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I*he Lake of Udaipur 

Udaipur, the capital of the ancient stale of Mewar, is the centre of 
what has been called the " Lake District of India." The lake itself, on 
which the city is located, is one of the most picturesque sheets of water 
IM the world.- The dassHttg warble of royal palaces, imaged in its mirror- 
like face, stands out in contrast to the dark hills in the background. 


Edited h 


Profenor o( lndo-Iranian Language! in Columbia Univertity 


The Mohammedan Period as Described by its Own 

Selected from the Works of the late 


Ea«t India Company 1 ! Bengal Civil Service 





lEtiitton lie Huxe 

Limited to One Thousand Copies 
for England and America 

&<b 55 

Copyright, 1907, by 
The Groliek Society 

EMnborn Jrraa 


This volume, consisting of selections from Sir Henry 
M. Elliot's great work on the history of Moham- 
medan India as told by its own historians, may be re- 
garded as a new contribution, in a way, because it pre- 
sents the subject from that standpoint in a far more 
concise form than was possible in the original series 
of translations from Oriental chroniclers, and it keeps 
in view at the same time the two volumes of Professor 
Lane-Poole immediately preceding it in the present 
series. Tributes to the value of Elliot's monumental 
work are many, but one of the best estimates of its 
worth was given by Lane-Poole himself, from whom 
the following paragraph is, in part, a quotation. 

" To realize Mediaeval India there is no better way 
than to dive into the eight volumes of the priceless His- 
tory of India as told by its own Historians, which Sir 
H. M. Elliot conceived and began, and which Professor 
Dowson edited and completed with infinite labour and 
learning. It is a revelation of Indian life as seen 
through the eyes of the Persian court annalists. As 


a source it is invaluable, and no modern historian of 
India can afford to neglect it. It is, however, a mine 
to be worked, not a consecutive history, and its wide 
leaps in chronology, its repetitions, recurrences, and 
omissions, render it no easy guide for general readers." 

On this latter point I desire to lay emphasis and 
also to add that in order to bring so extensive a mass 
of material within the compass of a single volume I 
have been obliged to exercise the utmost circumspec- 
tion and to confine the selections simply to those which 
would represent the main outlines of the most impor- 
tant reigns, spread over nearly a thousand years, keep- 
ing in view at the same time the aim of supplementing 
the two preceding books in the series without undue 
crossing or unnecessary repetition. In discharging this 
somewhat difficult task I have received material aid, 
which I desire to acknowledge, from my friend and 
pupil, Dr. Louis H. Gray. I hope that those who may 
use the book will find that fair justice has been done 
to the merits of the various Mohammedan historians 
included in it. We owe much to their records as a 
means of understanding the Moslem conquest of Hin- 
dustan better than would otherwise be possible, and 
we also find them helpful in preventing us from being 
led away too far in other directions, if former prejudice 
might incline us to be biassed or to see only the side 
of the conquered. 

In dealing with the text of the excerpts, consider- 
able latitude has been used— an example which was 
set by Sir Henry Elliot himself, as well as by Pro- 


fessor Dowson and the various translators who lent 
their aid in converting the original Oriental accounts 
into English. Condensation was essential, excisions 
were often necessary, while certain changes in phrase- 
ology seemed frequently advisable; but never has the 
tone or spirit of the original been departed from, as 
will be clear to any one who will take the trouble to 
consult Elliot's complete work, which must always re- 
main the standard and the ultimate source for the spe- 
cial student and historian to use. 

In arranging the selections I have tried to make the 
story a more or less continuous one and have endeav- 
oured to make the connections clear by introductory 
and transfer paragraphs, indicating also by ' single 
quotes ' the point where the account of the native an- 
nalist begins and ends. The story as told by these 
Oriental writers has a quality of its own; and that will 
best be appreciated when the events described are read 
in connection with the two preceding volumes, to which 
this volume forms a supplement and sequel. The pho- 
togravures, half-tones, and cuts which serve as illus- 
trations have been selected with the same attention 
as throughout the rest of the series. With these words 
I leave the Eastern chroniclers to narrate their own 
events after their own manner. 

A. V. Williams Jackson. 





I. Arab Conquest of Sind 

II. The Holy Wars of Isla'V Waged against Hindustan by 

Sabuktagin and Mahmud of Ghazni .... 34 

III. Rise of the House of Ghor .... 77 


Kings g7 

V. Raziya, the Mohammedan Empress of India . . . 103 
VI. The Earlier Career of Ulugh Khan, afterwards Em- 
peror Balban 2I0 

VII. Ala -ad -din's Conquests in the Deccan . . . .141 
VIII. Some Measures of Mohammad Taghlak and of Firoz 

Shah 154 

IX. Timur's Account of His Invasion of India and Sack of 

Delhi ■.-. 

X. The Memoirs of the Emperor Babar .... 223 

XI. Beginning of the Reign of the Emperor Humayan . . 263 

XII. Akbar's Religious Views, as Described by Badauni . . 277 

XIII. From the Memoirs of the Emperor Jahangir . . .294 

XIV. Some Incidents of Shah Jahan's Reign .... 320 





The Lake of Udaipur Frontispiece 

Arabesque from a Mohammedan Tomb j 

Seals of Early Caliphs 3 

A Type of Ceylon Beauty g 

The Manjanik, a Catapult or Ballista g 

Jat Peasants and Landlords in 

A Tomb at Multan 10 

An Indian Barber ,* 

Arab Armour »g 

Mohammedan Traders and Escort at Kathiawar .... 24 

An old Pavilion at Thatta in Sind 26 

Sind, according to the Arab Geographer Ibn Haukal . . . ' . 29 

A Ruined Mohammedan Mosque at Haidarabad in Sind . . 32 
Gold Coin of Mahmud, struck at Naishapur in Khorasan, 402 a. h 

(1011-1012 a. d.) 34 

A Species of Indian Dagger ..... 37 

Hindu Idols on 

Afghan Types .. 

An Indian Necklace 

The River Indus at Attok 47 

Exterior of Sultan Mahmud's Tomb at Ghazni ... 50 

An Afghan Boy ...... -o 

Fort of Jodhpur .. 

Interior of Sultan Mahmud's Tomb at Ghazni .... 53 

A Sketch of the Khaibar Pass 59 

Indian Armour ...... 04. 

An Indian Dagger .... » 7 

A Burning-ghat on the Bank of the Ganges at Benares .... 70 

The Sacred Ganges at Benares 72 

Crossing the River Sutlaj on Skins 75 

The Bala Hissar at Peshawar 79 

A Khalji Chieftain and his Wife 84 




Arabesque Scroll from the Minaret of Kutb-ad-din Aybek .... 

A Hindu Musician 

Minar of Kutb-ad-din at Delhi 

A Pious Mendicant 

The Kutb Minar at Delhi 

View of Lahore from the Palace in the Fort 

A House at Multan 

The Road near a Ruined Temple at Ujjain * 

Painted Decoration on the Ceiling of Itmad-ad-Daulah's Tomb . . .103 

A Mohammedan Woman . . 

An Arab Projectile 112 

The Diwan-i-Aam at Delhi 

A Scene at Lahore 

Exterior of the Jami' Masjid at Delhi 

Indian Village Women . 

The Tower of Victory at Chitor " 

A Mohammedan Tomb at Delhi 

An Engine of War IBS 

The Tomb of Mohammad Ghaus at Gwalior *«™ 

A Group of Afghans 

A Silver Coin of Ala-ad-din 

The so-called Gates of Somnath 

A Group of Indian Mussulmans 

A richly Caparisoned Elephant 

The Temple at Madura 

Gold Coin of Firoz, struck at Ahsanabad, 807 a. h. (1404-1405 a. ».) . 154 

A Peasant Woman grinding Corn 

A Goldsmith at Lucknow 

A Mohammedan Tomb at Thatta 163 

View of Agra with the Jami' Masjid 164 

A Minar at Ahmadabad • • " * 

A Mohammedan Tomb 

Teaching Islam to the Youth 

An Indian Decorative Design 

The River Indus at Khushalgarh 176 

Shah Timur 

1 84 
Ruins at Kabul 

An Afghan Fortress 

An Afghan Pass 

Indian Children lao 

Mussulman Priests of India 

Mohammedan Armour . 

An Indian Dagger • 

Gateway of the Mosque of Ala-ad-din at Delhi ....•• 209 



Toral of Firoz Shah at Delhi 211 

Apprjach to the Palace at Udaipur 212 

Hindu Women 217 

The Mausoleum of Timur at Samarkand 219 

Interior of Timur's Tomb at Samarkand 221 

Mohammedans at Noonday Prayers 226 

A Gate at Kabul 228 

A Distant View of Kabul 230 

A Glimpse of Lahore 236 

Indian Tents and Pavilions ......... 240 

Modern Tribesmen of Afghanistan 242 

A Chain-work Helmet 247 

A Procession of Elephants 251 

The Kanch Mahal, or Crystal Seraglio, at Amber 254 

The Great Howitzer called Malik-i-Maidan 257 

Tomb of Babar at Kabul 261 

An Indian Decorative Design 263 

Babar, Humayun, Akbar and Jahangir 267 

The Tomb of Humayun at Old Delhi 272 

The Pachisi Court of Akbar at Fathpur-Sikri 277 

Gold Coins of Akbar 279 

Akbar's Tomb at Sikandra 280 

Akbar's Tomb at Sikandra 283 

House of Akbar's Hindu Minister, Birbal, at Fathpur-Sikri . . . 285 

The Emperor Akbar 289 

Akbar's Tombstone at Sikandra 292 

Zodiacal Gold Mohrs of Jahangir 298 

The Moghul Empire 301 

Indian Girls from Kashmir 307 

A Scene near Attok 313 

Jahangir's Sarcophagus at Lahore 318 

A Street Scene in Ahmadabad 322 

Shah Nasir-ad-din of Persia 324 

Shah Jahangir holding an Audience 326 

Gold Coin of Aurangzib, struck at Bijapur 1099 a. h. (1687-1688 A. D.) . 331 

The Mosque of Aurangzib at Benares 332 

A Mosque at Aligarh 335 

Crowds at a Hindu Festival ......... 341 

Aurangzib's Burial-place 346 

Decorative Design on a Mohammedan Tomb 348 





AS the history of Mohammedan rule in India be- 
gins with the conquest of Sind by the Moslems, 
it seems fitting to present an account of the Arab inva- 
sion as told by one of their own historians. Such a 
narrative we have, for example, from the pen of al- 
Baladhuri of Baghdad, a Mussulman chronicler who 
wrote contemporaneously with many of the events he 
described, and died in the year 892 a. d., hardly a hun- 
dred years after the Mohammedans had gained their 
first foothold in Hindustan. His narrative, which is 
here slightly abridged, should be compared with the 
main current of events described in the first chapter 
of the third volume of this series for a clearer under- 
standing of some of the incidents whose importance 
was not fully realized in his time. But it is best to 
allow al-Baladhuri to tell his own story. 

1 Ali ibn Mohammad ibn Abdallah ibn Abu Saif has 
related that the Caliph Omar ibn al-Khattab appointed 


Osman ibn Abu-1-Asi of the tribe of Sakif to Bahrain 
and Oman in the year 15 a. h. (636 a. d.). Osman sent 
his brother Hakam to Bahrain, while he himself went 
to Oman and despatched an army to Tana. When the 
army returned, he wrote to the Caliph Omar to inform 
him of it. Omar wrote in reply: " O brother of Sakif, 
thou has placed the worm in the wood, but I swear that 
if our men had been killed, I would have slain an equal 
number from thy tribe." Hakam despatched a force 
to Barauz (Broach); he also sent to the bay of Dai- 
bul his brother Mughira, who met and defeated the 

When Osman ibn Akkan became caliph, he ap- 
pointed Abdallah ibn Amar ibn Kuraiz to the govern- 
ment of Irak, and wrote to him an order to send some 
one to the confines of Hind in order to acquire knowl- 
edge and bring back information. He accordingly de- 
puted Hakim ibn Jaballa al-Abdi. When this man 
returned, he was sent to the caliph, who questioned 
him about the state of those regions. He replied that 
he knew them because he had examined them. The 
caliph then told him to describe them. He said: 
" Water is scarce, the fruits are poor, and the robbers 
are bold; if few troops are sent there, they will be 
slain; if many, they will starve." Osman asked 
him whether he spoke literally or metaphorically. 
He said that he spoke according to his knowledge. 
The caliph abstained from sending any expedition 

At the end of the year 38 or the beginning of the 


year 39 a. h. (659 a. d.), in the caliphate of Ali ibn 
Abu-Salib, Haras ibn Marra-al-Abdi went with the 
sanction of the caliph to the same frontier as a vol- 
unteer. He was victorious, got plunder, made cap- 




tives, and distributed a thousand heads in one day. 
He and all but a few of those who were with him 
were slain in the land of Kikan in the year 42 a. h. 
(662 a. d.). Kikan is in Sind near the frontiers of 

In the year 44 a. h. (664 a. d.), and in the days of 
the Caliph Mu'awiya, Muhallab ibn Abu-Safra made 


war upon the same frontier, and advanced as far as 
Banna (Bannu) and Alahwar (Lahore), which lie be- 
tween Multan and Kabul. The enemy opposed him and 
killed him and his followers. In the reign of Mu' awiya, 
the Amir Abdallah ibn Amir or, according to some, 
Mu' awiya himself, sent Abdallah ibn Suar-al-Abdi 
to the frontier of Hind. He fought in Kikan and cap- 
tured booty. He then came to Mu' awiya and pre- 
sented him with some Kikan horses. He staid near 
the caliph some time, and then returned to Kikan, 
whereupon the Turks mobilized their forces and slew 

In the reign of this same Mu' awiya, Ziyad ibn Abu- 
Sufian appointed Sinan, a good and godly man, com- 
mander. He proceeded to the frontier, and having sub- 
dued Mekran and its cities by force, he staid there and 
established his power in the country. 

Ziyad then appointed Rashid ibn Omar-al-Judaidi, 
of the tribe of Azd, to the frontier. He proceeded to 
Mekran and was victorious in warring against Kikan, 
but was slain fighting against the Meds. Sinan ibn 
Salama then succeeded to the command and was con- 
firmed therein by Ziyad. He remained there two 

Abbad ibn Ziyad then made war on the frontier 
of Hind by way of Seistan. He went to Sanaruz, 
whence he proceeded by way of Khaz to Rudbar in 
Seistan on the banks of the Hilmand. He then de- 
scended to Kish, and crossing the desert came to Kan- 
dahar. He fought against the inhabitants, routed them, 


put them to flight, and subdued the country; but many- 
Mussulmans also perished. 

Ziyad next appointed al-Manzar ibn al-Jarud-al- 
Abdi to the frontiers of India. He was known by the 
name of Abu-1-Ash'as. He attacked and conquered 
Nukan and Kikan. The Mussulmans obtained great 
plunder, and their forces spread over all the country. 
He captured Kusdar, which Sinan had already taken, 
but which had again revolted, and took prisoners there. 
Abu-1-Ash'as died in Kusdar, and after that the gov- 
ernor, Ubaid-Allah ibn Ziyad, appointed Ibn Harri al- 
Bahali. God, by his hands, subdued these countries, 
for he waged cruel war in them and conquered and 
plundered them. 

The people of Nukan are now Mohammedans. Am- 
ran ibn Musa ibn Yahya, son of Khalid the Barmacide, 
built a city there in the caliphate of Mu'tasim bi- Allah 
which he called al-Baiza (the white). When al-Hajjaj 
ibn Yusuf was governor of Irak, Sa'id ibn Aslam was 
appointed to Mekran and its frontiers. He was opposed 
and slain there by Mu'awiya and Mohammad, sons of 
al-Haras al-Alafi. Hajjaj then appointed Mujja' ibn 
Si'r at-Tamimi to the frontier. He made war upon, 
plundered, and defeated the tribes about Kandabil, and 
this conquest was subsequently completed by Moham- 
mad ibn Kasim. Mujja' died in Mekran after being 
there a year. 

After the death of Mujja', Hajjaj appointed as his 
successor Mohammad ibn Harun ibn Zara' al-Namari. 
Under the government of Mohammad, the king of the 


Isle of Rubies (Ceylon, so called from the beauty of 
its women), sent as a present to Hajjaj certain Moham- 
medan girls who had been born in his country, the 


orphan daughters of merchants who had died there. 
The king hoped by this measure to ingratiate himself 
with Hajjaj; but the ship in which he had embarked 
these girls was attacked and taken by some barks 


belonging to the Meds of Daibul. When this news 
reached Hajjaj, he sent an ambassador to Dahir to 
demand their release, but Dahir replied: " They are 
pirates who have captured these women, and over them 
I have no authority." Hajjaj then sent Ubaid- Allah 
ibn Nabhan against Daibul. Ubaid-Allah being killed, 
Hajjaj wrote to Budail ibn Tahfa, of the tribe of Bajali, 
who was at Oman, directing him to proceed to Daibul. 
When he arrived there, his horse took fright and threw 
him, and the enemy surrounded him and killed him, 
although some say that he was killed by the Jats of 

Hajjaj afterwards appointed Mohammad ibn Kasim 
to govern the Sindian frontier. Mohammad was in 
Fars when the order arrived, and had previously re- 
ceived instruction to go to Rai (in Persia, south of the 
Caspian Sea). Abu-1-Aswad Jahm ibn Zahr-al-Ju'fi 
was at the head of the advance-guard, and was ordered 
to return to Mohammad, whom he joined on the borders 
of Sind. Hajjaj ordered six thousand Syrian warriors 
to attend Mohammad, and others besides. He was pro- 
vided with all he could require, without omitting even 
thread and needles. He had leave to remain at Shiraz 
until all the troops who were to accompany him had 
assembled and all the preparations had been duly made. 
Hajjaj had some dressed cotton saturated with strong 
vinegar, and then dried it in the shade, and said: 
" When you arrive in Sind, if you find the vinegar 
scarce, soak the cotton in water, and with the water 
you can cook your food and season your dishes as you 


wish." Some authors say that when Mohammad ar- 
rived on the frontiers, he wrote to complain of the 
scarcity of vinegar, and this was the reason which 
induced Hajjaj to send cotton soaked in vinegar. 

Mohammad ibn Kasim then went to Mekran and 
remained there some time. He then went to Kannaz- 
bur and took it, and then to Armail, which he also took. 
After this he left Armail, accompanied by Jahm, and 

arrived at Daibul on Fri- 
day, where ships brought 
him a supply of men, arms, 
and engines of war. He 
dug an entrenchment, which 
^ he defended with spear- 

THE MANJANIK, A CATAPULT OR BALLISTA. men> &J1 & Unfurled IfiS bail" 
From Egerton's Indian Armour. 

ners; each body ot war- 
riors was arrayed under its own banner, and he fixed 
the manjanik, a catapult or ballista, which was called 
" the bride " and required five hundred men to work 
it. There was at Daibul a lofty temple surmounted 
by a long pole, and on the pole was fixed a red flag, 
which, when the breeze blew, was unfurled over the 
city. The temple is a high steeple, below which the 
idol or idols are deposited, as in this instance. The 
Indians give the general name of budd (temple) to 
anything connected with their worship or which forms 
the object of their veneration, so that an idol itself is 
called budd. 

In the correspondence which ensued, Mohammad 
informed Hajjaj of what he had done, and solicited 


advice respecting the future. Letters were written 
every three days. One day a reply was received to this 
effect: " Fix the manjanik, and shorten its foot, and 
place it on the east; you will then call the manjanik- 
master, and tell him to aim at the flagstaff, of which 
you have given a description in your letter." So he 
brought down the flagstaff, and it was broken; at 
which the infidels were sore afflicted. The idolaters 
advanced to the combat, but were put to flight; ladders 
were then brought and the Mussulmans scaled the 
wall. The first who gained the summit was a man 
of Kufa, of the tribe of Murad. The town was thus 
taken by assault, and the slaughter lasted three days. 
The governor of the town, who had been appointed by 
Dahir, fled, and the priests of the temple were massa- 
cred. Mohammad marked out a place for the Mussul- 
mans to dwell in, built a mosque, and left four thousand 
Moslems to garrison the city. 

Ambissa ibn Ishak az-Zabbi, the governor of Sind, 
in the caliphate of Mu'tasim bi- Allah, knocked down 
the upper part of the minaret of the temple and con- 
verted it into a prison. At the same time he began 
to repair the ruined town with the stones of the min- 
aret; but before he had completed his labours, he was 
deprived of his office and was succeeded by Harun ibn 
Abi Khalid-al-Maruruzi, after which he was slain there. 

Mohammad ibn Kasim then went to Nirun, the 
inhabitants of which had already sent two Samanis, or 
priests, of their town to Haj jaj to treat for peace. They 
furnished Mohammad with supplies, and permitting 



him to enter the town, they were allowed to capitulate. 
Mohammad conquered all the towns successively which 
he met on his route, until he had crossed a river which 

runs on this side of 
the Mihran (Indus). 
He then saw ap- 
proaching him Sar- 
bidas, the Samani, 
who came to sue 
for peace in the 
name of the inhab- 
itants. Mohammad 
imposed tribute upon 
them, and then went 
towards S a h b a n , 
and took it. He 
then went to the 
banks of the Mih- 
ran, and remained 
there. When this 
news reached Dahir, 
he prepared for battle. Mohammad ibn Kasim had 
sent Mohammad ibn Mus'ab to Sadusan, with men 
mounted on horses and asses, and at their approach the 
inhabitants begged for quarter and peace, the terms of 
which were negotiated by the Samani. Mohammad 
granted them peace, but he imposed tribute on the place 
and took pledges from them, and then returned to his 
master. He brought with him four thousand Jats, and 
left an officer in command at Sadusan. 



Mohammad now sought means for crossing the Mih- 
ran, and effected the passage in a place which adjoined 
the dominions of Basil, chief of Kassa, in Hind, upon 
a bridge which he had caused to be constructed. Dahir 
had neglected every precaution, not believing that the 
Mussulmans would dare to advance so far. Mohammad 
and his Mussulmans encountered Dahir mounted on his 
elephant, and surrounded by many of these animals, 
and with his Thakurs near his person. A dreadful con- 
flict ensued, such as had never been heard of. Dahir 
dismounted and fought valiantly, but he was killed 
toward evening, whereupon the idolaters fled and the 
Mussulmans glutted themselves with slaughter. 

Mohammad ibn Kasim then went to old Brahmana- 
bad, two parasangs from Mansura, which did not then 
exist, its site being a forest. The remnant of the 
army of Dahir rallied at Brahmanabad and offered 
resistance, so that Mohammad was obliged to resort 
to force, and eight, or as some say, twenty-six, thousand 
men were put to the sword. 

Mohammad then marched toward Alrur (Alor) and 
Baghrur. The people of Sawandari came out to meet 
him and sued for peace, which was granted them on 
condition that they should entertain the Mohammedans 
and furnish guides. At this time they profess the 
Mohammedan creed. After that he went to Basmad, 
where the inhabitants obtained peace on the same terms 
as those accorded to the Sawandarians. At last he 
reached Alrur, one of the cities of Sind, which is sit- 
uated on a hill. Mohammad besieged it for several 



months and compelled it to surrender, promising to 
spare the lives of the inhabitants and not to touch the 
temples. " The temples," he said, " shall be unto us 
like as the churches of the Christians, the synagogues 
of the Jews, and the fire-temples of the Magians." 


He imposed tribute upon the inhabitants, however, and 
built a mosque in the city. 

Mohammad then advanced to Alsakah, a town on 
this side of the Biyah, which was captured by him, and 
is now in ruins. He then crossed the Biyah and went 
toward Multan, where, in the action which ensued, 
Zaid ibn Omar, of the tribe of Tai, covered himself 


with glory. The infidels retreated in disorder into the 
town and Mohammad commenced the siege, but the 
provisions being exhausted, the Mussulmans were re- 
duced to eat asses. Then came a man who sued for 
quarter and pointed out to them an aqueduct, by which 
the inhabitants were supplied with drinking-water from 
the river of Basmad. It flowed within the city into a 
reservoir like a well, which they call taldh or taldo. 
Mohammad destroyed the water-course, whereupon the 
inhabitants, oppressed with thirst, surrendered at dis- 
cretion. He massacred the men capable of bearing 
arms, but the children were taken captive, as well as 
the ministers of the temple, to the number of six thou- 
sand. The Mussulmans found much gold in a chamber 
ten cubits long by eight broad, and there was an aper- 
ture above, through which the gold was poured into 
the chamber, whence they call Multan " the Frontier 
of the House of Gold." The temple of Multan received 
rich presents and offerings, and the people of Sind re- 
sorted to it as a place of pilgrimage. They circum- 
ambulated it and shaved their heads and beards. They 
believed that the image in the temple was that of the 
prophet Job, the peace of God be upon him! 

Upon the death of Hajjaj in 95 a. h. (714 A. d.), 
Mohammad left Multan and returned to Alrur and 
Baghrur, which had previously been captured. He 
made donations to his men, and sent an army toward 
al-Bailaman, the inhabitants of which place surren- 
dered without any resistance. He made peace with the 
inhabitants of Surast, who are Meds, seafarers, and 



pirates. He went against the town of Kiraj. Duhar 
advanced to oppose him, but the enemy was put to 
flight and Duhar fled, although some say he was killed. 
The inhabitants surrendered, and Mohammad slew all 
those capable of bearing arms and reduced the rest 
to slavery. 

Meanwhile, Walid ibn Abd-al-Malik died and was 



succeeded by his brother Sulaiman, who appointed 
Salih ibn Abd-ar-Rahman to collect the tribute of Irak. 
Yazid ibn Abu-Kabsha as-Saksaki was made governor 
of Sind, and Mohammad ibn Kasim was sent back a 
prisoner with Mu'awiya ibn Muhallab. The people of 
Hind wept for Mohammad, and preserved his likeness 
at Kiraj. He was imprisoned by Salih at Wasit. Salih 
put him to torture, together with other persons of the 
family of Abu-Ukail, until they expired, but of him 
Hamza ibn Baiz Hanafi says: 


" Verily, courage, and generosity, and liberality, 
Belonged to Mohammad, son of Kasim, son of Mohammad ; 
He led armies at the age of seventeen years ; 
He seemed destined for command from the day of his birth." 

Yazid ibn Abu-Kabsha died eighteen days after his 
arrival in Sind. Sulaiman then appointed Habib ibn al- 
Muhallab to carry on the war in Sind, and he departed 
for that purpose. Meanwhile the princes of Hind had 
returned to their states, and Jaishiya ibn Dahir had 
come back to Brahmanabad. Habib proceeded to the 
banks of the Mihran, where the people of Alrur made 
their submission; but he warred against a certain tribe 
and reduced them. 

When the Caliph Sulaiman ibn Abd-al-Malik died, 
he was succeeded by Omar ibn Abd-al-Aziz in 717 a. d. 
He wrote to the princes of Hind, inviting them to 
become Mussulmans and submit to his authority, where- 
upon they would be treated like all other Mussulmans. 
These princes had already heard of his promises, char- 
acter, and creed, so Jaishiya and other princes turned 
Mussulmans and took Arab names. Amru ibn Muslim 
al-Bahali was lieutenant of Omar on this frontier. He 
invaded several places in Hind and subdued them. 

In the days of Yazid ibn Abd-al-Malik, who reigned 
from 720 to 724 a. d., the sons of al-Muhallab fled to 
Sind, and Hilal ibn Ahwaz at-Tamimi was sent after 
them. He fell in with them and killed Mudrak ibn 
Muhallab at Kandabil. He also slew Mufazzal, Abd-al- 
Malik, Ziyad, Marun, and Mu'awiya, sons of Muhallab, 
and last of all he killed Mu'awiya ibn Yazid. 


Junaid ibn Abd-ar-Rahman al-Marri was appointed 
to the frontier of Sind, under the authority of Omar 
ibn Hubaira al-Fazari, and was confirmed in the gov- 
ernment by the Caliph Hasham ibn Abd-al-Malik, who 
ascended the throne in 724. When Khalid ibn Abdallah 
al-Kasri was sent to Irak as governor, Hasham wrote 
to Junaid, directing him to keep up a correspondence 
with Khalid. Junaid went to Daibul, and from thence 
to the banks of the Mihran, but Jaishiya ibn Dahir 
forbade him to cross, and sent to him, saying, " I have 
become a Mussulman, and an excellent man confirmed 
me in my estates, but I have no faith in thee." Junaid, 
however, gave him pledges and took pledges from him, 
together with the tribute due from his territories. They 
thus exchanged guarantees, but Jaishiya acted like an 
infidel and took up arms, although some say that he 
did not begin the attack, but that Junaid dealt unjustly 
with him. Jaishiya assembled his troops, fitted out 
ships, and prepared for war. Junaid proceeded against 
him in ships and they fought in the lake of ash-Sharki. 
Jaishiya 's ship was destroyed, and he himself was taken 
prisoner and slain. 

Thereupon, Sasah ibn Dahir fled and proceeded 
toward Irak to complain of the treachery of Junaid, 
but the latter did not cease to conciliate him until they 
had shaken hands, and then he slew him. Junaid then 
made war against Kiraj, where the people had rebelled. 
He made use of battering-rams, and battered the walls 
of the town with them until they were breached, and 
then he stormed the place, slaying, plundering, and 


making captives. He then sent his officers to Mannad, 
Mandal, Dahnaj, and Barus (Broach). He sent a force 
against Uzain (Ujjain) and he also sent Habid ibn 
Marra with an army against the country of Maliba 
(Malabar). They made incursions against Uzain, and 
attacked Baharimad and burnt its suburbs. Junaid 
conquered al-Bailaman and Jurz (Gujarat), and he 
received at his abode, in addition to what his visitors 
presented to him, forty millions, while he himself car- 
ried off a similar sum. 

The successor of Junaid was Tamim ibn Zaid al- 
Utbi. He was feeble and imbecile, and died near 
Daibul in a water called the " Buffalo-water," so named 
because buffalos took refuge there from the bears which 
infested the banks of the Mihran. Tamim was one of 
the most generous of Arabs and soon spent the eighteen 
million Tartar dirhams which he found in the treasury 
of Sind. In his days, the Mussulmans retired from 
several parts of India and left some of their positions, 
nor have they up to the present time advanced so far 
as in days gone by. 

Hakim ibn Awana al-Kalbi succeeded Tamim. The 
people of India had returned to idolatry, excepting 
those of Kassa, and the Mussulmans had no place of 
security in which they could take refuge, so he built 
a town on the other side of the lake facing India, and 
called it al-Mahfuzah, " the secure," and this he made 
a place of refuge and security for them, and their chief 
town. He asked the elders of the tribe of Kalb, who 
were of Syrian descent, what name he should give the 


town. Some said Dimashk (Damascus), others, Hims 
(Emessa), and others Tadmur (Palmyra), whereupon 
Hakim chose the latter name for his city, to which he 
gave the epithet of al-Mahfuzah, and dwelt there. 

Amr ibn Mohammad ibn Kasim was with Hakim, 
and the latter advised with him, trusted him with many 
important matters, and sent him out of al-Mahfuzah 
on a warlike expedition. He was victorious in his com- 
mission, and was made an amir. He founded a city 
on this side of the lake, which he called Mansura, in 
which the governors now dwell. Hakim recovered from 
the enemy those places which they had subjugated, and 
gave satisfaction to the people in his country, so that 
Khalid said: " It is very surprising— I gave the charge 
of the country to the most generous of Arabs, that is, 
to Tamim, and they were disgusted; I gave it to the 
most niggardly of men, and they were satisfied." 
Hakim was killed there. 

The governors who succeeded him continued to kill 
the enemy, taking whatever they could acquire and sub- 
duing the people who rebelled. When the dynasty of 
the Abbasids was established, Abu Muslim appointed 
Abd-ar-Rahman ibn Abu Muslim Mughallis-al-Abdi to 
the frontier of Sind. Abd-ar-Rahman went by way of 
Tokharistan, and proceeded against Mansur ibn Jamhur 
al-Kalbi, who was in Sind, but he was met by Mansur and 
slain, and his forces were put to flight. When Muslim 
heard this, he appointed Musa ibn Kab at-Tamimi and 
sent him to Sind. When he arrived, the river Mihran 
lay between him and Mansur ibn Jamhur. Still he 



came up with Mansur, put him and his forces to flight, 
and slew his brother Manzur. Mansur fled in wretched 
plight to the sands, where he died of thirst. Musa 
ruled in Sind, repaired the city of Mansura, and en- 
larged its mosque. He was victorious in his cam- 

The Caliph al-Mansur sent Hasham ibn Amr at- 
Taghlabi to Sind, and he reduced those places which 
still held out. He sent Amr ibn Jamal in boats to 
Narand. He also sent a force to the territories of Hind, 
subdued Kashmir, and took many prisoners and slaves. 
Multan was reduced, and he overpowered a body of 
Arabs who were in Kandabil, and drove them out. He 
then went to Kandahar in boats, and conquered it. 
He destroyed the temple there, and built a mosque in 
its place. There was abundance in the country under 
his rule, and the people blessed him; he extended the 
frontier and enforced his decrees. 

Omar ibn Hafs ibn Osman Hazarmard was then 
appointed governor of Sind, and after him came Daud 
ibn Yazid ibn Hatim. There was with him Abu-1- 
Samma, who had been a slave of the tribe of Kanda, 
and who later became governor. The affairs of the 
frontier went on prosperously until Bashar ibn Daud 
was appointed under the caliphate of Mamun, who began 
to reign in 813 a. d. He rebelled and set up in oppo- 
sition. Ghassan ibn Abbad, who was a native of the 
neighbourhood of Kufa, was sent against him. Bashar 
proceeded to meet Ghassan under a safe-conduct, and 
they both proceeded to Baghdad, the Mohammedan 


capital. Ghassan deputed Musa ibn Yahya ibn Khalid 
to the charge of the frontier. Musa killed Bala, King 
of ash-Sharki, although the latter had given him five 
hundred thousand dirhams to preserve his life. Bala 
was faithful to Ghassan and wrote to him in the pres- 
ence of his army through the princes who were with 
him, but his request was rejected. Musa died in 
221 a. h. (836 a. d.), leaving a high reputation, and 
appointed his son Amran as his successor. The Caliph 
Mu'tasim bi- Allah wrote to him confirming him in the 
government of the frontier. He marched to Kikan 
against the Jats, whom he defeated and subjugated. 
He built a city there, which he called al-Baiza (the 
white), and posted a military force there. 

He proceeded thence to Multan and then to Kanda- 
bil, which stands upon a hill. Mohammad ibn Khalil 
was reigning there, but Amran slew him, conquered the 
town, and carried its inhabitants to Kusdar. He then 
made war upon the Meds, and killed three thousand 
of them. There he constructed a band, or dike, called 
Sakr-al-Med, " Band of the Meds." He encamped 
on the river at Alrur, and summoned the Jats, who 
came to his presence, whereupon he sealed their hands, 
took from them the jizya (the poll-tax levied on all 
who are not Mussulmans), and ordered that every 
man of them should bring a dog with him when he 
came to wait upon him, so that the price of a dog 
rose to fifty dirhams. He again attacked the Meds, 
having with him the chief men of the Jats. He dug 
a canal from the sea to their tank, so that their water 


became salt, and he sent out several marauding expe- 
ditions against them. 

Dissensions then arose between the Nizarians and 
Yamanians, and Amran joined with the latter. Omar 
ibn Abu-1-Aziz al-Habbari consequently went to him 
and killed him unawares. 

Mansur ibn Hatim related to me that Fazl ibn 
Mahan, formerly a slave of the sons of Sama, got into 
Sindan and subdued it. He then sent an elephant to the 
Caliph Mamun, wrote to him, and offered up prayers 
for him in the Jami* Masjid, which he built there. 
When he died, he was succeeded by Mohammad ibn 
Fazl ibn Mahan. He proceeded with sixty vessels 
against the Meds of Hind. He killed a great number 
of them, captured Kallari, and then returned toward 
Sindan. But his brother, named Mahan, had made him- 
self master of Sindan, and wrote to the Caliph Mu'tasim 
bi-Allah, and sent him as a present the largest and 
longest teak-tree that had ever been seen. But the 
Indians were under the control of his brother whom 
they liked, so they slew Mahan and crucified him. The 
Indians afterwards made themselves masters of Sindan, 
but they spared the mosque, and the Mohammedans 
used to meet in it on Fridays and pray for the caliph. 

Abu Bakr, who had been a slave of the Karizis, 
related to me that the country called al-Usaifan, lying 
between Kashmir and Multan and Kabul, was governed 
by a wise king. The people of this country worshipped 
an idol for which they had built a temple. The son 
of the king fell sick and the king desired the priests 


of the temple to pray to the idol for his son's recovery. 
They retired for a short time, and then returned and 
said: " We have prayed and our supplications have 
been accepted." But no long time passed before the 
youth died, whereupon the king attacked the temple, 
destroyed and broke in pieces the idol, and slew its 
priests. He afterwards invited to his court a party 
of Mohammedan traders, who made known to him the 
unity of God, so that he believed in the unity and 
became a Mussulman. This happened in the caliphate 
of Mu'tasim bi- Allah.' 

This last section concludes al-Baladhuri's account of 
the conquest of Sind, but by way of supplement and 
to bring the history of this particular province down 
to the time of Mahmud of Grhazni, it seems appropriate 
to add here, in abridged form, the excellent sketch by 
Sir Henry M. Elliot himself, tracing the main current 
of events down to the extinction of the Arab dominion 
in Sind. His account occupies the remainder of this 

' During the nine reigns which occupied the period 
between the reigns of al-Mu'tasim (833-841 a. d.) and 
al-Muktadar (908-932 a. d.), the power of the caliphs 
had been gradually on the decline. The Turkish guard 
had become more and more outrageous and arbitrary; 
independent dynasties, such as the Tahirids and Saf- 
arids, after having shorn the kingdom of some of its 
fairest provinces, had themselves died out; eunuchs, 
and even women, had sat upon the judgment seat and 
dispensed patronage, while corruption and venality 

Mohammedan Traders and Escort at Kathiawar 

India first became known to the Arabs through traders and travellers, 
and the prospect of trade and pillage combined with religions ccal .to 
open the way to the Mohammedans for lite conquest of Sind. 


openly prevailed; and now, at a later period, notwith- 
standing the fact that literature flourished and the 
personal dignity of the caliph was maintained in the 
highest splendour, nevertheless, not only had the Sama- 
nids conquered the whole of Mawara-an-nahr and Kho- 
rasan, not only had the Dailamites penetrated to the 
borders of Irak, not only had all northern Africa, except 
Egypt, been lost to the caliphate for ever, but, as if to 
crown the measure of its misfortunes, the Karmathian 
heretics, after plundering Kufa, Basra, and Samarra, 
had possessed themselves of Mecca during the very 
time of pilgrimage, had massacred the pilgrims, and 
had even carried off the sacred black stone itself, the 
principal and universal object of Mohammedan venera- 

Under such circumstances, the most distant prov- 
inces necessarily partook of the decline from which the 
heart of the empire was suffering; and Sind, neglected 
by the imperial government, came to be divided among 
several petty princes, who, though they transmitted no 
revenue and rendered no political allegiance to the 
caliph, were, like other more powerful chiefs who had 
assumed independence, glad to fortify their position by 
acknowledging his spiritual supremacy and by flatter- 
ing him with the occasional presentation of some rarity 
from the kingdoms which they had usurped. 

The virtual renunciation of political control in Sind 
may be dated from the year 257 a. h. (870 a. d.), when 
the Caliph Mu'tamad, to divert the Safarids from their 
hostile designs against Irak, conferred upon Ya'kub 



ibn Lais the government of Sind, as well as of Balkh 
and Tokharistan, in addition to that of Seistan and 
Kirman, with which he had already been invested. 


The two principal kingdoms which were established 
in Sind a few years after this event were those of 
Multan and Mansura, both of which attained a high 
degree of power and prosperity. It is probable that the 


independence of those states commenced immediately 
after the death of Ya'kub ibn Lais in 265 a. h. (879 
a. d.), for his successors were comparatively powerless, 
and the Samanis, at the commencement of their rule, 
had little leisure to attend to so remote a province as 

Mas'udi, who visited the valley of the Indus in the 
year 303 - 304 a. h. (915 - 916 a. d.) and completed his 
" Meadows of Gold " in 332 a. h. (943-944 a.d.), fur- 
nishes a brilliant account of the state of Islam in that 
country. The Amir of Multan was an Arab of the noble 
tribe of Kuraish, named Abu-1-Dalhat al-Munabba ibn 
Assad as-Sami, and the kingdom of Multan is repre- 
sented to have been hereditary in his family for a long 
time, " nearly from the beginning of Islam " (meaning, 
probably, from its introduction into Sind). Kanauj, 
Mas'udi asserts, was then a province of Multan, " the 
greatest of the countries which form a frontier against 
unbelieving nations." Abu-1-Dalhat himself was de- 
scended from Sama ibn Lawi ibn Ghalib, who had estab- 
lished himself on the shores of Oman before the birth 
of Mohammed. The amir had an army in his pay, and 
there were reckoned to be 120,000 hamlets around the 
capital, while his dominion extended to the frontier of 

Mansura was governed by another Kuraishi, whose 
name was Abu-1-Mundar Omar ibn Abdallah. He was 
descended from Habbar ibn Aswad, who was celebrated 
for his opposition to Mohammed, and who, on the re- 
turn of the prophet to Mecca in triumph, was among 


the few that were excepted from the terms of the 
amnesty which was proclaimed at that time. He sub- 
sequently became a convert, and toward the year 
111 a. h. (729 a. d.) one of his descendants came to 
the valley of the Indus to seek his fortune. Some time 
after, his family, taking advantage of the anarchy which 
prevailed in the country, made themselves masters of 
the lower Indus, and established themselves at Man- 
sura, a principality which extended from the sea to 
Alor, where that of Multan commenced. It was said to 
contain three hundred thousand villages, which is, of 
course, an exaggeration, but the whole country was 
well cultivated and covered with trees and fields. Nev- 
ertheless, the inhabitants were continually obliged to 
protect themselves against the aggressions of the Meds 
and other savage tribes of the desert. 

A few years after Mas'udi, the valley of the Indus 
was visited by the Arab geographer and traveller Is- 
takhri, and by Ibh Haukal, who has included nearly the 
whole of Istakhri's relation in his own and has entered 
into some further details. With respect to the condition 
of the country at the time of his visit, Ibn Haukal, 
who wrote his work after the year 366 a. h. (976 a. d.), 
when he was for a second time in India, observes that 
Multan was not so large as Mansura and was defended 
by a citadel, and that the territory was fertile, although 
it was inferior to that of Mansura, and not cultivated 
with the same care. The amir lived outside the town 
and never entered it,, except for the purpose of going 
to the mosque on Fridays, mounted on an elephant. 


r v Up' 

dcJb^t r o**d<&j 



jPVon/i>r» of KirrhaJi t Sif'lStaJl 



There appears to have been no native coinage, but the 
money in circulation was chiefly Kandahar and Tartar 
dirhams. The dress of the Sindians was like that of 
the people of Irak, but the amirs habited themselves 
like the native princes. Some persons wore their hair 
long, and their dresses loose, with waistbands, on ac- 
count of the heat, and there was no difference between 
the garb of the faithful and of idolaters. 

The Amirs of Multan and Mansura were independ- 
ent of one another, but both deferred to the spiritual 
authority of the Caliph of Baghdad. The former was 
still a descendant of Sama ibn Lawi, in the days of 
Ibn Haukal, and the latter a descendant of the Habbari 

Alor, the ancient Hindu capital, surrounded by a 
double wall, was nearly as large as Multan, and was a 
dependency of Mansura. Its territory was fertile and 
rich, and it was the seat of considerable commerce. 
Rahuk (or Dahuk), on the borders of Mekran and to 
the west of the Hala range, was also included in Man- 
sura. There were other principalities to the west, be- 
sides the two in the valley of the Indus, such as Turan, 
Kusdar, Mekran, and Mushki. 

With respect to those other parts of India to which 
the Mussulmans resorted, such as the maritime towns 
in the jurisdiction of the Balhara, between Cambay and 
Saimur, Ibn Haukal observes that they were covered 
with towns and villages. The inhabitants were idola- 
ters, but the Mohammedans were treated with great 
consideration by the native princes. They were gov- 



erned by men of their own faith, and had the privilege 
of living under their own laws, nor could any one give 
testimony against them, unless he professed the Moham- 
medan faith. They had also erected their mosques in 
these infidel cities and were allowed to summon their 


congregations by the usual mode of proclaiming the 
times of prayer. 

The revenues, which the Arab princes of Sind de- 
rived from their several provinces, are pronounced to 
have been very small, barely more than sufficient to 
provide food and clothing and the means of maintain- 
ing their position with credit and decency; and, as a 
necessary consequence, only a few years elapsed before 
they were driven from their kingdoms, and compelled 
to yield their power to more enterprising and energetic 


The Karmathians of India are nowhere mentioned 
by Ibn Haukal, but it could not have been long after 
his visit that these heretics, who probably contained 
within their ranks many converted natives and foreign- 
ers as well as Arabs, began to spread in the valley of 
the Indus. It must have been about the year 375 a. h. 
(985 a. d.) that, finding their power expiring in the 
original seat of their conquests, they sought new settle- 
ments in a distant land and tried their success in Sind. 
There the weakness of the petty local governments 
favoured their progress and led to their early occupa- 
tion both of Mansura and Multan, from which latter 
place history records their expulsion by the overwhelm- 
ing power of Mahmud of Ghazni, whose victories 
brought Sind under his triumphant sway, resulting ulti- 
mately in the extinction of the Arab dominion in that 
province after a duration of three centuries.' 

KHOBASAN, A. H. 402 (A. D. 1011-1012). 



975-1030 A.D. 

THE Mohammedan conquest of India, as has been 
shown in the third volume of this series, was 
effected in reality not by the Arabs but by the Moslem 
Turks from Central Asia, who had settled in Afghan- 
istan and made the mountain fortress of Ghazni their 
stronghold in the latter part of the tenth century. 
Sabuktagin, a slave by birth but a sovereign by achieve- 
ment, ruled as lord of the Afghan tribes around his 
little kingdom of Ghazni (976-997 a.d.) and brought 
province after province under his imperial sway until 
he was prepared to invade northwestern India. His 
sword had a double sanctification in this endeavour, 
since it was to be drawn to fight the battle for the faith 
under the crescent and green banner of Islam against 
the infidels and idolaters of Hindustan, and a rich 
reward of booty was also in prospect for the puissant 
commander. He advanced from Afghanistan into the 



fertile districts of the Panjab, triumphed over the 
Indian raja Jaipal, reduced him to temporary subjec- 
tion and repeated the victorious inroad more than once. 
The way pointed out by Sabuktagin was followed by his 
son Mahmud of Ghazni, with true Mohammedan zeal 
and with still greater results, in a dozen or more suc- 
cessive invasions, and we have a good account of the 
various campaigns, written by an Arab historian Utbi, 
who was secretary to Sultan Mahmud up to the time 
of Mahmud 's death in 1030 a. d. Sir Henry Elliot 
translated selections from this Arabic chronicle, en- 
titled " Tarikh-i Yamini," and extracts from his ver- 
sion are here given to recount the history of these holy 
wars waged against Hindustan by two famous rulers 
of Afghanistan, as viewed through the eyes of a Mo- 
hammedan annalist. 

1 Sabuktagin, the ruler of Ghazni, in Afghanistan, 
made frequent expeditions into Hindustan in the prose- 
cution of holy wars, and he conquered forts there upon 
lofty hills, in order to seize the treasures they contained, 
and expelled their garrisons. He took all the property 
in their treasuries, and captured cities in Hind, which 
had up to that time been tenanted only by infidels, 
and not trodden by the camels and horses of Mussul- 

When Jaipal, the king of Hind, ascertained the 
calamity which had befallen him, and learned how 
Sabuktagin was taking different parts of the territory 
into his own possession and injuring all who opposed 
him in his projects of ambition, the deepest grief seized 


him and made him restless, and his lands became nar- 
row under his feet, though their expanse was broad. 
Then he arose with his relations, and the generals of 
his army, and his vassals, and hastened with his huge 
elephants to wreak his revenge upon Sabuktagin, by 
treading the field of Islam under his feet, and doing 
dishonour to that which should be treated with respect. 
In this disposition he marched on until he passed Lam- 
ghan and approached the territory of Sabuktagin, trust- 
ing to his own resources and power, for Satan had laid 
an egg in Jaipal's brain and hatched it; so that he 
waxed proud, entertaining absurd thoughts, and antici- 
pating an immediate accomplishment of his wishes, 
impracticable as they were. 

When the amir heard of Jaipal's approach toward 
his territory, and of his great power, he girt up his 
loins to fight, and collecting his vassals and the Moham- 
medan forces whose duty it was to oppose infidels, 
he advanced from Ghazni against Jaipal, who was en- 
camped between that place and Lamghan, with soldiers 
as black as night and as impetuous as a torrent. Ya- 
min-ad-daulah Mahmud accompanied Amir Sabuktagin, 
his father, like a lion of the forest or a destructive 
eagle, and they attempted no difficult undertaking 
which they did not easily accomplish. 

The armies fought several days successively against 
each other, and cups filled to the brim with blood, drawn 
from wounds inflicted by sword and spear, circulated 
among them till they were drunken. In consequence 
of the great fear which fell upon Jaipal, who confessed 


he had seen death before the appointed time, he sent a 
deputation to the amir, promising to pay down a sum 
of money if he might have peace, and offering to obey 
any order he might receive respecting his elephants 
and his country. The Amir Sabuktagin consented on 
account of the mercy he felt toward those who were 
his vassals, or for some other reason which seemed 
expedient to him. The Sultan Yamin-ad-daulah Mah- 
mud, however, addressed 
the messengers in a harsh 
voice, and refused to abstain 
from battle until he should 
obtain a complete victory A 8pB «B8 of indian daoobb. 
suited to his zeal for the honour of Islam and of 
Mussulmans, and one which he was confident God 
would grant to his arms. They returned, there- 
fore, and Jaipal, being in great alarm, again sent 
most humble supplications that the battle might 

When the amir received this conciliatory message 
and knew what Jaipal would do in his despair, he 
thought that religion and the views of the faithful 
would best be consulted by peace and the acquisition 
of tribute. The Amir Mahmud accordingly agreed 
with Sabuktagin as to the propriety of withdrawing 
the hand of vengeance, on condition of the immediate 
receipt of a million dirhams of royal stamp and fifty 
elephants, in addition to some cities and forts in the 
midst of his country. Jaipal was to deliver these forts 
to the officers nominated by the amir, and was to send 


hostages from among his relatives and friends to re- 
main with the amir until the terms of surrender were 
fulfilled. The amir sent two deputies with Jaipal to 
see that he did not swerve from his engagements, 
and they were accompanied by confidential officers 
who were to take charge of the places which were 

When Jaipal had marched to a great distance and 
thought that the demand upon him had relaxed, his 
evil disposition prompted him to break his engagements, 
and his folly made him beget enmity, insomuch that 
he imprisoned those who accompanied him on the part 
of the amir, in reprisal for those of his relations whom 
the amir had taken as hostages. 

When this intelligence reached the amir, he con- 
sidered it false, as being opposed to the usual habits 
of Jaipal; but after repeated accounts to the same effect 
had been brought, the veil which obscured the truth 
was withdrawn, and he knew that God had set his seal 
upon Jaipal's heart, so that he might obtain the reward 
of his evil deeds. The Sultan, therefore, sharpened the 
sword of intention in order to make an incursion upon 
his kingdom, and to cleanse it from impurity and from 
his rejection of Islam. He accordingly departed with 
his valiant servants and allies, relying upon the one 
God, and trusting in the fulfilment of the promise of 
victory; and he went on till he arrived with his troops 
in the country of Hind, where he killed every one who 
came out to oppose him on the part of Jaipal. 

The amir marched toward Lamghan, which is a city 


celebrated for its great strength and abounding in 
wealth. He conquered it, and after setting fire to the 
places in its vicinity which were inhabited by infidels, 
he demolished the idol-temples and established Islam 
in them. He also captured other cities and killed the 
polluted wretches, destroying the idolatrous and grati- 
fying the Mussulmans. After wounding and killing 


beyond all measure, his own hands and those of his 
friends became cold in counting the value of the plun- 
dered property. On the completion of his conquest, 
he, returned and promulgated accounts of the victories 
obtained for Islam, and every one, great and small, 
concurred in rejoicing over this result and thanking 

When Jaipal saw what had befallen him on ac- 
count of the infraction of his engagements, he became 
greatly agitated, and knew not whether to retire or 


advance. He at last determined to fight once more and 
satisfy his revenge. Thereupon he collected troops to 
the number of more than one hundred thousand, and 
when Amir Sabuktagin heard of this, he again advanced 
to fight him, and ascended a lofty hill, from which he 
could see the whole army of the infidels, which resembled 
scattered ants and locusts. He urged the Mussulmans 
against the infidels, and they willingly obeyed his or- 
ders. He made detachments of five hundred attack the 
enemy with their maces in hand, and relieve each other 
when one party became tired, so that fresh men and 
horses were constantly engaged, till the accursed enemy 
complained of the heat which arose from that iron oven. 
These detached parties then made one united charge 
to exterminate their numerous opponents. Officers and 
men mingled in close conflict, and all weapons were 
useless except the sword. The dust which arose pre- 
vented the eyes from seeing; swords could not be dis- 
tinguished from spears, men from elephants, or heroes 
from cowards. It was only when the dust was allayed 
that it was found that the infidels had fled, leaving 
behind them their property, utensils, arms, provisions, 
elephants, and horses. The jungles were filled with the 
carcasses of the infidels, some wounded by the sword, 
and others fallen dead through fright. 

The Hindus were like frightened curs, and the raja 
was glad to offer the best things in his most distant 
provinces to the conqueror, on condition that the hair 
on the crowns of their heads should not be shaved off. 
The country in that neighbourhood thus became clear 



and open before Amir Sabuktagin, and he seized all the 
wealth which was found in it. He levied tribute and 
obtained immense booty, besides two hundred elephants 
of war. He increased his army, and since the Afghans 
and Khaljis had submitted to him, he admitted thou- 
sands of them into the ranks of his army whenever he 
wished, and thereafter expended their lives in his 

Having given this account of Sabuktagin 's invasion 

(Copyright by Underwood & Underwood, N. T.) 

of Hindustan, the Arab chronicle proceeds to describe 
the continuation of the holy wars against the idol- 
worshipping Hindus carried on by Sabuktagin 's famous 
son, Mahmud of Ghazni, under the sanction of the 
Caliph of Baghdad. 

1 Kadir bi- Allah, the Caliph of Baghdad, sent a robe 
of honour, such as had never before been heard of, for 
the use of Sultan Saif-ad-daulah, and he addressed 
Mahmud in his imperial rescript as " Yamin-ad-daulah, 
Commander of the Faith, and friend of the Commander 


of the Faithful," a title which had never yet been 
bestowed upon any prince, either far or near, notwith- 
standing their intense desire to receive such an honour. 
The Sultan sat on his throne and vested himself with 
his new robe, professing his allegiance to the successor 
of the prophet of God. The amirs of Khorasan stood 
before him in order, with respectful demeanour, and 
did not take their seats till so directed. He then be- 
stowed upon the nobles, his slaves, his confidential 
servants, and his chief friends valuable robes and 
choice presents, beyond all calculation, and vowed that 
every year he would undertake a holy war against 

Sultan Mahmud at first designed to go to Seistan, 
but subsequently preferred to engage in a holy war 
against Hind. He accordingly distributed arms before 
convening a council on the subject, that he might secure 
a blessing on his designs of exalting the standard of 
religion, of widening the plain of right, of illumining 
the words of truth, and of strengthening the power of 
justice. He departed toward the country of Hind in 
full reliance on the aid of God, who guided him by his 
light and power, bestowed dignity upon him, and gave 
him victory in all his expeditions. When he reached 
Peshawar, he pitched his tent outside the city. There 
he received intelligence of the bold resolve of Jaipal, 
the king of Hind and the enemy of God, to offer oppo- 
sition, and of his rapid advance to meet his fate on the 
field of battle. He then took a muster of his horses 
and of all his warriors and their vassals, after which 


he selected from among his troops fifteen thousand cav- 
alry and strictly prohibited those who were rejected 
and not fit or disposed for war, from joining those who 
had been chosen, and who were like dragons of the 
desert and lions of the forest. With them he advanced 
against the wicked and accursed enemy, whose hearts 
were firm as hills, and were as twigs of patience on the 
boughs of affection. The villainous infidel came for- 
ward, proud in his strength of head and arm, with 
twelve thousand horsemen, thirty thousand foot-sol- 
diers, and three hundred elephants, at whose ponderous 
weight the lighter earth groaned, little reflecting that, 
under the dispensation of God, a small army can over- 
turn a host, as the ignorant man would have learnt, if 
he could have read the word of God, which says: 
11 Oftentimes a small army overcomes a large one by 
the order of God." 

That infidel remained where he was, avoiding action 
for a long time, and craftily awaiting the arrival of 
reinforcements; but Sultan Mahmud would not allow 
him to postpone the conflict, and the Mussulmans com- 
menced the action, assailing the enemy with sword, 
arrow, and spear— plundering, seizing, and destroying; 
at all which the Hindus, being greatly alarmed, began 
to kindle the flame of fight. Jaipal now set his cavalry 
in and beat his drums. The elephants moved on from 
their posts, and line advanced against line, shooting 
their arrows at one another, while swords flashed like 
lightning amid the blackness of clouds, and fountains 
of blood flowed like the fall of setting stars. The Mus- 



sulmans defeated their obstinate opponents, and quickly 
put them to a complete rout. Noon had not arrived 
when they had wreaked their vengeance on the enemies 
of God, killing fifteen thousand of them, spreading 
them like a carpet over the ground, and making them 

food for beasts and birds 
of prey. Fifteen elephants 
fell on the field of battle, 
as their legs, being pierced 
with arrows, became as 


motionless as if they had 
been in a quagmire, and 
their trunks were cut with 
the swords of the valiant 

The enemies of God, 
Jaipal, his children and grandchildren, his nephews, 
the chief men of his tribe, and his relatives, were 
taken prisoners, and being strongly bound with 
ropes, were carried before the Sultan. Some had 
their arms forcibly tied behind their backs, some 
were seized by the cheek, some were driven by blows 
on the neck. From Jaipal 's throat was taken a neck- 
lace composed of large pearls and shining gems and 
rubies set in gold, the value of which was two hundred 
thousand dinars; and twice that value was obtained 
from the necks of those of his relatives who were taken 
prisoners or slain. God also bestowed upon his friends 
such an amount of booty as was beyond all bounds and 
all calculation, including five hundred thousand slaves, 



beautiful men and women. The Sultan returned with 
his followers to his camp, thankful to God, the lord 
of the universe, who had given them victory over 
a province of the country of Hind broader and 
longer and more fertile than Khorasan. This splen- 
did and celebrated action took place on Thursday, 
the eighth of Muharram, 392 a. h. (November 27, 
1001 A.D.). 

After the victory, Sultan Mahmud directed that the 
polluted infidel Jaipal should be paraded about, so that 
his sons and chieftains might see him in that condition 
of shame, bonds, and disgrace, and that the fear of 
Islam might fly abroad through the country of the mis- 
believers. He then entered into conditions of peace 
with him, after demanding fifty elephants, and took 
from him his son and grandson as hostages till he 
should fulfil the terms imposed upon him. 

The infidel returned to his own country and re- 
mained there, and wrote to his son Andpal, whose 
territory, on which he prided himself, was on the other 
side of the Indus, explaining the dreadful calamity 
which had befallen him, and beseeching him with many 
entreaties to send the elephants which were to be given 
to the Sultan according to agreement. Upon this, And- 
pal sent the elephants to Jaipal, and they were deliv- 
ered over to the Sultan. The Sultan, therefore, ordered 
the release of the hostages, and his myrmidons gave 
them a sound thump, telling them to return to their 
own country. 

Andpal reflected that his father, Jaipal, had put on 


the sheaf of old age and had fallen under the influence 
of Lyra and other unlucky constellations, and that it 
was time he should contemplate his death and devote 
himself to religious exercises. There is a custom among 
these people that if any one is taken prisoner by an 
enemy, as in this case Jaipal was by the Mussulmans, 
it is not lawful for him to continue to reign. When, 
therefore, Jaipal saw that he was captive in the prison 
of old age and degradation, he thought death by cre- 
mation preferable to shame and dishonour. So he com- 
menced with shaving off his hair, and then threw him- 
self upon the fire till he was burnt. 

When Sultan Mahmud had accomplished every wish 
and reduced all his enemies, he resolved, in his happi- 
ness, on another holy war. Marching toward Waihind, 
he encamped there in state, until he had established 
himself in that country and had relieved himself from 
the toils of the campaign. News reached him that the 
Hindus had taken refuge in the passes of the neigh- 
bouring hills, where they had concealed themselves in 
the forests and jungles, consulting among themselves 
how to attack the Mussulmans. He therefore despatched 
an army against them, to conquer their country and dis- 
perse them. The army fell upon them, and committed 
such slaughter that their swords were covered with 
blood. Those who escaped death fled away like moun- 
tain goats, having seen the swords flashing as bright 
as stars at noonday and dealing black and red death 
around them. Thus did the infidels meet with the pun- 
ishment and loss due to their deserts. The standards 



of the Sultan then returned happy and victorious to 
Ghazni, the face of Islam was made resplendent by his 
exertions, the teeth of the true faith displayed them- 
selves in their laughter, the breasts of religion ex- 
panded, and the back of idolatry was broken. 

When Sultan Mahmud had settled the affairs of 


Seistan, and when the action of his beating pulse had 
subsided and the clouds had dispersed, he determined 
to invade Bhatia. He accordingly collected armies with 
trustworthy guides and valiant standard-bearers, and 
crossing the Indus in the neighbourhood of Multan, he 
marched toward the city of Bhatia, whose walls the 
wings of the eagle could not surmount, and which was 
surrounded as by the ocean with a ditch of exceeding 


depth and breadth. The city was as wealthy as imag- 
ination can conceive in property, armies, and weapons 
of war. There were elephants as headstrong as Satan. 
The ruler at that time was Biji Rai, and the pride which 
he felt in the state of his preparations induced him to 
leave the walls of his fort and come forth to oppose 
the Mussulmans, that he might frighten them with his 
warriors and elephants and great prowess. 

The Sultan fought against him for three days and 
nights, and the lightnings of his swords and the meteors 
of his spears fell on the enemy. On the fourth morn- 
ing a most furious onslaught was made with swords 
and arrows which lasted till noon, when Mahmud or- 
dered a general charge to be made upon the infidels. 
The Mussulmans, advancing against the masters of 
lies and idolatry with cries of " God is exceeding 
great! " broke their ranks, and rubbed their noses upon 
the ground of disgrace. The Sultan himself, like a 
stallion, dealt hard blows around him on the right hand 
and on the left, and cut in twain those who were 
clothed in mail, making the thirsty infidels drink 
the cup of death. In this single charge he took 
several elephants, which Biji Rai regarded as the 
chief support of his centre. At last God granted vic- 
tory to the standards of Islam, and the infidels retreated 
behind the walls of their city for protection. The Mus- 
sulmans obtained possession of the gates of the city, 
and employed themselves in filling up the ditch and 
destroying the scarp and counterscarp, widening the 
narrow roads and opening the closed entrances. 


When Biji Rai saw the desperate plight to which he 
was reduced, he escaped by stealth and on foot into 
the forest with a few attendants and sought refuge 
on the top of some hills. Mahmud despatched a select 
body of his troops in pursuit of them, and when Biji 
Rai saw that there was no chance of escape, he drew 
his dagger, struck it into his breast, and went to the 
fire which God has lighted for infidels and those who 
deny a resurrection, for those who say no prayers, hold 
no fasts, and tell no beads. 

The army of the Sultan kept moving on and com- 
mitting slaughter and pillage. One hundred and twenty 
elephants fell to the share of the Sultan, besides the 
usual share of property and arms. He also obtained 
an accession of territory without any solicitation. He 
remained at Bhatia till he had cleansed it from pollu- 
tion, and appointed a person there to teach those who 
had embraced Islam and to lead them in the right way. 
He then returned to Ghazni in triumph and glory, and 
his fortune was in the ascendent; but since his return 
was during the rains, when the rivers were full and 
foaming, and as the mountains were lofty, and he had 
to fight with enemies, he lost the greater part of his 
baggage in the rivers, and many of his valiant warriors 
were dispersed. God, nevertheless, preserved his per- 
son, for God is the friend of the virtuous. 

Intelligence reached Mahmud of the acts committed 
by Abi-al-futuh, the ruler of Multan, and also of the 
impurity of his religion, the seditious designs of his 
heart, the evidence of his evil doings, and his endeav- 


ours to make proselytes of the inhabitants of his coun- 
try. The Sultan, zealous for the Mohammedan religion, 
thought it a shame to allow him to retain his govern- 
ment while he practised such wickedness and disobedi- 
ence, and he besought the assistance of a gracious God 
in bringing him to repentance, and in attacking him 
with that end in view. 

He then issued orders to assemble an army from 


among the Mussulmans for the purpose of joining him 
in this holy expedition, and departed with them toward 
Multan in the spring, when the rivers were swollen with 
the rain, and when the Indus and other rivers prevented 
the passage of the cavalry, and offered difficulties to 
his companions. The Sultan desired Andpal, the chief 
of Hind, to allow him to march through his territory, 
but Andpal would not consent, and offered opposition, 
which resulted in his discomfiture. The Sultan, con- 
sequently, thought it expedient to attack Rai Andpal 



first, notwithstanding his power, to bow down his broad 
neck, to cut down the trees of his jungles, to des- 
troy every thing he possessed, and thus to ob- 
tain the fruit of two paradises by this double con- 

He accordingly stretched out upon him the hand 
of slaughter, imprisonment, pillage, depopulation, and 
fire, and hunted him from ambush to ambush, into 
which he was followed by his subjects. The spears 
were wearied with penetrating the rings of the coats 
of mail, the swords became blunt by the blows on the 
sides, and the Sultan pursued the raja over hill and 
dale, until his followers either became a feast to the 
rapacious wild beasts of the passes and plains or fled 
in distraction to the neighbourhood of Kashmir. 

When Abi-al-futuh, the ruler of Multan, heard what 
had happened to the chief of Hind, notwithstanding all 
his power and the lofty walls of his fort, and despite 
his shining sword, and when he began to measure their 
relative strength and considered how Andpal, a much 
greater potentate than himself, had been subdued, he 
looked upon himself, as compared with Sultan Mahmud, 
as a ravine in comparison with the top of a mountain. 
He therefore determined to load all his property on 
elephants, and carry it off to Sarandip, and he left 
Multan empty for the Sultan to deal with as he chose. 
Mahmud accordingly invested Multan, took it by as- 
sault, treated the people with severity, and levied from 
them twenty thousand thousand dirhams with which 
to respite their sins. The reports of Sultan Mahmud 's 


conquests then spread over distant countries, and over 
the salt sea, even as far as Egypt. Sind and her sister 
Hind trembled at his power and vengeance; and his 
fame exceeded that of Alexander the Great, and heresy, 
rebellion, and enmity were suppressed. 

When Sultan Mahmud heard that Ilak Khan had 
crossed the Jihun with fifty thousand men or more, 
he hastened from Tokharistan to Balkh, where he re- 
mained to anticipate Ilak Khan, who wished to obtain 
supplies from that province. The Sultan advanced 
ready for action with an army composed of Turks, 
Hindus, Khaljis, Afghans, and Ghaznavids, and after 
routing Ilak Khan disastrously, he resolved to go to 
Hind to make a sudden attack upon Nawasa Shah, one 
of the rulers of Hind, who had been established as 
governor over some of the territories in the country 
conquered by the Sultan. Satan had got the better 
of Nawasa Shah, however, for he had thrown off the 
mantle of Islam and held converse with the chiefs of 
idolatry, designing to cast the firm rope of religion 
from his neck. The Sultan, therefore, went in that 
direction more swiftly than the wind and made the 
sword reek with the blood of his enemies. He turned 
Nawasa Shah out of his government, took possession 
of all the treasures which he had accumulated, resumed 
his sceptre, and then cut down the harvest of idolatry 
with the sickle of his sword and spear, after which he 
returned without difficulty to Ghazni. 

Contrary to the disposition of man, which induces 
him to prefer a soft couch to a hard one and the splen- 



dour of the cheeks of pomegranate-bosomed girls to 
well-tempered sword-blades, Sultan Mahmud was so 
incensed at the standard which Satan had raised in 


Hind, that he determined to wage another holy war 
against that land. On the last day of Rabi'-al-akhir 
of the same year, he prayed to God for the fulfilment 
of his wishes. When he reached the river of Waihind, 


he was met by Brahmanpal, the son of Andpal, at the 
head of a valiant army, with white swords, blue spears, 
yellow coats of mail, and ash-coloured elephants. Battle 
opened its crooked teeth, attacks like flaming meteors 
were frequent, arrows fell like rain from bows, and 
the grinding-stone of slaughter revolved, crushing the 
bold and the powerful. The battle lasted from morn- 
ing till evening, and the infidels had well-nigh gained 
the victory, when God brought aid by sending the 
slaves of the household to attack the enemy in the 
rear and to put them to flight. The victors obtained 
thirty large elephants and slew the vanquished wher- 
ever they were found in jungles, passes, plains, and 

The Sultan himself joined in the pursuit and 
went after them as far as the fort called Bhimnagar, 
which is very strong, being situated on the promon- 
tory of a lofty hill and in the midst of impassable 

He brought his army under the fort and surrounded 
it, and prepared to attack the garrison vigorously, 
boldly, and wisely. When the defenders saw the hills 
covered with the armies of plunderers and perceived 
the arrows ascending toward them like flaming sparks 
of fire, great fear came upon them and they opened the 
gates, entreating mercy, and fell on the earth like spar- 
rows before a hawk or rain before lightning. The 
Sultan entered the fort with Abu Nasr Ahmad ibn 
Mohammad Farghuni, the ruler of Juzjan, and all his 
private attendants, and appointed his two chief cham- 





berlains, Altuntash and Asightigin, to take care of the 
treasures of gold and silver and all the valuable prop- 
erty, while he himself assumed charge of the jewels. 
The treasures were laden on the backs of as many 
camels as they could procure, and the officers carried 
away the rest. The stamped coin amounted to seventy 
thousand thousand royal dirhams, and the gold and 
silver ingots were 700,400 mans in weight, besides wear- 
ing-apparel and fine cloths of Sus, respecting which 
old men said they never remembered to have seen any 
so fine, soft, and embroidered. Among the booty was 
a house of white silver, like to the houses of the rich, 
which was thirty yards in length and fifteen in breadth. 
It could be taken to pieces and put together again. 
There was also a canopy, made of fine Byzantine linen, 
forty yards long and twenty broad, supported on two 
golden and two silver poles, which had been cast in 

Sultan Mahmud thereupon appointed one of his most 
confidential servants to take charge of the fort and the 
property in it. After this he returned to Ghazni in 
triumph; and on his arrival there, he ordered the court- 
yard of his palace to be covered with a carpet, on which 
he displayed jewels and unbored pearls and rubies, 
shining like sparks or like wine congealed with ice, 
and emeralds like fresh sprigs of myrtle, and diamonds 
like pomegranates in size and weight. Thereupon, 
ambassadors from foreign countries, including the 
envoy from Taghan Khan, King of Turkistan, as- 
sembled to see such wealth as they had never even 



read of in books of the ancients and whose like had 
never been accumulated by kings of Persia or of 

The Sultan again resolved on an expedition to Hind, 
and marching toward Narain, he moved over ground, 
hard and soft, until he came to the middle of Hind, 
where he reduced chiefs who up to that time had obeyed 


no master, overthrew their idols, put the vagabonds of 
that country to the sword, and with delay and circum- 
spection proceeded to accomplish his design. He fought 
a battle with the chiefs of the infidels, in which God 
granted him much booty in property, horses, and ele- 
phants, and the Mussulmans committed slaughter in 
every hill and valley. The Sultan returned to Ghazni 
with all the plunder he had obtained. 

When the ruler of Hind witnessed the calamities 


which had inflicted ruin on his country and his subjects 
in consequence of his contests with Mahmud, and saw 
their effects far and near, he became satisfied that he 
could not war against him. He accordingly sent some 
of his relatives and chiefs to the Sultan, imploring him 
not to invade India again and offering him money to 
abstain from that purpose. The envoys were told to 
yield a tribute of fifty elephants, each equal to two 
ordinary ones in size and strength, laden with the 
products and rarities of the country. The King of Hind 
promised to send this tribute every year, accompanied 
by two thousand men for service at the court of the 

Mahmud accepted his proposal, since Islam was pro- 
moted by the humility of his submission and by the 
payment of tribute, and sent an envoy to see that these 
conditions were carried into effect. The ruler of Hind 
fulfilled them strictly and despatched one of his vassals 
with the elephants to see that they were duly pre- 
sented to the Sultan. Thus peace was established and 
tribute was paid, and caravans travelled in full security 
between Khorasan and Hind. 

When the Sultan had purified Hind from idolatry 
and had raised mosques therein, he determined to 
invade the capital of the land, that he might punish 
those who kept idols and refused to acknowledge the 
unity of God. After collecting his warriors and dis- 
tributing money among them, he set forth with a large 
army in the year 404 a. h. (1013 a. d.), choosing the 
close of autumn for his expedition on account of the 


purity of the southern breezes at that season. When 
he arrived near the frontier of Hind, snow fell such as 
had never been seen before, insomuch that the passes 
of the hills were closed, and the mountains and valleys 
became of one level. The roads were concealed, and 
the right could not be distinguished from the left, or 
what was behind from that which was before, and they 
were unable to return until God should give command. 
In the meantime the Sultan employed himself in col- 
lecting supplies, and summoned his generals from the 
different provinces. Having thus accumulated the 
means of warfare and having been joined by his sol- 
diers, who had come from different directions, and who 
were equal in number to the drops of an autumnal rain, 
he left these winter quarters in the spring, and, had the 
earth been endowed with feeling, it would have groaned 
beneath the weight of the iron, the warriors, the horses, 
and the beasts of burden. The guides marched on in 
front over hill and dale before the sun arose and even 
before the light of the stars was extinguished. He 
urged on his horses for two months, among broad and 
deep rivers and among jungles in which even wild 
cattle might lose their way. 

When the Sultan drew near the end of his destina- 
tion, he set his cavalry in array and formed them into 
different bodies, appointing his brother, Amir Nasr, 
to command the right wing, consisting of valiant heroes; 
Arslan-al-Jazib to the left wing, consisting of powerful 
young men; and Abu Abdallah Mohammad ibn Ibra- 
him-at-Tai to the vanguard, consisting of fiery Arab 


cavaliers. To the centre he appointed Altuntash the 
chamberlain, together with his personal slaves and 
attendants, as firm as mountains. 

Nidar Bhim, the enemy of God and the chief of 
Hind, alarmed at this sudden invasion, summoned his 
vassals and generals and took refuge within a pass, 
which was narrow, precipitous, and inaccessible. They 
intrenched themselves behind stones and closed the 
entrance to the pass by their elephants, which looked 
like so many hills because of their lofty stature. Here 
he remained in great security, being persuaded that 
the place was impervious to attack, but he did not know 
that God is the protector of the faithful and the anni- 
hilator of infidels! 

When Mahmud learned that Nidar Bhim intended 
to prolong the war, he advanced against him with his 
Dailamite warriors and Afghan spearmen, who pene- 
trated the pass like gimlets into wood, ascending the 
hills like mountain goats and descending them like 
torrents of water. The action lasted for several days 
without intermission, till at last some of the Hindus 
were drawn out into the plain to fight, where they were 
attacked and killed by the cavalry, just as the knight 
on the chess-board demolishes pawns. 

When his vassals had joined Nidar Bhim with rein- 

Iforcements, he consented to leave his intrenchments 
and come into the plain, having the hills behind him, 
and the elephants drawn up on each wing. The battle 
raged furiously, and when the elephants of the Hindus 
advanced to destroy their opponents, they were assailed 


by showers of arrows upon their trunks and eyes. 
When Abu Abdallah had bravely advanced into the 
midst of the infidels, he was wounded in his head and 
body; but Sultan Mahmud, seeing the extreme danger 
to which his general was exposed, despatched some 
of his own guards to his assistance, and they rescued 
him from the conflict. They then brought him to the 
Sultan, who ordered him to be placed on an elephant 
to relieve him from the pain of his wounds, and thus 
he was exalted like a king above all the leaders of the 


The conflict continued as before until God blew the 
gale of victory on his friends, and the enemy were 
slain on the tops of the hills, and in the valleys, ravines, 
and beds of torrents. A large number of elephants, 
which the enemy had regarded as strongholds to pro- 
tect them, fell into the hands of the victors, as well 
as much other booty. Thus God granted the Sultan 
the victory of Nardin and added to the adornment of 
the mantle of Islam, which had not hitherto extended 
to that place. On his return, the Sultan marched m 
the rear of his immense booty, and slaves were so 
plentiful that they became very cheap; and men of 
respectability in their native land were degraded by 
becoming slaves of common shopkeepers. But this is 
the goodness of God, who bestows honours on his own 
religion and degrades infidelity. 

Sultan Mahmud learned that in the country of Thane- 
sar there were large elephants of the Ceylon breed, 
celebrated for military purposes. On this account the 


chief of Thanesar was obstinate in his infidelity and 
denial of God. The Sultan marched against him, there- 
fore, with his valiant warriors, for the purpose of plant- 
ing the standards of Islam and extirpating idolatry. 
He marched through a desert which had never yet been 
crossed, save by birds and wild beasts, for the foot of 
man and the shoe of horse had not traversed it. There 
was no water in it, much less any other kind of food. 
The Sultan was the first to whom God had granted 
a passage over this desert, in order that he might attain 
the fulfilment of his wishes. 

Beneath Thanesar flowed a pure stream; the bottom 
was covered with large stones, and the banks were pre- 
cipitous and sharp as the points of arrows. The Sultan 
reached this river at a place where it takes its course 
through a hill-pass, behind which the infidels posted 
themselves, in the rear of their elephants. The Sultan 
adopted the stratagem of sending some of his troops 
to cross the river by two different fords and attack 
the enemy on both sides; and when they were all 
engaged in close conflict, he ordered another body of 
men to go up the bank of the stream, which was flow- 
ing through the pass with fearful impetuosity, and 
to attack the enemy among the ravines, where they 
were posted in the greatest number. The battle raged 
fiercely, but about evening, after a vigorous attack 
on the part of the Mussulmans, the enemy fled, leaving 
their elephants, which were all driven into the camp 
of the Sultan, except one, which ran off and could not 
be found. The largest were reserved for the Sultan. 



The blood of the infidels flowed so copiously that 
the stream was discoloured, notwithstanding its purity, 
and people were unable to drink it. Had not night 

come on and con- 
cealed the traces of 
their flight, many 
more of the enemy 
would have been 
slain. The victory 
was gained by God's 
grace, who has es- 
tablished Islam for 
ever as the best of 
religions, notwith- 
standing that idol- 
aters revolt against 
it. The Sultan re- 
turned with plunder 
which it is impossi- 
ble to enumerate. 
Praise be to God, 
the protector of the world, for the honour He bestows 
upon Islam and Mussulmans! 

As no part of Hind remained unconquered except 
Kashmir, the Sultan Mahmud resolved on an expedition 
to that country. It happened that twenty thousand 
men from Mawara-an-nahr and its neighbourhood, who 
were with the Sultan, were anxious to be employed 
in a holy war, and the Sultan accordingly determined 
to march with them toward Kanauj, which no other 




king but the all-powerful Gushtasp had been able to 
take, as has been related in certain histories of the 

Between Ghazni and Kanauj the journey occupies 
three months, even for camels and horses. The Sultan 
therefore bade farewell to sleep and ease, and praying 
to God for success, he departed with his valiant war- 
riors. He safely crossed the Sihun (Indus), Jihlam, 
Chandraha, Ubra (Ravi), Bah (Biyah), and Sataldur 
(Sutlaj). All these rivers are deep beyond description; 
even elephants' bodies are concealed in them, so it may 
easily be imagined what is the case with horses. The 
currents of these streams carry along large stones, so 
that camels and horses are in danger of being swept 
down the stream. In every country traversed by the 
Sultan, ambassadors were sent to him proffering sub- 
mission, insomuch that Sabli ibn Shahi ibn Bamhi, who 
held the passes leading into Kashmir, also came for- 
ward, offering his allegiance and his services as a guide. 
He led the way, crossing forest after forest. At mid- 
night the drum sounded for the march, and the Mussul- 
mans mounted their horses, ready to bear the incon- 
venience of the journey; and they marched on until 
the sun began to decline from the meridian. On the 
twentieth of Rajab, 409 a. h. (December 2, 1018 a. d.), 
they crossed the river Jumna. 

The Sultan took all the lofty hill forts which he 
passed on the road, and at length arrived at the fort of 
Baran in the country of Hardat. When Hardat heard 
of this invasion by the warriors of God, who advanced 


like the waves of the sea, he became greatly agitated, 
his steps trembled, and he feared for his life, which 
was forfeit under the law of God. He accordingly 
reflected that his safety would best be secured by 
conforming to the religion of Islam, since the sword 
of God was drawn from the scabbard and the whip 
of punishment was uplifted. He came forth, therefore, 
with ten thousand men, all of whom proclaimed their 
anxiety for conversion and their rejection of idols. God 
confirmed the promises He had made, and rendered 
assistance to the Sultan Mahmud. 

After some delay the Sultan marched against a 
fort held by Kulchand, who had assumed superiority 
over other rulers and was inflated with pride, and who 
employed his whole life in infidelity and was confident 
in the strength of his dominions. Whoever fought with 
him sustained defeat and flight, and he possessed much 
power, great wealth, many brave soldiers, large ele- 
phants, and strong forts, which were secure from attack 
and capture. When he saw that the Sultan advanced 
against him in the endeavour to engage in a holy war, 
he drew up his army and elephants within a deep 
forest ready for action. 

Sultan Mahmud sent an advance-guard to attack 
Kulchand, and this vanguard, penetrating through the 
forest like a comb through a head of hair, enabled 
the Sultan to discover the road which led to the fort. 
The Mussulmans exclaimed, " God is exceeding great," 
and those of the enemy, who were anxious for death, 
stood their ground. Swords and spears were used in 



close conflict, but when the infidels found all their 
efforts were in vain, they deserted the fort and tried 
to cross the foaming river which flowed on the other 
side of their stronghold, thinking that beyond it they 
would be in security; but nearly fifty thou- 
sand of them were slain, taken, or drowned 
in the attempt, and went to the fire of hell. 
Kulchand himself, drawing his dagger, 
slew his wife, and then drove it into his 
own body. By this victory the Sultan 
obtained 185 powerful elephants, besides 
other booty. 

The Sultan then departed from the 
environs of the city, in which was a tem- 
ple of the Hindus. The name of this place 
was Maharat-al-Hind (Mathura). The 
wall of the city was constructed of hard 
stone, and two gates, erected upon strong 
and lofty foundations to protect them 
against the floods of the river and the 
rains, opened on the stream which flowed 
beneath the town. On both sides of the city there 
were a thousand houses to which idol-temples were 
attached, all strengthened from top to bottom by rivets 
of iron, and all made of masonry work; and opposite 
them were other buildings, supported on broad wooden 
pillars to give them strength. 

In the middle of the city there was a temple larger 
and firmer than the rest, which can neither be described 
nor painted. The Sultan wrote thus concerning it: 



" If any one should wish to construct a building equal 
to this, he would not be able to do it without expending 
a hundred thousand thousand red dinars, and it would 
occupy two hundred years, even though the most ex- 
perienced and able workmen were employed." Among 
the idols there were five made of red gold, each five 
yards high, fixed in the air without support. In the 
eyes of one of these idols there were two rubies of such 
value that if any one were to sell such as are like them, 
he would obtain fifty thousand dinars. On another 
there was a sapphire purer than water and more spark- 
ling than crystal; the weight was 450 miskals (nearly 
six pounds Troy). The feet of another idol weighed 
4,400 miskals (nearly fifty-six pounds Troy), and the 
entire quantity of gold yielded by the bodies of these 
idols was 98,300 miskals (almost 1,246 pounds Troy). 
The idols of silver amounted to two hundred, but they 
could not be weighed without breaking them to pieces 
and putting them into scales. The Sultan gave orders 
that all the temples should be burnt with naphtha and 
fire, and levelled to the ground. 

After this, the Sultan went on with the intention 
of proceeding to Kanauj. He left the greater part of 
his army behind and took only a small body of troops 
with him against Rai Jaipal, who also had but a few 
men with him and was preparing to fly for safety to 
some of his dependent vassals. 

The Sultan levelled to the ground every fort which 
Jaipal had in this country and the inhabitants either 
accepted Islam or took arms against Mahmud. He col- 


lected so much booty, prisoners, and wealth that the fin- 
gers of those who counted them would have been tired. 

On the eighth of Sha'ban he arrived at Kanauj, 
which was deserted by Jaipal on hearing of his ap- 
proach, for he fled across the Ganges, which the Hindus 
regard as of exceeding sanctity, and as having its 
source in the paradise of heaven. When they burn 
their dead, they throw the ashes into this river, as 
they believe that its waters purify them from sin. 
Devotees even come to it from a distance and drown 
themselves in its stream in the hope of obtaining eter- 
nal salvation, but in the end it will only carry them to 
hell, so that it will neither kill them nor make them 

The Sultan advanced to the fortifications of Kanauj, 
which consisted of seven distinct forts, washed by the 
Ganges which flowed under them like the ocean. In 
Kanauj there were nearly ten thousand temples, which 
the idolaters asserted had been founded by their ances- 
tors two or three hundred thousand years ago. They 
worshipped and offered their vows and supplications to 
them in consequence of their great antiquity. Many of 
the inhabitants of the place fled and were scattered 
abroad like so many wretched widows and orphans 
from the fear which oppressed them in consequence 
of witnessing the fate of their deaf and dumb idols. 
Many of them thus effected their escape and those 
who did not fly were put to death. The Sultan took 
all seven forts in one day and gave his soldiers leave 
to plunder them and take prisoners. 



He then went to Munj, 
known as the fort of 
Brahmans, the inhabit- 
ants of which were inde- 
pendent as headstrong 
camels. They prepared 
to offer opposition like 
evil demons and obsti- 
nate Satans, and when 


they found they 
could not with- 
stand the Mussul- 
mans and that their 
blood would be 
shed, they took to flight, throw- 
ing themselves down from the 
apertures and the broad and 
lofty battlements, but most of 
them were killed in this at- 


After this, Mahmud advanced against the fort of 
Asi, which was ruled by Chandal Bhor, one of the chief 
men and generals of the Hindus. Around his fort there 
were broad and deep ditches, as well as an impenetrable 
and dense jungle, full of snakes which no enchanters 
could tame and so dark that even the rays of the full 
moon could not be discerned in it. 

When Chandal heard of the advance of the Sultan, 
he lost heart from excess of fear, and as he saw death 
with his mouth open toward him, he had no resource 
but flight. The Sultan therefore ordered that his five 
forts should be demolished to their very foundations, 
the inhabitants buried in the ruins, and the soldiers of 
the garrison plundered, slain, and imprisoned. 

Hearing of the flight of Chandal, the Sultan was 
sorely afflicted and turned his horse's head toward 
Chand Rai, one of the greatest men in Hind, who re- 
sided in the fort of Sharwa. 

Between him and Puru Jaipal there had been con- 
stant battles, in which many men and warriors had 
fallen in the field, so that at last they made peace to pre- 
vent further bloodshed and invasion of their respective 
borders. Puru Jaipal sought his old enemy's daughter 
that he might give her in marriage to his son Bhimpal, 
thus cementing the peace between them for ever. He 
sent his son to obtain his bride from Chand Rai, but 
the latter imprisoned the son and demanded retribution 
for the losses which had been inflicted by the father. 
Jaipal was thus compelled to refrain from proceeding 
against Chand Rai's fort and country, being unable 


to release his son; but constant skirmishes occurred 
between them until the arrival of Sultan Mahmud in 
those parts, who, through the kindness of God, had wish 
after wish gratified in a succession of conquests. 

To save his life, Puru Jaipal entered into an alliance 
with Bhoj Chand, who was arrogant because of the 
strength of his forts and their difficulty of access, and 
there he considered himself secure against pursuit in 
his inaccessible retreat. Chand Rai, on the contrary, 
took up arms, trusting in the strength of his fort; but 
had he remained in it, he would undoubtedly have had 
it destroyed, and had he trusted to his army, it would 
have been of no avail. Under these circumstances, 
Bhimpal wrote him a letter to this effect: " Sultan 
Mahmud is not like the rulers of Hind and is not the 
leader of black men. It is obviously advisable to seek 
safety from such a person, for armies flee away before 
the very name of him and his father. I regard his 
bridle as much stronger than yours, for he never con- 
tents himself with one blow of the sword nor does his 
army satisfy itself with one hill out of a whole range. 
If, therefore, you design to contend with him, you will 
suffer; but do as you like— you know best. If you wish 
for your own safety, you will remain in concealment." 

Chand Rai considered that Bhimpal had given him 
sound advice and that danger was to be incurred by 
acting contrary to his suggestions. He therefore de- 
parted secretly with his property, elephants, and treas- 
ure to the hill country, which was exceedingly lofty, 
hiding himself in jungles which the sun could not pene- 






The Sacred Ganges at Benares 

The Ganges is the holy river of India, and the Mohammedan writers 
were correct when they said that the Hindus regard it as a river " of ex- 
ceeding sanctity and as having its source in the paradise of heaven " (see 
/>. 69). During the wart waged by Islam, as in earlier invasions, its 
ivaters were often reddened with Brahman blood shed by Moslem swords. 



trate and concealing even the direction of his flight, 
so that no man could know whither he was gone or 
whether he had sped by night or day. The object of 
Bhimpal in recommending the flight of Chand Rai was 
that the king should not fall into the net of the Sultan 
and thus be made a Mussulman, as had happened to 
Bhimpal 's uncle and relations, when they demanded 
quarter in their distress. 

Sultan Mahmud invested and captured the fort, 
notwithstanding its strength and height. Here he got 
plenty of supplies and booty, but he did not obtain 
the real object of his desire, which was to seize Chand 
Rai, and which he now determined to effect by pro- 
ceeding in pursuit of him. Accordingly, after marching 
fifteen parasangs, or leagues, through the jungle, which 
was so thorny that the faces of his men were scarred 
and bleeding, and through stony tracts which battered 
and injured the horses' shoes, he at last came up to his 
enemy shortly before midnight on the twenty-fifth of 
Sha'ban, 409 a. h. (January 6, 1019 a. d.). 

The Sultan summoned the most religiously disposed 
of his followers and ordered them to attack the enemy 
at once. Many infidels were consequently slain or taken 
prisoners in this sudden attack, but the Mussulmans 
paid no regard to the booty till they had sated them- 
selves with the slaughter of the infidels and worship- 
pers of the sun and fire. The soldiers of the Sultan 
searched the bodies of the slain for three whole days 
to obtain booty. 

The plunder of gold and silver, and of rubies and 


pearls, amounted to nearly three thousand thousand 
dirhams, and the number of prisoners may be imag- 
ined from the fact that each brought from two to 
ten dirhams. These were afterwards taken to Ghazni, 
and merchants came from distant cities to purchase 
them, so that the countries of Mawara-an-nahr, Irak, 
and Khorasan were filled with them, and the fair and 
the dark, the rich and the poor, were commingled in 
one common slavery. 

After an expedition against the Afghans, Sultan 
Mahmud again turned toward Hind with his bold war- 
riors, whose greatest pleasure was to be in the saddle, 
which they regarded as their throne ; while they deemed 
hot winds refreshing breezes and the drinking of dirty 
water seemed pure wine, so prepared were they to 
undergo every kind of privation and annoyance. When 
Mahmud arrived in that country, he granted quarter 
to all those who submitted, but slew those who opposed 
him. He obtained a large amount of booty before he 
reached a river known by the name of Rahib. It was 
very deep, and its bottom was muddy like tar used for 
anointing scabby animals. The feet of the horses and 
camels sank deeply into it, so that the men took off 
their coats of mail and stripped themselves naked 
before crossing it. 

Puru Jaipal was encamped on the other side of the 
river, as a measure of security in consequence of this 
sudden attack, with his warriors dusky as night and 
with his elephants all caparisoned. He showed a deter- 
mination to resist the passage of the Sultan, but at night 



he was making preparations to escape down the river. 
When the Sultan learnt this, he ordered inflated skins 

(Copyright by Underwood & Underwood, New York.) 

to be prepared, and directed some of his men to swim 
over on them. Jaipal, seeing eight men swimming 
over to that distant bank, ordered a detachment of his 
army, accompanied by five elephants, to oppose their 



landing, but the eight men plied their arrows so vig- 
orously that the detachment was not able to effect its 
purpose. When the Sultan witnessed the full success 
of these men, he ordered all his soldiers who could swim 
to pass over at once, and promised them a life of repose 
after that day of trouble. His own personal guards 
first crossed this difficult stream, and they were fol- 
lowed by the whole army. Some swam over on skins, 
and others were nearly drowned, but eventually all 
landed safely. 

When they all had reached the opposite bank, the 
Sultan ordered his men to mount their horses and 
charge in such a manner as to put the enemy to flight. 
Some of the infidels asked for mercy after being 
wounded, some were taken prisoners, some were killed, 
and the rest took to flight, while 270 gigantic elephants 
fell into the hands of the Mussulmans. ' 



WHEN the power of the house of Ghazni declined, 
the ascendency passed to another Afghan line, 
the house of Ghor. Two brothers, Sultan Ghiyas-ad-din 
and Sultan Mu'izz-ad-din (the latter afterwards known 
as Mohammad Ghori), made the history of this short 
dynasty famous, as has been narrated in the third 
chapter of the third volume. The former of these able 
chieftains came to the throne in 558 a. h. (1163 a. d.), 
and with the aid of his brother Mu'izz-ad-din, who suc- 
ceeded him as Sultan Mohammad Ghori (599 - 603 a. h., 
or 1202-1206 a.d.), extended the domain of Afghan 
authority by a series of ravaging campaigns in Hin- 
dustan rivalling those which Mahmud of Ghazni had 
previously carried on. We have an account of the main 
current of these events recorded by the pen of a native 
chronicler of Ghor, named Minhaj-as-Siraj, who wrote 
a general history from the earliest times down to 
the year 658 a. h. (1259 a.d.), and a brief selection 
from his annals is here given in a slightly abridged 

1 When Ghiyas-ad-din succeeded to the throne of 



Ghor after the death of Saif -ad-din and the intelligence 
thereof came to Bamian, Fakhr-ad-din addressed his 
nephew Mu'izz-ad-din (later the Sultan Mohammad 
Ghori), saying: u Your brother is an active prince, 
what do you mean to do? You must bestir yourself." 
Mu'izz-ad-din bowed respectfully to his uncle, left the 
court, and started at once for Firoz-koh. When he ar- 
rived there, he waited upon his brother and paid his 
respects. One year he served his brother, but having 
taken some offence, he went to Seistan to Malik Shams- 
ad-din Sijistani and staid there one winter. His brother 
sent messengers to bring him back, and when he ar- 
rived, he assigned to him the countries of Kasr-kajuran 
and Istiya. When he had established his authority over 
the whole of Garmsir, he entrusted to his brother the 
city of Takinabad, which was the largest town in 
Garmsir. This Takinabad is the place which was the 
cause of the quarrel with the house of Mahmud Sabuk- 
tagin, and it passed into the hands of the kings of 

When Sultan Mu'izz-ad-din became master of Takin- 
abad, the armies and leaders of the Ghuzz fled before 
the forces of Khita toward Ghazni, where they re- 
mained for twelve years, having wrested the country 
from the hands of Khusru Shah and Khusru Malik. 
Sultan Mu'izz-ad-din kept continually assailing them 
from Takinabad and troubling the country. At length, 
in the year 569 a. h. (1173 a. d.), Sultan Ghiyas-ad-din 
conquered Ghazni and returned to Ghor, after placing 
his brother Mu'izz-ad-din upon the throne. 



This prince secured the territories of Ghazni, and 
conquered Gurdez two years afterwards, in 570 a. h. 
(1174 a. d.). In the third year he led his forces to 
Multan and delivered that place from the hands of the 
Karmathians. In the same year, 571 a. h. (1175 a. d.), 
the people of Sankaran revolted and made great con- 
fusion, so that he marched against them and put most 
of them to the sword. 

In the year after this victory, he conducted his 
army by way of Uchh and Multan toward Nahrwala. 
The Raja of Nahrwala, Bhim-deo, was a minor, but he 
had a large army and many elephants. In the day of 
battle the Mohammedans were defeated and the Sultan 
was compelled to retreat. This happened in the year 
574 a. h. (1178 a.d.). 

In 575 a. h. (1179 a.d.), Ghiyas-ad-din attacked and 
conquered Peshawar, and two years afterwards he 
advanced to Lahore. The power of the Ghaznavids 
was now drawing to a close, and their glory was de- 
parted, so Khusru Malik sent his son as a hostage and 
also an elephant as a present to the Sultan. This was 
in the year 577 a. h. (1181 a. d.). Next year the Sultan 
marched to Daibul, subdued all that country even to 
the sea, and returned with great booty. In 580 a. h. 
(1184 a. d.), he went to Lahore, ravaged all the terri- 
tories of that kingdom, and returned after building 
the fort of Sialkot, in which he placed Husain Kharmil 
as governor. When the Sultan was gone, Khusru Malik 
assembled the forces of Hindustan, and having also 
obtained a body of Gakkars, he laid siege to Sialkot, 



but, after some time, was obliged to withdraw. The 
Sultan returned to Lahore in 581 a. h. (1185 a. d.). 

The house of Mahmud had now come to its end; the 
sun of its glory was set; and the registrar of fate had 
written the mandate of its destruction. Khusru Malik 
could offer no resistance; he came forth peacefully to 
meet the Sultan and was made prisoner. Lahore fell 
completely into the power of the Ghori prince and he 
secured all its dominions in Hindustan. 

Ali Karmakh, chief of Multan, was appointed com- 
mander at Lahore, and the father of the author of this 
book, Maulana A'jubat-az-Zaman Afsah-al-Ajam Siraj- 
ad-din Minhaj, was appointed judge of the army of 
Hindustan and received the honour of investiture from 
Mu'izz-ad-din. He held his court at the headquarters 
of the army, and twelve camels were assigned for mov- 
ing his Bench of Justice from place to place. 

The Sultan returned to G-hazni, carrying Khusru 
Malik with him, and on arriving there, he sent him on 
to Firoz-koh, to the court of the great king Ghiyas-ad- 
din. This monarch sent him as a prisoner to the fort 
of Bahrawan and confined his son Bahram Shah in the 
fort of Saifrud. When the war with Khwarizm Shah 
broke out in the year 587 a. h. (1191 a. d.), Khusru 
Malik and his son were put to death. 

The victorious Sultan then prepared another army, 
with which he attacked and conquered the fort of Sir- 
hind. This fort he placed under the command of Zia- 
ad-din ibn Mohammad Abd-as-Salam Tolaki. At his 
request, Majd-ad-din Tolaki selected twelve hundred 


men of the tribe of .Tolaki and placed them all under 
his command in the fort, so as to enable him to hold it 
until the Sultan's return from Ghazni. 

Raja Kolah Pithaura marched against the fort, 
whereupon the Sultan returned and faced him at Na- 
rain. All the rajas of Hindustan were with Kolah. 
The battle was formed, and the Sultan, seizing a lance, 
made a rush upon the elephant which carried Govind 
Rai of Delhi. The latter advanced to meet him in front 
of the battle, and then the Sultan drove his lance into 
the raja's mouth and knocked two of his teeth down his 
throat. The raja, on the other hand, returned the blow, 
and inflicted a severe wound on the arm of his adver- 
sary. The Sultan reined back his horse and turned 
aside, but the pain of the wound was so insufferable 
that he could not support himself on horseback. The 
Mussulman army gave way and could not be controlled. 
The Sultan was just falling, when a brave young Khalji 
recognized him, jumped upon the horse behind him, 
and clasping him round the bosom, spurred on the horse 
and bore him from the midst of the fight. 

When the Mussulmans lost sight of the Sultan, 
panic fell upon them; they fled, and halted not until 
they were safe from the pursuit of the victors. A party 
of nobles and youths of Ghor had seen and recognized 
their leader with that lion-hearted Khalji, and when he 
came up, they drew together, and forming a kind of 
litter with broken lances, they bore him to the halting- 
place. The hearts of the troops were consoled by his 
appearance, and the Mohammedan faith gathered new 



strength in his life. The Sultan collected his scattered 
forces and retreated to the territories of Islam, leaving 
Tolak in the fort of Sirhind. Raja Pithaura advanced 

and invested the fort, 
which he besieged for 
thirteen months. 

Next year the Sultan 
assembled another army 
and advanced to Hindu- 
stan to avenge his defeat. 
A trustworthy person 
named Mu'in-ad-din, one 
of the principal men in 
the hills of Tolak, in- 
formed me that he was 
in this army, and that 
its force amounted to 
120,000 horsemen bearing 
armour. Before the Sul- 
tan could arrive, the fort of Sirhind had capitulated, 
and the enemy were encamped in the vicinity of Narain. 
The Sultan drew up his battle-array, leaving his main 
body in the rear with the banners, canopies, and ele- 
phants, to the number of several divisions. His plan 
of attack being formed, he advanced quietly. The light 
unarmoured horsemen were made into four divisions of 
ten thousand each, and were directed to advance and 
harass the enemy with their arrows on all sides, on the 
right and on the left, in the front and in the rear. 
When the enemy collected his forces to attack, they 

A khalji chieftain and his wife. 



were to support each other and to charge at full speed. 
By these tactics the infidels were worsted; the Almighty 
gave us the victory over them, and they fled. 

Pithaura alighted from his elephant, mounted a 
horse, and galloped off, but was captured near Sarsuti 
and killed. Govind Rai of Delhi was slain in the 
battle, and the Sultan recognized his head by the two 
teeth which he had broken. Ajmir, the capital, and all 
the Siwalik hills, Hansi, Sarsuti, and other districts 
were the results of this victory, which was gained in the 
year 588 a. h. (1192 a. a). 

On his return homeward, the Sultan placed Kutb- 
ad-din in command of the fort of Kahram, and in the 
same year this chief, advancing to Mirat, conquered 
that town and took possession of Delhi. In the follow- 
ing year he captured the fort of Kol. In the year 590 
a. h. (1193 a. d.), the Sultan came back from Ghazni by 
way of Benares and Kanauj, defeated Rai Jai Chand 
in the neighbourhood of Chandawal, and captured over 
three hundred elephants in the battle. 

Sultan Sa'id Ghiyas-ad-din died at Herat in 599 a. h. 
(1201 a. d.), while his brother Sultan Mu'izz-ad-din, or 
Mohammad G-hori, was between Tus and Sarakhs in 
Khorasan, but the latter returned and secured his ele- 
vation to the throne. 

Two years later a rebellion broke out among the 
Gakkars and the tribes of the hills of Jud, and in the 
winter Sultan Mohammad went to Hindustan to put 
down the revolt. He defeated the rebels and made their 
blood to flow in streams, but as he was returning home 



to Ghazni he fell into the hands of these infidels and 
was put to death in the year 602 a. h. (1206 a. d.). The 
period of his reign was thirty-two years. ' 

The detailed history of Mohammad Ghori's reign 
has been given in the third chapter of the third volume 
of the series, a reference to which will be sufficient. 





1206 - 1236 A. D. 

AT the beginning of the thirteenth century a line 
of slaves, born from the blood of Turks, rose to 
be kings of Northern India and formed a powerful 
dynasty that governed Hindustan for more than eighty 
years (1206 - 1290 a. d.). The strain of royal democracy 
in their veins seemed to possess the qualities that make 
for greatness, and three of the ten " Slave Kings "— 
Kutb-ad-din Aybek, Altamish, and Balban— were men 
of remarkable power, while the administrative strength 
of all of them was enhanced by the special advantage 
of not ruling India at a distance, from Ghazni and Ghor 
in Afghanistan, but sitting directly on the throne of 
Delhi itself. 

Kutb-ad-din Aybek, the first of these dynasts, was 
a slave of Mohammad of Ghor, but was raised by his 
imperial master to the rank of viceroy because of his 
merit, and became the nominal founder of the Slave 



Sultans, although his rule as an independent sovereign 
at Delhi (1206 - 1210 a. d.) was too short to enable him 
to consolidate an empire. There is a concise account 
of his short career written by Minhaj-as-Siraj, who 
was quoted in the preceding chapter, and it is repro- 
duced in the following paragraphs. 

' Sultan Kutb-ad-din was a brave and liberal king, 
and the Almighty bestowed on him such courage and 
generosity that in his time there was no king like unto 
him from the east to the west. When the Almighty God 
wishes to exhibit to His people an example of great- 
ness and majesty He endows one of His slaves with the 
qualities of courage and generosity, and then friends 
and enemies are influenced by His bounteous generosity 
and warlike prowess. So this king was generous and 
brave, and all the regions of Hindustan were filled with 
friends and cleared of foes. His bounty was continuous 
and his slaughter was unceasing. 

When Kutb-ad-din was first brought from Turkis- 
tan, his lot fell in the city of Naishapur, where he was 
bought by the chief judge, Kadi Fakhr-ad-din Abd-al- 
Aziz of Kufa, one of the descendants of the great Imam 
Abu Hanifa of Kufa and governor of Naishapur and 
its dependencies. Kutb-ad-din grew up in the service 
and society of his master's sons, and with them he 
learned to read the Koran and also acquired the arts 
of riding and archery. In a short time he became re- 
markable for his manly qualities. When he had nearly 
arrived at the age of manhood, merchants brought him 
to Ghazni, and Sultan Grhazi Mu'izz-ad-din Moham- 



mad Sam (Mohammad Ghori) purchased him from 
them. He was possessed of every quality and virtue, 
but he was not comely in appearance. His little finger 
was broken from his hand, 

and he was therefore 
called Aybek, " maimed 
in the hand." 

Sultan Mu'izz-ad-din 
(Mohammad Ghori) used 
occasionally to indulge in 
music and conviviality, 
and one night he had a 
party, and in the course of 
the banquet he graciously 
bestowed gifts of money 
and of uncoined gold and 
silver upon his servants. 
Kutb-ad-din received his 
share among the rest, but 
whatever he got, whether 
gold or silver, coined or 

uncoined, he gave it all, when he went out of the 
assembly, to the Turkish soldiers, guards, farashes, and 
other servants. He kept nothing, either small or great, 
for himself. Next day when this was reported to the 
king, Kutb was looked upon with great favour and 
condescension, and was appointed to some important 
duties about the court. He thus became a great officer, 
and his rank grew higher every day, until by the king's 
favour he was appointed Master of the Horse. 

, , '-' f ■- - - •-■- 




While he held this station, the kings of Ghor, 
Ghazni, and Bamian went toward Khorasan, and Kutb- 
ad-din showed great activity in repelling the attacks 
of Sultan Shah. He held the command of the for- 
agers, and one day, while in quest of supplies, he was 
unexpectedly attacked by the cavalry of the enemy. 
Kutb-ad-din showed great bravery in the fight which 
ensued, but his party was small, so he was overpow- 
ered, made a prisoner, and carried to Sultan Shah. 
This prince ordered him to be placed in confinement, 
but when the battle was fought and Sultan Shah was 
defeated, the victors released Kutb-ad-din and brought 
him in his iron fetters, riding on a camel, to his master 
Sultan Mu'izz-ad-din. The Sultan received him kindly 
and, on his arrival at his capital, Ghazni, conferred on 
him the districts of Kahram. From thence he went 
to Mirat, of which he took possession in 587 a. h. (1191 
a. d.). In the same year he marched from Mirat and 
captured Delhi. 

In 590 a. h. (1194 a. d.) he and Izz-ad-din Husain 
Kharmil, both being generals of the army, accompanied 
the Sultan and defeated Rai Jai Chand of Benares 
in the neighbourhood of Chandawal. In the year 
591 a. h. (1195 a. d.) Thankar was conquered, and 
two years later Kutb-ad-din went toward Nahrwala, 
defeated Raja Bhim-deo, and took revenge on behalf of 
the Sultan. He also reduced other countries of Hindu- 
stan as far as the outskirts of the dominions of China 
on the east. 

When Sultan Mohammad of Ghor died, Sultan 



Ghiyas-ad-din Mahmud Mohammad Sam, his nephew, 
gave Kutb-ad-din the royal canopy and the title of 
Sultan. In 602 a. h. (1205 a. d.) the new monarch 
marched from Delhi to attack Lahore, and on Tuesday, 
the eighteenth of the 
month of Zu-1-ka'da, 
602 a.h. (June 26, 1206), 
he ascended the throne 
in that city. After some 
time a dispute arose be- 
tween him and Sultan 
Taj -ad-din Yildiz re- 
specting Lahore, and it 
ended in a battle, in 
which the victory was 
gained by Sultan Kutb- 
ad-din. Taj -ad-din fled, 
and Sultan Kutb-ad-din 
then proceeded toward 
Ghazni, which he cap- 
tured, and he sat upon 
the throne of that city 
for forty days, at the 
end of which time he 
returned to Delhi. 

Death now claimed his own, and in the year 607 a. h. 
(1210 a. d.) the Sultan fell from his horse in the field 
while he was playing polo (chaugan), and the horse 
came down upon him, so that the pommel of the saddle 
entered his chest and killed him. The period of his 




government, from his first conquest of Delhi up to 
this time, was twenty years, and the time of his reign, 
during which he wore the crown and had the Khutba 
read and caused coin to be struck in his name, was 
something more than four years.' 

Some confusion followed upon the death of Kutb- 
ad-din Aybek, since his son Aram proved unworthy to 
succeed him. The throne then passed to his son-in-law, 
Shams-ad-din Altamish, who was likewise originally 
a slave but had raised himself by his ability and had 
married Kutb-ad-din's third daughter. In the words 
of Minhaj, our Arab chronicler, the monarch had 
regarded him " as well suited for empire and had 
called him his son; " in fact " it was destined from all 
eternity by the Most High and Holy God that the 
country of Hindustan should be placed under the pro- 
tection of this great king, the light of the world and 
of religion." The remainder of the chapter is abridged 
from the chronicler's own account of Altamish, or Sul- 
tan Shams-ad-din, as he prefers to call him. 

' It is related by credible persons that Sultan Shams- 
ad-din Altamish was chosen in early childhood by 
the destiny of Providence from the tribes of Albari 
in Turkistan for the sovereignty of Islam and of the 
dominions of Hindustan. His father, whose name was 
Yalam Khan, had numerous dependents, relatives, and 
followers in his employ. The future monarch was 
remarkable from his childhood for beauty, intelligence, 
and grace, which excited such jealousy in the hearts 
of his brothers that, like Joseph's brethren, they en- 


ticed him away from his father and mother on the pre- 
tence of going to see a drove of horses; but when they 
brought him there, they sold him to a horse-dealer. 
Some say that his sellers were his cousins. The horse- 
dealers took him to Bokhara and 
sold him to one of the relatives 
of the chief judge of that city. 
For some time he remained with 
that great and noble family, 
whose chiefs nourished and edu- 
cated him like a son. 

A credible person has related 
that he heard in the gracious 
words of the king himself that 
on a certain occasion one of the 
members of the family gave him 
a piece of money and ordered 
him to go to the bazaar and 
buy some grapes. He went to the bazaar, and on the 
way lost the coin. Being of tender age, he began to 
cry for fear; and while he was weeping and crying, 
a dervish came to him, took his hand, purchased some 
grapes, and gave them to him, saying: " When you 
obtain wealth and dominion, take care that you show 
respect to dervishes and holy men, and uphold their 
rights." He gave his promise to the dervish, and what- 
ever fortune and power he obtained he always ascribed 
to the favour shown him by that kindly man. 

Altamish was purchased from his noble and dis- 
tinguished owner by a merchant whose name was Haji 



Bokhari, and lie sold him to another merchant named 
Jamal-ad-din Chast Kaba, who brought him to Ghazni. 
No slave equal to him in beauty, virtue, intelligence, 
and nobility had ever been brought to that city. Men- 
tion was made of him before his Majesty Sultan Mu'izz- 
ad-din Mohammad Sam of Ghor, who commanded a 
price to be named for him. A thousand dinars in 
refined gold was fixed as his value, but Jamal-ad-din 
Chast Kaba declined to sell him for that price, and 
the Sultan accordingly gave orders that nobody should 
purchase him. After this, Jamal-ad-din Chast Kaba 
staid for a year in Ghazni, and then went to Bokhara, 
carrying the future Sultan with him. After staying 
there three years, he brought him back to Ghazni; but 
no one ventured to purchase him, for fear of the king's 

The youth had been there a year, when Kutb-ad-din 
returned to Ghazni with Malik Nasir-ad-din Husain 
after the invasion of Nahrwala and the conquest of 
Gujarat. Kutb heard an account of Shams-ad-din Alta- 
mish and asked Sultan Mu'izz-ad-din for permission 
to purchase him. The Sultan replied that orders 
had been issued that he should not be purchased in 
Ghazni, but said that he might take him to Delhi and 
buy him there. Kutb-ad-din entrusted the manage- 
ment of the affair to Nizam-ad-din Mohammad and 
ordered him to take Jamal-ad-din Chast Kaba with him 
to Hindustan, that he might purchase Shams-ad-din 
Altamish there. According to these directions, Nizam- 
ad-din took them to Delhi, where Kutb-ad-din pur- 

The Kutb Minar at Delhi. 

From a Photograph. 



chased him. Altamish was made chief of the guards, 
and Kutb-ad-din called him his son and kept him near 
his person. His rank and honour increased every day, 
and such marks of intelligence were evident in all his 
acts that he was elevated to the rank of chief hunts- 
man. When Gwalior was taken, he became amir of 
that place, and after that he obtained the district and 
town of Baran and its dependencies. Some time after 
this, when proofs of his energy, bravery, and heroism 
had been fully displayed and had been witnessed by 
Kutb-ad-din, the country of Badaun was entrusted to 
him. When Sultan Mu'izz-ad-din Mohammad Sam re- 
turned from Khwarizm, after being defeated in the 
battle of Andkhod by the armies of Khita, the Gakkar 
tribes broke out in rebellion, and the Sultan marched 
against them from Ghazni. Kutb-ad-din, according to 
his orders, brought up an army from Hindustan, and 
Shams-ad-din Altamish accompanied him with the 
forces of Badaun. 

In the midst of the battle the Sultan observed his 
feats of daring and courage, and inquired who he was. 
When his Majesty was enlightened upon this point, he 
called him into his presence and honoured him with 
especial notice. Kutb-ad-din was commanded to treat 
Altamish well, as he was destined for great works. His 
Majesty then ordered the deed of his freedom to be 
written out, and graciously granted him his liberty. 

When Sultan Kutb-ad-din expired at Lahore in 
607 a. h. (1210 a. d.), the commander-in-chief, Ali Is- 
ma'il, who had charge of Delhi, joined with some other 



nobles and principal men, and sent letters to Badaun, 
inviting Shams-ad-din Altamish to succeed the late 
ruler. When he arrived, he mounted the throne of 
Delhi and established his authority. The Turks and 
the Mu'izzi chiefs assembled at Delhi from all quarters, 
but the Turks and Mu'izzi chiefs of that city did not 


join them. They resolved to try the effect of resist- 
ance, so they went out from Delhi, collected in the 
environs, and raised the standard of revolt. Sultan 
Shams-ad-din Altamish marched out of the city with 
a body of horse and his own personal followers, defeated 
the rebels in the plains of the Jumna, and put most of 
their horsemen to the sword. Sultan Taj-ad-din later 


made a treaty with him from Lahore and Ghazni, and 
sent him some insignia of royalty. Repeated disputes 
arose between Sultan Shams-ad-din Altamish and Malik 
Nasir-ad-din Kubacha about Lahore, Tabarhindh, and 
Kahram, and in the year 614 a. h. (1217 a. d.) the 
Sultan defeated Kubacha. Hostilities also broke out at 
different times between him and the chiefs of various 
parts of Hindustan and the Turks, but as he Was 
assisted by divine favour, every one who resisted him 
or rebelled was subdued. Heaven still continued to 
favour him, and all the territories belonging to Delhi, 
Badaun, Oudh, Benares, and the Siwalik Hills came 
under his sway. 

Sultan Taj-ad-din Yildiz came to Lahore, fleeing 
before the army of Khwarizm. A dispute arose be- 
tween him and Sultan Shams-ad-din Altamish regard- 
ing the limits of their possessions, and a battle was 
fought between them at Narain in 612 a. h. (1215 a. d.), 
in which Altamish won the victory, and Taj -ad-din 
Yildiz was taken prisoner. He was taken, according to 
orders, to Delhi and then sent to Badaun, where he was 
put to death and buried. After this another battle was 
fought in the year 614 a. h. (1217 a. d.) with Malik 
Nasir-ad-din Kubacha, and he was again defeated. 

Great events now occurred in Khorasan through the 
appearance of the Moghul Chingiz Khan. In 615 a. h. 
(1218 a. d.) Jalal-ad-din, King of Khwarizm, came 
toward Hindustan, fleeing from the army of the in- 
fidels, and some fighting followed on the frontiers of 
Lahore. Shams-ad-din Altamish led his forces out of 


Delhi toward Lahore, and Khwarizm Shah fled before 
the army of Hindustan and went toward Sind and 

After this, in 622 a. h. (1225 a. d.), Sultan Shams- 
ad-din carried his arms toward Lakhnauti, and Ghiyas- 
ad-din Auz Khalji placed the yoke of servitude on 
the neck of submission, and presented thirty elephants 
and eight millions of the current coin. He also ordered 
sermons to be read and coinage to be struck in the 
name of Shams-ad-din. 

In 623 a. h. (1226 a. d.) Sultan Shams-ad-din 
marched to conquer the fortress of Rantambhor, which 
is celebrated in all parts of Hindustan for its great 
strength and security, and it is related in the Hindu 
histories that it had been invaded by more than seventy 
kings, but that no one had been able to take it. In the 
space of a few months in the year 623 a. h. (1226 a. d.), 
through the favour of God, the fortress fell into the 
hands of Shams-ad-din. One year after this, in 624 a. h. 
(1227 a. d.), he attacked the fort of Mandur in the 
Siwalik Hills, where God again bestowed victory on 
him, and where much plunder fell into the hands of 
his followers. 

After the lapse of another year, in 625 a. h. (1228 
a. d.), an army was sent from Delhi toward the cities 
of Uchh and Multan. On the first of Rabi'-al-awwal, 
625 a. h. (Feb. 9, 1228 a.d.), Sultan Sa'id Shams-ad- 
din Altamish reached the foot of the fort of Uchh. 
Malik Nasir-ad-din Kubacha had pitched his camp at 
the gate of the fort of Amravat, and all his followers 



and baggage were in ships and boats moored in front 
of the camp. 

On Friday, after the time of prayer, some swift 
runners came from the direction of Multan and re- 
ported that Malik 
Nasir-ad-din Aitamur 
had been detached 
from Lahore and had 
come to the fort of 
Multan; and also that 
Sultan Shams-ad-din 
Altamish himself was 
marching onward to 
Uchh by way of Ta- 
barhindh. Malik Na- 
sir-ad-din Kubacha 
immediately fled with 
all his army in boats 
to Bhakkar and or- 
dered his minister, 
Ain-al-Mulk Husain 
Ashghari, to remove 
all the treasure from 
the fortress of Uchh and transfer it to Bhakkar. 

Sultan Shams-ad-din then sent two of his principal 
generals in advance with an army to the walls of Uchh. 
Four days later, the Sultan himself arrived at Uchh with 
all his elephants and baggage, and pitched his tents 
there. He sent his minister, Nizam-ad-din Mohammad 
Junaidi, with other nobles, in pursuit of Malik Nasir- 



ad-din to the fort of Bhakkar. Fighting continued for 
a month under the walls of Uchh, and on Tuesday, the 
twenty-ninth of Jumada-1-awwal, 625 a. h. (May 5, 
1228 a. d.), the place capitulated. In the same month 
Malik Nasir-ad-din Kubacha drowned himself at the 
fort of Bhakkar in the waters of the Indus, a few 
days after sending his son, Malik Ala-ad-din Bahram 
Shah, to wait upon Sultan Shams-ad-din. A few days 
later, the treasures were seized, and the remaining 
forces of Malik Nasir-ad-din entered the service of the 
conqueror. All the country down to the seashore was 
subdued, and Malik Sinan-ad-din Habsh, chief of Daibul 
and Sind, came and did homage to the Sultan. When 
the noble mind of the king was satisfied with the con- 
quest of the country, he returned to Delhi. 

In 627 a. h. (1230 a. d.) Balka Malik Khalji rebelled 
in the territories of Lakhnauti, and Sultan Shams-ad- 
din Altamish led thither the armies of Hindustan, and 
having captured the rebel, he gave the throne of Lakh- 
nauti to Malik Ala-ad-din Jani, and returned to his 
capital in the month of Rajab of the same year. 

In 629 a. h. (1232 a.d.) the Sultan marched forth 
to conquer Gwalior, and when his royal tents were 
pitched beneath the walls of the fort, Milak Deo the 
accursed began the hostilities. For eleven months the 
camp remained under the fort, until on Tuesday, the 
twenty-sixth of Safar, 630 a. h. (Dec. 12, 1232 a.d.), 
the citadel was taken. 

The accursed Milak Deo escaped from the fort in 
the night-time and fled. About seven hundred persons 



were ordered to receive punishment at the door of the 
royal tent, and after this, promotions were made in the 
ranks of the nobles and great officers. On the second 
of Kabi'-al-awwal in the same year, his Majesty started 
on his return from the fort, and after reaching the 
capital he sent the army of Islam toward Malwa, and 
took the fort and city of Bhilsa in 632 a. h. (1234 a. d.). 
There was a temple there which was three hundred 
years in building and was about one hundred and 


five cubits high. He demolished it. From thence he 
proceeded to Ujjain, where there was a temple of 
Maha-kal, which he destroyed, as well as the image of 
Vikramajit, who was King of Ujjain and reigned 1316 
years before his time. The Hindu era dates from his 
reign. Some other images cast in copper were carried 
to Delhi with the stone image of Maha-kal. 

In 633 a. h. (1236 a. d.) Sultan Shams-ad-din Alta- 
mish led the armies of Hindustan toward Banyan, but 
in this journey his Majesty fell sick and was obliged 
by his severe illness to return home. Wednesday morn- 


ing, the first of Sha'ban, was fixed by the astrologers 
for his entrance into Delhi, the seat of his government, 
and he entered the city in a howdah on the back of an 
elephant. His illness increased, and nineteen days 
later, on the twentieth of Sha'ban, 633 a. h. (end of 
April, 1236 a. d.) , he departed from this perishable 
world to everlasting life. The length of his reign was 
twenty-six years.' 



1236 - 1240 A. D. 

UPON the death of Altamish in 1236, his good-for- 
nothing son, Firoz, succeeded to the throne, but 
died after a brief and dissipated reign of seven months. 
India then experienced a novel sensation in having a 
woman upon the throne of Delhi. By a curious coin- 
cidence, noted by Lane-Poole, " the only three women 
who were ever elected to the throne in the Mohammedan 
East, reigned in the thirteenth century. Shajar-ad- 
durr, the high-spirited slave-wife of Saladin's grand- 
nephew, the woman who defeated the crusade of Louis 
IX and afterwards spared the saintly hero's life, was 
queen of the Mamluks in Egypt in 1250. Abish, the 
last of the princely line of Salghar, patrons of Sa'di, 
ruled the great province of Fars for nearly a quarter 
of a century during the troubled period of Mongol 



supremacy. Raziya, daughter of Altamish, less for- 
tunate, sat on the throne of Delhi for only three years 
and a half (1236-1240)." 

The story of Raziya 's short-lived reign has already 
been sketched in this History, but we have also a good 
description of it from the Oriental chronicler Minhaj- 
as-Siraj, and this, with one unimportant omission, is 
used here. It will be noted that Minhaj always speaks 
of the queen as " Sultan," since this title, or that of 
Padshah, " king," was given to her, as well as to 
a few queens regent, despite the Mohammedan aver- 
sion to female rulers. 1 The account by Minhaj follows. 

1 Sultan Raziya was a great monarch. She was 
wise, just, and generous, a benefactor to her kingdom, 
a dispenser of justice, the protector of her subjects, 
and the leader of her armies. She was endowed with 
all the qualities befitting a king, but she was not born 
a man, and for that reason, in the estimation of men, 
all these virtues were worthless. In the days of her 
father, Sultan Shams-ad-din Altamish, she had exer- 
cised authority with great dignity. Her mother was 
the chief wife of his Majesty, and Raziya herself re- 
sided in the chief palace in the Kushk-firozi. The 
Sultan discerned in her countenance the signs of power 
and bravery, and although she was a girl and lived in 
retirement, yet when he returned from the conquest 
of Grwalior, he directed his secretary, Taj-al-Malik 
Mahmud, who was the director of the government, to 

'The title Sultan is retained in the translation, especially as Sultana would not bo 
an appropriate rendering, since sultana, in its original meaning, signifies "a scold." 


put her name in writing as heiress of the kingdom and 
successor to the throne. Before this firman was exe- 
cuted, the servants of the State, who were in close 
intimacy with his Majesty, represented that there 
would be little wisdom in making a woman heir to 
a Mohammedan throne, especially as the king had 
grown-up sons who were worthy of the dignity. They 
besought him, therefore, to set their minds at ease, for 
the course that he proposed seemed very inexpedient. 
The king replied: " My sons are devoted to the pleas- 
ures of youth, and no one of them is qualified to be 
king. They are unfit to rule the country, and after my 
death you will find that there is no one more com- 
petent to guide the State than my daughter." It was 
afterwards agreed by common consent that the king 
had judged aright. 

When Sultan Raziya succeeded to the throne, all 
things reverted to their old order. The vizir of the 
State, Nizam-al-mulk Junaidi, however, refused to give 
allegiance, and he, together with Malik Jani, Malik 
Kochi, Malik Kabir Khan, and Malik Izz-ad-din Mo- 
hammad Salari, who assembled from different parts of 
the country at the gates of Delhi, made war for a long 
time against the Sultan Raziya. After awhile, Malik 
Nasir-ad-din Tabashi Mu'izzi, who was governor of 
Oudh, hurried his forces to Delhi to the assistance of 
Sultan Raziya; but when he had crossed the Ganges, 
the generals who were fighting against the city met 
him unexpectedly and took him prisoner, after which 
he fell sick and died. 


Since the stay of the insurgents at the gates of 
Delhi was protracted, Sultan Raziya went out from 
the city and ordered her tents to be pitched at a certain 
place on the banks of the Jumna. Several engage- 
ments took place between the insurgent chiefs and the 
Turkish nobles who were on the side of the Sultan, but 
at last peace was effected with great adroitness. Malik 
Izz-ad-din Mohammad Salari and Malik Izz-ad-din 
Kabir Khan Ayyaz secretly joined the Sultan, and 
came at night to her Majesty's tents, with the under- 
standing that Malik Jani, Malik Kochi, and Nizam-al- 
Mulk Junaidi were to be summoned and closely impris- 
oned, so that the rebellion might subside. When these 
chiefs were informed of this matter, they fled from 
their camp, and some horsemen of the Sultan pursued 
them. Malik Kochi and his brother Fakhr-ad-din were 
captured, and were afterwards killed in prison. Malik 
Jani was slain in the neighbourhood of Babul and Nak- 
wan, and Nizam-al-Mulk Junaidi went into the moun- 
tains of Bardar, where he died. 

When the affairs of Raziya were thus settled, she 
conferred the office of vizir on an upright officer who 
had been the deputy of Nizam-al-Mulk, and he likewise 
received the title of Nizam-al-Mulk. The command of 
the army was given to Malik Saif-ad-din Aybek Bahtu, 
with the title of Katlagh Khan. To Kabir Khan was 
assigned the province of Lahore. The country now en- 
joyed peace, and the power of the State became mani- 
fest. Throughout its territories, from Lakhnauti to Dai- 
bul, all the princes and nobles made their submission. 



Shortly afterward, Malik Aybek Bahtu died, where- 
upon Malik Kutb-ad-din Hasan Ghori was appointed to 
his office and was ordered to march against the fort 
of Rantambhor. The Hindus had laid siege to this for- 
tress after the death of Shams-ad-din, 
and had beleaguered it for some time, 
but when Kutb-ad-din arrived, he drew 
the Mussulman forces out of the fort 
and destroyed it, after which he re- 
turned to Delhi. 

About this time Malik Ikhtiyar-ad- 
din Itigin was appointed lord chamber- 
lain, and Amir Jamal-ad-din Yakut, the 
Abyssinian superintendent of the sta- 
bles, was made a personal attendant of 
her Majesty, an act which created jeal- 
ousy among the Turkish nobles. The Sul- 
tan Raziya now threw off the dress and 
veil of women. She put on a coat and 
cap, and showed herself among the peo- 
ple, so all men saw her openly as she rode on her 
elephant. She now ordered an army to march to Gwa- 
lior, and sent with it rich gifts. As there was no 
possibility of resistance, Minhaj-as-Siraj, the well- 
wisher of the victorious government, and the author 
of this book, together with Majd-al-Umara Zia-ad-din 
Junaidi, chief justice of Gwalior, and other principal 
officers, came out of the fort of Gwalior on the first of 
Sha'ban, 635 a. h. (Feb., 1238 a. d.), and proceeded to 
the Court of Delhi. In the month of Sha'ban of the 



same year, Sultan Raziya appointed the writer of these 
lines to the Nasiriya college and to the office of Judge 
of Gwalior. In 637 a. h. (1239 a.d.), Malik Izz-ad-din 
Kabir Khan, governor of Lahore, broke out in revolt. 
The Sultan led her army from Delhi in that direction 
and pursued him. After a time he made peace and did 
homage. The province of Multan, which had been held 
by Malik Karakash, was given to Malik Izz-ad-din 
Kabir Khan. 

On Thursday, the nineteenth of Ramazan, 637 A. h. 
(April, 1240 a.d.), the Sultan Raziya returned to the 
capital. Malik Altuniya, who was governor of Tabar- 
hindh, revolted, and some of the high officials on the 
frontier supported him. On Wednesday, the ninth of 
the same month and year, she marched with a numer- 
ous army toward Tabarhindh to put down these rebels. 
When she arrived there, she was attacked by the Turks, 
who put the Abyssinian Amir Jamal-ad-din Yakut to 
death. They then seized the Sultan Raziya and sent 
her a prisoner to the fort of Tabarhindh. 

When Sultan Raziya was taken to Tabarhindh as a 
captive, Malik Altuniya espoused her cause and led her 
army toward Delhi to regain possession of the kingdom, 
whereupon Malik Izz-ad-din Mohammad Salari and 
Malik Karakash left the capital and went to join them. 
Meanwhile, Mu ( izz-ad-din had ascended the throne, 
Ikhtiyar-ad-din Itigin, the lord chamberlain, had been 
slain, and Badr-ad-din Sankar Rumi had been ap- 
pointed his successor. In the month of Rabi'-al-awwal, 
638 a. H. (Sept., 1240 a.d.), the Sultan marched from 



Delhi to repel his opponents, and Sultan Raziya and 
Malik Altuniya were defeated. When they reached 
Kaithal in their flight, their remaining forces aban- 
doned them, and they both fell into the hands of the 
Hindus and were killed. The date of this defeat was 
the twenty-fourth of Rabi'-al-awwal, 638 a. h. (Oct. 13, 
1240 a. d.), and the Sultan Raziya was killed on the 
day following, after a reign of three years and six days.' 




THE death of Queen Raziya was followed by six 
years of weak government by one of her brothers 
and a nephew, and then her younger brother Nasir-ad- 
din, the third son of the Slave King Altamish, took 
the throne and reigned for twenty years (1246 - 1266 
a. d.). But during all this time the true power behind 
the throne was Ulugh Khan, who afterwards became 
Sultan Balban. 

This remarkable man was originally a purchased 
slave from Turkistan, but he rose from that position 
and the menial services of water-carrier and huntsman 
to be prime minister and ultimately emperor. His 
devotion to his gentle master, Nasir-ad-din, was un- 
swerving, whether as servant, general, or statesman, 
and on the death of Nasir he succeeded to the crown 
as Emperor Balban and reigned for twenty years him- 
self, with the same qualiijes of noble greatness that 
marked all his previous life, which leave on our minds 
the impression that Balban was one of the strongest 
personalities among India's rulers. 

The history of this notable man's earlier career is 




told in the annals of Nasir-ad-din, which were written 
by Minhaj-as-Siraj, the Mohammedan historian who 
has already been quoted at length, and an excerpt from 
his work forms a suitable chapter to trace the upward 
steps by which Ulugh Khan rose to fame. 

' The Sultan Ulugh Khan-i-Azam, otherwise called 
Ghiyas-ad-din Balban, belonged to the stock of the 
Khakans of Albari. His father was khan over ten 
thousand houses (khanah), and the family was well 
known in Albari, among the Turkish tribes of Turk- 
istan. Now, inasmuch as the Almighty desired to grant 
a support to the power of Islam and strength to the 
Mohammedan faith, to extend His glorious shadow over 
it, and to preserve Hindustan within the range of His 
favour and protection, He removed Ulugh Khan in his 
youth from Turkistan, separating him from his race 
and kindred, and from his tribe and relations, and con- 
veying him to the country of Hindustan, for the pur- 
pose of curbing the Moghuls. God conducted him to 
Baghdad, and from that city to Gujarat, where Khwaja 
Jamal-ad-din Basri, a man remarkable for piety and 
integrity, ability and worth, purchased him and brought 
him up carefully like a son. Intelligence and ability 
shone out clearly in his countenance, and his patron, 
Jamal, looked upon him with an eye of kindness and 
treated him with especial consideration. 

In the year 630 a. h. (1232 a. d.), Jamal-ad-din took 
Ulugh Khan to Delhi, in the days when Sultan Shams- 
ad-din Altamish adorned the throne; and when the 
Sultan perceived that Ulugh was a youth of great prom- 


ise, he bought him and made him his personal attendant, 
placing the hawk of fortune, so to say, upon his wrist. 
His power now became conspicuous; but when Sultan 
Rukn-ad-din ascended the throne, Ulugh accompanied 
the Turks from Delhi to Hindustan, and when they 
were brought back, he returned to Delhi in their army. 


He was imprisoned for some days and subjected to in- 
dignity. The design in this may have been (God knows!) 
that he should taste the sufferings of the miserable, 
so that when he attained to sovereign rank, he might 
have compassion on them and be thankful for his own 

When the Empress Raziya ascended the throne, 
Ulugh Khan continued to be one of the royal attendants 


till fortune favoured him and he became chief hunts- 
man. Fate proclaimed that the earth was to be the 
prey of his fortune and the world the game of his 
sovereignty. He held this office and discharged its 
duties for some time, till the sun of the supremacy 
of Raziya set and that of Mu'izz-ad-din Bahram Shah 
shone forth. Fortune still befriended him. After re- 
maining some time in his position of chief huntsman, 
performing his service and exhibiting marks of ability, 
he was made master of the horse. The steed of sov- 
ereignty and empire thus came under his bridle and 
control. When Badr-ad-din Sankar became lord cham- 
berlain, he showed a paternal interest in Ulugh Khan 
and took such care of his advancement that he was 
raised to a higher position and received a grant of 
the lands of Riwari. He went to that place, and by 
his vigour and bravery punished the hill chiefs and 
brought the district under his sway. 

When the power of the Mu'izzi dynasty was declin- 
ing, the nobles conspired together and came to the 
gates of the city of Delhi. The princes and nobles 
all agreed as to the course to be pursued. Ulugh Khan, 
grantee of Riwari, displayed such energy and exhibited 
such remarkable resolution in securing the submis- 
sion of the provinces, that no one of the princes and 
nobles, Turks or Arabs, was worth the hundredth part 
of him. All the confederates admitted that he sur- 
passed them all in vigour, courage, and activity. When 
Delhi was conquered, he received a grant of Hansi. 
On taking possession of that territory, he applied him- 


self to its improvement, and through his justice and 
generosity all the inhabitants were happy and con- 
tented. His success was so great that other nobles 
began to look upon him with jealousy and the thorn 
of envy commenced to rankle in their hearts. But it 
was the will of God that he should excel them all, so 
that the more the fire of their envy burnt, the stronger 
did the incense of his fortune rise from the censer 
of the times. 

Trustworthy persons have recorded that in the year 
641 a. h. (1243 a. d.) Ulugh Khan was appointed lord 
chamberlain. When the royal army marched from the 
capital, he inflicted a severe chastisement on the rebels 
of Jalali and Dewali, and also on the Mawas in the 
Doab district between the Ganges and Jumna. He 
fought much against the infidels and cleared the roads 
and neighbouring country from insurgents. 

In the year 643 a. h. (1245 a. d.) the accursed 
Mangu Khan, who was one of the generals of the Mo- 
ghuls and a prince of Turkistan, marched from the 
neighbourhood of Talikan and Kunduz into Sind. He 
laid siege to Uchh, one of the most renowned fortresses 
of Sind, which was commanded by a eunuch who be- 
longed to the household of Taj -ad-din. When word 
regarding the invasion reached the court, Ulugh Khan 
made known his views to the Sultan and prepared an 
army to withstand the Moghuls. The princes and 
nobles were opposed to this expedition, but Ulugh Khan 
was very earnest about it. 

When the royal army marched toward the seat of 



warfare, Ulugh Khan appointed guides to lead the way, 
so that the marches might be made with the greatest 
celerity. In ordinary cases eight leagues would be one 
day's march, but under 
his arrangements twelve 
leagues, or even more, were 
accomplished. The army 
arrived on the banks of the 
Biyah, crossed the river, 
and reached Lahore on the 
banks of the Ravi. There 
Ulugh Khan showed great 
energy and bravery in push- 
ing forward the expedition, 
and incited the Sultan and 
the nobles to be zealous in the repulse of the infidel 

On Monday, the twenty-fifth of Sha'ban, 643 a. h. 
(Jan. 15, 1246 a. d.), word was brought to the royal 
camp that the Moghuls had raised the siege of Uchh. 
The reason of their retreat was that when Ulugh Khan 
had reached the Biyah, he had sent messengers bear- 
ing letters from the Sultan to the garrison of the fort, 
announcing the approach of the royal army and dilat- 
ing upon the vast numbers of the soldiers and elephants 
and describing the great valour and spirit of the forces 
which followed the royal standards. He also sent an 
advance force to reconnoitre. When the messengers 
came near Uchh, some of the letters fell into the hands 
of the besiegers, and some reached the garrison of the 


fort. The drums were beaten in the fort to announce 
the joy of the besieged, and when the contents of the 
letters and the approach of the army of Islam became 
fully known to the foe, and when the horsemen of the 
vanguard were in the vicinity of Sind on the banks 
of the river Biyah, fear and dismay fell upon the 
hearts of the infidels, and the goodness of God lent 
its aid to the forces of Islam. Trusty men record that 
when Mangu Khan heard of the approach of the army 
of Islam under the royal standard, he was seized with 
panic and neither he nor his forces was able longer to 
make a stand. He divided his army into three bodies 
and fled. 

After the achievement of this victory, Ulugh Khan 
advised that the royal army should march toward the 
river Sodra (Chinab), that it might impress the minds 
of the enemy with the great power, bravery, and mag- 
nitude of the army of Islam. The army accordingly 
proceeded to the banks of the Sodra, and from thence, 
on the twenty-seventh of Shawwal, 643 a. h. (Mar. 17, 
1246 a. d.), it returned to Delhi, which it reached on 
Monday, the twelfth of Zu-1-hijja of the same year. 

For some time past the mind of Sultan Ala-ad-din 
had been alienated from the nobles, he was seldom 
visible to the army, and besides this he had given him- 
self up to depravity. The nobles all agreed to write 
secretly from Delhi to Nasir-ad-din, urging him to seize 
the throne. On Sunday, the twenty-third of Muharram, 
644 a. h. (June 10, 1246 a. d.), he went to Delhi and sat 
upon the seat of empire. The Khutba of Islam was 







read and coin of the realm was struck in Nasir's 
auspicious name. When Ulugh Khan represented how 
the accursed foe had fled before the armies of Islam 
in the previous year and had gone to the upper dis- 
tricts, it seemed advisable that the royal army should 
proceed in that direction. This advice was approved 
and orders were given for the march. 

The army set forth on Monday, the first of Rajab, 
644 a. h. (Nov. 12, 1246 a. d.), and proceeded to the river 
Sodra. Here Ulugh Khan was detached with several 
nobles and generals to make an incursion into the hills 
of Jud. The Rana of these hills had acted as guide 
to the Moghuls, but the hour of revenge for this was 
at hand. Ulugh Khan accordingly attacked the hills of 
Jud and the countries on the Jihlam, and led his forces 
as far as the banks of the Indus. All the women and 
dependents of the infidels that were in those regions 
were obliged to flee, and a party of the Moghul army 
crossed over the Jihlam and saw the forces which were 
arrayed under the command of Ulugh Khan. The mani- 
fold lines of the army, the numbers of the horse, and 
the wealth of armour filled all beholders with wonder 
and dismay. The bravery and generalship which Ulugh 
Khan displayed in scaling mountains, breaking through 
defiles, capturing fortified places, and crossing jungles 
cannot be described in writing. The fame of this cam- 
paign extended to Turkistan. There was no husbandry 
or agriculture in this country, however, and fodder 
became unobtainable, so that he was compelled to re- 
tire; but he returned victorious and triumphant to the 


royal camp, bringing back all his officers and troops 
in safety. 

On Thursday, the sixth of Zu-1-ka'da, 644 a. h. 
(March 16, 1247 a. d.), his Majesty returned to the 
capital, which he reached on Thursday, the second of 
Muharram, 645 a. h. The perseverance and resolution 
of Ulugh Khan had been the means of showing to the 
army of Turkistan and the Moghuls such bravery and 
generalship that in the course of this year no one 
came from the upper districts toward Sind. Ulugh 
Khan, therefore, represented to his Majesty, in the 
month of Sha'ban, that the time had come to make 
an expedition into Hindustan, by which spoil would 
fall into the hands of the soldiers of Islam and wealth 
would be gained to strengthen the hands of the State 
in resisting the Moghuls. 

The royal armies accordingly marched to Hindustan, 
passing through the Doab region between the Ganges 
and the Jumna. After some fighting, the fort of Nan- 
dana was captured, and Ulugh Khan was sent with 
some other generals and a Mohammedan force to oppose 
Dalaki-wa-Malaki, a powerful prince in the vicinity of 
the Jumna, between Kalinjar and Karra, over whom 
the kings of Kalinjar and Malwa had no authority. 
When Ulugh Khan reached his abode, Dalaki-wa-Ma- 
laki provided so carefully for the safety of himself 
and his family that he kept quiet from dawn until the 
time of evening prayer, and when it grew dark he fled 
to some more secure place. At daybreak, the Moham- 
medan army entered his abode and then pursued him, 




but the accursed infidel had escaped into the lofty 
mountains, where he could not be reached except by 
stratagem and the use of ropes and ladders. Ulugh 
Khan incited his soldiers to make the attempt, and, 
under his able direc- 
tion, they succeeded 
in taking the place. 
All Dalaki-wa-Mala- 
ki 's wives, depend- 
ents, and children 
fell into the hands 
of the victors, to- 
gether with many 
cattle, horses, and 
slaves, so that the 
spoil which was secured exceeded all computation. At 
the beginning of Shawwal, 645 a. h. (February, 
1248 a. d.), the forces of Ulugh Khan returned to the 
royal camp with their booty, and after the festival 
of sacrifices, the whole army marched toward Delhi, 
which it reached on the fourth of Muharram, 646 a. h. 
(April, 1248 a.d.). 

In Sha'ban, 646 a. h. (November, 1248 a. d.), the 
royal army marched through the upper country to the 
neighbourhood of the Biyah and then returned to the 
capital. Ulugh Khan, with several nobles under him, 
was sent with an ample force toward Rantambhor, the 
capital of Bahar Deo, who was the greatest of the rajas 
of Hindustan. He ravaged the whole of those terri- 
tories and gained much booty. 


On Monday, the third of Safar, 647 a. h. (May 18, 
1249 a. d.), Ulugh Khan and his army arrived at Delhi. 
In the course of this year his Majesty was pleased to 
recognize the great ability and distinguished services 
of his general, whom he promoted from the rank of 
a general and the office of lord chamberlain to the dig- 
nity of a Khan, while on Tuesday, the third of Rajab, 
647 a. h. (Oct. 12, 1249 a. d.), he named him lieutenant 
of the government, army, and royal fortune, with the 
title of Ulugh Khan. The truth of the adage that 
" the worth of titles is revealed by heaven " was 
proved in this case, for from that day forth the services 
of Ulugh Khan to the house of Nasir-ad-din became 
still more conspicuous. 

On Tuesday, the twenty-fifth of Sha'ban, 649 a. h. 
(Nov. 12, 1251 a. d.), the royal army marched toward 
Malwa and Kalinjar. When Ulugh Khan arrived there 
with the army of Islam, he defeated Jahir of Ijari, a 
great king, who had a large army and many adherents, 
and destroyed both him and his kingdom. On Monday, 
the twenty-third of Rabi'-al-awwal, 650 a. h. (June 25, 
1252 a. d.), the army returned to Delhi and remained 
there for six months. On the twelfth of Shawwal of 
the same year (Jan. 18, 1250 a. d.), it marched through 
the upper country to the Biyah, but when the army 
reached the banks of that river, Imad-ad-din Rihan 
conspired with other chiefs and excited envy and 
enmity against Ulugh Khan, since they found their 
own importance dimmed by his glory, and they re- 
solved to do some hurt and injury to his august per- 



son, either in hunting, in passing through mountain 
defiles, or in crossing rivers. Ulugh Khan's good for- 
tune preserved him, however, and his adversaries were 
unable to do him any harm. When they found that 
their plans were ineffectual, they agreed upon another 
course, and presenting themselves at the doors of the 
royal tent, urged upon his Majesty that Ulugh Khan 
ought to be sent to his estates at Hansi. 

On Saturday, the new moon of Muharram, 651 a. h. 
(March, 1253 a. d.), Ulugh Khan accordingly proceeded 
to Hansi with his followers and family. When the Sul- 
tan reached Delhi, the thorn of envy, which still festered 
in the malicious heart of Rihan, impelled him to recom- 
mend his Majesty to send Ulugh Khan to Nagor and 
to give the country of Hansi to one of the royal princes. 
His Majesty accordingly went to Hansi, and the Khan 
was removed to Nagor. This happened in Jumada-1- 
akhir, 651 a. h. On his departure for Hansi, Imad-ad- 
din Rihan became viceroy, and the execution of the 
royal commands passed into his hands. 

On returning to the capital, on the seventeenth of 
Shawwal, Malik Saif-ad-din Kishli Khan, brother of 
Ulugh Khan, was sent to his estate of Karra, and Izz- 
ad-din Balban, son-in-law of Katlagh Khan, was ap- 
pointed lord chamberlain. All the officers who had been 
appointed at the instance of Ulugh Khan were removed, 
and the business and quietude of the State were dis- 
turbed through the machinations of Imad-ad-din. 

At this period, Ulugh Khan, who was at Nagor, led 
a Mohammedan force in the direction of Rantambhor, 


Hindi, and Chitor. Bahar Deo, Raja of Rantambhor, 
the most noble and illustrious of all the princes of Hin- 
dustan, assembled an army to inflict a blow on Ulugb 


Khan; but it was the will of God that the name of 
the Khan should be celebrated for his victories, and 
although the raja's army was large and well equipped 
with arms and horses, it was put to flight and many 
of its valiant fighting-men were slain. The Mussulmans 
obtained great spoil and captured many horses and 


prisoners, after which they returned to Nagor, which 
had become a place of great importance in consequence 
of Ulugh Khan's presence. 

At the opening of the year 651 a. h. (1253 a. d.) 
those who had suffered oppression and hardship through 
the disgrace of Ulugh Khan retired to their homes, 
and like fish out of water, and as sick men without 
slumber, from night till morn and from morn till night, 
they offered up their prayers to the Creator, implor- 
ing Him to let the dawn of Ulugh Khan's prosperity 
break forth in splendour and dispel by its brilliant light 
the darkness due to his rival Imad-ad-din Rihan. The 
Almighty graciously gave ear to the prayers of the 
wretched and barkened to the cries of the distressed, 
so that the victorious banners of Ulugh Khan were 
carried out from Nagor, and he went to Delhi, the 

The circumstances of his coming were as follows. 
The nobles and servants of the State were all Turks 
of pure origin and Arabs of good stock, but Imad-ad- 
din Rihan was a eunuch and belonged to one of the 
tribes of Hindustan. Notwithstanding all this, he exer- 
cised authority over the heads of all those chiefs until 
they became disgusted with the state of affairs and 
could no longer endure it. They suffered so much from 
the hands of the bullies who were retained by Imad- 
ad-din Rihan, that for six months they could not leave 
their houses nor even go to prayers on Fridays. The 
chiefs of Hindustan, Karra, Manikpur, Oudh, and the 
upper country as far as Badaun, Tabarhindh, Sanam, 


Samana, and the Siwalik Hills, accordingly sent to 
Ulugh Khan, inviting him to return. Arslan Khan led 
an army out of Tabarhindh, Ban Khan came forth from 
Sanam and Mansurpur, and Ulugh Khan collected his 
forces in Nagor and the Siwalik Hills. Malik Jalal-ad- 
din Mas'ud Shah ibn Sultan joined them from Lahore, 
and they marched upon the capital. 

Imad-ad-din Rihan advised his Majesty to go forth 
and repress the malcontents, and accordingly he led 
his army toward Sanam. Ulugh Khan was in the 
neighbourhood of Tabarhindh with several other chiefs. 
On the twenty-seventh of Ramazan, 652 a. h. (Nov. 10, 
1254 a. d.), the opposing armies drew near to each other, 
the outposts met, and great disquietude arose. The 
festival of the end of the fast of Ramazan was passed 
at Sanam, and on Saturday, the eighth of Shawwal 
(Nov. 21), the royal army fell back to Hansi. Malik 
Jalal-ad-din, Ulugh Khan, and the nobles with them pro- 
ceeded to Kaithal, whereupon the chiefs and nobles on 
both sides deemed it desirable to hold a parley. Karra 
Jamak, a personal attendant of Ulugh Khan and well 
known for his integrity, acted on the part of the insur- 
gents; and the noble of the black banner, Hisam-ad- 
din Katlagh, a man of conciliatory character and great 
probity, was deputed to meet him. 

The discontented nobles represented to his Majesty 
that they were all willing to obey his commands, but 
that they had no security against the machinations and 
outrageous conduct of Imad-ad-din Rihan. If he were 
banished from the court, thev would all submit and 



would willingly obey the orders of the Sultan. The 
royal army marched from Hansi to Jind, and on Sat- 
urday, the twenty-second of Shawwal, 652 a. h. (Dec. 5, 
1254 a. d.), Imad-ad-din was dismissed from his office 
of minister (thanks be to God for it!) and was given, 
instead, the privileges attaching to the government of 

Izz-ad-din Balban, deputy of the lord chamberlain, 
repaired to the camp of Ulugh Khan, and on Tuesday, 
the third of Zu-1-ka'da, Ban Khan Aybek Khitai came 
to the royal camp to make the final arrangements 
regarding the terms of peace. An extraordinary plot 
was now formed, since Imad-ad-din Khan, aided by a 
number of Turks of low degree, who were inimical to 
Ulugh Khan, resolved to murder Ban Khan Aybek 
Khitai at the entrance of the royal tent, in order that 
Ulugh Khan, on hearing of the assassination, might slay 
Izz-ad-din Balban in retaliation. Peace would thus be 
prevented, Imad-ad-din would retain his position in 
safety, and Ulugh Khan would be unable to come to 
court. Kutb-ad-din Hasan heard of the conspiracy 
and sent one of the chief attendants of the chamberlain 
to Ban Khan, advising him not to go to the royal tent 
in the morning, but to remain at his own lodging. Ban 
Khan acted on this advice, and the plot failed. The 
facts became known, and Imad-ad-din was sent off to 
Badaun at the command of the Sultan. 

On Tuesday, the seventeenth of Zu-1-ka'da, his Maj- 
esty, in his desire of making peace, directed Minhaj- 
as-Siraj, the author of this history, to offer terms of 


agreement to all. On the next day, Ulugh Khan came 
to court with the other nobles and had the honour of 
kissing hands. The Sultan then turned homewards, 
accompanied by Ulugh Khan, and reached the capital 
on Wednesday, the ninth of Zu-1-hijja. The kind- 
ness of the Almighty now became manifest. For a 
long time there had been no rain, but upon the approach 
of Ulugh Khan the Almighty displayed His mercy, 
and the rain, which is the life of herbs and plants, and 
of men and animals, descended upon the earth. No 
wonder, then, that men regarded the return of Ulugh 
Khan as a happy omen, that his compeers rejoiced over 
it, and that all were grateful to the Almighty for His 

The year 653 a. h. (1255 a. d.) opened. Something 
happened in the royal harem of which no one had accu- 
rate knowledge, but Katlagh Khan, the stepfather of 
the Sultan, was directed to take charge of the govern- 
ment of Oudh, and thither he proceeded. At the same 
time the government of Bahraich was given to Imad- 
ad-din Rihan. The success of Ulugh Khan shone forth 
with brilliant radiance, the garden of the world began 
to put forth leaf, and the key of divine mercy opened 
the doors of the hearts of men who had been driven into 

After Katlagh Khan had been in Oudh some time, 
the course of events rendered him disaffected. Repeated 
and imperative orders were sent to him from court, 
but he paid no heed to them. Imad-ad-din Rihan busied 
himself in stirring up strife, and endeavoured by in- 



trigue and deceit to cast the dust of his selfish plots 
on the prosperity of Ulugh Khan and to cloud the 
glory of that dignitaiy with the emanations of his 
malice. But " Divine mercy is for ever sufficient," 
and it prevented the success of these schemes. Malik 
Taj-ad-din Sanjar had been confined in prison by Kat- 
lagh Khan. By a bold device the captive escaped from 
Oudh and crossing the river Saru (Gogra) in a boat, 
he proceeded with a few horsemen to Bahraich. By the 
decree of fate, the fortune of the Turks now triumphed, 
and the power of the Hindus was levelled to the dust. 
Imad-ad-din was defeated and taken prisoner, and was 
put to death in Bahraich in the month of Rajab, 
653 a. h. (Aug., 1255 a. d.). With him Katlagh Khan's 
fortunes declined. 

When these disturbances arose in Hindustan, several 
of the chief nobles of the court were drawn away from 
their allegiance, and it became necessary to put down 
the insurrection and to punish the disaffected nobles. 
The army accordingly left Delhi, on the new moon of 
Shawwal, 653 a. h. (Dec, 1255 a. d.), and marched 
toward Hindustan. Delay had occurred in assembling 
the forces of the Siwalik Hills, which were included in 
the government of ITlugh Khan, so he hastened to 
Hansi. He arrived there on the seventeenth of Zu-1- 
ka'da, and so exerted himself that in fourteen days the 
soldiers of the Siwalik Hills, Hansi, Sarsuti, Jind, Bar- 
wala, and the neighbouring regions were collected, and 
marched in great force to Delhi, where they arrived on 
the third of Zu-1-hijja. Ulugh Khan remained in 


Delhi eighteen days, recruiting and refitting the army 
of Mewat and the hills. 

On the nineteenth of the month he marched with a 
brave and well equipped army to the royal camp, and 
reached Oudh in the month of Muharram, 654 A. n. 


(Feb., 1256 a. d.). Katlagh Khan and the nobles who 
were in league with him were all subjects of the Sultan, 
but adverse circumstances led them to revolt. From 
Oudh they retreated over the river Saru, and by royal 
command Ulugh Khan pursued them with a strong 
force. They had got a good start, however, the jungles 
were dense, the roads difficult, and the trees numerous, 


so that he could not come up with them. Nevertheless, 
he advanced as far as Bishanpur, on the confines of 
Tirhut, and returned with great spoil to the royal camp. 
When Ulugh Khan crossed the Saru from Oudh on his 
return from the pursuit, his Majesty marched toward 
the capital, and Ulugh Khan joined the royal army at 
Kasmandi. On Tuesday, the sixth of Rabi'-al-awwal, 
654 a. h. (May, 1256 a. d.), they arrived at Delhi. 

Katlagh Khan had found no place in Hindustan 
where he could make a stand, so in the midst of the 
campaign he proceeded toward Santur and strength- 
ened himself in the hills of that country. The chiefs 
paid him every respect, for he was a noble of high rank, 
a grandee of the court, and one of the principal Turks. 
He had strong claims, therefore, upon his compeers, 
and wherever he went he was treated with great con- 

He made himself secure in the hills of Santur, where 
he was joined by the Raja Debal Hindi, who held a 
prominent rank among the Hindus. When the news 
of this alliance reached the royal camp, the army 
marched toward Santur, at the beginning of Rabi'-al- 
awwal, 655 a. h. (Mar., 1257 a. d.). With great diffi- 
culty and after much fighting, Ulugh Khan, with the 
royal army and some officers of the court, made his 
way into the hills and seized upon the passes and 
defiles. He penetrated as far as Salmur, a fort and 
district belonging to the raja, who fled before Ulugh 
Khan, while the city and markets of Salmur fell into 
the hands of the army of Islam. By the favour of 


God the soldiers of Ulugh Khan thus subdued a place 
which the Mohammedan armies had never reached be- 
fore, and they returned laden with plunder to the cap- 
ital, where they arrived on the fifth of Rabi'-al-akhir, 
655 a. h. (April, 1257 a. d.). 

When the royal army had returned to Delhi, Kat- 
lagh Khan issued from the mountains of Salmur, and 
Malik Balban Kishlu Khan came from Sind to the banks 
of the Biyah, where the two chiefs joined their forces 
and marched toward Samana and Kahram, taking 
possession of the country. The Sultan sent Ulugh 
Khan, Kishli Khan, and several other nobles to quell 
this revolt. Ulugh Khan left Delhi on Thursday, the fif- 
teenth of Jumada-1-awwal, 655 a. h. (May 31, 1257 a. d.), 
and hastened with all speed to Kaithal. Katlagh Khan 
was in the vicinity, and the two armies approached 
each other. Ulugh Khan deemed it expedient to detach 
the household troops from the main army, and placed 
them under the command of his cousin, Sher Khan. 
The main body, together with the elephants, he put 
under the command of his own brother, Kishli Khan, 
the lord chamberlain, thus forming two distinct divi- 

The opposing armies drew near to each other in the 
vicinity of Samana and Kaithal, and their lines were 
within view on either side. While they were thus con- 
fronting each other, a man came as a spy from the 
camp of Malik Balban Kishlu Khan, representing that 
he was sent on behalf of the chiefs and nobles that 
were with Malik Balban, who were desirous of joining 




Ulugh Khan. If a promise of immunity and fair treat- 
ment were given them, and a grant made for the sup- 
port of the bearer of these overtures, he would win 
over all the chiefs and nobles who were with Balban, 
and would arrange matters as 
far as other officers were con- 

Perceiving the fellow's in- 
tentions, Ulugh Khan gave or- 
ders that the whole of the army 
should be shown to him; and 
all the troops, munitions, and implements of war, as 
well as the elephants and horses, were accordingly dis- 
played before his eyes. The Khan then dictated a 
letter to the chiefs and nobles in the following terms: 
" Your letter has reached me, and its import has been 
understood. I have no doubt that, if you submit, grants 
will be made to you all, and your maintenance will be 
most amply provided for; but if you take a different 
course, then, on this very day, the world shall learn 
how your pretensions will be settled by the wounds 
of the trenchant sword and the flaming spear, and how 
you will be carried fettered with the bonds of fate to 
the foot of the royal standard." This letter was deliv- 
ered to the spy, and he returned. 

When the letter was delivered to the officers of 
Malik Balban, those of them who were wise perceived 
its drift, and knew that the dissensions between the 
nobles and generals would be settled elsewhere. Fresh 
letters now arrived from Delhi, and Malik Balban and 


Katlagh Khan set forth in that direction and showed 
no intention of returning. Two days later, Ulugh Khan 
became aware of their design, and his mind was troub- 
led as to what might happen to the throne and capital. 
After this extraordinary incident, letters reached him 
from Delhi, and he turned thither, reaching the city 
in safety. 

After Ulugh Khan had remained quietly in the cap- 
ital for seven months, news came that the army of the 
infidel Moghuls, under the command of Salin Nawin, 
had made a descent upon Sind. When these tidings 
reached the capital, Ulugh Khan advised his Majesty 
to set the royal army in motion, and it marched forth 
accordingly on the second of Muharram, 656 a. h. 
(January 9, 1258 a. d.), encamping within sight of the 
city. Orders were sent to all parts of the kingdom, 
directing the nobles and officers to collect what forces 
they could and to join the army. 

With a numerous and well-appointed army, Ulugh 
Khan marched in company with his Majesty and all 
the nobles, attended by their followers. When the 
infidel Moghul heard of this host on the frontier which 
he had assailed, he advanced no farther and showed 
no spirit. It seemed expedient, therefore, for the royal 
army to remain within sight of the city of Delhi for 
four months or more, making various forays. At length 
word came that the accursed foe had retreated, and all 
disquietude on his account was at an end. 

Ulugh Khan was now informed that Arslan Khan 
San jar and Kalij Khan Mas'ud Khani had taken alarm 


at the orders which they had received to join the royal 
camp, and were meditating revolt. Ulugh Khan ad- 
vised his Majesty to nip this project in the bud and 
to smother their intentions before they had time to 
form and gather strength. The advice was approved 
and followed, although it was the hot season and the 
army was depleted by the inroad of the Moghuls. On 
Tuesday, the sixth of Jumada-1-akhir, the royal forces 
marched toward Hindustan and reached the neighbour- 
hood of Karra and Manikpur, where Ulugh Khan ex- 
erted himself most strenuously in punishing the rebel- 
lious Hindus. 

Upon the arrival of Ulugh Khan, the two confed- 
erates, Arslan Khan and Kalij Khan, parted, and were 
obliged to send their families and dependents among 
the Mawas. They also deputed some trusty persons 
to wait on Ulugh Khan and prevail upon him to inform 
the Sultan that they had been obliged to disperse their 
followers, and that they were ready to promise to come 
to the capital and do homage as soon as the royal army 
was withdrawn. Upon this representation the forces 
were recalled and reached the capital on Monday, the 
second of Ramazan, 656 a. h. (Sept. 2, 1258 a. d.). 
Arslan Khan and Kalij Khan repaired to court, where 
Ulugh Khan exerted himself so generously and stren- 
uously in their behalf that their rebellion was forgiven, 
and in the course of two months Kalij Khan was ap- 
pointed to govern Lakhnauti, while Arslan Khan was 
sent to rule over Karra. 

On the thirteenth of Muharram, at the beginning 


of the year 657 a. h. (Jan., 1259 a. d.), the royal forces 
again marched from Delhi. Ulugh Khan now very prop- 
erly used his influence in favour of his nephew, Sher 
Khan, and on Sunday, the twenty-first of Safar (Feb. 
17, 1259 a. d.), all the territories of Bay ana, Kol, Jale- 
sar, and Gwalior were assigned to him. There was 
nothing to require the action of the army during the 
rest of the year. On Wednesday, the fourth of Jumada- 
1-akhir (May 29, 1259 a. d.), treasure, wealth, and many 
valuables, together with two elephants, were brought 
to court from Lakhnauti, as presents from Izz-ad-din 
Balban Uzbeg, who was grantee of Lakhnauti; and 
by the influence of Ulugh Khan the grant was con- 
firmed, and honours were bestowed upon him. 

At the beginning of 658 a. h. (Dec, 1259 a. d.), 
Ulugh Khan resolved upon a campaign in the hills near 
Delhi. These hills were inhabited by a turbulent peo- 
ple, who committed depredations on the roads, plun- 
dered the goods of Mussulmans, drove away the culti- 
vators, and ravaged the villages in the districts of Har- 
riana, the Siwalik Hills, and Bayana. Three years before, 
they had carried off from Hansi a drove of camels and 
a number of the people of Ulugh Khan. Their chief 
was a Hindu named Malka, a fierce and desperate fel- 
low, who had carried off the camels and fomented dis- 
turbances among the Hindus from the hills to Rantam- 
bhor. He did these things, however, at a moment when 
the army was otherwise engaged and the soldiers and 
followers of Ulugh Khan had not the means to trans- 
port their baggage and implements. Ulugh Khan and 



all the princes and nobles were sorely vexed, but it was 
then impossible to do anything, as the army was fully 
employed in repelling the Moghul forces which had 
attacked the frontiers of Islam in Sind, at Lahore, and 
in the vicinity of the river Biyah. At this time, ambas- 
sadors to the Sultan came to Khorasan from Irak, on 
behalf of Hulaku Mughal, son of Toli, son of Chingiz 
Khan, and orders were given that the embassy was 
to halt at Maruta. 

Ulugh Khan and other nobles, with the royal troops 
and their own followers, suddenly resolved upon a cam- 
paign in the hills, and started on Monday, the fourth 
of Safar, 658 a. h. (Jan., 1260 a. d.). In their first forced 
march they accomplished nearly fifty leagues and fell 
unexpectedly upon the rebels, who retreated to the 
tops of the mountains and to defiles, deep gorges, and 
narrow valleys, only to be taken and put to the sword. 
For twenty days the troops traversed the hills in all 
directions. The villages and habitations of the moun- 
taineers were on the summits of the loftiest hills and 
rocks and were of great strength, but they were all 
stormed and ravaged by order of Ulugh Khan, and 
the inhabitants were slain. A piece of silver was 
offered for every head, and two pieces for every man 
brought in alive. Eager for these rewards, the soldiers, 
especially the Afghans, climbed the highest hills and 
penetrated the deepest gorges, bringing in heads and 
captives. Fortune now favoured Ulugh Khan so that 
he was able to penetrate to a fastness which no Mussul- 
man army had ever reached, and thus the Hindu rebel, 


Malka, who had carried off the camels, was taken pris- 
oner with his children and dependents, while 250 of 
the chiefs of the rebels were captured. 

In the course of twenty days this great work was 
accomplished, and the army returned to Delhi on the 
twenty-fourth of Kabi'-al-awwal, 658 a. h. (Mar. 9, 1260 
a. d.). His Majesty, with a great retinue of chiefs and 

(Copyright by Underwood & Underwood, New York.) 

nobles, went forth to the plain of Hauz-rani, to meet 
the conqueror, and a grand durbar was held, in which 
many honours and rewards were bestowed. After a 
stay of two days in the capital, the court again went 
forth to Hauz-rani on a mission of revenge. The ele- 
phants were prepared, and the Turks made ready their 
trenchant swords. By royal command many of the 


rebels were cast under the feet of elephants, and the 
fierce Turks cut the bodies of the Hindus in two. About 
a hundred met their death at the hands of the flayers, 
being skinned from head to foot, after which their skins 
were all stuffed with straw, and some of them were 
hung over each gate of the city. The plain of Hauz- 
rani and the gates of Delhi remembered no punishment 
like this, nor had any one ever heard such a tale of 

Ulugh Khan now represented to the Sultan that 
the Moghul ambassadors in Khorasan should be brought 
to court and granted an interview. On Wednesday, 
the seventh of Rabi'-al-akhir, the court accordingly 
proceeded to the Green Palace, and Ulugh Khan gave 
orders for armed men to be collected from all quarters 
round Delhi to the number of two hundred thousand 
foot and fifty thousand horse, with banners and accou- 
trements. Great numbers of armed men of all ranks 
went forth from the capital and assembled at the royal 
residence in the new city of Kilu-ghari, where they 
were drawn up shoulder to shoulder in twenty lines. 
When the ambassadors entered the city, they were 
received with the utmost honour and were conducted 
before the throne with the highest possible ceremony. 
The palace was decked out in the most splendid array, 
all the princes, nobles, and officers attended in gorgeous 
dresses, and a poem written by the author of this work 
was recited before the throne. After the reception the 
ambassadors were conducted in great state to the place 
appointed for their abode. 


When Ulugh Khan carried war into the hills and 
punished the rebels in the way we have related, a num- 
ber of them escaped by flight. These survivors again 
took to plundering on the highways and murdering 
Mussulmans to such an extent that the roads became 
dangerous. When this matter was reported to Ulugh 
Khan, he sent emissaries and spies to find out the 
places where the rebels had taken refuge, and to make 
a full report of their state and condition. On Monday, 
the twenty-fourth of Rajab, 658 a. h. (July, 1260 a. d.), 
he marched from Delhi with his own troops, the main 
army, and the forces of several chiefs. He hastened 
toward the hills, and, accomplishing more than fifty 
leagues in one day's journey, he fell upon the insur- 
gents unawares and captured them all, to the number 
of twelve thousand— men, women, and children— whom 
he put to the sword. All their valleys and strongholds 
were overrun and cleared, and great booty was cap- 
tured. Thanks be to God for this victory of Islam! ' 

This concludes the principal events of Ulugh Khan's 
career until the death of his royal master, Nasir-ad- 
din, six years later, in 1266 a. d., when Ulugh, the great 
statesman and general, became king himself under the 
title of Balban, as already described by Professor Lane- 
Poole in the third volume of this series. 




1310 A. D. 

AFTER Balban, the supremacy of the Slave Kings 
gave place to the Khalji Rulers, so called from 
their place of origin, the village of Khalj in Afghan- 
istan. The greatest of these sovereigns was Ala-ad-din, 
who sat upon the throne of Delhi for twenty years 
(1296-1316 a. d.) and stretched his conquering arm 
even over the Deccan and the south of India. 

The main events of Ala-ad-din's reign have been 
previously given in this history, but an excerpt from 
the annals of the Mohammedan writer Amir Khusru, 
narrating the story of the campaign in Ma' bar (710 
a. h., 1310 a. d.), may be appropriate as a record con- 
temporaneous with the events described. Ma' bar ap- 
pears to have been situated on the lower western coast 
of India (Malabar?), although some have claimed that 
it was located on the eastern shore. The style of Amir 
Khusru 's narrative possesses a special interest as an 
example of a certain kind of Oriental writing, and the 



stanch Mohammedan orthodoxy of the author is mani- 
fest from the exultant note which marks the opening 
paragraph of his description of the conquest of Ma' bar, 
an event which he regards as a memorable victory of 
Islam over the Hindu religion. His account follows. 

' The tongue of the sword of the caliphate of the time, 
which is the tongue of the flame of Islam, has imparted 
light to the entire darkness of Hindustan by the illu- 
mination of its guidance. On the one side an iron wall 
of royal swords has been raised before the infidel Ma- 
gog-like Tartars, so that all of that God-forsaken tribe 
drew their feet within their skirts among the hills of 
Ghazni, and even their advance-arrows had not strength 
enough to reach into Sind. On the other side so much 
dust arose from the battered temple of Somnath that 
even the sea was not able to lay it, and the army has 
conquered right and left from sea to sea, and several 
capitals of the gods of the Hindus, in which Satanism 
has prevailed since the time of the Jinns, have been 
demolished. All these impurities of unbelief have 
been cleansed by the Sultan Ala-ad-din's destruction 
of idol-temples, beginning with his first holy expedition 
against Deogir, and now the flames of the light of the 
law illumine all these unholy countries, and places are 
exalted on high for the criers to prayer, and prayers 
are read in mosques. God be praised! 

Now, the country of Ma' bar is so far distant from 
the city of Delhi that a man travelling with all speed 
could reach it only in a journey of twelve months, nor 
had the arrow of any holy warrior as yet reached there, 



but this world-conquering king, Ala-ad-din, determined 
to carry his army to that distant country and to spread 
the light of the Mohammedan religion there. 

Malik Naib Barbak was accordingly appointed to 


command the army for this expedition, and a royal 
canopy was sent with him. The Malik represented that 
on the coast of Ma' bar there were five hundred ele- 
phants, larger than those which had been presented to 
the Sultan from Arangal, and that when he was en- 
gaged in the conquest of that place he had thought of 


possessing himself of them, so that now, since the wise 
determination of the king had combined the extirpation 
of idolaters with this object, he was more than ever 
rejoiced to enter on this grand enterprise. 

The army left Delhi on the twenty-fourth of Jumada- 
1-akhir, 710 a. h. (Oct. 31, 1309 a. d.), and after march- 
ing by the banks of the Jumna, halted at Tankal for 
fourteen days, where a muster of the army was taken. 
" After that the royal soldiers, like swift greyhounds, 
made lengthened marches for twenty-one days until 
they arrived at Kanhun, and in the course of seventeen 
days more, they arrived at Gurganw. During these 
seventeen days the Ghats were passed and great heights 
and depths were seen among the hills, where even 
the elephants became nearly invisible. Three large 
rivers, moreover, had to be crossed, and the passage 
of them caused the greatest fear. Two of them were 
equal to each other, but neither of them equalled the 

After crossing those rivers, hills, and many depths, 
the raja of Telingana sent twenty-three powerful ele- 
phants for the royal service. For the space of twenty 
days the victorious army remained at Telingana, for 
the purpose of sending on the elephants, and they took 
a muster of the men present and absent, until the whole 
number was counted. And, according to the command 
of the king, they suspended swords from the standard 
poles, in order that the inhabitants of Ma* bar might 
be aware that the day of resurrection had arrived 
among them, and that the accursed Hindus would all 



be despatched by the sword to their brothers in hell, 
so that fire, the improper object of their worship, might 
mete out proper punishment to them. 

The tempestuous army moved swiftly, like a hur- 
ricane, to Gurganw. Everywhere the accursed tree 
that produced no religion was found and torn up by 
the roots, and the people who were destroyed were like 
trunks carried along in the torrent of the Jihun, or like 
straw tossed up and down in a whirlwind and carried 
forward. When the army reached the Tawi (Tapti), 
they saw a river like the sea. The soldiers crossed it 
by a ford quicker than the hurricane which they re- 
sembled, and afterwards employed themselves in cut- 
ting down jungles and destroying gardens. 

On Thursday, the 13th of Ramazan, 709 a. h. (Feb. 
14, 1310 a. d.), the royal canopy cast its shadow on 
Deogir, which had been protected by the angels, and 
there the army determined to make all preparations 
for extirpating Billal Deo and other Deos (demons). 
The Maharaja, Ram Deo, who had heard safety pro- 
claimed by the dreadful Mohammedan timbals, consid- 
ered himself secure under the protection assured to 
him, and, true to his allegiance, forwarded with all 
his heart the preparations necessary for the equipment 
of the army sent by the court, so as to render it avail- 
able for the extermination of rebels and the destruc- 
tion of the Bir and Dhur Samundar. The city was 
adorned in honour of the occasion, and food and clothes 
were supplied in abundance to the Mussulmans. 

Dalvi, a Hindu, who had been sent on to hold the 


gates of access to the Bir and Dhur Samundar, was 
directed by the Maharaja to attend on the Mussulman 
camp, and he was anxious to see the conquest of the 


whole of Dhur Samundar by the fortunate devotees 
of the Ka'ba of religion. The Mohammedan army 
remained for three days and departed on the seven- 
teenth of Ramazan from the Imanabad Deogir to the 


Kharababad of Paras Deo Dalvi, advancing for five 
stages, in which three large rivers, the Sini, Godavari, 
and Binhur, were crossed and also some other frightful 
streams. On the fifth day they arrived at Bandri, in 
the country (ikta') of Paras Deo Dalvi, who was obedi- 
ent to his exalted Majesty, and who desired that, by 
the force of the arms of the victorious Mohammedan 
soldiers, Bir Dhul and Bir Pandya might be reduced 
into one cup, 1 together with the seas which encircle 

Here Ala-ad-din halted to inquire about the coun- 
tries in advance, and was informed that the two rajas 
of Ma* bar, the elder named Bir Pandya, the younger 
Sundar Pandya, who had continued on friendly terms 
up to that time, had advanced against each other with 
hostile intentions, and that Billal Deo, the raja of 
Dhur Samundar, on learning this fact, had marched 
for the purpose of sacking their two empty cities and 
of plundering the merchants; but that, on hearing of 
the advance of the Mohammedan army, he had re- 
turned to his own country. 

On Sunday, the twenty-third of Bamazan, 709 a. h. 
(Feb. 24, 1310 a. d.), after holding a council of his chief 
officers, Ala-ad-din took a select body of cavalry with 
him and pressed on against Billal Deo, reaching the fort 
of Dhur Samundar on the fifth of Shawwal (March 8) 
after a difficult march of twelve days over the hills 
and valleys, and through thorny forests. 

1 There is much punning here about wells (bir) and buckets (dalvi), which it 
is impossible to render into English so as to make it comprehensible. 


The fire- worshipping raja, when he learnt that his 
idol temple was likely to be converted into a mosque, 
despatched Kisu Mai to ascertain the strength and 
condition of the Mussulmans, but the latter returned 
with such alarming accounts that the raja despatched 
Balak Deo Naik the next day to the royal canopy, to 
say to the Sultan: " Your slave Billal Deo is ready 
to swear allegiance to the mighty emperor, like Laddar 
Deo and Ram Deo, and whatever the Solomon of the 
age may order, I am ready to obey. If you desire 
horses like demons, and elephants like fiends, and 
valuables like those of Deogir, they are all present. 
If you wish to destroy the four walls of this fort, they 
are no obstacle to your advance. The fort is the fort 
of the king; take it." The commander replied that 
he was sent with the object either of converting him 
to Islam or of slaying him, if the terms were not as- 
sented to. When the raja received this reply, he said 
he was ready to give up all he possessed, except his 
sacred thread. 

On Friday, the sixth of Shawwal, the raja sent 
Balak Deo Naik, Narain Deo, and Jit Mai, with some 
others, to bow before the royal tent, and these envoys 
were accompanied by six elephants. Next day some 
horses followed and on Sunday, the sun-worshipper, 
Billal Deo, seeing the splendour of the sword of Islam 
above his head, bowed beneath it, descended from his 
fortress, and came before the shadow of the shadow 
of God, in whose presence, trembling and abject, he 
prostrated himself upon the earth and rubbed the fore- 



head of subjection on the ground. He then returned 
to fetch his treasures and was engaged all night in 
bringing them out, and next day he conveyed them 
before the royal tent and made them over to the king's 

The commander remained twelve days in that city, 
which is four months' distance from Delhi, and sent 
the captured elephants and horses to that capital. 

On Wednesday, the eighteenth of Shawwal (March 
21), Ala-ad-din's general, Malik Kafur, beat his drums, 
loaded his camels for his expedition to Ma' bar, and 
after five days arrived at the mountains which divide 
Ma' bar from Dhur Samundar. In this range there are 
two passes— one Sarmali, the other Tabar. After trav- 
ersing the passes, they arrived at night on the banks 
of the river Kanobari and bivouacked on the sands. 
Thence they departed for Birdhul, massacring and dev- 
astating all around it. The Raja Bir intended at first 
to flee for refuge to his islands in the ocean, but as he 
was not able to carry out this plan, his attendants coun- 
selled him to flee by land. With a small amount of 
treasure and property he deserted the city and fled 
to Kandur, yet even there he dared not remain, but 
fled again to the jungles. 

Thither the Malik pursued " the yellow-faced Bir," 
and at Kandur was joined by some Mussulmans who 
had been subjects of the Hindus, now no longer able 
to offer them protection. They were half-Hindus and 
not strict in their religious observances, but as they 
could repeat the profession of faith, the Sultan of Islam 


spared their lives. Though they were worthy of death, 
yet, as they were Mussulmans, they were pardoned. 

After returning to Birdhul, Malik Kafur again pur- 
sued the raja to Kandur and took 108 elephants, one 
of which was laden with jewels. The raja again es- 


caped him, and then Malik Kafur ordered a general 
massacre at Kandur. It was thereupon ascertained that 
the raja had fled to Jalkota, " an old city of the ances- 
tors of Bir." Malik Kafur, the general of Ala-ad-din, 
closely pursued him thither, but he had again escaped 
to the jungles, which the general found himself unable 



to penetrate, and he therefore returned to Kandur, 
where he searched for more elephants. 

Here he heard that in Brahniastpuri there was a 
golden idol, round which many elephants were stabled. 
The Malik started on a night expedition against this 
place and in the morning seized no less than 250 ele- 
phants. He then determined to raze the magnificent 
temple to the ground. The beauty of this shrine was 
such that you might say that it was the Paradise of 
Shaddad, which those hellites had found after it was 
lost, or that it was the golden Lanka of Rama. The 
roof was covered with rubies and emeralds, and, in 
short, it was a holy place of the Hindus. Nevertheless 
Malik Kafur dug it up absolutely from its foundations, 
and the heads of the Brahmans and the idolaters danced 
from their necks and fell to the ground at their feet, 
and blood flowed in torrents. 

These stone idols, called Ling Mahadeo, had long 
been established at that place, but up to this time the 
kick of the horse of Islam had not attempted to break 
them, and now the Mussuhnans destroyed all these 
images, and Deo Narain fell down, and the other gods, 
who had fixed their seats there, jumped so high that 
the idols themselves would have fled had they had 
any legs to stand on. Much gold and valuable jewels 
fell into the hands of the Mussulmans, who returned 
to the royal tent, after executing their holy project, 
on the thirteenth of Zu-1-ka'da, 710 a. h. (April, 
1311 A.D.). 

After five days, the royal tent was moved from 


Birdhul on Thursday, the seventeenth of Zu-1-ka'da, 
and set up at Kham, and five days later the army 
arrived at the city of Mathra (Madura, in Southern 
India), the dwelling-place of the brother of the Raja 
Sundar Pandya. They found the city empty, for the 
raja had fled with his queens, but he had left two or 


three elephants in the temple of Jagannath. The ele- 
phants were captured and the temple was burned. 

When Malik Kafur came to take a muster of his 
captured elephants, they extended over a length of 
three parasangs and amounted to 512, besides five thou- 
sand Arabian and Syrian horses, and five hundred mans 
of jewels of every description— diamonds, pearls, emer- 
alds, and rubies. 



On Sunday, the fourth of Zu-1-hijja, 710 a. h. (Apr. 
24, 1311 a. d), Malik Kafur, accompanied by his army, 
returned toward Delhi with all the plunder, and arrived 
in safety on Monday, the fourth of Jumada-s-sani, 
711 a. h. Sultan Ala-ad-din held a public durbar in 
front of the Golden Palace, and all the nobles and chiefs 
stood on the right and on the left, according to their 
rank. Malik Kafur, with the officers who had accom- 
panied him, were presented to the Sultan, before whom 
the rich booty was exhibited. The Sultan was much 
gratified, loaded the warriors with honour, and then 
dissolved -the durbar.' 

807 A. H. (1404-1405 A. D.). 




MOHAMMAD TAGHLAK SHAH (1325 - 1351 a. d.) 
was a man of ideas, but his innovations and 
reforms were a failure, and the schemes which he 
sought to carry out resulted only in making him un- 
popular. His reign was one of the most unsuccessful 
in the entire history of India, and reasons for this fact 
may be gathered from a half-dozen of his measures 
which are described by the historian Barani, who lived 
under Taghlak's rule and under that of Firoz Shah, 
his successor. The illustrations are significant enough 
to show the view of a contemporary, and that, too, of 
one who was close to the throne during the emperor's 
entire reign. He writes as follows regarding some of 
the monarch's ill-considered plans. 

' Sultan Mohammad Taghlak planned in his own 
heart three or four projects by which the whole of 
the habitable world was to be brought under the rule 
of his servants, but he never talked over these projects 
with any of his counsellors and friends. Whatever he 



conceived he considered to be good, but in promulgating 
and enforcing his schemes he lost his hold upon the 
territories he possessed, disgusted his people, and 
emptied his treasury. Embarrassment followed embar- 
rassment, and confusion became worse confounded. 

The ill feeling among his subjects gave rise to out- 
breaks and revolts, and the rules for enforcing the 
royal schemes became daily more oppressive to them. 
More and more the people became disaffected, and more 
and more the mind of the king was set against them, 
so that the number of those brought to punishment 
was constantly* on the increase. The tribute of most 
of the distant countries and districts was lost, many 
of the soldiers and servants were scattered and left 
in distant lands, and deficiencies appeared in the treas- 
ury. The mind of the Sultan lost its true equilibrium, 
and in the extreme weakness and harshness of his 
temper he gave himself up to severity. Gujarat and 
Deogir (Devagiri) were the only distant possessions 
that remained, while in the old territories dependent 
upon Delhi, the capital, there sprang up disaffection 
and rebellion. 

By the will of fate many different projects occurred 
to the mind of the Sultan, which appeared to him mod- 
erate and suitable and were enforced for several years, 
but the people could not endure them. These schemes 
effected the ruin of the Sultan's empire and the decay 
of the people. Every one of them that was enforced 
wrought some wrong and mischief, and the minds of 
all men, high and low, were alienated from their ruler, 


and territories and districts which had been securely 
settled were lost. 

When the Sultan found that his projects did not 
work so well as he desired, he became still more embit- 
tered against his people. He punished them and cut 
them down like weeds. So many hired wretches were 
ready to slaughter true and orthodox Mussulmans as 
had never before been created from the day of Adam. 
If the twenty prophets of Islam had been given into 
the hands of these minions, I verily believe that they 
would not have allowed them to live one night. 

The first project which the Sultan formed, and 
which operated to the ruin of the country and the 
distress of the people, was based on the idea that he 
ought to get five or ten per cent, more tribute from 
the lands in the Doab than heretofore. To accomplish 
this he invented some oppressive taxes, and made stop- 
pages from the land-revenues until the backs of the 
peasants were broken. The taxes were collected so 
rigorously that the peasants were impoverished and 
reduced to beggary. Those who were rich and had 
property became rebels, the lands were ruined, and 
cultivation was entirely arrested. 

When the peasants in distant countries heard of 
the distress and ruin of the farmers in the Doab, 
through fear of the same evil befalling them, they threw 
off their allegiance and betook themselves to the jun- 
gles. The decline of cultivation and the distress of 
the peasants in the Doab, combined with the failure 
of convoys of corn from Hindustan, produced a fatal 


famine in Delhi and its environs as well as throughout 

theDoab. Grain became dear. There was a deficiency 

of ram, so the famine became general. It continued 

tor some years, and thousands upon thousands of 

people perished of want. 

Communities were reduced 

to misery, and families 

were broken up. From this 

time the glory of the state 

and the power of the gov- >4 

ernment of Sultan Moham- "^ 

mad withered and decayed. A pb *sant woman gbwdwo corn. 

The second project of Sultan Mohammad Taghlak, 
which was ruinous to the capital of the empire and 
distressing to the chief men of the country, was that 
ol making Deogir his capital, under the name of Dau- 
latabad. This place held a central situation, being 
about equidistant from Delhi, Gujarat, Lakhnauti, Sat- 
ganw, Sunarganw, Telingana, Ma'bar, Dhur Samundar 
and Kampila. Without any consultation and without 
carefully looking into the advantages and disadvan- 
tages on every side, he brought ruin upon Delhi, which 
had grown in prosperity for 170 or 180 years and now 
rivalled Baghdad and Cairo. The city, which, with 
its buildings and its suburbs and villages, spread over 
four or five leagues, was utterly destroyed. So com- 
plete was the min, that not a cat or a dog was left 
among the buildings of the city, in its palaces, or in 
its suburbs. Troops of the natives, with their families 
and dependents, wives and children, men-servants and 


maid-servants, were forced to remove. The people, 
who for many years and for generations had been 
natives and inhabitants of the land, were broken- 
hearted. Many, from the toils of the long journey, 
perished on the road, and those who arrived at Deogir 
(Devagiri) could not endure the pain of exile. In 
despondency they pined to death. All around Deogir, 
which is an infidel land, there sprung up graveyards 
of Mussulmans. 

The Sultan was bounteous in his liberality and 
favours to the emigrants, both on their journey and 
after their arrival; but they were tender and could not 
endure the exile and suffering. They laid down their 
heads in that heathen land, and of all the multitudes 
of emigrants, few only survived to return to their home. 
Thus this city, the envy of the cities of the inhabited 
world, was reduced to ruin. The Sultan brought 
learned men and gentlemen, tradesmen and landholders, 
into the city from certain towns in his territory and 
made them reside there; but this importation of stran- 
gers did not populate the city; many of them died 
there, and more returned to their native homes. These 
changes and alterations were a cause of great injury 
to the country. 

The third project also did great harm to the coun- 
try. It increased the daring and arrogance of the dis- 
affected in Hindustan and augmented the pride and 
prosperity of all the Hindus. This was the issue of 
copper money. Mohammad Taghlak, in his lofty am- 
bition, had conceived it to be his task to subdue the 


whole habitable world and bring it under his rule. To 
accomplish this impossible design, an army of countless 
numbers was necessary, and this could not be obtained 
without vast sums of money. The Sultan's bounty and 
munificence had caused a great deficiency in the treas- 
ury, so he introduced his coppfer money and gave 
orders that it should be used in buying and selling, 
and should pass current, just as the gold and silver 
coins had passed. 

The promulgation of this edict turned the house of 
every Hindu into a mint, and the Hindus of the vari- 
ous provinces coined crores and lacs of copper coins. 
With these they paid their tribute, and with these they 
purchased horses, arms, and fine things of all kinds. 
The governors, the village headmen, and the landowners 
grew rich and strong upon these copper coins, but the 
state was impoverished. No long time passed before 
distant countries would take the copper tanka only as 
copper. In those places where fear of the Sultan's edict 
prevailed, the gold tanka rose to be worth a hundred 
of the copper tankas. Every goldsmith struck copper 
coins in his workshop, and the treasury was filled with 
these copper coins. So low did they fall that they 
were not valued more than pebbles or potsherds. The 
old coin, from its great scarcity, rose fourfold and five- 
fold in value. 

When trade was interrupted on every side, and 
when the copper tankas had become more worthless 
than clods, and of no use, the Sultan repealed his edict 
and in great wrath proclaimed that whoever possessed 



copper coins should bring them to the treasury and 
receive the old gold coins in exchange. Thousands of 
men from various quarters, who possessed thousands 
of these copper coins, and caring nothing for them, 
had flung them into corners along with their copper 
pots, now brought them to the treasury and received 
in exchange gold tankas and silver tankas, and other 


coins, which they carried to their homes. So many of 
these copper tankas were brought to the treasury, that 
heaps of them rose up in Taghlakabad like mountains. 
Great sums went out of the treasury in exchange for 
the copper, and a great deficit was thus caused. When 
the Sultan found that his project had failed and that 
great loss had been entailed upon the treasury through 
his copper coins, he turned against his subjects more 
than ever. 



The fourth project which diminished his treasure 
and so brought distress upon the country, was his 
design of conquering Khorasan and Irak. In pursu- 
ance of this object, vast sums were lavished upon the 
officials and leading men of those countries. These 
great men came to him with insinuating proposals and 
deceitful representations, and as far as they knew how, 
or were able, they robbed the throne of its wealth. The 
coveted countries, however, were not acquired, and 
those which he already possessed were lost, while his 
treasure, which is the true source of political power, 
was spent. 

The fifth project was the raising of an immense 
army for the campaign against Khorasan. Three hun- 
dred and seventy thousand horse were enrolled in the 
muster-master's office and were supported and paid 
for a whole year; but, as they were not employed in 
war and conquest or enabled to maintain themselves 
on plunder, there was not sufficient in the treasury 
or in the feudal estates to support them when the next 
year came round. The army broke up; each man took 
his own course and engaged in his own occupations. 
But hundreds and thousands of rupees had been thus 
expended from the treasury. 

The sixth project, which inflicted a heavy loss upon 
the army, was the design which Mohammad Taghlak 
formed of capturing the mountain of Kara-jal. His 
plan was that, as he had undertaken the conquest 
of Khorasan, he would first bring under the dominion 
of Islam this mountain, which lies between the terri- 


tories of Hind and those of China, so that the passage 
for horses and soldiers and the march of the army 
might be rendered easy. To effect this object a large 
force, under distinguished commanders and generals, 
was sent to the mountain of Kara-jal, with orders to 
take it. In obedience to imperial command, the army 
marched into the hills and encamped in various places, 
but the Hindus closed the passes and cut off its re- 
treat. The whole force was thus destroyed at one 
stroke, and out of all this chosen body of men only 
ten horsemen returned to Delhi to spread the news of 
the disaster.' 

From these ill-advised measures, as described by 
Barani, we may easily understand how the sixteen 
years of Mohammad Taghlak's reign were a succession 
of uprisings, insurrections, and rebellions down to the 
time of his death, in 1351, near Thatta on the banks 
of the Indus. His successor was Firoz III, or Firoz 
Shah, sometimes called Firoz the Builder. 

Firoz Shah, unlike his predecessor, enjoyed a long 
and prosperous reign of nearly forty years (1351- 
1388 a. d.). Abounding in good works, loved by his 
people, and rejoicing in his own piety, he advanced his 
kingdom in every way that he could. His munificent 
rule was described by contemporary Mohammedan 
writers, but, in addition to these records, we have a 
brief outline of the more important " Triumphs " of 
his reign, written by Firoz Shah himself. 

This interesting little memoir, covering about thirty 
pages, has been translated into English by Professor 



Dowson and incorporated in Sir Henry Elliot's his- 
tory. A selection from it — autobiographic in charac- 


£*y3 * 


ter — is here given to show the character of Firoz 
Shah, his aims and his ideals. They may be best sum- 
marized in his own words descriptive of his reasons 


for writing, which were as follows: " My desire is 
that I should, to the best of my power, recount and 
pay my thanks for the many blessings which God has 
bestowed upon me, so that I may be numbered among 
His grateful servants." 

The royal author then proceeds to show in a dozen 
different ways the clemency and justice of his rule. 
One of his first reforms was to abolish the barbarous 
methods of punishment which had prevailed under his 
predecessors. His sense of justice was next shown 
by a re-arrangement of taxes upon grounds of greater 
equity, and his Moslem orthodoxy was manifested by 
his strengthening the hold of his subjects upon the 
Religion of the Prophet and repressing idolatry, while 
his common sense was indicated by his introducing at 
court a simpler manner of living and by exemplifying 
it himself. But most striking of all, perhaps, was his 
enthusiasm for building and for restoring structures 
that had fallen into decay. His own words justify his 
title to be called Firoz the Builder, and, judging from 
what follows, we might add, Firoz the Wise. 

' Among the gifts which God bestowed upon me, 
His humble servant, was a desire to erect public build- 
ings. So I built many mosques and colleges and mon- 
asteries, that the learned and the elders, the devout and 
the holy, might worship God in these edifices and aid 
the kind builder with their prayers. The digging of 
canals, the planting of trees, and the endowing with 
lands are in accordance with the directions of the Law 
of Islam. The learned doctors of the Law of Islam 

View of Agra with the Jami' Masjid 

The city of Agra came first into notice during the Mohammedan 
period of India, and ivas made an occasional seat of the house of Lodi 
which, in the fifteenth century, followed that of Taghlak. The city grew 
in importance under the Moghul emperors, and reached its zenith in the 
time of Jahangir. the Great Moghul. and Shah Jahan the Magnificent. 
Its grand mosque, the Jami' Masjid, was erected by Shah Jahan in 1644. 
and was five years in building. 


have many troubles; of this there is no doubt. I set- 
tled allowances upon them in proportion to their neces- 
sary expenses, so that they might regularly receive 
the income. 

Again, by the guidance of God, I was led to repair 
and rebuild the edifices and structures of former kings 
and ancient nobles, which had fallen into decay from 
lapse of time, and I gave the restoration of these 
buildings the priority over my own works. The 
Masjid-i Jami' of old Delhi, which was built by Sultan 
Mu'izz-ad-din Sam, had fallen into decay from age, 
and needed repair and restoration. I so repaired it 
that it was quite renovated. 

The western wall of the tomb of the same Sultan, 
and the planks of the sepulchre's door, had become 
old and rotten. I restored this, and, in place of the 
balcony, I furnished it with doors, arches, and orna- 
ments of sandalwood. 

The minar of Sultan Mu'izz-ad-din Sam had been 
struck by lightning. I repaired it and raised it higher 
than it was before. 

The Hauz-i Shamsi, or tank of Altamish, had been 
deprived of water by some graceless men, who stopped 
up the channels of supply. I punished these incor- 
rigible men severely and opened again the closed up 

The Hauz-i Alai, or tank of Ala-ad-din, had no 
water in it and was filled up. People carried on culti- 
vation in it, and had dug wells and sold the water 
from them. After a generation had passed I cleaned 


the reservoir out, so that this great tank might again 
be filled from year to year. 

The Madrasa (college) of Sultan Shams-ad-din Al- 

tamish had been destroyed. I rebuilt it and furnished 

it with sandalwood doors. The columns of 

Ik the tomb, which had fallen down, I re- 

|§L stored better than they had been before. 

<J|» When the tomb was built, its court had 

J|^ not been made curved, but I now made it 

d&L j so. I enlarged the hewn-stone staircase of 
f£ sk the dome, and I re-erected the fallen piers 

&$jjm ^ of the four towers. 

WW^^^. The tomb of Sultan Mu'izz-ad-din, son 
of Sultan Shams-ad-din, which is situated 
in Malikpur, had fallen into such ruin that 
the sepulchres were undistinguishable. I restored the 
dome, the terrace, and the enclosing wall. 

The tomb of Sultan Rukn-ad-din, son of Shams-ad- 
din, in Malikpur, needed restoration. I repaired the 
enclosing wall, built a new dome, and erected a mon- 

The tomb of Sultan Jalal-ad-din I repaired, and I 
supplied it with new doors. 

The tomb of Sultan Ala-ad-din I repaired and fur- 
nished it with sandalwood doors. I repaired the wall 
of the abdarkhanah, or reservoir house, and the west 
wall of the mosque, which is within the college, and I 
also restored the tesselated pavement. 

I likewise repaired and renovated the tomb of Sul- 
tan Kutb-ad-din and the other sons of Sultan Ala-ad- 



din, namely, Khizr Khan, Shadi Khan, Farid Khan, 
Sultan Shihab-ad-din, Sikandar Khan, Mohammad 
Khan, Osman Khan, and his grandsons, and the sons 
of his grandsons. 

I furthermore repaired the doors of the dome and 
the latticework of the tomb of Shaikh-al-Islam Nizam- 
al-hakk-wa-ad-din, which were made of sandalwood. I 
suspended the golden chandeliers by chains of gold in 
the four recesses of the dome, and I built an assembly 
room, for there was none there previously. 

Among other buildings which I restored was the 
tomb of Malik Taj-al-Mulk Kafuri, the great vizir of 
Sultan Ala-ad-din and master of fifty-two thousand 
horsemen. He was a most wise and intelligent minis- 
ter, and acquired many countries on which the horses 
of former sovereigns had never placed their hoofs, and 
he caused the public prayer to be repeated there in 
the name of Sultan Ala-ad-din. His grave had been 
levelled with the ground, and his tomb laid low. I 
caused the sepulchre to be entirely renewed, for he was 
a devoted and faithful subject. 

The Dar-al-aman, or House of Rest, is the bed and 
resting-place of great men. I had new sandalwood 
doors made for it, and over the tombs of these dis- 
tinguished men I caused curtains and hangings to be 

The expense of repairing and renewing these tombs 
and colleges was provided from their ancient endow- 
ments. In those cases where no income had been set- 
tled on these foundations in former times for purchas- 



ing carpets, lights, and furniture for the use of trav- 
ellers and pilgrims in the least of these places, I had 
villages assigned to them, the revenues of which would 
suffice in perpetuity for the expenditure necessary for 
their maintenance. 

The Jahan-panah, a foundation of the late Sul- 

ta,n Mohammad Shah, 
my kind patron, by 
whose bounty I was 
reared and educated, 
I restored. 

All the fortifica- 
tions which had been 
built by former sov- 
ereigns at Delhi I 

Furthermore, for 
the benefit of trav- 
ellers and pilgrims 
that resort to the 
tombs of illustrious 
kings and celebrated 
saints, and for pro- 
viding the things necessary in these holy places, I 
confirmed and gave effect to the grants of villages, 
lands, and other endowments which had been conferred 
upon them in olden times. In those cases where no 
endowment had been settled, I made provision that 
these establishments might for ever be secure of an 
income, to afford comfort to travellers and wayfarers, 



to holy men and learned men. May they remember 
those ancient benefactors and me in their prayers! 

I was enabled by God's help to build a Dar-ash- 
shifa, or hospital, for the benefit of every one of high 
or low degree who was suddenly attacked by illness 
and overcome by suffering. Physicians attend there 
to diagnose the disease, to look after the cure, to regu- 
late the diet, and to give medicine. The cost of the 
medicines and the food is defrayed from my endow- 
ments. All sick persons, residents and travellers, gentle 
and simple, bond and free, resort thither; their mala- 
dies are treated, and, under God's blessing, they are 

Under the guidance of the Almighty I arranged that 
the heirs of those persons who had been put to death 
in the reign of my late lord and patron Sultan Moham- 
mad Taghlak Shah, and those who themselves had been 
deprived of a limb, nose, eye, hand, or foot, should 
be reconciled to the late Sultan and be appeased with 
gifts, so that they executed deeds declaring their satis- 
faction, duly attested by witnesses. These deeds were 
put into a chest, which was placed in the Dar-al-aman 
at the head of the tomb of the late Sultan, in the hope 
that God, in his great clemency, would show mercy to 
my late friend and patron and make those persons feel 
reconciled to him. 

Another instance of divine guidance was this. Vil- 
lages, lands, and ancient patrimonies of every kind 
had been wrested from the hands of their owners in 
former reigns and had been brought under the ex- 


chequer. I directed that every one who had a claim 
to property should bring it forward in the law-court, 
and that upon establishing his title, the village, the 
land, or whatever other property it was, should be 
restored to him. By God's grace I was impelled 
to this good action, and men obtained their just 

I encouraged my infidel subjects to embrace the 
religion of the Prophet, and I proclaimed that every 
one who repeated the creed and became a Mussulman 
should be exempt from the jizya, or poll-tax imposed 
on non-believers. When this information came to the 
ears of the people at large, great numbers of Hindus 
presented themselves and were admitted to the honour 
of Islam. Thus they came forward day by day from 
every quarter, and, adopting the faith, were exonerated 
from the jizya and were favoured with presents and 

Through God's mercy the lands and property of 
His servants have been safe and secure, protected and 
guarded during my reign, and I have not allowed the 
smallest particle of any man's property to be wrested 
from him. Men often spoke to me officiously, saying 
that such and such a merchant had made so many lacs, 
and that such and such a revenue collector had so many 
lacs. By reproofs and punishments I made these in- 
formers hold their tongues, so that the people might 
be safe from the malignity of such meddlesome persons, 
and through this kindness men became my friends and 


"Labour to earn for generous deeds a name, 
Nor seek for riches to extend thy fame ; 
Better one word of praise than stores of gold, 
Better one grateful prayer than wealth untold." 

Under God's favour my heart was occupied with an 
earnest desire to succour the poor and needy and to 
comfort their hearts. Wherever I heard of a holy 
devotee, or religious recluse, I went to visit him and 
ministered to his necessities, so that I might attain 
the blessing promised to those who befriend the poor. 

Whenever a person had completed the natural term 
of life and become full of years, I first provided for 
his support, and then I advised and admonished him 
to direct his thoughts to making preparation for the 
life to come, to repent of all things which he had done 
contrary to the Law and Religion of Islam in his youth, 
and to wean his affections from this world and fix them 
on the world to come. 

I desired to act upon the principle of these lines: 

" The practice of the great should be 
To succour honest men; 
And when a good man dies, to see 
His children find a friend." 

When any government servant filling an important 
and responsible position was carried off under the 
decrees of God to the happy future life, I gave his 
place and employment to his son, so that he might 
occupy the same position and rank as his father and 
suffer no injury. 


" Kings should make their rule of life 
To love the great and wise ; 
And when death ends this mortal strife, 
To dry their loved ones' eyes." 

The greatest and best of honours that I obtained 
through God's mercy was, that by my obedience and 

-. — V 


piety, and friendliness and submission to the caliph, 
the representative of the holy Prophet, my authority 
was confirmed; for it is by his sanction that the power 
of kings is assured, and no king is secure until he has 
submitted himself to the caliph and has received a con- 
firmation from the sacred throne. A diploma was sent 
to me fully confirming my authority as deputy of the 



caliphate, and the leader of the faithful was graciously 
pleased to honour me with the title of Sayyid-as-Sala- 
tln, " Chief of Sultans." He also bestowed upon me 
robes, a banner, a sword, a ring, and a footprint as 
badges of honour and distinction. 

My object in writing this book has been, first of 
all, to express my gratitude to the All-bountiful God 
for the many and various blessings which He has be- 
stowed upon me. Secondly, that men who desire to be 
good and prosperous may read it and learn what is 
the proper course. There is a brief maxim, by observ- 
ing which a man may obtain God's guidance: " Men 
will be judged according to their works and rewarded 
for the good that they have done." ' 




1398 - 1399 A. D. 

AFTER his victorious sweep over Persia and Meso- 
potamia to Asia Minor on the west and his occu- 
pation of Afghanistan on the south, Timur Lang, or 
Tamerlane, the great conqueror, turned his attention 
to India as the next country in which to wage a holy 
war and from which to carry away rich spoils sanctified 
by religion. China also had attracted his eye, so that 
his mind wavered for a moment as to which country 
he should invade, but an omen from the Koran settled 
his decision, and he determined to make the expedition 
against Hindustan. We have a somewhat detailed 
account of his campaign recorded in autobiographic 
memoirs which he caused to be written down, and a 
translation of these, made from the Turkish language 
into Persian two centuries after his death, serves as 
a valuable record of the great conqueror's exploits, 




which were inspired also by a pious zeal for the re- 
nown of having been a Champion of the Faith of Mo- 
hammed. Excerpts from the rendering by Chapman 
and Dowson in Elliot's collection are here given. 

'About the year 800 a. h. (1398 a. d.), there arose 
in my heart the desire to lead an expedition against 
the infidels and to become a Champion of the Faith, 
for it had reached my ears that the slayer of infidels 
is a Champion and that, if he is slain, he becomes a 
martyr. It was for this reason that I formed my reso- 
lution, but I was undetermined in my mind whether 
I should direct my expedition against the infidels of 
China or against the infidels and polytheisms of India. 
In this matter I sought an omen from the Koran, and 
the verse to which I opened was this: " Prophet, 
make war upon infidels and unbelievers, and treat them 
with severity." 

My chief officers told me that the inhabitants of 
Hindustan were infidels and unbelievers. « In obedience 
to the mandate of Almighty God, I determined to make 
an expedition against them, and I issued orders to the 
amirs of mature years and to the leaders in war to 
assemble in my presence, and when they had come 
together, I questioned the assembly as to whether I 
should invade Hindustan or China, and said to them: 
" By the command of God and of His Prophet I needs 
must make war upon these infidels and polytheists. " 
Throwing themselves upon their knees, they all wished 
me good fortune. I then asked the warrior chieftains 
whether I should direct my expedition against the 



infidels of Hindustan or of China. At first they re- 
peated fables and wise sayings, and then said that in 


the country of Hindustan there are four defences, and 
if any one invades this extensive country and breaks 
down these four defences, he becomes the conqueror of 
the land. 



The first defence consists of five large rivers, which 
flow from the mountains of Kashmir, after which they 
unite in their course, pass through the country of Sind, 
and flow into the Arabian Sea, nor is it possible 
to cross them without boats and bridges. The second 
defence consists of woods and forests and trees, which, 
interweaving stem with stem and branch with branch, 
render it extremely difficult to penetrate into the coun- 
try. The third defence is the soldiery, and landholders, 
and princes, and rajas of that country, who inhabit 
fastnesses in those forests and dwell there like wild 
beasts. The fourth defence consists of the elephants, 
for in the day of battle the rulers of that country equip 
elephants in mail, put them in the van of their army, 
and place great confidence in them; and they have 
trained them to such a degree that with their trunks 
they lift a horse with his rider, and whirling him in 
the air, they dash him to the ground. 

Some of the nobles replied that Sultan Mahmud 
Sabuktagin had conquered the country of Hindustan 
with thirty thousand horse and had established his 
own servants as rulers of that region, after which he 
had carried off many thousand loads of gold and silver 
and jewels from that country, besides subjecting it to 
a regular tribute. " Is then," they cried, " our lord 
inferior to Sultan Mahmud? No! thanks to Almighty 
God! To-day one hundred thousand valiant Tartar 
horsemen wait at the stirrup of our prince; and, if he 
determines upon this expedition, God on high will give 
him victory, and he will become a conqueror and a 


crusader before God, and we shall be attendants on 
an amir who is a conqueror; and the army will be 
contented, and the treasury rich and well filled; and 
with the gold of Hindustan our prince will become a 
conqueror of the world and be renowned among the 
kings of earth." 

At that juncture Prince Shah Rukh said: " India 
is an extensive land; whatever Sultan conquers it 
becomes supreme over the four quarters of the globe, 
and thus, if we subdue with our lord as leader, we 
shall become rulers over the seven climes. I have read 
in the history of Persia," he continued, " that, in the 
days of the Persian Sultans, the King of India was 
called Darai with all honour and glory. On account 
of his dignity he bore no other name; and the Emperor 
of Rome was called Caesar; and the Sultan of Persia 
was called Kisra; and the Sultan of the Tartars, Kha- 
kan; and the Emperor of China, Faghfur; but the King 
of Iran and Turan bore the title of Shahinshah, or King 
of Kings, and the orders of the Shahinshah were always 
paramount over the princes and rajas of Hindustan. 
Praise be to God that at this time we are Shahinshah 
of Iran and Turan, for it would be a pity that we should 
not be supreme over the realm of Hindustan." 

I was exceedingly pleased with these words of 
Prince Shah Rukh, and after that Prince Mohammad 
Sultan said: " The whole country of India is full of 
gold and jewels, and in it there are seventeen mines 
of gold and silver, diamonds and rubies, emeralds and 
tin, iron and steel, copper and quicksilver, and many 


metals more; and among the plants which grow there 
are those fit for making wearing-apparel, and aromatic 
shrubs, and the sugar-cane; and it is a country which 
is always green and verdant, and the whole aspect of 
the land is pleasant and delightful. Now, since the 
inhabitants are chiefly polytheists and infidels and 
idolaters and worshippers of the sun, it is meet, accord- 
ing to the mandate of God and of His Prophet, for 
us to conquer them." 

Some of the nobles said: " By the favour of Al- 
mighty God we may conquer India, but if we establish 
ourselves permanently therein, our race will degenerate, 
and our children will become like the natives of those 
regions, and in a few generations their strength and 
valour will diminish." The commanders of regiments 
were disturbed at these words, but I said to them: 
" My object in the invasion of Hindustan is to lead 
an expedition against the infidels that, according to 
the law of Mohammed (upon whom and his family be 
the blessing and peace of God!), we may convert the 
people of that country to the true faith and purify the 
land itself from infidelity and polytheism, and that we 
may overthrow their temples and idols and become 
conquerors and crusaders before God." They gave an 
unwilling consent, but I placed no reliance upon them. 

At this time the wise men of Islam came before 
me, and a conversation began about the propriety of 
a war against infidels and polytheists, whereupon they 
declared that it is the duty of the Sultan of Islam and 
of all who profess that " there is no god but Allah, 


and Mohammed is the prophet of Allah," to exert their 
utmost endeavour for the suppression of the enemies 
of their faith, for the sake of preserving their religion 
and strengthening their law. They likewise said that 
it is the duty of every Moslem and true believer to 
use his utmost exertions in obedience to his ruler. 
When the edifying words of the wise men reached the 
ears of the nobles, all their hearts were set upon a holy 
war in Hindustan, and throwing themselves on their 
knees, they repeated the Chapter of Victory which 
opens the Koran. 

When I girded up my loins for the expedition, I 
wrote to Hazrat Shaikh Zain-ad-din to the effect that 
I had determined on a religious war in Hindustan. 
He wrote in the margin of my letter: "Be it known 
to Abu-1-Ghazi Timur that great prosperity in this 
world and the next will result to him from this under- 
taking, and that he will go and return in safety." 
He also sent me a large sword which I made my sceptre. 

In the meanwhile there came a petition from Prince 
Pir Mohammad Jahangir on the confines of Kabulistan, 
the government of which, from the boundaries of Kun- 
duz and Bakalan and Kabul and Ghazni and Kandahar, 
was vested in him. When I looked at this petition 
it read thus: 

" From the very moment that I arrived in this 
country, according to your order, I have acted toward 
all people conformably to the exalted mandates and 
wise counsels of the king. 

" When I had satisfied my mind with the conquest 



and settlement of this kingdom, I turned my thoughts 
toward the acquisition of some of the provinces of Hin- 
dustan. I inquired concerning the condition of that 
country and received the following account: that the 
city of Delhi is the capital of the sovereigns of India, 
and that after the 
death of Sultan Firoz 
Shah, two brothers 
among his nobility, 
one of whom was 
named Mallu and the 
other Sarang, became 
very powerful and 
established their in- 
dependence; so that, ' 
though they gave the 
nominal sovereignty 
to one of the sons of 
Sultan Firoz Shah, 
Sultan Mahmud by 
name, they kept the real power in their own hands and 
virtually governed the empire. Mallu, the elder brother, 
lives at Delhi, at the court of Sultan Mahmud, while 
Sarang is established in the city of Multan for the 
protection of that country. 

" When I became acquainted with these matters, I 
acted according to the practice of the great king, and 
wrote a letter which I sent to Sarang by an ambassador, 
declaring that since the fame of the victories and con- 
quests and of the extensive empire of the great king 

(From an old Persian print.) 


is spread over all the world, it certainly must have 
reached him also. The great king has appointed me 
to the government of those provinces which lie on 
the borders of Hindustan, and has commanded: « If 
the rulers of Hindustan come before me with tribute, 
I will not interfere with their lives, property, or king- 
doms; but if they are negligent in proffering obedience 
and submission, I wiU put forth my strength for the 
conquest of the realms of India. At all events, if they 
set any value upon their lives, property, and reputa- 
tion, they will pay me a yearly tribute; and if not, 
they shall hear of my arrival with my powerful armies. 


" When the ambassador reached the presence of Sa- 
rang at Multan, he was treated with great respect and 
consideration; but in reply to his letter, Sarang said: 
1 It is difficult to take an empire to your bosom, like 
a bride, without trouble and difficulty and the clashing 
of swords. The desire of your prince is to take this 
kingdom with its rich revenue. Well, let him wrest it 
from us by force of arms if he be able. I have numer- 
ous armies and formidable elephants, and am quite 
prepared for war.' With these words he dismissed the 

" When this unsatisfactory answer was brought back 
to me, I issued immediate orders for the armies to 
assemble from all quarters, together with those nobles 
who were in my province, such as Amir Saikal Kan- 
dahari, and other amirs and soldiers. I made prep- 
arations for the invasion of Hindustan, plundering and 


devastating the country of the Aghanis who inhabit 
the mountain Sulahnan, and marching steadily for- 
ward until I crossed the river Indus and assaulted 
the city of Uchh, which I captured through the good 
fortune of the great king. Leaving a body of men 
there as a garrison, I proceeded to Multan, which I 
besieged; but as Sarang had carefully fortified and 
strengthened this fortress, the siege has been pro- 
tracted for some days, and, indeed, I am at this moment 
engaged in the siege, giving an assault twice every day. 
All the nobles have displayed great valour and intrepid- 
ity, especially Timur Khwaja, the son of Amir Akugha, 
and I am awaiting further instructions." 

When I had read this letter, my previous resolution 
was confirmed and strengthened, and I acted in such 
a manner that by spring (800 a. h., 1398 a. d.) I had 
collected the soldiery from all parts of the country 
under my sway. 

In this same year 800 I selected ten battalions from 
my army, and giving the command to Prince Shah Rukh, 
I left him in charge of the remaining forces and bag- 
gage in Tilak Ghunan and Diktur, while I myself placed 
my foot in the stirrup to chastise the infidel Kators. 1 
Setting spurs to my horse, I marched forward in great 
haste, accomplishing two days' journey within twenty- 
four hours. When I arrived at a place called Paryan, 
I detached Prince Rustam and Burhan Aghlan Jujitar, 
who were reckoned among my chief nobles, to invade 

1 The description of this entire campaign against the Kators is interesting 
because of the details it gives regarding Timur's military operations. 


the country of the Siyah-poshes, which lay on the left 
hand. With them I sent some of the nobility and a 
body of ten thousand cavalry, while I myself pursued 
my march toward the mountains of Kator. 

When I made inquiries concerning the extent and 
condition of that kingdom from Muzid, who was the 
chief man of Indarab, he informed me that the length 
of the kingdom of Kator stretches from the frontier 
of Kashmir to the mountains of Kabul, and that there 
are many towns and villages in this country. One 
of their large cities is called Shokal, and another Jorkal, 
the latter being the residence of their ruler. The coun- 
try produces fruit in large quantities, such as grapes, 
apples, apricots, and various other kinds. Rice and 
other grains are cultivated. Much wine is made, and 
all people, great and small, drink of it. The people 
eat swine's flesh, and cattle and sheep abound in the 
country. Most of the inhabitants are idolaters; they 
are men of a powerful frame and fair complexion, and 
speak a language distinct from Turkish, Persian, Hindi, 
and Kashmiri. Their weapons are arrows, swords, and 
slings, and their ruler is called Adalshu. 

When I arrived at Khawak, I perceived a dilap- 
idated fort which I resolved to repair. I therefore gave 
immediate orders to the soldiers to that effect, and 
they were speedily executed. As most of the route 
was rocky and precipitous, I ordered most of the nobles 
and all the soldiers to leave their horses, camels, and 
superfluous baggage in this fort. In obedience to this 
order, most of the nobles and all the soldiers accom- 




panied me on foot, while I, relying on the assistance 
of Almighty God, pressed steadily forward to the con- 
quest of Kator and began to ascend the mountains. 
Despite the heat of the wind, there was so much snow 
on the hills that the feet of both men and cattle sank 
in it helplessly. I was obliged, therefore, to halt during 


the day; but at night, when the snow congealed, 1 
pursued my way over the frozen surface of the ice 
till I reached the top of the mountain. At daybreak, 
when the ice thawed, carpets and horse-rugs were 
spread upon its surface and the horses were kept upon 
them. At nightfall we again proceeded as before, and 
in this manner I crossed several lofty mountains, al- 


though the nobles were obliged to send back to the 
fort several of the horses they had brought with 

When I reached the top of a lofty mountain, I found 
that the infidels had taken up their position in caverns 
which had their entrances blocked with snow so that 
they were almost inaccessible, nor, in spite of all my 
exertions, could I find a way to descend the mountain. 
I was accordingly obliged to give orders to my brave 
soldiers to get down as best they could. The nobles 
and soldiery now began the descent. Some, lying down 
on their sides and sliding over the snow, rolled to the 
bottom. Others, fastening cords and long tent-ropes 
to their waists and attaching one end of the ropes to 
the trees and rocks which were on the top, let them- 
selves gently down. As for myself, I gave orders that 
they should make me a basket of planks and wicker- 
work. When they had made the basket, they attached 
a rope 150 yards in length to each of its four corners. 
Since I had undertaken this expedition against the 
infidels and had made up my mind to undergo all man- 
ner of trouble and fatigue, I took my seat in the basket. 
Thereupon a body of men took hold of the ends of these 
ropes and lowered the basket gently till the rope had 
all run out, after which some soldiers scrambled down 
to before where I was, cleared away the snow and ice 
with spades and mattocks, and made a place for me 
to stand on. By that time the first body of men had 
descended to this place, and they again lowered me 
gently down as far as the ropes would reach. At the 


fifth repetition of this manoeuvre I reached the bottom 
of the mountain. When all the nobles and soldiers had 
got down in this fashion, some of my own horses were 
lowered by attaching ropes to their legs and shoulders; 
but out of the whole number only two reached the 
bottom in safety, all the rest being dashed to pieces. 

When no more of my people remained above, since 
my object was the extermination of the infidels, I 
grasped my sceptre-sword in my hand and marched 
forward on foot one parasang into that rocky country, 
together with my nobility and troops. At the earnest 
petition of the nobles I remounted, but all the chiefs 
and their soldiers marched steadily on foot at my stir- 
rup. The ruler of Kator had a fort, bounded on one 
side by a river, beyond which a lofty mountain reached 
down to the water. As the infidels in this fort had 
gained intelligence of my approach a day before my 
arrival, and dread had taken possession of their hearts, 
they had removed their wealth and property from the 
fort, and, after crossing the river, had taken refuge in 
the mountain, which was very lofty and abounded in 
caves that were very difficult of access. Since I was 
given to understand that this fort was the most impor- 
tant stronghold of the ruler of Kator in those parts, 
I resolved to subdue it; but when I advanced into the 
neighbourhood of the fort, I did not perceive a trace 
of the infidels, and when I came to the place itself, 
I saw that they had abandoned it and fled. I obtained 
a booty of many sheep and some other things here, 
and ordered my soldiers to set fire to the houses and 


buildings of the city, in the midst of which the fort 
was built, and to level it to the ground. 

Crossing the river in haste and pursuing the enemy, 
I reached the skirts of the mountain on whose top 
the infidels had fortified themselves in defiles and other 
strong places. I immediately ordered my valiant and 
experienced troops to ascend, whereupon they raised 
the war-cry of " God is most great " and rushed to 
the attack. Before all the rest Shaikh Arslan Aztuman 
Kabak Khan, who is a lion in the day of battle, mounted 
the hill on the left hand and commenced the fight. Lead- 
ing his men against the infidels, he put them to flight, 
and following up the enemy, he entered the fastnesses 
of the rock and slew vast numbers of the unbelievers. 
Tawachi Ali Sultan also made a valiant assault upon 
the foe, and with his own regiment charged and routed 
the infidel enemy, killing them in multitudes. Amir 
Shah Malik likewise displayed great valour, slaughter- 
ing hosts of the infidels and driving them completely 
out of the mountain. Mubashir Bahadur, and Mankali 
Khwaja, and Sunjak Bahadur, and other valiant nobles 
used their swords equally well. They all proved their 
zeal for Islam on the unbelieving foe, and having over- 
powered the infidels, they put many of them to death 
and took possession of their fastnesses. Only a few of 
the enemy succeeded in sheltering themselves in their 
caverns, wounded and worn out with fatigue. Of my 
troops only fourteen lost their lives, and that was in 
effecting the passage of the mountain. 

Some of the infidels held out in their defiles for three 



days and nights, but sending my valiant troops against 
them, I so pressed them that they were obliged to sur- 
render and beg for quarter. I sent Ak Sultan to them 
with the message that if they would submit uncondition- 
ally and would all become Mussulmans and repeat the 
creed, I would grant them quarter, but otherwise I 
would exterminate them to a man. When Ak Sultan 
reached the infidels with this message, which he ex- 
plained to them through the medium of an interpreter 
conversant both with their language and with Turkish, 
they all proffered submission, and repeating the neces- 
sary formula, embraced the Mohammedan faith. Re- 
lying upon this external conversion, I spared their lives 
and property, and gave orders that no one should in- 
terfere with their lives, belongings, or estates. I then 
clothed some of them in dresses of honour and dis- 
missed them. I halted my army there for the night, 
whereupon these black-hearted infidels made a noctur- 
nal attack on the regiment of Amir Shah Malik, but as 
this leader was on his guard, the enemy were foiled in 
their intentions. Numbers of them were slain, and 
150 fell into our hands alive and were afterwards put 
to death by my enraged soldiery. 

As soon as it was day, I ordered my troops to attack 
on all four sides at once, to force their way into the 
defiles, and to kill the men, imprison the women and 
children, and plunder and lay waste their property. 
In obedience to these orders, my nobles and troops 
made a valiant assault on all sides at once and put 
the remnant of the infidels to the sword, after which 


they made prisoners of their women and children and 
secured an enormous booty. I directed towers of the 
skulls of those obstinate unbelievers to be built on 
the mountain, and I ordered an engraver on stone, who 
was in my camp, to cut an inscription somewhere on 
those defiles to the effect that I had reached this coun- 
try by such and such a route, in the auspicious month 
of Ramazan, a. h. 800 (May, 1398), so that, if chance 
should conduct any one to that spot, he might know 
how I had reached it. 

Thus far I had received no intelligence of Prince 
Rustam and Burhan Aghlan, whom I had detached 
against the country of the Siyah-poshes, and since this 
same Burhan Aghlan had displayed great sloth and 
military incapacity on a former occasion, when I had 
appointed him commander of a predatory incursion (to 
retrieve which negligence I had given him the command 
on the present occasion), doubts entered my mind as 
to what he might be doing. One night, too, I dreamt 
that my sword was bent, and interpreted this as a sure 
sign that Burhan Aghlan had been defeated. I immedi- 
ately appointed one of my household slaves, named 
Mohammad Azad, to go and ascertain something re- 
specting him, and I placed under his command Daulat 
Shah and Shaikh Ali, the son of Airakuli Adighur, and 
Shaikh Mohammad, and Ali Bahadur, with a body of 
four hundred men, of whom one hundred were Tartars 
and the rest Tajiks, and gave them a native of Kator 
as a guide. Mohammad Azad and his band of heroes 
immediately commenced the march, and after crossing 


lofty mountains full of snow and ice and passing 
through narrow denies, rolling in many places over 
precipices and sliding over the icy surface, they finally 
got out of the mountains and into the open country. 


When Mohammad Azad had extricated himself from 
the mountains and reached the fortress of the Siyah- 
poshes, he found it deserted, for they had abandoned 
it from their dread of the army of Islam and had 
taken refuge in their mountain defiles. 


Now Burhan Aghlan's adventure had been as fol- 
lows:— When he reached the fort of the Siyah-poshes, 
he found it empty, whereupon he incautiously pushed 
on to the defiles, following the footsteps of the enemy. 
Having left only a few troopers and a few foot-soldiers 
as a guard below, the infidels, rising from their am- 
bushes, fiercely assailed the true believers. Such was 
the cowardice and military incapacity of Burhan Agh- 
lan that he threw away his arms and fled without 
striking a blow. When the troops saw the flight of 
their leader, they lost heart and were defeated, and 
the infidels, following them closely, raised full many 
a true believer to the rank of a martyr. Of the amirs 
of the regiments, Daulat Shah and Shaikh Husain 
Suchi and Adina Bahadur displayed great valour, but 
after slaying many of the infidels, they finally drank 
the sherbet of martyrdom. Burhan Aghlan, however, 
escaped, leaving many horses and suits of armour a 
prey to the infidels. 

When Mohammad Azad arrived at the deserted fort 
of the Siyah-poshes with his four hundred men, he 
followed the track of the enemy toward the mountain. 
On arriving at the scene of Burhan Aghlan's defeat 
and flight, he was attacked by the infidels who had 
defeated Burhan Aghlan, but he fought so gallantly 
that he routed them with great slaughter and recov- 
ered all the horses and armour which they had captured 
from the soldiers of Burhan Aghlan, besides taking 
much booty in the way of wealth and property. March- 
ing homeward, he met Burhan Aghlan on that very 


day, and restored to each of his soldiers his own horse 
and arms. On the same day they reached a pass, where 
Mohammad Azad proposed to Burhan Aghlan that they 
should halt, but the cowardice and inefficiency of the 
latter would hear of no delay, so they went through 
the pass. Certainly, from the days of Chingiz Khan 
to the present time, no man has shown such a lack 
of energy and courage. 

When I had despatched Mohammad Azad from 
Kator and satisfied myself with the subjugation of 
that country, I sent Ali Sistani and Jalal-al-Islam 
to discover a road and make clear halting-places for 
me. In obedience to this order, they went forward, 
clearing the snow and ice from the road in many places. 
Having made a passage for me, they returned, where- 
upon I mounted immediately and set forward, while 
the nobles and soldiery marched along with me on foot; 
and thus I proceeded in triumph along the track which 
they had made, till I reached Khawak, where I had 
left the horses in the fort. 

I had been absent eighteen days on this expedition 
against the infidels, and the nobles and soldiery, who 
had hitherto fought on foot, now regained their horses. 
Leaving a body of men to garrison the fort which I 
had built, I directed my own course toward the heavy 
baggage, and arrived at Tilak Ghunan and Diktur, 
where the local princes and amirs came out to meet 
me with congratulations on my victory. There, too, 
Burhan Aghlan and Mohammad Azad joined my vic- 
torious camp, but I gave orders that they should refuse 


admittance to Burhan Aghlan and on no account allow 
him to enter my presence; for it is the decree of God 
Most High that if twenty true believers engage boldly 
and steadily in fight with ten times the number of 
infidels they shall prevail against them, and yet Bur- 
han Aghlan, with ten thousand men under his com- 
mand, was put to rout and flight by a small number 
of infidels, exposing Mussulmans to disgrace and death. 
On the other hand, I loaded honours and benefits on 
Mohammad Azad, who, with only four hundred men, 
had fought a valiant action against the greatly superior 
numbers of the unbelievers. I exalted his rank above 
his fellows and gave him a regiment, nor did I omit 
to shower my princely favours on his companions in 

Timur next proceeds to describe, step by step, the 
conquests made by his invading host as it fought its 
way toward Delhi. When he reached the historic field 
of Panipat, he prepared for the decisive battle which 
should place the capital city in his hands. His own 
description follows. 

1 For my intended attack on Delhi in this same year 
800 a. h. (1398 a. d.), I arranged my forces so that the 
army extended over a distance of twenty leagues. Be- 
ing satisfied with my disposition of the troops, I began 
my march on Delhi. On the twenty-second of Rabi'-al- 
awwal (Dec. 2) I arrived and encamped at the fort of 
the village of Aspandi, where I found, in answer to 
my inquiries, that Samana was seven leagues distant. 
The people of Samana and Kaithal and Aspandi are 



all heretics, idolaters, infidels, and misbelievers. They 
had now set fire to their houses and had fled with their 
children and property toward Delhi, so that the whole 
country was deserted. 

On the next day, the twenty-third of the month, 
I started from the fort of Aspandi, and after march- 
ing six leagues, ar- 
rived at the village 
of Taghlak-pur, at 
which I encamped 
opposite the fort of 
that same name. 
When the people of 
the fort had heard 
of the approach of 
my army, they had 
abandoned it and 
scattered through- 
out the country. 
From the informa- 
tion supplied me I 
learned that these 
people were called 
Sanawi [that is, 

Fire-worshippers, Zoroastrians, or Ghebers]. Many of 
this perverse creed believe that there are two gods. 
One is called Yazdan, and all the good they have they 
believe proceeds from him. The other god they call 
Ahriman, and every sin and wickedness of which they 
are guilty they hold is caused by him. These misbe- 



lievers do not know that whatsoever there is of good 
or evil comes from God, and that man is the mere 
instrument of its execution. I ordered the houses of 
these heretics to be burned and their fort and build- 
ings to be razed to the ground. 

On the following day, the twenty-fourth of the 
month, I marched to Panipat, where I encamped. 
There I found that, in obedience to orders received 
from the ruler of Delhi, all the inhabitants had deserted 
their dwellings and had taken flight. When the sol- 
diers entered the fort, they reported to me that they 
had found a large store of wheat, which I ordered to 
be weighed, to ascertain the real weight, and then to 
be distributed among the soldiers. 

On the next day I marched six leagues from Pani- 
pat and encamped on the banks of a river which is 
by the road. I set forth from this place on Friday, 
the twenty-sixth of the month, and gave orders that 
the officers and soldiers of my army should put on their 
armour, and that every man should keep in his proper 
regiment and place, and be in perfect readiness. We 
reached a village called Kanhi-gazin, where we en- 
camped, and where I issued my commands that on the 
morrow, the twenty-eighth of the month, a force of 
cavalry should proceed on a plundering excursion 
against the palace of Jahan-numa, a fine building 
erected by Sultan Firoz Shah on the top of a hill by 
the banks of the Jumna, which is one of the chief 
rivers of Hindustan. Their orders were to plunder 
and destroy, and to kill every one they met, Next 


day, in obedience to my commands, the division pro- 
ceeded to the palace of Jahan-numa, which is situated 
five miles from Delhi. They plundered every village 
and place they came to, killed the men, and carried 
off all the valuables and cattle, securing much booty; 
after which they returned, bringing with them a num- 
ber of Hindu prisoners, both male and female. 

On the twenty-ninth I again set forth and reached 
the river Jumna. On the other side of the river I 
descried a fort, and upon making inquiry about it, I 
was informed that it consisted of a town and fort called 
Loni, and that it was held by an officer named Maimun 
on behalf of Sultan Mahmud. I determined to take 
that fort at once, and as pasture was scant where I 
was, I crossed the river Jumna on the same day. I 
sent Amir Jahan Shah and Amir Shah Malik and Amir 
Allah-dad to besiege the fort of Loni, and I pitched 
my camp opposite to it. At this time a holy shaikh 
who dwelt in the town came out very wisely and waited 
upon me, yet although he was greatly honoured by the 
people, they would not listen to his advice, but deter- 
mined to fight rather than surrender to me. These 
people were Hindus belonging to the faction of Mallu 
Khan, wherefore they despised the counsels of the ven- 
erable father and resolved to resist. 

When I was informed of their decision, I ordered 
all the amirs and soldiers to assemble and invest the 
fort. They accordingly gathered with alacrity round 
the fort, and in the course of one watch of the day 
they carried the place, which was situated between 


the Jumna and the Halin, the latter being a large canal 
which had been cut from the river Kalini and brought 
to Firozabad, and there connected with the Jumna by 
Sultan Firoz Shah. Many of the Rajputs placed their 
wives and children in their houses and burned them, 
after which they rushed into battle and were killed. 
Others of the garrison fought and were slain, and a 
vast number were taken prisoners. Next day I gave 
orders that the Mussulman prisoners should be sepa- 
rated and saved, but that the infidels should all be put 
to death with the proselyting sword. I also commanded 
that the homes of the sayyids (or lineal descendants 
of the Prophet), shaikhs, and learned Mussulmans 
should be preserved, but that all the other houses 
should be plundered and the fort destroyed. It was 
done as I directed, and great booty was obtained. 

When my heart was satisfied with the conquest 
of Loni, I rode away from thence on the first of Rabi'- 
al-akhir (Dec. 11) to examine the fords of the Jumna, 
and when I came opposite the palace Jahan-numa, I 
found some places where the river might be crossed. 
At the time of midday prayer I returned to the camp 
and gave orders to the princes and amirs, after which 
I held a council about the attack upon Delhi and the 
operations against Sultan Mahmud. 

After much discussion in the Council of War, where 
every one had something to say and an opinion to offer, 
it appeared that the soldiers of my army had heard 
strange tales about the strength and prowess and ap- 
pearance of the elephants of Hindustan. They had 



been told that in the fight one would take up a horse- 
man and his horse with his trunk and hurl them in 
the air, but these stories, fortunately, had been met 
by suitable answers from some of the bold troopers. 
The Council of War at length agreed that a plentiful 
supply of grain must first be secured and stored in 


the fort of Loni as provision for the army, and that 
after this was done, we might proceed to attack the 
fort and city of Delhi. When the -council was over, 
I ordered Amir Jahan Shah, Amir Sulaiman Shah, 
and others to cross the Jumna and to forage in the 
environs of Delhi, bringing off all the corn they could 
find for the use of the armv. 


It now occurred to me that I would cross the Jumna 
with a small party of horse to examine the palace of 
Jahan-numa, and to reconnoitre the ground on which 
a battle might be fought. I accordingly took an escort 
of seven hundred horsemen clad in armour and started 
off, sending Ali Sultan Tawachi and Junaid Bur-uldai 
forward as an advance-guard. Crossing the Jumna, I 
reached Jahan-numa and inspected the whole building, 
and I discovered a plain fit for a battle-field. Mean- 
while, Ali Sultan and Junaid, my advance-guard, each 
brought in a man belonging to the vanguard of the 
enemy, and when I had interrogated Ali Sultan's cap- 
tive about the matters of Sultan Mahmud and Mallu 
Khan, I ordered him to be put to death as an augury 
of good. 

My scouts now brought me information that Mallu 
Khan with four thousand horsemen in armour, five 
thousand infantry, and twenty-seven fierce war ele- 
phants, fully accoutred, had come out of the gardens 
of the city and had drawn up in battle array. I left 
Sayyid Khwaja and Mubashar Bahadur with three hun- 
dred Turkish horsemen on gray horses in the Jahan- 
numa and withdrew toward my camp. Mallu Khan ad- 
vanced boldly toward Jahan-numa, and Sayyid Khwaja 
and Mubashar went forth to meet him. A conflict 
ensued, in which my men fought valiantly; and as 
soon as I heard of the action, I sent Sunjak Bahadur 
and Amir Allah-dad with two regiments to their sup- 
port. At the earliest practicable moment, they assailed 
the enemy with arrows and then charged them. At 


the second and third onslaught the enemy was defeated 
and fled toward Delhi in disorder, while many fell under 
the swords and arrows of my men. When the men 
fled, an extraordinary incident occurred, in that one of 
the great war elephants fell down and died. When 
I heard of it, I declared it to be a good omen. My 
victorious troops pursued the enemy to the vicinity 
of the city and then returned to present themselves 
at my tent, where I congratulated them on their vic- 
tory and praised their conduct. On the next day, Fri- 
day, the third of the month (Dec. 13), I left the fort 
of Loni and marched to a position opposite to Jahan- 
numa, where I encamped. 

I now held a court, issuing a summons to the 
princes, amirs, and minor officers, all of whom came 
to my tent. Each of my soldiers was a brave veteran, 
and had used his sword manfully under my own eyes, 
but there were none that had seen so many conflicts 
and battles as I had beheld, and no one of the amirs 
or heroes of the army that could compare with me in 
the amount of fighting I had gone through and the 
experience I had gained. I therefore gave them in- 
structions as to the mode of carrying on war; on mak- 
ing and meeting attacks; on arraying their men; on 
giving support to each other; and on all the precau- 
tions to be observed in warring with an enemy. I 
ordered the amirs of the right wing, the left wing, the 
van, and the centre to take their proper positions, and 
cautioned them not to be too forward or too backward, 
but to act with the utmost prudence and caution in 



their operations. When I had finished, the amirs and 
others testified their approbation, and, carefully treas- 
uring up my counsel, they departed, expressing their 
blessings and thanks. 

At this court Amir Jahan Shah, Amir Sulaiman 
Shah, and other amirs of experience informed me that, 

from the time of entering 
Hindustan up to the pres- 
ent we had taken more than 
one hundred thousand infi- 
dels and Hindus prisoners, 
and that they were all in my 
camp. On the previous day, 
when the enemy's forces at- 
tacked us, the prisoners 
made signs of rejoicing, ut- 
tered imprecations against 
us, and were ready, as soon 
as they heard of the ene- 
my's success, to form them- 
selves into a body, break 
their bonds, plunder our tents, and then to join the 
enemy, and so increase his numbers and strength. I 
asked the amirs for advice about .the prisoners, and 
they said that on the day of battle these one hundred 
thousand prisoners could not be left with the baggage, 
and that it would be entirely opposed to the rules of 
war to set these idolaters and foes of Islam at liberty, 
so that no course remained but to make them all food 
for the sword. 



When I heard these words, I found them to be in 
accordance with the rules of war, and I immediately 
directed the commanders to proclaim throughout the 
camp that every man who had infidel prisoners was to 
put them to death, and that whoever neglected to do 
so, should himself be executed and his property given 
to the informer. When this order became known to 
the champions of Islam, 
they drew their swords 
and put their prisoners 
to death. One hundred AN IND,AK DAGOER - 

thousand infidels, impious idolaters, were slain on that 
day. Maulana Nasir-ad-din Omar, a counsellor and man 
of learning, who had never killed a sparrow in all his 
life, now, in execution of my order, killed fifteen idola- 
trous Hindus, who were his captives. 

After all the vile idolaters had been despatched, 
I gave orders that one man out of every ten should 
be told off to guard the property, cattle, and horses 
which had been captured in the invasion, while all the 
other soldiers were to march with me. At the time 
of midday prayer the signal was given for the march, 
and I proceeded to the spot selected for crossing the 
Jumna, and there encamped. The astrologers who 
accompanied the army consulted their books and alma- 
nacs as to the time propitious for battle, and they rep- 
resented that the aspects of the stars made a short 
delay advisable. In all matters, small and great, I 
placed my reliance on the favour and kindness of God, 
and I knew that victory and conquest, defeat and flight, 



are each ordained by Him, so that I gave no credence 
to the words of the astrologers and star-gazers, but 
besought the Giver of victory to favour my arms. 

I did not wish the war to be of long continuance; 
so as soon as night was over and morning came, I arose 
to my devotions. I said the morning prayers in the 
congregation, and repeated my private prayers, after 
which I took the Koran, opened it at random, and 
placed my finger at a venture on a verse in the chapter 
of the Bee, which I received as a propitious indication, 
and acted in full reliance on its command and on the 
favour of God. 

On the fifth of Rabi'-al-akhir (Dec. 15) I passed 
the Jumna by a ford, and pitched my tents on the 
other side of the river; after which I gave orders to 
the amirs and other officers to station their men as 
near my tent as possible; and also directed that the 
ground around the camp should be parcelled out among 
them, and that each one should have a deep ditch dug 
in front of his allotment. All the soldiers, great and 
small, assembled to dig the ditch, which was constructed 
around the entire camp in two watches of the day. I 
then rode out to inspect it, and ordered that the trees 
in the vicinity should be cut down, and brought within 
the ditch; that their branches should be formed into 
a strong abattis, and that in some places planks should 
be set up. 

It had been constantly dinned into the ears of my 
soldiers that the chief reliance of the armies of Hin- 
dustan was on their mighty elephants, which, com- 


pletely encased in armour, marched into battle in front 
of their forces; that arrows and swords were of no 
use against them; that in height and bulk they were 
like small mountains, while their strength was such that 
at a given signal they could tear up great trees and 
knock down strongly built walls; and that in the battle- 
field they could take up the horse and his rider with 
their trunks and hurl them into the air. Some of the 
soldiers, with the timidity natural to man, brought some 
little of what they had heard to my attention; so when 
I assigned their respective positions to the princes and 
amirs of the right and left wing and of the centre, I 
made special inquiry of the holy and learned men who 
accompanied my army where they would like to be 
placed in the day of battle. They had been with me 
in many campaigns, and had witnessed many a great 
battle, but the stories about the elephants of India had 
so affected them that they instantly replied that they 
would like to be placed with the ladies while the battle 
was in progress. To allay the apprehensions of this 
class of men, I gave orders that all the buffalos which 
had been taken and placed with the baggage should 
be brought up; I then had their heads and necks fas- 
tened to their legs, and put them inside the abattis. 

I gave orders for the camp to be carefully guarded 
all night to prevent a surprise by the enemy, and the 
night was passed with the caution and care which are 
necessary in war. When the morn of victory dawned, 
I said my prayers in the congregation; and after I had 
discharged that duty, I gave directions for the drums 



and other musical instruments to be sounded. The 
princes and amirs armed themselves completely, and 
marched with their respective forces in regular order, 
while I mounted my horse and rode forth to marshal 
my array. When I had arranged my right and left 
wings, I placed the right wing under the command of 
Prince Pir Mohammad Jahangir, Amir Yadgar Birlas, 
and other high officers; the left wing I put under the 
command of Prince Sultan Husain, Prince Khalil Sul- 
tan, Amir Jahan Shah, and their colleagues; and the 
advance-guard I placed under such generals as Prince 
Rustam and Amir Shaikh Nur-ad-din. I took my own 
place with the centre. 

When all the forces were arrayed, I ordered the 
vanguard to go forward and obtain some knowledge 
of the enemy. One of the advance-guard captured a 
man belonging to the enemy's van and brought him 
in to me. When I asked this prisoner about the position 
of the enemy, he told me that Sultan Mahmud had 
drawn up his army with the intention of fighting. His 
right wing was commanded by Mu'in-ad-din, Malik 
Hadi, and other officers; his left wing was under Taghi 
Khan, Mir Ali, and others, and the Sultan had taken 
up his own position with the centre, and had appointed 
a body of troops to act as rear-guard. His whole force 
amounted to ten thousand veteran horse and forty 
thousand warlike infantry, in addition to 125 elephants 
covered with armour, most of them carrying howdahs 
in which were men to hurl grenades, fireworks, and 
rockets. Thus they came up to battle. 



The enemy's forces now made their appearance, 
and I accordingly rode to the top of a little hill which 
was hard by, where I carefully scrutinized their array 
and said to myself that, with the favour of God, I 
would defeat them and gain a victory. I alighted from 
my horse on the top of that hill and performed my 
devotions, bowing my head to the ground and beseech- 
ing the Almighty for victory. As I did this, I per- 
ceived signs that my prayers were heard, so that, when 
I had finished, I mounted my horse in the full assurance 
of God's assistance. I returned to the centre and took 
up my position under the imperial standard, after 
which I directed Ali Sultan Tawachi, Altun Bakhshi, 
and other leaders to march with their regiments to 
strengthen the right wing, also commanding the remain- 
ing officers to proceed with their men to the support 
of the vanguard. It so happened that Amir Yadgar 
Birlas and Sulaiman Shah, who were with the right 
wing, and Amir Shaikh Nur-ad-din and Amir Shah 
Malik, who were with the vanguard, had conceived 
this very idea at the same instant, and had remarked 
to each other that they would look upon any reinforce- 
ment received from the centre as a presage of victory. 
It was just then that the Almighty put it into my mind 
to send them assistance. 

The two armies now confronted each other, the 
drums were beaten on both sides, shouts and cries were 
raised, the ground trembled, and a great noise was 
heard. At this instant Sunjak Bahadur, Sayyid 
Khwaja, Allah-dad, and others separated from the van- 


guard, and when they perceived that Sultan Mahmud's 
forces were approaching, they moved off to the right, 
and getting secretly behind the enemy's advance-guard 
as it came on unsuspecting, they rushed from their 
ambush, and falling upon the foe in the rear, sword 
in hand, they scattered them as hungry lions scatter 
a flock of sheep, and killed six hundred of them in 
this single charge. Prince Pir Mohammad Jahangir, 
who commanded the right wing, moved his own forces 
forward, and with Amir Sulaiman Shah and his regi- 
ments of brave cavalry attacked the left wing of the 
enemy, which was commanded by Taghi Khan, and 
poured a shower of arrows upon it, so that my brave 
soldiers, pressing like furious elephants upon this part 
of the enemy's host, compelled it to take refuge in 

The left wing of my army, under Prince Sultan 
Husain, Amir Jahan Shah, Amir Ghiyas-ad-din, and 
other amirs r bravely attacked the enemy's right wing, 
which was commanded by Malik Mu'in-ad-din and 
Malik Hadi. They so pressed it with the trenchant 
sword and piercing arrows that they compelled the 
enemy to break and fly. Jahan Shah pursued them, 
and attacked them again and again until they reached 
the gates of the city of Delhi. 

Simultaneously, Sultan Mahmud with Mallu Khan 
and the army of the centre, with its officers and sol- 
diers more numerous than ants or locusts, and with 
its strong war elephants, made an attack upon my 
centre, where Prince Rustam, Amir Shaikh Nur-ad-din, 



and their colleagues met it with a brave and resolute 
resistance. While they were thus engaged, Daulat 
Timur Tawachi, Mangali Khwaja, and other amirs 
came up with their respective forces and assailed the 
enemy. I now gave the order to a party of brave fel- 
lows who were in attendance upon me, and they cut 

1S W^* 


their way to the sides of the amirs, who were fighting 
in the forefront of the battle. They brought the ele- 
phant drivers to the ground with, their arrows and 
killed them, after which they attacked and wounded 
the elephants with their swords. The soldiers of Sul- 
tan Mahmud and Mallu Khan showed no lack of cour- 
age, and bore themselves manfully in the fight, but they 
could not withstand the successive onslaughts of my 


soldiers. Seeing their own plight and that of the sol- 
diers and elephants around them, their courage fell 
and they took to flight. Sultan Mahmud and Mallu 
Khan reached the city with a thousand difficulties, and 
shut themselves up close in the fortifications. 

The whole of Sultan Mahmud 's army was defeated; 
part was slain, and part had found refuge in the fort, 
toward which I marched, exalted with victory. When 
I reached its gates, I carefully reconnoitred its towers 
and walls, and then returned to the side of the Hauz-i 
Khas, a reservoir constructed by Sultan Firoz Shah, 
and faced all around with stone and cement. Each side 
of this reservoir is more than a bow-shot long, and 
buildings are placed around it. It is filled by the rains 
in the rainy season and supplies the people of the city 
with water throughout the year. The tomb of Sultan 
Firoz Shah stands on its bank. 

When I had pitched my camp here, the princes and 
amirs, and all the generals and officers, came to pay 
their respects and to offer me their congratulations on 
this great victory. I embraced them all and praised 
them for the exertions and courage which I myself had 
seen. When I recounted the favours and mercies I 
had received from the Almighty, my excellent sons, 
the brave and renowned amirs who served under me, 
and the great and glorious victories I had achieved, 
my heart melted and tears fell from my eyes. I cast 
myself upon the ground and poured forth my thanks- 
givings to the All-beneficent. All who were present 
raised their voices in prayer, and expressed their ear- 



nest wishes for the continuance of my prosperity and 
the prolongation of my reign. 

I called up the heavy baggage and formed my camp, 
issuing orders for my soldiers to be very cautious and 


watchful. After their defeat, Sultan Mahmud and 
Mallu Khan, in wretched plight, had taken refuge in the 
fort. They now repented of the course they had taken, 
and regretted that they had not made submission to 
me and thus avoided the evil which had befallen them. 


They saw that if they remained in the fort, they would 
be captured and made prisoners, so in the middle of 
that night, the seventh of Rabi'-al-akhir (Dec. 17), 
Sultan Mahmud and Mallu Khan left the fort of Jahan- 
panah and fled toward the mountains and jungles. 

As soon as I heard of this, I immediately sent Amir 
Sa'id and other officers in pursuit. They followed with 
all speed, and coming up with the fugitives, they killed 
many of them and obtained great booty. Malik Sharf- 
ad-din and Malik Khudai-dad, sons of Rashid Mallu 
Khan, were taken prisoners, with many others, and 
brought back to my camp. On the same night that I 
heard of the flight of the Sultan and his generals from 
Delhi, I sent Amir Allah-dad and other officers to watch 
the gate of Hauz-rani, through which Mahmud had 
escaped, and that of Baraka, by which Mallu Khan 
had gone out. I also sent men to all the other gates, 
with orders to prevent the inhabitants from escaping. 

I then mounted my horse and rode toward the gate 
of the public square, alighting at the 'id-gah, or court 
of celebrations and festivities, a lofty and extensive 
building, where I directed my throne to be set up. I 
took my seat upon the throne and held a court, which 
was attended by Sayyids, the judges, the learned Mus- 
sulmans, the shaikhs, and the great men and chiefs. 
I had them introduced one by one, whereupon they 
made their obeisances and were admitted to the honour 
of kissing my throne. I received every one of them 
with respect and kindness, and directed them to be 
seated. Fazl-allah Balkhi was viceroy and deputy of 

Approach to the Palace at Udaipur 

The City of Udoipur, s.tuated upon Ike most beautiful lake in Ra,pu- 
tana, ,san old-hme capital of the Rajputs who waged gallant warfare 
against the Moslems. Tin- Royal Palace, rising from the edge of the lake 
« conspicuous because of the octagonal towers capped by 'cupolas which 
crown its heavy granite and marble walls. 


Mallu Khan, and he came out to wait upon me and 
do homage, accompanied by a party of the officials and 
clerks of the government of Sultan Mahmud and Mallu 
Khan. Thereupon all the Sayyids, scholars, shaikhs, 
and other leading Mussuhnans arose, and making the 
princes their mediators, they begged that quarter might 
be given to the people of Delhi, and that their lives 
might be spared. Out of respect to the Sayyids and 
scholars, whom I had always held in great esteem and 
honour, I granted quarter to the inhabitants of the 
city, after which I then ordered my ensign and royal 
standard to be raised, and the drums to be beaten and 
music played on the tops of the gates of Delhi. Re- 
joicings for the victory followed, and some of the clever 
men and poets that accompanied me worked the date 
of the victory into a verse, which they presented to 
me. Of all these memorial verses, however, I have 
introduced only this one into my memoirs: 

"On Wednesday, the eighth of Kabi' the second (Dec. 17, 1398), 
The Emperor Sahib-Kiran took the city of Delhi." 

I rewarded and honourably distinguished the literary 
men and poets who presented these verses to me. 

I sent a party of men into the city to bring out 
the elephants which Sultan Mahmud had abandoned 
when he fled. They found 120 enormous elephants and 
several rhinoceroses, which they brought out to my 
court. As the elephants passed by me, I was greatly 
amused to see the tricks which their drivers had taught 
them. Every animal, at the sign of his driver, bowed 


his head to the ground, made his obeisance, and uttered 
a cry. At the direction of their drivers they picked 
up any object from the ground with their trunks and 
placed it in their drivers' hands, or put it into their 
mouths and kept it. When I saw these mighty animals, 
so well trained and so obedient to weak man, I was 
greatly astonished, and I ordered that they should be 
sent to Turan and Iran, to Fars and Azur and Rum 
(Byzantium), so that the princes and nobles through- 
out my dominions might behold these animals. Ac- 
cordingly I sent five to Samarkand, two to Tabriz, one 
to Shiraz, five to Herat, one to Sharwan, and one to 

When Friday came, I sent Maulana Nasir-ad-din 
Omar, together with certain other holy and learned 
men who accompanied my camp, to the Jami' Masjid, 
with directions to say the prayers for the Sabbath, and 
to recite the official prayer of my reign in the metrop- 
olis of Delhi. This petition was accordingly repeated 
in my name in the pulpits of the mosques of the city 
of Delhi, and I rewarded the preachers with costly 
robes and presents. 

When the preparations for holding a court in Delhi 
were completed, I gave orders for the princes, amirs, 
and other officers, as well as the Sayyids, scholars, 
shaikhs, and all the principal men of the city, to attend 
my court. When all had arrived, I entered and took 
my seat upon the throne. The Turkish and Arab mu- 
sicians and singers began to play and sing, and wine, 
sherbet, sweetmeats, and all kinds of bread and meat 


were served. I bestowed rich robes, caps, girdles, 
swords, daggers, horses, and the like upon the princes 
and amirs and other leading men of my army, espe- 
cially upon those heroes who had distinguished them- 
selves by deeds of valour under my own observation. 
To some I gave regiments and raised their dignity, 
while to the Sayyids and scholars of the city I presented 
robes and gifts. 

I ordered my secretaries to draw up despatches 
announcing my victories in Hindustan and to circulate 
them with all speed throughout my dominions; and 
I also directed my revenue officers to make provision 
for collecting the ransom-money assessed upon the 
entire city, excepting the Sayyids, scholars, and shaikhs. 
The collectors proceeded about their work, and I re- 
mained in my quarters for several days, holding courts, 
giving feasts, and partaking of pleasure and enjoyment. 

On the sixteenth of the month (Dec. 26), certain 
incidents occurred which led to the sack of the city 
of Delhi and to the slaughter of many of the infidel 
inhabitants. One was this. A party of fierce Turkish 
soldiers had assembled at one of the gates of the city 
to look about them and enjoy themselves, and some 
of them had laid riotous hands upon the goods of the 
inhabitants. When I heard of this violence, I sent 
some amirs, who were present in Delhi, to restrain the 
Turks, and a party of soldiers accompanied these 
officers into the city. Another reason was that some 
of the ladies of my harem expressed a wish to go into 
the city and see the Palace of a Thousand Columns 


which Malik Jauna had built in the fort called Jahan- 
panah. I granted this request, and I sent a party of 
soldiers to escort the litters of the ladies. Another 
reason was that Jalal Islam and other officials had 
entered Delhi with a party of soldiers to collect the 
contribution laid upon the city. Another reason was 
that some thousand troopers with orders for grain, 
oil, sugar, and flour had gone into the city to collect 
these supplies. Another reason was that it had come 
to my knowledge that great numbers of Hindus and 
infidels had come into the city from all the country 
round with their wives and children, and goods and 
valuables, and consequently I had sent some amirs with 
their regiments into Delhi and directed them to pay 
no attention to the remonstrances of the inhabitants, 
but to seize these fugitives and bring them out. 

For these various reasons a great number of fierce 
Turkish troops were in the city. When the soldiers 
proceeded to apprehend the Hindus and infidels who 
had fled to Delhi, many of them drew their swords and 
offered resistance. The flames of strife thus lighted 
spread through the entire city from Jahan-panah and 
Siri to Old Delhi, consuming all they reached. The 
savage Turks fell to killing and plundering, while the 
Hindus set fire to their houses with their own hands, 
burned their wives and children in them, and rushed 
into the fight and were killed. The Hindus and infidels 
of the city showed much alacrity and boldness in fight- 
ing. The amirs who were in charge of the gates pre- 
vented any more soldiers from entering Delhi, but the 



flames of war had risen too high for this precaution 
to be of any avail in extinguishing them. All day 
Thursday and throughout the night, nearly fifteen thou- 


sand Turks were engaged in slaying, plundering, and 

When Friday morning dawned, my entire army, no 
longer under control, went off to the city and thought 
of nothing but killing, plundering, and making pris- 
oners. The sack was general during the whole day, and 
continued throughout the following day, Saturday, the 


seventeenth (Dec. 27), the spoil being so great that 
each man secured from fifty to a hundred prisoners, 
men, women, and children, while no soldier took less 
than twenty. There was likewise an immense booty 
in rubies, diamonds, garnets, pearls, and other gems; 
jewels of gold and silver; gold and silver money of 
the celebrated Alai coinage; vessels of gold and silver; 
and brocades and silks of great value. Gold and silver 
ornaments of the Hindu women were obtained in such 
quantities as to exceed all account. Excepting the 
quarter of the Sayyids, the scholars, and the other 
Mussulmans, the whole city was sacked. The pen of 
fate had written down this destiny for the people of 
this city, and although I was desirous of sparing them, 
I could not succeed, for it was the will of God that 
this calamity should befall the city. 

On the following day, Sunday, it was brought to 
my knowledge that a great number of infidel Hindus 
had assembled in the Jami' Mas j id of Old Delhi, where 
they had carried arms and provisions, and had prepared 
to defend themselves. Some of my people who had 
gone that way on business were wounded by them, 
whereupon I immediately ordered Amir Shah Malik 
and Ali Sultan Tawachi to take a party of men and 
clear the house of God of infidels and idolaters. They 
accordingly attacked these infidels and put them to 
death, after which Old Delhi was plundered. 

I ordered that all the artisans and clever mechanics 
who were masters of their respective crafts should be 
selected from among the prisoners and set aside, and 



accordingly some thousands of craftsmen were bidden 
to await my command. All these I distributed among 
the princes and amirs who were present, or who were 
officially engaged in other parts of my dominions. I 

r * T 


had determined to build a Jami' Mas j id in Samarkand, 
the seat of my empire, which should be without a rival 
in any country; and for this reason I ordered that all 
builders and stone-masons should be set apart for my 
own especial service. 


By the will of God, and by no wish or direction 
of mine, all the three cities of Delhi, Siri, Jahan-panah, 
and Old Delhi, had been plundered. The official prayer 
of my sovereignty, which is an assurance of safety 
and protection, had been read in the city, and it was, 
therefore, my earnest wish that no evil might happen 
to the people of the place. It was ordained by God, 
however, that the city should be ruined, and he accord- 
ingly inspired the infidel inhabitants with a spirit of 
resistance, so that they brought on themselves that 
fate which was inevitable. 

When my mind was no longer occupied with the 
destruction of the people of Delhi, I took a ride around 
the cities. Siri is a round city, with lofty buildings 
surrounded by strong fortifications built of stone and 
brick. Old Delhi has a similar strong fort, but it is 
larger than that of Siri, and from the fort of Siri to 
that of Old Delhi, which is a considerable distance, 
there runs a strong wall, built of stone and cement. 
The district called Jahan-panah is situated in the midst 
of the inhabited city. The fortifications of the three 
cities have thirty gates. Jahan-panah has thirteen 
gates, seven on the south side bearing toward the east, 
and six on the north side bearing toward the west. 
Siri has seven gates, four toward the outside and three 
on the inside toward Jahan-panah. The fortifications 
of Old Delhi have ten gates, some opening to the ex- 
terior and some toward the interior of the city. 

When I was tired of examining the city, I went 
to the chief mosque, where I found a congregation 




of Sayyids, lawyers, shaikhs, and other principal Mus- 
sulmans, together with the inhabitants of their parts 
of the city, to whom they had been a protection and 
defence. I called 
them to my pres- 
ence, consoled them, 
treated them with 
every respect, and 
bestowed upon them 
many presents and 
honours. I also ap- 
pointed an officer to 
protect their quar- 
ter of the city, and 
guard them against annoyance, after which I remounted 
and returned to my quarters. 

After spending fifteen days at Delhi, passing my 
time in pleasure and enjoyment, and in holding royal 
courts and giving great feasts, I reflected that I had 
come to Hindustan to war against infidels, and that 
my enterprise had been so blessed that wherever I 
had gone I had been victorious. I had triumphed over 
my adversaries, I had put to death hundreds of thou- 
sands of infidels and idolaters, I had dyed my proselyt- 
ing sword with the blood of the enemies of the Faith, 
and now that I had gained this crowning victory, I 
felt that I ought not to indulge in ease, but rather 
to exert myself still further in warring against the 
infidels of Hindustan. Having made these reflections, 
on the twenty-second of Rabi'-al-akhir, 800 a. h. (Jan. 



1, 1399 a. d.), I again drew my sword to wage a relig- 
ious war.' 

Timur's memoirs then proceed to describe his tak- 
ing of Mirat by storm, his frightful slaughter of the 
inhabitants, his capture of Hardwar, and his devasta- 
tion of the territory along the Ganges, until he turned 
his army on the homeward march to Samarkand, fight- 
ing his way at every step until he left India. 



IT is generally agreed that the Memoirs of the Em- 
peror Babar form one of the best and most faithful 
pieces of autobiography that exist. They are consid- 
ered to be decidedly superior to those of Timur and 
Jahangir, and may compare favourably with Xeno- 
phon's Anabasis or Caesar's Commentaries, as they are 
fully equal to the latter in the matter of simplicity and 
are much more straightforward. 

These autobiographical records were written by 
Babar in remarkably pure Chagatai Turkish, and are 
extant in a very few copies, one of which may be found 
reproduced in facsimile in the Gibb Memorial series 
of publications. A Persian translation of the famous 
journal was made in Akbar's time and presented to 
that monarch. The Memoirs have since been turned 
into German, Russian, and French, as well as into Eng- 
lish by Leyden and Erskine. The extracts from the 
latter 's version as given below, with slight alterations 
and omissions, give a detailed account of some of Ba- 
bar 's operations in India in 1519 a. d. and the following 

1 When we left Bajaur, on the fourteenth of Safar, 




925 A. h. (Feb. 15, 1519 a. d.), we did it with the inten- 
tion of attacking Bahrah, the country on the Jihlam, 
or Hydaspes, near the town of that name, but chiefly 
on the right bank of the river, before we returned to 
Kabul. We were always full of the idea of invading 
Hindustan, but this had been prevented by various cir- 
cumstances. For the three or four months that the 
army had been detained in Bajaur, it had got no plun- 
der of value. As Bahrah is on the borders of Hin- 
dustan and was near at hand, I thought that, if I were 
now to push on without baggage, the soldiers might 
light upon some booty. Moving on with this idea, and 
plundering the Afghans in our progress, I was advised 
by several of my principal adherents, when I reached 
Makam, that if we were to enter Hindustan, we should 
do it on a proper footing and with an adequate force. 
Though the advice was perfectly judicious, we made 
the inroad in spite of all these objections. 

Early next morning we marched toward the passage 
over the Sind. I despatched Mir Mohammad Jala-ban 
in advance, with his brothers and some troops to escort 
them, for the purpose of examining the banks of the 
river, both above and below. After sending the arm} 7 
forward toward the river, I myself set off for Sawati, 
which they likewise call Kark-khanah, to hunt the 
rhinoceros. We started many rhinoceroses, but as the 
country abounded in brushwood, we could not get at 

Next morning, being Thursday, the seventeenth of 
Safar (Feb. 18), we crossed the ford with our horses, 



camels, and baggage, while the camp bazaar and the 
infantry were floated over on rafts. The same day 
the inhabitants of Nilab (fifteen miles below Attok on 
the Sind) waited on me, bringing a horse clad in full 
panoply and three hundred Shah-rukhis (almost £15) 
as a present. That same day at noonday prayers, as 
soon as we had got all our people across, we proceeded 
on our march, which we continued for one watch of 
the night, halting at the river of Kachah-kot (the mod- 
ern Haroh). Marching thence before daybreak, we 
crossed the river of Kachah-kot, and the same evening 
we surmounted the pass of Sangdaki, where we halted. 
Sayyid Kasim, who brought up the rear-guard on the 
march, captured a few Gujars who followed the camp, 
cut off the heads of some of them, and brought them 

Marching at dawn from Sangdaki and crossing the 
river Sohan (a stream lying between the Sind and 
the Jihlam), we encamped about the hour of noonday 
prayers. Our stragglers, however, continued to come 
in till midnight, for it was an uncommonly long and 
severe march, and as it was made when our horses 
were lean and weak, it was peculiarly hard on them, 
so that many of the animals were worn out and fell 
down by the way. Seven leagues to the north of Bah- 
rah (possibly Bhira, south of the Swan) there is a 
hill, which, in the Zafar Namah and some other books, 
is called the hill of Jud. At first I was ignorant of 
the origin of its name, but afterward discovered that 
on it there were two races of men descended from the 



same father, one tribe being called Jud, and the other 

As I always had the conquest of Hindustan at heart, 
and as Bahrah, Khushab, Chinab, and Chaniut, where 
I now was, had long been in the possession of the 


Turks, I regarded them as my own domains, and was 
resolved to gain possession of them either by war or by 
peace. It was, therefore, right and necessary that the 
people of the hill should be well treated, and I accord- 
ingly issued orders that no one should molest or trouble 
their flocks and herds, or take from them so much as 
a bit of thread or a broken needle. 



Marching thence rather late, about noonday prayers, 
we reached a place of some size named Kaldah-kahar 
(the modern Kallar-kahar), where we halted, setting 
forth again at dawn on the following day. In various 
places on the very top of the Pass of Hambatu we 
met men bringing gifts of small value and coming to 
tender their submission. About luncheon-time we 
reached the bottom of the pass, where we halted, and 
having cleared the pass and emerged from the wooded 
ground, I formed the army in regular array, with right 
and left wings and centre, and marched toward Bahrah. 
When we had almost reached that place, Deo Hindu 
and the son of Saktu, who were servants of Ali Khan, 
the son of Daulat Khan Yusuf Khail, accompanied by 
the head men of Bahrah, met us, each bringing a horse 
and camel as a gift, and tendering his submission and 
service. Noonday prayers were over when we halted 
on the banks of the river Behat to the east of Bahrah, 
on a green field of grass, without having done the 
people of that town the least injury or damage. 

From the time that Timur Beg (Tamerlane) had 
invaded Hindustan and left it again, these countries 
of Bahrah, Khushab, Chinab, and Chaniut had remained 
in the possession of the family of Timur Beg and of 
their dependents and adherents. Sultan Mas'ud Mirza, 
the grandson of Shah Rukh Mirza and son of Siurgh- 
namsh Mirza, was, in those days, the ruler and chief 
of Kabul and Zabul, on which account he got the title 
of Sultan Mas'ud Kabuli. 

Next morning I sent out foraging parties in proper 


directions, and afterwards rode round Bahrah. On 
Wednesday, the 22d (Feb. 23), I sent for the head men 
and chief craftsmen of Bahrah and agreed with them 
for the sum of four hundred thousand Shah-rukhis 
(nearly £20,000 sterling) as the ransom of their prop- 
erty, whereupon collectors were appointed to receive 
the amount. Having learned that the troops had exer- 
cised some severity toward the inhabitants of Bahrah 
and were misusing them, I sent out a party, which seized 
a few of the soldiers who had been guilty of excesses. 
I then put some of them to death and slit the noses 
of others, and commanded them to be led about the 
camp in that condition; for I considered the countries 
that had belonged to the Turks as my own territories, 
and therefore allowed no plundering or pillage. 

People were always saying that if ambassadors were 
to be sent in a friendly and peaceable way into the 
countries that had been occupied by the Turks, it could 
do no harm. I therefore despatched Mulla Murshid 
to Sultan Ibrahim, whose father, Sultan Iskandar, had 
died five or six months before, and who had succeeded 
his parent in the empire of Hindustan; and giving my 
envoy the name and style of ambassador, I sent him to 
demand that the countries which had belonged to the 
Turks from days of old should be given up to me. 
Besides these letters for Sultan Ibrahim, I gave Mulla 
Murshid letters to Daulat Khan, and having also deliv- 
ered verbal instructions to him, I dismissed him on his 
mission. The people of Hindustan, and particularly 
the Afghans, are a strangely foolish and senseless race, 



possessed of little reflection and less foresight. They 
can neither persist in a war and manfully support it, 
nor can they continue in a state of amity and friend- 
ship. Mulla Murshid was detained some time in Lahore 
by Daulat Khan, who would neither see him himself 
nor suffer him to proceed to Sultan Ibrahim; so that, 
five months later, he returned to Kabul without re- 
ceiving any answer. 

On Friday, letters of submission came from the 
people of Khushab. We remained one day in the fort 
of Bahrah, which they call Jahan-numa, and on the 
morning of Tuesday set out on our march, encamping 
on the rising grounds which skirt Bahrah toward the 
north. Next morning, after the council was dismissed 
and I had finished my ride, I went on board of a boat 
and had a drinking party. 

In the hill country between Nilab and Bahrah, but 
apart from the tribes of Jud and Janjuhah and adjoin- 
ing the hill country of Kashmir, are the Jats, Gujars, 
and many other men of similar tribes, who build vil- 
lages and settle on every hillock and in every valley. 
Their chief was of the Gakkar race, and their govern- 
ment resembled that of the Jud and Janjuhah. At 
that time the government of these tribes, which skirt 
the hills, was held by Tatar Gakkar and Hati Gakkar, 
sons of the same family and cousins. Their strongholds 
were situated on ravines and steep precipices. The 
name of Tatar's fortress was Parhalah, and it was con- 
siderably lower than the snowy mountains. Hati's 
country is close to the hills, and he had also won over 



to his side Baba Khan, who held Kalinjar. Tatar Gak- 
kar had waited on Daulat Khan and was, in a way, 
subject to him. Hati had never visited him, but re- 
mained in an independent turbulent state. At the 
desire of the amirs of Hindustan, and in conjunction 
with them, Tatar had taken a position with his army- 
several miles off, and kept Hati in a sort of blockade. 
'At the very time when we were in Bahrah, Hati had 


advanced upon Tatar by a stratagem, had surprised 
and slain him, and had seized his country, his women, 
and all his property. 

Having arranged the affairs of the country in such 
a way as to give hopes that it would remain quiet, I 
marched from Bahrah on my return to Kabul on Sun- 
day, the eleventh of Rabi'-al-awwal. Some persons 
who were acquainted with the country and with the 
political situation of the neighbouring territories, and 
particularly with the Janjuhah, who were old enemies 
of the Gakkars, informed me that Hati Gakkar had 



been guilty of many acts of violence, had infested 
the highways by his robberies, and had harassed the 
inhabitants; so that it was necessary either to effect 
his expulsion from this quarter, or at least to inflict 
exemplary punishment on him. 

Next morning I accordingly left Khwaja Mir Miran 
and Miram Nasir in charge of the camp, and set out, 
about breakfast-time, with a body of light troops, to 
attack Hati Gakkar, who had killed Tatar a few days 
before and had seized the country of Parhalah, where 
he now had taken his stand, as has been mentioned. 
About afternoon prayers we halted and fed our horses, 
resuming our march about bedtime prayers. Our guide 
was a Gujar servant of Malik-hast, named Surpa. 

All night long we marched straight on, but halted 
toward morning and sent Beg Mohammad Mughal to- 
ward the enemy's camp. When it was beginning to 
be light, we mounted again, and about luncheon-time 
we put on our armour and increased our speed. About 
a league from the place where we had made this halt, 
the stronghold of Parhalah began to appear faintly in 
sight. The skirmishers were now pushed forward and 
the right wing proceeded to the east of Parhalah, while 
Kuch Beg, who belonged to that wing, was directed to 
follow in their rear, as a reserve. The left wing and 
centre poured in straight toward Parhalah. Dost Beg 
was appointed to command the party assigned to sup- 
port the left wing and centre, who made the direct 
attack on the stronghold. 

Parhalah, which stands high in the midst of deep 


valleys and ravines, has two roads leading to it. We 
advanced by the one on the southeast, which runs along 
the edge of the ravines and has gullies and precipices 
on either side. Within half a league of Parhalah, the 
road becomes extremely difficult, and so continues up 
to the very gates of the city, the ravine road being 
so narrow and steep in four or five places that only 
one person can go along it at a time, while for about 
a bow-shot it is necessary to proceed with the utmost 
circumspection. The other road is on the northwest, 
and here also but one man can pass at a time. It ad- 
vances toward Parhalah through the midst of an open 
valley. Except these two roads, there is no other on 
any side. Although the place has no breastwork or 
battlement, yet it is so situated that it is not assail- 
able, being surrounded by a precipice seven or eight 
gaz (fourteen or sixteen feet) in perpendicular height. 
The troops of the left wing passed along the nar- 
rows and went pouring on toward the gate. Hati, with 
thirty or forty horsemen, all, both man and horse, in 
complete armour, accompanied by a number of foot- 
soldiers, attacked and drove back the skirmishers. 
Dost Beg, who commanded the reserve, then came up, 
and falling on the enemy with great impetuosity, killed 
a number of them and routed the rest. Hati Gakkar, 
who distinguished himself by his courage and firmness 
in the action, could not maintain his ground in spite 
of all his exertions, and fled. He was unable to hold 
the narrows, and on reaching the fort, found that it 
was equally out of his power to defend himself there. 



The detachment which followed close on his heels 
entered the fort along with him, and Hati was accord- 
ingly obliged to make his escape, nearly alone, by the 
northwest entrance. On this occasion Dost Beg again 
greatly distinguished himself, and I ordered an hon- 
orary gift to be given him. At the same time I entered 
Parhalah and took up my abode at Tatar's palace. 
During these operations, some men, who had been 
ordered to remain with me, had joined the skirmish- 
ing party, and to punish them for this offence, I gave 
them the Gujar Surpa for their guide and turned them 
out disgracefully into the wilds and deserts to find 
their way back to camp. 

On Thursday, the fifteenth of Rabi'-al-awwal, we 
halted at Andarabah, which lies on the banks of the 
river Sohan. This fort of Andarabah depended, in 
ancient times, on the father of Malik-hast, but when 
Hati Gakkar slew Malik-hast 's father, it had been 
destroyed, and had remained in ruins ever since. Hati, 
after killing Tatar, had sent to me one Parbat, his 
relative, with a caparisoned horse and with gifts. He 
did not meet me, but fell in with that part of the 
army that had been left behind with the camp; and 
having arrived along with the division that accom- 
panied the baggage, he now presented his offerings 
and tribute, and tendered his submission. Langar 
Khan, who was to be left behind in Bahrah, but who 
had accompanied the camp to finish some business, also 
rejoined me; and having brought everything to a con- 
clusion, he took leave of me and returned to Bahrah, 


accompanied by some zamlndars of that district. After 
this we continued our march and crossed the river 
Sohan, encamping on rising ground. I gave a robe 
of honour to Parbat, Hati Khan's relative; and hav- 
ing written letters to confirm Hati in his good inten- 
tions and to remove any misapprehensions he might 
entertain, I dismissed Parbat in company with a servant 
of Mohammad Ali Jang-jang. 

Marching at the time when the kettle-drum beats 
(an hour before dawn), we halted about luncheon-time 
at the foot of the pass of Sangdaki. We renewed our 
march at noonday, and ascending the pass, we crossed 
the river and halted on an eminence, where we remained 
till midnight. In going to examine the ford by which 
we had crossed on our way to Bahrah, we found a 
raft loaded with grain, which had stuck fast in the mud 
and clay, and which the owners had been unable to 
extricate with all their efforts. We seized this grain, 
which came very seasonably, and divided it among the 
men who were with us. Toward evening we halted 
below the junction of the Sind and Kabul rivers, but 
above the old Mlab, midway between the two. We 
brought six boats from Nilab and divided them among 
the right and left wings and centre, who immediately 
began to exert themselves in crossing the river. On 
Monday, being the day on which we arrived, and on 
Tuesday and the night following, they continued to 
cross, and a few went over even on Thursday. 

Parbat, Hati's relative, who had been sent from the 
neighbourhood of Andarabah with the servant of Mo- 



hammad AH Jang-jang, returned to us while we were 
on the banks of the river, bringing from Hati a horse 
clad in armour, by way of tributary offering. The 
inhabitants of Nilab likewise brought an armed horse 
as a gift and tendered their submission. Since Moham- 
mad Ali Jang-jang wished to remain in Bahrah, which 
had been given to Hindu Beg, I bestowed on him the 
tract of country between Bahrah and the Sind, together 
with other estates in the district, such as the Karluk 
Hazaras, Hati, Ghiyasdal, and Kib. 

On Thursday, the twenty-second of Rabi'-al-awwal 
(March 24, 1519), at sunrise, we moved from the banks 
of the river, and resumed our march, and six days 
later I reached Kabul. 

On Friday, the first of Safar, in the year 932 a. h. 
(Nov. 17, 1525 a. d.), when the sun was in Sagittarius, 
I again set out to invade Hindustan. We made two 
marches from Bikram (Peshawar) ; and after the third, 
on Thursday, the 26th (Dec. 13), we encamped on the 
banks of the river Sind. On Saturday, the first day 
of Rabi'-al-awwal, we passed the Sind, and having also 
crossed the river of Kach-kot, we halted on its banks. 
The various officials who had been detailed to super- 
intend the embarkation now brought me the return 
of the troops who were on the service, and reported 
that, great and small, good and bad, servants and no 
servants, they amounted to twelve thousand persons. 

We then advanced along the skirts of the hills 
toward Sialkot to secure a proper supply of grain. On 
coming opposite to the country of the Gakkars we 


repeatedly found a quantity of standing water in the 
bed of a brook. These waters were entirely frozen 
over, and although there was not much of it, the ice 
was generally a span in thickness. Such ice is uncom- 
mon in Hindustan. We met with it here, but in all 
the years I have been in Hindustan, this is the only 
time that I met with any trace of ice or snow. 

Advancing five marches from the Sind, the sixth 
brought us close to the hill of Jud, below the hill of 
Balinat-jogi on the banks of a river at the station of 


Bakialan, where we encamped. Marching thence, we 
halted, after fording the river Behat below Jihlam. 
From this encampment I sent Sayyid Tufan and Sayyid 
Lachin forward, giving each of them a spare horse, 
with directions to push on with all speed to Lahore, 
and to enjoin our troops in that city not to fight, but 
to form a junction with me at Sialkot or Parsarur; 
for there was a rumour that Ghazi Khan had collected 
an army of thirty or forty thousand men; that Daulat 
Khan, old as he was, had buckled on two swords; and 
that they would certainly try the fate of a battle. I 
recollected the proverb which says, " Ten friends are 
better than nine," and that no advantage might be lost, 



I judged it most advisable to form a junction with the 
detachment of my army that was in Lahore before I 
offered battle. I therefore sent messengers with in- 
structions to the amirs, and at the second march reached 
the banks of the river Chinab, where I encamped. 

On Friday, the fourteenth of Rabi' -al-awwal, we 
arrived at Sialkot. Every time that I entered Hin- 
dustan, the Jats and Gujars regularly poured down in 
prodigious numbers from their hills and wilds in order 
to carry off oxen and buffalos. These were the 
wretches that really inflicted the chief hardships and 
were guilty of the severest oppression ill the country. 
These districts had been in a state of revolt in former 
times and had yielded very little revenue that could 
be collected. On the present occasion, when I had 
reduced the whole of the neighbouring districts to sub- 
jection, they began to repeat their practices. As my 
unfortunate people were on their way from Sialkot to 
the camp, hungry and naked, indigent and in distress, 
they were attacked along the road with loud shouts 
and plundered. I sought out the persons guilty of this 
outrage, discovered them, and ordered two or three 
of them to be cut in pieces. 

A merchant arrived at this same station, bringing 
the news of the defeat of Ala-ad-din Khan by Sultan 
Ibrahim. The particulars are as follows: Ala-ad-din 
Khan, after taking leave of me, had marched forward, 
despite the scorching heat of the weather, and had 
reached Lahore, having gone two days' journey every 
march without any consideration for those who accom- 


panied him. At the very moment that he left me, all 
the sultans and khans of the Uzbegs had advanced and 
blockaded Balkh, so that I was obliged to set out for 
that city as soon as he departed for Hindustan. When 
Ala-ad-din reached Lahore, he declared to such of my 
nobles as were in Hindustan that the emperor had 
ordered them to march to his assistance, and that ar- 
rangements had been made for Ghazi Khan to join him 
and for all to march together upon Delhi and Agra. 
The nobles answered that, as things were situated, they 
could not accompany Ghazi Khan with any degree of 
confidence; but that, if he sent his younger brother 
Haji Khan to court with his son, or placed them in 
Lahore as hostages, their instructions would then leave 
them at liberty to march along with him; that other- 
wise, they could not; that it was only recently that 
Ala-ad-din Khan had fought with Ghazi Khan and had 
been defeated by him, so that mutual confidence be- 
tween them was impossible; and that altogether it was 
absolutely inadvisable for Ala-ad-din Khan to allow 
Ghazi Khan to accompany him in the expedition. 

Whatever expostulations they employed to dissuade 
Ala-ad-din Khan from prosecuting his plan were in vain. 
He sent his son Sher Khan to confer with Daulat Khan 
and Ghazi Khan, and the parties themselves met soon 
afterwards. Dilawar Khan, who had been in confine- 
ment very recently, and who had escaped from custody 
and come to Lahore only two or three months before, 
was likewise associated with them; and Mahmud Khan 
Khan-Jahan, to whom the custody of Lahore had been 


intrusted, was also pressed into their measures. In a 
word, it was definitively arranged among them at last 
that Daulat Khan and Ghazi Khan should take com- 
mand of all the nobles who had been left in Hindu- 
stan, and at the same time should assume the govern- 
ment of all the adjacent territories in the Panjab or 
near Lahore; while Dilawar Khan and Haji Khan were 
to accompany Ala-ad-din Khan and occupy the whole 
of the country about Delhi and Agra, and in that neigh- 
bourhood. Isma'il Jilwani, and a number of other 
amirs, waited on Ala-ad-din Khan and acknowledged 
him, after which he proceeded toward Delhi by forced 
marches without delay. On reaching Indari, Sulaiman 
Shaikh-zadah came and joined him, thus raising the 
numbers of the confederate army to thirty or forty 
thousand men. They laid siege to Delhi, but were 
unable either to take the place by storm or to reduce 
it by famine. 

As soon as Sultan Ibrahim heard that they had col- 
lected an army and invaded his dominions, he led his 
troops to oppose them. Having notice of his march 
as he approached, they raised the siege and advanced 
to meet him. The confederates agreed that if the bat- 
tle was fought in the daytime, the Afghans would not 
flee, out of regard for their reputation with their coun- 
trymen; but that if the attack was made by night, 
when one man could not see another, each chief would 
shift for himself. Eesolving, therefore, to attempt a 
night surprise, they mounted to proceed against the 
enemy, who were six leagues distant. Twice they 



mounted their horses at noon and continued mounted 
till the second or third watch of the night, without 
going either backwards or forwards, and without being 
able to come to any resolution or to agree among them- 
selves. The third time they set out for their surprise 
when only one watch of the night remained. Their 
plan was merely for the party to set fire to the tents 
and pavilions, and to attempt nothing further. They 

^r:' •-:•%-■ 


i- ■ ;'■■• \; 4 



accordingly advanced and set fire to the tents during 
the last watch of the night, at the same time shouting 
the war-cry. Jalal Khan Jaghat, and several other 
amirs, came over and acknowledged Ala-ad-din Khan. 
Sultan Ibrahim, attended by a body of men composed 
of his own tribe and family, did not move from the 
royal pavilion, but continued steady in the same place 
till morning. 

By this time the troops who accompanied Ala-ad- 
din Khan were dispersed, being busy plundering and 
pillaging, whereupon Sultan Ibrahim's troops perceived 



that the enemy were not in great force, and immediately 
moved forward from the station which they had kept, 
though very few in number, with only a single elephant. 
No sooner had the elephant come up, however, than Ala- 
ad-din Khan's men took to flight without attempting to 
keep their ground. In the course of his flight Ala-ad- 
din Khan crossed over to the Doab side of the river, 
and again recrossed it toward Panipat, where he con- 
trived by a stratagem to get three or four lacs (£750 
or £1000) from Mian Sulaiman, and went on his way. 
Isma'il Jilwani, Babin, and Jalal Khan, the eldest son 
of Ala-ad-din Khan, now left him and betook them- 
selves to the Doab. A small part of the army which 
Ala-ad-din Khan had collected, such as Saif-ad-din, 
Darya Khan, Mahmud Khan, Khan-Jahan, Shaikh 
Jamal Farmuli, and some others deserted before the 
battle and joined Ibrahim. 

After passing Sirhind, Ala-ad-din Khan, Dilawar 
Khan, and Haji Khan heard of my approach, and that 
I had taken Milwat; whereupon Dilawar Khan, who 
had always been attached to my interests and had 
been detained three or four months in prison on my 
account, left the others, and coming by way of Sultan- 
pur and Kochi, waited upon me in the neighbourhood 
of Milwat, three or four days after the reduction of 
that town. After crossing the Sutlaj, Ala-ad-din Khan 
and Haji Khan at length reached Kinkuta, a strong 
castle in the hills between Dun and the plain, where 
they prepared to defend themselves. One of my detach- 
ments, consisting of Afghans and Hazaras, chanced to 



come up and blockade them, so that only the approach 
of night prevented them from taking the castle, strong 
as it was. These noblemen then attempted to escape, 
but some of their horses fell in the gateway, and they 


could not get out. Some elephants that were along 
with them were urged forward, and trampled and killed 
a number of the horses. Although unable to escape 
on horseback, Ala-ad-din Khan and his followers left 
the place during a dark night on foot, and after incred- 
ible sufferings joined Ghazi Khan, who, in the course 



of his flight, had directed his course toward the hills, 
finding that he could not get refuge in Milwat. Ghazi 
Khan did not give Ala-ad-din Khan a very friendly 
reception, and this induced him to wait on me below 
Dun in the neighbourhood of Palhur, where he came 
and tendered me his allegiance. While I was at Sial- 
kot, some of the troops that I had left in Lahore 
arrived to inform me that they would all join me by 

Next morning I continued my march and halted 
at Parsarur, where Mohammad Ali Jang- j an g, Khwaja 
Husain, and some others came and waited on me. As 
the enemy's camp was on the banks of the Ravi toward 
Lahore, I sent Bujkah with his party to reconnoitre 
and bring in intelligence. About the end of the third 
watch of the night, they returned with information 
that the enemy had fled in consternation as soon as they 
heard of my detachment's approach, every man shift- 
ing for himself. 

On the following morning, leaving Shah Mir Husain 
and some other officers to guard the camp and baggage, 
I left them and pushed on with all possible speed. 
About the middle of afternoon prayers we halted at 
Kalanur, midway between the Ravi and the Bias, where 
Mohammad Sultan Mirza, Adil Sultan, and the other 
amirs came and waited on me. 

Marching before daybreak from Kalanur, we dis- 
covered certain traces on the road that Ghazi Khan 
and the fugitives were not far off. Mohammadi and 
Ahmadi, with several of the nobles about my person, 


whom I had recently promoted at Kabul, were detached 
to pursue the fugitives without halting. Their orders 
were to overtake the flying enemy if possible; but if 
not, to guard every approach and issue of the fort of 
Milwat with such care that the garrison might not be 
able to effect their escape. Ghazi Khan was my prin- 
cipal object in these instructions. 

After sending this detachment forward, we crossed 
the river Bias opposite to Kanwahin, and halted there. 
From thence, after three marches, we encamped in the 
mouth of the valley in which the fort of Milwat lies. 
The nobles, who had arrived before us, as well as the 
amirs of Hindustan, were directed to encamp and lay 
siege to the fort. Isma'il Khan, who was Daulat 
Khan's grandson (being the son of Ah Khan, Daulat 
Khan's eldest son), and who had arrived in our quar- 
ters, was sent into the fort to offer terms of capitula- 
tion, bearing a message in which we mingled promises 
'and threats. On Friday I made the camp advance 
and take ground half a league nearer. I myself went 
out, reconnoitred the fort, and assigned their respective 
stations to the right and left wings and to the centre, 
after which I returned to the camp. 

Daulat Khan now sent a messenger to inform me 
that Ghazi Khan had escaped and fled to the hills; but 
that if I would excuse his own offences, he would come 
as a slave and deliver up the place. I therefore sent 
Khwaja Mir Miran to confirm him in his resolution 
and to bring him back. To expose the rudeness and 
stupidity of the old man, I directed Mir Miran to take 



care that Daulat Khan should come out with the same 
two swords hung round his neck which he had girded 
at his side to meet me in combat. 

Although matters had gone this length, he still con- 
trived frivolous pretexts for delay, but was at length 
brought out. I ordered the two swords to be taken 
from his neck. When he came to offer me obeisance, 
he affected delays in bowing; I directed them to push 
his leg and make him bow. I then made him sit down 
before me and desired a man who understood the Hin- 
dustani language to explain to him what I said, sen- 
tence by sentence, in order to reassure him; and to 
tell him these words: " I called you Father; I showed 
you more respect and reverence than you could have 
desired or expected. The countries held by Tatar Khan, 
to the amount of three crores (thirty million rupees), 
I bestowed on you. What evil have I ever done you, 
that you should come against me thus? " Finally, 
after further rebukes, it was settled that he and his 
family should retain their authority in their own tribes, 
and possession of their villages, but that all the rest 
of their property should be sequestrated. 

Abd-al-Aziz and several other nobles were now 
directed to enter the fort and to take possession of 
their treasures and all their property. I examined 
Ghazi Khan's library, and found in it a number of 
valuable books, including a number of theological 
works, but I did not, on the whole, find so many books 
of value as, from their appearance, I had expected. 

I staid in the fort all night, and next morning 


returned to the camp. We had been mistaken in imag- 
ining that Ghazi Khan was in the fort. The traitorous 
coward had escaped to the hills with a small number 
of followers, leaving his father, his elder and younger 
brothers, his mother, and his elder and younger sisters 
in Milwat, which I gave to Mohammad Ali Jang-jang, 
who left his brother Arghun in the place with a body 
of troops. We then advanced one league from the 
station at the gorge of Milwat and halted in a valley; 
and marching thence, and passing the small hills of 
Ab-kand by Milwat, we reached Dun, which denotes 
" dale " in the language of Hindustan. 

As we were unable to get any certain intelligence 
of Ghazi Khan, I sent Tardika and Barim Deo Ma- 
linhat, with orders to pursue the fugitive wherever he 
might go, to engage him, and to bring him back a 
prisoner. In the small hills lying around Dun there 
are some wonderfully strong castles. To the northeast 
is a castle called Kutila, which is surrounded by a 
perpendicular rock seventy or eighty gaz (between 140 
and 160 feet) in height. At its chief gate, for the space 
of about seven or eight gaz (fourteen or sixteen feet), 
there is a place, perhaps ten or twelve gaz (twenty or 
twenty-four feet) in width, that permits a drawbridge 
to be thrown across. The bridge is composed of two 
long planks, by which their horses and flocks pass out 
and in. This was one of the forts of the hill country, 
which Ghazi Khan had put into a state of defence and 
garrisoned. The detachment that had been sent ahead 
attacked the place vigorously, and had nearly taken 



it when night came on. The garrison then abandoned 
the castle and tied. 

After sending a detachment in pursuit of Ghazi 
Khan, I placed my foot in the stirrup of resolution 
and my hand on the reins of confi- 
dence in God, and proceeded against 
Sultan Ibrahim, the son of Sultan 
Iskandar, the son of Sultan Bahlol 
Lodi Afghan, who then held the 
throne of Delhi and the dominions 
of Hindustan with a field-army said 
to amount to one hundred thousand 
men, and with nearly one thousand 
elephants, including those of his 

The detachment which had pro- 
ceeded to Milwat advanced against 
Harur, Kahlur, and the forts in 
that part of the country, among 
which, from the natural strength 
of the ground, no enemy had penetrated for a long 
time. My troops took all these strongholds and re- 
turned and joined me, after having plundered the 
inhabitants of the district. It was at this time that 
Ala-ad-din Khan, being reduced to great distress, came 
naked and on foot to meet me. I directed several noble- 
men of my court to go out to receive him, and also 
sent him some horses. He waited upon me in this 
neighbourhood and made his submission. 

After marching from Dun we came to Kupur, but 



while we stayed there it rained incessantly and was 
so extremely cold that many of the starving and hungry 
Hindustanis died. After marching from Rupur, we 
halted at Karil opposite Sirhind, and there a Hindu- 
stani presented himself, assuming the style of an am- 
bassador from Sultan Ibrahim. Though he had no let- 
ters or credentials, yet, as he requested that one of 
my people might accompany him back as my ambas- 
sador, I sent a Sawadi Tinkatar along with him. These 
poor men had no sooner arrived in Ibrahim's camp 
than he ordered them both to be thrown into prison, 
but the very day that we defeated Ibrahim, the Sawadi 
was set at liberty and waited on me. 

After two marches more we halted on the banks of 
the stream of Banur and Sanur, which is a running 
water, of which there are few in Hindustan, except 
large rivers. They call it the stream of Kagar, and 
Chitor stands on its banks. At this station we had 
information that Sultan Ibrahim, who was on this side 
of Delhi, was advancing, and that Hamid Khan Kha- 
sah-khail, the military collector of revenue for the prov- 
ince of Hisar-Firozah, had also advanced ten or fifteen 
leagues toward us, with the army of Hisar-Firozah and 
of the neighbouring districts. I sent Kittah Beg toward 
Ibrahim's camp to procure intelligence, and despatched 
Mumin Atkah toward the army of Hisar-Firozah to 
get information of its movements. 

On Sunday, the thirteenth of Jumada-1-awwal, I had 
marched from Ambala and had halted on the margin 
of a tank, when Mumin Atkah and Kittah Beg both 


returned on the same day. I gave the command of the 
whole right wing to Humayun and other generals, and 
the next morning, Monday, the fourteenth, he set out 
with a light force to surprise Hamid Khan, sending as 
an advance-guard a hundred or a hundred and fifty se- 
lect men. On coming near the enemy, this detachment 
went close up to them, hung upon their flanks, and 
had one or two encounters until the main body of 
the troops of Humayun appeared in sight. No sooner 
were these perceived than the enemy took to flight. 
Our troops brought down one or two hundred men, cut 
off the heads of half of them, and brought the other 
half alive into the camp, together with seven or eight 
elephants. On Monday, the twenty-first, Humayun 
reached the camp, which was still at the same station, 
with one hundred prisoners and seven or eight ele- 
phants, and waited on me. I ordered Ustad Ah Kuli 
and the matchlockmen to shoot all the prisoners as an 
example. This was Humayun 's first expedition, and 
the first service he had seen, so that I accounted his 
success a very good omen. Some light troops followed 
the fugitives, took Hisar-Firozah the moment they 
reached it, and returned after plundering it. Hisar- 
Firozah, which, with its dependencies and subordinate 
districts, yielded ten million rupees, I bestowed on 
Humayun, and also presented him with an equal sum 
of money. 

Marching from that station, we reached Shahabad, 
where I halted several days and sent envoys toward 
Sultan Ibrahim's camp to procure intelligence. In this 


station, on Monday, the twenty-eighth of Jumada-1- 
awwal, we began to receive repeated information from 
Ibrahim's camp that he was advancing slowly by a 
league or two at a time, and halting two or three days 
at each station. I, for my part, likewise moved to 
meet him, and after the second march from Shahabad, 
encamped on the banks of the Jumna, opposite Sirsa- 
wah. Haidar Kuli, a servant of Khwaja Kilan, was 
sent out to procure intelligence, after which I crossed 
the Jumna by a ford and went to see Sirsawah. 

From this station we held down the river for two 
marches, keeping close along its banks, when Haidar 
Kuli returned, bringing information that Daud Khan 
and Haitim Khan had been sent across the river into 
the Doab with six or seven thousand horse and had 
encamped three or four leagues in advance of Ibrahim's 
position on the road toward us. On Sunday, the eight- 
eenth of Jumada-1-akhir, I despatched Chin Timur Sul- 
tan against this column, together with the whole of the 
left wing commanded by Sultan Junaid, as well as part 
of the centre under Yunas Ali, directing them to ad- 
vance rapidly and to take the enemy by surprise. Next 
morning, about the time of early prayers, they came 
upon the enemy, who put themselves in some kind of 
order and marched out to meet them; but our troops 
had no sooner come up than the enemy fled, and were 
followed in close pursuit and slaughtered all the way 
to the limits of Ibrahim's camp. The detachment cap- 
tured Haitim Khan, Daud Khan's eldest brother, and 
one of the generals, as well as seventy or eighty pris- 



oners and six or eight elephants, all of which they 
brought in when they waited on me. Several of the 


prisoners were put to death to strike terror into the 


Marching thence, I arranged the whole army in 
order of battle, with right and left wing and centre, and 
after reviewing it, performed the vim. The custom of 
the vim is that after the whole army is mounted, the 
commander takes a bow or whip in his hand and 
guesses at the number of the army, declaring that the 
troops may be so many. The number that I guessed 
was greater than the army turned out to be. 

At this station I directed that, according to the 
Ottoman custom, the gun-carriages should be joined 
together with twisted bull-hides, as with chains. Be- 
tween every two gun-carriages were six or seven breast- 
works, behind which the matchlockmen stood and dis- 
charged their pieces. I halted five or six days in this 
camp for the purpose of getting this apparatus ar- 
ranged. After every part of it was in order and ready, 
I convened all the amirs and men of any experience 
and knowledge, and held a general council. It was 
settled that as Panipat was a considerable city, it would 
cover one of our flanks by its buildings and houses, 
while we might fortify our front by covered defences 
and cannon, behind which the matchlockmen and in- 
fantry should be placed. With this resolution we broke 
up camp, and we reached Panipat in two marches on 
Thursday, the thirtieth of Jumada-1-akhir. On our 
right were the town and suburbs, and in front I placed 
the guns and covered defences which I had prepared. 
On the left, and at various other points, we drew ditches 
and made ramparts of the boughs of trees, but at the dis- 
tance of every bow-shot, space was left for a hundred 


or a hundred and fifty men to make a sortie. Many 
of the troops were in great tremor and alarm. Now, 
although trepidation and fear are always unbecoming, 
since whatsoever Almighty God has decreed from all 
eternity cannot be reversed, I could not wholly blame 
them, for they had come two or three months' journey 
from their own country and were about to battle with 
strange people, whose very language they did not under- 
stand, and who did not understand ours. 

The army of the enemy was estimated at one hun- 
dred thousand, while the elephants of the emperor 
and of his officers were said to be nearly one thousand. 
He possessed the accumulated treasures of his father 
and grandfather ready for use in current coin. In situ- 
ations similar to that in which the enemy now were, it 
is customary in Hindustan to expend sums of money 
in collecting troops who engage to serve for hire. 
Had Ibrahim chosen to adopt this plan, he might 
have engaged one or two hundred thousand more 
troops, but he had not the heart to satisfy even his 
own army, and would not part with any of his treasure. 
Indeed, how was it possible that he should satisfy his 
troops, when he was himself miserly to the last degree, 
and avaricious beyond measure in accumulating pelf? 
He was a young man of no experience; he was negli- 
gent in all his movements; he marched without order, 
retired or halted without plan, and engaged in battle 
without foresight. "While the troops were fortifying 
their position in Panipat and its vicinity with guns, 
branches of trees, and ditches, Mohammad Sarban said 


to me: " You have fortified our ground in such a way 
that it is impossible that he should ever think of com- 
ing here." I answered: " You judge him by the khans 
and Sultans of the Uzbegs, but you must not estimate 
our present enemies by those who were then opposed 
to us, for these opponents have not even the sense to 
know when to advance and when to retreat." God 
brought everything to pass favourably, and all hap- 
pened as I foretold. 

During the seven or eight days that we remained 
in Panipat, a very small party of my men advanced 
close to the enemy's encampment with its vastly supe- 
rior force and discharged arrows at them, but, notwith- 
standing this, they would not move or make any at- 
tempt at a sortie. Finally, induced by the persuasion 
of some Hindustani amirs in my interest, I sent Mahdi 
Khwaja and other officers with four or five thousand 
men to make a night attack. They did not assemble 
properly in the first instance, and as they marched out 
in confusion, they did not get on well. Even when 
dawn came on, they continued to linger near the ene- 
my's camp till it was broad daylight, whereupon our 
opponents beat their kettle-drums, got their elephants 
ready, and marched out against them. Although our 
people did not effect anything, yet they returned safe 
and sound without the loss of a man, despite the multi- 
tude of troops that hung upon them in their retreat. 
Mohammad Ali Jang-jang was wounded with an arrow, 
and though the wound was not mortal, it prevented 
him from taking his place in the day of battle. 


The Kanch Mahal at Amber 

The ruined city of Amber, adjoining Jaipur, ivas once the capital of 
its district, but has been practically deserted for two centuries and has 
fallen into decay and desolation. Yet its crumbling and tciuintless palaces 
still retain signs of departed glory and exhibit some of the most exouisitc 
specimens of Indian art in inlaid work, mosaic panels, and the mirror ami 
spangle decorative design for which Jaipur is renowned. 



On learning what had occurred, I immediately sent 
Humayun and his division a league or so in advance 
to cover their retreat, while I myself, remaining with 
the army, drew it out and made ready for action. The 
party which had marched to surprise the enemy fell 
in with Humayun and returned with him, after which, 
as none of the enemy came near us, I drew off the 
army and led it back to the camp. In the course of the 
night we had a false alarm, and the call to arms and 
the uproar continued for almost an hour. Such of the 
troops as had never before witnessed an alarm of the 
kind were in great confusion and dismay, but in a short 
time the disorder subsided. 

By the time of early morning prayers, when the 
light was such that you could distinguish one object 
from another, notice was brought from the outposts 
that the enemy were advancing, drawn up in order 
of battle. We too immediately put on our helmets and 
armour, and mounted. The right division was led by 
Humayun and the left by Mohammad Sultan Mirza; 
the right of the centre was commanded by Chin Timur 
Sultan and the left of the centre by Khalifa; the van- 
guard was led by Khusru Gokultash; and Abd-al-Aziz, 
the master of horse, had command of the reserves. On 
the flank of the right division I stationed Wali Kizil 
and others with their Moghuls, to act as a flanking 
party, and on the extreme left I placed Kara Kuzi and 
his troops to form the flankers, with instructions that 
as soon as the enemy approached sufficiently near, they 
should make a circuit and come round upon their rear. 


When the enemy first came in sight, they seemed 
to direct their chief attack against the right wing, and 
I therefore detached Abd-al-Aziz, who was stationed 
with the reserves, to reinforce that division. From the 
time Sultan Ibrahim's army appeared in sight, it did 
not halt, but advanced upon us at a quick pace. When 
the enemy came closer and found my troops drawn 
up in the order and with the defences already men- 
tioned, they stopped and stood for awhile as if con- 
sidering, " Shall we halt or not? shall we advance or 
not 1 ?" They could not halt, and yet were unable to 
advance with the same speed as before. I sent orders 
to the troops stationed as flankers on the extremes of 
the right and left divisions to wheel round the enemy's 
flank with all possible speed and instantly to attack 
them in the rear, while the right and left divisions were 
ordered to charge. The flankers accordingly wheeled 
on the rear of the enemy and began to discharge arrows 
at them. 

Mahdi Khwaja came up before the rest of the left 
wing, and a body of men with one elephant advanced 
to meet him. My troops gave them some sharp dis- 
charges of arrows, and the enemy's division was at 
last driven back. I despatched Ahmadi Parwanchi 
from the main body to the assistance of the left divi- 
sion, but the battle was likewise obstinate on the right, 
and I accordingly ordered Mohammadi Gokultash to 
advance in front of the centre and engage. Ustad Ali 
Kuli also discharged his foreign guns many times in 
front of the line to good purpose, while Mustafa, the 



cannoneer, on the left of the centre, managed his artil- 
lery with excellent effect. 

The right and left divisions, as well as the centre 
and flankers, having surrounded the enemy and taken 
them in the rear, were now engaged in hot conflict 
and were pouring discharges of arrows on them. The 


enemy made one or two very poor attacks on our right 
and left divisions, but my troops, making use of their 
bows, plied them with arrows and drove them in upon 
their centre. The troops on the right and left of their 
centre, being huddled together in one place, threw Ibra- 
him's army into such confusion that it had no way to 
flee and was equally unable to advance. The sun had 
mounted spear-high when the battle began, and the 
combat lasted till mid-day, when the enemy were com- 


pletely broken and routed, and my friends victorious 
and exulting. By the grace and mercy of Almighty 
God this arduous undertaking was rendered easy for 
me, and this mighty army was laid in the dust in the 
space of half a day. 

Five or six thousand men were discovered lying 
slain in one spot near Ibrahim. We reckoned that 
the number killed in different parts of the field of 
battle amounted to fifteen or sixteen thousand men. 
On reaching Agra, we found from the accounts of the 
natives of Hindustan that forty or fifty thousand men 
had fallen in this field. After routing the enemy, we 
continued the pursuit, slaughtering them and taking 
them prisoners. Those who were ahead began to bring 
in the amirs and Afghans as captives, and also brought 
in a very great number of elephants with their drivers, 
offering them to me as a gift. Having pursued the 
enemy to some distance, and supposing that Ibrahim 
had escaped from the battle, I placed Kismai Mirza 
at the head of a party of my immediate adherents, 
and ordered him to follow in close pursuit as far as 
Agra. Having passed through the middle of Ibrahim's 
camp and visited his pavilions and accommodations, 
we encamped on the banks of the Kalini. 

It was now afternoon prayers, when Tahir Tabari, 
the younger brother of Khalifa, found Ibrahim lying 
dead amid a host of slain, cut off his head, and brought 
it in. 

That very day I directed Humayun Mirza to set 
out without baggage or encumbrances, and to proceed 



with all possible expedition to occupy Agra and take 
possession of the treasuries. At the same time I or- 
dered Mahdi Khwaja and others to leave their baggage, 
to push on by forced marches, and to enter the fort 
of Delhi and seize the treasuries. 

Next morning we broke up camp, and after proceed- 
ing about a league, we halted on the banks of the Jumna 
to refresh our horses. On Tuesday, after two other 
marches, I visited the mausoleum of Nizam-ad-din 
Auliya, four or five miles south of Delhi, and at the 
end of the third march I encamped on the banks of 
the Jumna near the city. On that same night I cir- 
cumambulated the tomb of Khwaja Kutb-ad-din and 
visited the tombs and palaces of Sultan Ghiyas-ad- 
din Balban and Sultan Ala-ad-din Khalji, also viewing 
the minaret of the latter, as well as the Shams tank, 
the royal tank, and the tombs and gardens of Sultan 
Bahlol and Sultan Sikandar, after which I returned to 
the camp and went on board of a boat, where we drank 
arak. I bestowed the office of military collector of 
Delhi on Wali Kizil, and also made Dost governor of 
Delhi, directing that the various treasuries be sealed 
and given into their charge. 

On Thursday we moved thence and halted hard by 
Taghlakabad, on the banks of the Jumna south of Delhi. 
On Friday we continued to halt in the same station, 
and Maulana Mahmud, Shaikh Zain, and some others 
went into Delhi to Friday prayers. There they read 
the public prayer in my name and distributed some 
money among the dervishes and beggars, after which 


they returned. On Saturday we again set out, and 
proceeded, march after march, toward Agra. 

On Friday, the twenty-second of Rajab, I halted 
at the palace of Sulaiman Farmuli in the suburbs of 
Agra. As this position was very far from the fort, 
I moved next morning and took up my quarters at 
the palace of Jalal Khan Jaghat. The people of the 
fort had put off Humayun, who arrived before me, with 
excuses; and he for his part, considering that they 
were under no sort of control, had taken a position 
which commanded every exit from the place, wishing 
to prevent them from plundering the treasure. 

Vikramajit, a Hindu, whose family had governed 
that country for upwards of one hundred years, was 
raja of Gwalior. Sikandar had remained several years 
in Agra, seeking to take Gwalior, and afterward, in 
the reign of Ibrahim, Azim Humayun Sirwan had in- 
vested it for some time, attacking it repeatedly and 
finally succeeding in gaining it by treaty, Shamsabad 
being given as an indemnification. In the battle in 
which Ibrahim was defeated, Vikramajit was killed, 
but his family, as well as the heads of his clan, were 
in Agra at this moment. When Humayun arrived, 
Vikramajit 's people attempted to escape, but were 
taken by the parties which Humayun had placed upon 
the watch, and put in custody. Humayun did not per- 
mit them to be plundered. Of their own free will they 
offered Humayun a gift of jewels and precious stones, 
including a famous diamond which had been acquired 
by Sultan Ala-ad-din, and which is so valuable that a 


judge of diamonds valued it at half of the daily expense 
of the whole world. On my arrival Humayun presented 
it to me as a gift, and I gave it back to him as a pres- 
ent. 1 

A district of the value of seven hundred thousand 
rupees was bestowed on Ibrahim's mother, and districts 
were also given to each of her amirs. She was con- 


ducted with all her effects to a palace about a league 
below Agra, which was assigned her as her residence. 
On Thursday, the twenty-eighth of Rajab, I entered 
Agra about the hour of afternoon prayers and took 
up my residence in Sultan Ibrahim's palace. 

In 925 a. h. (1519 a. d.) I again collected an army, 
and having taken the fort of Bajaur by storm in two 
or three hours, I put all the garrison to the sword. I 
next advanced into Bahrah, where I prevented all 

1 This diamond is thought to have been, perhaps, the famous Koh-i-nur. 


marauding and plunder, imposed a contribution on the 
inhabitants, and levied upon it four hundred thousand 
Shah-rukhis (almost £20,000 sterling) in money and 
goods. I then divided the proceeds among the troops 
who were in my service, after which I returned to my 
capital, Kabul. 

From that time till the year 932 a. h. (1526 a. d.), I 
devoted myself particularly to the affairs of Hindustan, 
and in the space of these seven or eight years entered 
it five times at the head of an army. The fifth time 
God Most High, in His grace and mercy, cast down and 
defeated an enemy so mighty as Sultan Ibrahim, and 
made me the master and conqueror of the powerful 
empire of Hindustan.' 

Babar then proceeds to give a lengthy account of 
his several campaigns in India during the course of the 
following years. His memoirs terminate abruptly, the 
last event chronicled being the third of Muharram, 
936 a. h. (March, 1530 a. d.), and his early death at 
Agra on December 26, 1530, at the age of forty-eight, 
may account for the absence of further records. 




1530 " I 556 A. D. 

AN interesting account of the opening of Humayun's 
reign has been preserved from the pen of the 
historian Khwandamir, who died four years after his 
sovereign's accession to the throne. The general his- 
torical work of this author is well known, and it is 
worth observing, with Dowson, that in his old age 
Khwandamir became quite a courtier, abandoning the 
role of the true historian to become a royal panegyrist. 
A specimen of the Humayun Namah, his last work, 
will sufficiently illustrate this fact by its somewhat 
Oriental style. It is chosen here particularly because 
it gives a picture of court life rather than a descrip- 
tion of endless wars and massacres, which are all too 
common in the history of Mohammedan India. 



' When this humble and insignificant slave Ghiyas- 
ad-din ibn Humam-ad-din, whom men commonly call 
Khwandamir— may God aid him to surmount all diffi- 
culties!— obtained the honour of meeting the great 
emperor Humayun and the rays of royal kindness shone 
on the surface of his hopes and circumstances, he con- 
ceived the desire and entertained the idea in his mind 
that he would describe, as a memorial for future days, 
some of the works and inventions of this monarch; for 
the histories of kings, by means of the black water of 
ink, which has the effect of the water of life, are immor- 
talized, and the great names and writings of clever 
authors, by virtue of their praises of celebrated kings, 
are stamped on the page of time. For instance, the 
excellencies of Mahmud were described by Utbi and 
Unsuri, and the poems of Mu'izzi and Anwari cele- 
brated the character of Sanjar. 

"Who would remember Hakim Anwari, 
Had he not spoken about Sanjar and his works? 
Because Utbi conferred praises on Mahmud, 
Therefore he obtained the object of his desire. 
Sharaf was celebrated in the world 
Because he wrote the eulogy of Timur Gurgan." 

Although the compiler of this book withheld his 
tongue from commencing the history of this renowned 
monarch's exploits and deeds, since he had but little 
knowledge and was endowed with no ability, and did 
not allow the pen which possesses two tongues to de- 
scribe the character of this most prosperous king, yet 
he always entertained that desire in his faithful heart 


and the intention never forsook his mind. On an eve 
which was full of light, this insignificant creature, the 
author, having obtained the honour of being present in 
his Majesty's court at Gwalior, was commanded to sit 
down, and the fingers of the generosity of that sun 
of the heaven of glory opened the gates of kindness 
to him, and the tongue of that king of kings, who was 
as dignified as Alexander the Great, pronounced these 
pleasing words: " It seems proper and desirable that 
the inventions of my auspicious mind and the improve- 
ments of my enlightened understanding should be ar- 
ranged in a series and written down, so that in future 
ages the light of these happy works may shine among 
the people of countries far and near." For this cause, 
the writer, who was wishing for a long time that such 
a mandate might come to pass, engaged, like his pen, 
in writing these very interesting subjects; and having 
commenced to mention the wonderful inventions, he 
imparted eloquence to the pen which possesses two 
tongues. He hopes that, through the favour of God 
on high, these pages, which contain useful matters, may 
meet the approbation of the most learned personages 
of the high court, and that they may view these lines 
of the book of eloquence with the eye of acceptance, 
and overlook the mistakes which may have been com- 
mitted therein by the deficient tongue of the pen. 

In the beginning of Jumada-1-awwal, 937 a. h. (Dec, 
1530 a. d.), when Zahir-ad-din Mohammad Babar, the 
king who was as dignified as Solomon, whose seat is 
now in paradise, left the throne of this world for the 


eternal heaven, the celestial herald of the Supreme Lord 
raised the pleasing cry, " We have made thee king on 
earth," to the ears of this rightful prince Humayun, 
and the hand of the kindness of the Creator of souls and 
substances put the happy robe of royalty on the person 
of this able monarch, the Conqueror of the World. 

" The hope which was evoked by prosperity is now realized ; 
The desire which the world entertained is satisfied." 

On Friday, the ninth of the same month, public 
prayer was read in the name and title of this noble king 
in the Jami' Masjid at Agra, and the noise of con- 
gratulations which arose from the crowd of the people 
reached beyond the heavens. 

Among other wonderful events which happened to 
our great prince, one was that in the year in which 
the late Emperor Babar marched from Kabul toward 
Kandahar, he left Humayun, this sun of the heaven 
of royalty and power, in charge of the duties of gov- 
ernment. One day the latter mounted his horse and 
went to ride in the forests, hills, gardens, and mead- 
ows. On the road he wished to take an omen, and 
having called Masih-ad-din Euh-AUah, who was his 
tutor, he told him it had just entered his mind that he 
would ask the names of the first three persons he met 
and take an omen from them. Masih-ad-din said it 
would be enough if he asked only one man's name, but 
the king was firm in his resolution. 

After they had gone a little distance, they saw a 
man about forty years of age; and when they asked 



him his name, he replied, " Murad Khwaja." After 
him another man, driving an ass loaded with wood, came 

before them; and when they inquired of him his name, 
he said, " Daulat Khwaja." On this it passed from 


the secret-telling tongue of the king that if the name 
of the third person who should happen to meet them 
should be Sa'adat Khwaja, it might be considered a 
very curious accident, and the star of success, accord- 
ing to the oriien, would rise from the horizon of pros- 
perity. At this moment a boy who was leading cattle 
to graze came in sight; and when they asked him what 
was his name, he answered, " Sa'adat Khwaja." This 
of course excited great wonder and surprise in all who 
accompanied the king, and they were all sure that this 
prosperous prince would soon, by divine assistance, 
attain the highest pitch of fortune and glory, and that 
the hand of the favour of God would open to him the 
gates of success in all his sacred and worldly hopes. 

When the auspicious throne of royalty was filled by 
this brave and dignified monarch, all the officers of the 
state, as well as the inhabitants of the kingdom, were 
divided into three classes. The brothers and relatives 
of the king, the nobles and ministers, and the military 
men were called AM-i Daulat (officers of the state), 
since it is evident that no degree of wealth and pros- 
perity can be attained without the assistance of this 
class of brave subjects; and no one can obtain throne 
or power without the aid of warriors and heroes. 

" Kings, with the assistance of their armies, 
Place their feet upon the throne of empires. 
He alone can obtain wealth and rank 
Who is assisted by his army." 

The divines, the holy men, the Sayyids, the schol- 
ars, the officers of the law, the scientists, and the poets, 


besides other great and respectable men, formed the 
second class and were denominated Ahl-i Sot Mat (good 
men), since respect, obedience, and honour paid them, 
as well as association with them, secure eternal pros- 
perity and enable men to rise to exalted rank and 

" Virtue is the gift of God ; 
It is not in the power of the mighty man to obtain it ; 
If thou wouldst obtain fortune, 
Associate thou with virtuous men." 

Those who possessed beauty and elegance, those who 
were young and most lovely, and those who were clever 
musicians and sweet singers composed the third class, 
and the appellation of Ahl-i Murdd (people of pleasure) 
was conferred upon them, because most people take 
great delight in the company of such young men of rosy 
cheeks and sweet voices, and are pleased by hearing 
their songs and the delightsome sound of musical instru- 
ments, such as the harp, the sackbut, and the lute. 

" The hope of the heart of lovers 
Is never realized but when they meet them of rose-hued cheeks ; 
He who delighteth in songs and music 
Hath the gates of happiness opened for himself." 

The wise king also divided the days of the week 
according to a similar classification, and appointed one 
day for each of these three classes. Thus, Saturdays 
and Thursdays were fixed for pious men, and visits 
were received on those days from literary and religious 
folk. On these two days the tree of the hope of this 


estimable body of the people produced the fruit of pros- 
perity, since they obtained audience in the court, which 
was like to Paradise. The reason why these two days 
were appointed for this class was that Saturday is 
ascribed to Saturn, who is the protector of good and 
religious men and persons of old families; while Thurs- 
day is appropriated to Jupiter, who is the preserver 
of Sayyids, scholars, and strict followers of the Mo- 
hammedan law. 

Sundays and Tuesdays were fixed for the state 
officers, and on these days all the government business 
and duties connected with the management of the coun- 
try were discharged. On these days also the king, the 
destroyer of enemies, sat in the public court, and all 
the nobles and plebeians were able to obtain the honour 
of seeing him. The advantage in appointing these two 
days for opening the court and attending to the state 
affairs was that Sunday belongs to the Sun, on whom, 
by the will of God, depends the fate of all rulers and 
kings; and Tuesday is the day of Mars, who is the 
patron of warriors and heroes. Hence it is evident 
that it was most seemly for Humayun to adorn the 
throne of sovereignty in the public court by his royal 
sessions and to devote himself to the discharge of gov- 
ernment duties on those two days. 

Among other customs which were introduced by this 
just and generous king, one was that when he adorned 
the throne of royalty, drums were beaten to inform 
the people, who straightway flocked to see him; and 
when he left the court, the gunners fired guns to let 



the people know that they might retire. On those days, 
moreover, the keeper of the wardrobe used to fetch 
some suits of fine apparel, while the treasurer brought 
several purses of money, and they placed them in the 
court in order that rewards and robes might be given 
to any one from them, and that no delay should take 
place. In addition to all this, a number of heroes of 
most martial bearing donned coats of mail and took 
blood-drinking swords in their hands, standing before 
the throne to seize and punish those who might be 
proved guilty. 

Mondays and Wednesdays were allotted for pleasure 
parties, and on these days some of the emperor's boon 
companions and chosen friends were convened and a 
band of musicians and singers was called. The cause 
of appointing these days for this purpose was that Mon- 
day is the day of the Moon and Wednesday of Mercury; 
and it was, therefore, suitable that on these days he 
should keep company with young men beautiful as the 
moon and hear sweet songs and delightful music. On 
Fridays, as the Arabic name of the day, jum'a, or 
" assembly," implies, he called together all the assem- 
blies and sat with them as long as he could find leisure 
from his other duties. 

Another invention of this king was that he made 
three arrows of gold and called each after the name 
of one of the three classes mentioned above. Each of 
these arrows was given to one of the leading men of 
the respective classes and he was commissioned to 
manage all the affairs of the class to which he belonged. 



As long as he conducted his duties with such care as 
to ensure the pleasure of God and the satisfaction of 
the king, he was maintained in his trust. But when 
he was intoxicated by the wine of arrogance and pride, 
or when his foresight was obscured by the dimness of 
negligence and he did not look after his business, but 


unfortunately thought only of collecting riches, then 
the arrow of his wishes failed to hit the target of suc- 
cess, and the pen of destiny removed him from office 
for his insolent deeds. 

Among the customs introduced by this king, one 
was that of the distribution of arrows which marked 
the distinction of ranks and stations among the serv- 
ants of the throne. According to the different stand- 


ards of gold, the ranks of all the people composing the 
three classes were divided into twelve orders or arrows, 
and every one received a grade and rank suitable to 
himself. The twelfth arrow, which was made of the 
purest gold, was put in the auspicious quiver of this 
powerful king and no one dared to touch it; the elev- 
enth arrow belonged to his Majesty's kinsmen and 
brethren and to all who were in the government employ; 
the tenth, to the great divines, Sayyids, scholars, and 
holy men; the ninth, to the great nobles; the eighth, 
to the courtiers and some of the king's personal attend- 
ants; the seventh, to the attendants in general; the 
sixth, to the harems and to the female attendants; the 
fifth, to young maid-servants; the fourth, to the treas- 
urers and stewards; the third, to the soldiers; the 
second, to the menial servants; and the first, to the 
palace guards, camel-drivers, and the like. Each of 
these arrows or orders had three grades: the highest, 
the middle, and the lowest. 

Another of the arrangements of this king was that 
he divided all the affairs of government into four de- 
partments according to the number of the four elements, 
naming them respectively AtasM (" fiery "), Hawai 
(" airy "), All (" watery "), and Khaki (" earthy "); 
and appointed four ministers to conduct the business 
of these departments. The department which com- 
prised artillery and the making of arms, weapons of 
war, various sorts of engines, and other such things 
as require the assistance of fire, was called AtasM; and 
the superintendence of this department was placed 


under Khwaja Amid-al-Mulk, the fire of whose solici- 
tude inflamed the ovens of the hearts of those who 
were employed on these works. 

The duties connected with the wardrobe, kitchen, 
stable, and other great and important offices belonged 
to the Hawdi department, and the care of them was 
entrusted to Khwaja Lutf- Allah. The digging of canals 
and all the works which related to water and rivers 
were comprised in the AM department, of which 
Khwaja Hasam was superintendent. Agriculture, build- 
ing, the administration of government lands, and some 
household affairs formed a department which was called 
Khaki, and this was placed under the management of 
Khwaja Jalal-ad-din Mirza Beg. Formerly, one of the 
nobles was ordered to look after each department. 
Amir Nasir Kuli, for instance, supervised the fire de- 
partment and he always used to put on red clothes. 
After his death, Mir Nihal, that cypress of the garden 
of dignity and grandeur, was appointed to the same 
duty; but in the days when these pages were written, 
the supervision of all four departments was entrusted 
to that most learned man, Amir Wais Mohammad. 

Another great work of this just and generous king 
was the city of Dinpanah, a haven of rest for holy 
men. In the month of Sha'ban, 939 a. h. (1533 a. p.). 
when the fort of Gwalior became an object of envy 
to the high revolving heavens because of the royal 
presence, the great king one night ascended the impe- 
rial throne, and having ordered all his great courtiers 
and learned companions to sit down, poured forth from 



his tongue the secrets of the pearls of these words, 
that it had long since been his intention to found near 
the capital of Delhi a great city, whose lofty ramparts 
should open the tongue of reproach and scorn at Kha- 
warnak and Sawir, the palaces of Bahram Gor, and 
the keeper of whose bastions might claim equality with 
Saturn. In this same city, furthermore, a magnificent 
palace of seven stories should be erected, surrounded 
by delightful gardens and orchards; and its elegance 
and beauty should be such that its fame would draw 
mankind from the remotest corners of the world for 
its inspection. This city should be the abode of wise 
and intelligent persons and should be called Dinpanah, 
Those who were present in that assembly, which 
resembled paradise, opened their mouths in approba- 
tion and applause of such a scheme. At the same time, 
the most witty and clever Shihab-ad-din Ahmad Mu'- 
ammai discovered that the numerical value of the words 
Shalir-i padshah Dinpanah (" the royal city Dinpa- 
nah ") was 940, and he said that if the city were built 
in that year it would be a very remarkable fact. These 
words were immediately brought to the notice of the 
king, who was greatly struck with them, as were all 
the officers of the high court. Everybody present began 
thereupon to sing the following stanza before his Maj- 
esty, who understood the excellencies of poetry so well: 

"The picture which thy imagination draweth on thy mind 
Hath no opposition from the hand of destiny ; 
What thy understanding doth write upon a leaf 
Agreeth with the book of God's own Will." 


The king accordingly fixed the resolution in his enlight- 
ened mind; and after he had returned from Gwalior 
to Agra, under the protection of the Almighty God, 
he turned the reins of his world-travelling horse toward 
the city of Delhi in the beginning of the month of Zu-1- 
hijja, 939 a. h. When he had reached the city, which 
was as beautiful as heaven, and had taken omens and 
religious advice, a rising ground adjacent to the banks 
of the stream of Jumna, about three leagues from the 
city, was selected for the foundation of Dinpanah. 

In the middle of the month of Muharram, 940 a. h., 
at an hour which was prescribed by the most clever 
astrologers and the greatest astronomers, all the di- 
vines, Sayyids, scholars, and elders of the city of Delhi 
accompanied the king, who was as generous as the 
ocean, to the new site, where they prayed that God 
on high might vouchsafe to finish the happy foundation 
of that city and to strengthen the basis of the king's 
wealth. His Majesty with his holy hand first laid a 
brick upon the ground, after which each person from 
that concourse of great men placed a stone on the earth, 
and they all made such a crowd there that the army, 
the people, and the artists, masons, and labourers found 
neither space nor time to carry stones and mud to the 
spot. On the same date work was commenced in the 
king's own palace, and by this time, that is to say, the 
latter part of the month of Shawwal of the same year, 
the walls, bastions, ramparts, and gates of the city 
of Dinpanah are nearly finished.' 





Sixteenth Century A. D. 

AKBAR the Great was a reformer and innovator, 
as has been fully shown in the preceding volume. 
Among the detailed accounts of his reign is a rec- 
ord by Abd-al-Kadir Badauni, who lived and wrote 
at the great emperor's court and died in 1615 a. d., 
ten years after his royal patron's death. 

The selection here chosen from Badauni 's work 
illustrates the well-known latitudinarianism of Akbar 
in religious matters and shows how little favour they 
met with in orthodox Mohammedan eyes like those of 

1 In the year 983 a. h. (1575 a. d.), the buildings of 
the Ibadat-KMnah, or " Hall of Worship," were com- 
pleted. The cause of their erection was as follows. In 



the course of the last few years the emperor had gained 
many great and remarkable victories, and his dominion 
had grown in extent from day to day, so that not an 
enemy was left in the world. He had taken a liking 
for the society of ascetics and the disciples of the cele- 
brated Mu'iniyyah, and spent much time in discussing 
the Word of God and the sayings of the Prophet, like- 
wise devoting his attention to problems of Sufism, sci- 
ence, philosophy, law, and similar matters. He passed 
whole nights in meditation upon God and upon the 
modes of addressing Him, and reverence for the great 
Giver filled his heart. In order to show his gratitude 
for his blessings, he would sit many a morning alone 
in prayer and mortification upon the stone bench of an 
old cell in a lonely spot near the palace. Thus engaged 
in meditation, he gathered the bliss of the early hours 
of dawn. 

Having completed the construction of the " Hall of 
Worship," he made a large chamber in each of its four 
divisions and also finished the construction of the tank 
called anilptaldo. After prayers on Fridays he would 
go from the monastery of the Shaikh-al-Islam and hold 
a meeting in this new building. Shaikhs, learned and 
pious men, and a few of his own companions and attend- 
ants were the only people who were invited, and dis- 
cussions were carried on upon all kinds of instructive 
and useful topics. Every Sabbath evening he invited 
Sayyids, shaikhs, theologians, and nobles, but ill feel- 
ing arose in the company about the order of precedence, 
so that his Majesty commanded that the nobles should 



sit on the east side, the Sayyids on the west, the theo- 
logians on the south, and the shaikhs on the north. 
His Majesty would go to these various parties from 
time to time and converse with them to ascertain their 


thoughts. Quantities of perfume were used and large 
sums of money were distributed as rewards of merit 
and ability among the worthy people who obtained an 
entry through the favour of the emperor's attendants. 
Many fine books which had belonged to Itmad Khan 
Gujarati and had been acquired in the conquest of 


Gujarat were placed in the royal library, but were sub- 
sequently brought out and distributed by the emperor 
among learned and pious men. One night the vein 
of the neck of the chief theologian of the age swelled 
up in anger and a great outcry and tumult arose. This 
annoyed his Majesty, and he said to the humble writer 
of these lines: " In future, report any one of the assem- 
bly whom you find speaking improperly, and I will have 
him turned out." Thereupon I said quietly to Asaf 
Khan: " According to this, a good many would be 
expelled." His Majesty asked what I had said, and 
when I told him, he was much amused, and repeated 
my saying to those who were near him. 

In the year 983 a. h. (1575 - 1576 a. d.), Hakim Abu-1- 
Fath Gilani, Hakim Humayun (who subsequently 
changed his name to Humayun Kuli and finally to Hakim 
Humam), and Nur-ad-din, who is known as a poet under 
the name of Karari, arrived at the imperial court. 
These three were brothers and came from Gilan near 
the Caspian. The eldest of them obtained an extraor- 
dinary ascendency over the emperor by his subservi- 
ency, flattering him openly and adapting himself to 
every change in the religious ideas of his Majesty, so 
that, by thus pushing forward, he soon became one 
of Akbar's most intimate friends. Shortly afterward, 
Mulla Mohammad of Yazd came to court, whom they 
nicknamed Yazidi [" devil-worshipper "]. He attached 
himself to the emperor and concocted the most extrav- 
agant censures against the Companions of the Prophet 
(the peace of God be upon them!). He told extraor- 



« I 

-" I 






dinary stories about them and tried hard to make the 
emperor a heretic. This man was far distanced by 
Birbal, Shaikh Abu-1-Fazl, and Hakim Abu-1-Fath, who 
turned the emperor from the Faith of the Prophet and 
made him a perfect sceptic of inspiration, the prophetic 
office, the miracles, and the law. They carried matters 
to such an extent that I, the author, could no longer 
bear them company. 

About the same time, his Majesty ordered Kazi 
Jalal-ad-din and several other learned men to write a 
commentary upon the Koran, but they fell to squabbling 
about it. As history was read from day to day, his 
Majesty's faith in the Companions of the Prophet began 
to be shaken and the breach grew broader, so that daily 
prayers, fasts, and prophecies were all pronounced to be 
delusions opposed to sense. Reason, not revelation, was 
declared to be the basis of religion. Europeans also 
paid visits to him and he adopted some of their ration- 
alistic tenets. 

His Majesty used frequently to go to the " Hall of 
"Worship " and converse with the theologians and 
shaikhs, especially on Sabbath evenings, and would 
sometimes pass the whole night there. The discussions 
always turned upon the principles and divergencies of 
religion, and the disputants used to exercise the sword 
of their tongues upon each other with such sharpness 
and animosity that the various sects at length took to 
calling each other infidels and renegades. Innovators 
and schismatics artfully started their doubts and soph- 
istries, making right appear to be wrong and wrong to 


be right, and thus his Majesty, who had an excellent 
understanding and sought after the truth, but was sur- 
rounded by low irreligious persons to whom he gave his 
confidence, was plunged into scepticism. Doubt ac- 
cumulated upon doubt and the object of his search was 
lost. The ramparts of the law and of the true faith 
were broken down, and in the course of five or six 
years not a single trace of Islam was left in him. 

There were many reasons for this, but I shall men- 
tion only a few. Learned men of various kinds and 
from every country, as well as adherents of many 
different religions and creeds, assembled at his court 
and were admitted to converse with him. Night and 
day people did nothing but inquire and investigate. 
Profound points of science, the subtleties of revelation, 
the curiosities of history, and the wonders of nature 
were the continual themes of discussion. His Majesty 
collected the opinions of every one, especially of those 
who were not Mohammedans, retaining whatever he 
approved and rejecting everything which was against 
his disposition and ran counter to his wishes. From 
his earliest childhood to his manhood, and from his 
manhood to old age, his Majesty passed through the 
most diverse phases and through all sorts of religious 
practices and sectarian beliefs, and collected everything 
which people can find in books, with a talent of selec- 
tion peculiar to him and a spirit of inquiry opposed 
to every Islamitic principle. 

Thus a faith, based on some elementary principles, 
traced itself on the mirror of his heart, and as the result 



of all the influences which were brought to bear upon 
him, there grew (as gradually as the outline on a 
stone) the conviction in his heart that there were sen- 
sible men in all religions, and abstemious thinkers and 
men endowed with miraculous powers among all na- 

akbar's tomb at sikandra. 

tions. If some true knowledge was thus to be found 
everywhere, why should truth be confined to one 
religion or to a creed like Islam, which was compara- 
tively new and scarcely a thousand years old? Why 
should one sect assert what another denies, and why 
should one claim a preference without having superior- 
ity conferred on itself 1 ? 

Moreover, Hindu ascetics and Brahmans managed 
to get frequent private interviews with his Majesty. 


As they surpass all other learned men in their treatises 
on morals and on physical and religious sciences, and 
since they attain a high degree of knowledge of the 
future and of spiritual power and human perfection, 
they brought proofs based on reason and testimony for 
the truth of their own religion and the falsity of other 
faiths, and inculcated their doctrines so firmly, and so 
skilfully represented things as quite self-evident which 
require consideration, that no man, by expressing his 
doubts, could now raise a doubt in his Majesty, even 
though the mountains should crumble to dust or the 
heavens be torn asunder. 

Hence his Majesty cast aside the Islamitic revela- 
tions regarding the resurrection, the Day of Judgment, 
and the details connected with it, together with all 
ordinances based on the tradition of our Prophet. He 
listened to every insult which the courtiers heaped on 
our pure and glorious faith, which can so easily be 
followed; and eagerly seizing such opportunities, his 
words and gestures showed his satisfaction at the treat- 
ment which his original religion received at the hands 
of these apostates. 

In 986 a. h. (1578 a. d.), the missionaries of Europe, 
who are termed Padris, and whose chief pontiff, called 
Papa (Pope), promulgates his interpretations for the 
use of the people and issues mandates that even kings 
dare not disobey, brought their Gospel to the king's 
notice, advanced proofs of the Trinity, affirmed the 
truth of the Christian faith, and spread abroad the 
knowledge of the religion of Jesus. The king ordered 



Prince Murad to learn a few lessons from the Gospel 
and to treat it with all due respect, while Shaikh Abu-1- 
Fazl was directed to translate it. 

On the other hand, Birbal the Hindu tried to per- 
suade the king that since the sun gives light to all, and 
ripens all grain, fruits, and products of the earth, and 
supports the life of mankind, that luminary should be 
the object of worship and veneration; that the face 
should be turned toward the rising, not toward the 
setting, sun; that man should venerate fire, water, 
stones, trees, and all natural objects, even down to 
cows and their dung; and that he should adopt the 
frontal mark and the Brahmanical cord. Several wise 
men at court confirmed what he said by representing 
that the sun was the chief light of the world and the 
benefactor of its inhabitants, that it was a friend to 
kings and that monarchs established periods and eras 
in conformity with its motions. This was the cause 
of the worship paid to the sun on the New Year of 
the Persian emperor Jalal-ad-din, and the reason why 
he had been induced to adopt that festival for the cele- 
bration of his accession to the throne. Every day, 
therefore, Akbar used to put on clothes of the particular 
colour which accorded with that of the regent planet 
of the day. He began also, at midnight and at early 
dawn, to mutter the spells which the Hindus taught 
him for the purpose of subduing the sun to his wishes. 
He prohibited the slaughter of cows and the eating of 
their flesh, because the Hindus devoutly worship them 
and esteem their dung as pure. He likewise declared 


that physicians had represented the flesh of kine to 
be productive of sundry kinds of sickness and to be 
difficult to digest. 

Fire-worshippers also came from Nausari in Gu- 
jarat, proclaiming the religion of Zardusht [Zoroaster] 
as the true one and asserting that reverence to fire is 
superior to every other kind of worship. They at- 
tracted the king's regard and taught him the peculiar 
terms, ordinances, rites, and ceremonies of the ancient 
Persians; so that at last he directed that the sacred 
fire should be made over to the charge of Abu-1-Fazl, 
and that, according to the fashion of the Kings of Iran, 
in whose temples blazed perpetual fires, he should take 
care that it was never extinguished either by night 
or day— for that it is one of the emblems of God and 
one light from among the many lights of His creation. 

From his earliest youth, in compliment to his wives, 
the daughters of the Rajas of Hind, Akbar had, within 
the female apartments, continued to burn the horn, 
which is a ceremony derived from fire-worship; but on 
the New Year festival of the twenty-fifth year after his 
accession (987 a. h., 1579 a. d.) he prostrated himself 
both before the sun and before the fire in public, and 
in the evening the whole court were required to rise up 
respectfully when the lamps and candles were lighted. 

On the festival of the eighth day after the sun's 
entrance into Virgo in this year, Akbar came forth to 
the public audience-chamber with his forehead marked 
like a Hindu and with jewelled strings tied on his wrist 
by Brahmans as a blessing. The chiefs and nobles 



adopted the same practice in imitation of him and on 
that day presented pearls and precious stones suitable 
to their respective wealth and station. It also became 
the current custom to wear on the wrist the rdkhi, an 
amulet formed of twisted linen 
rags. In defiance and contempt 
of the true faith, he treated as 
manifest and decisive every pre- 
cept which was enjoined by the 
doctors of other religions. The 
teachings of Islam, on the con- 
trary, were esteemed follies, in- 
novations, and inventions of 
indigent beggars, rebels, and 
highway robbers; and those 
who professed that religion 
were set down as contemptible 
idiots. These sentiments had 
long been growing up in his 
Majesty's mind, and gradually 
ripened into a firm conviction 
of their truth. 

In this same year, a declara- 
tion was issued over the signa- 
tures and seals of Makhdum-al- 
Mulk, Shaikh Abd-an-Nabi, the chief judge, Jalal-ad- 
din Multani, the chief justice, Sadr-i Jahan, the chief 
expounder of the law, Shaikh Mubarak, the most learned 
man of the age, and Ghazi Khan Badakhshi, who had 
no rival in the science of metaphysics. The object of 



this document was to establish the complete superiority 
of the just leader over the chief lawyer and to make 
the judgment and choice of the latter so preponderating 
an authority on divers questions that no one could pos- 
sibly reject his commands, either in religious or polit- 
ical matters. 

This declaration ran, in part, as follows: " We have 
determined and do decree that the rank of a just ruler 
is higher in the eyes of God than the rank of a chief 
lawyer. Further, we declare that the Sultan of Islam, 
the refuge of mankind, the leader of the faithful, and 
the shadow of God on earth— Abu-1-Fath Jalal-ad-din 
Mohammad Akbar Padshah-i Ghazi (whose kingdom 
may God perpetuate !) —is a most just, wise, and God- 
fearing king. If, therefore, there should be a variance 
of opinion among the chief lawyers upon questions of 
religion, and if his Majesty, in his penetrating under- 
standing and unerring judgment, should incline to one 
opinion and give his decree for the benefit of mankind 
and for the due regulation of the world, we do hereby 
agree that such a decree is binding on us and on the 
whole nation. Furthermore, we declare that should 
his Majesty, in his unerring judgment, issue an order 
which is not in opposition to the Koran and which is 
for the benefit of the nation, it shall be binding and 
imperative on every man. Opposition to it shall involve 
damnation in the world to come and loss of religion and 
property in this life. This document has been written 
with honest intentions for the glory of God and the 
propagation of Islam, and is signed by us, the principal 



divines and lawyers, in the month of Rajab, 987 a. h. 
(1579 a. d.)." 

The draft of this document was in the handwriting 
of Shaikh Mubarak. The others had signed it against 
their will, but the Shaikh of his own accord added at the 
bottom that he had most willingly signed his name, for 
it was a matter to which he had been anxiously looking 
forward for several years. 

After his Majesty had obtained this legal opinion, 
the road of deciding religious questions was opened, 
the superiority of the judgment of the Imam was estab- 
lished, and opposition was rendered impossible. The 
legal distinction between lawful and unlawful was set 
aside, the judgment of the Imam became paramount 
over the dogmas of the law, and Islam was called a 
counterfeit. His Majesty had now determined pub- 
licly to use the formula: " There is no god but God, 
and Akbar is the representative of God; " but as he 
found that the extravagance of this phrase led to com- 
motions, he restricted its use to a few people in the 

In 990 a. h. (1582 a. d.), his Majesty was firmly 
convinced that a period of one thousand years from the 
mission of the Prophet was the extent of the duration 
of the religion of Islam, and that this period was now 
accomplished. There was no longer any obstacle to 
promulgating the designs which he secretly held, for 
now he was free from the respect and reverence due 
to the shaikhs and divines and from the deference owing 
to their authority. To his entire satisfaction, he was 



able to carry out his project of overturning the dogmas 
and principles of Islam, to set up his novel, absurd, 
and dangerous regulations, and to give currency to his 
own vicious beliefs. 

In 991 a. h. (1583 a. d.) the King erected two build- 
ings outside the city where he might feed holy men, 
both Mussulman and Hindu. Some of Abu-1-FazPs 


people were in charge and used to spend the king's 
money in procuring food. As Hindu ascetics also used 
to flock there in great numbers, a separate house was 
built for them and called Jogipura. Nightly sessions 
were held in private with some of these men, and they 
used to employ themselves in various follies and extrav- 
agancies, in contemplations, gestures, addresses, ab- 
stractions, and reveries, and in alchemy, incantation, 



and magic. The king himself studied alchemy and used 
to exhibit the gold which he made. One night in the 
year, called Shiv-rat (" the night of Siva "), was ap- 
pointed for a grand assembly of ascetics from all parts 
of the country, and on this occasion his Majesty would 
eat and drink with the best of them, being especially 
gratified by their assurances that he was destined to live 
three or four times longer than the natural life of man.' 



1605 - 1628 A. D. 

THE Memoirs of the Emperor Jahangir are written 
in the form of annals, which give the main events 
of each year in chronological order. They are preserved 
in two forms: one set of copies, a first edition, com- 
prises twelve years of the emperor's reign; the other, 
which is extremely rare, carries the records through the 
eighteenth year. Having the nature both of a journal 
and an autobiography, these Memoirs are very valuable 
and are certainly interesting when taken as a whole, 
even if some of the detailed items and more special 
matters are, to some extent, lacking in attractiveness. 
The character of the Memoirs in general proves 
Jahangir to have been a man of more than ordinary 
ability, and in spite of weaknesses and faults, which 
he acknowledges and puts on record with unusual can- 
dour, they leave on the mind a favourable impression 
of the emperor's nature and his talents. The first ex- 
tracts, as given below, relate to the beginning of Ja- 




hangir's reign and to the Twelve Institutes which he 
ordained as regulations throughout his realm. 

* On Thursday, the eighth of Jumada-s-sani, 1014 
a. h. (Oct. 12, 1605 a. d.), I ascended the throne at Agra, 
in the thirty-eighth year of my age. The first order 
which I issued was for the setting up of a Chain of 
Justice, so that if the officers of the courts of justice 
should fail in the investigation of the complaints of the 
oppressed and in granting them redress, the injured per- 
sons might come to this chain and shake it, and thus 
give notice of their wrongs. I ordered that the chain 
should be made of pure gold and be thirty gaz long 
(about sixty feet), with sixty bells upon it. One end 
was firmly attached to a battlement of the fort of Agra, 
the other to a stone column on the bank of the river. 

I established twelve ordinances, which were ob- 
served as the common rule of practice throughout my 

1. Prohibition of cesses. — I forbad the levy of 
duties under the names of tamgha (stamp-taxes) and 
mlr-bahrl (port-dues), together with all forms of taxes 
which the fief -holders of every province and division 
had been in the habit of exacting for their own benefit. 

2. Regulation concerning highway robbery and 
theft.— In those roads which were the scenes of rob- 
bery and theft, and in those portions of road which 
were far from habitations, the fief -holders of the neigh- 
bourhood were required to build a shelter for travellers 
or a mosque, and were also commanded to sink a well 
to promote cultivation and to induce people to settle 


there. If these places were near lands belonging to the 
exchequer, the government officials were to carry out 
these provisions. 

3. Rights of merchants and of inheritance of prop- 
erty. — First, " no one was to open the packages of 
merchants on the roads without their consent. Sec- 
ondly, when any infidel or Mussulman died in any part 
of my dominions, his property and effects were to be 
allowed to descend by inheritance without interference 
from any one. When there was no heir, officers were 
to be appointed to take charge of the property and to 
expend it according to the law of Islam in building 
mosques and shelters for travellers, as well as in re- 
pairing broken bridges and also in digging tanks and 
sinking wells. 

4. Of wine and all kinds of intoxicating liquors.— 
Wine and all sorts of intoxicating liquor were forbidden 
and might neither be made nor sold; although I myself 
have been accustomed to drink wine and from my eight- 
eenth year to the present, which is the thirty-eighth 
year of my age, have regularly partaken of it. In early 
days, when I craved for drink, I sometimes took as 
many as twenty cups of double-distilled liquor. In 
course of time it seriously affected me and I set about 
reducing the quantity. In the period of seven years 
I brought it down to five or six cups. My times of 
drinking varied; sometimes I began when two or three 
hours of the day remained; and sometimes I took it at 
night and a little in the day. I kept this up until my 
thirtieth year, when I resolved to drink only at night, 



and at present I drink wine solely to promote the diges- 
tion of my food. 

5. Prohibition of seizing houses and of cutting off 
the noses and ears of criminals.— No one was per- 
mitted to take up his abode in the dwelling of another. 
I likewise issued an order prohibiting every one from 
cutting off the noses or ears of criminals for any 
offence, and I made a vow to heaven that I would never 
inflict this punishment on any one. 

6. Prohibition of taking the property of another 
without his consent.— Fief -holders and officers of lands 
belonging to the exchequer were forbidden to take the 
property of the peasants by force or to cultivate them 
on their own account; nor were these officials allowed 
to intermarry with the people in their districts without 
special permission. 

7. Building of hospitals and appointment of phy- 
sicians to attend the sec A;.— Hospitals were to be built 
in large cities and doctors were to be appointed to at- 
tend the sick. The expenses were to be paid from the 
royal treasury. 

8. Prohibition of the slaughter of animals on cer- 
tain days.— In imitation of my honoured father, the 
Emperor Akbar, I directed that every year from the 
eighteenth of Rabi'-al-awwal, my birthday, no animals 
should be slaughtered for a number of days correspond- 
ing to the years of my age. In every week, moreover, 
two days were to be exempted from slaughter: Thurs- 
day, the day of my accession, and Sunday, the birthday 
of my father. 



9. Respect paid to Sunday.— My father used to hold 
Sunday blessed and to pay it great respect, because it 


is dedicated to the Great Luminary and because it is 
the day on which the Creation was begun. Through- 


out my dominions this was one of the days on which 
it was forbidden to kill animals. 

10. General confirmation of commands and fiefs.— 
I issued a general order that the commands and fiefs 
of my father's servants should be confirmed, and after- 
wards I increased the old commands according to the 
merit of each individual. He who held ten was not 
advanced to less than twelve, and the augmentation was 
sometimes as much as from ten to thirty or forty. The 
allowance of all the guardsmen was advanced from ten 
to fifteen, and the monthly pay of all the domestics was 
from ten to twelve, or ten to twenty. The attendants 
upon the female apartments of my father were ad- 
vanced according to their position and kinsfolk from 
ten to twelve, or ten to twenty. 

11. Confirmation of grants. — All those lands 
throughout my dominions which were devoted to the 
purposes of prayer and praise, I confirmed according 
to the terms of the grant in the hands of each grantee. 
Miran, who is of the purest race of Sayyids in Hindu- 
stan and who held the office of justice in the days of 
my father, was directed to look after the poor every 

12. Amnesty for all prisoners in forts and in pris- 
ons of every kind.— All prisoners who had long been 
confined in forts or shut up in prisons I ordered to be 
set free.' 

In the second year of his reign Jahangir undertook 
a journey from Lahore to Kabul, the record of which 
is especially interesting. The narrative not only shows 


the inherited Moghul relations between Hindustan and 
the old capital of Afghanistan, but it brings out into 
a clearer light certain characteristics of Jahangir. In 
the words of Dowson, " he was a mighty hunter and 
took pleasure in the sport even in the later years of 
his life. He was a lover of nature, both animate and 
inanimate, and viewed it with a shrewd and observant 
eye. He mentions the peculiarities of many animals 
and birds, and shows that he watched their habits with 
diligence and perseverance. Trees and fruits and flow- 
ers also come under his observation, and he gives his 
opinion upon architecture and gardening like one who 
had bestowed time and thought upon them." The 
extracts that follow serve to illustrate this. 

' The second new year of my auspicious reign began 
on the twenty-second of Zu-1-ka'da, 1015 a. h. (March 
10, 1606 a. d.), and on the seventh of Zu-1-hijja, 1015 
a. h. (April, 1606 a. d.), I left the fort of Lahore at a 
prosperous hour, and crossing the Eavi, I alighted at 
the garden of Dilamez, where I stopped four days. On 
Sunday, which happened to be the day of the sun's 
entry into Aries, some of my servants were favoured 
with promotion and ten thousand rupees in cash were 
given to Husain Beg, the ambassador of the ruler of 

On Monday, I marched from the garden to a village 
called Haripur, three and a half leagues from the city, 
and on Tuesday, my flags waved in Jahangirpur, which 
was one of my hunting-grounds. Near this village a 
minaret was raised by my orders over an antelope of 



A D. 180 5 

En^li ah Mile* 
•o o too too *oO 

LongitucU Eait ao of Oreenvach 


mine called " Raj," which was not only the best fighter 
in my possession, but was the best decoy for wild deer. 
Mulla Mohammad Husain of Kashmir, who excelled all 
persons of his profession in calligraphy, had engraved 
the following words on a piece of stone: " In this 
delightful spot an antelope was caught by the Emperor 
Nur-ad-din Mohammad Jahangir, which in the space 
of a month became entirely tame and was considered 
the best of all the royal antelopes." Out of regard 
for this animal, I ordered that no one should hunt 
antelopes in that forest and that their flesh should be 
considered as unlawful as that of a cow to the infidel 
Hindus or as that of swine to the Mussulmans, and I 
caused the stone on the antelope tomb to be carved 
in the shape of a deer. 

On Thursday, the fourteenth, we encamped in the 
sub-district of Chandwala, and, after one intervening 
stage, arrived at Hafizabad on Saturday. In two 
marches more I reached the banks of the Chinab, and 
on Thursday, the twenty-first of Zu-1-hijja, I crossed 
the river by a bridge of boats and pitched my tents 
in the sub-district of Gujarat. When the Emperor 
Akbar was proceeding to Kashmir, he built a fort on 
the other side of this river, where he settled the Gujars, 
who had hitherto been devoted to plunder. The place 
was consequently named Gujarat and formed into a 
separate sub-district. The Gujars live chiefly upon milk 
and curds, and seldom cultivate land. 

On Friday, we arrived at Khawaspur, five leagues 
from Gujarat, and after two further marches we 


reached the banks of the Behat, where we pitched our 
tents. In the night a very strong wind blew, dark 
clouds obscured the sky, and it rained so heavily that 
even the oldest persons said they had never seen such 
floods. The storm ended with showers of hailstones, 
which were as large as hens' eggs, and the torrent of 
water, combined with the wind, broke the bridge. I 
crossed the river in a boat with the ladies of my harem, 
and as there were but very few boats for the other 
men, I ordered them to wait till the bridge was repaired. 
This was accomplished in a week, after which the whole 
camp crossed the river without trouble. 

The source of the river Behat is a fountain in Kash- 
mir called Virnag, a word which in the Hindi language 
signifies a snake, since it appears that at one time a 
very large serpent haunted the spot. I visited this 
source twice during the lifetime of my father. It is 
about twenty leagues from the city of Kashmir and 
rises in an octagonal basin about twenty yards in length 
by twenty in breadth. The neighbourhood contains 
many vestiges of the abodes of devotees, consisting 
of numerous caves and chambers made of stone. The 
water of this spring is so clear that, although its depth 
is said to be beyond estimation, if a poppy-seed be 
thrown in, it will be visible till it reaches the bottom. 
There are very fine fish in it. As I was told that the 
fountain was unfathomably deep, I ordered a stone to 
be tied to the end of a rope and thrown into it, and 
thus it was found that its depth did not exceed the 
height of a man and a half. After my accession to the 


throne, I ordered its sides to be paved with stones, 
a garden to be made round it, and the stream which 
flowed from it to be similarly decorated on both sides. 
Such elegant chambers and edifices were raised on each 
side of the basin that there is scarcely anything to 
equal it throughout the inhabited world. The river 
expands much as it approaches the village of Pampur, 
which lies ten leagues from the city of Kashmir. 

All the saffron of Kashmir is the product of this 
village, and perhaps there is no other place in the world 
where saffron is produced so abundantly. I visited 
this place once with my father in the season in which 
the plant blossoms. In all other trees we see, they first 
get the branches, then the leaves, and last of all the 
flower. But it is quite otherwise with this plant, for 
it blossoms when it is only about two inches above the 
ground. Its flower is of a bluish colour, having four 
leaves and four threads of orange colour, like those 
of safflower, equal in length to one joint of the finger. 
The fields of saffron are sometimes half a league or a 
league in length and they look very beautiful at a dis- 
tance. In the season when it is collected, the saffron 
has such a strong smell that people get headache from 
it, and even though I had taken a glass of wine, yet 
I myself was affected by it. I asked the Kashmirians 
who were employed in collecting it whether it had any 
effect upon them, and was surprised by their reply that 
" they did not even know what headache was." 

The stream that flows from the fountain of Virnag 
is called Behat in Kashmir, and becomes a large river 


after being joined by many other smaller ones on both 
sides. It runs through the city, and in some places its 
breadth does not exceed a bow-shot. Nobody drinks 
its water, since it is very dirty and unwholesome, but 
all quench their thirst from a tank called Dal, which 
is near the city. After falling into this tank, the Behat 
takes its course through Barah-Mulah, Pakali, and 
Damtaur and then enters the Panjab. There are many 
rivulets and fountains in Kashmir, but Darahlar, which 
joins the Behat at the village of Shihab-ad-dinpur, is 
the best of all the streams. 

This latter village is one of the most famous places 
in Kashmir, and in a piece of verdant land in it there 
are nearly a hundred handsome plane-trees, whose 
branches interlace and afford a deep and extensive 
shade. The surface of the land is so covered with green 
that it requires no carpet to be spread on it. The vil- 
lage was founded by Sultan Zain-al-Abidin, who ruled 
firmly over Kashmir for fifty-two years. He was there 
called Baroshah, or the Great King, and is said to have 
performed many miracles. The remains of many of his 
buildings are still to be seen there, and among them 
there is a building called Barin Lanka, which he built 
with great difficulty in the middle of the lake called 
Ulur (Wulur), which is three or four leagues in cir- 
cumference and is exceedingly deep. 

To form the foundation of this building, boat-loads 
of stone were thrown into the lake, but as this proved 
of no avail, some thousands of boats laden with stones 
were sunk, and thus with great labour a foundation 



a hundred yards square was raised above the water 
and smoothed. On one side of it were erected a palace 
and a place for the worship of God, than which no finer 
buildings can anywhere be found. Zain-al-Abidin used 


to come to this place in a boat and devote his time to 
the worship of Almighty God, so that it is said that 
he passed many periods of forty days there. 

Kashmir is a delightful country in the seasons of 
autumn and spring. I visited it in the former season 
and found it even more charming than I had antici- 


pated. I was never there in spring, but I hope some- 
time or other to be there during that season. 

On Saturday, the first of Muharram, I marched from 
the bank of the Behat to Rohtas, with one stage inter- 
vening. The fort of Rohtas is one of the buildings of 
Sher Khan Afghan and is constructed among the ra- 
vines, where it seems scarcely conceivable that so strong 
a position could have been obtained. As this tract is 
near the country of the Gakkars, a troublesome and 
turbulent race, he commenced to build this fort for the 
purpose of overawing and controlling them. Sher Khan 
died when only a portion of the work was done, but 
it was completed by his son Salim Khan. 

On Tuesday, the fourteenth, I marched four leagues 
and three-quarters to Tillah, which means " a hill " 
in the Gakkar language. From that place I proceeded 
to the village of Bhakra, which in the language of the 
same people is the name of a shrub with odourless 
white flowers. From Tillah to Bhakra I marched the 
whole way through the bed of the Kahan, in which 
water was then flowing, while the oleander bushes were 
in full bloom and of exquisite colour, like peach blos- 
soms. These shrubs grew in special abundance at the 
sides of this stream, so I ordered my personal attend- 
ants, both horse and foot, to bind bunches of the flow- 
ers in their turbans and directed that the turbans of 
those who would not decorate themselves in this fashion 
should be taken off their heads. I thus got up a beau- 
tiful garden. 

On Thursday, the sixth, the camping-ground was 



Hatya, so called from its founder, a Gakkar named Hati. 
On this march a great many dhak-trees were found in 
blossom. This shrub has no fragrance in its flowers, 
which are of a fiery orange colour and the size of a 
red rose, or even bigger. It was such a sight that it 
was impossible to take one's eyes off it. As the air 
was very charming, and as there was a slight shower 
in consequence of a veil of clouds which obscured the 
light of the sun, I indulged myself in drinking wine. 
In short, I enjoyed myself amazingly on this march. 
The country from Margalla to Hatya is called Pothu- 
war, and within this tract there are but few crows 
to be found. Between Rohtas and Hatya is the country 
of the Bugyals, who are connected with the Gakkars 
and are of the same stock. 

On Friday I marched four leagues and three-quar- 
ters to Pakka, so called because it has a caravansarai 
built of baked bricks, pakka in the Hindi language 
meaning " baked." There was nothing but dust on 
the road and I found it a very troublesome march in 
consequence of the annoyances which I experienced. In 
this place also most of the sorrel brought from Kabul 
got injured. 

On Saturday, the eighth, I marched four and a half 
leagues through a country very bare of trees to a place 
called Khar, which in the Gakkar language means 
" broken ground." This country is very bare of trees. 
On Sunday, I pitched my camp on the other side of 
Rawal Pindi, so called because it was founded by a 
Hindu named Rawal, and in that language Pindi means 


" a village." Near this place there is a stream of water 
in a ravine which empties into a tank about a bow- 
shot in breadth. As the place was not destitute of 
charms, I remained there for a short time. I asked 
the Gakkars what the depth of the water was. They 
gave no specific answer, but said: " We have heard 
from our fathers that there are alligators in this water 
which wound and kill every animal that goes into it, 
so that no one dares to enter it." I ordered a sheep 
to be thrown into the water, which swam around the 
whole tank and came out safe. After that I ordered a 
swimmer to go in and he also emerged unharmed, thus 
proving that there was no foundation for what the 
Gakkars asserted. 

On Monday I encamped at Kharbuza, which receives 
its name of " melon " from the shape of a domed struc- 
ture erected here in ancient days by the Gakkars for 
the collection of toll from travellers. The following 
day, the camp moved to Kala-pani, which means in 
Hindi " black water." On this march the road passes 
a hill called Margalla. Mar, in Hindi, signifies " to rob 
on the highway," while galla denotes " a caravan," so 
that the entire name implies a place where caravans are 
plundered. This hill forms the boundary of the coun- 
try of the Gakkars, who are strange fellows, always 
squabbling and fighting with one another. I did all I 
could to effect a reconciliation, but without effect. 

On Wednesday, our camp was at Baba Hasan Abdal. 
About a league to the east of this place there is a 
cascade, over which the water flows with great rapidity. 



On the whole road to Kabul there is no stream like 
this, but on the road from that city to Kashmir there 
are two or three of the same kind. Raja Man Singh 
raised a small edifice in the middle of the basin whence 
the water flows. There are several fish in it, half or 
a quarter of a yard long. I stayed three days at this 
charming spot, drank wine with my intimate compan- 
ions, and also had some sport in the way of fishing. 
Up to this time I had never thrown the safra net, which 
in Hindi they call bhanwar jal. This net is one of the 
commonest kind, but to throw it is a matter of some 
difficulty. I tried it with my own hand and succeeded 
in getting twelve fish. I strung pearls in their noses 
and let them go again in the water. 

On the fifteenth of Muharram I encamped at 
Amardi, a most extraordinary green plain, in which 
you cannot see a mound or hillock of any kind. At 
this place and in the neighbourhood there are seven 
or eight thousand houses of Khaturs and Dilazaks, who 
practise every kind of turbulence, oppression, and high- 
way robbery. I gave orders that the division of Attok, 
as well as this tract of country, should be made over 
to Zafar Khan, the son of Zain Khan Koka, and I gave 
him directions that before the return of the royal camp 
from Kabul he should march all the Dilazaks off toward 
Lahore and should seize the chiefs of the Khaturs and 
keep them fettered in prison. 

On Monday, the seventeenth, I encamped near the 
fort of Attok on the banks of the river Nilab (the 
Abbasin or Attals), where I promoted Mahabat Khan 


to the rank of 2500. This fort, which is very strong, 
was constructed under the direction and superintend- 
ence of Khwaja Shams-ad-din Khwafi by order of my 
father. In those days the Mlab was very full, inso- 
much that the bridge consisted of eighteen boats, over 
which people passed with great ease and security. The 
chief amir was so weak and sick that I left him at 
Attok, and as the country around Kabul was not able 
to support so large a camp as accompanied me, I or- 
dered the paymasters to allow no one to cross the river 
except my own friends and household, the main camp 
being ordered to wait at Attok till my return. 

On Wednesday, the nineteenth, I embarked with the 
prince and a few attendants on a raft, and passing over 
the Nilab in safety, I landed on the bank of the Kama 
(Kabul), the river which flows under Jalalabad. These 
rafts are composed of bamboos and grass placed on 
inflated skins, and in rivers where there are many 
stones they are safer than boats. I gave twelve thou- 
sand rupees to Mir Sharif Amali and the officers who 
were left on duty at Lahore to be distributed to the 
poor; and orders were given to Abd-ar-Razak Ma'muri 
and Bihari Das, paymaster of the guardsmen, to make 
arrangements for supplying every necessity to the de- 
tachment left behind with Zafar Khan. 

On the second day following, I reached my camp 
near Sarai Bara. On the opposite side of the river 
Kama there is a fort built by Zain Khan Koka when 
he was appointed to exterminate the Yusufzai Afghans. 
It is called Naushahra, and nearly fifty thousand ru- 



pees were expended in its construction. Men say that 
his Majesty Humayun hunted wolves in these parts 
and I have heard my father declare that he had himself 
attended his father two or three times on these excur- 

On Tuesday, the twenty-fifth of Muharram, I moved 
to Sarai Daulatabad, where Ahmad Beg Kabuli, who 
held the fief of Peshawar, brought the Yusufzai and 
Ghorya-khail chiefs with him to pay their respects. 
As I was not pleased with his services, I removed him 
from the government of that country and bestowed it 
upon Sher Khan Afghan. 

On Wednesday, the twenty-sixth, I arrived at the 
garden of Sardar Khan, near Peshawar. Ghorkhatri, 
a famous place of worship among the Hindu ascetics, 
is in this neighbourhood, and I went to see it in the 
possible chance of meeting some holy man from whose 
society I might derive advantage; but such a man is 
as rare as the Philosopher's Stone or the Roc, and 
all that I saw was a small fraternity without any knowl- 
edge of God, the sight of whom filled my heart with 
nothing but regret. On Thursday, Jamrud was our 
encamping ground, and on Friday we went through the 
Khaibar Pass and encamped at Ali Masjid, thus being 
fairly within the confines of Afghanistan.' 

A final extract relating to Jahangir is presented to 
complete this chapter; it is a description of Nur Jahan, 
le beloved wife of the emperor. This famous queen 
was originally a princess of Persian blood and the wife 
of an Afghan captain who served under the emperor, 


although she was born in India, or rather in Kandahar. 
She was the second daughter of Ghiyas Beg, who gave 
her in marriage to Sher Afghan, who was in the Mo- 
ghul army. Some time after her husband's death she 
chanced to be seen by Jahangir, who took her into his 
harem in the sixth year of his reign and became so 
infatuated with her that he exalted her to the position 
of chief queen and she ultimately became the real head 
of the kingdom. An account of Nur Jahan is found 
in the history of Mu'tamad Khan, from which the fol- 
lowing extract is taken. 

' Among the great events that occurred during the 
sixth year of the reign of the Emperor Jahangir was 
his demanding Nur Jahan Begam in marriage. This 
subject might be expanded into volumes, but we are 
necessarily confined to a limited space in describing the 
strange decrees of Fate. 

Mirza Ghiyas Beg, the son of Khwaja Mohammad 
Sharif, was a native of Teheran. Khwaja Mohammad 
was, first of all, the vizir of Mohammad Khan Taklu, 
governor of Khorasan, but after the death of Mohammad 
Khan, he entered the service of the renowned King 
Tahmasp Safawi and was entrusted with the vizirate 
of Yazd. The Khwaja had two sons, Aka Tahir and 
Mirza Ghiyas Beg. For his second son the Khwaja 
sought in marriage the daughter of Mirza Ala-ad-din, 
the father of Aka Mulla. After the death of his father, 
Mirza Ghiyas Beg travelled to Hindustan with two 
sons and a daughter, but as he was passing through 
Kandahar, another daughter was born to him by the 



blessing of God. In the city of Fathpur, he had the 
good fortune to be presented to the Emperor Akbar, 
and in a short time, owing to his devotion to the king's 
service and his intelligence, he was raised to the office 
of superintendent of the household. He was considered 
exceedingly clever and skilful, both in writing and in 
transacting business. He had studied the old poets 
and had a nice appreciation of the meaning of words, and 
he wrote shikastah (the Persian hand of Arabic script) 
in a bold and elegant style. His leisure moments were 
devoted to the study of poetry and style, and his gen- 
erosity to the poor was such that no one ever turned 
from his door disappointed. In taking bribes, how- 
ever, he was very bold and daring. 

When his Highness the Emperor Akbar was stay- 
ing at Lahore, Ali Kuli Beg Istajlu, who had been 
brought up under Shah Isma'il II, came from the 
kingdom of Irak and was included among the number 
of the royal servants. There, as Fate .would have it, 
he married that daughter of Mirza Ghiyas Beg who had 
>een born in Kandahar. Afterwards, in the reign of 
Jahangir, a suitable post and the title of Slier Afghan 
were conferred on him, and he later received a fief in 
the province of Bengal and departed thither to take 

After the death of Kutb-ad-din at the hands of this 
same Ali Kuli Beg, the officials of Bengal, in obedience 
to the royal command, sent to court the daughter of 
Ghiyas Beg, and the king, who was greatly distressed 
it the murder of Kutb-ad-din, entrusted her to the 


keeping of his own royal mother. There she remained 
some time without notice. Since, however, Fate had 
decreed that she should be the Queen of the World and 
the Princess of the Time, it happened that on the cele- 
bration of New Year's Day in the sixth year of the 
emperor's reign her appearance caught the king's far- 
seeing eye and so captivated him that he included her 
among the inmates of his select harem. Day by day 
her influence and dignity increased. First of all she 
received the title of Nur Mahal, " Light of the Harem," 
but was afterwards distinguished by that of Nur Jahan 
Begam, " Light of the World." All her relatives and 
kinsfolk were raised to honour and wealth, nor was any 
grant of lands conferred upon any woman except under 
her seal. 

In addition to giving her the titles that other kings 
bestow, the emperor granted Nur Jahan the rights of 
sovereignty and government. Sometimes she would 
sit in the balcony of her palace, while the nobles would 
present themselves and listen to her dictates. Coin was 
struck in her name with this superscription: " By order 
of the King Jahangir, gold has a hundred splendours 
added to it by receiving the impression of the name 
of Nur Jahan, the Queen," while all firmans which 
received the imperial signature also bore the name of 
" Nur Jahan, the Queen " [which was one of the great- 
est compliments possible to be paid to her]. At last her 
authority reached such a pass that the king was ruler 
only in name. Repeatedly he gave out that he had 
bestowed the sovereignty on Nur Jahan Begam, and 





: B 



would say: " I require nothing beyond a sir of wine 
and half a sir of meat." 

It is impossible to describe the beauty and wisdom 
of the queen. If a difficulty arose in any matter that 
was presented to her, she immediately solved it. Who- 
ever threw himself upon her protection, was preserved 
from tyranny and oppression; and if ever she learned 
that any orphan girl was destitute and friendless, she 
would bring about her marriage and give her a wedding 
portion, so that it is probable that during her reign 
no less than five hundred orphan girls were thus mar- 
ried and portioned.' 


1628 - 1659 A. D. 

THERE is extant a voluminous native history of 
Shah Jahan's reign, entitled Pddshdh-ndmah, 
'■ Book of the King." It was written by Abd-al-Hamid 
of Lahore, who died in 1654 a. d., five years before the 
emperor's decease, leaving behind him a most detailed 
account of his royal patron. These annals cover twenty- 
one years of the emperor's reign, and, taken together, 
they make up two large volumes of nearly seventeen 
hundred pages, which rehearse the more important 
transactions of the kingdom during that period. 

The excerpts which are included in the present vol- 
ume are chosen because of their general interest, and 
they are representative of dozens of others in the East- 
ern chronicler's account. The passages selected refer 
to a visitation of the plague in Shah Jahan's reign, to 
the construction of the famous Peacock Throne, and to 
an attempted conquest of Tibet. 

' For an entire year during the rule of the Emperor 




Shah Jahan no rain had fallen in the territories of the 
Balaghat, and the drought had been especially severe 
about Daulatabad. Even hi the following year there 
had been a deficiency in the bordering countries and a 
total absence of rain in the Deccan and Gujarat. The 
inhabitants of these two countries were reduced to the 
direst extremity. Life was offered for a loaf, but none 
would buy; rank was to be sold for a cake, but none 
cared for it ; the once bounteous hand was now stretched 
out to beg for food, and the feet which had always 
trodden the way of contentment walked about only in 
search of sustenance. For a long time dog's flesh was 
sold for goat's flesh and the pounded bones of the dead 
were mixed with flour and sold, but when this was dis- 
covered, the sellers were brought to justice. Destitu- 
tion at length reached such a pitch that men began to 
devour each other and the flesh of a son was preferred 
to his love. The multitude of those who died blocked 
the roads, and every man whose dire sufferings did not 
terminate in death and who retained the power to move 
wandered off to the towns and villages of other coun- 
tries. Those lands which had been famous for their 
fertility and plenty now retained no trace of produc- 

The emperor, in his gracious kindness and bounty, 
directed the officials of Burhanpur, Ahmadabad, and the 
country of Surat to establish soup kitchens or alms- 
houses for the benefit of the poor and destitute. Every 
day sufficient soup and bread were prepared to satisfy 
the wants of the hungry. It was further ordered that 


so long as his Majesty remained at Burhanpur, five 
thousand rupees should be distributed among the de- 
serving poor every Monday, that day being distin- 
guished above all others as the day of the emperor's 



accession to the throne; and on twenty Mondays one 
hundred thousand rupees were accordingly given away 
in charity. Ahmadabad had suffered more severely 
than any other place, and his Majesty therefore or- 
dered the officials to distribute fifty thousand rupees 
among the famine-stricken people. Want of rain and 
scarcity of grain had caused great distress in many 


other countries. Under the directions of the wise and 
generous emperor, therefore, taxes amounting to nearly 
seven million rupees were remitted by the revenue 
officers, a sum equal to an eleventh part of the whole 
revenue. When such remissions were made from the 
exchequer, it may be conceived how great were the 
reductions made by the nobles who held fiefs and com- 
mands. ' 

This short extract is sufficient to show that famine 
is no new thing in India. The next selection relates 
to the world-renowned Peacock Throne of Delhi, which 
is accounted among the richest treasures ever owned 
by an Oriental monarch. This throne was constructed 
at the order of Shah Jahan in the eighth year of his 
reign, early in the seventeenth century (1044 a. h., 
1634 a. d.), but it now reposes in the palace of the Shah 
of Persia, at Teheran, having been carried away from 
India by Nadir Shah, after his victorious invasion of 
Hindustan, about the middle of the eighteenth century. 
Lord Curzon, nevertheless, maintains that the throne 
now in Teheran is not the original Peacock Throne of 
Delhi, but was made for Fath Ali Shah more than half 
a century after Nadir Shah's time. Be that as it may, 
the description of the jewelled Takht-i Ta l us, or " Pea- 
cock Throne," by Abd-al-Hamid is none the less in- 

' In the course of years many valuable gems had 
come into the imperial jewel-house, each one of which 
might serve as an ear-drop for Venus or as an adorn- 
ment for the girdle of the Sun. Upon the accession 


of the emperor, it occurred to him that, in the opinion 
of far-seeing men, the acquisition of such rare jewels 
and the keeping of such wonderful brilliants could 

From an old Persian print. 

render but one service, that of adorning the throne of 
empire. They ought, therefore, to be put to such a use 
that beholders might benefit by their splendour and 
that majesty might shine with increased brilliancy. 
It was accordingly ordered that, in addition to the 



jewels in the imperial jewel-house, rubies, garnets, dia- 
monds, rich pearls, and emeralds, to the value of twenty- 
million rupees (over £2,200,000), should be brought for 
the inspection of the emperor, and that they, together 
with some exquisite jewels exceeding fifty thousand 
miskals (nearly 634 pounds Troy) in weight and worth 
8,600,000 rupees (over £950,000), should be carefully 
selected and handed over to Be-badal Khan, the super- 
intendent of the goldsmiths' department. He was 
also to receive one hundred thousand tolas of pure 
gold, equal to 250,000 miskals (over 334 pounds Troy) 
in weight and 1,400,000 rupees (over £155,000) in value. 

The throne was to be three gas (six feet) in length, 
two and a half gaz (five feet) in breadth, and five gas 
(ten feet) in height, and was to be set with the jewels 
already mentioned. The outside of the canopy was to 
be of enamel work with occasional gems, the inside was 
to be thickly set with rubies, garnets, and other jewels, 
and it was to be supported by twelve emerald columns. 
On the top of each pillar there were to be two peacocks 
thickly set with gems, and between each two peacocks 
was to be a tree studded with rubies, diamonds, emer- 
alds, and pearls. The ascent was to consist of three 
steps set with jewels of fine water. 

This throne was completed in the course of seven 
years at a cost of ten million rupees (over £1,100,000). 
Of the eleven jewelled recesses formed around it for 
cushions, the middle one, intended for the seat of the 
emperor, cost one million rupees (nearly £100,000). 
Among the jewels set in this recess was a ruby worth 



a hundred thousand rupees (about £10,000), which Shah 
Abbas, the King of Iran, had presented to the late 
Emperor Jahangir, who sent it to his present Majesty 


when he accomplished the conquest of the Deccan. On 
it were engraved the names of Sahib-kiran (Timur), 
Mir Shah Rukh, and Mirza Ulugh Beg. When it came 
into the possession of Shah Abbas in course of time, 
his name was added, and when Jahangir obtained it, 



he added the name of himself and of his father. Now 
it received the addition of the name of his most gra- 
cious Majesty Shah Jahan. At the command of the 
emperor, a poem by Haji Mohammad Jan, the final 
verse of which contained the date, was placed upon the 
inside of the canopy in letters of green enamel. On 
his return to Agra, the emperor held a court and sat 
for the first time upon his throne.' 

The description given by Abd-al-Hamid of Shah 
Jahan 's invasion of Tibet in 1636 a. d. has a special 
interest because of the comparatively recent expedition 
by British forces to Lhasa. 

' The late Emperor Jahangir had long entertained 
the design of conquering Tibet and in the course of 
his reign Hashim Khan, the son of Kasim Khan Mir- 
bahr, the governor of Kashmir, had invaded the country 
with a large force of horse and foot and local land- 
holders at the bidding of the emperor. Although he 
entered the country and did his best, he met with no 
success and was obliged to retreat with great loss and 
difficulty. In the tenth year of Shah Jahan 's reign, 1046 
a. h. (1636 a. d.), the imperial order was given that 
Zafar Khan, then governor of Kashmir, should assemble 
the forces under his command and effect the conquest 
of Tibet. 

He accordingly collected nearly eight thousand horse 
and foot, composed of imperial forces, his own men, 
and retainers of the lords of the marches in his prov- 
ince. He marched by the difficult route of Karcha-barh 
and in the course of one month reached the district of 


Shkardu, the first place of importance in Tibet and on 
this side of the Nilab (Indus). Upon the summits of 
two high mountains Ali Rai, father of Abdal, the pres- 
ent lord of the marches of Tibet, had built two strong 
forts, the higher called Kaharphucha and the lower 
Kahchana. Each of them had a road of access like the 
neck of a reed or the curve of a talon. The road of 
communication between the two was on the top of the 
mountain. Abdal shut himself up in the fort of Ka- 
harphucha, but placed his minister and general manager 
in the fort of Kahchana and sent his family and prop- 
erty to the fort of Shakar, which stands upon a high 
mountain on the other side of the Nilab. 

After examining the height and strength of the for- 
tresses, Zafar Khan was of the opinion that it was inex- 
pedient to invest and attack them; but he saw that 
the military and the peasantry of Tibet were much dis- 
tressed by the harsh rule of Abdal and he resolved to 
win them over by kindness. He then sent a detachment 
to subdue the fort of Shakar and to make prisoners 
of the family of Abdal. The whole time which the army 
could keep the field in this country was not more than 
two months, for if it remained longer, it would be 
snowed up. 

He accordingly sent Mir Fakhr-ad-din with four 
thousand men against the fort of Shakar, while he him- 
self watched the fort in which Abdal was. He next 
sent Hasan, the nephew of Abdal, with some other men 
of Tibet who had entered the imperial service, and 
some landholders of Kashmir, who had friendly rela- 



tions with the people of the country, to endeavour to 
win over the inhabitants by persuasion and promises. 
Mir Fakhr-ad-din crossed the river Nilab and laid siege 
to the fort, which was commanded by Abdal's son, Dau- 
lat, who was about fifteen years of age. He sallied out 
to attack the besiegers, but was driven back with heavy 
loss. The besiegers then advanced and opened their 
trenches against the gate on the Shkardu side. The son 
of Abdal was so frightened by these proceedings that, 
regardless of his father's family in the fort, he packed 
up the gold, silver, and all that was portable and es- 
caped in the night by the Kashghar gate. Mir Fakhr- 
ad-din, learning of his flight, entered the fort. He could 
not restrain his followers from plundering, although he 
took charge of Abdal's family. A force was sent in 
pursuit of the son, but the detachment was not able 
to overtake the fugitive, although it returned with some 
gold and silver that he had thrown away on the road 
as he fled. 

On hearing of this victory, Zafar Khan pressed the 
siege of Kaharphucha and Kahchana, and the governor 
and garrison of the latter accordingly surrendered. Ab- 
dal, in despair at the progress made by the invaders 
and at the loss of his wives and children, likewise 
opened negotiations and surrendered the fort of Kahar- 
phucha. Zafar Khan was apprehensive that the snow 
would fall and close the passes and that he might be 
attacked from the side of Kashmir at the instigation 
of Abdal. Without making any settlement of the 
country, therefore, and without searching for Abdal's 


property, he set out on his return, leaving Mohammad 
Murad, Abdal's deputy, in charge of Tibet, and taking 
with him Abdal, his family, and some of the leading 
men of the enemy.' 

gold coin of aoranqzib, struck at bijapur, 
1099 a. h. (1687-1088 a. d.). 



1659 -1707 A. D. 

AURANGZIB, the Puritan Emperor of India, whose 
long life of nearly ninety years, including fifty 
years of sovereignty, was marked by the gradual down- 
fall of the Moghul Empire, stands as a lonely figure 
amid scenes of the empire's departing grandeur. " In- 
comparable courage, long-suffering, and judgment " 
were the qualities accorded him by the verdict of Mo- 
hammedan history after his death, and he was always 
extolled for " devotion, austerity, and justice." Aurang- 
zib's strictness in all matters appertaining to religion 
is evident from the Mir'at-i Alam, a work written by 
Mohammad Baka, an official of high rank at court, a 
man, moreover, who had the opportunity of knowing 
his sovereign well. Aurangzib's Moslem orthodoxy and 
his consecrated idea of the kingly office may be read 
between the lines of the chronicler's account. 

1 Be it known to the readers of this work that its 
author, the humble slave of the Almighty, is going to 
describe in a correct manner the excellent character, 



the worthy habits, and the refined morals of that most 
virtuous monarch, Abu-1-Muzaffar Muhi-ad-din Moham- 
mad Aurangzib Alamgir, according as he has witnessed 
them with his own eyes. 

The emperor, a great worshipper of God by natural 
propensity, is remarkable for his rigid attachment to 
religion. Having made his ablutions, he always occu- 
pies a great part of his time in adoration of the Deity 
and says the usual prayers, first in the mosque and 
then at home, both in the congregation and in private, 
with the most heartfelt devotion. He keeps the ap- 
pointed fasts on Fridays and other sacred days and 
reads the Friday prayers in the Jami' Masjid of Delhi 
with the common people of the Mohammedan faith. 
He keeps vigils during the whole of the sacred nights, 
and illumines with the light of the favour of God the 
lamp of religion and prosperity. 

Because of his great piety, he passes whole nights 
in the mosque which is in his palace and keeps com- 
pany with men of devotion. In privacy he never sits 
on a throne. Before his accession he gave away in 
alms a portion of his allowance of lawful food and 
clothing, and now devotes to the same purpose the 
income of a few villages in the district of Delhi, as well 
as the proceeds of two or three salt-producing tracts 
which are appropriated to his privy purse. The princes 
also follow the same example. During the entire month 
of Bamazan he keeps the fast, says the prayers appointed 
for that season, and reads the holy Koran in the assem- 
bly of religious and learned men, with whom he sits 







for that purpose during six, and sometimes nine, hours 
of the night. Throughout the last ten days of the 
month, he performs worship in the mosque, and al- 
though he is unable to proceed on a pilgrimage to Mecca 
for several reasons, yet the care which he takes to pro- 
mote facilities for pilgrims to that holy place may be 
considered equivalent to the pilgrimage. 

From the dawn of his understanding he has re- 
frained from all that is forbidden, and on account of 
his great holiness has adopted nothing but that which 
is pure and lawful. Though he has collected at the foot 
of his throne those who inspire ravishment in joyous 
assemblies of pleasure, in the shape of clever instru- 
mental performers and of singers who possess melodious 
voices, and in the commencement of his reign used 
sometimes to hear them sing and play, and though he 
himself understands music well, yet for several years 
past, on account of his great restraint, self-denial, and 
observance of the tenets of religion, he has entirely ab- 
stained from such amusements. If any of the singers 
and musicians becomes ashamed of his calling, he makes 
an allowance for him or grants him land for his main- 

He never puts on the clothes prohibited by religion, 
nor does he ever use vessels of silver or gold. In his 
sacred court no improper conversation and no word 
of backbiting or falsehood is allowed. His courtiers, 
on whom his light is reflected, are cautioned that if 
they have to say anything which might injure the char- 
acter of an absent man, they must express themselves 


in decorous language and in full detail. He appears 
two or three times every day in his court of audience 
with a pleasing countenance and mild look to dispense 
justice to complainants who come in numbers without 
any hindrance; and as he listens to them with great 
attention, they make their representations without any 
fear or hesitation and obtain redress from his impar- 
tiality. If any person talks too much or acts in an 
improper manner, his Majesty is never displeased and 
never knits his brows. His courtiers have often sought 
to prohibit people from showing so much boldness, but 
he remarks that by hearing their very words and by 
seeing their gestures he acquires the habits of forbear- 
ance and tolerance. 

All bad characters are expelled from the city of 
Delhi and the same is ordered to be done in all places 
throughout the empire. The duties of preserving order 
and regularity among the people are executed with great 
efficiency, and in all the empire, notwithstanding its 
vast extent, no crime can be committed without incur- 
ring the due punishment enjoined by the Mohammedan 
law. He never issues sentence of death under the dic- 
tates of anger and passion. In consideration of their 
rank and merit, he shows much honour and respect to 
the Sayyids, saints, and learned men, and through his 
cordial and liberal exertions, the sublime doctrines of 
the Imam Abu Hanifa and of our pure religion have 
obtained such prevalence throughout the wide terri- 
tories of Hindustan as they never enjoyed in the reign 
of any former king. 



Hindu writers have been entirely excluded from 
holding public offices and all the great temples of these 
infamous people have been thrown down and des- 
troyed in a manner which excites astonishment at the 
successful completion of so difficult a task. His 
Majesty personally teaches the profession of faith 




to many infidels with success, and invests them with 
robes of honour and bestows other favours upon 

Alms and donations are given by this fountain of 
generosity in such abundance that the emperors of past 
ages did not bestow even a hundredth part of the 
amount. In the sacred month of Ramazan sixty thou- 
sand rupees, and in the other months less than that 
amount, are distributed among the poor. Several eat- 
ing-houses have been established in the capital and 
other cities, at which food^is served out to the poor 


and helpless, and in places where there were no cara- 
vansarais for the lodging of travellers, they have 
been built by the emperor. All the mosques in the 
empire are repaired at the expense of the state, and 
leaders in public prayer, criers to daily prayers, and 
readers of the sermons have been appointed at each 
mosque, so that a large sum of money is laid out in 
these disbursements. In all the cities and towns of this 
extensive country, pensions, allowances, and land have 
been given to learned men and professors, while stipends 
have been fixed for scholars according to their abilities 
and qualifications. 

As it is a great object with this emperor that all 
Mohammedans should follow the principles of the relig- 
ion as expounded by the most competent law officers 
and the followers of the Hanifi persuasion, and as these 
principles could not be distinctly and clearly learned in 
consequence of the different opinions of the judges and 
theologians which have been delivered without any au- 
thority, and as there was no book which embodied them 
all, and as no man could satisfy his mind concerning 
any disputed problem until he had collected many books 
and had obtained sufficient leisure, means, and knowl- 
edge of theological subjects, therefore his Majesty, the 
protector of the Faith, determined that a body of emi- 
nently learned and able men of Hindustan should take 
up the voluminous and trustworthy works which were 
collected in the royal library, and having made a digest 
of them, should compose a book which might form a 
standard canon of the law and afford to all an easy and 



available means of ascertaining the proper and authori- 
tative interpretation. 

The chief conductor of this difficult undertaking was 
Shaikh Nizam, the most learned man of the time, and 
all the members of the society were very handsomely 
and liberally paid, so that up to the present time a sum 
of about two hundred thousand rupees has been ex- 
pended on this valuable compilation, which contains 
more than one hundred thousand lines. Another 
excellence attending this design is, that with a view 
to afford facility to all, Chulpi Abd-allah and his 
pupils have been ordered to translate the work into 

Among the greatest liberalities of this king of the 
faithful is his remission of the transit duties upon all 
sorts of grain, cloth, and other goods, as well as on 
tobacco, the duties on which alone amounted to an 
immense sum. He exempted the Mohammedans from 
taxes and released the entire people from certain public 
demands, the revenue of which exceeded three million 
rupees every year. He relinquished the government 
claims against the ancestors of the officers of the state, 
which used to be paid by deductions from the salaries 
of their descendants. This money formed a very large 
annual income paid into the public treasury. He also 
abolished the confiscation of the estates of deceased 
persons against whom there was no government claim, 
a practice which had been very strictly observed by 
the accountants of his predecessors and which was felt 
as a very grievous oppression by their sorrowful heirs. 


Royal orders were also issued to collect the revenues 
of each province according to the Mohammedan law. 

As a single instance of his Majesty's fortitude we 
may cite the following event. When the royal army 
arrived at Balkh, Abd-al-Aziz Khan, with a large force 
which equalled the swarms of locusts and ants, came 
and arranged his men in order of battle and surrounded 
the emperor's camp. While the conflict was being car- 
ried on with great fury, the time of reading the evening 
prayers came on, and his Majesty, though dissuaded by 
some worldly officers, alighted from his horse and said 
the prayers in a congregation with the utmost indiffer- 
ence and presence of mind. On hearing of this, Abd-al- 
Aziz was much astonished at the intrepidity of the 
emperor, who was assisted by God, and put an end to 
the battle, saying that to fight with such a man was 
to destroy oneself. 

The emperor is perfectly acquainted with the com- 
mentaries, traditions, and law, and one of the greatest 
excellences of this virtuous monarch is that he has 
learned the Koran by heart. In his early youth he had 
committed to memory some chapters of that sacred 
book, but he learned the whole by heart after he ascended 
the throne, taking great pains and showing much per- 
severance in impressing it upon his mind. He writes 
a very elegant Arabic hand and has acquired perfection 
in this art. He made two copies of the holy book with 
his own hand, and having finished and adorned them 
with ornaments and marginal lines at the expense of 
seven thousand rupees, he sent them to the holy cities 



of Mecca and Medina. He also writes an excellent Per- 
sian hand, and besides being a very elegant stylist in 
prose, he has acquired proficiency in versification. In 
obedience to the words of God, " Poets deal in false- 
hoods," however, he abstains from writing poetry, nor 
does he care to hear verses except those which contain 
a moral. 

The emperor has given a very liberal education to 
his fortunate and noble children, who have attained 
the zenith of perfection by virtue of his attention and 
care and have made marvellous progress in rectitude, 
devotion, and piety, and in learning the manners and 
customs of princes and great men. Through his in- 
struction they have memorized the Book of God, 
obtained proficiency in the sciences and in polite lit- 
erature, acquired the art of writing the various Arabic 
scripts, and learned the Turkish and Persian languages. 

In like manner, the ladies of the household have 
learned the fundamental and necessary tenets of relig- 
ion in obedience to his command, and all devote their 
time to the adoration and worship of the Deity, to 
reading the sacred Koran, and to the performance of 
virtuous and pious acts. The excellence of character 
and the purity of morals of this holy monarch are 
beyond all expression. As long as nature nourishes the 
tree of existence and keeps the garden of the world 
fresh, so long may the plant of the prosperity of this 
preserver of the garden of dignity and honour continue 
fruitful and abundant! ' 

The austere side of Aurangzib's character is illus- 


trated by some of his enactments in the eleventh year 
of his reign. Their effect is thus described in Khan 
Khan's Tdrlkh, or history. 

' In the eleventh year of his reign, 1078 a. h. (1668 
a. d.), after his Majesty Aurangzib had sat for ten years 
upon his throne, authors were forbidden to write the 
events of this just and righteous emperor's reign. Nev- 
ertheless, some competent persons disobeyed this man- 
date, particularly Musta'idd Khan, who secretly wrote 
an abridged account of the campaign in the Deccan, 
simply detailing the conquests of the countries and 
forts without alluding to the misfortunes of the cam- 
paign; and Bindraban prepared a brief narrative of 
the events of some years of the second and third 
decades. I myself, however, have neither seen nor 
obtained any history that contains a full and detailed 
account of the forty remaining years of the reign of 
Aurangzib. Consequently, from the eleventh to the 
twenty-first year of the emperor's reign, I have not 
been able to relate the events in the order in which 
they occurred, giving the month and year; but after 
this year, with very great labour and pains, I have 
managed to collect information from the papers in the 
public offices and from truthful persons, confidential 
servants of the emperor, and aged eunuchs. This, to- 
gether with all that I myself observed for thirty or 
forty years, after attaining years of discretion, I laid 
up in the strongbox of my memory, and that I have 
written. And since I heard that Bindraban Das Baha- 
dur Shahi, who was long an accountant of Shah Alam 


during the time he was a prince, had compiled a history 
and had included in it an account of upwards of thirty 
years, I made great search for it, being exceedingly 
anxious to see it. Subsequently, when I obtained a 
copy after great trouble and examined it carefully from 
beginning to end in the hope that I might gather the 
rich fruits of his labours, I discovered that his work 
did not contain one-half of what I had collected and 
included in my own history. 

The king of happy disposition strove earnestly from 
day to day to put in force the rules of the Law and to 
maintain the divine commands and prohibitions. Or- 
ders were also issued prohibiting the collection of the 
tolls, the ground cesses, and other imposts which 
brought in hundreds of thousands of rupees to the state. 
Prohibitions were promulgated against intoxicating 
drinks, against taverns and brothels, and against the 
meetings called jatras or fairs, at which on certain 
dates countless numbers of Hindus, men and women of 
every tribe, assemble at their idol-temples, where hun- 
dreds of thousands of rupees change hands in buying 
and selling, while large sums accrue to the provincial 

The minstrels and singers of reputation that were 
in the service of the court were made ashamed of their 
occupation and were advanced to the dignities of com- 
mands of horse. Public proclamations were made pro- 
hibiting singing and dancing. It is said that one day 
a number of singers and minstrels gathered together 
with loud outcries, and having fitted up a bier with 


great display, round which were grouped the public 
wailers, they passed under the emperor's interview- 
window. When he inquired what was intended by the 
bier and the show, the minstrels said that Music was 
dead and that they were carrying his corpse for burial. 
Aurangzib then directed them to place it deep in the 
ground, that no sound or cry might ever again arise 
from it. 

In the reigns of former kings, and up to this year, the 
custom of appearing publicly at the palace window had 
been a regular institution. Even though the king might 
be suffering from bodily indisposition, he would go to 
the window once or twice a day at stated times and put 
his head out of the window to show that he was safe. 
At Agra and at Delhi this window was constructed on 
the side looking toward the Jumna. Besides the nobles 
in attendance at the court, hundreds of thousands of 
men and women of all classes used to collect under it 
and offer their blessings and praises. Many Hindus 
were known by the name of darsani, or " lookers," for 
until they had seen the person of the king at the win- 
dow, they put not a morsel of food into their mouths. 
His religious Majesty looked upon this as one of the 
forbidden and unlawful practices, so he left off sitting 
in the window and forbade any assembly of the crowd 
beneath it.' 

The selection chosen to conclude this chapter is an 
account of the death of Aurangzib in his eighty-ninth 
year and the fifty-first of his reign, on February 21, 
1707. The notice is by Saki Musta'idd Khan, who 



secretly composed the annals of the emperor's reign, 
despite the well-known prohibition. The picture of the 
last period of Aurangzib's life, broken by warfare, old 
age, and sorrow, has been given in the preceding volume 
of this series. The final scene of the melancholy drama, 
depicting practically the end of Moghul power in Au- 
rangzib's decease, is thus portrayed by Musta'idd. 

1 After the conclusion of the holy wars which rescued 
the countries of the Deccan from the dominion of the 
pagans, the army encamped at Ahmadnagar on the six- 
teenth of Shawwal in the fiftieth year of the reign of 
Aurangzib (1117 a. h.; 1706 a. d.). A year after this, 
at the end of Shawwal in the fifty-first year of his 
reign, the king fell ill and consternation spread among 
people of all ranks; but by the blessing of Providence 
his Majesty recovered his health in a short time and 
resumed once more the administration of affairs. 

About this time, the noble Shah Alam was appointed 
governor of the province of Malwa and Prince Kam 
Bakhsh was made ruler of Bijapur. Only four or five 
days had elapsed after the departure of their royal 
highnesses, when the king was seized with a burning 
fever which continued unabated for three days. Never- 
theless, his Majesty did not relax his devotions and 
every ordinance of religion was strictly kept. On the 
evening of Thursday, his Majesty perused a petition 
from Hamid-ad-din Khan, who stated that he had de- 
voted the sum of four thousand rupees, the price of an 
elephant, as a propitiatory sacrifice and begged to be 
permitted to make over this amount to the Kazi Mulla 


Haidar for distribution. The king granted the request, 
and although he was weak and his suffering was great, 
he nevertheless wrote with his own hand on the peti- 
tion that it was his earnest wish that this sacrifice 
should lead to a speedy dissolution of his mortal 

On the morning of Friday, the twenty-eighth of 


at their 


y 21, 1707 a.dl), Ids 
prayers and re- 

and the soul of the aged 



later the king breathed his last and thus was fulfilled 
his wish to die on a Friday. 

Great was the grief among all classes of people for 
the king's death. The shafts of adversity had demol- 
ished the edifice of their hopes, and the night of sorrow 
darkened the joyful noonday. Holy men prepared to 
perform the funeral rites and kept the corpse in the 
sleeping apartment pending the arrival of Prince Mo- 
hammad A'zam, who was twenty-five leagues distant 
from the camp. The prince arrived the following day 
and it is impossible to describe the grief that was 
depicted on his countenance; never had anything like 
it been beheld. On Monday he assisted in carrying the 
corpse through the hall of justice, whence the proces- 
sion went on without him. May none ever experience 
the anguish that he felt. People sympathized with the 
prince's sorrow and shed torrents of tears. Such and 
so deeply felt were the lamentations for a monarch 
whose genius only equalled his piety, whose equal the 
world did not contain, but whose luminous countenance 
was now hidden from his loving people! 

According to the will of the deceased king, his mor- 
tal remains were deposited in the tomb constructed 
during his lifetime near the shrine of the holy Shaikh 
Zain-ad-din (the mercy of God be upon him!). This 
place of sepulture, known by the name of Khuldabad, 
is eight leagues distant from Khujista-bunyad (Au- 
rangabad) and three leagues from Daulatabad. A red 
stone three yards in length, two in width, and a few 
inches in depth, is placed above the tomb. In this stone 



a cavity in the shape of an amulet was hollowed out 
to receive earth and seeds, and sweet-scented herbs 
diffuse their fragrance round about the grave of Au- 




Abbad ibn Ziyad makes war on Hind, 

Victorious at Kandahar, 4-5 
Abdal, lord of the marches of Tibet, 

retires to fort of Kaharphucha, 328 
Abd-al-Hamid, Mohammedan historian, 

selection from, 320-323 
Abdallah ibn Amar ibn Kuraiz ap- 
pointed to the government of Irak, 

Abdallah ibn Suar-al-Abdi sent to the 

frontier of Hind, 4 
Slain by the Turks after his return 

to Kikan, 4 
Abd-ar-Rahman ibn Abu Muslim Mu- 

ghallis al-Abdi appointed to the 

frontier of Sind under the Abbasids, 

Proceeds against Mansur ibn Jamhur 

al-Kalbi, but is slain by him, 18 
Abi-al-futuh, ruler of Multan, evil doings 

of, 49-50 
Takes his property and deserts Multan, 

Abish, Persian queen, 103 
Abu Abdallah Mohammad ibn Ibrahim 

at-Tai, commander of vanguard of 

army of Mahmud of Ghazni, 58 
Wounded in battle with Nidar Bhim, 

Abu Hanifa of Kufa, a Mohammedan 

Imam, 88 
Doctrines of, fostered by Aurangzib, 

Abu Muslim, 18 
Abu Nasr Ahmad ibn Mohammad 

Farghuni, ruler of Juzjan, 54 
Abu-1-Ash'as, death of, at Kusdar, 5 
Abu-1-Aswad Jahm ibn Zahr-al-Ju'fi 

joins Mohammad ibn Kasim on the 

borders of Sind, 7 
Abu-1-Dalhat al-Munabba ibn Assad as- 

Sami. of tribe of Kuraish, amir of 

Multan, 27 

Abu-1-Fazl maligns Islam to Akbar, 281 

Abu-1-Mundar Omar ibn Abdallah, of 

the tribe of Kuraish, governor of 

Mansura, 27 

Abu-1-Samma, later governor of Sind, 

attends Daud ibn Yazid ibn Hatim 

into Sind, 21 

Agra, prayers read in name of Humayun, 

at, 266 
Ahmad Beg Kabuli, displeases Jahangir 
and is removed from his fief of 
Peshawar, 315 
Ahriman, the evil principle according to 

the Zoroastrian faith, 195 
Ain-al-Mulk Husain Ashghari, minister 
of Malik Nasir-ad-din Kubacha, 99 
A'jubat-az-Zaman Afsah-al-Ajam Siraj- 
ad-din Minhaj, appointed judge of 
the army of Hindustan, 82 
Akbar the Great, Moghul emperor, as a 
reformer, 277 
Practises asceticism, 278 
Holds meetings of wise men in the 

" Hall of Worship," 278-279 
Distributes valuable books among the 

learned men, 279-280 
Orders commentary on Koran to be 

written, 281 
Is plunged into skepticism by soph- 
istries of his friends, 281-282 
Passes through many religious phases, 

282-284, 287-289 
Repudiates Islam, 284 
Christianity brought to notice of, 

284, 287 
Under influence of Hindu teachings, 

Under Zoroastrian influence, 288 
Declaration of spiritual supremacy of, 

Thinks that the end of Islam has 

come, 291-292 
Studies alchemy, 293 
Ala-ad-din, Sultan of Delhi, depravity 
of, causes Nasir-ad-din to usurp the 
throne, 116 




Ala-ad-din, greatest of the Khalii rulers, 
Duration of the reign of, twenty years, 

Army of, halted at Tankal, 144 
Army of, leaves Delhi on expedition 

against Ma'bar, 144 
Route of march of army of, 144, 145 
Marches against Billal Deo at fort of 
Dhur Samundar, 147 
Ala-ad-din Bahram Shah, son of Malik 
Nasir-ad-din Kubacha, sent to at- 
tend court of Shams-ad-din Al- 
tamish, 100 
Ala-ad-din Jani appointed to the throne 
of Lakhnauti, 100 
Makes war against Raziya, but is 
slain, 105-106 
Ala-ad-din Khan collects an army and 
invades Delhi, 238-239 
Portion of army of, leaves him and 
goes to the Doab, while others 
desert to standard of Ibrahim, 
Details of unsuccessful rebellion of, 

against Sultan Ibrahim, 237-243 
Tenders allegiance to Sultan Ibrahim, 

Submits to Babar, 247 
Alahwar (Lahore), a district of India, 4 
Ali ibn Abu-Salib, caliph of Baghdad, 3 
Ali ibn Mohammad ibn Abdallah ibn 

Abu Saif, an Arab historian, 2 
Ali Isma'il, commander-in-chief at Delhi, 

Ali Karmakh, chief of Multan, appointed 

commander at Lahore, 82 
Ali Kuli Beg Istajlu, first husband of 

Nur Jahan, 317 
Ali Masjid, Jahangir encamps at, 315 
Ali Sistani sent to clear a road for 

Timur's army, 193 
Allah-dad and a regiment sent to assist 
the commanders at Jahan-numa, 
Alrur (Alor), a city of Sind, besieged by 
and surrendered to Mohammad ibn 
Kasim, 11-12 
People of, submit to Habib ibn al- 
Muhallab, 15 

A dependency of Mansura, 31 
Alsakah, a town in India, captured by 

Mohammad ibn Kasim, 12 
Altuniya, governor of Tabarhindh, in 
revolt, 108 
Leads Raziya's army toward Delhi to 

regain her kingdom, 108 
Captured by Hindus and killed, 109 
Altuntash, chamberlain of Mahmud of 
Ghazni, 55 

Commander of centre of Mahmud of 
Ghazni's army, 61 
Amardi, Jahangir encamps at, 311 
Ambissa ibn Ishak az-Zabbi, governor of 

Sind under Mu'tasim bi-Allah, 9 
Amir Khusru, a Mohammedan historian, 
characterization of style of, 141-142 
Selection from history of, 142-153 
Amir Nasr, brother of Mahmud of 
Ghazni, commander of right wing 
of Mahmud's army, 58 
Amran ibn Musa ibn Yahya, son of 
Khalid the Barmacide, is appointed 
to the frontier of Sind and builds a 
city called al-Baiza, 5, 22 
Twice makes war upon the Meds, 

Death of, 23 
Amr ibn Jamal sent to Narand, by the 

caliph al-Mansur, 21 
Amr ibn Mohammad ibn Kasim made 
an amir, 18 
Founds the city of Mansura, 18 
Amr ibn Muslim al-Bahali appointed to 
frontier of Hind by the caliph Omar, 
Andarabah, on the Sohan, Babar halts 

at, 233 
Andkhod, Mu'izz-ad-din defeated in, 95 
Andpal, son of Jaipal, furnishes the 
fifty elephants demanded of his 
father as the price of peace, 45 
Refusal of, to allow Mahmud of Ghazni 
to march through his domains 
results in his downfall, 50-51 
Aram, son of Kutb-ad-din, unfit to 

succeed to the throne, 92 
Armail, taken by Mohammad ibn 

Kasim, 8 
Arslan-al-Jazib, commander of left wing 

of Mahmud of Ghazni's army, 58 
Arslan Khan Sanjar, rumours of rebellion 
of, against Nasir-ad-din, 132-133 
Prevailed upon to do homage to Nasir- 
ad-din, 133 
Appointed to rule over Karra, 133 
Asi, fort of, Mahmud of Ghazni pro- 
ceeds against, 71 
Asightigin, chamberlain of Mahmud of 

Ghazni, 55 
Aspandi, Timur encamps at, 194 
Attok, fort of, Jahangir encamps near, 113 
Aurangzib reigns for fifty years, 331 
Piety of, 332-333 
Holds court three times a day to 

redress wrongs, 334 
Justice of, 334 
Excludes Hindu writers from holding 

public office, 335 
Teaches the faith to infidels, 335 



Alms distributed by, 332, 335, 336 
Has mosques repaired at expense of 

state, 3.'((> 
Liberality of, 337 
Orders the compilation of a digest of 

Mohammedan canon law, 337-338 
Laws promulgated by, 343 
Prohibits music and dancing, 343-344 
Abolishes custom of the monarch 

appearing at a window at stated 

times, 344 
Final illness of, 345-346 
Death of, 347 
Description of tomb of, 347-348 


Baba Hasan Abdal, Jahangir encamps 

at, 310 
Babar, excellence of style of the memoirs 

of, 223 
Hunts rhinoceroses, 224 
Marches against Hati Gakkar, at 

Parhalah, 231-232 
Decides upon an invasion of Hindus- 
tan, 235 
Sends detachment after Ghazi Khan, 

Encamps at the mouth of the valley 

in which Milwat lies, 244 
Orders his army to lay siege to the 

fort of Milwat, 244 
Sends a detachment to take Ghazi 

Khan a prisoner, 246, 247 
Marches against Sultan Ibrahim, 247 
Receives intelligence that Sultan 

Ibrahim is advancing to meet him, 

Details of position of army of, in 

battle against Ibrahim, 255-258 
Defeats Sultan Ibrahim, 258 
Takes up quarters at palace of Jalal 

Khan Jaghat, 260 
Advances into Bahrah, thence re- 
turning to Kabul, 262 
Death of, in 1530 a. d., 223, 262 
Badaun under sway of Shams-ad-din 

Altamish, 97 
Badauni Abd-al-Kadir, historian of 

Akbar's reign, selections from work 

of, 277-293 
Badr-ad-din Sankar Rumi, lord chamber- 
lain succeeding Ikhtiyar-ad-din Iti- 

gin, 108, 113 
Bah (Biyah), see Bias 
Bahar Deo, the greatest of the rajas of 

Hindustan, 119, 122 
Is defeated by Ulugh Khan, 122 
Baharimad attacked, and its suburbs 

burned, by Habid ibn Marra, 17 

Bahrah, Babar marches to attack, 

In the possession of the family of Timur 

Beg since his invasion of Hindustan, 

Representatives of inhabitants of, 

tender submission to Babar, 227 
People of, pay ransom to Babar, 228 
Babar breaKs camp at, 229 
Bahrain, an island in the Persian gulf, 2 
Bahram Shah, son of Khusru Malik, 

imprisoned at Saifrud and put to 

death, 82 
al-Bailaman, people of, surrender to 

Mohammad ibn Kasim, 13 
Conquered by Junaid ibn Abd-ar- 

Rahman al-Marri, 17 
al-Baiza (the white), a city built by 

Amran ibn Musa ibn Yahya, 5, 22 
Bajaur, Babar's army remains three or 

four months in, 224 
Taken by Babar, 261 
Bakialan, Babar encamps at, 236 
Bala, king of ash-Sharki, killed by Musa 

ibn Yahya ibn Khalid, 22 
al-Baladhuri, a Mussulman chronicler 

of Baghdad, 1 
Selections from history of, 2-24 
Balaghat, severe drought in, 321 
Balban, Sultan, see Ulugh Khan 
Balka Malik Khalji captured by Shams- 
ad-din Altamish, 100 
Balkh governed by Ya'kub ibn Lais, 26 

Blockaded by the Uzbegs, 238 
Bamiar, a town in Afghanistan, early 

home of Mohammad Ghori, 78 
Bandri, Ala-ad-din's army arrives at, 147 
Ban Khan Aybek Khitai goes to Nasir- 

ad-din's camp to complete terms of 

peace, 125 
Banna (Bannu), a district of India, 4 
Baran, inhabitants of fort of, accept 

Islam, 65-66 
Barani, Arab historian, selection from 

works of, 154-162 
Barauz, Arabic form of Broach, town 

and district of Bombay, 2 
Barin Lanka, a building in the middle of 

Lake TJlur (Wulur), built by Zain- 

al-Abidin, description of, 306 
Bashar ibn Daud appointed to the 

frontier of Sind, but rebels, 21 
Basmad, people of, make peace with 

Mohammad ibn Kasim, 11 
Basra plundered by Karmathians, 25 
Be-badal Khan, superintendent of the 

foldsmith's department of Shah 
ahan, 325 
Behat river, to the east of Bahrah, 
Babar halts at, 227 



Jahangir encamps on banks of, 304 
Course of, 305-306 
Benares under sway of Shams-ad-din 

Altamish, 97 
Bhatia, a city of Bombay, invaded by 

Mahmud of Ghazni, 47-48 
Bhilsa captured by Shams-ad-din Al- 
tamish, 101 
Bhim-deo, raja of Nahrwala, defeats 
Mohammedans, 81 
Defeated by Kutb-ad-din, 90 
Bhimnagar, fort of, surrenders to Mah- 
mud of Ghazni, 54 
Bhimpal, son of Puru Jaipal, goes to 
oDtain the daughter of Chand Rai 
and is imprisoned, 71 
Advice of, to Chand Rai concerning 
Mahmud of Ghazni, 72 
Bhoj Chand, Hindu raja, alliance of 

Puru Jaipal with, 72 
Bias (Biyah), a river in the Panjab, 
crossed by Mahmud of Ghazni, 65 
Babar encamps on banks of, 243 
Biji Rai, ruler of Bhatia, comes forth to 
oppose Mahmud of Ghazni, and is 
defeated, 48 
Escape of, from Bhatia, 49 
Death of, 49 
Billal Deo, raja of Dhur Samundar, 
Ala-ad-din marches against, 147 
Message of peace of, to Ala-ad-din, 148 
Submission and enforced conversion 
of, 148-149 
Bindraban Das Bahadur Shahi prepares 
a history of part of Aurangzib's 
reign, 340-341 
Birbal maligns Islam to Akbar, 281 
Bir Pandya, elder raja of Ma'bar, at- 
tacks Sundar Pandya, 147 
Flees from Malik Kafur, 149, 150 
Bishanpur plundered by Ulugh Khan. 

Biyah, a river, see Bias 
Brahmanpal, son of Andpal, attacked 
and defeated by Mahmud of Ghazni, 
Brahmastpuri, temple of, destroyed by 

Malik Kafur, 151 
Broach, town and district of Bombay, 

Hakam sends a force against, 2 
Budail ibn Tahfa directed to proceed 
against Daibul, 7 
Death of, 7 
Budha, Jats of, said to have killed 

Budail ibn Tahfa, 7 
Burhan Aghlan Jujitar, sent by Timur 
to invade country of Siyah-poshes, 
Cowardice of, leads to defeat at fort 
of Siyah-poshes, 192 

Refused admittance to Timur's pres- 
ence, 194 
Burhanpur, Shah Jahan at, 322 

Caliphs of Baghdad, decline of power of, 

Ceylon, king of, relations with al- 

Hajjaj ibn Yusuf, 5 
Ceylonese girls captured by ships be- 
longing to Meds of Daibul, 7 
Chain of Justice instituted by Jahangir, 

Chandal Bhor, ruler of Asi, flees at 

advance of Mahmud of Ghazni, 71 
Five forts of, demolished, and its in- 
habitants buried in ruins, 71 
Chandraha, a river of Northern India, 

crossed by Mahmud of Ghazni, 65 
Chand Rai, Hindu raja of the fort of 

Sharwa, makes peace with Puru 

Jaipal, 71 
Departs secretly from his forts and 

hides in the jungles, 72 
Is followed and defeated by Mahmud 

of Ghazni, 73 
Followers of, sold into slavery by 

Mahmud of Ghazni, 74 
Chandwala, Jahangir halts at, on the way 

to Kabul, 303 
Chaniut in the possession of the family 

of Timur Beg since his invasion of 

Hindustan, 227 
Chinab in the possession of the family of 

Timur Beg since his invasion of Hin- 
dustan, 227 
Chinab river, Babar encamps at, 237 
Crossed by Jahangir on the way to 

Kabul, 303 
Chingiz Khan, the great Tartar invader, 

Chin Timur Sultan advances against 

Sultan Ibrahim, 250 
Chulpi Abdallah ordered to translate 

the canon law into Persian, 337 

Dahir, king of Sind, prepares to battle 
with Mohammad ibn Kasim, 10 
Defeated and slain by Mohammad 

ibn Kasim's army, 11 
Remnant of army of, rallies at 
Brahmanabad but is defeated, 11 
Daibul, bay of, Mughira wins victory at, 

Daibul, a town in Sind, expeditions 
against, 7 
Assault and fall of, 8-9 



All country surrounding, subdued by 
Mu'izz-ad-din, 81 
Dailamite dynasty, of Persia, penetrates 

to the borders of Irak, 25 

Dalaki-wa-Malaki, a prince in the 

vicinity of the Jumna, subdued and 

captured by Ulugh Khan, 118-119 

Dar-al-aman, or " House of .Rest," 

restored by Firoz Shah, 167 
Dar-ash-shifa, hospital built by Firoz 

Shah, 1G9 
Daud ibn Yazid ibn Hatim, appointed 

governor of Sind, 21 
Daulat, son of Abdal, escapes from 

fort of Shakar, 329 
Daulat Khan sends word of Ghazi 
Khan's flight and offers submission 
to Babar, 244 
Rebuked by Babar, 245 
Family of, allowed by Babar to re- 
tain authority only in their own 
tribes, 245 
Daulatabad, see Deogir 
Debal Hindi joins Katlagh Khan, 129 
Deccan, severe drought in, 321 
Delhi conquered by Kutb-ad-din, 85 
Central Mohammedan government at, 

Captured by Kutb-ad-din in 1191 a. d., 

Kutb-ad-din returns to, 91 
Under the sway of Shams-ad-din Alta- 

mish, 97 
Throne of, occupied by a woman, 103 
Ulugh Khan returns to, 132 
Famine in, result of excessive taxa- 
tion, 156-157 
Destroyed by Mohammad Taghlak's 

change of capital to Deogir, 157 
Inhabitants of, ordered to Deogir, 158 
Ancient fortifications of, repaired by 

Firoz Shah, 168 
Inhabitants of, granted quarter by 

Timur, 213 
Plundered by Turks and later by 

Timur's army, 215-218 
Description of cities of, 220 
Pravers said in name of Babar, at, 
Deogir (Daulatabad), expedition of Ala- 
ad-din against, 142 
New capital of Mohammad Taghlak, 

Severe drought in, 321 
Dewali, rebels of, chastised by Ulugh 

Khan, 114 
Diktur, arrival of Timur at, 193 
Dilamez, garden of, Jahangir at, 300 
Dilawar Khan joins Babar near Milwat, 

Dimashk (Damascus), name suggested 
for the new city al-Mahfuzah7 18 

Dinpanah, city of, Duilt by Humayun, 

Dost appointed governor of Delhi by 
Babar, 259 

Duhar, raja of Kiraj, routed by Moham- 
mad ibn Kasim, 14 


Elephants, the strength of the armies of 
Hindustan, 204-205 

Fakhr-ad-din, uncle of Mu'izz-ad-din 

(later Mohammad Ghori), 78 
Fakhr-ad-din, brother of Malik Kochi, 

flees from Raziya, but is captured 

and later killed, 106 
Fakhr-ad-din Abd-al-Aziz of Kufa, 

chief judge and governor of Naisha- 

pur, 88 
Fars, province of Persia, Mohammad 

ibn Kasim governor of, 7 
Fazl-allah Balkhi, viceroy and deputy 

of Mallu Khan, does homage to 

Timur, 212 
Fazl ibn Mahan subdues Sindan, 23 
Firoz, son of Shams-ad-din Altamish, 

succeeds to the throne, but dies 

after a dissipated reign of seven 

months, 103 
Firoz Shah succeeds Mohammad Taghlak 

and reigns forty years, 162 
Translation of a memoir of, 163-173 
Endows public shelters, 168-169 
Restores lands confiscated by former 

sultans, 169-170 
Piety and benevolence of, 170-171 
Authority of, confirmed by the caliph, 

Firoz-koh, Mohammad Ghori remains 

for a year at, 78 


Ganges, the sacred river of the Hindus, 

Ghassan ibn Abbad sent to subdue 

Bashar ibn Daud, 21 
Ghaznavids, decline of, 81,82 
Ghazni the stronghold of the Moslem 
Turks in tenth century, 34 
Decline of power of house of, 77 
Conquered by Ghiyas-ad-din, 78 
Ghiyas-ad-din, sultan, of the house of 
Ghor, 77 
Establishes his authority over the whole 
of Garmsir, 78 



Attacks and conquers Peshawar, 81 
Death of, 85 
Ghiyas-ad-din Mahmud Mohammad 
Sam, nephew of Mu'izz-ad-din, 
makes Kutb-ad-din sultan, 90-91 
Ghiyas-ad-din Auz Khalji submits to 

Shams-ad-din Altamish, 98 
Ghor, rise of Afghan house of, 77 
Ghorkhatri, famous place of worship 

among Hindu ascetics, 315 
Ghuzz, leaders of the, rule Ghazni twelve 

years, 78 
Government administration divided into 
four departments by Humayun, 273- 
Govind Rai of Delhi, death of, 85 
Gujarat, district of Kashmir, Gujars 
settled in by Akbar, 303 
Jahangir encamps in, 303 
Gujarat, district of western India, con- 
quered by Junaid ibn Abd-ar-Rah- 
man al-Marri, 17 
Severe drought in, 321 
Gwalior, Shams-ad-din Altamish amir 
of, 95 
Conquered by Shams-ad-din Altamish 
after a siege of eleven months, 100 
Abandoned by the opponents of 

Raziya, 107 
Comes under the sway of Azim Hu- 
mayun Sirwan, 260 

Habbar ibn Aswad, opponent of Moham- 
med, but subsequently converted, 
Ancestor of a family which made 
itself master of the lower Indus, 

Habib ibn al-Muhallab appointed to 
take charge of war in Sind, 15 

Hadi, a commander of the right wing of 
Sultan Mahmud's army, 206 

Hafizabad. Jahangir halts at, on the way 
to Kabul, 303 

al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf, governor of Irak, 5 
Death of, 13 

Hakam, brother of Osman ibn Abu-1- 
Asi, sent to Bahrain, 2 
Despatches force to Barauz, 2 

Hakim ibn Awana al-Kalbi appointed 
to the frontier at Sind, 17 
Death of, 18 

Hakim ibn Jaballa al-Abdi sent to Hind 
to acquire knowledge of the coun- 
try, 2 

Hamid-ad-din Khan addresses a petition 
to Aurangzib, 345-346 

Hamid Khan Khasah-khail, a military 

collector of revenue, force sent 

against, by Babar, 248-249 
Hamza ibn Baiz Hanafi, Arab historian, 

quotation from, regarding Moham- 
mad ibn Kasim, 14 
Hansi granted to Ulugh Khan, 113 
Improvement of, under government 

of Ulugh Khan, 114 
Haras ibn Marra-al-Abdi, leader of a 

victorious expedition into Hind, 3 
Slain with his army at Kikan in 

662 a. d., 3 
Hardat, ruler at fort of Baran, accepts 

Islam, 65-66 
Harun ibn Abi Khalid-al-Maruruzi, 

governor of Sind, 9 
Harur, fort of, taken by Babar's army, 

Hasham ibn Abd-al-Malik, caliph of 

Baghdad, 16 
Hasham ibn Amr at-Taghlabi victorious 

over places in Sind hitherto un- 

conquered, 21 
Hati Gakkar, ruler of hill country 

between Nilab and Bahrah, 229 
Refuses to submit to Daulat Khan, 230 
Defeats and kills Tatar Gakkar and 

seizes all his property, 230 
Ill-treats his subjects, 230-231 
At first repulses Babar's men, but is 

later defeated and flees to the fort 

of Parhalah, 232 
Escapes from fort of Parhalah, 233 
Sends gifts and submits to Babar, 233 
Sends a tributary offering to Babar, 

Hatya, Jahangir encamps at, 309 
Hauz-i Alai, tank of Ala-ad-din, restored 

by Firoz Shah, 166 
Hauz"-i Khas, Timur encamps near, 210 
Hauz-i Shamsi, tank of Altamish, re- 
stored and opened by Firoz Shah, 

Hauz-rani, durbar held at plain of, 138 
Hazrat Shaikh Zain-ad-din, Moham- 
medan sage, sends a sword to Timur, 

Highwaymen suppressed by Ulugh 

Khan, 140 
Hilal ibn Ahwaz at-Tamimi pursues and 

kills sons of al-Muhallab, 15 
Hims (Emessa), name suggested for the 

new city al-Mahfuzah, 18 
Hind, Arabic name for Hindustan, 2 
Princes of, turn Mussulmans and take 

Arab names. 15 
Invaded by Mahmud of Ghazni, 56 
Ruler of, sues for peace to Mahmud 

of Ghazni, 57 



Hindus, punishment inflicted by Nasir- 
ad-din's army on, 139 
Assembled in the Jami' Masjid, ordered 

killed by Timur, 218 
Rigorous measures of Aurangzib 
against, 335 
Hindustan, four defences of, 176-177 
Hisar-Firozah captured by Babar's 
troops and given to Humayun, 249 
Humayun succeeds Babar, 265-266 
Seeks an omen by asking the names of 
the first three men he meets, 266-268 
Uses golden arrows to indicate position 
of members of the classes in his 
realm, 271-273 
Grants audience to each of the three 
classes of his realm on different 
days, 269-271 
Divides affairs of government into 
four classes, 273-274 
Humayun Mirza ordered by Babar to 
occupy Agra and take possession 
of the treasures, 259 
Husain, a commander of the left wing of 

Timur's army, 206 
Husain Beg, ambassador of Iran to 

Jahangir, 300 
Husain Kharmil, governor of the fort of 
Sialkot, 81 

Ibadat-Khanah (" Hall of Worship "), 
completed by Akbar in 1575 a. d., 
Ibn Harri al-Bahali appointed to frontiers 

of India, 5 
Ibn Haukal, Arab geographer, account 

of India by, 28-32 
Ibrahim, Sultan, details of defeat of, by 
Ala-ad-din Khan, 237-213 
Advance-guard of, encamps on road 

toward Babar's camp, 250 
Advance-guard of, defeated by Babar's 

troops, 250-251 
Army of, marches against Babar, 255 
Defeated by Babar, 258 
Loss in army of, 258 
Head of, brought as trophy to Babar, 
Idols in temple at Maharat-al-Hind, 

description of, 68 
Ikhtiyar-ad-din Itigin, appointed lord 
chamberlain by Raziya, 107 
Death of, 108 
Ilak Khan routed by Mahmud of Ghazni, 

Imad-ad-din Rihan, chief in the army 
of Nasir-ad-din, 120 
Viceroy during Nasir-ad-din's absence 
at Hansi, 121 

Despotism of, causes many chiefs to 

desert to standard of Ulugh Khan, 


Dismissed from office of minister, 125 

Appointed to government of Badaun, 

Plot of, to prevent peace between 
Nasir-ad-din and Ulugh Khan, 
Appointed to government of Bahraich, 

Defeated and put to death, 127 
India, Northern, governed for more than 

eighty years by Slave Kings, 87 
Irak, province of Persia, Abdallah ibn 
Amar ibn Kuraiz appointed gov- 
ernor of, 2 
Al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf governor of, 5 
Mohammad Taghlak s proposed con- 
quest of, 161 
Isma'il Khan sent by Babar to offer 
terms of capitulation to Ghazi Khan, 
Istakhri, Arab geographer and traveller, 

Istiya, a district of Afghanistan, Mu'izz- 

ad-din assigned to, 78 
Izz-ad-din Balban appointed lord cham- 
berlain by Nasir-ad-din, 121 
Goes to camp of Ulugh Khan to 

arrange terms of peace, 125 
Sends presents to Nasir-ad-din, 134 
Appointed to Lakhnauti, 134 
Izz-ad-din Husain Kharmil, a general 

in Mu'izz-ad-din's army, 90 
Izz-ad-din Kabir Khan Ayyaz, governor 
of Lahore, secretly joins Raziya, 106 
Revolts against Raziya, 108 
Is appointed to province of Multan, 108 
Izz-ad-din Mohammad Salari makes war 
against Raziya, 105 
Secretly joins Raziya, 106 
Joins forces with Malik Altuniya, 108 

Jagannath, temple of, destroyed by 

Ala-ad-din, 152 
Jahangir. memoirs of, preserved in two 

forms, 294 
Ascends throne at Agra in 1605 a. d. ( 

Twelve ordinances established by, 

Characteristics of, 300 
Orders a minaret raised over a royal 

antelope, 303 
Orders magnificent buildings and 

gardens built around the fountain- 

of Virnag, 304 



Marches from Tillah to Bhakra 

through the bed of the Kahan, 308 

Journey of, from Lahore to Kashmir, 


Jahangirpur, Jahangir stops at, on the 

way to Kabul, 300 
Jahan-numa, plundered by Timur's 

order, 196-197 
Jahan-panah restored by Firoz Shah, 168 
Jahan Shah, a commander of the left 

wing of Timur's army, 206 
Jahir of Ijari, defeated by Ulugh Khan, 

Jaipal, a Hindu raja, conquered by 
Sabuktagin, 35 
Marches toward Ghazni, 36 
Defeated a second time by Sabuk- 
tagin, 36-37 
Treachery of, 38 
Makes final stand against Sabuktagin, 

but is defeated, 39-41 
Defeated and captured by Mahmud 

of Ghazni, 42-45 
Son and grandson of, held as hostages 

by Mahmud of Ghazni, 45 
Enters into conditions of peace with 

Mahmud of Ghazni, 45 
Virtually compelled to commit suicide, 
Jaishiya ibn Dahir, return of, to Brah- 
manabad, 15 
Defeated and slain by Junaid ibn 
Abd-ar-Rahman al-Marri at the 
lake of ash-Sharki, 16 
Jalal-ad-din, king of Khwarizm, routed 
by Chingiz Khan, 97 
Defeated by Shams-ad-din Altamish, 
flees toward Sind and Siwistan, 98 
Jalal-ad-din, sultan of Delhi, tomb of, 

restored by Firoz Shah, 166 
Jalal-al-Islam sent to clear a road for 

Timur's army, 193 
Jalali, rebels of, chastised by Ulugh 

Khan, 114 
Jamal-ad-din Yakut, Abyssinian amir, 
appointed a personal attendant of 
Raziya, 107 
Killed by Turks, 108 
Jami' Masjid, a mosque built at Sindan 

by Fazl ibn Mahan, 23 
Jami' Masjid, a mosque at Delhi, re- 
paired by Firoz Shah, 165 
Prayers said in the name of Timur in 
the, 214 
Jamrud, Jahangir encamps at, 315 
Jihlam, a river of Northern India, 
crossed by Mahmud of Ghazni, 65 
Jihun river, crossed by Ilak Khan, 52 
Jogipura built by Akbar as a home for 
Hindu ascetics, 292 

Jumna, crossed by Mahmud of Ghazni, 65 
Babar encamps on the banks of the, 
250, 259 
Junaid ibn Abd-ar-Rahman al-Marri, 
appointed to the frontier of Sind, 16 
Victorious at Kiraj, 16 
Campaigns of, 17 
Jurz, see Gujarat 


Kabir Khan makes war against Raziya, 
Province of Lahore assigned to, 106 
Kabul river, see Kama 
Kabul, a city of Afghanistan, Babar 

returns to, 235 
Kachah-Kot (Kach-kot) river, crossed 
by Babar, 225 
Babar encamps on the banks of the, 235 
Kadir bi-Allah, caliph of Baghdad, 
sanctions the campaigns of Sabuk- 
tagin, 41 
Kafur, general of Ala-ad-din, starts on 
expedition against Ma'bar, 149 
Seizes two hundred and fifty elephants 

at Brabmastpuri, 151 
Return of, to Delhi, celebrated by a 
durbar, 153 
Kaharphucha, fort in Tibet built by 
Ali Rai, 328 
Fort of, surrendered to Zafar Khan, 
Kahchana, fort in Tibet built by Ali 
Rai, 328 
Minister of Abdal retires to, 328 
Surrendered to Zafar Khan, 329 
Kahlur, fort of, taken by Babar's army, 

Kala-pani, Jahangir marches to, on way 

to Kabul, 310 
Kaldah-kahar, Babar halts at, 227 
Kalij Khan Mas'ud Khani, rumours of 
rebellion of, 132-133 
Appointed to govern Lakhnauti, 133 
Prevailed upon to do homage to Nasir- 
ad-din, 133 
Kalini, Babar encamps on banks of, 258 
Kalinjar held by Baba Khan, 230 
Kallari captured by Mohammad ibn 

Fazl ibn Mahan, 23 
Kama (Kabul) river, Jahangir stops at, 

Kam Bakhsh, appointed governor of 

Bijapur by Aurangzib, 345 
Kanauj, a province of Multan in 915 a.d., 
Deserted when Mahmud of Ghazni 

reaches it, 69 
Fate of temples of, 69 



Kandabil, defeat of Hindus by Mujja'- 
ibn Si'r at-Tamimi in neighbour- 
hood of, 5 
Arabs driven from, by Caliph al- 
Mansur, 21 
Kandahar, a town in Afghanistan, con- 
quered by Abbad ibn Ziyad, 4 
Conquered by Caliph al-Mansur, 21 
Kandur, massacre ordered at, by Malik 

Kafur, 150 
Kanhi-gazin, Timur's army encamps at, 

Kannazbur, taken by Mohammad ibn 

Kasim, 8 
Kara-ial, mountain of, Mohammad 
Taghlak's plan to capture, 161-162 
Karakash joins forces with Malik Al- 

tuniya, 108 
Karcha-barh, route of, taken by Zafar 

Khan's army, 327 
Karmathians, Mohammedan heretical 
sect, plunder Kufa, Basra, and 
Samarra, 25 
Expelled from Multan by Mahmud 

of Ghazni, 33 
Occupy parts of Sind about 985 a. d., 33 
Kashmir, subdued by forces of Caliph 
al-Mansur, 21 
Mahmud Ghori resolves to conquer, 64 
Visited by Akbar, 303 
Jahangir's description of, 300-308 
Kasr-kaiuran, Mu'izz-ad-din assigned 

to, 78 
Kassa, district in Hind, 11 
Katlagh Khan, father-in-law of Izz-ad- 
din Balban, 121 
Heedless of royal orders, 126 
Stepfather of Nasir-ad-din, appointed 

to Oudh, 126 
Revolts against Nasir-ad-din, 128 
Strengthens his position in hills of 

Santur, 129 
Joined by Malik Balban Khishlu 
Khan, 130 
Kator, boundaries of kingdom of, 184 
Difficulties of Timur's march against, 

Inhabitants of fort of, flee at approach 

of Timur, 187 
City of ruler of, burned, 188 
Kators, tribe of Northern India, Timur's 
expedition against, 183 
False to oath, captured and put to 
death by Timur, 189-190 
Khafi Khan, Mohammedan historian, 

selections from work of, 340-344 
Khalid the Barmacide, a caliph of 

Baghdad, 5 
Khalid ibn Abdallah al-Kasri, governor 
of Irak, 16 

Kli.tlil Sultan, a commander of the left 

wing of Timur's army, 206 
Khalj, a village in Afghanistan, original 

home of the Slave Kings of Delhi, 141 
Khar, Jahangir marches through on 

the way to Kabul, 309 
Kharbuza, Jahangir encamps at, 310 
Khawak, fort at, repaired at command 

of Timur, 184 
Khawaspur, Jahangir halts at, on way 

to Kabul, 303 
Khaz, Abbad ibn Ziyad marches through, 

on his way to Hudbar, 4 
Khorasan, a province of Persia, con- 
quered by the Samanids, 25 
Proposed conquest of, by Mohammad 

Taghlak, 161 
Khuldabad, burial-place of Aurangzib, 

Khushab in the possession of the family 

of Timur Beg since his invasion of 

Hindustan, 227 
Khusru Malik lays siege to Sialkot, but 

withdraws, 81 
Sends his son as hostage to Mu'izz-ad- 
din, 81 
Prisoner of Mu'izz-ad-din, 82 
Sent by Ghiyas-ad-din as prisoner to 

fort of Bahrawan, 82 
Taken to Ghazni, thence to Firoz- 

koh, to Ghiyas-ad-din, 82 
Put to death, 82 
Khwaia Jamal-ad-din Basri, purchases 

Ulugh Khan, 111 
Khwandamir, historian at beginning of 

Humayun's reign, 263 
Characterization of his Humayun 

Namah, 263 
Selections from the Humayun Namah 

of, 264-276 
Khwarizm Shah, war breaks out with, 82 
Kikan, a town in Sind, Haras ibn Marra- 

al-Abdi defeated and slain at, 3 
Abdallah ibn Suar-al-Abdi victorious 

at, 4 
Rashid ibn Omar-al-Judaidi victorious 

at, 4 
Conquered by Abu-1-Ash'as, 5 
Kinkuta, Ala-ad-din Khan and Haji 

Khan encamp at, and prepare to 

defend themselves, 241 
Kiraj, taken by Mohammad ibn Kasim, 

Kirman governed by Ya'kub ibn Lais, 26 
Kish, Abbad ibn Ziyad marches to, 4 
Kishli Khan, brother of Ulugh Khan, 

in charge of the main body of the 

army, at Kaithal, 130 
Kisu Mai sent bv Billal Deo to ascertain 

strength of Mohammedan army, 148 



Kochi makes war against Raziya, 105 
Flees from Raziya, but is captured and 
killed, 106 
Koh-i-nur, precious diamond, presented 
to Babar, who returns it to Hu- 
mayun, 260-261 
Kolah Pithaura, Hindu raja, defeats 
Mu'izz-ad-din at Narain, 83 
Besieges fort of Sarhind for thirteen 

months, 84 
Captured and put to death, 85 
Kufa plundered by Karmathians, 25 
Kulchand, ruler at Maharat-al-Hind 
(Mathura), 66 
Prepares to resist Mahmud of Ghazni's 

onslaught, but is defeated, 66-67 
Kills his wife and commits suicide to 
escape falling into the hands of 
Mahmud of Ghazni, 67 
Kuraish, members of tribe of rule in 

Multan and Mansura, 27 
Kusdar, recaptured by Abu-1-Ash'as, 5 

Death of Abu-1-Ash'as at, 5 
Kutb-ad-din Aybek appointed to com- 
mand the fort of Kahram, 85 
Advances to Mirat and captures 

Delhi, 85, 90 
Captures fort of Kol, 85 
Formerly a slave of Mohammad of 

Ghor, 87 
Character of, 88 

Educated with his master's sons, 88 
Generosity of, secures his appointment 

as Master of the Horse, 89 
Attacked and taken prisoner by 

cavalry of Sultan Shah, 90 
Districts of Kahram conferred on, 90 
Marches toward Nahrwala and de- 
feats Raja Bhim-deo, 90 
Conquers countries of Hindustan as 

far as outskirts of China, 90 
Receives royal canopy and title of 
Sultan from Ghiyas-ad-din Mahmud 
Mohammad Sam, 91 
Ascends throne of Lahore on June 26, 

1206 a. d., 91 
Defeats Taj-ad-din Yildiz in battle 

regarding Lahore, 91 
Duration of the reign of, 92 
Death of, at Lahore, 91-92, 95 
Tomb of, repaired by Firoz Shah, 
Kutb-ad-din Hasan Ghori appointed to 
succeed Malik Aybek Bahtu in 
command of army, 107 
Ordered to march against fort of 
Rantambhor, which he destroys, 
Kutila, a strong castle near Dun, taken 
by Babar, 246-247 

Lahore, (Alahwar), a district of India, 

ravaged by Mu'izz-ad-din, 81 
Falls peacefully into the hands of 

Mu'izz-ad-din, 82 
Captured by Kutb-ad-din, 91 
Lakhnauti, throne of, given to Malik 

Ala-ad-din Jani, 100 
Izz-ad-din Balban Uzbeg appointed to, 

Lamghan conquered by Sabuktagin, 39 
Langar Khan, commander of Bahrah, 

Ling Mahadeo, stone idols, destroyed, 

Loni, conquest of, by Timur, 197-198 


Ma'bar, possibly Malabar, 141 
Ala-ad-din's campaign in, 141 
Twelve months' journey from Delhi, 
Madrasa (college) of Shams-ad-din Al- 

tamish rebuilt by Firoz Shah, 165 
Mahabat Khan promoted by Jahangir, 

Maha-kal, temple of, at Ujjain, destroyed, 
Stone image of, taken to Delhi, 101 
Mahan ibn Fazl ibn Mahan conquers 

Sindan, but is slain, 23 
Maharat-al-Hind (Mathura), description 
of city of, 67 
Description of temple at, 68 
Mahdi Khwaja, is sent by Babar against 
Sultan Ibrahim, but returns un- 
successful, 254 
Ordered to enter the fort of Delhi and 
take possession of the treasuries, 259 
al-Mahfuzah, a city founded by Hakim 

ibn Awana al-Kalbi, 17 
Mahmud, emperor of Delhi, strength of 
army of, 206 
Description of the battle of, with 

Timur, 207-209 
Defeated by Timur, 210 
Flees to the jungles, but is pursued 
by Amir Sa'id, 212 
Mahmud of Ghazni overthrows Arab 
dominion in Sind, 33 
First holy war against Jaipal, 42-45 
Despatches a victorious expedition 

against Waihind, 46-47 
Is victorious over Biji Rai at Bhatia, 48 
Attacks and demolishes the kingdom 
of Rai Andpal, on his way to Multan, 
Takes Multan by assault, 51 



Is victorious over Ilak Khan, 52 
Is victorious over Nawasa Shah, 52 
Is victorious over Brahmanpal, 54 
Treasures obtained by, at the fort of 

Bhimnagar, 55 
Establishes peace with the King of 

Hind, 57 
Determines to invade the capital of 

Bind, 57 
Difficulty of march of, toward Hind, 

Goes into winter quarters on way 

toward Hind, 58 
Resumes his march toward Hind, 58 
Advances and defeats Nidar Bhim, 

Victorious over the chief of Thanesar, 

Marches to Kanauj, 65 
Takes all forts held by Rai Jaipal, 68 
Captures fort of Chand Rai, 72 
Returns to Hind, 74 
Expedition of, against Afghans, 74 
Orders his men to swim the Rahib 

and attack Puru Jaipal, 75 
Defeats Puru Jaipal, 76 
Majd-ad-din Tolaki, general of Mu'izz- 
ad-din, furnishes men to hold fort 
of Sarhind, 82-83 
Majd-al- Umara Zia-ad-din Junaidi, 

chief justice of Gwalior, 107 
Malabar, see Ma'bar and Maliba 
Maliba (Malabar) entered by force under 

Habib ibn Marra, 17 
Malik Balban Khishlu Khan joins 

Katlagh Khan, 130 
Malka, a Hindu chief of the hill country 
about Delhi, 134 
Completely routed by Ulugh Khan, 
Mallu Khan and his army march against 
Jahan-numa, 200 
Defeated by Timur's army, 200-201 
Flees in vain to the jungles, 212 
Mamun, caliph of Baghdad, 21 
Mandur, fort of, in the Siwalik Hills, cap- 
tured by Shams-ad-din Altamish, 98 
Mangu Khan, a prince of Turkistan and 
a Moghul general, marches into 
Sind, 114 
Flees with his army from Ulugh 
Khan, 116 
Manjanik, a catapult or ballista, 8 
al-Mansur, caliph of Baghdad, 21 
Mansur ibn Jamhur, defeated by Musa 
ibn Kab at-Tamimi, 18 
Death of, 21 
Mansura, city of, founded by Amr ibn 

Mohammad ibn Kasim, 18 
Mansura, one of the two principal 

kingdoms of Sind, under Ya'kub ibn 

Lais, 26 
Occupied by Karmathians, 33 
al-Manzar ibn al-Jarud-al-Abdi ap- 
pointed by Ziyad ibn Abu-Sufian 

to the frontiers of India, 5 
Masjid-i Jami', see Jami' Masiid 
Mas'ud Mirza, ruler of Kabul and 

Zabul, 227 
Mas'udi, an Arab traveller, account of 

India given by, 27-28 
Mawara-an-nahr conquered by the Sa- 

manids, 25 
Men of, engage in holy war, 64 
Mawas, rebellion of, crushed by Ulugh 

Khan, 114 
Mecca conquered by Karmathians, 25 
Meds, tribe of Northern India, defeat 

Rashid ibn Omar al-Judaidi, 4 
Defeated by Mohammad ibn Fazl ibn 

Mahan, 23 
Mekran, a province of Persia, subdued 

by Sinan, 4 
Mihran (Indus) river, Mohammad ibn 

Kasim encamps on banks of, 10 
Milak Deo, Hindu raja, besieged by 

Shams-ad-din Altamish in Gwalior 

for eleven months, 100 
Milwat captured by Babar, 241 
Given to Mohammad Ali Jang-jang, 

Minhaj-as-Siraj, native historian of Ghor, 

Selections from the work of, 77-86, 

88-102, 104-109, 111-140 
Appointed by Raziya to the Nasiriya 

college, 108 
Made judge of Gwalior, 108 
Directed to offer terms of peace to 

Ulugh Khan, 126 
Mir Ali, a commander of the left wing 

of Sultan Mahmud's army, 206 
Mir Fakhr-ad-din sent against fort at 

Shakar, 328 
Victorious at fort of Shakar, 329 
Mirza Ghiyas Beg, father of Nur Jahan, 

Moghul empire, decline of, 331 
Mohammad, son of al-Haras al-Alafi, 

opposes and slays Sa'id ibn Aslam, 5 
Mohammad of Yazd maligns Islam to 

Akbar. 280 
Mohammad Ali Jang-jang, Babar 

bestows territory upon, 235 
Mohammad Azad sent by Timur to get 

intelligence of Burhan Aghlan, 190 
Difficulty of march of, to fort of Siyah- 

poshes, 191-192 
Defeats infidels at fort of Siyah- 

poshes, 192 



Advanced in rank by Timur, 194 
Followers of, rewarded by Timur, 194 
Mohammad A'zam, son of Aurangzib, 

attends his father's funeral, 347 
Mohammad Baka, Mohammedan histo- 
rian, selection from works of, 331- 
Mohammad ibn Fazl ibn Mahan, ruler of 

Sindan, 23 
Mohammad Ghori, see Mu'izz-ad-din 
Mohammad ibn Harun ibn Zara an-Na- 
mari appointed successor to Mujja' 
ibn Si'r at-Tamimi, 5 
Mohammad ibn Kasim completes Mujja' 
ibn Si'r at-Tamimi's conquest of 
the tribes about Kandabil, 5 
Is appointed to govern the Sindian 

frontier, 7 
Preparations of, for defence of Dai- 

Victorious at Kannazbur, 8 
Garrisons Daibul, 9 
Goes to Brahmanabad, 11 
Battle of, with Dahir, 11 
Crosses the Mihran, 11 
Returns to Alrur and Baghrur, 13 
Imprisoned by Salih ibn Abd-ar- 

Rahman at Wasit, 14 
Torture and death of, 14 
Mohammad ibn Khalil, ruler of Kan- 
dabil, defeated and slain by Amran 
ibn Musa ibn Yahya, 22 
Mohammad Murad left by Zafar Khan 

in charge of Tibet, 330 
Mohammad ibn Mus'ab, expedition of, 

into Sadusan, 10 
Mohammad Taghlak, unsuccessful reign 
of, 154-155 
Attitude of subjects toward, 154-155 
Treatment of subjects by, 154-156 
Excessive taxes of, on lands of the 

Doab, 156 
Changes capital to Deogir, 157 
Beginning of decline of power of, 157 
Coinage of, 158-160 
Army of, completely destroyed at 

Kara-jal, 162 
Death of, in 1351 a. d., 162 
Firoz Shah endeavours to atone for 
cruelties of, 169 
Mohammedans, Hindu treatment of, 
as described by Ibn Haukal, 31, 32 
Mu'awiya, caliph of Baghdad, 3 
Mu'awiya, son of al-Haras al-Alafi, op- 
poses and slays Sa'id ibn Aslam, 5 
Mu'awiya ibn Yazid killed by Hilal ibn 

Ahwaz at-Tamimi, 15 
Mubashar Bahadur left in command 

of Jahan-numa by Timur, 200 
Mughira, brother of Hakam and Osman 

ibn Abu-1-Asi, victorious at Bay of 
Daibul, 2 
Muhallab ibn Abu-Safra and his army 

slain on the frontier of Hind, 3-4 
al-Muhallab, sons of, flee to Sind and 
are killed by Hilal ibn Ahwaz at- 
Tamimi, 15 
Mu'in-ad-din, a commander of the right 
wing of Sultan Mahmud's army, 206 
Mu'iniyyah, religious teacher, 278 
Mu'izz-ad-din (Mohammad Ghori), sul- 
tan of the house of Ghor, 77 
Is assigned to Kasr-kajuran and 

Istiya, 78 
Is assigned to Takinabad, largest 

town in Garmsir, 78 
Becomes king of Ghazni, 78 
Delivers Multan from the Karmathians, 

Conquers Gurdez in 1174 a. d., 81 
Defeats people of Sankaran, 81 
Attacks and conquers fort at Sarhind, 

Defeats Kolah Pithaura at Narain, 83 
Retreats to Mohammedan territory, 83 
Narrow escape of, in battle of Narain, 

Again goes to capture Sarhind, 84 
Again encamps near Narain, 84 
Victorious over Kolah Pithaura, 84-85 
Gains territory by victory over Kolah 

Pithaura, 85 
Defeats Rai Jai Chand near Chan- 
da wal, 85, 90 
Defeats Gakkars and hill tribes of 

Jud, 85 
Succeeds to the throne at Ghiyas-ad- 

din's death, 85 
Duration of the reign of, thirty-two 

years, 86 
Purchases Kutb-ad-din, 88-89 
Defeat of, in battle of Andkhod, 95 
Death of, 86 

Minar of, repaired by Firoz Shah, 165 
Tomb of, repaired by Firoz Shah, 165 
Mu'izz-ad-din, brother of Raziya, ascends 
throne, 108 
Tomb of, at Malikpur, restored by 
Firoz Shah, 166 
Mujja' ibn Si'r at-Tamimi appointed to 
the frontier of Hind, 5 
Death of, 5 
Mulla Mohammad Husain of Kashmir, 
an expert calligrapher of Jahangir, 
Mulla Murshid, unsuccessfully sent by 
Babar as an ambassador to Sultan 
Ibrahim and Daulat Khan, 228-229 
Multan, a city of Sind, taken by Moham- 
mad Ghori, 12-13 



Reduced by Caliph al-Mansur, 21 
Inhabitants of, taxed by Mahmud of 
Ghazni, 51 
Multan, one of the two principal king- 
doms of Sin. I under Ya'kub ibn 
Lais, 26 
Hereditary for many years in family 
of Abu-1-Dalhat al-Munabba ibn 
Assad as-Sami, 27 
In the eighth century, as described by 

Ibn Haukal, 28-31 
Occupied by Karmathians, 33 
Delivered from the hands of the 
Karmathians by Mu'izz-ad-din, 81 
Once held by Malik Karakash, 108 
Muni, Brahman stronghold, taken by 

Mahmud of Ghazni, 70 
Musa ibn Kab at-Tamimi appointed to 
the frontier of Sind, 18 
Victorious over Mansur ibn Jamhur, 18 
Repairs city of Mansura and en- 
larges mosque, 21 
Musa ibn Yahya ibn Khalid, appointed 
to the frontier of Sind, 22 
Death of, 22 
Mu'tamad Khan, Mohammedan histo- 
rian, selection from the works of, 
Mu'tasim bi-Allah, caliph of Baghdad, 

5, 22, 23 
Muzid reports on kingdom of Kator to 
Timur, 184 

i N 

Nadir Shah carries the Peacock Throne 

from India to Persia, 323 
Nagor important in consequence of 

Ulugh Khan's residence, 123 
Naib Barbak, commander of Ala-ad- 
din's expedition against Ma'bar, 143 
Naishapur, Kutb-ad-din brought as 

slave to, 88 
Nandana, fort of, captured by Nasir-ad- 

din, 118 
Nardin, Mahmud of Ghazni victorious 

at, 62 
Nasir-ad-din, third son of Altamish, 
reigns for twenty years, 110 
Usurps throne of Ala-ad-din, 116 
Returns to Delhi, 118 
Sends expedition to Hindustan, 118 
Chiefs of, urge that Ulugh Khan be 

sent to Hansi, 121 
Marches against Ulugh Khan, 124 
Reconciliation of, with Ulugh Khan, 

Returns to Delhi accompanied by 

Ulugh Khan, 126 
Army of, leaves Delhi for Hindustan, 

Insurrection against, in Hindustan, 

Grants interview to ambassadors 

from Khorasan, 139 
Death of, in 1266 a.d., 140 
Nasir-ad-din Aitamur, general of Shams- 
ad-din Altamish, marches from 
Lahore to Multan, 99 
Nasir-ad-din Kubacha disputes with 
Shams-ad-din Altamish regarding 
Lahore, Tabarhindh, and Kahram, 
Again defeated by Shams-ad-din Al- 
tamish, 97 
Camps at fort of Amravat, 98-99 
Flees to Bhakkar, 99 
Death of, 100 

Remaining forces of, enter service of 

Shams-ad-din Altamish, 100 

Nasir-ad-din Tabashi Mu'izzi, governor 

of Oudh, hastens unsuccessfully to 

aid Raziya, 105 

Naushahra, fort of, built by Zain Khan 

Koka, 312 
Nawasa Shah turned out of his govern- 
ment in Hind by Mahmud of Ghazni, 
Nidar Bhim, chief of Hind, routed by 
Mahmud of Ghazni at Nardin, 01- 
Nilab submits to Babar, 225 

Inhabitants of, send tributary offering 
to Babar, 235 
Nilab, river of, crossed by Jahangir, 312 
Nirun, capitulates to Mohammad ibn 

Kasim, 9-10 
Nizam-ad-din Mohammad Junaidi, min- 
ister to Shams-ad-din Altamish, 
sent in pursuit of Malik Nasir-ad- 
din Kubacha, 99-100 
Nizam-al-mulk Junaidi makes war on 
Raziya, 105 
Flees to mountains of Bardar, where 
he dies, 106 
Nizarians and Yamanians, dissensions 

between, 23 
Nukan conquered by al-Manzar ibn al- 

Jarud-al-Abdi, 5 
Nur-ad-din, a Gilani poet, gains ascend- 
ency over Akbar, 280 
Nur Jahan, empress of Delhi and wife 
of Jahangir, 315-319 
Coins struck in honour of, 318 

Oman, a district of Arabia, army 
despatched to Tana from, 2 
Budail ibn Tahfa marches to Daibul 
from, 7 



Omar ibn Abd-al-Aziz, caliph of Bagh- 
dad in 717 a. d., 15 

Omar ibn Hafs ibn Osman Hazarmard 
appointed governor of Sind, 21 

Omar ibn Hubaira al-Fazari, an officer 
under Hasham ibn Abd-al-Malik, 16 

Omar ibn al-Khattab, caliph of Bagh- 
dad, 2 

Ordinances, Twelve, of Jahangir, 295-299 

Osman ibn Abu-1-Asi, appointed gov- 
ernor of Bahrain and Oman, 2 
Army of, victorious at Tana, 2 

Osman ibn Akkan, caliph of Baghdad, 2 
Appoints Abdallah ibn Amar ibn 
Kuraiz to government of Irak, 2 

Oudh under the sway of Shams-ad-din 
Altamish, 97 

Pakka, Jahangir marches through, on 

the way to Kabul, 309 
Panipur, a village ten leagues from 

Kashmir, 305 
Panipat, field of, Timur's preparations 
at, 194 
Timur encamps at, 196 
Babar's army makes strong fortifica- 
tions at, 252-254 
Paras Deo Dalvi, raja of Bandri, vassal 

of Ala-ad-din, 147 
Parhalah, fortress of Tatar Gakkar, 229 

Strong position of fort of, 231-232 
Peacock Throne, description of, 323-327 
In Teheran, authenticity of, ques- 
tioned, 323 
Peshawar conquered by Ghiyas-ad-din, 
Given to Sher Khan Afghan, 315 
Pir Mohammad Jahangir, report of, to 
Timur, regarding position of Hindus- 
tan, 180-183 
A commander of the right wing of 
Timur's army, 206 
Puru Jaipal, Hindu raja, sues for Chand 
Rai's daughter in marriage for his 
son Bhimpal, 71 
Makes peace with Chand Rai, 71 
Enters into an alliance with Bhoj 

Chand, 72 
Encamps on the banks of the Rahib, 


Rahuk (Dahuk), a dependency of 

Mansura, 31 
Rai, in Persia, south of the Caspian Sea, 

Mohammad ibn Kasim ordered to, 7 
Rai Jai Chand, Hindu raja, defeated by 

Mu'izz-ad-din near Chandawal, 85, 


Rai Jaipal, Hindu raja, forts of, fall into 

hands of Mahmud of Ghazni, 68 
Ram Deo, maharaja of Deogir, furthers 
preparations of Ala-ad-din's army, 
Rantambhor falls into hands of Shams- 
ad-din Altamish, 98 
Fort of, destroyed by Kutb-ad-din 

Hasan Ghori, 107 
Ravaged by Ulugh Khan, 119 
Rashid ibn Omar-al-Judaidi, appointed 
to the frontier of Hind, 4 
Victorious at Kikan, 4 
Slain by the Meds, 4 
Rasil, chief of Kassa, in Hind, 11 
Rawal Pindi, Jahangir encamps near, 

Raziya, daughter of Altamish, rules at 
Delhi for three years, 104, 109 
Character of, 104 
Leaves Delhi and encamps on the 

banks of the Jumna, 106 
Plan of, to kill rebellion, 106 
Peace restored in kingdom of, 106 
Officers appointed by, 106 
Pursues and conquers the governor 

of Lahore, 108 
Marches against Tabarhindh, but is 

captured, 108 
Aided by Altuniya, 108 
Defeated by her brother Mu'izz-ad-din, 

Captured by Hindus and slain, 109 
Death of, followed by weak govern- 
ment, 110 
Riwari granted to Ulugh Khan, 113 
Rohtas, fort of, begun by Sher Khan 
Afghan, and completed by his son, 
Jahangir halts at, on way to Kabul, 
Rudbar, a town of Afghanistan, Abbad 

ibn Ziyad marches through, 4 
Rukn-ad-din, sultan of Delhi, 112 
Tomb of, at Malikpur, restored by 
Firoz Shah, 116 
Rupur, sufferings of Babar's army at 

Rustam, Prince, sent by Timur to 
invade country of the Siyah-poshes, 
A commander of the advance-guard 
of Timur's army, 206 


Sabli ibn Shahi ibn Bamhi offers Mahmud 
of Ghazni his services as guide, 65 

Sabuktagin, sultan of Ghazni, prepares 
to invade Northwestern India, 34 



Victorious expeditions of, 35 
Advances into the Panjab and con- 
quers Jaipal, 35 
Defeats Jaipal and takes his kingdom, 

Safarids, Persian dynasty, decline of, 

Saffron abundant in Pampur, 305 
Sahban taken by Mohammad ibn Kasim, 

Sa'id ibn Aslam, is appointed to Mekran 

and its frontiers, 5 
Death of, 5 
Saif-ad-daulah, Sultan, receives robe of 

honour from Caliph Kadir bi-AUah, 

Saif-ad-din, sultan of Ghor, death of, 78 
Saif-ad-din Aybek Bahtu, made com- 
mander of army by Raziya with 

title of Katlagh Khan, 106 
Death of, 107 
Saif-ad-din Kishli Khan, brother of 

Ulugh Khan, sent to his estate of 

Karra, 121 
Saki Musta'idd Khan, Mohammedan 

historian, secretly prepares a history 

of Aurangzib's reign, 340 
Description of the death of Aurangzib 

by, 345-348 
Salih ibn Abd-ar-Rahman appointed 

to collect the tribute of Irak, 14 
Salin Nawin and infidel Moghuls descend 

upon Sind, 132 
Abandons his expedition against Ulugh 

Khan, 132 
Salmur, fortress of Debal Hindi, cap- 
tured by Ulugh Khan, 129-130 
Samanids, a Persian dynasty, conquer 

Mawara-an-nahr and Khorasan, 25 
Samarkand, seat of Timur's empire, 219 
Samarra plundered by the Karmathians, 

Sanaruz, Abbad ibn Ziyad marches to, 4 
Sangdaki, Babar's army halts at, 225 
Sankaran, people of, revolt against 

Mu'izz-ad-din, 81 
Sarai Bara, Jahangir encamps near, 312 
Sarai Daulatabad, Jahangir halts at, 

on way to Kabul, 315 
Sarandip, ancient name of Ceylon, 51 
Sarbidas, Hindu ascetic, treats with 

Mohammad ibn Kasim for peace, 10 
Sardar Khan, garden of, visited by 

Jahangir, 315 
Sarhind, capitulates to Kolah Pithaura, 

Fort at, captured by Mu'izz-ad-din, 

Sasah ibn Dahir slain on way to Irak, 16 
Sataldur (Sutlaj), a river of Northern 

India, crossed by Mahmud of 

Ghazni, 65 
Sawandari, people of, sue for peace to 

Mohammad ibn Kasim, 11 
Sayyid-as-Salatin, " Chief of Sultans," 

title of Firoz Shah, 173 
Sayyid Khwaja left in command of 

Jahan-numa by Timur, 200 
Sayyid Lachin sent to Lahore with 

message from Babar to his army, 236 
Sayyid Tufan sent to Lahore with 

message from Babar to his army, 236 
Seistan, a province of Persia, governed 

by Ya'kub ibn Lais, 26 
Mu'izz-ad-din resides in, 78 
Shah, Sultan, defeated in battle by the 

Afghan invaders, 90 
Shah Abbas, jewel formerly owned by, 

adorns centre recess of Peacock 

Throne, 326 
Shah Alain appointed governor of 

Malwa by Aurangzib, 345 
Shah Jahan, Moghul emperor of Delhi, 

Extreme suffering from famine during 

reign of, 321 
Provides food for his suffering sub- 
jects, 321 
Shah Rukh, commander of ten battalions 

of Timur's army, 183 
Shahabad, Babar encamps at, 249 
Shaikh - al - Islam Nizam-al-hakk-wa-ad- 

din, tomb of, repaired by Firoz 

Shah, 167 
Shaikh Arslan Aztuman Kabak Khan 

commences successful attack on 

infidels of Kator, 188 
Shaikh Nizam, chief redactor of a 

compilation of canon law for Aurang- 
zib, 337 
Shaikh Nur-ad-din, a commander of 

the advance-guard of Timur's army, 

Shajar-ad-durr, queen of the Mamluks 

of Egypt in 1250 a. d., 103 
Shakar, fort in Tibet, taken by Mir 

Fakhr-ad-din, 328-329 
Shams-ad-din Altamish, son-in-law of 

Kutb-ad-din, succeeds to the throne, 

Divinely destined to be Sultan, 92 
Sold by his brothers to a horse dealer, 

Educated by a noble family of Bo- 
khara, 93 
An anecdote of early life of, 93 
Purchased a third time by Haji 

Bokhari, 93-94 
Repurchased by Jamal-ad-din Chast 

Kaba and taken to Ghazni, 94 



Returns to Bokhara with his master 

Jamal-ad-din Chast Kaba, 94 
Negotiations concerning purchase of, 

Purchased in Delhi and made chief of 

the guards by Kutb-ad-din, 95 
Raised to rank of chief huntsman by 

Kutb-ad-din, 95 
Is made amir of Gwalior, 95 
Obtains district and town of Baran 

and its dependencies, 95 
Is appointed to Badaun, 95 
Joins Mu'izz-ad-din with his forces 

from Badaun in effort to quell the 

rebelling Gakkars, 95 
Through bravery in battle, is granted 

his freedom, 95 
Invited to take throne of Delhi, 96 
Defeats the Turks and Mu'izzi chiefs 

who rebel against hirn, 96 
Defeats Malik Nasir-ad-din Kubacha 

in 1217 a. d., 97 
Defeats Taj-ad-din Yildiz at Narain, 

Again defeats Malik Nasir-ad-din 

Kubacha, 97 
Defeats Jalal-ad-din, 97-98 
Marches against Rantambhor and is 

victorious, 98 
Captures fort of Mandur, 98 
Takes city of Uchh, 98-100 
Captures Balka Malik Khalji, 100 
Captures Gwalior after siege of eleven 

months, 100 
Sends Mohammedan army to Malwa, 

Captures Bhilsa, and demolishes the 

temple, 101 
Purchases Ulugh Khan, 111-112 
Death of, 101-102 
Duration of the reign of, twenty-six 

years, 102 
Shams-ad-din Sijistani, ruler of Seistan, 

Mohammad Ghori spends a year at 

court of, 78 
Sharwa, fort of, proceeded against by 

Mahmud of Ghazni, 71 
Sher Khan, cousin of Ulugh Khan, in 

charge of the household troops at 

Kaithal, 130 
Sher Khan, nephew of Ulugh Khan, 

territories of Bayana, Kol, Jalesar, 

and Gwalior assigned to, 134 
Sher Khan Afghan, Peshawar given to, 

Shihab-ad-dinpur, a village in Kashmir, 

description of, 306 
Shkardu in Tibet, army of Zafar Khan 

reaches, 328 
Shiv-rat (" the night of Siva "), assembly 

of ascetics convened by Akbar on, 

Sialkot, fort of, built by Mu'izz-ad-din, 

Babar arrives at, 237 
Sihun (Indus), a river of Northern India, 

crossed by Mahmud of Ghazni, 65 
Sinan appointed commander of an army 

to invade frontier of Hind, 4 
Sinan ibn Salama appointed to the 

frontier of Hind, 4 
Sinan-ad-din Habsh, chief of Daibul 

and Sind, does homage to Shams- 
ad-din Altamish, 100 
Sind, virtually abandoned by Caliph 

Mu'tamad in 870 a. d., 25 
Divided among petty princes, 25 
Governed by Ya'kub ibn Lais, 26 
Revenue of Arab princes of, 32 
Arabs driven from, 32 
Parts of, occupied by Karmathians 

about 985 a. d., 33 
Sind river, crossed by Babar, 224-225 

Babar encamps on banks of, 235 
Sindan reconquered by the Hindus, 23 
Sirsawah, Babar reconnoitres about, 250 
Siwalik Hills under sway of Shams-ad- 
din Altamish, 97 
Siyah-poshes, tribe of Northern India, 

campaign of Babar against the, 190- 

Slave Kings of Northern India, secret of 

success of, 87 
Supremacy of, gives place to that of 

Khalji Rulers, 141 
Sohan river crossed by Babar, 225 
Somnath, temple of, destroyed by Ala- 
ad-din, 142 
Sulaiman ibn Abd-al-Malik succeeds his 

brother Walid as caliph of Baghdad, 

Death of, 15 
Sundar Pandya, younger raja of Ma'bar, 

Sunjak Bahadur and a regiment sent 

to assist commanders at Jahan- 

numa, 200 
Surast, Mohammad ibn Kasim makes 

peace with the inhabitants of, 13 

Tadmur (Palmyra), name suggested 

and adopted for the new city al- 

Mahfuzah, 18 
Taghan Khan, king of Turkistan, envoy 

of, visits Mahmud of Ghazni, 55 
Taghi Khan, a commander of the left 

wing of Sultan Mahmud's army, 




Taghlak-pur, Tiinur encamps at, 195 
Tahirids, Persian dynasty, decline of the, 

Takinabad, Mohammad Gliori assigned 

to, 78 
Taj-ad-din Sanjar escapes from the 
prison of Katlagh Khan and reaches 
Bahraich, 127 
Taj-ad-din Yildiz, Sultan of Ghazni, 
flees after defeat at hands of Kutb- 
ad-din, 91 
Defeated and captured by Shams-ad- 
din Altamish at Narain, 97 
Makes a treaty with Shams-ad-din 

Altamish, 97 
Defeated by the army of Khwarizm, 97 
Death of, 97 
Taj-al-malik Mahmud directed by Shams- 
ad-din Altamish to name Raziya 
as heiress to the kingdom and 
throne, 105 
Taj-al-mulk Kafuri, tomb of, repaired 

by Firoz Shah, 167 
Tamerlane, see Timur 
Tamim ibn Zaid al-Utbi appointed to 
frontier of Sind, 17 
Death of, 17 
Tana, a town in northeastern Africa, 
Osman ibn Abu-1-Asi sends an army 
against, 2 
Tartars, repelled by Ala-ad-din, 142 
Tatar Gakkar, ruler of hill country 
between Nilab and Bahrah, 229 
Blockades his cousin Hati Gakkar, 230 
Submits to Daulat Khan, 230 
Teheran, Peacock Throne taken to 
palace of the Shah of Persia at, 323 
Telingana, Ala-ad-din's army encamps 
at, 144 
Raja of, sends elephants for use of 
Ala-ad-din, 144 
Thanesar, Mahmud of Ghazni attacks 

chief of, and is victorious, 63-64 
Thankar conquered in 1195 a. d. by 

Mu'izz-ad-din, 90 
Tibet invaded by Shah Jahan, 327-330 
Tilak Ghunan, arrival of Timur at. 193 
Timur, proposed expedition of, against 
Hindustan, 174-175 
Holds council on invasion of Hindus- 
tan, 175-179 
Gathers army for conquest of Hin- 
dustan, 183 
March of, against Kator one of great 

hardship, 185-186 
Descent of army of, from mountain 

of Kator, 186 
Burns city of ruler of Kator, 188 
Message of, to inhabitants of Kator, 

Spares lives of Kators embracing 

Mohammedanism, 189 
Reconnoitres about the Jahan-numa, 

Holds court and instructs his army 

in the art of war, 201-202 
Orders that all infidel prisoners be 

put to death, 202-203 
Fords the Jumna and begins to 

strengthen his position, 204 
Description of battle of, with Mahmud, 

Defeats Mahmud, 210 
Sets watches at gates of Delhi to 

prevent the escape of inhabitants, 

Sets up his throne in Delhi and holds 

court there, 212, 214-215 
Prayers said in name of, at the Jami' 

Masjid at Delhi, 214 
Army of, breaks restraint and plunders 

Delhi, 217-218 
Spares all clever artisans of Delhi 

that he may employ them in build- 
ing up his new empire, 219 
Return of, to Samarkand, 222 
Tokharistan governed by Ya'kub ibn 

Lais, 26 
Tolak, commander of fort at Sarhind, 84 
Turks plunder Delhi, 215-217 

Ubaid-Allah ibn Nabhan sent against 
Daibul by al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf, 7 
Death of, 7 
Ubaid-Allah ibn Ziyad appoints Ibn 
Harri al-Bahali to frontier of Hind, 5 
Ubra (Ravi), a river of Northern India, 
crossed by Mahmud of Ghazni, 65 
Uchh, Shams-ad-din Altamish in camp 
at, 99 
Capitulates to Shams-ad-din Alta- 
mish, 100 
Besieged by Mangu Khan, 114 
Siege of, raised, 115 
Ujjain, entered by officers of Junaid ibn 
Abd-ar-Rahman al-Marri, 17 
Captured, and temple of Maha-kal 
destroyed, by Shams-ad-din Alta- 
mish, 101 
Ulugh Khan (afterwards Sultan Balban) 
originally a purchased slave, 110 
Devotion of, to Nasir-ad-din, 110 
Real power behind the throne of 

Nasir-ad-din, 110 
Succeeds Nasir-ad-din as emperor and 

reigns twenty years, 110 
Belongs to the stock of the Khakans 
of Albari, 111 



Purchased by Khwaja Jamal-ad-din 

Basri, 111 
Purchased by Shams-ad-din Altamish, 

Accompanies Turks from Delhi to 

Hindustan and returns to Delhi in 

their army, 112 
Imprisoned, 112 

Chief huntsman under Raziya, 113 
Master of horse under Mu'izz-ad-din 

Bahram Shah, 113 
Receives a grant of the lands of 

Riwari, 113 
Receives grant of Hansi, 113 
Appointed lord chamberlain in 1243 

a. d., 114 
Chastises the rebels of Jalali, Dewali, 

and the Mawas, 114 
Marches to defend Uchh, 114-115 
Long marches of army of, 115 
Army of, reaches Lahore, 115 
Letters of, fall into hands of besiegers, 

Victorious at Uchh, 116 
Marches to the river Sodra (Chinab) 

and thence back to Delhi, 116 
Second expedition of, to the river 

Sodra, 117 
Sent into the hills of Jud and the 

countries on the Jihlam, 117 
Is unable to obtain fodder and returns 

to the royal camp, 117-118 
Fame of victorious campaign of, in 

Jud and along the Jihlam, extends 

to Turkistan, 117-118 
Generalship of, quells rebellion in the 

upper districts, 118 
Sent to oppose Dalaki-wa-Malaki, 118 
Captures Dalaki-wa-Malaki, 118-119 
Victorious at Rantambhor, 119 
Promoted to office of khan, 120 
Made lieutenant of the government, 

army, and royal fortune, 120 
Defeats Jahir of Ijari, 120 
Animosity of chiefs against, 120-121 
Removed to Nagor, 121 
Sent to his estates at Hansi, 121 
Leads army from Nagor in the direc- 
tion of Rantambhor, Hindi, and 

Chitor, 121-122 
Defeats Bahar Deo, 122 
Is joined by chiefs dissatisfied with 

Nasir-ad-din and marches against 

Delhi, 123-124 
Reconciliation of, with Nasir-ad-din, 

Accompanies Nasir-ad-din to Delhi, 

Return of, regarded as a happy omen, 


Army of, marches to Delhi, 127 

Goes to Hansi and recruits an army 

in fourteen days, 127 
Reaches Oudh in 1256 a. d., 128 
Pursues Katlagh Khan and the 

rebellious chiefs, 128-129 
Rejoins Nasir-ad-din's army at Kas- 

mandi, 129 
Suppresses revolt of Katlagh Khan 

and Malik Balban Kishlu Khan, 

Sent to put down rumoured rebellion 

of Arslan Khan Sanjar and Kalij 

Khan Mas'ud Khani, 133 
Resolves upon a campaign against 

the hill outlaws under Malka, 

134, 137 
Completely routs infidels under Malka, 

Makes a second successful campaign 

against survivors of Malka's fol- 
lowers, 140 
al-Usaifan, country between Kashmir, 

Multan, and Kabul, Abu Bakr's 

account of, to al-Baladhuri, 23 
King of, turns Mussulman, 23-24 
Utbi, Arab historian and secretary to 

Sultan Mahmud, selections from 

work of, 35-76 
TJzain, see Ujjain 

Vikramajit, raja of Ujjain, image of, at 

Ujjain destroyed by Shams-ad-din 

Altamish, 101 
Vikramajit, raja of Gwalior, killed in 

battle with Babar, 260 
Virnag, a fountain in Kashmir which is 

the source of the river Behat, 304 


Waihind, Mahmud of Ghazni in camp at, 

Wais Mohammad supreme in control of 
four departments of Humayun, 274 

Walid ibn Abd-al-Malik, caliph of Bagh- 
dad, death of, 14 

Wali Kizil appointed military collector 
of Delhi by Babar, 259 

Yadgar Birlas, a commander of the 

right wing of Timur's army, 206 
Ya'kub ibn Lais, governments of Sind, 

Balkh, and Tokharistan conferred 

upon, 25-26 
Yalam Khan, father of Shams-ad-din 

Altamish, 92 



Yamanians and Nizarians, dissensions 
between, 23 

Yamin-ad-daulah Mahmud, son of Sa- 
buktagin, accompanies his father 
against Jaipal, 36 
Severity of, toward Jaipal, 37 

Yazdan, the good principle according to 
the Zoroastrian faith, 195 

Yazid ibn Abd-al-Malik, caliph of 
Baghdad, in 720-724 a. d., 15 

Yazid ibn Abu-Kabsha as-Saksaki ap- 
pointed governor of Sind, 14 
Death of, 15 

Zafar Khan given territories of Amardi 
and Attok by Jahangir, 311 

Governor of Kashmir, ordered by 
Shah Julian to effect conquest of 
Tibet, 327 
Resolves to win inhabitants of Tibet by 

kindness, 328-329 
Returns from Tibet, 329-330 

Zain-al-Abidin, Sultan, founder of Shi- 
hab-ad-dinpur and ruler of Kash- 
mir, 306 

Zia-ad-din ibn Mohammad Abd-as- 
Salam Tolaki in command of fort 
of Sarhind, 82 

Ziyad ibn Abu-Sufian, brother of the 
caliph Mu'awiya, 4 

Zoroastrians about Taghlak-pur, beliefs 
of, 195-196