 1, p. 186. De Thou, liv. 95.
242
DANGER OF THE KING.
life."* Mornay replied, " Sire, you
have done what you ought to do, but
what no one could have advised you to
do."t
The greatest unanimity pervaded the
two armies; Catholics and Huguenots
forgot their injuries, and different nobles,
who were at variance, agreed to lay aside
their disputes, and unite to serve the
king. The war had commenced in Nor-
mandy, by the Duke of Montpensier be-
sieging Falaise, held by the League; and
Mayenne on his side had obtained pos-
session of Vendome. This movement
made it probable that he would attack
Tours; and it was fortunate for the King
of France that he had been joined by the
Huguenots; but for their assistance, he
would have been made a prisoner by the
leaguers. Mayenne had agents even
among the king's personal attendants: he
received information of the reconciliation
between him and Navarre, and also of
the weak state of the guards at Tours;
and his aim was to get possession of
Henry's person before the Huguenots
had all arrived, for the King of Navarre
had gone to meet the infantry of his
army. Some of the courtiers, who were
hours, obtained possession of it. The
town seemed likely to fall into his power,
and Henry's condition was desperate.
Crillon, at the head of the infantry, made
an obstinate stand against the assailants,
and boldly disputed every inch of ground.
But the duke's force was too great to be
driven back; and, in addition, he re-
ceived a reinforcement of cavalry which
the Chevalier d'Aumale brought to him.
The only chance of preserving the town
then rested on the defence of the bridge.
Cannon were placed upon it, but the
hatred which animated the leaguers was
fiercer than the fire from the batteries,
and they advanced to the foot of the
bridge, where a furious combat took
place. Henry fought there with great
valour. He did not fail to encourage
those around him, for every thing de-
pended on their exertion. " On your
bravery this day," said he, " depends the
fate of your unhappy king." By won-
derful efforts of courage, the defence was
prolonged till evening, when Chatillon
arrived with five hundred chosen men,
sent forward by the King of Navarre,
who had received the news of Mayenne's
attack, and was hastening on with his
in confederacy with Mayenne, engaged to | main body. This seasonable reinforce
persuade the king" to take a ride, when ment arrested the progress of the assail
an ambuscade would be prepared to seize
him; If that plan failed, Mayenne was
immediately to attack one of the suburbs
of Tours, and draw thither the King's
forces; the leaguers in the city were then
to take arms, seize on the principal posts,
and shut the gates before the king could
return: it would then be hardly possible
for him to escape. On the night of the
seventh of May, the duke marched eleven
leagues, and early the following morning
he posted some cavalry at the spot agreed
upon. The king went out on horseback,
accompanied by those who were in the
secret, and was proceeding direct to the
place of ambush, when a miller called out
to him, " Go back, Sire ! your enemies
are close at hand." The king turned his
horse, galloped back to Tours, and im-
mediately gave orders for putting the
town in a state of defence.!
Mayenne attacked the faubourg St.
Symphorian, and after fighting for several
* Mem. de Duplessis, vol. i. p. 901.
+ Vie de Mornay, p. 135.
J Cayet, liv. 1, pp. 180 187.
ants; and other troops arriving the next
day, the Duke of Mayenne thought fit
to retire.*
It is said that when the leaguers saw
the Huguenots, they called out to them,
" Retire, white scarfs! Retire, Chatillon!
We are not against you, but against your
father's murderers!" But the Huguenots
were not deceived: Chatillon called out
in reply that they were traitors, and that
when the service of his prince and the
state was concerned, he laid aside all
private interests.! The royalists lost
near four hundred men in defending the
place, while the leaguers had not more
than a hundred killed. The Duke of
Mayenne glutted his vengeance on the
dead body of St. Mallin, one of those
who had murdered his brother. The
hands and head were cut off; the body
was hung up by the heels; and the head
was ordered to be put up at Montfaucon,
with a notice stating, that he had ordered
him to be put to death, and that the body
* Davila, liv. 10.
t Journal de Henri III., and D'Aubigne.
HENRY III. BEFORE PARIS.
243
ought to be accompanied by that of Hen-
ry III., the author of the murder. The
troops committed dreadful excesses in the
faubourg: they robbed all the churches,
and subjected the women and girls to
violence.*
The historian De Thou was at Tours
at the time, and confirms the preceding J
statement in a great measure; but he ex-
presses his doubts of Mayenne having
killed St. Mallin in the way he announced
it. He says that he and Chatillon con-
versed a great deal with the inhabitants
about what they had seen and experi-
enced, and that not one of them men-
tioned the execution. Mayenne's bulle-j
tin contains many things which were
proved to be false; among others that
Crillon and Rubeaupre were killed, and
that Marshal d'Aumont was dangerously
wounded: it is not, therefore, surprising;
that he should have exaggerated a state- !
ment calculated to make him popular
with the league.f
From the time Henry had been joined
by the King of Navarre, his affairs took a |
different turn ; and the bravery he dis- j
played in the defence of Tours was a
comfort to his real friends, who feared
that all his energy was extinct. Manyj
persons now joined his party, who had |
kept aloof while they considered his cause
hopeless; and many places which had
joined the league again returned to their
duty. Several towns in the Orleannais
submitted to him ; Poissy, Meulan, and
Estampes were reduced ; and, in capitu-
lating, they declared they wanted no
other security than Navarre's word,
which was worth more than the written
promises of Henry III. Senlis also had
declared in favour of the king on the ar-
rival of Thore ; and the Duke of Aumale
sustained a defeat by La Noue, while he
was occupied in besieging it :i the Duke
of Montpensier had likewise been suc-
cessful in Normandy. Still the king was
desirous of going farther from Paris, and
it required great persuasion to keep him
from retiring to Limoges. \
While he was at Estampes he received
intelligence of the papal excommunica-
tion having been issued against him : he
regretted it very much, for having always
* Davila, liv. 10. Journal de Henri III.
tDeThou, liv. 95.
j Amirault, p. 338.
5 Cayet, liv. 1, p. 207—212. D'Aubigne, vol. iii. p
171. Brantome, vol. ix. p. 333. Davila, liv. 10.
exerted himself for the religion, he con-
sidered it unjust to be excommunicated
because he would not be murdered by
rebellious subjects ; while others who had
sacked Rome, and imprisoned the pope
himself, had not been so treated. " Sire,"
said Navarre to him, " those persons were
victorious, and for that reason your ma-
jesty should strive to be conqueror, for
then your absolution will follow as a mat-
ter of course; but if we are overcome, we
shall all die heretics and excommuniT
cate."*
The persuasions of the king of Na-
varre, and the great change in 'the state of
his affairs, decided Henry to attempt the
siege of Paris. Sancy had been into
Switzerland, and was on his march to
join him with a large body of troops le-
vied there.t The royal army amounted
altogether to near forty-thousand men.
Pontoise was taken on the twenty-fifth of
July, and a few days after they took pos-
session of the bridge of St. Cloud, where
Henry III. fixed his head-quarters. As
he surveyed Paris from the height, he is
said to have given vent to his feelings,
and to have vowed complete vengeance
against that rebellious city.f The King
of Navarre took his quarters at Meudon,
and spread his forces along the south
side of the city as far as Charenton. The
leaguers were in the greatest perplexity,
for at the sight of the royal army many
concealed royalists had declared them-
selves openly: a general attack was de-
cided upon, and it was to be made in a
few days ; but in the interval Henry was
assassinated.
CHAPTER XLII.
Assassination of Henry III. by James Clement — Acces-
sion of Henry IV.
The approach of the two kings to Pa-
ris filled the league with alarm. The
army was reduced by desertions. The
Duke of Mayenne had taken every pos-
sible measure for making a good defence,
and bastions were thrown up, and
trenches were dug, for that purpose ; but
as there were numbers of persons in the
* Davila, liv. 10.
t Cayet, liv. 1, p. 210. De Thou, liv. 96. Discours de
Harlay de Sancy, p. 38. This piece is inserted in Ville-
roy, vol. v.
% Davila, liv. 10.
244
ASSASSINATION OF HENRY III.
city, who, being only retained by fear
from declaring their opinions, would be
sure to join the king when he presented
himself, very little hope was entertained
of repelling the expected attack. As a
last resource, Mayenne had decided on
dashing into the ranks of the royal army
with a body of devoted followers, and if
escape should then appear impracticable,
he resolved to seek in a glorious death a
refuge from the disgrace which appeared
almost inevitable.* The ecclesiastics re
doubled their efforts to inflame the pub-
lic mind, and inspire that enthusiasm
which the emergency required. The
preachers had for a long time declared
that it would be meritorious in any one
to assassinate the tyrant ; and, from the
time, the two kings had met at Tours,
that abominable notion had mote earn-
estly been dwelt upon. The success
which attended the king's operations in
June and July appeared likely to restore
him to the exercise of his authority: their
own safety, therefore, made them seek
for some bold or fanatical spirit, who
would execute the horrible commission.
A young Dominican, named James
Clement, distinguished for his violent
enthusiasm, even amongst the most en-
thusiastic of the League, was the person
they employed. His passions were
strong, his principles libertine, and his
fanaticism unequalled. He constantly
went armed in the processions; and, as
lie was vehement in calling for war
against the heretics, he obtained the
name of Captain Clemen!. He was
fully imbued with the blind zeal of his
party; and as he looked upon Henry III.
as a murderer, anathematized by the
church, he wanted but little to excite
him to the task. His brother monks, fear-
ing he might grow cool, and reflect upon
the enormity of the crime in contempla-
tion, made use of the following stratagem.
An opening was made in his cell, and, in
the night, a man surrounded with a blaze
of light, descended and woke up Cle-
ment. Surprise and agitation prevented
him from recognising either the figure or
the voice of the person, who was pro-
bably a brother monk, for it would have
been dangerous to intrust the secret to a
stranger. It appeared to Clement to be
* Davila, liv. 10.
really an angel, as it was also publicly
declared to be by the Dominican monks.*
" James !" said he, " I am the messen-
ger of the Almighty, come to inform thee
that the tyrant of France is to die by thy
hand: the martyr's crown is prepared for
thee, prepare thyself also." The phan-
tom then disappeared. Clement was
unable fully to comprehend this vision,
and in the morning went to the prior of
his convent, Father Burgoing: "a man,"
says the writer before quoted, " very
scientific, and well versed in the holy
scriptures." After relating frankly what
he had seen, Clement asked the prior if
it would be offensive to God to kill a
king who had no religion, and who
sought to oppress his poor subjects,
thirsting after innocent blood, and
abounding in every possible vice. Bur-
going told him, "That, in reality, we
were forbidden by God to commit homi-
cide; but as the kingin question was a man
set apart from the church, practising ex-
ecrable tyrannies, and who seemed bent
on being an eternal scourge to France,
he considered that whosoever put him to
death would do a very holy and com-
mendable thing." He then directed his
attention to Judith, Ehud, and Jael; and
compared the deliverance which would
result from it to that of Israel from
Egypt.
Clement's resolution being confirmed,
he prepared for the king's assassination
by fasting and prayers. On one occa-
sion, when he was praying in the church,
some monks, concealed behind the prin-
cipal altar, called out to him through a
tube — " James Clement ! kill the king 1"
No doubt could any longer exist as to the
authority of his holy mission : he con-
fessed, and took the sacraments, and then
presented himself to the Dukes of May-
enne and Aumale, who were far from
disapproving of his project.!
But the Duchess of Montpensier no
sooner heard of it than she sent for Cle-
ment. She had maintained her boldness
when the heads of the League were trem-
bling with apprehension; and she con-
tributed very essentially to keep Clement
* Discoiira veritable de reshanije et subite mort <le
Henri lie Valnis, advenue par permission divine, lui
Hslant A Si. Clou, &c. Par un religieux de l'orore des
Jacobins.— Troyes. J589.
28',
\ Hist, de la Sorbonne, par TAbb<j Duvernet, vol. ii. p.
BY JAMES CLEMENT.
245
to the resolutions he had formed. Cle-
ment frequently visited the duchess, and
she soon observed how sensible he was
to the allurements of pleasure. A beau-
tiful woman, a princess, sister of two
martyrs, who displayed all her attractions
to gain his complete devotion, could not
fail of captivating the senses of the young
monk. He related to her his vision,
and the different calls he had received
from Heaven for the work, adding, that
his confessor had conjured him to yield
to the divine inspiration, but that he had
delayed executing his commission on ac-
count of an angel telling him to wait till
the tyrant came before he gave the blow.
The duchess is stated to have addressed
him in a most eloquent manner, appeal-
ing by turns to his fanaticism, his ambi-
tion, and his passions. She entreated
him to take pity on France, and save the
nation from heretics and idolaters, by a
number of measures which she proposed
should be adopted: his death, she ob-
served, was by no means certain, and
that, after such an exploit, a cardinal's
hat would be the certain recompense from
the church; while heavenly laurels would
assuredly reward him if he perished.*
It is plainly hinted by many writers
that the duchess obtained Clement's pro-
mise to commit this crime, by yielding
to the violence of his passion: it was not,
however, the interest of that princess to
gratify his desires: she might have given
him a promise, in order to stimulate him
to the work; but upon that we can only
form conjectures, for Clement had no
time to boast of his good fortune, and the
duchess is not likely to have been her
own accuser.
A monk named Mergy was employed
to buy the knife that was to be used on
the occasion, and which was consecrated
with considerable ceremony. t A letter
from the president Harlay was procured
to serve as an introduction for Clement:
it is, however, a matter of doubt whether
it was really that person's writing, ob-
tained under some pretence or a forgery.
It has been said that a packet, addressed
to the king, was brought out of the Bas-
tille, by a monk who officiated in that
prison; and that, on the proposal of
* De Thou, liv. 96, at large. Davila, liv. 10. Lacre-
telle. Hist, ties Ouerres de Religion.
+ Hist, de la Sorbonne, vol. li. p. 29.
Bussy-le-Clerc, it was resolved that
Clement should be the bearer of it. " Let
the worst happen," said one of the Six-
teen, " it will only be the hanging of a
monk."* But the account which was
addressed to a friend by La Guesle, at-
torney-general to the parliament, gives
the substance of the letter brought by
Clement, and it has every appearance of
being a fabrication. t He was also sup-
plied with a passport signed by the
Count de Brienne.i
Thus furnished, Clement set out for
St. Cloud, the last day of July, 1589;
well-satisfied, if he succeeded in stabbing
the king, that he should have the mar?
tyr's crown, or a bishopric, and the fa-
vours of the Duchess of Montpensier.
The Jesuits took considerable interest in
this undertaking: Clement was a great
deal with them, and some of them accom-
panied him a short distance out of Paris,
when he set out for the royal cam p. j He
was stopped by the picquets of the King
of Navarre's arm}' ; but as he declared he
had letters for his majesty, he was al-
lowed to pass on. At St. Cloud he ad-
dressed the Duke of Angouleme,|| who
told him that he could not see the king:
he was afterwards referred to La Guesle,
who questioned him at length. IT Cle-
ment made a plausible tale, which how-
ever ought not to have deceived him so
completely: for as he knew the president
Harloy was in the Bastille, he might have
confused the monk by his inquiries; the
necessity of extreme caution in allowing
him to approach the king would then
have been apparent.
The substance of Clement's account
was, that the king's faithful subjects in
the city could not openly act in his be?
half; but that whenever his majesty came
to Paris they would be ready to seize
one of the gates and admit him: he added,
that he had further information, which
he could only communicate to the king
himself in private. La Guesle went to
inform the king of what he had heard,
and sent Clement to sup with his ser-
* Mist, des Conspirations des Jesuites.
f Journal de Henri III.
| Mathieu, liv. 8, p. 772.
§ Anti Cotlon, p. 84. The writer of which declares
it to he a fact known to two thousand persons then
living (A. D. 1610.)
|| Natural son of Charles IX. by Marie Touchet : at
this time he was only Count d' Aiivergne, hut in history
he is best known under his superior title.
IT Mathieu, liv. 8, p. 773.
21*
246
DEATH OF HENRY III.
vants, where he ate heartily, and an-
swered their various questions with great
coolness, although they were chiefly in
allusion to his attempt.* After supper
he fell into a sound sleep, when some
one had the curiosity to examine his
breviary, which lay beside him: it was
open at the history of Judith, which part
had become soiled from frequent use.
This circumstance was sufficient to cre-
ate suspicion, but his profound sleep
quieted those who were charged to
watch him.t
Although the kin<r had received a note a
few days previous, warning him against an
attempt on his life, he persisted in giving
Clement an audience the next morning.];
The monk stated that his communication
could not be made in the presence of any
other than the king: La Guesle and Belle-
garde, however, refusing to leave the room,
Henry took Clement aside to a window.
He went on his knee to present the letter
of introduction to the king, who inclined
his head to hear the confidential commu-
nication. Clement took the opportunity
to plunge his knife into the king's abdo-
men. " Wretch !" said Henry, drawing
the knife from the wound, " what have I
dono that you should assassinate me ?"
and as he spoke he stabbed the murderer
in tlte face. La Guesle ran to the spot,
and struck Clement with his sword; the
noise brought in some attendants, who
immediately despatched the miscreant, al-
though La Guesle exhorted them to take
him alive.§ The body was then exposed,
in order to be recognised, for many
thought it was some soldier of the League
disguised as a monk; and the historian
Mathieu relates, " That if he had not
been recognised by Francis Dumont and
some others, there were many persons
who would have contended it was some
Huguenot. "|| There can, however, exist
no doubt of Clement's identity. The
Dominican, who has already been men-
tioned, details the treatment which his
dead body received: it was torn asunder
by four horses, and afterwards burned.
" But his soul," he adds, " did not fail to
* Lottre de M. La Guesle, and Davila, liv. 10.
+ Hist, de laSorbonne. vol. It. p. ,')0.
I Pasquier, vol. ii p 409. Crammbnt, a leaguer, met
the Duke d'Aneonutme tbe day before, and seeing Inm
clu>erf . I, said, "To-morrow you will not be so merry."—
jyfcm. da Due d'Anguulemc, p. 3.
§ Lettre de M. La Guesle.
|| Malliieu, liv. 8, p. 774.
ascend to heaven with the blessed: as to
that of Henry of Valois, I refer to what
is known of him, and leave the judgment
to God. You have now before you the
account of the death of Henry of Valois;
and how opportunely this poor monk
undertook our deliverance, not fearing
death, if he could give liberty to the
church and the people. I pray God that
the same may befall all those who are
against the Catholic religion, and who
now unlawfully besiege us. Amen."*
The king was put to bed, and his
wounds examined. At first the surgeons
pronounced them not dangerous, and let-
ters were sent off to the governors of the
provinces, containing an account of the
circumstances; that sent to Duplessis-
Mornay, governor of Saumur, has been
handed down to us. After describing the
event, the letter states: "But if it please
God, it will be nothing; and in a few
days he will give me both my former
health, and the victory over my enemies,
of which I am desirous of informing you,
both to acquaint you with the wickedness
of my enemies, and to assure you of the
hope of my speedy recovery. "t For
some time great hopes were entertained
that the wounds would not prove fatal;
but when the abdomen was examined a
second time it was found that the intes-
tines were pierced, and from that moment
the king prepared for death. His confes-
sor refused to give him absolution on ac-
count of the anathema he had incurred,
and said that he must conform to the
pope's demand before his sins could be
absolved. Henry replied, "I am the
eldest son of the Catholic, apostolic, and
Roman church, and such I wish to die.
I promise before God, and before all men,
that my chief desire is to satisfy his holi-
ness in every thing which he can wish
of me." This declaration removed the
scruples of the confessor, who gave him
absolution, and administered the sacra-
ments of the eucharist and extreme unc-
tion.J
The King of Navarre had been early
informed of the fatal event: he arrived at
St. Cloud, accompanied by twenty-five
gentlemen. § When the king's religious
* Discours veritable, &c.
t Mem. de Duplessis, vol. i. p. 026.
j Davila, liv. 10. Cayet, liv. 1, p. 223. Maimbourg,
Hist de la Ligue, liv. 3.
§ Sully, liv. 3.
ACCESSION OF HENRY IV.
247
exercises wpre concluded, his chamber-
door was thrown open, and all the no-
bility approached to hear his dying coun-
sel. He deplored the unhappy state in
which he left France; he begged they
would leave to God the vengeance of his
death; exhorted them all to be united,
and declared the King of Navarre his
legitimate successor: he recommended
also that the discussion of their religious
differences should be deferred till the
meeting of the States-general. " Adieu !
my friend," said the king in conclusion;
" turn your tears into prayers, and pray
for me." He then embraced the King of
Navarre; dwelt upon the danger there
would be for him if it became common to
assassinate kings; and concluded by ex-
horting him to renounce the Protestant
religion. " Be assured, my dear brother,"
said he, " that you will never be King of
France, unless you become a Catholic,
and humble yourself to the church."
His attendants then withdrew, and he
occupied the remainder of his moments
in religious exercises: he lived till three
o'clock the following morning, the se-
cond of August, when, as he was repeat-
ing the Miserere, he died without a strug-
gle, in the thirty-eighth year of his age,
and the fifteenth of his reign.*
The King of Navarre had retired to
Meudon after receiving the dying mo-
narch's farewell. In the middle of the
night an express arrived, to inform him
that he must hasten to St. Cloud, if he
wished to see the king any more. He
immediately took horse, and when he ar-
rived at St. Cloud the first thing he heard
was, that Henry was dead. When his
arrival was known in the place, the
Scotch guards came to offer him their
homage, and proclaim him their king.t
Henry IV. proceeded to his predecessor's
bed-side, and addressed all present, who
were indignant at the malignity of the
league in resorting to such means; while
they lamented the loss of a prince who
had been particularly kind to most of
them. The new king was very much
affected, and as he spoke, his words were
often interrupted by his sighs. "Tears,"
said he, " will not restore him to life: the
true proof of fidelity is to avenge him:
* Davila, liv. 10. Hist. des Derniers Troubles, vol. ii.
p. 7. De Thou, liv, 96.
t Sully, liv. 3.
for my part, I will sacrifice my life to it:
we are all Frenchmen, and there is no-
thing to make distinctions among us in
the duty we owe to the memory of our
king and the service of our country."*
But it was not long before Henry dis-
covered that he had yet considerable dif-
ficulties to overcome. Most of the Ca-
tholic noblemen protested against his
being acknowledged as king: some ob-
jected from scruples of conscience, but
several were in hopes of establishing an
independent authority in the provinces
or towns where they had influence.!
Henry took his two confidants, La Force
and D'Aubigne, into an adjoining room,
and asked for their advice. La Force de-
clined speaking, but D'Aubigne addressed
the king nearly as follows: — "You stand,
Sire, more in want of advice than of con-
solation: and your present conduct will
decide the remaider of your life — will
make you a king or nothing. You are
surrounded by men who tremble while
they threaten you, and who conceal their
private fears under general pretences. If
you suffer such things to influence you,
what will you not fear? And if you at-
tempt to overcome the difficulty by yield-
ing, who will not tyrannize over you ?
There are in the court and the army two
sorts of persons: those who are resolved
to support the king, and maintain his
right to the crown; and those whom the
pretext of religion makes uncertain and
doubtful; and you must not give them
time to deliberate. You are sure of the
Protestant nobility and the troops under
them. Marshal Biron and the Catholic
captains under him have no thoughts of
leaving you, for the share they had in the
death of the Guises secures them. Call
on Biron to engage the Swiss to acknow-
ledge you; despatch Givry and Humieresf
to gain partisans among the nobles of the
Isle of France and Pieardy. The Duke
of Epernon is the most influential person
in the army, but he is sure not to join the
league, who are as much his enemies as
yours. Be assured, Sire, that you have
the superiority of force, and that your
vigour and firmness will bring back every
one to his duty."§
* Mathieu, vol. ii. liv. 1, p. 5.
t I'erefixe, liv. 1.
t Charles de Himiiercs, killed at the siege of Ham,
15:»5 .
} D'Aubigni, vol. iii. p. 184.
248 DIFFICULTIES
Biron was then sent for, and the king
said to him, " The time is come, my
cousin, when your hand must help to
place the crown on my head. It will ill
suit both your disposition and mine, for
rae to animate you by solicitations. I
entreat you at once to persuade the Swiss
to take the oath of allegiance to me ; then
come and serve me, as a father and a
friend."* Biron went immediately, and,
with Sancy's assistance, had less diffi-
culty than he had anticipated, although
two-thirds of them were Catholics. The
Swiss, moreover, agreed to defer the pay-
ment of their wages for some time, as the
king's finances were in a very crippled
state.f
The Catholic nobility, in the mean
lime, had held a consultation: some were
for demanding the king's immediate con-
version, and others were satisfied with
his promise of abjuring within a given
time.t Some were desirous of prohi-
biting the exercise of the reformed reli-
gion, while more tolerant measures were
recommended by others. They had con-
siderable difficulty in coming to an agree-
ment upon the proposals they should
make to the king: at last the Seigneur
D'O was appointed to speak their senti-
ments. He told the king that the no-
blesse were all willing to acknowledge
him for their sovereign if he would em-
brace the Catholic religion; intimated
that they would prefer death to having a
Huguenot for their king, and declared
that his right to the crown depended on
his professing the ancient faith: he also
added, that there was no fear of alienating
the Huguenots from his cause, as they
would be contented with the exercise of
their religion. This proposition was
very complimentary to the loyalty of the
Protestants; but Henry IV. had too much
honour thus to abandon the companions
of his distress: his religion was far from
being fervent — it sat but lightly on him,
as his libertine principles prove, and he
could then, as he did afterwards, have
gone to mass without many scruples of
conscience — but his soul was above a
meanness, even to obtain a crown. He
answered the deputation with spirit, re-
* Ibid. p. 185.
t Branlome. vol. IX. p 150. De Thou, liv. 97. Dis-
coura de Harlay de Saucy, p. 43. Bassompierre, JVsur.
Mem. p. 49.
t Discours de Harlay de Sancy, p. 51.
OF HENRY IV.
proached them with their disregard of the
late king's dying injunctions, and asked
what opinion they could have of him, to
expect he could change his religion so
suddenly ? Should he then be worthy of
their confidence ? He gave them to un-
derstand that the subject should be ma-
turely deliberated in the states-general, or
in a national council, to the decisions of
which he would submit. In the mean
time he hoped he should be supported by
all Catholics who loved their country or
their honour; and that all those who
would not have a little patience, had his
free permission to retire where they
pleased.*
As Henry finished speaking, Givry
entered, and, after kissing his hand, an-
nounced the adhesion of the army, who
had proclaimed him their king. " Sire!"
said he, " you are the sovereign of the
brave, and will be abandoned only by
cowards."| This circumstance hastened
the decision of many of the Catholics,
who had expected to force the king to
make great concessions. The Dukes of
Montpensier and Angouleme had not
concealed their ill humour, notwithstand-
ing their connexion with the crown; and
the latter would scarcely deign to salute
the king.i But when Henry's friends
appeared sufficiently numerous to main-
tain his cause, their difficulties diminished,
and they consented to acknowledge him.
on condition that he should be instructed
in the Catholic religion within six months;
that he should restore the Romish wor-
ship where it had been suppressed; that
he should place the clergy in the full en-
joyment of their property; and that he
should give no appointment to the Hu-
guenots: there were some other articles
respecting the public rights and liberties
which were matters of course. §
The warmth of some of the Huguenots
made the Catholic nobility more resolute
in requiring a positive obligation from the
king; for otherwise they feared that the
reformed religion would be encouraged,
to the destruction of their church. La
Noue endeavoured, but in vain, to per-
suade them to be reasonable. No one
could doubt the sincerity of his Protest-
antism; yet he candidly told the king,
* D'Aubizne, vol. iii. p. 185, ct seq.
t Ibid. p."l87.
t Davila, liv. 10. § Ibid.
DISPOSITION OF HIS FORCES.
249
that it would be scarcely possible for him
to obtain his rights, unless he became a
Catholic; but he insisted on the change
being made in a respectable manner, to
avoid any thing which might prejudice
those who had so long supported him.*
A number of zealous and violent Hugue-
nots, however, insisted on his remaining
with them, and contended that their party
was sufficient to establish him upon the
throne.t Duplessis was confined to his
bed at Saumur; but though he could not
personally advise his sovereign, he ad-
dressed him a memorial, accompanied
with a letter; and both reflect great credit
upon him, as a loyal servant, a skilful
politician, and a sincere Christian. "Many
difficulties," says he, " present them-
selves in your affairs, as your majesty
will perceive by my memorial: time will
clear up a part of them, and your servants
the rest. God, who has conducted you,
Sire, to the throne, will establish you
thereon: only let your majesty be grate-
ful, and ascribe to him all the glory. "J
In the memorial Duplessis writes, "The
Catholics are alarmed for their religion:
a declaration must be published to satisfy
them: the substance should announce
that there should be no innovation on the
Catholic religion; and because, on the
other hand, the Pratestants must not be
offended, certain expressions must be
agreed upon to be used, whenever they
are spoken of. It is requisite that you
should write to all the churches, and to
the governors of the places where the re-
formed religion is exercised, enjoining
them to conduct themselves more mode-
rately than ever, both in speech and be-
haviour; to repress the insolence of the
populace, and to be on terms of peace
and union with the Catholics, otherwise
in some parts there will be danger of
scandal. The regulations for the pre-
servation of the churches and relics, and
the maintenance of the service, must be
enforced more strictly than ever. His
majesty may be requested to restore the
mass at Niort and other places: that will
be a reason for granting the request of the
* Amirault is indignant that Davila should thus re-
present La None as advising abjuration. Yet it is pro-
bable that, anticipating I he obstinacy of the League, he
might regret the alternative to which it would lead ;
and therefore advised such caution on the king's part
aa would preserve the confidence of the Huguenots.
•f Davila, liv. 10.
t Mem. de Duplessis, vol. ii, p. 1,
Protestants, when they apply for liberty
of worship." The memorial recom-
mended, also, a proclamation, calling upon
all good Frenchmen to assist in punish-
ing the late king's assassination; a de-
claration, offering pardon to all who
would submit within a certain time; and
a representation to the pope, showing
him the danger to which he exposed the
see of Rome, in irritating and exasperating
him, by his bulls and anathemas. "The
example of Henry, King of England,
may be proposed to him: he was by such
means placed in the necessity of entirely
cutting off the communication between
the kingdom and the Roman see. The
(French) ambassadors should persuade
the princes, at whose courts they reside,
to send persons of distinction to salute
his majesty, as that will give him au-
thority among the people, &c."*
From the liberal sentiments which the
preceding memorial conveys, it is to be
regretted that the writer was absent. His
paper did not reach the king till after he
had concluded the affair, by taking an
oath to the conditions already mentioned.
Had Duplessis been present, he would
have had sufficient influence over his
friends to restrain the eagerness of their
demands, and much jealous feeling would
have been avoided in consequence. A
treaty, founded on these conditions, was
signed by the king on the 4th of August,
when all the nobles made a declaration of
allegiance, with the exception of the Duke
of Epernon, and Louis de L'Hopital, Mar-
quis of Vitry. Epernon retired to his
government of Saintonge, with six thou-
sand infantry, and twelve hundred horse-
men; a reduction which the king's army
could ill afford.t On leaving the camp he
told his sovereign that his conscience
would not permit him to stay;]; but it is
generally considered that his reasons
were altogether selfish. Having enjoyed
the highest distinction under Henry III.,
he could not consent to remain in an
army where his military consequence
would be eclipsed by Biron, d'Aumont,
and La Noue; he might also fear that
the king would desire the loan of part of
the immense sums he was known to have
amassed. 5 Vitry appears to have acted
* Mem. de Duplessis, vol. ii. p. 4.
t Davila, liv. 10.
1 Girard, p. 112.
J Maimbourg, Hist, de la Liguc, vol. ii. p. 119,
250
REJOICINGS OF THE LEAGUERS AT HENRY'S DEATH.
from motives really conscientous : he
joined the party of the league, but pre-
viously gave up the government of Dour-
dan, a town which the late king had con-
fided to him;* and he returned to Henry's
support directly he was informed of his
having abjured.!
The king lost no time in arranging his
affairs ; his feeling was for attacking Paris,
but his forces were so diminished, that he
could not think of making the attempt.};
For, after Epernon had quitted him, seve
ral other nobles did the same, and a con-
siderable number of the Catholic soldiers
went to their homes.J He addressed
letters to the different parliaments, ap-
pointed a time for assembling the states-
general, and sent an offer of accommoda-
tion to Mayenne, which was rejected. ||
For his military operations he consulted
with Biron, d'Aumont, La Noue, and
Montpensier. At first it was proposed to
retire beyond the Loire ; but that measure
appearing too great a concession to the
league, it was resolved that the army
should be divided into three bodies : one,
under the Duke of Longueville, to protect
Picardy from the Spaniards: another,
under Marshal d'Aumont, to be a check
upon Champagne; the third was com-
manded by the king himself, in Normandy,
to be more ready to communicate with
England. But before the forces separated,
the late king's body was carried to Com-
piegne for temporary interment. The
situation of affairs prevented its being
carried to St. Denis, and the army of the
league making preparations for taking the
field, there was no time to be lost in cere
monials: the body was, in consequence,
placed in the principal church, without
any display of pomp. The king immedi-
ately set out for Normandy, where he
made an auspicious commencement, being
joined by one Rolet, a gentleman of great
courage and experience: he immediately
took the oath of allegiance to Henry, and
gave him possession of the Pont-de-l'Arche,
which commands the river three leagues
above Rouen. IT
CHAPTER XLIII.
Rejoicings of the League at the death of Henry III.—
Battle of Arques— Attack on the suburbs of Paris.
* Perefixe, liv. 2.
t Mem. de Nevers, vol. ii p. 632.
j It was proposed to place the body of the murdered
king on the bridge of St. Cloud: as the soldiers passed
by it they were to take an oath to avenge his death;
and then set out to attack Paris. Discours de Harlaij
de Sancy, p. 5G.
§ Davila, liv. 10.
|j Villeroy, vol. i. p. 148. Davila, liv. 10.
U Davila, liv. ID. Cayet, liv. 1. Perefixe, liv. 2.
While Henry IV. was engaged in dis-
cussions with the Catholic nobility, Paris
was the scene of the most fanatical re-
joicing. It has been said that the event
was first made known to the Parisians by
the dying expression of a gentleman who
was killed in a single combat on the neu-
tral ground. Such encounters were com-
mon at this period, while hostile armies
were near each other; and John de L'Isle
Marivaut, a royalist, and Claude de Ma-
rolles, a leaguer, had agreed to break a
lance on the 2d of August.* Marivaut,
indignant at the king's assassination, went
to the place appointed, with a hope of
avenging his sovereign on the person
whom he was to encounter : he was on
the ground before the time agreed on, and
refused to use the lances brought, which,
he said, were too light. Marolles con-
sented to his using a heavier lance, but
kept a light one for himself. After the
ceremonies usual at a tournament, the
signal was given, and the champions
spurred their horses. Marivaut's superior
strength nearly threw, his antagonist from
his horse, but, being near-sighted, he could
not wear a close helmet, and received a
mortal blow by Marolles' spear going into
his eye. He did not live fifteen minutes
afterwards ; but before he expired he said,
" That even if he had been conqueror, he
should have been unhappy to have sur-
vived the king, his master." This an-
nounced to the league that Clement's
enterprise had been successful. f
In the mean time, the Duchess of Mont-
pensier was waiting with anxiety to learn
the result of the measure in which she had
taken so much interest. The delay of a
day had caused her great uneasiness.
She might fancy the monk had been ar-
rested and put to the torture : and if the
part she had taken in encouraging him
should be made known, it would be
scarcely possible for her to be protected
from the vengeance of the king, who
* The Ducde Angouleme speaks of this duel in his
memoirs: he describes Marolles as unequalled in the,
management of a lance.
f Cayet, liv. 1, p. 258. Brantome, vol. ii. p. 73. Jout-
nal de Henri IV.
JOY OF THE POPE AT HENRY'S DEATH.
251
would immediately attack the city. She
waited near the gate leading to St. Cloud,
and when the intelligence was brought to
her she repeatedly embraced the bearer
of the news. "Ah ! my friend," said she,
" is it indeed so 1 is the tyrant, is the mon-
ster dead ? I am vexed but at one thing :
that before he died, he did not know that
it was I who directed the blow."* The
people immediately gave themselves up
to an excess of joy. Hymns of thanks-
siving were sung in the churches; the
Dominicans had a Te Dexxm ; bonfires
were lighted up; and the black scarf,
which had been worn by the league since
Guise's death, was exchanged for green,
the original colour :| portraits of Clement
were exposed to the veneration of the
public: he was styled a saint and a
martyr ; and all those who bore any rela-
tionship to him were enriched by public
contributions and alms. His statue was
placed in the cathedral, with an inscrip-
tion, St. James Clement, pray for us!
His mother was treated with the greatest
distinction : she was lodged at the house
of the Duchess of Montpensier, and dined
at her table. The Pope, Sixtus V. pro-
nounced a studied panegyric on Clement:
he began his discourse with a quota-
tion from the Psalms: " This is the Lord's
doing, and it is marvellous in our eyes:"
he declared the deed to be super-human,
as so glorious a work could only be
effected by the immediate direction of the
Almighty, and placed it on a level with
the most remarkable incidents in sacred
history: at the same time he pronounced
the deceased king to be unworthy of
Christian burial. J
These were the results of a blind feeling
greatly excited, and the same people who
then joined in such outrageous conduct
would, under a change of circumstances,
go to the opposite extreme. But the
assassination of Henry III. becomes of
more importance, when it is viewed as
the result of the papal excommunication
under which he laboured. The lofty pre-
tensions of the Vatican were involved in
this affair; the pope had declared him fallen
from his dignity; and as an enemy of the
* Journal de Henri IV.
t Davila, Uv. 1(1. Mem (In Due d'Angnuleme, p. 22.
t Ihst.des DeVniere Troubles, vol. ii. p. 8 Ue Thou,
liv.9(i. Mem. de Nevers, vol. ii. p. 0. In the year J60U
Cardinal D'Ossat demanded that the regular ceremonies
should he performed.— Lettres du Cardinal D'Ossat, part
ii. p. 109.
church he might be put to death with impu-
nity. The Jesuits have stoutly defended
the reputation of this fanatic, and in a
work* published with the approbation of
Aquaviva, the general of the order, we find
the following passage: "James Clement
studied theology in a college of his order,
when, being informed that he was per-
mitted to kill a tyrant, he deeply wounded
Henry III. in the abdomen, with a poisoned
knife. Dreadful spectacle ! memorable
deed ! and of rare occurrence ; but by
which princes may learn, that the impiety
of their undertakings will not remain un-
punished ; that their authority is power-
less from the time their subjects- cease to
revere them Clement congratulated
himself in the midst of wounds and stabs,
for having by his blood secured the liberty
of his country. The assassination of the
king obtained him a great reputation*
Murder was expiated by murder ; and
the manes of the Duke of Guise, slain so
perfidiously, were avenged by the shed-
ding of royal blood. Thus perished Cle-
ment, (lie. eternal ornament of France,\
at the age of twenty-four years; a young
man of a simple character, and rather
feeble constitution ; but a greater power
supported his courage and his strength."
The pope's bull of excommunication which
declared the monarch fallen from his
throne, and thus exposed him to such an
attempt; and the decree of the Sorbonne,
which released the French from their oath
of allegiance, and declared that such an
act would be highly meritorious, may both
be attributed to the barbarous manners of
the age and the generally enslaved state
of the human mind. But the Jesuits, who
are chiefly men of extensive information,
and whose life is professedly contemplative
and devout, stilt avoid any declaration
which may condemn this murder: and it
is wonderful, that the rules of a religious
society should contain an entire chapter
on regicide. The doctrines which the
fatherg of this order taught on that sub-
ject fell into great disrepute, and raised
many opponents to the re-establishment
of the Jesuits after they had been expelled
the kingdom. Still they would not re-
nounce the doctrine ; and Aquaviva, their
general, commanded them not to affirm
that it was lawful to kill a king: he also
* Mariana. — De rege et regis institulione.
t SicClemens ptriit alcrnum Gallia: decus.
252 CARDINAL DE BOURBON PROCLAIMED AS CHARLES X.
forbade any publication upon regicide, un-
less it had been examined and approved
at Rome: the crime itself was thus unno-
ticed : its discussion only was forbidden.*
But although the death of Henry 111.
was the cause of unanimous joy in Paris,
there was a considerable difference of
opinion about his successor. The Duchess
of Montpensier persuaded her brother
Mayenne to take the crown : she urged
that he should not lose so fine an oppor-
tunity of settling on his family the crown
which his ancestors had formerly worn.
Villeroy and the president Jeannin, how-
ever, were opposed to such a measure,
and represented that there were many
pretenders to the crown, equally well
founded in their claim, and more able to
enforce it. Besides which, the Spanish
ambassador, Bernard Mendoza, showed
that the duke would be opposed by all
the influence of his court: it was there-
fore decided that the Cardinal of Bourbon
should be proclaimed as Charles X., which
was done without delay.t The cardinal
being old, feeble, and childless, would not
interfere with Mayenne's future plans;
while the little time which, according to
probability, he had to live, would afford
him a better opportunity for ultimately se-
curing his object. As Charles X. was a
captive, the Duke of Mayenne was in-
vested with the title and authority of lieu-
tenant-general of the state and crown of
France, so that he had the full exercise of
the regal authority to ensure the success
of his ulterior measures, when the throne
should again become vacant.
D'Aubigne was selected as the captive's
guardian, in place of Chavigny, who did
not possess the king's confidence. The
Duchess de Retz employed an agent to
offer two hundred thousand crowns, or
the government of Bellisle, if he would
connive at the prisoner's escape. The
safe-conduct previously demanded alone
prevented D'Aubigne from arresting the
emissary.^
The parliament of Paris willingly re-
gistered the edict which recognised the
Cardinal of Bourbon to be king ; but in
other parts the conflict of interests pre-
vented the adoption of any measure. The
* Comptedes Institutions, Sf c. Rendu au parlement de
Rouen, 17(>2. p. 118.
t 7th August, 15811. Davila, liv. 10. Villeroy, vol. i.
p. 150 — 1154. Journal de Henri IV.
t D'Aubigne, Mem. p. 143.
parliament of Bordeaux would not ac-
knowledge Henry IV., but was persuaded
by Marshal Matignon to abstain from re-
cognising the right of the Cardinal of Bour-
bon ;* that of Toulouse not only forbade
the recognition of Henry of Bourbon,
under pain of death, but ordered his ex-
communication to be republished ;f while
that of Rouen declared all those guilty of
high treason who opposed the Holy
Union. i.
Henry IV. had assembled a parliament
at Tours, where his right was acknow-
ledged, and justice administered in his
name. The council of the league were
indignant at the existence of such a body,
and sent a herald with a message inform-
ing them that, for their cruelty in punishing
Catholics, they were declared deserters
from the true religion, in the war existing
between the Catholics and the heretics;
that they were therefore considered ene-
mies, and that reprisals and confiscations
would be proceeded with against them.§
When the king went into Normandy,
his army was very small, and he wished
to establish himself at Dieppe; as well for
the convenience of communication with
England, as for the facility of retiring by
sea to Rochelle, in the event of a defeat
by the league. On his way, he prepared
for attacking Rouen, and committed some
havoc in the neighbourhood^ The alarm
in the town was so great, that Aumale
and Brissac, who had retired thither with
twelve hundred horsemen, could scarcely
restrain the inhabitants from opening the
gates. They sent numerous couriers to
the Duke of Mayenne, entreating him to
make haste, if he wished to preserve the
town. IT
Mayenne was nearer than the king ex-
pected ; he had left Paris at the end of
August, with an army of nearly thirty
thousand men. Henry having scarcely
seven thousand, raised the siege on his
approach : he retired to Dieppe, where
he had already placed a small garrison,
and wrote to Longueville and D'Aumont
to join him with their forces.
Fortunately for Henry IV. the Duke of
* Hist, du parlement de Paris, ch. 32. De Thou, liv.
97.
t De Thou, liv. 97.
t Hist, des Derttiers Troubles, vol. ii. p. 14.
•• Mem. de Duplessis, vol. ii, p. 26.
j 24 August, 1589.
IT Davila, liv. 10. Cayet, liv. 1, p. 257. Due d'An-
gouleine, p. 35.
BATTLE OF ARQUES.
253
Mayenne had lost considerable time in
going to a conference with the Duke ofPar-
ma; for if he had attacked the king at once,
the triumph of the league would have
been secured. Even afterwards he em-
ployed himself too long in taking a num-
ber of small towns in the neighbourhood,
in order to deprive the king of all chance
of making his escape ; and so confidently
did he calculate upon a victory, that he
sent information to Spain of the Beatfiais
being shut up in a corner, from whence
he could not escape except by sea*
Henry's friends were very much con-
cerned for his personal safety ; and as
every one expressed his opinions, and
thereby excited alarms, the king decided
on taking some resolution which should
put an end to their uncertainty.
A council of war was held on the 5th
of September: several persons recom-
mended that detachments should be left
in the places they held, sufficient to pre-
serve them until the arrival of reinforce-
ments; and that the king should embark
for England or Rochelle, a measure which
would at once provide for his personal
safety, and enable him to negotiate for
assistance from abroad. Biron's energetic
appeal to his honour and character, pre-
served him from yielding to such advice;
that nobleman convinced him that if he
quitted the soil of France, it was scarcely
possible he could ever return ; and that
if he placed his hopes on any thing short
of the courage and resolution of his fol-
lowers, he would assuredly lose his crown.
Henry then decided on making a stand
against the league ; but as it might be
extremely inconvenient for his cause if he
were blockaded in Dieppe, he took his
post at the Castle of Arques, about a
league distant ; and as Mayenne's army
had been joined by the forces at Rouen
under the Duke of Aumale, no exertions
were deemed too great in making
trenches, redoubts, and other kinds of de-
fences.!
The Duke of Mayenne arrived on the
evening of the 15th of September, and
took up his quarters at a small village
called Martin Eglise.t separated from
Arques by the river Bethune. Finding
* Davila, liv. 10. Perefixe, liv. 2. Mem. de Nevers
vol. ij. p 93,
t Hist, des Derniera Troubles, vol. ii. p. 10. Cayet,
liv. 1 . Davila, liv. 10. Sully, liv. 3.
% Or Marunglise.
22
the king's position very strong on that
side, he suddenly attacked the suburb of
Dieppe, called Polet, the following day.
Chatillon was posted there, and made a"
successful sortie, which threw the assail-
ants into confusion. Marshal Biron then
came to his assistance, and completely de-
feated them, pursuing them into the vil-
lage of Martin Eglise.*
Every day produced skirmishes and
attacks, but most of them were of no im-
portance. It was believed at the time
that there was a division in the councils
of the league ;f their leaders were so con-
fident of success, that they made pre-
mature arrangements for the division of
the spoil ; and the distribution of the va-
rious governments and charges created
disputes among them, which were with
difficulty appeased, and a delay naturally
arose in their operations. At length, on
the evening of the 20th, orders were given
to pass the river after midnight, and at-
tack before dawn the king's forces posted
at a place called La Maladerie, by taking
which post there would be a greater pro-
bability of attacking Arques with success.
Notwithstanding the superiority of their
numbers, and the violence of their attack,
they were repulsed with great loss, and
found themselves immediately attacked on
three points, by the king in person, by
Biron, and by Chatillon. {
Finding it impossible to gain the place
by force, treachery was used. There
were German soldiers in each army, and
those in the king's service were employed
at that very post. Their countrymen
approached the trenches, and, on calling
out that they wished to join the king, were
assisted in getting into the fort. They
were readily believed in their declarations,
as a report had been circulated that they
wished for an opportunity to abandon the
Duke of Mayenne, who did not pay them.
No sooner, however, were they in the fort
than they attacked the king's troops.
Biron advanced to learn the cause of the
disorder he observed : he was pulled from
his horse and nearly killed. The king
also was engaged in the conflict almost
alone ;§ and if Mayenne had been alert at
♦ Davila, liv. 10. Malhieu, Hist, des guerres cntrelcs
maisons de France et d'Espagne, p. 23. Paris, 1000.
t Peierixe, liv. 2.
t Malhieu. — Hist, des guerres. &.C., p. 24.
} A captain of the Lansquenets insolently called out
to the king to surrender; and was making a thrust at
254
HENRY BEFORE PARIS.
that moment, he would have carried all
before him. When Henry found himself
struggling in the midst of his enemies he
considered his cause lost, but persevered
in trying to rally his men, who fled in
every direction. At last, in a tone of de-
spair, he exclaimed, "What! are there
not in all France fifty gentlemen who
have resolution enough to die with their
king V Chatillon was then pressing for-
ward to assist him with five hundred mus-
keteers: he was .sufficiently near to hear
the king's appeal, and immediately an-
swered, " Courage, sire ! Here we are,
ready to die with you." They immediately
attacked the treacherous Lansquenets, and
drove them out of the fort. Night coming
on, the Duke of Mayenne found he could
expect to gain no advantage, and retired
with his men into his own lines, the king
remaining master of the field of battle.*
Several other attacks were made both
on Arques and on Dieppe, but without
success. In the mean time the arrival of
the Duke of Longueville and Marshal
d'Aumont reinforced the royal army, and
five thousand men having been sent by
Queen Elizabeth, with a supply of ammu-
nition, and a considerable sum of money .t
Mayenne abandoned his design, and
marched his army into Picardy. Nothing
could be more complete than his disgrace,
for the accounts he had forwarded to
Paris were of the most boasting kind ;
and the Lansquenets in their treacherous
attack, having obtained four or five stand-
ards, he sent them to the Duchess of Mont-
pensier. She had a dozen others made, and
they were paraded through the city, while
a bulletin was distributed, stating that the
Duke of Mayenne blockaded theBearnais
by land, and the Duke of Aumale by sea;
and that the latter had defeated the Eng-
lish fleet, and that no chance remained of
Henry's escape. Couriers brought ac-
counts of his having offered to surrender
provided his life were spared, and they
announced that he would be brought cap-
tive to Paris, to grace Mayenne's trium-
phal entry.+
After such exertions the king's army re-
liim with his sword, when La Force and d'Angnuleme
arrived to his assistance. — Mem. du Due d'Jlngouleme, p.
69.
* Pavila, Matliieu, Cayet, and others.
f Sir E. Stafford arrived with tins reinforcement the
23d Sept. — Mem. du Due d^AvgouUmc, p. 73.
% Davila, liv. )0. Cayet, liv. J, p. 270. De Thou, liv.
97. Journal de Henri IV.
quired repose, and both officers and men
were in great want of many things for
their private equipments as well as for
service, particularly harness, as their own
was nearly destroyed by continued rains
and violent use. The spoils of the routed
army afforded them a good supply, and
on the 19th of October the king set out
for Paris by easy marches. The royal
army at this time was increased to twenty
thousand infantry, three thousand cavalry,
and fourteen heavy guns. This force
arrived within a league of Paris on the
evening of the 31st of October, and was
placed in the villages of Issy, Vaugirard,
and Montrouge; the king being resolved
to attack the suburbs of Paris the next
morning.*
As the people had been deceived by
the false boastings of the Sixteen and the
Duchess of Montpensier, they were by no
means prepared for such an attack ; the
defence which was made on the occasion
is therefore surprising. But the council
of the league being informed of the king's
approach, called upon the people to take
arms, which every one did, not excepting
the clergy ; and they were soon in the
same position as when the late king was
preparing to attack them three months
before. Henry divided his infantry into
three bodies. Biron with one of them at-
tacked the faubourgs St. Victor and St.
Marcel ; D'Aumont and Thore, with an-
other division, the faubourgs St. Jacques,
and St. Michel; Chatillon and La Noue,
that of St. Germain. The cavalry and
artillery were divided in the same manner,
to support each body of infantry. On the
signal being given, the faubourgs were
simultaneously attacked: the assailants
were aided by a thick fog, and in less
than an hour, they were masters of that
part of Paris.f If the king's cannon had
been brought up in time, the city itself
might have been taken ; but a slowness
in the movements of those who super-
intended that service gave the citizens
time to barricade the gates so well, that
the idea of forcing them was abandoned
for the time. In this attack the Parisians
had above nine hundred persons killed,
and four hundred were made prisoners.
Chatillon at first committed great havoc
among them, being spurred on by a wish
* Cajet, liv. 1, p. 270. t Ibid. p. 271.
SUCCESSES OF THE KING.
255
to avenge the murder of his father; but
the king gave orders to desist from such
proceedings, and in less than two hours
the place was as tranquil as if nothing had
occurred.* The festival of All Saints was
uninterrupted; and the Catholic soldiers
of the royal army assisted at mass in the
churches. f A Piedmontese, named St.
Severin, was the most remarkable among
those who made a vigorous resistance.
Supposing the assailants would be occu-
pied with pilJage.f he sallied from the city
with three hundred men, and threw Cha-
tillon's party into confusion. St. Severin
was actively pursuing his success, when he
was killed by a musket ball; his death
dispirited his followers, and they were
almost all killed. 5
In the mean time the Duke of Mayenne
arrived in Paris ; he had heard of the di-
rection taken by the king's army, and
changed his course to come up with him.
Henry had given orders to destroy the
bridge of St. Maixent after his army had
passed, in order to arrest Mayenne's pro-
gress; that order had not been executed,
and the army of the league arrived on the
afternoon of the 1st of November.!! The
king had decided on attacking the city,
but that event compelled him to change
his plan. In a letter to Duplessis-Mornay
he writes, "since it has pleased God to fa-
vour me in this enterprise, I have deter-
mined to follow it up, and attack my said
city, which I hope to bring back to obe-
dience, unless the army of my enemies, or
a part of their forces enter the city within
three days." The letter contained the
following postcript: "While signing this
letter, I am informed that the Duke of
Mayenne has just arrived in the city with
his army; so that being no longer able to
force the city and the army together, I am
resolved to wait here till to-morrow to see
what the Duke of Mayenne will try to do,
and the day after I will retire in his sight,
to see if he will undertake what hitherto
he has not dared to do.""F
Henry waited accordingly the following
* Le Grain, liv. 5. p. 198.
t Dftvila, liv 10.
I The royalists certainly made a great booty on this
occasion. Sully mentions that In; gained 3.000 crowns,
ami Uavila observes, that from the plunder l urmic recut
un mervalleur secours, et en fat fort soulngee.
i DMnbtgne, vol. iii. p. 224.
ti -sully, i iv. J. De Thou, hv. 97. Mem. de Ta valines,
p. -.'0 1 .
If Mem.de Duplessis, vol. II. p. 39. The dale of this
letter has unaccountably been changed tu the llth, and
it is placed accordingly.
day in expectation of an attack, and on
the third he resolved to abandon the fau-
bourgs: still he waited in the sight of the
town, drawn up in order of battle, ready
to engage Mayenne if he would come out.
The league would not accept the challenge,
and the king set out for Tours, where he
had promised to hold a meeting of the
states-general.*
Among those who were made prisoners
in the attack on the suburbs was Bur-
going, prior of the Dominicans : he was
actively engaged in the defence with other
monks, who like him had taken the sword
and cuirass. He was sent to Tours, where
some time afterwards he was condemned
to the punishment of regicides.t He suf-
fered death with constancy,, and declared,
when exhorted to confess his crime, "He
had done all that he could, but not all that
he would have done."| His portrait was
placed anions the Dominican martyrs, in
a church at Valladolid belonging to that
order.§ A wealthy citizen of Paris, named
Charpentier, a member of the council of
the league, also fell into the king's hands.
His friends in the city immediately ar-
rested, among others, a person named
Blanchet, a suspected royalist, and declared
that his life should answer for Charpen-
tier's safety. An exchange had been ar-
ranged : Charpentier had paid a sum
agreed upon for his ransom, and was pre-
paring to return to Paris. At the moment
he was leaving, Biron heard that Blanchet
had been put to death to gratify the popu-
lace :|| the marshal instantly went to the
king, and insisted on avenging such a
crime, for otherwise he would be deserted
by his followers. Charpentier, in conse-
quence, was ordered to be hanged.1T
The president Potier de Blancmesnil
was likewise in great danger, for he was
suspected of having sent a communication
to the king, that when he arrived before
Paris, the royalists would co-operate from
within. The Sixteen immediately put him
on his trial, and were unanimous in sen-
tencing him to death. The Duke of May-
enne arrived at the important moment:
having a great respect for that magistratef
* Davila, liv. 10.
t Journal de Henri IV. According to De Thou, liv.
98, he was executed in February, lo90.
t Cayet, liv. 1, p. 228.
<t Journal de Henri lit.
|| 20 1 h Nov., 15H9. According to the Journal de Henri
IV.
If Cayet, liv. I, p. 273. D'Aubigne, vol. iii. p. 225.
256
HENRY IV. TAKES VENDOME.
lie released him from his dreadful position,
at the request of De Gevre the president's
brother, and afterwards allowed him to
quit Paris and join the king.*
CHAPTER XL1V.
Henry IV. lakes Vendome — Is ar know ledged hy the
senate of Venice — Sieges of Falaise anil Honfieur —
Arrival of 1 lie Legate Cajctan— D.fence of Meulan.
When the king left Paris, in his way to
Tours, he took Estampes, Joinville and
Vendome. There was some resistance
at the latter place: after making a consi-
derable breach with the cannon, Chatillon
and the Baron de Biront entered with a
few soldiers, sword in hand. The defence
of the place provoked the victors to pil-
lage; and as VendGme was the particular
patrimony of the Bourbon family, the king
was more angry at its revolt. However,
he proclaimed a pardon for all, with the
exception of Benehard, the governor, \vho
had given up the place to the League, and
C'hesse, a monk, who by his sermons had
excited the people to take arms. C'hesse
was hanged: he went to execution with
all the courage which fanaticism could im-
part. Benehard was beheaded, but he
displayed great weakness:' he threw him-
self at Biron's feet, and with tears im-
plored his life. The marshal repulsed him
with scorn, saying that he neither knew
how to defend himself, nor to surrender.!
Henry arrived at Tours on the 21st of
November, when he was welcomed with
transports of joy. The same evening he
received the homage of the Cardinals of
Vendome and Lenoncourt, and the next
day he had visits from the parliament, the
different courts, and the civil and ecclesi-
astical authorities, who congratulated him
upon the success of his arms.Q John Mo-
cenigo, the Venetian ambassador, also pre-
sented a letter, by which the senate ac-
* Journal de Henri IV. Le Grain, liv. 5. Whether
this event took place immediately or some months After-
wards, is of no great importance; anil it is probably the
admitted correctness of trie fact itself, which has caused
it to remain undiscussed. The Journal de Henri IV.
states, thai he was anesied on the 3d of November ;
hut Vilieroy (vol. i. p. 184) mentions the arrest of the
president as a circumstance that prevented Ins leaving
I'aris, after the arrival of the legate Cajetan, at the end
of Januaiy, 15U0.
t Charles de Gontant Biron, son of the Marshal ; the
same who was Sebeaded in lf>02.
1 Hist, des Demiers Troubles, vol. ii. p. 13. Davila,
liv. 11). Cayet, liv. 1, p. 2?U. De Thou, liv.97.
§ Hist, des Verniers Troubles, vol. ii. p. 13.
knowledged him to be King of France,
apologized for their delay in sending the
customary letter of congratulation, and
ordered their minister to continue his func-
tions at the court of Henry IV.* This
proceeding of the Venetians was import-
ant to the royal cause, as it influenced
many other powers. The senate had
early decided on assisting the king against
the league, but the influence of the pope
and the King of Spain had been exerted
to prevent that body from coming to such
a resolution. It was debated for two days,
whether the republic should at once ac-
knowledge Henry, or wait till other pow-
ers had done so. When the decision was
made known, the people were tumultuous
in their joy, and some resolved on joining
the king's army. The inquisitors imme-
diately proceeded against such persons as
encourageis of heretics, and insolently in-
cluded the doge in their accusation. The
nuncio and the Spanish ambassador loudly
complained of the recognition of Henry's
title, in contravention of the declaration
made by the pope and the cardinals. To
which the senate replied, " That the repub-
lic had nothing to do with matters of faith,
but that they acknowledged Henry of
Bourbon to be the lawful successor to the
crown of France, which no one could
deny." After protesting against the de-
claration of the senate, the nuncio quitted
Venice : the republic, however, was at that
time too flourishing to be controlled by
the Pontiff, and to show their resentment,
the senate put the inquisitors into prison.t
The public at the same time felt so indig-
nant at the late king's assassination, that
two Dominicans, being out of their con-
vent one evening, were seized and ill-
treated ; one of them was thrown into the
canal, and was nearly drowned, and when
they complained to the senate on the sub-
ject they could get no redress, being told
that monks had no business to be out in
the evenings. \
Jerome Matteucci was nuncio at the
time : he thought that the pope would be
highly gratified by his zeal for the holy
See: but he was not aware of the charac-
ter of Sixtus, who told him, on his arrival,
to take the same horses that had brought
* Cayet, liv. l.p.295. De Thou, liv 97
t Davila, liv. 10. Lcti, lib. 10. Daru, llUl.de denies,
liv. 23.
I De Thou, liv 07, p. CO.
»
HENRY ACKNOWLEDGED BY THE VENETIAN SENATE. 257
him, and return immediately to Venice.* from this momentary success was dissi-
The fact was, that although Sixtus was
obliged to oppose Henry IV. as a heretic,
he had, nevertheless, a strong feeling in
his favour; he admired his boldness, and
wished him to become a Catholic, more
for the sake of being able to acknowledge
pated by the news of the fall of Falaise,
which was defended by the Count de
Brissac. He had boasted that he would
soon check the king's progress in Nor-
mandy; and when summoned to surren-
der, he replied, that he had made a vow
him, than for any other reason. Besides not to talk of capitulation for six months,
which, the Spanish influence at Rome had The king's artillery made him change his
become sooverbearing, that Sixtus wished tone, and in a few days he surrendered at
to strengthen the other powers as a sort discretion. He was made prisoner with
of counterpoise: this caused it to be ru-
moured that he and the Venetian senate
were acting in concert; that 'Albert Ba-
flfteen of his officers.*
After the surrender of Falaise, all the
other towns of Lower Normandy opened
doaro, the Venetian ambassador at Rome, their gates to the royalists, with the excep-
had made overtures to the pope respecting tion of Honfleur, situated at the mouth of
the recognition of Henry's title, before the the Seine, and defended by a strong gar-
republic discussed the business, and that rison. But the prospect of an obstinate
it was his communication of the Pontiff's siege did not discourage the king, whose
secret information which completely de- affairs had taken a most fortunate turn,
cided the senate .t All his enterprises succeeded, and there
The day after the king's arrival at! appeared a great probability of the Holy
Tours, he called together the nobles and Union being speedily suppressed. Unfor-
deputies who had gone there to assist at tunately Henry was in want of money; he
the states-general. He expressed his deep could not keep his forces together, and
regret at the renewal of the war rendering when plunder was scarce, his men would
a postponement necessary, he trusted they
would approve of his adjourning the as-
eave the army in great numbers to go
home.f This impeded his operations.
sembly till the month of March, by which ' and protracted the war for several years.
time he was in hopes he should restore
tranquillity to the country.]: He quitted
Tours after a stay of only five days, and
commenced a series of operations, which
were very successful. He took Mans,
Alencon, Falaise, and other towns, and
completely destroyed the communications
of the league, in several directions. His
Honfleur being a place of considerable
importance was confided to a commander
on whom the league placed great depend-
ance; it was Gerard Berton, a knight of
Malta, and brother of the brave Crillon.
He was reputed to be inferior in military
prowess to none but his brother, who had
used every persuasion to detach him from
activity was remarkable ; in less than two, the league, but in vain. The king was so
months he attacked the suburbs of Paris, anxious to gain him to his cause that he
besieged five or six considerable places,' offered him a marshal's baton, which was
refused. His lieutenant was a priest
named Truville, a Provencal, who added
ureal military tact to a violent enthusiasm.
Such leaders could not fail of exciting a
bold spirit among their followers, and the
town was extremely well defended. A
cannon ball having killed Truville, the
garrison became a little disheartened; and
the bursting of four of their principal guns
about the same time crippled their means
of defence; but Berton preserved a cheer-
ful countenance, and encouraged his men
with the hope of assistance being speedily
sent to them. When that expectation
took possession of fourteen towns, and
expelled the enemy from Anjou, Maine,
Vendome and Touraine ; and this was ef-
fected with an army strangely composed ;
it consisted of Swiss, Germans, and many
rustics who had never known military
discipline : his progress at the same time
being impeded by a cumbersome train of
artillery and bairgage.§
Mayenne took advantage of the king's
distant occupation to seize Vincennes and
Pontoise.|| But the joy which was derived
* Leti, lib. 10.
t i i . lib. 10.
t Uavila, liv. 10.
9 Mern. de Dupleesis, vol. ii. p. 41. Hist, des Derniers
Troubles, vol. ii. p 14. Davila, liv. 10.
I Sully, liv. 3. Mem. de Tavannes, p. 205.
* Davila, liv. 10. at the end. De Thou, iiv.97. Hist,
des Derniers Troubles, vol. ii. p. 14.
t Perefii'i, liv. 2.
22*
258
ARRIVAL OF THE LEGATE CAJETAN.
could no longer be kept up he capitulated: I was indispensable; and that if he refused
it was agreed that the town should surren-
der to the king if no assistance arrived
within four days; nothing came during
that time, and it was given up on the
twenty-first of January, 1590.*
While Henry IV. was pursuing his
fortune in the field, his parliament at
Tours made preparations for the states-
general to be held in March. Achille
de Harlay had been liberated from the
Bastille, in consideration of a large ran-
they might be obliged to come to terms
with the King of Navarre. The pope
consented to send a legate to Paris, and
chose for that purpose the Cardinal Caje-
tan, a Spaniard, who was to be accom-
panied by a suite of prelates and theolo-
gians, among whom was Bellarmine, a Je-
suit, celebrated for his violence in contro-
versy. The legate was provided also with
a considerable sum of money for forward-
ing the purposes of his mission; but Sixtus
som, and exercised the functions of chief had scarcely made his arrangements when
president. At the same time the coun- j the Duke of Luxemburg arrived on the be-
cil of the league issued orders for an as- half of the royalist Catholics. That no-
sembly of the states to be held at Melun ibleman explained to his holiness the rea-
in February. t Some changes had oc- 'sons which had influenced the body he
curred in the composition of the revolted represented in recognising the king's
administration: the Archbishop of Lyons 'right to the crown; and applied to him,
bad obtained his liberty by bribing Du as the common father of all Christians,
Guast, who had charge of him; he Was I for the means of establishing peace
appointed chancellor; and Vflleroy and among his children. Sixtus plainly saw
Jeannin were introduced into the cabinet j that the accounts he had received from
to counteract the Spanish influence.^ the League were false; he behaved with
Brisson, who was the chief president unusual affability to the Duke of Luxem-
of the parliament, was considered a burg, and wrote a letter to the royalist
guarantee for the co-operation of that Catholics, exhorting them to remain firm
body. The Duke of Mayenne then de-!in their religion, declaring that he had no
clared that, being appointed lieutenant- other interest than to see on the throne of
general of the crown by a king dulv re- France a king who professed the same
cognised, be could only be advised by a faith as his predecessors; and stating that
council of his own appointment: and i in jit was indifferent to him upon whom their
consequence dissolved the council of the 'choice fell, provided it was not a heretic,
Union. By this measure the Sixteen j whom he could not consider a child of
■were stripped of their authority, and the the church. With that exception they
Spanish Ambassador was deprived of the might name whom they pleased, and he
aid of a body entirely devoted to him. 5 wished them every happiness and pros-
Both the league and the royalists en- perity.*
deavoured to win over the pope to their The agents of the le. gue wished to
cause; but the leaguers had been more persuade the pope that what he had
expeditious than their opponents. They heard was only an artifice of the King of
had sent an agent to Rome immediately Navarre to abate his zeal and gain time;
after the death of Henry III.: he repre- while Sixtus, to be freed from their im-
sented that the Holy Union had resolved portunities, ordered the legate to set out
on having no other person for king than for France, but with instructions very
the Cardinal of Bourbon, and in whose different from those he had given at first:
behalf they would spare no exertions;
adding, that the whole noblesse of the
country was with them. As a farther
motive to decide the pontiff, they told
him that to preserve the ascendency in
the minds of the nation, his assistance
instead of exerting himself to place on
the throne the Cardinal of Bourbon, he
was now to aim at the election of a Ca-
tholic who might be agreeable to the
whole nation; and he was to try to bring
back to the church all who had declared
against it. Sixtus particularly enjoined
him not to declare openly against the
«t^aye,,liV"2,P'3'8' ViedeC"P!on- ™'-"-PP-84, King of Navarre, so long as his conver-
I Davila, liv. 11. Mem. de Nevers, vol. ii. p. 95.
} Davila, liv. 11. Villeroy, vol. i. p. leO.
$ Cayet, liv. 1, p. OtlU.
Davila, liv. 11. Leti, liv. 10.
CONDUCT OF
sion was possible; and that he should
publicly support his cause immediately
that event appeared probable. The pope's
commands were backed by the advice of
Cardinal Morosini, the grand Duke of
Tuscany, and the Duke of Nevers; but
the legate fancied that Morosini was en-
vious of his appointment, and the persons
who accompanied him created suspicions
of the other advisers. On his arrival at
Turin, his vanity was so inflamed by the
obsequious behaviour of the Duke of Sa-
roy, who paid him great respect, in hopes
of obtaining support in his claim to the
crown, that he forgot he was only a re-
presentative, and assumed the title of a
reigning prince*
The legate, however, had no sooner
set foot upon the soil of France than his
haughty notions sustained a great morti-
fication. Supposing every thing would
bend to his authority, he sent a message
to Alphonso Ornano, who commanded in
that part, to desist from troubling Greno-
ble and Valence, which still belonged to
the league, and called upon him to aban-
don the king's party and join the Union.
That officer replied in a style which dis-
pleased the legate, whose disappointment
was increased when he arrived at Lyons,
and found the affairs of the league in very
great confusion ; for the king had issued
a manifesto, stating, that if the legate
came to him, he was to be treated with
every respect; but that if he joined the
league, he was to be treated as an ene-
my.t The royalist captains in conse-
quence scoured the country, and attacked
the legate's escort. He, finding he could
expect no assistance from the Duke of
Mayenne, applied to the Duke of Lorrain,
who readily sent him a force for his pro-
tection ; in this harassed manner he made
the journey to Paris, where he arrived on
the twentieth of January. He was there
received in a magnificent manner, lodged
at the episcopal palace, and treated as a
sovereign.}: The inhabitants were under
arms, and saluted him by firing their
pieces. The legate is said to have enter-
tained fears lest any of the people who
were averse to his mission should have
loaded their muskets with ball, and made
a sign for them to leave off; but they,
* Leti, lib. 10.
t Cayet, liv. 1, p. 283.
t Davila, liv. 11. Journal de Henri IV.
' CAJETAN. 259
supposing he was blessing them, in-
creased their firing.*
After the pope's letterf was read and
registered in the parliament, a declaration
was issued, enjoining obedience to the
Holy See, and deference to the recom-
mendations of the legate. The parlia-
ment at Tours immediately passed a de-
cree, commanding the reverse. A num-
ber of letters from prelates, decisions of
the Sorbonne, and replies to each, were
then circulated; and the legate perceived,
when it was too late, that he had done
wrong in not remaining neuter: he could
then have acted as a mediator, but now he
could only exert himself for the league,
which cause appeared to be rapidly
hastening to dissolution.]:
The diversity of interests, which at
this time distracted the councils of the
league, promoted the cause of Henry IV.
beyond expectation. Charles X. was
looked upon by all as a phantom; and
each party made exertions for taking ad-
vantage of the vacancy which his death
would present. If Mayenne could not
have the crown himself, he wished natu-
rally to confer it on some one who should
be indebted to him for it, and whom he
could afterwards influence. The King
of Spain pretended that his daughter was
entitled to it in right of her mother,
Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Henrv II.
This was the strongest party, as Men-
doza, Philip's ambassador, possessed
great influence with the Sixteen, and the
leading members of the League; the po-
pulace of Paris was also devoted to him:
he had made liberal distributions of pis-
toles, and amused them with promises
of large supplies of men and money.
The nobility of the league were anx-
ious to have a prince of ihe house of
Lorrain: they were accustomed to serve
under chiefs of that family, and supported
the claim of the Duke of Lorrain, in be-
half of his son, the Marquis de Pont,
whose mother, Claude, was second
daughter of Henry II. His right could not
be admitted without allowing the supe-
rior claim of Philip II.; but he was a
Frenchman by birth, and his family had
rendered such important service to the
league, that many weie inclined to sup-
* I.e Grain, liv. 4, p 173.
t Dated 15th Oct., 1589.
t Davila, liv. 11.
260
CONDUCT OF CAJETAN.
port him. The Duke of Savoy urged
his right to the crown on the ground of
descent, his mother being the daughter
of Francis I. His claim could not be
opposed to the two preceding; and al-
though he was sure of the pope's sup-
port, he offered to resign his pretensions
for the Marquisate of Saluces.
Besides these, there were other plans
proposed: if the Duke of Lorrain could
not obtain the crown, he demanded Metz,
Toul, and Verdun, and the duchy of Se-
dan. The Duke of Nemours wished to
establish an independent sovereignty in
the Lyonnais, and the Duke of Mercosur
in Brittany.* The proposal for dismem-
bering the kingdom served essentially to
increase the number of royalists, who
were at this time gaining ground rapidly,
on account of the success of the king's
arms, as well as from the report which
was circulated of his serious determi-
nation to abjure. The legate being a
Spaniard, was more inclined to support
the interest of that country, and felt
alarmed at the advancement of the royal
cause. He made great efforts to support
the league, and to prevent any accom-
modation with the king, even if he be-
came a Catholic. t
About the same time were published
certain articles, stated to have been agreed
upon between the king and Mayenne, by
the medium of Villeroy and BiroVi. The
Marquis of Belin had been taken pri-
soner at Arques, and was released by the
king on his parole: he had been the
bearer of a proposal for an accommo-
dation, which Mayenne had rejected; but
as it was known that such a proposal had
been made, the legate was inclined to at-
tach importance to the publication. J At
all events, he considered it best to adopt
measures of precaution; and on the 10th
of February the Sorbonne published a
decree, condemning all thought of the
possibility of a reconciliation with the
king, even if he became a Catholic. If
any one, it is added, refuses to obey this
decree, the faculty declares him perni-
cious to the church of God, perjured and
disobedient to his mother, and finally
cuts him off from their body, as a rotten
limb which would contaminate the others.
With the assistance of this decree, the
* Davila, liv. 11.
t Mem. de la Ligue, vol. iii.
% Davila, liv. 11. Villeroy, vol. i p 1GB— 176.
legate called upon the officers of the city
and the captains of the quarters to take
an oath publicly, " That they would per-
severe in the holy union; that they would
never make peace nor treaty with the
King of Navarre; and that they would
employ their property and their lives for
the deliverance of their king Charles
X."*
When the legate perceived the impos-
sibility of doing any thing in behalf of the
captive Cardinal of Bourbon, he handed
over to Mayenne the three hundred
thousand crowns, to be employed as he
thought best in the service of the league.
The duke had sent a force to besiege
Meulan directly after the taking of Pon-
toise; but the place being strong, the as-
sailants could make no impression : he
therefore insisted upon the application of
the money to strengthening and extend-
ing his means of operation. He then left
Paris to attack Meulan with his whole
force, being determined to take the town,
as it was important for the supply of
Paris with provisions.! Sully relates, that
when the league took Pontoise, he ex-
pected Meulan would be attacked, and
knowing the importance of the place to
the king's cause, did every thing he couJd
devise to reinforce the garrison. At the
same time he sent to the king for assist-
ance. Upon the repetition of his request,
Henry wrote a letter in which he appears
vexed at being called away from some
plan he was pursuing : " In consequence
of your importunity, I am coming to help
Meulan : if any inconvenience arise, I shall
always reproach you with it." Fortu-
nately there was nothing disastrous that
arose out of the circumstance: but it is
almost to be wondered at that it was so;
for, instead of going with a strong force,
the king left his army at Honfleur, and
took with him only a small squadron for
escort. The enemy, being informed of
his march, turned towards him, and he
was compelled to go back to Verneuil.
" It was not usual," says Sully, "for this
prince to retire before his enemies, and
he did not do so without great vexation.
In the first movements of his anger he
accused me of having exposed him to the
affront, having cared less about his re-
putation than the preservation of my
* Journal de Henri IV.
t Davila, liv. 11.
HENRY BEFORE MEULAN.
261
estates from pillage. It was easy for me
to justify myself; and that prince, who
understood the importance of such a place
as Meulan, ordered the rest of his army
to join him, which had the effect I had an-
ticipated."*
Henry's army arrived before Meulan
in order of battle, on the 21st of February.
He approached on the side which was
attacked by the Sieur de Rone, who held
an important command in the army of the
league: that officer, finding his force in-
adequate to the resistance of the royal
army, crossed the river in some boats he
had ready, and joined the Duke of May-
enne. The king immediately entered the
town, complimented the garrison on the
defence they had made, and left with
them a reinforcement of three hundred
Swiss and two hundred musketeers.t
While Henry was in Meulan, he wished
to reconnoitre the position of the enemy,
and went with several persons up the
steeple of a church. When they were up
there, the besiegers opened a furious can-
nonade upon the steeple, and so destroyed
the steps, that they were obliged to de-
scend by a rope.J The king then retired
to a short distance from the town, and
Mayenne thinking, that from the dispro-
portion of their forces, he need not expect
to be attacked, made a violent assault upon
the place on the following day. A de-
tachment was sent to support the town,
which compelled the assailants to desist.
His majesty having provided for the
safety of Meulan, took a position on the
road to Paris. Mayenne feared lest he
should be deprived of a communication
with the capital, and decamped on the
25th of February; an additional reason
for which movement was the report of a
tumult at Rouen. §
CHAPTER XLV.
Battle of Ivry anil siege of Paris.
After his failure upon Meulan, the
Duke of Mayenne directed his steps to-
wards Picardy, to meet the reinforce-
ments he expected from Flanders and
* Sully, liv. 3. Cayei, liv. 2.
t Davila, liv. II.
t Sully, liv. 3.
6 Davila, liv. 11. Sully, liv. 3. Matliieu, vol. ii. liv.
1, p. 24.
Lorrain. The king in the mean time
continued his endeavours to block up
every avenue to Paris; and by depriving
the capital of its supplies and communi-
cations, he hoped to kindle a feeling of
impatience, under the privations which
the league inflicted upon the inhabitants.
With this end in view, he laid siege to
Dreux at the end of February. That
town was defended by two captains
named Falandre and La Vietle, who were
well supplied with every thing requisite
for making a protracted resistance. Re-
pealed attacks were made, but without ef-
fect; and the king gave orders for cannon to
be brought from Meulan, for battering the
place. The people of Paris were alarmed
at the account they received of the siege
of Dreux, and feeling already a great dimi-
nution in their supply of provisions, they
were alive to the apprehension of a fa-
mine, if once that important place should
be taken by the king. The legate and the
Spanish minister attempted to calm the
public mind, by the means of preachers;
at the same time they made use of every
method to rouse the Duke of Mayenne to
activity. Various appeals to his courage
and feelings -at last determined him to
take the field, and being joined by some
Spaniards under Count Egmont, and
some Germans under Colonel Saint Paul,
he imagined himself equal to the contest
with the king's forces. After reviewing
his army, he quitted Paris on the 11th of
March, and took the road for Dreux.*
On the following morning the king was
informed that the army of the league was
approaching with an increase of force,
this occasioned him to raise the siege of
Dreux, and to give orders for the army to
retire on Nonancourt, which was done in
great order. Two individuals who were
in the army mention, that during a storm
of thunder and rain which then took
place, there were seen the figures of two
armies in the clouds, fighting very fu-
riously. Davila says it greatly discou-
raged the royal army, who for the most
part looked upon it as a presage of their
defeat, and coupled the circumstance with
the event of the battle fought on that very
spot at the beginning of the civil wars.!
* Davila, liv. 11.
t At a time when the aurora Imrealis was hut little
known, it must have had a graat effect upon such an
army.
262
BATTLE OF IVRY.
Sully was with a detachment at Pacy;*
he distinctly saw two armies in the air,
but was unable to pronounce whether it
was an illusion or a reality: " Yet," says
he, " this object made such an impression
on my mind, that I was not at all sur-
prised on reading a letter which I received
from the king the next day. He informed
me that the Duke of Mayenne's army,
joined by the Spaniards, had approached
him with a view to giving battle." The
letter finished with these words: " I con-
jure you therefore to come, and bring
with you all that you can, especially your
company, and the two bodies of armed
horsemen I left with you; for I know and
wish to make use of them."f
When the king relinquished the siege
of Dreux, he held a consultation with his
superior officers; gave them full explana-
tion of the plan he proposed to adopt, and
appointed a general rendezvous at the
village of St. Andrew, on the plain of
Ivry.J Henry took up his head-quarters
at Nonancourt, and his generals lodged
with their divisions in the surrounding
places: he had so fully expected to be at-
tacked, that on the 9th of March he had
written to Mornay to hasten his arrival
with all the force he could collect.
At that time Mornay was at Chateau-
dun, and by great exertion he arrived
within two leagues of Nonancourt, on the
evening of the 12th.§ Besides this rein-
forcement, Mouy and Tremouille arrived
with two hundred horsemen from Poitou.
Humieres brought two hundred gentle-
men from Picardy, and Sully with his
men arrived about two hours before the
battle commenced.il
Both armies passed the thirteenth of
March in order of battle on the plan of
Ivry, but nothing occurred. Mornay re-
lates that there were some skirmishes,
and a few blows were exchanged, but the
day passed off without an engagement,
" not without wonder, as there was neither
brook, nor hill, nor barrier between
them. "IT The rain, meantime, fell in-
cessantly, and very much inconvenienced
the army of the league, who were not so
well quartered as the royalists. The
whole night, says Davila, passed in a
* Paai-sur Eure, distant four leagues from Ivry.
t Sully, liv. 3.
\ Malhieu, Hist des Oucrres, &.C., p. 20.
§ Mem. lie Duplessis, vol. ii. p. 5C.
|| Davila, liv. 11. Sully, liv. 3.
1f Mem. de Duplessis, vol. ii. p. 56.
continued labour, and uneasiness on both
sides; large fires were kindled in both
camps; sentinels were placed in every di-
rection, and were changed by the maitres-
de-camp every half hour. The king's
army, however, having a good supply of
provisions, and being better lodged, was
enabled to take both refreshment and re-
pose— a thing almost impracticable in the
camp of their enemies. Mayenne was
not at all desirous of giving battle: he
thought that by keeping the king in the
field, he would exhaust his resources and
fatigue his followers. But Count Egmont
protested against the Spanish troops being
so uselessly employed; for as the Catho-
lic king had stripped the Low Countries
of their proper forces, he desired ardently
that a great effort should be made to
bring the war to a conclusion. Mayenne
being well informed of the prevailing
opinion at Paris, could not resist Egmonl's
wish, especially as it was backed by the
representative of the legate who was with
the army. He resolved, therefore, to
attack the kins: on the following; morn-
ing.*
The force of the two armies was very
unequal: the king had eight thousand in-
fantry, and rather more than two thousand
cavalry. Mayenne had twelve thousand in-
fantry and four thousand horsemen. They
were drawn out ready for action-bctween
nine and ten in the morning, and both
parties appeared very desirous of en-
gaging.! On the preceding day both
Catholics and Protestants in the king's
army had made their public devotions,
and the churches of Nonancourt were full
of the nobles and gentlemen who went to
mass, while the Huguenot ministers per-
formed divine service with their fol-
lowers.! When every arrangement was
made, and the army was ready to charge,
the king advanced in front of his men in
complete armour, but bare-headed, and
made aloud a prayer to the Almighty for
his favour and protection. When he had
finished, a general shout of Vive le, Roi
was heard, and the King then addressed
his followers, exhorting them to keep their
ranks, and assured them that he was de-
termined to conquer or die with them.
"If the standard fail you," said he, "keep
my plume in your eye; you will always
* DavjlaTliv. n.
t Matliieu, Hist, tics Ouerres. &C, p 29.
t Hist des Derniers Troubles, vol. ii. p. 16.
BATTLE OF IVRY.
263
see it in the path of honour and duty."* ^ covered with blood and dust, and the
So saying, he put on his helmet, which shouts of joy which were given by the
was adorned with three fine white plumes: royalists served to dishearten their ene-
at the same time perceiving that the wind mies, whose rout then became general,
blew direct in the faces of the soldiers, The French and Swiss troops surrender-
and that in consequence the smoke would ed; but the Germans were nearly anni-
inconvenience them, he gave orders for hilated; and the Duke of Mayenne es-
taking a position more to the left: May- caped, by destroying the bridge after he
enne perceived the king's troops in mo- had crossed the Eure.* The battle was
tion, and sounded for a general charge.t not entirely finished till the evening, for
Mavenne on his side had not neglected the king's troops continued to pursue and
to awaken the feelings of religion in the harass their enemies all the remainder of
bosoms of his soldiers: he went before the day, chiefly with a view to prevent
his army, preceded by a monk bearing a their re-assembling. The leaguers lost
crucifix, to remind them that they were all their baggage and artillery^ and almost
about to fight in behalf of religion, against the whole of their army; for, besides the
heretics and their encouragers, the de-| numbers that were killed, there were so
clared enemies of Jesus Christ and his j many that surrendered after the battle,
church. | l^at scarcely four thousand made their
The battle commenced with a furious escape. Count Egmont, the Spanish
discharge of artillery; but when the con- 1 general, was among the slain.t
tending parties came to close quarters,] Biron was not in the battle: he re-
the conflict was principally between thejmained with a body of reserve, and as-
cavalry of each army. The king had sisted only in the pursuit. When he saw
divided his into several small divisions, the king had been exposed in the fight,
as the only remedy for the inferiority of he said to him, " Ah! Sire, this is not
his numbers; and this measure preserved right; you have done to day what Biron
him from defeat; for the advantage which should have done, while he has done
was gained by the enemy in one part, was! what the king should do." Indeed, the
balanced by the result of other divisions, king's friends were so concerned at the
and a small body being more immediately danger to which he had exposed himself,
under the eye of the commander was j that they entreated him to be more care-
rallied with less difficulty. For a long ful of his person, and to consider that his
time the result of the battle was uncer- j destiny was to be king of France, and not
tain. Marshal d'Aumont made a sue- a dragoon; that his subjects were all
cessful charge, but the other divisions iready to fight for him, but that they were
were'broken. Momay, in describing the all lost if they had no head to direct
battle, says, "The enemy had the advan
lage so generally, that France was on the
point of ruin."§
them,!
Sully has given us a description of
what occurred to him in this memorable
The grand struggle was with the di- battle. He was in the king's squadron,
vision commanded by the king in person: jand had to sustain a most furious attack
jt consisted of six hundred horsemen, j from Count Egmont. He observed that
The main body of the enemy's cavalry the Reitres, being of the same religion,
was opposed to it: Count Egmont, the did not do them so much injury as they
Duke of Nemours, and the Chevalier could have done, and often fired in the
d'Aumale commanded: they had twelve ; air; but Egmont and the Spaniards fought
hundred lancers, flanked by four hundred so desperately, that the advantage was
dragoons.1] The king charged upon his decidedly in their favour for a long time,
opponents: for a quarter of an hour he Sully's horse was disabled, and a second
could not be recognised, and a report pre- horse was killed under him; he was at
vailed through the ranks that he was the same time wounded by a pistol ball,
killed. But soon after he re-appeared, and lay senseless on the field. When he
* D-Anbign<\vnl. iii. p. 231.
t liavila, liv. 11. PereCix*. liv. 2. Cayel, liv. 2.
I Maimbourg, Hist, de la Liijue, vol. ii. p. 208.
§ Men. d€ Duplessis, vol. ii. p. 57.
J Jirriucbusurs a chevut.
* This is Cayet's account; but Duplcssis Mornay
states that he swain across the river in disguise. — Me-
moires, vol. ii. p 58.
| Davila. Mattlieu, Duplessis and others.
I Perefixe, liv. 2. Cayet, liv. 2.
264
CONSTERNATION OF THE LEAGUERS.
recovered a little, the armies were not to
be seen; and as he thought the king's
army had been defeated, he prepared his
mind for the worst. He succeeded in
obtaining a horse, upon which he mount-
ed, and soon after observed seven persons
approaching him: he saw that one of
them carried Mayenne's standard, and
expected to be taken prisoner or killed by
them. His surprise was great when he
found they surrendered themselves as his
prisoners. This was the first intimation
he received of the king's success: he
went to Rosnv as soon as he possibly
could, and was there received by Henry
IV. with marks of great friendship and
esteem.*
The king remained a fortnight at
Mantes; and while his soldiers were re-
posing after their victory at Ivry, lie re-
ceived the news of another battle gained
by his forces at Issoire in Auvergne.t
His affairs prospered in every direction,
and it was unfortunate that he did not
follow the advice of La None, who re-
commended him to march at once upon
the capital, and crush the league, before
time was given for their leaders to make
fresh arrangements. \ But the king was
dissuaded from marching to Paris, for
which different reasons have been as-
signed. Some have thought that Mar-
shal Biron was not at all desirous of put-
ting' a period to his importance, by finish-
ing the war; while others attribute it to
the Huguenots, who feared the king
might be persuaded to change his reli-
gion, if the Parisians received him on
his arrival. It was decided in council
that the town should be blockaded. If
that method proved successful, the king
was recommended to suppress the rentes
of the Hotel de Ville, and by that means
deliver the state from the payment of the
late king's debts, which were very con-
siderable^
The news of the victory was brought
to Paris the following day, by the Sieur
du Tremblay, a prisoner released on his
parole, who of course had not been in
the battle, but being in the neighbour-
hood, was able to proceed to the capital
with the intelligence. He mentioned it
to the Archbishop of Lyons, who in turn
communicated the same to the legate, and
the Spanish ambassador.* They feared
lest the news should cause an insurrec-
tion in the city; and to prevent any such
consequences, they resolved that the
preachers should be employed to make
it known from the pulpits in a careful
manner. The Duchess of Montpensier
had been accustomed to amuse the Pa-
risians with false accounts: among others,
she had given out that at the first attack
upon Dreux, the king had been repulsed
with the loss of five hundred men, be-
sides a great many wounded, and that
Marshal Biron was not expected to live.
There was also published an account of
a battle having been fought at Poissy, in
which the Holy Union had gained a
great victory, and that if the Bearnais
was not dead, he was but little betler.t
The real account being theiefore so very
opposite, the preachers used great ma-
nagement in announcing the unwelcome
tidings. Among them, one of the most
remarkable was Christin de Nisse, who,
preaching on the 16th of March, took for
his text, " Whom the Lord loveth he re-
bukes and chastens;" and in his sermon
[he showed a number of instances in
which the people of God had been af-
flicted and tried. Then holding forth a
letter which appeared to have that mo-
ment arrived, he expressed the regret he
felt that he had been that day a prophet
rather than a preacher; since it had-
pleased God to inform the Parisians by
his mouth of the affliction which was to
befall them. He concluded by telling
them, that after fighting two days, the
Catholic army had lost the battle, and
exhorted them anew to defend their reli-
gion and their country. Other preachers
exerted themselves to prevent the public
from despairing, and with great success.;:
The Duke of Mayenne would not en-
jter Paris, but remained at St. Denis,
where he was visited by the legate, the
Spanish ambassador, the archbishop of
| Lyons, Villeroy, and many persons of
.note: his sister, the Duchess of Mortt-
'pensier, also went to console him in his
trouble, and consult upon the best means
of remedying his loss.§ La Moree was
* Sullv, liv. 3.
t Cayet, liv. 2. Sully, liv. 4.
t Arairacilt, p 357.
v Perefixe, liv. 2.
Le Grain, liv. 5.
* Davila. liv. 11. Villeroy, vol. i. p. 18G.
t Hist, iles Derniers Troubles, vol. ii. p. 19.
j Davila, liv. 11.
6 Villeroy, vol. i. p. 187. Cayet, liv. 2, p. 344.
DISTRESS OF PARIS DURING THE BLOCKADE. 265
immediately sent off to the Duke of Par-
ma, urging him to come to the assistance
of the Union; and Mayenne himself set
out for Soissons a day or two afterwards,
to join them on their arrival. The de-
fence of Paris was in the interval en-
trusted to the Duke of Nemours; and
pressing letters were written to the pope
and the King of Spain. The Parisians
on their side made great exertions to
strengthen the fortifications of the city
and to lay up as great a store of both
ammunition and provision as could be
done in their already blockaded state.*
When the legate was informed that the
king's army had quitted Mantes, and that
the blockade of Paris was fully resolved
on, he made an etfort to gain time, in or-
der that the Duke of Parma might come
to the assistance of the Union. Villeroy
had conferred with Duplessis very soon
after the battle of Ivry; but the object of
his proposals was seen through, and no-
thing done.f But when the legate him-
self appeared to wish for an arrangement,
the king consented to a conference, which
was held at Noisy: Biron, Givry, and
Revol attended on behalf of the king;
the legate was accompanied by Gondy,
some Italian bishops, Villeroy, and Belin.
The conference proved absolutely use-
less; and the king continued his old plan
of shutting up every avenue to Paris.j
He took Melun on the 5th of April; and
while there, received a fresh proposal
from Villeroy, who dwelt at length upon
the king's being instructed in the Catho-
lic faith, as indispensably necessary for
healing the divisions of the country: ob-
serving, that as such affairs could not be
discussed during the confusion of war, a
truce ought to be concluded to allow the
subject a deliberate examination. Henry
had paid great attention to Villeroy's re-
marks upon the miseries caused bv a con-
flict of religious opinions; but directly
the word Iruce was mentioned, he gave
the speaker to understand that he would
not throw away the advantage of his late
victory, by delaying the execution of his
projects. Villeroy then returned to Pa-
ris, and the royalists continued to take
the different towns in the surrounding
parts.*
Paris was invested in the beginning of
May.t the king's force was not sufficient
to storm the city, but he expected that
the miseries of a blockade would make
the inhabitants return to their duty and
acknowledge him for their king. On the
other hand, the league being satisfied
with their means of defence, took every
precaution for preventing any thing like
mutiny from showing itself. The Duke
of Nemours had caused a number of can-
non to be cast, and the fortifications were
strengthened in every direction; while
the Bastille, and other posts of import-
ance, were confided to none but those
who were too far compromised in the re-
bellion to hope for pardon if the king
should be successful. The greatest care
was taken to husband the stores which
were in the city; and the slightest sus-
picion of being a royalist exposed a per-
son to the certain loss of his property,
and frequently to be hanged. These
precautions enabled the chiefs of the
league to maintain their authority in the
midst of such distress. It is, however,
very doubtful that even then they would
have succeeded, if the preachers, Boucher,
Pelletier, Lincestre, and others, had not
preserved the spirit of enthusiasm by
their exhortations, in calling on the faith-
ful to die, rather than submit to a prince
who was a heretic. j The money of the
Spanish ambassador, the influence of the
princesses and ladies of the league, and
the decree of the Sorbonne,§ declaring
that whoever died in defence of the city,
would enjoy the martyr's crown, all com-
bined to create a spirit of resistance which
has rendered this siege unequalled in mo-
dern times.
By the beginning of June the provi-
sions, although distributed sparingly,
were nearly exhausted; and the clergy
called upon the inhabitants to take anew
the oath prescribed by the Sorbonne. A
general assembly was held at the Hotel
de Ville, when all swore that thev would
* D.ivila, liv. n.
t Villeroy, vol. i. pp. 100 et seq.
\ Ciiyel, liv.2, p. 345. JJe Thou, liv. 98.
i. p. 201.
23
* Mem. de Villeroy, vol. i. pp. 203—118. Davila, lir.
11.
t According to the Journal de Henri IV., the bridge
of Chareuton was taken on the "in and the Porte St.
Martin attacked the 12th of May.
t Journal de Henri IV. Hist, dcs Rentiers Trouble?,
Villeroy, vol. vol. ii. p. 22.
H Haled 7th May, 1500.
(
266
DISTRESS OF THE PARISIANS.
die a thousand deaths, rather than con-
sent to receive a heretic king. At the
same time, to give more effect, a grand
procession was ordered, on which occa-
sion the oath was renewed at the church
of Notre Dame.* In this procession
were seen all the ecclesiastics in Paris:
William Rose, Bishop of Senlis, marched
at their head with a crucifix in one hand,
and a halbert in the other. After him
came the Prior of the Carthusians, fol-
lowed by all his monks, with their habits
tucked up and their cowls thrown back,
to make room for helmets. The Mendi-
cant orders, and the Capucins followed in
the same style, all armed with such wea-
pons as they could procure. Hamilton,
curate of St. Cosme, acted as serjeant-
major: he regulated their halts, and gave
orders for firing. The legate could not
be absent: and as the procession passed
before him, each division fired a salute:
one of the pieces proved to be loaded
with ball, and the legate's chaplain was
killed by his side. This circumstance
appeared likely to trouble the public feel-
ing, but the clergy declared that as the
deceased was killed in so good a cause,
his soul had certainly flown to heaven;
and as the legate gave his opinion to that
effect, no one could presume to doubt it.
The march of the procession was con-
tinued amidst volleys of musketry, and
singing of hymns and psalms.t
Famine meanwhile began to assume
a dreadful aspect: the example as well
us the preaching of the monks pre-
served the people from despondency for
a considerable time: they were every day
amused with pretended letters from the
Dukes of Mayenne and Parma, who
were coming to raise the siege; and see-
ing the ecclesiastics join in the public
labours as well as the defence of the city,
ihey could not repine at their sufferings.
But as the calls of hunger became more
pressing, many demanded peace; and af-
ter hanging the most vehement among
them, the rest were invited to suffer for
the cause of religion. The people were
"ratified with processions instead of food,
and as a consolation for the dying citizens,
the legate distributed a number of indul-
gences in urticulo mortis. The ecclesi-
astics, and especially the monks, were
* Maimbourg, Hist, de la Liguc, liv. 4.
t Cayet, vol. i. p. 3G1. Journal de Henri IV.
well provided with provisions, and there*
fore preached patience and resignation to
a starving population.* It was ordered
that all the store-houses should be visited
Tyrius, the rector of the Jesuits, demand
ed of the legate an exception for his house
The provost of the trades, who was pre
sent, contended that the proposal was nei
ther Christian nor neighbourly: he com
menced his search with their college
They had a year's supply of corn, bis
cuit, and salted meat, and being under no
apprehension of wanting food, they were
the most zealous of all the clergy in im-
pressing on the minds of the people how
much more glorious it was to die of hun-
ger than to acknowledge the Bearncris for
their Kins;. " At the Capucins," says
Pierre de l'Estoile,f " was found biscuit
in abundance: in short, in all the dwell-
ings of the clergy were found provisions
more than was necessary for half a-year."
The stores of the different monasteries
and colleges afforded relief to the starving
Parisians, but only a momentary one;
horses, asses, dogs, cats, and even rats,
were .eaten.J The Duchess of Mont-
pensier was offered golden chains and
rings to the value of two thousand crowns
for her dog; which she refused, saying,
"She should reserve it for, herself when
her own stores were consumed:" one of
her women actually died of hunger. §
The Parisians not only ate human
flesh in some cases, but they ground the
bones of their deceased fellow-citizens,
and mixed it with bran and chaff; of
which, at the legate's suggestion, they
made a kind of bread. || Fresh ordinances
appeared, forbidding the least allusion to
any composition with Henry of Bour-
bon, under pain of death; but hunger
compelled the people to complain, and
the pulpit was again found to be the most
efficacious means of quieting their cla-
mours: preachers held up the host and
the crucifix, exclaiming, " Learn to die
in the cause of a God, who died to save
you."K
* De Thou, Mathieu, D'Atibigne, Mezeray, and Feli-
bien.
t Journal de Henri IV.
J Discours veritable et notable du siege de la Villede
Paris, p. 27. This piece, published under the name of
Pierre Correio, is inserted in Villeroy, vol. ir.
J Journal de Henri IV.
J De Thou, liv. 99. Davila, liv. 11.
IT Hist, de la Sorbonne, vol. li. p. 45. Hist, des Der-
niers Troubles, vol. ii. p. 21.
NOBLE FORBEARANCE OF HENRY.
267
In the mean time the king's army was
greatly augmented: the prospect of taking
Paris had brought him numerous compa-
nies to join his standard; and the hopes
of plunder made many of his officers
persuade him to attack the city. But
Henry considered that Paris was the
most valuable jewel of his crown; and
that it was not the interest of a king to
suffer so many innocent persons to be in-
cluded in the punishment of the rebels,
who prevented him from being properly
received as a sovereign. He persisted in
the blockade, and would certainly have
reduced the city, had not many of his
commanders betrayed their trust in per-
mitting provisions to pass for large sums
of money. The soldiers imitated their
officers; and the besieging army drained
Paris of great part of its wealth, by ob-
taining a high price for the provisions
they sold across the walls; a practice
which the king was obliged to suffer, as
he had not the means of paying his
troops.*
As the horrors of the famine increased,
a deputation was sent to the king for his
permission for a number of aged and fee-
ble persons to leave the city. Many of
his council advised him to refuse the re-
quest, as the^only way to subdue the
town, by driving the people to revolt
against the league in desperation; but the
king thought otherwise. " I am not sur-
prised," said he, " that the chiefs of the
league and the Spaniards have so little
compassion on those poor people; they
are only tyrants; but I, who am their fa-
ther and king, cannot listen to the recital
of their calamities without being touched
to the bottom of my soul, and endeavour-
ing to remedy them. I cannot prevent
those who are possessed by the spirit of
the league from perishing with it; but as
to those who implore my clemency, they
cannot help the crimes of others: I will
hold out my arms to them." When the
permission was announced, above four
thousand persons left the town, and cried
out with all the strength which their
wretched condition would allow, Vive le
Hoi. From that time the king's soldiers
prevented no one from making their
escape.t
* Perefixe, liv. 2.
t Perefiice, liv. 2. Journal de Henri IV. Discours
( veritables, et notable du siege de la Ville de Pari9, p.
But the obstinacy of the league was
unparalleled, and as a means of forcing a
capitulation, an attack was ordered on all
the faubourgs on the night of the 24th of
July. The captains chosen to conduct
the enterprise acquitted themselves very
well, and they were all taken in less than
an hour.* Fresh instances were made,
to induce the king to attack the town, in
which case he would have certainly taken
it, but he would not think of such an al-
ternative while he could temporise. He
wrote a letter lo the Duke of Nemours,
in which he highly complimented him
on his defence of the town, but recom-
mended him not to expose the capital to
be plundered through too much obsti-
nacy; for even if the expected assistance
should arrive, a battle would be the con-
sequence, and unless Mayenne had better
fortune than in the last engagement, no
relief could arrive to the besieged. Ne-
mours would not send any reply to the
king, but in a letter to one of his marshals
he requested him to tell the King of NaT
varre that his false religion was the only
obstacle; but that on his embracing the
true faith, he would be the foremost in
advancing his cause.
Still, in spite of the Duke of Nemours,
Cardinal Gondy succeeded in engaging
the king to a conference at the abbey of
St. Antoine, for discussing the proposals
of peace. Had the kin? then announced
his intention of doing what he was afterr
wards compelled to consent to, the city
would have surrendered to him. Henry
considered the town could not long hold
out, and not supposing the Duke of Par-
ma contemplated rendering the assistance
upon which the besieged calculated, he
offered terms which were favourable, con-
sidering their situation; but which, with-
out being rigorous, made them appear in-
debted to his clemency and forgiveness:
the conferences, therefore, produced no
result. f
Meanwhile the Duke of Parma was
informed of the extremity of the Pari-
sians. It was on the 5th of August that
the king conferred with Gondy, and on
the 6th the duke had quitted Valenciennes
with twelve thousand infantry, three thou-
* Davila, liv. 11. De Thou, liv. 99. Discours veri-
table, &c p. 27. Sully, liv. 4.
f Davila, liv 11. Cayet, liv. 2, p. 372. Mem. de Ne-
vers, vol. ii. p. 607.
268
DEATH OF THE CARDINAL OF BOURBON.
sand horsemen, a great store of ammuni-
tion, and fifteen hundred carriages laden
with provisions for the supply of Paris;
he arrived at Meaux on the 22d. Alex-
ander Farnese, Duke of Parma, was at
this time one of the first captains of the
age: he was averse to quitting his own
government, to risk his reputation against
a prince who had been so successful in
the field. He also feared that some ill
consequence might arise from his de-
priving the Netherlands of the principal
part of the Spanish force. But Philip's
orders were positive, and he set out for
the relief of Paris.*
The arrival of the Spanish forces com-
pelled the king to raise the siege, to his
great mortification. The different cap-
tains, by the expression of their regret,
seemed to reprove him for not taking
what had been at his command for some
time. The only thing that could be done
was to leave three thousand men in the
faubourgs, while the king conducted the
rest of his army to Chelles, a town on
the Marne, about six leagues from Paris;
the Dukes of Parma and Mayenne being
at Claye, on the road from Meaux to the
capital.
The two armies were in presence on
the 1st of September: the Duke of Parma
riding out to reconnoitre, is said to have
taunted Mayenne with the account he
had sent, of the king having only ten
thousand men, who were in a poor condi-
tion; whereas there were twenty-five
thousand in excellent order and well
equipped.! The inequality of their
forces made the Spanish general resolve
to avoid an action: he fortified his posi-
tion, and succeeded in taking Lagny,
which the king could not assist in time,
on account of some marshes lying be-
tween him and the town. The duke
was then able to send relief to Paris, and
thus concluded the siege, which had last-
ed above four months, and during which
more than thirteen thousand persons had
died of famine.}
After waiting some days, it appeared
impossible to bring the Duke of Parma
to an engagement, and the king marched
off his army; but being vexed at the siege
being raised, and finding the disappoint-
* Davila, liv. 11. Cayet. liv.2. Perefixe, liv. 2.
t Hist, des DerniTS Troubles, vol. ii. p. 23
I Cayet, Sully, D'Aubigne, Mathieu and Davila,
ment very general in his army,, he re-
solved to try an attack by escalade the
following night. It was the 9th of Sep-
tember; between three and four thousand
choice soldiers were sent into the fau-
bourgs St. Jacques and St. Marcel in the
evening, ready to attack that part of the
town after midnight. The arrival of those
soldiers had created an alarm, and the
tocsin had been rung; but as the royalists
remained quiet in the suburbs, the people
went home, satisfied that it wa3 a false
alarm. Ten Jesuits, however, resolved
to remain on the watch in that quarter,
and when the assailants placed their lad-
ders early in the morning, they would
certainly have succeeded but for the vigi-
lance of the reverend fathers. There
was a thick fog, and the royalists had ad-
vanced to the wall, when a Jesuit, who
was then performing the part of a senti-
nel, called out, To arms', to arms.' The
soldiers continued to mount, and the fore-
most were killed by these warlike eccle-
siastics. Some lighted straw was then
thrown into the moat, and the enterprise
was completely foiled.* After this the
king withdrew to Senlis, and soon after
the royal army separated: the king re-
tained about his person a flying camp,
placed divisions in the tow>is around Pa-
ris, and sent the rest to their homes.
CHAPTER XLVI.
Death of the Cardinal of Bourbon and Sixtus V. —
Attack on St. Denis— Siege of Charlres— Edict of
Mantes— President Jeannin sent to Spain— Conspi-
racy of the young Cardinal of Dourbon— Siege of
Noyon.
The state of public affairs was consi-
derably changed by the death of two in-
dividuals during the late siege. The
Cardinal of Bourbon expired in prison
on the 9th of May;t his death was of
consequence only by its reviving, with
more earnestness, the question of the suc-
cession. This served the king's cause,
by creating a conflict of interests, and by
stirring up a strong feeling of jealousy
against the Spaniards: they had assumed
great importance during the siege, and
* Cayet, liv. 2, p. 381. Davila, liv. 11. Discours ve-
ritable, &c, p. 83.
t It was announced in Paris without the least mark
of honour or respect. Cayet, liv. 2, p. 3C0.
DEATH OF SIXTUS V.
269
still more after the arrival of the Duke of
Parma, who had increased the number of
Spanish troops in the garrison.
Sixtus V. died on the 27th of August.
This event caused extreme joy to the
league: it was known in Paris on the 5th
of September; and when Aubry, curate
of St. Andre-des-Arcs, announced it in
his sermon, he observed — " God has de-
livered us from a wicked pope: if he had
lived much longer, we should have been
surprised to find the pope preached
against in Paris: but it must have been
done* Sixtus was indignant at the pros-
titution of the Catholic religion by the
leaguers, and had refused them any further
help; he had been favourable to the cause
at his elevation to the pontificate, but be-
ing better informed as to their chief ob-
ject, he regretted having given them en-
couragement. His opinions of both
Queen Elizabeth and Henry IV. are well
known; for he was able to appreciate
merit, although he could not openly de-
clare his sentiments. The Spanish fac-
tion, however, perceived the dangerous
tendency of such policy, and Philip sent
the Count d'Olivarez to Rome, to sum
mon the pope to fulfil nis promises to the
league. Sixtus took offence at such
measure, and refused to see Olivarez a
second time; neither would he acknow-
ledge him as an ambassador. From that
time a number of pamphlets appeared,
which attacked the pope's character, and
treated him as a heretic. f
It is not, therefore, surprising that his
death should be attributed to poison: such
was the opinion current at Rome; and
when the King of France received the
intelligence, he is said to have exclaimed,
" That is a piece of Spanish policy:"
after a pause, he added, " I lose a pope
who was my friend: God grant that his
successor may be like him."i The Car-
dinal Castagno was elected, and took the
title of Urban VII.; but he died thirteen
days after, and a long and stormy con-
clave followed: the college at last decided
on choosing Hercules Sfrondato, a man
devoted to the court of Spain, and who
was styled Gregory XIV. He displayed
much zeal for the league; and subse-
quently devoted to that cause the large
sums of money which Sixtus had
amassed for carrying on a war against
the Turks, for the recovery of the Holy
Land, the relief of the poor of Rome in
times of scarcity, and other purposes,
which he directed to be maturely delibe^
rated.
Still the affairs of the league were by
no means prosperous. Many of the Pa-
risians complained that the Spaniards,
under pretence of assisting them, had
seized upon the city, as well as some
towns in the environs. This jealousy
and ill-will made the Duke of Parma de-
cide on leaving the city; a measure to
which he was also moved by the necesr
sity of his presence in Flanders. The
chiefs of the league were alarmed at be- ,
ing again deserted; and in order to detain
the duke, they announced a treaty in dis-.
cussion between the king and Mayenne,
which they said would inevitably be con-:
eluded to the ruin of the Union, if he
abandoned them. The Duke of Parma
was not deceived by their artifice; and
after staying a few days to rest his army,
he set out for the Netherlands, taking the
route of Champagne, as the least proba-
ble to offer any difficulty in his march.*
The king in the mean time had con-
tinued to intercept the supplies destined
for Paris; and with his flying camp had
unceasingly harassed the league. The
Duke of Parma, before his departure,
endeavoured to relieve the city from this
state of blockade, by seizing some of the
places held by the king's troops. He
succeeded in taking St. Maur and Cha-
renton,and after a desperate resistance he
gained possession of Corbeil.f The lat-;
ter town was soon retaken by escalade,
and when the king's troops were informed
of the cruelties which the Spaniards had
inflicted on the inhabitants, they were so
enraged that they put every one of them
to the sword.j
The Spanish army left Paris in the be-
ginning of November. Parma's return
was verv different from his march into
France, for the king and Marshal Biron
hovered about him with a body of cavalry,
and some choice infantry, and compelled
his men to keep constantly in close order,
a circumstance which rendered his halts
* Maimboufg, Hist, dc la Liauc, liv. 4.
t Leti, fi'u Ui Sisto V. lib. JO.
} Ibid.
* Qavrla, liv. 11.
f Mttthieu, Hist, des Oucrres, &c. Davili, liv. II.
The siege nf I 'nrbeil lasted from 22<J Sep'. 10 lOtb Oct.
t I3ih N .v. 15U0. O'Aubigne, vol. iii. p. 213. Cayet,
liv. 2, i>. 3d(i.
23*
270
PROPOSALS FOR RELIGIOUS PEACE.
inconvenient by the difficulty of procuring
supplies. The royalists attacked his rear
at Marie, where there was a sharp engage-
ment, in which the Spaniards lost part of
their baggage.* A second encounter took
place four days after as. they were cross-
ing the Aisne, with a similar result. This
was the last affair which occurred be-
tween the parties; for Parma hearing that
of about fourscore determined men, dis-
guised as countrymen, each of whom had
a sack of flour on his horse. The night
of the 20th of January was fixed on for the
execution of his attempt; but the chiefs
of the league having some secret informa-
tion, they took measures for preventing a
surprise* Henry's disappointment was
increased, when he found that his pro-
the Count de Nassau was in Flanders, at ijected attempt had served as a pretext for
the head of an army raised by the assist
ance of the Queen of England, he made
all the haste he could in his retreat.
Henry IV. went no farther than St. Quen-
lin, where he made a short stay. The
arrival of the Spanish force had retarded
his operations, but had not frustrated his
plans; and when the Duke of Parma
quitted France, the league was nearly in
the same condition as before. t
On the 3d of January, 1591, the Che-
valier d'Aumale made an attempt to seize
St. Denis. He left Paris in the night
with a thousand infantry and two hundred
horsemen, and succeeded in approaching
the place without being discovered. The
water in the moat being hard-frozen, the
the introduction of four thousand Spa-
niards, a measure which the circum-
stance appeared to justify, and which
the moderate party could not oppose, al-
though they were satisfied that the do-
minion of the royalists would be less in-
jurious than that of foreigners.
The next enterprise formed by the king
was the siege of Chartres. That place
was obstinately defended for more than
two months.t An honourable composi-
tion was granted; and when the king
entered the town he was harangued by
the magistrates upon the obedience they
owed him, according to the laws both
human and divine. "And you may add
the cannon /a?r," said the king, who
ladders were placed with ease; and twoispurred his horse and rode 0114
officers, followed by twenty-four men,
scaled the wall, and succeeded in breaking
openone of thegates from within. Aumale,
who was on foot, entered the town at the
head of his men. De Vicq, the gover-
nor, was aroused By the noise, and consi-
dering the town irrecoverably lost, he be-
came desperate: he imagined that the care-
lessness of his soldiers had destroyed the
renown he had acquired in a long military
career. He mounted his horse, and fol-
lowed by only thirty persons, he ordered
a charge to be sounded by two trumpeters,
and galloped upon Aumale's men. The
darkness of the night, and the noise of
the trumpets, made the leaguers believe
that he was more numerously attended;
they were soon thrown into confusion;
their leader was killed; and the assailants
being unable to rally, were driven out of!
Directly the military operations slack-
ened, the contest between the Huguenots
and the Catholic royalists was rekindled.
There were many among the Protestants
who could not place any dependence in a
promise of toleration, unless it were se-
cured by the king himself professing their
religion: they were therefore averse to the
renewal of the proposal for the king to
be instructed. Duplessis-Mornay was
unquestionably the most important among
the Huguenots for learning and expe-
rience, but he does not appear to have
felt so much alarm. His grand object
was to have a general council, which meet-
ins: upon unbiassed delegations, should
allow the greatest liberty in discussion.
While the war lasted such an assembly
was impracticable; he therefore drew up
an ediot, which he submitted to the king
* i'oili Nov. ]")!I0. Marie is a small town in Picardy,
about 30 liaoues N.E. of Paris.
t Davila, 1 1 v. II. Mathieu, Hist, dcs Guerres, &.C.
l,e Grain, liv. 5.
} Davila, liv. 12. 1 1 1> t. des Derniers Troubles, vol. ii.
I»- 5i0. Cayel, liv. 3, p. 403. Journal de Henri IV.
of March following again addressed his
majesty respecting the proposed declara-
ble town with the loss of more than a hun-l in November, 1590;§ and in the month
dred of their companions.^:
The king on his side would not remain
inactive: he planned an attack on Paris,
which was to be preceded by the entry
* Davila, liv. 12. Cayul, liv. 3. Journal de Henri
IV.
t From Itnh February to I9th April, 1591. Davila,
liv. I--', p. 3j7— 104. Cayet, liv. 3, p. 410. Le Grain, liv.
5, p 334.
t Matjiien, vol. ii. liv. 1, p. CG.
I Formulaire.de la declaration pour la revocation de
1 edit de Juillel — Duplcssis, vol. ii. p. 66.
TWO CATHOLIC CANDIDATES FOR TIIE THRONE. 271
tion. As some influence had been used
to prevent the king from signing the edict,
he explained and justified it in his letter.
"This declaration," says he, "consisted
principally of three articles: the first was
the revocation of the edict of July; the
second, the re-establishment of the edict
of pacification, made in 1577; the third,
the restoration of the Roman Catholic
worship, in all places held by the king at
the time of the truce, permitting, how-
ever, the exercise of the reformed religion
in the same. All three articles to remain
in force until his majesty, by the grace of
God, shall be able to unite all his subjects
in one faith and religion. To effect that,
a general or national council should be
announced, or an ecclesiastical convoca-
tion freely and legally assembled in the
kingdom, consisting of the most holy and
learned persons of Christianity, and to
which his majesty could submit his opi-
nions."* It is evident, therefore, that
Duplessis-Mornay was by no means in-
tolerant: he was willing to allow the Ca-
tholics the same liberty that he desired
himself; but in all that concerned the
papacy he was inflexible. Soon after
the siege of Chartres he addressed a me-
morial to the king, containing advice as to
the form he should use in writing to the
pope, and calling upon him to be cau-
tious in making use of the terms holy fa-
ther, vicar of Christ, <$-r.; for, said he,
the words might be represented very dif-
ferent from their intended meaning, and
cause considerable trouble.t
The Catholics in the king's party were,
however, of too much importance to
allow the papal influence to be neglected;
and during the protracted conclave, which
ended in the election of Gregory XIV.,
the Duke of Luxemburg, being obliged
to return from Rome to France, left a let-
ter containing a full account of the con-
dition of the kingdom, which was to be
delivered into the hands of the successful
candidate. The Spanish influence divert-
ed Gregory from his design of replying
to it, and the duke wrote a second letter
from Chartres,| m which he repeated the
arguments which he had previously
adopted to detach the pope from the
league. He reminded him of an expres-
* Duplfssis, ML it- p. 81.
t Ibid. p. 87.
{ Dated 6th April, 1591. Cayet, liv. 3, p. 118. Mem.
de Nevtre, vol. ii. p. 529.
sion which he had used in conversation
J with him before his elevation — " That it
was necessary that the King of France
\ should be King of France, and the King
of Spain of Spain; as the grandeur of
one would serve as a barrier to the other's
ambition." But it was in vain that so
many illustrious families of the French
noblesse entreated him to act as a father
^o the nation: he was indebted to Spanish
influence for his election, and was per-
suaded to pay attention to a letter which
had been previously addressed to him by
the sixteen.* He wrote a warm letter in
reply to his beloved sons, which conferred
upon them his apostolical benediction, and
announced that his nephew, Hercules
Sfrondato, Duke of Montemarciano, was
ready to join them with men and sup-
plies.t A week afterwards Landriano
was appointed nuncio: he set out for
Paris furnished with a monitoire de-
nouncing further ecclesiastical vengeance
upon the princes and nobles who followed
the king's party.i The parliaments of
Tours and Chalons attacked the monitoire
with spirit: they passed decrees, condemn-
ing the document to be publicly burned,
and pronouncing severe penalties against
any persons that might obey the instruc-
tions of the nuncio, who was ordered to
be arrested wherever he could be found. §
About the same time the king held a
council, composed of the most eminent
men of his party of all professions: after
due deliberation he published two edicts-
one annulling all the acts which the
league had forced upon the late king; the
other renewing his promise to maintain
the Catholic religion, although he could
not avoid showing his resentment to the
conduct of the pope. " We declare and
protest," says the king, "that we desire
nothing more earnestly than the convoca-
tion of a free and holy council, or some
notable assembly, competent to decide
upon the differences respecting the Ca-
tholic religion, &ct"J
The parliament of Paris, and of the
other places belonging to the league,
published edicts condemning and annul-
ling those of the royalists, and the Nuncio
* Dnti il 24th F. bruart. 1.591 Ci.yet, liv. 3, p. 411.
t Letter dated I2lh May. llnd, p, 431.
( Monitoire, dated 20th May. Cayet, p. 429. Ville-
roy, vol. i. p. 277.
i! Itavila, 1 1 v. 12. Hist, des Derniera Troubles, vol. ii.
p. 2d. Cayet, liv. 3, p. 452. Pasquier, vol. ii. p. 430.
|| Da ted Mantes, 4Ui July, 1591. Cayet, liv. 3, p. 448.
272
DIVISIONS AMONG THE LEAGUE.
Landriano went to an assembly at
Rheims, where the best means of pro-
moting the object of his mission were
discussed. Mayenne recommended mo-
deration; but the ecclesiastics, with blind
zeal, paid no attention to his advice, and
Landriano issued orders for depriving of
their employments all the clergy who ad-
hered to Henry IV. When it appeared
that no benefit resulted from this measure,
the assembly, which was presided by
Cardinal Pelleve, decided on making an
application to Philip of Spain, for his as-
sistance to maintain the king who should
be elected at the approaching states-gene-
ral. The president Jeannin was charged
with the mission.* He went to Madrid,
and represented to his Catholic majesty
the necessities of the league, the extreme
danger which threatened the Catholic re-
ligion, and the immortal glory which he
would obtain from preserving it in France,
by sending assistance. Philip was willing
to help the league, provided he could serve
his own purpose at the same time, and
informed Jeannin that his intention was
to marry his daughter Isabella to the
Archduke Earnest, establish them on the
throne of France, and give them the
Netherlands as a dowry: he contended
that the Infanta being the grand-daughter
of Henry II. was much nearer to the
crown than the Bourbons; and that the
house of Austria, being then made so
deeply interested, would send reinforce-
ments sufficient to enable them to free the
country from the Prince of Beam and the
heretics.!
Jeannin would not cause the King of
Spain to think that such a measure would
meet with decided opposition from the
chiefs of "the league, but made some cur-
sory remarks upon the Salic law, without
however destroying his hopes; by that
means he obtained the promise of exten-
sive help both in men and money. On
his return to France, the president com-
pletely satisfied the Duke of Mayenne
that he need not calculate upon assistance
from Philip II. unless there were a pros-
pect of placing the Infanta on the throne.|
This intelligence created great distrust
among the leaguers: the Sixteen became
more violent in behalf of the Spaniards,
* Davila, liv. 12. Villerny, vol. i. pp 233 el sej.
t Maimbourg. Hist, de la Ligue, liv. 4, p. 322.
t Davila, liv. 12.
while the parliament adhered to Mayenne,
and boldly protested against the election
of a foreign prince.
By a singular coincidence there was at
the same time a division among the roy-
alists: the young Cardinal of Bourbon
(nephew of him who had been proclaim-
ed king by the league) was induced to
make an appeal to the Catholicism of the
royalists, on the ground of the king's delay
in changing his religion. The time he had
fixed upon for making the effort was when
a discussion was to take place respecting
the publication of an edict favourable to
the Huguenots. By timely information
the king was able to frustrate the entire
plan. The cardinal was already in cor-
respondence with Mayenne, Villeroy, and
others of the league, and the unguarded
way in which the king lived at Mantes
induced his enemies to form a scheme for
seizing upon his person. Divisions of
troops from Paris and Rouen were to
arrive simultaneously at Mantes; and as
their attack would be aided by the party
in the town, they entertained no doubt of
succeeding. A letter was addressed to
the pope with an account of the proposed
plan, but it fell into the hands of Sully,
who immediately handed it to his sove-
reign. When the matter was investigated,
and information had been collected by the
king's friends, it was laid before the
council. The chancellor Chivemy took
the opportunity to exhort the king to
change his religion, as the most effica-
cious manner of preventing such plots;
but La Noue observed, that as the only aW
lies that remained true to his majesty were
the Queen of England and some Protest-
ant princes of Germany, such a measure
might prove injurious to his cause: he
admitted that such a change must be made
in the end; but as the King of Spain and
the pope had been making great exertions
to assist the league, it would be very in-
judicious to take any steps which might
deprive the royal cause of the assistance
of the Huguenots Biron was of the
same opinion, and the king took no fur»
ther notice of the affair than to let the
conspirators see they were discovered.
He sent for the cardinal, and in his pre?
sence completed the plans he had in con-
templation. The edict in favour of the
Huguenots was published without oppo-
sition; and the Count de Soissons, who
HENRY JOINED BY THE EARL OF ESSEX.
273
had been concerned, was deprived of his
governments of Poictou and Touraine:
those charges were conferred upon the
Prince of Conty, who was not in the
secret; the contemplated attack upon
Mantes was of course abandoned directly
it was known that the king was informed
of it*
The Cardinal of Bourbon at once re-
linquished all idea of the enterprise: his
confidants Bellozane and Du Perron were
won over to the king's interests; and from
the apparent sincerity of his reconciliation
with Henry IV., it has been contended
that he was not really concerned in the
plot, but that his name was made use of
to promote the designs of others, who de-
ceived him into a compliance with their
measures.
While these schemes occupied the ac-
tive men of both parties, the relative po-
sitions of the king and the league had
been materially altered by different cir-
cumstances which had occurred in the
early part of the year in other parts of the
kingdom; and as the royalists could now
look forward to a happy conclusion of the
war, they were less likely to engage in
such schemes, which became more diffi-
cult to execute, and offered less chance
of impunity in case of detection.
Lesdiguieres, who commanded for the
king in Dauphiny, took possession of
Grenoble, and expelled the troops of the
league from that province, before the
Duke of Savoy could send any aid. The
Duke of Montpensier had been equally
successful in Normandy, and the Prince
of Conty had obtained great advantages
in Poictou. t Turenne, who had been
sent to request some assistance from
Queen Elizabeth, was also on his road to
join the king's army.J When the appli-
cation was made to that princess, she was
in hopes of obtaining some equivalent for
the services which she could not avoid
rendering to the opponent of Philip II.,
her chief enemy: she dwelt upon the ne-
cessity of her traders having a port in
France to compensate for Calais, which
she said had been usurped by the Duke
of Guise. Turenne adroitly parried her
demand, by showing that an alienation of
* Ravila, liv. 12. Sully, liv. 4. De Thou, liv. 101
t Hist, des Derniers Troubles, vol. ii. p. 20. Cayet,
liv. 9.
t His instructions and commission, dated Gisors, Oc-
tober, 1590, are to be found in Villeroy, vol. iv.
any part of the kingdom would deprive
the king of a great number of his friends,
which would injure his cause much more
than her assistance would benefit him.
Turenne succeeded in obtaining a loan of
a hundred thousand crowns, and the pro-
mise of six thousand men to be sent to
Brittany. From London the envoy went
to Holland, where he obtained of the
States-general three thousand men, and a
promise to support them; and in Germany
he raised four thousand cavalry and eight
thousand infantry, with which he arrived
at Vandy in Champagne in September,
1591*
As soon as the king knew that the fo-
reign levies were on the road, he decided
on leaving Mantes to go to meet them;
and taking the route of Picardy, he laid
siege to Noyon towards the end of July.
The league made several efforts to relieve
the place, both by attempts to throw in
reinforcements, and by creating a diver-
sion by attacking other places, but with-
out success; for, after sustaining a furious
cannonade, the garrison proposed to ca-
pitulate.t The king offered them very
easy terms, requiring from them only a
contribution of thirty thousand crowns.
The little town of Pierre-fonts next en-
gaged his attention; and while there he
was joined by the Earl of Essex, who
had been sent to his assistance with four
thousand infantry , and five hundred horse-
men: the earl was accompanied by sixty
gentlemen of distinction.^
The league, however, had some suc-
cesses and advantages: the Duke of May-
enne succeeded in taking Chateau-Thierry;
Guyonville, a leaguer, took Mirebeau in
Burgundy: the royalists were repulsed
before Lamballe in Brittany; and Honfleur
was surprised and retaken by the league.
The English forces had been sent to Brit-
tany as Elizabeth had promised, and the
Prince of Dombes and La Noue having
joined them, the siege of Lambelle was
commenced. The attack was so violent
that the besieged had decided on aban-
doning the town, to retire into a strong
fort at hand; but La Noue received a
mortal wound, which so raised the hopes
of the garrison, that they repaired the
* Davila, liv. 12. Cayet, liv. 3, p. 438.
t 17th August, 1591.
t 31st August Davila, liv. 12. Cayet, liv. 3. Hen-
ry's letter to Elizabeth, thanking her for her kindness
is inserted in Villeroy, vol. iv. p. 249.
274
IMPORTANT SERVICES OF TURENNE.
breach, and compelled the royalists to
raise the siege.* This event grieved all
the royalists, who had great confidence
in the tried courage and probity of La
Noue. The loss of such a captain was
also felt more sensibly, as about the same
time the Count de Chatillon died of a dis-
order caused by the great fatigues he had
undergone : his talents and firmness gave
great reason for supposing he would have
equalled his father, and his death was la-
mented by both Catholics and Protestants.t
On the fifteenth of August preceding,
the young Duke of Guise had made his
escape from the castle of Tours, where he
had been imprisoned since his father's
death. Some persons have thought it
was connived at through bribery ; others,
that the king was desirous of letting him
loose upon the league to create a fresh
party among them. He succeeded, how*
ever, in descending from the castle wall
by the help of a knotted rope, carried se-
cretly into the castle, and having by a ma-
noeuvre fastened a door between him and
his guards. His escape was discovered
immediately; but good horses had been
brought to the entrance of the town, so
that he could not be overtaken.} Great
rejoicings were made on the occasion ;
and in a letter from the Sixteen to Philip,
the circumstance is alluded to, in conjunc-
tion with the massacre of the St. Bartho-
lomew, to show how propitious the month
of August had been to the Catholic reli-
gion.} But the arrival of a popular prince,
by creating fresh interests, evidently weak-
ened the league, and impeded their ope-
rations. Davila|| unequivocally describes
the duke's escape from prison as a trouble
for the Duke of Mayenne ; VilleroylT men-
tions that from the time that the leaguers
were joined by Guise, they treated May-
enne with disdain.
CHAPTER XLVII.
Murder of the President lirisson and others— Siege of
Rouen.
*Cayet, liv. 3, p. 4G7. Davila, liv. 12. De Thou, liv
101, p. 398. La Noue was removed to Moncontour,
where he died 4th August, 1591.
t Francis de Coligny, Count de Chatillon, and Ad
miral of Guyenne, died 8th October, 1591, in the 35th
year of his age.
t Villeroy, vol. i. p. 283. Journal de Henri IV. De
Thou, liv. 101. Cayet, liv. 3.
« Villeroy, vol. iv. p. 257. |, Book 12.
IT Mem. d'Etat, vol. i. p. 291.
Paris continued to be so much incon-
venienced by the king having possession
of most places around, that Mayenne
wrote to the Duke of Parma, entreating
him to return into France and relieve the
Union. The Spanish general sent word
in reply, that he had not sufficient force to
carry on the war in Flanders, and that he
could do nothing without orders from
Spain; but that he would aid the cause to
the extent of his power, and remitted to
Paris the sum of two hundred thousand
florins, which was the only thing he could
do for the league.*
In addition to this disappointment they
received an account of the defeat of the
army under the Duke of Montemarciano,
which the pope had sent to their assist-
ance. Although the supply had been
granted in the spring, a considerable time
had elapsed before the levy was completed
and ready to march ; and Montemarciano
did not reach the frontier of Dauphiny till
August, when he was attacked by the
royalists under Lesdiguieres. A dispute
then arose between the duke, Peter Caje-
tan, his lieutenant, and the Archbishop
Matteucci, his commissary-general, which
ended in Cajetan's withdrawing from the
army with part of the troops. This was
followed by several other desertions, and
before Montemarciano arrived at Verdun,
which was appointed for a rendezvous, an
epidemic disease had arisen and made
great ravages in his ranks.t At Verdun
he was joined by the Dukes of Lorrain
and Mayenne, and a division of Spanish
troops. The Jesuits were deeply interest-
ed in the success of this army, and four
of their members accompanied it, in order
that they might attend to the militant af-
fairs of the church, as well as its spiritual
concerns.}.
While the leaguers were disappointed
on one hand by the inefficiency of this re-
inforcement, they were alarmed on the
other by the accounts they received of the
* Cavet, liv. 3, p 439.
t Davila, liv. 12. Cayet, liv. 3, p 477
t Adilitis i|iiatnor e societate sacerdotibus, qui mili-
tibus sacra procurarent. Historic Sucietatis Jesu, Sf-c,
auctore Josepuo Jcvencio, lib. xvi. p. 365. Rouii,
J710.
DIVISIONS AMONG THE LEAGUE.
275
advance of an army from Germany to join
the king. Turenne, it has been men-
tioned, had been employed to procure
those levies, and arrived with them to-
wards the end of September. When the
king reviewed them in the plain of Vandy,
in Champagne, they consisted of sixteen
thousand men and four pieces of artillery.
They were commanded by the Prince of
Anhalt.* The service which Turenne had
rendered the royal cause was so import-
ant, that the king interested himself in con-
cluding his marriage with Charlotte de la
Marck, heiress of the house of Bouillon.
That lady had been sought in marriage
by the Duke of Lorrain for his eldest son ;
but the late Duke of Bouillon, her brother,
had by his will forbidden her to marry a
Catholic, and it was in vain to hope to set
aside such an injunction, as all the Pro-
testant princes of Germany would have
exerted themselves to maintain it.t By
this marriage he became Duke of Bouillon,
by which title he was subsequently styled ;
and about the same time he was elevated
to the rank of a marshal.} On the eve-
ning of his wedding, when the king had
retired to rest, Turenne set out with a
body of choice soldiers, and surprised Ste-
nay, a town belonging to the Duke of
Lorrain, who sent troops to recover the
place, but in vain.j Henry was highly
pleased at the event, and replied, when he
•was told of it, " Venire. Saint Gris .'" " I
would often conclude marriages, and soon
get possession of my kingdom, if the par-
ties would make me such presents."||
The arrival of the Germans made such
an addition to the king's force that he re-
solved to execute a plan which he had
meditated for a considerable time: it was
the siege of Rouen, and for that purpose
he set out for Normandy at the end of
October, having divided his army into four
bodies in order to keep his enemies in a
state of uncertainty as to the point of his
attack. He took one division to Noyo'n;
Montpensier, with another took the route
of Crecy in Brie ; Nevers remained at Ver.
* -JOiti September. 1591. Cayet. liv. 3, p 480.
t Marsollier. ffigt de Due de Bouillon, vol. ii. p. 38.
t The marriage look place lllh October, 1591, but lie
dirt not lake the oalh as Marshal till 15tli March, 1592.
In a letter of th.it date lo Duplessis Morn ay, he men-
lions that objections had been made to his appointment
on account of his religion. The delay which occurred
between his nomination and final reception as Marshal
accounts for the incongruities between some of the
French historians.
o Cayet, liv. 3, p. 482.
|| De Bury, Hilt, dc Henry IV. vol. ii. p. 124.
vins, which the king had taken a few days
previously, and the Baron de Biron passed
by St. Quentin into Normandy*
All this time the councils of the league
were agitated by divisions and animosi-
ties: there had always been a few parties
distinguished from each other by the de-
gree of zeal which they displayed respect-
ing their connexions with the court of
Madrid, and Mayenne's authority had
been odious to many of them ever since
his suppression of the council of the Union;
but the enlargement of the young Duke of
Guise created a fresh division of interests.
Some encouraged his ambition in order to
set up a rival to Mayenne; while others,
being satisfied that none but a native
prince could ever be accepted by the na-
tion for their king, proposed to avail them-
selves of the complicated state of affairs,
and at once serve the league and the King
of Spain, by elevating Guise to the throne,
and marrying him to the infanta, daughter
of Philip II. To effect this the Sixteen
addressed a letter to that king, informing
him how desirous they were to be under
his government, and under that of his pos-
terity, and entreating his Catholic majesty
to choose a son-in-law whom they would
all obey and receive as their sovereign.
Father Claude Mathieu, a Jesuit, was the
bearer of this epistle, which was signed by
the principal leaguers and doctors of the
Sorbonne. But Chazeron, a royalist, and
governor of the Bourbonnais, intercepted
this letter, and sent it to his master, who
afterwards sent it to Mayenne; by which
means the breach between him and the
Sixteen was increased beyond all chance
of accommodation.t
From that time the active leaguers
were busy in creating a violent opposi-
tion to Mayenne and his party, which
comprised all those who, notwithstanding
their hatred to the king and to the Hugue-
nots, were still imbued with too much
* Cayet, liv. 3, p. 482.
t Cayet, liv. 3, p. 504. The accounts of this letter
differ very much as to the date. In Vilbroy (vol. iv. p.
253) it is dated 20lh September, 1001 ; De Thou (liv.
102) gives the date 20th November, but which is evi-
dently an error, as the -preceding month (August) is al-
luded to as being so very favourable to the Union ;
Cayet, liv. 3, p. 505, gives the 2d of September ; anil
Arnauld in pleading against the Jesuits, in 1504, de-
scribes it as dated the 2d of November. The authen-
ticity of the letter has never been questioned, and it is
probable that the first letter being intercepted, a second
was sent with a later date. This idea is supported by
the Journal de Henri IV.; for the writer alludes to Ma-
Ihieu's mission in Septemtier (p. 181,) and mentions the
letter further on (p. 205,) as dated 20th November.
276
DIVISIONS AMONG THE LEAGUE.
national feeling to consent either to the
dismemberment of France or its sub-
jection to a foreign prince. The Sixteen
had the populace at their command, and
to inflame them it was given out that
Mayenne had augmented their contri-
butions solely to enrich himself. The
Spanish minister encouraged the party
who were for placing themselves under
the government of his master; as also did
Sega, Bishop of Placentia, the pope's le-
gate, whose functions ceasing on the
death of Gregory XIV., had devoted
himself entirely to the Spanish faction.*
As Mayenne was not then at Paris,
the Sixteen sent four deputies to him at
Rheims to demand certain changes, and to
make complaints against some of the par-
liament, particularly the president Bris-
son. At their first interview, Mayenne
received them haughtily, but afterwards
he spoke to them in a manner calculated
to conciliate their feelings, which he per-
ceived were already too much irritated.
He told them, that, as the enemy was on
the alert, he could not then attend to
such business ; and recommended them
not to make any changes at that time, as
their own cause would suffer from the
advantage it would give their enemies.
On the return of the deputies to Paris, the
Sixteen expressed great indignation at
the duke's conduct, and came to a resolu-
tion to take the government of the town
into their own hands. Inflammatory re-
ports were as usual the means resorted to
for making the people turbulent; and the
parliament being as odious to them as
the duke, they blackened both by giving
out that the Catholic religion was betrayed
by Mayenne, and that the parliament was
making every effort to give up the city to
the King of Navarre. f
It was not long before an opportunity
offered for executing their violent resolu-
tion. An attorney named Brigard had
written a letter 'o his uncle, a royalist,
residing at St. Denis1, and sent the letter
by a servant. As all persons who quitted
Paris on that side were strictly searched
at the barriers, the servant did not
escape, but nothing was found on his
person: he had, however, a bottle in his
hand, which was broken, and by that
means the letter was found. The trou-
* Davila, liv. 12. Gregory XIV died 15th Oct. 1591.
t Davila, liv. 12, p. 473.
bled state of the times made every one
adopt a mysterious style of communica-
tion, and the leaguers were satisfied that
Brigard had turned royalist, and imme-
diately took him to prison. His death
was loudly called for, but the president
Brisson declared Brigard innocent, and
he then contrived to escape from Paris;
the Sixteen were highly incensed on the
occasion, and immediately held a con-
sultation for avenging themselves on the
president. There were great difficulties
in the execution of the plan, which was
generally approved, and their meeting
was adjourned several times; at last
Bussy-le-Clerc succeeded in obtaining the
signatures of a number of the council to
a blank paper, under pretence of a new
formule of the oath to be taken by the
Union, which, however, he could not
obtain without violence to some, who
complained at being so treated.* Thus
furnished, Bussy held another meeting of
his friends, who were the most violent
men of the time: Crome, a counsellor;
Hamilton, curate of St. Come; Pelletier,
curate of St. James, and others: the blank
paper was filled up with a sentence of
death against the president Brisson, and
a like fate for Larcher and Tardif, coun-
sellors.t
Brisson was informed that his life was
in danger, for assassins had been hired to
murder him and five others in their
houses; and he who was to kill the pre-
sident, while he pretended to consent to
the proposal, sent him word to lose no
time in leaving Paris: he even undertook
to convey him in safety to St Denis.
The president thanked him for his ad-
vice, but would not leave the city. On
the morning of the 15th of November, as
he was proceeding to the Palace of Jus-
tice, he was arrested on the Pont St.
Michel, and conducted to the Chatelet,
where his sentence of death was read to
him without any form of trial. Crome
asked the president if he was not in cor-
respondence with the King of Navarre,
and why he had not sentenced Brigard to
death : to the first question he answered,
"No!" to the other, "That he had been
acquitted by a decree of the court, and
not by him alone." He was then told
* Pasqtiier, vol. ii. p. 483. Mem. de Nevers, vol. ii. p.
620.
+ Cayet, liv. 3. p. 506-509.
MAYENNE ENTERS PARIS.
277
that it was a great favour that he would I
not be publicly executed.* Brisson's
mind was so imbued with legal forms,
that he demanded to be confronted with
the witnesses who had deposed against
him. Crome made no other answer than
a burst of laughter. Brisson then ex-
pressed a wish to be permitted to finish a
work upon jurisprudence, which was in
progress: his murderers laughed still
more, and ordered him to be despatched.t
He was soon after hanged at a post in-
side the prison. Larcher and Tardif
were treated in the same manner, and the
following day their bodies were exposed
at the Greve on a gibbet, with a paper
placed over them, stating that they were
traitors and heretics. It was expected
that the people would have taken an in-
terest in this affair, but the public tran-
quillity was not affected by it. Some
blamed the deed, and others shrugged
their shoulders ; but none, not even the
Spaniards, exhibited any satisfaction. The
further exposure of the bodies was there-
fore useless, and they were taken down
again the day after, and delivered to their
friends for burial.]:
Mayenne was at Laon : when he was
informed of what had occurred in Paris,
he immediately set out for the capital, ac-
companied by the Counts de Vaudemont,
Brissac, Chaligny, and others with seven
hundred choice cavalry, leaving the pre-
sident Jeannin with the Duke of Guise, to
watch his movements, and be a restraint
upon him:§ But Don Diego d'lvarra,
who had learned the cause of Mayenne's
sndden departure, also set out for Paris to
be ready to assist the partisans of Spain,
if they were in any danger. Mayenne
arrived at Paris on the 28th of Novem-
ber, having added to his escort two regi-
ments of infantry which were at Soissons,
and two hundred horsemen who were at
Meaux. As he entered Paris by the
Porte St. Antoine, Boucher addressed him
on behalf of the Sixteen, who were al-
ready in a great consternation, and had
deliberated whether he should be allowed
to enter the city ; they afterwards re-
solved to poniard him, and one of them
* Cayet, liv. 5, p. 511-512.
t De Thou, liv. 102. Hist, du Parlement de Paris,
ch. 32.
I Cayet, liv. 3, p. 515. Pasquier, vol. ii. p. 487. Jour-
nal de Henri IV.
§ 25th Nov. 1591. Davila, liv. 12.
24
desired the honour of giving him the first
blow. Boucher happened to be clear of
the murder of Brisson, for he was at
Soissons at the time ; but when he al-
luded to the subject, Mayenne sai^d
" Another time," and passed on.*
Diego d'lvarra, and the other Spanish
ministers, waited upon him directly he
arrived, and tried to persuade him to
avoid showing any resentment for what
had occurred ; for although the proper
forms and proceedings were wanting, the
act in itself was nevertheless good, and
very useful to the preservation of religion.
Mayenne replied to them with mode-
ration; but immediately commenced an
examination of the force then in the city.
He ordered the different officers to be at
their posts, and the next morning seized
all the avenues of the Rue St. Antoine.
He then summoned Bussy-le-Clerc to sur-
render the Bastille. At first he refused,
but when he found that none of the po-
pulace stirred in his behalf, and that the
cannon from the arsenal was being placed
against him, he consented to give up the
fortress, on condition that his life should
be spared.
Such excellent arrangements had been
made by the provost and other officers,
in placing soldiers in the different streets,
and on the bridges, that the town was
completely under subjection, and May-
enne saw that he could easily pursue his
plans for punishing the cruelty of the Six-
teen; to which also he was urged by se-
veral good families of Paris, who en-
treated him not to suffer such an act to
go unpunished. He therefore ordered
Vitry to seize the most violent of the fac-
tion, and to have them hanged. Crome
escaped in the disguise of a Spanish sol-
dier; but Louchart, Emonot, Anroux, and
Ameline, were taken without any diffi-
culty, and received the same summary
kind of execution that they, had inflicted
on the president Brisson.f
This display of firmness restored May-
enne's authority; but the number of con-
cealed royalists increased very much in
the bosom of the league, and prepared for
assisting the king's cause, when his af-
fairs were more matured. A coolness
* Davila. Iiv.jl2. Cayet, liv. 3, p. 51(i. Villeroy, vol.
i. p. 2!I3.
t 4th Dec. 1591. Davila, liv. 12. Cayet, liv. 3, p. 51d.
— journal de Henri IV. p. 215-217. Pasquier, vol. ii, p.
490. Villeroy, vol. j. p. 295.
278
SIEGE OF KOUEN BY THE ROYALISTS.
also arose between the French and Spa-
nish captains, which impeded their ope-
rations, and prevented their deriving the
advantage which was to have been ex-
pected from the return of the Duke of
Parma into France with another army;
that measure had been forced upon the
King of Spain, on account of the siege of
Rouen, which was at this time being
pressed with vigour.
The Baron de Biron made his appear-
ance before that town on the eleventh of
November; and being joined by three
thousand English under the Earl of Essex,
he discharged a culverine as a sort of de-
fiance. A number of the inhabitants im-
mediately sallied forth, and attacked the
royalists. After skirmishing for some
time, they separated without any other
result than the loss of a few men to both
parties. Among those of the royalist
party who were killed, was Walter De-
vereux, a relative of Lord Essex; who
being engaged with Bois-rose, a cele-
brated officer of the league, was mortally
wounded in the throat by a pistol-ball.*
Biron took up a position at Dernetal, a
place at the distance of a league, and
commenced his operations by making
himself master of all the places in the
neighbourhood ; he sent parties to collect
all the provisions and others stores that
were to be obtained in that part of the
country, in order that he might derive
benefit from them in two ways, during
the blockade of Rouen ; his men would
not be taken from the siege to seek for
such supplies, and he deprived the enemy
of a great resource. He took Gournay,
Caudebec, and other places; found large
stores of grain at Louviers, and was well
supplied with tents from Caen.f
Hitherto the league had been in sus-
pense respecting the king's operations,
for although it was considered certain
that Rouen would ultimately be attacked,
it was thought that Rheims would first
occupy the royalists, and the siege of that
place was generally expected. But the
appearance of Biron with his forces, put
an end to all doubt, and preparations were
made for promoting the defence of the
town. Andrew de Brancas-Villars, the
governor, was a man of most determined
bravery : he was admiral of the league,
and in all that party there was scarcely
* Cayet;t, liv. 3, p. 501.
t Davila, liv. 12.
any individual who was better qualified
for the task which was before him. He
lost no time in collecting provisions and
ammunition, and expelled from the town
all persons who were suspected of being
favourably inclined to the king. By the in-
fluence of Bauquemart, president of the par-
liament, the inhabitants were made to swear
that they would denounce all who, by
word or deed, supported the King of Na-
varre. Monks and priests were em-
ployed to animate the people by their dis-
courses; and insolent letters addressed to
the king were published as a means of
encouraging a spirit of hatred to his per-
son. Such exertions were made in con-
sequence of the governor's orders, that
within a fortnight he received within the
city fifty pieces of artillery, a great quan-
tity of ammunition, and a reinforcement
of soldiers.*
The destiny of Rouen was remarkable :
in the first civil war it had sustained a
memorable siege in the cause of the re-
formed religion ; on this occasion a more
obstinate and more successful defence
was maintained against the king, solely
because he had been educated a Pro-
testant. The influence of the league had
been so powerful there, that the Hugue-
nots were completely subdued: the par-
liament also was so zealous for the Union,
that on one occasion they condemned to
death some royalist prisoners, and
passed a decree, declaring that all fol-
lowers of the King of Navarre, and all
who refused to acknowledge Charles X.
were guilty of high treason.t
The king did not arrive till the end of
the month, but in the interval several
sorties and skirmishes had been made.
With a man of the character of Brancas-
Villars this was a thing of course, but
Lord Essex felt indignant at such a kind
of warfare : his notions of chivalry were
very exalted, and he sent a letter, calling
upon the besieged to come out and fight
in the open plain. Villars, in reply, gave
permission to the Chevalier Picard to meet
him alone, or with any number of men
that might be agreed upon ; but the high
notions of the English earl were nettled
by the proposal, and he immediately sent
* Cayet, liv. 3, p. 501. Davila. liv. 12. Hist, des
Derniers Troubles, vol. ii. p. 30.
t 7th April, 1590,-Hist. des Derniers Troubles, vol.
ii. p. 19.
BRAVERY OF THE BESIEGED.
279
Villars himself a challenge to fight in any
way he might think proper. After stating
that he had in his army many persons of
the same quality as Picard, he added,
" But if you will fight on horseback or on j
foot, I will maintain that the king's quar- j
rel is more just than that of the league ; {
that I am better than you ; and that my !
mistress is fairer than yours. And if you
will not come alone, 1 will bring with me
twenty persons, all of whom shall be
equal to the rank of a colonel ; or sixty,
the least of whom shall be a captain."
Villars knew his duty as a general too |
well to accept such a challenge, and in \
reply expressed his willingness to meet
the earl, when Mayenne had arrived to I
take the command of the town. " Not
wishing, however." said he, " to fail in re-
plying to the conclusion of your letter, by
which you declare yourself better than ;
me, I tell you that you have lied, and that (
you lie every time you attempt to main-
tain it. And as to the comparison of
your mistress with mine, I believe you are j
not more correct in that than in your other
other assertions; at all events, it is not a|
subject that I think much about at pre-
sent."*
A herald was sent into Rouen on the
part of the king, calling upon the inhabi-
tants to return to their obedience by ac-
knowledging him. An assembly was
held in the city to consider what answer
should be returned ; and, on the 2d of
December, the herald was dismissed with
only a verbal communication. He was
desired to tell his master that the people
of Rouen were all resolved to die, rather
than acknowledge a heretic for their
king; and that they had not less spirit to
maintain their ancient religion, than the
Calvinists had displayed in support of
their heresy. A solemn procession was
then made, when an oath was publicly
administered in unison with that message.!
The siege was then proceeded with in
a spirited manner, but nothing could
damp the enthusiasm which animated the
garrison of Rouen. Their sorties were
bold, frequent and successful. Every day
produced some display of that chivalrous
bravery which characterized this age : the
inhabitants were aware of the importance
of their town to the Union ; and were en-
* Cayet, liv. 3, p. 503.
t Cayet, liv. 4, p. 12.
couraged by the certainty that something
would be done by their partisans towards
raising the siege. Indeed the army of the
league was then on the road to help them,
and that intelligence excited the king to
more vigorous attacks ; while, at the same
time, Villars feeling a wish to have all the
honour of beating off so formidable an
enemy, made more determined sorties
than before.
It was towards the end of December
that the king was informed of the return
of the Duke of Parma into France, and
that he was on his way to raise the siege.
Henry had already sent a letter to Queen
Elizabeth, informing her of his situation ;
but on learning that the enemy was ac-
tually approaching, he despatched Du-
plessis-Mornay to make a more powerful
appeal to her on behalf of the Protestant
cause. At Dieppe, Duplessis met a mes-
senger, sent by Elizabeth to order the im-
mediate return of Lord Essex. That was
discouraging, but he pursued his journey,
and arrived in London on the 4th of
January, 1592. For ten days he was
occupied in making application for assis-
tance, but without effect, although he had
the good wishes and interest of the lord
treasurer Burleigh. The queen's conduct
was founded on caprice : she wanted her
favourite Essex, and obstinately refused
to grant the assistance; but afterwards,
when her commands were obeyed, and
Essex had returned to England, she con-
sented to send over a reinforcement to
the king*
A few days after the king had de-
spatched Duplessis, he was joined by Count
Philip of Nassau, who arrived with a
Dutch fleet, having on board three thou-
sand infantry, some artillery and ammu-
nition.! This was a great assistance to
the besiegers, who were then enabled to
batter the town from the river; but the
courage of the besieged appeared to in-
crease with the vigour of the attack, and
their destructive sorties were incessant.
Villars discovered, that besides the attacks
of the royal army he had to guard against
internal treason : he learned that there
were concealed royalists in the town; and
after a vigilant investigation, aided by the
mancsuvres of a lawyer named Mauclerc,
* Mem. de Duplessis, vol. ii. pp. 134, et seq.
t 3d January, 1592. Cayet, liv. 4, p. 10. Sully,
liv. 4.
280
ADVANCE OF PARMA ON HENRY.
"0
who pretended to be a royalist, a plot was
detected for opening one of the gates to
the king's forces. Three persons named
by Mauclerc were seized, tortured and
hanged. To deter others from joining in
any similar scheme, a new edict was pub-
lished, ordering the same punishment for
any who were concerned in such plots,
and offering large rewards to all who in-
formed against them.*
Meanwhile the king had received intel-
ligence that the Duke of Parma had
quitted La Fere in Picardy, having left
behind his heavy ordnance, which showed
that he meant to proceed at once to
Rouen, without employing his time before
any town in possession of the royalists.
He immediately wrote to Duplessis-Mor-
harass them as they approached. With
this object in view he quitted Rouen on
the twenty-ninth of January*
He advanced to Folleville, a village on
the borders of Picardy, before he could
learn the route by which the enemy was
advancing: but being informed they were
in that quarter, he sent parties to look out,
while he was similarly employed with a
body of one hundred and twenty horse-
men. The king had proceeded thus about
a league, when Laverdin, who was by his
side, discovered a body of Spanish sol-
diers near some trees: they were about
to charge upon them, when a large body
of cavalry came up and a skirmish ensued,
which ended by the leaguers falling back
upon their main body ; the king also with-
nay, informing him of the circumstance, | drew to Berteville.f This rencontre
with a view of making some impression ' was followed by another a few days after
upon Elizabeth, by an account of his des- j near Aumale,}: when the king fell in with
perate situation. In a postscript he added, | the picquets of the league, at a time when
that his opinion was confirmed by an in- he was accompanied by only two hundred
tercepted letter from Mayenne to Villeroy: light horse, and about three hundred gen-
"If," says Henry, "the queen -at once tlemen. The sight of a few soldiers ap-
sendsme the aid which you are employed i peared insignificant to the king's party,
to solicit, I hope to be able to combat my j and no one expected they would offer
enemies without raising the siege, and ! any resistance : but presently the enemy's
trust God will grant me the victory, main body appeared, marching in the
Still, according to the reports they circu- most compact order; a measure which
late, their force is very great. I address the Duke of Parma had adopted to
her (.the queen) a word on the conse- prevent a surprise which he considered
quences dependent upon my success, not
only to myself, but also to all Christen-
dom. ;,t
The united forces of the league amount-
ed to eighteen thousand infantry and five
thousand cavalry: the Dukes of Parma
and Mayenne had marched to Peronne,
where a consultation was held respecting
their future plans: they resolved to pro-
ceed direct to Rouen, and throw in some
supplies if they could not succeed in
raising the siege.f The king's expecta-
tions of assistance from England were
sadly damped by the letters he received
from Duplessis-Mornay, who stated that
Elizabeth persisted in refusing the sup-
plies. 5 He decided in consequence on
leaving the principal part of his army be-
fore the town, under the care of Marshal
Biron; while he set out with the elite of
his cavalry to reconnoitre the enemy and
* 7th January, 1592. Cayet, liv. 4, p. 14.
t Mem. de Duplessis, vol. ii. p. 102.
j Cayet, !iv. 4, p. 18.
$ This letter was dated lOtli January, 1592. Mem.
de Duplessis, vol. ii. p. 152.
probable on account of the king's in-
trepid character and venturesome dispo-
sition. In a very short time the king's
party was surrounded by two troops of
dragoons (arquebiisiers a cheval) who
commenced a fire upon them. Most of
the gentlemen were without their helmets :
they fought with great resolution, and
maintained their ground until a division
of infantry came from the army to support
their companions. A retreat then became
necessary, especially as a great many of
the king's party were killed ; but as it was
known that the king was there, and the
leaguers called out to each other what a
prize was in their reach, they made stili
greater exertions to prevent his escape.
The danger to which Henry was exposed
on this occasion was very great; and be-
sides losing a great many of his followers,
he was himself wounded by a musket-
ball. The fortunate arrival of some roy-
* Davila, liv. 12.
t Davila, liv. 12. Sully, liv. 4, p. 56.
1 4th February, 1592.
ADVANCE OF PARMA ON HENRY.
2S1
alist troops assisted his retreat; but after
all it is doubtful whether any of the party
could have escaped, had not the Duke of
Nevers advanced with a strong division
of cavalry. It was greatly to be feared that
this affair, which was much magnified by
report, would cause confusion and alarm
in the army before Rouen ; and in conse-
quence it was desirable that every possi-
ble impediment should be placed to delay
the enemy's march. As the small town
of Neufchatel-en-Bray was in the direct
road, a defence of that place might detain
the Duke of Parma a short time, and allow
the king to take further measures. Givry
was in consequence posted in Neufchatel
with seven hundred men : the king re-
tired to Dieppe to repose for the benefit of
his wound, which was not very serious ;
and the Duke of Nevers returned, with
the rest of the division, to the camp before
Rouen.*
The Duke of Parma had the reputation
of being the most cautious general of his
time: he always avoided an engagement
when he could; and carefully provided
for a retreat whenever he entered a
country occupied by an enemy. He
would not therefore leave Neufchatel be-
hind him in the hands of the royalists, and
summoned Givry to open the gates on the
eleventh of February. The town offered
so little means of defence, that a refusal to
surrender, which was the consequence,
appeared an affront to the duke ; to resent
it, he brought up his artillery and opened
a cannonade. Givry had been ordered
to act according to circumstances, and
not waste the lives of those who were
with him : he accordingly capitulated as
soon as a breach was made, and obtained
very honourable terms.f This affair de-
tained the duke only four days, but that
was of great service to the king ; for the
army of the league had no means of ob-
taining provisions in that part of the coun-
try, and as parties of cavalry were out to
intercept their convoys, the stock which
was carried with them began to diminish
sensibly.}: Besides which, the duke was
informed that the king was again in the
field with a strong force ready to attack
* Mem. de Tavannes, p. 149. Davila, liv. 12. Cayel,
liv. 4. De Thou, liv. 102 Sully, liv. 4.
t Cayet, liv. 4. p. 20. Davila, liv. 12. Sully, liv. 4,
rather blames Givry for not holding out longer. Ma-
thieu, vol. ii. liv. ], p. 102, says, "the place could he
forced in-an hour."
{ Davila, liv, 12.
him : the movements of the army were
therefore made with extreme caution, as
it approached the neighbourhood of R»me.
Parma and Mayenne were both satisfied
that they could do nothing to relieve the
place, without risking a general engage-
ment : they held a council of war, and re-
solved on preparing to attack Dieppe as a
diversion.* This decision created mur-
murs in the army of the league ; and the
French nobles complained of the Duke of
Parma for not advancing on several oc-
casions, when by so doing he might have
put an end to the war.t Parma on his
side pressed Mayenne so closely to pro-
mise the crown of France to the Infanta,
that he and many of the nobles were
ready to treat with the king if he would
but abjure.} The king, meanwhile, was
hovering about the leaguers, and kept
them in constant alarm. On one occa-
sion he had intelligence that the Duke of
Guise had taken possession of Cures, a
small town within a few miles of Dieppe.
He was then at Bachy, a distance of seven
leagues ; and having appointed a rendez-
vous not far from Bures for the rest of his
army, he set out with two thousand ca-
valry, two thousand Reitres, five hundred
dragoons, and as many foot-soldiers, to
be ready to assist him, if attacked in the
woody country through which he had to
pass. His couriers fell in with a small
party of the enemy, and a skirmish en-
sued, when some of the leaguers were
killed ; several were also taken prisoners,
among whom was the Count de Chaligny.
brother of the Duke of Mercoeur and of
the Queen Dowager. The fugitives re-
turned into Bures, and gave an alarm;
otherwise a considerable number of per-
sons of rank would have been captured.
Guise's baggage and standard fell into the
king's hands; and all in the town who
made any resistance were put to the
sword, to the number of two hundred.
The Duke of Bouillon and the Baron de
Biron pursued the fugitives to a consi-
derable distance. §
A letter containing an account of this
affair was sent to Queen Elizabeth, when
the king made another appeal for assist-
ance. " Believe me, madam," says Henry,
"if I had but this favour from you, I would
* Cayet, liv. 4, p. 21.
t Davila, liv. 12. J Villeroy, vol. i. p. 3)9.
§ 17th Feb. 15112. Mem. de Duplessis, vol. ii. p. Itf-J.
De Thou, liv. 1U2.
24*
282
RETREAT OF PARMA.
soon give an account of these folks, and
make them glad to get back in safety to
look^ after their own affairs; but you must
consider that I have to continue the siege
of Rouen, which I will not abandon, at the
same time that I keep the field against
them. We are, madam, in that position,
that the armies look at each other, and
would have engaged already if they had
as much resolution to help Rouen, as I
have to continue the siege, and carry it
before them." Henry concluded by ob-
serving, that she could not suffer so great
an undertaking to be abandoned, for want
of such trifling assistance, and when it
was on the point of succeeding* But the
queen would not yield to any importunity,
and a lapse of two months occurred before
a reinforcement was sent.j
All this time Villars continued to defend
the city with success. Being well in-
formed by spies of the state of the royal
army, he made arrangements Tor a gene-
ral sortie, when the king's entrenchments
were attacked at once on three different
points. The royalists were taken una-
wares, and became an easy prey : Bois-
rose, who conducted a division in the
sortie, penetrated to the park of artillery,
drove away the Lansquenets placed near
it, carried off five pieces of cannon, and
spiked two others. Marshal Biron was
then at Dernetal: he was soon informed
of the affair, and immediately hastened to
the camp. The sortie had been made at
seven in the morning, and for two hours
the leaguers had carried all before them.
Biron's arrival compelled them to retreat;
but they effected it in excellent order, not
having lost more than forty men, while
the royalists had above five hundred men
killed, besides some made prisoners.}.
The news of this exploit compelled the
Duke of Parma to make an effort to re-
lieve the town, especially as he received a
letter from Villars, informing him that the
royalists had begun to press the siege
more vigorously, in order to efface the
effects of their late misfortune. A rein-
forcement of eight hundred men was
thrown into Rouen on the 8th of March,
which being reported to the king, brought
* Mem. de Duplessis, vol. ii. p. 185.
t Its arrival ia mentioned in a letter from Duplessis-
Mornay, dated 16tli April, 1592. — Memoires, vol. ii. p.
197.
t 26th Feb. 1592. Cayet, liv. 4, p. 21—25. Mem. de
Tavannes, p. 140.
him back again to the camp in a few days,
when he prepared for still greater efforts
against the place. Within ten days a very
considerable breach was made in the
wall, and Villars wrote to Mayenne that
he should be obliged to capitulate unless
he were relieved early in the ensuing
month.* At this time the king's army
experienced a considerable reduction, by
a number of persons going to their homes ;
and the Dukes of Mayenne and Parma
were aware of that circumstance, as well
as of the absence of several parties sent
out for fresh levies : they therefore took an
opportunity, when the king had gone in
the direction of Dieppe to make a forced
march and relieve Rouen. They arrived
there on the evening of the 20th of April,
and the royalists were unable to prevent
their entering the town, which they did
the next day, and a Te Deum was sung
on the occasion.!
This unexpected reinforcement occa-
sioned great joy among the leaguers ; but
its advantages were very trifling; for
their supply of provisions was so small,
that the dukes were unable to relieve
Rouen in that respect. Parma wished to
follow up his advantage by attacking the
king; but Mayenne persuaded him to lay
siege to Caudebec, where they would find
large stores of grain, and by taking that
place they would lay open the passage of
the river.}
Caudebec was invested on the 24th of
April, and surrendered three days after.
This conquest cost the Duke of Parma a
severe wound by a musket-ball: he was
besides unable to keep possession of the
place many days, for the king had sent
for the garrisons out of all the neighbour-
; ing towns, and having by that measure
; gained an addition of three thousand
I horsemen, and twice as many infantry, he
was able to blockade completely the army
of the league. Skirmishes took place
every day, but the royalists gradually en-
J croached on their enemies' position. The
j leaguers at the same time were suffering
greatly from the want of provisions, and,
to add to their disasters, the king succeed-
ed in cutting off a division of their light
cavalry quartered at Ranson, on which
occasion a large quantity of baggage, plate,
* Journal de Henri IV.
t Cayet, liv. 4, p. 26—27. Davila, liv. 12.
t Cayet, liv. 4, p. 29. Peiefixe, liv. 2.
THE LEAGUE TAMPER WITH HENRY.
263
and money fell into the hands of the roy-
alists. In such a condition escape was
very difficult ; decampment by night, or
fighting his way through the ranks of his
opponents, were the only alternatives of
the Duke of Parma ; and on the night of
the 22d of May he succeeded in trans-
porting his entire army across the Seine
by means of a number of boats and pon-
toons sent down from Rouen the previous
evening.
Directly the king was informed of this
movement he hastened to the Pont de
PArche, but Parma was too far advanced
to allow him any chance of success if he
pursued him : the duke made the greatest
possible haste, recrossed the Seine at St.
Cloud, and, without entering Paris, pur-
sued his march incessantly, until he ar-
rived at Chateau Thierry* It has" been
insinuated that Marshal Biron was the
cause of the Spanish army's successful
evasion from the king's grasp; his son, the
Baron de Biron, proposed to prevent the
enemy's passing in the direction of the
river, if the king would intrust him with
a division of the army. The marshal pre-
vented the adoption of the proposal, but
was nevertheless exceedingly angry with
his son for thinking of such a thing; and
asked him with an oath, " If he wished to
send them all back to grow cabbages at
Biron"!" He afterwards told him that
such an enemy should never be ruined
entirely, for the king would then have but
little consideration for his captains, as their
services would be no longer necessary .t
The siege of Rouen was in reality at
an end, but hostile operations were still
continued in the neighbourhood ; and as
the possession of Q,uiIleboeuf by the king's
troops rendered great vigilance necessary
for fear of a sudden attack, Villars deter-
mined to make himself master of that
place. For that purpose he obtained
some reinforcements from Mayenne, who
returned to Rouen, having accompanied
the Duke of Parma as far as^Charenton.
The siege of Quillebceuf was begun on
the 4th of July, and was conducted by
Villars himself. The Count de Thorigny,
Crillon, and a few gentlemen threw them-
selves into the place to assist Bellegarde,
who was the temporary governor ; but at
* Cayet, Davila, Mathieu, De Tliou, and Brantome,
ZHscours sur Its belles retrailes.
f Perelue, liv. 2. Brantome, vol. ix. p. 164.
that time he had not more than si::ty men
with him, and they were unprovided with
the requisites for sustaining a siege. The
gentlemen took with them considerable
quantities of provisions and ammunition ;
and, notwithstanding the vigour with
which the place was attacked, they re-
pelled two assaults, after which the
leaguers desisted and returned to Rouen.*
The king was then besieging Epernay,
in Champagne, and was unable to send
relief to Q,uilleboeuf ; but in one of his let-
ters he stated, that knowing Crillon was
there, he felt no uneasiness ; a compliment
of the most flattering kind to that offieer,
which was the more gratifying from so
warlike a prince. Epernay surrendered
in the beginning of August: that siege cost
the life of Marshal Biron, whose head was
struck off by a cannon-ball as he was re-
connoitring.t
From Epernay the king went to St.
Denis, where he again renewed his plan
of blockading Paris : but soon after hear-
ing that the Duke of Parma was making
preparations to enter France with another
army, he went into Picardy to be ready to
attack him on his march. The Duke was
at Arras, to meet some deputies and col-
lect his forces; and while there he died.}.
The wound he had received at Caudebec
had materially injured his constitution,
and contributed to hasten his death. That
event, and the urgent recommendation of
Duplessis, induced the king to proceed to
Tours, where his presence was necessary
in consequence of some negotiations under
discussion. ^
During the year 1592, different parts of
France had been the scenes of warfare
and hostilities, producing different results
in their operations. In June the Prince
of Conty was completely defeated before
Craon, by the Duke of Mercceur;|| and
'afterwards, in the month of December, he
| was obliged to raise the siege ofRochfort.H
Lesdiguieres, in an opposite quarter, main-
tained a long campaign against the
leaguers and the Duke of Savoy, during
which Antibes was taken and retaken, and
* Cayet, liv. 4. Davila, liv. 12. Vie tie Crillon, vol.
ii. p. 113.
i Brantome, vol. ix. p. 150. Cayet, liv. 4, p. 41. Sully,
liv. 5.
t 2d December, 1592.
} Mem. de Duplessis, vol. ii. p. 290.
|( Cayet, liv. 4, p. 35. D'Aubigne, vol. iii. p. 272. De
Thou, liv. 103.
If Mem. de Duplessis, vol. ii. p. 289.
284
NEGOTIATION FOR A PEACE.
the war was subsequently carried into
Piedmont. On the arrival of the Duke of
Epernon in Provence, Antibes once more
fell into the hands of the royalists ; and the
leaguers, under the Duke of Joyeuse,
were defeated at Villemur.* About the
same time the Duke of Bouillon gained a
victory over Amblize, Grand Marshal of,
Lorrain, who was besieging Beaumont, a
small town near Sedan. The attack from
without being seconded by a sortie from
the town, the besiegers were completely
routed, and their leader and seven hun-
dred men killed.t Bouillon afterwards
took Dun, a small town on the Meuse, but
not without exertion, as it was very well
defended.
CHAPTER XLVII/
Negotiation for a peace — Assembly of the States-gene-
ral at Paris — Conference at Suresne— Abjuration of
Henry IV.
The Duke of Parma's death discon-
certed the measures of Philip II., who had
also the mortification of finding that his
party was losing ground in France; for,
notwithstanding the military operations of
the year 1592, negotiations had been car-
ried on between Duplessis-Mornay and
Villeroy. At the end of March, Fleury
delivered to Duplessis a letter from the
president Jeannin to Villeroy, containing
the substance of what was required of the
king by the nobles of the league. They
were resolved to conclude a peace with
fhe king on his promising to become a
Catholic, and authorized Villeroy to treat
upon that basis :| but as they did not de-
sire any haste which might hurt the king's
character, they proposed that he should
* 15th Oct. 1592. Cayet, Iiv. 4, p. 95 etscq. De Thou,
liv. 103.
t 8th Oct. 1502. Cayet, liv. 4. p. C8— 70. I)e Thou,
liv. 103. Marsollier, Hist, de Due de Bouillon, vol. ii. p.
51—53.
t The terms, as related by Villeroy, were as follow:—
The king to engage to be instructed for his conversion,
and to declare his intention to support the Roman Ca-
tholic religion. The exercise of that religion to be re-
stored wherever it had been suppressed, and the clergy
to be restored to their former privileges. If it were
right to tolerate the exercise of any other religion,
there should be allowed no greater privilege than ex-
isted in 1585. Every thing that had occurred since the
death of the Guises to be forgotten, and no inquiry to
be made respecting any circumstance excepting certain
cases reserved in preceding edicts, in which the king's
death was not to be made a pretext for troubling inno-
cent persons. The memory and character of the Car-
dinal and Duke of Guise to be restored, but without
hurting that of the late king, &c, &.c.—Mcm. d'Etat.
vol. i. p. 343—346.
privately treat with the pope for a few
months respecting a reconciliation, to
effect which they would secretly lend their
influence and assistance. The treaty was
not to be made public until the king was
ready to declare himself; for which they
assigned as a reason, that they would not
give the king of Spain a pretext for being
their enemy. Duplessis informed his mas-
ter that he did not like the propositions :
" It appears to me," says he, in a report
on the subject * " that they only desire a
conference, in order to pacify those of their
party who cry out for peace, by showing
that it is not their fault that it is not made."
But a few days after he had an interview
with Villeroy, when the proposal was
drawn up to be communicated to his ma-
jesty. To reconcile the pope with Henry,
and put an end to the desolating wars
which afflicted France, appeared then the
chief desire of the party which had sent
Villeroy; for, at the conclusion of his de-
spatch, Duplessis stated, " that no objection
was made to the reformed religion remain-
ing according to the existing edicts."!
It seems, however, that Mayenne was
not inclined to a pacification; for Villeroy,
in one of his letters, observes, " I think
that M. de Mayenne ought at once to ac-
cept the peace, and that if he does not, he
will curse the lost occasion ;" and farther
on, he adds, " It is very strange that May-
enne should write to the towns of his
party, that the king is not inclined for
peace, for there is no occasion for it."|
But whatever may have been the cause,
the negotiation was suddenly broken off;
and Villeroy, either to preserve himself
from the imputation of inability, or to give
vent to his hatred of the Huguenots, has
announced to the world, that Duplessis
made public what they had agreed to
keep secret, and thus prevented the con-
clusion of the treaty.^ On the other hand,
we are informed that the discussion was
so far advanced, that the king in full coun-
cil gave orders to draw up an edict
founded thereon; but that Biron, d'Au-
mont, and others, being jealous that Du-
plessis, a Huguenot, should be intrusted
with the affair, and, fearing lest the treaty
should be concluded without the king*s
* Dated 28th March, 1502. Mem. de Duplessis, vol. ii.
p. 224
+ Dated 4th April, 1502. Ibid, p 236.
% Mem.de Duplessis, vol. ii. p. 246.
^ Villeroy, vol. i. p. 366-7.
THE PEOPLE DERIDE THE LEAGUE PARLIAMENT.
285
conversion, they availed themselves of the
first opportunity which presented itself for
breaking it off.* Mayenne himself soon
afforded them an occasion, by sending pri-
vately a stipulation for the government of
Bugundy, for himself and his heirs, with
other extravagant demands for his family. f
The rupture of the negotiations did not
prevent the number of the king's friends
in Paris from increasing ; and towards the
end of the year they found themselves so
powerful, that they openly proposed to
send to the king for the purpose of request-
ing freedom for their trade.! Mayenne
succeeded in overruling the proposition ;
but the strength of the politiques was ex-
hibited, and the known force of their party
materially affected the subsequent affairs
of the league in Paris.
It was under such circumstances that
the Duke of Mayenne issued a proclama-
tion convoking the states-general ;§ a
measure which was pressed upon him by
the Sixteen, by the Spanish minister, and
by Pope Clement VIII.,|| whose legate,
Cardinal Sega, also published an exhor-
tation to all the Catholic royalists, by
which they were called upon to desert
the king, and join the assembly for choos-
ing a prince of the true faith. IT The
States did not meet till the 25th of January,
1593, when the deputies went in proces-
sion to Notre-Dame to hear mass, and a
sermon against Henry IV. and the Salic
law.**
The principal personages collected on
this occasion were so destitute of every
thing calculated to command respect, that
the mere assembling of the States excited
the derision of the people at large. Some
royalists promoted that feeling by the pub-
lication of satirical pieces, which opened
the eyes of the hitherto credulous popu-
lace. The Salyre Menippee is familiar to
all who have any acquaintance with the
history of this period : it was the chief of
those works which appeared at this time ;
and, notwithstanding the ludicrous de-
* Mem. (ie Duplessis, vol. ii. p. 248.
t Vie de Duplessis-Mornay, p 175.
t Cayet, liv. 4, p. 73.
§ Dated December, 1592; registered and published
15th January, 1593. Villeroy, vol. vi. p. 167—191.
]| Hyppolite Aldobrandini, a Florentine; he was
elected 30th January, 1592. Innocent IX. (Fachinetto,)
who isucceeded Gregory XIV., lived only two months
after his elevation to the pontificate.
J Cayet, liv. 5, p. 11G. Villeroy, vol. vi. p. 192—
** Hist, de la Ligue, vol. ii. p. 357.
scription which it contains of the states-
general, it is less a satire, in itself, than a
satirical detail of facts. The known cha-
racters of two of the leading ecclesiastics
who figured in the assembly was a more
severe libel on the cause than any inven-
tion could be. Dr. Rose, bishop of Senlis,
was a fanatical and debauched priest : he
preached assassination and the necessity
of the Catholic faith, and seduced the
daughter of the president Neuilly, who
addressed herself to him for confession ;
while Espinac, Archbishop of Lyons, his
compeer, was publicly known to live in
incest with his sister.* The characters of
Cardinals Pelleve and Sega, and the de-
portment of the inferior clergy, were quite
in unison with the interested ambition of
the Lorrain princes and their adherents ;
and the nation at last discovered that their
civil wars had been fomented and carried
on for the benefit of the King of Spain,
and to promote the temporal interests of
the pope ; and that the principal actors in
the affair were so destitute of patriotism
and justice, that they joined in oppressing
the nation, in order to obtain the recom-
pense which was held up to their view in
those quarters.
The election of a king, by the states-
general, would have been very injurious
to the cause of Henry IV. ; he therefore
went with his court to Chartres, to be
more ready to act according to circum-
stances. The first days of the assembly
were passed in matters of ceremony ; and
before the deputies were able to decide
upon the proper mode of proceeding,
while they were canvassing the claims of
various parties supposed to be entitled to
the honour, a messenger arrived with an
address from the Catholic royalists, pro-
posing a conference in the neighbourhood
of Paris, as the best means of restoring
peace to the country.t When the mes-
sage was made known, the legate declared
that it was not only unworthy of a reply,
but that the person who brought it de-
served punishment : he at the same time
pronounced it to be full of heresy.J The
* Hist, de la Sorbonne, vol. ii. p. 72. Mayenne made
great interest with Clement, VII I. to obtain acardinal's
hat for Espinac; out that pontiff would not consent,
and, told D' Ossat that Espinac's.bad reputation en mo-
tidre des femmes was the reason. — Lcttres de Cardinal
d'Ossat, part 2, p. 149- Edit, in folio, 1624.
t Dated Chartres, 27th January, 1592—3. Cayet, liv,
5, p. 118. Villeroy, vol. vi. p. 213.
t Villeroy, vol. ii. p. 34.
286
HENRY ABJURES PROTESTANTISM.
Sorbonne were zealous in their exertions
to prevent the proposal from being ac-
cepted ; and the legate, the Spanish minis-
ter, and the Sixteen were indefatigable on
the occasion. The furious Pelletier, in a
sermon, declared that the conference
would be the greatest misfortune which
could befall religion. But Villeroy and
Jeannin had sufficient influence to have
the subject taken into consideration *
The reply to the address of the royalist
Catholics was a month under discussion :
at last the assembly decided that they
would not treat directly or indirectly with
the King of Navarre, or any other heretic,
upon religious points; but that they
would confer with the Catholics of his
party, upon the means of restoring peace
to the nation ; the whole of the discussion
to be under the sanction of the legate. A
letter was in consequence written on the
4th of March, 1593, and sent to the
royalists at Chartres. Other letters passed
between the parties, and at last the village
of Suresne was fixed upon as the place of
conference.!
The arrival of the Duke de Feria, with
extraordinary powers from the King of
Spain, encouraged the fanatical party in
their opposition to a conference ; but the
general feeling could not be suppressed,
and deputies from both parties met at the
appointed place, on the 23d of April.J It
is well known that this conference ended
in the abjuration of Protestantism by
Henry IV. ; and to detail the substance of
what passed at the numerous meetings
would be as tedious as it would be use-
less. Repeated adjournments took place;
and the king being desirous of conferring
every respect upon so important a pro-
ceeding, invited a considerable number of
ecclesiastics to meet him at Mantes. The
clergy of the league were invited as well
as the royalists. " I have resolved," said
the king in his letter, " in order if possible
to remove every scruple in their obedience
to me, on account of the difference of
my religion, to receive instruction respect-
ing the causes of the schism which is in
* Journal de Henri IV.
+ Journal de Henri IV. Cayet, liv. 5, in loc. Ville
roy, vol. vi. pp. 224 el setj.
X Villeroy, vol. vi. p. 230. A considerable part of the
Gth and 7th volumes of this work is occupied with ac-
counts of the conference of Suresne. They were not
composed by Villeroy, but have been added to his col-
lection. 1 believe they were publisaed at the time,
under the title of Journal de la Conference de Suresne.
the church* The news of this proceed-
ing spread an alarm among the Protest-
ants, which was not dispelled by a pro-
clamation, summoning their deputies to
attend at Mantes on the 20th of July.f
Duplessis, in a letter to his friend Servin,
laments that, as the king was resolved on
being instructed, he did not invite the Pro-
testant ministers to meet the Catholic pre-
lates, for it will be, said he, arma sine pul-
vere.\ And in a letter to another person
he writes, " I do not perceive that the
bishops are called to enter into any argu-
ment, and therefore the truth will be
neither examined nor defended ; but, if it
is for a mere matter of form that the
assembly is convoked, the affair being
already decided, as it is said ; it would be
too great a scandal to truth to place it in
discussion where it should prevail, only to
make it yield as vanquished. "§
The conference had naturally produced
a truce between the contending parties;
but the king suspected that the Spaniards
were availing themselves of the opportu-
nity, to press more diligently the election
of the Infanta, as the probable conver-
sion of the king would render it impos-
sible, if it were not effected immediately.
Great efforts were also made by that
party to increase their force, and obtain
supplies for Paris. Henry was then in-
duced to renew hostilities, and took Dreux
towards the end of June.||
The league was perplexed at the loss of
Dreux, which was almost their only remain-
ing town in the neighbourhood of Paris;
and many of their party were wavering,
in consequence of a report that the king
would certainly abjure before long : it was
therefore urgent to bring the assembly to
some decision, which was accordingly
pressed by the Spanish agent. On this
occasion the parliament resumed its inde-
pendence: with a spirit of patriotism which
the fate of Brisson could not daunt, they
passed a decree declaring the Salic law
inviolable, and protested against the elec-
tion of a king by the States.1T The presi-
* Dated 18th May, 1593. Cayet, liv. 5, p. 179.
f This proclamation was dated 25th May, 1593.
i Letter dated 31st May. Mem. de Duplessis, vol. ii.
p. 314.
$ Mem. de Duplessis, vol. ii. p. 324.
y Cayet, liv. 5, p. 205. Mem.de Duplessis, vol. ii . p.
33.
IT This decree, dated 30th June, 1593, gave great of-
fence to the Duke of Mayenne ; and the Archbishop of
Lyons went into a violent passion on account of it.—
Mem. de Nevers, vol. ii. p. 030.
HENRY ABJURES PROTESTANTISM.
287
dent, Lemaitre, was ordered to remon-
strate with Mayenne against any treaty
being made to transfer the crown of France
to a foreign prince, under the pretext of re-
ligion ; and to call upon him to bring about
a peace, as soon as possible, on account
of the extreme necessity of the people.
But though so often foiled, the Spanish
agents would not desist : they continued
their exertions to have the Duke of Guise
and the Infanta placed upon the throne,
place him beyond the reach of censure for
a want of firmness. The Protestant theo-
logian may blame his abjuration in as un-
qualified a manner as the popish ecclesi-
astic bestows his approbation; but it is to
be borne in mind that, by becoming a
Catholic, Henry IV. was enabled to restore
a national existence to France, and pos-
terity has ennobled his name by the title
of the Great. Happily the rights of con-
science are now so fully admitted, that no
But nothing could preserve their filling 'one presumes to question the sincerity of
influence when the ceremony of publicly
abjuring Protestantism had taken place at
St. Denis.* The king had long been
satisfied that unless he joined the Romish
church, he must pass his whole life in
warfare, which would waste his country
with fire and sword. Many other cir-
cumstances concurred in influencing him
to change his religion; his favourite mis-
tress, Gabrielle d'Estres, wished to see the
country pacified, as the only means by
another's opinions : we are, therefore,
bound to abstain from inquiring whether
this king's convictions were real or pre-
tended ; and thus extend to his memory
a privilege which could not exist while he
lived, on account of the general prevalence
of bigotry and prejudice.
Yet without pretending to blame the
act, we may lament the sad necessity,
which drove him to abjure. The different
Huguenots of distinction who have left
which her prospect could be realized of behind cthem memoirs or letters, agree
being married to the king. An expression j that the king was fond of easing his con-
has been currently attributed to him which [science by the project of a national coun-
is extremely probable : when hisHugue- cil for reuniting the parties by cleansing
not friends were entreating him not to! the Roman church of those unscriptural
abandon them, he is said to have an- j practices and doctrines which justified the
swered, "Ventre St. Grin! Paris is well ; dissent of the Huguenots. Circumstances
worth a mass." But the Catholics in [never permitted the realization of that pro-
general declare this to be an invention of'ject ; and such is the force of example,
the Huguenots, who, being vexed at losing [ that within a few years every family of
so illustrious a chief, were determined to! distinction had returned to the Catholic
make it appear that in his heart he had church. The loss of their protectors ren-
not forsaken them. The sincerity of his dered the Huguenots an easy prey to their
conversion has in consequence been enemies; and the- recompense obtained
strenuously insisted upon by their oppo-;for their services to Henry, was only an
nents. Cayet, who also abjured the Pro- j additional motive to excite his successors
testant religion, takes great pains to show] to oppress them.
that even while the king was avowedly1 As a cloak to their ambitious designs,
a Huguenot, he sincerely believed in the ! the Jesuits and all the ultramontane fac-
doctrine of the real presence.^ We have, [tion, whether commissioned from Rome
however, his majesty's letter to the fair j or Madrid, had protested that they were
Gabrielle, written on the evening before I actuated solely by a desire to preserve the
his abjuration,]: which shows that he did 'unity of the faith, by protecting religion
not renounce the faith in which he had
been educated without some repugnance;
much more, indeed, than he would have
felt, if he been so satisfied upon the
doctrines of the church of Rome: "To-
morrow," says he, " I take the peril-
ous leap." His situation as sovereign
from the design of a prince who had
abandoned their church. But no sooner
did the King of France consent to become
a Roman Catholic, than the legate evinced
great displeasure, and announced that any
ecclesiastic who might go to see Henry of
Bourbon, who called himself King of
and common parent of a suffering nation France, would be deprived of his bene-
— fice, and incur the censures of the church.*
• 25th July, 1593. I
t Cayet, liv. 5, pp. 148—222.
; Journal de Henri IV. vol. i. p. 472. Edit. Cologne.
* Leltre de Monsieur le LDsat aux CatholiqueB d6
< Fiance, dated 23d July, 1593. Villeroy, vol. vii. p. 84.
288
MAYENNE MAKES HIS PEACE WITH THE KING.
The gates of Paris were shut, and the
people prohibited from going to St. Denis:
but the attempt was useless, and multi-
tudes went to witness a ceremony, which
was to put an end to the public calami-
ties.*
Joy so publicly testified, convinced the
Duke of Mayenne that his power was
nearly at an end. From this time the
king was spoken of in terms of respect,
and the titles Henry of Bourbon, King of
Navarre, or the Bernais, were discontinued
by all except the most fanatical members
of the league. The preachers had recourse
to their old method of serving the cause
by the most vi ilent sermons, in which the
king's abjuration was represented in very
odious colours. Boucher was conspicuous
among them, and preached nine sermons
on the subject, which were afterwards
printed. He maintained that the bishops
who had received the abjuration were
ministers of hell ; and that even the pope
himself could not re-Catholicise the Bear-
nais.f The people, however, remained
cool, and the appeal to their enthusiasm
was no longer successful. The Duke of
Mayenne, perceiving that his prospects
were cut off, considered that as he must
choose to submit to the king on one hand,
or on the other to his nephew, if the King
of Spain succeeded in placing him upon
the throne, and being besides advised by
his wife to make peace with the king
while he could obtain good terms, he con-
cluded a truce in spite of the opposition
of the Spaniards.}.
An embassy was despatched to the pope
to obtain his absolution, and thus remove
every scruple which might remain in the
minds of the ecclesiastics. This circum-
stance, coupled with the publication of the
Council of Trent in Paris, appears to have
excited great apprehensions among the
Huguenots. Ever since the king had
been joined by any of the Catholic no-
bility, his favours had been almost exclu-
sively bestowed upon them ; and when
the Protestants knew that his abjuration
was decided upon, they chiefly regretted
the loss of a chief and a protector. But
when they heard that the absolution was
wanted, they anticipated further persecu-
tions; and their inquiries upon every
* Cayet, !iv. 5, p. 2-22. Journal de Henri IV.
t Journal de Henri IV.
t Dated 31st July, 1593. Cayet, liv. 5.
point, instead of allaying their fears,
tended more to augment them. Du-
plessis, writing to the Duke of Bouillon,
observes, "In taking the king's abjuration,
it was proposed tfhat he should swear to
make war against the Huguenots, which
he refused to do. This is a great bold-
ness, to dare to make such a demand,
when he was barely on the threshold of
their door." He afterwards alludes to the
embassy to Rome, and expects that the
king will obtain absolution " on condition
of his revoking the edict against the bull ;
and, for penance, he will be secretly en-
joined to make war against the Protest-
ants. The King of Spain will then remain
to be satisfied: he can marry his daughter
to the king, by which the two interests
will be blended ; and then the Philistines
must be sacrificed as a dowry."* In a
subsequent letter he mentions, " the publi-
cation of the Council of Trent, during a
treaty of peace, appears to discover their
intentions sufficiently. It is, in short,
either to make the peace impossible for
the king, or to cause a war to fall upon
us."t
The absence of a Huguenot leader be-
longing to the royal family increased the
importance of the Duke of Bouillon, who
from that time was considered the head
of that party; and his ambition made him
assist the fervency of Duplessis, in reani-
mating the zeal of the Protestants. A
synod had been convened at St. Maixent
prior to the king's abjuration; the circum-
stances of the time made the Huguenots
extremely attentive, and at that assembly
a plan was agreed upon for deputies from
all the churches to meet in the month of
December, to petition the king to direct
them how their affairs were henceforth to
be conducted; to entreat him to order a
general assembly of the Protestants ; and
to pray that the truce might be changed
into a settled peace.} The king's autho-
rity was not so well established that he
could dispense with the support of his tried
friends ; he therefore met their deputies at
Mantes, assured them that his conversion
had not altered his affection for them, and
promised to have their affairs taken into
consideration. 5
* Dated 10th August, 1593. Mem. de Duplessis, vol.
ii. p 336.
t Mem. de Duplessis, vol. ii. p 3G7.
t D'Aubigne, vol. iii. p. 364.
5 Cayet, liv. 5, p. 259.
BARRIERE ATTEMPTS THE KING'S LIFE.
289
CHAPTER XLIX.
Barriire meditates an attempt on the Kine's life— Re-
duction uf Paris— John Chatel stabs the King— Ba
nishineut of the Jesuits.
Henry's abjuration was no sooner
known, than a considerable number of i
persons openly professed their attachment
to him : all hope of destroying his autho-
rity by arms was therefore at an end. '
But the legate and his fanatical associates
would not abandon their design ; and by
comparing the present state of their affairs
with their condition when Henry III. was
advancing against them with a formidable
force, they were led to take measures for j
a similar deliverance. The pulpits had
for some time resounded with appeals, I
calculated to excite 'any violent enthusiast
who would undertake to preserve the)
church from its pretended dangers. The
Jesuit Commolet, in one of his sermons, '
enlarged upon the death of Eglon, King
of Moab; he applauded the assassination!
of the late king, and described James'
Clement as sitting among the angels of
heaven. Having thus applied the text, he \
exclaimed, " We must have an Ehud ; we
want an Ehud : be he a monk, a soldier, '•
or a shepherd, it is of no consequence;'
but we must have an Ehud; and this
blow is all we want to put our affairs in
the situation we desire."*
Such sermons were preached at Lyons'
and other towns, as well as at Paris ; and :
among others who were moved by the
appeal, was one Peter Barriere, originally
a waterman of Orleans: brought up:
among the lowest classes, he was extreme- !
]y ignorant; but being very intrepid, he |
had been employed by the late Duke of I
Guise in an attempt to carry off the
Queen of Navarre. When he had re-
solved to devote himself to his dreadful j
attempt, he addressed the grand vicar ofi
the Carmelites at Lyons to have his
opinion respecting his enterprise: the friar)
praised his courage. A capuchin, of whom '
he made the same inquiry, told him deci:
dedly that the work was meritorious, j
Happily for the king a similar consultation
was held with a Dominican, named Sera-
pin Bianchi, who was attached to the
* Plaidoyer de M
de Henri IV.
25
Arnauld, in 1594, p. 50. Journal
royalist party, and was employed as a spy
by the Duke of Tuscany.
In order to be more sure of preserving
the king against the meditated attempt
upon his life, the Dominican deferred
giving his opinion till the following day :
in the interval he sent for a gentleman
named Brancaleon, and told him to take
particular notice of the person he should
meet. Barriere was dismissed with an
exhortation to abandon his plan, and
Brancaleon immediately warned the king
of his danger.
Barriere proceeded to Paris and applied
to Aubry, curate of St. Andre-des-Arcs,
he being considered one of the most zeal-
ous persons of the league. Aubry told
him that the king was not a Catholic,
although he went to mass: he introduced
him to Varade, the rector of the Jesuits,
who assured him that to kill the king was
a great action, but it required courage,
and that he must previously confess him-
self and perform his Easter devotions: he
then gave him his benediction, and in-
trusted him to another Jesuit for confes-
sion* After this encouragement Barriere
purchased a double-edged knife, which he
had pointed and sharpened, and the nset
out to kill Henry IV. When he arrived
at St. Denis, the king was hearing mass;
Barriere was awed by his devotion,
and his courage failed. He followed the
king to various places and again received
the sacrament. At last he was seized by
Brancaleon, who recognised himatMelun,
where he was waiting for an opportunity
to give the fatal blow. His answers,
when examined, displayed a sort of in-
sanity, which arose from his mind being
bewildered by what the different priests
had declared to him. His punishment
comprised the worst kinds of torture;
and, while suffering such dreadful pain,
he declared that he expected God would
have rendered him invisible after killing
the king. His confession was very ample,
and he mentioned the names of his ad-
visers, who were all priests or doctors in
theology; indeed there is not the least
room to doubt their complicity on this
occasion.t
* Jnuvency naturally rejects this version of the af-
fair. He says that Varade did every thins in his power
to deter Barriere: but he was madly bent upon it, and
would not be persuaded. (Hist. A'tic. Jesu. lib. IS, p 44.)
Jourency's account would appear more worthy of cre-
dit if Varade had acted like the Dominican Bianchi.
t Barriere was arrested the 2Cth Augu.t, and exe-
290
REDUCTION OF PARIS.
The remainder of the year was occupied
with negotiations for the pope's absol ution ;
the want of which enabled the clergy to
declare, that the abjuration was incom-
plete, and obstacles were thus raised to
the people's return to allegiance. But at
last it became evident that the king was
not the cause of the delay, for, notwith-
standing the pope's refusal to receive his
ambassador, he did not cease to solicit a
reconciliation. The Duke of Nevers, who
was charged with that mission,* was sur-
prised, on his arrival at Poschiavo, in the
Grisons' country, to meet the father Pos-
sevin, a Jesuit, who presented a brief from
the pope, and informed him that he could
not be received.t The Duke of Nevers,
however, proceeded to Rome, and had
several interviews with Clement, who said
to him on one occasion — " Do not tell me
that your king is a Catholic; I will never
believe that he is truly converted, unless
an angel come from heaven to whisper it
in my ears. As to the Catholics who have
followed his party, I look upon them only
as disobedient deserters of religion and the
crown, and no more than bastards and
sons of the bondwoman. Those of the
league are lawful children, and real sup-
ports and true pillars of the Catholic reli-
gion."t
The first leaguer that submitted to the
king was Bois-rose, who, directly he heard
of his conversion, made an offer of his
services, and gave up the towns of Fes-
champ and Lislebonne. This example
was followed by Vitry, governor of
Meaux; the Duke of Mayenne did all in
his power to retain that gentleman, but in
vain. As the truce was about to expire,
and there appeared a probability of the
war being renewed, he called together
the inhabitants of Meaux, who all agreed
to his proposals ; and, in consequence,
they proclaimed the king immediately:
Vitry moreover addressed a manifest to
the league, explaining his reasons for
leaving them. 5
The impulse being given, other go-
vernors went over to the king, and Poin-
toise was surrendered by D'Alincourt.
cuted the 31st. Cayet, liv. 5. IJe Thou, liv. 107.
Journal de Henry IV. Pasquier, vol. ii. p. 455.
* The instructions delivered to the Marquis de Pisany
by the Duke of Nevers are inserted in Villeroy, vol. iv.
p. 327. ■
f 14th Oct. 1593. Mem. de Nevers, vol. ii. p. 405.
i Cayet, liv .5. pp. 251—260. Journal de Henri IV.
§ 25th Llec. 1593. Cayet, liv. 5, p. 272. Journal de
Henri IV. Mem. de Nevera, vol. ii. p. 632.
The loss of that place was a great blow
to the league, for they had no other town
within fifteen leagues of Paris. Villeroy
immediately advised Mayenne to treat
publicly with the king, but he refused ; he
said he could not acknowledge him with-
out the pope's orders. The experienced
statesman perceived that the cause of the
union was irrecoverable, and immediately
joined the royalists. Henry received him
graciously, and made him a secretary of
state.*
Soon after, the city of Lyons was mas-
tered by the royalists. A revolt had taken
place there in the previous September,
which arose from a public dislike of the
Duke of Nemours, the governor, who was
placed in confinement in a castle. No
thought of serving the king had been en-
tertained by the leaders in this affair ; but
the royalists were thereby enabled to as-
certain their strength, and from that time
they formed plans for establishing the
king's authority. Mayenne was urged
by his family to relieve Nemours from his
unpleasant situation ; but he had no rea-
son to be anxious for the release of such
a rival. f The intrepid defender of Paris
had, however, great claims upon the
party, and a body of troops were pro-
mised to be sent to restore his authority
in Lyons. This news determined the
royalists to hasten the execution of their
plans; they sent to Alphonso Ornano for
help, and, on the night of the 7th of
February, they went through the streets
calling upon the people to join in their
effort for liberty: in a short time the city
was barricaded in every direction. The
archbishop was awakened by the noise,
and went to the Hotel-de-Ville, where he
remonstrated with the people upon their
disobedience, and told them that they
ought at least to wait till the pope had
absolved the king. He was answered by
shouts of Five le Roi! and the next day
every one put on the white scarf. Bon-
fires were lighted, and every thing done
to express the public hatred of the league.
The arms of Spain, Savoy, and Nemour9
were publicly burned, as well as a per-
sonification of the league, under the
figure of an old sorceress. Te Deum
* Cayet, liv. 6, pp. 293, ct seq. Villeroy, vol. ii. pp. J07
el seq.
t In a conversation with Villeroy lie pretended to
doubt the fact of Nemours being in confinement. —
Mem. d'Etat, vol. ii. p. 89fc'.
BRISSAC TURNED TO THE KING'S SIDE.
291
was sung, and public entertainments were
given to promote the festivity.*
This event was highly gratifying to the
king, who had found that his conversion
to Catholicism had neither diminished the
personal hatred of his enemies nor re-
laxed the efforts of Philip II. in opposing
him. A courier with despatches from
Mayenne to the Spanish court, was
seized ; and among other papers was a |
letter, stating that the communications of!
the bearer were deserving of attention
and credit. The king discerned a good op-
portunity for learning Philip's real senti-l
ments, and having confined the bearer of
the despatches, sent La Varenne into !
Spain in his stead, with ample instructions
for his guidance. On his arrival at Madrid,
he was introduced to Philip, who informed
him of all his plans for preventing the ab-
solution of the King of France: "Do not
fear," said Philip, "that the pope will
grant it, unless the Prince of Beam him-
self goes to Rome to demand it ; and if he
go there, I will take good care that he
shall not easily get back again." He
afterwards saw the Infanta; and during
the interview she expressed a wish to be
informed about the Prince of Beam. Va-
renne had expressly given that turn to
the conversation, and produced a portrait
of Henry, with an observation upon the
happy results which might be derived
from a marriage with him. The Infanta
made no reply, but kept the portrait.
Varenne concluded his errand and had
received the orders of the king of Spain ;
he went to take leave of the Infanta be-
fore he quitted Madrid, and, as he left the
apartments, he was secretly informed that
a courier had arrived with intelligence of
Mayenne's despatches having fallen into
the hands of the King of France. His
situation was very perilous, for his ar-
rest would be followed by an order for
him to be put to death ; but by using
great expedition, he was able to make
his escape, and communicate the impor
tant information he had obtained.t The
legate confirmed his report, by announcing
in a letter addressed to all good Catholics,
that the absolution would never be
granted.i
As there appeared, therefore, no probabi-
* Cayet, liv. 6, p. 20P. Journal de Henri IV.
( Cayet, liv. 5, p. 270, J Villeroy, vol. ii. p. 113.
lity of his obtaining the pope's absolution,
and knowing that without it he could not
expect the submission of many of the cler-
gy; and being besides of opinion that, if he
were crowned, many persons would be
led by that circumstance alone to join his
cause, he decided on having his coronation
solemnized at Chartres : that ceremony
took place on the 27th of February, 1594.
The news of this event spread great joy
among the royalists, who by this time
were numerous in every part of France.
Mayenne being informed of the general
change of the public feeling, became fear-
ful of being captured in the same way
that the people of Lyons had seized his
brother Nemours : he quitted Paris in
consequence, and went with his family to
Soissons in the early part of the month
of March.*
The retreat of Mayenne left Brissac,
governor of Paris, at liberty to make an
advantageous treaty with the king for
surrendering the city, and thus take a re-
compense for services unrewarded by the
league. St. Luc, his brother-in-law, was
a royalist ; him the king charged with the
negotiation. A dispute had long existed
between them respecting the settlement of
some property ; St. Luc proposed an ac-
commodation, and the meeting was only
a pretext for making known his mission.
When they met at the Abbey of St. An-
tnine, they were each accompanied by
lawyers, who discussed their affairs with
earnestness, while St. Luc took Brissac
aside, and made his proposal, which was
accepted. As it was necessary to take
every precaution, even against the slightest
suspicion of a conference, it was given
out that the lawyers could not come to any
decision, and that they had parted with
feelings of great animosity: at the court,
it was circulated that the king would not
easily forgive Brissac's devotion to the
cause of Spain.t
On his return into the city, Brissac
consulted with the attorney-general Mole,
and others of the king's party, who would
not join in the undertaking without sti-
pulations for their own interests. But
that circumstance was not allowed to be
an obstacle; Brissac had sold himself, and
therefore could not reproach them for
* I.e Grain, liv. 6. p. 272. Journal de Henri IV.
t Cayet, liv. 5, p. 334. Journal de Henri IV.
292
PARIS OCCUPIED BY HENRY.
making a price. At last they were all.
agreed, and arrangements were made for
executing the plan. The dawn of the
22d of March was the time fixed for
opening the gates of Paris to the king.
On the evening of the 21st, Brissac as-
sembled every officer in whom he could
confide. The object of the enterprise
was then more fully explained, and each
was appointed to the post he was to oc-
cupy in its execution. At the same
time, it was by the greatest hazard that
they were not foiled; for, from the com-
munication being extended to a great
number, it at last reached the ears of the
Spanish ministers and the Sixteen. They
sent for Brissac, and told him that there
was a rumour of Mayenne having con-
cluded a peace with the king. He pro-
fessed to suppose it impossible; but at
the same time admitted that great precau-
tions were necessary, and that he would
immediately go round the walls, to see
that all was right. Two Spanish cap-
tains went with him; and as they had
been informed he was in the plot, they
were ordered to kill him directly^ they
perceived any movement in the neigh-
bourhood.*
Fortunately the king's troops did not
make their appearance till four o'clock in
the morning, when the Spaniards had
quitted Brissac, who went to reconnoitre
directly he heard the signal: the gate was
immediately opened, and the royalists en-
tered the city in silence; they immediately
took possession of the open places and
cross roads. A post occupied by some
Lansquenets was the only point at which
they met with opposition, and that was
very soon overcome. The king's entry
was quite triumphal; he was met at dif-
ferent parts by the public bodies, who
offered their homage, while the provost
presented the keys of the city. The
streets resounded with shouts of Five le
Hoi.1 and the power of the league was in
a moment replaced by the authority of
the lawful sovereign, who now appeared
as generally beloved as he had lately been
execrated by the multitude.
But all Henry's intrepidity could not
prevent his uneasiness, lest an ambuscade
were placed to cut him off; and he in-
quired of Marshal Matignon if he had
secured the gate, and made certain of re-
treat in case of need.* Indeed, it is pro-
bable if a single leaguer had discharged a
gun, or attempted, in any manner, to en-
courage his party, that a dreadful havoc
would have been made amongst the king's
troops. Sufficient time was given for
complete occupation of the town; and the
few efforts that were afterwards made to
disturb the public tranquillity were with-
out effect.
Directly the king perceived that the
Louvre and the principal places were in
his power, he sent to the Duke of Feria
to demand the liberation of Colonel St.
Quentin, who had been put in prison on
account of his supposed royalist opinions.
The duke and his companion Ibarra were
then informed that they were at liberty
lo retire when they pleased, provided they
made no attempts to resist the occupation
of all the posts by the king's soldiers.
They accepted the proposal, and left
Paris the same day with all the Spanish
forces. In the course of the morning,
the king went to Notre-Dame, where Tc
Deurn was sung; the people crowded on
his passage to and from the church, and
when his attendants tried to keep them
off, he called out, " Let them approach,
lor they are eager to behold a king !"t
Proclamation of a general pardon was
made: had Henry consulted his own
feelings, he would not have shown the
least resentment to any; but being con-
vinced that some examples were abso-
lutely requisite, the most seditious were
ordered to quit the city. Even Varade,
the rector of the Jesuits, who had insti-
gated Barriere to attempt his life, was
allowed quietly to depart, in company
with the legate. Cardinal Pelleve died
of vexation on hearing of the event; and
the furious Boucher, being fearful lest he
should be brought to account for his in-
cendiary sermons, retired with several
other doctors into Flanders. De Bourg,
the governor of the Bastille, made a show
of resistance; but when he found that the
popular feeling was undivided, he sur-
rendered the fortress; the occupation of
Paris was then complete.^
As a recompense for his zeal in the
enterprise, the king promoted Brissac to
the rank of marshal; Mole, for his ex-
* Cayet, liv. 5, p. 336. Journal de Henri IV.
* Journal de Henri IV.
% Journal de Henri IV.
t Ibid.
PARIS OCCUPIED BY HENRY.
293
ertions in the parliament, was made pre
sident, and Le Maitre, who filled a similar
dignity under the league, was confirmed
in that office. These rewards were an
indication of the king's disposition to-
wards all who would join him; while the
surrender of Paris contributed very much
to bring about a similar change in the
other towns.
The parliament, being established once
more under royal authority, passed a de-
cree, annulling all the acts and decrees
which had been made to the prejudice of
the king and his predecessor.* They
also proceeded to investigate the conduct
of the most notorious leaguers, and take
measures for punishing them. Very se-
vere punishments were announced for
the preachers, if taken; but as they had
time allowed them to escape, in the in-
terval between the king's return to Paris
and the recomposition of the courts, most
of them remained abroad, and underwent
the punishment of exile alone.
But the Jesuits were found to have
been, one and all, so deeply interested
for the Spanish party, that their expulsion
from the kingdom was considered neces-
sary. This question occupied a long
time. The decree of the university which
ordered the proceedings for their banish-
ment was signed by the faculty without
any objection. t The parochial clergy
afterwards joined the university, and the
cause was tried by the parliament of
Paris in July, 1549.
This process has become memorable
by the constant reference made to it on
every occasion which has brought the
Jesuits into collision with the parlia-
ments; and the charges which were then
exhibited against them have been always
renewed whenever the public mind has
been excited against that society. A li-
mine Arnauld was advocate for the uni-
versity; Louis Dole for the curates of
Paris; and Claude Duret pleaded on be-
half of the defendants. Arnauld's speech
contained much violent declamation: that
of Dole was more argumentative; the de-
fence was comprised under two heads —
one, that the accusation against the so-
* Arrest solemnel conlre ce qui s'est fait |>ar la
Ligue, &c. Dated 30th March, 15U4 Mem. de Nevers,
vol. ii. p. 691. The parliament was recalled from
Tours, by letters patent dated 28th March.
t Sumnta petitionis crat, ut soeietas Jesu, non solum
Parisiis, verum etium universe^ regno exlcrmiiiaretur.
Jouvenci, lib. iii. p 41.
ciety was inadmissible — the other, an
answer to the accusation, if admitted.*
The public feeling was so much against
the Jesuits, and the assertions made by
Arnauld entered so deeply into t lie ex-
perience of the nation at large, that the
proscription of the order was fully ex-
pected.
The doctors of the Sorbonne had joined
in the clamour against the Jesuits, and it
was principally in consequence of their
demand that the trial had been instituted;
but two months had scarcely elapsed be-
fore the faculty rescinded their former
vote, and passed a decree in favour of the
fathers.! The members of the league who
still remained in Paris made use of this
decree to meet the accusations which were
made before the parliament ; and the
Jesuits remained for that time unmolested. %
The king was in the meantime occupied
in the field ; and several towns had sub-
mitted to him. Laon resisted his forces,
and maintained a siege for two months,
in which Givry was mortally wounded.
Peronne, Beauvais, Amiens, and Noyon
surrendered soon after; in November, a
treaty was concluded between the king
and the Duke of Lorrain ; and in a short
time the Duke of Guise gave in his adhe-
sion, and took the oath of fidelity.^ Every
thing seemed to announce the entire pa-
cification of France, by the general es-
tablishment of the king's authority; the
league was dwindling out of existence,
and its decay was rendered still more
rapid by a quarrel between the Dukes of
Mayenne and Feria,|| when the nation
was astounded by another fanatical at-
tempt to assassinate the king.
On the evening of the 27th of Decem-
ber, 1594, Henry arrived at the Louvre
from Picardy, when he was surrounded
by a number of nobles and gentlemen,
who pressed forward to offer their con-
gratulations on the favourable state of his
affairs. A young man had glided through.
25*
* Cayet, liv. 5, pp. 379 et srq. Pl.iidoyer de M.
An oi lie Arnauld, Jtc, 12 et 13 Juillei, lii)4.
t Post maturam dt liherationcm d'ctnrnvit (concio) sc.
quidem censere pntres societatis ,/psu, redigendos esse in
ordiiiem et disriptinnm uniecrsitaiis ; regno autem Qui-
lico esse ncquoquam ezpetlendos. Jouvenci, ut antca.
X Hist lie la Sorbonne, vol. ii. p 147.
§ St. Pol, an intimate friend of Guise, quarrelled with
that prince fur renouncing his principles, ami sent for
800 Spaniards to enable In in to defend Rheims. Guise
heard of his design, and forbid it. St. Pol was haughty,
and Guise ran him through the body. Bassompierre,
Mouv. Mem. p. 45.
|| Cayet, liv. 5, p. 407.
294
A SECOND ATTEMPT
AT ASSASSINATION.
the crowd unobserved, and, with a knife,
aimed a blow at the king's throat. At
that moment two gentlemen had ap-
proached, making their salutation by
bending one knee; and the king, with his
usual affability, stooping to raise them up,
received the blow on his mouth. At first
the king thought he had been struck by a
silly girl named Mathurine, who happened
to be close to him ; and he expressed him-
self to that effect. She immediately went
to the door of the apartment and declared
that no one should go out. The company
then looked at each other, and a young
man, whose person was unknown to
them, and who appeared very agitated,
was at once charged with the crime. He
had thrown away the knife, and at first
protested his innocence ; but afterwards
he confessed that he had given the blow.*
On his examination it was found that
he was John Chatel, son of a draper ;f that
he had studied at the college of the Jesuits;
and that, having dreadful alarms of con-
science on account of depravities to which
he had been addicted, and which seemed
to preclude all hopes of God's mercy, he
wished to expiate a part of his crimes,
under the idea that it would be better to
be damned as four than as tight ;i and
having constantly heard the king declared
a tyrant and a heretic, he thought that
the act of delivering France from his sway
offered the best chance of preserving him
from some part of the torments to which
he fancied he was doomed. This misera-
ble wretch suffered the dreadful punish-
ment which awaited regicides at this
period. §
The greatest alarm pervaded Paris
when the news of the desperate act was
promulgated : but when it was ascer-
tained that the wound was not dangerous,
-and that no fears were entertained of the
knife having been poisoned, the public joy
was unbounded: a Te De<im was imme-
diately sung at Notre Dame.
It was with difficulty the populace were
restrained from taking vengeance on the
Jesuits : their colleges were surrounded
by soldiers ; several of them were taken
into custody, and the rest removed to
* Journal rie Henri IV. Sully, liv. 7.
t Jouvenci thus speaks of him : " I/uic monsl.ro vo
v\on atcrna sepelievdum oblivione, Joannes Castr/lits, #c."
No doubt the society would he very happy if this affair
could be forgotten.
% Ut quatuor quam ul octo.
I Cayet, liv. 6, p. 432—435.
other houses. Among those arrestee?
were Guignard, the rector of the college ;
Gueret, who had been Chatel's confessor
and adviser ; and Haius, or Hay, a Scotch-
man, who had been remarkable for his
zeal against the king's cause. On ex-
amining the papers found in the college,
there were found in Guignard's hand-
writing, some propositions to the following
effect: "That if some royal blood had
been shed at the St. Bartholomew, they
would have been spared the evils under
which they laboured ; that the act of
Jacques Clement was heroic and glorious;
that the crown of France could, and must
be transferred to some other family than
that of Bourbon ; that the Bearnais, al-
though converted to the Catholic faith,
would be treated more mildly than he
deserved if he were confined in some se-
vere convent, there to do penance; that
if he could not be deposed without war, let
war be carried against him ; and if that
could not be done, he should be put to
death;" besides others which were le-
velled against Henry III. and the Protest-
ant princes of Europe.*
The proceedings which had occupied
the parliament some months previous were
renewed in consequence of this event, and
the Jesuits were banished the kingdom by
the same decree which condemned John
Chatel to death. f Guignard was tried for
his treasonable writings, and was sen-
tenced to be hanged : he was executed on
the 7th of January : his firmness at the
place of execution was astonishing, and
he has in consequence been revered as a
martyr by the society.^
Numerous inquiries were made respect-
ing the Jesuits in every part of the king-
dom ; and it was found that those con-
nected with the society were generally in
expectation of the attempt upon the mo-
narch's life. A few days before the act
was committed, two Swiss were met by
some Jesuits at Besancon, on his road to
Rome, who told them that, very soon, the
King of Navarre would be killed or
wounded. The event was also looked for
by the Spanish troops in Britanny, who
were sent to aid the expiring league.
* Cayet. liv. G. p. 430.
t The decree, dated 29lh December, 1594, is given at
length bv many writers: see, among others, Fasquier,
vol i. p. 320.
% Cayet, Hist, des Derniers Troubles, Jouvenci,
Soc. Jesu. Journal de Henri IV.
HENRY ABSOLVED BY THE POPE.
295
And from informations taken at Bourges,
it appeared that one Francis Jacob, a
scholar of the Jesuits in that town, boasted
that he would kill the king if it were not
already done by another.*
Before these statements could reach the
capital, the Jesuits were already com-
manded to leave the kingdom ; they may,
therefore, have been highly coloured by
the enemies of the society to justify a pre-
cipitate decision. To discuss the merits
of the often-renewed dispute, not only be-
tween the Jesuits and the parliaments, but
also their quarrels with the secular clergy,
would be foreign to our subject; but it
may not be improper to remark, that the
declaration published by them in answer
to the decree for their banishment, con-
tains an observation which completely
proves the danger and confusion which
must attend their establishment in any
country where the people have made the
least advances in civilization. After ar-
guing upon the bull of Sixtus V., which
deprived the king of his right to the
crown, and declaring that the court had
usurped the authority of the church in
stigmatizing as impious and heretical the
maxims which Chatel had imbibed, the
fathers added, " that lay-judges con-
demning ecclesiastics, and particularly re-
ligieitx, the immediate subjects of the
pope, were excommunicated."! As the
society can increase its numbers without
any control from the government, the in-
fluence of such a body refusing submission
to the civil magistrate necessarily endan-
gers the existence of the government
itself.
CHAPTER L.
Henry absolved by the Pope— Battl« nf Fontaine Fran-
rai^e — Ham taken <■>■ Uumieres— Capture of Dour-
lens and C.i in ii r ay by the Spaniards — Siege of La
Fere and Calais — Assembly nf Notables at Rmirn —
8iege of Amiens— Edict of .Nantes— Peace Willi
Spain.
The ignorance which pervaded the
people at large rendered the pope's abso-
lution requisite for the establishment of
the king's authority: and it is clear that,
if the pontiff had already granted it,
Chatel would not have felt at liberty to
* Hist.des Derniers Troubles, vol. ii. p 53.
I Cayet, liv. 6, p. 436.
attempt his life: his personal safety was
therefore interested in concluding the dif-
ference with the court of Rome. But,
unfortunately, the expulsion of the Jesuits
created fresh obstacles in the way of the
negotiation, and rendered Clement VIII.
less willing to consent.* D'Ossat was
indefatigable at Rome on the king's be-
half, and envoys were sent from time to
time with special powers, but to no pur-
pose; the pope complained of the re-
storation of the edict of Poictiers (1577,)
and of the banishment of the Jesuits,
which he said was to be followed by the
expulsion of all the religious orders from
France. The Spaniards endeavoured to
confirm him in such sentiments; and as-
sured him that Henry would again be-
come a Huguenot, when he was in pos-
session of all power; and that to preserve
France to the holy see, it was not worth
while to risk the loss of Spain. f Cle-
ment had too much experience to take all
their assertions for granted, and felt a de-
sire to be informed of the real state of
affairs: he made inquiries on all sides,
and put forward various pretexts for de-
laying his decision, until he had received
sufficient information.
He was soon convinced that the league
was no longer a' cause that he was in-
terested in defending; and that the feeling
of the French authorities was too decided
to allow him much longer to tamper with
a king who had already displayed un-
common forbearance, in continuing to
solicit a thing which was valuable only
because the multitude were uninformed
respecting it. Early in 1595, a messen-
ger had arrived in Paris with a bull from
the pope. The Bishop of Paris told the
king that it was the bull for his absolu-
tion. Henry, highly pleased that the
affair had been brought to a conclusion,
sent it to the parliament; but that body,
either having a better knowledge of Latin
than the bishop, or being impressed with
an idea of its requiring a careful inspec-
tion before it could be received, had it
examined with due attention; and it
proved to be merely a bull for the cele-
bration of the jubilee. The court de-
* When D'Ossat wailed on Clement after the news
had reached Rome, the pontiff enlarged very much upon
the proceedings of the Parliament nf Paris; he con-
cluded by paying, " Voyez si e'est la le moyen d'accom-
nwler lea choacs.—Lcltres du Card. D'Ussat, part i. p. 36,
dated 31st January, J5U5.
\ D'Ossat, p. 66.
296
HENRY DECLARES WAR AGAINST SPAIN.
clared that they would not receive any
thing coining from the pope, until he had
recognised the king, and admitted him
into the church.*
This circumstance was calculated to
subdue Clement's obstinacy, but another
event was still more efficacious. Many
of the king's advisers recommended the
establishment of a patriarch at the head
of the Gallican church.t That would
have been as bad as Huguenotism in the
eyes of the Vatican; and from the time
that Clement received that intelligence,
he became more courteous to the French
envoys. It is related that a facetious ob-
servation of Seraphin Olivier convinced
the pope of the danger which attended
his refusals and delays. He had constant
access to Clement, and was in the habit
of conversing familiarly with him: —
" What news," said Clement, "respect-
ing the troubles in France." " It is
said," replied Olivier, " that Clement VII.
lost England by his hasty disposition,
and that Clement VIII. will lose France
by his dilatory procedure. "J The car-
dinals assembled on the 2d of August,
when Clement addressed them at length
on the events which had occurred in
France: he afterwards consulted each of
them in private, and found the majority
were for giving the absolution. § The
terms upon which it was to be granted
were sent to France, and the king, find-
ing them conformable to his intentions,
authorized his envoys, D'Ossat Du Per-
ron, to accept them. The ceremony of
absolving Henry took place on the 17th
of September, 1595.l| The church of
Rome requires that penitents who, having
deserted her faith, wish to be again re-
ceived in the fold, be smitten in public
with rods: the king was not there to un-
dergo the salutary chastisement; but his
representatives, D'Ossat and Du Perron,
received the blows on their shoulders,
while priests recited the Miserere.^ In
* Journal de Henri IV.
t Some lines were composed on the occasion , begin-
ning ;
Pere .taint, France vous eschappe,
Sion fait un jintipape, &c, &c.
t Davila, liv. 14.
5 Lettres du Cardinal D'Ossat, part i. p. 65.
[i D'Ossat. in a letter of the same date, writes " ca
estS ce matin que t'absolution a ete donnee au roye
tout s'y esl passe convenablement a la dignite de la
couronne."— Lettres, &c, part i. p. 08.
IT" This circumstance has been the subject of consi-
derable discussion ; John Botero, an ultramontane,
has given an account entitled De Astorilate et potentia
3ummi Pontificis, Src, in which he dwells upon the fla-
order to maintain every item of his pre-
rogative, the pope declared null and void
the absolution which the king had re-
ceived at St. Denis; and after a full con-
fession of heresy had been read aloud, he
pronounced the restoration of Henry IV.
to his title of Most Christian King. The
sound of trumpets in the church was a
signal for the discharge of cannon at the
castle of St. Anijelo; and while this de-
monstration of joy took place the king's
representatives advanced, and with great
fervour kissed the pontiffs feet.* The
Spanish faction, unable to prevent the
ceremony, had done-all in their power to
have it celebrated privately .f
This negotiation had occupied a consi-
derable part of the year, and in the inter-
val the king had been actively employed
in military operations, for he had declared
war against Spain in January. The
archduke Ernest published a reply to
the king's proclamation, and immediately
took measures for carrying on the war
with vigour; but very soon after he died
at Brussels, and the Spanish government
was thus deprived of his services at a
time they were very much wanted.} As
he had been led to expect the hand of the
Infanta, directly she was placed upon the
throne of France, the reverses of the
league produced a great effect upon him:
his disappointment preyed upon his mind
and hastened his death, the immediate
cause of which was an internal com-
plaint.
On the renewal of the war, the relative
conditions of the parties and their dis-
tinctions underwent a complete revolu-
tion; and the characters of a civil war
were lost in the strong feelings of nation-
gellation as a means of exalting the church. This work
was written in Italian, and being translated into La-
tin, was published at Cologne in 1596 We read there,
Pontifex cum fuste, legatorum lerga ct humeros terbavit,
(S[-c. The proces verbal which was puhished by D'Ossat
at the time, passes over the event in silence; stating
that Ihe absolution was given to the ambassadors
Icmnitatihus assnetis. But it is clear that the blows, if
not given in reality, were in pretence ; and the humi-
liation of royalty to the papacy was equally great. De
Thou (lib 1 13,) complains of Rotero's account and
especially of an expression fustibus eqaoa* admit ting at
the -ame time leviter supplices procuratorcs tangtbat.
D'Ossat also complains of the account. " It was a ce-
remony," says he, " which we felt no more (ban if a
fly hail passed over our clothes; while, after reading
this statement, you would say, that the marks of the
blows would remain on our shoulders " — Lettres du
Card.. D Ossat, 17th O' tohnr, 159B, part i. p. 167.
* Cavet, liv. 7, pp. 536, ef.se}.
t D'Ossat, part i. p. 69.
I Henry's proclamation was dated 17th January,
1595; the archduke's answer, 13th February; he died
21st February, aged 42. Cayet, liv. 7, p. 483.
HIS SUCCESSES.
297
ality. Instead of the Spaniards entering
France to assist the league, it was a rem-
nant of that faction that made exertions
to help the. King of Spain. The Duke
of Lorrain's levies now followed the
king's standard and put on the white
scarf, while the few that adhered to May-
enne renounced their own badge, and as-
sumed the Spanish colour, which was red.
The king's forces were making a regu-
lar progress in the reduction of a number
of towns in various parts of France.
Beaune, in Burgundy, surrendered to
Marshal Biron;* and Vienne, in Dauphi-
ny, was taken by the constable Montmo-
rency. These events were followed by
intelligence of the advance of a strong
force under the constable of Castile, who
had traversed Savoy, and was already in
Franche-Comte, where he was joined by
Mayenne. Biron entreated his majesty
to hasten into Burgundy to oppose the
progress of this invader. The king im-
mediately appointed a rendezvous for his
nobility at Troyes, and arrived in that
town at the end of May. In a few days
Biron informed him that he had recovered
the town of Dijon, and was besieging the
Viscount Tavannes in the cast.le:f but
that he constantly expected the arrival of
the Spaniards, who would advance to help
their partisans. Henry immediately de-
cided upon a plan which he had already
adopted on several occasions with tolera-
ble success: he set out to fall upon the
advanced posts of the Spanish army, and
from that movement resulted the combat
of Fontaine-Francaise, an encounter so
chivalrous and unexampled, that Mathieu
compares it to a dream, and observes,
" That, if it were not well authenticated,
it would be classed among the romantic
exploits of the Rowlands and Olivers,
and the four sons of Aymond."|
The Spaniards had been detained be-
fore Vesoul, which was the only resist-
ance they experienced in their approach;
but that place was well defended, to the
great vexation of Mayenne, who was ea-
ger to relieve Tavannes at Dijon.§ With-
* Prise dcs VMeset Chas/eau it Beaune. This narra-
tive, composed at the time, is inserted in Mem. de la
Lipue, vol. vi. of the edition by Gonjet.
t Mem. de Tavannes, p. ]3'J. Davila, liv. 14. De
Tfaon, liv. 112.
t Hist, des Guerres enlre les maisons de France et
d'Espagne, p. 35.
{ Before the assistance could arrive the Viscount Ta-
jout that delay the king would not have
been in time to oppose their progress:
I but having made choice of a thousand
horsemen, and five hundred carabiners,
he divided them into several companies,
and sent them out by different routes,
with orders to be at Fontaine-Francaise
at a certain time. He arrived within a
league of that place before the other di-
visions, being then accompanied by only
forty gentlemen of his suite, and the same
number of horsemen, who attended the
Baron de Luz. The Marquis de Mira-
beau, who had gone to reconnoitre, has-
tened back to inform the king that he had
fallen in with a body of four hundred oi
the enemy, and that he believed the main
body was at hand. Fortunately, Biron
arrived at that time with a division of
three hundred men; but before all the
troops could arrive at the rendezvous, the
king found himself engaged with a large
division of the enemy's army: the assist-
ance that Biron had brought enabled him
to maintain the unequal conflict; and the
determined bravery of his followers, who
rallied and charged with great prompt-
ness, made the enemy retreat, for they
could not believe that so small a body of
men would have given battle, unless they
were sure of being supported: the arrival
of a division was thought to be the whole
army of the royalists advancing, and
Mayenne and the Constable of Castile
immediately withdrew their troops be-
yond the Saone. The king had not nine
hundred men with him at any time during
the fight, and on several occasions he
charged into the midst of the enemy's
cavalry with less than a hundred follow-
ers: the enemy's force was at least two
thousand, who were encouraged by the
vicinity of ten thousand infantry. The
Spaniards had above two hundred killed
and wounded; the French lost only six
persons.*
There appears temerity in this action
on the part of the king; for, if he had
fallen on the occasion, it is highly proba-
ble that France would have been over-
powered by the Spanish faction. But it
was observed by a contemporary that,
whether he fought or retited, the danger
valines had thought it necessary to retire to Talan
Mem. de Tavannep, p. 139.
* 5th June, 15115. Cayet, D'Aubigne, Mathieu, Da-
vila, Sully, and Mem. de Guillaumc de Tavannes, at the
end.
298
CAPTURE OF DOURLEUS AND CAMBRAY.
was equally great.* Indeed, if he had
not arrested the enemy's progress as he
did, Dijon would have been again lost,
and a protracted war would have been
the consequence. He is said to have
been urged to retreat before it was too
late; but he observed that he wanted as-
sistance, not advice. His experience,
moreover, satisfied him that the enemy
would have overwhelmed him had he at-
tempted to retreat; and he was so con-
vinced of his danger, that he said after-
wards he had fought for his life rather
than for victory.!
This check prevented the Spaniards
from effectually co-operating with their
forces in the north of France, on which
side they had always made their ap-
proaches. They already possessed three
towns in Picardy; viz., Ham, Soissons,
and La Fere. The former place was
taken at the end of June by Humieres.
The garrison very obstinately defended
the town; and at last set fire to the
houses, in order to expel the assailants,'
who had gained admission by means of
an understanding with a concealed royal-
ist. Advice had been sent to the Duke of
Bouillon of what was passing, and by his
assistance the place was mastered, and the
garrison put to the sword. Humieres
himself was killed at the beginning of
the fight, and it was the great attachment
of his followers to him that caused them
to give no quarter in their exasperation.}
The Spaniards compensated for this
loss by taking Castellet and Dourlens:
they besieged the latter place at the close
of July. The Dukes of Nevers and
Bouillon and Admiral Villars were all
pressing forward to relieve the town; and
their united force was fully adequate to
keep in check the Count de Fuentes, who
commanded the Spanish army. But un-
fortunately there was a want of proper
understanding, by some attributed to mu-
tual jealousy, each wishing to obtain the
honour of raising the siege. The con-
sequence was, that Villars was engaged
with a force far superior to his own, and
sustained a total defeat. When it was
known that Villars was a prisoner, seve-
ral officers of the league reproached him
* Mathien, Hist, des Ouerres cntre los Maisons de
France d'Espagne, p. 36.
t Perefixe, in lot. Mathieu, vol. ii. liv. 1, p. 187.
t Cayet, liv. 7, p. 502. Hist, des Derniers Troubles,
vol. ii. p. 59.
with having deserted their cause. Sas-
senval, his companion, a prisoner, ad-
dressed some spirited remarks to them
on the disgrace of wearing the livery of
an enemy of their country. He was im-
mediately assailed with many reproaches,
and both Villars and himself were put to
death on the spot. Dourlens surrendered
soon after, when the Spaniards executed
dreadful reprisals upon the inhabitants.
They spared neither sex nor age, and
called to each other to avenge the taking
of Ham. More than three thousand per-
sons were put to death.*
Fuentes then besieged Cambray, which
he took after a resistance of two months.
His force was seventeen thousand men,
and seventy pieces of cannon; but the
Duke of Reihelois, the governor,! assisted
by De Vic, made such a defence, that he
was preparing to convert the siege into a
blockade, when the people of the town
revolted, and opened the gates to the Spa-
niards. The governor and his friends re-
tired to the citadel, and afterwards ob-
tained very honourable terms.}
Had such reverses occurred at an ear-
lier period, they would have seriously
prejudiced the king's cause; but while
these events took place in the north of
France, the king received his absolution
from Rome, and Mayenne treated with
him for a general suspension of hostili-
ties^ There was now very great hope
of peace being restored to this distracted
country; for, although Mayenne's ad-
hesion was not completed till several
months later, it was evident that the chief
difficulties in the way of a pacification
were overcome. Still the king would
not relax his operations against the Spa-
niards; and, instead of remaining idle
during the winter, sent Laverdin into
Brittany, while he commenced the siege
of La Fere. ||
This siege lasted six months,^ during
which interval the king received the sub-
missions of many persons of rank, and
recovered possession of several towns.
* Sully, liv. 7. Journal de Henri IV. in lor. Cayet,
liv vii. p 505—507. D'Aubisne. vol. iii. p. 3 8. Ma-
thieu, Hist des Guerres. &c, p. 37.
t Son of the Duke of Nevers.
t 0th Oct. 1595. Cayet, liv, 7, p. 528. Mathieu and
D'Aubiene, utantea.
f> Articles dated 23d Sept., 1505.
]l Nov., 1595. Cayet, Mathieu. D'Aubigne.
IT It was the longest that Henry had on hand: the
town was extremely well fortified, and had a numerous
garrison. Sully, liv. 8.
SIEGE OF LA FERE AND CALAIS.
299
Marseilles was regained from the enemy
almost at the moment it was to be deli-
vered over to the Spanish government by
the Consul Casault, who was in treaty
with Charles Doria for that object. Pe-
they alone have been pierced; but when-
ever your heart renounces him, that will
receive the blow." During the siege the
king had a severe illness, and his mind
was harassed by reflections upon his ab-
ter Liberta, who kept one of the gates [juration of the reformed religion. He
of Marseilles, observed that Casault and unbosomed himself to D'Aubigne; and
Louis d'Aix, his chief confederate, went | asked his candid sentiments on the sub-
out of the town every day with their iject. D'Aubigne wished to introduce a
guards; and, being desirous of serving minister who would be better able to dis-
the king, he resolved to shut the gates cuss such matters; but that could not be
upon them when they were out, or to kill
them by an ambuscade near the gate; af-
ter which the town could be easily mas-
tered. He informed the Duke of Guise
of his plan, which was carried into exe-
cution on the 17th of February, 1596.
Casault was killed by Liberta and his
brother, and the town immediately re-
sounded with shouts of Vive le Roi.*
Toulouse was brought back to the king's
authority by Joyeuse, who received the
dignity of marshal as the price of his
submission. The Duke of Nemours,
son of the governor of Paris, who had
died a few months previous, had no diffi-
culty in obtaining an edict from the king;
it was granted at the same time with
Mayenne's, which, however, required
some discussion, and was not registered
by the parliaments without opposition.
He obtained three towns as security,
which he was to hold for six years, and
no charge whatever was allowed to be
brought against him for any part he had
taken in the late (roubles. f
The siege of La Fere was an irresist-
ible inducement for D'Aubigne to offer
his services to the king. His speeches
at the synodical meetings had been very
free, and the king had in consequence
become so inveterate against him, that he
declared he would have him put to death
if he could take him. The extreme dan-
ger which presented itself did not deter
D'Aubigne from going to the camp; and
to the surprise of all, he was received in
a very friendly manner. Henry consult-
ed him in private, and treated him with
great affability. Chatel's recent attempt
on his life becoming the subject of con-
versation, he addressed the king to the
following effect: "Sire! as you have as
yet renounced God with your lips alone,
♦ Hist, lies Dernirrs Trouble?, vol. ii. pp. 62, et seq.
Cayel, !iv. viii. p. 5ri>. D'Aubigne, vol. lii. p. 370.
t Recueil des Edits de Henri IV.
done without alarming the Catholics, and
therefore was not permitted. Henry then
locked the door of the chamber, and
called upon D'Aubigne solemnly to de-
clare his conscientious opinions respect-
ing the sin he had incurred by changing
his religion. They conversed together
for several hours, and joined in prayer at
intervals: the king's mind became more
easy, and his fears considerably dimi-
nished; but his disorder soon after began
to abate, and as he was then able to take
part in the active scenes of government,
he never renewed the discussion.*
La Fere was so closely blockaded, that
to use the expression of a contemporary,
the garrison had nothing free but the air.f
They supported all their fatigues and pri-
vations by confident expectations of relief,
which the Cardinal Albert was bringing
to them. Although his education and pur-
suits had nothing in common with military
affairs, he proved himself to be fully quali-
fied for commanding an'army. He quitted
Brussels with a declared intention of re-
lieving La Fere; but instead of going
there, he suddenly attacked, and took pos-
session of Calais: Ardres was his next ob-
ject, but that siege occupied him a month ;
and before he had finished the enterprise
La Fere had capitulated.^
The citadel of Calais held out some
time after the town was taken, and Henry
sent over to Elizabeth for assistance, re-
minding her of her often repeated pro-
mises.J Sancy was first sent, and after-
wards the Duke of Bouillon ; but as she
found they were too faithful to their own
king and country to allow her to suppose
that she would be permitted to retain Ca-
lais, she told them that she would commu-
* D'Aubigne, Mem. p. 131). Hist. Univ. vol. iii. pp.
37fi. 377.
f Matliieu, Hirt. des Gur.rres, &c.
J Calais was taken 17Ui April, J596. Ardres, 23d
May, La Fere capitulated lGth May. Cayet, Mathieu,
D'Aubigne, and lie Thou.
$ Discours de M. Sancy, pp. 98, t9. Villeroy, vol. y.
MEETING OF THE NOTABLES.
nicate with their king through the medium
of her own ambassador, Sidney. He in-
formed Henry that the Queen of England
would give him great assistance in carry-
ing on the war with Spain, on condition
that Calais, when retaken, should be given
up to her as a security for the sums of
money she had advanced. Henry was
indignant at the proposal, and said, as he
turned away from the ambassador, " If I
must be bitten, it may as well be by a lion
as by a lioness."* Afterwards, when the
Spaniards obtained full possession of the
town, he was far from testifying regret,
but exhorted those around him to take
courage, "For with the help of Heaven,"
said he, " we will recover the place before
it has been as many days in the hands of
the Spaniards as our ancestors suffered it
to remain years in the hands of the Eng-
lish."!
In order to obtain the means of carry-
ing on the war with vigour it was neces-
sary to introduce order into the state, and
an assembly of notables was convoked at
Rouen. The meeting was opened on the
4th of November, 1596, when the king
pronounced a discourse which has been
preserved by many French historians,
who consider it a model of candour and
eloquence. " If," said his majesty, " if I
wished to acquire the reputation of an
orator, I should have learned some fine
long harangue, and have spoken it here
with great gravity'; but. my desire extends
to two more glorious titles, the deliverer
and the restorer of the state. For that
purpose I have assembled you: you know
to your own costs, as I know to mine, that
when God called me to this crown, I found
France not only ruined, but almost lost for
Frenchmen. By divine assistance, by the
prayers and counsels of my faithful ser-
vants, by the swords of my brave and ge-
nerous nobles, and by my own toils and
exertions, I have saved France from de-
struction : let us now preserve her from
ruin. Participate, my dear subjects, in
this second glory, as you have done in the
first. I have not called you as my prede-
cessors did, to order you to approve of my
wishes; I have assembled you to have
your advice, to place confidence in your
opinions, to adopt them ; in short, to place
myself in your hands. It is a desire that
* Mathieu, vol. ii. liv. 2, p. 223.
t De Bury, Hist, de Henri IK, vol. iii. p. 33.
rarely seizes veteran and victorious kings,
but the ardent love which I bear my sub-
jects makes me find every thing easy and
honourable. My chancellor will inform
you more particularly of my wishes."*
The whole winter was taken up with
the discussions of this assembly. Many
plans were proposed for establishing a
good system of finance ; but it would be
some time before they could come into
operation, and the king required money
for carrying on the war. He made Sully
his superintendent of finances, which was
his readiest way to restore order in the
public accounts. That exemplary man
diminished the expenditure by proper re-
forms, and procured a supply of funds by
turning into the public coffers large sums
which the distracted state of the kingdom
had allowed to be swallowed up by greedy
and extravagant individuals. " Whatever
fraud or error," says Sully, "might have
crept into the finances, I imagined that
neither of them could be so secret, nor so
genera], that we could not ultimately find
the origin and the prooft The old cour-
tiers were alarmed at such a reform, and
regretted their supineness in suffering him
to join the council.}:
But the scantiness of his pecuniary sup-
plies was not the only circumstance that
impeded Henry's government; the Hu-
guenots had renewed their meetings, and
represented in a memorial that they were
entitled to privileges more extensive than
those granted by the edict of Poictiers.
The king begged them to defer the discus-
sion of their claims until the public affairs
gave him a better opportunity of securing
and defending the rights and interests of
all parties. However, as the Protestants
had taken up an opinion that the king
was no longer their friend, every measure
which bore any relation to such an idea
was highly coloured and enlarged upon by
the more zealous members of their synods;
and meetings were held at Vendome, Sau-
raur, Loudun and Ch'atellerault, in fur-
therance of their general p!ans.§ The
Duke of Mercosur, who still maintained
himself in Brittany, was encouraged by
the hope that religious differences would
* Cayet. liv. 8, p. 029. Terefixe, liv. 2.
t Sully, liv. 8.
j Messieurs du conscil du roi palirent d la rue de mon
projet. Sully, liv. 8.
$ Their resolutions, declarations, and general pro-
ceedings, are given at length by Soulier, Hist, du Cal-
oanismc, liv. 7 and 8.
AMIENS TAKEN BY STRATAGEM— RETAKEN BY HENRY. 301
again destroy the regal authority, in which
case he confidently expected to establish
an independent sovereignty in his pro-
vince. Other nobles secretly indulged
similar hopes ; and the king was fearful
that along with those contemplated prin-
cipalities a religious republic would spring
up in the heart of his kingdom. He did
not object to the Protestants having privi-
leges ; but he wished them to be conferred
by him, not obtained by them ; and for
that reason, he was careful that all their
public acts should bear the character of
royal sanction, although they were di-
rectly in opposition to his wishes.
The Spaniards, in the mean time, con-
tinued their operations and astonished the
king, and indeed the whole nation, by
seizing upon Amiens by stratagem.
Having placed a sufficient number of men
in ambuscade around the town, a few
were sent in disguised as countrymen.
They were stopped at the gate, and asked
various questions. Pretending to be very
fatigued, they placed their loads on the
ground, and rested at the gate, until they
observed some of their confederates ap-
proaching, who were also disguised and
conducting a wagon. One of them then
took up his load to put it on his shoulders,
and having secretly opened the sack's
mouth, he let fall a great quantity of nuts
at the gate. The guards amused them-
selves in collecting the countryman's nuts;
and while they were thus occupied, the
wagon had arrived within the gate-posts.
One of the confederates immediately
loosed his horses, leaving the wagon to
prevent the gate being shut, while the
others fell upon the guards. The signal
was then given to the Spanish troops in
the neighbourhood: they advanced imme-
diately, and completed the enterprise.*
The possession of Amiens enabled the
Spaniards to make excursions to the gates
of Paris, and it was imperative that the re-
covery of the town should be immediately
attempted. When the king heard of it he
seemed to reflect upon himself for devoting
so much of his time to the pleasures of his
court and the society of his mistress. He
observed with emphasis, " We have had
enough of the King of France, it is now
time to be King of Navarre ;" and toid the
weeping Gabrielle d'Estrees, that he must
* Cayet, liv. 9, p. I
Thou, liv 118.
26
D'Aubigne, vol, iii.p. 387. De
again leave her to undergo the fatigues
and dangers of another war.*
Sully hastily equipped an army with a
good train of artillery, ammunition, pro-
visions, and conveniences for the sick and
wounded. f But to obtain funds for sup-
plying this, he was obliged to raise fresh
imposts upon edicts which required to be
registered by the parliament. Instead of
money that body sent remonstrances.
Henry wrote to the President Harlay, that
those who defended the state ought to be
supported and provided for. " Give me
| an army," said the king, "and I will
i cheerfully give my life to save you and
(restore France." The edicts were not-
| withstanding rejected, and the president
went to the king to represent the neces-
j sities of the state. " The greatest neces-
sity of the state," replied the king, " is to
be cleared of its enemies; you are like the
fools at Amiens who refused me a subsidy
of two thousand crowns and have lost a
million. I am going to fight the enemy,
and if I get shot in the head you will find
out what it is to have lost your king."
Henry IV. could not obtain the registra-
tion of his edicts without using compul-
sory measures: he effected his object to
preserve his dignity; but with unequalled
goodness of heart he revoked the edicts
afterwards.^
The king besieged Amiens with reso-
lution and promptitude, and as the town
was of great importance, the French no-
bility and gentry hastened to assist their
sovereign: while the Spanish government
assured Hernand Tillo, the commander
of the garrison, that he might depend
upon the arrival of relief. The siege
lasted six months, and produced examples
of great spirit on both sides.
Cardinal Albert did not make his ap-
pearance till September, by which time
the town was reduced to great extremity.
He brought with him a good army, and
made an attempt to relieve the besieged;
but after a skirmish with the king's troops,
he drew off his forces to Dourlens. This
so dispirited the garrison, that they im-
mediately proposed to capitulate; and the
king entered Amiens on the 25th of Sep-
tember^ This event was a death blow
to the expiring league, and there remained
* Journal de Henri IV.
t Sully, liv. 9.
J Hist, du I'arlement de Paris, ch 38.
§ Cayet, Mathieu, and D'Aubigiie, in loe.
302 EDICT OF
only the Duke of Mercosur to subdue or
win over: he had lately lost Rochfort and
Craon, his frontier towns; and Dinan, his
stronghold, had been surprised by the
people of St. Malo. He was, therefore,
quite ready to accept the terms which he
understood the king was willing to grant;
and when Henry went early the follow-
ing year into Brittany to settle the affairs
of that province, Mercosur met him at
Angers, took the oath of allegiance, and
delivered up all the places he held;* he
afterwards obtained an edict of indemnity,
similar to those granted the other chiefs
of the league.f
The court of Spain was by this time
convinced of the necessity of making
peace with France, and persons on both
sides were commissioned to discuss a
treaty. The king, at the same time, took
measures for settling the affairs of the
Huguenots. He had been obliged to pur-
chase the submission of many leaguers;
some with governments, others with
money: but the Huguenots' price was of
a different description; they feared that
ultimately they should become victims of
the bigotry of the Catholics, and loudly
demanded securities from the kinff, as a
protection from their enemies. Henry
was not unwilling to grant their request;
he remembered that he had long been
their chief, and that their blood had been
freely shed in his cause. Commissioners
had been previously appointed to draw up
articles for them, and for above twelve
months the king had been solicited to sign
the edict: this he refused to do, alleging,
as his principal reason, that it would be
more satisfactory for him to grant the
edict after he had subdued his enemies
and was in full possession of his autho'
rity: for then it could not be said that the
Huguenots had extorted it from him in a
time of need: and, before the edict was
signed, he gave a proof of his indepen- !
dence by retrenching some articles which
did not please him. J
The edict of Nantes was signed on the
30th of April, 1598. From its provisions
it appears to have been modelled upon
that of Poictiers, and comprised the con-
* According to Sully, the people of Nantes were pre-
paring to deliver Mercosur into the king's hands. Mem,
liv. 9.
t C'ayet, liv. 9, p. 710. Recueil des Edits de Henri
IV.
% D'Aubigne, vol. iii. p. 460.
NANTES.
ventions of Bergerac and Fleix. The
Protestants were allowed the most ample
liberty of conscience; but the public ex-
ercise of their religion was limited to
certain parts of the kingdom. They were
compelled to submit to the exterior police
of the Romish church, by keeping festi-
vals, paying tithes, &c. They were de-
clared eligible to all offices; their poor
were to be received into the hospitals;
and for their protection mixed chambers
were to be established in all the parlia-
ments.
The parliament of Paris refused to re-
gister the edict, and made a remonstrance
to the king: the counsellors expressed
themselves with great warmth, and de-
clared that they would not receive their
new colleagues contemplated in the edict.
The king answered them in an authori-
tative tone, and told them that he knew
how to put down those who opposed
him; adding, in his pithy style, "I have
climbed the walls, and can easily get
over the barricades."* But the monarch
who had sent for the unruly counsellors,
and threatened to enforce his will, would
not dismiss them from his presence with-
out displaying the feelings of a common
parent: he appealed to their sense, their
patriotism, and their justice, and by that
means induced them to yield to his wishes.
That the edict should meet with oppo-
sition at Paris is not surprising; but even
at Rochelle, there was so much discus-
sion upon the subject, that several months
elapsed before it was received and ac-
knowledged. The more ardent Hugue-
nots appear to have entertained the pro-
ject of accepting what suited their views,
and rejecting the rest. The commis-
sioners sent by the king to receive the
adhesion of the Protestants were Para-
bCre, a gentleman of Poictou, and Martin
Langlois, formerly provost of Paris.
! They perceived the aim of the party op-
posed to the edict, and Parabtre addressed
the magistrates to this effect: — "In re-
ceiving the edict, you must receive all its
clauses and provisions. If you reject
some, the Catholics will have the right
to reject what displeases them; and by
the non-execution of the law, your
churches will lose what you think to gain
for them." A consistory was held on the
* D'Aubigne, ut antea. Soulier. Hist, du Calvinisme,
p. 323.
PEACE WITH SPAIN.
303
3d of August, when considerable clamour
was raised against those magistrates who
were persuaded by Parabere's appeal.
A final effort was made to dissuade them
from consenting, but without effect; for
the municipal body consented to re-es-
tablish the Catholic worship, and gave up
two churches for that purpose. Symp-
toms of riot were displayed by the popu-
lace, but the tumultuous feeling was
easily suppressed.*
The peace with Spain was concluded
at Vervins, and signed by the plenipoten-
tiaries on the 2d of May: the king rati-
fied it at Paris on the 22d of June.t The
last trealy with Spain, which was that of
Cateau-Cambresis in the reign of Henry
II. had cost France many towns; but the
treaty of Vervins was entirely advantage-
ous. Henry was aware that Philip was
more in want of peace than himself, and
therefore made his own terms: but com-
mon justice required the restitution of the
towns improperly held by the Spaniards;
while the haughty Philip consoled him-
self for his defeat by an empty protest
that the plenipotentiaries did not repre-
sent him, but the Viceroy of the Nether-
lands.
" Thus," says Sully,J " in spite of so
powerful a league, comprising the pope,
the emperor, the king of Spain, the Duke
of Savoy, and all the ecclesiastics of
Christendom, the king effected his de-
signs, and crowned them with a glorious
peace."
The treaty of Vervins delivered France
from the evils of a foreign warfare; while
the domestic peace of the country was
settled by the edict of Nantes, which
procured the Protestants their civil and
religious rights. By a singular coinci-
dence, the town of Nantes witnessed the
close of the civil wars and troubles, which
had commenced with an assembly held
in that very place, nearly forty years be-
fore, when the violence and ambition of
the Guises drove the Huguenots to seek
for safety in a confederacy. Such a mea-
sure offered a hope of gaining protection,
if not redress; but failing in the execu-
tion, it contributed to assist their enemies,
* Arcere, vol. ii. pp 77—80.
t These dates are given hy Mathieu, Hist, dcs Quer-
res, S{-c.; but Le Grain in his Dacade, liv. 7, says, the
trealy was published l'ith of June.
I Mem. liv. 9, at the end.
and was in reality the spark which ori*
ginated the political conflagration.
CHAPTER LI.
Condition of the Hu-ruenots under Henry IV — Biron's
Conspiracy — Restoration of the Jesuits.
The second period of King Henry's
reign opened under circumstances which
appeared favourable only by comparison
with the previous distracted condition of
France; for the general state of the coun-
try was still deplorable. Distress, the
exhaustion consequent on a protracted
civil war, and the unsatisfied ambition of
many chieftains, were serious barriers to
the internal pacification of the kingdom.
The Dukes of Mercosur, Bouillon, and
Biron, with other powerful nobles, en-
deavoured to re-establish the feudal sove-
reignties of the middle ages; and their
interested efforts greatly impeded the
operations of the royal government. At
the same time, many of the gentry had
become habituated to the restlessness of
a partisan warfare, and expected a con-
tinuation of the impunity which anarchy
had sanctioned during a long series of
years: this also materially retarded the
returning prosperity of the country.
More than one instance on record will
show the extent of this evil, and the
length of time requisite to restore pub-
lic order. Three gentlemen of Brittany,
named Guillery, sustained a siege against
the king's forces. After an obstinate de-
fence, the younger brother, who com-
manded, attempted to escape: but he was
taken prisoner, and terminated his bold
career on the scaffold, along with a con-
siderable number of his adherents, whose
attachment to their leader had been stimu-
lated by hopes of future booty, and en-
couraged by the success of previous de-
predations.* Nor was a prospect of
plunder the sole cause of violence, for
angry personal feuds occasionally broke
out. In August, 1607, there was a com-
bat on the borders of Poictou and Anjou,
in which thirty gentlemen were engaged:
twenty-five of the combatants were killed,
and the others very much wounded.t
Another serious inconvenience had
* Mercure Franeais, 1C03, vol. i. p. 289.
t Journal de Henri IV., in loc.
304
OPPOSITION OF THE CATHOLICS TO THE EDICT.
arisen out of the civil wars: the leading ,
characters of each party had contracted a
habit of entering into treaties for assis-
tance from foreign powers; and the fre-
quency of such negotiations proves that
the state of affairs, by rendering them
necessary, had destroyed their reprehen- !
sible character.
The rival pretensions of the house of
Lorrain were annihilated, when Henry's
right was acknowledged by the pope; but;
the king's marriage with Margaret of
Valois left him without any hope of pos-
terity. The junior branches of the Bour-
bon family looked forward with but ill-
concealed impatience to the succession;
and the termination of the war was but
half of what the nation claimed of its
rulers. Still the king's personal charac-
ter was a guarantee for firm government;
and a series of valuable measures might |
be confidently expected, when the royal
council comprised such men as Sully,
Sillery, Jeannin, and Villeroy. It is,
however, worthy of remark, that Sully
complains of the jealousy of his col- j
leagues, who wished to exclude him from '
all interference in foreign negotiations;
and, on one occasion, Villeroy was so
highly offended at the appointment of i
Bethune, Sully's brother, to the embassy
at Rome, that the king was obliged to in-
terpose, expressing himself greatly of-
fended at such scenes in his presence.*
The heads of the Huguenot party at
this time were Rohan, Soubise, La Tre-
mouille, and Bouillon. The Prince of
Conde and the Count de Soissons had
been educated as Catholics.! Lesdi-
guieres, though nominally a protestant,
was not considered likely to make any
sacrifice for the cause. Duplessis-Mor-
nay was their chief adviser; d'Aubigne
their most active agent. Henry Chiitillon
de Coligny, the admiral's grandson, had
inspired great hopes among the Hugue-
nots; but he was killed at the siege of
Ostend, in 1601. His rising qualities
promised much; being noted for cool
courage, prudence, comprehensive under-
standing, and an affability that won the
affections of his soldiers. The king's
* Sully, liv. 12
+ Conde was so zealous as to give his livery servants
fifteen sols each, every time they confessed ; and, in
order to claim trie money, they were provided with cer-
tificates, Atnelot de la Houssaie. Mem. Hist., vol. ii.
p. 140.
mind was unhappily poisoned against
him by various misrepresentations: he
was reported to be ambitious' without
bounds; inspired by a fanatical impulse
to surpass his father and grandfather; and
ready to sacrifice life for his religion.
His relationship to one whom the king
had professed to revere as a father, and
his zeal against Henry's worst foes, the
Spaniards, presented great claims on his
behalf. But the King of Navarre had
become King of France, and feared the
dawning importance of such a dangerous
spirit. According to the statement of his
confidential minister, Henry appeared
consoled by the news of Coligni's death,
and manifested such a dislike to his
family, that Sully desisted from any ap-
plication in behalf of his mother and
brother.*
The fact of the protestanls having Sully
as their representative and advocate in the
king's council was less important, from
the admitted necessity of public tran-
quillity: besides which, the stern charac-
ter of that minister made him ready to
suspect a seditious motive for the expres-
sion of conscientious scruples; so that he
can hardly be viewed as one of their
party.t And he has, in consequence,
been chaiged with studying to gain the
pope's favour, "seeking," says an accusing
writer, "the applause of the Romish
hierarchy, rather than the approbation of
his brethren. "J
The edict of Nantes, precious as it was
to the protestants, was not free from de-
fect; and during the year which elapsed
between its signature by the king and its
registration by the parliament, various
attempts were made, on both sides, to
alter its enactments. The protestants
complained of their exclusion from many
public charges, while the popish party
considered its provisions awfully liberal;
although the protestants were not at first
permitted to baptize their children in
Paris. In 1603 a greater latitude was
allowed, on account of the danger to
which infants were exposed in the jour-
ney to Ablon, a village three leagues from
Paris. 5 This was the nearest protestant
place of worship until August, 1606,
* Sully, liv. zii.
t Benoit says he was very jealous of the Protestai\t
leaders. Hist, de I'edit de Nantes, vol. i. p. 173.
t Arcana Gallica, p. viii. London, 1714,
$ Journal de Henri IV.
MARRIAGE OF THE KING'S SISTER.
305
when public service was performed at
Charenton. Befthier, bishop of Rieux,
in the name of the clergy, remonstrated
against the latitude of the edict: that body
contended that it should give the protest-
ants no other privilege than that of suf-
ferance; they were not to be questioned
as to their opinions, but should be pro-
hibited from holding any assembly or
synod, without the king's express per-
mission, and were forbidden to attend any
such meetings in other countries.*
The university of Paris was not back-
ward in the career of illiberality , and the
rector demanded the exclusion of Pro-
testant children from the colleges: but all
opposition was fruitless; the edict was
declared just and necessary, and in con-
sequence passed through all the formali-
ties requisite to make it valid.t Nor was
it beneficial to the protestants alone; for
in above two hundred and fifty towns,
and two thousand rural parishes, where
the mass had been prohibited nearly fif-
teen years, the old ceremonial was re-
stored: in some cases in spite of local in-
fluence; and particularly so at Thouars,
where the Duke de la Tremouille in vain
endeavoured to maintain the ascendency
of his brethren in religion. t. The public
were in general satisfied: the majority
from indilference to Romish interests;
and the more experienced from a convic-
tion that the hope of advancement would
cause many of the Huguenots to abjure.§
The marriage of the king's sister Ca-
therine with the Duke of Bar was an
event of some importance, from the ele-
vated rank of both parties; the princess
being at that time the presumptive heiress
of Navarre and Beam, and her affianced
husband heir of Lorrain. It assumed,
however, a still more important character
from the difference of religion. Like her
mother, Jane d'Albret, the princess was
most fervent and uncompromising in her
attachment to the protestant faith, and
would on no account assist at the cele-
bration of mass as part of the marriage
ceremony, which in its principles and
nature presented ample materials for dis-
cussion, from the sacramental character
| claimed for it by one party, and as de-
(cidedly refused by the other. The Duke
of Bar was equally unyielding; and Du
Perron was commissioned by the king to
I exert his eloquence in persuading the
duke to be married according to the cus-
tom of the Huguenots, since the princess
was determined to follow the example of
her mother, and remain steadfast in the
religion in which she had been educated.
Whether the point in dispute might not
have entirely broken off the marriage is
a problem; the king was at last fatigued
with the unceasing theological controver-
sies, in which were frequently mingled
some allusion to his sister's firmness con-
trasted with his own abjuration. He re-
solved on a plan for settling the point in
question, and summoned his sister and
her future husband to his cabinet. The
archbishop of Rouen, Henry's natural
brother, was waiting to receive them; he
had been induced to grant his ministry
by Roquelaure* and at the king's com-
mand performed the ceremony; t lie pre-
sence of the sovereign being admitted by
the clergy to compensate for the absence
of the other solemnities which usually
accompanied a marriage.t On quitting
the king's presence, the princess con-
ducted her husband to the Louvre, where
she 'regularly maintained the protestant
worship in her apartments; and the nup-
tial benediction was there given by a pro-
testant minister.!
Meanwhile the agents of Spain and
Savoy were actively fanning the discon-
tent of those nobles whose services gave
them strong claims upon Henry's grati-
tude ; while the recompenses they had ob-
tained, by falling far short of their expec-
tations, only extended their means of
opposing the government. According to
their connexions, they took measures for
increasing their partisans, by well-timed
appeals to the feelings, framed according
to their respective principles.' The Hu-
guenot nobles invariably professed much
anxious doubt respecting the sincerity of
the king's intentions towards them; and
to maintain a corresponding tone in the
minds of their followers, they described
Cayet, Chron. Septennaire.—De Serres, Hist, de * Roquelaure, subsequently marshal, was t lie arch-
rTY,e' V"' ''' ''' bishop's boon companion, and had persuaded the king
t Registered in parliament of Paris, 2jth of Feb., to elevate him to the see of Rouen.
m- f 30th of January, 159!!.— Stilly, liv. 10.— "ayel— Be
J Roiirnisseaux, llist.de la Villr. de Thouars, p. 183. Serres.
{ D'Aubigne, Hist. Univ., vol. iii. p. 034. j D'Aubignc, Hist. Univ. vol. ili. p. 601.
26*
306
TREACHERY OF THE DUKE DE BIRON.
the humiliating condition to be appre-
hended, whenever the complete restora-
tion of order should place them at the
mercy of their unrelenting foes. The
opposite party was also suspicious of the
king's designs: the reality of his conver-
sion was doubted, and his relapse into
heresy declared most probable, whenever
the time arrived for him to throw off the
mask, and again declare himself a Pro-
testant. This party, guided and encou-
raged by experience, appealed to the
bigotry and fanaticism which had wrought
such wonders in the time of the league.
The riches of Spain were lavished to that
end, but happily without their intended
effect: each successive attempt at insur-
rection tending rather to strengthen than
injure the royal power.
Among the discontented nobles of this
time, the foremost was Charles Gontaut,
Duke de Biron, who at the age of forty
had obtained the rank of marshal, and
was admitted to the councils, and even
the intimacy of his sovereign: possessing
in addition a splendid fortune, and enjoy-
ing a reputation for military excellence,
equal to, if not surpassing his father's.
Brantome is exceedingly warm in the
praise of this marshal, whom he calls the
first in Europe ; and adds, that " next to
King Henry, he was the greatest captain
at the expense of France, whenever the
dismemberment of that country could in
any way be effected. He promised Biron
the hand of his third daughter ; and it was
agreed with the King of Spain that an
independent sovereignty, consisting of
Burgundy and Franche Comte, should be
vested in him, on occasion of the mar-
riage.* All these transactions were re-
ported to the king, who was remarkably
active in procuring intelligence concerning
public affairs ; and to such a degree that
he astonished the Spanish ambassador by
his knowledge of what passed in the coun-
cils of Madrid.f
Biron's discontent was in consequence
early known : yet when it became neces-
sary to use coercive measures with the
Duke of Savoy, he obtained an important
command. He was already in league
with the duke, and warned the governor
of Bourg that on a certain day and hour
he would be attacked. "All this," observes
Sully, "has been subsequently proved."
The treachery did not however prevent
the town from falling into the power of
the king's troops. Nor was Biron's tur-
pitude confined to disloyalty towards his
sovereign ; he most treacherously endea-
voured to deliver Sully into the hands of
the Duke of Savoy,]:
The successful termination of this cam-
in Christendom ; the bravest, the most paign was followed by Henry's second
daring, and most valiant ever seen."* j marriage. So long as Gabrielle d'Estrees
The celebrity of this first example of | lived, none of the king's advisers exerted
Henry's severity renders it almost super- 'themselves to obtain a dissolution of his
fluous to detail the particulars of his con- 1 first marriage: their ideas of a suitable
spiracy and condemnation. He was la-
mentably insnared by the Duke of Savoy,
and Don Pedro Henriquez de Azevedo,
Count de Fuentes. The latter was the
recognised agent of Spain in Italy, and
was so violent in his hatred to Henry
IV., that he never mentioned his name
without an opprobrious epithet ; he gave
a cordial welcome to all whose disaffection
union for the " eldest son of the church"
made them shudder at the bare possibility
of his raising a concubine to the throne ;
and such might have been the case, as
Gabrielle possessed great influence over
him, and appears by all accounts to have
merited his attachment.
There was something very tragical in
her death. She had quitted Fontaine-
led them into exile, and is accused of' bleau for Paris, where she intended to
having instigated several attempts against
the king's life, as he deemed it impossible
to renew the civil war in France so long
as he lived.f Emanuel, Duke of Savoy,
had a personal dislike to Fuentes; but he
cordially co-operated with that busy in-
triguer, whose plans, if successful, might
enable him to extend his limited territory
* Vie riii Marshal de Biron et de son Fils.
t Mathieu, vol. ii. p. SU.
perform her Easter devotions. After
hearing Tmebra. at the church of Saint
Antoine, she was seized with violent con-
vulsions, from which she did not recover.
* Sully. Ijv. xii. Mathieu, vol. ii. p. 491.
t The Nuncio, having asked the Spanish ambassador
his opinion of the king, was told in reply, " II sgait
tout, et m'a dit des choses tenues au conseil d'Espagne,
qui in 'out fait rougir pour les avoir niees, etlui estoi-
ent tres vrayes: il est plus que le diable." Journal de
Henri IV., Oct. 1608.
I Sully, liv. 11.
henry's divorce and second marriage.
307
She expired on the morning of Good i was employed to flatter the marshal, and
Friday, after giving birth to a still-born j work upon his weakness; and a crafty
child, her features being so distorted as to wretch named Lafin, after urging him on
defy recognition.* La Varenne (Henry's in the tortuous path of treasonable cor-
confidential agent in matters of gallantry) respondence, betrayed him to his offended
communicated this event to Sully in a sovereign. The Spaniards had endea-
mysterious manner, which leaves room to voured to corrupt Biron before the termi-
supposethat he thought she was poisoned; [nation of the war: their agents had dis-
but whether this death was the effect of covered his foible, and flattered his hopes
such machinations, or the general tribute
of nature under a more terrific form than
usual, can never now be known, as most
of the circumstances were concealed from
the king himself.f
From this time the divorce encountered
no obstacle : but Henry felt considerable
repugnance to a second marriage ; and in
a conversation with Sully, after enume-
rating the qualities which in his opinion
were necessary to produce a happy union,
he added with a sigh, " That he feared no
such person could be found." He subse-
quently yielded to reasons of state, and
conferred his hand on Mary de Medicis :
the ceremony was performed at Lyons, in
November, 1600.
Ambition must have greatly hardened
Biron's heart, or he would have been
touched with his sovereign's magnanimity
on this occasion. Although Henry was
fully persuaded that Biron was engaged
in a traitorous correspondence with the
enemy, he hoped by kindness to reclaim
the faulty nobleman. Taking the marshal
apart in the cloisters of a church at Lyons,
he asked him, under a promise of pardon,
what was the extent of his correspondence
and conventions with the enemies of the
state? Biron, unhappily for him, made
an incomplete avowal ; the king promised
oblivion for the past, but warned him
that a repetition would have fatal conse-
quences.
Still Biron continued to conspire ; and
the king, unwilling to consider him irre-
coverable, was still inclined to try every
means to reach his heart, but without
effect. The marshal's unfortunate destiny
hurried him to destruction. He was un
happy in the choice of his confidants : the
Baron de LuzJ: was his bosom friend and
instigator; an advocate, named Picote,
* Bassompierre, vol. i. p. 61. — D'AubigQi, Hist. Univ.
vol. iii. p 635.
t Sully, liv. 10.
$ Nephew of Espinac, archbishop of Lyons, a most
violent leaguer, and therefore easily accessible to Spa-
nish influence.
of obtaining one of the great fiefs into
which France was to be divided. They
perceived, moreover, that Biron, who had
hitherto been very indifferent as to reli-
gious observances, now went into the
contrary extreme. The Spanish agents
encouraged this feeling; and it was re-
peated in his hearing, that he was the last
and sole resource of religion and liberty.
The late brilliant position of the Guises
incited him to take their place, and be-
come the champion of popery* as he
imparted his views to others, discontented
like himself, he could behold their ambi-
tion take fire at the prospect he unfolded;
and he succeeded in forming an associa-
tion for dethroning the king, by men who,
above all others, were bound to serve and
defend him. The Duke of Bouillon, who
had acquired the sovereignty of Sedan
entirely by the king's support and recom-
mendation ; Charles, Count D'Auvergne,
brother of the king's present mistress,
Henriette d'Entraigues; La Tremouille,
Soubise, and Montpensier, a prince of the
blood, were engaged in this cause ; but
Bouillon was considered the soul, D'Au-
vergne the trumpet, and Biron the arm of
the conspiracy. However, so far as Bouil-
lon and La Tremouille were concerned, it
was all suspicion, for proof was wanting.t
De Fresne-Canaye sent timely notice of
their proceedings in Italy, but his intima-
tions were disregarded; and it was by
the treachery of Lafin that Biron's plot
was discovered. The artful man, per-
ceiving his patron's obstinacy and bad
judgment, took immediate measures for
his own safety, and solicited an audience
of the king, when he delivered up the
marshal's papers and correspondence.
Sully being immediately summoned to
Fontainebleau, was informed by the king
that he was implicated by the marshal's
letters. With a smile, he replied to
Henry's inquiries respecting his know-
* Malhieu, vol, ii. p, 489.
■t Sully, liv. 13.
308
EXTENT OF THE BIRON CONSPIRACY.
ledge of the affair: "If the others know
no more of it than myself, your majesty
has no occasion to take any trouble about
the matter." " Nor have I paid any
attention to it," answered the king, who
then ordered him to assist Bellievre and
Villeroy, in examining the correspond-
ence.* The result of their investigations
was a summons for Biron to appear at
court. Deceived by Lafin, he imagined
that silence on his part would be sufficient
protection, and set out for Fontainebleau,
although informed by various friends that
his life was in danger.! When the king
endeavoured to draw from him a confes-
sion of his guilt, he replied disdainfully,
that he was not come to justify himself,
but to learn the rlames of his calumniators,
and be avenged on them. Henry gave
him clearly to understand that "he knew
all ; conjured him to be candid ; and
promised a free pardon.} His proud
spirit would not submit : he left the royal
presence, and was soon after arrested by
Vitry, captain of the guards. When dis-
armed, he appealed to his past services ;
and being led across the hall of the guards,
exclaimed, " See how good Catholics are
treated !"§ These expressions almost suf-
fice to account for his tragical end. The
first proves his excessive presumption ; the
other indicates the source from which he
expected to derive support. The rest of
his history is a matter of notoriety.|]
How far Bouillon and D'Auvergne
were implicated with Biron is unknown.
Sully persuaded the king to be merciful,
and privately advised all the parlies in-
volved to sue for pardon. Montpensier
confessed his fault, and begged the king's
forgiveness on his knees. The constable
Montmorency, who was charged with
being concerned, confessed a knowledge
of the affair, though he denied having
taken any part in it: he also asked and
obtained pardon. The Duke of Epernon
made no attempt to conceal his friendship
and intercourse with the marshal, hut de-
nied all knowledge of his designs,^ and
Sully expressed much satisfaction at be-
ing able to declare his innocence. La
Tremouille was summoned to appear, but
* Sully, liv. 12. t Cayet, p. 288.
t Henry, deeply affected, was heard lo say, as lie
paced his apartment, " II faut qu'il ploye cm qu'il
romjie." Mathieu, vol. ii P- 500.
§ Sully— Bassoinpierre — Maihieu.
I He suffered 3]st July. Ki02.
T Girard ; Vie de Due d'Epernon, p. 208.
made repeated excuses of confinement
by the gout.*
The Duke de Bouillon appears to have
entertained great apprehension, as he
passed the frontier, to avoid the conse-
quences. In reply to a letter from the
king, he states his willingness to set out
in obedience to the summons; implores
his majesty to believe that his accusers
are perfidious, disloyal, and false; and
entreats him to be perfectly satisfied of
his innocence. But instead of proceeding
to Paris, he went to Geneva, from which
place he wrote a second letter, again pro-
testing his innocence. t That this was a
case of more than usual importance, is to
be inferred from the fact of the French
Ambassador in London submitting to
Queen Elizabeth the king's letter of sum-
mons, with a request for her candid opi-
nion. Elizabeth immediately instructed
her ambassador in Paris to see the king;
to thank him for his frankness and con-
fidence; and to assure him, that although
she would rather decline giving an opi-
nion, still the king's request demanded
sincerity on her part. The following
part of the instruction at any rate proves
the interest Bouillon excited at the Eng-
lish court: "When we consider that a
part of the accusation is founded on his
conspiracy with Marshal Biron (with
whom we well know he never had a
good understanding, but rather enmity
and emulation,) we hope that the king
will find the accusation altogether feeble;
at which no one will rejoice more than
ourselves." The instruction continues
with an argument upon the great impro-
bability that the Huguenot leaders could
be in league with the King of Spain,
their mortal enemy.}
Scarcely ever has there existed a plot
with more ramifications, and combining a
greater variety of opposing interests, than
that which brought Biron to the scaffold.
In the first place, the Duke of Savoy pro-
moted the undertaking in the hopes of
extending his territory, and converting
his duchy into a kingdom. Biron was
himself seduced by a similar prospect;
and to gain the Huguenot leaders to his
* Sully, liv 13.— Bassoinpierre, Jfouveavr. JUimoirc*.
p. 181.
t Both letters are in Villeroy, Mem. d'Etat, vol. v.
The first is dated St. fire, 30tli Nov. 1G02; the other,
Geneva. 2d January, 1003.
t Villeroy, vol. v. p. 129.
EXTENT OF THE BIRON CONSPIRACY.
309
party, some of the southern provinces of
France were to be assigned to them, free
from all control of the Catholics. Bouil-
lon being induced to co-operate, secretly
summoned nine of the most considerable
of his party, to whom he communicated
the dangers which threatened the Pro-
testants, and the means of deliverance
which had been suggested to him. He
declared to the meeting that six months
had elapsed since a proposal had been
made, to which he long refused to listen;
but which he would not altogether dis-
miss on his private judgment. The as-
sociation which he had been invited to
join, consisted of princes of the blood,
great officers of the crown, governors of
provinces, and many persons of weight
and respectability; that all of them, in
eluding the old members of the league
were indignant at the king's ingratitude
to the Protestants, who ought not to re-
main ignorant of an engagement lately
formed, and signed by the king and the
ambassadors of Spain and the empire, for
a crusade to exterminate the Huguenots:
that the time for the execution of the pro-
ject, and the contingents of men and mo-
ney which each should supply were spe-
cified, and the war was to be continued
until the Huguenots were extirpated,
After stating that the Duke of Savoy,
who was in possession of an authentic
copy of the convention, bearing original
signatures, was willing to place it in the
hands of the Protestant body, the Duke
de Bouillon unfolded the plan of territo-
rial remuneration, proposed by the origi-
nators of this measure; and called upon
D'Aubigne for his sentiments respecting
and one of the party was sent to Lyons,
where the king then was, with instruc-
tions to act according to circumstances —
making such communication to Sully, as
should preserve their fidelity from im-
peachment, yet concealing names, to
avoid compromising the parties.*
In 1603, the Protestants were again
made the tools of Bouillon's ambition.
Persisting in his voluntary exile, he con-
tinued indefatigable in his negotiations
with James I. and the Elector palatine,
evidently with the design of inducing
those princes to espouse his cause, by re-
presenting himself as the champion of
the reformed religion. He even pub-
lished pamphlets, apparently directed
against the Protestant body, with replies
unfolding the great dangers which were
impending. Duplessis-Mornay was so
much deceived as to defend the duke's
character, and enlarge on the value of
his services; and at an assembly held at
Gap.f the discussions and resolutions
were so animated as to threaten some
insurrectionary movements. An effort
was made to insert in the body of their
articles of confession that the pope was
Antichrist. The king, on hearing this,
desired Sully to interfere, and put an end
to such a scandal: at the same time, Les-
diguieres, Bouillon, and La Tremouille
violently decried the loyal statesman, and
represented him as corrupted by the
court: yet he had sufficient influence
with the Huguenot deputies, residing at
Paris in pursuance of the edict of Nantes,
to have the obnoxious article suppressed.
Duplessis thus explains the cause of this
proceeding.! After describing the con-
the offer. That gentleman explained his dition of the French churches, in terms
views with eloquence, and severely cri- diametrically opposed to discontented
ticised the character of the principal con- j feelings, he relates that a professor of di-
federate, Biron; who notwithstanding his ! vinity at Nismes had proposed as a sub-
education under a protestant mother, andjject for argument, De Jinlichristo; for
a father who was an enemy to bigotry, , which he was summoned before the par-
had, since his intimacy with the Duke of
Savoy, exchanged the licentiousness of an
atheist for the superstition of a monk.
He ridiculed the idea of such a combi-
nation against the Protestants; and ex-
pressed his conviction that, if this perni-
cious offer were accepted, they would be
quickly betrayed to the king. The com-
pany unanimously approved of D'Au-
bigne's opinion, which the Duke of
Bouillon at once adopted as his own;
liament at Toulouse, as a perturbator.§
The Protestant ministers, seeing that
they might be accused of sedition for
their sermons, brought the matter before
the synod for discussion.|| The pope
* D'Aubigne, Hist. Univ., vol. iii. p. 074.
t 1st Oct. 1603.
% In a letter to M. de la Fontaine, then in London,
dated 20th March, 1G04.
^ Ferrier, who alterwards abjured, was the professor
implicated — Benoit, vol. i. p. 3U4.
U Duplessis, Mem., vol iii. p. 49.
310 RECALL OF
was really alarmed, lest a declaration so
hostile should become a matter of delibe-
ration in all the European universities:
but he availed himself of the circum-
stance to pretend great offence, and would
not be pacified with any thing short of
the recall of the Jesuits, whose re-esta-
blishment is the next event in which the
liberties of the Huguenots were inte-
rested.*
Henry had been induced in the pre-
ceding year to promise it, and the Nun-
cio assisted the fathers Cotton and Mayes,
in their efforts to realize that promise.
Cotton had for some time been in the ha-
bit of preaching before the king, who
thought favourably of his learning and
talents. The Jesuits, in 1603, obtained
permission to reside in certain towns:
this did not, however, satisfy them; they
required a formal recall, and the repeal of
the decree against them. Henry had
promised it when at Metz; and the par-
liament of Paris deputed their chief-pre-
sident Harlay to remonstrate against the
proposed measure. His address is a re-
petition of the general charges against
the society. The authenticity of the
king's answer, as reported by several
writers, is hardly maintainable: it con-
tains a rather laboured apology for the
Jesuits, excusing their faults and con-
cluding for their support, on account of
their usefulness.! But whatever may be
the terms used by the king, it is evident
they expressed displeasure at the senti-
ments uttered by the parliament; and
whether he wished to conciliate, from a
fear of their intrigues, or to act on genu-
ine principles of liberality, the result was
equally favourable to the Jesuits. Sully
opposed the measure in the council. He
admitted that Sillary excited his ill hu-
mour at the meeting, by a pretended com-
pliment, which but ill-disguised his jea-
lousy. He called on Sully to open the
consultation, both on account of his ex-
perience, and from being best acquainted
with the king's views. To this Sully
objected. "So it appears," observed
* Sully, liv. 10.
•f Harlay's speech, delivered 4th Dec, 1603, is pre-
served in the Mercure Francais, vol. ii. pp. 164. et sea.
But the Jesuits' published in French. Latin, and Ita-
lian, a falsified abridgment, with the answer attributed
to the king. The latter pieces are to be found in Vil-
leroy, vol. vii , and are referred to as unquestionable
authority, by Father Daniel, and others of the ultra-
montane school.
THE JESUITS.
Sillery, with a malicious smile, " we
must wait for your opinion, until you
have made a journey to the banks of the
Seine, four leagues off," alluding to Ab-
lon, where the Protestant ministers held
their meetings. Sully replied with firm-
ness, that in religious matters he was not
led by man, the word of God being his
sole guide: but in affairs of state he was
entirely ■ guided by the king's will, of
which he must be more informed before
he could pronounce.*
The following day he conversed at
length with the king upon the subject.
After hearing his minister's objections,
Henry summed up his sentiments in a
manner that proved his intentions were
already decided. He had been persuaded
that by driving the Jesuits to despair,
their audacity would have no bounds. f
This was clear from his reasonings; and
instead of attempting further to refute his
arguments, Sully declared that if the
king's personal happiness and safety de-
pended on the re-establishment of the
Jesuits, he would promote it as readily
as the most decided of their partisans.
Til is declaration illuminated the king's
countenance with satisfaction; and he vo-
luntarily pledged his royal word, that no
influence of the Jesuits should induce
him to make war against the Proiestants.
The result of this interview was speedily
communicated to the king's confessor
elect, father Cotton, who the next day
visited Sully, loading him with flatteries
and commendations.
CHAPTER LII.
Death of La Tremnuille— D'Aubisne's conversation
with the King— Meeting at Catellerault — Reduction
of Sedan— Death of Henry IV.
Sully being named governor of Poic-
tou, visited that province in the summer
of 1604. He was well received at Ro-
chelle; and endeavoured to convince the
leading Huguenots of their error, in act-
ing perversely towards the government.
La Tremouille and Rohan both expressed
unshaken lenity to Henry ; but the ex-
* Sully, liv. 17.
f " Ventre Saint Gris me repondez vous de ma per-
sonne?" was Henry's reply to one who endeavoured to
dissuade hint.
DEATH OF LA TREMOUILLE.
311
perienced statesman declares that in his
opinion the followers of those noblemen
were quite as refractory and discontented
as they had been represented. (Sully's
voyage produced a very beneficial result
to the regal authority, though it hastened
the ruin of the Protestant cause: by dis-
tributing pensions to the more pacific
and moderate, he reduced the cabal in
that province to insignificance, and La
Tremouille's death, which occurred soon
after, deprived them of their principal
leader.* This nobleman had married a
daughter of the Prince of Orange; and
being thus allied to the dukede Bouillon,
attained great importance in the Protest-
ant party, whose interests he so warmly
espoused, that, had he lived longer, it
was the king's intention to bring him to
justice.! Orders were sent at one time
to besiege him in his chateau at Thouars;
and when La Tremouille was informed
of the advance of some detachments to-
wards his residence, he wrote to his tried
friend D'Aubigne, reminding him of a
mutual vow they had made to share each
other's dangers. D'Aubigne hastened to
Thouars; and in conjunction with La
Tremouille, commenced measures of de-
fence, by collecting -the gentlemen of
their party. In one of their rides they
perceived the heads and bodies of some
malefactors, left for exposure. La Tre-
mouille changed colour at the sight; on
which D'Aubigne took him by the hand,
and observed, " You must learn to look
at such melancholy spectacles with a
good grace: for engaged as we are, it is
requisite to familiarize ourselves with
death."!
D'Aubigne declares that the death of
this noblenvin was the cause of his reso-
lution to quit the kingdom; having no
longer any one in whom he could confide,
for his defence against the secret ma-
noeuvres of the court, all the other Hugue-
not leaders being corrupted by pensions.
With this intention he had made prepa-
rations for his departure, and the greater
part of his property was embarked in a
small vessel, hired for the purpose.
While his two last cases were being con-
veyed from his home, he received a letter
from the king, and another from La Va-
renne, both assuring him that he was
* Sully, liv. 18.
t Bassompicrrp, JVouBtaaw, Mem., p. 181.
X D'Aubigne, Mem., pp. 148—152.
wanted at court, and would be well re-
ceived. Those letters made him change
his resolution, and decided his return to
Paris, where the king employed him
nearly two months in superintending the
preparations for some joustes and tourna-
ments: yet without giving the least inti-
mation of a desire to converse with him
respecting his conduct in the Protestant
assemblies, which was after all the real
motive of the invitation.
At length Henry took an opportunity
of speaking to him alone, and endeavoured
to persuade him to join the court party,
by representing the selfishness and ve-
nality of his partisans. He admitted that
D'Aubigne himself attended the meetings
in good faith; but that the majority were
corrupted, and that nothing would be
henceforth carried against his wishes.
"This is so true," added Henry, "that
one of your number, connected with the
i first families of France, has cost me no
more than five hundred crowns to serve
as my spy, and inform me of all that
passes in your assemblies."
D'Aubigne in reply stated, that being
elected a deputy, he felt bound to serve
his constituents conscientiously; and the
t more so, since they had lost their royal
I protector: at the same time he well knew
I that, with the exception of the late Duke
de La Tremouille, all the chiefs had sold
! themselves to the court. Henry then
embraced his old companion in arms,
land recommended him to cultivate the
' friendship of Jeannin, observing, " He
j has managed all the affairs of the league:
| and I shall have more confidence in you
and him, than in those who have played
a double game." Henry was turning
away, but D'Aubigne detained him; and
firmly, though without disrespect, in-
quired what was the cause of his displea-
sure.— The king turned pale, as was cus-
tomary with him when his feelings were
moved, and replied, " You were too much
attached to La Tremouille. You knew I
hated him; and still you gave him your
affection." " Sire !" replied D'Aubigne,
| "I have been brought up at the feet of
j your majesty, where I learned never to
abandon those in affliction." Henry
again embraced him, and they separated.*
Henry sent a confidential agent to ques-
tion Duplessis on D'Aubigne's friendship
* D'Aubigne, Mem. pp. 14d— 152.
312
GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF PROTESTANTS.
with La Tremouille, and other subjects
affecting his character for loyalty. The
agent's report to the chancellor was de-
cidedly favourable.*
The conspiracy of the Entragues family
does not enier into our subject, being an
affair of private ambition, in which no
Huguenot of distinction was implicated.
The counts D'Entragues and D'Auvergne
But unhappily the dispute was not al-
ways limited to opinions or protestations:
in a moment of excitement, a placard was
posted in different parts of Paris, inviting
the university students to meet with clubs
and other weapons, for the purpose of re-
sisting the insolence of the maudile secle
huguenot e et abloniste. An individual
named Robert, returning from worship at
were condemned to death; and the mar-IAblon, was attacked and murdered: his
chioness of Verneuil was sentenced to per- son who accompanied him, in desperation
petual imprisonment.! The king's pro-
mise, given at the dying request of Henry
HI., in behalf of D'Auvergne, effected a
commutation of his sentence into confine-
ment in the Bastille;}: ai:d his passion for
Madame de Verneuil caused the punish-
ment of her father to be limited to banish-
ment from the court, and an order to re-
side on his estate; the marchioness, as
may be easily imagined, obtained a free
pardon.
The chronicles of this period abound
with incidents, which would be deemed
insignificant if they did not serve as an
index for judging of the state of public
opinion. The conversions of monks and
other ecclesiastics are carefully noted; as
well as laymen, whose position gave
them interest. But although we find only
an occasional notice of proselytes to the
Romish church, it is loo well known that
court favour, the hopes of advancement,
and the prospect of fortune, led many to
desert their faith. In addition to those
motives must be mentioned the effect of
prejudice, which to many is irresistible;
for the stake and the scaffold will excite
firmness, when the silent contempt of
connexions and neighbours will shake a
avenged his father, by killing the assassin
on the spot.*
The Protestants having demanded a I
general assembly, by virtue of the edict
of Nantes, the town of Chatellerault was
named for the meeting; and Sully was
appointed to receive the deputies, and ad-
dress them in the king's name.t This
was a disappointment to those of the Pro-
testant nobility who were influenced by
political motives: they knew Sully's firm
loyalty, and were well aware that his en-
ergy would enforce respect to the king's
instructions, known to be directed against
any renewal of the offensive proceedings
at the synod of Gap. None could be ad-
mitted as the deputy of an individual, not
even from Lesdiguieres; and there was a
positive prohibition against receiving let-
ters from any foreign princes, and parti-
cularly from the Duke de Bouillon, his
conduct towards the king requiring some
public mark of displeasure.} In the event
of the assembly manifesting a feeling of
insubordination. Sully was instructed to
avail himself of his authority, as governor
of the province, and to inform the sedi-
tious members that the king was well
aware of their designs. A letter from
well-founded resolution. The contro- Bouillon had in fact been intercepted,
versy between the rival creeds was zea-j which proved the existence of irritated
lously maintained; but principally by a i feelings; and manifested a prevalent de-
sire on the part of many members, to im-
few individuals, on behalf of the Protest-
ants. The English ambassador was for
many reasons bound to stand forward;
and on occasion of the fete-Dieu, he not
only refused to place hangings before his
hotel, in the Rue de Tournon, but declared
that he would set fire to any that might
be placed, contrary to his will. The pro-
cession of St. Sulplice, to avoid extremi-
ties, was in consequence ordered to pass
by another slreet.§
* Dated 8th March, 1605. Duplessis, vol. iii. p. 91.
t 1st February, 1005.
j Bassoinpierre, vol. i. p 404 N'ouv. Mem., p. 199.
} Journal de Henri IV. 23d June, 1604.
prove the position of the body by a vigo-
rous effort. ^
Sully's opening speech was not well
received by the assembly. He endea-
voured to convince the meeting, that the
number of towns assigned to them under
the edict of Nantes, so far from being to
their advantage, was an injury to their
cause; as the dispersion of their forces
would render them an easy conquest, if
* Ibid. IV. 18th Se p , 1005.
f His commission is dated 3d July, 1005.
i Sully, liv.2I,
} Ibid.
BOUILLON RECONCILED TO HENRY.
313
any serious design against them were
meditated: even Lesdiguicres, their
Achilles, could not hold out in such a
case, although he should await compul-
sion to induce his submission; a thing not
likely, considering his interested views.
This insinuation was intended to show
how well the court knew the secret dispo-
sitions of all the party.
The assembly refused Sully the ho-
nour of their presidence, only two votes
being given in his favour; and they com-
missioned D'Aubigne to inform him, that
he must desist from appearing there, un-
less he had any thing to propose from the
king.* Such an affront, where he had
calculated on obtaining marked distinction,
renders it necessary to make some deduc-
tions from his account of the proceedings,
which he represents as very tumultuous.
He excluded Duplessis from participating
in the discussions, on the ground of his
not being deputed by any province; and
although the deputies of Dauphine ex-
claimed, that nothing could be done in
his absence, Sully enforced his authority,
and compelled the assembly to forego the
opinions of Duplessis, as well as those of
the Duke de Bouillon, who, together
with Lcsdiguieres, are severely censured
in his memoires for their conduct at this
period. In conjunction with D'Aubigne
and others, they are charged wi'.h having
signed a memorial, in which was laid the
basis of a Calvinist republic in France:
the result of the meeting rendered the
project useless; and Duplessis, fearing the
consequences, sent his excused the king,
with a disavowal of the memorial. f
The mere conception of such a scheme
was calculated to alarm the friends of the
monarchy; and Sully endeavoured to
learn the general feeling of the Protest-
ants on that point. The answer he ob-
tained from the deputies with whom he
conversed was to this effect. If Henry
were immortal, the Protestants, having
full confidence in his word, would at once
renounce all precaution, give up their
places of security, and reject foreign sup-
port; but the fear of finding very different
sentiments in his successors compelled
them to continue measures adapted for
their safety. Sully was satisfied that the
partisans of the project did not exceed the
* D'Aubigne, Mem., p. 134.
t Duplessis, vol. iii. pp. 122— 120. Sully, liv. 22.
27
number of six or seven persons; but the
king was not so easily convinced, and
was deeply struck with the danger to
which the state would be exposed after
his death.*
This consideration had some share in
originating the expedition for reducing
Bouillon to submission. The Duke was
summoned; passports were sent to him;
and he was even threatened with vigo-
rous measures, in case of non-compliance,
but in vain. He persisted, and it was not
until Henry was on his march to Sedan,
that this proud subject showed any signs
of submission. At first Bouillon boasted
that he would bury himself under the
ruins of his little principality. He then
proposed to treat with the king on the
footing of an independent sovereign; and
finally requested that Villeroy might be
sent to discuss the terms of surrender.
The conditions were very lenient: Henry
did not wish to ruin an old companion in
arms, who had privately confessed his
readiness to submit, provided he could do
so with honour: he was satisfied with
humbling him, by the means of hereafter
keeping him in check. It was evident
that Bouillon in rebellion was less dan-
gerous to his government while at Sedan
than in the heart of France; and the duke
although clear of criminal participation in
Biron's conspiracy, was conscious that
there was sufficient evidence in his cor-
respondence with the marshal to cause
him trouble: a treaty was speedily con-
cluded, by which Bouillon was restored
to Henry's good graces without losing his
territory, the king reserving only the
right of placing a French garrison in
Sedan, t And afterwards, when the Jesuits
requested permission to establish a col-
lege there, they were informed that the
consent of the Duke de Bouillon was in*
dispensable.^
Henry entered Sedan on the second of
April, 160G, when the duke offered his
homage and submission. g He presented
himself at the king's chamber, before he
had risen, and conversed with him for
some time on his knee. Henry after-
* Sully, liv. xxii.
t Sully, liv. 43; Mere. Franc , vol. i. p. 104.
% Journal de Henri IV., Sept. 1809.
} On the same day, Henry sent an account of Bouil-
lon's submission to Duples-jg. This communication
was official and countersigned but many of the king's
letters were private, and written entirely by him. Du-
plessis, vol. iii. p. 157.
314
INTOLERANCE OF BOTH RELIGIONS.
wards placed in his hand a letter of abo-
lition, on receiving the duke's renewed
protestation of fidelity. From that time,
observes a contemporary, he conducted
himself with as much independence and
hauteur, as if nothing had happened.*
Thus ended an expedition which caused
so many remonstrances and complaints
from the Protestants, that an attempt to
rise in the duke's favour was at one time
apprehended. But the condition of the
place completely refutes the idea: a gar-
rison scarcely amounting to three hundred
men; the cannon in bad condition; and
scarcely any supply of the most common
requisites for maintaining a siege, are
proofs that the Protestant body had no in-
tention of espousing the duke's personal
cause, as at all connected with the inte-
rests of religion.
The affairs of the Protestants during
the remainder of this reign present no
event of importance. Sully expresses his
regret that the king too readily listened to
the complaints of their enemies: at the
same time it is impossible to deny that
occasionally their zeal led them beyond
the bounds of propriety, no less than of
good policy. It is needless to detail the
routine of their periodical synods for
electing deputies: they were uniformly
accompanied by attacks upon the Romish
doctrines, and frequently gave occasion
for treating their sovereign with disre-
spect. It is not hazarding too much to as-
sert that this empty right, grounded upon
the edict of Nantes, was highly injurious
to their cause; for, instead of contentedly
sitting down " under their vine and their
fig-tree," they acquired a habit of med-
dling with state affairs, censuring the
king's appointments, and remonstrating
against his measures. In short, no go-
vernment could complacently regard such
an imperiurh in imperio; political neces-
sity in consequence furnished a pretext
for, and sanctioned the subsequent faith-
less conduct of the French crown towards
the Protestants. However, under Henry
IV., there was no fear of violence: perse-
cution had given place to controversy;
and with the exception of a certain degree
of acrimony in some cases, wherein the
Jesuits took part, their theological dis-
putes passed off quietly.
In 1607, father Cotton sent a brother
* Bassompierre, vol. i. p. 171.
Jesuit, named Gaspard Seguiran,* to Ro-
chelle; but being certain of a refusal from
the king, he privately obtained letters
from the secretary of state, f On reaching
that city, the father was rudely sent away,
without being permitted to pass the gate.
The partisans of the Jesuits took occasion
to incense the king against such disre-
spect. Henry made a show of adopting
the complainants' views, and appeared
inclined to chastise the delinquents ; but
taking Sully aside, he admitted that the
Protestants were not entirely to blame;
and that if he had known that such letters
had been applied for, he should have for-
bidden them. " However," he added,
" you must endeavour to settle this, with-
out disobeying the secretaries of state ;
for it may hurt the importance of their
other despatches." Sully easily arranged
the affair. He wrote to Rochelle, to ex-
plain that, above all other considerations,
the king must be respected; and that by
yielding to his authority, they would more
easily carry their point, especially as those
letters were given without his sanction.
Seguiran then presented himself a second
time, bearing a letter signed by the king
himself: he was admitted, and even al-
lowed to preach ; but in a few days after
his arrival, he was recalled.^
Sully's correspondence, it may be well
supposed, was not made known to any
other than the leading characters at Ro-
chelle ; and as the whole population felt
deeply interested, a deputation arrived at
Paris, when the speaker, named Yvon,§
was so indiscreet, in his address, that the
king charged him with sedition. || This
feeling of insubordination, which had
grown out of their habits of warfare, blend-
ed with theological controversy, was their
most offensive quality in Henry's eyes ;
and on a subsequent occasion, when Sully
complained of the seditious sermons of the
Jesuit Gontier, the king admitted that his
complaint was well founded ; but added,
* Afterwards confessor to Louis XI I f.
t It must be borne in mind Unit tins was a suborrli :
nale employ, not a cabinet minister. Secretaire d'Etat
and Marcchal tie Camp, Iran-lateri literally, give a very
erroneous idea of either of those posts.
| Arcere, Hist, de la HochclU, vol. ii. p. 120.— Sully,
liv. 24.
§ Paul Yvon, seigneour de PA leu . mayor of Rochelle,
in 10 Mi. At the conclusion of the siege, he became
Catholic, and fixed his residence in Paris. He devoted
his attention to mathematics, and has left two works
on that science.
II Journal de Henri IV., 23d February, 1607.
PROPOSED DISCUSSION AT PARIS.
315
that the Protestant ministers preached still
more seditiously.*
As the Protestants had but few oppor-
tunities for advancing their tenets by
means of preaching, we find their minis-
ters much engaged in controversial publi-
cations; many persons, in consequence,
became persuaded of the necessity and
expediency of freeing the Roman Catholic
religion from various glaring errors and
abuses. On the other hand, the stanch
supporters of the Romish hierarchy were
averse to all concession ; and three
preachers were engaged, during the re-
mainder of this reign, in vindicating its
doctrines and rights. They were the
Jesuits Cotton and Gontier, and a corde-
lier, styled le Pere Portugais : the latter
was surnamed the Doctor; Cotton, the
Orator; and Gontier, the Preacher.
Gontier was patronized by the Duke of
Epernon, and made very violent attacks
upon the Protestants: he was at length
so vehement, that the king deemed it re-
quisite to intimate his displeasure.! A
reply to Gontier's sermons, from the pen
of the minister Dumoulin, was written
with such caustic severity, that the sale
was forbidden.^
The press was tolerably free at this
period ; and although we not unfrequently
promised justice, and sent orders to put
an end to the prelate's folly.*
The king's interference alone preserved
the peace in a similar case where the
judges of Orleans, with the approbation
of the bishop, gave a decree for disinter-
ring a Protestant lady, on the pretext that
the cemetery was too near the Catholic
burial-ground. Above two hundred noble-
men and gentlemen met at the grave, and
vowed to expose their lives rather than
suffer such an indignity. The king being
informed, sent orders for all functionaries
to keep away, and summoned the judges
to answer for their decrees.!
An attempt was made about this time
to reconcile the differences between the
two religions, as there were sincere Catho-
lics desirous of terminating the dispute by
mutual concessions. The ministers Du-
moulin, Chamier and Durand, were ar-
dently engaged in the task; and D'Au-
bigne, whose character for argument
stood high, was welcomed to their party.
Having decided on the outline of prelimi-
naries on which the discussion should be
based, they agreed to reduce all their con-
troversy to the discipline of the church
during the first four centuries. With an
authority to that effect, D'Aubigne pro-
ceeded to the king, who at once referred
meet with the suppression of a work, the, him to Cardinal Du Perron. At first the
condemnation of authors was rare. A ] cardinal objected that the Huguenot body
publication, urging the convocation of a
council, excited some attention, and drew
forth several replies; which, being sup-
ported by the authorities, obtained the
honours of the dispute. A careful, observ-
ing contemporary remarks, " The king
cared little about those publications; his
attention being devoted to the general
good, and the embellishment of his city of
Paris."§
The records of this period present seve-
ral instances of great excitement, which
arose altogether from religious prejudice.
The Cardinal de Sourdis, Archbishop of
Bordeaux, had acted with so much ill-
judged tyranny, striking Protestants for
alleged disrespect to the cross, disinterring
bodies, and other similar excesses, that a
complaint was made to the king, who
* Ibid, Dec. 1609.
+ Mercure Franc. ,vr>l. i. p. 377.
j Journal de Henri IV., Sill May, lfiO!).
% Mercure Franc,, i<,07, p. 227.
would disavow the proposition ; but D'Au-
bigne engaged his honour and life, that
they would stand by the result. Du
Perron then took him by the hand and
replied, "Give us forty years beyond the
four hundred?" "I see what you are
aiming at," replied D'Aubigne ; " you
want to have the council of Chalcedon in
your favour; but I will agree to it, so
that we may enter upon the discussion."
To this the cardinal observed, that the
elevation of the cross must then be ad-
mitted, as the usage was sanctioned by
that council. D'Aubigne agreed to make
that concession for the sake of peace ;
" but," added he, " you will never dare to
propose to reduce the pope's authority to
its limits during the first four centuries :
on that head, we can afford to give you
two hundred years more." The cardinal
terminated the conversation by a remark,
* Journal de Henri IV., July, 1C09.
t Ibid.
316
ASSASSINATION OF HENRY.
that the question must be decided at
Paris, if it could not be settled at Rome.
The king being informed by D'Aubigne
of what had passed at the interview, asked
him why he so readily consented to give
the additional forty years, on commencing
the discussion. "Because, Sire! in asking
for the additional period, the doctors of the
Romish church tacitly confess that the.
first four ages would not be for them."
Several bishops and Jesuits who were
present began to murmur at the reply :
the Count de Soissons condemned such
remarks as improper : and the king ab-
ruptly turning away, withdrew to the
tjueen's chamber.*
The affair, trifling as it may appear at
this distance of time, was however deemed
so important by'the king's friends, that he
was advised, and even solicited to put to
death, or at least imprison the indefati-
gable and zealous Huguenot. Henry de-
sired Sully to confine him in the Bastille;
but the threatened danger was warded off
by a friendly hint from Madame de Cha-
tilJon; and D'Aubigne, having boldly
sought an interview with the king, gave
a detail of his long services, and con-
cluded by requesting a pension. That
was a sufficient submission to induce the
monarch to countermand the order, which
D'Aubigne was afterwards assured by
Sully himself had been really given for his
imprisonment.t
The close of Henry's reign was sig-
nalized by extensive preparations for some
military expedition, the object of which is
shrouded in mystery. To suppose his
passion for the Princess of Conde would
have been a motive, is most preposterous;
and the settlement of the duchy of Cleves
was not of sufficient importance. " The
enterprise," observes Sully, "being limited
to that single object, would be insignifi-
cant." The Protestants all rejoiced in the
possibility of a war, which they believed
was destined to curtail the Austrian
power; and the ultramontane or popish
party spread reports, that the king's ob-
ject was to assist the heretics. Some
accounts of the time would almost induce
the idea that Henry aimed at the empire
of the West.
Even Sully can only conjecture this
monarch's design : the various hypotheses
built on the project are therefore valueless.
* D'Aubigne, Mem., pp. 156—161. t Ibid. p. 162.
During several months Henry could think
of nothing else : many of the sparkling
phrases and anecdotes which have been
handed down to us may owe their origin
to deep-laid political precaution; and in
some measure to the prudent suggestions
of Sully, who relates, that on one occasion
he took the liberty of pulling the king's
cloak, in the midst of a public conversa-
tion, when he was rather too communica-
tive.*
At length the arrangements for his de-
parture were completed : the queen's
coronation and its attendant festivities
were at hand ; and Henry, addressing
one of his intimate friends, observed, " I
will sleep at St. Denis on Wednesday; I
shall return on Thursday; Saturday I
will hunt; Sunday my wife will make
her public entry; on Monday my daugh-
ter's wedding; Tuesday the feast; and
on Wednesday to horse !"t
Yet this tone of confidence did not pre-
vent his being assailed by painful appre-
hensions, which have been repeated by
every writer who has treated of this period.
Astrology and prophetic declarations had
then great hold upon the imagination ; and
there is a prevalent idea of his having
been told, that the first display of pa-
geantry in which he was concerned
would prove fatal. He frequently cursed
the approaching ceremonial; and Sully
endeavoured during three days to per-
suade the queen to renounce the honour,
but in vain. J
Alter receiving intimation from many
quarters of an intended attempt against
his life, the predicted blow was finally
given, and on the 14th of May, 1610, the
Great Henry fell under the knife of a fa-
natic.
That Ravaillac was the mere instru-
ment of some party appears beyond
doubt: his feelings had evidently been
worked upon, in the same way as those
of his precursor, Jacques Clement ; and
this supposition will admit of his remain-
ing completely ignorant of his instigators,
in which respect his answers were uni-
form. Both in the common interrogato-
ries, and under the torture, he always
* Sully, liv. 27.
t Mathieu.vol. ii. p 804.
J Sully, liv. 27. According to Mathieu, the Queen
did not care for the honour of the ceremony, yet felt
slighted that she alone, of all the queens of France,
Bhould be excepted.
DOUBTS AS TO THE INSTIGATORS OF RAVAILLAC.
317
denied having any accomplice, and de-
clared his sole motive was, that he heard
the king was about to make war against-
the pope; and when, at the last extremity,
the wretched man implored absolution,
which his confessor refused to give until
he had revealed his accomplices, he
begged it might be given, even with a re-
serve that his damnation should be certain,
if he spoke filsely. His ejaculation at the
Place de Greve, " That he had been de-
ceived, and thought the people would be
pleased,"* is by no means in contradiction
with his denial of accomplices, if we as-
sume that his imagination had been in-
flamed by artful devices of spectacles,
which he considered supernatural visions;
and by violent sermons on the causes
which would justify regicide.t
This fatal and infamous instigation has
for two centuries weighed heavily against
the Jesuits, not from historic proof, for it
cannot be had, but in a great degree from
the prevalence of certain opinions at this
period cherished by the society; and which
opinions not only led Ravaillac to commit
the crime, but caused others to envy the
wretched distinction he thus acquired, and
to avow a readiness to imitate him. At
the time, -public feeling was unequivocally
against the Jesuits. The clergy, both regu-
lar and parochial, impugned them in their
sermons; and the accusations found an
echo in lay publications. In the courts of
law and at meetings in the market-place,
that society was alike believed to have
prompted the assassin.
There would be a -cruel injustice in
contributing to perpetuate this sentiment,
in the absence of regular evidence, if the
Jesuits had not subsequently been in a
situation which enabled them to justify
the reputation of their body. The two
succeeding kings had Jesuits for confes-
sors; and although every thing tended to
facilitate the elucidation of this event, not
the least effort was made to render public
the investigations and statements, which
the parliament of 1610 had consigned to
secrecy. It would be useless to repeat
the numerous incidents, or rather anec-
dotes on record, concerning the death of
King Henry; which, however true, would
be rather grounds for inference than bases
* Journal de Henri IV.
t Mercure Frano., vol. i. pp. 440, 441.
for an accusation.* It will be clearly
seen that justice was impeded in tracing
the pioceedings of the parliament of
Paris; and our entire ignorance of the
influence then wielded gives immense
latitude to conjecture.
Sully, after alluding to the information
communicated by the female, so conspi-
cuous in the judicial annals of this epoch,
as La Coman or D'Escouman, and who
charged the Duke of Epernon, the Mar-
chioness of Verneuil and others with pre-
paring a plot, adds, " The incident will
not be overlooked by those who are in-
clined to attach importance to the sup-
pression of the particulars of the trial,"
and his editor (the Abbe de l'Ecluse) re-
marks, in a note, " that this concealment
of the proceedings by the parliament was
universally known. "t
A widow named St. Matthieu de-
nounced a soldier named Martin. He
had accosted her on the Sunday before
the king's death, as she was proceeding
to public worship at Charenton. He told
her, that within a week there would be
strange doings in Paris: and those would
be fortunate who were away. He ad-
mitted that he was not going to hear the
sermon, but to form an opinion of the
Huguenots' means of defence; that all the
beggars and cripples about were thieves,
and spies of the King of Spain; and that
there was one in particular whom he was
surprised not to see there. The appear-
ance of Ravaillac completely agreed with
the description he had given. When the
king's death was known, this man, to her
great surprise, called at her house, and
engaged her to leave Paris: she consulted
her friends, and had him arrested. But
the lukewarm manner in which this affair
was treated became so notorious, that
f/Estoile observes thereon, " The cow-
ardly proceedings adopted in the inves?
ligation of this important fact (in which
it would seem they are afraid of finding
what they seek) will be probably without
result."]: And at a subsequent date, the
same writer states, " The trifling inquiry
* Among other curious hypotheses, one or the mou
remarkable is the accusation raised against the queen
and the Prince of Oonde : they are charged in a recent
work with having instigated Ravaillac, who i9 said tq
have met the prince at Brussels a short time previous
Roederer, Mem. pour Scrvir d I Hisloirc de la Socitlt
polieen France, p. 15. Paris, 1835.
t Sully, liv. 27.
j Journal de Henri IV., 17th May, 1010.
27*
318
DOUBTS AS TO THE INSTIGATORS OF RAVAILLAC.
made at this time, into the late king's
death, and the little desire shown to bring
the guilty to justice, oli'cnded many per-
sons, and caused animadversions."*
While in prison, Ravaillac dictated a
testamentary confession; but the clerk
employed to take down his words wrote
it in a manner that defies the most skilful
decipherers:t a circumstance which must
at once strike every reader as most sin-
gular, since no man thus employed would
have dared to act so, unless assured of
impunity.
The decision of the parliament of Paris
respecting La Coman is of the same cha-
racter. During that trial, the Duke of
Epernon acted so indecorously as to ex-
cite the indignation of the chief president
Seguier; and when the public officers of
the crown proposed their conclusions,
viz.: to defer judgment till after more
ample inquiry; to liberate the accused,
and imprison the accuser, there was a
general assent to that decision. Seguier's
reply to the queen's inquiry, respecting
his views of the question, proves the im-
portance of the real criminals..]: Sad as
is the misfortune for a nation to produce
such wretches as Clement and Ravaillac,
it is a still more serious calamity to have
a servile magistracy. What induced the
parliament to incur this reproach is now
an unfathomable mystery. As a body it
could not be suspected of any bias in
favour of the Jesuits; the opposition of
its members to the recall of the society
being a sufficient guarantee. The secret
influence must therefore have been indi-
vidual in its nature: the Jesuits, sup-
posing them innocent, were deeply in-
terested in making known that motive;
but this they have declined doing, What
their conduct was, with a consciousness
of existing suspicions, will next claim
our consideration.
When the news of the king's assassi-
nation reached the Louvre, Father Cotton,
as if conscious of a coming accusation,
instinctively aimed at diverting suspicion
from his parly; and exclaimed, "Ah!
who has killed this good prince; this
pious, this great king ? Is it not a Hu-
guenot?" Afterwards, when he visited
* Journal de Henri IV., June, 1610.
t Fontanier, Porttfeuille, No. quoted by C.'ipi-
Iigue. HUt. ile la Rcforme, ds la Ligae, e: de Henri IK.,
Vol. viii p. 372.
X Journal de Henri IV., Feb. 1G11.
Ravaillac in prison, he cautioned him
against incriminating lets gens de bien.*
Father D'Aubigny, another Jesuit, who
had been consulted by Ravaillac, was
particularly questioned by the chief pre-
sident, respecting the secret of confession.
But the wary ecclesiastic answered only
by sophisms: he stated "That God, who
had given to some the gift of tongues, to
others prophecy, &c, had conferred on
him the gift of forgetting confessions."!
The decided expression of public opi-
nion caused Father Cotton to make an
effort, surpassing in impudence any thing
of the kind on record. Accompanied by
two other Jesuits, he went to the attorney-
general; and in the name of the society
entreated him to sanction the publication
of an apology; with a prohibition for all
persons, of what quality soever, to con-
tradict or reply to it. The application
was too monstrous to be received.]
The liberty of the press was suffi-
ciently established to expose the Jesuits
to some very rude attacks: but at a later
period the monarchy became absolute;
nothing could then be published without
an imprimatur; and writers on French his-
tory either slur over this important event,
or else adopt the good-natured conclu-
sion of the archbishop of Paris: "If I am
asked, who were the demons that inspired
this damnable idea, history answers that
she knows nothing: even the judges who
interrogated Ravaillac did not dare to
open their mouths upon the subject; and
never spoke of him otherwise than by
shrugging their shoulders."§ L'Ecluse,
the commentator on Sully, is likewise
imbued with this feeling. Because Fa-
ther D'Orleans, in his life of Cotton, says
nothing about his caution to Ravaillac, he
maintains that it is not true; and since
Pasquier, a great enemy of the Jesuits,
is silent, it must be assumed that they
were considered innocent by that writer.
The Jesuit D'Avrigny's argument is all
of this negative kind.||
To conclude — supposing the Jesuits'
guilt fully established, their successors
are not to be held responsible for a crime,
in appreciating which the barbarity of the
times must be taken into account. The
* Journal de Henry IV. Sullv, liv.28, ad init.
■f Journal de Henri IV., 19th May, 1010.
t Journal de Henri IV., June. lull).
§ Perefixe, Hilt, de Henri le Grand,
]| Memoires Chronologiques et Dogmaliques.
CHARACTER OF HENRY THE GREAT.
319
principles of the Jesuits may be still the
same; but the mighty revolutions which
have since occurred render them less
dangerous:* they were long called the
]>opt,s mi/ilia; and in many cases with-
stood the progress of reformed religion;
but the rights of conscience are now ad-
mitted; and a general apprehension of
their intolerant and grasping policy has
essentially promoted a feeling in favour
of protestantism.
Henry IV. occupies too conspicuous a
place in the annals of religious conten-
tion, to allow us to enter upon his suc-
cessor's reign, without an attempt to por-
tray his character as a man, as a captain,
and as a king.
In the first point of view, his biogra-
pher has the painful task of recording
many blemishes, chiefly attributable to
his passion for the fair sex. His un-
blushing attachment to the princess of
Conde is at once disgraceful and disgust-
ing. The aged Constable Montmorency
had selected Bassompierre for his son-in-
law; and in that marshal's memoirs we
have a glowing description of his joy at
the unexpected honour thus accorded to
his personal merit. So long as Henry
believed the gay soldier was chiefly
enamoured of the brilliant alliance, and
that there was a chance of his being a
complacent husband, he encouraged the
match; but on discovering the existence
of a sincere affection for the beautiful
Charlotte de Montmorency, he interfered;
and declaied his wish, that she should he
the wife of his cousin Conde. Bassom-
pierre could not conceal his disappoint-
ment; and at the wedding, Henry mali-
ciously held him close to the bridal pair.t
The Prince of Conde, aware of the king's
intentions, kept his wife from the court
as much as possible; but neither this in-
timation of vigilance, nor the affairs of
State, nor the variety with which Henry's
disposition was pampered, could divert
him from his base design. He degraded
himself so far as to engage the prince's
mother in his interest. He had great
claims on her compliance; having de-
stroyed the proofs against her when
* Yet they are slill formidable. The recent refusal
of ecclesiastical sepulture to the Count rie Mohtlosier,
entirely on account of his Mcmoire d consuller, is a
proof that an undoubted attachment to the Romish
Church docs not compensate for a dislike to the society.
t bassompierre, vol. i. p. SKJ.
charged with her husband's death. This
may palliate her conduct a little; but she
was severely punished when Henry
taunted (he prince, who complained of
his tyranny: " I never acted as a tyrant,
but when I caused you to be declared
what you are not;"* an abandonment of
generosity, at variance with the character
popularly attributed to him. A few
months afterwards, when the prince set
out privately for Flanders, the king's
rage was excessive.!
Yet Henry's character had some re-
deemingpoints: andseveral vvholongknew
him intimately have left their testimony
in his favour. Sully revered him; D'Au-
bigne invariably bears witness to his
goodness of heart, attributing his severity
and ingratitude to the misrepresentations
of envious courtiers; and Bassompierre,
even when relating the loss of his be-
trothed, calls him " the best of men."
Respecting Henry's military talents
there is no difference of opinion. His
enemies admit his consummate courage
and unrivalled skill. Many of his battles
surpass the most celebrated actions of
antiquity, if we consider how cruelly his
means were limited, in comparison with
the importance of his object; and in the
details of those engagements his prowess
was almost romantic, so much so, that
his bravery nearly amounted to temerity.
But it is as a sovereign that his cha-
racter must be submitted to investigation.
The eclat of a victory will still censorious
judgments on the merits of a cause; but
state decisions, and the severe exercise
of authority after long commotions, can-
not escape the complaints and cavils of
unsuccessful competitors for power. The
administration of justice was excessively
rigorous; capital condemnations following-
offences of almost every kind and degree.
But those laws were not of his enacting:
he unfortunately found society overrun
with numbers of reckless individuals, and
the enactments appear more severe from
their frequent application.
An expression is attributed to the most
celebrated of his successors, when ac-
cused of usurping the crown. " Corn-
men! Usurper ? Je Vai ramassee dans
la boue .'" Henry of Navarre, the law-
ful heir of the crown of France, was also
•Journal de Henri IV.. June, 1009.
t Bassompierre, vol. i. p. 201.
320
REGENCY OF MARY DE MEDICIS.
treated as a usurper, and compelled to
win his right by his sword. Had the
monarchy been altogether prostrate, his
task would have been comparatively
easy; but he had to contend against the
most formidable European powers, with
what success is notorious. We make no
attempt, however, to draw a parallel be-
tween Henry and Napoleon: each re-es-
tablished a fallen throne, and the memory
of both is cherished by the nation over
which they successively reigned; but the
similarity extends no farther.
To form a due estimate of Henry's do-
mestic policy, it should be placed in com-
parison with that of Louis XVIII. Henry
consulted the sympathies of the con-
quered party — the Catholic majority.
He showed himself their paternal mo-
narch, and braved the charge of ingrati-
tude by neglecting his old supporters, the
Protestants. This restoration was per-
manent. Louis, on the contrary, was
unwilling to convince the nation that he
placed public affection in the foremost
rank, by confining within the bounds of
private generosity his regard for the emi-
grant nobles, indebted like himself to
foreign support. His sovereignly took
no root in public feeling, and the natural
consequence was experienced by his suc-
cessor.
In foresight and political judgment
Henry IV. was very great. Accustomed
from his boyhood to parry the intrigues
of a hostile court, he was nurtured in the
difficulties of government, and made use
of corruption as a weapon for counteract-
ing opposition to his sway.
There are several points of view in
which he may be placed in comparison
with our Alfred, the Danish invasion bear-
ing some analogy to the league. But
Henry's abjuration places him in an
isolated position, no other prince having
sacrificed relisious principle to secure the
possession of the crown; and this suggests
an inquiry into the sincerity of his con-
version.
During his life there was a very general
doubt of his being a decided Romanist;
yet several instances attest his orthodoxy.
He endeavoured to persuade Sully to
change his religion; and as an inducement
proposed on one occasion to make him
constable; on another that his natural
daughter, Mile, de Vendome, should marry
the Marquis de Rosny* After the public
debate between Cardinal Du Perron and
Duplessis-Mornay in IGOO.t Henry wrote
to the Duke of Epernon, that the victory
of the diocess of Evreux over that of Sau-
mur was one of the greatest advantages
obtained by the church of God for a long
time ; and that by such means more Pro-
testants would be reclaimed, than by fifty
years of violence.! During the siege of
Montmellian in 1600, Henry, accompanied
by the Count de Soissons and several no-
bles, having ventured rather close to ob-
serve the works, a masked battery was
suddenly opened on them, which caused
the king to cross himself. " By that," ob-
served Sully, who was present, " I recog-
nise the good Catholic."^
To these evidences of his Catholicity,
we can only oppose one slight incident, to
mark any remembrance of his Protestant-
ism : he refused to hunt on St. Bartholo-
mew's day, on account of the peril to
which he had been exposed in his youth. ||
Voltaire observes that Henry could not
but yield to adverse circumstances and
abjure, having the pope, the King of Spain
and three-fourths of his subjects against
him. Gustavus Adolphus or Charles XII.
would have been inflexible; but they were
essentially soldiers, while Henry IV. was
a politician. If
CHAPTER LIII.
; Regency nf Mary de Medieie —Assembly at Saumar. ■
Stales General.— insurrection of JClti
Henry's position had been embarrass-
ing: he was obliged to conciliate opposing
interests, and was in consequence exposed
to the distrust of each. The Protestants
complained of his disregard of their long
services: the Catholics were incensed at
his tolerance of heresy. The moderate
party, composed of the principal judges
and advocates, had not acquired sufficient
influence to turn the wavering balance,
* Journal de Henii IV , Nov. l iW. Sully, liv. xxv.
t Usually termed the Conference <1? Fontainebleav, ;
there is a long account of it in the Chrmuiogie septal-
naire. Dupiessis «as too much shackl-d by the king's
restrictions to hope for success. D'Auhiene comp-wer]
a Treatise on the occasion, entitled Dc ilissidiis Patron,
but though Henry undertook that Du 1'erron should
refute it, the cardinal made no attempt. D'Aubignt:,
Jiltm. p. 148.
t Sully, liv. xi. § Ibid.
I Bassompierre, vol. i. p. 15'2.
• Essai sur les Mcsurs, rem. Jo.
CONDUCT
At a subsequent period their opinions gave
importance to the Gallican and Jansenist
parties; but at Henry's death the intole-
rant faction prevailed, and Epernon tri-
umphed over Sully. The former, assured
of the queen's support, had already taken
his measures: while the latter was waiting
the king's visit by appointment. The
news of the assassination overwhelmed
him ; and when he left the arsenal, he was
so deeply affected, that L'Estoile repre-
sents him as more dead than alive.*
Having collected his attendants, and
being subsequently joined by his personal
friends, he set out for the Louvre on horse-
back: but as he advanced, several intima-
tions of danger had been given ; and after
consulting with Vitry, whom he met at the
Croix du TraIioir,\ he decided "on re-
turning to the arsenal. He then sent a
message to the queen, with the assurance
of his ready obedience; and informed her,
that he watched with additional vigilance
over the Bastille, the arsenal, and other
places in his charge. However, before he
had regained his quarters, he was pressed
by several, in the queen's name, to go as
soon as possible to the Louvre, and be at-
tended with but few persons. Sully's
distrust however increased as the mes-
sage was quickly reiterated. He maturely
weighed the warnings he had received,
with the information since brought, of
archers being seen about the gates of the
Bastille, and sent an excuse deferring his
visit till the following day.J His wife was
so commissioned, with a view to observe
the state of the court.} Bassompierre,
after describing his meeting with Sully, in
the Rue St. Antoine, states, "He shut
himself up in the Bastille, sending at the
same time to apze all the bread he could
find in the market, and in the bakers'
stores. He also despatched a messenger
to his son-in-law, the Duke de Rohan, to
march upon Paris with six thousand
Swiss, under his command. "|| But this
excessive caution, which has exposed
Sully to a charge of disloyalty, is scarcely
reprehensible, when every feature of the
case is brought into view. Notes arrived
at the Bastille from many quarters, con-
* Journal de Henri IV., in loc.
+ At the corner of tlie rue de I'Aibre Sec, a place
where executions often took place.
I Sully, liv. xxvui. Mathieu, Hist, de Louis XIII.,
p. 3.
fj Memoiresde Marcchal d'Estroes, p. 3,
j| Bassompierre, vol. i. p, 2H4.
OF SULLY. 321
taining most alarming intelligence : a great
consternation had seized the Protestants,
many of whom could remember the St.
Bartholomew; and rumour revived and
magnified reports, threatening a repetition
of that dreadful scene. The king's death
was no sooner known, than many Protest-
ants quitted the capital ; and more would
have gone if they had not been deterred,
some by persuasion, others by force, until
their alarm was proved to be groundless.*
The Count de Soissons hastened to
Paris on learning the news of Henry's
death : he came well attended, and confi-
dent of unlimited influence over thr*l)uke
of Epernon; but on reaching St. Cloud he
had the mortification to learn that the re-
gency was already disposed of. He
would not probably have opposed it, but
wished to have made certain conditions. t
Although a community of feeling existed
between Soissons and Epernon on various
points, and particularly in hatred to Sully,
the young prince failed in his attempt to
gain the aged courtier to his views; and
to his astonishment the duke made him
desist from his project of murdering Sully
in the court of the Louvre.J
Such violence being contemplated, there
was reason to apprehend serious conse-
quences from the rumours in circulation
among the Protestants. Every day be-
held an increase of the evil; and a trifle
would have sufficed to inflame the king-
dom. This was observed by Epernon,
who deemed it advisable to calm the pub-
lic mind, by a dftlaration confirming tire
edict of Nantes.§
Mary de Medicis was certainly indebted
to Epernon for the post of sole regent.
That nobleman took ample measures for
suppressing all opposition to his plans, by
placing guards on the Pont Neuf, and in
the streets surrounding the convent of the
Augustins, where the parliament was to
hold its sittings. The president Seguier,
with whom he had consulted on the in-
* nded measure, had no sooner assembled
the members, than Epernon entered, hold-
ing in his hand a sword, still sheathed.
He appeared agitated and confused; and
informed the assembly that his sword was
* Mercure Francaia, vol. i. p. 463.
t D'Estrees, p 5.
J Girard, Vic du Due d' Epernon, p. 246. I.e Vassor,
hist, de Liuis XIII., vol. i. p. I'J. 4to. Amsterdam,
1757.
$ Girard, p. 252. The declaration, dated 22d May,
1610, is in the Mercure Francais, vol. i. p. 403.
322
CONDE ASPIRES TO THE CROWN.
as yet in its scabbard, though he appre-
hended that, unless the queen was instantly
declared regent, it must be drawn, and
might cause great trouble and confusion.
The boldness of his proceeding astonished
the assembly, and the proposal was adopt-
ed forthwith.*
The Prince of Conde, then at Milan,
was excited by Fuentes, the Spanish am-
bassador, to make an effort to obtain the
crown. The assistance of the Spanish
government was promised as an induce-
ment.! He arrived on the fifteenth of
July, accompanied by fifteen hundred gen-
tlemen; which gave some alarm to the
queen, who was fearful that Sully might
deliver into his hands the Bastille, the can-
non, and treasure of the late king. The
prince on his side had considerable appre-
hensions ; three or four letters were deli-
vered to him, stating that the queen, insti-
gated by the Count de Soissons, intended
to arrest him and the Duke de Bouillon ;
and, notwithstanding his favourable recep-
tion, he continued for some days in a state
of readiness for quitting Paris, at the first
disturbance which might arise ; but when
this apprehension was at an end, he ad-
vanced his claims to power.}
The prince, his cousin the Count de
Soissons, and Epernon, were each at the
head of a distinct faction. The Duke de
Bouillon advised the prince to return to
the reformed church, and declare himself
its protector.^ The want of an ostensible
head had greatly injured the Protestant
body, as a party ; and if the prince had
listened to Bouillon's suggestion, the cause
of the Huguenots might have been placed
on a very flourishing basis: but that result
could only have been effected by establish-
ing an independent government. Sully
could not forget what he owed his coun-
try; and Conde was not destined by na-
ture for so distinguished a career.
We have the testimony of a respectable
contemporary, by no means their partisan,
to the quiet deportment of the Huguenots
during this crisis. " Instructed by expe-
rience, they then displayed great modera-
tion, and made no pretensions to innova-
tion ; feigning to have no wish to
undertake any thing, provided they were
allowed to live according to the edicts.
This produced the king's declaration, that
to maintain harmony among his subjects,
it was his desire that the edict of Nantes
should be inviolably respected." They
were, according to this author, so well
treated, that they had no pretext for agi-
tation.*
The vast preparations for Henry's expe-
dition terminated in the taking of Juliers,
which surrendered to Marshal de la Chas-
tre on the second of September. Sully's
opinion respecting this campaign was dis-
regarded: it was useless for him to strug-
gle any further in competition with Eper-
non ; and, to use his own expression, the
conduct of the regent completely destroyed
all hope of his ever being able to bring
back the council to a wholesome line of
policy. He retired to the country ; but
was in a short time invited to return. An
agent communicated her majesty's desire
to have him for her confidential adviser,
on the same footing as under the late
king.f
Had Mary de Medici's been sincere, and
candidly followed up this proposal, her
fortune would in all probability have taken
a different turn. But a spirit of bigotry
was prevalent among the new ministers;
and at an early meeting of the council,
* Girard, pp. 241—243
t D'Estrees, p. 5.
J Hist, de la Mere et du Fils, vnl. i. p 102. This
work, publisher! under the name nf Mezeray, is very
generally aurihutt'd to the pen of Richelieu, who is
thought to have composed it during the administration
of Luynes. Father Daniel is of opinion that Richelieu
retouched and corrected it.
$ he Vassor, vol. i. p. 27. Rohan, Memoircs, liv. i.
p. 4.
Villeroy, in expressing his opinion, took
occasion to tell the queen, that the Hugue-
nots were the worst enemies she had to
fear ; as they had the means, and proba-
bly more serious intention than ever, of
making an attempt against the govern-
ment: he concluded by an insinuation
against Lesdiguieres. Unhappily a con-
spiracy had been formed before the king's
death, to take arms in Poictou; for which
Du Jarrige, a Protestant, and two accom-
plices were hanged in Paris,} and the cir-
cumstance gave importance to Villeroy's
remark. Sully was engaged in conver-
sation at that moment ; but his colleague's
observations were reported to him : they
confirmed what he had heard of a secret
council held at the house of the nuncio;
and he was indignant at an attempt, evi-
dently intended to revive the wars of reli-
* Bernard, 'Hist, de Louis XIII., p. 12, Paris, 1G46.
t Sully, liv. xxix.
t Journal de Henri IV., 4th Sept. 1C10.
INDISCRETION OF THE HUGUENOTS.
323
gion. He advanced towards the queen, i was an unequivocal proof of the rising
who was still talking with Villeroy, and jealousy and ill will, which soon after-
complained of his unfair insinuations gave a mortal blow to the Huguenots'
dfeainst the Protestants.* This breach cause. Indeed their enemies assert, that
was never healed; and at the beginning: great designs were to be prepared by
of the following year, Sully was deprived them at this meeting, which caused much
of his posts of superintendent of finances alarm.* Chatellerault was in Sully's go-
und governor of the Bastille; but he con- vernment ; and the Duke of Bouillon had
tinued governor of Poictou, and grand , sufficient influence to effect a change, cal-
niaster of the artillery. t
The edict of Nantes had, unfortunately
for the interests of the Protestants, con-
ciliated to hurt the feelings of one whom
he considered a rival, if not an enemy. t
At the same time the queen being im-
ferred a political existence upon that body;1 pressed with apprehensions of an insur-
and the queen was no sooner named re-!rection, ordered Duplessis to be watchful
gent by the parliament of Paris, than her] in his government, as the deputies were
government was formally acknowledged attended by an unusual number of armed
by all the Protestant provincial assemblies, i followers. | Bouillon was corrupted at
The whole kingdom was divided into fif-jthe very commencement of the regency,
teen provinces; and at the assembly of Immediately after King Henry's death,
Saumur there were present seventy de- he made an attempt to awaken Conde's
puties: viz., thirty nobles, twenty minis-; ambition; but the queen, aided by the
ters, sixteen elders, and four delegates | Marquis de Cceuvres, and skilful nego-
from the corporation of Rochelle. In ad-jtiators, won him to her cause: his policy
dition to the deputies, Sully, Rohan, Lai then assumed a diametrically opposite
Tremouille, and others of equal import- ' character ; and being constantly in oppo-
ance, were invited to be present. J Thejsition to Sully, he sided with the court
Huguenots were so much pleased with against the Protestant party; his own in-
occasions of meeting for discussion and(tercsts at the same time urging him to
mutual encouragement, that it is asserted
they held them on every pretext^ D'Au-
bigne attempted to raise an opposition in
hasten the ex-minister's ruin, as he was
promised the reversion of his employ. 5
The memorials prepared for the consi-
the assembly of Poictou, on the grounds! deration of the assembly, being confided
that such an election should have been to the Duke of Bouillon, were by him
submitted to the states-general, and not to! communicated to Villeroy ; and in consi-
the parliament of Paris. This ill-judged , deration of a promise of the government
act of independence did not prevent his of Poictou, with three hundred thousand
being deputed to assure the queen of the
submission of that province. He was
already known for his persuasive qualities;
and with his unflinching principles, it was
useless to attempt corruption : an effort
was therefore made to ruin him in the
opinion of his party. The queen suTn-
moned him to Paris, to consult him in pri-
vate : he remained alone with her for two
hours at a time; and soon after, when he
set out for the assembly at Saumur, he
received such attentions from the govern-
ment agent, that the queen's object was
in a great measure effected. ||
This assembly had been convoked for
Chatellerault; and its removal to Saumur
* Sully, liv. xjtix.
t Journal (In Henri IV.— Hassompierrc — Merc. Fran
gais. and Hist, de la Mere et du Fila.
J Mercure Frangais, vol. ii. p. 73.
} Barnard, p. ih.
\ O'Aabigne, Mem. p. 107.
livres, and some minor stipulations, he
undertook to have all the resolutions
changed in the discussion; and engaged
that every thing should pass off to the
queen's satisfaction.il
A contemporary nobleman relates that
Bouillon, with his secret instructions, re-
ceived money to recompense those depu-
ties whom he could gain over; and pro-
ceeded to Saumur, where the results jus-
tified his assertions. The prudence, skill,
and firmness he displayed on this occasion
were considered signally serviceable to
the state. IT
This treacherous conduct could not be
* Daniel. Jlial. tic France, vol. xiii. p. 54.
t Veritable Discours de ce t/ni s'ost pesse en VJlssem-
Met \ politique ties Eglisis reformies de France, tcnue d
Saumur.
t 25th May. 1611 Ouplessis, Mem., vol. jii. p. 294.
$ D'Estrees, pp. 05— 60.
|; Rohan, Mem., liv. 1, p. 11.
IT D'Estrees, p. CO.
324
bouillon's disappointment.
entirely concealed from the Protestant
deputies; and although the duke made
great efforts to obtain the presidence,
Duplessis was elected by a great ma-
jority. The vice-president chosen was
Chamier, a most zealous and courageous
Huguenot minister, the same who had
assisted in drawing up the edict of Nantes.
Bouillon's disappointment made him give
utterance to violent expressions of resent-
ment, declaring that no trouble he had
ever experienced affected him like that.
The interference of friends became neces-
sary to pacify him; and during an inter-
view with Sully, who, in expostulating
complained of the removal of the assembly
from Chatellerault to Saumur, Bouillon
replied by complaints against his rival,
for having aided an expedition, the object
of which was to ruin a church so re-
nowned as that of Sedan. An apparent
reconciliation was however effected; and
Bouillon declared that he should ever be
as ready to bring his cannon from Sedan
to defend the cause of religion, as Sully
had been to bring those from the Bastille
to ruin him.*
Bouillon's animosity towards Sully,
and his jealousy of Duplessis being too
evident to admit a doubt, a common inte-
rest excited those individuals who had
long been kept apart by mutual diffidence.
Sully was apprehensive that Duplessis
might be led by his zeal into projects
hostile to the French monarchy;, while
the latter had openly represented the situ-
ation of confidential adviser to an apostate
king as incompatible with a sincere at-
tachment to the' Protestant religion. The
friends of Duplessis also contributed to
widen the breach, by insinuating the ex-
istence of envy at his acknowledged
talents. However, the events of the pre-
ceding year convinced them of Sully's
integrity; and the whole Protestant body
took an interest in his personal welfare.
They entreated and even enjoined him
not to give up his charge, especially that
of grand master of the artillery, and pro-
mised their united aid in his support.!
This demonstration greatly annoyed the
Duke de Bouillon, who made such a re-
presentation to the queen, that she wrote
a letter to the assembly in the king's
name. The nature of this communication
* Veritable Discoiirs, etc., pp. 24— '27.
{■ Merc. Franc., vol. ii. p. -j.!.— Rohan, Mem., hv. 1,
p. 17.
may be inferred from the fact, that Du-
plessis-Mornay deemed its suppression
necessary, through fear of the irritation it
would cause.*
To return to the proceeding of the
assembly, the king's commissioners an- •
nounced the favourable intentions of the
government towards the Protestant body;
bat when the caliier or statement of de-
mands was presented, they declared it in-
dispensable to consult the king's pleasure,
their powers not authorizing an approval
of the charges proposed. This statement
astonished the assembly; and during the
tedious negotiation which followed, the
court agents actively pressed the nomina-
tion of the deputies who were to remain
at Paris, that being the ostensible cause of
the convocation. The more experienced. !
Huguenots were however resolved to
wait for a reply, as they foresaw that the
assembly would be dissolved as soon as
the deputies were named. The Duke de
Bouillon meanwhile insidiously attempt-
ed to injure the Protestant body, by re-
presenting the exertions lie and his friends
had been compelled to make, in order to
preserve peace ; and it was maliciously
reported to the queen, that Sully, Rohan,
D'Aubigne, and others, were anxious to
renew the civil war.t
The demands of the assembly com-
prised above sixty articles, which it is
needless to recapitulate.]; The eighth is
one of the most remarkable: in that the
Protestants complain of their being com-
pelled to qualify themselves in all acts
and deeds, as members of la religion pre-
t endue, reform te. To this grievance they
obtained no redress ; as the government
replied, that they must use the term
adopted in the edict of Nantes. Their
eleventh article requests that preachers
may be punished for abusive and sedi-
tious attacks upon them in sermons; and
for interdicting all social intercourse with
them, under threats of perdition. The
government reply is evidently directed
against the petitioners ; for it enjoins all
preachers to abstain from exciting lan- ■
guage, confining themselves modestly to
what will instruct and edify their hearers.
A spirit of equivocation pervades the an-
swer to each article; and bears testimony
to the bigotry of the age, which is at i
* Supplement to Sully, by the Abbe dc I'Ecluse.
t Veritable Discoiirs, etc. p. 65.
j Merc. Franc, vol. ii. pp. 88, et seq.
INTRIGUES OF BOUILLON.
325
once its explanation and excuse. The
answer to the cahier is dated 23d of July,
1611.* On its arrival at Saumur, the
Duke de Bouillon obtained a power from
the queen, authorizing the minority, con-
sisting of twenty-three members, to elect
the deputies without the concurrence of
the others. Such a measure was exces-
sively irritating; and a contemporary
writer, who makes no attempt to disguise
his partiality, accuses Duplessis of filling
an adjoining chamber with armed men,
to massacre those who were willing to
comply with Bouillon's recommendation:
but that the determination of the minority,
who filled the courts with their friends
and attendants, foiled the plan, and se-
cured a general acquiescence ; in conse-
quence of which the deputies were
elected, and the meeting separated on the
3d of September.!
The readiness of this writer to use op-
probrious epithets against the Protestants
is perfectly consistent, and converts his
approbation of Bouillon into a complete
corroboration of the venality laid to his
charge. The government, he observes,
was very well satisfied with him ; and on
his return he had the grant of an hotel in
the faubourg St. Germain; but he was not
equally satisfied, for he fully expected a
greater reward, and calculated on being
received into the cabinet: he threatened
revenge, and from that time instigated the
Prince of Conde to hostilities !
During the animated discussions at
Saumur. the intimate friendship which for
many years had subsisted between Bouil-
lon and D'Aubigne received a violent
shock. The latter relates that it was in
a great degree through his exertions that
Bouillon failed in the election for presi-
dent; and that he warmly opposed all his
proposals, which were palpably intended
to gain favour at court. D'Aubigne's re-
marks were often severely cutting, parti-
cularly on occasion of a pathetic appeal to
the loyalty of the deputies, in which
Bouillon advised them to renounce their
cautionary towns, and rely altogether on
the good faith of the government: his
address concluded by exhibiting great
want of tact, in alluding to the glory of
voluntary exposure to martyrdom. This
* Printed at the end of the Veritable Discours, etc.
t Hist, de la Mere et du fils, vol. i. p. 143.
J Ibid, p. 147.
28 •
remark, by admitting the existence of
danger, completely destroyed the effect
of his argument; and D'Aubigne, after
criticising his project, observed that it
was certainly the duty and characteristic
of a true christian to be ever ready to
suffer martyrdom; but to expose others,
and facilitate their destruction, was to act
like a traitor or an executioner.*
The tenacity of the Protestants at Sau-
mur was calculated to make them more
odious to the court. That meeting was
looked upon as the first token of disaffec-
tion;! and the feeling against them was
greatly heightened by the publication of
an attack on the papacy, entitled le Mys-
lere iFiniquite, by Duplessis-Mornay.
Immediately on its appearance it was
condemned by the Sorbonne;J and a
bookseller was sent to prison for the
publication^ It is, however, worthy of
note, that the advocate-general, Louis
Servin, being requested to reply to the
obnoxious work, after consenting to un-
dertake it, declined the task.||
From this time abjurations became
very frequent among the Protestant
nobles and ministers; and the Duke de
Rohan was so disliked by the govern-
ment for his conscientious exertions, that
he retired to St. Jean d'Angely, where he
assembled some friends and followers.
D'Aubigne at the same time withdrew to
a fortified mansion at Doignon, suspected
by the queen and ministers, and feared
by the bigoted party for the sarcasms of
his writings, and the energy of his disposi-
tion. D'Aubigne's motions were watched
with suspicion, and Rohan was obliged
to act with vigour, to maintain his rights
against an attempt of the queen, at Bouil-
lon's instigation, to infringe on his privi-
leges. Rohan had proceeded to Paris to
justify himself from the charge of sedition
at Saumur; but the court, prepossessed
in Bouillon's favour, secretly took mea-
sures for placing a mayor at St. Jean
d'Angely, opposed to Rohan's interests.
The Duke being informed thereof, and
feeling that this measure, if successful,
would ruin his importance, quitted Paris
under a pretext of news that his brother
Soubise was ill ; and though the govern.
* D'Aubigne, Mem. p. 169.
f Bernard, p. 10.
% Mere. Franyais, vol. ii. p 100.
) Journal de I'Estoile. I!ltli July, 1011.
Ibid, 21st August, 1611.
326
CONSPIRACY OF CONDE.
ment agent had arrived before him, he
succeeded in regaining his authority, after j
the threat of an armed force to subdue the
town. Two gentlemen whom he had
sent to Paris were arrested; and his mo-
ther, wife, and sisters were forbidden to
leave that city. But the affair was peace-
ably arranged by Themines, governor of
Quercy, to the disappointment of Bouil-
lon, who confessed he had so acted, to
take revenge for the affront he received at
Saumur.*
We pass by the intrigues and negotia-
tions which attended the project of a
double marriage between the French and
Spanish crowns. Bouillon was sent to
assure King James that England had no
cause of apprehension from the alliance.
He availed himself of the opportunity to
accuse Rohan and the Huguenot leaders
as rebels; and endeavoured to obtain from
the English monarch a condemnation of
the proceedings at Saumur, declaring that
the pope's views towards the lost Pro-
testants were limited to their conversion
by preaching and good example. James,
naturally averse to hostilities, was ready
to believe any thing calculated to promise
the duration of peace ; and in what con-
cerned the alliance with Spain, Bouillon's
mission was successful. Rohan, how-
ever, had a confidential friend who ac-
companied the ambassador, by whose
means the king was informed of the posi-
tion and conduct of the Protestants; he
therefore advised Bouillon to be recon-
ciled with Rohan. A synod was held
soon after at Privas, when an accommo-
dation was signed by all the Protestant
nobles.t The Jesuit d'Avrigny observes:
" Rohan was a sincere Huguenot, and
aimed at the good of his party. Sully
was not very devout, but felt sore at being
excluded from public affairs. Bouillon
was politic, making religion forward his
interests, and doing more harm to the
Catholics than to the Protestants."!
The dissensions among the leaders of
the party were terminated, but the de-
signs of the court against the reformed
religion were still suspected by the Pro-
testant body, and a meeting was sum-
moned at Rochelle, which gave rise to a
tumult, on the interference of the govern-
* Merc. Franc., vol. ii pp. 382—385. Rohan, liv. 1,
p. 57.
t 16th August, 1012. Rohan, Mem., liv. 1, p. 38.
j D'Avrigny, Mem. CJironologiqucs, vol. i. p. 68.
ment to prevent it: however, nothing $e*
rious followed; for the king gave another
edict, confirming that of Nantes, and
coupling an entire amnesty of the late
disturbance with the prohibition against
such assemblies.*
The year 1614 witnessed an attempt
of the Prince ofConde to excite a revolt.
Jealousy of marshal d'Ancre was the
ground of his discontent; but he was
urged on by Bouillon, and encouraged by
the adhesion of many leading nobles, who
quitted the court soon after his departure
from Paris.f In the hopes of deriving
advantage from the co-operation of the
Protestants, he sent the lieutenant of his
guards to the Duke of Rohan, conjuring
him to take arms, and promising to con-
clude no treaty which had not his appro-
bation. Rohan, however, was not only
aware that Bouillon was of the party; he
knew that, even before hostilities had
commenced, there had been preparations
for a treaty: he sent a confidential friend
to deliver a verbal reply, and learn the
prince's exact position: at the same time
he wrote to the queen, stating his un-
changed attachment to the reformed in-
terest, and assuring her that by satisfying
ihe Protestants' claims she need not fear
the disaffected party.J
The prince lost no time in publishing
the reasons for his eonduct, in a letter to
the queen-mother,§ in which he com-
plained of the disordered state of the
government, and the exclusion of the
princes and peers from public affairs:
they were sacrificed, he asserts, to the
interests of three or four individuals, who
in self-defence excited distrust and ill-will
among the nobility: he concluded by de-
manding that the states-general should be
convoked.
About the same time a messenger was
sent by Conde to Duplessis, to win him
over to the cause, but in vain. Duplessis
replied by expressing his confidence that
the prince would choose lawful means
for redressing public grievances; and
would avoid violent measures, which
were worse than the ills to be removed.
At the same time he informed the queen
of the political aspect of his province,
* Merc. Franc;, vol. ii. pp. 476— 487. The tumult oc-
curred in September, and the king's declaration was
dated 15th December, JH12.
t Merc Franc, vol. iii. p. 306.
j Rohan, Mem., liv. 1, p. 49.
6 Dated 19th February, 1614. Merc. Franc, p. 3J7.
DISSOLUTION OF THE STATES-GENERAL.
327
giving a faithful account of the move-
ments anil meetings that came to his
knowledge: he likewise addressed the
pastors and principal Protestants, recom-
mending quietness and loyalty. The
queen was highly pleased, and informed
him that she approved of his answer to
the prince.*
No one has ever impugned the au-
thenticity of the Letters and Memoirs of
Duplessis-Mornay: yet the enemies of
the reformed religion (and such were all
authors whose works could be published
in France during a long period) agree in
passing over this and similar incidents
unnoticed, and actually charge the Pro-
testants with having caused the evils
which originated with their opponents.
On the other hand it is beyond doubt,
that if Rohan and Duplessis had listened
to Conde's proposals, France would have
speedily become the scene of a general
insurrection. m
The court was seriously alarmed at the
extent of the conspiracy, and from the
prevalent readiness to suspect those who
are oppressed, it was generally feared
that the Huguenots would join the mal-
contents, and plunge the country into a!
civil war of some duration; but Epernon, I
who had passed through the troubles of
the league, was satisfied that a want of
the means of war would preserve the
kingdom from that extremity: he urged
the propriety of sending a strong force to
suppress the insurrection, and concluded
by assuring the queen that, if the king
were to accompany the troops, there
would be an easy conquest. The minis-
ters thought the experiment dangerous,
and Epernon lamented the disgraceful,
conciliating line of policy adopted in pre-
ference; the queen being so ill-advised
as to purchase a peace, which a little vi-
gour would have enabled her to dictate. f
The treaty of Ste.-Menehould, where
Conde had been secretly negotiating from
the time he left Paris, was signed on the
15th of May. Conde obtained Amboise;
the other confederates were gratified in
various ways; and the convocation of the
states-general was agreed to. The king's
marriage with the Infanta was also to be
* Duplessis, Mem., vol. iii. p. 557 et seq.
f Guard, Vie d'Epernmt, p. !iU(j.
I postponed; but of that the prince received
■ a previous assurance, in a letter from the
queen.*
The states-general, which continued its
' deliberations from the 24th of October,
1614, until the end of March in the fol-
lowing year, was at length dissolved
i without a single measure being voted, the
interested disputes of the nobility neu-
tralizing every individual effort of the
more enlightened members. The clergy
displayed the full measure of their un-
diminished bigotry by demands which
could not be acceded to, without a com-
plete abandonment of humanity and jus-
tice. Their obstinacy in urging the pub-
lication of the council of Trent may be
excused, as those decrees are a compen-
dium of popery, and have become its
infallible canon, in opposition to the right
of free commentary claimed by Protest-
ants. In this instance they were con-
sistent and reasonable; yet in the worst
period of popish il liberal ity there has
been a determined opposition to the re-
ception and sanction of those decrees by
the French parliaments. But it is diffi*
cult to mark with adequate abhorrence
some of the proposals, gravely made and
seriously maintained by the clergy; a few
will suffice as a specimen. They de-
manded the condemnation of all books in*
jurious to the pope; authority for bishops
to condemn to the galleys; prohibition
against printing any books without the
bishops' licence; that Protestants should
not spenk or write against the sacraments
of the Romish church, under severe pe-
nalties; that their ministers should not
visit the sick, and that their colleges
should be suppressed. f As an argument
for justifying these demands, which were
fully satisfied at a later period, Richelieu,
then Bishop of Lueon, laid stress on a
recent tumult at Milhaud, in the diocess
of Rodez, where the consecrated orna-
ments, and even the host, had been
trampled under foot. The king's indig-
nation was kindled on hearing of such a
sacrilege; but notwithstanding his vow to
avenge the outrage, the affair was entirely
laid aside. It was found on investigation,
not only that the accounts had been mis-
chievously aggravated, but that the popish
* Merc, Franc., p. 427, et seq.
% Arcana Gallica, p. 46.
328
PUBLIC JEALOUSY OF MARSHALL D'ANCRE.
party had committed even greater ex-
cesses in the same diocess.*
The president of each state having de-
livered his cahier to the king, all the
suggestions were referred, for the sake of
form, to the council, but without any in-
tention of their being examined. How-
ever, among the deputies of the liers-etat,
the demands of the clergy were so se-
riously scrutinized, that there was an
outcry against the prevalence of heresy
in that body. There were Protestants
among the deputies, and the alarm which
they manifested at the great zeal of the
clergy induced Louis to publish a declara-
tion, renewing and confirming the edict;
hypocritically expressing a hope that the
divine mercy would unite all his sub-
jects in one faith, since violent measures
were useless. The states-general were
then dissolved, and the inutility of such
assemblies being completely evident, the
institution may be said to have been from
this time abolished; for the states of
1789, though bearing the same appella-
tion, were altogether different in character
and object, the monarchical power being
then virtually overthrown, and instead of
the body alluded to being the representa-
tion of general interests, it proved the
medium for announcing that noble, feu-
dal, and ecclesiastical privileges had been
all swallowed up by the increased im-
portance of the popular body.
The Duke de Bouillon had indulged a
hope that, with the assistance of the
states-general, he could drive marshal
d'Ancre from his post. 'The aspect of
the assembly favoured his views: many
of the deputies were indignant at the
manner in which Ravaillac's trial had
been conducted; and contended that his
accomplices could have been discovered,
if sought for in earnest. Marshal d'Ancre
was detested throughout France; and the
majority of lawyers who had been elected
by the tiers-etat were offended at the
indifference of the court, which was con-
strued by them into disdain. The par-
liament was in consequence easily in-
duced to adopt a proceeding, intended to
assert its dignity, which was in some
measure violated by the dissolution of the
states without knowing the opinion of
that body upon the proposals presented;
* Merc. Franc;., p. 398. Benoit, vol. ii. p. 149. At,
cana Galliea, p. 51.
and a decree was passed for assembling
all its members, inviting the princes,
peers, and officers of state to join in de-
liberating on certain proposals for the
general good. This step was met by an
intimation of the king's severe displea-
sure, and a prohibition so positive, that
the parliament made no other opposition
than a remonstrance, indicating a long
series of inconveniences (many being
merely social or municipal) which it was
desirable to remedy.*
As the princes had founded their hopes
on the energy of the tiers-etat and the
firmness of the parliament, this conclusion
brought back affairs to the condition in
which they stood prior to the treaty of
Ste.-Menehould. Conde again displayed
the standard of revolt, withdrew to Creil,
and sent his cannon to Sedan. The king
wrote several letters urging his return to
court, and afterwards sent the aged and
experienced Villeroy to persuade him;
but Conde, in reply, denounced D'Ancre
and his partisans as enemies of the state.
This was followed by the general pro-
clamation from the prince, addressed to
all orders of the state .t
But before that address was made pub-
lic, the king had sent against him an army
of ten thousand infantry, and fifteen hun-
dred cavalry, under marshal Bois-Dau-
phin; while another force, commanded
by the Duke de Guise, escorted him to
the Spanish frontier where he was to
meet his affianced bride.}
Conde, being informed of the favoura-
ble disposition existing among many of
the principal inhabitants of Rochelle,
proceeded there in December; and was
received with every demonstration of
honour by those who revered his father's
memory. The minister Merlin was led
to hope for his conversion, from the
candid admissions elicited during his con-
versations with the prince. But a selfish
ambition was his motive; and in treating
with that jealous municipality he con-
sented to greater restraints than he would
have endured in the lawful service of his
king.§
The Protestants at the same time held
* Merc. Frang , vol. iv. pp. 6—110. Hist, de la Mere
et (In Fils, pp.327, etseq.
t Merc. Fianj., vol. iv. p. 197. Rolian, Mem., liv. 1,
p. 63.
J Bassompierre, vol. i. p. 392. Rohan, Mem., liv* 1„
p. 64
§ Arcere. vol. ii. p. 139. m
conde's dissimulation.
329
an assembly at Grenoble; and Conde
deputed thither a gentleman named La
Haye, to request their co-operation with
him, in effecting a reformation of all
abuses. His promises were calculated to
ensnare a considerable number of the Hu-
guenot deputies, who were stimulated by
Bouillon, to perceive much advantage in
the proposals. On the other hand, Les-
diguieres was in correspondence with the
queen, and exerted his influence to pre-
vent the meeting from acceding to the
offers.* Rohan and Sully varied in their
determination, according to circumstances;
but Duplessis-Mornay was decidedly a-
verseto mingling the causeof religion with
politics. His letters to the queen, Ville-
roy and Jeannin, and his representations
of the danger to which his government
would be exposed, if the prince marched
into Poictou, are unquestionable proofs
of his loyalty: on the other hand, the
official replies from the king and his mi-
nisters prove that such honourable con-
duct was justly estimated.!
In one of his conferences with the
Chancellor Sillery he observed: " Since
the Jesuits, in their sermons, openly de-
clare that the object of the double mar-
riage is to root out heresy, can you be
surprised that our churches take the
alarm?" Yet he endeavoured to tran-
quillize his friends; and when a proposal
was made to transfer the assembly to
Nismes, in order to escape the inter-
ference of Lesdiguieres, he considered
their proceedings legally null, as the
royal sanction was requisite to give their
votes validity. The king, being solicited,
consented to their meeting at Montpelier;
but Chatillon was a Protestant of the
same dubious character, and the deputies
persisted in selecting Nismes for their
sittings.J
Among the French nobility none was
more decidedly inveterate against the re-
formed religion than the Duke of Eper-
non; but to the surprise of all, his son,
the Count de Candale, declared himself a
Protestant. § His position created great
interest, and gave him considerable in-
fluence. He recommended the union
with Conde; and a treaty was voted,
though only by a majority of two votes.
p. 193.
* Bernard, p. 52 Merc. Franc., vol. iv
t Duplenig, Mem., vol. iii. pp. 812—835.
t Arcana Gallica, pp. 74. 75. Bernard, p 54
§ Merc. Franc., vol. iv. p. 279.
Conde, who really hated the Protestants,
was lavish in his concessions to the
party: but Mayenne, whose interests
were similar, refused to grant any thing
likely to benefit Calvinism.* The go-
vernment duly appreciated the conduct of
the minority, in a royal declaration which
appeared soon after ;f and the effects of
this prudent conduct make it the more
to be regretted that it was not followed
by measures of a similar character: for
the majority of the Huguenots disavowed
the assembly at Nismes as a complete
party affair.
D'Aubigne was induced to take a part in
this revolt, and was chosen by Conde for
his marechal-de-camp; but that gentleman
declined the prince's commission, and
would only receive his appointment from
the assembly at Nismes. This war, as
he observes, gave rise to no event worth
recording; and was soon concluded by
the treaty of Loudun.i Conde had, in
council, called him his father, but ulti-
mately behaved to him most dishonour-
ably : he never reimbursed a large sum
which D'Aubigne advanced for supplies;
and on returning to Paris, denounced him
to the king, as one capable of troubling the
government. When the treaty of Loudun
was signed, Conde knowing that D'Au-
bigne's character would still keep him
from court, exclaimed, "D'Aubigne! be-
gone to your fort at Doignon !" To which
the veteran replied, "And you to the Bas-
tille!" The prediction was very soon
realized. §
CHAPTER LIV.
Conde arrested— Death of Marshal D'Ancro— Re esta?
hlishment of the Komish religion in Beam— Notice
of D'Aubigne.
The negotiations for the treaty of Lou-
dun were conducted principally with a
view to draw Conde from the path of re-
volt ; and the deputies who attempted to
defend the Protestant interests were treat-
28*
* 27tb Nov., 1C15. D'Avrigny, vol. i. p 92.
t 7th Dec. 1C15. Merc. Fran?., vol. iv. p 331. The
President Jeannin thus wrote to Duplessis ; " Vons
vuus esles conduct, pendant ceste miserable guerre, en
sorte que leurs Majestes en onl contentement, et y
reconnnissent votre prudence et fidelite " Duplessis,
Mem., vol. iii. p. 856.
{ 3rd May, 1C1G. The negotiations are minutely de^
tailed in the Mercure Frangais.
<j D'Aubigne, Mem., p. 174.
330
MARSHAL D'ANCRE DISGRACED.
ed as mere ciphers. The queen is repre-i the faubourg St. Germain was stopped
sented, by one who knew her well, to, for want of a passport, at the Porte de
have aimed at winning the prince to her Bussy, by a shoemaker named Picard,
party; but as she could not refrain from on duty as serjeant of the quarter. The
making him feel his dependence upon her marshal was compelled to return, after
favour, her plan failed.* She changed her
ministers: Barbin, a man of inferior con-
submitting to some most insulting re-
marks ; and a threat of firing was even
dition, but great talents, became comp-'made, if he did not go back. As this
troller of finances; the seals were given , occurred before the conclusion of the
to Du Vair; and to gratify the prince, ! peace, the shoemaker was justified by the
Marshal D'Ancre was ordered to ex- instructions for garrison discipline during
change the government of Picardy
for that of Normandy.f But notwith-
standing these concessions, the harmony
of the court was far from being esta-
blished. Epernon was in a manner dis-
graced; but an attempt to enlist the
Dukes of Bouillon and Mayenne against
that nobleman having completely failed,
Marshal D'Ancre found his position at
once uncertain and danserous.
the war ; and there the affair might have
terminated, as the humble condition of the
individual would sufficiently have pro-
tected him against the marshal's resent-
ment. It was, however, publicly stated
that the insult was intentional; that the
serjeant was one of Conde's partisans ;
and that he boasted in public of what he
had done. An esquire of the marshal's,
indignant at such conduct, employed two
The extraordinary elevation of Concinij valets to waylay the serjeant, and beat
was a source of jealousy to the French: him so unmercifully, that he was left for
nobles. This Florentine, whose principal i dead. The valets were taken, and hanged
merit was that of being a favourite, had a few days afterwards.*
been raised to the rank of Marquis
D'Ancre, and the dignity of marshal ; and
Conde's efforts were directed to his over-
throw, on principles similar to those of his
grandfather, in opposition to the house of
Lorrain. The prince's cause was warmly
espoused by Mayenne, Longueville, and
Vend 6 me ; but his chief strength was in
the influence of the Duke de Bouillon,
which assured him of the friendly feeling
The excitement arising out of this cir-
cumstance had not subsided when Conde
arrived in the capital, and was conducted
in triumph to the Louvre by the people,
who took that opportunity of showing
their hatred of the marshal. He was in-
duced by the situation of affairs to come
to Paris, notwithstanding the danger to
which he was exposed. About this time
Lord Hay, afterwards Earl of Carlisle,
of the Protestants, even supposing that he arrived with a splendid embassy to ask
could not command assistance from that! the hand of one of the princesses for the
body. The treaty of Loudun having Prince of Wales. He was most magnifi-
changed his relative position, he was no cenfly received, each of the leading nobles
longer D'Ancre's enemy. endeavouring to outvie the others, in the
Notwithstanding the change in Conde's | sumptuous entertainments given in his
deportment, D'Ancre was not ignorant of. honour. At the fete given by the Prince
the dangers of his position: gifted with of Conde, the marshal appeared, accom-
acute perception, he knew that the transfer
of authority from the queen-mother to her
son would be attended with his disgrace:
still his haughty demeanour was calcu-
lated to increase the popular odium, al-
ready directed with violence against him.
Under such circumstances, a trivial inci-
dent sometimes becomes important; and
an unfortunate encounter arose, in which
D'Ancre's name was blended, though
without the least blame accruing to him.
The marshal proceeding to his house in
* Batsnmpierre, Nou vcauz Mem., p 196.
t Hist, de la MSre et du Fils, vol. ii. p. i
panied by about thirty gentlemen : this
step has been commented on as very
bold, for it is well known that his enemies
were then assembled, and were anxious
to take advantage of the opportunity to
kill him. The prince, however, had
pledged his word for the marshal's safety;
but the following day, Conde sent the
Archbishop of Bourges, a mutual friend,
to inform him of the extreme difficulty he
had experienced in keeping his adherents
within bounds; that they all threatened
* June, 1G1G. Merc. Franc., vol. v. Bassompierre,
vol. i. p. ICO.
CONDE ARRESTED.
331
to abandon him if lie did not discontinue
his protection ; and in consequence, he
advised the marshal to retire to his go-
vernment in Normandy.*
The queen-mother became alarmed at
the aspect of affairs: Conde's influence
was very menacing ; his confederates
were known to be already making prepa-
rations for another campaign ; and Lon-
gueville obtained possession of Peronne, a
town belonging to D'Ancre.t In addition
to these overt acts, the Archbishop of
Bourges informed the queen that the con-
spirators intended to seize the king's per-
son, and place her in a convent.! She
might have disregarded this intimation,
from a feeling by no means rare among
individuals of high spirit, which prompts
them to neglect what is to their personal
advantage; but she could not disregard
the advice of Sully, who forgot his inju-
ries, and demanded an audience for the
purpose of making known the danger of
her situation. That experienced and
loyal statesman declared that he did not
deem her safe in Paris, but should consi-
der her much better off with her children
in the country, attended by a thousand
horsemen, than in the Louvre in the pre-
sent state of the public mind ; and frank-
ly exposed the fatal consequences of a
want of energy on her part. Bassom-
pierre, then colonel-general of the Swiss
troops, was presently admitted ; and his
opinion coinciding with those of Sully, he
was ordered to make arrangements for a
vigorous measure.^
It was intended to arrest at once the
Prince of Conde and the Dukes of Ven-
dome, Mayenne, and Bouillon; but the
first alone fell into the Queen's power.
A marshal's baton recompensed The-
mines for arresting him in the Louvre,
while receiving the homage of a crowd
of courtiers. Mayenne and Vendome
were warned in time to leave Paris ; and
Bouillon, who had gone to public wor-
ship at Charenton, learned the news of
Conde's arrest on his return: he hastened
to join his friends, and take measures for
their common safety.||
The Princess dowager of Conde rode
* Bassompierre, p. 462. Rohan, Mem., liv. 1, p. 85.
D'Estrees, p 21fl.
t Aug. 1016. Merc. Franc, p ISO.
J Hist. de la Mere et d u Fils, vol. ii. p. 72.
6 Bassmnpierre, vol. i. p. 4GG.
( 1st S pt. 1616. Merc. Franc, p. 198. D'Estrees,
p. 218. Bassompierre, p. 478.
through the streets, accompanied by seve-
ral gentlemen, and excited the people to
avenge her son, who, she said, was mur-.
dered by Marshal D'Ancre. An infuri-
ated mob rushed to his hotel in the Rue
de Tournon ; it was exposed to pillage
during two entire days; and property
was destroyed to the value of two hun-
dred thousand crowns* At the same
time the nobles and gentlemen of Conde's
party threatened to murder Sully, as the
instigator of the measure. This has been
assigned as the cause of a very incon-
sistent remark, which escaped him in the
queen's presence, when the state of af-
fairs was passed in review. Villeroyand
Jeannin were both of opinion that the
prince should be liberated ; and Sully,
forgetting his .recent recommendation, de-
clared that whoever had thus advised the
.queen, had ruined the state.t The prince
alone being arrested, he may have viewed
the affair as a failure, and perhaps wished,
in consequence, to retrace his steps ; for
Duplessis-Mornay wrote to the Duchess of
Rohan, that the advice was given out of
hatred to M. de Bouillon.J
From this time D'Ancre was exposed
to the vengeance of Conde's partisans,
whenever his ill fortune should enable
enable them to resent the injury. In a
conversation with Bassompierre, he con-
fessed his desire to return to Florence;
or at any rate to remove to Caen, whence
an embarkation for Italy could be easily
obtained. At one time he had every thing
prepared for departure; but a sudden ill-
ness prevented his wife from undertaking
the voyage.§ He fortified his residence
at Q,uilleboeuf, and came to Paris no more
than was absolutely necessary ; but a
new enemy had arisen to supplant him in
the royal favour, Albert de Luynes, who
became a most formidable instrument to
effect his ruin. This young man rapidly
gained the king's confidence, by his fasci-
nating manners and adroit pliancy to the
feeble monarch's wishes: his next step
was to undermine the queen's influence
over her son ; and to that end some infe-
rior functionaries were employed to give
him, as if undesignedly, a most exagge-
rated account of public affairs. Louis at
* Bassompierre, p. 481. Rohan, liv. 1, p. 87.
+ Hist, du la Mere et ilu Fils, vol. ii. p. 94.
1 6lh Sept., 1616. Duplessis, vol. iii. p. 989.
§ Bassompierre, p. 501. Hist, de la Mere el du Fils,
vol. ii. p. 67.
332
MURDER OF MARSHAL d'aNCRE.
first entertained a dislike to his mother,
for her misgovernment ; he then burned
•with ambition to take the reins into his
own hands; and as among the courtiers
there were many reckless individuals, im-
patient for the marshal's overthrow, a
dastardly project was formed for murder-
ing the queen's favourite. Vitry, captain
of the guards, was selected for this disho-
nourable deed ; and the rank of marshal
was again made the price of violence:
his commission was executed on the 24th
of April, 1617, when the unfortunate
D'Ancre received the contents of three
pistols, as he entered the Louvre. The
atrocious act was followed by shouts of
Five le Roi, on which the king presented
himself at the palace window, to acknow-
ledge the loyal service.*
This put an end to the regency: the
queen was closely guarded ; and the
marshal's widow and partisans were ar-
rested. The scenes which followed at-
test the brutality of the French populace.
D'Ancre's remains were disinterred, ex-
posed with the greatest indignity, and
publicly torn to pieces. The unfortunate
widow, Eleonora Galigai, was afterwards
treated with a severity which can hardly
be justified, even if all the charges pre-
ferred against her were well founded.
The parliament of Paris was unfortunate-
ly affected by the ferocious spirit of the
age.
Blois was selected as the scene of the
queen's exile, or rather captivity, for she
was debarred every vestige of liberty,
and experienced repeated insults. After
some time she wrote to request an inter-
view with her son: but the policy of
Luynes rendered it necessary to prevent
the meeting, if possible: and the Jesuit
Arnoux was sent to dissuade her from
reiterating the proposal. Various argu-
ments were used to persuade her, fol-
lowed by threats of harsher treatment;
and she was finally induced to make a
declaration on oath, that she would never
go to the king, unless sent for; and that,
being sent for, she would not interfere
with public affairs. A declaration to this
effect was signed at the Jesuit's pro-
posal^
Yet even this did not satisfy the
* Hist.de la Wire, et du Fils. vol. ii. p. ]85.
t Hist, de la Mere et du Fils, vol. ii. p. 212.
queen's persecutors, who thought of im-
prisoning her in the castle of Amboise:
which intention being communicated,
added to the vexations of captivity,
caused her to meditate some plan for the
recovery of her liberty. Her confine-
ment, which lasted nearly two years, was
at length terminated in February, 1619,
by a spirited exploit of the veteran Duke
of Epernon, who executed a most ro-
mantic expedition for effecting her re-
lease.*
A tedious series of negotiations and
intrigues followed; and in September the
king met her near Tours, after which
Angers was selected for her abode. She
resided in that town until the following
year, when it became a rendezvous of
discontented nobles to such an extent,
that the king was obliged to bring an
armed force before it. As the troops ap-
proached, the queen's friends showed a
disposition to negotiate: but Conde, who
had recovered his liberty, was endeavour-
ing to make himself valuable to Louis;
and being probably instigated by resent-
ment against the queen-mother, pushed
affairs to an extremity, by attacking the
Pont-de-Ce, a small place in the neigh-
bourhood of Angers.t The result of this
engagement quickly induced a surrender.
Still the king was disposed to act lenient-
ly towards his mother's adherents; and a
convention was signed, by which the pri-
soners were liberated and an amnesty
granted.^
The king was advised to take advan-
tage of the present moment, when he
had a respectable force at his disposal, to
subjugate the province of Beam, where
the Protestant religion had faken deep
root, and attained almost general adop-
tion, under the protection and encourage-
ment of Jane D'Albret. These protest-
ants were obnoxious, not only on account
of the heretical notions they held, in
common with the general body of the
Huguenots; they had besides been so
favoured by their zealous sovereign, that
all the church property was in their
hands: in consequence, every ecclesias-
tic having access to the royal council,
* Relation de la Sortie de la Reyne Merede Blois, par
le Cardinnl de La Valelte. This piece is inserted in
the Jilemoires pour servir d VHisloire du Cardinal de
Richelieu, par Auliery.
t 7th Aug , 1020.
% Hist, de la Mere et du Fils.— Merc. Franc., Bas,
sompierre.
FRESH ALARMS OF THE HUGUENOTS.
333
would urge the prosecution of a measure
for removing such a scandal. Conde
approved of the plan, principally because
he was anxious for a war, in which he
might gain importance; and the king was
easily persuaded to attempt what coin-
cided so well, with his feelings. This
epoch is, on that account, important in
the annals of the Protestant religion; for
upon the fate of this undertaking depend-
ed the subsequent prosperity of the re-
formed religion in France.
To preserve a greater degree of per-
spicuity in this narrative, the more im-
mediate affairs of the Protestants have
given place to events which, however
important in themselves, were far less in-
terwoven in the proceedings of that body.
It will now be requisite to return to the
year 1616, when the Prince of Conde,
after involving many Huguenots in a con-
test with the crown, took especial care of
his own interests in the treaty of Loudun,
and unfeelingly left his dupes to their
good or ill fortune.
The character of Duplessis-Mornay
stands too high to allow any suspicion of
his integrity; but his aversion to resist-
ance, and his constant dissuasions from
vigorous efforts, even when all hopes of
averting the threatened ill had passed
away, eaused incalculable injury to his
party. The line of conduct he pursued
from conscientious loyalty was followed
by other Huguenot chiefs from sordid
motives; and it is established beyond
doubt, that the constable's sword and a
marshal's baton were the bribes for de-
taching Lesdiguieres and La Force from
the Protestant interest. Even Chatillon
could not be deemed stanch in the cause
for which his ancestor had been a mar-
tyr. It was probably a knowledge of
the sentiments entertained by the leading
Huguenots which made Duplessis write
to the assembly at Rochelle, that the
churches would sooner or later be af-
flicted.*
The disposition to molest them was
evident: Epernon's conduct in the pro-
vince of Aunis was a specimen of the
treatment to be expected at a future time;
and when Lord Hay came to Paris on a
mission in 1616, he begged the queen to
withdraw that haughty nobleman from
17lh Dec. 1616.— Duplessis, vol. iii. p. 1025.
the province, as the Protestants of Ro-
chelle had sought the assistance of Great
Britain, which could not be refused if
they were molested in their religion.
The queen, who expected a communica-
tion relative to the demand of her daugh-
ter in marriage, was quite surprised at
his observations; yet she replied in gene-
ral terms of a satisfactory nature.*
A few days afterwards, when the ti-
dings of Conde's arrest reached Ro-
chelle, the inhabitants were greatly ap-
prehensive of some violent measure to
their prejudice; and as a precautibn for
securing the navigation of the Charante
in the event of a war, they seized upon
Rochefort, a small town in the neighbour-
hood. Blanquet, Gaillard, and some
other Huguenot pirates, observes the
courtier Bernard, had assembled four
ships of war and some small vessels,
with a view to command the mouth of
the Charente. They were defeated by
Barraut, vice-admiral of Guyenne, and
the ill-fated Blanquet and Gaillard were
broken on the wheel at Bordeaux. Ca-
meron, the minister, who attended them
previous to execution, published an ac-
count of their last moments, which was
condemned by the parliament of Guy-
enne to be burned by the executioner.
It was not clearly shown whether the ex-
pedition was a private scheme of the in-
dividuals concerned, or a measure sanc-
tioned by the party. But as the vessels
were chiefly fitted out at Rochelle, the
proceedings afforded Epernon a pretext
for attacking that town;t and at the same
time justified his levying men, for pro-
tection against the known hatred of D' An-
cre's party.J: However, his expedition
altogether failed; and instead of sur-
prising the city, of which he hoped to
get possession, he withdrew to Guyenne.
It was subsequently feared by the court
that Rochelle would take an interest in
Conde's captivity, and declare in his fa-
vour. Villette, son-in-law of D'Aubigne,
was in consequence sent to assure the
Protestants that the edicts would be
punctually observed., and the stipulations
of the treaty of Loudun fulfilled. §
From this time until the period of the
* 27th Aug. 1C1G. Bassompieire, vol. i. p. 470.
t Bernard, p. 147.
1 Girard, p 280. ArcGre, vol. ii. p. 143,
$ ArcGre, vol. ii. p. 147.
334
ROMANISM RESTORED IN BEARN.
expedition against Angers nothing of mo-
ment occurred. The Protestant synods
and assemblies were frequently held —
too frequently for their own prosperity,
because when the king's sanction was
not given, they met as if in defiance.
Yet, with the exception of the affairs of
Beam, their discussions were entirely on
questions of divinity and discipline. But
the condition of that province had occu-
pied the attention of the government for
some years. Henry IV. seems to have
wished to leave the principality as he re-
ceived it from his mother: but from 1614
representations were repeatedly made on
the subject. The states-general of 1614
demanded the restoration of the Romish
religion, and the annexation of the pro-
vince to France. The Bishop of Beau-
vais made a similar demand in the name
of the French clergy. In the state coun-
cils, at the assemblies of the clergy, and,
in short, on almost every occasion, the
government was exhorted to re-establish
the Catholic worship, and restore the
church lands.* The bishop of Macon
assured the king that Christians were
better treated in Mahometan countries
than in the principality of Beam, where
the property of the church was applied
to the support of its enemies. The king
was greatly moved by the appeal; and
his ideas of piety caused such a direct
sanction of heresy to lay heavy on his
conscience/!"
An arret was soon after given by the
king in council for the complete restora-
tion of the Roman Catholic worship in
Beam, with a resumption of the church
lands, which was followed by a declara-
tion of the assembly at Orthez, that the
execution of this decree should be re-
sisted; and the president Lescun, who
was deputed to remonstrate with the go-
vernment, was so far led away by the
warmth of his feelings and party zeal,
that, although the king permitted him to
expose his arguments, he obtained no
other result than an edict confirming the
previous arret. From that time his vio-
lence against the government exceeded
all bounds: he was the most active pro-
moter of the opposition at the Assembly
at Loudun in 1619, where, according to
the statement of Catholic writers, he
* Merc. Franc., in loc.
| Bernard, p. 149.
proclaimed the necessity of taking arms
to prevent the resumption of the church
properly.* This show of resistance
only served to increase the efforts of the
clergy in persuading the king to adopt
strong measures for vindicating his own
prerogatives, no less than lor serving the
cause of religion. f
The king being in the field at the head
of an army, travelled southward, and on
reaching Bordeaux, resolved to proceed
in earnest to terminate the affairs of
Bearn.t The Parliament of Pau refused
for some time to register the king's edict
for restoring the church lands to the Ca-
tholics; and on the 10th of October, 1620,
Louis set out from Bordeaux to compel
the submission of that body. The ad-
vocate-general of the parliament, accom-
panied by La Force, met the king on the
road, and presented the decree which had
been voted on hearing of his determina-
tion. That did not, ihowever, prevent
the king's advance; he reached Pau on
the 15th of October, and ordered the Ro-
mish worship to be celebrated in the ca-
thedrals and churches, from which it had
been excluded sixty years. Within five
days from his arrival, a decree was re-
gistered for incorporating Beam with
France. §
The campaign of 1620 was calculated
to discourage altogether the disaffected
of every class and party, from the facility
with which the queen's adherents were
subdued. D'Aubigne, who had declined
an invitation to join that party, was ne-
vertheless exposed to suspicion, and
' marked as a subject for persecution. The
(approach of the king in person with a
formidable force, was serious to one so
circumstanced: he decided on retiring to
Geneva, and quitted St.-Jean-d'Angely
with twelve horsemen well armed. Al-
: though orders for his arrest had been
'given in every direction, and the com-
jmanders were furnished with his por-
trait, in order to recognise him, he com-
* Lescun was subsequently executed for high treason.
t Histoire dcs Troubles de Beam an svjet de la Reli'
gion. dans le 17' Steele, par le P. Mirasson, Barnabite
pp. 20^15.
% Berule, afterwards famous as cardinal, resorted to
a pretemled inspiration, in order to confirm the king's
resolution. At a private audience, he assumed a pro-
phetic lone, and declared that the Almighty would con-
duct him; that his appearance alone would overcome
all opposition; and that complete success would attend
his purpose, for restoring the authority of Jesus CbrisS.
Mirasson, p. 47.
tt Merc. Frang., vol. vi. pp. 350—354.
CHARACTER OF d'aUBIGNE.
335
pleted his journey in safety. After a se-
ries of unusual difficulties and dangers,
he arrived at Geneva on the 1st of Sep-
tember, where he was received with
public would not fail of incurring the ex-
treme displeasure of Louis, by employ-
ing a person he held in abomination:*
thus tacitly avowing the importance of
every demonstration of respect which this excellent man, of whom it maybe
the authorities of that city could devise truly said, that his uncompromising prin-
for one whose ardour for religious liberty
was unrivalled.*
In addition to an inflexible disposition,
which rendered D'Aubigne obnoxious to
ciples alone prevented him from obtain-
ing the highest honours: his prospects in
youth being more than usually favoura-
ble, from the personal friendship of the
thecourt,he had recently become still more j King of Navarre, and his acknowledged
so by the freedom of his publications. His merit surpassing that of many who ob-
Histoire Universelle. was burned by the
common hangman, almost immediately
after its appearance. f Having been an
.eye-witness of the most important mili-
tary operations during the long civil wars;
moving in a sphere which enabled him to
converse with the leaders of each party;
and enjoying a reputation for great pro-
bity and discretion, which won their con-
fidence, he was well qualified to relate
the eventful scenes in which he had taken
part. But the naked truth appeared in
the light of an accusation, and the work
was condemned. The Jesuits had per-
suaded Henry IV. to forbid the composi-
tion; but Cardinal du Perron had that
order countermanded: the hostility dis-
played by those ecclesiastics at its subse-
quent publication is quite natural. D'Au-
bigne wrote likewise several humorous
pieces, in which an extraordinary vein of
satire was remarkable. Le Baron de
Fceneste, in particular, was severely cut-
ting upon the Duke of Epernon, whose
party was powerful, and who was a warm
friend to the Jesuits. D'Aubigne's vo-
luntary exile was therefore easily ac-
counted for. During his residence at Ge-
neva, the general assembly of Rochelle
sent messengers to testify their regret at
the injustice he had received from that
body in his private affairs; to express
their sympathy in his exile, and the loss
they suffered by his absence; and to au-
thorize him to negotiate with the Swiss
and Dutch Protestants for levies and sup-
plies. He also received proposals from
the Venetian ambassador at Berne to take
employment in the service of that repub-
lic, as general of the French troops in
their pay. The latter proposal was near-
ly agreed to, when Miron, the French
envoy, sent word that the Venetian re-
tained the rank of marshal. Theodore
Agrippa d'Aubigne was born at St. Mau-
ry, in Poictou, in February, 1550: he
died at Geneva, in April, 1630.
* D'Aubigne, Mem. pp. 189—192.
+ 4th January, 1617.
CHAPTER LV.
Assembly at Rochelle— Riots at Tours— St. Jean D'An-
gely subdued — Siege of Montauban — Violence of a
mob in Paris.
The abolition of the provincial inde-
pendence of Beam was the pretext for a
general assembly at Rochelle. It was to
no purpose that the king published a de-
claration, forbidding the meeting: the
huissier sent to signify the publication to
the mayor received no other answer, than
that he might leave when he pleased. t
This conduct was regretted by the prin-
cipal Huguenots, who foresaw the natural
effect would be to irritate the govern-
ment. The Duke de Rohan did all in
his power to persuade his friends to sub-
mit, but in vain: he was accused of being
sold to the court.} La Force, Chatillon,
and Favas, from interested motives, urged
the deputies to be firm; and a solemn fast
preceded the opening of the session, on
the 25th of December.§
Even if the limits of the present work
did not preclude the attempt, it would be
useless to detail every proceeding of this
assembly, represented by the Duke de
Rohan as the source of all the ills which
followed. || Warnings and monitions were
addressed from every side. Telinus, a
minister of great celebrity, published an
address; La Tremouille assisted Rohan
in the endeavour to persuade; and Lesdi-
* D'Aubigne, Mem., pp. 193—200.
t Merc. Prang., vol. vi. p. 459.
t Rohan, Discours sur les Derniers Troubles, p. 101.
i Artere, vol. ii. p. 155.
|| Rohan, Discours, &.c, p. 101.
336 MOVEMENTS OF THE HUGUENOTS AT ROCHELLE.
gtiieres wrote three times, exhorting the
Huguenot body to desist from setting the
royal authority at defiance* Duplessis
was not discouraged by several failures:
he persevered in sending his memorials
to the assembly, commissioned his son-
in-law, Villarnoul, to deliver a final ad-
dress, and wrote a private letter to the
mayor of Rochelle, in which he exhorted
him to reflect seriously on the conse-
quences of his dangerous policy .f
The threatening aspect of affairs made
it important to secure the co-operation of
Lesdiguieres; and the king offered to re-
vive the dignity of constable in his favour,
on condition, however, that he became a
Catholic. Lesdiguieres received the in-
timation at Grenoble, and immediately
hastened to Paris, to express his sense of
the obligation, and give evidence of his
loyal zeal, by endeavouring to convince
the assembly at Rochelle of their error.
He could not, however, decide upon ab-
juring his religion; and declined the pro-
posed honour, with a recommendation of
Luynes as a more fit person to fill that
important post. Conde and Guise ap-
proved of the selection, and the nomina-
tion of Luynes was registered by the
parliament of Paris.!
There had been some movements at
the close of 1620, in the Vivarais and
Beam, which .made it more requisite to
enforce respect for the authority of the
crown; and the king took the field with
a force adequate for suppressing the in-
surrectionary bodies, as well as for hum-
bling the obstinate assembly of Rochelle.
At the same time, to encourage the loyal
portion of the Protestants, he published a
declaration, assuring them of his inten-
tion to maintain the edicts in their favour.§
It was the king's intention, on leaving
Fontainebleau, to remain some time at
Blois, from which central position the
"moral effect of his presence with an army
might render military operations needless.
He was however induced to hasten on to
Tours, where a conflict between the Pro-
testants and Catholics had threatened to
produce serious consequences. It origi-
nated with the funeral of a Protestant,
named Martin Le Noir, an inn -keeper,
whose character was not calculated to
* His letters are given at length in the .Merc. Franc.
t ArcOre, vol. ii. p. Ki3.
j 22d April, 1021. Merc. Franc;., vol. vii. p. 2'i7.
} 24th April, 1(321. Ibid, vol. vii. p. 280.
honour the religion he professed, if a cor-
rect opinion can be founded on a popular
refrain.* As his body was taken to the
cemetery, a number of children followed
singing the couplets alluded to; and in
the market-place the people hooted at the
procession. At the place of burial the
children continued singing; on which
some of the party turned, and. striking
them, caused two of the disturbers to fall
into the grave. The consequence of this
was an interference on the part of the
populace: the Protestants were attacked
with stones, and compelled to seek shelter.
The ignorant people, ever ready to gratify
the brutal feelings engendered by preju-
dice, and on this occasion urged by re-
venge, rushed to the cemetery, and took
up the body of Martin Le Noir, with the
intention of hanging and burning it. At
the same time the houses and stores of the
Protestants were broken into and de-
vastated. The magistrates were unable
to quell the tumult: the body was how-
ever deposited in the grave, and such of
the goods as were not destroyed were
placed in safety; but it was beyond their
power to restore order. The following
day the mob set fire to the Protestant
temple, and prevented the authorities from
interfering to stop the conflagration. The
sedition continued with short intermissions
until the king's arrival, on the 6th of May.
A species of fury animated the mob, who
renewed their attacks on fresh pretexts,
each succeeding day; till at length nearly
thirty of the ringleaders being arrested,
the future tranquillity of the town was se-
cured by a severe example. Five were
condemned to walk barefoot from the
prison to the market-place, where they
were hanged, and their bodies burned,
which sentence was executed without any
disturbance. The remainder were par-
doned, and soon afterwards set at liberty.!
From Tours the king proceeded to
Saumur, where he remained five days.j
His authority was there exercised rather
severely. Duplessis, whose loyalty and
moderation had been uniformly praised at
court, was ordered to resign the keys of
* Le plus grand cornar
Qui suit en la Fiance,
C'est Martin Le Noir:
Telle est ma crnyarice.
Merc. Franc, vol. vii. p 201.
t 10th May, 1021. Merc. Fsane., pp 291-304. Ber-
nard, pp. 20U— 211.
1 From 12th to 10th May.
PROTESTANTS BESIEGED
IN ST. JEAN D'ANGELY.
337
Saumur: impartiality will however admit
some excuse for this harsh decision : it
was reported to the king that the assem-
bly of Rochelle purposed sending a body
of six thousand men to hold Saumur, and
cut off all communication with the capi-
tal.* That such a violent measure was
really contemplated is not proved; but
there is evidence of readiness to adopt it,
in the organization of the Huguenot forces,
by dividing France into eight circles, with
a commander appointed to each. t It was
in fact establishing a feudal republic, only
without entirely disclaiming a nominal
allegiance; and such a defiance was ne-
cessarily followed by energetic measures
on both sides.
The siege of St. Jean d'Angely was
commenced on the 16th of May, by
Count d'Auriac, with a division of four
thousand men. The town was well de-
fended ; and the inhabitants showed them-
selves worthy of their ancestors, who had
sustained three sieges of considerable
celebrity. Even the women shared the
labours and dangers, working night and
day at the fortifications, and preparing
cartridges.}: Soubise commanded the
place; J and his brother, Rohan, within
three days after the beginning of the
siege, threw in a reinforcement of a thou-
sand soldiers, and above one hundred
gentlemen ; after which he proceeded to
Guyenne, the circle intrusted to him by
the assembly. ||
A royal ordinance was issued.1T de-
claring the inhabitants of Rochelle, St.
Jean d'Angely, and their adherents, guilty
of treason. Subsequently a herald called
upon Soubise to open the gates to the king,
under penalty of being declared a traitor,
with degradation from his nobility, and
the confiscation of all his property. Sou-
bise having explained that he was there
on behalf of the assembly at Rochelle,
gave the following answer: "I am the
king's very humble servant; but the ex-
ecution of his command is out of my
power. — Benjamin de Rohan."**
Meanwhile the king's army had been
* Merc Frnng., vol. vii p. 304.
t Bernard, li v 0, p. 221, et seq.
1 Merc. Franc., p. 533,
§ Benjamin de Rohan, seigneur de Soubise, was ele-
vated to the dignity of duke in 1620 ; but his patent
was never registered by the parliament ; he is however
generally known by that title.
|| Rohan, Mem., liv. 2, p. 122.
IT Dated Niort. 27th May, 1621.
** Merc Frang., vol. vii. p. 526.
29
joined by reinforcements of men and ar-
tillery, and the place was severely can-
nonaded. The besieged made several
bold sallies, but without succeeding in
destroying the preparations for an assault ;
and although their danger became daily
more evident, they maintained the defence
with spirit, until Haute Fontaine, the con-
fidential friend of Soubise, was killed.
That loss, and the fact of some extensive
mines being prepared, made Soubise more
willing to capitulate. He accordingly
wrote to the king's minister Luynes, who
had recently been named constable ; and
after several discussions on matters of
form, the king sent word that he should
make no treaty, but, at the humble sup-
plication of the inhabitants of St. Jean, he
would give a full pardon to every one on
the sole condition of its being asked, and
on their swearing fidelity and obedience
for the future. The offer was accepted
and the gates were thrown open.* The
fortifications were destroyed, and the
place completely dismantled ; not only as
a measure of precaution, but also of pu-
nishment, the royal ordinance declaring,
that, in times of trouble, the inhabitants of
St. Jean d'Angely were always the first
to revolt. f
During this siege the king's authority
was established in all the towns of Poictou,
Saintonge, and the adjoining provinces.
The Duke of Vendome restored order in
Brittany ; Bouillon wrote with submission
to the king; La Tremouille went in per-
son; Chatillon and La Force were either
paralyzed in their operations or seduced
by promises. Rohan and his brother
alone remained faithful to the Protestant
cause; and their fidelity was the more
meritorious, as Luynes had married their
niece, and great efforts had been made to
win them to the court interest.
The historian of Rochelle, a father of
the congregation of the Oratoire, com-
plains of the inconsistent conduct of the
Protestants, who were clamorous for the
execution of the edict of Nantes, and yet
violated its conditions, by refusing to allow
the celebration of the Roman Catholic
worship, and oppressing the followers of
that creed with constant odious vexations.
The Oratorians were the only Catholic
clergy in Rochelle: they had formed an
* 25lh 7une.
+ The ordinance given at Cognac was registered at
Bordeaux, 6th July, 1621.
338
BRAVE RESISTANCE OF MONTAUBAN.
establishment in 1G14, but the advance of The Duke of Mayenne, governor of the?
the king's forces, and the alarming state province, was then laid up at Bordeaux
of affairs, caused a strong feeling against I with a fever; not a levy had been made,
them. In consequence, a vote of the as-
sembly ordered them to quit the city.
" The more violent," says Father Arcere,
nor any order given for repressive mea-
sures, in consequence of this insurrection.
La Force availed himself of Mayenne's
"were for burning them in their church, inactivity to strengthen his army; but on
or pitching them over the ramparts." The! the news of his operations reaching Bor-
mayor, however, assisted them in retiring deaux, the emergency of the case, and his
from the city, and lamented his inability serious responsibility as governor, caused
to protect their continued stay. To avoid the duke to disregard his illness: he set
the clamours of the multitude, they quitted : out in the night to join the Duke of Eper-
the town at dinner-time, in a boat pre- non, and ordered two regiments to follow
pared by that magistrate.* him.* Nerac held out with spirit for some
Previously to the king's departure for days : as a diversion, La Force obtained
Guyenne, he ordered Epernon to press possession of Caumont, and besieged
Rochelle, by sea as well as by land, i Sept-Fons : but the king's forces were so
That nobleman decided on blockading; much superior in numbers, that ultimately
that town, and therefore kept parties of the insurgents were every where defeated,
horsemen constantly in the neighbour-
hood, to prevent the arrival of provisions. t
Skirmishes often took place, and all sup-
ply from the land was cut off. But it was
different on the sea-coast, the ships sta-
tioned at the mouth of the harbour not
and Nerac surrendered on the 9th of July.
Clerac, another Gascon town, detained
the king from the 20th of July until the
5th of August, after which the siege of
Montauban was resolved on.t Rohan
hail apprehended this decision, from the
being able to prevent the entrance of tidings he received of such general sub-
small vessels. In general the confede-| mission to the king; and early in July he
rates were superior at sea to the king's i had visited Lower Languedoc, to rally his
forces: and their success induced them, I friends, and obtain supplies for the as-
at a later period, to attempt a measure of sistance of Montauban ; which town was
some importance, and bar the entrance to j invested on the 21st of August by the
Brouage, by sinking some vessels laden king in person, attended by the constable,
with stones at the mouth of that port, the Duke of Mayenne, and Marshals
St. Luc, the royalist marine commander, iPraslin, Chaulne, Themines, and Lesdi-
having intimation of the design, hastily Iguieres.J Sully, who had for some time
threw up a redoubt at the water's edge,
which effectually prevented the approach
of the Roehellese.i:
The king's progress in the south of
France was almost every where hailed by
submission. La Force and his son, who
intended to make a stand at Bergerac, re-
tired to Nerac, where the Huguenots
hailed him as commander of the circle. §
Being joined by Rohan, the Catholic coun-
sellors of the justice-chamber were dis-
missed ; and after establishing La Force
in that place, the duke set off for Montau
withdrawn from public life to his states at
Quercy, came to the king's head-quarters*
and offered to use his influence with the
inhabitants, whom he imagined he could
persuade into submission ; but his inten-
tions were frustrated by the zeal and
firmness of the town-council, of which
body the minister Chamier was presi-
dent. Sully's recommendations were dis-
regarded, the council being determined on
the question of refusing to submit: they
were willing, however, to treat with the
king in the name and with the approval
ban, where he arrived in the middle of of their party at large; which of course
July. In that journey he was obliged to
take a circuitous route of thirty-five
leagues, to avoid Marshal Themines, at
the head of a considerable force. ||
* Arcere. vol. ii. pp. 167, lf;H.
+ Guard, Vie dLpernon, p. 304.
} Arcere, vol. ii. p. 175.
§ 3d June. 1621. Merc. Franc;., vol. vii. p. COI.
\ Rohan, Mem., liv. ii. p. 124.
could not be conceded by a monarch
flushed with success.§ The obstinacy of
this body unequivocally arose out of their
warm attachment to the cause they had
» Merc. Franc., vol. vii. p. C03.
t Ibid, p. 653.
J Rohan, Mem., p. 129. Bassompierre, vol. ii. p. 161.
Merc. Franc , p. 822.
6 Merc. Frane., vol. vii. p. 826.
THE SIEGE RAISED.
339
espoused, and the selfish and interested
conduct of many noblemen of their party
made them distrustful of Sully's advice.
Having so often experienced fatal effects
from too much confidence, and being sti-
mulated by a desire of rivalling the as-
sembly at Rochelle, they would admit no
compromise in the contest for religious
liberty. But, unfortunately, that sacred
cause received an irreparable injury from
their well-meant zeal. The republican
character of their institutions, and their
self-government, altogether independent of
the crown, became obvious ; and from |
that time the interests of the monarchy |
demanded a hostile policy, so far as the
Protestant body was concerned.
Montauban was courageously defended;
and Bassompierre, who was present, has
related some spirited scenes that took
place. Rohan was, on his side, actively
engaged in bringing a reinforcement to
the besieged ; and in the middle of Octo-
ber sent fifteen hundred men, under the
command of Beaufort, a courageous man, |
to enter the town, if possible. The king
was informed of the project, and the I
guards were doubled ; which did not,
however, prevent eight hundred of Beau-
fort's division from breaking through the ;
camp. This incident was closely fol-
lowed by several sorties, which greatly
discouraged the king's troops.
Both attack and defence were well
sustained, till the end of October, when
the constable decided on raising the siege.
He had invited Rohan to a private con-
ference at Castres, but the public feeling
being opposed to a negotiation, they met
at Reviers, within a league of Montauban,
when Luynes used the most friendly ar-
guments to win over the Protestant com-
mander. He even appealed to the al-
liance between their families, the Duchess
of Luynes being of the house of Rohan.
But the conference produced no result,
because the constable would not hear of
a general treaty, his object being to detach
the leader from his party.* Rohan's
firmness was ill-requited by his confede-
rates, and he had reason to complain of
their interestedness before the end of the
war.
When Luynes communicated to Bas-
sompierre his design of raising the siege,
* Rohan; Mem. p. 135, et ieq.
he was told in reply that he did right to
relinquish a plan in which he was unin-
tentionally engaged ; as it was entered
upon with a full assurance from Bourg-
Franc, the commander, that he would
open the gates.* This incident affords an
explanation of the prevailing readiness to
surrender on the king's approach, so dif-
ferent from the unvarying practice of the
Huguenots in former civil wars; and
Rohan observes, — " from Saumur to Mon-
tauban, there was a general submission;
with no resistance, except at St. Jean-
d'Angely, which my brother defended as
long as he could. And the peace of
Montpellier comprised no chiefs of pro-
vinces, except my brother and myself;
all the others having made their treaty
separately and on advantageous terms."t
After the conversation already alluded
to, between Luynes and Bassompierre, a
conference was privately held with some
of the besieged, but without producing
any result, and the king withdrew his
troops early in November. He confessed
to Bassompierre, with tears in his eyes,
how bitterly he felt the unfavourable turn
of affairs. Bassompierre's division had
been conspicuous, and Louis declared that
no other part of the army had given him
equal satisfaction. In short, he had re-
solved on giving him the chief command.];
During the siege a considerable number
of nobles and gentlemen were killed:
among the besieged, the minister Chamier
was struck by a cannon ball, while de-
fending a breach.§ The most eminent
among the assailants was the Duke of
Mayenne, mortally wounded in the left
eye by a musket ball, while examining
the trenches with the Duke of Guise and
Count Schomberg. He was conveyed to
his tent, and died almost immediately after
reaching it,|j The greatest honours were
paid to his remains in every town through
which they passed ; but the Parisians ap-
pear to have fancied nothing so congenial
as to attack the Protestants. There were
in circulation some menacing reports,
during several days after the news of his
death had reached the capital, and on the
Sunday following' the road to Charenton
was well guarded, to protect the Protest-
* Bassompierre. vol. ii. p 232.
t Rohan, Discours sur les Verniers Troubles, p. 101.
t Bassompierre, vol. ii. p. 235.
$ Merc. Franc;., vol. viii. p. (505.
| 16th Sept. 1024. Ibid. vol. vii. p. 849.
340
ROMANIST MOBS OF PARIS.
ants in going to and from their temple;
the Duke of Montbazon, governor of
Paris, the Chevalier du Guet, the provost, j
lieutenant civil, &c, being stationed at
the porte St. Antoine. The morning ser-
vice passed off quietly ; but in the after- j
noon a band of vagabonds, concealed
among the vines, commenced an attack
on some carnages returning to the city.
When the archers hastened forward to
protect that party, another band fell upon
some Protestants on foot, at a little dis-
tance. As they were armed with swords
and pistols, a skirmish ensued, in which
several were mortally wounded. The
affray, once commenced, was not con-
fined to the outside of Paris: the confu-
sion was still greater within the gates, and
an aged female Protestant was murdered
near Mayenne's hotel.
Nor were the Protestants the only vic-
tims, for the mob became more and more
outrageous in their proceedings; and as
many Catholics were taking their Sunday
walk in the country, they were robbed of
whatever they had about them, the popu- 1
lace pretending to search their persons I
for crosses and rosaries, as evidence of ;
their being Catholics.
The mob then proceeded to Charenton,
being strengthened by a reinforcement of
bad characters of every kind, with a
swarm of apprentices and workmen, free
for the day, and ready for any kind of
mischief. The door of the temple was
forced open ; the benches, desks and books
were piled up in a heap; the houses of
the consistory and guardian were pil-
laged; and the temple itself set on fire;
after which the mob, about four hundred
in number, returned to Paris, shouting
Vive le Roi, It required all the watchful
care of the authorities to prevent still
more serious consequences, for many of
the populace were bent upon killing the
Huguenots. Companies were however
formed, and stationed in each quarter,
and the night passed off quietly. The
following day the parliament issued a de-
cree, authorizing the prosecution of the
delinquents, and placing the Protestants
under the protection and safeguard of that
court.* Yet the mob persisted : houses
belonging to Protestants were plundered ;
and four men being arrested in the act of
* 27th Sept. 1621.
carrying away clothes, were summarily
punished by a decree of parliament, given
the following day: — Two were con-
demned to be hanged, and their com-
panions to be whipped and banished for
nine years. The sentence was executed
the same day at the Place de Greve, and
the severity of the example restored or-
der.*
CHAPTER LVI.
Military movements in the south— Expedition to the
Isle of Ries, under Soubise— La Force submits to the
king— Sieges of Negrepelisse and Montpellier — Riche-*
lieu named Prime Minister.
During this civil war the affairs of the
Huguenots became so extensively diver-
sified, that it is scarcely possible to give a
connected view of the events occurring
among the many divisions comprised in
their confederation; for the interest is no
longer arrested by one body, around the
history of which the episodes of its satel-
lites can be successively unfolded, but
proceedings of nearly equal importance
claim and fix attention in opposite direc-
tions. On one side Soubise, regardless
of his recent oath, appeared in arms at
Oleron, where he committed serious de-
vastations, levied contributions, and de-
stroyed the churches.f At Nismes the
assembly of deputies passed a decree
for depriving Chatillon of the command
intrusted to him by the assembly at Ro-
chelle.J The complaint against him com-
prised ten heads of accusation, which in
substance declared that his loyalty and
sense of duty were impediments to his
usefulness for the party. This decision
drew forth a long apology from the ac-
cused nobleman, whose aim and desire
were described as directed to the pre-
servation of peace in Languedoc ; at the
same time he charges his accusers with
selfish and seditious motives. §
At Montpellier the Catholic clergy were
ordered to discontinue their worship, and
close their churches : the following day a
pillage commenced, and many sacrilegious
outrages were committed.|| The govern-
* Merc. Franc;., vol. vii. pp. 851—857.
f Nov. 8th, 1621. Arcere, vol. ii. p, 174.
X Nov. 21st. Merc. Frang., vol. vii. p. 686.
$ Ibid. vol. viii. p 93.
| Dec. 2d, 1621. Soulier, HUt. du Calvinisms, p. 474.
VARIOUS SUCCESSES OF THE PROTESTANTS.
341
ment of Languedoc devolving on Rohan, Ion the subject. Luynes, being confident
when the assembly deprived ChAtillon of! of taking the town, assumed a high tone,
that command, he was received with great and expressed a determination to exclude
demonstration of respect at Montpellier. it from the edict of pacification, unless a
The vigour with which the king had be
sieged Montauban was a presage of what
might be expected there, and great ac-
tivity was displayed in preparing for de-
citadel were erected : in consequence the
matter was dropped. Afterwards, when
Rohan had thrown in supplies, and the
chances of success were diminished,
fence.* Lesdiguieres, who had succeeded ! Luynes, invited him to renew the confe-
in suppressing an insurrection in the ad- rence. When the siege was raised, the
joining province, was ambitious of figuring constable consented that Rohan should
as mediator with the insurgents of Mont- obtain the approbation of the Protestant
pellier; and accordingly sent Ducros, pre- assembly, which was a great point gained ;
sident of the parliament of Grenoble, to but the negotiations again failed of pro-
converse with Rohan on the best means jducing any result. The death of Luynes
for effecting a pacification. The presi- opened a new field of ambition and in-
dent had been selected on account of the 1 trigue ; and the friends of Conde, who
high consideration he enjoyed among the j then acquired influence, persuaded the
principal Protestants; but unhappily some' king that the fact of receiving authority to
violent partisans circulated a report that! treat in the name of the assembly could
his object was to detach Rohan from their not be too severely reprobated* The
cause, and a plan was arranged for killing ! same influence may have originated the
him. It was executed with the atrocity ; king's decree, declaring Rohan guilty of
of an age of violence and fanaticism, and
Rohan deemed it necessary to punish
such an outrage by having four of the
ringleaders hanged. f
Monheurt, a little insignificant town on
the Garonne, was likewise a point of con-
siderable interest at this period, as the
king besieged it in person. The explosion
of some mines produced a sufficient im-
pression upon the besieged to make them
desirous of capitulation : that however the
king would not permit, and insisted upon
an unqualified surrender. However, in
the evening the besieged received an as-
surance of the monarch's desire to show
clemency, and that all who submitted
would be at liberty to retire. The offer
was generally accepted ; after which the
town was given up to plunder, and then
burned.^:
During the siege of Montauban the
English ambassador had endeavoured to
persuade Rohan to consent to a treat}',
calculated to establish a' general peace,
compatible with the dignity of the French
crown. At first the duke referred the
proposal to the assembly at Rochelle; but
as there appeared to the ambassador a
probability of the loss of Montauban, he
persuaded Rohan to meet the constable
* Rohan, liaisons dc la Paizfaictc devanl Montpellier,
p 92.
t Merc. Franc., vol. viii. p. 117 —Soulier, p. 480.
I Dec. 12tli. Merc. Franc., vol. vii. pp. 827—829.
high treason.
The constable's death removed the
queen's bitterest enemy, and Conde's
chief rival; and if we may rely on the
testimony of Bassompierre, the event
must have afforded some satisfaction even
to Louis himself. In treating of the siege
of Montauban, the marshal observes:
''The king's dislike to the constable aug-
mented; while he took less pains to keep
in favour, either from feeling assured of
his majesty's affection, or because im-
portant affairs on hand prevented his
thinking of it; or because his greatness
blinded him: so that the king's discontent
increased very much, and every time that
he spoke of him in private, he displayed
more and more violent resentment. "f
Though the king had returned to Paris
for the remainder of the winter, the con-
federates pursued their isolated opera-
tions; which became important from their
extent, as the Huguenot force was not
less than twenty-five thousand men.} The
Marquis de La Force quitted Montauban,
to establish his authority in Quercy and
Lower Guycnne, where he was received
with ardour, and treated as a sovereign,
notwithstanding the decree of the parlia-
ment of Paris, which condemned him and
his sons to be beheaded in effigy, deprived
29*
* Rohnii, liaisons, etc., p. 85.
+ Bassompierre, vol. ii p. 257.
t Merc. Franc;., voj. viii. p 418.
342
VARIOUS SUCCESSES OF THE PROTESTANTS.
them of their nobility, and confiscated the
family estates * La Force, far from being
alarmed by this proceeding, levied money
by virtue of his commission from the gene-
ral assembly of the Reformed Churches,
and transported to Ste. Foy the chamber
founded at Nerac, pursuant to the edict
of Nantes, declaring its authority equal to
that of the other parliaments. The Duke
d'Elbceuf and marshal Themines had been
already sent by the king to reduce the
province to submission; and early in
January, 1622, they took the field. The
results of the subsequent military move-
ments were long doubtful. Elbceuf found
it requisite to abandon the siege of several
places, and the town of Clerac was taken
by the Marquis de Lusignan, co-operating
with La Force, who himself obtained pos-
session of Tonneins. The latter town
afterwards sustained a long and arduous
siege, in which the garrison displayed un-
common resolution, their difficulties being
aggravated by the want of provisions.
La Force made two attempts to relieve
the place, in which his son Montpouillon
commanded, but was driven off by the
Duke d'Elbceuf. The siege lasted till
May, when the garrison obtained a fa-
vourable capitulation, but the town was
burned as an example.!
The assembly at Rochelle was en-
couraged by the energetic resistance of
their leaders, and Soubise, whose ope-
rations were in their own neighbourhood,
gave the royalists full occupation, both by
sea and on shore. Woodford, the Eng-
lish ambassador's secretary, was sent to
complain of the misconduct of their naval
captains, who plundered the English ves-
sels trading to Bordeaux. The envoy
took occasion to represent how utterly
improbable it was that their sovereign
would ever treat with revolted subjects,
even on the mediation of foreign powers,
and advised submission. The assembly,
in reply, expressed a readiness to adopt
his recommendation, and begged him to
obtain a safe-conduct for their deputies.^
The measure was however laid aside;
and instead of submitting to the king, a
body of three thousand men under Sou-
bise marched into Lower Poictou, where
* Nov. 15th, 1821.
t Merc Franc , vol. viii. pp. 445, et seq. There is a
minute iletail of the operations anil skirmishes in the
JWcmoircs de Puntis, |jv.|iv.
J Jan. Olh, 1622. Arcure, vol. ii .p. 175.
he obtained possession of several places,
and sent five standards to Rochelle as
trophies. His progress was stayed by
the Count de La Rochefoucault, who kept
him in check by a superior force, hastily
levied, consisting of four thousand in-
fantry and six hundred horsemen.*
The king again quitted Paris to pursue
the advantages which had attended his
military journeys the preceding years.
On reaching Saumur, he found that the
Protestants did not conceal their hopes of
a change of circumstances, from the suc-
cesses gained by Soubise. The fortifica-
tions were in consequence destroyed, and
the town annexed to the government of
Anjou.f
Soubise meanwhile had taken a posi-
tion in the isle of Rie,t where he appeared
full of confidence, and ready to resist the
attacks of the royal army. The surround-
ing country was difficult of access, being
intersected by canals; and a moderate
degree of precaution, in establishing posts
at the few practicable passes would have
given him an impregnable position. Un-
der cover of the night the king's troops
crossed over to the island at low water,
and Soubise endeavoured to retreat from
a force so superior to his own, at a mo-
ment when it would have been much less
hazardous to engage. Four thousand of
his men, who perceived the irremediable
fault of their commander, and despaired
of gaining the ships at anchor, laid down
their arms. About fifteen hundred were
killed by the soldiers of La Rochefoucault,
and by the peasantry, who were highly
incensed against them, as the causes of»-
the war ; from six to seven hundred fugi-
tives were made prisoners, among whom
were one hundred and fifty gentlemen.
Soubise arrived at Rochelle with about
thirty horsemen, the wreck of a respecta-
ble body of cavalry ; and out of seven
thousand infantry, not four hundred ef-
fected their escape.§
The results of this expedition announced
a change in the views of the government,
by an unusual display of severity. The
* Merc. Franc., vol. viii. p. 530.— Arcere, vol. ii. p.
175.
t April. 1622. Merc Franc , vol. viii. p. 547.
X Rie or Ries must not be confounded with Rhe or
Re: the former in Poictou, is separated from the main
land hy a fordable stream , Rhe is divided from Aunis
by an arm of the sea.
§ 16th April, 1622. Bassompierre, vol. ii. p. 306.—
Merc. Franc., vol. viii. p. 554.
SEVERITIES OF THE KING. — LOSSES OF THE PROTESTANTS. 343
sentence of death passed upon rebels was,
perfectly conformable to the practice of
all civilized nations: but in every other
case during this war an act of grace had
followed the success of the king's arms;
and there was no reason why the unfor-
tunate followers of Soubise should have
suffered the consequences of an excep-
tional rigour. The Prince of Conde per-
suaded the king to punish with firmness.
His majesty, says a contemporary, left the
affair to his council. Persons of quality
were treated as prisoners of war; but as
for the soldiers, five hundred and eighty-
eight were conducted to Nantes — thirteen
were hanged; and the remainder sent to
the galleys.*
With a view to improve the advantages
of the late victory, by seizing vessels be-
longing to the Huguenots, or at any rate
destroying some of the sailors, La Rftche-
foucault ordered several of his prisoners
to run along the bank, and call for help.
The commanders immediately stood in
towards the shore, to receive their com-
panions, while La Rochefoucault's soldiers
advanced to wait the proper moment for
action. A resolute and devoted Protest-
ant, named Job Ferran, perceived the
danger to which his friends were exposed;
climbing a high rock, he called out, " Trea-
son ! Treason !" and precipitated himself
on the shore. Some Huguenot sailors
who had already landed carried him to
one of their ships, where he died a few
days afterwards, from the effects of his
fall: his last moments were, however,
soothed by the reflection that his death
had saved the Protestant flotilla.t
About the same time the Huguenots
had to lament the loss of the county of
Foix, where their interests had been well
secured by Jane d'Albret, and the appoint-
ment of successive Protestant governors.
In December, 1621, the charge being re-
signed, La Forest, a Catholic, was named,
and the Jesuit Villatte, was employed to
convert the population. In an account
published at Toulouse/it is stated that the
Huguenot minister Molinier confessed his
inability to resist the Jesuit's arguments;
and the majority of his flock abjured their
errors, as an evidence of their sincerity.
For the suitable celebration of Easter they
* 27th April, 1C22. Merc. Fran<?., vol. viii. pp. 554,
et seg.
+ Arcere, vol. ii. p. 178.
consented to demolish their temple. To
perpetuate the memory of that event a
declaration was signed by a hundred and
twenty-two converts; and at the head of
the list was Pierre Fer, an individual who
went to Geneva for the purpose of re-
ceiving from Calvin himself a minister to
preach the reformation at Foix; and
having attained the age of a hundred-and-
ten years, was induced to concur in its
suppression.*
Royan, situated at the mouth of the
Gironde, was besieged by the king in the
beginning of May. The assembly at Ro-
chelle sent supplies and reinforcements by
sea ; but it was to no purpose, for the
sixth day of the siege the garrison de-
manded and obtained a capitulation, by
which they were allowed to withdraw by
sea to Rochelle, with arms and baggage,
leaving behind them only the cannons and
ammunition/!"
La Force, who had taken up his head-
quarters at Ste.-Foy, beheld different di-
visions of the royal army directing their
march towards him; and concluding,
from the fate of other places, that his cita-
del must be subdued, he wrote to de Lo-
menie, the king's secretary, expressing a
deep regret for his rebellion, and presented
articles of capitulation for himself, his
children, and the nobles and gentlemen
who had followed him. These terms
would in the present day be deemed ex-
travagant; yet with one or two excep-
tions, every thing asked for was granted,
and even the points objected to were not
positively refused. In short, La Force
obtained amnesty, approval, continuance
of old privileges and rights; all decrees
against him or his followers were de-
clared null; and the rank of marshal, with
a considerable sum of money and pen-
sions to his children, was accorded by
Louis, so important did it seem to his ad-
visers, and especially the Prince of Conde.
to win over a Protestant chieftain, and
leave nothing behind him in arms in
Guyenne. The articles being signed and
exchanged, the Prince of Conde and the
Duke d'Elbceuf took possession of the
town, to prepare for the king's entry.}:
The towns of Negrepelisse and Saint-
* Merc. Frang. vol. viii. pp 480—401.
t 11th May, 1(522. Merc. Franj., p. 582. Bassom-
pierre, vol. ii p 325.
% 24th May, Merc. Franc., p. 625.— Bassompieire, p.
329.
344
RECANTATION OF LESDIGUIERES.'
Antonin were less fortunate than Ste.-
Foy. The former place was taken after
a short siege; and the inhabitants, with-
out'distinction of age or sex, were massa-
cred. Some who had taken refuge in the
citadel were obliged to surrender the fol-
lowing day, when all the men were
hanged. The pretext for this severity
was an accusation of the inhabitants
having murdered a regiment left there in
garrison by the Duke of Mayenne; and
the vengeance of the conquerors was
completed only by the entire destruction
of the town, which was set on fire in
several quarters at once.*
The king attacked Negrepelisse pro-
fessedly with a view to take revenge upon
the inhabitants : there was no summons
to surrender; but a general assault di-
rectly the royal army arrived. De Pontis
relates that he was summoned to the
king's presence to report his observations
on the state of the town, he having been
appointed to take a survey. "You will
attack the place," observed the king, "on
both sides at once; and you must place
something white in your hats, lest when
you meet in the town you should kill one
another; for I command you to give no
quarter to any man, because they have
irritated me, and shall be served as they
treated the others." The combat lasted
some hours, and the garrison made a
most courageous defence : at last find-
ing themselves overwhelmed by superior
force, they asked for quarter; which being
refused, they resolved to sell their lives
dearly, and to a man died fighting. The
sack was dreadful in the extreme: rob-
bery and violation occurred in every
house, with scarcely an exception. t
St.-Antonin had soon after the fatal
honour of a visit from the king, who
joined his army before its walls. The
siege lasted seven days; and when the
garrison offered to capitulate, it was re-
fused terms. They surrendered at dis-
cretion, in the hope of obtaining the royal
clemency. Eleven of those who had been
most active in the resistance were hanged
on the ravelin ; and among them the mi-
* 10th June, 1022. Merc. Franc., p. 037.
■f Ponti.vol. i. pp. 192—203. This work has been
Ihe subject of literary controversy, and is by some con-
sidered apocryphal ; the author composed it after his
retirement to Port-Royal, and Ins statement is evi-
dently founded on fact, even supposing •' De Pontis"
to be a fictitious name.
nister, who had been a cordelier, a coin-
cidence which gave rise to some epigrams
among the wits in the king's army.*'
These continued misfortunes of the
protestant party were followed by the
abjuration of Lesdiguieres, who on a
former occasion had refused the appoint-
ment of constable, on that condition.
Marshal Crequi had only to announce his
mission, in the presence of the parliament
of Grenoble. Claude Bullion, who had
already abjured, addressed this question
to the marshal : '• Do you believe in tran-
substantiation I" " Yes." " Then you
are to be constable." Lesdiguieres re-
plied, "That he was ever obedient to the
command of his majesty," and turning to
the counsellors, added : " So, now, gen-
tlemen, we'll go to mass."f This abjura-
tion was celebrated with great pomp, and
was followed by ceremonies which lasted
four days. He received the sword of
state from the king's own hand before
Montpellier, and Bassompierre replaced
him in the list of marshals.}
The king's successes continued; and
he wrote a letter to the parliament of Tou-
louse, announcing the prosperous results
of the campaign, in which he had sub-
dued a dozen fortified towns ; and con-
gratulating that body on the rebels of
Languedoc being shut up in three places:
viz: Nismes, Usez, and Montpellier, with-
out any hope of assistance from their con-
federates. 5 The siege of the latter city
was already contemplated ; but, as a
means of conciliation, the secretary Bul-
lion was sent to offer the king's pardon
if the town submitted. The answer he
brought back was a refusal to admit the
king; but that if his majesty would retire
a distance of ten leagues, they would
open their gates to the constable. This
gave rise to a consultation, at which were
present all the great commanders of the
king's party. Bullion, after making his
report, explained that the severities ex-
perienced at the recent sieges had alarmed
the people of Montpellier ; that they were
well disposed, and would receive his capi-
tulation as dutiful supplicants; and, there-
fore, he advised his sovereign to concede
on a point of no consequence, especially
► 22d June, 1022. Mere. Franc., vol. viii. p. 048.
■j- 24th Juiy. 1622 Merc. Fran?., p. 083. Ainelot de
la Houaaaye, Mem. Hist , vol. i p. 442
1 2'Jth August, 1022. Basse mpierre, vol. ii. p. 385.
$ .Merc. Franc., vol. viii. p. 8U2.
HOSTILITIES AT ROCHELLE.
345
as by the time so gained he would
speedily obtain the submission of Nismes
and Usez. The Prince of Conde could
hardly suppress his impatience at this dis-
course ; and declared that such a deci-
sion would be infamous. The king was
obliged to restrain the prince's impe-
tuosity, and insisted on his allowing every
counsellor to deliver his sentiments.
Many of them agreed with Bullion; but
Bassompierre enlarged upon the incon-
sistency of a king withdrawing from one
of his own towns, before his subjects
would perform the ordinary homage of
acknowledging his authority. Conde se-
conded the marshal's opinion, and Louis
sent word, " That he gave terms to his
subjects, but did not receive any ; and if
they did not accept his proposal, they
might prepare to be compelled by force."*
The garrison was inflexible, and orders
were given to commence the siege, which
was continued with great animation until
the 8th of October.t when the Duke de
Rohan approached with a body of troops
to reinforce the town. The king was ad-
vised to invite the protestant commander
to treat of a peace, and the constable was
ordered to meet him on that business.
The preliminaries being concluded, Rohan
passed and repassed through the royal
camp, in his visits to the town, for the
purpose of persuading the inhabitants,
who were obstinate in refusing to admit
the king's troops. An entire week was
occupied in this manner; but Rohan's
perseverance and influence at last enabled
him to appear before the king with the
ratification of the treaty, and the adhesion
of Nismes and Usez, deputies from which
places implored the king's pardon on their
knees, in the name of all the protestants
in France.} The edict of pacification and
amnesty was signed on the 19th of Octo-
ber; and the following day Louis made
his entry, when every thing was as tran-
quil as if the siege had not taken place.§
Hostilities continued some time later at
Rochelle ; and four successive engage-
* Bassompierre, vol ii p 391.
+ De Pontia describes the different attacks in which
he was engaged : but from the period of his being
wounded he ceases to notice the siege, and r< latcs his
conversations with two monks. The celebrated Zamet
was killed by a cannon ball before this town. Mem.,
liv. v.
t Lettre du chancelier Sillery, inserted in the Mem. de
Jticltelieu. par Aubury, vol. i. p. 522.
§ Merc. Franc., vo1- v'"- PP> 810—844. Bassompierre,
pp. 429 -430.
ments took place between the king's fleet,
commanded by the Count de Soissons,
the Duke of Guise, and M. de St. Luc.
The advantage of these encounters was
decidedly in favour of the royalists, al-
though the brave sailors of Rochelle fully
sustained their old reputation. The Duke
of Guise, having resolved to annihilate the
fleet of the confederates, followed up his
victories; and would have succeeded if a
violent storm had not arisen on the day
fixed for his project. The hurricane
lasted till the 6th of November ; and, in
the interval, intelligence was received of
peace being concluded. Guiton, the pro-
testant admiral, at first refused to be in-
cluded in the treaty; but the inevitable
consequences of Guise's plan becoming
apparent to the insurgent leaders, and
their means of defence being sadly crip-
pled by disasters, a deputation from the
town announced the adhesion of the as-
sembly to the pacification.*
The articles of the edict of pacification
were similar to those on former occasions :
Rohan, Soubise, and other leaders, ob-
tained indemnity for their losses; and fair
promises were held out that the .protest-
ants at large should be assured of their
religious rights. They were, however,
no longer in a situation to enforce their
claim, having lost all their towns, except
Rochelle and Montauban : many of their
nobles had gone over to the court ; and
others, despairing of the cause, were pre-
pared to abjure. Under such circum-
stances, it is not surprising that the treaty
soon became a dead letter. The clergy
disapproved of it, and would have pre-
ferred seeing the king follow up his ad-
vantages. The Chancellor Sillery, writing
to his brother at Rome, deemed it neces-
sary to justify the measure, and observed
in his letter : " The ambassador will ex-
plain to his holiness how the Huguenots
have always gained by war, and lost
ground in time of peace ; which it is to be
hoped will again ensue from the good
conduct and piety of his majesty."! Puy-
sieux, the chancellor's son, did not scruple
to assure the nuncio, that peace had been
made with the intention of more effectually
crushing the reformed; and it was speedily
seen that the stipulations of the edict
* llth Nov., 1622. Arcere, vol. ii. p. 192. Merc-
Franc, , vol. viii. p. 865.
t The letter, dated Paris, 4th Nov., 1022, is given by
Aubery, vol. i. p. 522.
346
RICHELIEU APPOINTED TO THE MINISTRY.
would all be violated. In the first place,
the fortifications of Montpellier were to be
razed ; but as the king's troops would not
quit the town, Rohan, after several inef-
fectual applications to the king, declared
that he should cease the demolition of the
works. This instantly produced an order
to Valence, who commanded for the king ;
but the independent spirit Rohan had
manifested did not fail to incur displea-
sure; and Valence went so far as to
arrest the duke soon after he entered
Montpellier, to superintend the election of
protestant consuls.*
A similar disposition was displayed at
Rochelle. The deputies, on appearing
before the king at Lyons, obtained a let-
ter, ordering Arnauld, governor of Fort
St. Louis, to demolish the place within
eight days, after the protestants had de-
stroyed what was agreed upon by treaty.
Arnauld, however, received counter-or-
ders at the same time; and when the in-
habitants of Rochelle presented a copy of
the king's letter, he replied, with a smile,
that the copy of the order sufficed to de-
stroy only a copy of the fort. The ori-
ginal letter' -was then produced: he de-
clared complete willingness to obey orders;
but observed that he must have a full and
perfect discharge, and would, in conse-
quence, write to the courl.j
Arnauld entered fully into the spirit of
the government ; he not only kept his
men actively employed in strengthening
his position, but engaged an emissary to
prepare for obtaining possession of the
town by stratagem. The individual em-
ployed was named Vincent Yvon : he
was suspected of treacherous correspon-
dence; but proof failing, he was merely
confined, as a measure of precaution.
While in prison, he imagined a plan for
piercing a passage through the wall to the
sea, for the twofold purpose of securing a
retreat, and for admitting soldiers. His
work advanced but slowly; and he made
a tempting proposal to one of his jailers
to assist him. The offer met with an ap-
parent welcome, but was received with
the indignation of a patriot, whose feelings
were concealed for better foiling the plan.
The jailer sent for his brother, and after-
wards for La Chapeliere, a minister, whom
* Feb. 1623. Merc. Franc., vol. ix. p. 432. Rohan,
Mem., pp. 194—8.
+ Jan., 1(123. Arcere, vol. ii. p. 193. Merc. Franc.,
vol. is. p. 438.
he introduced to Yvon: he was exceed-
ingly frank, and declared that in the night
the soldiers from Fort Louis would enter
the town ; and, at a suitable moment,
open the gates to their comrades, con-
cealed in the environs; after which, all
who made resistance would be killed. La
Chapeliere was astonished at the scheme,
and felt assured that the mayor was an
accomplice. It became dangerous to
speak of his discovery, but it would be
criminal to conceal it. He consulted his
friends: they decided on informing the
mayor, but the proper moment had passed,
for Yvon perceived that he was detected,
and had effected his escape. The mayor,
indignant at the suspicion raised against
him, told La Chapeliere, with a menacing
gest, that, but for his sacred character,
the outrage should be washed away with
his blood. The people would have pu-
nished the jailers as accomplices; but
they were sent out of the town, and the
distrust and bad feeling which arose out
of this incident did not subside for some
time*
In September, a national synod was
held at Charenton, in which scarcely any
thing was discussed, except doctrinal
questions ; and soon afterwards, a report
being circulated that the Huguenots were
likely to take arms, a royal proclamation
was given, to tranquillize the Protestants,
and assure them of the king's intention to
observe the edicts.f
In the spring of the following year,
Richelieu was admitted into the cabinet.
His character offers traits of decided great-
ness; and his situation as minister of a
weak and deceitful king presents sufficient
excuse for the duplicity and craft re-
corded to his prejudice. As a prince of
the church of Rome, he was necessarily
opposed to the Huguenots: yet state
policy appears to have been his chief mo-
tive and guide: for, although no consi-
derations of humanity were ever allowed
to interfere with his designs, he had too
great a soul to become a mere persecutor;
and the imprudent zeal of the Protestant
assemblies, in constantly bringing their
political independence under the eye of
the government, could not fail to arrest
the cardinal's attention, when he assumed
the direction of affairs. In his opinion, no
* Arcerw, voi. ii. p. 195.
f 10th Nov., 1C23. Merc. Franc., vol. ix. p. C93,
DESIGNS OF RICHELIEU.
347
nation could be strong, that permitted a
variety of creeds or allowed foreign in-
fluence in its cabinet. His views were
directed towards gradually realizing the
former object : the latter essential he
quickly obtained, by extensive changes in
various departments of the state, and par-
ticularly in the list of ambassadors. The
King of Spain no longer had the means of
learning all that passed in the councils of
France; and the pope soon perceived an
alteration in the language used to his
nuncio.
Such indications of resolution excited
the apprehensions of the Protestants; and
their alarm was not without cause, as
preparations were publicly made for
blockading llochelle, and a garrison still
kept possession of Montpellier.
Soubise imagined the moment favoura-
ble for effacing the reproach of his late
unfavourable expedition, and confided to
his brother a project for destroying the
king's ships at Blavet. Rohan agreed to
second him if success appeared possible ;
while, in case of failure, the expedition
was to be disavowed.* Soubise was
obliged to use artifice in preparing for his
enterprise; and his intentions being dis-
covered by the magistrates of Rochelle,
they desired him to quit the isle of Rhe,
and avoid compromising them.f Soubise
departed, and succeeded in his attempt on
the port of Blavet.f This good fortune,
however, did not enable him to take Fort
Louis, as the Duke de Vendome hastened
from Nantes, with a strong body of troops:
by means of chains and cables he pre-
vented Soubise from leaving the harbour,
and greatly damaged his vessels by a de-
structive fire, from a newly-made battery.
Soubise finding himself so much exposed,
resolved to escape by night; his men, in
boats, cutting the cables 'under a heavy
discharge of musketry. Sixteen vessels
escaped, but two of his ships grounded,
and were taken by Vendome
loyalty to the crown,* and strongly disap-
proved of the conduct of Soubise, who
was soon after proclaimed a rebel and a
traitor, by royal ordonnance. The Pro-
testants in all parts of France repudiated
Soubise, until the success of his bold
effort was known; when an attempt at con-
ciliation was made, but to no purpose.
It then became necessary for Rohan to
support his brother's cause ; and prove
that a wish to restore peace had been his
reason for delay, not the want of means,
as his enemies published; and he took the
field early in May. Marshal Themines
was employed against him.t The result of
the campaign was unfortunate to Rohan,
although no action of importance took
place. The Duke de Montmorency also
defeated Soubise,'in the isle ofRhe;J and
a sea-fight equally disastrous, was fol-
lowed by the capitulation of the island.
In the summer, the assembly of Milhaud
attempted a pacification ; and in the be-
ginning of 162G, the king, being moved
by repeated entreaties, consented to give
an edict for the restoration of peace and
tranquillity-^
CHAPTER LVII.
5iege of Rochelle.
From the time Richelieu became prime
minister three great projects engaged his
attention. To elevate the regal authority,
by destroying the remains of feudal inde-
pendence— to raise the importance of
France, by lowering the pride of Austria
— and to terminate all domestic diffe-
rences, by suppressing the few liberties
still enjoyed by the Huguenots. As cir-
cumstances required, he would appear to
desist; but his intentions were unceasingly
I followed up unto completion. Pretexts
he lost of every kind were used to cover his de-
li kewise several of the king's vessels,
which had fallen into his hands on his ar-
rival. He succeeded in gaining Oleron,
whence he sent cruizers to annoy the
king's adherents.§
The Protestant deputies at Paris, alarm-
ed at such a rash project, declared their
* Rohan. Diseours sur les Verniers Troubles, p. 102
t Arcere, vol. 11. p.t206.
\ 1711 January, 3625.
1> Rohan, Mem., p. '207. Merc. Franc , vol. x. p. 850.
signs; and few would dare to counteract
them, after the fate of the unfortunate
Chalais, whose head paid the forfeit of
abetting the king's brother in opposing
the cardinal. ||
* Desadveu et Protestation des Deputez, &c, 21st
January, 1625. Merc. Frang.
t Rohan, Mem., p. 211. Merc. Frang., vol. xi. p. 745.
t 18th September 1625. Merc. Franc. , vol. xi. p. 889.
§ 5th February, 1626. Merc Franc., vol. xi. p. 119.
|| Henry de Talleyrand, Marquis de Chalaie, behead-
ed at Nantes, 19th August, 1620. There is a Relation
348
THE WAR RENEWED AT ROCHELLE.
However, the proceedings of the Hu-
guenots at this period were far from dis-
pleasing to the government; and we have
the testimony of the Jesuit Daniel, that
at the synod held at Castres, in July,
1626, every thing passed off quietly, and
with submission to the king's will. The
correspondence of the Protestant body
with Spain was disavowed ; and a pre-
vious vote, excluding their ministers from
political assemblies, was confirmed. But
unfortunately the presence of emissaries
for reviving insurrection in various pro-
vinces was made known to Richelieu ;
and he turned his serious attention to de-
priving that party of the means of disturb-
ing the kingdom*
England was likewise suffering under
a vizierate: the Duke of Buckingham,
celebrated for his astonishing elevation,
and untimely end, swayed the councils of
king Charles, without a rival. His cha-
racter cannot be placed in comparison
with that of Richelieu; for while the lat-
ter steadily pursued the mazy intrigues
essential to his policy, the former was
immersed in pleasure; and instead of the
laudable endeavour to surpass the cardi-
nal as a statesman, he thought only of re-
senting a personal humiliation, received
during his recent visit to Paris, as ambas-
sador to receive the Queen of England
from her family. Buckingham had the
presumption to declare his passion for the
Queen of France; and in the vain sup-
position thaj his advances had been re-
ceived with approbation, he returned on
the conclusion of his mission: but his
dream of happiness was annihilated by a
peremptory order to leave the country ,f
A war with France then became Buck-
ingham's object, as it might afford him
an opportunity to return to Paris. J
The Abbe Scaglia, agent of the Duke
of Savoy and a secret enemy of the car-
dinal, animated the quarrel between the
prime ministers; and Buckingham, at his
suggestion, sent away all the queen's
French attendants, § with the exception of
one retained as chaplain, the term confes-
sor being odious to the puritan party,
&c. in Auhery, vol. i. p. 570; see also Merc. Frang..
vol. xii p. 391.
* Daniel, Hist, de France, vol. xii. p. 526.
t Count Roederer intimates that ihe queen did en-
courage him. Mem. pour servir d I'Histoirc de la So-
ciettpolie, p. 50.
J Rohan. Mem. Hist. p. 279. This is also stated by
Lord Clarendon and Bishop Burnet.
$ July, 1026. Merc. Frang.. vol. xii. p. 200.
then rising into importance. To embroil
the governments yet more, Scaglia per-
suaded the young statesman that the
French Protestants were exposed to great
dangers, and that King Charles was
bound in honour to maintain the stipula-
tions of the treaty guarantied by him.
Soubise joined his entreaties to those of
Scaglia, and Buckingham was induced to
send a secret agent to the Duke de Rohan,
to concert some plan on behalf of the
Huguenots.*
The vexations to which the Queen of
England was exposed were soon made
known to her brother, who commissioned
Marshal Bassompierre to insist on the
recall of her attendants. The marshal
had not been many days in London, be-
fore he had orders to send back Sancy, a
father of the Oratoire, who accompanied
him as confessor. To this Bassompierre
would not submit; and his refusal was
accompanied with a threat, that he would
quit the country. The intimation was
repeated, but with no better effect; and
after some prolonged discussion, the am-
bassador gained his point, and ultimately
succeeded in his negotiation respecting
the queen.t
This affair, added to the seizure of
some vessels on the coast of Normandy,
afforded a pretext for Buckingham to pro-
ceed on a mission to Paris: but his jour-
ney was to no purpose, for Bassompierre,
who returned from London almost at the
same time, was ordered by the queen to
intimate that his visit would be disagree-
able, and that he must desist.J Being
thus frustrated in an attempt to behold
the queen, he was more than ever bent
on a renewal of hostilities; and sent Lord
Montague to the Dukes of Savoy and
Rohan, successively, assuring them that
thirty thousand men should be sent to
support the Huguenots, if a diversion
were promised at the same time on the
side of Piedmont.§
An assembly of notables was at this
period convoked in Paris, the sittings of
which lasted the whole winter. || The de-
* Rohan, Discours svr les Demiers Troubles, p. 104 ;
and Mem., liv. iv. p. 275. Violart, Hist, du Ministere
d'rfrmand Jean, Cardinal d 'Richelieu, vol. i. p. 380. This
author, who died in 1644, was bishop of Avranches.
His work terminates in 1033; the remainder was sup-
pressed.
t Bassompierre, vol. iii. p 32, et seq.
t 22d Dec, 1626. Bassompierre, vol. iii. p. 53.
6 Rohan, Mem., p. 211. Violart, vol. i. p. 683.
[I Aubery, vol. i. p. 581. Merc. Franc., vol. xii. p.
THE WAR RENEWED AT ROCHELLE.
349
liberations were not very important ; but
as a royal declaration* which arose out
of a request presented by the order of
nobles, announced the king's intention of
bringing all his subjects into the unity of
the Catholic church, the Protestants found
cause for alarm, notwithstanding the as-
surance that their conversion was to be
effected only by means of patience, mild-
ness, and good example. They found
that not only Fort Louis, near Rochelle,
was strengthened ; but that Thoiras, the
governor, had commenced another strong
citadel at St.-Martin, in the isle of Rhe.
The demolition agreed to on their side
was instantly suspended ; and a gentle-
man named St.-Blanchard was sent to
London, to join his efforts to those of Sou-
bise, and show the inconvenience which
must arise to the British government, if
the liberty of Rochelle were not main-
tained. King Charles was inclined to as-
sist the Huguenots. Buckingham's policy
was in complete unison, and a powerful
armament was prepared.!
The English fleet came in sight of Ro-
chelle, in the morning of the 20th of July.
1627; and anchored before the isle of
Rhe, the following day. Buckingham
sent his secretary, accompanied by Sou-
bise and St.-Blanchard, to communicate
with the mayor and his council. The
authorities were, however, all engaged in
the devotional services of a public fast;
and the interview was delayed till the
morrow.
The secretary having addressed the
council, presented a manifest, signed by
Buckingham, and concluding in these
terms: "The object of the king (of Eng-
land) is to establish the churches. He
feels interested in their welfare, and de-
sires to promote their happiness. In this
case, if the churches wish not his assist-
ance, the beating of these drums, the dis-
play of these standards shall cease; and
the noise of war be buried in silence. It
is for your sake and service they appear."}
Rochelle was then divided by two fac-
tions. The majority of the municipal au-
thorities were for submission to the king;
they had recently imprisoned two of their
fellow-citizens, accused of enrolling men
* Dated lfith February, 1627.
t Bassompierie, vol. hi. p. 61. LfClerc, Vic d' Armand.
Jean, Cardinal de ftirhrlieu, vol j. p 332.
t Hervaiilt, Journal, fee., pp. 1—12. Rohan, Mem.,
p. 282. Merc. Franc , vol. xiii. p. 803.
30
for the English forces; and it is doubtful
whether the messengers would have been
admitted, if the Dowager-duchess of Rohan
had not gone to welcome her son : Buck-
ingham's proposal was not therefore gene-
rally approved.* The consequences of
another war were to be dreaded; and
even the partisans of independence were
afraid to avow their sentiments without
reserve. A medium decision was adopted;
and a message was sent to inform the
Duke of Buckingham, that while they pre-
sented the grateful acknowledgments of
the Rochellese to the King of Great Bri-
tain, they must defer adopting any reso-
lution, until they had consulted the other
reformed churches of France. t
When Soubise set out for the city, two
resolutions had been agreed to ■ first, that
their operations should commence with
the isle of Oleron, on account of its
greater facility of conquest, no less than
for the advantages which its occupation
would afford ; and secondly, that Buck-
ingham should make no attempt before
his colleague's return. However, when
St.-Blanchard came to report progress to
Buckingham, he found every thing com-
pletely changed : an attack on the isle of
R.he was decided upon ; and every thing
prepared for operations.^
The landing was met by a spirited op-
position on the part of Thoiras the French
governor; his resistance cost the lives of
about six hundred of the assailants; and
among them St.-Blanchard himself, who
commanded a division. Buckingham suc-
ceeded in landing three thousand men ;
and if he had followed up his advantage
when Thoiras retreated, he might have
established himself in the island, and pre-
vented the fall of Rochelle. This was
urged by Soubise, who joined him the
following day; but some valuable time
was lost in landing guns and military
stores, during which Thoiras was enabled
to rally his men, and prepare for a siege
in the fort of St.-Martin.§
Richelieu had been duly informed of
Buckingham's preparations for invading
France, and measures were taken for
counteracting him, before he landed. The
news of his being in the isle of Rhe, and
* Arcere, vol. ii. p. 230.
t Rohan. Mem., Iiv. 4, p. 28G. Mervaull, p. 13.
t Ibid. Iiv. 4. p. 288.
§ Mervault, p. 15. Arnere, vol. ji. p. 23.5 Rohan,
Mem., p. 28i). Merc. Franc , vol. xiii. pp. 835, et seq.
350
SIEGE OF ROCHELLE.
the siege of Thoiras in his little fortress,
caused an increase of activity in every
department. Pinnaces were fitted out
from all the French ports, to operate upon
the coasts ; and as Oleron was a position
of evident importance, a strong reinforce-
ment was sent thither immediately.*
The Duke d'Angouleme was the first
royalist general who approached Ro-^
chelle : he arrived before its walls on the
dawn of the 10th of August; and his ap-,
pearanre created much alarm in the town.
A deputation of the citizens was sent out
to assure him that they were loyal sub-
jects of the king, and were not concerned
in any manner in the invasion of the,
English.f
Thoiras meanwhile held out firmly in
the fort St.-Martin. Buckingham had
converted the siege into a blockade; and
having taken measures for preventing the
arrival of any supplies, it was calculated'
that in a few days the besieged would be :
forced to surrender. The elements were
however adverse to the English: Buck-
ingham's vessels were dispersed: his
floating batteries and defences were all;
carried away during a stormy night; and
on the following day, a dozen pinnaces
entered the citadel with an ample supply
of provisions.!
The Duke d'Angouleme was at the
same time endeavouiing to persuade the
Rochellesc to submit; and Comminges,
the new commander of Fort Louis, had
an interview with some of the citizens;
but the royal proclamation§ was not
heeded, although the arguments used
were not entirely disregarded. The
mayor declared that if the king would
frankly execute the treaty of Montpellier,
and place Fort Louis in the hands of
Chatillon, La Force, or La Tremouille,
the inhabitants would instantly fly to fillj
his majesty's ranks, and obey his orders
in repelling the English || The Duke
d'Ansouleme then considered it incum-
bent on him to prevent the arrival of all
supplies; a strong intrenchment was
thrown up for that purpose; and a dis-
charge from one of the city batteries
* Bassompierre, vol. iii. p. 61. Arcere, vol. ii. p. 236.
Merc. Fraii£., vol. xiv. p. 3.
t Mervault, p. 18.
X Till Sept. Mervault, p. 23. Merc. Franc., vol. xiii.
p. 864.
§ Dated 5th August; published at Rochelle on the
15th. , ...
|| Arcere, vol. ii. p. 246. Merc. Franc., vol. xiu. p.
911.
upon the workmen was the declaratiori
of hostilities on the part of the town.*
During the remainder of the month,
the English cruisers were successful, and
captured so many vessels bound to the
citadel, that at the beginning of October,
Thoiras agreed to surrender, if not re-
lieved by ihe eighth. Again the winds
favoured the besieged; on the night of
the seventh, a gale prevented the English
vessels from barring the passage, and a
flotilla of pinnaces carried another supply
to the citadel. f
On the first intelligence of Bucking-
ham's intended expedition, Louis resolved
on inarching into Aunis with a respecta-
ble force, in order to parry the threatened
blow: the intention was however frus-
trated by illness, which delayed his de-
parture until late in the summer4 The
sovereign's presence was of the greatest
importance in this age, when command-
ers frequently acted for their own interest;
and immediately on his recovery, he pro-
ceeded to the disturbed province. He
arrived before Rochelle on the 12th of
October. The citadel of St. Martin still
held out; and orders were given for trans-
porting troops to the Isle of Rhe, for Re-
lieving Thoiras and his gallant garrison;
and endeavouring to expel the English
from the Island. §
The position of the Huguenots was
now greatly altered, as, by a treaty con-
cluded with Buckingham, they had virtu-
ally cancelled their allegiance to France,
the stipulations of the convention giving
them every prerogative of an independent
republic, with the assurance of support
from England. Louis and his discern-
ing minister redoubled their efforts to
suppress a rebellion, calculated to pro-
duce the most calamitous results, as it
gave England access to the provinces for-
merly subjected to that crown. Had
Buckingham sincerely wished to promote
the Protestant cause in France, it would
not have been difficult to establish an in-
dependent state in the maritime districts;
and a prospective of importance in the
new government might have induced
many nobles to enter zealously into the
plan: but King Charles was already at
* 10th Sept. Mervault, p. 03. Merc Franc., p. 912.
t Mervault. p. 32. Merc. Fran£., vol. xiv. p. 140.
J Rohan, Mem., liv. 4, p. 327.
i Merc. Fran vol. xiv. p. 146. Bassompierre, vol.
iii. p. 69.
SIEGE OF
variance with the Presbyterians of Scot-
land, and found the English puritans al-
most beyond his conirol: religious sym-
pathy was not likely therefore to send a
reinforcement from the shores of Britain.
The unfortunate monarch allowed his mi-
llion to embark in a scheme fraught with
ruin to the Huguenots, and deserving to
be stigmatized as wanton and perfidious,
if no efficient assistance were intended:
but no measures appear to have been
adopted for encouraging that enthusiasm,
which would have produced private ex-
peditions in favour of Ilochelle; nor was
any encouragement given for the depar-
ture of enthusiastic sectarians as vo-
lunteers. The public voice condemned
Buckingham as frivolous and inexpe-
rienced; but Charles was obstinate in
maintaining the favourite in his com-
mand.
On the other hand, the council of Ro-
chelle was by no means inclined to ac-
cept the unqualified protection of Eng-
land, as appears from their hesitation in
admitting Soubise on Buckingham's ar-
rival. As auxiliaries, the English were
welcome: but the Huguenots were too
prudent to renounce the independence of
their city, as the price of foreign support;
and while they desired the alliance of
King Charles, they were decidedly
against his domination. From the time
that Buckingham discovered the exist-
ence of those sentiments, his co-opera-
tion was relaxed; his efforts in the isle
of Rhe were of little value; and although
he insisted upon the inhabitants selling
provisions to his troops, he never reci-
procated, by contributing to the city
stores when he received supplies. Thus,
after destroying every hope of reconci-
liation with their natural sovereign, they
discovered that their new ally was shame-
fully lukewarm in their cause; and had
the additional mortification of finding
their own resources very much crippled
by his demands.
Buckingham's expectations of taking
the fort St. Martin soon grew feeble.
Vessels with provisions reached the be-
sieged citadel almost every day, and a
division of twelve hundred men effected
a landing on the island. Other forces
were collecting, and as success would be
impossible after their arrival, he decided
upon making a desperate final attack,
ROCJ1ELLE. 351
previous to re-embarking his men. Ac-
cordingly, on the morning of the Gth of
November, he assaulted the citadel on
both sides; but with a most discouraging
result, for the scaling ladders were too
short, and the force was inadequate to
the service; the place being defended by
above fifteen hundred men, with four
bastions, well furnished with every thing
requisite for defence.*
The contest lasted two hours, when
Buckingham ordered a retreat: two days
afterwards he abandoned the siege, and
quitted the island. Marshal Schomberg
had landed with a body of four thousand
men; and had not the retreating force
been well covered by a body of cavalry,
the greater part of the English would
have been slain or captured by the mar-
shal. Bassompierre says that above
twelve hundred English were killed or
taken prisoners.t
However, before the English fleet quit-
ted the shores of Aunis, Buckingham
sent a letter to the mayor and council of
Rochelle, by the minister, David Vincent,
and two companions. In that communi-
cation he exhorted the town to make
terms with the king, who would readily
grant their demands while the English
force was at hand. Should they be un-
willing to adopt that suggestion, he gave
them the choice of two other measures:
he would enter the city with two thou-
sand men, to assist in its defence; or re-
turn to England for the purpose of pro-
curing a sufficient reinforcement, for
raising the siege.J
Buckingham well knew the distressed
condition of the besieged city; yet he
took away with him three hundred tons
of corn, which was sold on his arrival in
England, on the pretext that it was spoil-
ing^ The Protestant agents, who ac-
companied or followed him at the risk of
their lives, obtained splendid promises,
which were followed by interminable de-
lays. Fresh agents came over from Ro-
chelle, braving the extreme risk, as cer-
tain deaih awaited them in the event of
detection by the French king's authori-
ties; and several expiated on the scaffold
their zeal in the cause. The deputies in
* Rohan. Mem., liv. 4, p 329.
t Merc. Franr;., vol. xiv. pp. 166—204. Mervault, iu
loc. Bassompierre, vol. iii. p. 92.
X 12th Nov. Mervault, p. 45.
i Rohan, Mim., liv. 4, p. 332.
352
SIEGE OF ROCHELLE.
England were informed of the complete
inutility of presenting any complaints
against the favourite, but they solicited an
audience of the king; when they im-
plored assistance, and especially provi-
sions, of which their city was in great
need. When they concluded by dis-
playing the overwhelming force pre-
paring for their destruction, Charles as-
sured them he would press the departure
of an expedition for their relief; and
would risk the whole force of his king-
dom, rather than suffer Rochelle to fall.*
The retreat of the English force ena-
bled Louis to press the city more closely,
and a severe blockade was resolved on.
Additional vessels were equipped, to
scour the coast, and prevent the arrival of
supplies. An unbroken line of fortifica-
tions, in course of time, completely sealed
all communication by land; and the avant-
port, or gulf of Rochelle, was barred by
a strong wall or pier. Within six months
from the commencement of the siege, all
access or egress was absolutely impos-
sible, t
The population of Rochelle amounted
to nearly eight and twenty thousand
souls. Every one of sufficient age was
a soldier. Guiton, the mayor, displayed
admirable resolution; and the energy kin-
dled by religious feeling, increased the
zeal of the citizens. Being quite con-
fident that the reiterated promises of
Charles I. would soon be followed by
assistance, they refused a final proposal
for adjusting their quarrel with the French
king; who offered them liberty of con-
science, and the personal privileges con-
ferred by the edict of Nantes, provided
they would receive his officers, and dis-
mantle their fortifications; the besieged
claimed the right of consulting with their
confederates, which could not be granted;
and with a resolution and boldness which
seemed to partake of the characteristics
of desperation, they displayed many in-
stances of absolute heroism in several
sorties, and in the conflicts which conti-
nually took place before their walls. J
For a time small vessels occasionally
broke through the king's ships, and
brought supplies of provisions to the
town: but that resource became gradu-
ally enfeebled, as the works of the mole
* Ibid. liv. 4, p. 333. f Arcere, vol. ii. p 267.
t January, 1628. Merc. Fran?., vol. xiv. pp. 587, 8.
advanced; and often the bearer of de-
spatches was compelled, for his safety,
to throw his letters into the sea, as the
gibbet was inevitable if they were found
upon his person by the enemy.
One instance is worthy of note, as it
exemplifies the perseverance and deter-
mination of the citizens: — the bearer of
a letter was arrested, and by means of
the torture compelled to confess where
he had concealed it. He had swallowed
a silver almond, in which it was placed;
and it was discovered after an imprison-
ment of four days, during which interval
the king's apothecary administered pow-
erful medicines. The man was hanged;
and after the surrender of the town, the
silver-smith who made the almond suf-
fered the same punishment.*
In February, the king set out for Paris,
leaving Richelieu to command as his
lieutenant. The cardinal sent a trum-
peter with a letter, exhorting the people
to submit; and the question was dis-
cussed in the council, but with no result.
Richelieu then prepared a grand attack,
which was confided to Marshals Bassom-
pierre and Schomberg; after two attempts
ion the night of the 11th of March, the
i scheme was renounced as impracticable:
the besieged set apart a day for public
thanksgiving, on account of their deli-
verance.!
A violent storm had done considerable
damage to the mole, and several vessels
succeeded in entering the port. The
commander of an English pinnace which
grounded was fortunately able to gain the
town in a small boat, when he delivered
to the mayor and council a packet of let-
ters from their deputies in England. At
the ebb-tide, the king's troops attacked
the pinnace, and another English vessel
in a like predicament; but the crews de-
fended themselves so well, that boats
from the city had time to join them, and
with the rising tide, towed them into
port. There was a cargo of corn in
each — a most valuable acquisition for a
famished city .J
The letters delivered on this occasion
gave a detailed account of the negotiations
of their agents in England, from the pre-
vious November, when Buckingham
* Merc. Frart£., vol. xiv. p. 667.
t Mervault, p. 62. Bassompierre, vol. iii. p. 122.
% 22d March, Mervaull, p. 64. Bassompierre, vol. iii.
p. 124.
SURRENDER OF ROCIIELLE.
353
withdrew from the isle of Rhe. The
deputies were Jacques David, eclievin or
alderman, on behalf of the corporation;
Jean de Hinsse, on the part of the citi-
zens: and Philip Vincent, a minister,
who represented the consistory.* Inter-
views with Buckingham were easily ob-
tained; and it was not very difficult for
them to have an audience of King
Charles, on all which occasions they
were assured that the fleet should put to
sea without delay, to relieve Rochelle.
Charles was remarkably earnest in his
last promise; and whende Hinsse bowed
at the conclusion of the interview, he
said, " Assure the Rochellese that I will
not abandon them." The besieged were
greatly encouraged by the perusal of such
despatches; and they rejoiced still more
when the English fleet, commanded by
the earl of Denbigh, Buckingham's bro-
ther-in law, appeared off the isle of Rhe,
on the 11th of May. The flotilla con-
sisted of eleven ships of war; from thirty
to forty small armed vessels, and as many i
more laden with corn and provisions;!
but whether Denbigh had secret orders, i
or was naturally pusillanimous, he re-
fused to attempt the chief purpose of his
expedition, although requested by some
French gentlemen onboard. He set sail
for England after remaining a week in
the roads, leaving the besieged in amaze-
ment at such inexplicable conduct; and
nearly reduced to despair, by the de-
struction of the brilliant hopes his arrival
had created.!
As Denbigh was not blamed for the,
disgraceful failure of his expedition, the j
Huguenots have accused Buckingham of
wantonly deceiving them ; and the energy I
of desperation induced several to risk their
lives in traversing the king's camp, for
purpose of making a final appeal to Charles
I. A gentleman of Poictou, named Lai
Grossetierre, succeeded in the attempt,
and delivered a memorial to that prince,! |
who sent several letters with the assurance ■
that his fleet should return in greater j
force; and that nothing should be spared
for raising the siege, even at the cost of
every one of his ships.j The messengers
to whom these letters were intrusted had
* Arcere. vol. ii. p. "278.
t Arcere, vol. ii. p. i!i|.
1 Dated isili Mny, lii-Jg. Mervaull, p. 117.
§ Letters ilalud l'Jtli and 27lli of May. Mervault, p.
520.
the remarkable good fortune to pass the
king's camp safely; but it is doubtful
whether their failure would not have been
more advantageous to the besieged Hu-
guenots. Bassompierre had entered into
preliminaries for a capitulation ; and Ri-
chelieu had sent a letter to Guiton, the
mayor. The cardinal gave the king's
promise that the lives of the garrison and
inhabitants should be spared, if the town
surrendered within three days. The hol-
low promises of the English monarch
elated the citizens, whose religious enthu-
siasm imparted strength to endure suffer-
ings and privations almost unparalleled ;
and the cardinal's messenger was sent
away with a reply, which could not fail of
exciting irritation : " Tell the cardinal,"
said Guiton to the drummer who brought
the letter, " that I am his very humble
servant."*
Meanwhile the English parliament ex-,
pressed great impatience at the unskilful
management of both the recent expedi-
tions. The Huguenots also obtained an
audience of Charles to remonstrate upon
the slow and negligent preparations for
the relief of Rochelle. The expedition
was at length completed, and Bucking-
ham proceeded to Portsmouth to take the
command : he was there much engaged
with Soubise, and the French gentlemen,
who incessantly urged the departure of
the fleet, and remonstrated on every oc-
casion at the delays, which inflicted pro-
longed misery upon their confederates.
After one of these conversations, in which
Soubise had been very animated, Buck-
ingham was struck in the breast with a
knife, and almost instantly expired. A
hasty impression that the blow was given
by a French hand nearly cost the lives of
Soubise and his friends, whose angry tone
and gestures had been noticed, although
the bystanders could not comprehend
their observations. The assassin, Felton,
was soon found ; he made no effort to
escape, and referred to a paper in his hat
for an explanation of his motives, a pre-
caution he had taken, under the convic-
tion that he should perish in his dire at-
tempt, f. •
This event caused a further delay; but
30
* 7th July, Arccre, vol. ii. p. 294; 8lh, according tt,
.Mervault.
t 23d August. 1038. Vincent's Journal, quoted by
Mervault. Violart, vol. i. p. 300. Clarendon , book '.
354
SURRENDER OF ROCHELLE.
the Rochellese manfully bore up under
their trials. The earl of Lindsey sue-'
ceeded Buckingham in the command;
and arrived off the isle of Rhe, at the end
of September. But the mole and other
works were by this time so strong, that
it would have been rash to attempt am
attack. Another month passed off with-;
out any effort to relieve the city; and the:
successive preparations for attacking the,
mole terminated in a few exchanges of i
shot. At length the cravings of nature
triumphed over the firmness of principle;
and Richelieu having given great facilities
for an adjustment, passports were sent for
deputies to proceed to the king's camp, to
discuss the terms of surrender. When
we consider the severity shown to many
unfortunate messengers during the siege,
some of whom were hanged after the re-
duction of the town, for the mere fact of
conveying letters to or from the besieged,
there is ground for surprise that the inha-
bitants in general were treated so leniently.
Richelieu evidently discerned the advan-
tages to be derived from humane policy ;
and his comprehensive views of affairs
caused him to be satisfied with annihi-
lating a little republic, which had defied
the crown of France during seventy years.
The gates of Rochelle were thrown open
on the 30th of October, after a siege of
nearly fifteen months; during which period
the inhabitants were reduced from above
twenty-seven thousand to five; and out
of nearly six hundred Englishmen, left by
Buckingham, only sixty-two survived.*
Perfect order was maintained on the
entrance of the king's troops; and the
disappointment of the vanquished was
greatly soothed by their deliverance from
starvation, an abundant supply of provi-
sions being gratuitously distributed by
the cardinal. He inaugurated the con-
quest of the Protestant town, by cele-
brating mass with great pomp, on the
festival of All Saints.t
Still there were examples of severity.
The duchess of Rohan and her daughter
were not named in the capitulation, and
the king's advisers excluded her from its
benefits. The duke states that his mo-
ther abstained from personal mention, to
avoid the charge of having influenced the
surrender. She was punished for the
* Arcere, vol. ii. p. 323.
t Merc. Franc , vol. xiv. p. 708.
exertions of her sons; and was taken cap-
tive to Niort, with her daughter. " Ri-
gour without precedent," observes her
son, " that a person of her quality, at the
age of seventy, on quitting a siege on
which she and her daughter had lived for
three months on horse-flesh, and four or
five ounces of bread per day, should be
held captive, deprived of the exercises of
religion, and with only one attendant for
her service."*
The amnesty was limited, in its effects,
to the personal liberties and property of
the inhabitants. As a corporation, Ro-
chelle was to be severely punished; and
before the king's departure an ordinance
was published, abrogating the rights and
privileges of the city, confiscating the
municipal estates, and ordering the com-
plete destruction of the fortifications. It
was even forbidden to erect a garden-wall
near the town. The magistracy, on
which the Rochellese had for centuries
prided themselves, was abolished; and
the " city of refuge " was no longer per-
mitted to receive a foreigner without the
king's permission; nor were any Pro-
testants allowed to reside there, unless
they had been established prior to the
arrival of Buckingham's expedition.!
CHAPTER LVIII.
Condu's expedition against the insurgent?— Rohan's
treaty with Spain— Sack of Privas— Pacification of
1029— Synod at Charenton— Death of Rohan, Mont-
morency, and Urban Grandier.
Conformably to the agreement be-
tween the' Dukes of Buckingham and
Rohan, the latter had proceeded in the
summer of 1627 into Languedoc, where
he summoned his adherents and prepared
to co-operate with his allies. He pub-
lished a manifesto, containing his reasons
for seeking the assistance of England, in
support of the reformed churches of
France. That declaration was circulated
through all the towns in which Protest-
ants resided; and there was in Languedoc
alone a powerful party, resolved to sup-
port his cause. An assembly was held
at Uzes, to invite Rohan to resume the
post of commander-in-chief of the Pro-
* Rohan, Mem., liv. 4, p. 42-2.
t Arcere, vol. ii. p. 326.
PROTESTANTS OF LANGUEDOC.
355
tesiant forces; and, previous to separation,
the members signed an oath of union and
fidelity.*
The inhabitants of Milhaud protested
against the assembly of Uzes; and the
consuls of Montauban addressed the king,
declaring their disapprobation of Rohan's
treason. f But he felt confident of general
support in that province; and vigorously
pressed his measures for combating the
Prince of Conde, who was commissioned
by the king to oppose his progress.^
Some minute details of this expedition
have been preserved, from which we may
infer the dreadful degree of animosity ex-
cited against the unfortunate Huguenots,
who had accepted a tempting offer from
the English minister, and were now ir-
reparably compromised. The national
feeling was so much worked upon, that
the Protestants, being charged with par-
ticipating in an English invasion, were
exposed to the utmost degree of hatred.
The Huguenots of the Vivarias had
elected for their chieftain a very daring
and courageous man, named Brisou; and
when Conde quitted Lyons, this com-
mander was the first to call forth the
prince's powers. Brison had posted him-
self at Soyon, a town on the Rhone, most
advantageously situated for defence, if
the garrison had been at all adequate.
After some heavy discharges of artillery,
the besieged proposed a parley, and de-
manded a truce until the following day.
Their proposal being rejected, they de-
clared they would hold out, and at mid-
night made their escape quietly to another
refuge.^
Conde's subsequent behaviour was wan-
tonly severe. The report sent to the go-
vernment shows a cold, unfeeling insen-
sibility on the part of the narrator, no
less than an excessive animosity in the
prince's orders. " He set fire to the vil-
lage held by Brison, and hanged some
soldiers who had been surprised; anions
others a cordelier, newly unfrocked,
whom they found with an arquebuse.
He gave up to plunder the dwelling of
Du Bays, first consul of Nismes, in
hatred of the faction to which he be-
longed."*
Brison's career was soon after termi-
nated. He sustained his character to the
last, and surprised Vals, a town in the
Vivarias. But Conde was delivered from
an opponent who was not sufficiently dig-
nified to throw a lustre on the contest;
for being at Privas, within a few days
afterwards, he was requested to hold a
child of his lieutenant at the font of a
neighbouring village. Military honours
signalized the chieftain's presence; and a
salute was fired as he left the rural tem-
ple. One of the pieces was loaded with
ball, and Brison being struck, was killed
on the spot. His successor in the com-
mand was Montbrun St. Andre.f
When the prince arrived at Toulouse,
the parliament, encouraged by his pre-
sence, and instigated by the Dukes of
Montmorency, Epernon, and Ventadour,
passed several exceedingly severe edicts
against the rebels. One was personally
against the Duke of Rohan, who was de-
graded from his rank and dignities, and
condemned to be torn asunder by four
horses. :[ The sentence was executed in
effigy on the fifth of February, 1628; and
if Rohan's good fortune had not preserved
him from capture, he might and probably
would have expiated his rebellion on the
scaffold. A harsh spirit prevailed; and
it was very common for agents and
emissaries, if taken, to be hanged. This
happened to a shoemaker of Montauban,
who had carried a letter to Rohan, and
was returning with the answer: being ar-
rested at Galihac, he was taken to Tou-
louse, where he was condemned and
forthwith executed. §
It would answer no useful purpose to
describe all the movements and encoun-
ters between the king's forces and the
Protestants under Rohan. A variety of
anecdotes are recorded by contempora-
ries, which show the strong feelings ex-
cited on both sides; and on perusing the
chronicles of these times, the number of
summary executions appears awfully nu-
merous.
There were three leaders in the south
♦ September llih, 1627. Merc. Franc., vol. xiv. p.
309 —Rohan, Mem., liv. 4, p. 297.
1 Merc Franc., vol. xiv. p. 340.
I Commission dated Niort, October 10th, 1627. Merc.
Franc., p 316.
$ December 12th, 1697. Merc. Franc, vol. xiv. p. 4.
* Ri-lation du Voyage de Monsieur le Prince, given b>
Aubery. vol. i p. 604.
f January, 4th. 1628. Merc. Franc., vol. xiv. p. 43.
t Decree dated 29th January, 1628. Merc. Franc ,
vol. xiv. p. 53.
{ 16th February, 1628. Merc. Franc , vol. xiv. p. 59.
356
TREATY WITH SPAIN.
of France: Conde, who was striving to
gain importance by serving the king;
Montmorency, whose aim was to be-
come independent like Lesdignieres; and
Rohan, who maintained the Protestant
cause against them both. The military
operations were on a small scale, and
there were very few actions worthy of
note. However, Rohan's efforts prove
him a more than ordinary man, when it
is considered that he had to withstand the
forces of several provinces; his resistance
in Langnedoc entitles him to great credit;
and if the siege of Rochelle had been
raised, would assuredly have procured
him much renown, by the consequences
to which it must have given rise.
The news of the surrender of Rochelle
created great consternation, not only
among Rohan's forces, but in all the Pro-
testant towns. Every confederate, from
that time, felt the necessity of making the
best terms in his power. And many
went so far as openly to justify such in-
tentions; alleging that as the war was
undertaken with the design of saving Ro-
chelle, that town having fallen, it was
incumbent upon them to make peace,
without exposing their cause to extremi-j
ties. Romish agents at the same time
announced that promptitude was essential
for all who wished to make terms, as the |
first submissions would be best rewarded.
A royal proclamation likewise declared,
that a decree of amnesty and oblivion!
would be granted to all individuals or
communities, who in token of submission
were willing to apply for the favour.*
Although the promises of Charles L
had proved valueless, the Huguenots still
clung to the idea of English protection; I
and Rohan addressed that monarch, im-|
ploring his assistance.! At the same
time, with an inconsistency to be ex-
plained only by the desperate state of his ,
affairs, he sent an agent to the King of
Spain, to supplicate his aid; and in return
for the Spanish subsidies, he engaged to
keep a stipulated force in the field, to
make any diversion requisite for pro-
moting the views and measures of the
most Catholic king. Philip was highly
pleased at such an opportunity for annoy-
ing the French government, and con-
* I5tli December. 1028. Merc. Franc,, vol. xv. p. 31.
Rohan, liv. 4. p. 423.
t letter dated Nismes, 12lli March, 1029. Merc.
frant;., vol. xv. p. 285.
eluded a treaty to this effect: the Duke-
de Rohan was to receive six hundred
thousand ducats per annum, payable half
yearly: he was to keep up a force of
twelve thousand men, and hold himself
ready to march in any direction where
the Spanish government required a diver-
sion; and he was further prohibited from
concluding any treaty of peace, without
the consent of the King of Spain.
This treaty is disgraceful to the Duke
of Rohan, if its conclusion can be sub-
stantiated. The text of the proposals
and convention is preserved in a semi-
official record;* but it does not appear
after all that Rohan ever received the
promised subsidy, although the negotia-
tion can hardly be doubted; for the as-
sembly of Nismes requested him to write
to Cassel, his agent at Madrid, that he
could not subsist without money, and that
a pacification in France must speedily take
place, unless a supply arrived shortly. f
This is certainly an admission of the
treaty.
Bernard Pels, a Dutchman, one of
Rohan's agents in Spain, was about this
time arrested at Lunel, and conducted to
Toulouse, where torture was used to
elicit particulars on the nature of his mis-
sion, and the names of his confederates.
He was afterwards tried, and capitally
condemned, as guilty of high treason: a
sentence which it requires some inge-
nuity to justify, as the crown of France
had not a shadow of claim to his alle-
giance. The severity of his punishment
proves the strong apprehensions of Louis
and his minister, that such a dangerous
correspondence existed between the court
of Madrid and the Huguenots. 1
The king, attended by Richelieu,
quitted the capital early this year, for the
purpose of raising the siesre of Casal.
By activity and energy at Suze, he com-
pelled the Duke of Savoy to consent to a
treaty; and returned to Languedoc much
earlier than could have been expected.
His presence speedily produced a marked
effect on the operations of his forces; and
the appearance of his standard was the
forerunner of success. Privas was plun-
* Dated Madrid, 3d May, 1029, according to Merc.
Fran?., vol. xv. p. 403.
t Rnhan, Mem., liv. 4, p. 444.
! Pels was beheaded 10th June, 1629. Merc. Franc .
vol. xv. p. 4B&
SACK OF PRIVAS.
357
dered and burned, after a siege of fifteen
days.*
Richelieu considered that the devasta-
tion of Prrvas required some palliation,
and wrote a letter to the queen, in which
he represents the catastrophe as an in-
voluntary severity. He states that five
or six hundred men who had retreated
into a fort, having surrendered at discre-
tion, the king resolved on hanging some,
sending others to the galleys, and par-
doning the least culpable. But as the
guards entered the place, a desperate Hu-
guenot, named Chambelan, took a lighted
match, and declared to his companions,
that as he would rather perish in the
ruins than be hanged, he should set fire
to the magazine, which he instantly
effected. Many were killed on both
sides; and the troops, in the fury of their
vengeance, slew several of their own
party. "It seems," says the cardinal,
" like a particular judgment of God upon
this town, which has always been the
seat of heresy in these quarters. There
was no intention of giving up the place
to pillage: but in the night it was aban-
doned, and the gates thrown open for the
soldiers to enter in crowds to plunder.
Every thing possible was done to prevent
its being burnt; yet not a house has
escaped the flames. Orders were given
to prevent those in the fort from being
molested by the troops, but they violently
exposed themselves to destruction, leap-
ing down from their fortifications, and in-
censing the soldiers against them, by their
desperate attempt to destroy themselves
with the king's followers."!
Many strong towns were successively
surrendered to the king; and a general
wish for peace was found to exist among
the Protestants. Rohan foresaw that the
edicts would be completely annulled, if
private treaties were entered into; and
that a general pacification, although dis-
advantageous, would be less injurious to
the cause. I He accordingly sent a mes-
senger to the royal camp, requesting a
few days' suspension of hostilities, with
permission for the assembly at Nismes to
join him at Anduze, without molestation.
This after some difficulty was granted.
* 2Qlh May, Merc. Frang., p. 479.
t Letter dated Privas, 3Uth May, 1029. Aubery. vol.
i. p. 617.
I Rohan, Discours sur Us Dernicrs Troubles, p. 112,
and Mcmoires, liv. 4, at the end.
The deputies from Nismes were rather
extravagant in their pretensions, which
for some time seemed likely to prevent
all negotiation; but a treaty was con-
cluded and signed at Alais on the 27th of
June.* The stipulations were perhaps
as favourable as the ill fortune of the Pro-
testants could have led them to expect;
and while they had to lament the loss of
their fortified town, they had liberty
of conscience and freedom of worship
again allowed them by edict. Experience
had, however, shown how little reliance
could be placed upon such guarantees,
even in the days of Henry IV.; and cor-
diality was not established between the
rival creeds. The people of Montauban
would not agree to the treaty: this ob-
stinacy gained them the empty distinction,
of a siege. Bassompierre invested the
place; and after a few days, entered to
complete Richelieu's triumph, by sub-
duing the last town in which there re-
mained any symptoms of revolt.t
No sooner was the civil war terminated,
than the princes and leading nobility dis-
covered the immense advantages which
Richelieu would derive from the circum-
stance, to establish himself firmly as
prime minister. The court soon became
a scene of extensive rivalry and dispute;
and Louis was so harassed in his do-
mestic circle by the quarrels of his family,
that he acquired a habit of considering
Richelieu as indispensable to his happi-
ness and comfort.
The queen-mother's hatred to the car-
dinal was undisguised; and subsequently,
when she considered it necessary to
justify herself, she declared in a letter to
the parliament, that she should never
have resolved on quitting France, if it had
not been to preserve her life from the
hands of Richelieu. ±
But the cardinal was not the only cause
of her displeasure and vexation: Gaston
d'Orleans wished to marry the princess
Mary de Gonzague, a measure strenu-
ously opposed by his mother, who was
desirous that he should wed her niece, a
Tuscan princess. In the midst of these
* Menard, Hisloire de Jfime*, vol. v. p. 580. Rohan,
Mcmoires, liv. 4. The edict in favour of the Puke de
Ktih.in and the Sicur de Soubise, dated Nismes, July,
1029, is given by Benoit, \ol. ii (Preuves.)
t20th August, 1029. Merc. Franc;., vol. xv. p. 537.
Bassompierre, vol. iii. p. 222.
t Letter dated Avesnes, 27tli July, 1031. Aubery,
vol. ii. p. 124.
35S
SYNOD AT CHARENTON.
family disputes, an ineffectual effort was charge, far more serious, as calculated to
made to effect Richelieu's dismissal;* but bring odium upon the Protestant body:
the failure only served to render his posi- Beraut, minister of Montauban, had pub-
tion stronger, while it assured his ene- lished a work, declaring that preachers
mies of increased hostility on his part, had a right to take arms in the cause of
The king's movements towards Orleans, religion. For this he had been prohi-
where his brother lived in retirement, bited by the king's order from assisting
made that prince suspicious of some evil at the synod;* but being questioned on
design, and in the middle of March he the subject, he excused himself on ac-
escaped into Lorrain. count of the heated state of public opinion
In July, the queen-mother quitted Com- at the time, he wrote and acquiesced in
piegne for La Capelle, a town in Picardy, the condemnation of the work. At the
where she hoped to be joined by sufficient request of the synod, he obtained the
partisans, among the French malcontents king's permission to join the assembly,
and Spanish mercenaries from Flanders, The ministers Amirault and de Villars
for resisting any effort to conduct her were deputed by the meeting to present
back to her place of confinement. How- the statement of their grievances to the
ever, from the measures adopted on the j king, then staying at Oompiegne. They
occasion, she was compelled to change petitioned for the right of ministers to
her plan, and withdrew into Flanders.t
Under such circumstances, the affairs
of the Protestants obtained very little at-
tention from the government. Their po-
litical importance had ceased; and the
time had not yet arrived for depriving
them of the rights of conscience. All
Europe knew the resolution of Gustavus
Adolphus to make common cause with
Protestants under persecution: prudence
consequently demanded liberal treatment
for them at this time. They had not
been allowed to hold a synod for some
years; and the king gave them permission 'Louis XUT., although that monarch ap-
to meet at Charenlon, in September, 1631,' peared willing to receive him with cor-
An historian, avowedly unfavourable totality. The tone of his memoirs in-
them, observes, that the disputes between I dicates a feeling of disappointment and
preach in any Protestant temple, whereas
a recent decision had forbidden them to
abandon their special charges — a cessa-
tion of proceedings instituted against
some ministers of Languedoc, for preach-
ing their avowed doctrines — admission of
Protestants to public charges — and the
liberation of some of their brethren from
the galleys. t From this list of their de-
mands, a tolerable idea may be formed of
their condition at this epoch.
Rohan's principles were a decided ob-
stacle to his remaining at the court of
the king, his mother, and brother, seemed
to present them with an occasion for re-
volting; and therefore the government
endeavoured to satisfy the most reasona-
ble of their demands.j
When the deputies were assembled,
Gallard, the king's commissary, informed
them that his majesty would be a good
father and sovereign to them, but he for-
bade their making protestations and re-
monstrances. He directed their attention
to several infractions of the king's orders;
such as receiving foreigners into the
ministry, and French preachers going
abroad. There was however another
* llth November, 1G30, commonly termed la journce
dcs dupes.
t The inquirj', instituted by the king's order, con
tains the most minute details ; — " Tile queen set out
at ten o'clock in the night of lHih July, 1631) in a coach
belonging to Madame du Fresuoy, drawn by six bay
horses," Sec. &c. Aubery, vol. ii. p. 115.
j Bernard, p. 280.
vexation at the calumnious reports put
into circulation by some who, having ab-
jured Protestantism, deemed it essential
to their interests that his motives should
be assailed. In a discourse composed
with the idea of justifying his conduct
and character, he observes: "It is a
thankless toil to serve the public, espe-
cially a feeble and voluntary party, for if
each does not find what he anticipated,
all cry out against their leader. This I
now experience — I am blamed by the
people, who have not the relief they ex-
pected: being stimulated by false brethren,
who, to increase their importance with
the opposite party, make it their business
to represent me, as they in reality are/j
* Benoit states that the king wished to exclude lias-
nage, pastor of Caventan, on account of the zeal be
had displayed during the siege of Rochelle. Hist, tic
I' Edit de Nantes, vol ii. p. 519.
t Merc. Franc, vol. xvii. p. 723.
J Rohan, Discours sur les Dcrniers Troubles, p. 9X>
DEATH AND CHARACTER OF ROHAN.
359
This nobleman being grandson of Isa- 1 of his age. His opinions on military
bella d'Albret, daughter of John, King of tactics have been highly prized, especial-
Navarre, would have succeeded to that ly on questions relating to mountain war-
crown had Henry IV. died childless, j fare. It has been said of him, that he
His birth entitled him to much more im-j followed the traces of Sertorius, and Im-
portance at court than the circumstances came t lie model of Catinat. He had
of the time permitted; he therefore with- great talent as a writer; and Voltaire has
drew to Venice at the close of the civil passed some high encomiums on his ac-
wars, and was appointed generalissimo count of the Valteline wars. He detest-
of that republic. In that capacity he ed avarice, and spared no expense for
had made ample preparations for repair- ! spies, whom he termed the eyes of an
ing the disasters of some recent cam- army.* An idea obtained circulation that
paigns, when his projects were annihi- he was in treaty with the Porte for the
lated by the treaty of Cherasco, con- ; purchase of Cyprus, in order to establish
eluded in June, 1631. He was after-a free government, where the persecuted
wards sent by Louis as his ambassador Protestants might find a refuge. The
to the Orisons, and was actively engaged project failed in consequence of the death
in similar employs until March", 1637, of the patriarch Cyril, who had promoted
■when a treaty which he had concluded' the negotiation.!
respecting the Valteline caused consider- 1 The remainder of the reign of Louis
able dissatisfaction at court; and to avoid XIII. presents very few incidents claim-
the effects of Richelieu's animosity, he 'ing notice in this work. Richelieu was
retired to Geneva. Although his con-! firm, he was even severe: but his ene-
duct in the Valteline gave ample proof mies must admit he possessed greatness
of his bravery and talent, he dared not of mind; and his advice tempered and
return into France, being persuaded that neutralized the tendency to cruelty and
the prime minister would make him re- .bigotry which corroded the weak mo-
sponsible for the misfortunes attendant narch's breast.
on an event which had arisen entirely The fate of Montmorency will always
out of that statesman's policy .* be a stigma upon the cardinal's govern-
Grotius, in a letter to Oxenstiern, states ment.J That nobleman's sentence was
that the court of France was alarmed at 'as strictly just, as Marshal Marillac's was
the correspondence between Rohan and legally iniquitous; but Montmorency had
Saxe-Weimar, who had great deference j rendered great assistance in consolidating
for his talents. Richelieu apprehended , the throne; for which Louis had many
some project for reviving the Protestant times expressed his gratitude: indeed it
interest in the Cevennes. Rohan was is doubtful whether Richelieu could have
sent to Venice with a view of drawing suppressed the Huguenot party in Lan-
him away from Geneva; but he metjguedoc without his co-operation. His
Weimar, and instead of proceeding to ; name was moreover popular; and his
Venice joined his army. While charging: character stood very high for social ex-
at the head of a body of troops, at the|cellence: those circumstances combined
battle of Rhinfeldt, he received a wound, have thrown a halo around his name, and
which ultimately proved fatal.t The ■ probably ensured his fate; for his insur-
king wrote Rohan a letter of thanks for|rection might have been pardoned, if
the victory he had been instrumental in i Richelieu's plan of government had not
gaining; but it was generally supposed j required the sacrifice of every rival,
that Richelieu's satisfaction at the defeati Marillac's sentence is by all admitted
of the Imperialists was inferior to his J to be odious in the extreme: but Riche-
pleasure on being freed from a powerful lien's apologists contend that the marshal
enemy.} was guilty of the basest ingratitude, in
Henry, Duke of Rohan was, by gene- conspiring against his benefactor; and
ral admission, one of the greatest men thus divert a portion of the odium from
* D'Avrigny, Mem., Lhrovologiqucs, vol. i. p. 308. r
* He was won mleil 2Hih of February, and died ].3th
Of April, I(i:i8, JE. 59. His body was carried to Geneva,
and buried with great honours. Levassor, liv. 43.
t Leclerc, Vie Ue Hichciieu, vol. ii. p. 331.
* Levassor, liv. 63.
t Amelot de la Floussaye, Jlftm., Hist., vol. ii. p. 26.
t Montmorency was beheaded at Toulouse, 30th Oc-
tober, 1632; Marillac at 1'aris. in May of the same
year.
360
TORTURE AND DEATH OF GRANDIER.
the statesman, whose firm administration
excited much discontent, and provoked
continual plots against bis person. He
was, therefore, in self-defence, compelled
to adopt tyrannical measures; and a long
catalogue of victims is displayed in the
annals of this reign. The Huguenots
were not, however, the objects of his ju-
dicial rigour; and on one occasion when
two students of Saumur were convicted
of mingling, in a frolic, with the faithful
at the midnight mass, on which occasion
they irreverently received the sacrament
of the Eucharist, the sentence was free
from the cruelty which had long charac-
terized such judgments. They were ba-
nished from Paris for three years — from
Saumur, for ever; were fined twelve
hundred livres; and the punishment of
death was threatened if the offence were
repeated.*
Urban Grandier, a priest, is among the
names rendered famous for a melancholy
fate. The Ursuline convent at Loudun
was disturbed by apparitions; and subse-
quently the nuns displayed all the symp-
toms of demoniacal possession; which
facts were related in the proces-verbaux
of three consecutive ceremonials for ex-
orcising the place.j Grandier was a
man of considerable talents, and had
written a treatise condemning the celibacy
of the clergy; for which it is however
probable he would never have been mo-
lested, had he not published a satirical
libel upon Richelieu. He was accused
of having bewitched the Ursuline nuns;
and writers in the cardinal's employ have
asserted that his simulated apparitions
were only covers for effecting impure
designs. It was believed at. court that
he was the cause of the demoniacal pos-
session, and to doubt it became a state
offence. Grandier was arrested in De-
cember, 1G33; and as the sentence which
condemned him to be burned alive was
not given till August following, it would
appear that he defended himself with
ability. It was however in vain; for
Laubardemont, one of Richelieu's crea-
tures, and the Jesuit Lactance, who was
there to exorcise the nuns, condemned
him for magic, sorcery, impiety, &c.
Grandier endured a long martyrdom, be-
* Arret ilu Parlement dp Paris, 17lh February, 1632.
Merc. Franc . vol. xviii. p. 26.
t 7lli October, 14th November, and 4th December,
1632. Merc. Franc., vol. xx. pp. 487—764.
ing tortured for some time with ingenious
devices. To inspire the public with a
hatred of his memory, Father Lactance
held a heated iron crucifix to Grandier's
lips: the sufferer drew back with the
pain, and the Jesuit pointed out to the
by-standers how the heretic abhorred the
symbol of redemption.*
The Count de Lude exposed the infa-
mous imposture, which was continued
after Grandier had expired in the flames.
Pretending to have a choice relic in a
casket, he expressed a desire to test the
(reality of the possession, by holding it
near to one of those suffering from the
i demon. The nun in consequence threw
I herself into violent convulsions directly
j the holy relic was near her; and a tre-
mendous outcry was raised against the
count, when he opened his box, and dis-
played a bunch of hair and some fea-
thers, t The deception was then evident;
and the exorcists lost the gratuity allowed
them by the government.
From this time the affairs of France
assumed an entirely different character.
Richelieu interfered in the general con-
cerns of Europe; and the military ope-
rations in Germany, by engaging atten-
tion and occupying the active spirits of
the age, completely finished the civil
wars, and introduced a new system of
policy, more hostile to the power and in-
fluence of the nobles, and for a time se-
vere towards all classes: it was however
requisite, after so many years of anarchy,
to pass under the ordeal of tyranny, as
the price of restored order.
Ere we quit this era of the Huguenot
annals, there remains only to allude to
the death of Sully, whose patriotism and
loyalty were made to harmonize with his
religious principles, in attachment to
which he remained unchanged until his
denth. We have found him, even while
suffering a species of vexatious banish-
ment, forget his injuries, and act as me-
diator before the walls of Montauban; for
which service he was subsequently re-
warded with the marshal's baton.
It is related that notwithstanding Sul-
ly's firm and uncompromising views
upon his religious tenets^ he entertained
* Hist, des Diables de Loudun. Merc. Franc., vol.
sx.
t Arcana Gallica, p. 96.
t Yet, according to Benoit, his conduct at the reli-
gious services was very irreverent; he kept the con-
gregation waiting for his appearance, remained covered
STATE OF THE PROTESTANTS UNDER LOUIS XIV.
361
great partiality for some Capucins, by
whom he was visited: and that a short
time before his death, he wished to con-
verse with them, but the duchess refused
them admittance, and threatened to have
them thrown into the moat, unless they
retired. That lady was an exceedingly
zealous Protestant; and her daughter, the
Duchess of Rohan, followed her exam-
ple: they washed with their own hands
the linen of the communion table; but,
with that single exception, all Sully's
children embraced the Romish faith.*
CHAPTER LIX.
Mazarin's administration — Encroachments on the
edicts by Louis XIV — Madame de Maintenon'a in
fluence — Commencement of Hie dragonnades.
From the pacification of 1629 until
1661, when Louis XIV. assumed the di-
rection of affairs, the general history of
the Huguenots presents few important
incidents. There were from time to time
individual cases of complaint, and iso-
lated instances of hostility; for the spirit
of the league was not extinct, and the
more zealous partisans of Rome were
only restrained from urging their favour-
ite measure by the commanding genius
of the celebrated cardinals who succes-
sively administered the affairs of France.
Popular prejudice would frequently burst
forth in an access of animosity, under the
garb of zeal for religion; and whenever,
through some technical irregularity, the
protecting clauses of the edict of Nantes
could be evaded or infringed, the circum-
stance was regarded as a victory over
heresy. Unfortunately for the Protest-
ants, no effort was made by them to ap-
pease the hostile opinion of the people;
they repeatedly asserted in their discus-
sions and publications, that the pope was
Antichrist, and that the church of Rome
was signified in Scripture by Babylon.
The Catholic clergy became more and
more animated in the quarrel; and from
the superior advantages of the Romish
religion the result could not be doubtful.
The church, as a powerful body in the
and played with a favourite dog during the sermon
Jlist. de FEdit de JVtattei, vol. ii. p. 536.
* Supplementauz Memoires de Sully, par I'abbfe de
I'Ecluse.
31
state, was enabled to confer a service on
the crown, in voting grants, termed dons
gratuils, or free gifts. The Protestants,
on the other hand, were poor: nearly all
the noble members of their community
had been seduced into abjuration, by the
hopes of lucrative employs and honoura-
ble distinctions. And as the votes of
each assembly of the clergy was accom-
panied by some request for edicts against
the Protestants, it is rather a cause for
surprise that the edict of Nantes should
have remained in force so long, than that
it was ultimately revoked. The high ec-
clesiastical rank of Richelieu and Maza-
rin doubtless enabled them, to repel the
successive demands of the clergy, while
a layman enjoying the sovereign's confi-
dence in the same degree could hardly
have escaped the suspicion of secretly
favouring heresy: but as princes of the
church, they were able to postpone near-
ly every project against freedom of con-
science; and as they both gave the most
liberal recompenses to encourage deser-
tion from the Huguenot cause, no com-
plaint could consistently be raised against
their policv.
Richelieu was magnificent in his pro-
jects, and elevated in his ideas. His dis-
position led him to patronize literature
and the fine arts. He was a generous
friend, but an implacable enemy; and
having succeeded in restoring the regal
authority, he swayed it conformable to
his own caprices and feelings. He was
both hated and feared by the king, whose
councils he directed; and would have
been speedily removed from his exalted
situation, if Louis had been more vigo-
rous, or the kingdom less agitated. Be-
ing well served by Father Joseph, he
firmly established his authority; and
every effort to overthrow him recoiled
upon his rivals and adversaries.
Louis XIII. soon followed his minis-
ter to the grave:* his character appears
in a most disadvantageous light, on ac-
count of the severe examples to which
the disorganized state of society gave
rise. He was inclined to piety, but,
under the influence of injudicious or
crafty advisers, he became so infatuated,
that he wrote to the pope in 1631, de-
claring his readiness to break the exist-
* Richelieu died 4th December, 1642 ; Louis XIII-
14th May, 1G43.
362
CHARACTERS OF RICHELIEU AND .MAZARIN.
ing treaties with his northern allies, pro-
vided tlie King of Spain would join him
in extirpating protestantism.* His do-
mestic misfortunes arose principally from
his readiness to receive impressions of
distrust: the inevitable consequence was
a series of family feuds, which never
failed to kindle political troubles. After
making every allowance for his weak-
ness, and placing upon his advisers the
responsibility of many unjust condemna-
tions during his reign, his name and cha-
racter are very far from commanding the
respect of posterity.
Mazarin's government appears to have
been destined to form a contrast with
that of his predecessor. The predomi-
nant feeling of the public against Riche-
lieu was hatred; against Mazarin, it was
contempt: yet both succeeded in com-
pletely subjugating all orders of the stale.
Each excelled in crafty manoeuvre; but
although Mazarin was the object of
avowed jealousy, and exposed to the
efforts of open hostilities, he never sought
his revenge by means of the scaffold.
His besetting weakness was a love of
money; and the success of his schemes
was probably the true cause of the enmity
to which he was exposed. His talent is
admitted by his enemies. His plans
were less gigantic than those of Riche-
lieu, but much better arranged and di-
gested. He was less inclined to shine in
forming new alliances and combinations,
than to follow up the measures begun by
his predecessor. With Conde and Tu-
renne to command the forces; and, on
the other hand, finding the nobles greatly
humbled by the augmented stability of
the monarchy, it was to be naturally ex-
pected that the results of his administra-
tion woidd be more, extensive than those
produced by Richelieu, upon whose
foundation his political edifice was raised.
In his foreign negotiations, he had to
assume an attitude altogether different.
The power of France had made great ad-
vances; Spain was considerably weaker;
the peace of Westphalia had changed the
tactics of several cabinets; and the rise
of Cromwell completely altered the as-
pect of French diplomacy with England.
To this last reason may be probably
ascribed Mazarin's tenderness for the
Protestants. He prized Cromwell's al-
liance, and was aware of the strong feel-
ing of sympathy and brotherhood existing
between the British presbyterians and the
Huguenots. The Protector was solicited
to form an alliance with the Prince of
Conde, who even offered to become a
Protestant; and Cromwell sent an agent
privately to notice the state of the re-
formed in France. He reported that
they were well treated, because Mazarin
caused the edicts to be carefully observed;
and stated, in addition, that Conde was
not much esteemed by the Huguenots.*
An inclination to tolerance has exposed
Mazarin to some severe animadversions
from the more violent writers among the
French clergy. One, particularly noted
for his acrimony against the Protestants,
after representing as a riot what was
merely a display of feeling, on account of
a Protestant youth being induced to turn
Romanist, complains of the cardinal's
truckling to the Huguenots. Mazarin's
letter to the consistory of Nismes, where
it occurred, is thus estimated: "It con-
tains expressions as unworthy of the pur-
ple, and of his ministerial character, as it
is conformable to the subtle and dissem-
bling spirit which sustained, and may be
said to have guided him to the end of a
difficult and thwarted administration."!
During the troubles of the Fronde, the
cardinal's enemies endeavoured, but in
vain, to enrol the Hugueno-s among their
partisans. Conde's friends seized some
forts at Rochelle; and the prince hoped,
by establishing himself in that port, to
secure a communication with foreign
countries. But the loyal spirit of '.he in-
habitants enabled the king's general,
D'Eslissac, to regain possession after a
siege of three days. Conde had, by that
time advanced to Muron. within six
leagues of Rochelle: but, on learning that
the forts had surrendered, he precipitately
withdrew his forces into Saintonge. The
Count de Daugnion, Conde's chief agent
in the enterprise, maintained himself at
Brouage, which place was, for some
time, the centre of a most daring system
of insurrectionary warfare: his soldiers
infested the surrounding country, and
vessels, under his flag, annoyed the com-
merce of that coast. He had even the
* D'Avrigny, Mem. Citron. , vol. i. p. 3G5.
* Burnet, Hist, of his Own Times, vol. i. p. 42.
t Oaveirac, Apologia de L uis XIV., p. 21)3.
PLANS TO CONVERT THE HUGUENOTS.
363
audacity to solicit aid from Cromwell,
who promised to send him ten thousand
infantry and three thousand cavalry.
That assistance never came; and a Spa-
nish naval expedition, with which he was
to co-operate, was completely defeated by
the Duke de Vendome. Still Daugnion
was determined to defend his desperate
cause; and the court, considering it better
to win, than to have the trouble of sub-'
duing so desperate a man, sent the Bishop
of Saintes to treat with him: his submis-
sion was purchased with a marshal's I
baton, and live hundred thousand livres.*
Having failed at Ilochelle, Conde pro-
ceeded to Montauban, still relying on the i
insurrectionary disposition attributed to
the protestants. There he had some!
grounds for anticipating success for his
overtures, as the parliament of Toulouse
had lately passed decrees condemning
Mazarin's conduct; and that body was.
prevented from declaring openly for the
prince, solely through fear of the Hugue-!
riots, who were in the king's party. On
presenting himself before the town, a
trumpeter was sent to call on the people
to submit; appealing to the services ren-
dered by Conde's ancestors to the pro-
testant cause; and promising, on his part,
the maintenance of their liberties if they
embraced his interests. But his offers
were unanimously rejected ; and St. Luc,
the king's general, who, after a recent de-
feat by the prince, had taken shelter there,
finding himself so well supported, sent
back the trumpeter with a message that
the town was prepared to resist his attack.
The prince had not materials for carrying
on a siege, and withdrew to Moissac, a
small town at a distance of three leagues,
whence a body of troops from Montauban
soon after dislodged him.t
Never were circumstances more favour-
able for the Huguenots to make an at-
tempt for regaining their lost advantages
than during the civil wars of the Fronde,
which lasted from 1649 to 1653; but
there appears to have existed no such de-
sire in that body. Conde's project for
seizing Rochelle was in 1651 ; and we
have Mazarin's testimony to the cmiet dis-
position of the Protestants. He is repre-
sented to have said concerning them — " I
• Arciru, vol. ii. p. 341. His edict of amnesty is dated
18lh March. lt>53.
t Coste, Hist, de Louis de Bourbon, Prince de Conde,
p. '.«JS.
have no reason to complain of the little
flock : if they browze upon bad herbs, at
least they do not go astray."* For their
encouragement, the king published a de-
claration.! in which positive proofs of
their fidelity and affection were recorded,
and confirming the various edicts in their
favour, notwithstanding any judgments or
decrees given against them. Louis like-
wise wrote a letter to the consistory of
Montauban, thanking its members for the
marks of their attachment to his service,
and permitting them to restore the fortifi-
cations of their town.l A comparison of
the above dates will sufficiently prove
that the royal promise was not given with
a view to future advantage in the civil
war; because the declaration was not
made until most of the partisans of the
Fronde had submitted : still it is mali-
ciously recorded by an apologist and flat-
terer of Louis XIV., that he gave the de-
claration in order to prevent the Protest-
ants from joining the malcontents; and,
because it was given from no other mo-
tive, the request of the clergy procured its
revocation in 1656.§
This reversal of a declaration, which
should have been deemed sacred and ir-
revocable, caused much apprehension
among the Protestants. For some years
the attention of many eminent persons in
the church, and among the offices of par-
liament, had been directed towards the
most efficacious means for delivering
France from the presence of heresy. Va-
rious measures were proposed for hasten-
ing the general conversion of the Hugue-
nots ; and the plan first adopted, cor-
ruption, was attended with great success :
however, the middle and lower classes
could not be bribed by such inducements.
Men of high birth were dazzled with the
perspective of rank and honours; but the
peaceable manufacturers and tradesmen
continued steadfast in the reformed faith.
A notion, as ridiculous as it was tyranni-
cal, had been extensively adopted — " That
it was essential for all the subjects of a
sovereign to have the same creed." This
was maintained by Paul Hay du Chatelet,
an advocate-general, who suffered im-
prisonment for nobly refusing to join in
the iniquitous judgment of Marshal Maril-
* KUlhiSre, F.claircissemens historiques, vol. i. p. 19.
•f Dated St. Uennain. 21st May, 105i.
1 Coste, p. 303.
§ Soulier, Hist, du Caloinisme, p. 552.
364
PEACEFUL STATE OF THE PROTESTANTS.
lac. In the dispensation of justice, that
magistrate was alive to its first principles :
but in discussing the rights of conscience,
he was lost amid the subtleties of the
Romish doctrines; and seems to have
been insensible to the value of quiet
nier, who had embraced the Romish reli-
gion, and who, in order to prove his sin-
cerity, endeavoured to injure his late
companions. This act contains, among
other clauses, that their brethren in Eng-
land would come to their assistance, on
orderly conduct in a numerous body of; condition that the towns and places, at
men, unless they concurred with the state I their disposal, should be given up to
authorities on religious opinions. In his
remarks upon the Protestants, he as-
sumes that they cherish feelings of hatred
to public order, and are ever ready for
revolt, confusion, and anarchy. These
general accusations were, however, unim-
porlant, compared with his demand for
repealing the edict of Nantes, which, he
observes, " was exacted by violence, and
in arms; and which was, after all, only a
temporary measure, to await their being
instructed in the truth for which they have
had sufficient time When the edict
was given, the happiness of France was
promoted by it; and if the same motive
now demands its revocation, there needs
no hesitation, it must be repealed or set
aside." He then proposes fifteen me-
thods for inducing a general conversion;
by which the protestant religion might be
made to disappear, without resorting to
open persecution: one of these methods! blame
them * When the document was pub-
lished, it was declared a calumny and
fabrication ; and protestant writers im-
pugned and criticised it with severity.
The charge was unquestionably serious;
yet the convention appears intended to be
acted upon only in the event of antici-
pated persecution. Admitting the au-
thenticity of the piece.it was not with the
English government, but with private in-
dividuals they treated; and it proves that
the English negotiators merely made a
stipulation to preserve themselves from a
repetition of the treacheries committed by
Huguenot commanders in former civil
wars; when it frequently happened that
a chieftain, being offered advantageous
terms by the court, would conclude a
separate treaty, and abandon his confede-
rates. And on this head even the grand-
son of Coligny was not exempt from
will suffice to exemplify the spirit in
which the whole are conceived: it con-
sists in suing the Protestants for their
common debts, and thus obtain decrees
of seizure and sale of their temples, which
cannot be admitted as in mortmain.*
Such sentiments being avowed, every
decision of the parliaments against the
Protestants appeared as an evidence that
the suggestions were being acted upon.
For the Huguenots, under such circum-
stances, to prepare for the coming storm,
was no more than common sense would
induce any one to expect. And when
their lawful sovereign could so far despise
the obligations of honour, as to revoke the
declaration of 1652 merely because the
reasons for making it no longer existed —
when this wanton breach of faith is con-
sidered, there is great excuse to be made
for the Huguenots seeking for foreign
assistance in case of need. An act is said
to have been signed at the synod of Mont-
pazier, in 1659; it was presented to the
king in 1677 by a minister named Mou
When Louis took into his own hands
the reins of government the Protestants
were entitled to some very valuable
rights; and that their conduct proved they
deserved them, we have the testimony of
that monarch himself, who at a later period
of his reign dictated memoirs for the in-
struction of his son. Mazarin's unpopu-
larity called for some explanation, why an
obnoxious minister was allowed to ex-
ercise authority after he had attained his
majority; and Louis XIV. justifies himself
by enumerating the commotions at the
commencement of his reign. The Prince
of Conde at the head of the malcontents;
the parliament inclined to infringe upon
the royal prerogatives; and much in-
terested feeling among the nobility, formed
a serious combination, by subduing which
Mazarin gained his esteem and gratitude.
Surely, if the Protestants had given him
apprehension, their discontent would have
been included among the causes which
had combined to direct his policy. To
borrow the expression of one who had
* Traite de la politique de France, cb. iii.
* Soulier, p. 553.
NEW PERSECUTIONS.
365
devoted much time and labour to re- and a change of policy, encouraged them
searches on this epoch, "He complains of j to make another effort. A decree of the
the clergy, the Jansenists, the nobility, the ' intendant of Rochelle was confirmed ; and
courtiers, the magistrates, the financiers ; I the ordinance was afterwards converted
and does not make the slightest mention jinto a general law. Its dispositions were
of the Calvinists."* And in reviewing | very severe ; for a relapse into heresy ex-
the characters of those selected to fill the I posed the individual to perpetual banish*
various departments of the state, the king ; ment. But its remote consequences were
observes: "La Vrilliere and Duplessis still more oppressive: for the Protestant
were worthy men, but with intelligence i ministers were forbidden to expostulate
merely proportioned to the exercise of j with, or exhort their converted brethren ;
their charges, which embraced nothing ] and the presence of such at their preach-
iwportant."\ The affairs of the Protest- lings was a sufficient cause for closing a
ants especially occupied La Vrilliere, and temple and dispersing a Mock. Remorse
the preceding remark upon his abilities [frequently led there some who, in an un-
is an additional proof that no charge of , guarded moment, had been induced to
disaffection could at that time be brought i abjure; they usually manifested contrition
against the Huguenots. 1 on witnessing their brethren and friends
In further corroboration may be cited [engaged in a form of worship which they
a letter from Louis to the Duke de St. had vowed to renounce and condemn:
Aignan :" You have acted very prudently, I the pastor's feelings naturally led him to
in not precipitating any thing, upon the [ revive, if possible, the penitent's former
information sent you respecting some in- sentiments; and most of the Protestant
habitants of Havre, of the pretended re- churches coming in this manner under the
formed religion. Those who profess it, [penalty of the law, their numbers were
being no less faithful to me than my I rapidly reduced in consequence.
other subjects, they must not be treated
with less attention and kindness."^
In 166G the Catholic clergy made an-
other step towards the subversion of relt-
It must not, however, be supposed that gious liberty. There had been many
the efforts of the intolerant party were [cases before the courts entirely new in
laid aside at this period. A polemical their nature; and the interpretation of the
fever tormented the whole nation; and law had often required a declaratory de-
there are many instances of individuals J cree. Impartial decisions had sometimes
having changed their religion, who after- 1 been given : but for the greater part,
wards returned to their first faith. || As j those decrees were favourable to the state
the conversions were mostly from Pro- j religion.* The clergy demanded and ob-
testantism to popery, every powerful in-- tainted that those decisions should be im-
terest leading in that direction, the clergy bodied in a general law. The Protestants
endeavoured to obtain a law for prevent- (then apprehended a design for their com-
ing relapse after abjuration. The Bishops ! plete ruin ; and, within a few years, num-
of Languedoc had attempted it in 1638;ibers abandoned their country, to seek in
Richelieu, however, refused to confirm the ! other lands that equal protection of the
laws, which they could not hope to enjoy
in France. An edict against emigration
was issued in lGGD.t The tyrannical
enactments on this subject afford materials
for extensive commentary. Edict fol-
lowed edict in rapid succession; and the
degree of penalty proceeded in an awfu!
gradation from fine to imprisonment, the
galleys, and death.
provisional decrees given by the authori-
ties of the province. In 1660', the assem-
bly of the clergy renewed the application,
but Mazarin withstood their demand; and
after his death, the new administration
* Riilbiure. vi>l. i. p. 30. This author is not quilt;
justified in liis assertion; firir thti Memoircs do mention
the Protestants, though not compluiningly ; " L'on
in'avail (lit que flans h> faubourg St. Germain il sVtaii
fait pareux qijelques assemblers, et que Ton y preleu
dait etablir des ecoles de cette secte; uiais je fis si hjen
entendre que je ne voulnis pas soutfrir ces nouveautes,
qu'elles cesstrent incontinent.'' Men. vol. i. p 31. The
king himself thus testifies Iheir ready submission.
t M unoires de Louis XIV., ecrits par lui nienie, vol.
I. p. 6.
t BufhiSre, vol. i. p. 31.
$ Letter dated St. Germain, 1st April, 1G6G. La Beau-
melle, vol. vi. p. 21G.
i Among others. Bayle-
* The adverse feeling of the judicial authorities may
he gathered from an incident which occurred in May
11362. The minister Amyraolt was concerned in a
cause' before the court of Jlides : the procurer-general
demanded, and the court decreed, that he should not
style himself D. D., nor allude to his wife, lienoit, vol.
iii. p. 453.
f Registered in Parliament 13th August, ICW.
31*
366
MADAME DE MONTESPAN.
Colbert's influence was still in favour
of the Protestants, and the threatened
storm was for a time postponed ; but the
revocation of the edict of Nantes was cer-
tainly contemplated in 1669:* during
which year, a royal proclamation forbade
the synods from censuring parents or
guardians who sent their children to Ca-
tholic schools; and enjoined the closing of
shops on festivals, with a number of re-
gulations, highly vexatious to the Protest-
ants.t
Circumstances, however, combined to
postpone the evil day : the king was fa-
voured with a series of brilliant successes,
almost unparalleled in history; the Jesuits
were engaged in a long dispute with the
Jansenists ; and some speculative theolo-
gians proposed a scheme for uniting the
different creeds, by certain concessions
from the pope, on matters of form.]: The
last measure was more than once entered
upon seriously ; and was under considera-
tion about three years. Turenne, who
had recently abjured, was in its favour ;
and the scheme was not entirely re-
nounced until 1673, when the synod of
Charenton declared it impracticable. §
The jubilee of 1 676 revived in the king's
bosom that fervent zeal for the Romish
religion which had been laid aside in the
transports of his passion for Madame de
Moniespan. Even at his most voluptu
ous periods, that monarch was observant
of devotional forms ; and it is said that
during his whole life he never missed
hearing daily mass, excepting on two oc
casions, when engaged in military affairs. ||
His qualm of conscience caused him to
dismiss for a time his fascinating mistress;
and without accusing him of hypocrisy
the religious exercises enjoined at this
period produced such an effect upon his
mind, that he imagined he could meet the
late object of his unlawful love on terms
of pure friendship. Bossuet was deceived
— less by the king, than by his own con-
fidence in a religion of formalities. His
opinion was asked, whether Madame de
Montespan should be allowed to appear
at court. She had been as exemplary in
fasting, praying and confessing, as her
royal seducer; and it was declared that
as she had vanquished her own heart, she
could live at court, consistently with her
altered character. It was decided that
their first interview should be in public.
They met — the king conversed with her
in the recess of a window : they sighed,
they wept, they withdrew ; and their in-
tercourse was completely renewed.*
In the confessional, Louis was taught
the necessity of expiating his fault; and a
large sum was added to the existing
grant, for promoting the conversion of
Protestants. The direction of this under-
taking was intrusted to Pellisson, a con-
verted Protestant, very much celebrated
as an elegant writer, but whose character
is tarnished by repeated instances of in-
terestedness. His accounts were left at
his death in great disorder; and although
he took orders in the church of Rome, to
be qualified for holding the abbey of Gi-
mont, and the priory of St. Orens,t it is
doubtful whether he did not die professing
the faith he had abjured.]:
Many of the conversions effected by
money were the result of momentary ne-
cessities or accidental circumstances, act-
ing upon irresolution ; and to prevent
backsliding, the proclamation against re-
lapsed heretics was renewed. § On the
other hand, children were, very soon
after, allowed to renounce Calvinism at
the early age of seven years ;|| a period of
infancy, when a toy would suffice to lead
a child to assent to any opinion, however
abstruse and unintelligible; while no child
was allowed to make a public profession
of Protestantism under fourteen years of
age for boys, and twelve for girls.^f
At this time, Madame de Maintenon
began to exercise great influence upon
the king's mind. Her letters prove that
she already contributed essentially to the
triumph of the Romish clergy. In one
we find: "The king has passed two
hours in my cabinet: he is the most
amiable man in his kingdom. I spoke to
* Eli pport du Baron de ISreleul, given at length by
Rulhiere, vol. ii. p. 49, et seq. It is generally thought
I hat Rulhiere himself drew up this document, as he was
tne baron's secretary.
t Declaration du Roy, dated Paris, 1st Fclruuy,
1669.
i Grotius had proposed a measure of this kind in
3031.
5 Rulhiere, vol. i. p. 122.
J Souvenirs de Madame de Caylus, p. 37.
* Caylus, p. 39.
f Abbe d'Olivel, Hist, de I'deademie Francaif.
t Kulhiere, Eclaircisscments, &.C.. vol. i. p. 148.
} The declaration, dated I2th March, 1679, awards
the amende honorable, banishment and confiscation, as
the punishment; staling, as a reason, that banishment
alone had proved too mild a punishment to deter the
co n verts.
|| Declaralinn, dated 17th June, 1681.
IT Edict of 1st Feb., 10)9, art. 3J.
MADAME DE
him of Bourdaloue, and he listened with
attention. Perhaps he is not so far from
thinking of his salvation as the court
imagines. He has good sentiments, and
frequent returns towards God."* In an-
other letter she observes : 11 The king is
imbued with good sentiments; he some-
times reads the Scriptures, and deems it
the finest of all books. He confesses his
weaknesses: he admits his faults. We
must wait the operation of grace. He
thinks seriously about the conversion of
the heretics; and, in a short time, that
will be attended to in earnest."!
It appears almost incredible, that the
grandchild of Theodore-Agrippa D'Au-
bigne could have penned such sentiments.
Had her father, Constant D'Aubigne, su-
perintended her education, that .circum-
stance would have been a sufficient ex-
planation; his disposition and character
were bad in the extreme; and he detested
his father's faith, which he openly abjured.
But an aunt, Madame de Villelte, a lady
of irreproachable character, had removed
her in infancy, from a state of destitution,
caused by her father's imprudence; and
by that kind relative those principles were
imparted, which would have obtained the
approbation of the venerable D'Aubigne.
Indeed, so fervent was the child in her
attachment to Calvinism, that she felt a
degree of horror at her father's apostacy,
and manifested much ardour on behalf of
the Protestant religion. Many interesting
anecdotes are recorded of her firmness in
defending her opinions, when successively
assailed by priests and nuns at a convent
of Niort, where she was placed for com-
pleting her education, a measure com-
manded by the government, at the re-
quest of her mother, a rigid Catholic. To
detail them here would be superfluous;
but they were viewed as an earnest of
liberal views, which unfortunately did not
appear, when Francois D'Aubigne became
Marchioness de Maintenon.
Yet her ideas of tolerance did not cease
immediately after her change of religion.
A letter to her brother, then governor of
Amersfort, contains the following censure :
"I have complaints on your account,
which are not to your honour. You ill-
treat the Huguenots ; you seek the means,
* Letlre a la Comtesse de St. Geran, 19th of April
Jfi7!t.
t letter to the same, 2tith Oct , 1673.
MAINTENON. 367
you create the occasions ; that is unlike a
man of quality. Have pity on people
more unhappy than culpable : they are
in the errors wherein we ourselves were;
and from which violence would never
have removed us."*
A conviction that her Calvinistic edu-
cation might diminish the king's respect
for her opinions, and destroy the effect of
her exhortations, made her desirous of re-
moving every trace of heresy from among
her relations. She began by endeavour-
ing to convert her cousin, the Marquis de
la Villette. Bossuet was employed to
convince him, but to no purpose; and
Bourdaloue's eloquence produced no re-
sult. The king sent him orders to be
converted ; Villette asked for time, which
was granted. But when Madame de
Maintenon pressed him to fix a period, he
replied: "It will require a hundred years
— ten at least, to believe in the infallibility
of a body of men ; twenty to be accus-
tomed to transubstantiation, &c." His
cousin did not anticipate such obstinacy;
and as he was in the navy, she had him
ordered upon a long voyage, that he
might not frustrate her views for saving
his children.t
The dispute between the Jesuit and
Jansenist parties menaced the church of
Rome with another schism. Louis, who
had become a confirmed devotee, was
strongly inclined to favour the former
party; and was enslaved by illiberal, nar-
row views to such a degree, that while
Duquesne and Turenne were treated with
distinction, although Protestants, he would
not allow the appointment of a Jansenist
to any command.]: The rival sects were
both ambitious of the honour of directing
the great measure, for bringing back the
lost sheep to the Romish church ; and
each presented a scheme for effecting that
object, drawn up in form of a memorial.
* Letlre an Conue D'Aubigne, 1st Oct., 1672.
t I, a Beaumelle, Mint de Maintenon, vol. ii.p. 202. —
A»2>-r, Vic de Madame de Mainte/non, vol. ii. p. 77. —
Cay lug, p 15
t This prejudice increased with the king's age In
17l)li, tlii? Duke of Orleans, on setting out for I aly,
wished to he accompanied hy Allgrand de Foniperluis,
:i decided libertine. Louis sent for him, and expressed
hie displeasure that he should have selected a Jansenist.
' He a Jansenist ?" said the duke, doubtingly. " Is he
not," replied Louis, " the son of that mad woman who
ran afier Arnaud ? " " I know nothing of his mother,''
the duke answered, " but with respect to the son, far
from being a Jansenist, I doubt whether he believes
in a God." "Then I have been deceived," observed
l.ouis, who allowed Fonlpertuis to accompany the
Juke. Ouclus, Mem. de Louis XIV., vol. i. p 133.
368
HARASSED CONDITION OF THE PROTESTANTS.
And it is worthy of remark, that neither,
of these plans embraced the revocation of
the edict of Nantes; on the contrary, its
strict and literal observance was de-
manded by both. The Jansenists founded
their hopes of success upon reiterated in- j
structions by the clergy, and the good ex-
ample of their conduct : the Jesuits insisted
on the firm and unceasing action of the
royal authority. The principles of Port-
Royal* were tolerant; for according to
the Jansenist views, it was better to re-
main separate from the church, than to
join it without sincere convictions. The
Jesuits, on the contrary, were violent in
their zeal ; they were impatient to stifle
heresy, rattier than convert the heretics;
they considered the support of the military
far preferable to the influence of the
bishops; and called for the expulsion of
Protestants from every government em-
ploy.
Probably the natural feelings of Louis
XIV. would have inclined him to adopt
the milder recommendations of the Jan-
senists, but his soul was enslaved by the
Jesuits. La Chaise, his confessor, had
for some time refused him the sacraments,
on account of his adultery with M;idame
de Montespan, a married woman. His
passion was now fixed upon Mademoi-
selle de Fontanges; the illicit connexion
was more susceptible of palliation, and
the confessor's complaisance opened a
field for sarcasm. The voluptuous mo-
narch was admitted to the sacrament at
Whitsuntide, in 1G80; and the consola-
tion thus afforded was recompensed by
several hostile edicts against the Pro-
testants.
Hitherto the collection of the revenue
had been chiefly confided to Huguenots;t
and the absence of all complaint against
them affords an inference greatly in their
favour. Satirical publications abounded,
in which courtiers and magistrates were
severely handled; but the fermiers are
passed by in silence. Their successors,
by a system of unblushing peculation,
attracted the shafts of censure, and con-
* The ahbey of Port-Royal was the cradle of Janse-
nism ; and, bo far as corporate existence was con-
cerned, il was also its grave; but the doctrines taught
by the fathers can never be eradicated — unfortunately,
the clergy were not impressed witii their liberal
views.
t Thev were excluded from such employs by art Arril
du Conscil, l?th Aug., ICcU
verted the previous silence into an abso-
lute eulogy.
The misfortune of Louis consisted in
his judging men in general by the con-
duct of those who breathed the atmo-
sphere of his court. As he beheld con-
tinual sacrifices of honour and principle
for selfish considerations, it was natural
for him to be persuaded that it would be
easy to seduce the Huguenots from their
erroneous religion, by rendering their in-
terests subservient to the change. A
base spirit of flattery made every func-
tionary throughout the kingdom ambi-
tious to imitate the king's devout career;
and suggestions were constantly forward-
ed to court, for promoting the pious de-
sign.
Ordinances were continually published,
forbidding or enjoining some particular,
of minor importance in itself, but serious
in its application, as it became exceeding-
ly difficult for the Protestants to avoid
the contravention of some of those nu-
merous enactments; and a conviction of
the slightest infringement was immedi-
ately followed by the suppression of the
temple wherein it occurred.*
From these attacks upon their public
worship the hostility of the intolerant
party was directed to personal annoy-
ance: no seats were allowed in the tem-
ples, that the audience might be disgust-
ed with attendance. t Often the conse-
quences of one evil became a ready indi-
cator for its more extensive application.
A notary, who had become Catholic,
found that he had lost the confidence of
his former friends: to secure his profes-
sional gains, the Protestants were de-
clared incapable of exercising the charge
of notary.! For similar reasons they
were successively prohibited from acting
in any branch of the legal profession;§
and according to the preamble of another
spoliatory edict, it " was represented that
most of the young men of the said reli-
gion would decide upon studying medi-
cine, to take degrees, on finding them-
selves excluded from other functions;"||
* Itulhiere, vol. i. p. 181— Mem. de JVoatWes, vol. i.
p. 14.
t Bayle, in a letter to his brother, dated 16th May,
1G79, states, that the decree was executed with such se-
verity at Rouen, that not a seat was allowed, even to
the members of the Consistory.
J Arret du Conseil.Glh April, IGP2.
} Idem. Gth April, 1682.— Declaration du Roy, ]jth
June, 1682.
- Declaration du Roy, Gth Aug., 1G85 The spirit of
THEIR RUIN RESOLVED ON.
369
Protestants were in consequence de-
barred from following the medical pro-
fessions. The same excluding system
pervaded every line of life; and the call-
ings of apothecaries, grocers, booksellers,
and printers, were forbidden to them.
While no Protestant of any trade was
allowed to have an apprentice, even a Ca-
tholic.* But all these inducements com-
bined failed to effect conversions with
sufficient rapidity to satisfy the enemies
of religious liberty; as a premium for
abjuration, converts had been already al-
lowed a delay of three years for the pay-
ment of their debts;! and at an interval
of nearly five years from this dishonest
measure, a fresh enactment was issued
against surgeons, who are charged with
preventing conversions, under the pre-
tence of visiting patients.i
It would appear that, at court, the
most sanguine expectations were raised
upon the edicts just alluded to, since the
following remark is preserved in a pri-
vate letter: "If God spares the king,
there will not be a single Huguenot in
twenty years.§
At length arrived the commencement
of positive persecution, by the invasion
of private dwellings, under the pretext
of quartering soldiers. This cruel me-
thod of annoyance has been termed the
dmgonnade and mission bottee. The
following extract of a letter addressed by
Louvois to Marillac, intendant of Poic-
tou, will convey some idea of the mali-
cious calculation on which those expedi-
tions were based: — " His majesty has
learned, with much joy, the great num-
ber of persons converted in your district.
His Majesty appreciates your endeavours
to increase the number, and desires you
will continue your exertions, using the
same means which have hitherto suc-
ceeded. M. Colbert has been charged
to examine what can be done, in re-
ducing the taxes for those who are con-
verted, in order to diminish the numbers
of that religion. His majesty has com-
these tyrannical enactments is admirably portrayed
by Rabaut St Elienne in a tale, entitled Le vieuz Ce-
venot. au anecdotes de la vie d'Jimbroise Bortlij.
* In the MSS. of M. de la Iteynie, lieutenant eeneral
of police, there are lists of Protestants made out at va-
rious periods; the number described as marchands de via
is remarkable : but almost every other calling was de-
barred them.
t Arret du Conseil, 18th Nov., 1680.
* Idem. 15th Sept.. 1685.
} Madame de Maintenon a Madame de Villette, 5th
April, 1081.
manded me to send, at the beginning of
next November, a regiment of cavalry
into Poictou which will be lodged in the
places you will be mindful to propose
before that time; and his majesty will
deem it right that the greater part of the
officers and horsemen should be lodged
with Protestants: but he does not think
that all should be lodged with them.
That is to say, that when by a strict dis-
tribution the Protestants would support
ten, you can send twenty} and put. them
upon the richest among the Protestants,
assigning us a pretext, that when the
troops are not sufficiently numerous for
all to be charged with them, it is but just
the poor should be spared, and the rich
have the burden."*
This letter was accompanied by an or-
dinance, exempting converts from re-
ceiving soldiers in their houses for two
years. That was afterwards decreed as
a general law;t and, although published
as a recompense for those who had been
converted, it became a most terrible in-
strument for harassing the steadfast.
Louvois was well seconded by his fa-
ther, Michel le Tellier, keeper of the
seals. In describing his persecuting
zeal, the testimony of a Catholic, as vio-
lent as himself, shall be adduced. " He
had such an ardent desire to see Hugue-
notism terminated in this kingdom, and
to behold the king's subjects united in
the same faith, that he favoured the inte-
rests of the church on all occasions; and
particularly when the weakening of that
party, or the destruction of their temples
was in question." The same writer
adds: " Whenever the accusation against
a consistory failed, and the continuance
of the worship was permitted, he was
nearly overcome; and his countenance
on leaving the council sufficiently an-
nounced the disappointment to his
friends."}
The ruin of the Protestants was now
resolved on. Madame de Maintenon
thus writes on the subject: " The king
begins to think seriously of his salvation,
and of that of his subjects. If God
spares him, there will be only one reli-
gion in his kingdom. That is the senti-
ment of M. de Louvois; and I believe
him more readily than M. Colbert, who
* Kulhiere, vol. i. p 203.
t Ordonmmce du Roi, llth April. 1681.
t Soulier, Hist, du Calvinismc, p. 614.
370
SUPPRESSION OF THE DETAILS.
thinks only of his finances, and rarely of
religion."*
The infatuation which dictated the
foregoing may be pitied, as arising out of
a subjugation of the writer's mind to
some strong passion. There is, however,
so much sordid feeling in another letter
from the same lady, written shortly after,
that the pretence of anxiety for the salva-
tion of the people becomes an awful
mockery. The Count d'Aubigne was a
notorious spendthrift; and nothing short
of his sister's power could have saved
him from ruin on several occasions. In
writing to announce a royal gratuity, she
slates: " The grant of a hundred thou-
sand livres, which you are to receive,
affords me pleasure; you cannot do bet-
ter than to buy lands in Poictou: they
will be had there for a mere nothing, on
account of the flight of the Huguenots."!
The persecution, which lasted for
several years subsequent to 1681, sur-
passes in cold-blooded malignity that of
the sixteenth century; for the undisguised
hostility of the last kings of the house of
Valois, although barbarous, was frank:
their object was avowed, and the conflict-
ing interests were openly hostile. But
the Jesuits, who now swayed the royal
councils, were crafty: insidious enact-
ments rendered it almost impossible to
avoid contravention: and liberty of wor-
ship was in fact destroyed, even while
the edict of Nantes was still in force.
Yet the principal actors in this perse-
cution were evidently ashamed of their
proceedings; although they have ap-
plauded the wisdom and piety of the in-
fatuated king, whose services to the
church are compared to the abolition of
paganism by Constantine4 Every detail
of the transaction has been carefully ex-
cluded from publications under the control
of the French authorities; and the narra-
tives of the fugitives, published in Eng-
land and Holland, are in general sneer-
ingly treated as libels. Pellison has
already been alluded to as an able and in-
dustrious writer; and his letters form a
valuable journal of the court for a long
period. He was employed in gaining
conversions by means of corruption; and
* Leltre a la comtesse de St. Goran, 20th Aug., 1(181.
I Dated B2d Oct., 1681. This letter, which is quoted
as genuine by Rulhiere vol. i. p. 212, is suppressed by
Auger, Vie de Madame de Maintenon
j D'Avrigny, Mem. dogmatiqucs , vo!. iii. p. 247.
must necessarily have alluded to the pro-
gress of the great work in his continued
correspondence: yet from 1681 until the
close of 1688 there is a blank, those let-
ters which mentioned the events of inter-
vening years being suppressed.* Many
of the reports forwarded by the provincial
authorities are missing from the public
archives: yet enough remains to prove
the violence of the persecution, indepen-
dent of the flight of many thousand in-
dustrious families: there is, moreover,
strong corroborative evidence in the ill-
judged panegyrics of the Romish clergy,
who, in the ardour of adulation, have pre-
sented materials for decided censure.
A book was published, under the sanc-
tion of Ike king's adviser s,\ which com-
pletely establishes the fact of severity
being exercised towards the Protestants,
by justifying the measure as completely
similar to the means used for suppressing
the Donatist heresy in the fifth century.
The condition of the Huguenots — their
peaceable demeanour, and admitted loy-
alty— for it was unimpeached at the time,
though subsequent accusations have been
put forward to justify what had taken
place — all these circumstances combine
to show that state policy was not the
cause, as some apologists pretend, and as
many are willing to believe. J It was an
odious breaking forth of intolerance and
bigotry; and in the preface of the work
just alluded to it is declared, "that St.
Augustin was at first of opinion that the
force of truth should alone be used to
bring back the heretics; but experience
caused him to alter his views, and the
success of the salutary severity employed
for converting the Donatists convinced
him that it would be hostile to the salva-
tion of many souls, who would perish
miserably, not to wish to force them to
join the church, which is justified in pu-
* 1 have found several of the year 1684. in vol. iv. of
the MSS de la Rcyvie; they all allude either to the
bonve a'uvre or recompenses for conversions In one,
dated lilth May, 1G84. is this observation: '-La nom-
Mil'- Pingard a regu trois fois plus quVlle tie vous dit;
et beancoup plus qn'elle oe devoit esperer."
f (,'onformite de la couduite de PEglise de France,
pour rameuer les Protestans aver, <:elle de I'Esrlise
il'Afriqne. pour rameoer les Donatistes a I'Eglise catho-
lique : Paris, 1685. The following is from the preface :
"Ceux qui ont la principale part a la conrtance du Roy.
sur re qui regarde les affaires de PEglise, et a la con-
doite du grand dessein qui s'execute si heureusement,
ont jnge a propns de faire impmner a part quclques-
unes de ces letlres " (de St. Augustin.)
; The author was inclined to that sentiment until
his researches for this volume convinced him of his
error.
LETTERS OF CHRISTINA OF SWEDEN.
371
nisbing its faithless members, although, 'attached to popery, that the propositions
in the event of successful resistance, any of the clergy of France, at their assem-
violence on their part is impious." The bly in 1682, amounted, in her view, to a
advance of civilization forbade a renewal! scandal nearly allied to rebellion.* And
of capital punishments for heretical opi
nions, but the disposition to inflict it was
evidently unchanged.
subsequently, when her declared sympathy
was held up by Bayle as a remnant of
Protestantism, she wrote to him, com-
plaining severely of his injustice, in doubt-
in" the sincerity of her conversion.t Her
letter to the Chevalier de Terlon, the
French ambassador at Stockholm, con-
tains the following passages: "I will
Letters of Christina, ex-aueen of Sweden— Sufferings I frankly avow that I am not quite per-
:£ffl:™™feriM'i0"°f,he ,lug"fi jsuaded of the success of this great de-
sign; and that I cannot rejoice at it, as
Although it might appear superfluous 'an affair very advantageous to our holy
CHAPTER LX.
to present a complete list of the atrocities religion. * * * *
practised at this time under a pretext of; apostles.
Military men are strange
I consider them more likely to
religion, some of them must be recorded,! kill, to ravish and to plunder, than to per-
and their real motives placed beyond 'suade ; and, in fact, accounts beyond
doubt, or the forbearance which would doubt inform us that they fulfil the mission
dictate the exclusion of such painful ; entirely in their mode. I pity the people
scenes may be considered an accusation I abandoned to their discretion : I sympa-
of all preceding statements. More detail j thize with so many ruined families, so
will therefore benecessaryintreatingof this' many respectable persons reduced to beg-
period than when othercircumstances were ; gary; and I cannot look upon what is
under consideration, and where the more! now passing in France without compas-
important events alone claimed descrip- sion."f
tion, those of minor consequence frequently Another letter to Cardinal Azolino is in
obtaining merely a passing allusion. The a similar strain : " I am overwhelmed with
narrative of one who suffered greatly in grief when I think of all the innocent blood
this persecution will afford means fin* es
timating the general conduct of the op-
pressors.* With respect to the value of
its testimony, it must not be confounded
with the published accounts of the time,
which a blind fanaticism causes daily to
flow. France exercises, without remorse
or fear, the most barbarous persecution
upon the dearest and most industrious
portion of her people. * * * * Every time I
which the court of France sweepingly de-; contemplate the atrocious torments which
nounced as libels, composed in a spirit of; have been inflicted upon the Protestants,
revenge. This, however, was never in-jmy heart throbs, and my eyes are filled
tended for publicity; and the manuscript i with tears. "j
remained neglected and forgotten among The admission of one of the most ab-
the records o( the family, until the author's jeet flatterers of Louis XIV. being added
descendants had become blended with to Christina's testimony, will suffice to re-
another nation. The account it contains move every doubt as to the reality of the
is moreover amply corroborated by con- persecution : "But if the king has been
temporary writers; and the description J obliged to use some severity, and to send
harmonizes completely with the views , soldiers into the houses of the most obsti-
given in the correspondence of eminent |nate to bring them back into the pale of
persons, who cannot be suspected of ex-
aggeration on behalf of the Huguenots.
Of such the foremost is Christina, ex-
queen of Sweden, who was so decidedly
* JVa.rrn.ltvc of the Sufferings of a Ft nek Protestant
Family, &.C., by John Migault, London, Ir24. Le Jour-
nal dr. Jean Migault was published al Paris, in 1H,'5,
and at Berlin in 1H27. Although the French copy has des Lettre
been chiefly consulted, the \>a>vs refer to the London
edition, for the convenience of llie Ems'"*'1 reader.
* The four celebrated articles for restraining the pa-
pal authority— -drawn up by Uossuet, who, by his elo-
quence, secured their adoption. The Jesuit d'Avrigny
lot ks upon the proceeding as one of the rudest blows
which hul been given to the court of Rome for ages.
De Burigny, Fiede Bosseut, p. 262. Tabaraud, Histoire
de I'JIssi-mblre gin irate du Clergs en 16"2. p. !I4.
t Letter dated Koine, 14th Dec. ICeO. Lettres de
Bayle, vol. i. p. 247.
I Ibid., 2d Feb., 1H80. Nouvelles de la Republiqtie
May, lu>G.
J Dated Hamburgh, 1GFG. Lettres secretes de Chris-
tine, p. 170. Geneva, 1761.
372
PERSECUTION OF MIGAULT.
the church, we have reason to hope that,
Jike the Donatists, they will rejoice that this
holy and salutary violence has been adopt-
ed for withdrawing them from the le-
thargy into which the misfortune of their
birth had thrown them."*
One more proof shall be adduced. The
Baron de Breteuil, in an official report to
Louis XVI., makes the following asser-
tion : " The very minutes of all the orders
sent into the provinces, for effecting con-
versions by quartering soldiers, are pre-
served in the archives of the war-office."t
Having premised these corroborating
statements, the sufferings of John Migault
and his family will be more readily cre-
dited. That victim of tyranny exercised
the profession of notary until 1681, when
a royal decree disqualified Protestants
from such functions. Sympathy for his
numerous family, and respect for his cha-
racter, induced the consistory of Mougon
to offer him the situation of reader and
registrar of the temple in that place; but
his quiet occupation did not last long.
Louvois had informed Marillac, intendant
of Poictou, that a body of dragoons should
be sent there in November: the design of
the court was however hastened, and the
warlike missionaries entered that province
in the summer. The terror inspired by
their approach will be appreciated by the
fact of a soldier casually exhibiting some
slips of paper, as billets for quartering his
comrades: — within two hours, three of
the first families in the place abjured. \
" We were not exposed to the fury of
the storm," observes Migault, " until Tues-
day, the 22d of August. 1681. In the
morning, as we quitted the church where
we had just offered up our accustomed
prayers, we beheld a troop of cavalry,
commanded by M. de la Brique, advance
towards us at a gallop, take their station
around the cemetery, and by their de-
monstrations strike terror into the stout-
est hearts. I had scarcely entered my
house, when the quarter-master appeared,
holding in his hand a billet. Without dis-
mounting, he demanded most perempto-
rily, if it was our intention to become
Catholics. Such was the method in
which these converiisseurs were accus-
* Soulier, p. fi23. This seems to be a favourite phrase
as the author uses it on more than one occasion.
T Rulhiere, vol. ii. p. 71.
X Migault, p. 26.
Itomed to proceed. On the solemn assu-
rance given him by your excellent mother
and myself, that we would not change our
religion, he turned his horse and went
away."*
The appearance of thedragoons in many
cases sufficed to make an entire village
embrace the Romish religion ; but when
the acquiescence was only partial, the bur-
den was proportionally aggravated for the
more steadfast Huguenots. The system
was one of absolute plunder; for the sol-
diers levied contributions on their hosts,
and if the amount demanded was not
punctually paid, their furniture, cattle,
and even their apparel, were sold to raise
the money. Those sales afforded great
facilities for the Roman Catholics to ob-
tain property on very easy terms, of
which they frequently availed them-
selves, f
Migault had fifteen soldiers quartered
upon him: they behaved brutally, and
made the most insolent demands. It was
necessary to send to Niort, in order to
supply their table; and because the fo-
rage for their horses did not please them,
they used the grossest imprecations. As
it was indispensable to despatch a mes-
senger to Niort for supplies, Migault was
allowed to leave the house; and while
absent from his home, he learned from
some Catholic friends that his complete
ruin was intended ; and that it arose from
the instigations of the cure, whose sug-
gestions included a plan for dragging him
forcibly to the Catholic church; when, if
violent measures were not used to induce
his abjuration, it would at all events be
declared that he had made a formal re-
cantation, and joined in the Romish rites.
This is known to have been done in other
places, in order to swell the reports upon
the progress of conversion.;!:
By the advice of his kind neighbours,
the unfortunate man remained concealed
in their house; and when the dragoons
perceived that he had escaped from their
grasp, they directed their malevolence
against his wife, whom they threatened
to burn, unless she abjured. In vain did
some ladies intercede: the commander
disregarded the appeal, aid the poor wo-
man would probably have perished, if an
* Ibid., p. 29. This circumstantial journal was ad-
dressed by the author to his children,
t Ibid., p. 27. t Ibid., p. 30, et seq.
PERSECUTION OF MIGAULT.
373
unexpected deliverer had not appeared in
the person of M. Billon, the vicar, an ex-
cellent man and a friend of the family.
He heard of the treatment to which Ma-
priest strenuously exerted his influence
with the husband of the child's nurse to
have the infant's body thrown to the
dogs. The man was not so lost to a
dame Migault was exposed, and removed : sense of humanity as to consent; and the
her out of the power of her persecutors ; | child was interred in the Protestant buri-
but not before he had promised to restore] al-ground.*
her, if his arguments failed to effect her The persecution continued during the
conversion. The ladies being left alone [month of November, 1681; and more
with the sufferer, led her to a place of severe than at the commencement, be-
concealment, and the vicar was too hu-| cause at this time the bare fact of per-
mane to regret the involuntary breach of sisting in the reformed faith authorized
his engagement : he retired to his own
house, without noticing the dragoons.*
The next day every Protestant in the
village abjured, with the exception of
about twenty families, who had quitted
the seizure of every thing. What the
military did not consume was sold or
destroyed ; and the losses were rendered
more painful by the animosity of some
converts, who being animated in the
their homes on the approach of the troops, work of spoliation against their late bre-
The dwellings of the absentees were \ thren, acted as informers, and shared in
stripped of every thing; and when it wasj the pillage.f
ascertained that no further mischief could
be accomplished at Mougon, the dra-
goons were marched to Souche where all
the Protestants experienced their severi-
ties.!
A similar scene passed in the adjoining
parish of Thorigne, chiefly inhabited by
Protestants ; and as the first visit of the
troops effected very little conversion, the
cure was incensed, and instigated the sol-
diers to oppression and wanton cruelty,
far surpassing their former exploits. The
people however displayed great constancy
and patience; very few recantations oc-
curred ; and the forest was again crowded
with miserable wanderers. This natu-
rally led to an extensive emigration ; the
Protestants left the kingdom by thousands
for England, Holland, and the new settle-
ments of North America ; and the hospita-
ble reception afforded the fugitives was
amply rewarded by the advantages which
resulted from the intelligence and industry
of the exiles4
Migault's young family was a serious
impediment to his flight. The cure, his
old enemy, continued to urge the perse-
cution against him ; and after every thing
saleable in his house had been removed,
the rest was destroyed; even the doors
and windows.^ And to aggravate the un-
happy man's misfortunes, one of his chil-
dren died: on which occasion the cruel
Migault then removed to Mauze, a
small town in Aunis, where he established
a school, which afforded him the means
of living comfortably, until March, 1683,
when the king published a declaration for-
bidding Protestant schoolmasters from re-
ceiving boarders in their houses.f The
provisions of that tyrannical decree were
evaded by the scholars being placed in
neighbouring houses; but one blow was
no sooner parried than another was
struck. A schoolmaster, who had ab-
jured, denounced Migault to the autho-
rities, for infringing the ordonnance, by
permitting his pupils to sing psalms. A
technical objection saved the unfortunate
man on this occasion ; but within a few
months the dragoons were again on the
march to complete the ruin of those fami-
lies who had withstood the ravages of
1681. We were apprized (Migault re-
lates) of the iniquitous and arbitrary pro-
ceedings of the cours souveraines,\ and of
the intendants of provinces, recently in-
vested with authority for pronouncing de-
finitively, and without appeal, on any
charge preferred against our churches.
If no charge existed one was invented ;
and thus all the reformed churches, not
only of Poictou, but throughout the king-
dom, were soon destroyed or interdicted.
The temple at Mauze was however
spared, amid the wide-spread desolation
* Migault, p. 39. f Ibid. p. 44.
X DtUaration da Roy, dated 14th July, 1688, forbids
emigration, and cancels all sales of property made
within a year of departure.
§ Migault. p. 51.
32
* Migault, p 56. t Ibid., p 5G.
\ I lid., p. 07.
§ Cours souoerain.es, under the old regime, were the
courts in which the king was supposed to be present
and where the decrees were given in his name.
374
CRUELTIES PRACTISED IN THE V1VARAIS.
— a circumstance gratefully attributed to
the influence of the Duchess of Bruns-
wick-Lunenburgh, who left no means
untried for warding off the impending
rigours, — or at least for delaying their
execution ; and for that purpose she em-
ployed all the resources of her credit at
the French court, and interceded on be-
half of the Protestants with the king him-
self.*
The Duke de Noailles, who com-
manded in Languedoc, allowed his desire
to please Louis to supersede every other
consideration. Soon after his appoint-
ment, he addressed the monarch to this
effect: "It suffices that your Majesty's
orders be known to ensure their imme-
diate execution. "t Unhappily, the bi-
goted design of the court rendered this
otherwise humane nobleman a minister
of wrath to the Huguenots.
Conformably to instructions from court,
die parliament of Toulouse had, in 1682,
forbidden the Protestant worship, and
ordered the demolition of the temple, on
pretext of infractions of the laws. The
bishop of the diocess having demanded
permission to use the temple as a church,
Chateauneuf, secretary of state, wrote to
Noailles, that it would have more effect
to execute the decree fully, as it would
destroy all hope of its recovery by the reli-
<z'tonnuires.\ The Protestants, on their
side, pressed Noailles with solicitations
on behalf of religious liberty; and when
two ministers declared, that even the fear
of death should not deter them from dis-
charging their duty, the duke confined
them in his house, as the most effectual
reply.
Noadles had sufficient force to carry
the decree of the parliament into execu-
tion; and by impartial severity maintained
order, at a moment when insurrection
appeared imminent: he punished some
Catholics for insulting the Huguenots,
and issued a proclamation to enjoin good
fellowship, and avoid any thing calculated
to irritate, by word or writing. The
ministers remained in confinement until
after the following Sunday, when they
were released, and sent away from that
town. 5
The success which had attended the
* Migault, p. 72. t Noailles, vol. i. p. 12.
J 23(1 Nov., 1682. Noailles, vol. i. p. 15.
§ Noailles, vol. i p 20.
plan for abolishing the Protestant wcrrship
at Montpellier induced a similar proceed-
ing against Montauban and other places;
but the government being informed of the
irritation arising from the apprehensions
of the Huguenots, Chateauneuf wrote to
suspend the execution, "as they should
not put too much fuel on the fire at one
time."*
D'Aguesseau about the same time
wrote to urge the necessity of instructing
the people, in preference to the adopted
methods of fear and corruption. There
does not appear to have existed a cor-
responding desire on the part of the ex-
ecutive: to enforce submission to the
king's will was the aim of all functiona-
ries; and the public mind was inflamed to
a degree which rendered an insurrection
probable.
The ministers encouraoed their fol-
lowers to brave the king's orders, and
obtain the crown reserved for martyrs.
As the danger became more evident, the
enthusiasm increased ; and at last the
troops under the command of St. Ruth,
were ordered into the province in the
summer of 1683.t The presence of those
formidable missionaries intimidated the
Protestants who manifested a readiness
to submit. An amnesty was offered un-
der certain conditions: the terms were
however too severe, and the Protestants
resumed their arms. They were attacked
in a favourable position selected for their
head-quarters, near Pierregourde, in the
Vivarais. A part of the royal army main-
tained some skiimishes, to engage their
attention, while the main body was en-
gaged in surrounding them. Their de-
fence was well conducted ; but their as-
sailants' force overwhelmed them, and
under cover of the adjoining wood most
of them escaped. Yet numbers were
killed by the dragoons ; and of the prison-
ers thirteen were selected: twelve were
hanged at once upon the spot, their com-
panion being compelled to act as execu-
tioner, t
This victory was naturally followed by
the destruction of several temples ; and
in some places they found the inhabitants
had all fled. The expedition caused great
terror, as none were spared who fell into
the hands of the troops. The Duke de
* 7th Dec. Noailles, vol. i.p. 21.
t Noailles, vol. i. p. 63. { Ibid., vol. j. p 44.
THE PERSECUTED APPEAL FOR MERCY IN VAIN. 375
Noailles in his letters observes: " These
wretches went to the gibbet with the firm
assurance of dying as martyrs ; and de-
manded no other favour, than that they
might be safely executed. They begged
pardon of the soldiers; but not oi:e of them
would ask it of the king."*
Noailles was an advocate for severe
measures; by forming an erroneous esti-
mate of the consequences of former rigour,
he felt encouraged to continue; and the
recent insurrection produced still more
severe orders from Louvois than he had I
hitherto received. " His majesty desires
you will order M. de St. Ruth to place
troops in all the places you deem neces-
sary; to support them at the expense of
the country; to seize the culpable, and
hand them over to M. d'Aguesseau for |
judgment; to destroy the houses of those i
killed in arms. You will give orders for
demolishing ten of the principal temples !
of the Vivarais; and, in a word, to cause!
such a desolation in the country, that the
example may keep the other religion- \
naires within bounds, and teach them
how dangerous it is to revolt against the
kin<x."f
The Huguenots of the Cevennes, still
undaunted by the defeat of their brethren,
sent a deputation to Nismes: they pre-
sented a request to Noailles, that he would
obtain from the king's goodness and jus-
tice a general amnesty; the right of wor-
ship; and the revocation of the edicts I
contrary to their liberties. Noailles,
astonished at the boldness of men whom I
he calls pauvres miserables, instantly sent
them as prisoners to the citadel of Saint I
Esprit. Their proceeding was too ex-
travagant to deserve such treatment: for
even their brethren viewed the deputation j
as an act of madness; and the consistory I
of Nismes disavowed them.J
Circumstances were very adverse to the
Huguenots of Languedoc; yet they per-
severingly asserted the rights of con- 1
science, while Noailles was equally firm'
and decided in his efforts to bring under
subjection men whom he viewed as
rebels. His superior force enabled him 1
to disperse their assemblies: but they
collected again in other parts ; and as the
most effectual means of straitening their
resources, orders were given to seize all
[arms in the possession of Protestants: a
j considerable quantity was found in
! Nismes.*
Many of the Protestant ministers had
been arrested: their exhortations had sup-
ported the energy of the insurgents; and
they were viewed as the chief instigators
of the public troubles. Audoyer and
Homel were both condemned to death:
! the former was respited, but the latter was
j broken upon the wheel, after enduring the
rack. His head was exposed at Chalen-
Icon, and his body at BeauchaJel, at both
of which places he had been conspicuous
in his exertions. Hoguier, another minis-
ter of the sect, to use the expression of
the Abbe Millot, cut his throat in prisomt
an assertion which demands some proof
before posterity will credit a statement
at variance with probability; for the
fear of condemnation and public execution
could have no weight with men who
preached the glory of martyrdom: it is
far more reasonable to conclude that his
enemies killed him secretly from a dread
of his example.
As the want of instruction had so fre-
quently been urged upon the notice of the
government, the Abbe Herve, with twelve
missionaries, was sent into Langue-
doc. His preaching was supported and
strengthened by liberal distributions of
money to all who would declare them-
selves convinced. He was very success-
ful, but not equal to his wishes or ex-
pectations, and demanded further funds to
supply his proselytes. Noailles, in a let-
ter full of commendations, states, — " The
king's money appears to me so well em-
ployed for this purpose, that economy
would he pernicious; for they are subjects
gained both for God and his Majesty. "J
While Herve pursued his persuasions,
the troops continued their career of seve-
rity. The ministers of Languedoc had,
in consequence, withdrawn into Switzer-
land, where they joined a Swiss synod,
in which it was resolved to receive all
who fled from France on account of their
religion; and to address the Protestant
governments on behalf of the French
Calvinists. This gave rise to a hostile
demonstration by the states of Languedoc,
who demanded fresh severities against
them; and, with some trifling modifica-
* Noailles, p. 45.
t Ibid., vol. i. p. 50.
t Ibid. p. 47.
* Noailles, vol. i., p. 57
X Ibid., vol. i. p. 60.
t Ibid., p. 58.
376 THE PERSECUTED APPEAL FOR MERCY IN VAIN.
tions, the suggestions were adopted by
the court.*
The notorious Basvillef had succeeded
Marillac as intendant of Poictou, 1682.
On his arrival in that province, he found
that thirty-four thousand conversions had
taken place; and within three years he
had the gratification of announcing above
twelve thousand more, resulting from
what an apologist styles " measures re-
plete with mildness. "J
Every day confirmed the general ap-
prehension of the Protestants that a crisis
in their affairs was at hand: in conse-
quence, some regulations were drawn up
for the guidance of both ministers and
people, in the event of the congregations
being dispersed. The project comprised
eighteen articles, and was adopted in May,
1683, at Toulouse, where deputies had
assembled from all parts, under pretexts
of business. A day was fixed for a gene-
ral fast; but, with that exception, the de-
cisions were far from being calculated to
give umbrage to the government. It has
been asserted, however, that this was in
reality a conspiracy formed on an under-
standing with the anti-papist party in
England, which made great preparations
at the same time for a general insurrec-
lion= And as the Protestants mutually
exhorted each other to sustain persecution
with firmness, their conduct is condemned,
because, forsooth, the primitive Chris-
tians acted otherwise: they were con-
tented with secret assemblings, and
never revolted to obtain the right of public
worship. § Happy indeed the Huguenots
would have been to feel secure in the
secret exercise of religious worship, or if
even the right of private opinion had
been permitted them. The course of this
history will however show that the suspi-
cion of Calvinistic sentiments exposed
the party to molestation while he lived,
and indignity to his remains at his
decease.
An idea was prevalent among the Pro-
testants that Louis was not aware of the
cruelties exercised towards them: he was
not in fact made acquainted with the
naked truth. His ministers presented
numerous lists of conversions and abjura-
* Ibid., p. 66.
. t Nicolas <ic Lamoignon, seigneur de Basville, born
in 1648. fifth son of the president of the same name.
. X " Par ce9 niemes voyes, pleines de douceur." Sou-
'er, p. C5.
§ Soulier, pp. 589—594.
tions; but made no mention of the vio-
lence by which they were effected. A
request was therefore drawn up in the
most submissive terms, yet with a forcible
appeal to the monarch's feelings. It con-
tained a pathetic statement of their suffer-
ings; and was presented to the king by
the Marquis de Ruvigny, their deputy-
general, in March, 1684.
When the marquis had concluded his
address, the king replied that he believed
all he had stated of the prejudice it might
cause to his affairs, only he thought it
would not extend to bloodshed: but he
said he felt so indispensably bound to
attempt the conversion of all his subjects
and the extirpation of heresy, that if the
doinir it required that with one hand he
should cut off the other, he would sub-
mit.* Ruvigny warned his friends of the
threatened danger; and some were for
preparing in earnest against a civil war.
The aged nobleman, however, dissuaded
them, as he knew they could not rely on
England for support. The statement of
the Huguenots' grievances merits exami-
nation.
After expressing a conviction that the
violations of the edicts in their favour
were unknown to their sovereign, they
| reminded Louis of his declaration of 1669,
! which was openly violated in every part
j of the kingdom. One of its articles pro-
hibited all attempts to remove children
i from their Protestant parents, in order to
; convert them, under fourteen years of
age; but every day those of the tenderest
age were taken from their families, and
placed in convents or prisons, where
cruel treatment was resorted to for effect-
ing their renunciation of the reformed re-
ligion; while there was no possibility of
obtaining access to the retreats in which
the laws were so outrageously violated.
The magistrates, instead of censuring
such conduct, openly encouraged it; and
the clergy defended the measure, on the
grounds that the king's orders could not
withdraw from the authority of the church
those who are its members without dis-
tinction of age.
Another article protected the Protest-
ants against exclusion from practising any
art or trade ; but their apprentices were
refused admittance into the most inferior
kinds of handicraft, and the protestant
* Burnet, vol. i. p 3G2.
THE PERSECUTED APPEAL FOR MERCY IN VAIN. 377
artisans were completely deprived of the
means of earning their livelihood.
A third grievance was the prohibition
against publishing any work respecting
their religion; that privilege had been
conferred by revoking an ordonnance ob-
tained by their enemies in 1666. But a
decree of the council, given in November.
1670. was permitted to nullify the royal
declaration, no less than one of the arti-
cles of the edict of Nantes.
Not only public charges, the legitimate
reward of merit, were denied to the Pro-
testants, they were interdicted from ex-
ercising any h mourable profession. They
could not become advocates or physicians;
and, as if under a mark of infamy, were
thus declared unworthy to serve the pub-
lic in any manner.*
This appeal to the king's humanity pro-
duced no good result. To judge from
the measures which almost immediately
followed its presentation, it would appear
that, by exposing their complaints, the
Protestants only rendered their enemies
more eager to hasten their entire destruc-
tion. Even their charitable intentions
were viewed in an odious light ; and the
sick and infirm poor were forbidden, under
a penalty of five hundred livres, to receive
an asylum* in private houses, in order that
a compulsory residence in the hospitals
might produce conversions.t Madame
de Maintenon thus alludes to the king's
intentions in a letter to the Countess de
Saint Geran \\ " He proposes to labour
for the entire conversion of the heretics :
he has frequent conferences on that sub-
ject with Le Tellier and Chateauneuf; at
which they persuade me that my presence
would not be unwelcome. M. de Cha-
teauneuf lias proposed measures which are
not suitable. The business must not be
precipitated. It must be conversion, not
persecution. M. de Louvois wishes for
mildness; which does not agree with his
disposition, and his desire to finish the
affair. The king is ready to do whatever
may be deemed most useful for the ad-
vancement of religion. This undertaking
will cover him with glory in the eyes of
God and men. He will have brought
back all his subjects into the bosom of the
* The request is (riven at length hy de Limiers, Hist,
de Louis XIV., vol iv. pp. 13&-153
t Arret du Coneeil, 4th Sept., 1684.
% Dated lath Aug., 1684.
church, and destroyed the heresy which
none of his predecessors could vanquish.'*
It is, however, due to the memory of
Louis to declare that much of what passed
was concealed from him. From the
period of his marriage with Madame de
Maintenon, that lady had the means of
keeping back many communications and
reports. She was herself deceived by
fallacious statements; and her grand ob-
ject was to ward off every thing calcu-
lated to disturb the king's tranquillity
The charms of her society lulled him into
a blind confidence; and after a time he
was confirmed in a wish to repose from
public cares. Louis left the means of
execution to his ministers, whose antici-
pations of success were most sanguine:
the conversions already obtained by fear
made them calculate upon still greater re-
sults ; and while poets sang and historians
recorded the monarch's absolute power,
the vital interests of the nation were at
the mercy of an ardent triumvirate, who
flattered their prince that his views were
promoted, while, in reality, he was merely
the instrument of their purposes. Ma-
dame de Maintenon and the Jesuit La
Chaise were decidedly influenced by re-
ligious zeal; but Louvois acquiesced in
their views, as the surest means of main-
taining himself at the head of affairs.
In confirmation of this view, we have
the testimony of Madame de Caylus.
•' The king yielded, against his own con-
victions and his natural inclination, which
always disposed him to mildness. His
orders were exceeded, unknown to him:
and cruelties were committed, which he
would have prevented had he been in-
formed of them : but Louvois contented
himself with saying every day, ' So many
persons are converted, as I had told your
Majesty it would be, at the mere appear-
ance of your troops.'"*
There is no necessity to consult the
complaints of Protestant refugees, for find-
ing the materials of accusation against the
bigoted government of France: the eulogy
of a priest is sufficiently condemnatory.
" While the king's council was striving to
suppress the Protestant academies, and
overthrow their temples, established con-
trary to the edict of Nantes, the bishops,
the parliaments, the governors, and even
32*
* Souvenirs de Madame de Caylus, p. 14.
378
CRUEL MODES OF CONVERSION.
the inferior authorities, did each their best hostile sources, a panegyrist of Louis XIV.
to second the king's designs. So that the j shall supply the account of a most odious
temples, which the council could not con- persecution commenced in Bearn, during
demn, as not being contrary to the edict, 1 the spring of 1685, about six months be-
were demolished or closed on account of fore the legal right of Protestant worship
infractions made by ministers and consis- j was abolished. " It was believed," ob-
tories upon his majesty's declarations ; serves the Abbe Soulier, " that the Cal-
and, by this means, most of the provinces vinists, being reduced to have very few
where Huguenotism was formerly very | rxercices publics, would more willingly
flourishing were reduced to the privation listen to the instructions which the pre-
of public worship."* lates gave in their diocesses, in order to
In March, 1685, Louis contemplated a draw them from error; and that the
renewal of the dragonnrules, when the . money which the king distributed on all
march of an army into Bearn, prepara- sides to assist the new converts would in-
tory to an irruption into Spain, hastened duce the followers of that religion to enter
the execution of the grand scheme. Fou- almost voluntarily into the bosom of the
cault, intendant of Bearn, moved by his church ; but, as these mild means had not
own zealous feelings, or probably excited all the effect which was expected, and as
by some Jesuitical influence, availed him- it appeared, on the contrary, that the Cal-
self of the presence of such a force to de- vinists, far from listening to the missiona-
clare that the king would no longer allow ries, became more obstinate, his majesty
more than one religion in his dominions. ; deemed it necessary to use stronger re-
This man, like his father and grandfather, medies to draw them from that lethargy
was remarkable for his hatred towards into which the misfortune of their birth
the Protestants— a quality quite incom- had thrown them.* It was then resolved
patible with his character for erudition, that the king's troops should be employed
which gave rise to a singular incident : to co-operate with the missionaries, for
for he discovered and published Lactan- effecting in other provinces what Marillac
tius de mortibus pernexuforumA The
horrors which occurred in his ill-fated
province are scarcely credible : they will
form the subject of another chapter, along
•with the events of Languedoc and the
Vivarais. The whole kingdom presented
a uniform scene of desolation. Edicts
were hastily given, at the officious sug-
gestions of the clerical courtiers, who pro-
posed plans for terminating a state of
affairs which all felt to be disgraceful.
"Twenty-eight decrees," observes the Je-
suit d'Avrigny, " were given in quick suc-
cession ; Louis XIV., steadfastly following
his plan, continued to publish declarations
and ordonnances, according as the clergy
deemed it necessary, for gradually pre
had done in Poictou, where in a short
time he subjugated near forty thousand."
The example of St. Augustin is then
quoted as a precedent ; and some instance
of violence, on the part of the Calvinists,
appealed to as a justification. t
The account of Foucault's success in
making converts, drawn up for the king's
perusal, is one of the most barefaced im-
postures ever written. According to this
statement the Protestants of Oleron were
summoned in the king's name to be in-
structed in the doctrines of the Catholic
church: they demanded fifteen days for
reflection, and at the expiration of that
delay declared their readiness to abjure.}
But, without referring to the complaints
paring the revocation of the edict of of the sufferers, it will suffice to adduce
Nantes."}
CHAPTER LXI.
Revocation of the Edict of Nantes.
Lest it should be supposed that the ma-
terials for these pages are drawn from
* Soulier, p. 598.
| Rulhiere, Eclaircissements, &c., vol. i. p. 289.
t D'Avrigny, Mem. Dogmatiques, vol. iii. p. 96.
another narrative, mentioned by Rulhiere,
who observes thereon, " Whatever can
be imagined of military licentiousness
was exercised in Bearn against the Cal-
vinists. It is attributed to this intendant
(Foucanlt) that he improved upon more
than one kind of torture: invention was
* Vide ante, p 370, of this volume.
t Soulier, HisK du Caivinisme, pp. 598—9. This work
was printed at Paris in 1686, before the importance of
its admissions could be appreciated.
t Soulier, p. 600.
CRUEL MODES OF CONVERSION.
379
employed to discover torments, which I places the Protestants were most nnme-
might be painful without being mortal, jrous. "In executing his Majesty's or-
and cause the unhappy victims to under-
go the utmost which the human body can
sustain without expiring."*
What more than this is stated in the
complaints of the refugees? Greater de-
ders," continues Louvois, " you will send
into each community the number of ca-
valry and infantry which may be con-
certed upon with the intendant. You
will lodge them entirely in the houses
tail is given; but the accusation is no of the religionnaires, withdrawing them
stronger. There we find accounts of the i from each individual as he is converted;
victims being suspended by the hair, or 'and you will remove the troops from the
by the feet, and nearly suffocated by 'community to send them to another, when
damp straw being burned in the places Jail the religionnaires, or even the principal
where they were tied up: the hairs of J part, are converted, postponing until an-
their head and beard were plucked out: other time the conversion of the remain-
they were plunged repeatedly into deep der, as will be hereafter explained."* It
water, and drawn out by a rope fastened! was enjoined on the marshal to maintain
under their arms, only in time to prevent! good conduct and discipline among the
their being drowned. Sometimes an un-' soldiers, and severely punish any infrac-
fortunate creature was drenched with i tion of that order. This provision was a
wine by means of a funnel; and, when in-complete mockery, because no attempt
toxicated, taken to church, where his I was made to restrain the excesses of the
presence was deemed equivalent to ab- j military. Subsequent letters from Lou-
juration. A similar method was adopted vois repeated the king's wishes, that no
with individuals overcome with bodily stress should be laid upon the entire con-
pain. In some cases the Huguenots were [version of a place; but that, without
prevented from sleeping for an entire j making efforts to gain individuals of im-
week, by sentinels continually rousing ; portance by their foi tune or character, he
them; and, when any Protestant was I was to swell the list of conversions to the
confined to his bed by illness, a dozen ! utmost.f
drummers were sent to beat under his The compilers of the official accounts
window, without intermission, until the which were submitted to the king, being
sick man promised to be converted: with (aware of his desire, obsequiously related
along catalogue of other diabolical sug-j every thing in a manner calculated to
gestions for subduing the firmness of the gratify his feelings and confirm his reso-
Protestants.f
Among the documents of this period
which have come to light is a letter from
Louvois to marshal Boufflers, command-
ing the army assembled in Beam. After
stating that the Spanish expedition was
abandoned, the minister observes that his
ilutions. Bergerac was looked upon as
the Geneva of Lower Guyenne, and
Montauban, was unquestionably the Pro-
testant head-quarters of the upper pro-
vince: the general conversion of these
places is represented as a spontaneous
movement arising from conviction, and
in the generalities of Bordeaux and Mon
tauban. The marshal was to confer with
the intendants, in order to learn in what
majesty has thought proper to make use resulting from argument and persuasion;
of the troops to diminish as much as pos-[but in the complacency of success, the
sible the great number of rrligioimuircs \ author already often cited admits that the
inhabitants of Bergerac " may have had
apprehensions of ill treatment from the
so]diers."|
In describing the theological victory at
Montauban, the avowal is still more im-
portant, inasmuch as it corroborates the
accusing cry raised against the persecu-
tions of Beam. " A report was spread
in Montauban that the battalion of Bou-
vincourt, which was in Beam (where it
* Rulhiere, vol, i p. 201.
t Hornet, vol i, p 303. Ben nit, vol iv. Claude,
Plainles ties Protc.-it.ans, pp. 42, et seq dinners. Hist, de
/.mis XIV., vol. iv. "Manifeste lies habitans dei Ce-
venues stir leur prisf d amies. " inserted in Mrm. dp
LamUrttj. vol. ii. p. 527. In addition to t lie above ac-
counts, which though attacked, are not disproved, the
author has been favoured with a MS , addressed by one
Salcedo to the secretary of state, which completely cor-
roborates the published narrative, and manfully urges
a change of policy on the ground of national advan-
tage. Although not dated, allusions to the anticipated
dispute on the Spanish succession indicate the time
w hen it was written.
* The letter, dated 31st July, 1685, is given at length
by Rulhiere, vol. i. p. 295-
t Rulhiere, p 302. t Soulier, p. C03.
380
REVOCATION OF THE EDICT OF NANTES.
had favoured the conversions of those
of the pretended reformed religion,) was
soon to arrive in that town: every one
was persuaded that it came with the same
orders as were given in Beam, and many
of the religionnaires began to manifest a
design of joining the Catholic, Apostolic,
and Roman Church." Here is a decided
admission of fear, in consequence of the
cruelty exercised in the neighbouring
province. There was however a delay
in the appearance of the military, which
caused a change of sentiment, and the
Protestants informed the intendant that
they were ever willing to obey God and
the king, according to their conscience.
The intendant then wrote to Boufflers to
hasten the march of his troops. The
readiness to be converted again displayed
itself; and the abjurations were so nume-
rous, that the soldiers were obliged to
leave the quarters in which they were but
just before installed, and encamp for the
night* Many abjured with a view to
gain time and facilitate their escape; in-
deed the sincerity of scarcely any of these
conversions could be expected; but Lou-
vois was enraptured at the illusory suc-
cess, and in the beginning of September
wrote to inform his aged father, Le Tel-
lier, that sixty thousand conversions had
taken place in the generality of Bordeaux,
and twenty thousand in that of Montau-
ban.f The duke de Noailles commanded
in Languedoc, and pursued his missionary
career in a similar manner. After relating
in his report the forced conversion of
Nismes, Uzes, and other towns, he adds,
"I am preparing to go through the
Cevennes, and hope that by the end of
this month not a Huguenot will remain."!
He was afterwards obliged to intercede
with the king for a remission of the taxes
levied in his province, all the Protestant
districts being ruined by supporting the
soldiers.§
Louis was certainly misled by the ex-
aggerated and deceptive accounts. Ma-
dame de Maintenon thus writes to her
confessor: " The king is well: every
courier brings him great cause for joy;
that is to say, news of conversions by
* Soulier, p C04. This occurred in August, 1685.
t Rulhiere, vol. i. p. 304.
j Noaillew, vol. i. p. 80. The Abbe Miltot, compiler
of these memoirs, admits the compulsory measures
adopted.
§ Noailles, vol. i. p 98.
thousands."* The Jesuit La Chaise and
Louvois both assured the monarch that
his glorious achievement would be com-
pleted without bloodshed; and he gave a
finishing stroke to the persecution by re-
voking what remained of the edict of
Nantes. Frittered away as that statute
had been, it still sanctioned liberty of
conscience and the right of Protestant
worship. The edict of revocation was
signed at Fontainebleau on the 18th of
October, 1685. The following judgment
is passed upon this measure by the duke
de Saint-Simon: although young at this
period, his opinion has weight from his
subsequent experience, and, above all,
from the facilities he enjoyed for appre-
ciating any causes, not generally known,
which might justify the proceeding: —
"The revocation of the edict of Nantes,
without the least pretext or necessity,
and the various proscriptions, rather than
proclamations, which followed it, were
the fruits of this dreadful plot, which de-
populated one-fourth of the kingdom,
ruined trade in all its branches, placed it
so long under the public avowed pillage
of the dragoons, and authorized torments
and executions, in. which thousands of
innocent persons of both sexes perished."
After reciting a long list of attendant ills,
he adds, " Such was the general abomina-
tion produced by flattery and cruelty. "t
The Chancellor Le Tellier terminated
his career by sealing the document, so
fatal to the interests of France, so dis-
graceful for the king and his ministers:
his soul had been absorbed in the chime-
rical project of legislating for the con-
science. In his view, the edict of Nantes
alone prevented the realization of that
grand desideratum — one fold under one
shepherd. And when he had signed
the abolition of the heretics' charter, he
sang the Nunc dimittis in token of his
joy. He died ten days after, at Chaville,
near Sevres. Bossuet and Flechier ex-
erted their eloquence to describe him as a
saint and model of excellence: his charac-
ter is, however, given differently by other
hands He is said to have notoriously
abused the influence of his position for
injuring those who had displeased him;
and the Count de Grammont, perceiving
* Letter to the Abbe Gobelin, dated Chambord, 2Cth
Sept.. 1084.
t QEuvres completes de Louis de St. Simon, vol. ii.
p. 43.
CONVERSIONS BY FORCE, FRAUD, AND CRUELTY. 381
him quit the king's cabinet, after a private
audience, observed, "I picture to myself
a polecat, who has just killed some fowls,
and is licking his jaws, yet stained with
their blood."*
Madame de Maintenon thus writes, a
few days after the edict of revocation:
" The king is very well pleased at having
completed the great work of bringing
the heretics back to the church. Father
La Chaise has promised that it shall not
cost one drop of blood, and M. de Lonvois
says the same. I am glad those of Paris
have been brought to reason. Claude
was a seditious man, who confirmed
them in their errors: since they have lost
him they are more docile. I think, with
you, that all these conversions are not
sincere; but, at least, their children will
be Catholics. "f
The Count de Bussy Rabutin, alluding
to the same subject observes, " I admire
the king's plan for ruining the Hugue-
nots: the wars carried on formerly
against them, and the St. Bartholomew,
have multiplied and given vigour to this
sect. His majesty has gradually under-
mined it; and the edict he has just given,
supported by dragoons and Bourdaloue,
has been the coup de grace."\
But, in spite of the eulogies of the
clergy, and the flattery of courtiers, the J
revocation of the edict of Nantes will ever
be deemed a cruel and disgraceful act of
authority: it contains, in its own text,
proofs of the treachery used in preparing
its enactments; as likewise of the dupli-
city and fear, common to all instigators of
tyrannical measures. -The following are
its principal features.
The preamble declares that, as the
greater part of the Protestants had em-
braced the Catholic religion, the edict of
Nantes was useless. The first three
clauses revoke, in consequence, the said
edict, with every royal declaration in
favour of the pretended reformed religion,
and prohibit protestant worship under
severe penalties. Art. 4 orders all minis-
ters, refusing to be converted, to quit the
kingdom within fifteen days, and to ab-j
stain from preaching and exhortation
* Voltaire and La Beaumelle, conflicting authorities,
concur in admitting this anecdote as veracious.
t Letter to the Countess de St. Geran, dated 23th
Oct., 1085.
t 14th Nov., 1685. Lettres de Bussy Rabutin, vol. ii.
p. 47.
under pain of condemnation to the galleys.
Art. 7 forbids schools for the instruction
of protestant children. The ninth article
invites the return of fugitives; and the
tenth forbids emigration under penalty of
the galleys and confiscation of property.
The law against relapsed heretics is
maintained in the eleventh article; while
the twelfth hypocritically offers protec-
tion to the obstinate, in the anticipation
of their future conversion. They might
continue their trade, and enjoy their pro-
perty, without being troubled under pre-
text of their religion, on condition only of
abstaining from worship.*
The faint semblance of toleration con-
tained in the last clause gave umbrage to
the zealous supporters of the revocation.
Several memoirs were addressed to Lou-
vois, complaining of the encouragement
given to the obstinate by that provision;
and, as many conversions had taken place
entirely on account of the king's declared
will that there should be only one religion
in France, it was to be feared that multi-
tudes would relapse t
Spies were employed to ascertain
whether any French subjects attended
worship at the chapels of the Danish,
Swedish, and Dutch ambassadors. The
official papers of M. de la Reynie abound
with reports made by the agents em-
ployed.:);
The conduct of the government amply
proves that the preamble of the edict of
revocation was known to be false. A
complete extirpation of religious freedom
could alone satisfy the king's advisers;
and the treacherous character of the con-
cludingarticle was manifested immediately
after the edict was given. The demoli-
tion of the temple at Charenton and the
disdainful expulsion of M. Claude were
in harmony with its purposes; but no
sophistry can justify the conduct of the
Parisian authorities towards the lay Hu-
guenots. The attorney-general and other
magistrates, having summoned the Pro-
testant heads of families, immediately
after the edict was published, informed
them that the king's intention was abso-
lutely that they should change their reli-
* In the Recueil des Edits, &.C., it is thus entitled ;—
"Edit riu Rni du mois d'Octobre, 1085. portant revoca-
tion de eelui de Nantes; et defenses de faire aucun ex-
ercice public rie la R. P. R. dans son loyaume."
t Noailles vol. i. p. 92
j Vide Appendix, No. IV.
382
GENERAL PERSECUTION OF THE HUGUENOTS.
gion: they were no more than their fel-
low-subjects, and, if they did not consent,
the king would make use of means at his
command for compelling them. The
elders of the consistory, and some Pro-
testants of known firmness, were at the
same time imprisoned by lettres de cache!.
These measures, however, failing to
produce the effect anticipated, the secre-
tary of state, Seignelay, took the business
in hand. He collected in his hotel above
a hundred Protestants of the mercantile
class; and, having closed the gates, pre-
sented an act of abjuration for their signa-
ture, declaring at the same time, that none
should leave until they had signed it.
This act set forth, not only their renuncia-
tion of heresy, but their return to the
Catholic church; and further, that they
signed it freely, and without being con-
strained. It was in vain that several
exclaimed against the proceeding, and
appealed to the last clause of the edict of
revocation; they were haughtily told that
there was nothing to dispute upon, for
they must obey* In short, all signed the
paper. This was violence; but other
cases followed in which cruelty was
mingled. Separation of families and im
prisonment were general; besides the
spoliatory practice of quartering soldiers,
and selling the furniture for their supply.
Claude received orders to quit Paris
within twenty-four hours; one of the
king's valets was charged, by special
ordinance, to conduct him to the frontier.!
Other ministers were less harshly treated:
they had two days allowed them; and a
few obtained their liberty on parole.
But even the tender mercies of the wicked
are cruel. Those ministers who were
best treated could not dispose of their
effects; and their books were seized as
consistorial property, their enemies
hoping, by that method, to cripple their
controversial powers. And, in their
banishment, they were not permitted to
have the company of any relative; al-
though many among them had blind and
aged parents entirely dependent upon
them for support. The rigour in en-
forcing the law against emigration was
carried so far as to compel the abandon-
ment of their children above the age of
seven years. The horrible spirit of per-
* Limiers, vol iv. pp. 180, 181.
t Vide Appen-iix.
sedition was not, however, satisfied with
that extent of vengeance against the
preachers of the reformed religion: some
of the ministers who had set out for their
exile, in compliance with the edict, were
arrested at the frontier, and imprisoned
under various pretexts. In some cases
they were called upon to prove their
identity: in others to show that no crimi-
nal accusation had been preferred against
them, or that they did not carry away
any thing belonging to their late flocks;
and, after being thus litigiously detained,
it was contended, in some instances, that,
the delay of fifteen days having expired,
they were no longer at liberty to depart,
and must go to the galleys.*
The severities enforced for preventing
the departure of lay Protestants equalled
those for compelling the exile of the
preachers, a measure unparalleled in his-
tory, as all previous proscriptions per-
mitted self-banishment. The precautions
were so multiplied that commercial inter-
course with neighbouring countries was
impeded. Every stranger seen at a sea-
port was arrested; guard-boats were sta-
tioned on the coast; half the property of
the fugitives was awarded to those who
denounced them; and a succession of
edicts were issued, awarding fine, im-
prisonment, galleys, and finally death, as
the penalty for aiding the escape of Pro-
testants, f
The capital seemed likely to afford
some protection against violence in mat-
ters of conscience, concealment being so
much easier among a crowded popula-
tion ; but the wily directors of the per-
secution had provided a remedy. An or-
dinance issued a few days before that of
revocation enjoins all Protestants, arrived
in Paris or the suburbs within a year, to
retire to their homes in the delay of four
days, under a penalty of a thousand
livres.f
The persecution was general. Even
the independent principality of Orange
was visited by the dragoons, and the same
violence exercised there as in the French
king's territory. The correspondence of
Louvois will give an idea of the feeling
which then pervaded the authorities.
* Limiers, vol. iv. p. 177. Claude, Plaintes des Pro-
testans, p 59.
t The principal enactments on this subject are dated
31sl May, 20th Aug., and 20th Nov., 1U85; 26th April
and 7th May, 1686: and 12th Oct., 1687.
J Ordinance dated 15lh October, 1685.
GENERAL PERSECUTION OF THE HUGUENOTS. 383
Soon after the edict of revocation, he and three, whose names are recorded by
wrote to the Duke de Noailles, " His, Migault, suffered at St. Maixent.*
Majesty wishes the most severe rigours
to be inflicted on those who will not fol-
low fiis religion ; they who desire the
stupid glory of being the last to convert
must be pressed to extremities."*
Poictou was exposed to a third dragon-
nade in September, 1685, when the in-
flictions of the former visits were sur-
Never was oppression more cruel than
that endured by the unfortunate Hugue-
nots at this period— harassed and tor-
mented if they remained in the kingdom,
yet punished as malefactors if they at-
tempted to escape. And still this horrid
persecution has apologists. The pious
zeal of Louis XIV, was eulogized in the
passed. The narrative already quoted pulpits; and every publication in France
on several occasions describes the de- was replete with bold denials of the naked
vastation at Mauze, where the author's truth, or with miserable arguments based
house was plundered, and nothing left ; upon unwarrantable surmises, for justify-
but the hare walls.t The inhabitants! ing what had passed. The official in-
took shelter where it could be had : a structions, issued by Louvois, imbody
difficult affair, as none dare receive a fu-'lrequent recommendations of mildness in
gitive into their houses. " Every body," the proceedings; and the vindicators of
observes Migault, " was under the influ-lthe measure refer to these studied docu-
ence of terror; a brother scarcely durst ments, as sufficient to repel and confute
receive a brother. In the course of the complaints of the sufferers. But even
this month I passed three days with I the excess of eulogy has in several in-
mine; and it is impossible to imagine the j stances borne testimony to the truth of
continual alarm which tormented him [the broad charge of persecution; and,
lest I should be discovered in his hou^e."J; without noticing the numerous writers
After wandering about the country, at who emulously strove to exceed each other
one time taking refuge in a cave, at others! in praising the monarch's sublime design,
escaping as if by miracle from the dra-ithe following extract will suffice for an
goons, he proceeded to Rochelle with a 'example: it is taken from the work of a
view to prepare for leaving France. As^Barnabite monk, who lived in the suc-
a stranger in that town, his movements 'ceeding reign; and the tenacity with
were closely watched: he was arrested, which he justifies the measure is an addi-
and the treatment he endured at length tional proof that the revocation of the
overcame his resolution — he consented (edict of Nantes was in reality more of a
to sign an act of abjuration. § From that 'theological than of a political nature; be-
time all his efforts were directed towards cause at the time he wrote personal feel-
an eternal abandonment of the land which ing had subsided, the authors and pro-
had witnessed what he felt as a disgrace, moters of the measure had ceased to exist,
and the feeble remnant of the Huguenot
party had become objects of general
compassion. "The compulsory conver-
sions," he observes, " must not be placed
of the foulest dye ; but so many difficulties
intervened, that his escape with his family
was not effected until April, 1683. ||
Although it was declared a capital
crime to worship the Almighty according j to his (the king's) account, any more than
to the Protestant form, numbers con- j to that of the bishops and governors of
tinued to assemble in retired places, ready provinces. If their orders were not al-
to submitto death rather than swerve from
their duty. One one occasion, the inten-
dant of Poictou, having surprised an as-
ways punctually executed, it would be
difficult to indicate even one which was
dictated by a spirit of unjust and tyranni-
sembly at worship in a sequestered field, ical intolerance; for that is the matter in
fiercely charged upon them with his dra-
goons. Many perished on the scaffold,
for no other cause than their perseverance
in following the dictates of conscience,
* Leilcr daied 5lli Nov., 1085. Rullnere, vol. i.
344. De Larrey, Hist, dc Louis A/F., vol. v. p. 180
t Migault, p. 77 t Ibid., p. 8)
§ Feb., lb*. Ibid , p 91, e! seq.
I Ibid., p. 159.
question; and the dragommdes, the mis-
tionaires bullet, against which so much
has been said, were not every where
equally odious. There were innocent
Calvinists; but for one such there were
a hundred criminals."!
* Thomas Marche, James Guerin, and I'eter Rousseau,
t Mirassou, Hist. des '/'roubles de Beam, p. 345.
384 HORRIBLE CRUELTIES EXERCISED UPON THE RELUCTANT.
After this admission that odious pro-
ceedings had taken place in some parts,
the Barnabite, in a warm strain of parti-
sanship, adds the following remark : " But
I have said, and cannot too often repeat
it, the church employs none but spiritual
arms. The penalties it imposes are not
murderous in their nature; it does not di-
rect those which are borrowed from the
temporal authority, and which should fall
only upon crimes hurtful to the state."*
What a hollow subterfuge ! It resembles
that of the Inquisition, which, in hand-
ing over a victim to the auto-da-fe, pre-
tends that the church is no party to the
execution.
In the revocation of the edict of Nantes,
Louis XIV. found the limits of his power.
It was a superfluous measure, inasmuch
as the persecution had preceded the en-
actment. It failed of converting the stead-
fast; and supplementary decrees were
published in rapid succession, some of
which contained provisions so monstrous
as to render execution impracticable
Among others, an edict which authorized
the separation of all children from Protes-
tant parents :f the space requisite for their
reception, and the expense attendant on
their maintenance, rendered the edict a
dead letter.
There were some very severe enact-
ments to deter preachers from attempting
to return to France. The penalty of
death was awarded to any minister who
should be found in the kingdom: all per-
sons receiving or assisting them to be
sent, the men to the galleys for life, the
women to be shaved and imprisoned,
with confiscation of property in either
case. A reward of five thousand five
hundred livres was promised to any one
giving information by which a minister
could be arrested ; and the penalty of
death for any one discovered preaching
or exercising other worship than the Ro-
man Catholic! In executing this law,
Basville was dreadfully severe. Twenty
Protestants were soon after put to death
in Languedoc; and an active pursuit was
set on foot for seizing the fugitive minis-
ters, who defied the haughty monarch's
* Mirasson. Hist, des Troubles de Beam. p. 349.
t Registered in parliament, 12th Jan., 16*1
I Declaration du Roy, dated 1st July, 1686. Regis-
tered in parliament 12th July.
edicts, and returned clandestinely among
their flocks.*
The readiness with which they were
every where received, supported, and
warned of danger, added to the ingenuity
of their disguises, enabled them to baffle
the vigilance of the government. Some-
times they passed as pilgrims, or dealers
in images and rosaries; sometimes as sol-
diers. In all cases they were joyfully
hailed by their brethren, and crowds at-
tended their preaching in caverns and
secret places. f The worship of the desert
became very general, notwithstanding the
dangers to which it was exposed ; and,
when the Protestants were prevented by
the presence of troops from acting as they
would, they still refused to attend mass,
or to send their children to the Catholic
schools ; and disregarded every practice
commanded by the church of Rome.J
Emigration continued in defiance of the
laws for preventing it, and in spite of the
encouragement given to impede the de-
parture of fugitives, whose clothes and
other effects were distributed among the
captors.'; There were repeated instances
of converts returning to the faith they had
consented to abjure, when pressed by vio-
lence; others at the point of death would
spurn the Romish sacraments. These
symptoms caused much alarm among the
zealots, who obtained an edict by which
all those who refused the sacraments
during their illness should after their
death be drawn upon hurdles; and, in
the event of their recovery, the men,
were condemned to the galleys for life,
the women to confinement, with confisca-
tion of property.||
In pursuance of this edict, the troops
received orders in some provinces to as-
certain whether the new converts were
regular in their attendance at mass, and
if they constantly practised the duties en-
joined by the Romish church. The king
perceived that his advisers had persuaded
him virtually to establish an inquisition;
and the orders were revoked, although
secretly, lest obstinate Protestants might
infer from the circumstance a change in
his own principles. He had been assured
that the edict was merely a threat to com-
* NoaitleSj vol. i. p ill.
t Rulhlere, vol i. p 34e'.
I Noatlles, vol. i. p. 112.
j Ordonnance du 2fith Avril.1686.
f Declaration du 29th Avril, 10-0.
ENTHUSIASM OF THE PROTESTANTS IN THE VIVARAIS.
385
plete the general conversion : but in many
towns the disgusting scene of its literal
execution took place. Priests, attended
by magistrates, would beset a dying
man ; and, unless he yielded to their in-
vitations, his remains were no sooner
cold than the populace was regaled with
the barbarous spectacle decreed by the
edict.
The intendants were informed by a
circular that, as the law had not produced
all the advantages which had been hoped
for, whenever converted Huguenots en-
deavoured to make a display of their
obstinacy, the edict might be rigorously
executed : but when it arose purely from
conviction, and the relatives expressed
their disapprobation, the circumstance
should not be noticed ; and to that end,
"his majesty deems it right that ecclesi-
astics should not be so ready to call in the
magistrates as witnesses, so that they
may not be obliged to carry the declara-
tion into effect."*
However, some years after, the Bishop1
of Nismes, addressing the secretary of i
state, observes, " I have desired my cu-
rates, according to his majesty's orders,
to watch the new converts who are ill :
they find many who refuse to listen
to them, declaring they will die in the reli
gion in which they were born. The
judges are called in, after the priest has
done his utmost to bring him back."f
Marshal Vauban, with the generosity
allied to true courage, presented a memo-
rial to Louvois, deploring the injury which
his ruinous measures inflicted on the
country, and demanding a retractation of
all that had been done during the pre-
ceding nine years. The following expres-
sion is remarkable: "Compulsory con-
version has inspired a general horror of
the conduct of the ecclesiastics.*'!
At the death of Louvois in 1691, the
royal council was swayed by Beauvilliers,
Pontchartrain, and Pompone, men fa-
vourably disposed towards the Jansenists.
That party at length succeeded in allay-
ing the king's ardour for compelling all
his subjects to adopt his faith. Their
principles throughout had been uniform;
and a compulsory participation in the
sacraments was ever regarded by them
* 5th February, 1687. Rulhiere, vol. i. pp. 350 — 357.
t 4lh June, 1699. Flechier, Lcttrcs, tc, vol. i. p. J37.
t Kulhiere, vol. i. p. 380.
33
as a profanation. But they were disliked
by Louis, whose conscience was in the
care of the Jesuits ; and their efforts were
unavailing, until Fenelon and d'Agues-
seau by their arguments convinced Ma-
dame de Maintenon of the dangers atten-
dant upon the king's policy. Soon after
those eminent men had joined the court
the persecution slackened, and the dra-
gonnades ceased ; but the laws against
emigration remained.
These results might have been obtained
much earlier, but for the extravagant
praises bestowed upon Louis, and which
he had sanctioned by lavish remunera-
tion. Numbers of his subjects were le-
gally and civilly dead, with the anoma-
lous tyranny of maintaining a claim upon
their loyalty and obedience.* Spoliation,
beyond all precedent, had spread poverty
and desolation far and wide : yet the
church had gained a victory, and the
modern Constantine's praises were pro-
claimed in orations and poems — by monu-
ments and addresses. Madame de Main-
tenon might well write, " How can he
renounce an enterprise, upon which he
has permitted such praise to be offered
him !"t
CHAPTER LXIL
Troubles in the Vivarais— Notice of Claude Brnusson —
Severiiies at Orange — Remarks on the intendaiit
Basvill'-, anil on the emigration of t lie Huguenots.
The publication of a mystical work ini
1686, which announced the speedy over-j
throw of popery, and promised in glow-
ing teims the triumph of true religion
over error, gave rise to a movement in
the Vivarais, which for a time threatened
serious consequences. The book in
question was composed by Jurieu, a Pro-
testant writer of some eminence; but his
treatise was severely censured by his fel-
low ministers, and condemned by several
* In lfi89 the Hey of Algiers made a distinction be-
tween the tlusuenots and the Catholics who fell into
his power. When a French ship was sent to claim
captives, he surrendered the latter, but refused to deli-
ver the Protestants, who, he said, were no longer the
king's subjects, since he bad expelled them from his
kingdom —Balance de la Religion et de la Politique, p.
184. Hague, 1695.
t In a Memoir written in 1690 or 1691, at which pe-
riod the restoration of the edict of Nantes was regarded
as probable. This piece is given at length by La Beau-
melle, vol. vi.
386
CHARACTERS OF BROUSSON AND VIVENS.
synods for its visionary tendencies *
Most probably its chief defect in the esti-
mation of the exiled theologians caused
its importance among the Huguenots,
still groaning under persecution. How
could they refrain from consoling them-
jselves with the hope that its predictions
[would be fulfilled? They would na-
turally cherish views so favourable to
their circumstances; and the vicinity of
Geneva enabled preachers and partisans
to raise the hopes and expectations of the
simple-hearted mountaineers by whom
the bordering districts were peopled, and
in whose opinion the compulsory abjura-
tions had produced no other effect than
a more determined hatred of Romanism.
At the close of 1688 circumstances
combined to favour Jurieu's system of
interpretation. The dethronement of
James It, and the league formed against
Louis XIV., revived the hopes of the Hu-
guenots so much, that in a short time
sanguine expectations were elevated into
a general confiding enthusiasm, not un-
frequently producing extravagance. Sad
indeed was the disappointment of the
Protestants of Dauphiny: a few months
sufficed to annihilate their dreams of re-
stored liberty; and the severity inflicted
upon the principal actors was an unequi-
vocal lesson for a population noted for
tenacity in religious views, and obnoxious
on account of the difficulty experienced
in forcing their conversion. That was
their chief crime — a fault far less pardon-
able than joining in this effervescence,
which did not deserve the name of an in-
surrection.
Geneva at this period teemed with Pro-
testant refugees, and especially ministers.
They perceived the effect produced upon
the public by the prevalent notions, and
warmly promoted the sentiment, with
the view of effecting a change in the
situation of the Huguenots. Much ta-
lent, hitherto latent, was now drawn out
into activity: every capacity was brought
into play; even if the service was merely
to convey communications, or to serve as
guides to the proscribed preachers.
Du Serre, a glass-maker of Dieu-le-Fit,
promulgated the doctrines in Dauphiny.t
* De l'Accomplissement des Prophelies. Bee Bayle,
Lettre d M. Minu'oli. 6th Oct., J692.
t Brueys, Hist, de Fanatisme, vol. i. p. 97. Utrecht.
1737, l3oio. Flechier, (Relation des Fanatiquts) calls
Du Serre gentilliomme cerrier.
Meetings were frequently held in secret,
consisting of few persons, but most ob-
noxious in their nature, as the constant
themes of discussion were the anti-chris-
tian character of the papacy, appeals to
repent of abjuration, and severe criticisms
on the mass.
According to the statements of the
stronger party, which are deeply tinged
with a sentiment of hatred,* two leaders
were conspicuous above all others by the
parts they assumed: Gabriel Astier, a
young man of Clien in Dauphiny, and a
shepherdess of Crest, named Isabeau Vin-
cent, known, it is stated, as the Fair Isa-
beau f After preaching for some time in
the streets and public places of Grenoble,
she was arrested with several compa-
nions: she manifested great firmness in
her interrogatories, professing contempt
of death, and declaring her conviction that
others would rise up to supply her place,
and surpass her powers. Her resolution
was not put to the test; for during her
imprisonment she yielded to persuasion,
and embraced the Romish religion.:):
Asiier, who had chosen the Vivarais
for the scene of his exertions, was greatly
encouraged by the success of his preach-
ing. His relatives and connexions joined
in the work, and spread his tenets through-
out the country, which, being difficult
for the passage of troops, was compara-
tively secure for the preachers; while the
rustic simplicity of the inhabitants, and
the recollections of the late persecution
combined to give force to their sermons.
At the outset the congregations assembled
in barns; but their confidence augmented
with their numbers; and Asiier was in
the frequent habit of preaching on the
hills to meetings of several thousands. §
They were accompanied, according to
the Bishop of Nismes, " by two pro-
phetesses, equally mad, and of debauched
lives."|!
The magistrates and military chiefs of
the province did not remain idle during
such bold infringements of the king's de-
crees, and a regiment was sent to disperse
the assemblies. Some Huguenots were
* Bishop Flechier is beside himself on this subject:
with him no terms are too harsh or loo wross for obsti-
nate heretics. See his Letlres, Rtcit Jidcle, &C.
t Brueys, vol. i. p. 116.
J Brueys, vol. i. pp. 124 and 134.
§ Brueys, vol. i. p. 145.
| Flechier, Rtcit. fidele, &c. This opuscle is printed
with his Letlres choisies.
TROUBLES IN THE VIVARAIS.
3S7
killed by a tletachment; upon which their
companions attacked the troops so fu-
riously with stones, that the captain and
nine of his men were slain. The assem-
bly celebrated their victory by singing a
psalm on the ruins of a temple, and then
dispersed; but it was to collect again in
other places. * The attack tended only
to irritate the party and increase their
numbers.
The Count de Broglie, lieutenant-ge-
neral of the forces in Languedoc, and
Basville, intendant of the province, then
proceeded to stay the sedition. f They
quitted Montpellier for the Vivarais, and
by great exertions a considerable force
was soon collected for restoring order.!
Colonel Folville had sent for dragoons,
militia, and other re-enforcements from the
surrounding parts: he had learned by
experience the inutility of merely dis-
persing them, as the military force in
Dauphiny was inadequate to prevent their
re-assembling. While undecided as to
the point he should select for his first
operation, some loud shoutings from a
mountain determined his movement. He
found a numerous assemblage, so full of
determination that, although they had
ample time to escape, they continued their
devotions and refused to listen to an offer
of pardon. Folville, having barred most
of the issues, then charged upon them.
Very few had fire-arms, and the soldiers
were assailed with stones and other mis-
siles; but when they were at close quar-
ters the swords and bayonets proved irre-
sistible, and the rustics endeavoured to
escape among the precipices and woods,
where they could not be followed without
danger and difficulty. Between three and
four hundred were killed; fifty were
made prisoners, and the remainder were
scattered among the surrounding hills and
forests. § Another meeting was surprised
at Privas: they were attacked, observes
Flechier, in the midst of their prophetic
declamations; twelve were killed, and the
house they met in was burned. ||
Similar scenes occurred at Besset,
* Fuehrer. Kerit. JUtle, &c . p 3P7.
t In a manifest, subsequently published bv tl>i> inha-
bitants of iIih (,'evennes, it is statnd lhat Broglie was
Basville's brother in-law. Dated 15th of March, 1703.
and preserved bv Lamherty. vol. ii. p. 527.
I 17th Feb., 1689. Bruevs. vol i. p. 171.
^> Brueys, vol. i. p. 183. FI6chicr, RMt- fidile, &c„ p.
| Ricit. fiddle, p. 397.
Poureheres, and other places, where a
refusal to disperse was followed by a
charge of the military. Viviers, Bishop
of Lodeve, followed the troops, in order
to use his clerical authority and influence
for the conversion of the mountaineers;
while Basville dispensed the severities of
the law with the diligence for which he
is celebrated. He condemned the leaders
to capital punishment, and gave milder
judgments against their companions, ex-
empting those only whose ignorance
proved them incapable of any thing more
than submission to the powerful influence
of their preachers.
The assemblies soon after ceased; but
the authorities would not desist from the
pursuit of Gabriel Astier. He had not
been found among the killed or captives;
and his portrait was extensively distri-
buted, for assisting his arrest. He was
at length discovered in the ranks of a
regiment at Montpellier, having enlisted
as the best means of escaping. Basville
condemned him to death, and he was
hanged at Bays on the second of April,
1689.*
From this time until the conclusion of
the peace of Ryswick, nothing of impor?
tance occurred. Edicts and proclama-
tions against emigration were repeatedly
issued, and many preachers were victims
to their resolution in visiting the country
from which they were for ever banished.
The constancy of these martyrs is almost
incredible; and, if an individual case is
selected for example, it is less on account
of his superior firmness than from the
malignity which has pursued his memory,
and given publicity to an unfounded ac-
cusation.
Claude Brousson was originally an ad-
vocate of Nismes; he was afterwards
employed in the mixed chamber at
Castres, and followed that court when it
was incorporated with the parliament of
Toulouse. He presided at an assembly
held in that city in 1683, for consulting
upon the general interests of the Protest-
ants under the threatening aspect of af-
fairs; and, as the increasing difficulties
deterred some from entering upon the
ministerial office, he devoted himself to
the ecclesiastical service of the reformer
church. His sermons, which have beei
printed, display much pious zeal anc
* Brueys, vol. i. p. 195.
388
CHARACTERS OF BROUSSON AND VIVENS.
scriptural erudition:* they likewise prove
uncommon facility on his part, as he was
constantly a wanderer, and preached by
stealth in caves and barns. He was ar-
rested at Oloron, and executed at Mont-
pellier on the 4th of November, 1698.
His character is maliciously portrayed
by Brueys, who described him as " a
gloomy splenetic, with a very ordinary
genius, and inflated with pride: having a
slight knowledge of Scripture, affecting
moderation, but meditating insurrection."}
He had a colleague named Francois Vi-
vens, who is represented by the same
writer as a " libertine and thief, with the
hardihood of a rascal, rather than real
courage." He is stated to have ordained
Brousson in 1689, but, as much that
has been advanced concerning the charac-
ter of the latter has been disproved, this
may also be unfounded. At all events,
the assumption affords Brueys an oppor-
tunity for invective. "Thus a public
assassin laid his bloody hands upon a se-
ditious visionary, and declared him a
minister of the Gospel. "J
Vivens does not appear to have been
highly esteemed as a preacher, or his
character would most probably have been
vindicated from such accusations. In-
deed, if the current accounts respecting
his end are well founded, he was belter
qualified for conducting a partisan war-
fare than to impart religious instruction.
In the spring of 1692 he was surprised
in a cavern, between Anduze and Alais;
and his desperate defence almost deterred
his assailants from the perilous task of his
capture. Two companions loaded his
piece, while he fired on the soldiers,
several of whom were slain; and he was
at length killed by an officer of militia,
while levelling his musket at the com-
mander of the detachment. His death
was immediately followed by the surren-
der of his comrades, who were hanged at
Alais.§
Brousson has been accused, conjointly
with Vivens, of forming a project for
raising an insurrection; and an intercepted
letter addressed to Count Schomberg, in-
viting a foreign invasion, has been alleged
and argued upon to justify his condemna-
* La Manne du Desert, or Sermons by Claude Brous-
son, 3 vols. )2mo. Utrecht, ]C95.
f Brueys, vol. i. p. 208.
I Brupys, vol. i. p. 221.
$ Brueys, vol. i. p. 26]
tion and blacken his character. This
version has been adopted by Voltaire,"
and, as a matter of course, by all popish
writers; yet his judges must have been
satisfied that he was not so guilty, or his
punishment would hardly have been com-
muted. His conference with Basville
after condemnation was kept secret: he
was sentenced to be broken alive after
being tortured; but was spared such suf-
fering, as the rack was remitted, and he
was strangled before his body was placed
upon the wheel. Interment was also
permitted; and no reply was made to the
publications of his friends, who refuted
the charges brought against him within a
month after his execution. f
The persecuted Huguenots had vainly
hoped that their interests would have
been attended to in the negotiation for
the treaty of Ryswick; but they dis-
covered, to their cost, that the cessation
of foreign disputes only served to revive
the efforts of domestic tyranny.^ It was
no longer sufficient to prevent assemblies
for worship: violence was again resorted
to for compelling a change of religion,
and the law against relapsed heretics was
severely enforced. Even Orange, an in-
dependent principality in the centre of
the Vaucluse, was exposed to the despo-
tism of a monarch who had no claim on
its allegiance.§ Relying on the privileges
inferred from the preliminary negotia-
tions, the inhabitants re-opened their
temples, and the ministers resumed their
functions. By degrees the Protestants
of the neighbouring district proceeded
there, to join in the religious services;
and the vice-legate of Avignon, perceiving
his inability to prevent their attendance,
withdrew the guards posted at the bridges
and passes.|| This removal of restraint
increased the confidence of the country-
people, who then attended in great num-
bers.
However, when it was ascertained that
above seven thousand Protestants were
assembled, the vice-legate sent troops,
* Sie'cle de Louis xiv. ch. xxxvi.
t De Larrey, vol. vii. p. 75.
i There is much curious and interesting information
on (his subject in a work entitled Relation de tout cc qui
s'est. foil dans lus affaires de la Religion rcformee el pour
ses inrcrets, depuis le commencement de la paix de Res"
wick, Rotterdam, 1698.
§ This territory had been treated in a most hostile
manner at the revocation, which is attributed byPuf-
fendorf to a hatred of the prince.
|| August, 1097. The treaty was concluded 20th of
September.
BRUTALITY OF THE CATHOLICS.
389
awarded confiscation, the galleys, and
even death, as the penalty for infractions
of previous laws, so monstrous in their
character, that their observance could not
be expected.
In 1697 the king ordered a succinct
return of the state of the country, in all
its bearings — military, civil, ecclesiastical
and productive; and, in consequence,
each intendant drew up a memoir, from
which some details might be fairly ex-
pected concerning the condition of the
Huguenots, after the revocation of the
edict of Nantes. But the duties and re-
sponsibility of the intendants prevented
them from dispassionately reporting the
truth, and in general the existence of
Protestants is but slightly alluded to.
The office of intendant was a modern
invention; one of those measures by
which the last traces of seignorial inde-
pendence were obliterated, in the esta-
The Protestants, having no means of de- j blishment of absolute monarchy; and the
fence, were an easy prey; and the female I common people soon discovered that ad-
captives were stripped quite naked. Somejditional chains were thus forged for their
of the party escaped into the woods, and oppression. "They learned," observes
one unfortunate man, being seized, was a judicious writer, "that these new
stripped and tied to a tree, to die of cold magistrates were to be the immediate in-
and starvation. On the third day of his struments of their misery: that their lives,
agony, an Irishman passing by was moved ! their properties, and their families would
with pity, and cut the cords which bound I be at their disposal. Masters of their
him; but immediately four men rushed ! children, by forced enrolments; of their
forward, declaring that the Huguenot j property, by depriving them of suste-
should die in that manner, and that he : nance; and of their lives, by the prison,
should have similar treatment if he inter- 1 the gibbet, or the wheel."*
fered. The brutality exercised on this | Lefevre d'Ormesson, intendant of Riom,
occasion is almost incredible. Females gives a specimen of the value of these
were found with their noses cut off, and ! official accounts. He reports that the
their eyes put out; and the bodies of the I province had the happiness to be scarcely
under pretext that the Catholics were
exposed to insult; and informed the popu-
lace that, if they would fall upon the
Huguenots and plunder them, the spoil
should he their own. The unsuspecting
Protestants were in consequence assailed,
robbed, and even stripped, as they were
returning home in small parties; and
numbers were led as prisoners to Roque-
maure. Basville, being informed of what
had occurred, sent orders for them to be
conducted to Montpellier: they were tied
together two by two, to the number of
ninety-seven men and thirty-eight wo-
men.
A party of forty was retiring into Dau-
phiny; and in order to escape a similar
disaster, had avoided all the towns and
villages. They were attacked at Porte-
claire, in the district of Orange. A body
of peasants well-armed fell upon them,
induced by the promise of their spoils
slain were left at the laystalls.*
The readiness to resume Protestantism,
infected wiih heresy, as there were not
more than ten Huguenot families at the
manifested by the concourse at Orange, publication of the edict of revocation;
was sufficient to convince Louis that he which he declares "the most glorious of
had incurred great odium to little purpose. | the kind's acls, the most advantageous to
If persecution was slackened, the assem- religion, most beneficial to the state."
blies were numerously attended; and on Yet he subsequently confesses that two
the other hand, if the penal edicts were j towns in his generality continue very
enforced, emigration recommenced. The j much impoverished by the retreat of the
government complained of the libels com- i Huguenots.t
posed by the fugitives in England and
Holland; but no publication is more inju-
rious to the king's character than the
collection of his own edicts, which
* Limiera, vnl. v. pp. 243 — 247 A (induration was
soon after published forbidding all persons from settlin?
at Orange, aril awarding death as the penalty for pre
ceeding there to contract marriage, or perforin any re-
ligious act. Dated Versailles, 23d Nov., 1B97.
Basville, intendant of Languedoc, was
the most eminent of these functionaries.
His plan was to strike terror into the
minds of those whom he knew to be
rankling under oppression. Anticipating a
period of resistance, he prepared measures
33*
* Boulainvilliers. F.iat de In France, preface p. 39.
t Boulainvilliers, Discours sur le Memoirs de Riom-
390
REVOLTING CRUELTIES OF BASVILLE.
for aiding the movement of troops, by
opening roads and constructing forts.
The new converts found themselves as
much the objects of suspicion as the
stanch Huguenots;* and persecution
drove many to the desperate resolution of
professing their first faith, although it
exposed them to the worst consequences,
as relapsed' heretics. This intendant's
memoir was much better composed than
any which were presented; and Louis is
said to have perused it with satisfaction.
Basville unfolds the services he has ren-
dered the crown, but of course conceals
the fact, that an insurrection was to be
apprehended from his excessive rigour.
Insensible to the misery of which he was
the author, and to the death of several
thousand persons, sacrificed to maintain
his sway, he speaks only of the necessity
of obedience: "Can we," observes the
writer before quoted, " avoid considering
him as one of the most cruel instruments
of the public suffering, and as the most
dangerous seducer of our prince's piety ?"t
In commenting upon the memoir of this
intendant, the same author declares:
"One hundred thousand persons were
sacrificed to justify the conduct of M. de
Basville; and of that number, the tenth
part perished in the flames, by the gibbet,
or on the wheel. "J
The apologists of this persecution have
attempted to show that the number of
victims has been much exaggerated, and
especially in the extent to which emigra-
tion was carried. None of the statements
published by the refugees can be received
as altogether correct; but there is a wide
difference between the deductions to be
made on account of erroneous impres-
sions, and the hardy denial of any injury
being sustained by France, through the
loss of so many industrious subjects. It
was on that point that the French govern-
ment was most exposed to positive, spe-
cific censure: hireling writers therefore
directed their efforts to ward off the ex-
pected attacks, and vindicate the policy
of their patron in the eyes of posterity.
There is strong evidence of the extent of
emigration in the persons of their de-
scendants, numerous at the present day
* " Peu sont reellement catlioliques: ils conservent
presque tons leuc mauvaise religion dans leur cosnr,
dans I'espoir d'un cbaneement." Basville, Mem. pour
scroir d j'Hist do Lavgucdoc, p. 79. Amsterdam, 1734.
t Boulainvilliers, preface, p .50.
+ Ibid., Ltiscours sur Ic Memoirs de Lavgucdoc.
in every Protestant state; and a letter
from the states-general to the King of
Sweden* establishes the fact that their
numbers were so great in Holland, that
the country could support no more: his
Swedish majesty was in consequence
entreated to locate them in his German
provinces.
Besides which, it may be asked, for
what reason were so many severe edicts
issued against emigration during half a
century, if the preference shown for a
state of exile had not menaced the pros-
perity of France, while it proved the un-
happy condition of a numerous class of
its inhabitants. But the unprecedented
severity of the law did not deter the
Huguenots from making an effort to
escape. Every day fugitives passed the
frontier in defiance of the proclamations,
and Bayle relates, in a letter to a friend,
that thirty persons from Caen, with their
children, had reached Rotterdam in a
small vessel, with a hundred others from
different provinces t
A contemporary statement mentions
eleven English regiments, composed
entirely of refugees, besides others en-
rolled among the troops of the line.
There were in London twenty-two French
churches, supported by the government;
about three thousand refugees were main-
tained by public subscription; many re-
ceived grants from the crown; and a great
number lived by their own industry.!
Some of the nobility were naturalized
and obtained high rank; among others
Ruvigny, son of the marquis, was made
earl of Galway, and Schomberg received
the dignity of duke.
CHAPTER LXIII.
Commencement of the Camisard War under the Count
de Bioglie.
The cruelties exercised by Basville
were, for a long period, patiently endured
* -Nostra quidem terra tarn angustis circumscri-
bitur 1 1 m i t ■ tins, totque repleta est e X Gallia religion is
causa profugift, Ut plures a/ere nequant, qua-
propter si suh iirjperio regjrc majestalis vestrai, proser-
in!! in provinciis ejus Germanicis, major daretur op-
portunists, Regjam ruajestalem vestram enixe roga-
iiiiis, veht lime genii afflicts, vel parti eorum, terras
ubi domicihum staluant largiri." The letter, dated
Hague, 6th Nov., 1698, is given at length by Laniheity,
Mini, pour servir d I' Hist, du 18me Siecle, vol. i. p. 35.
t Letter to M Janicon, dated Hth Oct., 1699.
j Mtmoireset Observations faites par un Voyageur
en Anglelerre, 12mo. La Haye, 1C98, p. 362.
CRUELTIES OF THE AEBE DU CHAILA.
391
by the Huguenots of Languedoc. Their j so much; and there are many families
constancy in meeting for prayer and re- < lineally descended from Basville's vic-
ligious exercises exposed them to frequent tims, among whom the profession of
attacks, invariably followed by the con-
demnation of those who were unfortunate-
ly seized. Many were hanged; preachers
were broken on the wheel, or burned
alive; and numbers, convicted merely of
being present, were sent to the galleys.
To detail these revolting spectacles would
Protestantism has never ceased.
Basville was actively seconded in his
rigours by the Abbe Du Chaila, whose
disposition had attracted the intendant's
notice in 1687. His zeal and severity,
with other qualities so well caculated for
the suppression of heresy, had procured
be impossible; but the following instance I him the office of inspector of missions in
will suffice to establish the violence and the Cevennes; and in the fulfilment of the
extent of the persecution, some years duties which thus devolved upon him no
after Louis had been congratulated on the means were too violent for his adoption,
extinction of heresy in his dominions, and j He would accompany the troops search-
at a period when the court affected tojing for assemblies engaged in secret
deny the existence of any Protestants in , worship; and the prisoners who fell into
France. Indeed whenever an edict was his hands were treated with cruelty al-
issued against them, they were uniformly i most surpassing credibility. Whenever
termed new converts. his tortures failed of effecting abjuration,
Some Protestants had assembled at le i or extorting some statement to assist his
Creux de Vaie in the Vivarais, when a I search for other victims, he would confine
body of soldiers fired upon them, killing i his captives in narrow cells, called ceps,
many and wounding more; the remainder where the impossibility of moving caused
were nearly all secured.* Basville con- j terrible torments.* His obduracy at
demned five of the prisoners to be hanged ! length brought down upon himself a
— four men ;md a girl: they were each (severe retribution; and his death was the
executed in a different town. Five others
were sentenced to the galleys, and among
them were three brothers named Marlie.
Their father was one of those who
suffered capitally; another brother was
wounded by the soldiers, and died in
prison; their family dwelling was de-
stroyed, and all their property confis-
cated.! Thus an entire family was cut
off, for no other cause than a perseverance
in their religious duties.
The mountaineers of the Cevennes and
the Vivarais had for ages cherished the
Scriptural doctrines imbodied in the
tenets of Protestantism. This is clearly
signal for an insurrection, almost un-
paralelled in history.
In July, 1702, a guide named Massip
was arrested at Pont-de-Montvert, as he
was conducting a party of fugitive Pro-
testants to Geneva.f Du Chaila had
been informed by his spies of the projected
evasion ; and placed the whole party in
the ceps, to await judgment. Great in-
terest was made to move the inexorable
abbe in favour of some young ladies, who
for security were travelling in male at-
tire; but in vain. And as a warm ap-
peal was addressed to some assembled
Huguenots, that an effort should be made
proved by the conduct of the Vaudois and j for their rescue, the abbe declared that,
Albigenses, in the twelfth century; by on his return to Pont-de-Montvert, he
the revival of the sacred flame among , would order Massip to be executed. The
their descendants, immediately after Lu- ' Huguenots re-assembled, nearly fifty in
titer's preaching was made known; and [number; and, after prayer, proceeded in
by the firmness with which they resisted
the tyranny of Basville and his associates.
Even to the present day, their descend-
ants remain steadfastly attached to the
faith for which their forefathers suffered
* l-Uh Sept., IfiOH.
t Mercure Hlstonque, Nov., 1098, quoted by Court.
Hist, des Troubles, des CevennPs ou de la Guerre des
Camisards, vol. i. p. n. This author was an inhabi-
tant of Nismes, and drew much of his information
from actors in the scenes which he describes.
a body to that village, armed chiefly with
swords, old halberts and scythes; only a
few had fire-arms. They entered the
place at nightfall : as they chanted a
* Louvreleitil (Le Fniinti.ime Renouveli) quoted by
Court, vol. i. p 33. (jrtuvreleuil was a priest : his work
was published in 1704. und a continuation in 1706.
t Court assures us that he conversed frequently with
Massip, and had from his lips full particulars of this
event, his imprisonment, and the ill-treatment he re-
ceived from L)u Chaila, as well as the circumstances of
the abbe's death. Vol. i. p. 4a
392
CRUELTIES OF THE ABBE DU CHAILA.
psalm on their march, the abbe, who was
already there, imagined a religious assem-
bly was being held, and accordingly or-
dered some soldiers to fall upon them.
Almost immediately the house he lodged
in was surrounded, and numerous voices
claimed the enlargement of his captives.
Du Chaila gave orders to fire ; and one
of the liberators being killed, his comrades
forced open the door. While some pro-
ceeded to free the prisoners, others sought
the abbe, who was barricaded in his
chamber. An invitation to surrender was
answered by a discharge of fire-arms, and
the enraged assailants at once decided on
setting fire to the house. The progress
of the flames compelled the abbe to re-
treat. Aided by a servant, he descended
to the garden, by tying his sheets toge-
ther. In the attempt, he fell and broke his
leg; yet with his servant's assistance, he
sought concealment among the shrubs and
bushes, where the light of the conflagra-
tion caused his detection. The Hugue-
nots at once reproached him with his
cruelty, to which he replied by abjectly
begging his life.* He was almost in-
stantly pierced with nearly fifty wounds,
every blow being accompanied by ex-
pressions to this effect: " That is for your
violence towards my father !" . " That for
sending my brother to the galleys !" &c.
Several residents in the house were killed
with him ; but a soldier and one servant
were spared, as the liberated prisoners
spoke in their favour.! This energetic
proceeding gave rise to the war of the
Camisards.\
A deed of such enormity was no sooner
committed, than the perpetrators per-
ceived the severe pursuit which must fol-
low; for however the circumstances might
claim and find palliation, in the odious
cruelty by which it was provoked, that
consideration would have no weight with
their enemies, armed with every descrip-
tion of authority, and doubly incensed
against them for this demonstration.
Their case became desperate: they de-
cided on retreating into the forests, and
there defending themselves to the utmost ;
* Brueya says tliat bis life would have been spared,
had he changed his religion and consented tn become
their minister— an absurdity. Hist, du Fanatisnie
vol. i. pp. 2i)U— 301.
■J- Court, vol. i. p. 44.
X There are several opinions as to the origin of this
word: the most probable derivation is a corruption of
tamisade, a nocturnal attack.
and in their excitement, took revenge
upon several priests, and other persons
who had been active in the persecution.
The clergy were greatly alarmed, and
the Count de Broglie mustered the no-
bility and militia, to pursue the insurgents.
He was for some days uninformed of the
route they had taken ; and under the im-
pression that they retired to their respec-
tive homes, he dismissed his forces, and
retired to Montpellier, leaving small de-
tachments in the different towns, under
the command of Captain Poul, an officer
notorious for his severity. He soon dis-
covered the retreat of the insurgents; and
falling upon them suddenly, captured
Esprit Seguier, chief of the band, with
two others.
It is related that while Poul was con-
ducting his prisoners to Florae, he thus
addressed their chiefs: "Well! wretched
man, how dost thou expect to be treated?"
To which Seguier replied haughtily, "As
I would have treated thee, hadst thou
fallen into my hands."*
Basville, with all possible despatch, sent
a chamber of Justice from Nismes to con-
demn the prisoners. Seguier was sen-
tenced to have his hand cut off, and to be
burnt alive at Pont-de-Montvert: his com-
panions were condemned to be broken
on the wheel; one at Deveze, the other
at St. Andre, those being the principal
scenes of their violence. Seguier died
with such firmness that the spectators
were astonished : his composure was un-
disturbed by the flatnes; and he declared
to the last that he gloried in having given
the first blow to the Abbe Du Chaila.f
A scene of desolation succeeded this
severity : parties of soldiers scoured the
country, and the information of a priest
was sufficient to have any one arrested —
his condemnation ensued as a matter of
course; and, to spread the intimidation,
the executions took place in different
towns. The murder of the abbe and the
outrages which followed were deeds
meriting condign punishment; and, if
none but the actors in those tragic scenes
had been executed, no complaint could
have been raised against the intendant
* Brueys, yat. i. p. 31P. It is also mentioned by the
anonymous author of Hist, des Camisards, primed
1744, vol. i. p 132. This writer has evidently compiled
his account from oral statements. There is a confusion
in the dates which lessens its historical value; yet, as
a corroborating testimony, it is worth consulting.
t Court, vol. i. p. GS.
WAR OF THE CAMISARDS.
393
Basville : but he assumed that it was the
result of a conspiracy, in which all the
Protestants and new converts were con-
cerned. An ordinance was subsequently
published, rendering every township re-
sponsible for all acts committed within it;
and lists were made of every Protestant
absent from his dwelling.* The malcon-
tents were then joined by many, who, in
despair, saw no safety in their homes;
and who, if they failed to better their con-
dition, were convinced that nothing could
render it worse.
One project of the insurgents was to
leave the country in a body; another, for
each to find a retreat separately as he
best could. In their dilemma they were
harangued by one of their number, named
Laporte.t He had some military expe-
rience; and, by his appeal, induced them
to proceed in their dangerous undertaking,
to deliver the captives, punish their perse-
cutors, and claim the right of worship by
force of arms. " They might and proba-
bly would perish," said Laporte, " but it
was more glorious to fall in arms, than to
die tamely, under the hands of the exe-
cutioner." He was forthwith elected their
chief; and proceeded to instruct his com-
panions in military tactics. | His efforts
were encouraged by the success of Cas-
tanet, and Roland, or Rolland,$ who at the
same time formed each a corps, composed
of Protestants who felt themselves ob-
noxious to the authorities on account of
their religious sentiments. These bodies
were soon augmented by recruits when
their early successes were known, and
their means of arming were increased.
"It was thought," observes Brueys,
"that the terrible execution, just made of
the most atrocious, would have deterred
others from imitating them: but one had
to deal with madmen, on whom example
produced no effect ; whom neither the
gibbet, the wheel, nor the stake could
render reasonable. It was evident, by
* Ordinanre dated 10'h Oct., ITOJ. Court, vol. i. p.
104. Brueys, vol. i. p :i?l
t Brueys says he was un famous scilcrat. a preacher,
and a disciple of Vivens : lie confounds him with a mi-
nister of the same name, executed at Montpellier in
1690.
I Court, vol. i. p. 72.
jj Andre Castanet was originally a forest-keeper;
though uneducated, he hecame a preacher of note in
the mountains. Holland was Laporte's nephew; he
had served in the army, and was also an energetic
preacher.
I the result, that the evil was irritated in-
stead of being cured."*
The operations of the three insurgent
leaders were, to a certain extent, in con-
cert; but each command was distinct.
Their most pressing necessity was for
arms. It was useless to seek them among
the Protestants, as every weapon in their
possession had long been seized. The
priests were, in general, the depositories
of such confiscations; and, as force alone
could remove them from such keeping, the
Camisards combined their operations of
vengeance with the effort to obtain the
means of effecting it.
Laporte soon became celebrated in the
province, and Poul was earnestly bent
upon his capture. Stratagem and cor-
ruption were both tried, but in vain. At
length it was known where the rebel chief
was to sleep: Poul took his measures for
preventing escape; and, on the alarm
being given, the Camisards prepared for
defence. A heavy shower rendered their
muskets almost useless ; only three pieces
were discharged at the first volley, but
each despatched an enemy. The soldiers
then rushed upon the insurgents, who
were retreating among the rocks, when
their leader was struck by a musket-ball.
The Camisards lost nine of their number,
whose heads were cut off, and exposed in
the towns, along with those of the soldiers
who fell, and who thus contributed to
swell their commander's triumph.t
Meanwhile a new company was formed
by a youth, who became subsequently the
chief of the insurrection, Jean Cavalier, a
native of Ribaute, near Anduze, at that
time only twenty-one years of age. He
had for some time assisted a shepherd,
and afterwards a baker of Anduze, from
which place he withdrew to Geneva to
escape persecution. He was there when
he heard of the movements in the Ce-
vennes; and felt a conviction that he was
called by Heaven to assist his brethren.
Being at an assembly in his native village,
he proposed to the young men to take
arms, and either join their friends in the
Cevennes, or create a diversion in their
favour. He represented, with energy,
that it was disgraceful to remain quiet,
and allow their brethren to be massacred,
* Brueys, vol. i. p. 32e.
t 19th Oct., 1702. Court, vol.
p. 112.
394
WAR OF THE CAMISARDS.
without an effort on their behalf; that
they ought equally to aim at the liberation
of their captive kinsmen ; and that, as re-
ligion should be more precious in their es-
timation than existence, they were bound
to risk their lives in order to obtain liberty
of worship. The discourse found an echo
in the bosoms of the hearers, and they
met the following day, eighteen in num-
ber. But their means corresponded little
with their resolution: among the whole
party there were no other arms than one
musket and two old swords; while none
but Cavalier had the least notion of mili-
tary exercise, and his instruction was
limited to seeing the manoeuvres of the
town guards at Geneva. Their enthu-
siasm was not, however, damped by their
scanty resources : they were well versed
in the Scriptures; and, descanting upon
the examples of Moses and Gideon, they
proceeded to the residence of the prior of
St. Martin, where they were certain of
finding a supply. Their route lay through
Anduze, where they beheld the heads of
Laporte and his companions fixed upon
the bridge: instead of terrifying them, it
redoubled their desire to enter upon their
campaign. Cavalier's expectation was
justified on reaching Ihe prior's house:
that ecclesiastic was well known for the
mildness of his character; and, confiding
in his own reputation, he had remained at
home when all other priests were terror-
struck, and fled to the towns on account
of the revolt. He received the troops
with serenity ; and, on learning that they
required arms, he allowed them to carry
away the recent spoils of neighbouring
Protestants, sufficient to equip twenty
men.*
This commencement was a good omen:
but Cavalier took other measures for ad-
vancing his cause. He held religious as-
semblies, and preached with fluency and
force. The Protestants with joy beheld
his rising importance : some compared
him to Gideon and Maccaba;us, others to
Zisca and Ragotzi.t There was nothing
in his person to impress beholders. On
the contrary, he is represented as small
in stature; the head large, and sunk upon
the shouldiers; with a broad red face and
light hair. His countenance did not be-
* Court, vol. i. pp. 107—115.
t Menard, vol. vi. p. 381.
speak intelligence; but his career proves
that he was well endowed.
The Count de Broglie being informed
of his holding a meeting at Aigues Vives,
immediately proceeded there.* Having
summoned the entire community, without
troubling himself with investigation, he
selected sixteen persons as objects of the
legal vindict. Four of them were hanged
at the church door, and twelve were sent
to the galleys : the town was further as-
sessed with a fine of a thousand livres to
defray the expenses. This act of flagrant
injustice was generally condemned, and
was one of the causes of Broglie's recall. f
Cavalier's troop continued to increase:
every day added to his supply of arms;
and, as he was soon joined by several
other companies, it was considered neces-
sary to invest him regularly with autho-
rity as commander-in-chief. He repre-
sented that several among them were
more competent; but the general voice was
in his favour, and he accepted the com-
mand, on condition that he should have
power of life and death over the troop
without calling a council of war. The
insurgents consented ; but it does not
appear that Cavalier ever abused that
prerogative.}
From the time their force was or-
ganized, they regularly performed divine
worship, administered the Lord's Supper,
and celebrated marriages and baptisms in
every town. Their numbers included
some who had great talent for preaching ;
and the romantic, hazardous life they led
contributed so much to promote their
enthusiasm, that several believed them-
selves inspired. Their motive for taking
arms was to enjoy the right of worship ;
and in the woods and caverns they were
constantly engaged in devotional exer-
cises, especially on Sundays, for the con-
venience of the country labourers, who
flocked to hear them ; and it was their
invariable custom before they marched to
pray for divine guidance, and on halting
to offer public thanksgiving.^ Need we
then wonder at the energy they mani-
fested, their contempt of death, and the
admirable order which prevailed among
them? They were supported by the
* 15th Nov., 1702.
f Court, vol. i. p. 121.
J Court, vol i. p. H5.
§ Court, vol. i. p. 179.
CAVALIER BECOMES CHIEF OF THE CAMISARDS. 395
courage which
alone impart.
religious conviction can
them provisions, the Camisards formed
stores in caverns, which they replenished
It is not precisely known what was the | at the expense of the Catholic clergy, and
largest force the Camisards mustered;
they were never all collected, and pru-
dence compelled them to conceal their
numbers. The general sympathy in their
favour brought them recruits, even while
they were engaged. This occurred at the
battle of Martignargues, when several
villages sounded the tocsin during the
combat, so that Cavalier's force was
greatly augmented by the peasantry.*
At one period this chieftain was accom-
panied by two thousand men : but there
were strong detachments in various parts
of the Cevennes; and their plan of operat-
ing in small bodies, over a wide extent of
country, prevented the concentration of
the royal troops. Yet they must have
been numerous; for, with few exceptions,
all the rustic population was with them ;
and these hardy, uneducated moun-
taineers, inured to peril and constantly
exposed to an ignominious death, were
kept in habits of good order and fellow
ship. There were no quarrels nor slan
derings among them; oaths and obscenity
were unknown ; their goods and provi-
sions were in common ; and they ad
lressed their chief as brother. In the ac
counts given by their enemies, it is insi-
nuated that great debauchery was prac
tised among them, and the presence of
women found among their slain has been
adduced as a proof. But all the inhabi-
tants of the Cevennes well knew why
women and girls were sometimes seized
in their company, and not unfrequently
killed by their side. They were the
wives and daughters of Camisards who
carried them provisions, or were bearers
of communications from friends in the
town; and as the military looked keenly
after all persons connected with the insur-
gents, their female relations often re-
mained among them for safety.
For their sustenance they received con-
tributions from the Protestants, who joy-
fully aided in supporting their brethren ;t
and when an ordinance decreed the pu-
nishment of death against any who gave
§ Mem. du ducde Villars, vol. ii. p. 152. l2mo., La
Haye. 1758.
t The country abounds with chestnut-trees, present-
;ng a supply of food in the immediate vicinity of their
from the houses of gentlemen who had
promoted the persecution. The want of
shoes was their greatest inconvenience,
as the rugged paths they traversed quickly
used their stock ; but that deficiency was
partly supplied by taking those worn by
the soldiers they killed, partly by pur-
chases in the towns.
They found it almost impossible to ob-
tain ammunition in sufficient quantities,
on account of the severe orders given by
the intendant : they accordingly perse-
vered in making it for their own use.
The leads of churches supplied them with
bullets, and the pewter utensils of an abbe
were often melted for that purpose: it was
found that soldiers wounded by pewter
balls rarely recovered ; and a malignant
rumour was circulated, that their bullets
had been steeped in poison.* The Cami-
sards also endeavoured to cast cannon;
for they are accused of stealing eighteen
church bells, to be converted into culve-
rines, in which they were assisted by an
agent of the Duke of Savoy. f
It sometimes happened that emissaries
joined them, or the temptation of a large
bribe would induce a weak brother to de-
nounce their movements. These dangers
were however warded off by means
which, though they may appear visionary,
were quite consistent with the character
and objects of the Camisards. The lea-
ders declared themselves informed by in-
xbirafion of the presence of traitor^. On
one occasion, Claris (whose functions re-
sembled the commissariat department) an-
nounced to the assembly that the treason
of two men had been revealed to him.
Cavalier instantly ordered those under
arms to surround the meeting, and Claris
seized by the arm one whom he charged
with a design to betray them : his con-
federate then rushed forward, threw him-
self at Cavalier's feet, confessed his crime,
and implored mercy. The names of the
traitors are preserved by a highly esteemed
writer, who was satisfied that the incident
did so occur, and has related a most ex-
travagant scene which followed.:): There
existed at the time a strong impression of
* Court, vol. i. p ie5.
+ Villars, vol. ii. p. 145.
j Court, vol. i. p. 438.
396
SUCCESSION OF
THE CAMISARDS.
miraculous interposition, which is re-
corded with gravity by one party, and
ridiculed by the other ; but the force of
conscience in the traitors, on being chal-
lenged, and strong discernment in Claris,
are quite sufficient to explain the detec-
tion.
A brief notice of the leading Camisards
may assist the reader : in addition to those
already mentioned, were Abdias Morel,
surnamed Catinat, who had served under
the marshal of that name: he commanded
the cavalry, and was the most feared of
all the insurgents : Nicholas Joany, who
also had served in the army, and fre-
quently distinguished himself in this war;
and Ravanel. who yielded to none of his
party in courage and energy : the latter
was Cavalier's lieutenant. Solomon Cou-
derc, one of those who contributed to the
death of the Abbe Du Chaila : he was not
only formidable as a chieftain, but had
great influence as a preacher : he was be-
lieved to have the gift of inspiration, and
is frequently termed the prophet Salomon,
by contemporaries. He had a relative of
the same name, who was designated La
Fleur, one of the abbe's prisoners at the
time of his murder. Esperandieu was
another Camisard of eminence : he was
killed in one of their earliest victories.
Cavalier and Joany alone survived the
wars ; Rolland and Esperandieu died in
arms : the other chiefs all perished at the
stake or on the wheel.
These details were requisite to explain
how a small force, without a single officer
or person of distinction, could have re-
sisted a strong body of troops for the space
of eighteen months, under one marshal ;
while his successor in the command, of
the same rank, could appease the revolt
only by a formal treaty with Cavalier.
The military movements during this in-
surrection were carried on by small bodies
of men, as the designs of the Camisards
were to occupy their enemies in every di-
rection: the encounters were consequently
very numerous; and what in ordinary
warfare would be scarcely worth men-
tion, or at most be alluded to as a mere
skirmish, in this struggle acquired the
importance of a battle. Thirty-four such
engagements are described by historians;
ancl in a very great proportion the Cami-
sards had the advantage. The more im-
portant can alone be mentioned here ; but
they will fully exhibit the determined cou-
rage of the mountaineers.
The Count de Broglie, who had impa-
tiently sought an opportunity to attack
the insurgents, overtook them at Val-
de-Bane, on the 12th of January, 1703.
There were not above two hundred
Camisards assembled, and Cavalier being
absent, the command had devolved upon
Ravanel. The approach of the troops
did not move the resolute band, who
continued singing a psalm,* with one
knee on the ground, until they had re-
ceived the first volley ; when they replied
with such effect, that their enemies re-
treated. Poul, the officer already men-
tioned, was thrown from his saddle,
struck by a stone which a lad aimed at
his head. The stripling killed Poul with
his own sword, and mounted his horse
to join in pursuing the routed troops.
Broglie found it impossible to rally his
men, and withdrew to Bernis.f The de-
feat caused great consternation in Nismes.
of which Cavalier availed himself: he had
entered the city in disguise, for the pur-
pose of procuring powder; and the pretext
of preparing for the defence of the town
was advanced by his friends, who under
other circumstances would not have dared
to apply for the prohibited article.};
Basville's administration of Languedoc
unfolds a scene of cruelty and. severity
scarcely equalled, certainly never sur-
passed in any country. The revolt of
the Camisards was sufficient to inspire
terror; but the chief ground of the alarm
was the consciousness of incessant and
unprovoked persecution. However, the
instruments of the king's bigotry, un-
willing to confess its injustice, represented
the evil as the natural consequence of
heresy, the source of every bad passion.
Even the Bishop of Nismes is open to
much censure on this head ; though his
character is held up, with that of Fenelon,
as a sufficient reply to all detractors of
* The sixty-eighth, thus versified: —
Que Dieu se montre seiileunt.
El I'bn verra dans le moment
Abandonner la place;
Le camp des ennemis epars,
Epouvante de touies parts,
Fuira devant sa lace, &c.
t Court, vol, i. p.2n5. Brueys stales that Poul was
killed hy a musket-ball, vol. ii. p. 205. The author of
" Hist, des Camisards," says he received a pistol-shot,
and that his head was cleft by a sabre as he endea-
voured to rise, vol. ii. p. 11.
J Memoirs of Cavalier, London, 1726, quoted by
Court, ut supra.
SUCCESSS OF THE CAMISARDS.
397
the Romish clergy. In his letters no ex-
pressions are too harsh to be applied to
the insurgents, on whom he lavishes the
terms wretch and fanatic, and to whom
he imputes the commission of every crime.
In the same feeling he complains of the
lukewarmness of the authorities; and ex-
presses his astonishment that so many
enormities have been committed ivilhout
reprisals being adopted.*
It was hoped, and indeed expected, that
winter would put an end to the excur-
sions of the Camisards: and when Basville
discovered that the seventy of the season
gave him no relief, he summoned the
principal officers of Languedoc, to consi-
der the most efficacious means for termi-
nating the insurrection. Among other
measures, it was proposed to kill all the
Protestants of the province, and burn
every town suspected of favouring the re-
volt. Awful as it was, that project was
supported in the council, on the ground,
"That it was doing nothing to kill the
Camisards found in arms; because the
country being infected, supplied others,
and in greater number."t Happily, Bas-
ville reflected upon the injury his reputa-
tion would sustain, from the ruin which
must fallow such a measure : he adopted
a comparatively lenient plan — that of pur-
suing the insurgents without relaxation.
The Camisards, being hunted like wild
beasts, embraced every opportunity of
revenge. A garrison placed in the castle
of St. Felix soon experienced their fury.
Rolland commenced his attack, by setting
fire to some barns dependent on the cas-
tle, sending information to the governor,
who sallied forth with a body of men to
seize the assailants. Rolland meanwhile
advanced to the castle, and promised to
spare the lives of those who opened the
gates : two yielded, the others were all
killed, and the castle was fired, after the as-
sailants had taken away forty-five mus-
kets, a barrel of powder, and some pro-
visions. The governor perceiving the
flames of his castle, hastened back, and
was attacked so fiercely by Rolland's
men, that he escaped with difficulty, after
losing the greater part of his detach-
ment.J Similar expeditions were entered
* Flechier, Lctlres choisies, 3d Jan. and 1st Oct , 1703;
9th Feb.. 1704.
■f Brueys, vol. ii. p. 29.
I 27th Jan., 1703. Court, vol. i. p. 216.
34
on by Cavalier and other chiefs, but they
were loudly condemned by the Protes-
tants : a Swiss synod addressed a letter
to the Camisards, severely reprimanding
their violence; and this intervention is ad-
mitted to have saved the lives of several
priests who fell into their power.*
About the same period, the Count du
Roure wrote to Cavalier, demanding his
motives for taking arms. The Camisard
replied, "That it was in self-defence:
that the cruel persecution to which they
had been exposed for twenty years, and
which daily increased, had constrained
him and his friends, who preferred death
to the relinquishment of a religion they
considered good, or to attend mass and
prostrate themselves before images of
wood and stone, against the light of their
conscience. They were ready to lay
down their arms, and employ their lives
and property for the king's service,
whenever they had obtained liberty of
conscience, the liberation of their brethren
imprisoned for religion, and a cessation
of cruel and ignominious punishments for
the Protestan's."t
Cavalier then made an attempt to pene-
trate into the Vivarais, where he expected
to find an addition to his force among the
Protestants of that district; but the pas-
sages of the Ardeche were so well guarded,
that he renounced the project: his return
gave rise to two encounters of some im-
portance. A marshal-de-camp, named
Julieil, commanded the troops stationed
on that quarter: he was a converted Pro-
testant, and had been page to the Prince
of Orange: a disappointment induced
him to apply for employment in the
French army, and his desire to prove the
sincerity of his abjuration led to acts of
extreme barbarity. He gave no quarter,
and obtained much approbation from the
bishops and clergy. Although his lan-
guage was outrageously blasphemous, his
higotry carried him into a senseless ex-
treme, in the punctual observance of Ro-
mish discipline;:]: and another converted
Protestant, who cherished feelings equally
violent, gives his panegyric in these
terms: " His great services convinced
every body that a better choice could not
have been made."§
* Brueys, vol. u p. 30.
t Cavalier, quoted by Court, vol. i. p. 226.
X A>galier, quoted by Court, vol. i. p. 198.
j Brueys, vol. ii. p. 26.
398
OPPOSED BY THE FLORENTINES.
One of his regiments overtook Cavalier
at Vagnas, a small town not far from the
Ardeche. The Count du Roure and the
Baron de la Gorce, each with a body of
militia, co-operated in the plan ordered by
Julien, who hoped to surround the insur-
gents, and make a general capture.
Notwithstanding the extreme disparity of
their force, the Camisards awaited the
attack with composure. They received
the first volley without stirring; and then
fired with such precision, that the assail-
ants were completely routed. Five cap-
tains, including the Baron de la Gorce,
several subalterns, and a considerable
number of soldiers, were slain on the
side of the troops: on the part of the
Camisards, Esperandieu alone was killed,
and a few were wounded.*
The Count du Roure sent immediate
intelligence to Julien, who hastened to
repair the disaster, marching all night,
although the roads were a foot deep in
snow. His reinforcement greatly in-
creased the chances of victory: but Cava-
lier awaited him with resolution at Barjac.
Julien, aware of the invincible courage
of his opponents, prepared an ambuscade.
The action passed off in the same man-
ner as on the previous day; but when the
Camisards pursued their advantage, they
found themselves exposed to the attack of
fresh troops, and were compelled to re-
treat into the woods. The amount of
their loss was published by their enemies
as three hundred.t Cavalier, however,
states in his own memoirs, that on re-
viewing his forces, he found the number
of missing between fifty and sixty, some
of whom were drowned in the river Ceze:
he considers his own escape on this occa-
sion as almost miraculous.^
It would be tedious to detail the opera-
tions of the chiefs during Cavalier's ab-
sence. The unfortunate town of Ge-
nouillac was taken and retaken three dif-
ferent times by the contending parties;
and both parties experienced in turn the
effects of vengeance. Julien finally gave
up the place to plunder and massacre. §
The unsettled state of the country
occasioned disorders on every side: but
some Catholic partisans appear to have
aimed at surpassing the exploits of the
Camisards; and as their ravages were
frequently attributed to the Protestants,
the latter were doubly injured. They
spared neither property nor person; killed
indiscriminately men, women, and chil-
dren; were active in burning houses, and
most rapacious in pillage. At first these
bandits were called Florentines, as the
company was formed at St. Florent:
others afterwards imitated their example,
and they received the general appellation
of Cadels de la Croix. They had four
commanders, the most celebrated of
whom was a retired military officer,
named La Fayole * Through remorse
from a life of debauchery, he had with-
drawn to a hermitage, whence he emerged,
in the cause of his religion, under the
name of brother Gabriel: he had a corps
of three hundred men, paid by contribu-
tions levied upon the new converts +
Bishop Flechier has thought proper to
eulogize this man in one of his epistles:
"We must cheer Brother Gabriel — en-
deavours are made to decry him and his
troop; vje have well supported him. I
know not what he is destined to; but
should be glad that he effected something
of importance. "J.
Brueys admits that these bands were
contrary to the precepts of the gospel,
but apologizes for the injudicious zeal of
the Catholics, by alleging in excuse
" their churches burned, their curates
massacred, and their families destroyed. "§
In good policy, this writer should have
abstained I'rom such an extenuation; be-
cause the same arguments, with a hun-
dred-fold greater force, may be urged on
the adverse side. The justification was
moreover misplaced; because those bands
had ample authority in the bull issued by
j Clement XL, who enjoined a crusade
[against the "accursed and miserable
race," which he assimilated to the an-
cient Albigenses; and granted absolute
and general pardon for every sin, to those
who might be killed in effecting their
extermination. II
* Court, vol. i. p. 19H. Brueys, vol. ii. p. 57.
t Brueys, vuU ii. p. 70.
1 Courl. vol. i. p. 230.
} 23d Feb., 1703. Court, vol. ii. p. 233
* Brueys calls hi in l.n Saginte. and says he took anus
because his hermitage hail bei-n pillaged; on which oc-
casion lie consulted the Bishop of rVismes, who ap-
proved of his resolution, praised his design, and recom-
mended hiin to Marshal Montrevel, vol. ii p.2j3.
t Couit, vol. i. p. 347
1 Flechier! Let/res, 9 Fev. 1704.
# Brueys, vol. ii. p. 77.
t Court, vol. i p.349. The hull, dated 1st May, 1703,
was addressed lo the Bishop! of Montpellier, NislHes;
Usez, Vivien, Mende, and Alais. each of whom pub
lislied it, with a mandcmcni, addressed to then clcigy.
SEVERE ORDONNANCES OF MARSHAL MONTREVEL. 399
The serious character of the insurrec-
tion, after Broglie's defeat, caused great
alarm at court. Marshal Montrevel suc-
ceeded him in the command, with an
increased force for suppressing the revolt.
Yet it is maintained, upon good authority,
that the marshal's nomination was given
under another pretext, and that the king
was kept in complete ignorance of the
troubles in the south of France. The
ill-judged measures Louis had been per-
suaded to adopt were in train to falsify
the assurances by which he had been
deceived. Madame de Maintenon, as
usual endeavoured to spare him every
additional anxiety; and the whole council
joined in deceiving the monarch, who
fondly imagined his sway was absolute.
Yet the new appointment demanded the
allegation of some motive; and the duke
du Maine facilitated the views of that in-
fluential lady As governor of Langue-
doc, he requested that the forces should
be commanded by a marshal; and Louis,
far advanced in dotage consented to please
his illegitimate son. Montrevel was un-
questionably tutored before he left Paris;
and the minister at war wrote to Basville,
"Take care not to give this the appear-
ance of a serious war."* These instruc-
tion-! contributed greatly to prolong the
resistance of the Camisards.
CHAPTER LXIV.
Continuation of the Camisard war under Marshal
Montrevel.
Marshal Montrkvel arrived at
Nismes on the 15th of February, 1703.
Basville, Julien, and another general,
named Paratte, waited there to confer
with him upon the state of the province.
His presence inspired the Catholics with
great hopes, as the increased military
force rendered the suppression of the re-
volt a comparatively easy matter. But
the combat of Mas de Serieres showed
that impending danger produced no inti-
midation on the Camisards : on that
It is not in the Ballarium; but its existence appears to-
be admitted, as M. Court has not been attacked for ad-
vancing it, although severely criticised for other state-
ments. An anonymous author gives the mandemont of
Ambrose, Bishop of Alais, dated" 29th May, 1703, with
a copy of the bull in question. Hist, ries Camisards,
vol. ii. p 119
* Rulhiere, vol. ii. pp. 281—283.
occasion, Ravanel had the honour of
measuring his strength with the marshal.
He had approached Nismes with between
three and four hundred men, less with
any hostile design, than to procure sup-
plies from his friends in the city. He had
even expressed the desire and hope of
passing a day or two quietly; but some
straggling soldiers having discovered his
presence, the marshal immediately col-
lected his forces, and sallied from Nismes
at the head of a little army.* Ravanel,
accustomed to engage with superior
numbers, was undismayed at his approach.
Although attacked on all sides, the Ca-
misards fought with a desperation, which
their opponents could not refrain from
eulogizing. Night alone terminated the
conflict; for the marshal's force enabled
his soldiers to repose by turns, and Rava-
nel considered defeat as certain from the
onset; yet surrender was out of the ques-
tion, and in their determination to perish,
rather than be captured, they displayed
prodigies of valour. After all, their loss
was very trifling; being only twenty-three
men and two women. Their enemies
however say it was considerable. t But
one circumstance connected with this
engagement proves the victory was dearly
bought: Montrevel immediately ordered
the bodies of the slain to be stripped in
order that the soldiers might not be dis-
tinguished from the Camisards. }
Montrevel proceeded upon his task, of
pacifying the province by acts of extreme
severity, ordering several towns inhabited
by Protestants to be pillaged and burnt;
among others, Marvejols on the Guard,
for no other cause than the misfortune of
some troops being defeated by the Cami-
sards in the neigbourhood: this " guilty
place," as it has been called, was de-
stroyed and burnt by the troops in conse-
quence. 5 He likewise issued two ordon-
nances:|| the first declares as accomplices
all who assisted the insurgents directly or
indirectly; enjoins all absent from their
houses to return within eight days; and
forbids the presence of all who are not
regular inhabitants of the province. Any
* 20th Feb., 1703.
t Flechier, Lettre du 25 Avril, 1703, says, " about a
hundred Brueys, vol. ii. p. 87, " above two hundred
while the troops lost only one dragoon and a few
wounded ! ! !
X Court, vol. i. p. 246.
$ 25th Feb., 1703. Brneys, vol. ii. p. 84.
\ Dated 231 and 24th Feb., 1703.
400 RETALIATORY STRATAGEM OF THE CAMISARDS.
such being seized without a passport, to Bishop of Nismes likewise hears witness
be reputed an insurgent, and executed as to the terrible fact, in a pastoral letter ad-
such. The second ordonnance confirms dressed to his clergy: wherein he laments
a previous disposition of the intendant, that many of them are present at the
rendering every commune responsible for frequent executions, and adds, "The
all violence committed within its limits, j church, so circumspect and so charitable,
Like Basville, he was impressed with cannot approve of such sad and indecent
the idea of a general conspiracy of the curiosity."*
Protestants; and, as a further measure,' A more summary mode of punishing
proposed to seize a number of new con- the Protestants was adopted on the occa-
vertsfrom different parts, confine them in'sion of an assembly for worship held at a
citadels, and declare that, for every mur^mill in the suburbs of Nismes. f Accord-
der or conflagration, he would hang three ing to the statement of a hostile writer,
or four persons as hostages of the place, "It was not a body of armed men ; it was
where such outrages were committed.*; merely one of those religious meetings,
This scheme was too violent to obtain convoked contrary to the king's orders,
the sanction of the government; and 'where Ihey preached in spite of his pro-
Montrevel, having summoned the Protest- hibition."i About one hundred and fifty
ant nobility of Languedoc, addressed > were collected, principally old men, wo-
them with an apparent wish to be tolerant, men, and children. Montrevel, indignant
He urged their co-operation in suppress- at the circumstance, surrounded the mil!,
Ing the revolt; and concluded by declaring,'and on a signal being given, dragoons
that although he wished every one to be broke in and massacred the party. A
Catholic, he would not constrain any: all few attempted to escape by the windows,
he demanded was fidelity to the king.f
If the marshal's arguments had no
weight with the assembled Protestants,
his rtign of terror was sufficient to sub-
due them: for he not only gave up to pil
but a sentinel drove them back to the
butchery ; and as the work of horror was
too long for Montrevel's impatience, he
set fire to the edifice, which was soon en-
veloped in a body of flames. Some un-
places where the Camisards had fortunate creature?, wounded and burned,
been well received, he even inflicted his! were still able to clear the flaming pile ;
severity on villages where the inhabitants but the dragoons forced them back, to ex-
were unable to resist them. He con- pire in the conflagration. A girl of seven-
demned numbers to be burnt alive, or
broken on the wheel, on the bare suspi-
cion of having favoured the malcontents,
or for being absent from their cottages:
they were mostly executed without any
form of trial. The heroism of these suf-
ferers is noticed by a magistrate of Nismes,
who bears ample testimony to the awful
frequency of the executions. "There
were many shot by the troops, and a
great number perished by various tortures
at Montpellier, Mende, Alais, and espe-
cially Nismes; hut, as we have already-
stated, these dreadful spectacles made no
impression — the new converts regarded
the condemned as martyrs. The resolu-
tion they displayed in death confirmed
them in their old religion; and if I may
be permitted to say it, the examples given
to the public produced quite a contrary
effect to what was intended. "J The
* Court, vol. p. 255. t Ibid, p. 29G.
t Hist, de la Revolt des Fanatiqves. pir d" la Baume,
cnnseiller au prcsidial de Nismes, quoted by Court, vol
i. p. 305.
teen was saved by the marshal's valet :
his generous deed, the result of compas-
sion, only served to display the diabolical
feelings of his master, who ordered his
valet and the girl to be put to death on
the spot. The poor girl was executed ;
and the valet bound for a similar fate,
when some religieuses pleaded in his be-
half, and obtained his life. But Montre-
vel blamed himself for his weakness in
yielding, and banished the valet from the
town. Some Catholics who were amusing
themselves in a neighbouring garden were
killed by the marshal's orders: in vain
they asserted their religion ; he declared
they had escaped from the mill, and they
were executed. In his excess of fury, he
was even on the point of devoting Nismes
to devastation. 5
* Flfichier, Lettre Pastorale.
+ Palm Sunday, 1st April, 1703.
| Brueys, vol. ii. p. 128.
§ Court has minutely related this horrible scene : lie
was intimate with those who had witnessed it, vol. i.
p. 309. Menard seems unwilling to censure the mar-
shal. Hist, de Nismes, vol. vi. p. 337.
RETALIATORY STRATAGEM OF THE CAMISARDS.
401
De la Baume's account corroborates
the foregoing, with a trifling difference as
to the numbers killed : " It cost," he says,
"the lives of eighty persons, all of the
dregs of the people," and afterwards adds,
"The court approved of the marshal's
conduct."* To the disgrace of the
Bishop of Nismes, he also justifies the
deed, while he distorts the truth, in or-
der to diminish its odium. " They even
dared, on Palm Sunday, to hold a meet-
ing at a mill, without any precaution, at
the gate of the town ; and while we were
chanting vespers, they sang psalms and
preached. The marshal left his house,
assembled some troops, and put to the
sword men and women composing the
assembly, to the number of more than
fifty persons ; and burned the house
where it was held. This example was
necessary to stay the arrogance of these
fellows."!
It is unnecessary further to pourtray the
character of Montrevel's administration,
for a complete narrative of this epoch of
blood-thirsty tyranny would be fatiguingly
voluminous. Its duration is well attested
by historians, inclined by their undisguised
prejudices to throw a veil over such occur-
rences. Brueys mentions the fact of six
executions occurring in one day;} and
observes in another part of his work, " I
should weary the reader if I were to give
an exact detail of all those who were ar-
rested and punished; for scarcely a day
passed without several of these wretches
being made examples." And de la Baume
informs us, that the court of which he was
a member, judged in the month of Au-
gust alone, "a great number of fanatics,
who were condemned to various kinds of
punishment."^
As a natural result, the Camisards re-
solved upon selling their lives dearly,
when attacked, and embraced every op
portunity of wreaking vengeance on their
pitiless enemies. The inhabitants of La
Salle had been prominent in causing vexa-
tions to the Protestants in general, those
who remained quiet suffering as much as
the relations of those in arms. Cavalier in
consequence determined on giving them
a lesson of severity. Having dressed his
* Quoted by Conn, vol. i. pp. 313—313.
t Flechiur, Lettre du 25 Ami, 1703.
I Briipys. vol. ii. p 179.
$ Court, vol. i. p. 420.
followers in uniforms taken from the sol-
diers killed in recent encounters, he ad-
vanced at their head, in the full dress of
an officer, fully persuaded that on his ap-
proach to that town the most violent of
the inhabitants would come out to hail
his arrival. The company of zealots ad-
vanced to express their joy at the arrival
of the troops, by whose aid their district
would soon be freed from the Camisards.
Their congratulations were mingled with
boastings upon their individual deeds:
and each took credit for something done
against the Protestants. A lame man
surpassed all others in his accounts : he
claimed the honour of contributing to the
arrest of several preachers who were
hanged, and declared his readiness to in-
dicate the dwellings of Huguenots, where
numbers might be seized. To his awful
surprise, one of Cavalier's men addressed
him fiercely: " Hast thou finished '!" The
boaster with trembling asked why such a
question was put, and almost immediately
the poor wretch and his companions,
nearly forty in number, were put to the
sword.*
Similar deeds of violence followed on
both sides ; and more frequently towards
the close of the year, when Basville de-
liberately prepared for destroying the re-
sources of the insurgents by devastating
thirty-one parishes, comprising one hun-
dred and sixty-six villages. This scheme,
which menaced ruin to all the Catholic
gentry of the district, was not adopted
without hesitation ; but as the alternative
of indemnifying the loyal part of the in-
habitants was a trifle, compared with the
suppression of the revolt, the project was
ultimately approved by the court. f
Montrevel then published an ordinance
for collecting the Catholics in the towns,
where the authorities would provide for
their subsistence Another decree en-
joined the new converts to return to their
houses within eight days; and forbade
their stirring out, upon any pretext, with-
out a passport, under pain of the galleys
for life. Basville at the same time pre-
pared lists of the new converts, in the dif-
ferent parishes, in which the names of ab-
sentees were to be carefully noted. The
gentry among them were allowed to
34
* April, 1703. Court, vol. i. p. 331.
t Brueys, vol. ii. p. 219. Court, vo'. i. p. 463.
402 MONTREVEL LAYS WASTE THE COUNTRY OF THE CAMISARDS.
choose the town in which they would |
reside ; and were promised a share of
the property to be confiscated. The
parishes and towns marked out for de-
struction were (bur hundred and sixty-six
in number;* and the inhabitants were
ordered to bring their corn, cattle, &c, to
certain places, with notice that the infrac-
tion of this order would be punished by
the seizure of their goods; and for them-
selves, the treatment of rebels. To com-
plete the list of barbarous preliminaries,
the marshal gave orders that his officers,
on arriving at a condemned village, were
to read thp proclamation forbidding the in-
habitants to go home ; but promising that
no harm should befall them, as the king
would not hear of any bloodshed ! ! !f
Montrevel commenced his inhuman ex-
pedition on the 26th of September, 1703.
The approach of so many troops coin-
ciding with a summons for the whole
population, convinced the unhappy vil-
lagers that they were all to be massacred :
as many as couid immediately joined the
Camisards. t
The marshal's first idea was to pull
down the cottages, but the work pro-
ceeded too slowly for his impetuosity, and
fire was substituted for manual demolition.
The ravages of the devouring element
speedily covered the land with desolation,
and the horrors of reprisals and execu-
tions became more than ever frequent ;
for many ill-fated villagers avoided the
town through fear, and being seized were
declared in contravention of the ordi-
nance ; while the aggravation of misery
became an additional incitement to vio-
lence^ This scene of horror, which was
capable of calling forth the language of
intercession, did not however move the
Bishop of Nismes, who wrote to the mar-
shal in a style of warm approbation.
"The project you are executing is severe,
and will be doubtless useful. It cuts at
the very root of the evil: it destroys the
asylums of the seditious, and confines
them in limits, where it will be more easy
* Court, vol ii p 49. lirueys, vol. ii. p. 220.
t 1 bid . , vol ii. p. 52.
t limeys, vol ii. p. 225.
§ To this cause may be attributed the murder of Ma-
dame Miraman, a Catholic laiiy, killed by four Cami
sards Cavalier, in his Memoirs admits that the men
had joined his troop ; but, t«> mark his indignation at
their cr m', he had them tried by a council of war :
three were shot — the fourth proved that he endea
voured to prevent the murder, and was acquitted.
to subdue and discover them."* In a
subsequent letter in the following pas-
sage : " The court has been too long in
deciding upon the remedies which must
be employed for staying such great ills.
Those which might have sufficed some
months since are no longer adequate; and
it will be necessary to adopt chastisements
more severe than those rejected as too
cruel, "t
The proclamations issued at this period
against the Cadets de la Croix, prove that
the Camisards were not the only distur-
bers of the peace of the country ; and
when their ravages were found oppressive,
the troops were as inadequate to sup-
press them as the Protestants insurgents.
But when the Cadets were seized, the
treatment they experienced was very dif-
ferent : they were acknowledged brigands,
but the others were fanatics.
After a long series of encounters in
which the results had been varied, Cava-
lier was surprised atNages, by the Count
de Fimarcon.J Two Catholic historians
claim the victory for their party, and
greatly exaggerate Cavalier's loss :$ but
other accounts give a very different re-
sult; and a letter from the Bishop of
Nismes, written on the day of the battle,
to the priest who sent intelligence of Ca-
valier's movements, is far from ascribing
a triumphant result to the assailants.
"The information you gave of the march
of the fanatics was very good ; and if the
troops of the neighbourhood had been sum-
moned in time, and M. de Fimarcon had
collected a greater number of dragoons,
or had been better supported, the affair
would have been very important. They
had then joined the rebels, who would
have been entirely defeated ; but they
have escaped, and have lost but a few
men. "||
The Camisards had time to quit the
place and gain an eminence before they
were attacked : and their energetic reso-
lution compelled their enemies to retire.
About thirty women were with the Cami-
sards when the alarm was given. They
had carried provisions to their husbands
and brothers, and found themselves com-
* Flechier Letlre du 1 Ortobrc, 1703.
t Ibid. aSrt.Oct., 1703.
X 13th Nov , 1703. Nages is a village two leagues
h est of Nismes.
} Brueys. vol ii. p. 238.
( Fiddlier, Letlre du 13 JVbi-fmire, 1703.
THE INSURGENTS DEFEAT THE ROYAL FORCES
403
pelled to fight for their lives. A girl of battle; their horses and arms were a wel-
seventeen, named Lucrece Grignon, dis- jcome prize to Cavalier, who celebrated
played great intrepidity, and stimulated his victory by divine service at Conge-
her friends by her example. Shouting, nies*
" The sword of the Lord and of Gideon,"j The sufferings of the Huguenots of
she disarmed a wounded dragoon, and Languedoc were not disregarded by the
joined in the pursuit of the flying soldiers. English and Dutch; but the supplies sent
A reinforcement was coming to the assail- 1 for their relief were diverted from their
ants, but their rout was too complete to destination. Pamphlets had been pub-
allow a renewal of the combat, in which ; lished, showing the benefit which would
Cavalier lost five of his comrades: on thejaccrue to the allies from supporting the
side of the troops there fell a major, a Camisards; and several individuals were
lieutenant, and about thirty soldiers, be-lactively engaged in promoting a move-
sides a number of wounded. Cavalier ment of that nature — the Abbe de Bourlie,
himself was nearly taken at the outset : j better known as the Marquis de Guiscard;
he had gone out to reconnoitre, and was the Marquis de Miremont, and Lord Gal-
intercepted by a cornet and two dragoons, ' way, a nobleman of French origin. In
concealed behind some olive trees. He j addition, there were a number of in-
was within pistol-shot when he perceived j triguing characters, who speculated
his danger; and the cornet called to him alike upon the confidence of the Cami-
by name, offering quarter. Cavalier re-jsards, and the liberality of the allies. It
plied by instantly shooting him through is, however, certain that some measure to
the head with his musket. He then assist the insurgents was -in contempla-
awaited the attack of the dragoons with tion: ships were perceived off the coast
a pistol in each hand. To encounter : of Cette in the autumn of 1703; and two
such a foe was almost certain death : they refugees, bearing Dutch commissions,
advanced upon him ; each pistol carried were arrested on their way to join the
true; and Cavalier rejoined his comrades,
drawn up ready for battle. After his
victory he proceeded to Clarensac, where
he dined and remained three hours ;
during which interval he destroyed the
walls, and preached a sermon,*— conduct
highly characteristic of men, who aimed
at imitating Joshua and the Israelite
chieftains on entering Canaan.
Laborde, one of Fimarcon's officers,
was defeated by Cavalier at Roques
d'Aubais.f He had four companies of
dragoons, which he divided into two
troops, in order to surround the Cami-
sards. Cavalier likewise divided his force,
to present a face to each opposing body.
Confident of victory, the dragoons gal-
loped down upon the insurgents ; when
to their astonishment, their progress was
Camisards. Their names were Jonquet
and Peytau: the former was induced by
promises to make important revelations:
he was kept in prison until the peace of
Utrecht. Peytau was firmer: he yielded
only to prolonged torture; and although
his communication preserved France from
invasion, it did not obtain any commuta-
tion of his sentence: he was broken on
the wheel at Alais, and died with resolu-
tion.!
This incident occasioned some admo-
nitory despatches to Montrevel; who, in
addition to his former horrors, ordered
general arrests of the Protestants, and the
massacre of all who were found away
from the places assigned them. He sent,
among other agents, the brigadier Planque,
who scoured the upper Cevennes, killing
arrested by a band of sixty recruits: every one he found abroad, regardless of
who had recently joined Cavalier; and sex or age. He destroyed all the mills
who, for want of better weapons, were
armed with slings. A shower of heavy
stones threw the troops into confusion; and
the main body of the Camisards, rushing
forward, completed their defeat. Twenty-
five dragoons remained on the field of
* Coiir', vol. ii. p 121
t 17th December, 1703.
and ovens in the villages with a view to
compel the peasantry to retire into the
towns. Some did so; but others, unwil-
ling to abandon their homes, were put to
the sword, to the number of nearly six
hundred. |
* Court, vol. ii. p. 175
t Ibid., vol. ii. pp.80— 85.
j 20lh Feb., 1704. Villars, vol) ii. p. 137
404
THE INSURGENTS DEFEAT THE ROYAL FORCES.
Were it desirable to crowd these pages
with affecting or revolting scenes this
epoch would supply entire volumes. The
troops were excited to violence — unhap-
pily, we know that they were urged on
by the clergy. The bishop of Nismes
has penned the following lines: " I see, in
a part of the troops, so little zeal for the
service of God and the king, that I do not
expect great success from the contem-
plated expeditions unless Heaven give ar-
dour to our warriors."* His appeal was
so well answered, that the Cadets de la
Croix outstripped all expectation; and he
found himself, soon afterwards, obliged to
write to one of his clergy: "You must re-
strain the armed Catholics. They should
combat, and fight the wars of the Lord;
and not plunder friends and foes."f The
wholesale murders recently committed
were not alluded to; but the plunder of a'
Catholic demanded repression — alas! for
the blindness of bigotry!
There were scenes of barbarity on
every side: if the cruelties of the troops,
and their allies, the Cadets de la Croix,
were described, justice would demand a
list of the atrocities committed by the Ca-
misards; and, in contemplating the chro-
nicles of the time, it is some relief to meet
with a military engagement, as a less
frightful scene. The victory obtained by
Cavalier at theDevoisde Martignargues}:
was highly important, as it led to Mon-
trevel's recall: it was, besides, a brilliant
achievement in a military point of view.
The marshal, being at Uzes, was in-
formed that the Camisards were in that
diocess, and sent La Jonquiere against
them with a detachment of marines and
some companies of dragoons. A rein-
forcement of a hundred horsemen followed
to support him. This detachment La
Jonquiere sent back, as he had full confi-
dence in his men, who were impatient to
wipe away the disgrace of a former de-
feat by Cavalier. Some heavy rains fa-
cilitated his tracking the insurgents, who,
finding themselves discovered, awaited the
attack with their accustomed resolution.
Cavalier made a suitable prayer in the
hearing of his men; and, having exhorted
them to fight manfully for their religion
* Si le cif I n'echauffe nos guerriers." Flechier, LeUre
<lu9 Fevrier. 1704.
t Lettre riu 10 Avril. 1.0 I.
t 15th March, 1704. It is about midway between
Alais and Uzes.
and liberty, he selected his ground, and
made his arrangements for the expected
conflict.
As soon as La Jonquiere had received
the reports of his officers, he advanced
upon the Camisards, ordering a general
volley within musket-shot: thatdischarge,
however, produced no effect, as Cavalier
had ordered his men to lay on the ground
when they perceived the enemy prepare
to fire. The movement was so well exe-
cuted, that La Jonquiere imagined they
were nearly all killed or wounded; and
commanded his soldiers to charge with
the bayonet. To his astonishment, the
Camisards suddenly started up, singing
their accustomed psalm.* They attacked
their enemies with energy, and were sup-
ported by concealed bodies of men, who
advanced on every side. The troops in
dismay lost all power of defence. La
Jonquiere escaped by swimming across
the Gard, leaving twenty-five officers,
and almost all his men dead upon the
field. The Camisards had twelve wound-
ed, of whom two died. The spoils sup-
plied the Camisards with arms of every
kind, besides a number of good horses;
with money and jewels to a considerable
extent, which afforded the means of pro-
curing many necessaries. Cavalier had
scarcely retired from the scene of action,
when the Marquis de Lalande arrived
with eight hundred men: too late to attack
the Camisards, he gave orders for remo-
ving the wounded and burying the slain. f
Montrevel had daily fresh proofs that
the majority of the population favoured
the insurgents; and to counteract their
plans, he ordered a strictsearch in Nismes,
which led to the arrest of about two hun-
dred and fifty persons: they were con-
fined in a fort. He also built a new wall
around the city, to enclose the suburbs;
and the discovery of two thousand loaves
at a baker's in the faubourg was a proof
* The troops were ofien paralyzed hy the religious
fervour of the Camisards. The anonymous historian
mentions a conversation wilh an officer, who declared,
as soon as his men heard Que Dieu se montre th?y were
no longer under command. Vol i p. 244.
t The Mem. de Villars (vol ii. p. 138) states that La
Jonquiere's division consisted of five hundred marines
and fifiy dragoons; yet, farther on (p. 142,) we find,
" the troops Inst five orsix hundred men, the insurgents
only two hundred" Louvreleuil estimates the troops
killed at above three hundred; and Y)e la Baume men-
tions that only four officers and one hundred and eighty
men escaped. Court has summed up the conflicting ac
counts
RECALL OF MARSHAL MONTREVEL.
405
that the Camisards drew their supplies
from such sources.*
Montrevel's removal from the command
of the troops in Langnedoc was ordered
in compliance with ihe suggestions of
Basville and the clergy. The marshal
had at first opposed the cruel measures
of the intenduit: when the government
ordered him, he obeyed with the unre-
served ardour of a soldier; but he had
raised secret enemies, and was deprived
of the honour of tranquillizing the pro-
vince. Marshal Villars was already
named as his successor; and Montrevel
determined on gaining before his depar-
ture, some important advantages for the
sake of his reputation. The day was
fixed; and knowing that Cavalier was
well informed of all that passed at Nismes,
he announced his intention of passing into
Guyenne: an escort was ordered to attend
him to Montpellier: Cavalier, relying on
the information he received, proceeded to
Caveirac, where he reposed his troops,
whom he lodged by billets in the town
and surrounding villages.!
The marshal was well informed of Ca-
valier's movements, and sent a battalion,
and some dragoons under colonel Grand-
val in pursuit of him. An action took
place at Caveirac, in which the Camisards
were defeated by their own impetuosity 4
Cavalier endeavoured to rally his men,
and effect a retreat, when he discovered
fresh bodies of troops collecting on every
side, and among them a division under
Montrevel in person. In vain did the in-
trepid Cavalier force his way through a
difficult pass: he immediately perceived
new obstacles to his escape: he retired
upon Nages, and hoped to reach the plain
of Calvisson; but every road and outlet
was occupied by soldiers. The marshal
had five thousand men; while his troops
consisted of only eight hundred infantry,
and a hundred horsemen. After vainly
contending with such a superior force,
Cavalier addressed his comrades, "My
children, if our hearts fail us, we shall be
captured and broken on the wheel. We
have only one resource: we must cut our
way through those men. Follow me!
and keep close together!"§
An impetuous charge was made after
* Villars, vol. ii. p 143 t Ibid., vol. ii p. 147.
t 16th April, 1704.
fj Hist, tics Camisards, vol ii p. 211.
this allocution, and the conflict was most
obstinate and fierce. The Camisards
opened for themselves a way to a bridge,
across which they forced a passage.
Montrevel was indefatigable in the action;
and the pursuit was maintained until
night-fall, when the approach to a wood,
and the broken nature of the country put
an end to this disastrous affair, which
lasted from three o'clock till nine. The
battle was considered as decisive; and
Montrevel is reported to have said, "It is
thus I take leave of my friends."*
There is some difference in the state-
ments of the force of the Camisards, and
the number they lost; both are exagge-
rated by the Catholic writers. But all
concur in describing their retreat, as dis-
playing unparalleled courage; and Cava-
lier's conduct on this occasion has ob-
tained from an enemy the following
eulogy; " Every one was surprised to see
a man of low origin, and without expe-
rience in the art of war, behave, under the
most difficult and delicate circumstances,
like a great general."!
CHAPTER LXV.
Conclusion of tliu Camisard war, umlpr Marshal Villars.
Cavalier's recent defeat was not so
overwhelming a misfortune as to dis-
hearten his party, had the disaster been
confined to that battle. His friends had
sufficient forces scattered throughout the
Cevennes to complete his battalions; and
the course of the war had shown that the
king's troops were, in general, more ha-
rassed and fatigued than the insurgents,
even when the results of an expedition
were otherwise satisfactory. But a new
dilemma befel the Camisards; a calamity
of far more serious character, in the dis-
covery of their principal magazine, near
Hieuset. It was a vast cavern which
served as hospital, arsenal, storehouse,
and asylum for their wives and children.
An aged female, who was observed to
proceed occasionally to the wood which
concealed this retreat, was charged with,
carrying supplies to some of the insur-
gents: she was arrested and threatened
* Court, vol. ii. p. 313
f Villars, vol. ii p 1.32.
406
CONCLUSION OF THE CAMISARD WAR.
with death, if she did not reveal the ob- officer so blind in his bigotry, that in his
ject of her visits. Her answers were view the religion followed and favoured
evasive, and Lalande, who commanded in I by the king must be good; and he could
that district, ordered her to be hanged. I not refrain from invective against those
Her firmness withstood the effects of that
threat until the moment of execution,
when she purchased her pardon by re-
vealing the fatal secret. A strong detach
whose conscience did not permit such
servility in their creed. On meeting
D'Aygaliers, he animadverted with vio-
lence against all who had borne arms
merit proceeded with her to the cavern, ; against their sovereign. This was in-
where about thirty wounded Camisardsj tended for the baron, who immediately
gave evidence that her denunciation was 'after the revocation had joined the Prince
true. Some of them were not expected of Orange: he did not however notice the
to recover from the wounds received atj allusion, but on the following day took
Nages; but although their condition wasjoccasion to call on Paratte, when lie de-
sufficient to inspire pity, they were all clared thai his observations had made
put to death by the soldiers. As the 'such an impression on his mind, that he
troops advanced, they discovered large! was most anxious to prove his Zealand
quantities of provisions of every kind, ! fidelity to the king — he concluded by
arms and ammunition, and a store of me-: asking a passport, which was readily
dicines and surgical instruments.* This given.
was followed by the pillage of Hieuset On reaching the capital, D'Aygaliers
and other towns, with the massacre of j drew up a memorial, in which he de-
the inhabitants.! ! clared the Protestants of Languedoc were
The discovery completely destroyed 'anxious and able to terminate the insur-
Cavalier's resources, as the province wasirection, provided the government would
too much impoverished to afford a re- allow them to act. The Dukes de Chev-
newal: but whether his genius could have: reuse and Montford seconded his views,
rallied under such difficulties, so as to land the minister Chamillard introduced
withstand the fresh troops who would ac-j him to marshal Villars, who was pre-
company marshal Villars; or what plan he 'paring to set out for his command. After
would have adopted for the personal t some conversation respecting the affairs
safety of his followers, can only be con- j of Languedoc, the marshal desired he
jectured. Happily for the province, and would await his arrival at Lyons.*
no less so for the marshal himself, a Pro-: Villars left Paris on the 30th of April,
testant noble had ventured upon a mission ' for that city, having received the king's
to appease the insurrection.
commands to bring back the insurgents
The baron d'Aygalierst of Usez, who S to their duty by mild measures.! He
lamented the dreadful state of affairs, was j was accompanied by D'Aygaliers on
of opinion that the advice of a Protestant; leaving Lyons; and during the journey
might be effectual in persuading the Ca- down the Rhone, the baron spared no
misards to lay down their arms; and he'efforts in cautioning the marshal against
further considered that such an important the prejudiced opinions he would receive
service would induce the king to appre- jfrom the clergy of Languedoc, who openly
ciate the unchanging loyalty of the perse- maintained there was no other way of
cuted Huguenots. His plan was to com- ' settling the insurrection than by extermi-
mence with a journey to Paris; but with- jnating all the Protestants. Villars heard
out a passport he could not leave Usez: ' him with attention, and promised impar-
how to obtain one was difficult, as hejtiality; and it is due to the marshal's
could not expect it would be given by character to state, that, beset as he was
Montrevel or Basville. Circumstances \ with the advocates of severity, he en-
favoured his projects: he dined one dayjcouraged D'Aygaliers in his laudable ef-
fort; and when the Protestants of Nismes
signed an act, requesting permission to
march against the rebels, he thanked
them, and authorized the promise of am-
in company with the brigadier Paratte, an
* Hist, des Caniisards, vol. ii. p. 241.
t Court, vol. ii. p 321!.
% De Rnssel baron D'Aygaliers. composed Jilemoires
sur les Drrniers Troubles de la Province de Languedoc
Court liad the use of this account, which is of great
value, as the author relates only what be positively
saw.
* Court, vol. iii. p. 271-
f Villars, vol. ii. p. 156.
PROPOSALS FOR PEACE.
407
nesty to all who would return to their
homes within eight days. Still Basville
exerted his influence to prevent Villars
from granting the required permission;
and D'Aygaliers at length overcame his
repugnance, and demanded an interview
with the sanguinary intendant, whom he
told, on entering, that although he would
rather die than accept a glass of water at
left his men at some distance from the
bridge, and advanced singly to the par-
ley, which lasted nearly two hours. The
result was kept secret, and subsequently
deprived Cavalier of the confidence of his
men : but Lalande was so pleased with
the conclusion, that he expressed a wish
to see the Camisards under arms ; and
having approached them, scattered a hand-
his hands, his desire to pacify the province i ful of louis d'or before them. The present
induced him to entreat that the marshal
might not be dissuaded from giving his
project a trial. All difficulties were soon
after removed, and D'Aygaliers received
his commission to wage war against the
Camisards.* Such were the terms used,
although D'Aygaliers had no design of
using other weapons than exhortation and
argument. He set out the next day, and
in every town announced amnesty to all
who would surrender.
Basville and Lalande instantly became
jealous of the importance which D'Ayga-
liers was likely to acquire; and without loss
of time engaged La Combes, by whom
boy, to use his influence with the Cami-
sard chief. Cavalier himself was inclined
to despair of his cause, and the advice of
his old master harmonized with his feel-
was refused by the men, who said they
did not want money, but liberty of con-
science. " That is beyond my power to
grant," replied Lalande ; " but you will do
well to submit to the king's wishes."
" We are ready," rejoined Cavalier, " to
obey his orders, provided he will grant
our just demands; otherwise we will die
with arms in our hands, rather than be
exposed to the cruel violence we have
had to endure."* Before they separated,
Cavalier informed his men that they might
accept the money, as peace was con-
cluded.t There was in fact an amnesty;
for Cavalier's troop went that evening to
Cavalier had been employed as shepherd's "Vezenobre, where they were quartered
by billets; and divine service was per-
formed in the temple, which had escaped
demolition. Cavalier himself preached
and prayed with such effect, that he drew
ings: yet it is said that his answers were ■ tears from his hearers: and marshal Vil-
haughty, inasmuch as he declared he lars sent his nephew to inform the court
would never lay down his arms until of Cavalier's proposals.};
liberty of conscience was established.!
This was followed by an invitation to a
conference from Lalande.J Catinat was
sent by Cavalier to fix the place and time
of meeting. The bridge of Avenes was
selected ; and within two hours Lalande
and Cavalier were in presence. 5
Lalande was attended by thirty dra-
goons, colonel Menon, and about ten offi-
cers, and Cavalier's brother, a youth of
fifteen, who was lately taken prisoner, and
who was to be restored, with a view to
promote conciliation. Cavalier was ac-
companied by sixty picked men of his in-
fantry, and eight horsemen. || Each party
* 4ih M.iv. 1704. Court", vol. ii. p .'39.
T Court, p 343.
I In ill-- Mem. de Villars ilU said that the overture
Game from Cavalier; but thai chieftain, in his own Me
inr.irs. savs that Lalande wrote first to bint.
$ Vilh May, !?04.
This is Cavalier's account : Flechier says them was
a iroop of three or four hundred, of whom eighty were
mounted, and that M de Lalande had only twenty dra-
goons In the Memuircs de fidars.wc find Cavalier
was attended hy ah ■>ut forty badly mounted horsemen
and two hundred infantry, in which account Crucys
coincides. If so much discrepancy is discovered in a
Flechier, in a letter written the day fol-
lowing, after expressing himself in the
coarsest invective against the fi/tiniics, re-
marks that Cavalier entered into the ne-
gotiation because he was afraid of being
surrendered. " The reasonings of this
peasant," observes the prelate, "are very
coarse and savage, although he be preach-
er, prophet, and general : still he is not
without a fund of good sense for effecting
his object."§
On the very day of the conference Rol-
land completely defeated a strong de-
tachment at Fondmorte. It was com-
manded by Courbeville, who was killed,
with four captains, six lieutenants, and
above two hundred soldiers. Viala, an
advocate, who had been active in troubling
the Protestants, was taken with his son
and nephew : all three were massacred.
detail of no moment, need we he surp'ised to find va-
riance on questions of real importance?
* Mem.d Ctcaticr, quoted hy Court.
t Villars, vol. ii. p 173. — Iliueys, vol. :i p. 315.
J Court, vol. i. p 330. § Flechier, Lett re du )3.Mni.
408
THE COURT ACCEPTS THE TERMS OF THE TREATY.
Holland obtained great booty in money, Rolland urging him to follow his example,
arms and clothing.* This event doubt- 1 The Camisards were left in possession of
less contributed to render the government Calvisson, awaiting the reply of the go-
more willing to accede to Cavalier's pro-
posals.
Cavalier's troop was meanwhile quar-
tered like the division of the royal army.
He exchanged visits with the king's offi-
vernment ; and during the interval were
treated with more consideration than is
usually shown for the regular troops.
This did not, however, deter Cavalier
from detaining hostages, and placing sen-
cers; and in every place had public wor- tinels, as if hostilities had continued. The
ship, with all the freedom of the best times clergy were horrified at the consequences
of Protestant liberty. He wrote to mar- to be apprehended ; the whole population
shal Viilars expressing his regret at the
engagement of Fondmorte ; and having
met D'Aygaliers, was urged by that gen-
tleman to request a conference with the
was in such rapturous joy at free oppor-
tunities for worship according to their
conscience, that the town resounded with
accents of praise; and psalms and thanks-
marshal. D'Aygaliers, whose mission was' givings were openly heard in the streets
to make war against the Camisards, was land public places. The bishop of Nismes
no sooner in their presence than the divi- thus alludes to the spectacle: " We have
sions mingled, embraced, and joined in
singing psalms ; while the leaders con
versed on the line of conduct to be adopt
seen Cavalier at our gates : his interview
with the marshal and M. de Basville ; his
submission and his pride ; the boldness of
ed. D'Aygaliers convinced Cavalier that the scelerels who accompany him; the
the happiness of all his brethren in religion 'assembly of so many unpunished mur-
demanded his submission, and the Ca
misard chieftain signed an offer to submit
with his troops to the king's clemency.t
After this preliminary Viilars hastened to
bring the insurgent leader to positive
terms, speculating probably on the effect
derers ; the concourse of new converts
who go to see them; the psalms they
chant, and with which the Vaunage re-
sounds; their sermons, in which they
utter a thousand extravagancies, ap-
plauded by all our people : the prophets
which this increase of importance might | and prophetesses who spring up among
have on the mind of an uneducated youth. ! them, and encourage the hope of the
The arrangements for the meeting were! speedy re-establishment of their religion. —
speedily concluded; hostages were left AH this greatly scandalizes and afflicts
under the custody of Ravanel; and senti- the Catholics; and seems sad to endure."
nels and piquets were posted to maintain But he adds, that the hope of restoring the
a communication with the main body of! Romish religion makes them overlook
the Camisards, before Cavalier ventured
on entering Nismes.l
Sandricourt, governor of that city, con
many things*
Basville represented to the marshal that
such a scandal ought not to be tolerated ;
versing with the marshal, endeavoured to! that the assemblies should be forbidden,
prevent the conference, by representing ! and the troops ordered to fall upon them.
the astonishment which would be caused
by a low-bred man, known only by his
crimes and rebellion, succeeding in con-
Villars would not listen to a project cal-
culated to revive the insurrection, and de-
sired the intendant to be patient for some
eluding a treaty of peace with his sove-jtime. He sent word, however, to the
reign. Viilars replied by an allusion to chiefs to restrain their preachers from ex-
the general advantage of the state; and travagance.t The marshal's biographer
Cavalier was soon after announced. He makes no attempt to disguise his dislike
presented his sword to the marshal, who to the Camisards, whom he styles misera-
desired him to retain it; after which theyjble fanatics; but D'Aygaliers, who was
conversed at length upon the projected ' present when Basville urged a renewal of
pacification §
After the conference Viilars wrote again
persecution, has recorded an observation,
highly to the marshal's credit. " There
to court, and Cavalier sent a despatch to: is something very ridiculous in the impa
* Viilars, vol ii p. 177 — Bru vs vol. ii. p. 3 1 9.
t Coiir;, vol ii. p. 360. ! I6tti May, 17114.
$ Viilars, vol. ii. p. 180 — Erue s, vol. ii. p. 327.
I » Flrchicr, Letlre du 23 Mai, 1704.— Tile language of
i Bruet s is similar. Vol. ii. p 331.
I t Viilars, vol. ii. p 187.
QUARRELS OF THE CAMISARD CHIEFS.
409
tience of the priests on tin's subject : I have who offered to proceed to Nismes and
received I know not how many letters, learn the conditions offered. Villars and
filled with complaints, as if the prayers of Basville met and discussed the terms as,
the Camisards blistered not only the ears, before; and Salomon Couderc was au-
but the skins of all the clergy. I wish thorized by the marshal to offer Rolland
from my heart I knew all those who have a colonel's commission, with privileges
written to me, that they might be basti- equal to Cavalier. It was soon evident
nadoed; for I think it a very great impro- that Rolland would refuse such terms;
priety that those who have caused these for Couderc, before he quitted Nismes,
disasters should complain and disapprove delivered to Lalande a letter from the in-
of the means used to make them cease."*, flexible chief to the marshal, observing, as
On the 22d of May, the Chevalier de he gave it, that peace could not be ex-
St. Pierre returned with the answer of pected, without granting liberty of con-
the government to Cavalier's proposals. i science. Rolland's letter was to the same
What were the terms demanded is not effect : his conscience he declared would
known. Cavalier being accused of be- [ not permit him to depose his arms until
traying his party, for the advancement of the edict of Nantes was completely re-es-
his own interests, has given a prolix state- tablished, and the imprisoned Protestants
ment in his Memoirs, which on a close were freed.*
scrutiny will appear full of improbabilities: i There were unfortunately at this period
such for instance, as the asserted fact of some intriguing individuals who if com-
Villars and Basville signing a complete missioned by any party, must have ob-
approval of his demands, on the day fol- tained their authority by misrepresenta-
lowing the conference. Common sense tion : such were Sallier, Guiscard, Bel-
would require the submission of such castel, and others, induced, by the despe-
terms to the king's approbation; and nar- rate condition of their fortune, to obtain
rators of every party agree that Villars the means of improving it, by serving the
did so send them for the opinion of the allies, in preventing the restoration of
court, before he ventured to sign the tranquillity in France. Two of these
treaty. Basville was averse to the very | agents were arrested at Avignon; their
last; and only signed as a matter of ne-i object was to encourage the Camisards
cessity, such was his hatred of the see- by the promise of assistance. They were
UratsA j punished, but other emissaries were more
In consequence of the marshal's in- successful ;f and to this cause it is rea-
structions from court, he delivered to Ca-; sonable to attribute the extraordinary
valier a commission of colonel, with the scene which occurred at Calvisson, when
right of appointing the officers of his regi-! Cavalier returned there, after meeting
ment, which was to serve in Spain; and Rolland.
a pension of twelve hundred livres.t In composing the regiment to be formed
Rolland had not yet submitted ; but by virtue of Cavalier's commission, Ra-
hopes were entertained that Cavalier vanel was named lieutenant-colonel, a
would persuade him to accept terms, such post to which his bravery and successful
as had been granted him; and for that expeditions fully entitled him. His mind
purpose the Camisard chieftains met at was under that violent excitement, which,
Anduze. Cavalier repeated to Rolland when based upon religious feeling, ex-
all the arguments which D'Aygaliers had eludes all idea of fear, disregards every
used in persuading him; but Rolland was earthly consequence, and almost renders
not so easily drawn from what he deemed martyrdom an object of glory. The life
the path of duty. He accused Cavalier he had led, the dangers to which he had
of having betrayed the cause ; and vowed been exposed, the plaudits of his brethren,
that he would not submit to any thing! which were obvious even in the thanks-
short of recognised liberty of conscience, givings offered to the Almighty, and the
The interview was very stormy, and constant habit of mingling warfare and
might have had fatal consequences, with- worship, — altogether, it was no more than
out the interposition of Salomon Couderc, a natural result, that he, one of the most
* D'Ayjaliers, quoted by Court, vol. ii. [>. 401.
t Brueys. vol. ii. p. 3H. J Villar?, vol. ii p. 187.
35
* Court, vol. ii p. 410 el seq.
t Villars, vol. ii. p. 194.
410
QUARRELS OF THE CAMISARD CHIEFS.
active of the Camisards, should have
taken fire the moment a suggestion was
made to him that their cause was be-
trayed.
Cavalier on his return to Calvisson*
was questioned by Ravanel, in the pre-
sence of the principal officers, on the con-
ditions of his treaty with the marshal. A
refusal to impart particulars increased the
eagerness of the demand ; threats were
uttered ; and when at length Cavalier in-
formed them that they were to serve in
Portugal, he was assailed with the epi-
thets coward and traitor. Ravanel vow-
ed that, for his part, he would not lay
down his arms till religious liberty was
granted, and their temples were restored.
His violence caused Cavalier to draw his
pistol ; but Moyse, a preacher, appeased
the rising quarrel. With the exception
of forty men, the troop of Camisards fol-
lowed Ravanel ; and when Cavalier en-
deavoured to change their resolution,
above twenty muskets were levelled at
him. Moyse again addressed the Ca-
misards, and saved their late leader's life;
but fearing a sentiment of attachment
might win them over to the man who had
formed them to victory, Ravanel and
Moyse hastened the departure of the
troop, which took the direction of Pierre-
don, shouting, " The sword of the Lord !"t
This unexpected scene, at a moment
when the complete pacification of the pro-
vince was hoped for, caused some display
of severe intentions, deemed requisite as
a warning.
Almost immediately after Ravanel's
mutiny, an ordinance was issued, forbid-
ding religious assemblies ;$ and another
fixed the termination of the period of sub-
mission for the 5th of June; after which
day the devastations of the preceding
year would be renewed.§ At the same
time Villars expressed his complete ap-
proval of Cavalier's conduct; the remains
of his troop were quartered at Vala-
bregues, an island on the RhCne, and his
offices were accepted by Villars, who
postponed his measures of rigour until
after the result of another effort, in con-
cert with D'Aygaliers, to persuade the in-
surgents to submit: with a further view
* 28th May, 1704. ..
+ Court, vol. ii. PP- 424-431. Villars, vol. II. p. 169.
Brueys, vol ii. p. 343.
1 Dated Nismes, 2Uth May, 1704.
§ Dated St. Geiiies, 1st June, 1704.
of conciliation, he ordered the gibbets and
scaffolds to be generally removed.*
D'Aygaliers induced Rolland and Ra-
vanel who had joined him to meet on a
mountain near Anduze. Cavalier's ap-
pearance gave rise to some animated re-
proaches between him and Rolland ; but
they afterwards embraced each other.
Not so Ravanel : he repeatedly called Ca-
valier a traitor, and a slave of Marshal
Villars. Rolland was persuaded to ac-
cept the proffered terms ; which, con-
sidering all the circumstances, were very
reasonable. Cavalier and Rolland were
each to have a regiment, to serve out of
the kingdom ; each might be attended by
a minister; the prisoners were to be freed,
the exiles recalled, and free permission to
be generally granted for the emigration
of the new converts. The Camisards
who remained were to lay down their
arms; and none were to be molested for
their religion, if they remained peaceable.
There was moreover full and complete
amnesty. But Ravanel could not suppose
good faith, on the part of a king who had.
violated the most solemn engagements
with the Protestants; he suddenly quitted
them to harangue the troop, and impress
his comrades with distrust. In conse-
quence, when the negotiators of both par-
ties proceeded to announce the result, an
advanced guard seized on R.olland, and
upbraiding him, carried him off to the
main body. Cavalier was obliged to spur
his horse, or he would have been sacri-
ficed ; and D'Aygaliers, who was too far
advanced for retreat, found himself as-
sailed with reproaches, and his life in
great danger, having six muskets close
pointed at his breast, and a pistol at each
ear. His good intentions were, however,
so well appreciated by the preachers, that
the Camisards were pacified, and he was
permitted to depart without injury.!
Meanwhile small parties of the Ca-
misards occasionally rejoined their late
commander: they were well treated by
the marshal, and received great attention
from the Protestants and new converts.
They prayed and sang psalms so much,
that the Catholics became indignant, and
would have thrown them into the Rhone,
but for the soldiers.t
Cavalier quitted Valabregues on the
* Court, vol. ii. p. 455. -f Ibid , p 459.
J De la Baume, quoted by Court, vol. iii. p. 4.
QUARRELS OF THE CAMISARDS.
411
22d of June, accompanied by one hundred
and fifty men. It was considered that if
the Cainisard leaders had acted in con-
cert, they might have obtained favourable
terms for the Protestants in general : the
efforts of D'Aygaliers, however well inten-
tioned, created jealousy, and destroyed
combination. The little band was well
received on their route. At Macon they
found orders to halt; and Cavalier came
on alone to Versailles, to confer with Cha-
millard. The king wished to see the far-
famed mountaineer. Cavalier was placed
on the grand staircase, and was pointed
out to the haughty monarch, as he passed;
surprised and perhaps indignant, that one
so young and homely should have braved
his authority, he shrugged his shoulders
and passed on.
Cavalier being suspicious of some trea-
cherous design on the part of the govern-
ment, communicated to his followers a
project of evasion. It was generally ap-
proved: they traversed Montbelliard, en-
tered Porentruy, and proceeded to Lau-
sanne.
Villars recommenced a system of se-
verity the day after Cavalier's departure,
by arresting every one supposed to be
connected with the Camisards. All the
prisons were crowded, and above five
thousand agricultural labourers were im-
prisoned on that suspicion, until they
could give evidence of their catholicity. *
At the same time a band of Cadets de la
Croix, who had been imprisoned for their
atrocities, were let loose upon the pro-
vince, as auxiliaries to the king's forces.t
The Camisards on their side resumed a
hostile position ; but although they con-
tinued their former system of warfare,
they were less inclined to violence than
before the armistice, of which de la Baume
has recorded two examples.!
Rolland meanwhile sent letters and
messages to the marshal, declaring his
willingness to surrender, but explaining
that he was restrained by his own fol-
lowers. Villars then informed the king
that he had to deal with madmen, who
after consenting to submit and receive the
* Court, vol. iii. p. 54.
t Plusieurs villars furont pilles el briiles par les
troupes; on fit de nouveaui enleveinens parmi les pro-
leslans suspects, el on autunsa de nouveau les course
des Cadets de la Croix . . . les troupes regulieres fi sil-
laient toos les t.'amisards dout elles s'emparaient. Ba
ragnon, Jib. de f llisl. de Nismes, vol. iii. p. 203.
f Court, vol. iii. p. 25.
royal pardon, suddenly broke off, and
stood upon the defensive. In one of his
despatches the marshal observes : " If they
continue this state of indecision, I shall
constrain them by force."*
The appearance of a hostile fleet off the
coast of Provence gave Villars some
apprehensions. A storm dispersed the
squadron, and drove some of the vessels
ashore; by which means two French
refugee officers were captured.t The
aspect of affairs became serious, and Vil-
lars devastated and massacred, in imita-
tation of his predecessor; at the same
time the judicial vengeance was no less
active.
D'Aygaliers continued his efforts to
persuade Rolland into submission, and a
meeting was held at Durfort for discuss-
ing the subject; but Ravanel's obstinacy
prevented the success of the negotiation.
That enthusiastic man, accustomed to re-
gard martyrdom as the highest honour,
was insensible to all idea of consideration
for others, desirous of leading a peaceable
life, although they would prefer death to
the disgrace of abandoning their party in
its decadence. In reply to an observa-
tion made by D'Aygaliers, he declared
with energy— " I adore God ! Cavalier is
a traitor — but for my part, I will serve the
Lord, even though thirty thousand devils
would prevent it.".t
The promise of a hundred louis d'or
induced a young man named Malarte to
betray Rolland's retreat.§ Paratte sent
a battalion of infantry and some dragoons
to Castelnau, where the formidable Ca-
misard was to lodge, The approach of
the troops was not discovered until escape
was no longer possible. Rolland, half-
dressed, with five of his officers, contrived
to reach some trees behind the house,
where they were discovered and sur-
rounded. The resolute air of these
i desperate men caused the officers present
to hesitate : the marshal would have pre-
■ ferred taking them alive; but a dragoon
* Villars, vol. ii. p 2C«.
) t Pierre Martin, a captain in the CiiL'Hsh service ; he
, was hanged; His companion was Charles o> Goulaine,
holding a Dutch commission ; he was beheaded.
I D'Aygaliers, quoted hy Court, vol. iii. p 30.
{ Brneys. L,nuviel.-uil, and the Mem de Villars exult
« upon a hit of scandal, respecting the demoiselles Oor>
• nely. said to be the mistresses of Rolland and Ins com-
* paaion Mullie. If true, the fact is not very important;
■ because the Camisards. from their station and circum-
stances, could not he selected as specimens id' Protestant
conduct : but, if false, how disgraceful for a party to ad-
I vance such a calumnious argument !
412
EXTINCTION OF THE PARTY.
speedily settled theirdoubts.by levelling his
piece at Rolland, who fell dead. His com-
panions made no further resistance, and
died upon the wheel with great firmness.
Five bishops who were present at their
execution were so lost to the require-
ments of propriety, as to manifest an in-
decent joy at the spectacle* Roiland's
body was brought to judgment, and con-
demned to be drawn on a hurdle and
burned.t
From this time the Camisards sustained
repeated losses and discouragements. Ra-
vanel remained undaunted, until all the
other leaders had made terms with the
government; and by the end of Septem-
ber the insurrection was terminated. The
Camisards were conducted under escort
to Geneva ; they received the assurance
that their captive brethren should be libe-
rated, and that no Protestant should be
molested on account of his religion .J
Cavalier served with distinction in the
allied forces, and at his death was a gene-
ral in the British army. The arrange-
ments he had concluded for his compa-
nions would have opened for them an
equally honourable career; but after the
pacification of Languedoc, their position
as discontented exiles made them an easy
prey to political adventurers and agents;
and particularly to such intriguers as Mi-
remont, Guiscard, and Flotard. At the
instigation of one or another of these men,
most of the Camisard leaders returned to
Languedoc. The Duke of Berwick had
replaced Villars in the command ; and his
vigilance detected a conspiracy for re-
kindling a civil war in the Cevennes, as a
diversion to favour the alliance against
France. The death of Basville and the
arrest of Berwick were to be the signals
of insurrection : at least it is so asserted,
and with some probability.§ The plot
being discovered, the result was fatal to
all the conspirators. Castanet was ar-
rested in the Vivafais, and died upon the
wheel at Montpellier. Ravanel and two
others were taken in Nismes ; and Catinat
was seized while passing the gates of the
city in disguise. Ravane) and Catinat
were burned alive; their two comrades
were broken : all four suffered with al-
* 14lli Aug 1704. Court, vol. iii. p. 56.
t limeys, vol ii. p 377. I Court, vol. iii. p 92.
§ Menard attributes the most atrocious projects to
these misguided men; but his accusation is too violent
to merit refutation. Hist, de Nismes, vol. vi. p. 415.
most incredible resolution; and as it was
feared they would address the spectators,
drums were beaten during their execu-
tion. They had been previously tortured;
but although three of them confessed pro-
jects and accomplices, no pain could ex-
tort a single confession from Ravanel.*
A frightful list of executions followed;
and, notwithstanding these severe exam-
ples, fresh projects were set on foot in
1707 and 1709. The principles of the
insurgents were still founded on the claim
jof religious liberty; but they were the
mere instruments of political purposes.
Ere we quit this period of cruelty and
I vengeance, the unfortunate destiny of the
Baron D'Aygaliers claims a passing re-
mark. This nobleman's well-meant ex-
ertions procured him the king's approba-
tion, and a pension of twelve hundred
livres. But his residence in France was
not permitted. On the payment of his
| pension being withheld, he considered
himself entitled to return to his estates,
as the natural resource for his supply.
The authorities of Lyons were informed
of his project: he was arrested as lie
passed through that city, and conducted
to the castle of Loches, in Anjou, where
he perished in an effort to recover his
liberty. He had escaped from his cham-
ber, by removing one of the window bars,
with which he despatched the first senti-
nel, when another soldier fired upon and
killed him.f
CHAPTER LXVI.
Ri igns of Louis XV. and XVI.
The remainder of the reign was occu-
pied with military disasters and contro-
versies between the contending sections
of the Romanists. The amiable Fenelon
and the dignified Noailles became in-
volved in serious disputes through the
vehemence of the Jesuit or Molinist par-
ty; and even Madame de Maintenon was
in some measure embroiled. The Je-
suits were victorious, and the destruction
of Port Royal displays the measure of
their resentment.
The death of Father La Chaise, an
event seemingly to be desired by the
* 22d April, 1705. Brueys, vol. ii. p. 484. Court, vol.
iii. p. 194,
t Court, vol. iii. p. 69.
DEATH OF LOUIS.
413
Jansenists, and their off-set party the | opposed to the Molinist views. Yet, as
they were conformable to the doctrines of
St. Paul, St. Augustin, and St. Thomas
Aquinas, one of his assistants represented
the danger to which lie would he exposed,
if he thus assaulted those pillars of Chris-
some note: "Animated with the pride of j tianity. "St. Paul!" exclaimed Tellier
Quietists, became a misfortune to the
sects thus designated on account of the
morose and vindictive character of the
new confessor, Tellier, of whom the fol-
lowing sketch is given by a writer of
a wicked angel, endowed with a robust
body, a mind strong and capable of great
efforts; without the least social virtue, he
had all the vices of a vigorous understand-
ing. Imbued with the desire of power,
of subjugating all to his society, and his
society to himself; incessantly devoted to
his purpose, he was feared by those
whom he obliged, whom he enslaved;
and abhorred by all others, even his so-
with earnestness: " St. Paul and St. Au-
gustin were hot-headed fellows, who
would in these days be sent to the Bas-
tille: with regard to St. Thomas, you may
judge how little I care for a Jacobin,
when I scarcely trouble myself about an
apostle."*
Under the influence of such a confes-
sor, it is quite natural that sanguinary
edicts should be issued until the close of
ciety, which he rendered powerful and the reign; and a declaration published not
odious."*
His first appearance at court sufficiently
announced his disposition. Aware that
his penitent would be more struck by an
apparent contempt of courtly honour than
by the obsequious (lattery with which he
was usually surfeited, he manifested from
the outset that sternness of disposition
which alone could impress the king with
awe. When his name was first men-
tioned, Louis asked if he was not related
to the late chancellor, Tellier de Louvois.
"Very far from it," replied the Jesuit,
bending reverentially: " I am a poor pea-
sant of Lower Normandy, where my fa-
ther was a farmer."t
The confessor, steady to the tactics of
his society, immediately commenced his
measures for injuring the Cardinal de
Noailles, archbishop of Paris, whom he
accused of Jansenism, to be avenged of
that cardinal's assertion that he sold
church preferment. Circulars were ad-
dressed to the bishops, with directions for
their conduct, and orders to denounce
Noailles and Quesnel to the king: this
scheme was, however, defeated by a copy
of the circular falling into the cardinal's
hands. It was made public, and Tellier
was on the point of being dismissed.!
Having failed in that plan, the Jesuit re-
solved on persecuting Quesnel, whose
works had been patronized by Noailles;
and in searching for propositions to be
condemned, he took care to select those
* Duclos, Mcmoires secrets sur la re'gne de Louis XIV ,
vol. i. p. 135.
t Mum. (In Due de Saint Simon, vol. iii. p. 201. Pans
1818.
t La Beaumelle, vol. v. p. 131.
35 s
long before the death of Louis is at once
a monument of cruelty, injustice, and in-
capacity.! L declared that a residence
in the kingdom of those who had hereto-;
fore professed the pretended reformed re-
ligion was more than sufficient proof that
they had embraced the Catholic religion,
without which they would not have been
tolerated. Further on, and in direct op-
position to the concluding article of the
edict of revocation, die whole body of
Protestants were exposed to the rigours
decreed against relapsed heretics, all who
persisted in the pretended reformed reli-
gion being deemed in a state of relapse.
Within six months Louis ceased to
live; and the heavy yoke which hypo-
crisy and bigotry had laid upon the na-
tion during the period he filled the throne
was exchanged for the sway of a prince
completely the reverse of the Grand
Monurque,
In this work it would hardly be fair to
attempt a delineation of his character, the
subject of these pages being almost exclu-
sively connected with his blemishes,
while the more brilliant scenes of his pro-
tracted reign have had no claim upon our
notice. The numerous panegyrists
whose pens were enlisted to throw an
aureole of glory around this " great era"
of the French monarchy have contributed
to mislead the judgment of subsequent
times; but his policy, his published senti-
ments, and his personal conduct must
suffer seriously, when subjected to the
analysis of impartial men. While hia
courtiers were lavish in abject adulations,
* Duclos, vol. i. p. 142. t Dated 8ih March, 1715
414
NEW PERSECUTIONS DURING THE REGENCY.
he was detested by the people at large;
and the indecent joy displayed on the day
of his interment must have been grounded
on some very obnoxious sentiments.*
It may not be misplaced to insert here
the opinion of a modern writer, compri-
sing an idea which certainly should enter
largely into the estimate of this monarch's
character. "I demand of all sound
minds, of all upright hearts, free from
passion, — the Convention, whose chiefs
are justly stigmatized for having substi-
tuted the legislation of murder and ven-
geance for the code of liberty, does it pre-
sent in its decrees a single barbarous or
immoral combination, the example of
which has not been given by the council
of Louis XIV. ?"t The question contains
an overwhelming accusation, the answer
to which is beyond doubt.
As his successor was a mere child, the
Duke of Oileans was appointed regent;
and, during the period of his government
a different policy was followed. His re-
putation for impiety was an earnest that
persecution on account of heterodox opi-
nions would cease; and he commenced
his reparatory measures immediately
after the late king's burial, when the
doors of the Bastille were thrown open to
the victims of Father Tellier, who at first
relied upon the authority of the deceased
monarch's will, by which he was ap-
pointed confessor to Louis XV. He pre-
sented himself with confidence, and in-
quired of the regent what were to be his
functions until the king was of an age to
need his ministry. " That is no concern
of mine," the regent coolly answered:
"apply to your superiors." This rebuff
tormented the imperious ecclesiastic,
whose brethren took revenge by preach-
ing most fanatical sermons against the go-
vernment.:}:
Under other circumstances the Hugue-
nots might have complained of the re-
gent's administration, for he maintained
all the edicts against Protestant worship;
and, whatever may have been his real
opinion in their favour, as has been pre-
tended, he did nothing to improve their
condition. § Yet, by comparison, they
* Lacietelle, Hist, de France pendant le lime Sieclc.
Vol. i p. 132.
■f De VEiat den Protestans en France, par M. Aignan,
de l'Academie Frangaise, p. 23.
% Lacretelle, ul avtea. p. 134.
,» An ordinance dated 20th July, 1720. pprmilted the
establishment of a burial-place in Pans for Protestant
were in a happy state: emigration in con-
sequence ceased, and although no positive
favour could be expected, they were free
from apprehensions of fresh persecution.
The Duke of Orleans was succeeded
in the direction of affairs by the Duke of
Bourbon, who had the weakness to ima-
gine he could immortalize his administra-
tion by renewing the severities of Louis
XIV.; a new persecution was in conse-
quence commenced by an absurd and
odious edict, more cruel than that of re-
vocation.* Children were torn from their
parents to be educated in the Romish re-
ligion; death was again decreed against
pastors, confiscation against relapsed con-
verts, and every kind of oppression en-
dured in the late reign was renewed; and
this disgraceful measure has been styled
a masterpiece of Christian policy.!
There was some abatement of the hor-
rors of persecution while Cardinal Fleury
was prime minister; yet the system did
not terminate for many years; and, to
judge from the writings of more than one
prelate, an unabated desire existed to be
freed from the presence of heretics. A
memorial from the clergy in April, 1745,
declared there was no hope of their con-
version, and that there was rising up a
generation of Protestants, more obstinate
and headstrong than their fathers. "They
may protest fidelity, and publish that the
spirit which pervades their assemblies is
free from revolt and insurrection; but they
will be good subjects no farther than fear
constrains them. "J
Monclus, bishop of Alais, in reply to
an intendant who was a friend to tole-
rance, thus writes: " The magistrates
have relaxed the severity of the ordinances,
and thus caused all the evils of which the
state has to complain. "§ Chabannes,
bishop of Agen, about the same time pub-
lished a letter, in which he laments the
incurable obstinacy of the heretics, and
foreigners ; but every precaution was taken that no
French body should be interred there ; and the 6th clause
especially declares that the public profession of the Pro-
testant rejujion was not permitted, even to foreigners,
who wi re forbidden all ceremonial in the sepultures;
nor could any Frenchman be present
* Dated May, 1724. This declaration, observes M.
Boissy U' A riplas, forms the summary of all the t>enal
provisions scattered I hroughout the laws of Louis XI V ,
some of w hich it renders even more severe. — Kssai sur
la vie de Maleshcrbes, vol. i. p. 18.
| CaVevrac, Ayologie de Louis XIV.. p. 449.
i Proces Verbaux de l'Assem'dce generale du Clerge.
quoted by Menard, vol. vi p. 601).
k Reponse de M. l'eveque d'Alais, dated 6 Octobre,
1751.
EXECUTION AND SLAUGHTER OF THE PROTESTANTS.
415
recommends that the state should he freed
from them by permitting their departure.
The bishop had heard indirectly that
the edict of Nantes was to be re-enacted:
this horrified his intolerant soul, and he
composed a tract which is no credit to the
Romish party. He commences by
praising the piety of Louis XIV., who
made the greatest sacrifices at the peace
of Ryswick, rather than listen to any pro-
posal in favour of the Protestants. '• He
renounced the fruit of his victories, pur-
chased with so much blood and toil; he
even acknowledged the usurper of Eng-
land, notwithstanding the ties which
bound him to the dispossessed king — he
granted all, he yielded all; he surrendered
every thing except the return of the here-
tics." The bishop then argues, that
what Louis XIV. refused, being in the
greatest difficulty, his successor cannot
yield in the midst of prosperity.*
This correspondence arose out of the
inconvenience perpetually springing up,
respecting marriage and baptism among
the Protestants; a subject which renders
it necessary to revert to an earlier period.
Ever since the edict of revocation the ju-
risprudence had assumed that there were
no Protestants in France; while edict ra-
pidly followed edict, inflicting penalties
upon Protestants and new converts
leaving the kingdom. The church of
Rome declaring marriage a sacrament,
could not administer that rite to any who
denied its ecclesiastical authority; and in
consequence, the new converts were
called upon to give proof of Roman Ca-
tholicism, before their marriages could be
celebrated. The Huguenots sought their
proscribed pastors in the deserts and fo-
rests. When the benediction of a minis-
ter could not be obtained, the blessing
was pronounced by aged heads of fami-
lies, awaiting the occasion of a pastor's
arrival; and whenever it was known that
a minister was in the country, multitudes
hastened to meet him, to have a religious
sanction conferred on their unions, to
present their children for baptism, and to
receive the sacrament of communion.t
* Lettre rie M. rew^que'd'Agen a M. le contrdleut ge-
neral contre la tolerance des Huguenots Hans le roy
aume. It Mai 1751. This pamphlet was so eagerly
Bought for that ii could nor be procured without difli
culty; but it was reprinted, in 17.W, by Court, along
with the Patrinte Fravvai<e and Impartial, which is a se-
vere commentary on the letter
t Rulhiere, vol. ii. p. 174. Menard also testifies to
As the assemblies in the Desert con-
sisted of many thousand persons, a fresh
persecution occurred for the purpose of
effecting their suppression.* In a report
addressed to the secretary of state the
severities are not concealed. In Langue-
doc twenty-eight persons, and in Guyenne
forty-five, were condemned to the galleys,
and attached to the chain of fa real s, for
nothing else than attending these meetings
for worship. In Normandy, the goods
of those who had not allowed their chil-
dren to be baptized by the cure were sold
without any form of procedure. These
iniquities occurred in 1746;t and in 1752
an attempt to re-baptize by force the chil-
dren of Protestants caused such resistance
at Ledignan, in the diocess of Nismes,
that the measure was relinquished.!
The punishment of death was inflicted
upon all ministers who fell into the power
of the government. M. Desubas, a young
preacher, was arrested in December,
1745, and conducted by a body of soldiers
to Vernoux in the Vivarais. Some of
his flock, learning his capture, assembled
on the road, unarmed, to implore his
liberation: a discharge of musketry was
the reply to their appeal, when six per-
sons were killed, and four were made
prisoners. Crowds arrived at A7ernoux
to intercede for their pastor's life. The
assemblage was fired upon — thirty-six
were killed, and two hundred wounded;
the greater part mortally. The feelings
excited by this wanton cruelty might
have led to serious consequences, as the
majority of the population was protestant,
and the escort not very powerful; the
pastors however exerted themselves in
persuading the people to abstain from
violence. § Desubas was conveyed to
Montpellier, where he was condemned to
death, and suffered on the 1st of February,
1746, in presence of an immense con-
course of people: his conversation with
those who visited him in prison, and his
calm behaviour at the time of execution,
their steadfastness in describing their assemblies in
1743. Hist de Nismes. vol. vi. p. 5'M.
* C'nninie les Protestans be discontiuuaient pas leurs
assemblies, it fa.Ua.it punir les nouveaui convertia des
lieux de I'arrnnilissemeni dans lesquels ellus se tenaient,
Menard, vol. vi. p. tj'26.
t Rulhiere, vol. ii. p. 340.
i Menard, vol. vi. p. 032.
$ A biographer of Paul Rabant mentions that minis-
ter's noble conduct on this occasion. Vide Appendix.
No. 6.
416 EXECUTION AND SLAUGHTER OF THE PROTESTANTS.
kindled much commiseration, even among
the Catholics *
The minister Benezet, arrested at
Vigan, wis executed at Montpellier in
January, 1752. Francis Rochette, ano-
ther minister, suffered at Toulouse, in
1702, with three brothers, named Grenier.
The eldest was not twenty-two years of
age. Tlfey had endeavoured to release
their pastor from captivity, and were be-
headed close to the gibbet on which
Rochette was hanged. t They were I
offered their lives if they would abjure; I
but their firmness did not relieve them I
from the obtruding solicitations of four
priests, who beset them until the fatal
moment. As the crucifix was occasion-
ally presented to the brothers, the eldest
observed: "Speak to us of him who died
for our sins and rose again for our justi-
fication, and we are ready to listen; but
do not introduce your superstitions."
Rochette was forced to descend in front
of the cathedral, where he was ordered to
make the amende honorable; but he
boldly declared his principles, refused to
ask pardon of the king, and forgave his
judges: to the hist he displayed a martyr's
constancy. The brothers Grenier were
equally firm. After two had suffered, the
executioner entreated the youngest to
escape their fate by abjuring. "Do thy
duty," was the answer he received, as
the youth submitted to the axe.|
The celebrated Calas, broken on the
wheel upon a false charge of having
killed one of his children, who was dis-
posed to become a catholic — an injustice
discovered too late; and the filial tender-
ness of Fabre, who suffered condemnation
to the galleys in the place of his father,
are so well known that allusion to them
is sufficient. The effect produced upon
the public mind, when the circumstances
were made known, contributed essentially
to the removal of a great reproach upon
French legislation.
The habit of excluding Protestants
from every advantage was so confirmed
at this period that, in a list of twenty-
seven soldiers, entitled, by government
order, to subsistence as invalids, the
* Hist, of the Persecutions endured by the Prote.-tants
of the South of France, hy Mark Wilks. vol. i. p. 7.
t Rulhiere, vol. ii. p. 351. Boissy d'Anglas, vol. i. p.
379.
j From the Toulousaines, a series of letters published
in 17G3.
names of two German Lutherans are
erased, with a marginal explanation of
the cause against each, — -'Sent home to
his own country with sixty francs, per-
sisting in his religion." The name of a
third German Protestant is allowed to
remain, he having consented to abjure.
The document is dated 19th August, 1762.
This may have been unknown to the
minister of war, and seems a consequence
of the previous regulations; for all en-
lightened classes now began to exclaim
against the illiberal, exclusive nature of
the laws and administrations respecting
non-Catholics. At the same time there
were so many changes required, of far
greater importance, that this abuse was
long overlooked, and so late as 1791 it
was necessary to profess the Romish re-
ligion to be admitted into the Hospital of
the Invalids. The impulse was, however,
given, and every thing indicated the ap-
proach of an era of justice.
An effort was made by the clergy, in
1765, to resist the tendency to toleration
by a remonstrance to the king. " It is in
vain," that body declares, " that all public
worship, other than the Catholic, is for-
bidden in your dominions. In contempt
of the wisest laws, the Protestants have
seditious meetings on every side. Their
ministers preach heresy and administer
the Supper; and we have the pain of be-
holding altar raised against altar, and the
pulpit of pestilence opposing that of truth.
If the law which revoked the edict of
Nantes — if your declaration of 1724 had
been strictly observed, we venture to say
there would be no more Calvinists in
France Consider the effects of a tole-
rance which may become cruel by its
results. Restore, sire! restore to the
laws all their vigour — to religion its
splendour. Let the solemn renewal of
your declaration of 1724, the fruit of your
wisdom and piety, be the happy result of
our remonstrance." Similar representa-
tions were made by the clergy in 1770
and 1772 against the Protestant assem-
blies.* The hostility shown to this mea-
ore, half toleration has inflicted a perma-
nent evil on France. Protestantism was
suppressed to the extent of administrative
power; but as no enactments could enforce
sincere respect for the victorious church
of Rome, a spread of irreligion has been
Boissy d'Anglas, ut antea, vol. i. p. 18.
THE PERSECUTION RELAXES.
417
the consequence. Ardent Huguenots
defied authority and braved martyrdom;
while the indifferent, although they de-
clared themselves converted, were unable
to submit their conscience to papal tyran-
ny, and became the leaders and teachers
of the Encyclopaedist school.
The philosophic party, in its hatred of
the clergy,* co-operated vviih the enlight-
ened members of the educated classes in
producing a mitigation of the code under
which the Huguenots groaned; and the
writings of Caveyrac and the Abbe L'En-
fant,f in favour of bigotry, were received
with general contempt. Louis XVI.
gave an edict in 1787, which improved
the condition of Protestants in a small
degree. This ill-fated king, although re-
markable for humane feelings, was still
influenced by education, as well as by
respect for the opinions and policy of his
immediate predecessors; and, without the
exertions of the admirable Lamoignon
Malesherbes, it is doubtful whether this
edict would have been obtained.]; That
eminent man was indefatigable in the
council and by his writings. 41 It is the
least," he observed on one occasion,
" that I can do to repair, in the eyes of
the Protestants, all the harm which M.
de Basville, my uncle, did to them in
Languedoc."§
The concessions were no more than
what could not be with safety withheld;
and the terms of the edict expressly state
"that the non-Catholics cannot claim
under its provisions more than the law of
nature forbids being refused." In short
it only conferred the means of recording
the civil existence of the Huguenots;
nothing like a privilege was granted;
and an express stipulation was made to
prevent any Protestant minister fiom
signing certificates establishing- the birth,
marriage, or decease of one of his flock.
* The astonishing popularity of Voltaire's Writings
effected much, and In- e.vei ted his influence with eminent
persons in behalf of totem lion— particularly Marshal
Richelieu, 10 whom he addressed an admirable letter on
the subject, in 1772.
t This writer, after grossly disfiguring history., ob-
serves, "Telle est, Sire la filiation ile t'irreliguin, dont
le Calvin i snie est la souche." — Discours u lire au Lonseil,
&.C., p. 223.
1 Gilbert des Voisins, conseiller d'etat, composed a
Memoirc sur Us moyeiisde ilunner aui Protesfans un ctat
civil en France. It was written by order of Louis XV,
and read to bun in private, but remained unpublished
until 17H7. The consistonal library of the Oratorio has
n number of pamphlets on this subject, winch drew forth
much controversy.
$ Boissy D'Anglas, vol. i. p. 31.
The religious assemblies were no longer
the object of such vigilant pursuit; but
the Protestant worship existed by suffer-
ance rather than by permission.
The boon was trivial, yet the edict was
opposed in its progress,* and the cause of
fanaticism found a zealous defender in M.
D'Epresmenil, who resisted to the last,
and called upon the magistrates to avoid
" crucifying the Lord anew" by the sanc-
tion ofsuch a sacrilegious measure. It may
indeed be doubted whether any conces-
sion would have been made if the different
parliaments had not, on several occasions,
given decrees in favour of the Protestants.
One or two instances will display the
civil degradation of the Huguenots until
the sanctuary of justice afforded some
relief.
Andre Greffeuille, a Protestant, left by
will certain property to his daughter; and
his widow, to whom he had been married
in the desert, proceeded to act as guardian
of her child. But Jean Roche, the re-
siduary legatee, iniquitously endeavoured
to take the whole property; and obtained
a favourable decree from the seneschal of
Nismes on the grounds of the absence of
legal forms in the marriage: the child was,
to o »
in fact, baptized at the church as the
natural daughter of Andre Greffeuille
and Susannah Metge, living in concu-
binage; for such was the invariable mode
of describing the children of Protestants.
However, a declaration from the paternal
relatives that the parents had been mar-
ried in the Protestant form, and that the
child was always regarded as legitimate,
sufficed to obtain a decree in her favour. f
The same parliament gave other de-
cisions in favour of widows, to whose
prejudice collateral relatives had raised
claims, grounded on their pretended con-
cubinage; or restoring the heritage to
children, whose legitimacy was disputed.]:
These conclusions were based upon
equity: there had existed impediments,
arising out of contradictory enactments,
and the principles of justice were de-
* The bishop of Rnchelle issued a maiidement; dated
26th Feb., 1788 enjoining his clergy to refuse their mi-
nistry to all non Catholics, referring them to the secu-
lar authorities. The king was displeased, and by arrets
du conscil 3d April, 1788, declared the mandement very
reprehensible, and ordered it to be considered as non
avenu.
t Arret du paiiement de Toulouse, 9 Mars, 1759.
[ Ai-rets dated 19th Aug., 1709; 9th July, 1770; and
17th July, 1770; the parliament of Grenoble gave a simi-
lar decree, 10th Feb. 1778.
418
PARTIAL FREEDOM AFTER THE REVOLUTION.
fended, in opposition to conflicting tech- 1
nicalities. Yet, on one occasion, the i
parliament of Toulouse gave a judgment
which involved a still greater principle.
Antoine Beneeh, a Protestant, being on
his death-bed in 1747, was summoned
by a cure, in the presence of three wit-
nesses, to receive the sacraments of the
church. He refused, and the court of
Montauban confiscated his property, as a
relapsed heretic, under the enactments of
1715 and 1724, by which all persons
persisting in the pretended reformed re-
ligion are declared relap.s. An appeal
was presented against this decision in
1769; and after a delay of eight months,
the parliament decreed, that as no one
could be declared a relapsed heretic who
had not abjured, the memory of the de-
ceased was free from calumny, and his
property must in consequence pass to the
next of kin.*
The decrees of the National assembly
opened a new era for the Huguenots.
In the sittings of August and September,
1789, the non -Catholics were declared
eligible to all public functions. They
were no longer an inferior caste, and be-
came candidates for civil and military
employments. It was therefore natural
that the revolution should be hailed with
joy by those who from their cradles had
endured severe persecutions: they re-
ceived a benefit far beyond the range of
their expectations, their forlorn condition
forbidding the contemplation of a change
so favourable. Yet the adversaries of
religious freedom accuse them of disturb-
ing the good feeling which prevailed at
the commencement of the revolution; and
represent them as aggressors, where evi-
dence abounds to substantiate their in-
tended doom as victims.
The news of the destruction of the
Bastille gave rise to the most joyous en-
thusiasm at Nismes. The nobility and
clergy of that province had been fore-
most in promoting the establishment of a
limited monarchy; and until the church
property fell into discussion, and was de-
voted to public purposes, the greatest
harmony prevailed;! for at that time the
new constitution was generally in favour.
* Arret du parlement tie Toulouse, 10 Juillet, 1770.
t The elfiCI ion of twelve commissioners lor organizing
the milice JVismoise in July, 1789, passed off Willi per-
fect harmony M. Vidal, subsequently a violent ultra,
was among the successful candidates.
But a proposal in the National Assembly*
lo sequestrate the ecclesiastical revenues
kindled a sympathy between the secular
clergy of all ranks, the regular clergy of
all denominations, and the noblesse, who
could duly appreciate the retreat of a rich
benefice as a good provision for younger
sons. The nobility and clergy had al-
ready begun to quit the countiy, and
their adherents prepared for the organi-
zation of patties in the municipal coun-
cils of Nismes, and for raising separate
companies in the national guard. These
intrigues began in December, 1789, when
meetings were held at the house of a
cure, and in the church of the Penitens
Blancs. Other cures co-operated, and
their efforts were directed to inflame the
people.t In all subsequent elections, the
Catholic and Protestant interests were
placed in hostile array; and at the muni-
cipal elections in February, 1790, out of
the eighteen members, only one Protest-
ant was elected. The Catholic clergy
had previously circulated some inflamma-
tory, or, more properly speaking, incen-
diary pamphlets to excite a feeling against
the Protestants, and urging the necessity
of their destruction. f
One of the chief instigators in this un-
happy business, named Froment, being
disappointed of the full recompense for
his services, at the restoration of the royal
family, published a statement of his ex-
ertions in behalf of the clergy in 1790;
and it is not assuming too much lo de-
clare, that the intrigues of such persons
were the sole causes of the trouble and
confusion which followed, and of the
animosity displayed between the Pro-
testants and Catholics of Nismes. §
* 10th Oct., 1789.
f Lauze de Peret,2e livraison, pp. 174— 210 Thisau-
thor will he frequently referred to. His work consists
of two pans ; h claircissemens liistoriques, in three livrai-
sons, Paris, 1818 ; and Causes et precis des Troubles, &c ,
ill 1 vol , Paris, 1819.
J 1 have fortunately procured two of these violent
tracts, the character of which may he gathered from an
extract from each : — " Je ne crains pas d'assurer qu'ac-
corder aux protestans la liberie du culte radmissioti
aux charges et aux honnenrs civils et militaires, c'est
urn malqui oe renferme aucun avantage reel pour vous
ni pour I'etat, niais qui Men plus expose I'un et I'autre
aux plus grands desastres.'* Pierre Romaiv aux Catka-
liques de JVismes, p 4. " Les calhohques de la Sine-
cha.issee n'oni jamais entendu dormer a leins deputes
le droit de les sonmetlre au deppotisrhe de leurs plus
cruels ennemis', el ils deviendraient reelli merit les es*
cla vi s iles protestans si on accorduii a ces fnnatiques re-
publicainsln liberie du culte." Charles Sincere d Pierre
Romaiit, p 10.
$ This was so evident that Froment's pamphlets were
soon suppressed : he published one in 19 15', another in
I 1817. Tlte latter I have been able to procure ; but I only
REVIVAL OF PERSECUTION AT NISMES.
419
" Faithful to my religion and my king,"
says M. Froment, "I endeavoured to
diffuse the spirit bv which I was animated.
I published in 1789 several writings, in
which I exhibited the dangers that threat-
ened the altar and the throne. My fellow
countrymen beingstruck with the justness
of my observations, displayed the most
ardent zeal; and with a desire to avail
myself of the favourable feeling, 1 went
secretly to Turin in January, 1790, to
solicit the approbation and assistance of
the French princes. At a special meeting
held on my arrival, I showed that if they
would arm the partisans of the altar and
the throne, making the interests of reli-
gion march with those of loyalty, it would
be easy to save both. . . After a general
plan was decided upon, and a secret
correspondence arranged, I returned to
Nismes; where while I awaited the pro-
mised assistance from Turin, and which
I never received, I employed myself in
exciting the zeal of the inhabitants. It
was at my suggestion they adopted the
declaration of the 20lh of April, which
demanded that the Catholic worship
alone should be permitted, and which
was signed by three thousand citizens."*
Unhappily this band of conspirators
was encouraged by the municipal authori-
ties;! and with such support they were
enabled to create some confusion at the
elections for departmental officers; yet
not to the extent expected by Froment
and his friends, who piepared for a vigor-
ous effort. The 13th of June was the
day fixed upon; when about two hundred
leaguers attacked some dragoons,! who
drove them back after long resistance.
At the same lime Froment despatched
messengers into the country parishes, to
claim help; asserting as a motive to en-
force the appeal, that unarmed Catholics
were massacred at Nismes. The mes-
sengers were arrested, and their letters
know the other through Hip extracts given by Lauze de
Peret and Mark VVilks.
♦ Lnuze lie Peret, 2e livraison. p. JOG. — Priidhomme,
Rh-ohition' d' Piris Ni. 44 p. 3(19.
t Verites bistoriques *ur les evenemens arrives a
Nismes le 13 de Juin et les jours suiians. PnDliees par
lecluhdes Amisde la Constitution, en Jui Hot, 1780, p 2
+ These were the ravalrv of the national guard, they
were composed of the wealthiest among the inhabitants
of Nismes, and comprised inanv Protestants The com-
panies raised under party influence, and consisting of
violent Catholics, had frequent quarrels with them.
They prepared on the sth June to express their contempt
bv proceeding through the town mounted on asse«; hut
the authorities prevented them. Resume dcs Prods Ver-
bauz, p. 21.
thus falling into the hands of the electoral
assembly, created, as may be well sup-
posed, much indignation at such a per-
fidious attempt to cast upon their intended
victims the odium and initiative of the
project framed by the conspirators.* In
the fermentation which ensued, all the
Protestants who fell into the hands of the
rustics were murdered. f
On the following morning, at seven
o'clock, the procureur du roi proceeded
to verify the number of slain, when he
was informed that there was fighting in
the adjoining streets. The national
guards were drawn up on the esplanade
facing the convent of the Capucins, a place
notorious as the focus of conspiracy, and
whence the most inflammatory libels had
been issued. The convent being sus-
pected was searched, but nothing was
discovered: however, to the surprise of
all, a firing was heard: it was supposed
lo proceed from the convent; and M.
Massip, the municipal officer of St.
Come, was killed.! The national guards
rushed forward to attack the convent; and
the superior, from a window, insulted
the assailants, while the convent bell was
rung to summon aid. The expected
support did not arrive in time; the gate
was forced open, and five Capucins with
three laymen were killed on the spot.
The edifice was then attacked; and while
it is stated by one party that, even in
their rage, the people respected the chapel
and objets du arite, their opponents
charge them with rapacious pillage.§
Meanwhile Froment and his partisans
kept up a fire from the ramparts, whither
they had retreated. He was not aware
of his letters being intercepted, || and main-
tained the conflict, fully expecting the
arrival of multitudes from the country to
support him. He placed thirty men in
the Dominican convent, decidedly again3t
* On searching the houses of the abbe Cabanel and
Hrajouze, curate of St. Paul, arms were discovered.
Verites historif/ues. p. 13
{• l.au/.e de Peret, 3« livraison, pp 21—34. This an.
thhr has drawn largely for information from the official
report made to the National Assembly by M. Alquier.
i Vide Appendix, No. 8.
■S I ,a uze de Peret, 3" livraison, pp 39 et 44. — Veritis
Hittoriqtiis. &c, p 12 The letter states that four men
were with the monks and refers to a prorcs verbal,
drawn up by the cure of St. Castor, to show that profa-
nation occiirrred. The Resume des Pror.es Verbauz (p.
32) pretends, on the other hand, that plunder and devas-
tation took place.
1 The letters of Froment and Oescombies to the Mar-
quis de Bouzols, commandant of Languedoc, are given
at length in the Veritas fflstoriques, &c, p. 20.
420
REVIVAL OF PERSECUTION AT NISMES.
the wishes of the monks, while another
party took a position in Froment's house.
With a view to prevent the threatened
loss of life, the electoral assembly sent a
flag of truce, accompanied by the town
trumpeter: a parley ensued, and the
leaguers consented to surrender to the
assembly. The white flag was displayed,
and preparations were commenced for
executing the terms, when the firing was
renewed from the ramparts, and recon-
ciliation became impossible. A. vigorous
attack followed immediately, and the
leaguers experienced the effects of popu-
lar fury. Most of them were killed on
the spot; and among the number was
Pierre Froment, brother of the chief con-
spirator.*
The disturbance created a great sensa-
tion in the National Assembly, as it was
represented in the light of an attack upon
the Catholics by the Protestants, a charge
which has been frequently repeated since
the restoration. In consequence, Rabaut
St. Etienne, deputy of Nismes, addressed
the assembly: " A number of facts de-
monstrate that the afTair of Nismes, far
from being a war of religion excited by
the animosity of Protestants against I
Catholics, had religion only for pretext;
but for its principal object, the restoration
of the old government; and that the two
parties of Nismes, far from being Pro-
testants against Catholics, were, on one
side, the friends of liberty and the consti-
tution, both Protestant and Catholic; and
on the other, all those of both religions
who were discontented with the revolu-
tion,— ci-devant nobles, canons, &e."f
This assertion has been denounced as a
calumny; but Froment's publication has
established its correctness.!
This conflict has obtained the name of
the bagarre de Nismes. One hundred
and thirty-eight persons were killed; four
were severely wounded; and twenty-four
houses were pillaged or destroyed. The
loss was most severe on the side of the
* Lauzo dfi Peret 3e livraison, pp. 44 ct seq. Wiiks,
p. 71 Verites Historiques, p. 14.
t Seance tin 24 Fevrier. 1791.
I A cette epnque (Janvier, 17!)0 ) je fns charge par S.
A- R. Monsieur le Comte d'Artois. alors a Turin, de
former un pirti royaliste dans le in id i, do I organiser et
de le commander : je remplis ma mission avec succes;
mats le 1.1 Juin. 17'JO ayant fete attaque a Nismes par
des forces lies siiperieuros. avant d'avoir rec/ii les armes
et les secours qu'on m'avait promts, je perdis dans cette
lulte un de mes freres et sept :i huit cents rnyalistes.
Fromenl, Letlre a M. le Marquis de Foucault, &c, ldl7,
p. 24.
leaguers, two-thirds being of that party:
but it was a combat, and not a massacre,
as the Catholics maintain; and which
they have exaggerated with shameless
effrontery, declaring that in 1790 fifteen
hundred victims were massacred, and that
priests were slain at the foot of their
altars.*
During the reign of terror the Protest-
ants suffered in the same proportion as
the Catholics: this being incontestably
established by the list of condemnations
is a proof that religion was not in ques-
tion.! To condemn the Protestants in
general, as Jacobins and revolutionists, is
therefore a monstrous injustice as well as
an absurdity; yet such was the prevalent
opinion among the ultra-royalists after
the restoration; and the sentiment was
strengthened by an expression attributed
to Malesherbes; who after expatiating on
the benefits which Louis XVI. had con-
ferred on the Protestants, exclaimed:
" Some gratitude was due from them; but
it is known that the king had no enemies
more cruel." This was repeated and
enlarged upon, although there is not the
least proof that Malesherbes ever uttered
such a phrase;! and the illiberal feeling
gave rise to a series of events which pre-
vent the conclusion of our task at this
period; for the rights of conscience and
liberty of worship were legally admitted
when the anarchy of 1792 was replaced
by a regular government. The spirit of!
party then vanished; during a period of
nearly twenty years none ever dreamed
of inquiring into his neighbour's religious
opinions; and if any fanatical feeling
existed, it was silenced by the irresistible
authoritv of the laws.
CHAPTER LXVII.
Restoration of Louis XVIIt. — Troubles at Nismes and
environs
The return of the Bourbon princes
* Mcmoircs Happorl, &c, presented to the king, 23d
Aug.. 1815. Another account, hostile tothe Protestants,
was published in Sepr., 171)0, entitled Details circon-
slanciis. &c; but the event was then too recent to per-
mil such gross exaggeration — at least in the numbers;
although a distortion of the facts is very glaring, even
there.
t Lanze de Peret gives the name and residence of each
victim : there were ninety-one Catholics, lorty-six Pro-
testants, and one Jew.
1 Boissy d' A nglas expresses great doubt on the subject,
vol. i. p. 37.
PROVOCATIONS OF
THE PROTESTANTS.
421
was sincerely hailed by the French Pro-
testants. In most towns their numbers
were too small to attract observation; but
at Nismes, and in the surrounding dis-
tricts, they constituted a large proportion
of the inhabitants. There were instances
of Protestants beingappointed mayors; but
none were ever named prefect, procureur-
general, nor chief president of the Cour
Royale, in the department of the Gard.
As the majority ofthe Protestants were
engaged in commerce or manufactures, the
fall of Napoleon was to them the dawn of
prosperity : a wide field was opened for
their operations, and they had no motive
for any concealed affection towards the
deposed dynasty. In the religious ser-
vices with which they celebrated the re-
storation, their loyalty was manifested in
an unequivocal manner, the return of the
Israelites from the Babylonish captivity
being selected as the closest parallel in
sacred history.* The Catholics on the
other hand did not conceal their regret at
the change ; and when the Royal govern-
ment was established, the more zealous
among them renewed their demonstrations
of animosity, and persisted in representing
the Protestants as Jacobins.t In their
view none but Catholics could possibly
entertain correct political sentiments ; and
the members of the rival religions were
on a sudden enrolled in opposing interests
— such a division was at least assumed
by the ultra-royalists, who styled them-
selves les honnetes gem. The Marquis
d'Arbaud Jouques, in attempting to justify
his party, indirectly admits an aggression.
" The popular joy among the Catholics
was unbounded, but not without a mix-
ture of bitter recollections, and imprudent
threats against theCalvinists. The senti-
ments manifested by the latter on this oc-
casion were on the contrary free from re-
proach."}:
The mayor of Nismes, M. Castelnau,
member of an ancient noble family, was
a Protestant ; and he quickly experienced
the insults of a bigoted faction. Being in
public with the other authorities on occa-
sion of a fete to celebrate the restoration,
while shouts of applause greeted the pre-
* Wilks, p. 97.
t Protestans oil revolutionnaires, disait on.c'est sy-
nonyme. Le Journal du Ganl I'impi iiriait. J.,auzede
Peret, liv. i. p. 55.
I Troubles et agitations du departementduGard, &c,
par le Marquis d'Arbaud Jouques, p. 3.
36
feet, numerous voices exclaimed a has le
rnaire .' Some even ordered him to re-
sign his office. M. Vincent Saint Lau-
rent, whose influence had in 1790 pre-
served the property of a violent partisan
named Vidal,* was in the prefect's box at
the theatre : immediately the public in-
sisted on his being sent away, calling out
to the prefect to purify his box.f When
Catholics met Protestants in the streets,
they cried out Five le rot .' with mena-
cing gests; and insulting songs were con-
stantly heard. One in particular had a
refrain worthy ofthe sixteenth century —
" They would wash their hands in Protes-
tant blood."! The lower orders were
speedily trained to ferocity, and the caba-
rets and market-places resounded with
phrases such as these : " Marianne will
soon come down — The black throats
must go back to the ftigottlletles — The
charter will last but a month — The St.
Bartholomew is not far off."}
To these portentous warnings must be
added the proceedings of some influential
individuals. It was currently reported,
that, according to the declarations of per-
sons of rank, the country would never be
quiet without a second St. Bartholomew.!!
In May, 18 14, an address to the king was
drawn up at Nismes, in direct opposition
to the declaration of St. Ouen, on which
the charter was founded : it boasted of the
principles of 1790, and called for the esta-
blishment of absolute power. Addresses
were also voted in other towns, declaring
that there ought to be only one religion in
France — one God, one king, one faith :
that was the motto of the party, and it
was inscribed over the gates of Lyons
when the Count d'Artois entered that
city.1T The celebrated Carnot has also
denounced the manifestation of a similar
feeling; for he mentions that some indivi-
duals connected with the old parliament
were advancing the most senseless pre-
tensions of vengeance, the necessity of
* Vidal was n zealous supporter of Ffoment's conspi-
racy: he was very conspicuous in the troubles of 1815,
as commissary general of polios for the s mthern depart-
ments.
t Purgcr sa log*. Lauze de Peret, 3" Hvrai50n, p 04.
The first volume is in three distinct parts ; the second
has a continued pagination.
I Lavaren n'istri mans
Din lou sang di Proutestans.
§ Marianne is the hell of t he Protestant temp'e; gorac*
uoires, a name given to the Protestant?; les frigoulette.-t
means the worship in the desert. Lauze de Peret, 3=
livraison, p. !)5. Wilks, p J00.
- Biblio'hdquc Historique, vol i. p. 251.
IT Lauze de Peret, vol. ii. p. 11.
422
PROVOCATION OF THE PROTESTANTS.
absolute intolerance, and of one exclusive
religion.*
Another symptom of reaction was the
organized demand for restoring the bi-
shoprics suppressed by the revolution:
this was coupled with uniform recom-
mendations given by the clergy to their
penitents to say a certain number of paler
and ave for the prosperity of the throne,
and the re-establishment of the Jesuits.t
Yet, notwithstanding this state of irri-
tation, the king's authority was suffi-
ciently maintained to prevent any out-
break. Castelnau resigned his mayor-]
alty, on account of the hostile feelings
publicly manifested : Louis XVIII. imme-
diately named as his successor another
Protestant, M. Daunant, to whose energy
the people of Nismes were indebted for
the preservation of order : but the zealous
discharge of his duties drew upon him the
sneers and malevolent insinuations of the
violent royalists.
The "Men of 1790" continued inde-
fatigable in the prosecution of their de-
signs; and fresh insults were daily offered
to the Protestants, whose conduct was
cruelly misrepresented to the govern-
ment. A writer, who has carefully in-
vestigated the proceedings of this period,
observes, in alluding to the service in
January, 1815, to commemorate the death
of Louis XVI. : " The sermons and prayers
delivered on the occasion at Nismes were
printed and distributed by the consistory;
but this, like all other acts of respect and
loyalty, was despised and perverted : they
were told it was in vain for them to dis-
semble; that, in spite of their pretended
loyalty, their security had terminated with
the reign of Napoleon ; that their temples
would soon be razed, and their ministers
proscribed."!
It has been surmised, and with great pro-
bability, that the ultra-royalists wished to
goad the Protestants into some act of re-
bellion, by which they might obtain an oc-
casion for acquiring importance; because
unfortunately for those ambitious notabili-
ties, the king did not dismiss all the func-
tionaries whom he found in the public
service. The inferior classes discerned
the impending storm much earlier than
the wealthy Protestants; the merchants
* JHcmoire adressc au lioi, Juillct, 1814.
t Wilks, p. 108. t Ibid. p. 122.
and manufacturers indulged in the hope
of better times, when the king would be
more amply informed ; but the labourers
and husbandmen soon abandoned their
confidence in the promises of Louis
XVIII. ; and when Napoleon returned
from Elba they hailed his appearance as
a preservation from the Jesuits. The
Cafe de File d' 'Elbe was thenceforth the
rendezvous of all who disliked the per-
spective of sacerdotal influence; among
whom were many Catholics, and almost
all the disbanded officers : it is therefore
with injustice that the caf6 has been de-
signated as the seat of a Protestant con-
spiracy for restoring Napoleon.
There is now no doubt of the essenti-
ally military origin of the revolution of
■ 1815; and it is equally well known that
[Nismes was one of the very last places in
France to submit to the emperor. How-
ever, the purposes of faction required an
(accusation against the Protestants of the
Card, the only department where they
form an important body; and for a time
the party wreaked its vengeance on the
unhappy inhabitants while the tribunals
were either enlisted as assistants in the
relentless work, or had become powerless
'to afford protection or redress.
The duke d'Angouleme arrived at
Nismes on the 12th of March, 1815. In
reply to his proclamation, the Protestants
of the higher classes volunteered their
j services for the royal cause; but the fac-
tion prevented their offer from being ac-
cepted. Accused of dissimulation, they
were obliged to withdraw from the ranks,
as they heard repeated on all sides —
j"We will not allow these rascally Protes-
tants to join us."*
The prince, it is notorious, was unable
to keep the field, and having capitulated
at La Palud, his army of miqnehls was dis-
banded.! These men being hastily levied,
deficient in discipline, and excited by poli-
tical animosity, frequently conducted them-
selves in an unruly manner ; but only in
one instance did any thing serious occur,
although ihey had to pass in detachments
through a district inhabited by those who
are designated as their blood-thirsty and
* Lauze de Peret, Causes et precis, p. 37.
t JYliovelets are volunteers enrolled for local service
without uniform, and armed according lo ilie means at
their command. The term was used in the Uamisard
wars, and appears peculiar to the South, where it is ap-
plied only by opponents.
PARTY AFFRAY AT ARPAILLARGUES.
423
savage enemies. The unfortunate excep-
tion has however been so much exagge-
rated, that it demands a circumstantial
mention.
Not far from Uzes is the village of
Arpaillargues, inhabited almost entirely by
Protestants!. Through this place fifty
royalist volunteers had to pass; and
they would undoubtedly have traversed
it as quietly as their comrades had passed
other towns, if a mischievous individual,
named Bertrand, a Catholic, had not has-j
tened on horseback to Arpaillargues, to(
announce that the miquelets were ad
vancing, and that on their route they had J
plundered houses, violated females, and
murdered forty Protestant ministers.*
Such a report being spread, Boucarut,
mayor of the village, summoned the in-
habitants, who prepared for defence. On
the other hand, the miquelets, who had
no hostile intentions, on hearing the tocsin,
reversed their arms as they approached,
to manifest their friendly disposition.
Having stated their desire to pass through
the village, the mayor offered them safety
and accommodation, if they would lay
aside their arms ; but refused them even
the permission to enter, unless they com-j
plied with that stipulation of the treaty of
La Palud ; and to infringe which they
had berm advised by their commander,
General Vogue, as they might soon re-'
quire them eigain.j At the same time their j
ungenerous leaders had abandoned them,
to reach their homes as they best could.
At first there appeared a willingness to
yield to the mayor's demand, but some of
the party attempted to enter the village
without complying with the terms. The
suspicions of the inhabitants were aroused,
confusion ensued, and in apprehension of
the horrors reported by Bertrand, the
miquelets were attacked and severely
treated. Four were wounded, of whom
two died, one in the village, the other in
the hospital of Uzes4 The affray was
* Tins man's culpability, as to the original cause of
the affray, was amply prove I al the trial, and was de-
clared in the speech of the procureur-general Bernard :
— "Si tons les accuses ulaient devant vous, je iigoale-
rais d'abord, conime les plus coupables,' Bertrand
Boucarut— qui ont mis euxmetnes les armes <i la main
aux habitans d'Arpaillargnes : Bertrand, qui a dit que
les volontaires royaux pillaient, violaient les femincs
les jelaient ensuite par les fenetres, et qu'ils avaient
assassine quarante ministers proteslans." Page 32 of
the speech, printed separately at Avignon in ISlfi.
t Lauze de Peret gives the depositions of three of the
volunteers, to this effect. Vol ii. p. 79.
$ In no other country would *Jie public accuser be al-
truly lamentable in itself; but its conse-
quences were rendered still more so. At
the second restoration, the villagers of
Arpaillargues were selected as objects of
judicial vengeance; when three men and
two women were guillotined for the al-
leged assassination of royalist volunteers.*
In addition, the melancholy event has been
repeatedly put forward to justify the bar-
barities committed by the ultra-royalists,
who endeavour to shelter the excesses of
religious fanaticism under the pretext of
political reaction. Even the king's pro-
clamation! is not free from party colour-
ing; it contains the following unjust as-
sertion: ''Atrocious persecutions have
been committed against those of our faith-
ful subjects who under the banners of our
beloved nephew courageously attempted
to save France."
But to return to the affray at Arpail-
largues— the proces-verbal of the judge
de paix of Uzes corroborates the pre-
ceding account. " We learned from a
royalist volunteer, who was confined in
the prison of Arpaillargues, that the
stranger was killed for endeavouring, at
the head of armed men, to enter by
violence the said commune of Arpail-
largues, at the moment when the inhabi-
tants offered to furnish them with every
tiling they could want, on condition that
they should not enter without surrendering
their arms: a condition which they would
not accept, wishing to enter armed. This
occasioned the insurrection of the inhabi-
tants and the death of the stranger. The
same statement has been made to us by
several inhabitants of the commune."}
Boucarut, the mayor, was included in the
lowed to use such language as this : " Fourrieret Calvet
ne furent pas les seuls qui pe rtirent la vie dans cetle
funesle soiree ; inais il n'a pas cte possible de faire le
denorritrremenl exact des volontaires royaux qui n'om
plus repo.ru ; el qui, par conee'iuent, sont presumes avuir
ptri." Kequis.tuire de M. Bernard, p 10. Fifieen
months had elapsed, and there had not been time to see
who was missing in a company of fifty !!
* The court of assizes, by decree dated II July, 18J6,
condemns eight persons to death, and one to the galleys
for life. The sentence wascominuted in favour of three.
The others suffered at the close of September following :
three at Nismes,. and two at Arpaillargues. The de-
tails of their behaviour at the awful moment, as related
by the Rev. Mark Wilks, h ive leen continued to me by
a most respectable inhabitant of \ismes. In ]61U the
King granted a free pardon to the survivors.
t Oated 1 Sept. 1815, countersigned " Pasquier."
j This prods verbal, dated the 12lh April, the day
after the occurrence, was commented upon by the pro-
cureur general, Bernard, who maintained the right of
the soldiers to force an entrance, as it was a public road.
He had the prudence to say nothing of the treaty con-
cluded three days previous.
424
TREACHERY OF THE ROYALISTS AT NISMES.
accusation; but, being absent, was con-
demned only for contumace. He subse-
quently returned to Arpaillargues, where
he remained unmolested : the return of
tranquillity insured him a fair trial if called
to account ; but the true circumstances
of the case being well known, he remained
unmolested. On the other hand, Ber-
trand, the malicious and mischievous
cause of the disaster, being placed on his
trial, was acquitted. The Abbe Raffin,
his employer, ex-vicar general of Alais,
testified in his favour, "that, being born
and educated in the Catholic religion, he
scrupulously practised all its duties, and
professed all its holy principles."* The
testimonial further mentioned that Ber-
trand had exposed himself in the royal
cause at Aries, in 1790. At the period
under consideration, such a man could
defy justice before the tribunals of the
Card.
The affair of Arpaillargues is not the
only charge of cruelty exercised by the
Protestants during "the hundred days."
One zealous partisan has had the hardi-
hood to accuse them of assassinating three
hundred royalist volunteers.t This ca-
lumny drew forth a reply from a magis-
trate of Nismes, who declared that inqui-
ries, made with scrupulous care, had
established the proof that only two volun-
teers perished in the department of the
Gard ; and they were traversing the vil-
lage of Arpaillargues with a numerous
troop, of which they formed part.J
The news of Napoleon's defeat at Wa-
terloo revived the spirits of the Catholics ;
and the remains of the army collected by
the Duke O'Angouleme reassembled at
Beaucaire, where they were rapidly joined
by numbers, ever ready to enlist in the
ranks of the stronger party. No opposi-
tion was made to the proclamation of
Louis XVIII., at Nismes, after it was
known that the government was changed
at Paris. The urban guard, a corps
raised under the imperial government, was
disbanded ; and the readiness of the Pro-
testants to surrender their arms deprived
the partisans of civil war of all pretext for
an attack upon Nismes.§
But the precautions which common re-
* Wilks, p. 155. Lauze de Peret, vol. ii. p 91.
t Alphonse Beauchamp, Hist, de la Campagne de 1815.
1 Letter of M Achille Daunant, in Journal de Paris,
lllh Sept., 1617.
§ Lauze de Peret, vol. ii. p. 182.
sponsibility demanded of the superior
military officers were converted into a
ground of accusation, and perverted to
justify a scene of horror.- The braves de
Beaucaire gave early proof of a preda-
tory disposition, and the measures adopted
for preserving Nismes from plunder were
construed into a defiance of the king's
authority. The religious prejudices of the
rabble had been artfully excited,* and, in
an official harangue, delivered soon after,
D'Arbaud Jouques declared that the de-
partment was agitated by resentments, re-
collections, and rivalries, more religious
than political.!
Count Rene de Bernis, one of the royal
commissioners for directing the govern-
ment, allowed the army of Beaucaire, an
undisciplined horde, to enter Nismes,
without attending to maintain order by
his presence. The chiefs of a ferocious
band already collected in the town were
Jacques Uupont, surnamed Trestaillons;
Graffan, alias Quatre Taillons; Truphe-
my, a butcher, and about six others —
names devoted to execration. Their first
exploit at Nismes was equal to the worst
episodes of 1 793.
The garrison of that city consisted of
two battalions of infantry; there were
also in the barracks five pieces of artillery.
The accounts of Waterloo caused great
desertion ; and, at this time, their numbers
were reduced to about two hundred, offi-
cers included. The soldiers had assumed
the white cockade, and only waited orders
from the competent authorities to regulate
their future movements. After the depar-
ture of General Gilly, who resigned his
command on the fall of Napoleon, his au-
thority had devolved on General Maul-
mont, who no sooner heard that the
royalists were advancing from Beaucaire,
than he took a position on an eminence
as a measure of precaution: however, as
no hostile movement followed, the troops
returned to their barracks. At length the
populace was fully excited, and, being
backed by the royalist forces, a mob as-
sembled, and demanded the surrender of
the cannons. In vain did Maulmont en-
deavour to convince the people of the im-
propriety of their demand; they replied to
* This has been confirmed to the author by one who
joined the levy.
t Speech on occasion of his installation as prefect at
Nismes, 30lh July, 1815.
CRUELTIES PRACTISED AT NISMES.
425
his harangue by a discharge of fire-arms:
he retired with his officers into the bar-
J soldiers were massacred. Some in at-
tempting to escape by the roofs, or over
racks, and closed the gates. The mob garden walls, fell and broke their limbs,
meanwhile was rapidly increasing, as the, and in that condition were mangled by
alarm-bell was rung; and the country their relentless enemies. The gendarmes,
population thronged into Nismes, deluded j drawn up to protect the unhappy men, re-
by a report that the Catholics were being
murdered by protestant insurgents.*
As the mob continued to attack the
barracks, and threatened the utmost vio-
lence, the soldiers resolved to sell their
lives dearly, and a few shots were fired
from the windows, which killed some of
the assailants, and induced their main
body to retire to a distance. In the even-
ing a commissioner approached the bar-
racks to converse with General Maulmont
upon the terms of surrender. That com-
mander claimed, as a just right, that his
soldiers should leave with their arms and
baggage; and proposed that they should
wait at a certain distance from Nismes for
orders respecting their march. It was
near two in the morning when the com-
missioner returned to announce that the
troops must depose their arms ; and the
decision was accompanied with an inti-
mation that, if the offer were not forthwith
accepted, it would soon be too late to
capitulate, as the popular fury might be
beyond restraint.
Maulmont had loyally waited the arrival
of the king's representative at Nismes ;
and although the proposed sacrifice was
painful, he consented, from honourable
motives, that the soldiers should depose
their arms before they quitted the bar-
racks; and when a murmur from the
ranks announced the disappointment
caused by his arrangement, he convinced
them that, among fellow-countrymen, the
surrender could not be viewed as a dis-
grace.
It was agreed that the disarmed column
should be protected by gendarmerie ; and,
in full confidence, the soldiers piled their
muskets and quitted the barracks at four
o'clock in the morning. Scarcely, how-
ever, had fifty made their appearance,
when the royalists began firing upon
them, killing or wounding the greater
part. General Maulmont was one of the
victims. Those inside immediately closed
the barrack gates, but the royalists forced
an entrance, and the greater part of the
17th J.ily, 1815.
mained inactive. To use the expression
of an eye-witness, " They doubtless
thought it was a judicial execution, which
it was their duty to preserve free from in-
terruption." However, when the popu-
lace had terminated their butchery of the
soldiers, the gendarmes were, in their
turn, attacked; and many of them were
killed, wounded, or plundered.*
In defiance of notoriety. M. de Bernis
thus describes this tragic scene: "The
barracks had capitulated ; the troops
quitted to proceed to Uzes. Peasants ar-
riving from the country attacked them on
the road; some soldiers were killed: it
was a misfortune which could neither be
prevented nor foreseen. "t Such a misre-
presentation is not surprising, since the
writer so far degraded himself as to wear
a cockade of icliite and green, the dis-
tinctive mark of Trestaillon's band.J
That sanguinary troop, assured of im-
punity, and excited by the effects of their
own crimes, proceeded to fresh atrocities
at Nismes; while Quatre Taillons wreak-
ed his fury upon the Protestants of Uzes.
During several months the department of
the Card presented a frightful scene of
massacre and devastation ; and it is me-
lancholy to reflect that the arm of the law
was paralyzed, and the tribunals became
powerless before a secret influence which
emboldened many of the individuals im-
plicated to brave the authorities no less
than public opinion. § The press was at
the same time employed to misrepresent
the facts; and unblushing falsehoods have
been sent forth to the world by a party
incessantly charging its opponents with
exaggerations and calumny.
It is therefore indispensable to detail
some of the terrible occurrences of this
period ; for otherwise the old assertion of
pol tical reprisals may be again brought
* L'-liredVin nfficjer d6ta garnison de Ni.-raes, inserted
in Durand, Marseille*. ASma, Sec. pait 2, p. 65. Lanze
de Peret, vol.ii. pp. 185— 19], Wilks, pp. 191 — 197. Bib.
Ilisinrique, vol. i. p. '2.",:t
t Precis de ce qui s'estpusse en 1815 dans les departe-
merits du Oard el de la Lou're, par le C'omte Kene de
Bernis, p. 03.
+ Wilks, p. 211.
$ Vide passim, MaJier Montjau, Du gouvernemenl
occulte.
36*
426
CRUELTIES PRACTISED AT NISMES.
forward to colour the misconduct of the^holic is an indirect evidence of the per-
royalists. Not only were the houses ofsecution.
Protestants and Jews selected for destruc- M. Negre had a chateau near Nismes,
tion; but in cases where the lawless called Yaqueirolles, which was pillaged
bands had any doubt of a man's opinions, 1 and burnt. His daughter, recently de-
they would call upon him to declare hisjceased, had been interred in the garden:
religion. Several courageously acknow- the wretches untombed the body, and
ledged they were Protestants, and were treated it with gross indignity. *
almost instantly murdered. The aged] The condemnation of Bois of Milhaud
housekeeper of the farm of Chambaud was has established that he had several con-
thus addressed by some ruffians. She Terences with his friend 'Prestations, pre-
was a Catholic; but as the wretches en-'viousto uttering cries of Vive Pemjiereur!
tertained doubts, they compelled her to in the country towns: which cries they
recite her pater and are, as proof. Alarm i were to charge upon the Protestants.t
made the poor woman hesitate, and she' The following is the declaration of a
was at once knocked down with a mus-j Catholic magistrate, when compelled to
ket. A serving man named Daniel Ladet, justify himself for courageously denouncing
entering soon after, the same question was the iniquities of this time: "The people,
addressed to him. "I am a Protestant," excited to pursue the Protestants, dragged
he firmly replied. A musket was imme-;them to prison. In open day I saw a
diately discharged at him, and he fell : Protestant woman, stripped of all her
wounded. The monsters perceiving he | clothes, led round the boulevards of the
was not killed, made a fire with straw! town. Two forked sticks, held under her
and planks, threw the dying man into the arms by men, sustained the victim as she
flames, and left him to expire in protracted , proceeded. She was struck at intervals ;
agony. After they had regaled them- and her cries were stifled by shouts of
selves and plundered the premises they IVive le roi! I beheld this barbarous pro-
rejoined their savage comrades in Nis- cession pass between a company of newly
mes.* raised troops of the line, and one of t lie
D'Arbaud Jouques, in extenuation of national guard. "\
this cruelty, which was too notorious for From the moment the army of Beau-
denial, represents it in the following light, caire was directed upon Nismes a great
One Ladet, a valet de ferme, aged about emigration had taken place. M. de Bernis
fifty years, was suffocated in the smoke, .issued an arrete, or decree^ commanding
On the approach of a band of armed men, i all absentees to return home within eight
all the servants who were Protestants days, under pain of sequestration of their
fled ; but Ladet, a Catholic, remained, property. The injunction was absolutely
Alarmed at such a visit, he concealed i barbarous while the Protestants were ex-
himself in some straw, where he was (posed to assassination. It surpasses in
neither sought for nor discovered. The fact every thing in the annals of tyranny;
brigands having set fire to the straw, little I for, as it has been justly remarked, " The
supposing that Ladet was. there, this un-jdespots of Asia send the fatal cord to their
fortunate man, unable to extricate himself slaves, but never order them to seek it."||
before the flames encircled him, was suf- At the close of July the king revoked
focated by the smoke and reduced to
ashes.t
The victim's fate was clearly substan-
tiated by the depositions of witnesses ; his
all the extraordinary powers conferred
during the crisis of a revolution; and the
regular authorities were again summoned
to activity.*!" D'Arbaud Jouques, the new
Protestantism was attested by the minis-! * Conouicavemni c<np.i> ixamunuM. ei >»v" iiM
. T.,;n«^nf l \T\ j I • minxerunt. Madier <ie Monljau, Petition d la chambre
ters Juillerat and Vincent; and his age , des deputes.
proved to be sixty-thi ee.t All these show }lM»di*r de «tf„ wd» ' , ■ .
•f. e '., „,< - , '. 1 Ibid . Plaidoycr dtrant la cour de cassation, 30lh Nov.
the ex prefect's disregard to accuracy; ih j), P. 32.
while his anxiety to prove Ladet a Ca- ? ?a'ed 2°,hJ"' v„ IVs- ■, , h. , ^ ,„
, Variier de M., Petition a la chambre des deputes.
IT Unhappily ihe king's wishes were disregarded at
Nismes. Alexander Deferal. a Pierimnnlese captain,
was condemnad in death by a eourt-martial. for having
joined Napoleon on the 3d of April, alihoi gji the royal
ordinance amnestied all «ho remained loyal until the
23d of March. IX feral waa shot 5th of August, and his
* Lauze de Peret.vol ii p. 217. Wilks, p. 199. This
diabolical deed was committed 17lh July, itilo.
t D'Arbaud Jouques, up. 97. 98.
t Lauze de Peret, vol. ii. p. 219. Wilks, p 200
DREAD OF A SECOND ST. BARTHOLOMEW.
427
prefect, entered on his functions; but his
arrival had disconcerted the violent fac-
tion, and Jules de Calviere, the provisional
prefect, refused to quit his post. D'Ar-
baud Jouques addressed the inhabitants
in a proclamation recommending unity ;
he concluded by inviting all to join in one
sentiment — " the King, the Charter, and
France."*
This was most unpalatable to the
" white and green" faction, who cla-
moured loudly against the new prefect.
" Down with him! — Calviere for ever! —
Down with the Protestants' — Vive le
Koi .'" D'Arbaud Jouques quitted Nis-
ines in consequence, and joined the
Duke d'Angouleme at Toulouse: nor did
he return to his prefecture until the 18th
of August.t
On his second arrival he was very dif-
ferently received; and the leaders of the
faction, perceiving the necessity of obey-
ing the king's indisputable command, al-
lowed his nomination to take eflect j At
the same time the new funclionary
speedily convinced them of their mistake
respecting his character; and his address
on this occasion made no mention of the
charter. It was now "The king — order —
peace. "§ Trestaillons and his band were
as free in their murderous career as under
Calviere; and Protestants who had re-
turned to Nismes, on the faith of procla-
mations, were assassinated in the bosom
of their families. ||
Among other methods of inflicting ven-
geance, one was disgustingly barbarous.
The ruffians would raise the garments of
Protestant females, and beat them with a
bat, (such as is used by French washer-
women) on which was traced a fleur de
lis in sharp points. This was repeatedly
done; and in several cases caused the
body was treated with indignity. Political vengeanre
alone operated in this case, for the victim was a Ca-
tholic.
* 30th July. 18)5. D'Arbaud Jouques, p. 131.
t Wilks. p 231.
f The interval had witnessed some curious negotia
tions. D'Arbaud Jouques had, previous to the first re
■toratjon. published a proclamation in which the Duke
d'Anaouleuie was described u?i qnidtrm. The ultras
llneatened to reprint it, and the price of its suppression
was to be the unrestrained exercise of party vengeance
6 20th Aug. Lauze dePeret, vol it. p. 312.
\ An inhabitant of Nismes, wlose house was de-
stroyed by incendiaries, assures me that when he called
upon D'Arbaud Jouques in consequence, he found him
quite indifferent to the terrible state of the town, and
employing his leisure in translating Juvenal!! — M. Juil-
lerat received for answer to an appeal inconsequence
of the death of M. AfToiirtet, " II n'jr a pas grand mal;
on n'a encore tud qu'un chapeau noir."
death of the suflerers.* The minister
Juillerat appealed to D'Arbaud Jouques,
and endeavoured to move him by "a pa-
thetic description of such horrors; but the
prefect received his address with a smile,
and gave an evasive answer, replete with
cruel insult. t
At Uzes the terror was equal to, if it
did not surpass that of Nismes. There
the sub-prefect, Vallabrix, after humbly
soliciting employment during " the hun-
dred days,"J proclaimed that the Protest-
ants were violent Bonapartists; and, on
that account, permitted the most violent
excesses against them. GrafTan, sur-
nafned Quatre Taillons, was his worthy
coadjutor, and proved that the menace of
a second St. Bartholomew was not en-
tirely unfounded. On the 3d of August
every quaiter of Uzes presented a spec-
tacle of organized plunder, conflagration,
and murder, amid shouts of Vive lit Croix.'
Viveiit les Bourbons! At midnight The-
denat, commissary of police, proceeded to
the prison; and, after liberating a Catholic,
informed the jailer that the other prison-
ers were to be shot the next morning.
Six Protestants were accordingly led out
two by two, and shot upon the esplanade,
while the air resounded with shouts of
Vive le Roi ! a has les Protestcmts !
Among the victims was Ribot, who had
just before returned to Uzes, relying upon
a proclamation^ which promised protec-
tion to persons and property. Two other
victims were doomed, but the jailer's
tirmness saved them.||
As St. Bartholomew's day approached,
a general massacre was apprehended as
well as threatened. This produced an
extensive emigration, which fully an-
swered the purposes of the chief leaguers;
for the absence of Protestants at the ap-
proaching election enabled them to secure
the return of partisans who would do their
* Bib. Historique, vol. i. p. 2G5. Lauze-de Peret, vol.
ii p. 394.
t " Allez, Monsieur! les magistrals de Paris auraient
Irop a (aire, s'ils avaient a s'occuper des querelles de la
place Maubert."
% D'Arbaud Jouques did t he same, and, notwithstand-
ing his fulsome phrases respecting the " wisest, most au-
gust, and best of kings." he had applied to Fotiche for
a prefecture soon afler Napoleon's return to Paris. He
e\ en aci epteil the patronage of Manuel, who introduced
him, and with the most loyal assiduity waited among a
herd of applicants in the police minister's antechamber.
§ Issued by t he commissary general of police, Vidal,
whose life was sived in 17'JOby the interference and aid
of a Prolestant named Ribot. Lauze de Peret, 3me livrai-
son, p. 51.
|| Lauze de Beret, vol. ii. p,. 2G0. Wilks, r, 336.
428
NEW MURDERS.
utmost to efface the detested liberty of
worship from the charter by legislative
means. To effect that object, nothing ap-
peared too violent or too cruel; and it has
been subsequently declared in the cham-
ber of deputies, that sixteen Protestants
were murdered on the eve of the election.*
The result was such as might be expect-
ed: four violent ultra-royalists were
chosen deputies for the Gard. But if the
chiefs were contented with this success,
the wretches by whose co-operation they
had succeeded were not yet satisfied; and
Trestaillons, Truphemy, and Quatre Tail-
Ions marched with armed bands under
pretence of maintaining order, but really
with the design of murdering and plun-
dering the Protestants.
A corps designated as the royal chas-
seurs of Vezenobre quitted Nismes on
account of the arrival of some Austrians.
They were proceeding to Alais, and un-
expectedly made their appearance in the
Protestant commune of Ners on the 24th
of August, the day so fatal in the annals
of Protestantism, and publicly announced
for a repetition of the awful drama. The
presence of such a force, and at such a
time, seriously alarmed the inhabitants of
Ners, who assembled in arms to protect
their families and sell their lives dearly; a
most tragical event was the result.
It may not be superfluous to notice
here that, as many of the fugitives from
Nismes had taken refuge in the Cevennes,
whither their enemies did not dare to fol-
low them, it became essential for the per-
secuting faction to exhibit that district in
a state of insurrection in order to procure
the assistance of the Austrians in sup-
pressing the revolt: this may in some
measure explain the catastrophe at Ners.t
The opinions of the Austrian command-
ers were poisoned against the inhabitants,
who were represented as barbarians and
savages; and-, at the same time, the advance
of the chasseurs was preceded by emis-
saries, who announced that the miquelets
were coming to pillage their town: there
was a violent desire to create a collision
with the Protestants. 1
On the evening of the memorable day
in question, M. Perrier, a Protestant, who
*• Discours <le M. Uevaiu, 25th April, 1820; Moniieur
of 2Cth.
t Bib. Histnrique, vol. i. p 255.
1 This has been assured to me by several inhabitants
of: the Gard.
had filled the office of mayor until the se-
cond restoration, when he was super-
seded, accompanied by M. Bruguier, a
minister, had exhorted his fellow-towns-
men to disperse quietly, and return to
their homes, and the consideration he en-
joyed gave him such influence that the
object of his mission appeared effected.
He was retiring when an officer of the
chasseurs induced him to return to the
assemblage. On reaching the extremity
of the village, M. Perrier was fired at,
and killed on the spot. Cambon, the de-
puty mayor, and two other inhabitants,
were instantly arrested and conveyed to
Nismes, where they arrived the following
day in the midst of the festival of St.
Louis. D'Arbaud Jouques gave on that
occasion a splendid dinner to the princi-
pal Austrian officers; and, without the
least inquiry, placed the captives, as re-
bels taken in arms, at the disposal of
Count Stahremberg. Deceived by the
misrepresentations of the local authorities,
that general at once ordered them to be
shot; and, without the least investigation
— not even the semblance of a military
trial, three unoffending persons were in-
humanly sacrificed.*
Independently of all other evidence,
the apologetic account published by D'Ar-
baud Jouques is sufficient to condemn his
conduct; for, in raising a quibble upon a
trivial point, he establishes the important
part of the accusation. t This is the state-
ment drawn up for his own justification:
" In the combat which took place between
Ners and Boucoiran, on the banks of the
Gard* the 25th of August, 1815, between
the royal troops and the imperial forces
of Austria united against the insurgents
of the Gardonnenque and the Cevennes,
three men were made prisoners by the
Austrians at the very moment they were
firing upon the Austrian troops. Con-
ducted by an Austrian detachment before
the General Count Stahremberg, the
French authorities were informed by that
general that those prisoners belonged to
the Austrian army and its military jus-
tice; aml( according to the laws of that
justice, inhabitants in revolt against the
* Lauze de Perel, vol. ii. p. 379. Wilks, pp. 2139 and
400.
t Durand, (Marseilles, JVismej, S[C. en 1815) had de-
plored the fatal rapidity with which they were judged
and condemned; and D'Arbaud Jouques, in reply, de-
clares they had not even the furm of a trial !!
NEW MURDERS.
429
lawful authority, and taken in arms against
the regular troops, could not be considered
as prisoners of war, and should have been
shot on the field of battle. There was,
therefore, no commission formed to judge
them, neither French nor Austrian. The
order of General Count Stahremberg was
their only judgment."* To estimate the
value of this writer's veracity, the pre-
ceding justification may be compared with
the preamble of a decree issued by him-
self at the time: "The royal troops were
yesterday attacked at Ners; an officer was
wounded, and a magistrate killed by the
rebels."t It has been already observed
that Perrier's functions had ceased.
The proces-verbal drawn up on the in-
spection of Perrier's body establishes
that the piece fired was placed close to
his breast, the wound being about three
inches in diameter.^ This renders it im-
possible that it proceeded from the inha-
bitants of Ners, who were drawn up at a
distance. Indeed, the esteem enjoyed by
the deceased was alone sufficient to refute
the charge. On the other hand, the in-
decent haste with which Cambon and
his companions were murdered is best
explained by supposing a desire to re-
move those who could have borne testi-
mony against the assassin. After Per-
rier's death the people of Ners were not
likely to depose their arms; and several
skirmishes took place on the following
day: but nothing of consequence occurred,
as the presence of the Austrians restored
order.
The sub-prefect Vallabrix did mare
than follow the example of his superior —
he surpassed him. On the very same
day, the 25th of August, Quatre Taillons
was sent on an expedition to Hieuset, a
commune not under his authority, being
situated in the arrondissement of Alais.
That ruffian arrived in the night with
thirty men at St. Maurice, a Protestant
commune,§ where a post of the national
guard was stationed by the authorities.
Being challenged by the sentinel, the band
fired on the post; and instantly rushing
* D'Arbaud Jouquca, p. 161.
\ Dated 25lh August, 1815. So far from alluding to
the presence of the Austrians on this occasion, the de-
cree states that, inconsequence of the insurrection, the
French and Austrian troops are to be sent there.
X See the proccs-verbal at length in Lauze de Peret,
vol. ii. p. 335.
§ As St. Maurice was not i n the di reel road to Hieu ■
set, that place must have been the real object of the ex-
pedition.
in, seized six of the national guards, who
were carried off to Montaren before the
inhabitants could make any effort for
their rescue: one of their comrades was
killed by the fire. At Montaren, Quatre
Taillons prepared to shoot his prisoners,
but the inhabitants interfered and prevent-
ed him: in the discussion which arose the
wretch exhibited a written order to justify
his proceedings. He then hastened to
Uzes and marched his captives to the es-
planade, where they remained while he
consulted M. Vallabrix. That unworthy
functionary, with characteristic brutality,
said, " Do as you please; they were taken
in arms." Quatre Taillons immediately
caused them to be shot. Twenty-two
children were rendered fatherless by this
butchery.*
An account of the sad affair was pub-
lished in the official journal, denying
much and distorting the whole. "It is
false that the sub-prefect ordered Graffan
to reconnoitre an assembly at St. Michel
d'Yeuzet; the sub-prefect corresponds
with the commandant alone respecting
the service of the national guard; the ex-
pedition of Graffan with his band was
only tolerated by the civil and military
authorities, to spare Uzes the horrors
with which it was threatened that very
night; and this measure would have been
a real benefit to the town if his return
had not bathed it away in blood. Finally,
it is false that the persons brought in by
Graffan were convicted of rebellion: they
were purely and simply shot on their ar-
rival, and without the knowledge of the
authorities; and unknown even to the
majority of the inhabitants,, who have
shuddered with horror on hearing of this
barbarous expedition."!
This explanation, as may be well sup-
posed, was far from appeasing the public
indignation. Graffan was protected by
powerful individuals; he knew it, and re-
lied upon his impunity. He was, however,
arrested and conveyed to Montpellier,
where a formal trial was got up, in which
he was honourably acquitted. But a de-
spatch addressed byd'Arbaud Jouques to
the minister of the interior,:]: fully esta-
blishes that Graffan was ordered by the
authorities of Uzes to make a military re-
* Lauze de Peret, vol. ii. p. 360.
t From the Journal officicl du Gord, 2 Sept., 1815.
Quoted hy Lauze de Peret, vol. ii. p. 365.
t Dated 27th Sept., 1816.
430
PLOT TO MASSACRE THE PROTESTANTS OF NISMES.
connaissance at St. Maurice ; and in ad-
dition convicts the prefect of entertaining
extraordinary sympathy for the infamous
assassin : for he advances an absurdity to
palliate the atrocity, and declares that the
prisoners were killed by the population of
Uzes, not only without his participation,
but to his great regret.*
The melancholy death of the abbe
d'Egrigny which likewise happened on
the 25th of August, was notoriously re-
gretted by the Protestants in general, for
he was on the most friendly terms with
many among them. It was the act of an
unprincipled miscreant named Laporte,
whose opinion of the party in power in-
duced him to abjure Protestantism, in the
confident hope of obtaining a pardon: he
was, however, executed, as he justly de-
served ; and the incident would hardly
have been noticed here, if its omission
were not calculated to give occasion for
an unfair inference/!"
The events of Nismes, Uzes, and their
immediate vicinity, have hitherto engaged
attention almost exclusively; but similar
scenes occurred throughout Languedoc
and the Vaucluse. Some years later,
when the authority of the laws was re- ;
stored, a few cases were selected for pro-
secution and the evidence then adduced
amply confirms the violence of these trou-
bles. The long impunity allowed the
villains who infested the department of j
the Gard proves that they were merely
the instruments of influential persons, on
whom they relied for protection. Every
functionary was encouraged in promoting
the work of persecution. When the
widow Landoz applied for an arte de deces
of her husband, murdered in July, 1815,
she was informed that his death was not
registered ; and when a similar demand
was made by a widow of the unfortunate
family of Civas, (five of whom were as-
sassinated,) she received for answer, " We
do not certify the death of such wretches."5
* D'Ar'oaud Jouques. p. 77. In the Fame letter he
states that when Graffan arrived at St Maurice, and
answered the sentinel's challenge by Vive le Roil the
post replied by Vive I'Empereur ! M Vallabrix would
have been too happy to advance such a justification,
had it occurred to him in time.
t Lauze de Peret, vol. ii. p. 386.
t Servant was convicted of robbery and murder in
Nov. 1819. He was tried at Rioni; and after his execu-
tion a magistrate did not scruple to assert—" Innocent
blood has been shed at Riom." Madier de M. Petition
d la chambre.
() Lauze de Peret, vol. ii. p. 227. Bib. Hist. vol. i. p.
269.
The prisons were filled with Protestants,
confined without any warrant; the good
pleasure of the lawless bands was suffi-
cient ; and no magistrate ventured to in-
terpose his authority. It has been ob-
served in reference, " Every thing proves
that an unknown but formidable power
exercised its unhappy influence upon this
country."*
What else could have induced the pre-
fect of the Gard to issue a proclamationt
in which we read, " Inhabitants of the
Gard ! Justice is the basis of all order and
public prosperity. In the first moments
which followed the tyrant's fall, and in
your noble efforts for the restoration of
the king's authority, an indignation too
natural, loo general, and too thoughtless,
not to be excusable, burst forth among
you against those whom genera! opinion
designated as the most violent enemies of
the best of kings. Some public places
where they held their fatal councils, some
private dwellings were by you attacked
and destroyed : but illegal as was this
vengeance, at least it was not stained
with the disgrace of pillage, and popular
indignation was not degraded by the
j spirit of robbery.^ Yet, inhabitants of the
Gard ! see, notwithstanding, what have
been the consequences of a simple er-
ror ! ! ! "
Encouraged by such a palliation, the
; ruffians plundered with increased activity ;
and when money could not be obtained,
signatures to bills were extorted under
threats of murder. \ Impunity rendered
them more violent, and in October, a plan
was formed for a general massacre of the
Protestants. The sixteenth was the day
fixed upon : Trestaillons reviewed his sa-
tellites, and encouraged them to their
dreadful task. The arrangements were
complete: eight hundred men, divided
into bands, were to scour the faubourgs;
a concerted signal was to summon their
* Bib. Hislorique, vol. i. p. 2—59.
t Dated 7th Sept., 1815.
| Overwhelming proofs could be adduced to substan-
tiate the contrary, were such evidence necessary. The
falsehood of the prefect's assertion is not only notorious,
it is indirectly admitted in the apologies of the faction.
§ This occurred to M. Cremieux, now a distinguished
advocate. One Casteras was sentenced to imprisonment
for the extortion ; but the endeavour to avert the com-
pulsion of an illegal obligation exposed M. Ciemieux to
great danger. D'Arbaud Jouques was well aware of the
circumstance; for M. C. applied for redress as soon aa
the brigands had quitted him. The prefect treated the
matter lightly; but, finding the complainant was re-
solved to publish the affdir in Paris, he observed, " If
I you are assassinated on leaving me, I cannot help it!"
PLOT TO MASSACRE THE PROTESTANTS AT N1SMES. 431
partisans from the country ; and in order
to ensure complete success, it was decided |
that in the massacre any Catholic who
sheltered a Protestant should himself be J
treated as one. To the eternal disgrace
of the magistrates, no measures had been
adopted for learning the movements of the
faction ; and Nismes would have rivalled
the St. Bartholomew, if General Lagarde
had not providentially discovered the plot
at ten o'clock of the night it was to be put
in execution.
It was then too late to prevent the com-
mencement of crime, for the murderers
had already entered upon the realization
of their scheme. Lagarde, almost in de-
spair at the alarming state of affairs,
summoned the garrison to arms, and en-
deavoured to arrest the progress of the
mischief.
The horrors of this night alone would
fill a volume; these pages therefore will
scarcely admit an outline of the enormi-
ties committed : the bandits did not hesi-
tate to assault the troops on meeting them
in small parties; which frequently oc-
curred, as detachments were sent to pro-
tect the houses attacked. The general in
military force present was only twelve
men and an officer; the robbers not only
rescued their comrade, but were proceed-
ing to murder the officer, when a re-en-
forcement arrived. Maurin was retaken
and committed to prison, under the dou-
ble charge of robbery and assaulting an
officer ; yet the prefect, attended by a
judge and the commissary of police, set
him at liberty, while hundreds of Protest-
ants remained in prison where they had
been placed by Trestaillons, without any
order or warrant.
Lebeiber, chef-d'escadron, in attacking
a horde of miscreants, was almost mira-
culously saved, two muskets pointed at
his breast missing fire at once. As a re-
compense for his endeavours to maintain
order, he was placed on the retired list a
few days after.*
The Duke d'Angouleme was expected
at Nismes; and in order to foment ani-
mosity against the Protestants, a measure,
under the specious appearance of a charita-
ble design, was proposed to celebrate the
expected honour. An address was pub-
lished, stating that many royalists had
been ruined by oppression, during the
consequence resolved upon arresting the three months of the usurpation; and a
chief insurgents. Trestaillons was on subscription was announced for their re-
the Cours Neuf, with an immense crowd: jlief. A religious ceremony was to grace
his agents were at his side; and he was 'the occasion; and the Protestants were
armed with sword, pistols, and a carbine, grossly insulted in the official journal, as
To seize him in the midst of his accom- \ violators of treaties and blasphemous
plices was a hazardous attempt ; yet Ge-
neral Lagarde was so resolutely bent upon
securing the chief miscreant, that he un-
dertook the perilous commission, and pro-
ceeded thither with a few officers. As
they advanced to arrest the ferocious
wretch, they shouted Vive h Ri.i .' then,
rushing in upon him, he was quickly se-
cured. Trestaillons expressed great in-
dignation that he should be thus ignomi-
niously treated, and threatened signal
vengeance on those who hail arrested
him. His safe detention at Nismes being
hardly. possible, he was immediately sent
off to Montpellier, under a strong escort:
jacobins.
It is a singular coincidence that, on the
very dayf that D'Arbaud Jouques an-
nounced his project, M. Voyer D'Argen-
son was called to order in the chamber
of deputies, for merely alluding to the
massacres in the south of France. As
soon as he mentioned that such reports
had reached him, his voice was over-
powered by the exclamation, "It is false."
A scene of confusion followed, in which
the calls " to order" were incessant: the
deputy was not even permitted to explain
his observation.! If the correspondence
between the agitators of Nismes, and the
the completion of the intended mischief nltra-royalists be not thus established, a
was thus prevented.
Some incidents, connected with this
dreadful effort of fiction, will in a great
measure account for the hardihood of the
wretches who were most active on the
occasi m. One Maurin was arrested in
the act of robbing a dwelling, where the
mutual sympathy is incontestably proved.
Indeed, nothing short of a consciousness
of guilt could have induced the majority
* Not by the government, but by the local authorities.
Durand, Marseilles, JVismcs, &c, p. Gd.
t S34 Oct., 1815.
t Moniteur, S4th Oct., 1815.
432
ATTEMPTS TO SUPPRESS THEIR WORSHIP.
of a legislative body to act with such in- leurs.* " The brigands come to their
decency. There appeared a determina- temple, but we will so serve them that
tion in the chamber to stifle discussion on they shall have no wish to return ! They
the subject, and the enemies of the Pro- shall not use our churches : let them re-
testants derived additional assurance from i store our churches, and go to the desert,
the impunity thus promised. I dehors ! dehors .'" The service was
The Duke d'Angouleme entered Nismes scarcely commenced when a band en-
on the 5th of November, when he gave j tered the church shouting " Vive le Roi !
an audience to the consistory : after hear- , Death to the Protestants! kill! kill!"
ing the statement of their grievances he I The gendarmes succeeded in expelling the
expressed a desire that the temples should disturbers; but the continuance of wor-
be re-opened on the following Thursday: ship was impossible,
at the same time he ordered General La- [ After a most painful interval, a de-
garde to take measures for securing pub- , tachment of troops passed : they were
lie tranquillity. I returning from mass, and the Protestants
Such attentions from the prince discon- were encouraged to escape in iheir ranks,
certed the Catholics, whose disappoint- The deliverance baffled the plans of the
ment was augmented when they learned fanatical party, who purposed murdering
the failure of a scheme closely interwoven ' the Protestants as they quitted the tem-
with their policy. The grand-vicar, Ro- 1 pie: at the same to create greater excite-
chemaure, the cure Bonhomme, and some ment, emissaries had announced in the
ladies of respectability, unblushingly so- '. cathedral that the Catholics were being
licited the liberation of Trestaillons and killed. M. Olivier Desmond, a venerable
his infamous comrades. The duke in a! minister, above seventy years of age, es-
tone of displeasure recommended them to ; caped with difficulty; the firmness of
leave the prosecution of assassins and in- ! some officers alone preserved him from
cendiaries to the tribunals. This reproof the ruffians, who surrounded him, vocife-
inflamed their desire for vengeance, and I rating, "Kill the chief of brigands !" Yet
their partisans declared that the Protestant ; M. Desmond was a decided royalist; and
temples should not be re-opened.* his son had joined the forces under the
In the disturbed state of the town it Duke d'Angouleme. M. Juillerat was
was not deemed prudent to renew divine I pursued and pelted with stones, and his
service until the Sunday following, (12th mother received a severe blow, which
November,) when it was arranged that placed her life in danger for some time,
only the smaller temple should be opened, | Other Protestants were treated with great
and that the organ should not be played, j violence, and two females died in conse-
General Lagarde approved of the precau- quence of wounds received,
tions, and declared he would answer with | General Lagarde advanced to suppress
his head for the safety of the congrega- 1 the tumult, when a villain named Louis
tion. The Protestants privately informed \ Boissin seized his bridle, and discharged
each other of the time and place of meet- j a pistol close to his body. The assassin
ing, and they assembled with silence and 1 was well known; yet no one attempted to
caution, as if committing an offence in- arrest him; and when Lagarde had given
stead of exercising a right. The minister' orders to the commander of the gendar-
Juillerat was to preach: he soon had rea- merie to protect the Protestants, he has-
son to anticipate danger : for in proceed- tened to his hotel, where his first care
ing to the temple, groups of ferocious men was to inform the government from what
scowled upon him; and he heard on his quarter the blow had proceeded; He
way threats of most ominous import. would not even allow his wound to be
A crowd had early assembled at the j examined until he had discharged that
door of the temple, and the measure of: duty; so important did it appear to him to
the popular rage may be inferred from the j secure the Protestants from being charged
violent cries of the assembled populace. ; with his death, which was then deemed
Ji bas les Protestants ! sarre les gril- j most probable.t
* A patois expression, meaning Kill the Protestants !
* Lauze de Peret, vo! ii p. 428. Wilks, p. 477. D'Ar- \ t Wilks, pp. 478 et seq. — Lauze cle Peret, vol. ii. pp.
baud Jouques, p 4G. 430 — "36.
LIBERTY OF WORSHIP RESTORED.
433
Meanwhile the disturbance continued.
The national guards from the environs
joined the populace of Nismes; and the
authorities were so terrified with appre-
hensions lest the mercenaries might
make disclosures, that the energy of the
magistrates was directed to sheltering,
rather than punishing the assassins. This
is clear from the tone of the prefect's
proclamation, when he was shortly after
compelled to order a reorganization of
the national guards.*
The Protestants decided on deferring
their public worship for a time; they thus
removed a pretext, which their enemies
looked for with impatience. It was the
king's desire that they should enjoy com-
plete liberty in the exercise of their reli-
gion; and the duke, who knew his uncle's
sentiments, sent for a president and an
elder of the consistory, to declare the
sovereign's wishes on that head. The
truth respecting the events at Nismes had
been so concealed by affiliated functiona-
ries in the interest of faetiont, and pub-
licity was so stifled by the censorship,
that the excellent monarch, who sincerely
anticipated beneficial results from his
charter, was not aware of the iniquities
perpetrated for the destruction of its most
precious provisions.
A royal ordinance]; admits the religious
character of these troubles, and the arrival
of a reinforcement of troops afforded some
respite to the afflicted population of
Nismes. The deputies of the Gard pub-
lished a palliative statement, in which
they declared that the assassin would
have neither protection nor support from
the inhabitants; yet Boisson was not
brought to trial till after the lapse of a
year, when he was acquitted on the
ground of having acted in self-defence. §
In January, 1816, the law of amnesty
was discussed in the chambers. The
successful candidates at the election, car-
ried under the influence of terror, could
* Dated 15th Nov., 1815.
■f To such oxient were the abominable machinations
carried, that agents were placed to shout Vive VE.rn.pe
reur ! in the heating of the Duke d'Angoul&me. A most
respectable witness has assured the author that the cry
was uttered even in the courts of the prefecture.
j Dated 21st Nov., 1815, countersigned Marb'os.
} The indecorous proceedings at this trial (in Jan..
1817) were related by M. Madier, in his address to the
court of cassation, 30lh Nov., 1820, p 39. The disrlo
sures in the evidence were apparently the cause of M
d'Arbaud's dismissal from the prefecture. That func
tionary had composed a jury be/ore which an acquittal
wag almost certain : the majority vvete either chevaliers
de St. Louis, or Vendean chiefs.
37
not withhold their support from the
ruffians who had prevented the Protest-
ants from voting: it is not surprising,
therefore, that the deputies of the Gard
made an effort to include the murders and
pillage of Nismes in the abolition of
political offences.* Their effort to com-
prise them in the amnesty failed; but they
succeeded in obtaining an ordinance, f
exculpating Nismes from the stigma re-
cently cast upon its population. The
reason assigned is, " that the assassin of
General Lagarde has neither asylum nor
protection in Nismes; that the Protestant
temple is open, and every security gua-
ranteed by law is enjoyed." It is true
that the Protestants were allowed to cele-
brate divine service at the end of Decem-
ber; but it is at the same time a matter of
notoriety that no effort was made to arrest
Boissin, although his retreat was well
known.
The notice issued by the mayor of
Nismes on the subject of the Protestant
service is a fair sample of the misrepre-
sentation resorted to by the ultra-royalist
party. "The Protestant temples will be
opened on Thursday next, the 21st in-
stant; and that day will prove to the king,
to France, and to Europe, which accuses
us, that the blind infatuation of a few
women and cldldren is not the crime of
the city of Nismes."]
From this time until the celebrated
ordinance of September, 1816, which de-
livered France from a violent faction by
dissolving the chamber, the condition of
the Protestants was very afflicted. § The
fanatical party had powerful abettors:
Trestaillons and Truphemy were brought
to trial, but the proceedings were a mere
mockery of justice. None dared to de-
nounce them, and for want of evidence
they were acquitted. On the other hand,
Truphemy and his accomplices immedi-
ately afterwards came forward as wit-
nesses against some Protestants, five of
whom were condemned after midnight.
Nismes was on the eve of another con-
* Moniteur, 7th Jan., 1816.
t Dated Kith Jan. 1816.
X This notice was published 19th Dec, 1815. Wilks,
p 510.
i The change of sys em which followed is termed by
M Olausel de Coussergues, " Une persecution atroce et
constante contre les homines les plus devoues a la mo-
narchic." Projrt de la proposition. (Taccnsation contre M.
le Due de Cazes, p. 63. M. Lanjuinais. however, ob-
serves *' Ij'ordon nance a fonde le credit public et a sauve
la France." Essai sur la C/iarte.
434
THE PROTESTANTS AGAIN DISTURBED.
vulsion; and an acquittal might have cost
much loss of life and property, as the
populace of the surrounding districts had
li I led the hall of justice, and thronged
about the entrance.*
The cause of religious liberty was too
dear to the British public to allow indif-
ference towards the sufferings of their
French brethren for the rights of con-
science. A warm sympathy was mani-
fested, and interference in behalf of the
Protestants was loudly called for. This
feeling was at first chilled by the mis-
representations addressed to the Duke of
Wellington, in which political reprisals
were stated as the cause of the troubles.
But when the subject was discussed in
parliament^ Lord Castlereagh, in op-
posing the motion, could allege nothing
beyond an anonymous letter from the
south of France. The truth has been
long since established, though the perse-
cuting parly has spared neither pains nor
expense to throw discredit on the public
statements. J
It is admitted that in the first details
given by Clement Parrot there were in-
accuracies arising from slight confusions
in the names of persons and places. The
general facts were, however, decidedly
true; and several inhabitants of Nismes,
present at the disastrous scenes, have cor-
roborated the details which precede. At
the same time, the admissions and con-
tradictions to be found in the apology for
D'Arbaud Jouques are sufficient to prove
his administration very faulty: they more-
over show that his statements are very
far from commanding or deserving im-
plicit belief; and, if any assertion required
positive proof, it was unquestionably
requisite to substantiate the authenticity
of a letter, said to have been found among
the papers of Sir Robert Wilson, inviting
a general charge of religious persecution,
real or imaginary, as the most effectual
method of injuring the Bourbons. § M.
D'Arbaud Jouques makes this discovery
a complete stalking-horse, and presents it
repeatedly as a sufficient reply to those
who censure his administration of the
Gard.
* flth March. 1810. Bill. Hist., vol. i. p. 264.
+ Debate of 27th Feb , 1816. on tbe motion of Sir S.
Romilly.
+ M. Marron. president of the Paris consistory, being
informed that his correspondence with England on be-
half of the Protestants exposed him to a prosecution for
high treason, under the 7(ith article of the Penal Code,
he was induced to publish a letter, declaring that no
persecution had taken place, and that the reports in cir-
culation were false.
j The arte d'accusatiou mentions it, but, although Sir
Robert Wilson was questioned several times on the sub-
ject of his papers, this letter from his brother Edward
was not brought forward. And M. Dupiu, in his de-
fence of Sir Robert, stated, " Ce passage ne se trouve
CHAPTER LXVIII.
Administration of M. de Cazes— Intrigues of the Ultras
—devolution of 1830— Present condition of the Pro
testauts.
A new era dawned upon the Protest-
ants of Nismes when Count D'Argout
was named prefect of the Gard in 1817.
His energy repressed the factious, and
restored the authority of justice. Vexa-
tions and heartburnings continued, for a
commotion so violent could not speedily
subside. In the hospitals repeated at-
tempts were made to obtain abjuration
from sick and dying Protestants; and in
several places disputes arose concerning
the obligation of Protestants ornamenting
their houses on occasion of Romish pro-
cessions. In 1817 the mayor of Puylau-
rens enjoined the inhabitants to place
hangings for the fete Dieu. Three indi-
viduals, being cited for contravention,
pleaded in justification that they were
Protestants: they were each sentenced to
a fine. The case was ably argued on
appeal in cassation; but that court de-
creed that the mayor's order contained
nothing contrary to the charter, and con-
firmed the sentence.* In 1818 a pre-
cisely similar case occurred in the canton
of Cadenet (Vaucluse:) on this occasion
the appeal was successful; the court of
cassation annulled the proceedings, and
sent the affair to the tribunal of Aix for a
new trial. t The decision of that court
being unfavourable, there was a second
appeal in cassation, when the proceedings
were definitely quashed.J The organic
law respecting public worship is un-
equivocal on this head: "No religious
ceremony shall take place outside the
edifices devoted to Catholic worship, in
pas dans la lettre du frere de Wilson, du moins avec le
sens qu'on lui prete. Le frere, 6uiimera.nl dans cette
lettre les causes qui ont indispose quelqnes individus
contre le gouvernement Francais, place au nombre de
ces causes, la persecution reelle ou iniaginaire contre
les Protestnns. C'est le vrai sens de la phrase." Pro-
ces des Irois Jiiiglais, p. 138.
* 29th Aug , 1817. Journal du Palais, vol. li.
t 20th Nov. , 1818.
t 26th Nov. 1819. Journal du Palais, vol. Ivi.
THE PROTESTANTS
AGAIN DISTURBED.
435
towns where there are temples destined
for different religions."* To what ex-
tent provisions of this statute were dis-
regarded is a matter of notoriety: positive
persecution was, however, at an end.
Yet in 1819 the discussion of a pro-
posed change in the election law revived
party animosity; and Nismes was again
threatened with a renewal of discord.
By a strange fatality, which never oc-
curred in other towns, on changing the
garrison of Nismes, the new troops did
not arrive for some days after the de-
parture of the old force, — an unpardona-
ble negligence at a period of excitement.
The violent men of 1815 immediately
resumed their audacity; and the Protest-
ants were openly insulted and assaulted,
amid shouts of Les Bourbons ou let morl.'f
Wearied with so much harassing per-
secution, the Protestants determined on
assuming a defensive attitude; and their
enemies were in turn seized with alarm
when they heard that the inhabitants of
the Cevennes were preparing to aid their
brethren. A collision was happily pre-
vented by the more eminent citizens; but
assemblages on both sides continued for
several days.
At length the procureur-general re-
quested M. Madier de Montjau to attend
a meeting, at which the Protestants were
to concert their measures of defence.
The authorities knew that M. Madier
enjoyed the confidence of the Protestants
more than any magistrate in the depart-
ment; but that gentleman was unwilling
to aceept the mission for two principal
reasons: if he failed, the fanatical party
would certainly accuse him as instigator
of the animosity which must ensue should
a conflict arise — while a successful me-
diation would cause him to be denounced
as a dangerous person on account of his
influence over a detested party. Nor did
he consent until the procureur-general
repeated his request, and declared that
" he believed the firm and calm attitude of
the Protestants had saved the depart-
ment." JVI. Madier attended the meeting,
and, in consequence of his persuasions,
the armed bodies dispersed. J
* Loi du 18 Germinal an X. art. 45.
+ 6th March, 1819. The cry of Vive le Charles X. was
heard nn this occasion, which coincides with the hopes
of the parlv, founded upon that prince's hatred of the
charter. Masse, Les Protest ans de Nismes el leurs per-
gicuteurs, p. 14. Paris, 1819.
I 12th March. Madier de M., Plaidoyer devant la cour
de cassation, p. 48.
The military governor of the depart-
ment summoned the garrison of Mont-
pellier; and within two days those troops
were employed in dispersing the Catholic
bands, who had again become boisterous
immediately after the Protestants had
separated.* Happily the troubles were
suppressed without any serious conse-
quence.
In the year following, the death of the
Duke de Berri became the signal for
another attempt by the faction. That
event, so afflicting to all sincere royalists,
was hailed with satisfaction by the
leaguers, as an incident calculated to pro-
mote their subject. Two circulars rapidly
followed the first intelligence of the
catastrophe: they were numbered 34 and
35. The previous circulars were more
carefully preserved; but the contents of
these explain in a great measure the
mysterious influence which had directed
the troubles of 1815. No. 34 gave in-
timation to the party, that although the
minister (M. de Cazes) was not yet over-
thrown, they might act as if he were: it
recommended organization, with a pro-
mise of instructions and supplies. No.
35 speedily arrived, to announce the dis-
missal of M. de Cazes, and explained that
tranquillity was, in consequence, essential
to their interests. This order stayed the
violent designs, for which preparation
was making on the reception of No. 34.
The old emblems and signs of recognition
had re-appeared; and the mercenaries
were heard to say openly, " Why did we
not make an end of this race in 1815?"f
The author of these circulars was de-
nounced to the chamber of deputies by
M. Madier de Montjau, as the functionary
who in 1815 thus reproached a magistrate
for having saved the life of Marshal
Soult, when he was arrested: " Jntsensc !
apprencz de moi qufi, dans les conjunc-
tures ou nous somm.es, on rCarrele pas
un marechal de France: on le tue!""1
The allusion, although obscure to the
uninitiated, was so clear to the politicians
of the day, that the leading ultra-royalist
paper of that period contained thereon
some very sensitive passages, proving it
was well understood.!
* Madier de M., ut atitea, p. 50.
t Discours de M. de Vaux a la etiambre des deputes,
25 Avrjl, 1820.
I lis Journal des Dehats, 21 Nov., IS^O, contains a
long article on a publication by M Madier, entitled
"Pieces et Documents relatifs a son Proces:" — " II
436
ACCESSION OF LOUIS PHILIPPE.
In the debate which followed the read-
ing of M. Madier's petition, M. de St.
Aulaire described the sufferings endured
by the Protestants of Nismes; bore testi-
mony to their good conduct; and appeal-
ing to the other deputies of the Gard, de-
clared that not a drop of blood had been
shed in Nismes during " the hundred
days."* M. de la Bourdonnaye, the
Achilles of the ultra faction, made no re-
ply; yet his tacit admission of the fact
did not prevent his partisans from repeat-
ing their hackneyed assertions that Ca-
tholic blood had flown in torrents.
The possession of power by the ultras
enabled them to gratify their adherents,
without the necessity of signal services:
the Protestants in consequence ceased to
be denounced as revolutionists, and were
allowed the rights of conscience, as sti-
pulated by the charter. Yet there was
still manifested a great reluctance on the
part of the government to permit the
establishment of Protestant temples and
schools.
The encouragement afforded to the
ultra-montane section of the Romanists,
during the reign of Charles X., requires
no more than a passing allusion: the Je-
suits were paramount; and the afliliated
members of the congregdtion were found
in every department of state. The Ca-
tholic church arrogantly enjoying the
distinction of the state religion, its clergy
were impatient to regain all lost preroga-
tives. In the long struggle between the
jicnii pre/re and the advocates of liberty,
the royal influence was frequently com-
mitted. By a fatal system of policy, the
interests of the royal family appeared
identified with hostility to the charter:
one impolitic measure led to another;
and the revolution of 1830 produced an
additional phase in the history of reli-
gions freedom.
In the newly modelled charter all reli-
gions are placed upon an equal footing;
and an invidious distinction was soon af-
ter remedied by a legal provision from
the public treasury for the expenses of
s'agirace dans precOs dejustifier le silence qu'il s'obstine
a garder sur li s membr.es d'un gnuvernement occulta,
dont an mnis de Mars dernier i] a denonce ^existence a
]a cliatnbre des deputes; et sur les auteurs de deux cir-
culaires de ce pretei.du gouvernement qu'il a rter'a'e
bien connaitre, et que, sans les nninrner, il a dengues
par des indications asscz prtcises pour se meuagir ions
les avantagea de la calomnie, sans encourir les pefpea
dues an calonanialeur." ^
* Moniteur, 20 Avril, 1820. Seance du 25.
the Jewish worship.* This tolerance
has galled the partisans of Rome, and
brought down upon the existing govern-
ment the reproach of being atheistical.
It is notwithstanding an indisputable fact,
that public worship is better attended
now, than when presence at mass was
the price of court favour; and every thing
indicates the probability of some great
change in the prevalent opinions on reli-
gious subjects. Materialists have astound-
ed the world by their audacious attacks
upon the elementary principles of all re-
ligion, while Romanists have persisted in
unmeaning formalities: the necessity of
a medial course, avoiding both extremes,
naturally leads to revealed religion. The
ancients tacitly admitted that consequence,
by the importance attached to oracular
decrees; and in our day the extensive cir-
culation of the Scriptures necessarily in-
vites examination, and cannot fail of pro-
ducing important consequences.
It will be readily imagined that the
election of Louis-Philippe to the French
throne was generally regarded as the har-
binger of a full developement of the li-
berties theoretically commented upon un-
der the restoration; and in the depart-
ment of the Gard the public joy sur-
passed all precedent. The new king
was proclaimed at Nismes on the 15th of
August, amidst the most heartfelt expres-
sions of enthusiasm; but it was remarked
that among the shouts which resounded
from the assembled crowds, the cry of
J'ive le Roi was not heard.f Those words
had been the signal of massacre and de-
vastation; and the present generation
must entirely pass away before the peo-
ple of Nismes can heartily join in that
exclamation.
The change of dynasty did not, how-
ever, pass off without an attempt to ex-
cite troubles in the Gard, and an attack
was made on some Protestants in the
night of the 2d of August. The princi-
pal inhabitants of Nismes, enlightened
by experience, concerted for preventing
fresh disorders. An address, recommend-
ing peace and union, and signed by per-
sons of all parties, had been distributed
* The subject was brought under discussion when
the articles of the charter were under revision, and the
e'ehate, as repnrled in the Monilcur, 8th Aug., 1831), is
highly interesting.
f A victim of 1815 assures the author that although
! lie would joyfully shout Vive Louis Philippe! he could
not bring himself locry Vivele Roi!
TRIALS CONNECTED WITH THE RIGHT OF WORSHIP.
437
as speedily as possible, after the news of
the revolution in Paris.* It was hoped
and expected that the exhortations would
be attended to; but scenes of confusion
arose, which did not terminate until Sep-
tember, after the strong measure of de-
claring Nismes under martial law.
A conflict was feared on the 5th of
August: both parties seemed ready for
blows, and an irritating allocution would
have renewed the horrors of former days,
when the leading royalists, accompanied
by the Protestant pastors, proceeded to
the place de la Maison Carree, where M.
Monier des Taillades addressed the mul-
titude in a short discourse explaining the
necessity of union and peace. The speech
produced a happy result, but its effect
ceased in a few days; for the re-appear-
ance of the tri-coloured flag excited pain-
ful feelings among the adherents of the
dethroned monarch. Nothing, however,
occurred until the new king was pro-
claimed. Strangers, whose appearance
was suspicious, then appeared in Nismes,
and on the following night the most un-
provoked attacks were made on the libe-
rals; among whom were included all Pro-
testants, whose attachment to the new
dynasty was assumed as beyond doubt.
The national guards of the Vaunage has-
tened into the city, to support the autho-
rities and protect their friends: the pre-
fect, mayor, and other magistrates adopted
energetic measures; and the Protestant
ministers exerted themselves to conciliate
and pacify the public. By these means
the senseless attempt of a few misled men
was quickly suppressed; yet not without
bloodshed, for the Catholics had two
killed and six wounded — the loss of the
Protestants was six killed, and twenty-
eight wounded.t
Brilliant indeed were the hopes which
arose in perspective as the consequences
of the "Three days" of 1830. Little
was it then supposed that police regula-
tions, intended to counteract political com-
binations, would be brought into array
against freedom of worship. It had been
so under Charles X , but the Romish
church was then supreme; and those old
laws were considered as annulled by the
revolution. Even in 1834, when a law
for preventing associations was under dis-
cussion, an amendment was proposed, to
prevent its application to meetings for
worship. M. Persil, keeper of the seals,
declared on that occasion that the law
would not be applicable;* and in the re-
port upon the same measure to the cham-
ber of peers, the adoption was recom-
mended, in express reliance upon that
i most formal declaration.!
But the rights of Protestants require
to be fully defined by law before they can
be assured of their enjoyment: and a new
enactment for the regulation of public
worship is greatly wanted. The law of
the year X., which is the present autho-
rity and rule, was conceived in a spirit of
despotism. It is therein clearly shown
that the government wished to retain the
direction of spiritual affairs; and when
circumstances induced the legislators of
1802 and 1830 to render the state inde-
pendent of the church, they were unwil-
ling to abandon their influence over ec-
clesiastical matters. So long as the Pro-
testants were satisfied with the listless
enjoyment of their liberty, they encoun-
tered no opposition: but when a desire
of extension followed, as the natural re-
sult of the political change; when the
spread of the Scriptures manifested the
existence of proselytism, the character-
istic of earnestness in religion, obstacles
were raised, and hostile feelings dis-
played, in quarteis hitherto most friendly.
Two recent trials will impart some idea
of the present state of religious liberty.
M. Oster, a Lutheran minister, opened
a chapel at Metz. He had conformed to
all the preliminaries required by law;
and for several weeks, was permitted to
celebrate divine service without hin-
drance. But after a time the mayor in-
timated that he should not have the per-
mission of the municipal authorities, on
account of the alarm which his publica-
tions had created among the Jewish po-
pulation of Metz. M. Oster, relying on
the justice of his cause, persisted in the
service; and was in consequence sen*
tenced by the police court, for an infrac-
tion of the municipal laws.!
When the cause came before the Court
of Cassation, M. Dupin, after severely
* It was signed 3d August.
f £v6nemei)S dp Nismes, depuis le 27 Juillet jusqu'au
2 Sept. 1830, par E. B. D. Frossard, pasteur.
37
* Movileur, 22 Mar., 1834.
t Ibid., 6 April, 1834.
J 10 Feb., 1836.
438
STATE AND PROSPECT OF PROTEST AN ISM IN FRANCE.
commenting upon the intolerant and un-
justifiable conduct of the mayor of Metz,
regretted the necessity of opposing the ap-
peal on technical grounds. The mayor's
refusal was within his attributions; and
an administrative act could not be re-
versed by judicial authority; the appeal
was accordingly rejected.* Immediately
after the conclusion of his speech as pro-
cureur-general of the court, M. Dupin
proceeded to the legislative tribune, and
called the attention of the government to
the injustice. " The motive for refusing
the permission," he observed, "is most
opposed to religious liberty, as we under-
stand it; and to toleration, as we ought
to comprehend it. It is alleged that one
religion displeases another, while the ob-
ject of religious liberty is to enforce mu- 1
tual forbearance. The reason assigned
by the municipal authority is made the
text of a refusal, consigned in an admi-
nistrative act. That refusal cannot there-
fore be remedied by judicial power. The
supreme authority alone can restore right,
in place of an unjust denial; and on these
grounds I recommended the case to the
minister of public worship. "t
The other trial is known as the proces
de Mantargis, and arose out of the fol-
lowing circumstances. John Baptist
Doine, a preacher of the Socirle evunge-
lique, though not an ordained minister,
and Joseph Lemaire, a schoolmaster, were
charged before the police court of Mon-
targis with illegally meeting for worship
in two neighbouring communes. Their
sentence was a trifling fine; but the ani-
mosity which maiked the proceedings has
given the trial a lasting importance.! The
royal court of Orleans, by an important
decree, annulled the judgment. § The
cause occupied three days; and the court
was thronged with Protestants, who came
from a great distance, as the entire ques-
tion of religious liberty appeared involved.
The joy manifested at the decision was
very great; and a day was set apart for a
religious service, to celebrate the triumph
of justice. The procureur-general of
Orleans appealed against the favourable
decree, and the affair was elaborately dis-
cussed before the Court of Cassation. |]
* 20 May, 1B3G.
f Monileur^l May, l?3(i. J 10 Oct., 1837.
5 9 Jan. 1838.
| The proceedings in both cau^s have been published
iii a compendious form, by Risler : Ihey merit attention,
and evidence great taleut and zeal in the pleadings. M.
A decision, technically favourable to the
Protestants, was awarded by that court:
yet the motives assigned were adverse,
and M. Dupin's official declarations were
far from friendly to religious liberty. Ar-
guing from the restraints imposed upon
the Roman clergy by the Concordat of
1802, he contended that Protestants could
not claim greater freedom: however, as
the sanction of government was implied
in the present instance, his conclusions
were for confirming the decree of Or-
leans.
The Protestants must now be con-
vinced that, if their religious feelings are
such as will induce them to desire an ex-
tension of their numbers, they must ex-
pect opposition from the authorities. Yet
there is no cause for discouragement.
The mere exercise of independent reflec-
tion upon religion is a step towards Pro-
testantism; and public attention has been
so much excited within the last few years,
that the opinions of the multitude must of
necessity be affected. The church of
Rome admits the authority of the Scrip-
tures; and the recent spread of that sacred
volume cannot fail of ultimately creating
a distaste for tenets at variance with its
precepts — for improbable legends; and
miracles, such as that of Migne, near
Poictiers, revolting to common sense.
The increased means of instruction in
the present day will eventually lead to a
great change in the Romish religion.
That part of it which is founded in truth
must remain unchangeable, in common
with the abstract principles of morality,
taught even by the heathen philosophers ;
but the Papal superstructure, and the
thousand devices engrafted on the ecclesi-
astical edifice, with the design of strength-
ening human influence, and gratifying
ambition and avarice — all these must and
will be swept away. And when the pro-
gress of intelligence shall have effected
this great change, there will remain no
cause for dispute; because that is not
genuine Protestanism which desires any
thing more than the truth. The differ-
ence between the rival creeds may be
thus defined: one faith is induced by rea-
soning, the other is imposed by authority.
In the Catholic Church, man seems made
Nntchet advocated the cause of M. Oster. MM. Lulte-
roth and Lafonlaine defended the Mnntargis cause at
Orleans; M. Jules Delaborde pleaded at the Court of
Cassation. The arret is dated 12 April, 1838.
STATE AND PROSPECTS OF PROTESTANTISM IN FRANCE. 439
for the splendour of religion, while the
Protestant religion appears contrived for
the happiness and advancement of man.
The numbers of French Protestants at
the present time cannot be correctly esti-
mated. That they are increasing is be-
yond doubt ; and that they will continue
to increase may be reasonably expected.
Their organized ministry may be classed
as follows :*
1. The Lutheran church, or Confes-
sion of Augsburg, has 6 inspections, 37
consistories, and 260 pastors or minis-
ters.
2. The Calvinisf, or Reformed church,
has 89 consistories, and about 400 minis-
ters.
3. The Societe Evangelique employs
three distinct classes of agents— viz. : 16
ministers; eleven itinerant preachers, not
ordained ; and nine colporteurs, or dis-
tributors of Bibles and religious books.
The latter, by their conversations with
the rural population, prepare the way for
itinerant preachers ; and their efforts have
been sufficiently successful to give rise to
some virulent attacks in the episcopal
mandements. This society has also ten
schools. The expenses are entirely de-
frayed by voluntary contributions ; and
it frequently occurs, that when a congre-
gation becomes sufficiently numerous, it
is engrafted on the nearest consistory, and
thenceforth receives a grant from the public
treasury.
4. The Wesleyan Methodists have, for
some years, been labouring as valuable
auxiliaries. That body made an attempt
to establish public worship in 1791, when
Dr. Coke, and two other ministers, visited
Paris for that purpose ; but the endeavour
completely failed. M. Mahy, ordained by
Dr. Coke, persevered for some time in the
neighbourhood of Caen, where he had to
contend with much jealous opposition from
the Consistory: he withdrew to Guernsey,
and afterwards to Manchester, where he
died in 1812.t
Pierre du Pontavice, a noble of Brittany,
after self-banisment to escape the terrors
of the revolution, returned to France in
1802, and entered upon the pastoral of-
* The Chapels opened for the use of the Enalish and
Americana, of various denominations, are distinct from
our subject : still thi-y have all in succession contributed
lo the formation of societies for advancing religious in-
terests i n France.
t The Wesleyan Mission in France, by W.Toase, pp.
H-21.
fice. He translated many theological
works into French, and was usefully en-
gaged as a preacher in various parts of
Normandy until his death in 1810*
The successful results of preaching on
board the prison ships in the Medway
encouraged the society to renew their
effort at the peace of 1814. Their con-
gregations are now considerable, and the
number of their French preachers is four-
teen.
5. The Church of England also contri-
butes to the important work of extending
the light of the Reformation. The Soci-
ety for Promoting Christian Knowledge
has in Paris a foreign district committee
under the direction of Bishop Luscombe.
None but members of the established,
church can take any part in the direction
of its proceedings; the object of which is
"to collect and transmit information re-
specting the best of means of promoting
Christian Knowledge in its district — to
establish, enlarge, or superintend schools
— to supply settlers and natives with the
books circulated by the Society — to pro-
mote translations, when necessary, into
the language of the country — and lastly,
to make collections in aid of the Society's
funds."f In pursuance of these designs
the bishop has for some time been en-
gaged in superintending a new transla-
tion of the Bible and Liturgy ; in which
he has had the assistance of several learn-
ed persons, whose knowledge of the an-
cient languages insures a faithful version
of the original idea in the purest style of
modern French. This important under-
taking has, for some cause, been recently
laid aside ; yet a large portion being com-
pleted, the friends of revealed truth may
still hope to see it resumed.
6. The Eglise Catholique Francaise
must be mentioned as a co-operating
means for promoting the reformation.
The Abbe Chatel founded this church in
1831 ; and although his tenets do not at
all resemble Protestantism, they are calcu-
lated to induce investigation — a tendency
necessarily obnoxious to a body which
denies the right of private judgment.
With respect to collegiate education,
there is a faculty of Protestant theology at
* Toase, p. 22.
t From the Society's annual report. The depot of its
books is at No. », Hue d'Aguesseau, Faubourg St. Ho
note.
440
CONCLUDING REMARKS.
Montauban ; another at Strasbourg; and
a missionary college established in Paris.
Application has been made to the cham-
bers, during the present session (1838,)
for a Protestant faculty in the capital : the
result was not favourable ; but its neces-
sity is generally admitted, as well as that
of a change in the legislation for public
worship, which is found to be as galling
to the Catholics as to the Protestants.
The subject of this volume has led the
reader through many scenes of violence.
Even when controversy has assumed its
mildest forms, it has been rarely exempt
from acrimony. The vanity and pride of
resistance have been frequently found in
company with the martyr's firmness ; and
reprisals, recriminations, and angry feel-
ing have in turn tarnished the character
of both parties. Yet the conflict of three
centuries has produced much benefit to
society by teaching the necessity of mu-
tual forbearance. At the outset it was a
struggle of a numerical strength ; in the
following age controversy had become
systematized, and the writers and orators
who withstood the encroachments of Louis
XIV. have left abundant stories for en-
lightening their successors. The eigh-
teenth century found an unexpected aux-
iliary for religious freedom in the antipa-
thy to Romanism manifested by the philo-
sophical school. Religious persecution
was then reduced to its most pitiful cha-
racter; and an ungenerous warfare was
waged against widows and orphans la-
bouring under the stigma of concubinage
and illegitimacy. To this cause princi-
pally may be attributed the vivid jealousy
of the French against ecclesiastical inter-
ference in the etat civil; it perpetuates an
exclusion severely felt by the clergy; and
which, excepting the general confiscation
of church property, is perhaps the most
severe blow inflicted on that body by the
Revolution.
APPENDIX.
No. I. — On the Pauliciuns.
The notice of this sect is taken from
Gibbon, ch. 54; and that authority would
suffice for the introductory outline; but
the modern origin of Protestantism is a
favourite theme with Romish writers, and
the episode demands in consequence
further details; especially for the con-
venience of those readers who have not
the facilities of consulting a work to be
found only in extensive libraries.
The opinions of the Manicheans have
been almost universally condemned; and
their tendency may have deserved such
general opprobrium. However, without
discussing the merit of Beausobre's his-
tory, it must be conceded that we have
scarcely any other accounts of their
tenets than are furnished in the accusing
statements of their enemies: no epistles
of their leaders have been preserved, nor
any pastoral exhortations concerning con-
duct or doctrine — at least none are cited by
those who most violently censure them.
Bossuet {Hist, des Variation*) appears to
think it sufficient to establish the charge
of Manieheism as ample cause for burning
some unfortunate individuals condemned
at Orleans in the eleventh century. " On
sait que les lois romaines condamnaient
a mort les Manicheens: h saint roi
Robert lesjngea digues du feu." Li v. 11.
{. 20.
Petrus Siculus, who flourished about
870, composed an opuscule, in which the
Manicheans are represented in a most
unfavourable light; yet evidence is want-
ing to convict them of the flagrant heresy
with which he charges them. His work,
entitled His/nria de Munich itis, is to be
found in the Maxima Pibliotheca Pat rum,
torn. xvi. pars. 2. It relates six principal
paradoxes of the heresy; and of these
incriminated points of doctrine it is worthy
of remark that the third is a leading tenet
of Protestantism.
"Quod e sacris mysteriis divinam ac
tremendam corporis et sanguinis domini
nostri Jesu Christi conversionem negent,
aliaque de hoc mysteria doceant."
There is nothing to explain what is
comprised in the other tilings; but at all
events the statement proves. that transub-
stantiation was disputed at an early period.
The sixth paradox is applicable to some
important denominations of Christians in
the present day, as it consists in the re-
jection of an ecclesiastical hierarchy.
After some account of the origin and pro-
gress of the sect, Petrus Siculus relates,
p. 759:
" Fuit imperante Constantino, Heraclii
nepote, non procul a Samosatis, Armenia;
indigena quidam Constantinus nomine,
vicum incolens Mananalim, quen ad hunc
usque diem habitant Manichaei. Hie
Diaconum quendam captivum qui e Syria,
ut constat, in patriam revertebatur, et
Mananalim forte proeteribat, tecto excepit,
aluitque dies aliquot domi suae. Diaconus
ergo, ut banc quasi gratiam hospiti suo
jrependeret, codices duos quos e Syria
jsecum tulerat, Evangelium scilicet, Pau-
jlique epistolas, dono dedit Constantino."
Whatever therefore may have been the
views of Constantine, who assumed the
name of Sylvanus, the source from
whence he derived them is the present
supreme canon of Protestantism. His
followers were condemned by the church,
and their memory is blackened; but they
disavowed the errors laid to their charge
under the name of Manieheism.
The Greek MS. of Petrus Siculus is in
the Vatican; the Latin translation is by the
Jesuit Matthew Raderus; and it is almost
to be regretted that the learned father has
442
APPENDIX.
left it in doubt whether Diaconus is a
proper name, or an official designation.
No. II. — On the Vaudois.
The sufferings of this interesting peo-
ple would fill volumes; and indeed there
have been several works on the subject.
Our space will not permit the mention of
every opinion; but, independently of his-
tories professedly treating thereon, much
information will be found in Vaissette,
Hist, cle Languedoc, L'Enfant, Hist, de
la Guerre des Hussites et du Concile de
Bale.
The MS. alluded to in the text is enti-
tled La noble Liicon; it is said to be in
the Cambridge library, and that there is
a copy at Geneva. Voltaire (Essai sur
les Maeurs, ch. 82) makes the following
observation: " Nothing is better known
to the curious in such inquiries than the
lines upon the Vaudois of the year 1100:
Que non voglia maudir ne jura ne mcntir,
N'occir, ne avoutrar, ne prenre de altrui,
Ne s'avengear deli suo ennemi,
Los dison qu'es Vaudes et los feson morir."
Maimbourg thus introduces Valdo in
his genealogy of Calvin's heresy: — "As
this pretended apostle in reading the
Scriptures found no mention of the words
mass, pope, purgatory, &c, he took it
into his head that they were all false, and
mere human inventions." — Hist, du
Calvinvsme, liv. L
The followers of Valdo were perse-
cuted at the close of the twelfth century;
the third council of Lateran, by which
they were condemned, being held in
1 179. On which Fleury observes, " We
must not confound these heretics with the
Cathares or Albigenses, who are much
more ancient." — Hist. Eccles., liv. 73.
This opinion coincides with that of Vol-
taire, who states, " Pierre Valdo, a mer-
chant of Lyons, who passes for founder
of the sect of Vaudois, was not its author.
He only collected and encouraged his
brethren. He followed the doctrines of
Berenger, of Claude, Bishop of Turin,
and several others." — Essai sur les
Moeurs, ch. 128.
Bossuet makes a distinction between
the Albigenses and Vaudois. The former
he calls Manicheans, and shows their
descent from the Paulicians: the latter he
represents as Donatists; probably on ac-
count of their fastidiousness respecting
the personal character of their clergy. —
Hist, des Variations, liv. 11.
Pinchinat gives a list of the erroneous
doctrines held by both sects. Yet he
exhibits a great similarity between them
on many points. They refused to take
an oath, disapproved of singing in their
worship, and allowed any one to take
upon himself the priestly office. — Dic-
tionnaire de VIdolatre, des Secies Here-
sies, &c, par Bartholomew Pinchinat.
Paris, 1736.
./Eneas Sylvius, afterwards Pope Pius
II., observes that the doctrines of Wick-
liff and Huss are merely a renewal of the
opinions of the Vaudois. Impiam Val-
densium sectam atque insaniam amplexi
sunt. — Hist. Bohem, c. 35, quoted by
L'Enfant, who also gives the following
extract from the Dominican Reinier: he
reported concerning them, " They are
more dangerous than the other sects, be-
cause they excite no horror by their
blasphemies. They live justly in the
sight of men, and believe nothing respect-
ing the Divinity but what is right. Only
they blaspheme against the Romish
church and clergy, which attracts the
people."
No. III. — On the Etymology of the term
" Huguenot"
This epithet has been the subject of
much discussion: to this day it is con-
sidered by many a term of reproach; and
several persons of erudition have objected
to its figuring in the title of this work.
But with due deference to their opinions,
I am not convinced that it is improperly
adopted. The terms puritan, methodist,
and quaker were originally given in a
reproachful sense; but custom has sanc-
tioned their currency, and they are now
used unhesitatingly by those who would
cautiously avoid all tendency to abuse.
The French Protestants are mentioned
under a variety of names: heretics, pre-
tendres, reformes, Calvinists, Huguenots,
and sometimes, though seldom, Protest-
ants; for the fact of protesting against the
APPENDIX.
443
infallible church is galling to orthodox
Romanists. Each of these designations
carries with it a sufficient explanation of
its meaning, with the exception of Hugue-
not, which is in downright obscurity with
respect to its etymology, no less than to the
period when it was first applied.
Monlluc's Commentaries show that he
possessed extensive information upon the
affairs of his time. He took a very active
part in the religious wars; and was in a
position to know the origin of the word,
as his brother, the Bishop of Valence, was
for some time a decided partisan of the
Reformation: but in his fifth book the
marshal says, " They were so called I
know not why." Nor do we learn any
thing more positive from Tavannes or
Pasquier, who were very minute in their
inquiries on all points connected with the
events of the sixteenth century. They
relate notions which were at the same
time prevalent and contradictory; and in
examining subsequent writers we find the
hypotheses on the etymology increase in
number, in proportion as the period of its
introduction becomes remote.
Menage (Diclionnaire Eti/mologique)
has collected a number of opinions on the
derivation, of which the following are the
principal: —
1. Hugon's Tower, at Tours, where
the Protestants assembled secretly to
worship. This is mentioned by D'Au-
bigne and Pasquier; and the latter in cor-
roboration states that they were also called
Tourangeaux: from which may be in-
ferred that they were numerous in that
town before they received a general
designation. Matthieu considers this the
true derivation.
2. The commencement of their petition
to the Cardinal of Lorrain: Hue nos
veniuius, serenissinie princeps, &c.
3. Hem quenaus, which in the Swiss
patois signifies seditious fellows.
4. Heghenen or hu^uenen, a Flemish
word, which means Puritans, or Cathari.
Caseneuve supports this opinion; and it
will be remembered that the Albigenses
were called Cathares for the same reason.
5. Verdier, in his Prosopographie,
observes, " Les Huguenots ont ete ainsi
appelesde Jean Hus, duquel ils ont suivi
la doctrine; comme qui diroit les guenons
cle //us." Guenon is a young ape. In
support of this theory is the entire bearing
of a work printed at Lyons in 1573,
entitled Genea/ogie et la fin des Huguc-
naux,e.t descouverte dtt Calvinism e, &c,
par Gabriel de Saconay, archidiacre et
comte de l'eglise de Lyon. In page 9
we find the following passage: " Le
Francois heretique a pris ce nom pour
s'estre plus tost transformed en singe et
guenon qu'en autre beste, suyvant un
certain naturel d'aucuns Francois, qui se
rendent assez souvent imitateurs des
nations estrangeres, is meurs, gestes, et
habillemens: qui est le propre du singe,
comme nous dirons."
6. Coquille {Dialogues sur les causes
des misires de la France) derives it from
Hugh Capet, whose prosperity the Pro-
testants supported in the persons of the
Bourbon princes, against the Guises, who
boasted their descent from the Carlovin-
gian kings. But it is by no means clear
that the Guises contemplated their ambi-
tious project prior to the reign of Henry
HI., when the race of Valois appeared
likely to become extinct; while there is
proof that the word Huguenot was in use
long before.
7. One Hugues, a sacramentarian, is
also said to have given rise to the epithet.
Respecting this and the preceding deriva-
tion, it may be noted that Huguenot is a
diminutive of Hugh or Hugues, as Jeannot
for John, Pierot for Peter, &c.
8. The etymology most generally re-
ceived is that which ascribes its origin to
the word Eignot, derived from the Ger-
man Eidegenossen, q. e. federati. A
party thus designated existed at Geneva;
and it is highly probable that the French
Protestants would adopt a term so appli-
cable to themselves. This opinion is
supported by Mezeray, Maimbourg, Vol-
taire, and Diodati, professor of theology
at Geneva.
9. Huguenote is the name given to a
common iron or earthenware pot for
cooking; and the application of the term
may have arisen from the number of early
Huguenots who perished in the flames.
Especially when it is considered that
sehlir le fagot was an expression used to
denote an inclination for the reform, and
is ftequently found in writings of the six-
teenth century. On the other hand, La
Furetiere, in his dictionary, reverses the
consequence, and says the utensil was so
called because the Huguenots used them
444
APPENDIX.
to dress meat secretly on fast days, and
during Lent.
10. Benoit states that some have attri-
buted the etymology to a bad pronuncia-
tion of the word Gnostic. Hist, de
VEdit de Nantes, vol. i. p. 23.
No. IV.— The MSS. de la Eeynie.
Gabrial-Nicholas de La Reynie, lieu-
tenant-general of police at the period
of the revocation, has left a mass of papers
sufficiently interesting to deserve a sepa-
rate notice.
This collection, at present in the Royal
library, is invaluable to the historian, as it
corroborates in a great measure the con-
temporary statements published by the
refugees, which it has been the fashion in
France to condemn as libels. The docu-
ments are bound up in six volumes. They
are chiefly originals ; but such as are
copies accompany original pieces, to
which they refer. Among them are let-
ters addressed to the lieutenant-general
of police ; but the most interesting portions
are the reports of police agents, employed
to watch the Huguenots and suspected
converts. The mere outline which can
be given here will impart but an imper-
fect idea of the collection, as it is by no
means well classed. It would seem that
the bundles of papers were placed in the
binder's hands, just as they were tied
together for preservation, when M. de la
Reynie's functions ceased.
Vols. I. to IV. contain —
1. Proces-verbaux of books seized at
the houses of booksellers and binders.
2. Reports concerning Protestants who
had taken refuge in Paris.
3. Lettres de cachet for Protestants.
4. Reports on the condition and move-
ments of the elders of Charenton.
5. Divers informations sent to the king.
6. List of fugitives, and of persons
known to contemplate emigration.
7. Informations on the means used for
escaping.
8. Lists of conversions, and of converts
relieved by the king.
9- Names of persons usually relieved
by the elders of Charenton.
10. Lists of marchands de vin, Protest-
ants.
11. Persons imprisoned on account of
religion in the Bastille, the Chatelet, and
the For-l'Eveque.
The reports of the police agents are
very numerous in vol. III. : the following
selections are copied, literally:
"Dimanche, 1 Avril 1685. Les P. R.
ont dit aujourd'huy, en revenant de Cha-
renton, que 1' ambassadeur d'Angleterre
estoit aujourd'huy au presche, et que Ton
ne fait plus d'exercice chez luy, parce que
le Roy son maistre est catolique.
"26 Avril 1685. Les ambassadeurs
des etats Protestants ou Calvinists nalloi-
ent autrefois a Charenton que tres rare-
ment, parcequil y a exercisse dans leurs
hostels ; et depuis peu ils y vont tous, du
moins tous les dimanches et Ton voit que
c'est pour se faire veoir au peuple et le
fortiffier.
" 12th Juin 1685. Deux personnes fu-
rent expres le jour de la Pentecoste a Cha-
renton pour observer la fern me et les en-
fans de Lejay, pretend us relaps, mais
l'assemblee de ce jour fut si nombreuse
qu'ils ne purent demeler ces personnes
d'avec les autres et naiant pu les joindre;
ils s'attacherent a observer les commu-
nians, mais il y avoit trois tables, deux
dans le temple et une sous les tentes dans
la cour, et comme ils ne purent observer
qu'une seule table ou cette femme ny ses
enfans ne parurent point, il ny a nulle
certitude s'ils ont communie parcequ'ils
l'ont pu faire a l'une les deux autres
tables; mais pour agir a lavenir avec plus
de certitude Herve s'attachera cette se-
maine a la bien connoistre, et dimanche
prochain il se trouvera proche sa porte
pour la veoir sortir et la suivra jusques
a Charenton: Ion asseur quelle va par
batteau. II se mettra dansle mesme bat-
teau et ne la quittera point de vue qu'elle
ne sorte du temple, ce moien paroist in-
fallible pour scavoir au vray ce quelle
fera pendant ce jour.
"25th Juin 1685. II y a une femme
de consideration chez madame l'ambassa-
drice d'Angleterre quy attend le depart de
madame 1'ambassadrice pour passer avec
elle en Angleterre, je nen scait pas encore
le nom.
" 30 Juin 1685. L'on a enfin decou-
vert que Burnet est a Paris: il se fait
nommer M. de Bornet, et il est connu par
les P. R. pour un docteur en theologie, et
ils 1'estiment beaucoup plus habil que M.
Claude. II loge chez le ministre Alix, rue
APPENDIX.
445
neufve St.-Eustache. II va presque tous
les jours chez Rozemond, rue des Mar-
rets. Les P. R. ont dit aujourd'huy en
confidence que ces deux hommes travail-
lent ensemble a des ouvrages admirables,
et que la veufve de Varenne en doibt faire
le debit. Burnet va souvent chez cette
veufve."
Vol. L contains this specimen of tyranny:
De par le Roy.
" II est ordonne a Laguerre, valet de
pied de sa Majeste, de se transporter in-
cessamment dans le maison du sieur
Claude, ci-devant ministre de la R. P. R.
a Charenton, et de lui faire commande-
ment de la part de S. M. de sortir de la
ville de Paris dans vingt-quatre heures au
plus tard, pour se retirer incessamment
hors du royaume. A 1'effet de quoi, le dit
Laguerre 1'accompagnera jusque sur la
frontiere par laquelle il desirera sortir.
Fontainebleau, xxi Octobre 1685.
"Louis.
" Colbert."
It is due to the memory of the illustri-
ous Colbert, to mention that he died in
1683; and consequently is free from the
reproach of sactioning the Edict of Revo-
cation, and its corollary decrees. They
were apparently countersigned by his
eldest son, better known as Marquis de
Seignelay, who was Secretaire d'Etat de
la Maison du Roi, and Minister of the
Marine. The practice of usins the family
name, instead of the titular honour, was
common among the old families. The
duke de Bouillon signed Henri de la Tour
— the duke de Soubise, Benjamin de
Rohan — and the statesman Villeroy, de
Neufville.
The following is relative to the demoli-
tion of the temple at Charenton, com-
menced on the very day the edict of re-
vocation was registered by the parlia-
ment : —
" Je viens d'ariver. Monsieur, jay lesse
une partie de mes officiers dans le temple
pour y coucher. Les autres sont dans les
plus prochins cabarets du temple pour se
reposer pendant la nuict, et demain au-
ront soin des auenues du temple et pra-
incipalement des ported pour empescher
l'incommodite des eurieux. Jay fait ar-
retter la fille et lay fait remettre entre les
mains du commissaire Lamare qui la
38
menee aux nouvelles catholiques. Je
ferai encore un tour demain et receuray
les ordres que vous aurez la bonte de me
donner. Je croy que les menuisiers au-
ront acheve leurs ouvrage sur les neuf
heures du matin. Je suis, monsieur, avec
beaucoup de respec, vostre tres humble
et tres obeissant serviteur,
" De Francini Grandmaison.
" Ce Lundi au soir, 22 Oct. 1685."
Some idea of the extensive ramifica-
tions of the police may be formed from
these extracts : —
" 16 Jan. 1686. En mon quartier il ne
reste que le sieur Destreville, qui est un
garcon demeurant rue des Mauvais-Gar-
cons chez Corneille, vinaigrier, a la 2e
chambre, lequel ne veut ny signer ny
faire abjuration. Jean-Louis Alexandre,
rue du Mouton, n'a signe ny ne veut
faire abjuration, n'a point de domestique.
"Les deux garcons du sieur Ausvere
et leur servante nont voulu signer ni faire
abjuration, se sont absentez. jayscelle
dans leur maison, Rue de la Poterye.
" Rue de la Verrerie d 1'hostel de
Bourbon, maison garnye, sont logez Mon-
sieur le Marquis d'Inoncourt, madame sa
femme, leur fils et quatre filles et leur fille
de chambre tous de la R. P. R. avec
un laquais de meme religion et 3 laquais
Almands Lutheriens. Madame d'Inon-
court scayt que la declaration du roy
porte 15 jours pour congedier les domes-
tiques. Elle refuse de congedier les trois
Lutheriens.
" Le sieur Desguilly cy-devant capitaine
de cavalerie au regiment de Comminge,
loge a la teste d'or, Rue de la tixerand-
erie. II est de la R. P. R. son lacquais
est catholique. Monseigneur de Louvois
l'a fait mander pour lui venir parler.
(Vol. ii.)
"21 Jan. 1686. L' on m'a donm-
advis aujourd'huy, que dans le cabaret
du Riche, laboureur, qui est a I'entree de
la rue des fosses, M. le Prince. II s'y as-
semble presque tous les soirs des mar-
chands et artisans de la religion et de
nouveaux catholiques, ou ils se trouve
quelquefois jusques k dixhuit ou vingtet,
qu'ils y tiennent des discours scandaleux.
(Vol. ii.)
"28 Oct. 1686. Le ministre Gilbert
de la Rochelle ne s'est point loge en au-
berge dans la crainte d'etre docouvert.
446
APPENDIX.
L'on m'a asseure qu'il se retire chez la
nommee Bot, revenderesse, qui est une
nouvelle catholique de ses amis qui de-
meure Rue de la Corne au Faubg St. Ger-
main. II fut hier au presche chez M. l'am-
bassadeur de Danemarc, et Ton dit qu'il y
doibt entrer pour y demeurer et prescher en
Francois. Cette nommee Bot est une fem-
me qui a desja parut suspecte en d'autres
occasions." (Vol. iii.)
Extract of a deposition made 3 Dec.
1686.
"Quele nomme Desbaux, potier d'es-
tain, rue des Fosses St. Germain, est
l'agent de tous les mecroians de Paris, et
que sa fern me va de maison en maison
porter des livres et des lettres. Que chez
le nomme Lebeuf a. la Place Maubert on
s'assemble quelquefois. Que la femme de
Bezard, cydevant ancien de Charenton,
est une seditieuse qu'il faudrait mettre en
Heu de surete." (Vol. i.)
Report of Oliver Cellier.
"Ce 26 Jan. 1687. Jai este ce matin
Chez l'envoie de Brandebourg dans le lieu
ou ils font leur assemblee: je m'i suis
trouve le premier, et ai exactement observe
tous les usages qui i ont paru. J'ai vei 5
personnes qui ont chante en Francois.
J'en ai suivi un, lequel a fort observe ma
contenence. Je l'ai suivi jusques dans
la rue de Lavandieres. Je l'ai veu entrer
dans une porte entre deux portes carrees
vis-a-vis M. Boulo, cirrurgien.
" L'homme que j'ay observe a bien
quarante ans; il a le visage un peu cane,
les hieux et la fasse un peu enflammez.
II a une assez grande espee a garde d'assie
tres luisant. Le juste corps girs un peu
brun." (Vol. iv.)
The fifth volume contains memoirs,
correspondence, and accounts of books
furnished to new converts, amounting to
ihe enormous sum of 536,640 livres.
There were evidently suspicions of pecu-
lation, as the inquiries appear directed to-
wards detection ; and the report made
upon the accounts of one Clement states,
that he produces no proof, nor entries in
books or journals, either to justify his ex-
penditure, or to show what the booksellers
have delivered to him. It is also stated
that the documents furnished by him had
been altered. The reporter's opinion may
be inferred from this observation: "Par
ce moyen la despense effective de 4 a
500 mille livres, peut estre enflee et portee
a 6, 7, 8, 9 et un milion, ainsi qu'il aura plu
au sieur Clement."
It is stated by Rulhiere that Pellison did
not leave his accounts in perfect order;
and as he was concerned in the distribu-
tion of these books, it is probable that this
transaction gave rise to the imputation.
Vol. VI. contains the papers seized on
the persons of fugitives, and in the houses
of suspected relapse ; with a number of
abjurations, many of which are signed in
blank, having neither the date, the name
of the ecclesiastic receiving, nor of the re-
quisite witnesses attesting the declaration.
No. V. — Extract from the Dublin Uni-
versity Magazine for August, 1837,
p. 210.
" The very names of the most respecta-
ble and honoured families in Ireland re-
mind us of the channels through which
knowledge of the cruelties and frauds of
Romanism in France must have reached
the hearts of Irish Protestants. Men who
were sufferers for their faith, flying from
the most ruthless persecution, were re-
ceived with open arms in Ireland. If
their religion and their distresses recom-
mended them, their industry and know-
ledge established their claims to public
favour. The effect of their representa-
tions can hardly be exaggerated : their
presence was a strong testimony to the
proof of their statements. The monarch
who had broken faith with, and outraged
humanity in his persecution of them, was
the patron of a pretender to the British
throne, whom four-fifths of the people of
Ireland regarded as their lawful sovereign.
The short reign of James II. had suffici-
ently awakened Protestant alarm ; but
when crowds of sufferers, flying for their
lives, sought a refuge in Ireland, showing
by their industry and arts what Romanism
would sacrifice rather than tolerate free-
dom of opinion, and by their recitals ex-
hibiting the crimes by which an intolerant
church would uphold its despotism, it is
difficult to imagine the excesses to which
men, remembering the cruelties of James,
threatened with aggravated oppression,
and surrounded by multitudes thirsting
for their lands, might not have been stimu-
lated."
APPENDIX.
447
The Editor then refers to Dr. Kenney's
most valuable work, entitled Facts and
Documents illustrative of the History of
the Period immediate/;/ preceding the
•Accession of William III., from which
he gives two extracts: the latter is bor-
rowed by Dr. Kenney from a work of Mr.
Bion, a Roman Catholic priest, who was
influenced by the cruelties of the church
and government, and the faithful en-
durance of Protestants, to renounce the
creed of Rome, and who sought an asylum
in England.
"In the year 1703, several Protestants
out of Languedoc and the Cevennes were
put on board our galleys. They were
narrowly watched and observed, and I
was exceedingly surprised on Sunday
morning, after saying mass on the ban-
caffe, [a table so placed that all in the
galley may see the priest when he ele-
vates the host] to hear the comite [an
officer similar to a boatswain of a ship]
say that he was going to give the Hu-
guenots the bastinado, because they did
not kneel or show respect to the myste-
ries of the mass ; and that he was pro-
ceeding to acquaint the captain therewith.
The very name of bastinado terrified me;
and, though I had never seen this dread-
ful execution, I begged the comite to for-
bear till the next Sunday, and said that in
the meantime I would endeavour to con-
vince them of what I then thought their
duty and my own. Accordingly, I tried
all the methods I could possibly think of
for that purpose : sometimes making use
of fair means, giving them victuals, and
doing them good offices: sometimes using
threats, and representing the torments
that were designed for them ; and often
urging the king's command, and quoting
the passage of St. Paul, that he who re-
sists the higher power resists God. I
had not at that time a design to oblige
them to do any thing against their con-
sciences; and I confess that what I did
proceeded from a motive of pity and ten-
derness. This was the cause of my zeal,
which would have been more fatal to
them, had not God endued them with suf-
ficient resolution and virtue to bear up
against my arguments, and the terrible
execution which they had in view. I
could not but admire the modesty of their
answers, and the greatness of their cou-
rage ; " The king," said they, " is indeed
the master of our bodies, but not of our
consciences."
"At last, the dreadful day being come,
the comite narrowly observed them, to
see the fruit of my labours: there were
only two out of twenty that bowed the
knee to Baal; the rest generously refused
it, and were, accordingly, by the captain's
command, served in the manner follow-
ing. In order to the execution, every
man's chains were taken off, and they
were put successively into the hands of
four Turks, who stripped them stark
naked, and stretched them upon the cour-
sier (a great gun near the stern of the
galley, which carried a six-and-thirly
pound ball:) there they are so held tha-t
they cannot so much as stir, during which
time there is a horrid silence throughout
the whole galley; and it is altogether so
cruel a scene that the most profligate,
obdurate wretches cannot bear to dwell
upon the sight, but are often obliged to
turn away their eyes. The victim, being
thus prepared, the Turk chosen to be the
executioner, with a long cudgel or knotty
rope's end, unmercifully beats the poor
wretch, and that the more willingly, be-
cause he thinks it acceptable to his pro-
phet Mahomet. But the most barbarous
of all is, that after the skin is flayed off
from their bodies, the only balsam applied
to their wounds is a mixture of vinegar
and salt: after this they are thrown into
the hospital already described. I went
thither after the execution, and could not
refrain from tears at the sight of so much
barbarity: they perceived it, and, though
scarcely able to speak through weakness
and pain, they thanked me for the com-
passion I expressed, and for the kindness
I had always shown to them. I went
with a design to administer some comfort
to them, and was glad to find them less
moved than I was myself. It was truly
wonderful to see with what patience and
Christian constancy they bore their tor-
ments; in the midst of their pains never
expressing any thing like rage, but calling
upon Almighty God, and imploring his
assistance. I visited them day by day,
and as often as I did, my conscience up-
braided me for persisting so long in a re-
ligion, whose capital errors I had before
perceived, but, above all, which inspired
so much cruelty, a temper directly oppo-
site to the spirit of Christianity. At
448
APPENDIX.
last their wounds, like so many mouths
preaching to me, made me sensible of
my error, and experimentally taught me
the excellence of the Protestant religion.
" But it is time to conclude and draw
a curtain over this horrid scene, which
presents none but ghastly sights, and
transactions full of barbarity; but which
all show how false it is, what they now
pretend in France for detaining the Pro-
testants in the galleys; viz., that they do
not suffer there on a religious account,
but are condemned for rebellion and dis-
obedience. The punishments inflicted
on them when they refuse to adore the
host — the rewards and advantages offered
on their compliance in that particular, are
a sufficient argument against the above
pretence, there being no such offers made
to those condemned for crimes. It shows
the world also the most incredible barba-
rity practised against the French Pro-
testants; and at the same time sets forth,
in a manner the most honourable, their
virtue; their constancy, and zeal for their
holy religion."
No. VI. — Notice of Paul Rub aut.
Some remarks upon this work, in an
estimable periodical (Ze Semeur, 5th
June,) indicate an omission of importance,
and the author readily acknowledges,
with Pharaoh's butler, "I do remember
my fault this day." Never did pastor
deserve a grateful record of his worth
more than Paul Rabaut; and from the
present very limited sketch it will be seen
that the vicissitudes of this minister's life
are entitled to the professed biographer's
attention.
A brief notice of this indefatigable
preacher was published in 1808; first, as
appendix to Reflexions Pkilusopldqur.s
et Politiques sur la Tolerance Reli-
gieuse, &c. It was afterwards printed
separately, under the title of Notice. Bio-
graphique sur Paul Rabaut, pasleur pen-
dant plus de einquante ans u Nimes, par
S. P. de N. (Scipion Pons of Nismes.)
Paul Rabaut was born at Bedarieux
(Herault) 9th January, 1718, of Protest-
ant parents; and although the pastoral
calling was then, with few exceptions, a
certain path to the gibbet or the wheel
he was determined to enter upon the sa-
cred, though perilous function. Where
he resided it would be difficult to say
with precision, for concealment and fre-
quent removals were indispensable to his
existence, but he officiated at Nismes and
its vicinity during half a century, in the
greater part of which period a price was
set upon his head.
His ministry was numerously followed
— his hearers sometimes exceeding ten
thousand persons. His eloquence was
favoured by a peculiarity of voice, de-
scribed by one who knew him personally,
as retentissante et argentee, quoique
digue, a quality which enabled him to
overcome the disadvantage of preaching
in the open air. His fluency in prayer
was very great; and the unaffected piety
of his conduct, in conformity with the
doctrines he preached, obtained for him
the esteem of many enlightened members
of the Romish church, and particularly
that of M. Becdelievre, Bishop of Nismes,
a character similar to Fenelon in mild-
ness and charity. That excellent prelate
made several efforts, remarkable for their
tolerant tendency; but private influence
could not withstand the pitiless com-
mands of a bigoted government.
Rabaut differed from the Huguenots of
the preceding century by his decided dis-
approval of resistance to civil authority.
He considered a readiness for martyrdom
the surest means for promoting the cause
of Christ's church; and among various
instances of his fixed principles on this
point, one of the deepest interest occurred
when M. Desubas was conducted to exe-
cution. That young preacher's case in-
spired much interest throughout Langue-
doc; and the wanton conduct of the troops,
when he was arrested, had kindled such
a spirit of animosity, that a body of young
men, armed with guns, swords, scythes,
and forks, devoted themselves to effect
his deliverance from the escort, when re-
moved from Nismes to Montpellier. The
authorities being informed of the project,
increased the military force, and gave or-
ders to kill Desubus, rather than suffer
his escape.
Rabaut also heard of the design, and
proceeded to the assemblage, where his
eloquence was at first ineffectual towards
appeasing their effervescence. After ad-
APPENDIX.
449
dressing- them in the name of the unfor-
tunate captive, he concluded: — " Should
God destine me to such an end, I implore
you beforehand, and I claim it of your
affection, to suffer me to die peaceably,
that I may not become a cause of tears
to your kindred and friends, or to your
country, torn by the troubles which would
folio w such a revolt: and it is only on
these conditions that I will continue my
pastoral functions among you." This
elocution induced the multitude to dis-
perse, and the pious minister, more anx-
ious to enforce Christian submission than
to save the life of his beloved friend and
brother, then proceeded to other groups,
where he was equally successful.
Rabaut's outlawed condition exposed
him to many vicissitudes and wonderful
escapes. On one occasion he was fol-
lowed to the house of a baker: the place
was forthwith invested, and the impend-
ing danger was averted by the pastor's
hastily putting on the baker's dress, co-
vered with flour, in which disguise he
passed the sentinel at the door, holding in
his hand an empty bottle, under pretence
of procuring wine, and having placed a
rose in his mouth, to assist in concealing
his features.
On another occasion he was traced to
an humble dwelling, where he was pre-
served from arrest by the generous effort
of a woman, who had given birth to a
child only a few days previously. Re-
gardless of her own condition, she sent
away her nurse, held the infant on her
knees, and when her room was searched
by the soldiers, Rabaut was concealed in
the bed, his head being covered with a
cap belonging to his unexpected pro-
tector.
But although Rabaut made every pos-
sible exertion for escaping the perils
which beset him, he did not hesitate to
face danger when the good of his bre-
thren required it. For at a period when
the prisons and galleys were crowded
with Protestants, and a renewal of former
horrors was generally apprehended, Ra-
baut ventured alone to present a petition
to the Marquis de Paulmy, governor of
the province, whom he accosted on the
road, surrounded by his guard of honour.
The marquis conversed for some time
with the intrepid minister, and generously
allowed him to retire free. At that time
his arrest would have been followed by
certain execution — nothing being required
for his condemnation beyond the proof of
identity; and yet under such circum-
stances he had ventured to declare his
name.
As intimidation was found to be inef-
fectual, corruption was used; and Rabaut
was offered a considerable sum by the
government, on condition of his leaving
France. He constantly refused, and his
perseverance was ultimately rewarded by
the removal of legal disabilities. He had
the happiness to see liberty of conscience
and the reign of worship proclaimed by
law. He assisted at the dedication of
a Protestant temple at Nismes, and
preached, under the protection of the
magistrates, those doctrines he had faith-
fully taught, while hunted by soldiers as
a beast of prey.
Nothing is more common with the op-
ponents of religious liberty than the at-
tempt to identify Protestants with Jaco-
bins; but Paul Rabaut, at that time the
most eminent among them, and who had
been during many years their guide and
representative, was arrested by order of
the convention. His advanced age and
infirmities were disregarded by his ene-
mies. Too feeble to walk to the prison,
and no carriage being at hand, he was
carried there on an ass. The fall of
Robespierre restored him to liberty; and
he soon after closed his mortal career in
his own house at Nismes. As his last
hour approached, he exhorted the friends
assembled round his bed to persevere with
constancy in their religious tenets, and to
practise fidelity to the. authorities, not-
withstanding the cruel injuries he had re-
ceived from the convention. Having bid
them farewell, he requested that the nunc
dimittis might be sung, and died in his
seventy-seventh year, on the 4th Vende-
miare of the year III. (5lh September,
1794.)
He was interred in the cellar of his
habitation. A good price was offered by
some Catholics for the house, to the wi-
dow of his son, Rabaut Pomier; but, as
it was feared that some insult might be
offered to Rabaut's remains, the property
was assigned, for a very inferior sum, to
the Protestant Orphan Institution of Nis-
mes, to which it still belongs. A stone
in the cellar marks the spot where repose
450
APPENDIX.
the ashes of this venerable and courageous
confessor of the truth.
His son, Jean Paul Rabaut St. Etienne,
eminent as a scholar and minister, and 1
celebrated for his conduct in the con-
vention, was horn at Nismes in April,
1743. Being member of a commission
charged to prevent the outbreak of an ex-
pected plot, his denunciation of Hebert
drew upon himself and his colleagues the
animosity of the Jacobins, already in-
censed against him for opposing the con-
demnation of Louis XVI. The Marquis
d'Arbaud Jouques (p. 31,) in reproaching
the Protestants of the Gard with their
regicide principles, makes an exception
in favour of Rabaut St. Eiienne, "qui
rtjeta avec horreur ce crime execrable..
Rabaut was involved in the cataslrophe
of May, 1793, and was arrested 2d of
June; but he escaped, and remained con-
cealed during six months. Several ver-
sions respecting his discovery and arrest
being current, I am indebted to the recol-
lections of Madame Rabaut Pomier for
the following details: —
Rabaut St. Etienne, and Rabaut Po-
mier, his brother, had taken refuge in the
Fauboug Poisonniere, at the house of one
Paizac, to whom Rabaut St. Etienne had
rendered great services. He was not a
Catholic noble, as some have stated, nor
a carpenter, as others have asserted.
His farther was a huissier, and his wife a
bonnet-maker. Paizac had constructed a
hiding-place in his house, wherein the
brothers Rabaut were concealed. Every
thing was complete, with the exception of
the entrance, which resembled the mouth
of an oven. For that purpose Paizac ap-
plied to a carpenter whom he had long
known, and in whom he placed confi-
dence: the man denounced him. Rabaut
St. Etienne was seized, and, being already
outlawed, was at once conducted to exe-
cution, Paizac and his wife were guillo-
tined the same day, 5th Dec, 1793.
Their crime consisted in the refuge given
to Rabaut.
Rabaut Pomier remained in prison
nearly a year, after which he was libe-
rated. He was a highly respected pastor,
and president of the consistory of Paris.
Rabaut Dupuis, another son of Paul
Rabaut, followed the legal profession, and
was one of the council of Five Hundred.
No. VII. — Recent act of intolerance.
The following disgraceful circumstance
has been related in the Paris journals, ex-
tracted from the Phare de la Pochette.
It will be found at length in the Propaga-
teur of 30th June, 1838.
A Protestant lady, named Fleury, died
at the village of Pont-l'Abbe (Charente-
Inferieure) and was interred on the 2d of
June by the Protestant pastor of Maren-
nes. As cemeteries are communal pro-
perty, and under the control of the mayor,
independent of the clergy, the deceased
was buried in the only burial-ground,
which however the priests, according to
their custom, consider a domain of the
church. The vicar had protested against
the sepulture; and in the night of the 7th
he had the corpse disinterred. He then
wrote the following record of his own dis-
grace:—
"A Moss. Cambon, Pasteur d Murennes.
"Monsieur, le bel ceuvre que celui
dont vous etes venu vous illustrer a Pont-
l'Abbe, la veille du saint jour de la Pente-
cote. Vous avez grand sujet de vous en
glorifier, la memoire en restera longtemps
dans les cceurs. Le corps de Mme. Fle-
ury vient enfin e'etre exhume du lieu ou,
contre mon droit et rnon opposition, vous
1'aviez faitdeposer. Cette operation s'est
terminee cette nuit entre minuit et une
heure.
"Courage, Monsieur? encore quelques
actes de cette nature, et vous rendrez de
plus en plus recommendable votre mini-
stere, deji si accredite par la solidite de
vos doctrines. Le repos dont vous assu-
rez le corps de vos fideles apres leur mort
est une garantie du repos dont vous pou-
vez assurer leur ame.
" Recevez, Monsieur, l'assurance de
toute la consideration que vous avez su
m'inspirer.
" Labbro, Desservant de Pont-VMbe.
" Pont-l'Abbe, le 8 Juin 1838."
This strange letter obtained a reply
from the Protestant pastor, the mildness
of which presented a striking contrast to
the unchristian boastings of the priest.
He congratulated himself that he was not
minister of a religion which pursues men
even in their grave, and would deprive
APPENDIX.
their mortal remains of the rest they deny
to their souls ; and concluded by exhorting
the vicar to inquire seriously, and as in
the presence of his Maker, whether his
conduct and sentiments were Christian,
or if he had not rather stifled the voice of
charity and the feelings of humanity.
No. VIII. — Jlbrege de I'Histoire de Nis-
mes, de Menard, continue jusqu, a nos
jours, par P. L. Baragnon pere, avocat
a la cour royale de Nismes, Vols. I.
to III.
pal body, then accused of counter-revo-
lutionary principles, and for that reason
ex parte. However, the mayor's state-
ment contains an important admission.
" Ce n'etait point ane querelle de reli-
gion ; les dogmes, le culte n'y entraient
pour rien ; mais c'etait l'inquietude des
catholiques d'avoir vu d'abord la force
armee entre les mains d'un petit nombre
des citoyens, dont plus de la moitie etai-
ent protestans; c'etait le mecontentement
des protestans de n'a voir pas eu dans l'elec-
tion desoffkiers municipaux la part qu'ils
pouvaient y pretendre." Cornpte rendu,
quoted by Baragnon, vol. iii. p. 445.
We may here fairly inquire how it hap-
pened that the intrigues began before the
The author was unable to procure a municipal elections ; and, consequently,
copy of the above work until after his before the protestants could entertain dis-
own task was finished. The third vo- content at exclusion ! The elections took
lume concludes with an account of the place in February, 1790; but Froment
P agar re in 1790. However, with all
possible defference for the advantages en
proceeded to Turin in January, and he
declares in one of his publications, that
joyed by M. Baragnon as an inhabitant .the nobility of Languedoc had held a de
of Nismes, his arguments have not in-
duced any alteration in the volume now
offered to the public.
From the sixteenth century M. Barag-
non's history is almost, without intermis-
liberation at Toulouse, in November,
1789, for the purpose of planning mea-
sures to restore the old regime. Lauze
de Peret, 2" livraison, p. 198.
In the autumn of 1789 some violent
sion, an .Bete d' Accusation against the | pamphlets were issued against the Protes-
Protestants; yet his account of the Cami- tants. Pierre Rojn/nn aux Catholiques de
sards has not necessitated more than a
marginal note, wherein his testimony to
the severe measures adopted has been
adduced.
At a later period, where there is an al-
lusion to the audacity of the Protestants
in holding assemblies (1743 to 1745,) it
would certainly have tended to establish
Nimes bears no date, but ( harles Sincere
a Pierre Rom din, which responds to the
appeal, and is apparently from the same
pen, is dated 22d Nov., 1789. These
libels contain a declaration of mortal
hatred against the Protestants: a P. S. to
the latter declares that the free exercise
of the reformed religion would cause the
his character for impartiality, had he not, ruin of the monarchy; and suggests a
withheld Menard's testimony to their 'subscription for publishing a new edition
loyalty. During a consistory held at Le
dignan, news was received of the king's
illness; on which the ministers instantly
suspended their discussion, to offer a
prayer for his recovery. (Menard, vol.
vi. p. 603.)
It will n >t therefore excite surprise that
of Caveyrac's tfpologie, which is called
" cet ouvrage immortel."
Respecting Froment, we learn from M.
Baragnon that his quarrel with the friends
of the revolution was altogether personal
in its origin ; that he was never the real
chief of the Catholic party; and that the
M. Barapmn blames the Protestants for i accounts of his services have been greatly
the trou! les of 1790. He admits that in i exaggerated by his wounded vanity. His
the publications of the Catholic party there ; correspondence with the Count d'Artois,
are exaggerations, as well as in those and his zeal in the Catholic cause, are
written by Protestants: but his avowed ; however admitted, pp. 446 — 8.
preference for the statement made by M. In the terrihle episode of the Bagarre,
de Marguerittes, mayor of Nismes, has .the question is, who was the aggressor1?
caused him to overlook the circumstance and M. Baragnon unhesitatingly charges
of its being a justification of the munici-'the Protestant party.
452
APPENDIX.
" L'assemblee nationale, indisposee con-
tre les catholiques par la petition du 20
Avril, savait que l'interet des religion-
naries les liait etroitement a la cause de
la revolution, et lest protegeait ouverte-
ment: l'assemblee electorale etait entitle-
ment a. leur devotion Toutes les
contrees protestantes etaient en armes, et
prevenues de longue main ; c'est sous ces
auspices que l'assemblee electorale devait
se reunir le 4 Juin." — P. 477 — 8.
This paragraph decides the author's
point of view : the version adopted in this
volume will in consequence wound his his-
torical susceptibilities. We differ widely
in our conclusions; and public opinion is
the tribunal which must decide between
us.
The writings of M. Lauze de Peret
have been violently assailed by what is
termed the royalist ■parti) in France ; yet
the author is not aware that any detailed
refutation of his statements has been at-
tempted. He is moreover so very minute
in dates, names, and places, that, if his as-
sertions are unfounded, it would be a
very easy task to controvert him. Se-
veral highly respectable inhabitants of
Nismes, Catholic as well as Protestant,
have borne testimony to his veracity, by
correspondence and in conversation ; and
the best possible reply to M. Baragnon's
account of the Bagarre is a passage from
M. Lauze de Peret, published in 1818.
Both these writers were advocates of
Nismes, and equally near the best sources
of information.
"En 1788, en 1789, et au commence-
ment de 1790, jusqu'au moment ou Ton
discu ta la constitution civile du clerge,
Popinion fut u-nanime dans presque toutes
les classes; la revolution, e'est-a-dire une
reforme qui n'etait pas encore revolution-
naire, fut recue avec un enthousiasme
aussi general qu'en aucun autre lieu de
la'France. Mais dans cette meme annee
1790, des hommes qui ne voulaient au-
cune reforme fonderent sur 1'opposition
des cultes 1'esperance d'une opposition po-
litique, d'une division qui troublat les
esprits, qui fit preferer passionnement les
interets particuleirs a l'interet public dont
la raison s'occupe seule, et qui enfin,
malgre les voeux naturels du plus grand
nombre des Fran^ais, fit travailler les
Francais eux-memes a 1'entier retablisse-
' ment de ce que l'autorite du siecle venait
j d'abolir. C'est ainsi que l'on parvint a se
i separer les uns des antres les catholiques
\ et les religionnaries." 1 re livraison, p. 96.
The official report presented to the Na-
tional Assembly by M. Alquier comprises
• the depositions of numerous witnesses,
1 who establish the charge of fanatical con-
duct and threats on the part of the Catho-
lics, in the month of April ; but those
Statements M. Baragnon does not conde-
scend to notice.
The Bagarre occurred in June. The
destruction of the capucin convent has
been the subject of controversy. The
death of M. Massip was the pretext of
violence, according to the statement of
one party he was killed by a shot, fired or
or supposed to be fired from the convent —
their opponents declare it was a malicious
J colouring, intended to justify the assault.
! One fact is beyond doubt : M. Massip was
killed in front of the convent, and M. Ba-
ragnon offers the following truly ingeni-
ous solution of a charge, rendered more
' intricate by the depositions of the monks
1 themselves, and especially by that of
their gardener, who stated that the shots
appeared to him to be fired from the con-
vent : —
" S'il nous est permis de donner notre
opinion, d'expliquer la mort de M. Massip,
et de faire concorder le recit de M. Mar-
guerittes avec la deposition des religieux,
nous dirons que des malveillans, postes
autour du Luxembourg ou dans Tangle
de la rue Notre-Dame, tirerent sur les
rassemblement place a l'esplanade plu-
sieurs coups de feu qui n'atteignirent per-
sonne, et n'avaient d'autre but que d'ex-
citer un mouvement; que ces coups de
feu mirent l'epouvante dans la troupe, et
que, dans le desordre qui en fut la suite,
lu maladressc (Pun legionnaire donna la
mort a M. Massip." — P. 501.
A fourth volume, bringing the history
of Nismes down to 1830, has been for
some time announced, and the author re-
grets that the delay in its appearance has
prevented his availing himself of M. Ba-
ragnon's superior advantages and skilful
reasonings for correcting any erroneous
nolions which he may have formed, not-
withstanding the most scrupulous atten-
tion in consulting individuals, residents of
Nismes in 1815.
THE END.
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Common Tahitian Ca-
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Native of Australia.
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Flight of the Boome-
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Native Weapons and
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M'Gill.
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VOLUME III.
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ILLUSTRATIONS ON WOOD.
VOLUME III.— Continued.
Somu.
Chief's House.
ver.
Drinking Vessels.
Head-dress of Chiefs.
Feejee Clown.
Music.
Waicama, Feejee.
Feejee Baskets, &c.
Feejee Woman.
Muthuata, Feejee.
Stone Quoits, &c.
Poe-Eating.
Cook's Monument.
Calabashes.
Pendulum Peak.
Keaweehu.
Lava Jet.
Lava Flow.
Sand-Hills.
Pandanus Tree.
Union Island Canoe.
Bowditch Islander.
Drill.
Trading Scene, Apia.
Matetau.
Bowditch Islanders.
Ellice's Islander.
Feejee Arms.
Henry's Island.
Diagram, Malolo.
Wild Feejee Man.
Feejee Drum.
Upper Town, Somu-
Monument.
Feejee Drummer.
Woman Braiding.
Maloma.
Airou.
Toka.
Ula.
Mode of Building Hou-
ses.
VOLUME IF.
Blowing Cone. Indian Dice.
Cattle-Pen.
Wailuku Falls.
Edible Fern.
Native House.
Fish-Hooks.
Chikeeles Fishery.
Fort Vancouver.
Rocking Cradle.
Mission House.
Fishing Huts.
Dalles.
Child's Hends.
Fort Wal'.awalla.
Indian Costume, (Male). Mat Hut.
Indian Costume,. (Fe- Tatouche Chief.
Feejee Canoe.
Feejee Pottery.
Cooking-Jars.
Mode of Drinking.
Mode of Sitting.
Mode of Sitting.
Likus.
Feejee Wigs, &c.
Mode of Carrying Bur-
dens.
Street, Honolulu.
Indian Lodge..
Mounds.
Fish-Hooks.
Mount Rainier..
Mount Rainier.
Indian Baskets.
male).
Falls of the Willamette. Music.
VOLUME V.
Makin Islander.
Kingsmill Arms.
Inhabitant of Makin.
Kingsmill Idol.
Ramsey.
George.
Carved Planks..
Costume, Ellice's Group. Masks, Northwest
Drummond's Islander.
Drummond's Island
Warriors.
Kingsmill Canoe.
Woman, Drummond's
Island.
Girl, Peru Island.
dians
Pipes, Northwest
dians.
Hats, Northwest Coast
Fish-weir.
Pounding Acorns.
Indians Gambling.
Pack-saddles, Sec.
Indian Burial Place.
Callapuya Indian.
Umpqua Indian Girl.
Sacramento Indian.
Shaste Hut.
Vincennes on Bar.
In- Japanese.
Banca, Manilla.
In- Rice Stacks, Luzon.
Native of Luzon.
Manilla Costume.
Manilla Banca.
Negrito Boy.
De Fuca's Pillar.
Sword, Manilla,
Hatchet, Manilla.
Environs, Manilla..
Saraboa, Manilla.
Caldera Fort.
Sooloo Canoe.
Houses, Soia>g_.
Riding, Sooloo.
Sooloo Arms.
Gentoo Monument.
Hottentots.
Refraction.
Longwood, St. Helena.
Cape of Good Hopci
This valuable work has been received with the utmost favour by the press, both
in this country and in England. From among numerous testimonials, the pub-
lishers take pleasure in submitting the following:
: We have no hesitation in saying that it is
destined to stand among the most enduring mo-
numents of our national literature. Its contribu-
tions not only to every department of science,
but every department of history, are immense ;
and there is not an intelligent man in the com-
munity— no matter what may be his taste or his
occupation, but will find something here to en-
lighten, to gratify, and to profit him." — Albany
Religious Spectator.
" Aware that the results of this movement on
the partof the government, given in the language
of the master spirit of the whole expedition, must
be a subject of general interest to the community,
the publishers, rejecting the prior edition as too
private, throughout the country.'
of the Times.
-N. Y. Spiri:
" No library can possibly be complete without .1
copy of it. The octavo edition is extremely rea-
sonable, considering the value of the work, and
the elegant style in which it is got up." — N. Y.
Herald:
" The work, while its details may be relied
upon as every way faithful, possesses all the
charms of a romance. It is written in an agree-
able, captivating, yet unpretending style — and the,
illustrations are admirably adapted to impart ad^
ditional attraction." — Pennsylvania Inquirer.
" But the intrinsic value of the work is derived
costly for the great mass of readers throughout from its contents, the incidents of the voyage and
the country, have concluded to re-issue the entire the reflections, made upon them. The topics
work in a more reduced, but still neat typogra- ; embraced in tho narrative are multifarious and
phical form. To heighten the value of the nar- I of permanent importance ; — commercial, geo-
rative it is plenteously interspersed with wood I graphical, physical, hydrographical, medical, sta-
cuts, of no mean style of art, delineating the ; tistical, physical and ethnographical. The natu-
most striking physical and artificial objects. — ral sciences will be indebted to these volumes
These illustrations (amounting to over three hun- for many new and valuable facts, and the obser-
dred) evince skill and tact with the pencil, while vations upon the various mission establishments
the engravers have faithfully executed their visited by the expedition will prove of vast inw
portion of the pictorial embellishments. The partance, not only to all who take an interest in,
entire work thus completed must be hailed as such enterprizes, but to the world at large*"—
a valuable addition to every library, public and N. Y, Commercial Advertiser^
6
LEA. & BLANCHARD'S PUBLICATIONS.
United States Exploring
" Even at the reduced price, " The Exploring
Expedition" is one of the most elegant works
ever issued from the American press." — Boston
Post.
" We promise ourselves a rich treat in the pe-
rusal of this work — containing the history of an
Expedition, honourable in its conception and
execution to the intelligence and munificence of
our government, and prolific in its results of nau-
tical and scientifical information of the most vari-
ed, interesting and valuable kind. What library,
nrivate or public in our country, would be com-
plete without it." — Charleston Courier.
" The cost of this edition is only ten doll ars,
or two dollars a volume, a low price, consider-
ing the magnitude, execution, and value of the
work. It is worthy of a place in every library
in the land, and its pagps should be familiar to
all. In Europe, as well as in this country, it has
attracted a great deal of attention." — Hartford
Daily Courant.
" This work is got up in the usual splendid
styie of these gentlemen, and is most creditable
to them. The paper, type and engravings, are
all of the best, of the latter, particularly, we have
never seen an illustrated work, English or Ame-
rican, in which the engravings are so universally
first rate. No family should be without this
work. Another large edition is published at
$25.'' — Lady's Book.
" We have still to notice what we consider as the
most valuable portion of the work, and which of
itself is an ample return for all the expense in-
curred by the nation in the prosecution of the
undertaking; we allude to the chapter on currents
and whaling grounds. We cannot too highly re-
commend the subject embraced in this chapter
to the attention of the mercantile public, and
more especially to that portion of it engaged in
the whale trade. We cannot conclude without
giving oar meed of praise to the manner in which
these volumes have been got up, both as regards
their typography, and the numerous illustrations
with which they are adorned; these are truly ex-
cellent, and may be cited as the best proof of the
advanced state of the arts in the United States.
The narrative itself is told in a clear and engag-
ing manner, and is exceedingly rich in almost
every topic that can gratify public curiosity," —
Hunt's Merdiants' Magazine.
" The contents of this work are of the deepest
and most general interest. Aside from the gene-
ral desire to become acquainted with the actual
condition of the earth which we inhabit, the nar-
rative is closely connected with the pursuits of
all in any way interested in commerce, in the
various missionary undertakings by which the
present age is distinguished, or in any pursuit of
a wide and liberal scope. As a history of per-
sonal adventsi;-e, it has all the attraction of ro-
mance; while it derives a far higher value from
the addition it has made to our knowledge of
lands and seas, and men and things in regions of
the earth which have hitherto been covered in
obscurity. It is a book which every one should
have, and with the contents of which every one
should be familiar." — N. Y. Courier and Eng.
ft It is almost superfluous to remark that Lieu-
tenant Wilkes' narrative is one of absorbing in-
terest. The specimens which have been hereto-
fore submitted to the public, prove that it pos-
sesses almost the fascination of romance. To
say nothing of the numerous scientific problems
Expedition. — Continued.
elucidated in its pages, the details of adventure,
incidents, hair-breadth escapes, imminent perils
and voyages to regions little known and hardly
ever explored, are alone sufficient to invest these
volumes with uncommon attraction. In the pre-
sent form they can be disposed of at a price
within the means of thousands and they will doubt-
less meet with a ready sale." — N. O. Bee.
" We have adverted to the general character
of this work in our notice of some of the preced-
ing volumes, and we can truly say that each
successive volume has only confirmed our very
high estimate of its value." — Albany Argus.
" It is as minute and as agreeable as any book
of travels we have read, while the character of
the investigations and discoveries lend a value
and interest to the volume which the narrative
of no private traveler could give." — Utica Ob-
servei'.
" With all these omissions, this edition is really
a sumptuous one, and will be an ornament to
any library, while the reading matter will be
found to be eminently interesting and instruc-
tive."— Buffalo Commercial Advertiser.
" The inexhaustible fund of information scat-
tered through its pages of countries hitherto but
little explored and unfrequented, its valuable ac-
cession to our knowledge of Natural History, in
the departments of Zoology, Mineralogy, Botany
and Geology, together with the carefully drawn
sketches of the customs, religion, literature, po-
pulation, resources, &c, of various nations of
whom we have had but slight information, should
claim for this authenticated and accurate narra-
tive a place in every public and private library.
It is written in a terse and agreeable style, clear
and perspicuous, is beautifully and faithfully exe-
cuted, doing credit to all, both publishers and
author, and will constitute a rich and valuable
contribution to our stock of American literature.
The embellishments in this edition, to the num-
ber of 300, are executed in the best style of
wood engraving, faithfully delineating numerous
objects described by the author, and not only
ornament the book but render it far more ac-
ceptable and valuable than it would be other-
wise."— Baptist Record.
" We congratulate out readers upon the issue
of this edition, which will enable every body to
read the work, and almost every body to own it.
It is sufficient to look over the table of contents
to be convinced that this work will furnish the
reader with abundant amusement and instruc-
tion."— Saturday Evening Post.
" This great National work is one that every
American must feel an exultation of pride in
perusing — not only in view of the fact that so
much has been accomplished, butthat it has been
done by American citizens ; and so effectually
done. And it is with great pride that we per-
ceive that the acts and doings of the Expedition
have been " got up" totally and completely
American in all and every part. No library
can he complete without Wilkes' Narrative." —
Lancaster Am. Republican.
" A great National work of this kind should be
in all our libraries, private and public ; it con-
tains a vast deal of scientific and geographical
information, and must become a work of author-
ity and reference." — Protestant Churchman.
" But the books undoubtedly have a great and
varied interest, and should be seen and read by
as many as possible of the people of the United
\
LEA & BLANCHARD'S PUBLICATIONS. 7
United States Exploring Expedition. — Continued.
States. They not only give us descriptions of all
sorts of men and manners and places encounter-
ed in this vast traverse of the globe, but they pre-
sent to the country a worthy view of a great and
honourable National work." — Portland {Me.)
Advertiser.
" As it brings the reader into contact with
various nations, portrays their habits and cus-
toms, describes the appearance of many objects
of interest, refers to natural history, in its several
departments, and depicts many thrilling adven-
tures, it cannot but be deeply interesting. It is
a work not only to amuse, but to afford substan-
tia] information." — Presbyterian.
" It will form a most valuable addition to the
library of every student— containing a mass of
scientific information, and many interesting de-
tails of travel and voyage." — Philad. Gazette.
" The Exploring Expedition was an enterprise
of great importance, and a detail of the results
accomplished, is a matter in which every Ameri-
can must feel the greatest interest, both for the
sake of valuable practical science and for the
credit of the country, under whose flag this ex-
ploration was conducted." — Neat's Saturday Ga-
zette.
" This work is the first great National one
ever published by us, and will be an enduring
monument of the liberality and enterprise of our
government, and which, not less than the im-
portance of the discoveries to science and civili-
zation, made by the explorers, should cause it to
be highly prized by our citizens. The first
volume of the new edition, which is just published,
is a splendid one ; it is on good paper and is
handsomely bound, and by this reduction in the
price, is placed within the reach of many who
would not he able to purchase the first edition."
— Utrca Observer.
" As the first scientific expedition fitted out by
our government, every American must feel inte-
rested in its results; and we take pleasure in
saying that the author and publishers have pro-
duced a book worthy of the country." — Banner
of the Cross.
" It is printed in handsome style, on good
paper, and makes an elegant volume. The
wood cut engravings are well executed, and ad-
mirably illustrate various objects and scenes of
deep interest to the reader. The Narrative is a
worthy memorial of the noble enterprise, exhi-
biting graphic descriptions of scenery, laws,
manners, customs, and the various phenomena
which came under his observation, in a style and
form which entitle it to the cordial approbation
of his countrymen." — Christian ObservpK
" The great extent of the world traversed —
the new and unknown islands and countries
visited — the length of time spent and care taken
in the examination of all that was new, curious
and worthy of investigation — the groat amount of
facts given — and the pleasing style of the work
— render it by far the most interesting publica-
tion of the season. It has additional attractions
to an American. It is a national work, tlfe his-
tory of the first, but we hope not the last; Explo-
ring Expedition sent out by the United States. —
Their work is "got up" in beautiful stvle, good
paper, large fair type, and is illustrated by ten
large maps and about three hundred engravings.
It is published in five large octavo volumes,
at the very low price of two dollars per volume."
— Pittsburgh Morning Chronicle.
L. & B. ALSO PUBLISH AND HAVE FOR SALE,
A SPLENDID EDITION OF
THE NARRATIVE
OF THE
EXPLORING EXPEDITION.
Price Twenty-Five Dollars,
IN FIVE MAGNIFICENT IMPERIAL OCTAVO VOLUMES -
WITH AN ATLAS OF LARGE AND EXTENDED MAPS.
BEAUTIFULLY DOJM E U P IN EXTRA CLOTH.
This truly Great and National Work is issued in a Style of Superior Magnifi-
cence and Beauty, containing
Sisty-Four Ziarge and Finished Inine Engraving's,
EMBRACING
SCENERY. PORTRAITS, MANNERS, CUSTOMS, &c, &c.
FORTY-SEVEN EXQUISITE STEEL VIGNETTES,
WORKED AMONG THE LETTER-PRESS; ABOUT
Two Hundred mid Fifty Finely Executed Wood-Cut
Ft lust rut ions,
FOURTEEN LARGE AND SMALL MAPS AND CHARTS.
AN D NEARLY
Twenty- Six Hundred Pages of Letterpress.
It may safely be pronounced the most splendid work ever issued in this
country, and the satisfaction which it everywhere occasions, is enhanced from
the fact of its being purely national. Great care has been taken that everything
concerned in its preparation should be wholly American, and the result has
been such as to elicit the highest tribute of praise from all who have seen it,
both in this couutry and in England. Avl A1** "\0 OO^. *•
8 LEA & BLANCHARD'S PUBLICATIONS.
United Stales Exploring
"It is quite equal to any of the handsomest!
publications of the kind that have issued from
our own press. Our eyes, so long spoiled by the
typographical excellence of our own printers, are
no longer «aught by mere excellence in printing ;
but when we see a beautiful page in our own lan-
guage, with the imprimatur, ' Printed by C. Sher-
man, Philadelphia, U. S. A.,' we must confess a
feeling of novelty is given to an otherwise fami-
liar and ordinary object. Not only printing and
paper are first rate, but the illustrations are in
the best possible taste, and in great profusion. —
If such beautiful works are wafted over the At-
lantic by every steamer, (and such an event is
not far from a probability,) Paternoster Row and
Albemarle street must be on the look-out for a
stout rivalry." — Douglas Jerrold's Magazine,
{London).
" We should be doing an injustice to the press
of the United States, did we not say in conclud-
ing for the present ourremarks on these volumes,
which were printed in Philadelphia, that in paper
and typography they may take rank with the best
productions of the British press. The numerous
illustrations, too, whether plates, vignettes, wood
cuts, or charts and maps, are creditable to all the
artists, both draughtsmen and engravers, engaged
in their execution." — London Times.
"<We have seen a volume of the book, or Nar-
rative of the Exploring Expedition. It equals all
the most enthusiastic admirers of the superlatively
beautiful in the arts can wish; it is a credit to the
country, and honourable to all who have been
engaged in the work." — Southern Literary Mes-
senger.
" The publishers' part of the work, as we have
said in a former notice, has been done with emi-
nent taste and skill. The paper and type are of
surpassing excellence, and the profusely nume-
rous engravings exhibit a condition of the art in
this country far superior to what we had supposed.
In this first volume there are no less than eighty-
six illustrations, including finished engravings on
steel, etchings and wood cuts ; and among them
all there is not one of inferior character, either
in design or execution, while many, presenting
subjects of rare beauty, may bear comparison
with the finest works of the graver produced in
any country." — JV. Y. Commercial Advertiser.
" It certainly is one which will hereafter be
considered indispensable to the library, not only
of every public institution throughout the country,
but of every private person of taste and ability to
procure it. Notthe least of its recommendations
is the fact, that nothing whatever has been used
in its preparation, not strictly American; and
Expedition. — Continued.
it thus forms one of the most authentic, as well
as the most elegant and magnificent, productions
of American enterprise and American art." — JV.
Y. Courier and Enquirer.
" It comprises five large imperial octavo vo-
lumes, printed in clear, distinct type, upon paper
of the strongest texture and most perfect white-
ness, with a broad and rich margin, and a luxury
of general appearance, usually found only in
English books. It contains sixty-four large and
very elegant line engravings, presenting the most
interesting scenery, and the most picturesque in-
cidents met with during the cruise, with very spi-
rited illustrations of the manners, customs, &c,
&c, of the inhabitants of the wild and distant
regions which were visited. These engravings
are from drawings made by the artists of the Ex-
pedition, and are executed by some of our most
celebrated engravers. They are among the finest
specimens! of the art ever exhibited in this coun-
try."— Cleveland Herald.
" A work altogether so beautifully and so per-
fectly ' got up' as to satisfy the taste of the most
fastidious. In an artistical and mechanical point
of view, it is as near perfection as can be, and no
one can look through this great national work
without pride and pleasure in the consideration
of its being purely American, from its incipient
state to its entire completion." — Saturday Post.
" In style of execution, in paper, type, and in
its engravings — it is one of the most beautiful, if
not altogether the most so, of any American pub-
lication."— Boston Atlas.
" We are greatly in error, if this superb pro-
duction of the American press do not prove as
creditable to the country which projected so no-
ble an enterprise, as the successful issue of the
undertaking was honourable to the officers and
scientific corps who conducted it. The expedi-
tion and the narrative are alike an honour to
America. The printing and paper are of the first
order, and as specimens of book-making we
really do not know how these volumes can be
excelled. We feel assured that it will be no
breach of national modesty to assert that no coun-
try has yet produced a book of voyages to com-
pare with it." — N. Y. Commercial Advertiser.
" This long expected work has at length made
its appearance, apd is beyond all question, the
most magnificent publication ever got up in this
country. The paper, typography, engravings,
and tout ensemble, are worthy of the highest praise
that can be bestowed on them. We shall, at an
early day, take occasion to speak of the contents
of these magnificent volumes." — N. Y. Courier
and Enquirer.
ALSO, STILL ON HAND,
A FEW COPIES OF THE
(IMPERIAL QUARTO E D B T B 0 Nf
Price Sixty Hollars,
But Two Hundred and Fifty Copies of this Magnificent Edi-
tion were Printed, and of these, bat
ONE HUNDRED AND TWENTY-FIVE
HAVE BEEN OFFERED FOR SALE,
,1 Few of which still remain*
LEA & BLANCHARD'S PUBLICATIONS.
9
JUST PUBLISHED.
RUSH'S NEW VOLUME ON ENGLAND.
MEMORANDA OF A RESIDENCE
AT THE COURT OF LONDON,
COMPRISING INCIDENTS OFFICIAL AND PERSONAL, FROM 1819 TO 1825.
Including Negotiations on the Oregon Question and other Unsettled Relations between the
United States and Great Britain.
BY RICHARD RUSH.
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States, from 1817 to 1825.
IN ONE LARGE AND BEAUTIFUL OCTAVO VOLUME OF 640 PAGES, EXTRA CLOTH.
0^7= This is an entirely new volume, and may be considered as a continuation of his
former work, which attracted so much attention at the time of its publication.
"In 1833, twelve years ago, the first series of these entertaining and interesting memoranda
appeared; and coming from such a source, were so favourably received that we have long won-
dered at the abstinence which prevented their being more rapidly followed out. Both for their
political and social matter they belong to a class of reading which it is very desirable to cultivate.
In the complexion of his mind the author is so moderate and just that his international statements
are worthy of perfect credit; while the position he occupied gave him such opportunities of mixing
with the best informed portions of society, that his descriptions and anecdotes of them are of a most
agreeable kind. Thus qualified by a sound understanding, an acuteness of observation, and a
temper disposed to pour oil on every troubled water, we have received much gratification from the
perusal of these two volumes." — London Literary Gazette.
"We recur with much pleasure to this able and interesting work. It sheds a flood of light on
the early negotiations upon the Oregon Question, and shows the position assumed by Mr. Monroe,
when the negotiation was first opened, as well as the views of the Government of the United States
from that day to this. Mr. Rush has here presented, at a glance, that for which one might other-
wise be forced to make extensive and laborious researches." — Daily Union.
" His relations to the contest, and his perfect mastery of both sides of it, make him much the
best witness introduced on either part. Indeed, properly, he is the only witness; the others are
but counsel. To the entire extent in which he testifies (down to the close of the discussion of
1823-4), his statements are of the highest authority. Mr. Rush is the only one who has given us
more than diplomatic and ex-officio pleadings, who offers, besides, a deliberate and apparently most
sincere personal narrative of the entire negotiation, in which he obviously endeavours to speak as
impartially as he does advisedly, and no doubt puts aside his own national and party prejudices as
far as any one can be expected to do. So far as he leans at all, it is to our side that he leans; lie
is our witness; he is our best informed and fairest witness ; and there is none, therefore, to whom
it is so fit that we should listen with attention and respect, if we wish to make up a safe opinion
of our rights." — National Intelligencer.
" Politicians especially should read this volume, for it sheds a welcome light on the diplomatic
history of that question; and for its good temper, pleasant style and varied information, is a book
to be recommended to every body." — Charleston Mercury.
" It cannot fail to be regarded by all persons at all familiar with public men and public events, as
among the most interesting works of a most interesting class. The formal records of history are
far less entertaining than these details of the casual conversation, the social habits and the personal
characteristics of gifted and distinguished men. It is pleasant to witness the playful efforts of a great
mind: and no one can regard with indifference the most ordinary details connected with those who
have exerted a wide and a permanent influence upon national affairs. This universal and strongly
attractive feeling will insure to this very interesting work of Mr. Rush, a wide perusal. The work
is very handsomely printed in a thick and elegant volume of over 500 pages; and will, of course,
form part of every library of any pretensions." — N. Y. Courier and Enquirer.
" We have said that the work is not of a historical character strictly — and it is not; but there is
in it a history most important and valuable to those who would understand the relations of this
country to England, and how the Oregon and other questions of national interest stood at the time
of Mr. Rush's incumbency ; and even to the general reader its valuable stores of anecdote and of
incidents, in which the most brilliant lights of the English Court figured, will be most acceptable.
Messrs. Lea & Blanchard have issued the volume in beautiful style, as regards printing and bind-
ing; and both in appearance and value the narrative is worth a place in the library of the most fas-
tidious."— U. S. Gazette.
NEARLY READY.
STABLE TALK A\l> TABLE TALK.
OR; SPECTACLES FOR YOUNG SPORTSMEN.
BY HARRY HIEOVER.
In one duodecimo volume.
This volume contains many amusing sporting Sketches and Anecdotes, embodying much useful
information and valuable hints in nearly all the departments of English sport.
10
LEA & BLANCHARD'S PUBLICATIONS.
NOW READY.
INGERSOLL'S LATE WAR.
HISTORICAL SKETCH
-y OF THE . , .
SECOND WAR
BETWEEN THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND GREAT BRITAIN,
DECLARED BY ACT OF CONGRESS, JUNE 18, 1S12,
AXD
CONCLUDED BY PEACE, FEBRUARY 15, 1815.
BY
CHARLES J. INGERSOLL.
To be Complete in Three Volumes.
VOL.UME I. EMBRACING THE EVENTS OF 1812—1813.
ONE VOLUME OCTAVO OF 516 PAUES,
Beautifully Printed, and done up in neat extra cloth, and sold separately.
The connection with the government which Mr. Ingersoll has enjoyed, owing to his
seat in Congress at various times, has furnished him with a fund of novel and curious in-
formation respecting the events of the war and the persons who figured in that stirring
period. Not only the operations and events of the time, both warlike and political, were
seen by him, but also the secret springs and movements which directed ihem, and which
could only be known to one situated as he was.
" We do not remember ever to have read a more striking sketch than the one just preceding. —
It is of a character with the whole book, and imparts to the style of the writer a degree of unusual
Npirit, making it more like some well-told and ingenious story, than the detail of mere matters of
fact. We have no doubt that Mr. Ingersoll's book will be rapidly purchased and eagerly read.
Men of all parties will admire its frankness, and the numerous rich and long-buried stores of infor-
mation with which it abounds. Even those who would assail, will pause before views so ably, so
boldly, and so intelligently expressed, and portraits so critical and just." — Daily Union.
ff There is a freshness in the volume which is peculiar, as the author — being in Congress during
the period of the war — had opportunities which have rarely been offered to the historian. He was
intimately connected with the leading men of the administration then existing, and he now relates
much that passed under his notice. We have no doubt but that the work will be sought with great
avidity." — U. S. Gazette.
" The History of Mr. Ingersoll, we cannot doubt, will create no little excitement throughout the
country. The universally interesting nature of the subject, the vigour and ability with which it is
evidently written, and the manner in which distinguished men, living and dead, were connected
with the great events it narrates, will combine to give it a very wide circulation. It will be in
many respects the most marked publication of the day. We can see marks of a vigour of mind,
a fulness of investigation and a striking originality of manner, which cannot fail to make the book
exceedingly attractive to a very wide circle of readers." — X. Y. Courier and Enquirer.
NEARLY READY.
THE SPORTSMAN'S LIBRARY.
BY JOHN MILLS,
Author of " The Old English Gentleman."
In one duodecimo volume.
" It has been my object to render this work one of instruction and of reference, as to every sub-
ject connected with our national sports. In the helief that the task has been completed in accord-
ance with the design, I submit the work, in all humility, to the favourable consideration of those
whom 1 am proud to call my fellow sportsmen." — Author's Preface.
PREPARING.
A NEW AND IMPROVED AMERICAN EDITION
aI U '§' rI « c . » g i lAf '.i t fit s
HAWKER ON SHOOTING.
FROM THE LAST LONDON EDITION.
WITH ILLUSTRATIONS.
The Sporting world in this country will be glad to have at last presented to them an edition of
Colonel Hawker's Standard Work on Shooting. It is well known both here and in England as the
highest authority on the subjects of which it treats.
LEA & BLANCHARD'S PUBLICATIONS.
Now Ready,
EASTS REPORTS.
REPORTS OF CASES
ADJUDGED AND DETERMINED
• l in the vJLXri. A -MM.
oni COURT OF KING'S BENOH.
TABLES OF THE NAMES OF THE CASES, AND PRINCIPAL MATTERS.
BY EDWARD HYDE EAST, Esq.,
Of the Inner Temple, Barrister al Law.
EDITED, WITH NOTES AND REFERENCES,
Br G. M. WHARTON, ESQ.,
OP THE I'HILADF.LPHIA BAR.
In eight large Royal Octavo volumes, bound in best Law sheep, raised bands and
double titles.
PRICE TO SUBSCRIBERS, ONLY TWENTY-FIVE DOLLARS.
In this edition of East, the sixteen volumes of the former edition have been
compressed into eight — two volumes in one throughout — but nothing lias been
omitted; the entire work will be found with the notes of Mr. Wharton added
to those of Mr. Da}'. The great reduction of price (from $72, the price of the
last edition, to $25, the subscription price of this) together with the improvement
in appearance, will, it is trusted, procure for it a ready sale.
Twenty-seven years have elapsed since the publication of the last American
Edition of East's Reporis by Mr. Day, and the work has become exceedingly
scarce. This is the more to be regretted, as the great value of these Reports,
arising from the variety and importance of the subjects considered in them, and
the fulness of the decisions on the subjects of Mercantile Law, renders them ab-
solutely necessary to the American Lawyer. The judgments of Lord Kenyon
and Lord Ellenborough, on all practical and commercial points, are of the highest
authority, and the volumes which contain them should form part of every well-
selected law library.
These considerations have induced the publishers to have a new and improved
edition prepared, to supply this obvious deficiency. The editor, G. M. Wharton,
Esq., has added brief annotations on the leading Cases of the Reports, with refe-
rence to the more important decisions upon similar points in the principal com-
mercial states of the Union. At the head of each case will be found a reference
to the volume and paging of that case in the English edition; and the original
Indexes and Tables of Cases have been arranged to refer to the volumes of the
present edition.
The work may be had of the Publishers, or of Little & Brown, Boston; Gould.
Banks & Co., New York; Derby Bradley & Co., Cincinnati, O.; and the prin-
cipal Booksellers throughout the Union.
WILL BE READY 1 1ST JANUARY.
A PRACTICAL TREATISE
ON THE
LAW ITELATING TO TRUSTEES;
THEIR POWERS, DUTIES, PRIVILEGES AND LIABILITIES;
By JAMES HILL, Esq., f
OF THE INNER TEMPLE, Tl ARRISTER AT LAW.
Edited by FRANCIS J. THOU HAT, ESQ.,
OF THE PHILADELPHIA BAR.
There is no work at present before the profession occupying the position of this; and embracing
so widely and completely the duties and responsihilitips of Trustees, and the bearing of the Law of
Trusts ; and thus, necessarily, involving the consideration of the whole Law of Real and Personal
Property.
12
LEA & BLANCHARD'S PUBLICATIONS.
MILLIARD ON REAL ESTATE.
Wow in Press, and will be published early in January,
THE AMERICAN LAW
n ? A O -1 00F8 T iT rF r\ H
REAL ESTATE,
A NEW, GREATLY ENLARGED AND IMPROVED EDITION.
BY FRANCIS HILLIARD,
COUNSELLOR AT LAW.
In two large octavo volumes,
Beautifully printed, and bound in best law sheep.
This book is designed as a substitute for Cruise's Digest, occupying the same
position in American Law which that work has so long covered in the English.
While it contains all that portion of the law of England which is applicable to
this country, it embodies all the statutes and adjudged cases of all the states of
the Union, thus presenting a complete elementary treatise for the use of students
and practitioners in this country. The plan of the work is such as to render it
equally serviceable IN ALL THE STATES, containing as it does the various
modifications of the law as laid down for MASSACHUSETTS and MISSOURI,
for MAINE and LOUISIANA ; thus presenting advantages which are possessed
by no other treatise on the subject before the public. In this edition are inserted
the statutes and decisions which are subsequent to the former edition. These
are very numerous, and render the work at least one third larger than in the
original form, bringing the view of the law on this subject, down to the present
time, more fully and completely than is to be found elsewhere. That the author
has succeeded in his attempt to present this difficult subject in a clear and useful
form may be seen from the following recommendations from distinguished jurists
of different states, in respect to the first edition.
This edition will consist of two large octavo volumes of near eight hundred
pages each, printed on large type, and with thick white paper, and bound in the
best style.
Judge Story says:
" I think the work a very valuable addition to our present stock of juridical literature. It em-
braces all that part of Mr. Cruise's Digest, which is most useful to American lawyers. But its
higher value is, that it presents in a concise, but clear and exact form, the substance of American
Law on the same subject. I know no work that we possess, whose practical utility is likely to be so
extensively felt." " The wonder is, that the author has been able to bring so great a mass into so
condensed a text, at once comprehensive and lucid."
Chancellor Kent says of the work (Commentaries, Vol. II., p. 635, note, 5th edition): — " It is a
w ork of great labour and intrinsic value."
The American Jurist says: — " We have always found [in it] the information we were in search
of, and the principles correctly and perspicuously stated." " The task he imposed upon himself
was one of great toil, and he has resolutely and manfully performed it, evincing a patience of labor
worthy of the students and jurists of a former age." ft The lawyer will here find, brought into the
compass of two reasonable volumes, a vast amount of matter, gathered from many camel-loads of
text-books, reports, and statutes, correctly stated." — Jurist, July, 1839.
Hon. Rufus Choate says: — " Mr. Hilliard's work has been for three or four years in use, and I
think that Mr. Justice Story and Chancellor Kent express the general opinion of the Massachusetts
Bar."
L. & B. have at Press and will Shortly Publish,
A TREATISE ON THE
LAW OF CONTRACTS
• AND ON
PARTIES TO ACTIONS, EX CONTRACTU.
BY C. G. ADDISON, ESQ.,
OF THE INNER TEMPLE, BARRISTER AT LAW.
With Notes and Additions, adapted to American Practice.
A
STANDARD LIBRARY
OF
WORKS ON HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, &c.
TO BE PUBLISHED BY
LEA AND BLANCHARD.
It has been suggested that the publishers might render an acceptable service to literature by
•jhe publication, in a form for preservation, and at low prices, of a series of STANDARD works
s»n History, Biography, &c.
Many valuable works of this class are out of print in this country, and many new and interest-
ing ones have been published in Great Britain, which should be republished here and added to
our many private and public libraries.
Though satisfied that valuable works of this class should be multiplied by republication, L. &
B. have heretofore hesitated to reproduce them, from the fact, that the comparison of the prices
that must be charged for such works with the very low prices asked for novels and light litera-
ture, seemed a barrier to the presentation of those, which, from their limited sales, must neces-
sarily be charged higher — they trust, however, that the time has arrived when a moderate
edition of such works will meet with adequate support.
Several of them are now at press, and others are preparing, which will be published in an
octavo form, in double columns, on good paper, and with good readable type. Any work will
be sold separately and at moderate prices.
Among the volumes embraced in this series, will be found the following valuable works:
THE HISTORY OF ROME:
BY G. B. NIEBUHR.
Complete ill Two Large Octavo Volumes, done np In Extra Cloth, or Five Parts
In paper, price $1 00 each part*
TRANSLATED BY
JULIUS CHARLES HARE, M. A. WILLIAM SMITH, PH. D
CONNOP THIRLWALL, M. A. LEOJNHARD SCHM1TZ, PH. D.
WITH A MAP.
The last three parts of this invaluable book have never before been published in this country,
havingonly lately been printed in Germany, and translated in England. They complete the history,
bringing it down to the time of Constantine.
"The world has now in Niebuhr an imperishable model."— Edinburgh Review, Jan. IP44.
" The History of Niebuhr has thrown new light on our knowledge of Konian affairs, to a degree of which
those unacquainted with it can scarcely form an idea."— Quarterly Review.
This edition will comprise in the fourth and fifth volumes, the Lectures of Professor Niebuhr, on the latter
part of Roman History, so long lost to the world. Concerning them the Eclectic Review says :
" It is an unexpected surprise and pleasure to the admirers of Niebuhr— that is to all earnest students of
ancient history— to recover, as if from the grave, the lectures before us."
And the London Athenreum:
" We have dwelt at sufficient length on these volumes to show how highly we appreciate the benefits
which the editor has conferred on historical literature by their publication."
M These volumes will offer what has never before been presented to the public of this country — the great
work of Niebuhr, confessedly the master piece of historical inquiry in modern times, in a complete form, for
only two of the volumes now prepared have appeared among ns. Next to Gibbon's matchless book— the
vastest monument of historic toil ever raised— the consent of all critics must place these remarkable volumes,
the learning of which is crowned by a skill in the philosophy of institutions and events such as has never
before been applied to the regular elucidation of the obscurer times of an important body of annals."— JVu-
tional Intelligencer.
MILLS' CRUSADES.
THE HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES
THE RECOVERY AND POSSESSION OF THE HOLY LAND :
BY CHARLES MILLS.
In one part, paper, price $1.00.
MILLS' CHIVALRY.
THE HISTORY OF CHIVALRY;
ou
KNIGHTHOOD AND ITS TIMES:
BY CHARLES MILLS.
In one part, paper, price $1.00.
Also, the two works, Crusades and Chivalry, in one volume, extra cloth.
FOR
PUBLISHING BY LEA & BLANCHARD
AS PART OF
THE LIBRABY OF STANDARD LITERATURE.
PROFESSOR RANKE'S HISTORICAL WORKS.
HISTORY OP THE POPES,
THEIR CHURCH AND STATE,
IN THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES :
BY LEOPOLD RANKE.
TRANSLATED FROM THE LAST EDITION OF THE GERMAN, BY WALTER K. KELLY, ESQ., B. A.
In two parts, paper, at $1.00 each, or one larfre volume extra cloth.
I his edition has translations of the Notes and Appendices.
" A book extraordinary for its learning and impartiality, and for its just and liberal views of
the times it describes. The best compliment that can be paid to Mr. Ranke, is, that each side
h.is accused him of partiality to its opponent ; the German Protestants complaining that his
work is written in too Catholic a spirit ; — the Catholics declaring, that generally impartial as he
is, it is clear lo perceive the Protestant tendency of the history." — London Times.
THE TURKISH AND SPANISH EMPIRES,
IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY AND BEGINNING OF THE SEVENTEENTH.
BY PROFESSOR LEOPOLD RANKE.
TRANSLATED FROM THE LAST EDITION OF THE GERMAN,
BY WALTER K. KELLY, ESQ.
Complete in one part, paper, price 75 cents.
This work was published by the author in connexion with the " History of the Popes," under the name
of " Sovereigns and Nations of Southern Europe ifi the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries." It may be
used separately, or bound up with that work, for which purpose two titles will be found in it.
HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN GERMANY:
BY PROFESSOR LEOPOLD RANKE.
Parts First and Second nine ready. Price Twenty-Five cents each.
TRANSLATED FROM THE SECOND EDITION BY SARAH AUSTIN.
To be completed in about Five Parts, each Part containing one volume of the London edition.
" Few modern writers possess such qualifications for doing justice to so great a subject as Leopold Ranke.
Indefatigable in exertions, he revels in the toil of examining archives and state papers ; honest in purpose,
he shapes his theories from evidence; not like D'Aubigne, whose romance of the Reformation selects evi-
dence to support preconceived theory. Ranke never forgets the statesman in the theologian, or the historian
in the partisan.*' — Jjthevtrum.
This book will conclude the series of Professor Ranke'a Valuable historical works.
A HISTORY OF THE HUGUENOTS:
A NEW EDITION, CONTINUED TO THE PRESENT TIME.
BY W. S. BROWNING.
The object of this work is to give a clear detail of the circumstances connected with the toubles
generally called the Religious wars of France. Those events are interwoven with our own his-
tory, and are frequently referred to in the present time. Among the many works which relate to
the Huguenots, there is scarcely one that comprises the whole in a connected narrative ; and not
one, in the English language at least, which is exclusively historical, and divested of all theological
discussion. In the present edition, the progress of events is traced to the present time, comprehend-
ing the fullest account as yet given of the tragical proceedings at Nismes, on the restoration of the
Bourbons in 1815.
MEMOIRS OF THE REIGN OF KING GEORGE THE THIRD :
BY HORACE WALPOLE,
YOUNGEST SON OF SIR ROBERT WALPOLE, EARL OF ORFORD
Now first published from the original DISS*
EDITED, WITH NOTES, BY SIR DENIS LK MARCHANT, BART.
II These Memoirs comprise the first twelve years of the reign of George the Third, and close the his-
torical works of Horace Walpnle. ' Of their merits.' to use the words of Lord Holland,' it would he impro-
per to enlarge upon in this place. That they contain much curious and orlgifTal information, will not be
disputed-1 In common with the memoirs of George the Second, they treat of a part of our annals most im-
perfectly known to us, with the derided advantage of the period being one marked with events of a deeper
i merest, and more congenial in their character and bearings with those which have since engaged and still
occupy our attention. " — Preface of the Editor
],. & B. have still on hand a few copies of Walpole's Early Letters, in four large octavo volumes, and
a'so of bis Suppressed Letters lo 3ir Horace Mann, in two octavo volumes. These volumes will possess
peculiar interest to the American reader from their containing numerous notices of the early discontent*
in this country, resulting in the Revolution.
STANDARD LIBRARY CONTINUED.
WALPOLE'S NEW LETTERS.
THE LETTERS OF HORACE WALPOLE, EARL OF ORFORD, TO
SIR HORACE MANN, His Britannic Majesty's Resident at the Court of
Florence, from 1700 to 1785. Now first published from the original MSS.
In four parts, paper, at One Dollar each, or two handsome octavo volumes, cloth.
It was believed that the immediate descendants of some of Walpole's curious anecdotes and racy gossip
might be pained by their early publication, and thus the wit of the dead has beeu restrained until the living
should no longer be wounded by its piquancy.
HISTORICAL MEMOIRS OF MY OWN TIMES, by Sir N. William
Wraxall. In two parts, paper, or one volume extra cloth.
This is the work for which, in consequence of his portraiture of Catherine II.,
the author was imprisoned and fined.
" Wraxall is one of tiie most amuBing hoarders of Anecdotes of public men since the days of the memo-
rable Boswell. These memoirs are distinguished for their refinement as well as the abundance of original
anecdotes which they cuntain of all the personages of the day most remarkable for profound talent, for wit,
or for beauty." — Blackwood's Magaiine.
POSTHUMOUS MEMOIRS OF HIS OWN TIMES, by Sir N. William
Wraxall. Ia two parts, paper, at seventy-five cents each, or one volume extra
cloth.
The author assigns a good reason for making these Memoirs " Posthumous." Taught by the experience of
Iiis former series of Memoirs, that those in power dislike their Becret intrigued (o be laid open, he took the
only plan to avoid the effects of their inevitable anger, and not only prevented the appearance of these
interesting and amusing Memoirs during his life, but took care that they should nut appear till after the
decease of George IV, then Prince Regent. The matters which made the work dangerous to the author,
render ii peculiarly attractive U> the reader.
L. & B. HAVE JUST PUBLISHED
THE SEVENTH VOLUME OF MISS STRICKLAND'S QUEENS OF ENGLAND, containing
the completion of Hie Lite of Queen Elizabeth, and the Life of Anne of Denmark, done up to
match the six volumes already published in green cloth or lemon-coloured paper.
THE KITCHEN AND FItUIT GARDENER, to match the Complete Florist, price 25 Cents.
EELIGIO MEDICI; ITS SEQUEL, CHRISTIAN MORALS, by Sir Thomas Browne. Kt.M.D.,
with resemblant passages from Cowper's Task, and a verbal Index. Edited by John Peurce ; in
one volume, 12mo., a neat edition.
THE EIGHTH VOLUME OF MISS STRICKLAND'S LIVES OF THE QUEENS OF ENG-
LAND; containing Henrietta Maria, and Catherine of Bragaiiza. To match the volumes
already published.
EVERY MAN HIS OWN CATTLE DOCTOR: containing the Diseases of Oxen, Sheep, and
Swine, and the Anatomy and Physiology of Neat Cattle. By Francis Clater ; revised by William
Youatt. Edited, with numerous additions, by J. S. Skinner. With numerous Cuts ; in one 12mo.
volume.
EVERY MAN IIIS OWN FARRIER ; containing the Causes. Symptoms, and Methods of Cure
of the Diseases of Horses, hy Francis Clater am! John Clater. From the 28th London edition.
By J. S. Skinner; in one ]2mo. volume.
THE DOG AND THE SPORTSMAN; embracing the Uses, Breeding, Training, Diseases, &c,
&c, of Dogs. An account of the Different Kinds of Game, with their Habits ; also, Hints to
Shooters, with various useful Recipes ; by J. S. Skinner. In one neat 12mo. volume, w/th En-
gravings.
REMARKS ON THE INFLUENCE OF MENTAL EXCITEMENT, AND MENTAL CULTI-
VATION UPON HEALTH ; by A. Brig ham, M.D. Third edition ; one volume, lduio.
HUMAN HEALTH.
HUMAN HEALTH; or the Influence of Atmosphere and Locality, Change of Air and Climate,
Seasons, Food, Clothing, Bathing, Mineral Springs, Exercise, Sleep, Corporeal arid Mental Pur-
suits, &c. &c, on Healthy Man, constituting Elements of Hygiene. By Robley*Duuglison,
M.D., &c. &.c.
*** Persona in the pursuit of Health, as well as thoBe who desire to retain it, would do well to examine
this work. The Author states the work has been prepared " to enable the general reader to understand the
nature of the actions of various influences on human health, and assist him in adopting such means as may
tend to its preservation : hence the author has avoided introducing technicalities, except whore they appeared
to him indispensable."
i
16
LEA & BLANCHARD'S PUBLICATIONS.
JUST ISSUED.
SiBORNE'S WATERLOO CAMPAIGNS.
WITH MAPS AND PLANS.
HISTORY
OF ''TUB
WAR IN FRANCE AND BELGIUM
IN 1815;
CONTAINING MINUTE DETAILS OF THE
BATTLES OF QUATRE-BRAS, LIGNY,
WAVRE, AND WATERLOO.
BY
CAPTAIN W. SIBORNE.
In one Large Octavo Volume, extra cloth.
WITH MAPS AND PLANS OF THE BATTLES, &c, viz :
1. Part of Belgium, indicating the distribution of the armies on commencing hostilities.
2. Field of Quatre-Bras, at 3 o'clock, P. M.
3. Field of Quatre-Bras, at 7 o'clock, P. M.
4. Field of Ligny, at a quarter past 2 o'clock, P. M.
5. Field of Ligny, at half past 8 o'clock, P. M.
C. Field of Waterloo, at a quarter past 11 o'clock, A.M.
7. Field of Waterloo, at a quarter before 8 o'clock, P.M.
8. Field of Waterloo, at five minutes past 8 o'clock, P.M.
9. Field of Wavre, at 4 o'clock, P.M., 18th June.
10. Field of Wavre, at 4 o'clock, A. M., 19th June.
11. Part of France, on which is shown the advance of the Allied Armies into the Kingdom.
" When the work was first announced for publication we conceived great expectations from a
history compiled by one whose access to every source of information was favoured both by interest
in the highest quarters, and the circumstance of an official appointment on the stafT. We looked
for a work which should at once and forever set at rest the disputed questions of the campaign.
We were not disappointed." — Dublin University Magazine.
"To Captain Siborne belongs the merit of having taken infinite pains to make himself master of
his subject, and of stating his views both of events and of their consequences in a straightforward,
manly, and soldier-like manner; his account of cavalry charges, especially in the affair of Quatre-
Bras, the advance of columns, of cannonading, and the desultory sports of skirmishers, sweep you
onwards as if the scene described were actually passing under your eyes. We now take our leave
ol'Captain Siborne and his excellent work, thanking him, not only for the amusement which we
have derived from his performance, but for the opportunity with which the appearance of a genuine
English history of the battle of Waterloo supplies us of refuting some of the errors regarding it into
which other historians had fallen." — FrazeVs Magazine.
" In order to render the work complete, it is supplied with a great number of maps, repre-
senting the field of battle at various hours of the day, so that the reader may have a constant refer-
ence, by which to understand the new positions of the several commands, and the amount gained
by the different armies. A part of the description of the battle is deeply interesting, from the exact-
ness of the information, the close particulars of the sufferings, escapes, and courage of parties and
individuals. The publishers deserve the thanks of general readers for such an addition to the means
of correct knowledge, and the value of the library shelves, for we suppose no library will be with-
out such an important work." — U. S. Gazette.
" The author by a most rigid investigation, and careful comparison of the testimony of nearly all
the surviving eye witnesses of those events, has produced a book that may be considered of as much
authority as anything that can be expected on this subject. It is hardly necessary to say,'that it is
full of the most exciting and thrilling details — and in reading it, one seems to be standing within
hearing of the shouts of the conqueror, and the groans of the dying. It has passed quickly through
two editions in England, and we predict for it an extensive circulation in this country." — Albany
Atlas. * _ i
Nearly Ready.
A STJjW WORK OH COURTS MARTIAL.
A TREATISE ON AMERICAN MILITARY LAW,
PRACTICE OF COURTS MARTIAL.
WITH SUGGESTIONS FOR THEIR IMPROVEMENT.
BY JOHN O'BRIEN, Lieut. U. S. Artillery.
In one octavo volume.
\
LEA & BLANCHARD'S PUBLICATIONS. 17
NOW READY.
In four Beautiful Octavo Volumes, with a Portrait.
GRAHAME'S UNITED STATES.
THE , HISTORY
OF THE
UNITED STATES
OF
NORTH AMERICA.
FROM THE PLANTING OF THE BRITISH COLONIES TO THEIR REVOLT,
AND DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.
By JAMES GRAHAME, Esq.
EDITED BT
President Q.UINCY, of Harvard College.
WITH A PREFACE AND MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR.
Ill four beautifully Printed Octavo Volumes,
NEAT EXTRA CLOTH,
With a Fine Portrait on Steel.
PRICE EICrHT DOLLARS.
James Grahame, for some years an advocate at the Scottish bar, devoted his life to the elu-
cidation of American History. A Republican in principles and religion, he entered into the
annals of the early seekers of liberty in this country, with an interest and partiality which
have generally been thought impossible for a British subject. He was, it is believed, the first
person in either country who engaged systematically in the task of combining in one gene-
ral work, all the elements which belong to a complete history of the United States, from their
first settlement, to the Declaration of Independence. In 1824, after some years spent in
gathering materials, he commenced writinghis history. In 1827, two volumes of it were issued,
bringing it to the Revolution of 1688 ; and in 1836 the whole was published in four volumes, in
a style at once costly and elegant. To this favourite subject he devoted himself with an ardour
rarely equaled in the annals of literature. In order to procure materials before unused, he re-
sided for some time in France and Germany, for the sole purpose of availing himself of the
treasures illustrative of his theme, possessed by these countries, beyond the resources of
public and private libraries of England, which he had previously exhausted. It can be rea-
dily understood that a history like his, embracing republican views and opinions, and intensely
American in feeling, met with little sympathy from the members of an established church
and a constitutional monarchy. It was accordingly received by the literary arbiters of Eng-
land with silence and coldness j and as no means were taken to make it known in this coun-
try, it was equally disregarded. Nothing daunted, though disappointed, he applied himself
to the revision and improvement of it, making many additions and alterations, from 1836 to
1842, when he finally fell a victim to a disease long impending over him, and brought on
by the ardour and devotion with which he gave himself up to his favourite pursuit. For
some time before his death, his greatest desire was to have his work reproduced in this coun-
try, with the hope that the measure of justice denied him at home might be accorded him by
those to whom he had sacrificed his life and energies. With this view, after his death, his
son transmitted to Harvard College the MSS. and papers of Mr. Grahame, including the whole
/materials for a new and improved edition; with a stipulation, that, if published, it should
be in a form similar to the English edition. In pursuance with this request, President Quincy
has kindly undertaken to edit this publication, assisted by the late Judge Story, Mr. Sparks,
and other eminent men; he has added a most interesting memoir, containing extracts from
his letters, journals and notes. A fine portrait on steel has been prepared, and the whole
edition has been printed in a style to compare with the English copy.
It is hoped that a work presenting such claims to the favour of all American citizens,
will meet with ready encouragement.
SCIENTIFIC PORTIONS OF THE EXPLORING EXPEDITION.
L. & B. WILL SOON HAVE READY,
The volume of Mr. Haj.e, embracing the PHILOLOGICAL AND ETHNOGRAPHI-
CAL portions, in 1 vol. 4to. To be succeeded by Mr. Dana's Volumes on Corals, in
one volume quarto, and a folio volume of plates.
18
LEA & BLANCHARD'S PUBLICATIONS.
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By ELIZA ACTON.
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TO WHICH ARE ADDED.
DIRECTIONS FOR CARVING, GARNISHING, AND SETTING OUT THE TABLE:
WITH A TABLE OF WEIGHTS AND MEASURES
THE WHOLE REVISED AND PREPARED FOR AMERICAN HOUSEKEEPERS.
BY MRS. S. J. HALE,
EDITOR OF "THE LADY'S BOOK," ETC. ETC.
FROM THE SECOND LONDON EDITION.
This work will be found
to present one of the best
systems, if not the very-
best, of modern cookery.
With the exception of one
or two receipts, which are
particularly mentioned,
the whole have been per-
sonally tried by the Au-
thor, and are given as the
results of her own experience. One of the distinguishing features of the work, and one which will prove o.
great convenience to those using it, is the summary of the quantities of each ingredient, and the times requisite
for preparing them, appended to every receipt, thus saving the trouble of searching through the text. The
numerous wood cuts with which it is embellished, representing utensils, new fashions for moulds and pastry,
&c, as well as the ordinary directions for preparing meats, will be found greatly to elucidate the. receipts. The
name of the editor, Mrs. Sarah J. Hale, is a sufficient guaranty that the work has been well altered and adapted
for American use. It is printed on fine paper, with clear type, and is well bound in fancy cloth, forming a very
neat duodecimo volume of over four hundred large pages, containing about Eleven Hundred Receipts.
It has been most favourably received by the press both in this country and in England, where it has passed
through Three Editions in the course of a few months.
OPINIONS OF THE PRESS.
Miss Eliza Acton may congratulate herself on having
composed a work of great ulilily, anil one that is speedily
finding its way to every "dresser" in ihe kingdom. Her
Cookery book is unquestionably the most valuable com-
pendium of Hie an that has yet been published. Ii strongly
inculcates economical principles, and points out how good
things may be concoci ed wii hum that reckless exiravagdnce
which good cooks have been worn to imagine the best evi-
dence they cau give of sk ill in their profession.
London Morning Post.
The work before us strikes us as equal, if not superior, to
any of its predecessors. Kitchener, in spite of its merits,
which are not few or far between, is somewhat passe"; Mrs.
Kundle scarcely retains her elevated position: she was always
too recherchge ; and an opening still existed for a scient ific
work on the "culinary art," which was in all respects "up
to the day." Such a work, we think, is Miss Acton's; and
accordingly we recommend it to the favourable notice of our
readers.— Medical Examiner.
The arrangement adopted by Miss Acton is excellent.
She has trusted nothing toothers. She has proved all she
has written by personal inspection and experiment. The
novel feature of her book, which will greatly facilitate the
labours of the kitchen, is the summary appended to each
recipe of the materials which it contains, with the exact pro-
portion of every ingredient and '.he precise time required to
dress the whole.— London Alias.
LEA <fe BLANCH A RD'S PUBLICATIONS.
19
Jlctorts Modern Cookery — Continued.
" Aware of our own incompetency to pro-
nounce upon the claims of this volume to the
confidence of those most interested in its con-
tents, we submitted it to more than one professor
of the art of cookery. The report made to us is
more than favourable. We are assured that Miss
Acton's instructions may be safely followed; her
receipts are distinguished for excellence. The
dishes prepared according to Miss Acton's direc-
tions— all of which, she tells us, have been tested
and approved — will give satisfaction by their de-
licacy, and will be found economical in price as
well as delicious in flavour. With such attesta-
tions to its superior worth, there is no doubt that
the volume will be purchased and consulted by
the domestic authorities of every family in which
good cookery, combined with rigid economy, is
an object of interest." — Globe.
" This very complete manual of domestic cook-
ery will be found of high value to all classes. It
contains a very large amount of useful informa-
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grades of life. We have, after a careful exami-
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clusion that, as far as our knowledge of cookery-
books extends, hers is the most perfect compen-
dium, or rather cyclopaedia, of the art of modern
cookery ever yet offered to the public." — Weekly
Dispatch.
"This is an excellently arranged work, and
one that cannot fail to be valuable to all persons
desirous of acquiring a practical knowledge of
kitchen economy. It contains many hundred re-
cipes relating to every branch of domestic cook-
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and plain a manner that the most inexperienced
person can follow the instructions that are given.
The quantity of any article necessary for any of
these recipes, as well as the time required for
their preparation, is so exactly laid down, that
the mistress of a family can tell at once both the
trouble and expense that any dish will occasion.
This is a great improvement upon any other work
of the kind we remember to have seen. The
authoress dedicates her book to the young house-
keepers of England, and we think she has ren-
dered them most essential service by its publica-
tion. Many of the recipes are both new and
elegant, while they can be prepared at compara-
tively trifling expense." — Britannia.
" We find many recipes in it, which to our
taste are excellent. Miss A. teaches the cookery
of an oyster like a native, and her chapters on
soups are savoury in their very reading. The
great advantage of this work, is that it teaches
economical cookery, as well as the most sumptu-
ous— from the soup maigre of France to the
magnificent roast fillet of beef." — Philadelphia
Gazette.
"It can hardly happen in the nature of things,
but that this will prove to be a popular book. —
The reason is, that all sorts of people like good
living ; and this work falls in most admirably with
the universal appetite. We perceive that it is
full of receipts fur making all manner of good
things, and every house-wife will of course want
it, as an important, not to say indispensable, do-
mestic auxiliary." — Albany Citizen.
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— and will be here. In the first place there is so
much of it that the busiest housekeeper could not
cook through in a lifetime. In the next, and this
is a most excellent characteristic, it is adapted
for small families, as well as large; and ail styles
and descriptions of culinary art get their share.
It is a true eclectic in cookery. What delicacies
the unhappy English do not get — Indian corn,
buckwheat, terrapins, canvass backs, &c, &c,
have been supplied by the American editor." —
Saturday Post.
" This handsome volume, of some 400 pages,
must be a perfect treasure to every housekeeper.
It contains recipes, clearly written, founded on
experiment, and easily followed — for preparing
and cooking every dish that the ingenuity of man
hath yet devised, and has been scrupulously and
admirably adapted to the circumstances and tastes,
of the great body of persons into whose hands it
will be likely to fall. It has already passed
through two editions in England, where it is pro-
nounced by the best judges to be by far the best
work ever prepared upon this suhject. The di-
rections in all cases, are given with great minute-
ness ; they are illustrated, when this is necessary,
by wood-cuts, and to each recipe is appended a
summary of the materials which it contains, with
the exact proportion of each ingredient, and the
precise time required to dress the whole." — N.
Y. Courier and Enquirer.
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by its able author, who, from being a practical veterinary surgeon, and withal a great lover and
excellent judge of the animal, is particularly well qualified to write the history of the noblest of
quadrupeds. Messrs. Lea & Blanchard of Philadelphia have republished the above work, omitting
a few of the first pages, and have supplied their place with matter quite as valuable, and perhaps
more interesting to the reader in this country: it being nearly 100 pages of a general history of the
horse, a dissertation on the American trotting horse, how trained and jockeyed, an account of his
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and we need not add that he has acquitted himself well of the task. He also takes up the import-
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amore. The Philadelphia edition of the Horse is a handsome octavo, with numerous wood cuts." —
American Agriculturist.
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edition was lately published in London, and this we are happy to say, has been re-published by Lea
& Blanchard, in a beautiful style, and at a cheap rate. But the principal additional value of this
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could have been collected only by one who understood and appreciated the subject of which lie
was treating. He has also added a valuable essay on the Ass and the Mule. The improvement of
animals, or the science of crosses, we consider as but in comparative infancy; and we hail with
pleasure a work like the 'Introduction,' calculated still farther to advance this great interest. We
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acceptable present, we cannot doubt, to the public, and should be in the hands of every one who
keeps a horse." — Albany Cultivator.
L. & B. WILL PUBLISH,-
THE DOG.
BY WILLIAM YOUATT. •»
IN ONE VOLUME. WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS.
% LEA & BLANCHARD'S PUBLICATIONS. 27
CLATER AND SKINNER'S CATTLE DOCTOR.
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TAYLOR'S JURISPRUDENCE.
MEDICAL JURISPRUDENCE.
BY ALFRED S. TAYLOR,
LECTURER ON MEDICAL JURISPRUDENCE AND CHEMISTRY AT GUY's HOSPITAL.
With numerous Notes and Additions, and References to American Law.
BY R. E. GRIFFITH, M.D.
In one volume, octavo, neat law sheep.
CHITTY'S MEDICAL JURISPRUDENCE.
In one octavo volume, sheep, with numerous woodcuts.
TRAILL'S MEDICAL JURISPRUDENCE.
In one small octavo volume, cloth.
LAW BOOKS
PUBLISHED BY LEA & BLANCHARD.
HILLIARD ON REAL ESTATE,
NOW READY.
THE AMERICAN LAW OF REAL PROPERTY,
SECOND EDITION, REVISED, CORRECTED, AND ENLARGED.
BY FRANCIS HILLIARD,
COUNSELLOR AT LAW.
In two large octavo volumes, beautifully printed, and bound in best law sheep.
This book is designed as a substitute for Cruise's Digest, occupying the same ground
in American law which that work has long covered in the English law. It embraces
all that portion of the English Law of Real Estate which has any applicability in this
country ; and at the same time embodies the statutory provisions and adjudged cases
of all the States upon the same subject; thereby constituting a complete elementary
treatise for American students and practitioners. The plan of the work is such as to
render it equally valuable in all the States, embracing, as it does, the peculiar modifica-
tions of the law alike in Massachusetts and Missouri, New York and Mississippi. In
this edition, the statutes and decisions subsequent to the former one, which are very nu-
merous, have all been incorporated, thus making it one-third larger than the original
work, and bringing the view of the law upon the subject treated quite down to the
present time. The book is recommended in the highest terms by distinguished jurists
of different States, as will be seen by the subjoined extracts.
Judge Story says: — " I think the work a very valuable addition to our present stock
of juridical literature. It embraces all that part of Mr. Cruise's Digest which is most
useful to American lawyers. But its higher value is, that it presents in a concise, but
clear and exact form, the substance of American Law on the same subject. I know no
work that we possess, whose practical utility is likely to be so extensively felt." "The
wonder is, that the author has been able to bring so great a mass into so condensed a
text, at once comprehensive and lucid."
Chancellor Kent says of the work (Commentaries, vol. ii., p. 635, note, 5lh edition) : —
" It is a work of great labour and intrinsic value."
Hon. Rufus Choate says : — " Mr. Hilliard's work has been for three or four years in
use, and I think thai Mr. Justice Story and Chancellor Kent express the general opinion
of the Massachusetts Bar."
These volumes have been so much enlarged and improved by the introduction of
recent American and English statutes and cases, that they may be regarded as almost
a new work. The peculiarity of its embracing so completely both the general princi-
ples and practical minutiffi of the Law of Real Property, renders it equally valuable to
the student and practitioner.
WILL BE READY IN SEPTEMBER, 1846,
A FOURTEENTH AND SUPPLEMENTARY VOLUME
OF THE
ENCYCLOPAEDIA AMERICANA.
BY HENRY VETHAKE, Esq., LL. D.,
ONE OF THE PROFESSORS IN THE UNIVERSITY OK PENNSYLVANIA, ETC., ETC.
Thirteen years have now elapsed since the publication of the last additions to th«
Encyclopaedia Americana, and the numerous important events which have transpired
since then, the advance made in all the sciences and arts, and the number of distin-
guished men who have become legitimate subjects for biography, render a supplement
necessary for the numerous readers of this widely-diffused and popular work. In the
hands of Professor Vethake, this difficult task has been faithfully executed, and in a
short time those who possess the Encyclopaedia will be able to complete their sets.
LAW BOOKS
PUBLISHED BY LEA & BLANCHARD.
NOW READY,
EAST'S REPORTS.
REPORTS OF CASES
ADJUDGED AND DETERMINED
IN THE
COURT OF KING'S BENCH.
TABLES OF THE NAMES OF THE CASES,
AND PRINCIPAL MATTERS.
BY EDWARD HYDE EAST, Esq.,
Of the Inner Temple, Barrister at Law.
EDITED, WITH NOTES AND REFERENCES,
BY G. M. WHARTON, ESQ.,
OF THE PHILADELPHIA BAR.
In Eight large Royal Octavo volumes, bound in best Law sheep, raised bands and
double titles.
PRICE TO SUBSCRIBERS, ONLY TWENTY-FIVE DOLLARS.
In this edition of East, the sixteen volumes of the former edition have been compressed
into eight — two volumes in one throughout — but nothing has been omitted; the entire
work will be found, with the notes of Mr. Wharton added to those of Mr. Day. The
great reduction of price (from $72, the price of the last edition, to $25, the subscription
price of this) together with the improvement in appearance, will, it is trusted, procure
for it a ready sale.
Twenty-seven years have elapsed since the publication of the last American edition
of East's Reports by Mr. Day, and the work has become exceedingly scarce. This is
the more to be regretted, as the great value of these Reports, arising from the variety
and importance of the subjects considered in them, and the fulness of the decisions on
the subjects of Mercantile Law, renders them absolutely necessary to the American
Lawyer. The judgments of Lord Kenyon and Lord Ellenborough, on all practical and
commercial points, are of the highest authority, and the volumes which contain them
should form part of every well-selected law library.
These considerations have induced the publishers to have a new and improved edition
prepared, to supply this obvious deficiency. The editor, G. M. Wharton, Esq., has added
brief annotations on the leading Cases of the Reports, with reference to the more impor-
tant decisions upon similar points in the principal commercial States of the Union. At
the head of each case will be found a reference to the volume and paging of that case in
the English edition; and the original Indexes and Tables of Cases have been arranged
to refer to the volumes of the present edition.
A NEW WORK ON COURTS-MARTIAL.
A TREATISE ON AMERICAN MILITARY LAW,
PRACTICE OF C 0 URT S-M A E T T A L.
WITH SUGGESTIONS FOR THEIR IMPROVEMENT.
BY JOHN O'BRIEN,
LIEUTENANT UNITED STATES ARTILLERY.
In one Octavo volume. Extra cloth, or law sheep.
"This work stands relatively to American Military Law in the same position that
Blackstone's Commentaries stand to Common Law." — U. S. Gazette.
LAW BOOKS,
PUBLISHED BY LEA & BLANCHARD.
WHEATON'S INTERNATIONAL LAW.
ELEMENTS OF INTERNATIONAL LAW.
BY HENRY WHEATON, LL.D.,
MINISTER OF THE UNITED STATES AT THE COURT OF PRUSSIA, ETC.
Third Edition, Revised and Correcled.
In one large and beautiful octavo volume of six hundred and jiftij pages. Extra cloth,
or Jine law sheep.
" In preparing for the press the present edition of the Elements of International
Law, the work has been subjected to a careful revision, and has been considerably
augmented. The author has endeavoured to avail himself of the most recent questions
whicli have occurred in the intercourse of States, and has especially sought for those
sources of information in the diplomatic correspondence and judicial decisions of his
own country^ which form a rich collection of instructive examples. He indulges the
hope that these additions may be found to render it more useful to the reader, and to
make it more worthy of the favour with which the previous editions have been re-
ceived." — Preface.
Hon. Chancellor Kent says: — "The book is admirably got up as to paper, type, and
binding, and the merits of the work were well worthy of all that attention and care.
I entertain no doubt that the demand will equal your expectations."
Professor Greenleaf says : — " It is a beautiful book, and does great credit to the
publishers, as the work itself has already done to the distinguished author."
" We are not surprised that a third edition of this profound and invaluable work has
been called for. Its appearance at this juncture, when the exigencies of the country
have directed every intelligent and inquiring mind to the study of the mutual rights
and duties of nations, is opportune. — To the study of this glorious science, Mr. Wheaton
has brought a powerful and enlightened mind, vast energies in research, and a compre-
hensive and philosophical spirit. He is profound without being heavy ; and his style,
while it has all the dignity which the subject demands, is animated and agreeable.
The work is especially valuable in this country, as it treats, with great fulness, of the
American decisions and views bearing upon the subject. Mr. Wheaton's work is in-
dispensable to every diplomatist, statesman, and lawyer ; and necessary indeed to all
public men. To every philosophic and liberal mind the study must be an attractive,
and in the hands of our author it is a delightful one. The work is 'got up' by the pub-
lishers in a style that might be adopted as a model for that class of publications. We
are glad to see that the war against eyes, so long prosecuted in printing professional
works, is being abandoned ; those who have not been already blinded by the mote-like
minuteness of the type in the publications of some years back, will appreciate and enjoy
the clear and expanded pages now before us." — North American.
HILL7)N trustees.
A PRACTICAL TREATISE ON THE
LAW RELATING TO TRUSTEES; THEIR POWERS,
DUTIES, PRIVILEGES, AND LIABILITIES.
BY JAMES HILL,
of the inner temple, barrister at law.
EDITED BY FRANCIS J. TROUBAT,
OF THE PHILADELPHIA BAR.
In one large octavo volume.
» As to the merits of the author's work, the editor can confidently say that, in his
opinion, it far surpasses any other on the same subject. Every lawyer who peruses or
consults it will most certainly discover that Mr. Hill writes like a man who has a repu-
tation to lose and not to build up. Such writers are few and precious. The editor
begs leave to iterate the important observation made by the author, that his work is
principally intended for the instruction and guidance of trustees. That single feature
very much enhances its practical value," — American Preface.
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