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Messrs. Tr'ubner & Co. have received the following 
opinions on Professor Aibrecht Weber s "History 
of Indian Literature : " 

Dr. BUHLKR, Inspector of Schools in India, writes : 

" I am extremely glad to learn that you are about to publish 
an English translation of Professor A. Weber's 'History of 
Indian Literature.' When I was Professor of Oriental Languages 
in Elpliinstone College, I frequently felt the want of such a work 
to which I could refer the students. I trust that the work which 
you are now publishing will become a class-book in all the Indian 
Colleges, as it is the first and only scientific one which deals with 
the whole field of Vedic, Sanskrit, and Prakrit literature." 

Professor CowELL, of Cambridge, writes : 

" The English translation of Professor A. Weber's ' History of 
Indian Literature ' will be of the greatest use to those who wish 
to take a comprehensive survey of all that the Hindu mind has 
achieved. It will be especially useful to the students in our 
Indian Colleges and Universities. I used to long for such a book 
when I was teaching in Calcutta. Hindu students are intensely 
interested in the history of Sanskrit literature, and this volume 
will supply them with all they want on the subject. I hope it 
will be made a text-book wherever Sanskrit and English are 

J. EGGELING, Professor of Sanskrit and Comparative 
Philology in the University of Edinburgh, writes : 

" I am delighted to hear that the English translation of Pro- 
fessor Weber's ' Lectures on Hindu Literature ' is at last ready 
for publication. The great want of a general critical survey of 
Sanskrit literature in English, such as Professor Weber gave to 
German students more than a quarter of a century ago, must 
have been felt by all scholars engaged in teaching Sanskrit in 

British and American Universities. The translation, I have no 
doubt, will be welcomed even more cordially by Hindu students, 
to whom, with few exceptions, Professor Weber's Lectures must 
hitherto have been a sealed book. Hindu scholars and students 
have expressed to me repeatedly how much they feel the want of 
English translations of German works such as Weber's Lec- 
tures and Lassen's ' Indian Antiquities,' an acquaintance with 
which is indeed indispensable in dealing with questions of 
Sanskrit Literature. From what I have seen in proof of the 
English edition, I may say that the translation seemed to me 
exceedingly well done, and that it does great credit to the gentle- 
men engaged on it." 

Dr. R. ROST, Librarian of the India Office, writes : 

" I have carefully examined and compared with the original 
German the English translation of pp. 1-24 of Weber's 'Vorle- 
sungen,' and am able to state that it is more than a mere faith- 
ful reflex of the original work, and that it has the advantage of a 
very readable style and great clearness of expression. If the 
remainder of the translation is executed as carefully and as 
conscientiously as is the portion I have read, the whole will 
reflect the greatest credit upon the scholars who have been 
engaged upon it." 

Professor WHITNEY, Yale College, Newhaven, Conn., 
U.S.A., writes : 

" I am the more interested in your enterprise of the publica- 
tion of Weber's ' Sanskrit Literature' in an English version, as I 
was one of the class to whom the work was originally given in 
the form of academic lectures. At their first appearance they 
were by far the most learned and able treatment of their subject; 
and, with their recent additions, they still maintain decidedly 
the same rank. Wherever the language, and institutions, and 
history of India are studied, they must be used and referred tc 
as authority." 










9Tran0lateti from tfje Sectmti etman <Etu'tt0n 





iitfj tfje Sanrtton nf tfjc 

Nil desperari 

Anch hier ivird es tagen. 




The rights of translation and of reproduction arc reserved. 


ACCORDING to the original intention, the English trans- 
lation of this work was to have appeared shortly after the 
second German edition, which came out in the end of 1875, 
and which, as mentioned by the author in his preface, was 
in part prepared with a view to this translation. In con- 
sequence, however, of the death of Professor Childers, 
under whose direction it was in the first instance begun, 
and of whose aid and supervision it would, had he lived, have 
had the benefit, the work came to a stand -still, and some 
time elapsed before the task of continuing and completing 
it was entrusted to those whose names appear on the title- 
page. The manuscript of the translation thus interrupted 
embraced a considerable part of the text of the first divi- 
sion of the work (Vedic Literature). It had not under- 
gone any revision by Professor Childers, and was found to be 
in a somewhat imperfect state, and to require very material 
modification. Upon Mr. Zachariae devolved the labour of 
correcting it, of completing it as far as the close of the 
Vedic Period, and of adding the notes to this First Part, 
none of which had been translated. From the number of 
changes introduced in the course of revision, the portion 
of the work comprised in the manuscript in question 
has virtually been re-translated. The rendering of the 
second division of the volume (Sanskrit Literature) is 
entirely and exclusively the work of Mr. Mann. 

The circumstances under H T hich the translation has been 



produced have greatly delayed its appearance. But for 
this delay some compensation is afforded by the Supple- 
mentary Notes which Professor Weber has written for 
incorporation in the volume (p. 3 1 1 ff.), and which sup- 
ply information regarding the latest researches and the 
newest publications bearing upon the subjects discussed in 
the work. Professor "Weber has also been good enough to 
read the sheets as they came from the press, arid the trans- 
lators are indebted to him for a number of suggestions. 

A few of the abbreviations made use of in the titles of 
works which are frequently quoted perhaps require ex- 
planation : e.g., I. St. for Weber's Indisclie Studien ; I. Sir. 
for his Indisclie Streifen ; I. AK. for Lassen's Indische 
Alterthumskunde ; Z. D. M. G. for Zeitsehrift der deutsclien 
morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, &c. 

The system of transliteration is in the main identical 
with that followed in the German original; as, however, it 
varies in a few particulars, it is given here instead of in 
the Author's Preface. It is as follows: 

a ;t i i u u i'i pi 

li U e ai <> an ; 

k kh g gh fi ; 

ch chh j jh 11 ; 

r th d dh ii ; 

t th d dh n : 

p ph h bh in ; 

y r 1 v ; 

* sh s h ; 

Anusvstr.1 qi, in the middle of ;x word before sibilant :'i ; 

July, 1878. 


THE work of my youth, which here appears in a new edi- 
tion, had been several years out of print. To have repub- 
lished it without alteration would scarcely have done ; 
and, owing to the pressure of other labours, it was im- 
possible for me, from lack of time, to subject it to a com- 
plete and systematic remodelling. So the matter rested. 
At last, to meet the urgent wish of the publisher, I re- 
solved upon the present edition, which indeed leaves the 
original text unchanged, but at the same time seeks, by 
means of the newly added notes, to accommodate itself to 
the actual position of knowledge. In thus finally decid- 
ing, I was influenced by the belief that in no other way 
could the great advances made in this field of learning 
since the first appearance of this work be more clearly ex- 
hibited than precisely in this way, and that, consequently, 
this edition might at the same time serve in some measure 
to present, in nuce, a history of Sanskrit studies during 
the last four-and-twenty years. Another consideration 
was, that only by so doing could I furnish a critically 
secured basis for the English translation contemplated by 
Messrs. Triibner & Co., which could not possibly now give 
the original text alone, as was done in the French transla- 


tion,* which appeared at Paris in 1859. It was, indeed, 
while going over the work with the view of preparing it 
for this English translation, that the hope, nay, the con- 
viction, grew upon me, that, although a complete recon- 
struction of it was out of the question, still an edition 
like the present might advantageously appear in a German 
dress also. I rejoiced to see that this labour of my youth 
was standing well the test of time. I found in it little 
that was absolutely erroneous, although much even now 
remains as uncertain and unsettled as formerly ; while, on 
the other hand, many things already stand clear and sure 
which I then only doubtfully conjectured, or which were 
at that time still completely enveloped in obscurity. 

The obtaining of critical data from the contents of Indian 
literature, with a view to the establishment of its internal 
chronology and history not the setting forth in detail of 
the subject-matter of the different works was, from the 
beginning, the object I had before me in these lectures ; 
and this object, together with that of specifying the publi- 
cations which have seen the light in the interval, has con- 
tinued to be my leading point of view in the present 
annotation of them. To mark off the new matter, square 
brackets are used.f 

The number of fellow-workers has greatly increased 
during the last twenty-four years. Instead of here running 
over their names, I have preferred in order thus to faci- 

* l/istoire de la Littcrature Indicnnc, trad, de I'Allcmand par Alfred 
adous. Paris : A. Durand. 1859. 

t In the translation, these brackets are only retained to mark new 
matter added in the second edition to the original notes of the first ; the 
notes which in the second edition were entirely new are here simply indi- 
cated by numbers. Tu. 


litate a general view of this' part of the subject to add to 
the Index, which in other respects also has been con- 
siderably enlarged, a new section, showing where I have 
availed myself of the writings of each, or have at least 
referred to them. One work there is, however, which, as 
it underlies all recent labours in this field, and cannot 
possibly be cited on every occasion when it is made use of, 
calls for special mention in this place I mean the Sanskrit 
Dictionary of Bohtlingk and Eoth, which was completed 
in the course of last summer.* The carrying through of 
this great work, which we owe to the patronage of the St. 
Petersburg Academy of Sciences, over a period of a quarter 
of a century, will reflect lasting honour upon that body as 
well as upon the two editors. 

A. AV. 

BERLIN, November,. 187 5. 

* The second edition bears the inscription : 'Dedicated to my friends, 
Bohtlingk and Roth, on the completion of the Sanskrit Dictionary.' Tu. 


THE lectures herewith presented to the narrow circle of 
my fellows in this field of study, and also, it is hoped, to 
the wider circle of those interested in researches into the 
history of literature generally, are a first attempt, and as 
such, naturally, defective and capable of being in many 
respects supplemented and improved. The material they 
deal with is too vast, and the means of mastering it in 
general too inaccessible, not to have for a lengthened 
period completely checked inquiry into its internal relative 
chronology the only chronology that is possible. Nor 
could I ever have ventured upon such a labour, had not 
the Berlin Royal Library had the good fortune to possess 
the fine collection of Sanskrit MSS. formed by Sir li. 
Chambers, the acquisition of which some ten years ago, 
through the liberality of his Majesty, Frederick William 
IV., and by the agency of his Excellency Baron Bunsen, 
opened up to Sanskrit philology a fresh path, upon which 
it has already made vigorous progress. In the course of 
last year, commissioned by the Royal Library, I undertook 
the work of cataloguing this collection, and as the result 
a detailed catalogue will appear about simultaneously with 
these lectures, which may in some sense be regarded as a 


commentary upon it. Imperfect as, from the absolute 
point of view, both works must appear, I yet cherish the 
hope that they may render good service to learning. 

How great my obligations are, in the special investiga- 
tions, to the writings of Colebrooke, Wilson, Lassen, Bur- 
nouf, Eoth, Eeinaud, Stenzler, and Holtzmann, I only 
mention here generally, as I have uniformly given ample 
references to these authorities in the proper place. 

The form in which these lectures appear is essentially 
the same in which they were delivered,* with the excep- 
tion of a few modifications of style: thus, in particular, 
the transitions and recapitulations belonging to oral de- 
livery have been either curtailed or omitted; while, on 
the other hand, to the incidental remarks here given as 
foot-notes much new matter has been added. 

A. W. 

BERLIN, July, 1852. 

* In the Winter-Semester of 



Antiquity of Indian literature, 2 ; proved by geographical 
evidence, 3-4 ; by internal evidence from the history 
of the Hindi! religion, 5 ; by evidence drawn from the 
language, 6 ; want of external chronology, 7. 



(I.) The Samhitds, 8-11. 

Samhitas of the three older Vedas, 8-9 ; mutual relation of 
these three Vedas, 9-10 ; period of their final compila- 
tion, IO ; Sainhita" of the Atharvan, n. 

(2.) The Brdhmanas, 11-15. 

Their character, 12, and origin, 13; mutual relation of 
the Brdhmanas of the several Vedas, 14 ; their common 
name Sruti, 15. 

(3.) The Stitras, &c. 

Their character and origin, 1 6 ; Srauta-Sutras, 17 ; Grihya- 
or Smdrta-Sutras, 17; gradual transformation of the 
original Smriti (Custom and Law), 17, 18; origin of 
caste, 1 8 ; connection between the Grihya-Sutras and 
the legal literature, 19-20 ; linguistic Sutras, their 
origin, 20, 21 ; character of the time in question, 21, 
22 ; Prdtis'dkhya- Sutras, 23 ; metric, 23 ; Anukramanis, 
24 ; tradition Brihaddevata^ 24 ; Nighan^u, Nirukti, 
the Veddngas, 25 ; science of grammar, 26 ; philoso- 
phical speculation, 26 ff. ; names applied to the early 
sages, 28 ; Upanishads, Aranyakas, 28, 29 ; astronomy 
and medicine, 29, 30. 

4. RIGVEDA, 31-63 

(a) SarpJiitd, 31-44. 

Its divisions, 31, 32 ; Sdkala and Vashkala recensions. 


32 ; Vdrkali, the school of the Sunakas, 33 ; aunaka, 
F'anchdla Bdbhravya, 34 ; mythology of the primitive 
Indo-Germanic time, 35 ; Persian and Indian cycles of 
legend, 36, 37 ," mode of life of the Indians in their 
ancient home, 37, 38 ; reasons why they left their 
ancient homes, 38, 39 ; different constituents of Rigveda- 
Samhitd, 39 ; gods to whom the hymns are addressed, 
40 ; exegetic literature connected with the Saniliitd : 
Y&ka, 41 ; Sdyana, 41, 42 ; editions, translations, &c., 

43, 44- 

(1) Brdkmanas, 44-52. 

Aitareya- and Sdnkhdyana-Bralimanas, 44 ; data therein 
bearing on time of their composition, 45 ; they presup- 
pose earlier compositions with similar contents, 45-47 ; 
fables and legends contained in these two Brdhmanas, 
47 ; the Aranyakas of the Rik : Aitareya-Aranyaka, 48 ff. ; 
Kaushitakdranyaka, Kaushitakopanishad,- 50. 51 ; Sam- 
kara's commentaries on the Upanishads, 51; Vashkala- 
Upanishad, 52. 

(e] Sutras, 52, 62. 

The Srauta-Sutras of Asvaldyana and Sdfikhdyana, 52 ff. ; 
commentaries thereon, 54, 55 ; the Grihya-Sutras of 
Asvaldyana and Sdnkhdyana, 55 ff. ; the literature pre- 
supposed in these, 56, 57 ; Rik-PrdtL4dkhya, Upalekha, 
59, 60 ; Sikshd, Chhandas, Jyotisha, 60, 6l ; Anukra- 
manls, 6l ; Brihaddevatd, Rigvidhdna, Pari^ishtas, 62. 
/ ; SAMAVEDA, 63 85 

(a) Samhitd, 63-66. 

Its arrangement, 63 ; the Gdnas, 64 ; antiquity of the 
readings of the Sitma-Samhitd, 64, 65 ; recensions, 65 ; 
editions, &c., 65, 66. 

(6) Brdkmanas, 66-75. 

The Tdndya-Pauchavinsa-Brdhniana, 66 ff. ; geographical 
and other data contained therein, 67-68 ; ShadvinsV 
Brdhmana, 69 ; Chhdndogyopanishad, its relation to the 
Vrihad-Aranyaka, 70, 71 ; literary and other data in the 
Chhdndogyop., 71, 72; Kenopauishad, 73; the smaller 
I'idhmanas of the Sduiah Sdmavidhana, &c., 74, 75. 

(c) Sutras, 75-85. 

Srauta-Sutras: the Kalpa-Sutra of Mawaka, 75-76; Ld- 
tydyana-Siitra, 76 ff. ; literature therein presupposed, . 
76, 77 > position of non-Brahmanical tribes in this work, 
77 ; existence of Buddhism presupposed, 78 ; Sutra of 
Drdhydyana, 79 ; its relation to the Sutras of the other 


Vedas, 80 ; Anupada- Sutra, 80, 8l ; Niddna-Sutra, 81, 
82 ; the Pushpa-Sutra of Gobhila, 82 ; Sdma-Tantra, 
Panchavidhi-, PratihaVa-, Tandalakshana-, and Upa- 
grantha-Sutras, 83 ; the Grihya-Sutra of Gobhila, 84 ; 
the Karrna-pradipa of Kdtydyana, 84 ; Paddhatis and 
Pari&shtas, 85. 

<7. YAJURVEDA 85-145 


(a) Samhitds, 85-91. 

Difference between the Black and the White Yajus, 86 ; 
names of the Black Yajus, 86 ff. ; Charaka, Taittiriya, 
and Khdndikiya, 87, 88 ; schools of the Black Yajus : 
Taittiriya- Samhita" (Apastamba), the Kdthaka, and the 
Atreyi 6dkhd, 88 ; Samhitds of the Apastamba and 
Atreya schools, and the Kdthaka, 89 ; data contained 
therein, 90 ; Ydska's connection with the arrangement 
of the Samhitd, of the Black Yajus, 91 ; the Mdnava and 
the Maitra, 91. 

(b) Brdhmanas, 92-99. 

The Brdhmanas of the Apastamba and Atreya schools ; the 
Kdthaka portion of the Taitt. Brdhmana, 92 ; Taittiriya- 
Aranyaka, 93 ; Upanishads of the Taitt. Ar., 93, 94 ; 
schools of the Bhdllavins, Sdtydyanins, Sdkdyauins, &c., 
95 ; Svetasvataropanishad, 96 ; Maitrayana-Upanishad, 
its modern date, 97 ; the planets, &c., in the Maitr. Up., 
98 ; possible relation of the work to Buddha, 99. 

(c) Siitras, 99-103. 

Srauta-Stitras, 99-101 ; Grihya- Sutras, 101, 102 ; Pra"ti- 

&tkhya-Sutra, 102 ; Anukramanis, 103. 
II. THE WHITE YAJUS, .... 103-145 

The name explained, 103 f. ; the name ' Vajasaneya,' 104 
f. ; the two schools of the Kdnvas and Mddhyaindinas, 
105 ; possible connection of the Maclhyamdinas with the 
MaStapStfof, 106. 
(a) Samhitd, 107-116. 

Division of the Va'jasaneyi-Samhita', 107 ; later origin of 
the last fifteen adhydyas, 108 ; relation of the several 
parts of the Vdj. S. to the Black Yajus, 108 ; to its 
own Brdhmana, and to each other, 109-1 10 ; probable 
date of the Rudra-book, no; the mixed castes, III ; 
position of the Mdgadha, 1 1 1 ; nis position in the 
Atharva-Veda, 112 ; astronomical and other data in the 
Vdj. S., 113; position of the Kurus and Panchdlas, 
the names Subhadrd and Kampila, 114; Arjuna and 



Phalguna as (secret) names of Indra, 115; the richas 
incorporated in the Yajus, 115, 116; editions, commen- 
taries, 1 1 6. 

(b) Brdhmana, 116-139. 

The Satapatha-Brdhmana, 116 ; its name and extent, 117 ; 
relation of the Brdhmana of the Kdnva school to that of 
the Mddhyaindinas, 117, 118; relation of the several 
ledndas to the Samhitd and to each other, 1 18, 119; 
posteriority of the last five Tcdndas, 1 20 ; Agnirahasya- 
kdnda, 120, 121; Ashtddhydyi-kdnda, 121 ; subjects of 
study named therein, 121, 122; other data, 122, 123; 
AsVamedha-kdnda, 124 ff. ; Gdthds, 124, 125; position 
of Janamejaya, 125; of the Pdrikshitiyas, 126; the 
Aranyaka-kdnda, 126 ; the Vrihad-Aranyaka : Madhu- 
kdnda, 127; its name and list of teachers, 128 ; Ydjna- 
valkiya-kdnda, 129; Khila-kdnda, 130; the concluding 
vansa of the Satapatha-Brdhmana, 131 ; probable north- 
western origin of kdndas vi.-x. of the Satap. Br., 132 
the whole blended together by one arranging hand, 
133 ; teachers mentioned in the i-iatap. Br., 133, 134; 
legends, 134 ff. ; relation of these to the Epic legends, 
135; position of the Kuru-Panchdlas compared with 
that of the Pdrikshitas, 136 ; the Pdndavas not men- 
tioned, 137; points of contact with the Sdrnkhya tradi- 
tion, 137 ; with Buddhist legend, 138; commentaries on 
the Satap. Br., editions, &c., 139. 

(c) Si'itras, 139-145. 

The Srauta-Sutra of Kdtydyana, teachers mentioned there- 
in, 139; other data, 140; commentaries, 141; Pad- 
dhatis and Pari^ishtas : Nigama-Pari&shta, Pravard- 
dhydya, Charana-vyuha ; the Vaijavdpa-Sutra, 142; the 
Kdtiya-Grihya-Sutra of Pdraskara, 142, 143 ; the Prdti- 
6"dkhya-Sutra of the Vdjasaneyi-Samh., 143, 144; Anu- 
kramani, 144, 145. 

D. ATHARVAVEDA, 145- 171 

(a) Samhitd, 145-150. 

Extent and division of Atharvaveda-Sarnhitd, 145* 146 ; 
its contents and arrangement, 146 ; it probably origi- 
nated in part with the unbrdhmanised Aryans of the 
West, 147; data furnished by the Ath. S., the name 
'Atharvan,' 148; earliest mention of this name, 149; 
the name 'Brahmaveda,' its meaning, 149, 150; edi- 
tions, &c., of the Ath. S., 150. 


(u) Brdhmana. 

The Gopatha-Bra"hmana, 150-151. 

(c) Siitras, 151-153. 

The Saunakiya" Chaturadhya'yika', 15.1 ; Anukramani, 152 ; 
the Kausika-Sutra, 152; Kalpas and Parisishtas, 153. 

UPANISHADS, 153-171. 

Number of the Upanishads, 154, 155; Upanishads be- 
longing to the three older Vedas, 155, 156 ; special divi- 
sion of the Atharvopanishads into three groups : Veddnta, 
Yoga, and Sectarian Upanishads, 156 ; Atharvan re- 
cension of Upanishads borrowed from the other Vedas, 
157. THE ATHARVOPANISHADS PROPER : (i.) those of the 
Veddnta class the Mundakopanishad, 1 58, 1595 Pra- 
nopanishad, 159, 160; Garbhopanishad, 160; Brahmopa- 
nishad, 160, 161 ; Ma"ndukyopanishad, 161 ; remaining 
Upanishads of the Veddnta class: Prdndgnihotrop., Arshi- 
kop., 161, 162 ; (2) Atharvopanishads of the Yoga class : 
Ja"ba"la, Kathasruti, Arunika, Bhdllavi, and others, 163 ; 
range of ideas and style in this class of Upanishads, 165 ; 
(3) the Sectarian Upanishads, 165 ff. ; (a) those in which 
worship of Vishnu (under the names NaYdyana, &c.) is in- 
culcated, 166; Nrisinhata'paniyopanishad, 167 ; Rdmata"- 
paniyopanishad, 1 68 ; Gopdlatdpaniyopanishad, 169; 
(P) Upanishads of the Siva sects : ^atarudriya, Kaivalyo- 
panishad, 169; Atharvas"iras, 169, 170; remaining 
Upanishads of the Siva sects, 170, 171. 


Distinction in respect of language, 175; gradual develop- 
ment of Indo-Aryan Bhdshd, 176; influence of Indian 
aborigines thereon, 177 ; separation of written language 
from popular dialects ancient dialectic differences, 
178; rock- inscriptions in popular dialects, 179; in- 
ternal evidence for posteriority of second period, 180 ; 
critical condition of texts in this period age of MSS., 
181 ; distinction as regards subject-matter, 182 ; classi- 
fication of Sanskrit literature, 183. 

4.-WORKS OF POETRY, 183-215 

I. EPIC POETRY, 183-196. 
(a) Itihdsa, 183-189 : forerunners of Epic poetry in Vedio 


period, 183; the Mahd-Bha'rata, 184; existence of a 
work resembling it in first century A. D., 186; legend 
of Mahd-Bha'rata, its relation to ^atapatha-Bra'hinana, 
&c., 186 ; text of Mahd-Bha'rata, non-epic constituents, 
187; Kavi translation ; Jaimini-Bbdrata, 189; (b) Pu- 
rdnas : their general character ancient Purdnas lost 
absence of epic and prominence of ritual element in 
existing Purdnas and Upa-purdnas, 190, 191 ; (c) Kd- 
vyas, 191-196 : the Rdmdyana, 191 ; its allegorical 
character, 192 ; colonisation of Southern India, 193 ; 
Rdmdyana the work of a single author, 193; different 
recensions of the text, 194; remaining Kdvyas, artificial 
Epic, 195. 

2. DRAMATIC POETRY, 196-208. 

Origin of Drama from dancing, 196 ; Nata-Stitras men- 
tioned in Pdnini, 197 ; dancing at the great sacrificial 
festivals, 198 ; alleged mention of dramas in oldest (?) 
Buddhistic writings, 199; age of surviving dramas, 
200 ; no foundation for the view which places Kdliddsa 
in the first century B.C., 201, 202 ; internal evidence from 
Kdliddsa's dramas themselves on this point, 203 ; authen- 
ticity of the Malavikdgnimitra, 204 ; age of Sudraka's 
Mrichhakati, 205 ; subject-matter and special peculi- 
arities of the Hindti drama, 206 ; possibility of Greek 
influence on its development, 207. 

3. LYRICAL POETRY, 208-210. 

Religious lyric, 208 ; Erotic lyric : Megha-duta, c., 209 ; 
mystical character of some of these poems the Gita- 
govinda, 210. 


Niti-s"a"stras, 210; ' Beast-Fable,' 211 ; Pancha-tantra, Hito- 
padesa, 212 ; popular tales and romances, 213. 

Rdja-taramgini, 213 ; inscriptions, grants, and coins, 215. 

/'. WORKS OF SCIENCE AND ART, .... 215-276 

(a) Grammar, 216-225 : Pslnini's Grammar, its peculiar 
terminology, 216; Pilnini's date statements of the 
Chinese traveller Hiuati Thsang, 217 ; weakness of the 
evidence on which Bohtlingk's view rests, 218; exist- 
ence of Mahfibhilshya in the time of Abhimanyu, 219 ; 
acquaintance with Greeks presupposed in Pdnini, 220 ; 
' Yavandni,' 221 ; commentaries on Pdnini Paribhashda, 


Varttikas, Mahiibha'shya, 222 ; date of Kityayana, 222 ; 
of the Mahdbha'shya, 223 ; critical condition of the text 
of Pa'nini, 224 ; Gana-pdtha, &c., 225 ; other gram- 
matical systems, 226. (6) Lexicography, 227-230 : 
Amara-kosha, no foundation for the view which places 
it in the first century B.C., 228 ; internal evidence against 
this view, 229 ; age of the work still uncertain, 230 ; 
Dhitu-pdthas, 230. (c) Metric, Poetics, Rhetoric, 231, 
232 : Chhandah-s'a'stra of Pingala, Alamka'ra-s'iistra of 
Bharata, Sdhitya-darpana, 231. 

3. PHILOSOPHY, 232-246. 

High antiquity of philosophical speculation among the 
Hindus, 232 ; ' Development,' ' Arrangement,' ' Crea- 
tion ' theories of the world, 233 ; gradual growth of 
these theories into philosophical systems, 234; the 
Samkhya-system, 235, 236 ; the Yoga-system, 237 ; 
Deistic sects, 238 ; influence of Sainkhya-Yoga on 
development of Gnosticism and 6ufism, 239 ; the two 
Mimdnsds, 239 ; Karma-Mimdnsd-Stitra of Jaimini, 240 ; 
Brahma-Mimdnsd-Sutra of Bddarayana, 242 ; age of 
Biidarayana, 243 ; the two logical systems, Nydya and 
Vais'eshika, 244 ; Heterodox systems, 246. 


Antiquity of astronomy, 246 ; solar year, quinquennial 
cycle, Yugas, 247 ; the lunar asterisms, 247 ; mention 
of these in Rik-Sarnhitd, 248 ; Jyotisha, 249; the planets, 
249 ; their peculiar Indian names and number, 250 : 
importance of Greek influence here, 251 ; relations of 
Greeks with India, 251 ; the Yavanas, teachers of the 
ancient Indian astronomers, 252 ; 'Ptolemaios,' 'Asura- 
Maya,' 253 ; Romaka-Siddha'nta, Paulis'a-Siddha'nta, 
253 ; Greek terms in Vardha-Mihira, 254, 255 ; further 
development of Indian astronomy : Hindus the teachers 
of the Arabs, 255 (also in algebra and arithmetic, the 
arithmetical figures, 256), and through the Arabs, of Euro- 
pean mediaeval astronomers, 257 ; Aryabha^a, 257 > the 
five Siddhdntas, 258 ; Brahmagupta, Vardha-Mihira, 
259 ; date of Vardha-Mihira, ^atsinanda, and Bhdskara, 
260, 261 ; Albiruui's statements regarding Bhjiskara (?), 
262. Later period : Arabs in turn the teachers of the 
Hindus in astrology, 263; Arabic technical terms in 
Indian and European astrological works, 263, 264; lore 
of omens and portents, 264; magic, &c., 264. 


4. MEDICAL SCIENCE, 265-271. 

Its earliest representatives, 265 ; Charaka, SusYuta, Dhan 
vantari, 266 ; Sdlihotra, Vdtsyayana, 267 ; uncertain 
date of extant medical works, 268 ; Hindu medicine 
apparently an independent development, 269 ; ques- 
tionable authenticity of existing texts, 269 ; importance 
of Indian medicine, 269 ; its influence on Arabs, 270. 



Art of war (Dhanur-veda) : Vis'va'mitra, Bharadvaja, 271 ; 
music (Gandharva-veda), 271 (musical notation, 272) ; 
Artha-s^istra, 273 : painting and sculpture, 273 ; archi- 
tecture, 274 j technical arts, 275. 

SHIP, 276-283 

The Pharma-J-iastras, 276 ; Code of Manu, Brahmanical 
organisation as here presented, 276 ; highly developed 
judicial procedure here exhibited, 277 ; connection of 
Dharma-Sastras with Grihya-Sdtras, 277, 278; critical 
questions connected with existing text of Manu, 279 ; 
different redactions of Manu and the other Dharma- 
Sdstras, number of these, 280 ; relation of Manu's Code 
to that of Ydjnavalkya, date of the latter, 280, 281 ; 
Epic poetry and Purdnas also sources for Hindu, law, 
282; modern jurisprudence, 282; Dekhan the chief 
seat of literary activity after eleventh century, 283. 

Buddhism, its origin from Sdinkhya doctrine, 284 ; rela- 
tion of Buddhist legend to the later portions of Vedic 
literature, 285 ; princes of same name in Buddhist 
legend and Satapatha-Brahmana, 286 ; position in former 
of Kuru-Panchdlas, Pandavas, Mdgadhas, 286, 287 ; 
Buddhist eras, 287 ; discordance of these with other 
historical evidence, 287 ; earliest demonstrable use of 
these eras, 288 ; Buddha's doctrine, 288 ; his novel way 
of promulgating it, and opposition to Brahmanical 
hierarchy, 289 ; tradition as to redaction of Buddhistic 
eacred scriptures, Northern and Southern, 290 ; mutual 
relation of the two collections, 292 ; Pdli historical litera- 
ture, 293 ; scriptures of Northern Buddhists, their 
gradual origin, 294 ; language in which Southern 
scriptures were at first preserved different from that in 
which the Northern scriptures were recorded at third 


council, 295, 296 (Jaina-literature, 296) ; data furnished 
by Buddhistic Sanskrit literature of doubtful authority 
for Buddha's age, 297. 

(a) The Sutra-Pitala : distinction between the simple and 
the MahaVaipulya-Sutras, 298 ; poetical pieces in latter, 
Ga'tha'-dialect, 299 ; contents of the simple Sutras : 
Ityukta, Vyakarana, Avaddna, Adbhuta-dharma, Geya, 
Gathd, Upades"a, Niddna, Jdtaka, 300, 301 ; their Pantheon 
different from that of the Brahmana-texts, 301 j but 
identical with that of the Epic poetry, 303 ; other 
chronological data in the Sutras, 304. (6) The Vinaya- 
Pitaka: discipline of clergy, system of mendicancy, 
305 ; Buddhistic hierarchy as distinguished from the 
Brahmanical, Buddhist cult, 306 ; points of connection 
with Christian ritual, 307. (c) The Abhidharma-Pitaka, 
307 ; schools of Buddhist philosophy, 308 ; relation to 
the Sa'mkhya-system, 308; and to Gnosticism, 309. 
Commentaries on the sacred scriptures, 309; Tantras, 





INDEX OF AUTHORS, ...,.,,, 358 



AT the very outset of these lectures I find myself in a 
certain degree of perplexity, being rather at a loss how 
best to entitle them. I cannot say that they are to treat 
of the history of " Indian Literature ; " for then I should 
have to consider the whole body of Indian languages, in- 
cluding those of non- Aryan origin. Nor can I say that 
their subject is the history of " Indo- Aryan Literature;" 
for then I should have to discuss the modern languages of 
India also, which form a third period in the development 
of- Indo- Aryan speech. Nor, lastly, can I say that they 
are to present a history of " Sanskrit Literature ; " for the 
Indo- Aryan language is not in its first period " Sanskrit," 
i.e., the language of the educated, but is still a popular 
dialect ; while in its second period the people spoke not 
Sanskrit, but Prakritic dialects, which arose simultaneously 
with Sanskrit out of the ancient Indo- Aryan vernacular. 
In order, however, to relieve you from any doubt as to 
what you have to expect from me here, I may at once 
remark that it is only the literature of the first and second 
periods of the Indo-Aryan language with which we have 
to do. For the sake of brevity I retain the name " Indian 

I shall frequently in the course of these lectures be 
forced to draw upon your forbearance. The subject they 
discuss may be compared to a yet uncultivated tract of 



country, of which only a few spots have here and there 
been cleared, while the greater part of it remains covered 
with dense forest, impenetrable to the eye, and obstructing 
the prospect. A clearance is indeed now by degrees being 
made, but slowly, more especially because in addition to 
the natural obstacles which impede investigation, there still 
prevails a dense mist of prejudice and preconceived opinions 
hovering over the land, and enfolding it as with a veil. 

The literature of India passes generally for the most 
ancient literature of which \ve possess written records, and 
justly so. 1 But the reasons which have hitherto been 
thought sufficient to establish this fact are not the correct 
ones; and it is indeed a matter for wonder that people 
should have been so long contented with them. In the first 
place, Indian tradition itself has been adduced in support of 
this fact, and for a very long time this was considered suffi- 
cient. It is, I think, needless for me to waste words upon 
the futile nature of such evidence. In the next place, as- 
tronomical data have been appealed to, according to which 
the Vedas would date from about 1400 B.C. But these 
data are given in writings, which are evidently of very 
modern origin, and they might consequently be the result 
of calculations 2 instituted for the express purpose. Fur- 

1 In so far as this claim may not other hand, the opinion expressed in 
now be disputed by the Egyptian the first edition of this work (1852), to 
monumental records and papyrus the effect that the Indians may either 
rolls, or even by the Assyrian litera- have brought the knowledge of these 
ture which has but recently been lunar mansions, headed by Krittikd, 
brought to light. with them into India, or else have 

2 Besides, these calculations nre of obtained it at a later period through 
a very vague character, and do not the commercial relations of the Phoe- 
yield any such definite date as that nieians with the Panjttb, has recently 
given above, but only some epoch gained considerably in probability ; 
lying between 1820-860 B.C., see and therewith the suggestion of 
1. St., x. 236; Whitney in Jouni. Babylon as the mother country of the 
R. A. S., i. 317, ff. (1864). True, observations on which this date is 
the circumstance that th oldest re- established. See the second of my two 
cords begin the series of nakghatras treatises, Die vcdischen Nachrichten 
with the sign Krittikd, carries ns von d-n Nakshatra (Berlin, 1862), pp. 
back to a considerably earlier period 362-400; my paper, Ueber den Veda- 
even than these dates, derived from kalender Namens Jyotisha (1862), p. 
the so-called Vedic Calendar, viz., 15 ; 7. St., x. 429. ix. 241, ff.; Whit- 
tw a period between 2780-1820 B.C., ney, Oriental and Linguistic Studies 
since the vernal equinox coincided (1874), ii. 418. Indeed a direct re- 
with 77 Tauri (Krittikd), in round ference to Babylon and its sea trade, 
numbers, about the year 2300 B.C., in which the exportation of peacocks 
eee /. St., x. 234 236. But, on the is mentioned, has lately come to light 


tlier, one of the Buddhist eras has been relied upon, 
according to which a reformer is supposed to have arisen 
in the sixth century B.C., in opposition to the Brahraanical 
hierarchy ; hut the authenticity of this particular era is 
still extremely questionable. Lastly, the period when 
Panini, the first systematic grammarian, flourished, has 
been referred to the fourth century B.C., and from this, as a 
starting-point, conclusions as to the period of literary deve- 
lopment which preceded him have been deduced. But the 
arguments in favour of Panini's having lived at that time 3 
are altogether weak and hypothetical, and in no case can 
they furnish us with any sort of solid basis. 

The reasons, however, by which we are fully justified in 
regarding the literature of India as the most ancient lite- 
rature of which written records on an extensive scale have 
been handed down to us, are these : 

In the more ancient parts of the Rigveda-Samhita, we 
find the Indian race settled on the north-western borders 
of India, in the Panjab, and even beyond the Panjab, on 
the Kubha, or Koi^v, in Kabul. 4 The gradual spread of 

in an Indian text, the Baverujdtaka, 
see Minayeff in the Melanges Asia- 
tiques (Imperial Russian Academy), 
vi. 577, ff. (1871), xn&Monatsberickte 
of the Berlin Academy, p. 622 (1871). 
As, however, this testimony belongs 
to a comparatively late period, no 
great importance can be attached to 
it. Direct evidence of ancient com- 
mercial relations between India and 
the West, has recently been found in 
hieroglyphic texts of the seventeenth 
century, at which time the Aryas 
would appear to have heen already 
settled on the Indus. For the word 
kapi, 'ape,' which occurs in I Kings 
x. 22, in the form qof, Gr. KTJTTOS, is 
found in these Egyptian texts in the 
form kafu, see Joh. Diirnichen, Die 
Flotte cincrcyypt. Koniyin ausdcm 17. 
Jahrh. (Leipzig, 1868), table ii. p. 17. 
Lastly, tuk/iiim, the Hebrew name 
for peacocks (l Kings x. 22, 2 Chron. 
ix. 21) necessarily implies that al- 
ready in Solomon's time the Phoeni- 
cian ophir-merchants "onteu affaire 
soil an pays meme des Abhira soit 
sur un autre point de la coto de 

1'Inde avec des peuplades dravidi- 
ennes," Julien Vinson, Revue de 
Linyuistiquc, vi. 120, ff. (1873). See 
also Burnell, Elements of South In- 
dian Pala?ography r p. 5 (Mangalore, 

3 Or even, as Goldstiicker sup- 
poses, earlier than Buddha. 

4 One of the Vedic Rishis, asserted 
to be Vatsa, of the family of Kanva, 
extols, Rik, viii. 6. 46-48, the splen- 
did presents, consisting of horses, 
cattle, and vshtras yoked four toge- 
ther (Roth in the St. Petersburg 
Diet, explains uslitra as ' buffalo, 
humped bull;' generally it means 
' cnmel ') which, to the glory of the 
Yadvas, he received whilst residing 
with Tirimdira and Pars'u. Or have 
we here only a single person, Tirirn- 
dira Parsu ? In the Sdukhdyana 
Srauta-Sutra, xvi. 1 1 . 20, at least, 
he is understood as Tirimdira Pa>a- 
s'avya. These names suggest Tiridiites 
and the Persians; see J.St.. iv. 379, n., 
but compare Girard de Rialle, Revue, 
de Linyuist., iv. 227 (1872). Of 
course, we must not think of th- 


the race from these seats towards the east, beyond the 
Saras vati and over Hindustan as far as the Ganges, can be 
traced in the later portions of the Vedic writings almost 
step by step. The writings of the following period, that 
of the epic, consist of accounts of the internal conflicts 
among the conquerors of Hindustan themselves, as, for 
instance, the Maha-Bharata ; or of the farther spread of 
Brahmanism towards the south, as, for instance, the Ea- 
mayana. If we connect with this the first fairly accurate 
information about India which we have from a Greek 
source, viz., from Megasthenes,* it becomes clear that at 
the time of this writer the Brahmanising of Hindustan was 
already completed, while at the time of the Peri plus (see 
Lassen, /. AK., ii. 150, n. ; /. St., ii. 192) the very south- 
ernmost point of the Dekhan had already become a seat of 
the worship of the wife of Siva. What a series of years, 
of centuries, must necessarily have elapsed before this 
boundless tract of country, inhabited by wild and vigorous 
tribes, could have been brought over to Brahmanism ! ! It 
may perhaps here be objected that the races and tribes 
found by Alexander on the banks of the Indus appear to 
stand entirely on a Vedic, and not on a Brahmanical foot- 
ing. As a matter of fact this is true ; but we should not 
be justified in drawing from this any conclusion whatever 
with regard to India itself. For these peoples of the Pan- 
jab never submitted to the Brahmanical order of things, 
but always retained their ancient Vedic standpoint, free 
and independent, without either priestly domination or 
system of caste. For this reason, too, they were the ob- 
jects of a cordial hatred on the part of their kinsmen, who 
had wandered farther on, and on this account also Buddh- 
ism gained an easy entrance among them. 

Persians after Cyrus : that would current, of the word Tiri in Tiridates, 

bring us too far down. But the Per- &c., from the Pahlavi tirZund tis- 

sians were so called, and had ttieir trya (given, e.g., by M. Br&il, De 

own princes, even before the time of Pcrsicis nominibiis (1863), pp. 9, IO), 

Cyrus. Or ought we rather, ns sug- is hardly justified, 
peated by Olshausen in the Berliner * Who as ambassador of Seleucus 

Monatsberickte (1874), p. 708, to resided for some time at the court 

think of the Parthavas, i.e., Parthi- of Chandragupta. His reports are 

.ins, who as well as Pur f? as are men- preserved to us chiefly in the 'IvStxd 

tioned in the time of the Achseme- of Arrian, who lived in the secoud 

nidro ? The derivation, hitherto century A.D. 


And while the claims of the written records of Indian 
literature to a high antiquity its beginnings may per- 
haps be traced back even to the time when the Indo- 
Aryans still dwelt together with the Persa- Aryans are 
thus indisputably proved by external, geographical testi- 
mony, the internal evidence in the same direction which 
may be gathered from their contents, is no less conclusive. 
In the songs of the Rik, the robust spirit of the people 
gives expression to the feeling of its relation to nature, 
with a spontaneous freshness and simplicity ; the powers 
of nature are worshipped as superior beings, and their 
kindly aid besought within their several spheres. Begin- 
ning with this nature- worship, which everywhere recog- 
nises only the individual phenomena of nature, and these 
in the first instance as superhuman, we trace in Indian 
literature the progress of the Hindu people through almost 
all the phases of religious development through which the 
human mind generally has passed. The individual pheno- 
mena of nature, which at first impress the imagination as 
being superhuman, are gradually classified within their 
different spheres ; and a certain unity is discovered among 
them. Thus we arrive at a number of divine beings, each 
exercising supreme sway within its particular province, 
whose influence is in course of time further extended to 
the corresponding events of human life, while at the same 
time they are endowed with human attributes and organs. 
The number already considerable of these natural 
deities, these regents of the powers of nature, is further 
increased by the addition of abstractions, taken from ethi- 
cal relations ; and to these as to the other deities divine 
powers, personal existence, and activity are ascribed. Into 
this multitude of divine figures, the spirit of inquiry seeks 
at a later stage to introduce order, by classifying and 
co-ordinating them according to their principal bearings. 
The principle folloM r ed in this distribution is, like the con- 
ception of the deities themselves, entirely borrowed from 
the contemplation of nature. We have the gods who act 
in the heavens, in the air, upon the earth ; and of these 
the sun, the wind, and fire are recognised as the main repre- 
sentatives and rulers respectively. These three gradually 
obtain precedence over all the. other gods, who are only 
looked upon as their creatures and servants. Strength- . 


ened by these classifications, speculation presses on and 
seeks to establish the relative position of these three 
deities, and to arrive at unity for the supreme Being. This 
is accomplished either speculatively, by actually assuming 
such a supreme and purely absolute Being, viz., " Brah- 
man" (neut.), to whom these three in their turn stand 
in the relation of creatures, of servants only ; or arbi- 
trarily, according as one or other of the three is worshipped 
as the supreme god. The sun-god seems in the first 
instance to have been promoted to this honour ; the Persa- 
Aryans at all events retained this standpoint, of course 
extending it still further; and in the older parts of the 
Brahmanas also to which rather than to the Samhitas 
the Avesta is related in respect of age and contents we 
find the sun-god here and there exalted far above the other 
deities (jjrasavitd devdndni). We also find ample traces of 
this in the forms of worship, which so often preserve 
relics of antiquity. 5 Xay, as " Brahman " (masc.), he has 
in theory retained this position, down even to the latest 
times, although in a very colourless manner. His col- 
leagues, the air and fire gods, in consequence of their 
much more direct and sensible influence, by degrees ob- 
tained complete possession of the supreme power, though 
constantly in conflict with each other. Their worship has 
passed through a long series of different phases, and it 
is evidently the same which Megasthenes found in Hin- 
dustan,* and which at the time of the Periplus had pene- 
trated, though in a form already very corrupt, as far as the 
southernmost point of the Dekhan. 

But while we are thus justified in assuming a high 
antiquity for Indian literature, on external geographical 
grounds, as well as on internal evidence, connected with 
the history of the Hindu religion, 6 the case is sufficiently 
unsatisfactory, when we come to look for definite chrono- 

5 Cf. my paper. Zmi reJhclic Texte popular dialects, for whose gradual 
ubcr Omina mid Porteitta (1859), pp. development out of the language of 
392-393. the Vedic hymns into this form it is 

6 To these, thirdly, we have to absolutely necessary to postulate the 
add evidence derived from the Ian- lapse of a series of centuries, 
puage. The edicts of Piyadasi, * According to Strabo,, p. 117, 
whose date is fixed by the mention A^vvaos (Rndra, Soma, Siva) was 
therein of Greek kings, and even of worshipped in the mountains, 'Hpa- 
Alexander himself, are written iu *c\?js (Inunt, Vishnu) in the plain. 


logical dates. "We must reconcile ourselves to the fact 
that any such search will, as a general rule, be absolutely 
fruitless. It is only in the case of those branches of 
literature which also became known abroad, and also in 
regard to the last few centuries, when either the dates of 
manuscripts, or the data given in the introductions or 
closing observations of the works themselves, furnish us 
some guidance, that we can expect any result. Apart 
from this, an internal chronology based on the character 
of the works themselves, and on the quotations, &c., 
therein contained, is the only one possible. 

Indian literature divides itself into two great periods, 
the Vedic and the Sanskrit. Turning now to the former, 
or Vedic period, I proceed to give a preliminary general 
outline of it before entering into the details. 



WE have to distinguish four Vedas the Rig- Veda, the 
Sama-Veda, the Yajur-Veda, which is in a double form, 
and the Atharva-Veda. Each of these is again subdivided 
into three distinct parts Samhita, Brahmana, and Sutra. 
Their relation to each other is as follows : 
The Samhita * of the Rik is purely a lyrical collection, 
comprising the store of song which the Hindus brought 
with them from their ancient homes on the banks of the 
Indus, and which they had there used for " invoking pro- 
sperity on themselves and their flocks, in their adoration 
of the dawn, in celebration of the struggle between the 
god who wields the lightning and the power of darkness, 
and in rendering thanks to the heavenly beings for pre- 
servation in battle." f The songs are here classified 
according to the families of poets to which they are as- 
cribed. The principle of classification is consequently, so 
to speak, a purely scientific one. It is therefore possible, 
though more cannot be said, that the redaction of the text 
may be of later date than that of the two Samhitas which 

* The name Sarnhitii (collect-ion) vi>li/<i, svddliydya, adltyayana , also 

first occurs in the so-called Aran- ' Veda,' alone. It is in the Stltras 

yakas, or latest supplements t<> the that \ve first find the term Chhandas 

Brahmanas, and in the Sutras ; but specially applied to the Samhitiis, 

whether in the above meaning, is and more particularly in Pdnini, 

not as yet certain. The names by by whom Rixhi, Nigama, Mantra (?) 

which the Samhitds are designated are also employed in the same 

in the Brdhmanasare either richah, manner. 

mimdni, yajnnslii, or Rigveda, Sa- -f- See Roth, Zur Littcratur und 

maveda, Yajurveda, or Buhvricha.s, Gesc/iiclife <lcs Weda, \>. 8 (Stutt- 

Ciihutidugas, Adhvuryu?, or trayi gurt, 1846). 


will come next under our consideration, and which, pro- 
viding as they do for a practical want, became necessary 
immediately upon the institution of a worship with a fixed 
ritual. For the Samhita of the Saman, and both the 
Samhitas of the Yajus, consist only of such richas (verses) 
and sacrificial formulas as had to be recited at the cere- 
monies of the Soma offering and other sacrifices, and in 
the same order in which they were practically used ; at 
]east, we know for certain, that this is the case in the 
Yajus. The Samhita of the Saman contains nothing but 
verses (richas); those of the Yajus, sentences in prose 
also. The former, the richas, all recur, with a few ex- 
ceptions, in the Rik-Samhita, so that the Sama-Samhita 
is nothing more than an extract from the songs of the 
latter, of the verses applied to the Soma offering. Now 
the richas found in the Sama-Samhita and Yajuh-Samhita 
appear in part in a very altered form, deviating consi- 
derably from the text of the Rik, the Rik-Samhita. Of 
this a triple explanation is possible. First, these read- 
ings may be earlier and more original than those of the 
Rik, liturgical use having protected them from alteration, 
while the simple song, not being immediately connected 
with the sacred rite, was less scrupulously preserved. Or, 
secondly, they may be later than those of the Rik, and 
may have arisen from the necessity of precisely adapting 
the text to the meaning attributed to the verse in its 
application to the ceremony. Or, lastly, they may be of 
equal authority with those of the Rik, the discrepancies 
being merely occasioned by the variety of districts and 
families in which they were used, the text being most 
authentic in the district and family in which it originated, 
and less so in those to which it subsequently passed. All 
three methods of explanation are alike correct, and in 
each particular case they must all be kept in view. But 
if we look more closely at the relation of these verses, it 
may be stated thus : The richas occurring in the Sama- 
Samhita generally stamp themselves as older and more 
original by the greater antiquity of their grammatical 
forms ; those in the two Samhitas of the Yajus, on the 
contrary, generally give the impression of having under- 
gone a secondary alteration. Instances which come 
under the third method of explanation are found in equal 


numbers, both in the Sama-Samhita and the Yajuh- 
Samhita. Altogether, too mucli stress cannot be laid on 
this point, namely, that the alterations which the songs 
and hymns underwent in the popular month during their 
oral transmission, must in any case be regarded as very 
considerable; since preservation by means of writing is 
not to be thought of for this period. Indeed we can 
hardly admit it for the time of the Brahmanas either, 
otherwise it would be difficult to account for the numerous 
deviations of the various schools with regard to the text 
of these works also, as well as for the great number of 
different schools (Sakhas) generally. 

But although the songs of the Rik, or the majority of 
them, were composed on the banks of the Indus, their 
final compilation and arrangement can only have taken 
place in India proper ; at what time, however, it is diffi- 
cult to say. Some portions come down to an age so recent, 
that the system of caste had already been organised; and 
tradition itself, in ascribing to Sakalya and Panchala 
Babhravya a leading part in the arrangement of the Rik- 
Samhita, points us to the flourishing epoch of the Videhas 
and Panchalas, as I shall show hereafter. The Samhita 
of the Saman, being entirely borrowed from the Rik, gives 
no clue to the period of its origin; only, in the fact that it 
contains no extracts from any of the later portions of the 
Rik, we have perhaps an indication that these were not 
then 'in existence. This, however, is a point not yet in- 
vestigated. As for the two Samhitas of the Yajus, we 
have in the prose portions peculiar to them, most distinct 
proofs that both originated in the eastern parts of Hin- 
dustan, 7 in the country of the Kurupafichalas, and that 
they belong to a period when the Brahman ical element 
had already gained the supremacy, although it had still to 
encounter many a hard struggle, and when at all events 
the hierarchy of the Brahmans, and the system of caste, 
were completely organised. Nay, it may be that "we have 
even external grounds for supposing that the present re- 
daction of the Samhita of the White Yajus dates from 
the third century B.C. For Megasthenes mentions a people 
called Ma&iavSivoi, and this name recurs in the Ma- 

7 Or rather to the eaat of the Indus, in Hindustan. 


dhyamdinos, the principal school of the White Yajus. 
More of this later on. 

The origin of the Atharva-Snmhita dates also from the 
period when Brahmanism had become dominant. It is in 
other respects perfectly analogous to the Rik-Samhita, and 
contains the store of song of this Brahmanical epoch. 
Many of the?e songs are to be found also in the last, that 
is, the least ancient book of the Rik-Samhita. In the 
latter they are the latest additions made at the time of 
its compilation ; in the Atharvan they are the proper and 
natural utterance of the present. The spirit of the twu 
collections is indeed entirely different. In the Rik there 
breathes a lively natural feeling a warm love for nature ; 
while in the Atharvan there prevails, ontlie contrary, only 
fin anxious dread of her evil spirits, and their magical 
powers. In the Rik we find the people in a state of free 
activity and independence; in the Atharvan we see it 
bound in the fetters of the hierarchy and of superstition. 
But the Atharva-Samhita likewise contains pieces of great 
antiquity, which may perhaps have belonged more to the 
people proper, to its lower grades ; whereas the songs of 
the Rik appear rather to have been the especial property 
of the higher families.* It was not without a long strugg e 
that the songs of the Atharvan were permitted to take 
their place as a fourth Veda. There is no mention made 
of them in the more ancient portions of the Brahmanas of 
the Rik, Saman, and Yajus ; indeed they only originated 
simultaneously with these Brahmanas, and are therefore 
only alluded to in their later portions. 

We now come to the second part of Yeclic literature, 
the Brahmanas. 

The character of the Brahmanas f may be thus gene- 

* This surmise, based upon cer- vcdische Texte uber Omina und Por- 
tn in passages in the Atharvan, would tenta, pp. 346-348.] 
certainly be ;it variance with the + This term signifies ' that which 
name ' Atharvangi rasas,' borne by relates to prayer, brahman.' Brah- 
tlr.s Samhitd ; according to which man itself means 'drawing forth,' as 
it would belong, on the contrary, to well in a physical sense ' producing,' 
the most ancient and noble Brah- ' creating,' HS in a spiritual one 'lift- 
man families. But I have elsewhere ing up,' 'elevating,' ' strengthen- 
advanced the conjecture, that this ing.' The first mention of the name 
name was simply assumed in order Urdhmana, in the above sense, is 
to impart a greater sanctity to the found in the Brdhmnna of the White 
contents, see /. St., i. 295. [Zwei Yajus, uud especially ill its thir- 


rally defined: Their object is to connect the sacrificial 
songs and formulas with the sacrificial rite, by pointing 
out, on the one hand, their direct mutual relation ; and, on 
the other, their symbolical connection with each other. 
In setting forth the former, they give the particular ritual 
in its details: in illustrating the latter, they are either 
directly explanatory and analytic, dividing each formula 
into its constituent parts, or else they establish that con- 
nection dogmatically by the aid of tradition or specula- 
tion. We thus find in them the oldest rituals we have, 
the oldest linguistic explanations, the oldest traditional nar- 
ratives, and the oldest philosophical speculations. This 
peculiar character is common generally to all works of 
this class, yet they differ widely in details, according to 
their individual tendency, and according as they belong to 
this or that particular Veda. With respect to age they 
all date from the period of the transition from Vedic 
civilisation and culture to the Brahmanic mode of thought 
and social order. Nay, they help to bring about this very 
transition, and some of them belong rather to the time of 
its commencement, others rather to that of its termina- 
tion.* The Brahmanas originated from the opinions of 
individual sages, imparted by oral tradition, and preserved 
as well as supplemented in their families and by their 
disciples. The more numerous these separate traditions 
became, the more urgent became the necessity for bring- 
ing them into harmony with each other. To this end, as 
time went on, compilations, comprising a variety of these 
materials, and in which the different opinions on each 
subject were uniformly traced to their original represen- 

teenth book. In cases where the commentary, in the same sense ; 

dogmatical explanation of a cere- they also mention Anubrdhmana, a 

tnotiial or other precept has already term which does not occur elsewhere 

been given, we there find the ex- except in Panini. 
press! on tasyoktam brdhmanam, 'of * Pauini, iv. 3. 105, directly men- 

this the Biulimana has already been tions ' older (purdnaprokta) Bnih- 

star.ed ; ' whereas in the books pre- manas;' and in contradistinction to 

ceding the thirteenth, we find in these there must, of course, have 

such cases tasi/oktobandftuh' its con- been in existence in his day 'more 

nection has already been set forth." modern (or as the scholiast says, tid- 

[f. St., v. 60, ix. 351.] Besides yakdln) Brahmanas.' [See on this 

Bnihmana, Pravachana is also used Goldstiicker, Piinini, p. 132, ff., and 

in the Sanu- Sutras, according to the my rejoinder in /. St., v. 64, H'.] 


tatives, were made in different districts by individuals 
peculiarly qualified for the task. But whether these com- 
pilations or digests were now actually written down, or 
\vere still transmitted orally only, remains uncertain. The 
latter supposition would seem probable from the fact that 
of the same work we here and there find two texts en- 
tirely differing in their details. Nothing definite, how- 
ever, can be said on the subject, for in these cases there 
may possibly have been some fundamental difference in 
the original, or even a fresh treatment of the materials. 
It was, moreover, but natural that these compilers should 
frequently' come into collision and conflict with each 
other. Hence we have now and then to remark the 
exhibition of strong animosity against those who in the 
author's opinion are heterodox. The preponderant in- 
fluence gradually gained by some of these works over the 
rest whether by reason of their intrinsic value, or of the 
fact that their author appealed more to the hierarchical 
spirit* has resulted, unfortunately for us, in the preserva- 
tion of these only, while works representative of the dis- 
puted opinions have for the most part disappeared. Here 
and there perhaps in India some fragments may still be 
found ; in general, however, here as everywhere in Indian 
literature, we encounter the lamentable fact that the 
works which, in the end, came off victorious, have almost 
entirely supplanted and effaced their predecessors. After 
all, a comparatively large number of Brahmanas is still 
extant a circumstance which is evidently owing to their 
being each annexed to a particular Veda, as well as to the 
fact that a sort of petty jealousy had always prevailed 
among the families in which the study of the different 
Vedas was hereditarily transmitted. Thus in the case of 
each Veda, such works at least as had come to be con- 
sidered of the highest authority have been preserved, 
although the practical significance of the Brahmanas was 

* The difficulty of their preserva- writing in India, it is important to 
tion is also an important factor in point out that the want of suitable 
the case, as at that time writing material?, in the North at least, be- 
either did not exist at all, or at any fore the introduction of paper, must 
rate wns but seldom employed, have been a great obstacle to its 
[" In considering the question of peneral use." Burnell, Elements of 
the age and extent of the use of South Indian Palaeography, p. 10.] 


gradually more and more lost, and passed over to the 
Sutras, &c. To the number of the Brahmanas, or recen- 
sions of the Samhitas, which were thus lost, belong those 
of the Vashkalas, Paiiigins, Bhallavins, Satyayanins, 
Kalabavins, Lamakayanins, Sambuvis, Khadayanins, and 
Silankayauins, which we find quoted on various occasions 
in writings of this class ; besides all the Chhandas works 
(Samhitas) specified in the gaiw, 'Saunaka' (Pan., iv. 3. 
106), whose names are not so much as mentioned else- 

The difference between the Brahmnnas of the several 
Vedas as to subject-matter is essentially this : The Brah- 
mnnas of the Rik, in their exposition of the ritual, gene- 
rally specify those duties only which fell to the Hotar, or 
reciter of the richas, whose office it was to collect from the 
various hymns the verses suited to each particular occa- 
sion, as its sastra (canon). The Brahmanas of the Saman 
confine themselves to the duties of the Udgatar, or singer 
of the sdmans; the Brahmanas of the Yajus, to the duties 
of the Adhvaryu, or actual performer of the sacrifice. In 
the Brahmanas of the Rik, the order of the sacrificial per- 
formance is on the whole preserved, whereas the sequence 
of the hymns as they occur in the Rik-Samhita is not 
attended to at all. But in the Brahmanas of the Saman and 
Yajus, we find a difference corresponding to the fact that 
their Samhitas are already adapted to the proper order of 
the ritual. The Brahmana of the enters but sel- 
dom into the explanation of individual verses; the Brah- 
mana of the White Yajus, on the contrary, may be almost 
considered as a running dogmatic commentary on its 
Samhita, to the order of which it adheres so strictly, that 
in the case of its omitting one or more verses, we might 
perhaps be justified in concluding that they did not then 
form part of the Samhita. A supplement also has been 
added to this Brahmana for some of those books of the 
Samhita which were incorporated with it at a period sub- 
sequent to its original compilation, so that the Brahmana 
comprises 100 adliyAyas instead of 60, as formerly seems 
to have been the case. The Brahmana of the Black 
Yajus does not, as we shall see further on, differ in its 
contents, but only in point of time, from its Samhita. It 
is, in fact, a supplement to it. Ihe Brahmana of the 


Atharvan is tip to the present time unknown, though there 
are manuscripts of it in England. 8 

The common name for the Brahmana literature is Sruti, 
' hearing,' i.e., that which is subject of hearing, subject of 
exposition, of teaching, by which name their learned, and 
consequently exclusive, character is sufficiently intimated. 
In accordance with this we find in the works themselves 
frequent warnings against intrusting the knowledge con- 
tained in them to any profane person. The name Sruti is 
not indeed mentioned in them, but only in the Sutras, 
though it is perfectly justified by the corresponding use of 
the verb sru which occurs in them frequently. 

The third stage in Vedic literature is represented by the 
Sutras.'' These are, upon the whole, essentially founded 

8 It has since been published, see 
below. It presents no sort of di- 
rect internal relation to the Ath. 

* The word Sutra in the above 
senseoccurs first in the Madhukandi, 
one of the latest supplements to the 
Brahmana of the White Ynjus, next 
in the two Grihya-Sutras of the Rik, 
and finally in Pdnini. It means 
'thread,' 'band,' cf. Lat. sitere. 
Would it be correct to regard it as 
an expression analogous to the Ger- 
man band (volume) '! If so, the term 
would have to be understood of the 
fastening together of the leaves, and 
would necessarily presuppose the 
existence of writing (in the same 
way, perhaps, as grantha does, a 
term first occurring in Pdnini?). 
Inquiry into the origin of Indian 
writing has not, unfortunately, led 
to much result as yet. The oldest 
inscriptions, according to Wilson, 
date no earlier than the third century 
B.C. Nearchus, however, as is well 
known, mentions writing, and his 
time corresponds very well upon the 
whole to the period to which we 
must refer the origin of the Sutras. 
But as these were composed chiefly 
with a view to their being committed 
to memory a fact which follows 
from their form, and partly accounts 
for it there might be good grounds 

for taking exception to the etymo- 
logy just proposed, and for regard- 
ing the signification 'guiding-line,' 
'clue,' as the original one. [This is 
the meaning given in the St. Peters- 
burg Dictionary. The writing of 
the Indians is of Semitic origin : 
see Benfey, Indien (in Ersck and 
Gruber's Encydopcedia, 1840), p. 254; 
my Indiscfie Skizzcn (1856), p. 127, 
ff. ; Burnell, El<m. of South Indian 
Pal., p. 3, ff. Probably it served in 
the first instance merely for secular 
purposes, and was only applied sub- 
sequently to literature. See Miiller, 
A lie. S. Lit., p. 507 ; I. St., v. 20, ff. ; 
J.Sir., ii. 339. Goldstiicker (Pdnini, 
1860, p. 26, ff.) contends that the 
words siitra and grantha must abso- 
lutely be connected with writing. 
See, however. /. St. , v. 24, ff. ; xiii. 
476.] Nor does etymology lead 
us to a more certain result in the 
case of another word found in this 
connection, viz., akshara, 'syllable.' 
This word does not seem to occur in 
this sense in the Sarphita of the Rile 
(or Saman) ; it there rather signifies 
'imperishable.' The connecting link 
between this primary signification 
nnd the meaning 'syllable,' which is 
first met with in the Samhitd of the 
Yajus, might perhaps be the idea of 
writing, the latter being the making 
imperishable, as it were, of otherwise 


on the Brahmanas, and must be considered as their neces- 
sary supplement, as a further advance in the path struck 
out by the latter in the direction of more rigid system and 
formalism. 9 While the Brahmanas, with the view of ex- 
plaining the sacrifice and supporting it by authority, &c., 
uniformly confine themselves to individual instances of 
ritual, interpretation, tradition, and speculation, subjecting 
these to copious dogmatic treatment, the object of the 
Sutras is to comprehend everything that had any reference 
whatever to these subjects. The mass of matter became 
too great ; there was risk of the tenor of the whole being 
lost in the details ; and it gradually became impossible to 
discuss all the different particulars consecutively. Diffuse 
discussion of the details had to be replaced by concise 
collective summaries of them. The utmost brevity was, 
however, requisite in condensing this great mass, in order 
to avoid overburdening the memory; and this brevity 
ultimately led to a remarkably compressed and enigmatical 
style, which was more and more cultivated as the litera- 
ture of the Sutras became more independent, and in pro- 
portion as the resulting advantages became apparent. 
Thus the more ancient a Sutra, the more intelligible it is ; 
the more enigmatical it is, the more modern will it prove.* 
But the literature of the Sutras can by no means be 
said to rest entirely upon the Brahmanas, for these, as 
a rule, give too exclusive a prominence to the ritual of 
the sacrifice. Indeed, it is only one particular division of 
the Sutras viz., the Kalpa-Siitras, aphorisms exclusively 
devoted to the consideration of this ritual 10 which bears 

fleeting and evanescent words and 8 On the mutual relations of the 

syllables (!). Or is tlie notion of the Brahmanasand Sutras, see also/. St., 

imperishable Xo70j at the root of viii. 76, 77 ; ix. 353, 354. 

this signification ? [In the Errata * Precisely as in the case of the 

to the first German edition it was Bnihmanas, so also in the case of the 

pointed out, on the authority of a Kalpas, i.e., Kalpa-Sutras, Panini, 

communication received from Pro- iv. 3. 105, distinguishes those com- 

fessor Aufrecht, that aksltara is twice }>osed by the ancients from those 

used in the Ilik of the ' measuring of that are nearer to his own time. 

speech,' viz., i. 164. 24 (47), and 10 On the sacrifice and sacrificial 

ix. 13. 3, and consequently may implements of the Srauta-Sutras, see 

there mean 'syllable.' According to M. Miillerin Z. D. M. G., IX. xxxvi.- 

tlie St. Petersburg Dictionary, this Ixxxii. ; Hang's notes to his transla- 

latter meaning is to be derived from tion of the Aitareya-Bnlumana ; and 

the idea of ' the constant, simple' ele- my paper, Zur Kenntnissdesvedischcn 

ment in language.] Opferritua'.s, /. St., x. xiii. 


the special name of Srauta- Sutras, i.e., " Sutras founded 
on the Srati." The sources of the other Sutras must be 
sought elsewhere. 

Side by side with the Srauta- Sutras we are met by a 
second family of ritual Sutras, the so-called Grihy a- Sutras, 
which treat of domestic ceremonies, those celebrated at 
birth and before it, at marriage, as well as at death and 
after it. The origin of these works is sufficiently indi- 
cated by their title, since, in addition to the name of 
Grihy a-Siitras, they also bear that of Smarta- Sutras, i.e., 
" Sutras founded on the Smriti." Smriti, ' memory,' i.e., 
that which is the subject of memory, can evidently only 
be distinguished from Sruti, ' hearing/ i.e., that which is 
the subject of hearing, in so far as the former impresses 
itself on the memory directly, without special instruction 
and provision for the purpose. It belongs to all, it is the 
property of the whole people, it is supported by the con- 
sciousness of all, and does not therefore need to be spe- 
cially inculcated. Custom and law are common property 
and accessible to all; ritual, on the contrary, though in 
like manner arising originally from the common conscious- 
ness, is developed in its details by the speculations and 
suggestions of individuals, and remains so far the property 
of the few, who, favoured by external circumstances, under- 
stand how to inspire the people with a due awe of the 
importance and sanctity of their institutions. It is not, 
however, to be assumed from this that Smriti, custom and 
law, did not also undergo considerable alterations in the 
course of time. The mass of the immigrants had a great 
deal too much on their hands in the subjugation of the 
aborigines to be in a position to occupy themselves with 
other matters. Their whole energies had, in the first in- 
stance, to be concentrated upon the necessity of holding 
their own against the enemy. When this had been 
effected, and resistance was broken down, they awoke 
suddenly to find themselves bound and shackled in the 
hands of other and far more powerful enemies ; or rather, 
they did not awake at all ; their physical powers had been 
so long and so exclusively exercised and expended to the 
detriment of their intellectual energy, that the latter had 
gradually dwindled away altogether. The history of these 
new enemies was this : The knowledge of the ancient songs 



with which, in their ancient homes, the Indians had wor- 
shipped the powers of nature, and the knowledge of the 
ritual connected with these songs, became more and more 
the exclusive property of those whose ancestors perhaps 
composed them, and in whose families this knowledge had 
been hereditary. These same families remained in the 
possession of the traditions connected with them, and 
which were necessary to their explanation. To strangers 
in a foreign country, anything brought with them from 
home becomes invested with a halo of sacredness; and 
thus it came about that these families of singers became 
families of priests, whose influence was more and more 
consolidated in proportion as the distance between the 
people and their former home increased, and the more 
their ancient institutions were banished from their minds 
by external struggles. The guardians of the ancestral 
customs, of the primitive forms of worship, took an in- 
creasingly prominent position, became the representatives 
of these, and, finally, the representatives of the Divine 
itself. For so ably had they used their opportunities, that 
they succeeded in founding a hierarchy the like of which 
the world lias never seen. To this position it would have 
been scarcely possible for them to attain but for the ener- 
vating climate of Hindustan, and the mode of life induced 
by it, which exercised a deteriorating influence upon a 
race unaccustomed to it. The families also of the petty 
kings who had formerly reigned over individual tribes, 
held a more prominent position in the larger kingdoms 
which were of necessity founded in Hindustan ; and thus 
arose the military caste. Lastly, the people proper, the 
Visas, or settlers, united to form a third caste, and they in 
their turn naturally reserved to themselves prerogatives 
over the fourth caste, or Sudras. This last was composed 
of various mixed elements, partly, perhaps, of an Aryan 
race which had settled earlier in India, partly of the 
aborigines themselves, and partly again of those among 
the immigrants, or their Western kinsmen, who refused 
adherence to the new Brahmanical order. The royal 

* Who were distinguished by their colour, for caste. [See 7. 2., x. 4, 
very colour from the three other 10.] 
castes ; hence the name varna, i.e. 


families, ike warriors, who, it may be supposed, strenu- 
ously supported the priesthood so long as it was a ques- 
tion of robbing the people of their rights, now that this 
was effected turned against their former allies, and sought 
to throw off the yoke that was likewise laid upon them. 
These efforts were, however, unavailing; the colossus was 
too firmly established. Obscure legends and isolated 
allusions are the only records left to us in the later 
writings, of the sacrilegious hands which ventured to at- 
tack the sacred and divinely consecrated majesty of the 
Brahmans ; and these are careful to note, at the same 
time, the terrible punishments which befell those impious 
offenders. The fame of many a Barbarossa has here 
passed away and been forgotten ! 

The Smarta-Sutras, which led to this digression, gene- 
rally exhibit the complete standpoint- of Brahmanism. 
Whether in the form of actual records or of compositions 
orally transmitted, they in any case date from a period when 
more than men cared to lose of the Smriti that precious 
tradition passed on from generation to generation was in 
danger of perishing. Though, as we have just seen, it had 
undergone considerable modifications, even in the families 
who guarded it, through the influence of the Brahmans, 
yet this influence was chiefly exercised with reference 
to its political bearings, leaving domestic manners and 
customs 11 untouched in their ancient form; so that these 
works cover a rich treasure of ideas and conceptions of 
extreme antiquity. It is in them also that we have to 
look for the beginnings of the Hindu legal literature, 12 
whose subject-matter, indeed, in part corresponds exactly 
to theirs, and whose authors bear for the most part the 
same names as those of the Grihy a- Sutras. With the 
strictly legal portions of the law-books, those dealing with 

11 For the ritual relating to birth (1854), and M. Miiller, ibid., IX. 

fee Speijer's book on the Jdtakarma i.-xxxvi. (1855) ; and lastly, 0. Don- 

(Leyden, 1872) for the marriage uer's Pindapilriyajna (1870). 

ceremonies, Haas'a paper, Utber die la Besides the Grihya-Sutras we 

I/eirathsf/tbrduche der alttn Indcr, find some texts directly called Dhar- 

\vith additions by myself in /. &t., ma-Sutras, or Siimaydchiirika-Sutras. 

v. 267, ff. ; also my paper Vedisc/ie which are specified as portions of 

J/oc/izeitssfjruche, ibid., p. 177, ff. 6rauta-Sutras, but which were no 

(1862) on the burial of the dead, doubt subsequently inserted into 

lioth in Z. D. M. G., viii. 487, ff. these. 


civil law, criminal law, and political law, we do not, it is 
true, find more than a few points of connection in these 
Sutras ; but probably these branches were not codified at 
all until the pressure of actual imminent danger made it 
necessary to establish them on a secure foundation. The 
risk of their gradually dying out was, owing to the con- 
stant operation of the factors involved, not so great as in 
the case of domestic customs. But a far more real peril 
threatened them in the fierce assaults directed against the 
Brahmanical polity by the gradually increasing power of 
Buddhism. Buddhism originally proceeded purely from 
theoretical heterodoxy regarding the relation of matter to 
spirit, and similar questions; but in course of time it 
addressed itself to practical points of religion and worship, 
and thenceforth it imperilled the very existence of Brah- 
manism, since the military caste and the oppressed classes 
of the people generally availed themselves of its aid in 
order to throw off the overwhelming yoke of priestly 
domination. The statement of Megasthenes, that the 
Indians in his time administered law only UTTO ^1/77^779, 
' from memory,' I hold therefore to be perfectly correct, 
and I can see no grounds for the view that p-vr^ir) is but a 
mistranslation of Smriti in the sense of Smriti-Sastra, ' a 
treatise on Smriti.' * For the above-mentioned reason, 
however in consequence of the development of Bud- 
dhism into an anti-Brahmanical religion the case may 
have altered soon afterwards, and a code, that of Manu, 
for example (founded on the Manava Grihya-Sutra), may 
have been drawn up. But this work belongs not to the 
close of the Vedic, but to the beginning of the following 

As we have found, in the Smriti, an independent basis for 
theGrihya-Siitras in addition to the Brahmanas, where but 
few points of contact with these Sutras can be traced so 
too shall we find an independent basis for those Sutras 
the contents of which relate to language. In this case it 
is in the recitation of the songs and formulas at the sac- 
rifice that we shall find it. Although, accordingly, these 

* This latter view has been best nell, Elements of S. Ind. Palaogr^ 
set forth by Sclnvanbeck, Mfijns- p. 4.] 
thcnes, pp. 50, 51. [But see also Bur- 


Sutras stand on a level with the Brahmanas, which owe 
their origin to the same source, yet this must be under- 
stood as applying only to those views on linguistic rela- 
tions which, being presupposed in the Sutras, must be 
long anterior to them. It must not be taken as applying 
to the works themselves, inasmuch as they present the 
results of these antecedent investigations in a collected 
and systematic form. Obviously also, it was a much more 
natural thing to attempt, in the first instance, to elucidate 
the relation of the prayer to the sacrifice, than to make 
the form in which the prayer itself was drawn up a sub- 
ject of investigation. The more sacred the sacrificial per- 
formance gre\v, and the more fixed the form of worship 
gradually became, the greater became the importance of 
the prayers belonging to it, and the stronger their claim to 
the utmost possible purity and safety. TQ effect this, it 
was necessary, first, to fix the text of the prayers ; secondly, 
to establish a correct pronunciation and recitation ; and, 
lastly, to preserve the tradition of their origin. It was 
only after the lapse of time, and when by degrees their 
literal sense had become foreign to the phase into which the 
language had passed and this was of course much later 
the case with the priests, who were familiar with them, 
than with the people at large that it became necessary 
to take precautions for securing and establishing the sense 
also. To attain all these objects, those most conversant 
with the subject were obliged to give instruction to the 
ignorant, and circles were thus formed around them of 
travelling scholars, who made pilgrimages from one teacher 
to another according as they were attracted by the fame 
of special learning. These researches were naturally not 
confined to questions of language, but embraced the whole 
range of Brahmanical theology, extending in like manner 
to questions of worship, dogma, and speculation, all of 
which, indeed, were closely interwoven with each other. 
We must, at any rate, assume among the Brahmans of this 
period a very stirring intellectual life, in which even the 
women took an active part, and which accounts still 
further for the superiority maintained arid exercised by the 
Brahmans over the rest of the people. Nor did the mili- 
tary caste hold aloof from these inquiries, especially alter 
they had succeeded in securing a time of repose from 


external warfare. We have here a faithful copy of the 
scholastic period of the Middle Ages; sovereigns whose 
courts form the centres of intellectual life ; Brahmans who 
with lively emulation carry on their inquiries into the 
highest questions the human mind can propound ; women 
who with enthusiastic ardour plunge into the mysteries 
of speculation, impressing and astonishing men by the 
depth and loftiness of their opinions, and who while in 
a state which, judging from description, seems to have been 
a kind of somnambulism solve the questions proposed to 
them on sacred subjects. As to the quality of their solu- 
tions, and the value of all these inquiries generally, that 
is another matter. But neither have the scholastic sub- 
tleties any absolute worth in themselves ; it is only the 
striving and the effort which ennobles the character of 
any such period. 

The advance made by linguistic research during this 
epoch was very considerable. It was then that the text 
of the prayers was fixed, that the redaction of the various 
Samhitas took place. By degrees, very extensive pre- 
cautions were taken for this purpose. For their study 
(Pat ha), as well as for the different methods of preserving 
them whether by writing or by memory, for either is 
possible 13 such special injunctions are given, that it seems 

13 All the technical terms, how- by the rest of the Brahmans. On 

ever, which occur for study of the the other hand, Goldstiicker, Boht- 

Veda and the like, uniformly refer lingk, Whitney, and Roth (Der 

to speaking and reciting only, and Atharvaveda in Kashmir, p. 10), are 

thereby point to exclusively oral of the opposite opinion, holding, in 

tradition. The writing down of the particular, that the authors of the 

Vedic texts seems indeed not to Pnttisakhyas must have had written 

have t;iken place until a com para- texts before them. Benfey also 

tively late period. See I. St. , v. 18, formerly shared this view, but re- 

ff. (1861). Miiller, Anc. S. Lit., p. cently (Einleitung in die Gramma- 

507, ff. (1859) : Westergaard, Udcr tik dcr vrd. Sprache, p. 31), lie baa 

den altcstai Zcitraum der indischcn expressed the belief that the Vedic 

Gcschichte (1860, German transla- texts were only committed to writ- 

tioii 1862, p. 42, ff.); and Hang, ing at a late date, long subse- 

Ucber das Wesen des vcdischen Ac- quent to their ' diaskeuasis.' Bur- 

cents (1873, p. 16, ff.), have declared nell also, 1. c., p. I O, is of opinion 

themselves in favour of this theory, that, amongst other things, the very 

Hang thinks that these Brahmans scarcity of the material for writing 

who were converted to Buddhism in ancient times " almost precludes 

were the first who consigned the the existence of MSS. of books or 

Veda to writing for polemical pur- long documents." 
^poses and that they were followed 


all but impossible that any alteration in the text, except 
in the form of interpolation, can have taken place since. 
These directions, as well as those relating to the pronun- 
ciation and recitation of the words, are laid down in the 
Pratisakhya-Siitras, writings with which we have but 
recently been made acquainted.* Such a Pratisakhya- 
Siitra uniformly attaches itself to the Samhita of a single 
Veda only, but it embraces all the schools belonging to it ; 
it gives the general regulations as to the nature of the 
sounds employed, the euphonic rules observed, the accent 
and its modifications, the modulation of the voice, &c. 
Further, all the individual cases in which peculiar phonetic 
or other changes are observed are specially pointed out u 
and we are in this way supplied with an excellent critical 
means of arriving at the form of the text of each Samhita 
at the time when its Prati^akhya was composed. If we 
find in any part of the Samhita phonetic peculiarities 
which we are unable to trace in its Pratis*akhya, we may 
rest assured that at that period this part did not yet 
belong to the Samhita. The directions as to the recital of 
the Veda, i.e., of its Samhita, f in the schools each indivi- 
dual word being repeated in a variety of connections pre- 
sent a very lively picture of the care with which these 
studies were pursued. 

For the knowledge of metre also, rich materials have 
been handed down to us in the Sutras. The singers of 
the hymns themselves must naturally have been cognisant 
of the metrical laws observed in them. But we also find 
the technical names of some metres now and then men- 
tioned in the later songs of the Rik. In the Brahmanas 
the oddest tricks are played with them, and their harmony 
is in some mystical fashion brought into connection with 
the harmony of the world, in fact stated to be its funda- 

* By Roth in his essays, Zitr separately in their original form, 

Littcratur und Geschichte des IVeda, unaffected by samdhi, i.e., the influ- 

p. 53, ff. (translated in Journ. As. ence of the words which immedi- 

JSoc. Bengal, January 1848, p. 6, ff.). ately precede and follow. Whatever 

14 This indeed is the real purpose else, over and above this, is found 
of the, namely, to in the Prdtis'a'khyas is merely acces- 
show how the continuous SarnhitfC sory matter. See Whitney in Jour- 
text is to be reconstructed out of nal Am. Or.Soc., iv. 259 (1853). 
the Pada text, in which the indivi- + Strictly speaking, only these 
dual words of the text are given (the Sarphitds) are Veda. 


mental cause. The simple minds of these thinkers were 
too much charmed by their rhythm not to be led into 
these and similar symbolisings. The further development 
of metre afterwards led to special inquiries into its laws. 
Such investigations have been preserved to us, both in 
Sutras 15 treating directly of metre, e.g., the Nidana-Siitra, 
and in the Anukramanis, a peculiar class of works, which, 
adhering to the order of each Sarnhita, assign a poet, a 
metre, and a deity to each song or prayer. They may, 
therefore, perhaps belong to a later period than most of 
the Sutras, to a time when the text of each Samhita was 
already extant in its final form, and distributed as we 
there find it into larger and smaller sections for the better 
regulation of its study. One of the smallest sections 
formed the pupil's task on each occasion. The preserva- 
tion of the tradition concerning the authors and the origin 
of the prayers is too intimately connected herewith to be 
dissociated from the linguistic Sutras, although the class 
of works to which it gave rise is of an entirely different 
character. The most ancient of such traditions are to be 
found, as above stated, in the Brahmana? themselves. These 
latter also contain legends regarding the origin and the 
author of this or that particular form of worship ; and on 
such occasions the Brahinana frequently appeals to Gathas, 
or stanzas, preserved by oral transmission among the 
people. It is evidently in these legends that we must 
look for the origin of the more extensive Itihasas and 
Puranas, works which but enlarged the range of their sub- 
ject, but which in every other respect proceeded after the 
same fashion, as is shown by several of the earlier frag- 
ments preserved, e.g., in the Mahd-Bharata. The most 
ancient work of the kind hitherto known is the Brihad- 
devata by Saunaka, in 6lokas, which, however, strictly fol- 
lows the order of the Rik- Samhita, and proves by its very 
title that it has only an accidental connection with this 
class of works. Its object properly is to specify the deity 
for each verse of the Rik-Samhita. But in so doing, it 
supports its views with so many legends, that we are fully 
justified in classing it here. It, however, like the other 
Anukramanis, belongs to a much later period than most 

18 See Part i. of my paper ou Indian Prosody, I, St., viii. I, ff. (1863). 


of the Sutras, since it presupposes Yaska, the author of 
the Nirukti, of whom I have to speak presently ; it is, in 
fact, essentially based upon his work. [See Adalb. Kuhn 
in /. St., i. 1 01- 1 20.] 

It was remarked above, that the investigations into the 
literal sense of the prayers only began when this sense 
had gradually become somewhat obscure, and that, as this 
could not be the case among the priests, who were fami- 
liar with it, so soon as amongst the rest of the people, the 
language of the latter may at that time have undergone 
considerable modifications. The first step taken to ren- 
der the prayers intelligible was to make a collection of 
synonyms, which, by virtue of their very arrangement, ex- 
plained themselves, and of specially obsolete words, of which 
separate interpretations were then given orally. These 
collected words were called, from their being " ranked/'' 
" strung together," Nigranthu, corrupted into Nighantu* 
and those occupied with them Naighantukas. One work 
of this kind has been actually preserved to us. 16 It is in 
five books, of which the three first contain synonyms ; the 
fourth, a list of specially difficult Vedic words ; and the 
fifth, a classification of the various divine personages who 
figure in the Veda. We also possess one of the ancient 
expositions of this work, a commentary on it, called 
Nirukti, " interpretation," of which Yaska is said to be the 
author. It consists of twelve books, to which two others 
having no proper connection with them were afterwards 
added. It is reckoned by the Indians among the so-called 

V r ^ 

Vedangas, together with Siksha, Chhandas, and Jyotisha 
three very late treatises on phonetics, metre, and astro- 
nomical calculations and also with Kalpa and Vya- 
karana, i.e., ceremonial and grammar, two general cate- 
gories of literary works. The four first names likewise 
originally signified the class in general, 17 and it was only 
later that they were applied to the four individual works 

* See lloth, Introduction to the 17 Sikshd still continues to be the 

Nirukti, p. xii. name of a species. A considerable 

16 To this place belong, further, the number of treatises so entitled have 

Nighan^u to the Atharva-S., men- recently been found, and more are 

tioned by Haug (ef. /. St., ix. 175, constantly being brought to light. 

176,) and the Nigama-Parisishta of Cf. Kielhorn, /. St., xiv. 160. 
the \Yhite Yajus. 


now specially designated by those titles. It is in Yaska's 
work, the Nirukti, that we find the first general notions of 
grammar. Starting from the phonetic rules, the observ- 
ance of which the Pratisakhya-Sutras had already estab- 
lished with so much minuteness but only for each of the 
Veda-Samhitas advance was no doubt gradually made, in 
the first place, to a general view of the subject of phone- 
tics, and thence to the remaining portions of the domain 
of language. Inflection, derivation, and composition were 
recognised and distinguished, and manifold reflections 
were made upon the modifications thereby occasioned in 
the meaning of the root. Yaska mentions a considerable 
number of grammatical teachers who preceded him, some 
by name individually, others generally under the name of 
Nairuktas, Vaiyakaranas, from which we may gather that 
a very brisk activity prevailed in this branch of study. 
To judge from a passage in the Kauslritaki-Brahmana, 
linguistic research must have been carried on with pecu- 
liar enthusiasm in the North of India ; and accordingly, it 
is the northern, or rather the north-western district of 
India that gave birth to the grammarian who is to be 
looked upon as the father of Sanskrit grammar, PaninL 
Now, if Yaska himself must be considered as belonging 
only to the last stages of the Vedic period, Panini from 
Yaska to whom is a great leap must have lived at the 
very close of it, or even at the beginning of the next 
period. Advance from the simple designation of gram- 
matical words by means of terms corresponding to them 
in sense, which we find in Yaska, to the algebraic symbols 
of Panini, implies a great amount of study in the interval. 
P>esides, Panini himself presupposes some such symbols 
as already known ; lie cannot therefore be regarded as 
having invented, but only as having consistently carried 
out a method which is certainly in a most eminent degree 
suited to its purpose. 

Lastly, Philosophical Speculation also had its peculiar 
development contemporaneously with, and subsequently 
to, the Brahmanas. It is in this field and in that of 
grammar that the Indian mind attained the highest pitch 
of its marvellous fertility in subtle distinctions, however 
abstruse or naive, on the other hand, the method may 
occasionally be. 


. Several hymns of a speculative purpovt in the last book 
of the Rik-Samhita testify to a great depth and concen- 
tration of reflection upon the fundamental cause of things, 
necessarily implying a long period of philosophical research 
in a preceding age. This is home out by the old renown 
of Indian wisdom, by the reports of the companions of 
Alexander as to the Indian gynmosophists, &c. 

It was inevitable that at an early stage, and as soon as 
speculation had acquired some vigour, different opinions 
and starting-points should assert themselves, more espe- 
cially regaining the origin of creation ; for this, the most 
mysterious and difficult problem of all, was at the same 
time the favourite one. Accordingly, in each of the Brah- 
manas, one at least, or it may be more, accounts on the 
subject may be met with ; while in the more extensive 
works of this class we find a great number of different 
conjectures with regard to cosmogony. One of the prin- 
cipal points of difference naturally was whether indiscrete 
matter or spirit v r as to be assumed as the First Cause. 
The latter theory became gradually the orthodox one, and 
is therefore the one most frequently, and indeed almost 
exclusively, represented in the Brahmanas. From among 
the adherents of the former view, which came by degrees 
to be regarded as heterodox, there arose, as thought de- 
veloped, enemies still more dangerous to orthodoxy, who, 
although they confined themselves in the first place solely 
to the province of theory, before long threw themselves 
into practical questions also, and eventually became the 
founders of the form of belief known to us as Buddhism. 
The word buddha, " awakened, enlightened," was originally 
a name of honour given to all sages, including the ortho- 
dox. This is shown by the use both of the root budh in 
the Brahmanas, and of the word buddha itself in even the 
most recent of the Vedantic writings. The technical 
application of the word is as much the secondary one as it 
is in the case also of another word of the kind, sramana, 
which was in later times appropriated by the Buddhists 
as peculiarly their own. Here not merely the correspond- 
ing use of the root sram, but also the word sramana itself, 
as a title of honour, may be pointed out in several passages 
in the Brahmanas. Though Megasthenes, in a passage 
quoted by Strabo, draws a distinct line between two sects 


of philosophers, the Bpa^a^e? and the 2ap/j,dvat, yet we 
should hardly be justified in identifying the latter with 
the Buddhist mendicants, at least, not exclusively ; for he 
expressly mentions the v\6/3iot, i.e., the Brahmacharins 
and Vanaprasthas, the first and third of the stages into 
which a Brahman's life is distributed as forming part of 
the 2apfj,dvai. The distinction between the two sects pro- 
bably consisted in this, that the B pa^aves were the " phil- 
osophers" by birth, alsq those who lived as householders 
(Grihasthas) ; the Sapfidvat, on the contrary, those who 
gave themselves up to special mortifications, and who 
might belong also to other castes. The Ilpdfivat,, men- 
tioned by Strabo in another passage (see Lassen, /. AK. 
i. 836), whom, following the accounts of Alexander's time, 
he describes as accomplished polemical dialecticians, in 
contradistinction to the Bpa^u-ai/e?, whom he represents 
as chiefly devoted to physiology and astronomy, appear 
either to be identical with the ^ap^dvat, a supposition 
favoured by the fact that precisely the same things are 
asserted of both or else, with Lassen, they may be re- 
garded as Pramanas, i.e., founding their belief on pramdna, 
logical proof, instead of revelation. As, however, the word 
is not known in the writings of that period, we should in 
this case hardly be justified in accepting Strabo's report 
as true of Alexander's time, but only of a later age. 
Philosophical systems are not to be spoken of in connec- 
tion with this period ; only isolated views and speculations 
are to be met with in those portions of the Brahmanas 
here concerned, viz., the so-called Upanishads (upanishod, 
a session, a lecture). Although there prevails in these a 
very marked tendency to systematise and subdivide, the 
investigations still move within a very narrow and limited 
range. Considerable progress towards systematising / and 
expansion is visible in the Upanishads found in the Aran- 
yakas,* i.e., writings supplementary to the Brahmanas, and 
specially designed for the v\6@ioi ; and still greater pro- 
gress in those Upanishads which stand by themselves, i.e., 

* The name Aranyaka occurs first passages in contradistinction to 

in the vdrttika to Pan. iv. 2. 129 [see ' Veda'), iii. no, 309 ; and in the 

011 this, I. St., v. 49], then in Manu, Atharvopanishads (see /. St., ii. 179). 
iv. 123 ; Yiijuavalkya, i. 145 (ia both 


those which, although perhaps originally annexed to a 
Brahmana or an Arariyaka of one of the three older Vedas, 
have come down to us at the same time or, it may be, 
have come down to us only in an Atharvan recension. 
Finally, those Upanishads which are directly attached to 
the Atharva-Veda are complete vehicles of developed 
philosophical systems ; they are to some extent sectarian 
in their contents, in which respect they reach down to the 
time of the Puranas. That, however, the fundamental 
works now extant of the philosophical .systems, viz., their 
Sutras, were composed much later than has hitherto been 
supposed, is conclusively proved by the following consider- 
ations. In the first place, the names of their authors are 
either not mentioned at all in the most modern Brahmanas 
and Aranyakas, or, if they are, it is under a different form 
and in other relations in such a way, however, that their 
later acceptation is already foreshadowed and exhibited in 
the germ. Secondly, the names of the sages mentioned 
in the more ancient of them are only in part identical with 
those mentioned in the latest liturgical Sutras. And, 
thirdly, in all of them the Veda is expressly presupposed 
as a whole, and direct reference is also made to those 
Upanishads which we are warranted in recognising as the 
latest real Upanishads ; nay, even to such as are only found 
attached to the Atharvan. The style, too, the enigmatical 
conciseness, the mass of technical terms although these 
are not yet endowed with an algebraic force imply a long 
previous period of special study to account for such pre- 
cision and perfection. The philosophical Sutras, as 
well as the grammatical Sutra, should therefore be con- 
sidered as dating from the beginning of the next period, 
within which both are recognised as of predominant 

In closing this survey of Vedic literature, I have lastly 
to call attention to two, other, branches of science, which, 
though they do not appear to have attained in this period 
to the possession of a literature at least, not one of which 
direct relics and records have reached us must yet have 
enjoyed considerable cultivation I mean Astronomy and 
Medicine. Both received their first impulse from the 
exigencies of religious Worship. Astronomical observa- 
tions though at first, of course, these were only of the 


rudest description were necessarily required for the regu- 
lation of the solemn sacrifices ; in the first place, of those 
offered in the morning and evening, then of those at the 
new and full moon, and finally of those at the commence- 
ment of each of the three seasons. Anatomical observa- 
tions, again, were certain to be brought about by the dis- 
section of the victim at the sacrifice, and the dedication of 
its different parts to different deities. The Indo-Germanic 
mind, too, being so peculiarly susceptible to the influences 
of nature, and nature in India more than anywhere else 
inviting observation, particular attention could not fail to 
be early devoted to it. Thus we find in the later portions 
of the Vajasaneyi-Samhita and in the Chhandogyopani- 
shad express mention made of " observers of the stars " 
and "the science of astronomy;" and, in particular, the 
knowledge of the twenty-seven (twenty-eight) lunar man- 
sions was early diffused. They are enumerated singly in 
the Taittiriya-Samhita, and the order in which they there 
occur is one that must necessarily* have been established 
somewhere between 1472 and 536 B.C. Strabo, in the 
above-mentioned passage, expressly assigns acrrpovo^ia as 
a favourite occupation of the Bpaxjj,dves. Nevertheless, 
they had not yet made great progress at this period ; their 
observations were chiefly confined to the course of the 
moon, to the solstice, to a few fixed stars, and more par- 
ticularly to astrology. 

As regards Medicine, we find, especially in the Sam- 
hita of the Atharvan, a number of songs addressed to 
illnesses and healing herbs, from which, however, there is 
not much to be gathered. Animal anatomy was evidently 
thoroughly understood, as each separate part had its own 
distinctive name. Alexander's companions, too, extol 
the Indian physicians, especially for their treatment of 

* See I. St., ii. 240, note. [The seems to be that contained in the 

correct numbers are rather 2780- Jyotisha, we obtain the years 1820- 

1 820 B.C., see /.., x. 234-236(1866); 860, ibid. p. 236, ff. See further 

and for the l/tarayi series, which the reuurka in uote 2 above.] 


'From this preliminary survey of Vedic literature we 
now pass to the details. Adhering strictly to the Indian 
classification, we shall consider each of the four Vedas 
by itself, and deal with the writings belonging to them 
in their proper order, in connection with each Veda sepa- 

And first of the Rigveda. The Rigveda-Samhitd pre- 
sents a twofold subdivision the one purely external, 
having regard merely to the compass of the work, and 
evidently the more recent ; the other more ancient, and 
based on internal grounds. The former distribution is 
that into eight aslitakas (eighths), nearly equal in length, 
each of which is again subdivided into as many adhyayas 
(lectures), and each of these again into about 33 (2006 in 
all) vargas (sections), usually consisting of five verses. 18 
The latter is that into ten mandalas (circles), 85 anuvakas 
(chapters), loifstiktas (hymns), and 10,580 richas (verses) ; 
it rests on the variety of authors to whom the hymns are 
ascribed. Thus the first and tenth mandalas contain 
songs by Rishis of different families ; the second mandala, 
on the contrary (asht. ii. 71113), contains songs belong- 
ing to Gritsamada; the third (asht. ii. 114-119, iii. 1-56) 
belongs to Visvamitra; the fourth (asht, iii. 57-114) to 
Vamadeva; the fifth (asht. iii. 115-122, iv. 1-79) to Atri: 
the sixth (asht. iv. 80-140, v. 1-14) to Bharadvaja; the 
seventh (asht. v. 15-118) toVasishtna; the eighth (asht. 
v. 119-129, vi. 1-81) to Kanva; and the ninth (asht. vi. 
82-124, vn - I ~7 I ) to Angiras. 19 By the names of these 
Rishis we must understand not merely the individuals, but 
also their families. The hymns in each separate mandala 
are arranged in the order of the deities addressed. 19 " Those 
addressed to Agni occupy the first place, next come those 

18 For particulars see /. St., iii. gtiktas) ; the ninth 7 an. 1 14*.; and 

255 ; Miiller, Anc. S. Lit., p. the tenth 12 are. 191 s. 
220. 19b Delbruek, in his review of Sie- 

ltf The first mandala contains 24 benziy Liedcr dcs Rif/vcda (cf. note 

anuvdkas and 191 siiktas; the second 32) in the Jenaer Liter at urzeitung 

4 an. 43 s.; the third 5 an. 62 s.; the (1875, p. 867), points out that in 

fourth 5 an. 58 s.; the fifth 6 an. books 2-7 the hymns to Agni and 

87 a.; the sixth 6 an. 75 .; the Indra are arranged in a descending 

seventh 6 an. 104 s.; the eighth 10 gradation as regards tbo number of 

an. 92 . (besides n vdlakhilya- verses. 


to Indra, and then those to other gods. This, at least, is 
the order in the first eight mandalas. The ninth is ad- 
dressed solely to Soma, and stands in the closest connec- 
tion with the Sama-Samhita, one-third of which is bor- 
rowed from it ; whereas the tenth mandala stands in a 
very special relation to the Atharva-Samhita. The earliest 
mention of this order of the mandalas occurs in the 
Aitareya-Aranyaka. and in the two Grihya-Sutras of 
Asvalayana and Saiikhayana. The Pratiiakhyas and 
Yaska recognise no other division, and therefore give to 
the Rik-Samhita the name of dasatayyas, i.e., the songs 
" in ten divisions," a name also occurring in the Sama- 
Sutras. The Anukramani of Katyayana, on the contrary, 
follows the division into ashtakas and adhydyas. The 
name sukla, as denoting hymn, appears for the first time in 
the second part of the Brahmana of the White Yajus ; the 
Rig-Brahmanas do not seem to be acquainted with it, 20 but 
we find it in the Aitareya-Aranyaka, &c. The extant re- 
cension of the Rik-Samhita is that of the Sakalas, and 
belongs specially, it would seem, to that x branch of this 
school which bears the name of the Sai^iriyas. Of 
another recension, that of the Vashkalas, we have but 
occasional notices, but the difference between the two does 
not seem to have been considerable. One main distinc- 
tion, at all events, is that its eighth mandala contains 
eight additional hymns, making 100 in all, and that, con- 
sequently, its sixth ashtaka consists of 132 hymns. 21 Th 
name of the Sakalas is evidently related to Sakalya, a 
sage often mentioned in the Brahinanas and Sutras, who is 

20 This is a mistake. They formed part of the eight!) mandala. 
know the word not only in the When I wrote the above I was pro- 
above, but also in a technical sense, b.ibly thinking of the Vdlakhilyas, 
viz., as a designation of one of the whose number is given by Sayana, 
six parts of the astra (' canon '), in his commentary on the Ait. Br., 
more especially of the main sub- as eight (cf. Roth, Zur Litt. und 
stance of it ; when thus applied, Gcsch. des Weda, p. 35 ; Haug on 
siikta appears in a collective mean- Ait. Br., 6. 24, p. 416), whereas the 
ing, comprising several suktas. Cf. editions of Jliiller and Aufrecht 
Sankh. Brahm., xiv. I. have eleven. But as to whether 

21 I arn at present unable to corro- these eight or eleven Vstlakhilyas 
borate this statement in detail. I belong specially to the Vstshkalas, I 
can only show, from S.iunaka's cannot at present produce any direct 
Anuvakiitiukramani, that the recen- evidence. On other differences of 
eion of the Vashkalas had eight the Vdhkala school, &c., see Adalb. 
hymns more than that of the Saka- Kulin, in /. St., i. 108, If. 

las, but not that these eight hymns 



stated by Yaska 22 to be the author of the Padapatha* 
of the Rik-Samhita.f According to^ the accounts in the 
Brahmana of the "White Yajus (the Satapatha-Brahmana), 
a Sakalya, surnamed Vidagdha (the cunning ?), lived con- 
temporaneously with Yajnavalkya as a teacher at the 
court of Janaka, King of Videha, and that as the declared 
adversary and rival of Yajnavalkya. He was vanquished 
and cursed by the latter, his head dropped off, and his 
bones were stolen by robbers. Varkali also (a local form of 
Vashkali) is the name of one of the teachers mentioned in 
the second part of the Satapatha-Brahmana. 23 

The Sakalas appear in tradition as intimately connected 
with the Sunakas, and to Saunaka in particular a number 
of writings are attributed,^ which he is said to have com- 
posed with a view to secure the preservation of the text 
(rigvedaguptaye), as, for instance, an Anukramani of the 
Rishis, of the metres, of the deities, of the anuvdkas, of the 
hymns, an arrangement (? Vidhana) of the verses and their 
constituent parts, 24 the above-mentioned Brihaddevata, 

22 Or rather Durga, in his comm. 
on Nir. iv. 4 ; see Roth, p. 39, in- 
troduction, p. Ixviii. 

* This is the designation of that 
peculiar method of reciting the Veda 
in which each word of the text 
stands by itself, unmodified by the 
euphonic changes it has to undergo 
when connected with the preceding 
and f ol 1 owing words. [See above, p. 23.] 

t His name seems to point to 
the north-west (?). The scholiast on 
Piinini [iv. 2. 117], at least, proba- 
bly following the Mahdbhdshya, cites 
Sakala in connection with the Bdhi- 
kas ; see aloo Burnouf, Introduction 
a VHist. du Buddh., p. 620, ff. The 
passage in the sutra of Panini, iv. 3. 
128, has no local reference [on the 
data from the Mahdbhdshya bearing 
on this point, see /. St., xiii. 366, 
372, 409, 428, 445]. On the other 
hand, we find Sakyas also in the 
Kosala country in Kapilavastn, of 
whom, however, as of the Sdkii- 
yanins in the Yajus, we do not ex- 
actly know what to make (see be- 
low). [The earliest mention of the 
word Sakala, in immediate reference 

to the Rik, occurs in a memorial 
verse, yajnagdthd, quoted in the 
Ait. Brdhm., iii. 43 (see I. St., ix. 
277). For the name SaisMriya I can 
only cite the pravara section added 
at the close of the AsvaMyana- 
Srauta-Sutra, in which the Saisiris 
are mentioned several times, partly 
by themselves, partly^ beside and in 
association with the Sungas.] 

23 This form of name, which might 
be traced to vrikata, occurs also in 
the Sdnkhdyana Arnnyaka, viii. 2 : 
" asitisahasram Vdrkalino Irihatir 
ahar abhisampddayanti;" though the 
parallel passage in the Aitar. Arany., 
iii. 8, otherwise similarly worded, 
reads instead of " Vdrkalino, " " vd 
(i.e., vai) Arkalino!" 

+ By Shadgumsishya, in the in- 
troduction to his commentary on 
the Rig-Anukramani of Kdtyayana. 

24 Rather two Vidhdna texts (see 
below), the one of which has for its 
object the application of particular 
fic/ias, the other probably that of 
particular pddas, to superstitious 
purposes, after the manner of the 


the PratiSakhya of the Rik, a Smarta-Sutra,* and also a 
Kalpa-Sutra referring specially to the Aitareyaka, which, 
however, he destroyed after one had been composed by his 
pupil, Aivalayana. It is not perhaps, on the face of it, 
impossible that^ all these writings might be the work of 
one individual Saunaka ; still they probably, nay, in part 
certainly, belong only to the school which bears his name. 
But, in addition to this, we find that the second mandala 
of the Samhita itself is attributed to him ; and that, on the 
other hand, he is identified with the Saunaka at whose 
sacrificial feast Sauti, the son of Vai^ampayana, is said 
to have repeated the Maha-Bharata, recited by the latter 
on an earlier occasion to Janamejaya (the second), together 
with the Harivan^a. The former of these assertions must, 
of course, only be understood in the sense that the family 
of the Sunakas both belonged to the old Rishi families 
of the Rik, and continued still later to hold one of the 
foremost places in the learned world of the Brahmans. 
Against the second statement, on the contrary, no direct 
objection can be urged ; and it is at least not impossible 
that the teacher of A^valayana and the sacrificer in the 
Naimishaf forest are identical. In the Brahmana of the 
White Yajus we have, further, two distinct Saunakas men- 
tioned ; the one, Indrota, as sacrificial priest of the prince 
who, in the Maha-Bharata, appears as the first Janame- 
jaya (Parikshita, so also in M.-Bh. xii. 5595, ff.), the other, 
Svaidayana, as Auclichya, dwelling in the north. 

As author of the Krama-patha of the Rik-Samhita a 
Panchala Babhravya 25 is mentioned. Thus we see that^to 
the Kuru-Panchalas and the Kosala-Videhas (to whom Sa- 
kalya belongs) appertains the chief merit of having fixed and 
arranged the text of the Rik, as well as that of the Yajus ; 

* On the Grihya of Sauoaka, see quoted as an authority in the text 

Stenzler, 7. St., i. 243. of the Rik-Prdtisdkhya itself, viz., 

t The sacrifice conducted by this ii. 12, 44, and that beside the 

Saunaka in the Naimisha forest Prdchyas (people of the east), the 

would, in any case, hare to be dis- above conclusions still hold good, 

tinguished from the great sacrificial See Regnier on Rik^Pr, ii. ( 12, p. 

festival of the Naimishiyas, so often 113. Compare also Stinkb. Sr., xii. 

mentioned in the Brjthmanas. 13. 6 (panchdlapadarrittih), and 

24 In the Rik-Prtlt. , xi. 33, merely 8amhitopanishad-Brdlimana,' 2 

Babhravya ; only in Uata's scholium (sarvatra Prdchyn Pdnchdllshu muk- 

is he designated as a Pancbala. .As, turn, sarvatra 'muktam). 
however, the Panclidlas are twica 


and this was probably accomplished, in the case of both 
Vedas, during the most flourishing period of these tribes. 

For the origin of the songs themselves we must go back, 
as I have alre idy repeatedly stated, to a far earlier period. 
This is most clearly shown by the mythological and geo- 
graphical data contained in them. 

The former, the mythological relations, represented in 
the older hymns of the Rik, in part carry us back to the 
primitive Indo-Germanic time. They contain relics of 
the childlike and naive conceptions then prevailing, such 
as may also be traced among the Teutons- and Greeks. 
So, for instance, the idea of the change of the departed 
spirit into air, which is conducted by the winged wind, as 
by a faithful dog, to its place of destination,, as is shown 
by the identity of Sarameya and 'Kp/Aeias* of Sabala and 
Kepfiepos.'f Further, the idea of the celestial sea, Varuna, 
Ovpavos, encompassing the world; of the Father -Heaven, 
Dyaushpitar, Zeu?, Diespiter ; of the Mother - Earth, 
Arjfj,ijrrip; of the waters of the sky as shining nymphs; 
of the sun's rays as cows at pasture ; of the dark cloud-god 
as the robber who carries off these maidens and cows ; and 
of the mighty god who wields the lightning and thunder- 
bolt, and who chastises and strikes down the ravisher; 
and other such notions.^ Only the faintest outlines of 
this comparative mythology are as yet discernible ; it will 
unquestionably, however, by degrees- claim and obtain, in 
relation to classical mythology, a position exactly analo- 
gous to that which has already, in fact, been secured by 
comparative Indo-Germanic grammar in relation to classi- 
cal grammar. The ground on which that mythology has 
hitherto stood trembles beneath it, and the new light 
about to be shed upon it we owe to the hymns of the Rig- 
veda, which enable us to glance, as it were, into the work- 
shop whence it originally proceeded. 

* See Kuhn, in Haupt's Deutsche Sea Z. D. M. ., v. 112. [Since 

Zeitschrift, vi. 125, ff. I wrote the above, comparative my- 

f /. St., ii. 297, ff. [and, still ear- thology has been enriched with much 

lier, Max Miill^r ; see his Chips valuable matter, but much also that 

from a German Workshop, ii. 182]. is crude and fanciful has been ad- 

J See Kuhn, 1. c., and repeatedly vanced. Deserving of special men- 

in the Zeitschrift fur vcryleichcndc tion, besides various papers by Ada! b. 

Sprachforschuny, edited by him Kuhn in his Zeitschrift, are two 

jointly with Aufrecht (vol. i., 1851). papers by the same author, entitled, 


Again, secondl}^ the hymns of the Rik contain sufficient 
evidence of their antiquity in the invaluable information 
which they furnish regarding the origin and gradual de- 
velopment of two cycles of epic legend, the Persian and 
the Indian. In both of these the simple allegories of 
natural phenomena were afterwards arrayed in an historic 
garb. In the songs of the Rik we find a description, 
embellished with poetical colours, of the celestial contest 
between light and darkness, which are depicted either 
quite simply and naturally, or else in symbolical guise as 
divine beings. In the Persian Veda, the Avesta, on the 
other hand, " the contest * descends from heaven to 
earth, from the province of natural phenomena into the 
moral sphere. The champion is a son, born to his father, 
and given as a saviour to earth, as a reward for the pious 
exercise of the Soma worship. The dragon slain by him 
is a creation of the Power of Evil, armed with demoniacal 
might, for the destruction of purity in the world. Lastly, 
the Persian epic enters upon the ground of history. The 
battle is fought in the Aryan land ; the serpent, Aji 
Dahaka in Zend, Ahi [Dasaka] in the Veda, is trans- 
formed into Zohak the tyrant on the throne of Iran ; and 
the blessings achieved for the oppressed people by the 
warlike Feredun Traitana in the Veda, Thrae'taono in 
Zend are freedom and contentment in life on the pater- 
nal soil." Persian legend traversed these phases in the 
course of perhaps 2000 years, passing from the domain 
of nature into that of the epic, and thence into the field of 
history. A succession of phases, corresponding to those 
of Feredun, may be traced also in the case of Jemshid 
(Yama, Yima) ; a similar series in the case of Kaikavus 
(Kavya Usanas, Kava Us) ; and probably also in the case 
of Kai Khosrii (Susravas, Husravaiih). Indian legend in 
its development is the counterpart of the Persian myth. 
Even in the lime of the Yajurveda the natural significance 

l)ie Herabkunft dcs Feuers imd des culeetCacus(i86^} ; Cox, Mythology 

Gottertranks (1859), and Ucber Enl- of the Aryan Nations (1870, 2 vols.); 

wicklunyxstufen der Mythenbildung A. de Gubernatis, Zoological Mytho- 

(1874); further, Max Miiller's Jnijy (iSj2, 2 vols.); and Mitoloyia 

'Comparative Mythology,' in the Vedica (1874).] 

Oxford Assays (1856), reprinted in * See Ruth, in Z. D. M. G., ii. 

the Chips, vol. ii. ; M. Breul, Her- 216, ff. 


of the myth had become entirely obliterated. Indra is 
there but the quarrelsome and jealous god, who subdues 
the unwieldy giant by low cunning ; and in the Indian 
epic the myth either still retains the same form, or else 
Indra is represented by a human hero, Arjuna, an incarna- 
tion of himself, who makes short work of the giant, and 
the kings who pass for the incarnations of the latter. The 
principal figures of the Maha-Bharata and Bamayana fall 
away like the kings of Eirdusi, and there remain for his- 
tory only those general events in the story of the people 
to which the ancient myths about the gods have been 
applied. The personages fade into the background, and in 
this representation are only recognisable as poetic crea- 

Thirdly, the songs of the Rik unfold to us particulars 
as to the time, place, and conditions of their origin and 
growth. In the more ancient of them the Indian people 
appear to us settled on the banks of the Indus, divided 
into a number of small tribes, in a state of mutual hos- 
tility, leading a patriarchal life as husbandmen and 
nomads ; living separately or in small communities, and 
represented by their kings, in the eyes of each other by the 
wars they wage, and in presence of the gods by the com- 
mon sacrifices they perform. Each father of a family acts 
as priest in his own house, himself kindling the sacred 
fire, performing the domestic ceremonies, and offering up 
praise and prayer to the gods. Only for the great com- 
mon sacrifices a sort of tribe-festivals, celebrated by the 
king are special priests appointed, who distinguish them- 
selves ~by their comprehensive knowledge of the requisite 
rites and by their learning, and amongst whom a sort of 
rivalry is gradually developed, according as one tribe or 
another is considered to have more or less prospered by 
its sacrifices. Especially prominent here is the enmity 
between the families of Vasishtha and Visvamitra, which 
runs through all Vedic antiquity, continues to play an 
important part in the epic, and is kept up even to the 
latest times ; so that, for example, a commentator of the 
Veda who claims to be descended from Vasishtha leaves 
passages unexpounded in which the latter is stated to have 
had a curse imprecated upon him. This implacable hatred 
owes its origin to the trifling circumstance of Vasishtha 


having once been appointed chief sacrificial priest instead 
of ViSvamitra by one of the petty kings of these early 
times. The influence of these royal priests does not, how- 
ever, at this early period, extend beyond the sacrifice ; 
there are no castes as yet ; the people is still one united 
whole, and bears but one name, that of visas, settlers. 
The prince, who was probably elected, is called Vispati, a 
title still preserved in Lithuanian. The free position held 
by women at this time is remarkable. We find songs of 
the most exquisite kind attributed to poetesses and queens, 
among whom the daughter of Atri appears in the foremost 
rank. As regards love, its tender, ideal element is not 
very conspicuous ; it rather bears throughout the stamp of 
an undisguised natural sensuality. Marriage is, however,, 
held sacred; husband and wife are both rulers of the 
house (dampat'C), and approach the gods in united prayer. 
The religious sense expresses itself in the recognition of 
man's dependence on natural phenomena, and the beings 
supposed to rule over them ; but it is at the same time 
claimed that these latter are, in their turn, dependent 
upon human aid, and thus a sort of equilibrium is estab- 
lished. The religious notion of sin is consequently want- 
ing altogether, and submissive gratitude to the gods is as 
yet quite foreign 26 to the Indian. 'Give me, and I Mill 
render to thee,' he says, 27 claiming therewith a right on 
his part to divine help, which is an exchange, no grace. 
In this free strength, this vigorous self-consciousness, a 
very different, and a far more manly and noble, picture of 
the Indian is presented to us than that to which we are 
accustomed from later times. 1 have already endeavoured 
above to show how this state of things became gradually 
altered, how the fresh energy was broken, and by degrees 
disappeared, through the dispersion over Hindustan, and 
the enervating influence of the new climate. But what it 
was that led to the emigration of the people in such masses 
from the Indus across the Sarasvati towards the Ganges, 

* 'Quite foreign' is rather too (1851). There are different phases 
strong tin expression. See Roth's to lie ilistinguished. 
paper, Die hochsten G'otter der art- - 7 Vdj. S., iii. 50; or, " Kill him, 
schen Volker, in Z. D. M. G., vi. 72 then will I sacrifice to thee," Taut. 

8., vi. 4. 5. 6. 


what was its principal cause, is still uncertain. Was it 
the pressure brought about by the arrival of new settlers ? 
Was it excess of population ? Or was it only the longing 
i'or the beautiful tracts of Hindustan ? Or perhaps all 
these causes combined ? According to a legend preserved 
in the Brahmana of the White Yajus, the priests were in 
a great measure the cause of this movement, by urging 
it upon the kings, even against their will [/. St., i. 178]. 
The connection with the ancestral home on the Indus 
remained, of course, at first a very close one ; later on, 
however, when the new Brahmanical organisation was 
completely consolidated in Hindustan, a strong element of 
bitterness was infused into it, since the Brahmans looked 
upon their old kinsmen who had remained true to the cus- 
toms of their forefathers as apostates and unbelievers. 

But while the origin of the songs of the Rik dates from 
this primitive time, the redaction of the Rik-Samhita only 
took place, as we observed, at a period when the Brah- 
manical hierarchy was fully developed, and when the 
Kosala-Videhas and Kuru-Panchalas.* who are to be re- 
garded as having been specially instrumental in effect- 
ing it, were in their prime. It is also certain that not 
a few of the songs were composed either at the time of 
the emigration into Hindustan, or at the time of the 
compilation itself. Such songs are to be found in the last 
book especially, a comparatively large portion of which, as 
I have already remarked, recurs in the Atharvaveda-Sam- 
hita. It is for the critic to determine approximately in 
the case of each individual song, having regard to its con- 

* Manda^a x. 98 is a dialogue scribed in this epic had been fought 

between Devdni and Samtanu, the out Ions: before the final arrange- 

two ' Kauravyau' as Ya"ska calls ment of tlie Rik-SamhiUl ! It is, 

them. In the Mahd- Bharata Sam- however, questionable whether the 

tanu is the name of the father of Samtanu of the Mahd-Bhtlrata is 

Bhishma and Vichitravirya, by identical with the Samtanu men- 

whose two wives, Ambika" and Am- tioned in the Rik ; or, even if we 

Icilika*, Vyitsa became the father of take this for granted, whether he 

Dhritara'shtra and Pdndu. This may not merely have been associated 

Samtanu is, therefore, the grand- with the epic legend in majorem rei 

father of these latter, or the great- gloriam. Dovapi, at least, who, 

grandfather of the Kauravas and according to Ydska, is his brother, 

Pandavas, the belligerents in the has in the Rik a different father 

Maha'-BhaVata. We should thus from the one given in the epic. See 

have to suppose that the feud de- /. St., i. 203. 


tents, its ideas, its language, and the traditions connected 
with it, to what period it ought possibly to be ascribed. 
But as yet this task is only set ; its solution has not yet 
even begun. 28 

The deities to whom the songs are for the most part 
addressed are the following : First, Agni, the god of fire. 
The songs dedicated to him are the most numerous of all 
a fact sufficiently indicative of the character and import 
of these sacrificial hymns. He is the messenger from men 
to the gods, the mediator between them, who with his far- 
shining flame summons the gods to the sacrifice, however 
distant they may be. He is for the rest adored essentially 
as earthly sacrificial fire, and not as an elemental force. 
The latter is rather pre-eminently the attribute of the god 
to whom, next to Agni, the greatest number of songs is 
dedicated, viz., Indra. Indra is the mighty lord of the 
thunderbolt, with which he rends asunder the dark clouds, 
so that the heavenly rays and waters may descend to bless 
and fertilise the earth. A great number of the hymns, 
and amongst them some of the most beautiful, are devoted 
to the battle that is fought because the malicious demon 
will not give up his booty ; to the description of the 
thunderstorm generally, which, with its flashing light- 
nings, its rolling thunders, and its furious blasts, made a 
tremendous impression upon the simple mind of the 
people. The break of day, too, is greeted ; the dawns are 
praised as bright, beautiful maidens ; and deep reverence 
is paid to the flaming orb of the mighty sun, as he steps 
forth vanquishing the darkness of night, and dissipating it 
to all the quarters of the heavens. The brilliant sun-god 
is besought for light and warmth, that seeds and flocks 
may thrive in gladsome prosperity. 

Besides the three principal gods, Agni, Indra, and Siirya, 
we meet with a great number of other divine personages, 
prominent amongst whom are the Maruts, or winds, the 
faithful comrades of Indra in his battle ; and Eudra, the 
howling, terrible god, who rules the furious tempest. It 
is not, however, my present task to discuss the whole 
of the Yedic Olympus ; I had only to sketch generally 

28 See now Pertsch, Upalckha, p. trnlh'alt, 1875, p. 522) ; 7. St., ix. 
57 (1^54; compare Litcrarisckts Ltn- 299, xui. 279, 280; 1. Str., i. 19. 


the Groundwork and the outlines of this ancient edifice. 29 
Besides the powers of nature, we find, as development pro- 
gresses, personifications also of spiritual conceptions, of 
ethical import; but the adoration of these, as compared 
with the former, is of later origin. 

I have already discussed the precautions taken to secure 
the text of the Kik-Samhita, i.e., the question of its authen- 
ticity, and I have likewise alluded to the aids to its ex- 
planation furnished by the remaining Vedic literature. 
These latter reduce themselves chiefly to the Nighantus, 
and the Nirukta of Yaska. 30 Both works, in their turn, 
found their commentators in course of time. For the 
Nighantus, we have the commentary of Devarajayajvan, 
who belongs to about the fifteenth or sixteenth century. 
In the introduction he enlarges upon the history of their 
study, from which they appear to have found only one 
other complete commentator since Yaska, viz., Skanda- 
svamin. For Yaska's Nirukta a commentary has been 
handed down to us dating from about the thirteenth cen- 
tury, that of Durga. Both works, moreover, the Nighan- 
tus as well as the Nirukta, exist in two different recen- 
sions. These do not materially differ from one another, 
and chiefly in respect of arrangement only ; but the very 
fact of their existence leads us to suppose that these works 
were originally transmitted orally rather than in writing. 
A commentary, properly so called, on the Rik-Samhita, has 
come down to us, but it dates only from the fourteenth 
century, that of Sayanacharya.* " From the long series of 

29 Muir's Original Sanskrit Texts, again is quoted by Pdnini; see 
vol. v. (1870), is the best source of 1. St., iii. 475. A direct reference 
information for Vedic mythology. to Ya"ska is made in the Rik-Pntt. 

30 This name appears both in the and in the Brihaddevata"; see also 
Vansas in the last hook of the Satap. /. St., viii. 96, 245, 246. 

Br., ,and in the Kiindiinukrama of * The circumstance that com- 

the Atreyi school, where he is called mentaries on almost all branches of 

Paingi, and described as the pupil the Vedas,andonvariousotherimpor- 

of Vaisampdyana, and teacher of taut and extensive works as well, 

Tittiri. From Pdn., ii. 4. 63, it are ascribed to Sdyana and his 

follows that Panini was cognisant of brother Aludhava, is to be explained 

the name Yaska, for he there teaches by the practice prevailing in India 

the plural Yaskds for the patronymic by which works composed by order 

Yaska. Compare on this the pravara of some distinguished person bear 

section in the AsvaMyana-^rauta- his name as the author. So in the 

Sutra. The Yaska Gairikshitdh are present day the Pandits work for the 

mentioned in the Kttyhaka, which person who pays them, and leave 


centuries* between Yaska and Sayana but scanty remains 
of an exegetic literature connected with the Rik-Samhita 
are left to us, or, at any rate, have as yet been discovered. 
Samkara and the Vedantic school turned their attention 
chieHy to the TJpanishads. Nevertheless, a gloss upon a 
portion at least of the Rik-Samhita was drawn up by 
Anandatirtha, a pupil of Samkara, of which there is an 
exposition by Jayatirtha, comprising the second and third 
adhy&yas of the first ashtalca, in the Library of the India 
House in London." Sayana himself, in addition to Durga's 
commentary on the Nirukti, only quotes Bhatta Bhaskara 
Misra and Bharatasvamin as expositors of the Vedas.' 31 
The former wrote a commentary upon the Taitt. Yajus, 
not the Rik-Samhita, in which he refers to Kas'akritsna, 
Ekachurni, and Yaska as his predecessors in the work. 
For Bharatasvamin we have no further data than that his 
name is also cited by Devaraja (on the Nighantus), who 
further mentions Bhatta Bhaskara Mis'ra, Madhavadeva, 
Bhavasvamin, Guhadeva, Srinivasa, and Uvatta. The 
latter, otherwise called "CTata, wrote a commentary on the 

the fruit of their labour to him as 
his property. Madhava, and prob- 
ably also Saynna, were ministers at 
the court of King Bukka at Vijaya- 
nagara, and took advantage of their 
position to give a fresh impulse to 
the study of the Veda. The writings 
attributed to them point, by the very 
difference of their contents and style, 
to a variety of authorship. [Accord- 
ing to A. 0. Burnell, in the preface 
to his edition of the VanSa-Brdh- 
mana, p. viii., ff. (1873), the two 
names denote one person only. 
Sayana, lie savs, is "the Bhoga- 
naiha, or mortal body, of Madhava, 
the soul identified with Vishnu." 
Burnell is further of opinion that 
the twenty-nine writings current 
under the name of Mddhava all pro- 
ceed from Miidbava himself, unas- 
sisted to any large extent by others, 
and that they were composed by 
him during a period of about thirty 
of the fifty-five years between 1331- 
1386 A.D., which he spent as abbot 
of the monastery at Sriiigeri, under 

the name Vidya'ranyasva'min. See 
my remarks to the contrary in Lite.- 
rarisches Centralblatt (1873), P- 1421. 
Burnell prefers the form Vidydna- 
gara to Vijayanagara. Cowell, in 
his note on Colebr., Misc. Ess., i. 
235, has Vidya and Vijaya side by 

* See Roth, Zur Lift., p. 22. 

81 To these have to be added 
Skandasvdmin (see p. 41) and Ka- 
pardin (see below) ; and as anterior 
to Stfynna we must probably regard 
the works of Atrn:inanda, Rdvana, 
and Kausika (or is the latter iden- 
tical with Blntta Kausika Bhdskara 
Misra ? cf. Burnell, Catalogue of 
Vedic MSS., p. 12}, and the G6- 
dhilrtharatnama'lji; Burnell, Vamabr., 
p. xxvi., ff. ; Miiller, in the preface 
to his large edition of the Rik- 
Samhita', vol. vi. p. xxvii., ff. Some 
extracts from Rdvana's commentary 
have been published by Fit/- Edward 
Hall in Journal At. Soc. Beny., 
1862, pp. 129-134. 


Sarnhita of the White Yajus, not the Rik-Samhita, as well 
as commentaries on the two Pratisakhyas of the Rik and 
the White Yajus. 

As regards European researches, the Rik-Samhita, as 
well as the other Vedas, first became known to us through 
Colebrooke's excellent paper " On the Vedas," in the As. 
Res. vol. viii. (Gale. 1 805). To Rosen we are indebted for the 
first text, as given partly in his Rigvedce Specimen (London, 
1830), partly in the edition of the first ashtaka, with Latin 
translation, which only appeared after the early death of 
the lamented author (ibid. 1838). Since then, some other 
smaller portions of the text of the Rik-Samhita have here 
and there been communicated to us in text or translation, 
especially in Roth's already often quoted and excellent 
Abhandlungen zur Litteratur und Geschickte dcs Weda 
(Stuttgart, 1846). The entire Samhita, together with the 
commentary of Sayana, is now being published, edited by 
Dr. M. Mtiller of Oxford, at the expense of the East India 
Company ; the first ashtaka appeared in 1849. At the same 
time an edition of the text, with extracts from the com- 
mentary, is in course of publication in India. From Dr. 
M. Miiller, too, we may expect detailed prolegomena to 
his edition, which are to treat in particular of the position 
held by the songs of the Rik in the history of civilisation. 
A French translation by Langlois comprises the entire 
Samhita (1848-1851); it is, of course, in many respects 
highly useful, although in using it great caution is neces- 
sary. An English translation by Wilson is also begun, of 
which the first ashtaka only has as yet appeared. 32 

32 Miiller's edition of the text, Indica, Nos. 1-4 (Calc. 1849), on ^y 

together with the commentary of reaches to the end of the second 

Sflyana, a complete index of words, adhydya. A fragment of the text, 

and list of pratikas, is now com- edited by Stevenson so long ago as 

plete in six vols., 1849-1875. He 1833, extends l>ut a little farther 

has also published separately the (i. 1-35). Of Wilson's translation, 

text of the first mandala, in sam- five volumes have appeared; the 

hitd- and pada-pdtha (Leipzig, 1856- last, in 1866, under the editorship 

69), as also the whole 10 mandalas, of Cowell, brings it np to mand. 

likewise in double form (London, viii. 20. Benfey published in his 

1873). The first, complete edition Orient und Occident (1860-68) a 

of the text was published, in Koman critical translation of mand. i. i- 

transliteration, by Aufrecht, in vols. 118. Twelve hymns to the Maruts 

vi. arid vii. of the hidische Studien are translated and furnished with a 

(1861-63). Koer's edition of text detailed commentary in vol. i. of Max 

and commentary, in the Bibliotheca Muller'a Rigveda JSam/iitd, trans- 


We now turn to the Brdlimanas of the Rik. 

Of these, we have two, the Aitareya-Brdhmana and the 
Sdnkhdyana- (or Kaushitaki-} Brdhmana. They are closely 
connected with one another,* treat essentially of the same 
matter, not unfrequently, however, taking opposite views 
of the same question. It is in the distribution of their 
matter that they chiefly differ. In the Saiikhdyana- Brah- 
man a we have a perfectly arranged work, embracing on 
a definite plan the entire sacrificial procedure; but this 
does not seem to be the case in an equal degree in the 
Aitareya-Brdhmana. The latter, moreover, appears to 
treat exclusively of the Soma sacrifice ; whereas in the 
former it merely occupies the principal place. In the 
Sdiikhdyaiia-Brdhmana we meet with nothing at all cor- 
responding to the last ten adhydyas of the Aitareya-Brdh- 
mana, a gap which is only filled up by the Safikha- 
yana-Siitra ; and for this reason, as well as from internal 
evidence, it may perhaps be assumed that the adhydyas 
in question are but a later addition to the Aitareya-Brdh- 
mana. In the extant text, the Aitareya-Brdhmana con- 
tains 40 adhydyas (divided into eight palichilcds, or pen- 

latcd and explained (London, 1869). Rig- itnd Atharvavcda ilber Geogra- 

But the scholar who has done most )>/<ie, Geschichte und Verfassung des 

by far for the right understanding alien Indiens (the identification here 

of the Rik is lloth ; both in the mentioned, p. 13, of the Vedic 

commentary added to his edition of Sarasvati with tiie Indus, was first 

Yiiska's Nirukta (Gottiniren, 1848- nude by myself ; cf. Vaj. S. Spec., ii. 

52), and in the great St. Petersburg 80 n., 1847), and Die philosophi- 

Sm.skrit Dictionary (>eveu vols., scken und rcliyiosen Anschauungen 

1853-75), edited by Bohtlingk and des Veda (Prag, 1875); Alfred Hil- 

Inm. Here we may also mention the lebrandt, Ueber dieGottin Aditi(Bre&- 

fol lowing works: Grassmann, War- lau, 1876); H. Zimmer, Parjanya 

tvbucfi zum Rlgvcda (1873, ff'.) ; FiSrgyn Vdfa Wodan in Zeitschrift 

Del, Das aitindiscke Verbum fur Deutsckes Alterthum. New Series, 

(1874) ; Ben fey, Einleituny in die vii. 164, fF. Lastly, we have to draw 

Grammatik dcr vf-dischcn S/irache attention specially to Muir's Original 

(1874), and JHc Quant itdlsrcrsckie- Sanskrit Texts (5 vols., second edit. , 

dcnltcitcn in den Samhitd- und Pad <- London, 1868, ff.), in which the 

Tcxtcn dcr Ve<Icn ; BollenS''n, Die antiquarian information contained 

Liedcr des Pardwtra, in Z. D. M. (>'. in the Rik-Siimhiti on the different 

xxii. (1868) ; Siebenziy Liedcr des stages and phases of Indian life at 

Ri'/vcda, ubersctzt run Karl (Jeldner that early period is clearly and com- 

nnd Adolf Kaegi, mit lieitrdf/cn ron prehensively grouped: translations 

1!. Roth (Tubingen, 1875) reviewed of numerous Vedic passages and 

by Abel Bergaigno in the Revue pieces are given. 
Critifjite, Dec. II and 18, 1875 ; * See on this 7. St., ii. 289, ff 

All' red Ludwig, Die Nachric/tten des [and ix. 377]. 


tads), while the Sankhayana-Brahmana contains 30 ; and 
it is perhaps allowable to refer to them the rule in Panini 
v. i. 62, which states how the name of a Brahmana is to 
be formed if it contain 30 or 40 adhyayas, a view which 
would afford external warrant also of the fact of their 
existence in this form in Panini's time, at all events. 
Geographical or similar data, from which a conclusion 
might be drawn as to the time of their composition, are of 
very rare occurrence. Most of these, together with really 
historical statements, are to be found in the last books of 
the Aitareya-Brahmana (see /. St., i. 199, ff.), from which 
it at any rate specially follows that their scene is the 
country of the Kuru-Panchalas and Vas"a-Usinaras (see 
viii. 14). In the Safikhayana-Brahmana mention is made 
of a great sacrifice in the Naimisha forest ; but this can 
hardly be identified with the one at which, according to 
the accounts of the Maha-Bharata, the second recitation 
of this epic took place. Another passage implies a very 
special prominence amongst the other gods of the deity 
who is afterwards known to us exclusively by the name 
of Siva. He here receives, among other titles, those of 
Isana and Mahadeva, and we might perhaps venture to 
conclude from this that he was already the object of a very 
special worship. We are at any rate justified in inferring, 
unless the passage is an interpolation, that the Safikha- 
yana-Brahmana ranks chronologically with the last books 
of the Samhita of the White Yajus, and with those por- 
tions of its Brahmana and of the Atharva-Samhita in 
which this nomenclature is likewise found. Lastly, a 
third passage of the Sankhayana-Brahmana implies, as 
already hinted, a special cultivation of the field of lan- 
guage in the northern parts of India. People resorted 
thither in order to become acquainted with the language, 
and on their return enjoyed a special authority on ques- 
tions connected with it. [/. St., ii. 309.] 

Both Brahmanas presuppose literary compositions of 
some extent as having preceded them. Thus mention is 
made of the dkhydnavidas, i.e., "those versed in tradition;" 
and gdthds, abhiyajna-gdthds, a sort of memorial verses 
(kdrikds), are also frequently referred to and quoted. The 
names Rigveda, Samaveda, and Yajurveda, as well as trayi 
vidyd, a term used to express them collectively, repeatedly 


occur. In the Saiikhayana-Brahrnari.'T, however, special 
regard is had to the Paingya and Kaushitaka, whose views 
are very frequently quoted side by side, that of the Kau- 
shitaka being always recognised as final. The question 
now arises what we are to understand by these expres- 
sions, whether works of the Brahmana order already ex- 
tant in a written form, or still handed down orally only 
or merely the inherited tradition of individual doctrines. 
Mention of the Kaushitaka and the Paingya occurs in the 
Aitareya-Brahmana only in a single passage and that 
perhaps an interpolated one in the latter part of the 
work. This at all events proves, what already seemed pro- 
bable from its more methodical arrangement, that the 
Safikhayana-Brahmana is to be considered a later produc- 
tion than the Aitareya-Brahmana, since it appears to be a 
recast of two sets of views of similar tenor already extant 
under distinct names, while the Aitareya-Brahmana pre- 
sents itself as a more independent effort. The name 
Paingya belongs to one of the sages mentioned in the 
Brahmana of the White Yajus and elsewhere, from whose 
family Yaska Paiilgi* was descended, and probably also 
Pingala, the author of a treatise on metre. The Painyi 
Kalpali is expressly included by the commentator of 
Panini, probably following the Mahabhashya. among the 
ancient Kalpa-Sutras, in contradistinction to the Asmara- 
tliali Kalpali, with which M - e shall presently become 
acquainted as an authority of the As'valayana-Sutra. 
The Paiiigins are, besides, frequently mentioned in early 
writings, and a Paingi-Brahmana must still have been in 
existence even in Sayana's time, for he repeatedly refers 
to it. The case stands similarly as regards the name 
Kaushftaka, which, is, moreover, used directly, in the ma- 
jority of passages where it is quoted for the Sankhayana- 
Brahmana itself a fact easy of explanation, as in the latter 
the view represented by the Kaushitaka is invariably 
upheld as the authoritative one, and we have in this 
Brahmana but a remoulding by Sankhayana of the stock 
of dogma peculiarly the property of the Kaushitakins. 
Further, in its commentary, which, it may be remarked, 

* The quotations from BnUimanas Paingi Kalpah in the Mahiibhilshya, 
in Yaska, therefore, belong in part see /. St., xiii, 455-J 
perhaps to the Paiflgya (.') [On the 


interprets the work under the sole title of the " Kaushi- 
taki-Brahmana," passages are frequently quoted from a 
Maha-Kaushitaki-Brahmana, so that we have to infer the 
existence of a still larger work of similar contents, pro- 
bably a later handling of the same subject (?). This com- 
mentary further connects the Kaushitaki-Brahmana with 
the school of the Kauthumas a school which otherwise 
belongs only to the Samaveda : this, however, is a relation 
which has not as yet been cleared up. The name Saii- 
khayana-Brahmana interchanges occasionally with the 
form Sankhyayana-Brahmana, but the former would seem 
to deserve the preference ; its earliest occurrence is pro- 
bably in the Pratis'akhya-Sutra of the Black Yajus. 

The great number of myths and legends contained in 
both these Brahmanas of the Rik invests them with a 
peculiar interest. These are not indeed introduced for 
their own sake, but merely with a view to explain the 
origin of some hymn ; but this, of course, does not detract 
from their value. One of them, the legend of SunahsSepa, 
which is found in the second part of the Aitareya- 
Brahmana, is translated by Roth in the Indische Studien, 
i. 458-464, and discussed in detail, ibid., ii. 112-123. 
According to him, it follows a more ancient metrical ver- 
sion. We must indeed assume generally, with regard to 
many of these legends, that they had already gained a 
rounded, independent shape in tradition before they were 
incorporated in f o the Brahmana, and of this we have fre- 
quent evidence in the distinctly archaic character of their 
language, compared with that of the rest of the text. Now 
these legends possess great value for us from two points 
of view : first, because they contain, to some extent at 
least, directly or indirectly, historical data, often stated in 
a plain and artless manner, but at other times disguised 
and only perceptible to the eye of criticism ; and, secondly, 
because they present connecting links with the legends 
of later times, the origin of which would otherwise have 
remained almost entirely obscure. 

On the Aitareya- Brahmana we have a commentary by 
Sayana, and on the Kaushitaki-Brahmana one by Vina- 
yaka, a son of Madhava. 33 

33 The Aitareya-Bnihmana has by Martin Haug, 2 vols., Bombay, 
been edited, text with translation, 1863, see /. St., ix. 177-380(1865). 


To each of these Brahmanas is also annexed an Aran- 
yaka, or ' forest-portion/ that is, the portion to be studied 
in the forest by the sages known to us through Mega- 
sthenes as vXofiioi, and also by their disciples. This 
forest-life is evidently only a later stage of development 
in Brahmanical contemplation, and it is to it that we must 
chiefly ascribe the depth of speculation, the complete 
absorption in mystic devotion by which the Hindus are 
so eminently distinguished. Accordingly, the writings 
directly designated as Aranyakas bear this character im- 
pressed upon them in" a very marked degree ; they consist 
in great part of Upanishads only, in which, generally 
speaking, a bold and vigorous faculty of thought cannot 
fail to be recognised, however much of the bizarre they 
may at the same time contain. 

The Aitareya- Aranyaka zy consists of five books, each 
of which again is called Aranyaka. The second and third 
books* form a separate Upanishad ; and a still further sub- 
division here takes place, inasmuch as the four last sections 
of the second book, which are particularly consonant with 
the doctrines of the Vedanta system, pass KO.T' e'fo^i/ as the 
Aitareyopanishad. 3 * Of these two books Mahidasa Aitareya 
is the reputed author; he is supposed to be the son of 
Visala and Itara, and from the latter his name Aitareya 
is derived. This name is indeed several times quoted 
in the course of the work itself as a final authority, a cir- 
cumstance which conclusively proves the correctness of trac- 
ing to him the views therein propounded. For we must 
divest ourselves of the notion that a teacher of this period 
ever put his ideas into writing ; oral delivery was his only 
method of imparting them to his pupils ; the knowledge of 
them was transmitted by tradition, until it became fixed in 

The legend of Sunahsepa (vii. 13- come to hand (Nov. 30, 1875), see 

1 8), had been discussed by Roth; see Bibliotheca Indica, New Series, No. 

also M. Miiller, Hist, of A.S.L., p. 325; the text reaches as far as i. 

573, ff. Another section of it (viii. 4. i. 

5-20), treating of roval inausrura- * See I. St., i. 388, ff. 

lions, had previously been edited by 34 This Aitareyopanishad, amongst 

Schonborn (Berlin, 1862). others, has been edited (with Sam- 

33 b The first fasciculus of an edi- kara's commentary) and translated 

tion, toirether with Sayana's com- by Roer, Bill. Ind., vii. 143, ff. 

menrary, of the Aitareya-Aranyaka, (Calc. 1850), xv. 28, ff. (1853). 
liy< Rajendra Leila Mitra, has just 


some definite form or other, always however retaining his 
name. It is in this way that we have to account for the fact of 
our finding the authors of works that have been handed down 
to us, mentioned in these works themselves. For the rest, 
the doctrines of Aitareyamust have found especial favour, 
and his pupils have been especially numerous ; for we find 
his name attached to the Brahmana as well as the Aran- 
yaka. With respect to the former, however, no reasons 
can for the present be assigned, while for the fourth 
book of the Aranyaka we have the direct information that 
it belongs to As"valayana,* the pupil of Saunaka; nay, 
this S.mnaka himself appears to have passed for the 
author of the fifth book, according to Colebrooke's state- 
ments on the subject, Misc. Ess., i. 47, n. The name of 
Aitareya is not traceable anywhere in the Brahmanas; 
he is first mentioned in the Chhandogyopanishad. The 
earliest allusion to the school of the Aitareyins is in the 
Sama-Sutras. To judge from the repeated mention of 
them in the third book, the family of the Mandukas, or 
Mandukeyas, must also have been particularly active in 
the development of the views there represented. Indeed, 
we find them specified later as one of the five schools of 
the Rigveda; yet nothing bearing their name has been 
preserved except an extremely abstruse Upanishad, and 
the Manduki-Siksha, a grammatical treatise. The former, 
however, apparently only belongs to the Atharvan, and 
exhibits completely the standpoint of a rigid system. The 
latter might possibly be traced back to the Mandukeya 
who is named here as well as in the Rik-Pratis'akhya. 

The contents of the Aitareya-Aranyaka, as we now 
have it, 35 supply no direct c.lue to the time of its composi- 

* I find an Asvala'yana-Bra'hm.a'y.a tlie high importance of those f ami - 
also quoted, but am unable to give liar with them. Among the names 
any particulars regarding it. [In mentioned in the course of the work, 
a MS. of the Ait. Ar., India Office Agnivesydyana is of significance on 
Library, 986, the entire work is account of its formation. The in- 
described at the end as Asvaldyanok- teresting passages on the three 
tarn Aranyakam.} jxithas of the Veda, nirbhvja = gam- 

35 See' /. St., 1.387-392. lam ^tdpdtha, pratrmna = padapdtha, 

now in possession ot the complete *ndub/iayamantarena = kramapd(ha, 

text, hut have nothing material to are discussed by M. Miiller on Rik- 

add to the above remarks. Great 1 rilfc -' ' 2-4(see also ibid., Nachtrwje, 

stress is laid upon keeping the par- P* **/ 
ticular doctrines secret, and upon 


tion, other than the one already noticed, namely, that in 
the second chapter of the second book the extant arrange- 
ment of the Rik-Samhita is given. Again, the number 
of teachers individually mentioned is very great, particu- 
larly in the third book among them are two Sakalyas, a 
Krishna Harita, a Panchalachanda and this may be con- 
sidered as an additional proof of its more recent origin, a 
conclusion already implied by the spirit and form of the 
opinions enunciated. 33 

The Kaushitakaranyaka, in its present form, consists of 
three books ; but it is uncertain whether it is complete. 37 
It was only recently that I lighted upon the two first 
books.* These deal rather with ritual than with specula- 
tion. The third book is the so-called Kamhitaky-Upani- 
shad,^ a work of the highest interest and importance. Its 
first adhydya gives us an extremely important account of 
the ideas held with regard to the path to, and arrival in, 
the world of the blessed, the significance of which in 
relation to similar ideas of other races is not yet quite 
apparent, but it promises to prove very rich in information. 
The second adhydya gives us in the ceremonies which it 
describes, amongst othur things, a very pleasing picture of 
the warmth and tenderness of family ties at that period. 
The third adhydya is of inestimable value in connection 
with the history and development of the epic myth, inas- 
much as it represents Indra battling with the same powers 
of nature that Arjuna in the epic subdues as evil demons. 
Lastly, the fourth adhydya contains the second recension 
of a legend which also appears, under a somewhat different 

56 The circumstance here empha- 9 gives the rivalry of the senses 

sised maybe used to support the (like Satnp. Br, 14. 9. 2). 
very opposite view; indeed I have * See Catalogue of the Berlin 

so represented it in the similar case Skr. MSS., p. 19, n. 82. 
of the l-idtyayana-Sutra (see below). f See /. St., i. 392-420. It would 

This latter view now appears to me be very desirable to know on what 

to have more in its favour. Poley's assertion is founded, " that 

37 A manuscript sent to Berlin the Kaushitaki-Brdhmana consists 

by Biihler (MS, Or. foL 630) of the of nine adhydyas, the first, seventh, 

' Sdnkhdyana-Aranyaka ' (as it is eighth, and ninth of which form the 

there called) presents it in 15 adky- Kaushitaki-Bra'hmana-Upanishad." 

dyas;, the first two correspond to I have not succeeded in finding any 

Ait. Ar. i., v. ; adliy. 3-6 are made statement to this effect elsewhere, 

up of the Kaush. tip.,; adky. 7, 8 [See now Cowell's Preface, p. vii., 

correspond to Ait. Ar. iii.; adky. to his edition of the Kaush. Up. in 

tlie Bill. Ind.] 


form, in the Aranyaka of the White Yajus, the legend, 
namely, of the instruction of a Brahman, who is very wise 
in his own esteem, by a warrior called Ajatatfatru, king of 
Kasi. This Upanishad is also peculiarly rich in geogra- 
phical data, throwing light upon its origin. Thus the 
name of Chitra Gangyayani, the wise king in the first 
adhydya who instructs Arum, clearly points to the Ganga. 
According to ii. 10, the northern and southern mountains, 
i.e., Himavant and Vindhya, enclose in the eyes of the 
author the whole of the known world, and the list of the 
neighbouring tribes in iv. i perfectly accords with this. 
That, moreover, this Upanishad is exactly contemporaneous 
with the Vrihad- Aranyaka of, the White Yajus is proved 
by the position of the names Aruni, $vetaketu, Ajata^atru, 
Gargya Balaki, and by the identity of the legends about 
the latter. [See I. St., i. 392-420.] f 

We have an interpretation of both Aranyakas, that, is to 
say, of the second and third books of the Aitareya-Aran- 
yaka, and of the third book of the Kaushitaki- Aranyaka 
in the commentary of Samkaracharya, a teacher who lived 
about the eighth century A.D., 38 and who w r as of the 
highest importance for the Vedanta school. For not 
only did he interpret all the Yedic texts, that is, all the 
Upanishads, upon which that school is founded, he also 
commented on the Vedanta-Siitra itself, besides composing 
a number of smaller works with a view to elucidate and 
establish the Vedanta doctrine. His explanations, it is 
true, are often forced, from the fact of their having to 
accommodate themselves to the Yedanta system; still 
they are of high importance for us. Pupils of his, Anan- 
dajnana, Anandagiri, Anandatirtha, and others, in their 
turn composed glosses on his commentaries. Of most of 
these commentaries and glosses we are now in possession, 
as they have been recently edited, together with their 
Upanishads, by Dr. Eoer, Secretary to the Asiatic Society 
of Bengal, in the Bibliotlieca Indica, a periodical appearing 
under the auspices of that Society, and devoted exclusively 

5)8 Sarnkara's date has not, uiifor- called a Saiva, or follower of Siva, 

tunately, been more accurately ne- In bis works, however, he appears 

termined as yet. He passes at the as a worshipper of Va"sudeva, whom 

eiime time for a zealous adversary he puts forward as the real incarna- 

f the Buddhists, and is therefore tiou or representative of braltman. 


to the publication of texts. Unfortunately the Kaushf- 
taki-Upanishad is not yet among the number, neither 
is the Maitrayany-Upanishad, of which we have to speak 
in the sequel. It is, however, to be hoped that we shall 
yet receive both. 39 And may yet a third, the Vashkala- 
Upanishad, be recovered and added to the list of these 
Upanishads of the Rik ! It is at present only known to 
us through Anquetil Duperron's Oupnckhat, ii. 366-371 ; 
the original must therefore have been extant at the time 
of the Persian translation (rendered into Latin by Anque- 
til) of the principal Upanishads (1656). The Vashkala- 
Sruti is repeatedly mentioned by Sayana. We have seen 
above that a particular recension of the Rik-Samhita, 
which has likewise been lost, is attributed to the Vash- 
kalas. This Upanishad is therefore the one sorry relic 
left to us of an extensive cycle of literature. It rests 
upon a legend repeatedly mentioned in the Brahmanas, 
which in substance, and one might almost say in name 
also, corresponds to the Greek legend of Gany-Medes. 
Medhatithi, the son of Kanva, is carried up to heaven by 
liidra, who has assumed the form of a ram, and during 
their flight he inquires of Indra who he is. Indra, in 
reply, smilingly declares himself to be the All-god, identi- 
fying himself with the universe. As to the cause of the 
abduction, he goes on to say that, delighted with Medha- 
tithi's penance, he desired to conduct him into the right 
path leading to truth ; he must therefore have no further 
misgiving. With regard to the date of this Upanishad, 
nothing more definite can of course at present be said 
than that its general tenor points to a tolerably high 
antiquity. 40 

We now descend to the last stage in the literature of 
the Rigveda, viz.^ to its Sutras. 

First, of the Srauta-Sutras, or text-books of the, sacri- 
ficial rite. Of these we possess two, the Sutra of Asvala- 
yana in 12 adhydyas, and that of Saiikhayana in 18 

39 Both have now been published Maitri-TJp. with that of Rdmatirtha 

and translated by Cowell in the (1863-69). 

Bibliotheca Indica. The Kaush.-Up. 4U See now my special paper on the 

(C'alc. 1861) is accompanied with subject in I. St., ix. 38-42 ; the ori- 

the comm. of Sainkaninanda, the ginul text has not yet been met with, 


adh'ijuyas. The former connects itself with the Aitareya- 
Brahuiana, the latter with the Sankhayana-Brahmana, and 
from these two works frequent literal quotations are re- 
spectively borrowed. From this circumstance alone, as 
well as from the general handling of the subject, we might 
infer that these Sutras are of comparatively recent origin ; 
and direct testimony is not wanting to establish the fact. 
Thus the name Asvalayana is probably to be traced back 
to Asvala, whom we find mentioned in the Aranyaka of 
the White Yajus as the Hotar of Jauaka, king of Videha 
(see /. St., i. 441). Again, the formation of the word by 
the affix ayana* probably leads us to the time of estab- 
lished schools (ayana) ? However this may be, names 
formed in this way occur but seldom in the Brahmanas 
themselves, and only in their latest portions ; in general, 
therefore, they always betoken a late period. We find 
corroboration of this in the data supplied by the contents 
of the AsValayana-Siitra. Among the teachers there 
quoted is an Asmarathya, whose kalpa (doctrine) is con- 
sidered by the scholiast on Panini, iv. 3. 105, probably 
following the Mahabhashya., 41 as belonging to the new 
kalpas implied in this rule, in contradistinction to the old 
kalpas. If, then, the authorities quoted by Asvalayana 
were regarded as recent, Asvalayana himself must of 
course have been still more modern; and therefore we 
conclude, assuming this statement to originate from the 
Mahabhashya, 41 that Asvalayana was nearly contemporane- 
ous with Panini. Another teacher quoted by ASvalayana, 
Taulvali, is expressly mentioned by Panini (ii. 4. 61) as 
belonging to the prdnchas, or " dwellers in the east." At 
the end there is a specially interesting enumeration of the 
various Brahmana-families, and their distribution among 
the family stems of Bhrigu, Afigiras, Atri, VisVamitra, 
Kasyapa, Vasishtha, and Agastya. The sacrifices on the 
Sarasvati, of which I shall treat in the sequel, are here only 
briefly touched upon, and this with some differences in the 

* As in the case of Agnivesyd- kdyana (?), Ldmakdyana, VdrsliTjf- 

yana, AlumbdynnA, Aiti&tyana, Art yani, Sdkatdyana, Ji-idnkhdyana, ^d- 

(lumbarayana, Kdndamdyana, Kd- ^ydyana, Sdndilydyana, Sdlamkdyana, 

tyayaiia, Klidddyana, Drdhydyana, Saitydyana, Saulvdyana, &c. 
Pidkslidynn-i, Bddardyana, Miindukd- 41 The name is not known in the 

yaiia, lidudyana, Ldtydyaua, Ldbu- Mahdbhdshya, see /. St., xiii. 455. 


names, which may well be considered as later corruptions. 
We have also already seen that Asvalayana is the author 
of the fourth book of ^the Aitareya-Aranyaka, as also that 
he was the pupil of Saunaka, who is stated to have de- 
stroyed his own Sutra in favour of his pupil's work. 

The Sutra of Sankhayana wears in general a somewhat 
more ancient aspect, particularly in the fifteenth and six- 
teenth books, where it assumes the appearance of a Brah- 
mana. The seventeenth and eighteenth books are a later 
addition, and are also ranked independently, and sepa- 
rately commented upon. They correspond to the first two 
books of the Kaushitaki-Aranyaka. 

From my but superficial acquaintance with them, I am 
not at present in a position to give more detailed informa- 
tion as to the contents and mutual relation of these two 
Sutras. 42 My conjecture would be that their differences 
may rest upon local grounds also, and that the Sutra of 
Asvalayana, as well as the Aitareya-Brahmana, may, be- 
long to the eastern part of Hindustan ; the Sutra of Sali- 
khayana, on the contrary, like his Brahmana, rather to 
the western.* The order of the ceremonial is pretty much 
the same in both, though the great sacrifices of the kings, 
&c., v\z.,vdjapcya (sacrifice for the prospering of the means 
of subsistence), rdjasuya (consecration of the king), asva- 
medka (horse sacrifice), purushamedha (human sacrifice), 
sarvamcdha (universal sacrifice), are handled by Sankha- 
yana with far more minuteness. 

For Asvalayana I find mention made of a commentary 
by Nurayana, 43 the son of Krishnajit, a grandson of 
Siipati. A namesake of his, but son of Pasupatisarman, 

42 The Asvalityana-Siitra has since 43 Tins is a confusion. Theabove- 

been printed, Bill. Ind. (Calc. 1864- named Niintyana wrote a common- 

74), accompanied with the coiimi. tury upon the Saukliilyaiia-Gfihya ; 

of N.iniyana Giirjrya, edited by liaina- but the one who commented the 

Xaniynna and Anandachundra. A Asvalayana-Srauta-Stitra calls him- 

special comparison of it, with tbe self in the introduction a son of 

Saiikhayana-Siitra is still wanting. Karnsinha, just as Ndniyann, the 

Buhler, Catalogue of AISS. from commentator of the Uttara-Nai- 

Crtijardt, i. 154 (1871), cites a com- shadhiya, does, who, according to 

mentary by Devatnita on the Asv. tradition (Roer, Pref., p. viii., 1855), 

Sr. S., likewise a partial one l>y lived some five hundred years ago. 

Vidyaranya. Are these two to he regarded as one 

'Perhaps to the Naimisha fo- and the snmepersou? fciee /. Sir., 

rest (?}. See below, p. 59. 2, 298 (1869). 


composed a, paddhati ('outlines') to Saiikhayana, after the 
example of one Brahmadatta. When lie lived is uncer- 
tain, but we may with some probability assign him to the 
sixteenth century. According to his own statements he 
was a native of Malayade^a. Further, for the Sutra of 
S.iiikhdyaua we have the commentary of Varadattasuta 
Anarttiya. Three of its adhydyas were lost, and have 
been supplied by Dasas'arman Munjasuriu, viz., the ninth, 
tenth, and eleventh. 44 On the last two adhydyas, xvii., 
xviii., there is a commentary by Govinda. That these 
commentaries were preceded by others, which, however, 
have since t been lost, is obvious, and is besides expressly 
stated by Anarttiya. 

Of the Grihya-Stitras of the Rigveda we likewise only 
possess two, those of Asvalayana (in four adhydyas) and 
of Suiikhayana (in six adhydyas). That of Sauuaka is 
indeed repeatedly mentioned, but it does not seem to be 
any longer in existence. 

However widely they may differ as to details, the con- 
tents of the two works are essentially identical, especially 
as regards the order and distribution of the matter. They 
treat mainly, as I have already stated (p. 17), of the 
ceremonies to be performed in the various stages of con- 
jugal and family life, before and after a birth, at marriage, 
at the time of and after a death. Besides these, however, 
manners and customs of the most diverse character are 
depicted, and " in particular, the sayings and formulas to 
be uttered on different occasions bear the impress of a very 
high antiquity, and frequently carry us back into the time 
when Brahmanism had not yet been developed" (see 
Stenzler in /. St., ii. 159). It is principally popular and 
superstitious notions that are found in them ; thus, we are 
pointed to star-worship, to astrology, portents, and witch- 
craft, and more especially to the adoration and propitia- 
tion of the evil powers in nature, the averting of their 
malign influence, &c. It is especially in the pitritarpana, 
or oblation to the Manes, that we find a decisive proof of 

44 Sections 3-5 of the fourth book Streiter (1861) ; the variants pre- 

hav* been published by Donner in seuted therein to the parallel pas- 

liis Pindapitriyajna (Berlin, 1870), sage in the Ait. Bnthm. had already 

and the section relating to the le- been given by M. Miiller, A. '. L., 

gend of Suuahsepa (xv. 17-27) by p. 573, tf, 


the modern composition of these works, as the forefathers 
are there enumerated individually by name a custom 
which, although in itself it may be very ancient (as we 
find a perfect analogy to it in the Yeshts and Nerengs of 
the Parsis), yet in this particular application belongs to a 
very recent period, as is apparent from the names them- 
selves. For not only are the Rishis of the Rik-Samhita 
cited in their extant order, but all those names are like- 
wise mentioned which we encounter as particularly signi- 
ficant in the formation of the different schools of the Rik, 
as well as in connection with its Brahmanas and Sutras ; 
for example, Vashkala, Sakalya, Mandukeya, Aitareya, 
Paiiigya, Kaushitaka, Saunaka, AsValayana, and ankha- 
yana themselves, &c. Joined to these, we find other 
names with which we are not yet otherwise acquainted, 
as also the names of three female sages, one of whom, 
Gargf Vachaknavi, meets us repeatedly in the Vrihad- 
Aranyaka of the White Yajus, as residing at the court of 
Janaka. The second 45 is unknown ; but the name of the 
third, Sulabha Maitreyi, is both connected with this very 
Janaka in the legends of the Alaha-Bharata,* and also 
points us to the Saulabhdni Brdhmandni, quoted by the 
scholiast on Panini, iv. 3. 105, probably on the authority 
of the Mahabhashya, 46 as an instance of the 'modern' 
Brahmanas implied by this rule. Immediately after the 
Rishis of the Rik-Samhita, we find mention of other names 
and works which have not yet been met with in any other 
part of Vedic literature. In the Saiikhayana-Grihya we 
have these: Sumantu-Jaimini- Vaisampdyana-Paila-s'&tra- 
Ihdskya [-Gdryya-Uabhru] . . .; and in the AsValayana- 
Grihya these : Sumantu-Jaimini-Vaisampdyana-Paila- 
sutra-Widrata-mahdbhdrata-dliarmdclidrydhtf The latter 

45 Her name is Vsidavd Pra*ti- They are tliere cited a second time 
theyi; a teacher called PratWii is also, to Pa"n., iv. 2. 68, and are ex- 
mentioned in the Vausa-Briilunani plained Ky Kaiya^a as Sulabhena 
of the Siimaveda. prnktAni. 

* [Cf. S.imkara's statements as to 47 The word b/tdshya is to be in- 

this in Ved. Sdtrabh, to iii. 3. 32, serted above between siitra and bhd- 

V- 915, ed. lUma Na"niy;ma.] J5uil- rata; though wanting in the MS. 

dha's uncle is called by' the Hud- used by me at the time when I 

dhists Sulabha ; see Scliiefner, Le- wro'e, it ig found in all the other 

ben d f * Sdkyamuni, p. 6. MS.S, 

* a^s on tliia /. .&., xiii. 429. 


passage is evidently the more modern, and although we 
must not suppose that the Maha-Bharata in its present 
form is here referred to, still, in the expression " Vaisam- 
pdyano mahdblidratdchdryaJi," apparently indicated by this 
passage, there must at all events be implied a work of 
some compass, treating of the same legend, and there- 
fore forming the basis of our extant text. The passage 
seems also to indicate that the same material had already 
been handled a second time by Jaimini, whose work, 
however, can have borne but a distant resemblance to the 
Jaimini-Bharata of the present day. We shall find in 
the sequel frequent confirmation of the fact that the origin 
of the epic and the systematic development of Vedic litera- 
ture in its different schools belong to the same period. Of 
a Sutra by Sumantu, and a Dharma by Paila, we have no 
knowledge whatever. It is only in more modern times, 
in the Puranas and in the legal literature proper, that I 
find a work attributed to Sumantu, namely, a Smriti- 
Sastra; while to Paila (whose name appears from Pan. 
iv. i . 1 1 8) is ascribed the revelation of the Rigveda a 
circumstance which at least justifies the inference that he 
played a special part in the definitive completion of its 
school development. It is, however, possible to give a 
wholly different interpretation of the passage from Asva- 
layanu ; and in my opinion it would be preferable to do so. 
We may divest the four proper names of any special rela- 
tion to the names of the four works, and regard the two 
groups as independent, 48 as we must evidently asstime 
them to be in the Sankhayaiia-Grihya.* If this be done, 
then what most readily suggests itself in connection with 
the passage is the manner in which the Puranas apportion 

48 This interpretation becomes tinction to one another, just as in 

imperative after the rectification of the Prdtisdkhya of the Black Yajua 

the text (see the previous note), (ii. 12) we tind chhandasanA bkdslid, 

according to which no longer four, and in Ydska anvadhydya and 

but five names of works are in ques- bhdxhd. We must, therefore, under- 

tion. stand by it ' works in bhds/ui,' 

* What is meant in the latter though the meaning of the word 

[and cf. note 47 in the As>. Grill. ' 8 ' iere more developed than in the 

too] by the word bhdshya, appears works just mentioned, and ap- 

froin the Pra'tisdkhya of the White proaches the sense in which Pa"nini 

Yajus, where (i.i. 19, 20) vedeshu a.i\d uses it. I shall return to the sub- 

Ihdtshye-ihu are found in contradis- j ect further on. 


the revelation of the several Vedas; inasmuch as they 
assign the Atharvaveda to Sumantu, the Samaveda to 
Jaimini, the Yajurveda to VaiiSampayana, and the Rigveda 
to Paila. But in either case we must assume with Roth, 
who first pointed out the passage in Alvalayana (op. c., p. 
27), that this passage, as well as the one in Suiikhayana, 
has been touched up by later interpolation ; 49 otherwise 
the dates of these two Grihya-Sutras would be brought 
down too far ! For although, from the whole tenor of both 
passages, that in the Asvalayana-Grihya, as well as that in 
the &inkhayana-Grihya which for the rest present other 
material discrepancies of detail it is sufficiently clear 
that they presuppose the literature of the Rigveda as 
entirely closed, still the general attitude of both works 
sho\vs their comparatively ancient origin. The question 
whether any connection exists between the Smriti-Sastra 
of Sankha and the Grihya-Sutra of Siiikhayana, remains 
still unanswered. 

For both Grihya-Sutras there are commentaries by the 
same Narayana who commented the Srauta-Siitra of AsVa- 
layana. 50 They probably belong to the fifteenth century.* 
There are, besides, as in the case of the Srauta-Siitras, 

__ K 

49 We find tlie Suniantii-Jaimini- comm. of the Sankh. Grihya, ; son of 
Vaisampdyana - 1'ailddyd dchdrydh Krislinnjit, and grandson of Sripati. 
quoted a second time in the Slfikh. (Tliis third Ndr. lived A.D. 1538; see 
G., in its last section (vi. 6), which Catalogue of the Berlin MssS., p. 
is probably of later origin ; and here, 354, r sub No. 1282.) The text of 
without any doubt, the reference is the AsVal. Grihya has been edited 
to the same distribution of the four by Stenzler, with a translation (In- 
Vedas among the above-named per- discke JIausrcr/e/n, 1864-65) ; the 
Bonages which occurs iu the Vishnu- text, with >.'arayana's comtn., by 
Puran i, iii. 4. 8, 9. Both times the Rdman.irayana and Anandachandra, 
representative of the Atharvan in Bibl. Ind. (1866-69). The see- 
comes first, that of the Rik last, tions relating to marriage ceremo- 
wlik'h in a Rik text serves as a clear nies have been edited by Haas, /. 
proof that we have here to do with Ft., v. 283, ff. ; those relating to 
later appendages. A similar prece- funeral riies, by Miiller, Z. D. M. 
dence is given to the Atharvaveda in Cr'.,'ix. 

the Muhabhashya ; cf. /. St., xiii. * Two glosses on Samkara's com- 

431. mentaryon the Pra.snopanishad and 

50 This is a mistake, see note the Mnndikopanishad bear the same 
43; all three Niirayanas must be name, so that possibly the author of 
kept distinct. The commentator of them ig identical with the above- 
the Asval. Sr. S. calls himself a named NaYayana. Ace. to what has 
Giirgya, and son of Narasinha ; tlie just been remarked in note 50, this 
comm. of the Asval. Grihya, a Xai- must appear ct, priori very doubtful, 
dhruva, and son of Divakara ; the aince a considerable number of other 


many small treatises in connection with the Grihya- 
Siitras, some of them being summaries, in which the larger 
works are reduced to system. Among them is a Paddhati 
to the Sankhayana-Grihya by Ramachandra, who lived in 
the Naimisha forest in the middle of the fifteenth century; 
and I am inclined to think that this Naimisha forest was 
the birthplace of the Sutra itself. It is perhaps for this 
reason that the tradition connected with it was so well 
preserved in that district. 

The extant PrMisdkhya-Sutra of the Rik-Samhita is 
ascribed to Saunaka, who has been repeatedly mentioned 
already, and who was the teacher of Asvalayana. This 
extensive work is a metrical composition, divided into 
three kdndas, of six patalas each, and containing 103 
kandikds in all. The first information regarding it was 
given by Eoth, op. c., p. 53, ff. According to tradition, it 
is of more ancient origin than the Sutras of Asvalayana 
just mentioned, which only purport to be written by the 
pupil of this Saunaka ; but whether it really was composed 
by the latter, or whether it is not much more probably 
merely the work of his school, must for the present remain 
undecided. The names quoted in it are in part identical 
with those met with in Yciska's Nirukti and in the Sutra 
of Panini. The contents of the work itself are, however, 
as yet but little known &1 in their details. Of special in- 
terest are those passages which treat of the correct and 
incorrect pronunciation of words in general. There is an 
excellent commentary on it by tlata, which professes in 
the introduction to be a remodelling of an earlier com- 
mentary by Vishnuputra. The Upalckha is to be con- 

authors bear the same name. But he is probably identical with the 

in this particular case we are able author of the dipikd on the small 

to bring forward definite reasons Atharvopanishads published in the 

against this identification. The Bibl. Jnd. in 1872, who (ibid., p. 

glossarist of the Prasnop. was called 393) is called Khatta Ndrdyana, and 

Adrdyanendra according to 1. tit. , son of Bhatta Ratnakara.] 

1.470; according to the note, ibid., 51 We are now in possession of 

i. 439, Ndn'yann Sarasvati ; accord- two editions of this most important 

ing to Aut'recht, Catalogue of the work, text and translation, with 

Oxford MSS., p. 366 (1859-64), elucidatory notes, by Ad. Kegnier 

rather Rdyanmdrataratvat/l (!). The (Paris, 1857-58), and M. Miiller 

glossarist of the Mundakop., on the (Leipzig, 1856-69) ; see /. Sir., ii. 

other hand, was, according to /. St., 94, it'., 127, ff., 159, ff'. ; Lit. Ccn- 

i. 470, called Xdi-dyanabha (fa; and tralblatt, 1870, p. 530. 


sidered as an epitome of the Pratis"akhya- Sutra, and to 
some extent as a supplement to it [specially to chapters 
x. xi.]. It is a short treatise, numbered among the 
Parisishtas (supplements) ; and it has in its turn been 
repeatedly commented upon. 52 

A few other treatises have still to be noticed here, which, 
although they bear the high-sounding name of Veddngas, 
or ' members of the Veda/ are yet, as above stated (p. 25), 
only to be looked upon as later supplements to the litera- 
ture of the Rigveda : the Sikshd, the Chhandas, and the 
Jyotisha. All three exist in a double recension according 
as they profess to belong to the Rigveda or to the Yajur- 
veda. The Chhandas is essentially alike in both recen- 
sions, and we have to recognise in it the Sutra on prosody 
ascribed to Pingala. 53 It is, moreover, like both the other 
treatises, of very recent origin. We have a proof of this, 
for instance, in the fact that, in the manner peculiar to 
the Indians, it expresses numbers by words, 54 and feet by 
letters, and that it treats of the highly elaborated metres, 
which are only found in modern poetry. 55 The part deal- 
ing with Vedic metres may perhaps be more ancient. The 
teachers quoted in it bear in part comparatively ancient 

82 Edited by W. Pertsch (Berlin, e3 Edited and commented by my- 

1854) ; this tract treats of the krama- self in /. St., viii. (1863); the" text, 

jiiitha, an extended form of the pa- together witli the commentary of 

dapdtha, which at the same time Haldyudha, edited by VisVansttha- 

gives the text in the samhitd form, &istrin in J3M. Indica (1871-74). 

namely, each word twice, first joined 54 See Albinini's account in Woep- 

with the preceding, and then with cke's Memoire sur la propagation 

the following word (thus : ab, be, cd, des chiffres indicns, p. IO2, if. (1863). 

de . . .). There are also other still Burnell, Elcm. of S. 1, Palaogr., 

more complicated modes of reciting p. 58. 

the Veda, as to which cf. Thibautin S5 On the other hand, there are 

his edition of the Jatipatala (1870), metres taught in this work which 

p. 3^) ff- 'l'' ie n(;x t step, called but rarely occur in modern litera- 

jatd, exhibits the text in the follow- ture, and which must be looked 

insr manner : ab ba ab, be cb be, and upon as obsolete and out of fashion. 

MSS. of this kind have actually Therefore, in spite of what has been 

been preserved, e.g., in the case of said above, we must carry back the 

the Vajas. Sarnh. The following date of its composition to a period 

step, called ghana, is said to be still about simultaneous with the close 

in use; cf. lihand irkar, Indian An- of the Vedic Sutra literature, or the 

ti'/iiary, iii. 133 ; Hang, Utber das commencement of the astronomical 

Wesen des vedischen Accents, p. 58 ; and algebraical literatures; see/. St., 

it runs : a& ba abc cba abr, be cb be viii. 173, 178. 
bed deb bed. 


names. These are : Kraushtuki, Tandin, Yaska, Saitava, 
Rata, and Mandavya. The recensions most at variance 
with each other are those of the Siksha and Jyotisha 
respectively. The former work is in both recensions 
directly traced to Panini, the latter to Lagadha, or Lagata, 
an otherwise unknown name in Indian literature.* Besides 
the Paniniya Siksha, there is another bearing the name of 
the Mandiikas, which therefore may more directly follow 
the Rik, and which is at any rate a more important work 
than the former. As a proof of the antiquity of the name 
'Siksha' for phonetic investigations, we may adduce the 
circumstance that in the Taitt. Arany., vii. i, \ye find a 
section beginning thus : " we will explain the Siksha ; " 
whereupon it gives the titles of the topics of the oral 
exposition which we may suppose to have been connected 
therewith (1. St., ii. 211), and which, to judge by these 
titles, must have embraced letters, accents, quantity, arti- 
culation, and the rules of euphony, that is to say, the same 
subjects discussed in the two existing Sikshas. 56 

Of the writings called Anukramani, in which the 
metre, the deity, and the author of each song are given in 
their proper order, several have come down to us for^the 
Rik-Samhita, including an Anuvdkdnukramani by Sau- 
naka, and a Sarvdnukramani by Katyayana. 57 For both 
of these we have an excellent commentary by Shadguru- 

* Reinaud in his Memoire tur M The Pnniniyd Sikshd has been 

I'Inde, pp. 331, 332, adduces from printed with a translation in /. St., 

Albiruni a Lata, who passed for the iv. 345-371 (1858); on the numerous 

author of the old Surya-Siddhdnta ; other treatises bearing the same 

might he not be identical with this name, see Kdjendra Lala Mitra, 

Lagadha, Lagata? According to Notices of Sanskrit MSS., i. 71, ff. 

Colebr., L'ss., ii. 409, Brahmagupta (1870), Burnell, Catalogue of Vcdic 

quotes a Lddlidcharya ; this name ill SS., pp. 8, 42 (1870), my essay on 

also could be traced to Lagadha. the (1872), pp. 70-74; 

[By Suryadeva, a scholiast of Arya- specially on the Mdnduki Siksha', pp. 

bhata, the author of the Jyotisha is 106-112; Haug, Ueber dus Wescn 

cited under the name of Lagadu- des vedischcn Accents,^ p. 53, ff. 

chdrya ; see Kern, Preface to the (1873), on the Ndrada-Sikshd, ibid., 

Aryabhatiya, p. ix., 1874. An edi- 57, it'., and lastly Kielhorn, /. St., 

tiou of the text of the Jyotisha, to- xiv. 160. 

gether with extracts from Somd- 87 In substance published by 

kara's commentary and explanatory Miiller in the sixth volume of his 

notes, was published by me in 1862 large edition of the Rik, pp. 621- 

under the title : Ueber den Vedaka- 671. 
lender, Namcns Jyotitham.] 


Sishya, whose time is unknown, 53 as also his real name. 
The names of the six teachers from whom he took this 
surname are enumerated by himself; they are Vinayaka, 
TriSulanka, Govinda, Surya, Vyasa, and Sivayogin, and he 
connects their names with those of the corresponding 
deities. Another work belonging to this place, the Bri- 
haddevata, has been already mentioned (p. 24), as attri- 
buted to Saunaka, and as being of great importance, con- 
taining as it does a rich store of mythical fables and 
legends. From Kuhn's communications on the subject 
(/. St., i. 101-120), it appears that this work is of tolerably 
late origin, as it chiefly follows Yaska's Nirukta, and pro- 
bably therefore only belongs to Saunaka in the sense of 
having proceeded from his school. It mentions a few 
more teachers, in addition to those quoted by Yaska, as 
Bhaguri and Asvalayana ; and it also presupposes, by fre- 
quently quoting them, the existence of the Aitareyaka, 
Bhallavi-Brahmana, and Nidana-Sutra. As the author 
strictly adheres to the order of the hymns observed in the 
Samhita, it results that in the recension of the text used 
by him there were a few deviations from that of the 
Sakalas which has been handed down to us. In fact, he 
here and there makes direct reference to the text of the 
Vashkalas, to which, consequently, he must also have had 
access. Lastly, we have to mention the writings called 
JRigvidhdna, &c., which, although some of them bear the 
name of Saunaka, probably belong only to the time of the 
Puranas. They treat of the mystic and magic efficacy of 
the recitation of the hymns of the Rik, or even of single 
verses of it, and the like. There are, likewise, a number 
of other similar Parisishtas (supplements) / under various 
names ; for instance, a Bahvricha-Paris'ishta, Sankhayana-P., 
Asvalayana-Grihya-1'., &c. 

58 His work was composed towards about 1187 A.D. cf. I. St,, viii. l6o, 
the close of the twelfth century, n. (1863). 


I now turn to the Sdmavcda* 

The Samhitd of the Samaveda is an anthology taken 
from the Rik-Samhita, comprising those of its verses 
which were intended to be chanted at the ceremonies of 
the Soma sacrifice. Its arrangement would seem to be 
guided by the order of the Rik-Samhita ; but here, as in 
the case of the two Samhitas of the Yajus, we must not 
think to find any continuous connection. Properly speak- 
ing, each verse is to be considered as standing by itself: it 
only receives its real sense when taken in connection with 
the particular ceremony to which it belongs. So stands 
the case at least in the first part of the Sama-Samhita. 
This is divided into six prapdthaJcas, each of which f con- 
sists of ten dasats or decades, of ten verses each, a division 
which existed as early a? the time of the second part of 
the Satapatha-Brahmana, and within which the separate 
verses are distributed according to the deities to whom 
they are addressed. The first twelve decades contain in- 
vocations of Agni, the last eleven invocations of Soma, 
while the thirty-six intermediate ones are for the most 
part addressed to Indra. The second part of the Sama- 
Samhita, on the contrary, which is divided into nine pra- 
pdthakas, each of which again is subdivided into two or 
occasionally three sections, invariably presents several, 
usually three, verses closely connected with one another, 
and forming an independent group, the first of them having 
generally appeared already in the first part. The prin- 
ciple of distribution here is as yet obscure. 59 In the Sam- 
hita these verses are still exhibited in their n'c/t-form, 
although with the sdman-a,ccents ; but in addition to this 
we have four gdnas, or song-books, in which they appear 
in their tdman-foTHL For, in singing they were consider- 

* See 1. St., i. 28-66. use of which my example has 

t Except the last, which contains niisled Miiller also, History of 

only nine decades. A. S. L., p. 473, n., is wrong, see 

59 The first part of the Sainhitit is Monatsberickte derBcrl. Acad.,iS68, 

referred to under the names drc/ti&a, p. 238. According to Durga, the 

c/ihandas, clihandasikd, the second author of the pudapdtha of the 

as uttardrchika or uttard ; the de- Sdma-Sainhita was a Gdrgya ; see 

signation of the latter as staubhika Roth, Comin., p. 39 (respecting this 

(see /. St., i. 29, 30, 66), into the family, see /. St., xiii. 411). 


ably altered by the prolongation and repetition of the 
syllables, by the insertion of additional syllables, serving 
as a rest for the chanting, and so forth ; and only thus 
were they transformed into sdmans. Two of these song- 
books, the Grdmageya-gdna (erroneously called Vcya- 
gdna), in seventeen prapdthakas, and the Aranya-gdna. 
in six prapdthakas, follow the order of the richas contained 
in the first part of the Samhita; the former being intended 
for chanting in the grdmas, or inhabited places, the latter 
for chanting in the forest. Their order is fixed in a com- 
paratively very ancient Anukramanf, which even bears 
the name of Brahmana, viz., Rishi-Brdhmatw. The other 
twoffdnas, the UJia-gdna, in twenty- three prapdthakas, and 
the fjhya-gdna, in six prapdthakas, follow the order of the 
richas contained in the second part of the Samhita. Their 
mutual relation here still requires closer investigation. 
Each such sdman evolved out of a rich has a special tech- 
nical name, which probably in most cases originated from 
the first inventor of the form in question, is often, how- 
ever, borrowed from other considerations, and is usually 
placed in the manuscripts before the text itself. As each 
rich can be chanted in a great variety of ways, in each of 
which it bears a particular name, the number of sdmans, 
strictly speaking, is quite unlimited, and is of course far 
greater than that of the ricJias contained in the Samhita. 
Of these latter there are 1 549,* of which all but seventy- 
eight have been traced in the Rik-Samhita. Most of them 
are taken from its eighth and ninth mandalas. 

I have already remarked (p. 9) upon the antiquity of 
the readings of the Sama- Samhita as compared with those 
of the Rik-Samhita. It follows from this almost with 

* Benfey [Einleituny, p. xix.] much as 249 of those occurring in 

erroneously states the number as the first part .are repeated in the 

1472, which I copied from him, T. second, three of them twice, while 

St., i. 29, 30. The above number is nine of the richas which occur in 

borrowed from a paper by Whitney, the second part only, appear twice, 

which will probably find a place in [See on this Whitney's detailed table 

the IndischeStudien. The total nurn- at the end of his Tabettarische Dar- 

ber of the richas contained in the sfel/uny der gcyenscitigcn Vet-halt- 

Sama-Siimhitii is 1810 (585 in the nisse dcr Samhiuis des Rik, Sdman, 

first, 1225 in the second part), froin Weisscn Yajus, und Atharvan, 7. .*><., 

which, however, 261 are to be de- ii. 321, ff., 363 (1853)]. 
ducted as mere repetitious, inus- 


certainty that the richas constituting the former were bor- 
rowed from the songs of the latter at a remote period, 
before their formation into a Rik-Samhita had as yet 
taken place ; so that in the interval they suffered a good 
deal of wearing down in the mouth of the people, which 
was avoided in the cass of the richas applied as sdmans, and 
so protected by being used in worship. The fact has also 
already been stated that no verses have been received into 
the Sama-Samhita from those songs of the Rik-Samhita 
which must be considered as the most modern. Thus we 
find no sdmans borrowed from the Purusha-Sukta, in the 
ordinary recensions at least, for the school of the Naigeyas 
has, in fact, incorporated the first five verses of it into the 
seventh prapdthaka of the first part a section which is 
peculiar to this school. The Sama-Samhita, being a purely 
derivative production, gives us no clue towards the deter- 
mination of its date. It has come down to us in two 
recensions, on the whole differing but little from each 
other, one of which belongs to the school of the Banayani- 
yas, the other to that of the Kauthunias. Of this latter 
the school of the Negas, or Naigeyas, alluded to above, is 
a subdivision, of which two Anukramanis at least, one ot 
the deities and one of the Rishis of the several verses, 
have been preserved to us. 60 Not one of these three 
names has as yet been traced in Vedic literature; it is 
only in the Sutras of the Samaveda itself that the first 
and second at least are mentioned, but even here the name 
of the Negas does not appear. The text of the Eanayani- 
yas was edited and translated, with strict reference to 
Sayana's commentary, by the missionary Stevenson in 
1842; since 1848 we have been in possession of another 
edition, furnished with a complete glossary and much 

60 The seventh pmpdthaka, which specially refers to the Aranyaka- 

is peculiar to it, has since been dis- Sarrihita, see Burnell, Catalogue of 

covered. It bears the title Aran- ^edt'c MSS. (1870), p. 39. Of the 

yaka-Samhita', and has been edited Aranyaka-gilna as well as of the 

by Siegfried Goldschmidt in Mo- Gramageya-gana we find,?&!'rf.,p. 49, 

natsberichte der Berl. Acad. 1868, pp. a text in the Jaimini-S\ikhil also. 

228-248. The editor points out that According to Itajendra Ldla Mitra 

the Aranya-giina is based upon the (Preface to Translation of Chhdnd. 

Archika of the Naigeya text (/. c., p. Up., p. 4), ' the Kauthuma (-&lkha) 

238), and that MSS. have probably is current in Guzerat, the Jaitm- 

been preserved of its uttardrchika niya in Karndtaka, and the llandya- 

also (p. 241). A London MS. of niya in Maharashtra.' 

l>haratasv;iui in's Saimvedavivanma E 


additional material, together with translation, which we 
owe to Professor Benfey, of Gottingen. 61 

Although, from its very nature, the Samhita of the 
Samaveda is poor in data throwing light upon the time of 
its origin, yet its remaining literature contains an abun- 
dance of these ; and first of all, the Brdhmanas. 

The first and most important of these is the Tdndi/a 
Brdlnnana, also called Panchavinsa, from its containing 
twenty-five books. Its contents, it is true, are in the 
main of a very dry and unprofitable character; for in 
mystic trifling it often exceeds all bounds, as indeed it 
was the adherents of the Samaveda generally who carried 
matters furthest in this direction. Nevertheless, from its 
great extent, this work contains a mass of highly interest- 
ing legends, as well as of information generally. It refers 
solely to tli e celebration of the Soma sacrifices, and to the 
chanting of the sdmans accompanying it, which are quoted 
by their technical names. These sacrifices were celebrated 
in a great variety of ways ; there is one special classifica- 
tion of them according as they extended over one day or 
several, or finally over more than twelve days. 62 The 
latter, called sattras, or sessions, could only be performed 
by Brahmaris, and that in considerable numbers, and might 
last 100 days, or even several years. In consequence of 
the great variety of ceremonies thus involved, each bears 
its own name, which is borrowed either from the object of 
its celebration, or the sage who was the first to celebrate 
it, or from other considerations. How far the order of the 
Samhita is here observed has not yet been investigated, 

61 Recently a new edition, like- is said to be still in existence in 

wise very meritorious, of the first Malabar ; see Host, /. St., ix. 

two books, the dr/ncyam and the ain- 176. 

dram parva, of the drchika (up to i. 62 To each Soma sacrifice belong 

5. 2. 3. 10), has been published by several (four at least) preparatory 

Satyavrata Samasramin, in the Bib- days ; these are not here taken into 

liotheca Indica (1871-74), aecom- account. The above division refers 

panied by the corresponding por- only to those days when Soma juice 

tions (jtrapdthakns i-\z] of the is expressed, that is, to the sutyd 

Geyagdna, and the complete com- days. Soma sacrifices having only 

rnentary of Sityana, and other illns- one such day are called ekdlta ; those 

irative matter. The division of the with from two to twelve, ahina. 

Siimans into parvans is first men- Sattras lasting a whole year, or even 

lioned by Pdraskarn, ii. 10 (adhyd- longer, are called ayana. For the 

l/ddin praltruydd, riskimukhdni bah- suiyd festival there are seven fundu- 

vrfafidndm, parrdni chhandoydndm). mental forms, called sumstliu; I. St., 

A Rdvanabhiishjji on the Samaveda x. 352-355. 


but in any case it would be a mistake to suppose that for 
all the different sacrifices enumerated in the Brahmana 
corresponding prayers exist in the Samhita. On the con- 
trary, the latter probably only exhibits the verses to be 
chanted generally at all the Soma sacrifices; and the 
Brahmana must be regarded as the supplement in which 
the modifications for the separate sacrifices are given, and 
also for those which arose later. While, as \ve saw above 
(p. 14), a combination of verses of the Rik for the pur- 
pose of recitation bears the name iastra, a similar selec- 
tion of different sdmans united into a whole is usually 
called uktha (Jvach, to speak), stoma (V stu, to praise), or 
prishtlia ( *J prachh, to ask) ; and these in their turn, like 
the sastras, receive different appellations. 63 

Of special significance for the time of the composition 
of the Tandya Brahmana are, on the one hand, the veiy 
minute descriptions of the sacrifices on the Sarasvati and 
Drishadvati ; and, on the other, the Vratyastomas, or 
sacrifices by which Indians of Aryan origin, but not living 
according to the Brahmanical system, obtained admission 
to the Brahman community. The accounts of these latter 
sacrifices are preceded by a description of the dress and 
mode of life of those who are to offer them. " They drive- 
in open chariots of war, carry bows and lances, wear tur- 
bans, robes bordered with red and having fluttering ends,, 
shoes, and sheepskins folded double; their leaders are 
distinguished by brown robes and silver neck-ornaments ; 
they pursue neither agriculture nor commerce ; their laws- 
are in a constant state of confusion; they speak the same 
language as those who have received .Brahmanical conse- 
cration, but nevertheless call what is easily spoken hard 
to pronounce." This last statement probably refers to 

M The term directly opposed to The simple recitation of the fastras 

dastra is, rather, stvtra. Prishtha, by the Hotar and his companions 

specially designates several sto/ras always comes after the chanting 

belonging to the mid-day sacrifice, recitation of ihe same verses by the 

and forming, as it is expressed, its Udgdtar and his assistants (grahrfya 

"buck;" uktha is originally em- grihltaya stuvaie 'tha fansati, Sat. 

ployed as a synonym of sastra, and viii. i. 3. 3). The differences of the 

only at a later period in the mean- seven samst/tds, or fundamental types 

ing of sdman (I. St., xiii. 447); of the ijoma sacrifice, rest mainly 

stoma, lastly, is the name for the six, upon the varying number of the 

seven, or more ground-forms of the sastras and stoiras belonging to their 

gtotras, after which these latter are i,utyd days. See /. St., x. 353, ff., 

il fur the purposes of churning, ix. 229. 


prakritic, dialectic differences, to the assimilation of groups 
of consonants, and similar changes peculiar to the Prakrit 
vernaculars. The great sacrifice of the Naimishiya-Rishis 
is also mentioned, and the river Sudaman. Although we 
have to conclude from these statements that communica- 
tion with the west, particularly with the non-Brah manic 
Aryans there, was still very active, and that therefore the 
locality of the composition must be laid more towards the 
west, 64 still data are not wanting which point us to the 
east. Thus, there is mention of Para Atnara, king of the 
Kosalas ; of Trasadasyu Purukutsa, who is also named in 
the Rik-Samhita ; further of Namin Sapya, king of the 
Videhas (the Nimi of the epic) ; of Kurukshetra, Yamuna, 
&c. The absence, however, of any allusion in the Tandya- 
Brahmana either to the Kuru-Panchalas or to the names 
of their princes, as well as of any mention of Janaka, is 
best accounted for by supposing a difference of locality. 
Another possible, though less likely, explanation of the 
fact would be to assume that this work was contemporary 
with, or even anterior to, the flourishing epoch of the 
kingdom of the Kuru-Paiichalas. The other names quoted 
therein seem also to belong to an earlier age than those of 
the other Brahmanas, and to be associated, rather, with the 
Rishi period. It is, moreover, a very significant fact that 
scarcely any differences of opinion are stated to exist 
amongst the various teachers. It is only against the 
Kausliitakis that the field is taken with some acrimony ; 
they are denoted as vrdtyas (apostates) and as yajndvakirna 
(unfit to sacrifice). Lastly, the name attached to this 
Brahmana,* viz., Tandya, is mentioned in the Brahmana 
of the White Yajus as that of a teacher; so that, com- 
bining all this, we may at least safely infer its priority to 
the latter work. 65 

61 The fact that the name of Chi- the other Sutras invariably quoting 

ti aratha (ctena vai Chitraratham Kd- it by ' iti sruteh.' 
peyd aydjayan . . . tasmdch Ciiui- 65 The Tdndya-Bnihmana lias been 

traratldndme.kahlcsliatrapatir j&yate edited, together with Sayana's com- 

'nulamba iva dvitiyah, xx. 12, 5) mentary, in the Bibl. Ind. (1869-74), 

occurs in the fjana, Jtdjadnnta' to by Anandachandra Vedttntavagisa. 

lYm., ii. 2. 31, joined with the name At the time of the Bh&thika-Sutra 

IVm lik;i iii a compound (Cldtraratli.a- (see Kielhorn, /. &t., x. 421) it must 

Bdhlikam), is perhaps also to be still have been accentuated, and ( that 

taken in this connection. in the same manner as the Sata- 

* The first use of this designation, patha ; in KnmdVilabhattrt's time, 

it is true, only occurs in L;ity;iyuna, on the contrary (the last half of the 


The ShadvinSa-Brdhmana by its very name proclaims 
itself a supplement to the PanchaviiiSa-Brabmana. It 
forms, as it were, its twenty-sixth Look, although itself 
consisting of several books. Sayana, when giving a sum- 
mary of its contents at the commencement of his here 
excellent commentary, says that it both treats of such 
ceremonies as are not contained in the Panchavins'a-Brah- 
mana, and also gives points of divergence from the latter. 
It is chiefly expiatory sacrifices and ceremonies of impre- 
cation that we find in it, as also short, comprehensive 
general rules. The fifth book (or sixth adhydya) has 
quite a peculiar character of its own, and is also found as 
a separate Brahmana under the name of Adbhuta-Brdh- 
mana ; in the latter form, however, with some additions 
at the end. It enumerates untoward occurrences of daily 
life, omens and portents, along with the rites to be per- 
formed to avert their evil consequences. These afford us 
a deep insight into the condition of civilisation of the 
period, which, as might have been expected, exhibits a 
very advanced phase. The ceremonies first given are 
those to be observed on the occurrence of vexatious events 
generally ; then come those for cases of sickness among 
men and cattle, of damaged crops, losses of precious things, 
&c. ; those to be .performed in the event of earthquakes, 
of phenomena in the air and in the heavens, &c., of mar- 
vellous appearances on altars and on the images of the 
gods, of electric phenomena and the like, and of mis- 
carriages. 60 This sort of superstition is elsewhere only 
treated of in the Grihya-Sutras, or in the Parisishtas (sup- 
plements) ; and this imparts to the last adhydya of the 
Shadvin^a-Brahmana as the remaining contents do to 
the work generally the appearance of belonging to a 
very modern period. And, in accordance with this, we 
find mention here made of Uddalaka Aruni, and other 
teachers, whose names are altogether unknown to the 
Panchavins'a- Brahmana. A sloka is cited in the course of 

seventh century, according to Bur- M The Adbhuta-Brdhmana has 

nell), it was already being handed been published by myself, text with 

down without accents, as in the pre- translation, and explanatory notes, 

sent day. See Muller, A. S. L., p. in Zv:ei vedische Texte iiiicr Omina 

348; Burnell, Sdmavidhdna-Bnili- und 1'nrtenta (1859). 
tuiina, Preface, p. vi. 


the \vork, in which the four yuyas are still designated by 
their more ancient names, and are connected with the 
four lunar phases, to which they evidently owe their 
origin, although all recollection of the fact had in later 
times died out. 67 This loka itself we are perhaps justified 
in assigning to an earlier time than that of Megasthenes, 
who informs us of a fabulous division of the mundane 
ages analogous to that given in the epic. But it does not 
by any means follow that the Shadvins'a-Brahmana, in 
which the sloka is quoted, itself dates earlier than the 
time of Megasthenes. 

The third Brahmana of the Samaveda bears the special 
title of Chhdndogya-Brdhmana, although Chhandogya is 
the common name for all Saman theologians. We, how- 
ever, also find it quoted, by Samkara, in his commentary 
on the Brahma- Sutra, as " Tdndindm sruti" that is to say, 
under the same name that is given to the Panchavin^a- 
Brahmana. The two first adhydyas of this Brahmana are 
still missing, and the last eight only are preserved, which 
also bear the special title of Clihdndogyopanishad. This 
Brahmana is particularly distinguished by its rich store 
of legends regarding the gradual development of Brah- 
manical theology, and stands on much the same level as 
the Vrihad-Aranyaka of the White Yajus with respect to 
opinions, as well as date, place, and the individuals men- 
tioned. The absence in the Vrihad-Aranyaka, as in the 
Brahmana of the White Yajus generally, of any reference 
to the Nairnisiya-Rishis, might lead us to argue the pri- 
ority of the Chluindogyopanishad to the Vrihad-Aranyaka. 
Still, the mention in the Chkandogyopanishad of these, as 
well as of the Mahavrishas and the Gandharas the latter, 
it is true, are set down as distant ought perhaps only to 
be taken as proof of, a somewhat more western origin ; 
whereas the Vrihad-Aranyaka belongs, as we shall here- 
after see, to quite the eastern part of Hindustan. The 
numerous animal fables, on the contrary, and the mention 
of Mahidasa Aitareya, would sooner incline me to suppose 
that the, Chluindogyopanishad is more modern than the 
Vrihad-Aranyaka. With regard to another allusion, in 

97 Differently llotk in his essay Die Lehre von den vier WdtaLcrn 

(Tubingen, 1860). 


itself of the greatest significance, it is more hazardous to 
venture a conjecture : I mean the mention of Krishna 
Devakiputra, who is instructed by Ghora Angirasa. The 
latter, and besides him (though not in connection with 
him) Krishna Angirasa, are also mentioned in the Kau- 
shitaki-Brahmana; and supposing this Krishna Angirasa 
to be identical with Krishna Devakiputra, the allusion to 
him might perhaps rather be considered as a sign of priority 
to the Vrihad-Aranyaka. Still, assuming this identifica- 
tion to be correct, due weight must be given to the fact 
that the name has been altered here : instead of Angirasa, 
he is called Devakiputra, a form of name for which we 
find no analogy in any other Vedic writing ^xcepting the 
Vansas (genealogical tables) of the Vrihad-Aranyaka, and 
which therefore belongs, at all events, to a tolerably late 
period.* The significance of this allusion for the under- 
standing of the position of Krishna at a later period is 
obvious. Here he is yet but a scholar, eager in the pur- 
suit of knowledge, belonging perhaps to the military caste. 
He certdinly must have distinguished himself in some 
way or other, however little we know of it, otherwise his 
elevation to the rank of deity, brought about by external 
circumstances, would be inexplicable. 63 

The fact of the Chhandogyopanishad and the Vrihad- 
Aranyaka having in common the names Pravahana Jai- 
vali, Ushas^i Chakrayana, Sandilya, Satyakama Jabala, 
Uddalaka Aruni, Svetaketu, and Asvapati, makes it clear 
that they were as nearly as possible contemporary works ; 
and this appears also from the generally complete identity 
of the seventh book of the former with the corresponding 
passages of the Vrihad-Aranyaka. What, however, is of 
most significance, as tending to establish a late date for 

* Compare also Pan., iv. I. 159, mythical relations to Indra, &c., are 

and the names Sambuputra, IWrnl- at the root of it; see I. St., xiii. 

yauiputra, in the Sama-Sut.ras ; as 349, ff. The whole question, how- 

also Katyiiyaniputi-a, Maitrayani- ever, is altogether vague. Krishna- 

fiutra, Viitsiputra, &c., among the worship proper, i.e., the sectarian 

Buddhists. [On these metronymic worship of Krishna as the one God, 

names in putra see /. <S(., iii. 157, probably attained its perfection 

485,486; iv. 380, 435 ; v. 63, 64.] through the influence of Christi- 

68 By what circumstances the ele- anity. See my paper, Krishna's 

vatiou of Krishna to the rank of Geburtsfest, p. 316, ff. (where also 

deity was brought about is as yet are further particulars as to the nauie 

obscure ; though unquestionably Devaki). 


the Chhandogyopanishad, is the voluminous literature, the 
existence of which is presupposed by the enumeration at 
the beginning of the ninth book. Even supposing this 
ninth book to be a sort of supplement (the names of Sanat- 
kumara and Skanda are not found elsewhere in Vedic 
literature ; Narada also is otherwise only mentioned in 
the second part of the Aitareya-Brahmana 69 ), there still 
remains the mention of the ' Atharvaiigirasas,' as well as of 
the Itihasas and Puranas in the fifth book. Though we 
are not at Liberty here, any more than in the correspond- 
ing passages of the Vrihad-Aranyaka, to understand by 
these last the Itihasas and Puranas which have actually 
come down to us, still we must look upon them as the 
forerunners of these works, which, originating in the 
legends and traditions connected with the songs of the 
Rik, and with the forms of worship, gradually extended 
their range, and embraced other subjects also, whether 
drawn from real life, or of a mythical and legendary 
character. Originally they found a place in the Brah- 
manas, as well as in the other expository literature of the 
Vedas; but at the time of this passage of the Chhan- 
dogyopanishad they had possibly already in part attained 
an independent form, although the commentaries,* as a 
rule, only refer such expressions to passages in the Brah- 
manas themselves. The Maha-Bharata contains, especially 
in the first book, a few such Itihasas, still in a prose form; 
nevertheless, even these fragments so preserved to us be- 
long, in respect both of style and of the conceptions they 
embody, to a much later period than the similar passages 
of the Brahrnanas. They however suffice, together with 
the slokas, gdthds, &c., quoted in the Brahmanas them- 
selves, and with such works as the Barhaddaivata, to 
bridge over for us the period of transition from legend to 
epic poetry. 

We meet, moreover, in the Chhandogyopanishad with 
one of those legal cases which are so seldom mentioned in 
Vedic literature, viz., the infliction of capital punishment 
for (denied) theft, exactly corresponding to the severe 

c8 And a few times in the Atharva- ca?e, but Sstyana, Harisvdmin, and 

S^iinliita', as also in the Vi.ftsa of the ] H'ivedagafma in similar passages of 

hani;ividh;iiia-Bnihin;mu. the S;U;i|>atha-Bnlu,man.a and 

* Nut Sainkara, it is true, in this thiva-Aianyaka. 


enactments regarding it in Manu's code. Guilt or inno- 
cence is determined by an ordeal, the carrying of a red- 
liot axe ; this also is analogous to the decrees in Maim. 
We find yet another connecting link with the state of 
culture in Manu's time in a passage occurring also in the 
Vrihad-Aranyaka, viz., the doctrine of the transmigration 
of souls. We here meet with this doctrine for the first 
time, and that in a tolerably complete form ; in itself, 
however, it must certainly be regarded as much more 
ancient. The circumstance that the myth of the creation 
in the fifth book is on the whole identical with that found 
at the beginning of Manu, is perhaps to be explained by 
regarding the latter as simply a direct imitation of the 
former. The tenth book, the subject of which is the soul, 
its seat in the body and its condition on leaving it, i.e., its 
migration to the realm of Brahman, contains much that is 
of interest in this respect in connection with the above- 
mentioned parallel passage of the Ivaushitaky-Upanishad, 
from which it differs in some particulars. Here also for 
the first time in the field of Vedic literature occurs the 
name Balm, which we may reckon among the proofs of 
the comparatively recent date of the Chhandogyopanishad. 

Of expressions for philosophical doctrines we find only 
UpanisJwd, Adcsa, Guhya Adcsa (the keeping secret of doc- 
trine is repeatedly and urgently inculcated), Updkkydna 
(explanation). The teacher is called dchdrya [as he is 
also in the Sat. Br.]; for " inhabited place," ardka is used; 
single slokas and gdthds are very often quoted. 

The Chhandogyopanishad has been edited by^Dr. Roer 
in the Bibliothcca Jndica, vol. iii., along with Samkara's 
commentary and a gloss on it. 70 i>. "VVindischmann had 
previously given us several passages of it in the original, 
and several in translation; see also /. St., i. 254-273. 

The Kenopanishad has come down to us as the rem- 
nant of a fourth Bralmuina of the Samaveda, supposed to 
be its ninth book.* In the colophons and in the quota- 
tions found in the commentaries, it also bears the other- 

70 In this series (1854-62) a trans- first eight books, Samkara furnishes 

Jation also has been published \>y us with information in the uegm- 

liajendra Lala Mitra. iiing of his commentary. 

* Regarding the contents of the 


wise unknown name of the TalavaJcdras* It is divided 
into two parts : the first, composed in Slokas, treats of the 
being of the supreme Brahman, appealing in the fourth 
verse to the tradition of the " earlier sages who have 
taught us this" as its authority. The second part con- 
tains a legend in support of the supremacy of Brahman, 
and here we find Uma Haimavati, later the spouse of Siva, 
acting as mediatrix between Brahman and the other gods, 
probably because she is imagined to be identical with 
Sarasvati, or Vach, the goddess of speech, of the creative 

These are the extant Brahmanas of the Samaveda. 
Sayana, indeed, in his commentary on the Samavidhana 
enumerates eight (see Miiller, Rik i. Pref. p. xxvii): the 
Praudha- or Malid-Brdhmana (i.e., the Panchavinsa), the 
S/iadvinsa, the Sdmavidhi, the Arslieya, the Devatddhydya, 
the Upanishad, the Samhitopanishad, and the Vana. 
The claims, however, of four of these works to the name of 
Brahmana, have no solid foundation. The Arsheya is, as 
already stated, merely an Anukramani, and the Devata- 
dhyaya can hardly be said to be anything else ; the Vaiisa 
elsewhere always constitutes a part of the Brahmanas 
themselves : the two latter works, moreover, can scarcely 
be supposed to be still in existence, which, as far as the 
Yaiisa is concerned, is certainly very much to be regretted. 
The Samavidhana also, which probably treats, like the 
portion of the Latyayana- Sutra bearing the same name, of 
the conversion of the richas into sdmans, can hardly pass 
for a Brahmana. 71 As to the S.imliitupamshad, it appears 

* Might not this name be trace- mi Anukramnni, but only contains 

able to the same root Idtl, land, from some information as to the deities 

which Tdndya is derived ? of the different sdmans, to which a 

t On the literature, &e., of the few other short fragments are added. 

Kenopanishad, see /. W., ii. 181, ff. Finally, the Sitinavidhitna- Brdh- 

[\Ve have to add Roer's edition with Diana does not treat of the conver- 

.Samkara's commentary, in lllblio- sion of richas into sdmans; on tlie 

thci'a ludica, vol. viii., and his trans- contrary, it i.s a work similar to the 

lation, ibid., vol. xv.] Rigvidhitna, and relates to the em- 

71 The above statements require ]>loyinent of the sdmans for all sort? 

to be corrected and supplemented of superstitious purposes. Both 

in several particulars. The Vai'isa- texts have likewise been edited by 

Brahmana was first edited by myself Bnrnell, with Sayana's commentaries 

in /. St., iv. 371, ff., afterwards by (1873). By Kumtlrda, too, the mini- 

Burnell with JSiiyana's commentary ber of the Br.lhmnnas of the Sitma- 

(1873). The Devatudhyiiya is riot veila is given as eight (Miiller, 


to me doubtful whether Sayana meant by it the Iveno- 
panishad ; for though the samhitd (universality) of the 
Supreme Being certainly is discussed in the latter, the sub- 
ject is not handled under this name, as would seem to be 
demanded by the analogy of the title of the Samhitopa- 
nishad of the Aitareya-Aranyaka as well as of the Taittiriya- 
Aranyaka. My conjecture would be that he is far more 
likely to have intended a work 72 of the same title, of which 
there is a MS. in the British Museum (see /. St., i. 42) ; and 
if so, all mention of the Kenopanishad has been omitted by 
him ; possibly for the reason that it appears at the same 
time in an Atharvan-recension (differing but little, it is 
true), and may have been regarded by him as belonging to 
the Atharvan ? 

There is a far greater number of S-titras to the Sama- 
yeda than to any of the other Vedas. We have here three 
Srauta-Sutras ; a Sutra which forms a running commen- 
tary upon the Paiichavins'a-Brahmana ; five Sutras on 
Metros and on the conversion of richas into sdmans ; and 
a Grihya-Sutra. To these must further be added other 
similar works of which the titles only are known to us, as 
well as a great mass of different Pari^ishtas. 

Of the Srauta-Sutras, or Sutras treating of the sacrifi- 
cial ritual, the first is that of Masaka, which is cited in 
the other Sama-Sutras, and even by the teachers men- 
tioned in these, sometimes as Arslieya-Kalpa, sometimes 
as Kalpa, and once also by Latyayana directly under the 
name of Masaka. 73 In the colophons it bears the name of 
Kalpa- Sutra. This Sutra is but a tabular enumeration of 
the prayers belonging to the several ceremonies of the 
Soma sacrifice ; and tiiese are quoted partly by their tech- 
nical Saiuan names, partly by their opening words. The 

A. S. L., p. 348) ; in his time all of since this text appears there, as well 

them were already without accents, as elsewhere, in connection with the 

One fact deserves to be specially Vansa - Bralimana, &c. It is not 

noticed here, namely, that several much larger than the Devatddhydya, 

of the teachers mentioned in the but has not yet been published ; see 

Vansa - Brahmana, by their very /. St., iv. 375. 

names, point us directly to the north- 73 Latyayana designates Masaka as 

west of India, e.g., Kamboja An- Gdrgya. Is this name connected 

pamanyava, Madragdra Saungayani, with the Md<r<r<rya of the Greeks? 

Siiti Aushtrdkshi, Salamkayana, aud Lassen, I. AK., i. 130; /. St., iv 

Kauhala ; see 1. St., iv. 378-380. 78. 
Ti This is unquestionably correct, 


order is exactly that of the Panchavins'a-Bralimana ; yet a 
few other ceremonies are inserted, including those added 
in the Shadvins'a-Brahmana, as well as others. Among 
the latter the Janakasaptardtra deserves special notice, 
a ceremony owing its origin to King Janaka, 74 of 
whom, as we saw above, no mention is yet made in the 
Panchavins'a-Brahmana. His life and notoriety therefore 
evidently fall in the interval between the latter work 
and the Sutra of MaSaka. The eleven prapdthaJcas of this 
Sutra are so distributed that the eJcdhas (sacrifices of one 
day) are dealt with in the first five chapters ; the ahinas 
(those lasting several days) in the following four ; and the 
sattras (sacrifices lasting more than twelve days) in the 
last two. There is a commentary on it, composed by 
Varadaraja, whom we shall meet with again as the com- 
mentator of another Sama-Sutra. 

The second Srauta-Sutra is that of Ldtydyana, which 
belongs to the school of the Kauthumas. This name ap- 
pears to me to point to Lata, the Aapucij of Ptolemy, 75 to 
a country therefore lying quite in the west, directly south 
of Surashtra (2vpa<rrpvjvtf). This would agree perfectly 
with the conjecture above stated, that the Panchavin^a- 
Brahmana belongs more to the west of India ; and is borne 
out by the data contained in the body of the Sutra itself, 
as we shall see presently. 

This Sutra, like that of MaSaka, connects itself closely 
with the Panchavinsa-Brahmana, and indeed often quotes 
passages of some length from it, generally introducing 
them by ' tad uhtam brdhmanena ;" or, " iti brdhmanam bhav- 
ati ; " once also by " tathd purdtyam Tdndam" It usually 
gives at the same time the different interpretations which 
these passages received from various teachers. Sandilya, 
Dhanamjayya, and Sandilyayana are most frequently 
mentioned in this manner, often together, or one after the 
other, as expounders of the Panchavin^a-Brahmana. The 
first-named is already known to us through the Chhando- 
gyopanishad, and he, as well as Sandilyayana, is repeatedly 

74 Silyana, it is true, to Panch. 75 Ldtika as early as the edicts of 

xxii. 9. I, takes janaka as an ap- Piyadasi ; see Lasaen, /. AK., i. 108; 

pellative in the sense of prqfdpati, ii. 793 u. 
which is the reading of tlie Paficha- 


mentioned also in another Sutra, the Nidiina- Sutra ; the 
same is the case with Dhanamjayya. Besides these, how- 
ever, Liityayana mentions a number of other teachers and 
schools, as, for example, his own dchdryas, with especial 
frequency ; the Arsheya-Kalpa, two different Gautamas, 
one being distinguished by the surname Sthavira (a tech- 
nical title, especially with the Buddhists); further Sauchi- 
vrikshi (a teacher known to Panini), Kshairakalambhi, 
Kautsa, Varshaganya, Bhanditayana, Lamakayana, Eana- 
yam'putra, &c. ; and in particular, the Satyayanins, and 
their work, the Satyayanaka, together with the Salanka- 
yanins, the latter of whom are well known to belong to 
the western part of India. Such allusions occur in the 
Sutra of Latyayana, as in the other Sutras of the Sama- 
veda, much more frequently than in the Sutras of the 
other Vedas, and are in my opinion evidence of their 
priority to the latter. At the time of the former there 
still existed manifold differences of opinion, while in that 
of the latter a greater unity and fixedness of exegesis, of 
dogma, and of worship had been attained. The remaining 
data appear also to point to such a priority, unless we 
have to explain them merely from the difference of loca- 
lity. The condition of the Siidras, as well as of the Nisha- 
das, i.e., the Indian aborigines, does not here appear to be 
one of such oppression and wretchedness as it afterwards 
became. It was permitted to sojourn with them (Sandi- 
lya, it is true, restricts this permission to " in the neigh- 
bourhood of their gramas'"), and they themselves were 
allowed to attend in person at the ceremonies, although 
outside of the sacrificial ground. They are, moreover, now 
and then represented, though for the most part in a mean 
capacity, as taking an actual part on such occasions, which 
is not to be thought of in later timee. Toleration was 
still a matter of necessity, for, as we likewise see, the 
strict Brahmanical principle was not yet recognised even 
among the neighbouring Aryan tribes. These, equally 
with the Brahmanical Indians, held in high esteem the 
songs and customs of their ancestors, and devoted to them 
quite as much study as the Brahmanical Indians did ; nay, 
the latter now and then directly resorted to the former, 
and borrowed distinct ceremonies from them. This is 
sufficiently clear from the particulars of one ceremony of the 


kind, which is embodied, not indeed in the Panchavina- 
Brahmana, but in the Shadvins'a-Brahmana, and which is 
described at full length by Latyayana. It is an imprecatory 
ceremony (called syena, falcon); and this naturally sug- 
gests the idea that the ceremonial of the Atharvan, which 
i.s essentially based upon imprecations and magical expe- 
dients, as well as the songs of the Atharvan itself, may 
perhaps chiefly owe its cultivation to these western, non- 
Brahmanical, Aryan tribes. The general name given to 
these tribes by Latyayana (and with this Panini v. 2. 21 
agrees) is Vratinas, and he further draws a distinction 
between their yaudhas, warriors, and their arJiants, 
teachers. Their antichdnas, i.e., those versed in Scripture, 
a^re to be chosen priests for the above-mentioned sacrifice. 
Sandilya limits this to the arliants alone, which latter 
word subsequently, as is well known, employed exclu- 
sively as a Buddhistic title is also used in the Brahmana 
of the White Yajus, and in the Aranyaka of the Black 
Yajus, to express a teacher in general. The turban and 
garments of these priests should be red (lohita) according 
to Shadvinsa and Latyayana ; and we find the same colour 
assigned to the sacrificial robes of the priests of the Ra- 
kshasas in Lanka, in the Ramayana, vi. 19. no, 51. 21 ; 
with which may be compared the light red, yellowish red 
(kashdjja) garments of the Buddhists (see for instance 
Mrichnakat., pp. 112, 114, ed. Stenzler; M.-Bhar., xii. 566, 
11898; Yajnav., i. 272), and the red (rakta) dress of the 
Samkhyabhikshu * in the Laghujataka of Varaha-Mihira. 
]S r ow, that these western non-Bralimanical Vrtityas, Vrati- 
nas, were put precisely upon a par with the eastern non- 
Brahmanical, i.e., Buddhistic, teachers, appears from an 
addition which is given by Latyayana to the description 
of the Vratyastomas as found in the Paiichaviii^a- Brah- 
mana. "We are there told that the converted Vratyas, i.e., 
those who have entered into the Brahman community, 
must, in order to cut off all connection with their past, 
hand over their wealth to those of their companions who 
still abide by the old mode of life thereby transferring to 
these their own former impurity or else, to a " Brahma- 

* According to the commentary; or should this be $dkyabhiki>li u t 
See I. St., ii. 287. 


bandhu Magadhadesiya." This latter expression is only 
explicable if we assume that Buddhism, with its anti- 
Brahmanical tendencies, was at the time flourishing in 
Magadha; and the absence of any such allusion in the 
Pafichavins'a-Brahmana is significant as to the time which 
elapsed between this work and the Sutra of Latyayana.* 

The first seven prapdthakas of the Latyayana-Sutra 
comprise the rules common to all Soma sacrifices; the 
eighth and part of the ninth book treat, on the contrary, 
of the separate ekdhas ; the remainder of the ninth book, 
of the ahinas ; arid the tenth, of the sattras. We have 
an excellent commentary on it by Agnisvamin, 76 who be- 
longs probably to the same period as the other commen- 
tators whose names terminate in svdmin, as Bhavasvamiu, 
Bharatasvamin, Dhurtasvamin, Harisvamin, Khadirasva- 
min, Meghasvamin, Skandasvamin, Kshirasvamin, &c. ; 
their time, however, is as yet undetermined. 77 

The third Sama-Sutra, that of Drdliydyana, differs but 
slightly from the Latyayana-Sutra. It belongs to the 
school of the Eanayaniyas. We meet with the name of 
these latter in the lianayaniputra of Latyayana; his 
family is descended from Vasislitha, for which reason this 
Sutra is also directly called Yds isht ha- Sutra. For the 
name Drahyayana nothing analogous can be adduced. 78 
The difference between this Sutra and that of Latyayana 

* In the Rik-Snmliitd, where the bitants regarding it as a means of 

Kikatas the ancient name of the recovering their old positkm though 

people of Magadha and their king under a new form. 

Praniagamda are mentioned as hos- 76 We now possess in the Bibl. 

tile, we have probably to think of Jndica (1870-72) an edition of the 

the aborigines / of the country, and Ldtydyana-Sutra, with Agnisvdmin's 

not of hostile Aryas (?). Itfeeems not commentary, by Anandachandra 

impossible that the native iuhabi- Vedsintavdgisa. 

tints, being particularly vigorous, 77 We find quite a cluster of Brah- 
retained more influence in Magadha man names in -svdmin in an inscrip- 
than elsewhere, even after the coun- tion dated S<ika627 in Journal om- 
try had been brahmanised, a pro- bay Branch 11. A. S., iii. 208 (1851), 
cess which perhaps was never com- and in an undated inscription in 
pletely effected ; that they joined Journal Am. Or. Soc., vi. 589. 
the community of the Bralmians as " 8 It first occurs in the Vansa- 
Kshatriyas, as happened elsewhere Brdhniana, whose first list of teach- 
also ; and that this is how we have t-rs probably refers to this very 
to account for the special sympathy school ; see /. St., iv. 378 : draha 
and success which Buddhism met is said to be a Prakrit corruption of 
with in Magadha, these native inlia- hrada ; see Hem. Prdkr., ii. 80, 120. 


is mainly confined tcr the different distribution of the 
matter, which is on the whole identical, and even ex- 
pressed in the same words. I have not yet met with a 
complete codex of the whole work, but only with its begin- 
ning and its end, in two different commentaries, the date 
of which it is not yet possible to determine the begin- 
ning, namely, in Maghasvamin's commentary, remodelled 
by Rudraskanda; the end in the excellent commentary of 

The only knowledge I have of a Srauta-Siitra by Go- 
bhila is derived from a notice of Roth's (op. c., pp. 55, 56), 
according to which Krityachintamani is said to have com- 
posed a commentary upon it. 79 

In a far more important degree than he differs from 
Drahyayana does Latyayana differ, on the one hand, from 
Katyayana, who in his Srauta-Siitra, belonging to the 
White Yajus, treats in books 22-24 of the ekdhas, ahinas, 
a,nd sattras; and f on the other, from the Rik-Siitras of 
A^valayana and Sankhayana, which likewise deal with 
these subjects in their proper place. In these there is no 
longer any question of differences of opinion ; the stricter 
view represented by Sandilya in the Latyayana-Sutra has 
everywhere triumphed. The ceremonies on the Sarasvati 
and the Vratyastomas have also become, in a local sense 
too, further removed from actual life, as appears both from 
the slight consideration with which they are treated, and 
from modifications of names, &c., which show a forgetting 
of the original form. Many of the ceremonies discussed 
in the Sama-Sutras are, moreover, entirely wanting in the 
Sutras of the other Vedas ; and those which are found in 
the latter are enumerated in tabular fashion rather than 
fully discussed a difference which naturally originated 
in the diversity of purpose, the subject of the Sutra of the 
Yajus being the duties of the Adhvaryu, and that of the 
Sutras of the Rik the duties of the Hotar. 

A fourth Sama-Sutra is the Amqmda-Sutra, ill ten 
prapdtlwkas, the work of an unknown author. It explains 

79 The name ' Krityachintamani ' on a Srauta-Sutra of Gobhila re- 

probably belongs to the work itself ; mains doubtful in the meantime, 

compare /. St., i. 60, ii. 396 ; Auf- since such a work is not mentioned 

recht, Catalof/tts, p. 365" ; but elsewhere, 
whether it really was a commentary 


the obscure passages of the PafichavinSa-Brahmana, and, 
it would appear, of the Shadvinsa-Brahmana also, accom- 
panying the text step by step. It has not as yet been 
closely examined ; but it promises to prove a rich mine of 
material for the history of BrahmaniGiil theology, as it 
makes mention of, and appeals to, an extremely large 
number of different works. For example, of schools of 
the Rik, it cites the.Aitareyins, the Paiiigins, the Kaushi- 
taka ; of schools ^of the Yajus, the Adhvaryus in gene- 
ral; further, the Satyayanins, Khadayariins, the^ Taittiri- 
yas, the Kathaka, the Kalabavins, Bhallavins, Sambuvis, 
Vajasaneyins; and frequently also sruti, smriti, dchdryas, 
&c. It is a work which deserves to be very thoroughly 
studied. 80 

While the above-named four Sutras of the Samaveda 
specially attach themselves to the Panchavins'a-Brahmana, 
the Sutras now to be mentioned stand out more indepen- 
dently beside the latter, although of course, in part at 
least, often referring to it. In the first place, we have to 
mention the Niddna-Stitra, which contains in ten pra- 
pdthakas metrical and other similar investigations on the 
different ukthas, stomas, and gdnas. The name of the 
author is not given. The word niddna, 'root,' is used 
with reference to metre in the Brahmana of the White 
Yajus; 81 and though in the two instances where the 
Naidanas are mentioned by Yaska, their activity appears 
to have been directed less to the study of metre than to 
that of roots, etymology, still the Nidanasamjnaka Grantha 
is found cited in the Brihaddevata, 5. 5, either directly as 
the Sruti of the Chhandogas, or at least as containing 
their Sruti.* This Sutra is especially remarkable for the 
great number of Vedic schools and teachers whose various 
opinions it adduces ; and in this respect it stands on pretty 
much the same level as the Anupada-Sutra. It differs 
from it, however, by its particularly frequent quotation 

80 Unfortunately we do not even or yo vd atrd 'ynir gdyatri sa nidd- 
now know of more thau one MS. ; neiia). 

see /. St., i. 43. * A'iddna, in the sense of 'cause, 

81 This is wrong ; on the con- foundation,' is a favourite word in 
trary, the word hae quite a general the Buddhistic Sutras ; see Burnouf , 
meaning in tiie passages in question Jntrod. (i V Hisloire du Buddhisnu 
(e.g., in gdyutri rd eslid niddnena, Indicn, pp. 59, ff., 484, ff. 



also of the views of the Saman theologians named by Latya- 
yana and Drahyayana, viz., Dhanamjayya, Sandilya, $aii- 
chivrikshi, &c. a thing which seldom or never occurs 
in the former. The animosity to the Kaushrtakis, with 
which we have already become acquainted in the Pancha- 
vins'a-Brahmana, is here again exhibited most vividly in 
some words attributed to Dhanamjayya. With regard to 
the Rigveda, the dasatayi division into ten maydalas is 
mentioned, as in Yaska. The allusion to the Atharva- 
nikas, as well as to the Anubrahmanins, is particularly to 
be remarked ; the latter peculiar name is not met with 
elsewhere, except in Panini. A special study of this 
Siitra is also much to be desired, as it likewise promises 
to open up a wealth of information regarding the condi- 
tion of literature at that period. 82 

Not much information of this sort is to be expected 
from the Pushpa-Sutra of Gobhila,* which has to be 
named along with the Nidana-Sutra. The understanding 
of this Sutra is, moreover, obstructed by many difficulties. 
For not only does it cite the technical names of the 
sdmans, as well as other words, in a very curtailed form, 
it also mikes use of a number of grammatical and other 
technical terms, which, although often agreeing with the 
corresponding ones in the Prati^akhy a- Sutras, are yet also 
often formed in quite a peculiar fashion, here and there, 
indeed, quite after the algebraic type so favoured by 
Panini. This is particularly the case in the first four 
prapdthakas ; and it is precisely for these that, up to the 
present time at least, no commentary has been found ; 
whereas for the remaining six we possess a' very good 
commentary by Upadhyaya Ajata^atru.t The work 
treats of the modes in which the separate richas, by various 
insertions, &c., are transformed into sdmans, or " made to 
blossom," as it were, which is evidently the origin of the 
name Pushpa- Sutra, or " Mower-Sutra." In addition to 

82 See /. St., i. 44, ff. ; the first * So, ;xt least, the author is called 

two patalas, which have special re- in the colophons of two chapters in 

ference to metre, have been edited MS. Chambers 22O [Catalogue of 

and translated by me in /. St., viii. the Berlin MSS., p. 76]. 

85-124. , For Anubrdhinanin, na, ( Composed for his pupil, Vili- 

Kee also As>. Sr., ii. 8. II, and Schol. jmyasas. 
en T. S., i. 8. i. i. 


the I'ravachana, i.e. (according to the commentary), Brah- 
niana, of the Kalabavins and that of the Satyayanins, [ 
found, on a cursory inspection, mention also of the Kau- 
thumas. This is the first time that their name appears in 
a work connected with Vedic literature. Some portions 
of the work, particularly in the last books, are composed 
in Slokas, and we have, doubtless, to regard it as a com- 
pilation of pieces belonging to different periods. 83 In close 
connection with it stands the Sdma-Tantra, composed in 
the same manner, and equally unintelligible without a 
commentary. It treats, in thirteen prap&thakas, of accent 
and the accentuation of the separate verses. A commen- 
tary on it is indeed extant, but at present only in a frag- 
mentary form. At its close the work is denoted as the 
vydkaraim, grammar, of the Saman theologians. 84 

Several other Siitras also treat of the conversion of 
ricttas into sdtnans, &c. One of these, the J'anchavidhi- 
Sutra (Pdnckavidhya, Panchavidheya), is only known to 
me from quotations, according to which, as well as from 
its name, it treats of the five different vidhis (modes) by 
which this process is effected. Upon a second, the Prati- 
hdra-Sutra, which is ascribed to Katyayana, a commentary 
called Dasatayi was composed by Varadaraja, the above- 
mencioned commentator of Masaka. It treats of the 
aforesaid five vidhis, with particular regard to the one 
called pratihdra. The Tanddlakshana - Sutra is only 
known to me by name, as also the Upayrantha- Sutra* 
both of which, with the two other works just named, are, 
according to the catalogue, found in the Fort-William 

83 In Deklian MSS. the work is tram,' by which he explains the 
called P/tw^a-Sutra, and is ascribed vord ukthdrtha, which, according to 
to Vararuchi, not to Gobhila ; see the MaMbhdshya, is at the fouuda- 
ISurnell, Catalogue, pp. 45, 46. On tion of aukthiku, whose formation is 
tliis and other points of difference, taught by Panini himself (iv. 2. 60); 
see my paper, Uebcr das Saptatata- see /. St., xiii. 447. According to 
knm dcs lldla (1870), pp. 258, 259. this it certainly seems very doubtful 
I now possess a copy of the text and whether the Siiiaalakshana men- 
commentary, but have nothing of tioned by Kaiyafa is to be identified 
consequence to add to the above re- with the extant work bearing the 
murks. same name. 

8 ' 1 See also Burnell, Catalogue, * Shadgurussishya, in the intro- 

]>p. 40, 41. Ibid , p. 44, we find a duction to his commentary on the 

'Svaraparibhiislia, or Samalakshann,' Amikramani of the Ilik, dt-pcribes 

unecified. Kaiyata also mentions a Kittyayana as ' upayranthasya ku- 

pratisdklnjam ids- raku.' 


collection of MSS. By the anonymous transcriber of the 
Berlin MS. of the MaSaka-Sutra, who is of course a very 
weak authority, ten Srauta-Siitras for the Samaveda are 
enumerated at the close of the MS., viz., besides Latyayana, 
Anupada, Nidana, Kalpa, Tandalaksliana, Panchavidheya, 
and the Upagranthas, also the Kalp&nupada, Anustotra, 
and the Kshudras. What is to be understood by the three 
last names must for the present remain undecided. 85 

The Grihya-Sutra of the Samaveda belongs to Gobhila, 
the same to whom we also found a Srauta-Sutra and the 
Pushpa-Sutra ascribed. 86 His name has a very unvedic 
ring, and nothing in any way coresponding to it appears 
in the rest of Vedic literature. 87 In what relation this 
work, drawn up in four prapdthaJcas, stands to the Grihya- 
Siitras of the remaining Yedas has not yet been investi- 
gated. 88 A supplement (parisishfa) to it is the Karma- 
pradipa of Katyayana. In its introductory words it ex- 
pressly acknowledges itself to be such a supplement to 
Gobhila ; but it has also been regarded both as a second 
Grihya-Sutra and as a Smriti-Sastra. According to the 
statement of A^drka, the commentator of this Karma- 
pradipa, the Grihya-Sutra of Gobhila is authoritative for 
both the schools of the Samaveda, the Kauthuinas as well 
as the Iianayam'yas.* Is the Kliddira-Grihya, which is 
now and then mentioned, also to be classed with the 
Samaveda ? 89 

85 On the Paiichavidhi-Sdtra and drakanta Tarkitlamkdra, has been 
the Kalpauupada, each in two pra- commenced in the J3ibl. Indica 
2>i'ttltakas, and the Kshaudra, in (1871); the fourth fasciculus (1873) 
three prapdthakas, see Muller, A. $, reaches to ii. 8. 12. See the sections 
L., p. 210; Aufrecht, Cataloytis, p. relating to nuptial ceremonies in 
377 b . Tho Upngrantha-Sutra treats Haas's paper, 7. St., v. 283, ff. 

of expiations, prtiyadc/tittas, see ll;i- * Among the authors of the 

jendra L. M., JVoticcs of Sanskrit Smriti-Sastras a Kntiinmi is also 

MSS., ii. 182. mentioned. 

86 To him is also ascribed a Nai- 89 Certainly. In Burnell's Cata- 
peya-Sutra, "a description of the loyue, p. 56, the Drdhyttyana-Grihya- 
Metres of the Samaveda," see Colin iSutra (in ionr patalas) is attributed 
lirowiiing. Catalogue of Sanskrit to Kluldira. llndraskandasvdmin 
MSS. cxistiiiff in 0"de (1873), P- 4- composed a vritti on this work 

87 A list of teachers belonging to also (see p. 80) ; and Vamana is 
the Golihila school is contained in named as the author of 'kdrikds to 
the Van4a-Brahtnana. the Grihya-Siitras of Khadira,' Bur- 

ts8 Au edition of the Golihila- nell, p. 57. To the Grihya-Siitras 
Grihya-Siitra, with a very diffuse of the S.imaveda probably belong 
commentary by the editor, Chan- also Gautama's Pitfimcdlta- S&tra 


As representative of the last stage of the literature of 
the Samaveda, we may specify, on the one hand, the 
various Paddhatis (outlines) and commentaries, &c., which 
connect themselves with the Sutras, and serve as an ex- 
planation and further development of them ; and, on the 
other, that peculiar class of short treatises bearing the 
name of Parisishtas, which are of a somewhat more inde- 
pendent character than the former, and are to be looked 
upon more as supplements to the Sutras. * Among these, 
the already mentioned Arsha and Daivata enumerations 
of the Risiiis and deities of the Samhita in the Naigeya- 
Sakha deserve prominent notice. Both of these treatises 
refer throughout to a comparatively ancient tradition ; 
for example, to the Nairuktas, headed by Yaska and Saka- 
puni, to the Naighantukas, to Saunaka (i.e., probably to 
his Anukramani of the Rik), to their ^own Brahmana, to 
Aitareya and t he Aitareyins, to the Satapathikas, to the 
Pravachana Kathaka, and to As*valayana. The Ddlbhya- 
Parisishta ought probably also to be mentioned here; it 
bears the name of an individual who appears several times 
in the Chhandogyopanishad, but particularly often in the 
I'unlnas, as one of the sages who conduct the dialogue. 

The Yajurvcda, to which we now turn, is distinguished 
above the other Vedas by the great number of different 
schools which belong to it. This is at once a consequence 
and a proof of the fact that it became pre-eminently the 
subject of study, inasmuch as it contains the formulas for 
the entire sacrificial ceremonial, and indeed forms its 

(cf. Burnell, p. 57 ; the commeuta- inry on the Grihya-Sutra of the 
tor AnantayH j van identifies the an- White Yujus, several times ascribes 
thor with Akshapddfl, the author of their authorship to a Kdtyiiyaiui 
the Ny.iya Stitra), and the Gautama- (India Office Library, No. 440, fol. 
Dharma-Siitra; see the section treat- 52% 56*, 58% &c.) ; or do these quo- 
ing of the legal literature. tations only refer to the ubovo- 
* ltdmakrishna, iu his cominen- uamed Karniapradi 1 >a? 


proper foundation; whilst the Rigveda prominently, and 
the Samaveda exclusively, devote themselves to a part of 
it only, viz., to the Soma sacrifice. The Yajurveda divides 
itself, in the first place, into two parts, the Black and the 
White Yajus. These, upon the whole, indeed, have their 
matter in common ; but they differ fundamentally from 
each other as regards its arrangement. In the Samhita of 
the Black Yajus the sacrificial formulas are for the most 
part immediately followed by their dogmatic explanation, 
&c., and by an account of the ceremonial belonging to 
them ; the portion bearing the name of Brahmana differing 
only in point of time from this Samhita, to which it must 
be viewed as a supplement. In the White Yajus, on the 
contrary, the sacrificial formulas, and their explanation 
and ritual, are entirely separated from one another, the 
first being assigned to the Samhita, and their explanation 
and ritual to the Brahmana, as is also the case in the Rig- 
veda and the Samaveda. A further difference apparently 
consists in the fact that in the Black Yajus very great 
attention is paid to the Hotar and his duties, which in the 
White Yajus is of rare occurrence. By the nature of the 
case in such matters, what is undigested is to be regarded as 
the commencement, as the earlier stage, and what exhibits 
method as the later stage ; and this view will be found to 
be correct in the present instance. As each Yajus pos- 
sesses an entirely independent literature, we must deal 
with eacli separately. 

First, of the Black Yajus. The data thus far known to 
us concerning it open up such extensive literary perspec- 
tives, but withal in such a meagre way, that investigation 
lias, up to the present time, been less able to attain to 
approximately satisfactory results* than in any other field. 
In the first place, the name "Black Yajus" belongs only 
to a later period, and probably arose in contradistinction 
to that of the White Yajus. AVhile the theologians of the 
Rik are called Bahvrichas, and those of the Saman Chhan- 
dogas, the old name for the theologians of the Yajus is 
Adhvaryus ; and, indeed, these three names are already so 

* See J. St., 5. 68, ff. [All the been published ; aee the ensuing 
texts, with the exception of the notes.] 
Sutras relating to ritual, have now 


employed in the Samhita of the Black Yajus and the 
Brahinana of the White Yajus. In the latter work the 
designation Adhvaryus is applied to its own adherents, 
and the Charakadhvaryus are denoted and censured as 
their adversaries an enmity which is also apparent in a 
passage of the Samhita of the White Yajus, where the 
Charakacharya, as one of the persons to be dedicated at 
the Purushamedha, is devoted to Dushkrita, or "111 deed." 
This is all the more strange, as the term charaJca is other- 
wise always used in a good sense, for " travelling scholar ; " 
as is also the root char, " to wander about for instruction." 
The explanation probably consists simply in the fact that 
the name Charakas is also, on the other hand, applied to 
one of the principal schools of the Black Yajus, whence 
we have to assume that there was a direct enmity between 
these and the adherents of the White Yajus who arose in 
opposition to them a hostility similarly manifested in 
other cases of the kind. A second name for the Black 
Yajus is " Taittiiiya," of which no earlier appearance can 
be traced than that in its own Prati^akhya-Siitra, and in 
the Sama-Sutras. Panini * connects this name with a 
Rishi called Tittiri, and so does the Anukramani to the 
JLtreya school, which we shall have frequent occasion to 
mention in the sequel. Later legends, on the contrary, 
refer it to the transformation of the pupils of Vais"ampa- 
yana into partridges (tittiri), in order to pick up the yajus- 
verses disgorged by one of their companions who was 
wroth with his teacher. However absurd this legend may 
be, a certain amount of sense yet lurks beneath its sur- 
face. The Black Yajus is, in fact, a motley, undigested 
jumble of different pieces ; and I am myself more inclined 
to derive the name Taittiriya from the variegated par- 
tridge (tittiri) than from the Rishi Tittiri ; just as another 
name of one of the principal schools of the Black Yajus, 
that of the Khandikiyas, probably owes its formation to 

* The rule referred to (iv. 3. IO2) however, is several times mentioned 

is, according to the statement of in the Bbdshya, see /. St., xiii. 442, 

the Calcutta scholiast, not explained which is also acquainted with ' Tit- 

in Patamjali's Bhdshya ; possibly, tirind proktdh slokdh,' not belonging 

therefore, it may not be Pdnini's at to the Chhandas, see /. St., v. 41 ; 

all, but may be later than Patam- Goldstiicker, Panini, p. 243.] 
jali. [The name Taittiiiya itself, 


this very fact of the Black Yajus being made up of 
khandas, fragments, although Panini,* as in the case of 
Taittiriya, traces it to a Rishi of the name of Khandika, 
and although \ve do really meet \vith a Khandika (Aud- 
bhari) in the Brahmana of the White Yajus (xi. 8. 4. i). 

Of the many schools which are allotted to the Black 
Yajus, all probably did not extend to Samhita and Brah- 
mana ; some probably embraced the Sutras only.f Thus 
far, at least, only three different recensions of the Samhita 
are directly known to us, two of them in the text itself, 
the third merely from an Anukramani of the text. The 
two first are the Taittiriya- Samhita, Kar egoxyv so called, 
which is ascribed to the school of Apastamba, a subdivision 
of the Khandikiyas ; and the Kathaka, which belongs to 
the school of the Charakas, and that particular subdivision 
of it which bears the name of Charayam'yas.J The Sam- 
hita, &c., of the Atreya school, a subdivision of the Au- 
khiyas, is only known to us by its Anukramani ; it agrees 
in essentials with that of Apastamba. This is not the 
case with the Kathaka, which stands on a more indepen- 
dent footing, arid occupies a kind of intermediate position 
between the Black and the White Yajus, agreeing fre- 
quently with the latter as to the readings, and with the 
former in the arrangement of the matter. The Kathaka, 
together with the Hdridramka a lost work, which, how- 
ever, likewise certainly belonged to the Black Yajus, viz., 
to the school of the Haridraviyas, a subdivision of the 
Maitrayaniyas is the only work of the Brahmana order 
mentioned by name in Yaska's Nirukta. Panini, too, 
makes direct reference to it in a rule, and it is further 
alluded to in the Amrpada-Siitra and Brihaddevata. The 
name of the Kathas does not appear in other Vedic 
writings, nor does that of ApastambaJ 

* Tbe rule is the same as that for |hala-Kathas ; the epithet of these 

Tittiri. The remark in the previous last is found in Pdnini (viii. 3. 91), 

note, therefore, applies here also. and Megasthenes mentions the 

f As is likewise the case with the KayU/3t'<j0oAo( ns a people in the Pan- 
other Vedas. j;il>- In the Fort-William Catalogue 

Besides the text, we have also a Kapishthala-Saiphitd is mentioned 

a Rishyanukramani for it. [.-ee I, t., xiii. 375, 439. At the 

In later writings several Kathas time of tlie MahSbliasliya the posi- 

are distinguished, the Katlias, the tion of the Kathas must have been 

Piich^a-Ka^has, and the Kapish- one of great consideration, since 


The Samhita of the Apastamba school consists of seven 
books (called ashtakas /) ; these again are divided into 44 
prasnas,6^i anuvdkas, and 2198 kandikds,ih.Q latter being 
separated from one another on the principle of an equal 
number of syllables to each. 90 Nothing definite can be ascer- 
tained as to the extent of the Atreya recension ; it is like- 
wise divided into kdndas, prasnas, and anuvdkas, the first 
words of which coincide, mostly with those of the corre- 
sponding sections of the Apastamba school. The Kathaka 
is quite differently divided, and consists of five parts, of 
which the three first are in their turn divided into forty 
sthdnakas, and a multitude of small sections (also pro- 
bably separated according to the number of words); while 
the fourth merely specifies the richas to be sung by the 
Hotar, and the fifth contains the formulas belonging to the 
horse- sacrifice. In the colophons to the three first parts, 
the Charaka-Sakha is called Ithimikd, Madhyamikd, and 
Orimikd, respectively: the first and last of these three 
appellations are still unexplained. 91 The Brahrnana por- 
tion in these works is extremely meagre as regards the 
ritual, and gives but an imperfect picture of it ; it is, how- 
ever, peculiarly rich in legends of a mythological cha- 
racter. The sacrificial formulas themselves are on the 
whole the same as those contained in the Samhita of the 
White Yajus; but the order is different, although the 

they and their texi^ the Kdthaka constitutes the norm ; fifty words, 

. are repeatedly mentioned ; see as a rule, form a kandikd;see I. St., 

I. St., xiii. 437, ff. The founder of xi. 13, xii. 90, xiii. 97-99. Instead 

their school, Katha, appears in the of astttaka, we find also the more 

Mahabhashya as Vais'ampa'yana's correct name kdnda, and instead of 

pupil, and the Kathas themselves prasna, which is peculiar to the 

appear in close connection with the Taitt.iriya texts, the generally em- 

Kalapas and Kauthumas, both ployed term, prapdthaka; see I. St., 

schools of the Sdman. In the Rdrna"- xi. 13, 124. The Taitt. Brdhm. and 

yana, too, the Katha-Kdliipas are the Taitt. Ar., are also subdivided 

mentioned as being much esteemed into kandikds, and these 9 gain into 

in Ayodhyd, (ii. 32. 18, Schlegel). very small sections; but the priuci- 

Haradatta's statement, " Bakvfichd- pie of these divisions has not yet 

nciir.apya.8ti Kathaidkhd'' (K\\attoj\'s been clearly ascertained. 

Siddh. Kauni. ed. Tara'ua'tha (1865), 91 Ithimikii is to be derived from 

vol. ii. p. 524, on ran., vii. 4. 38), Jietthima, (from liettho, i.e., adhasfdl), 

probably rests upon some misunder- and Orimikd from urarima (from 

etanding ; see 7. St , xiii. 438.] vpari) see my paper, Ueber dieBha- 

w It is not the number of sylla- yai'ati dir Jaina, i. 404, n. 
bles, but the number of words, that 


order of the ceremonial to which they belong is pretty 
much the same. There are also many discrepancies with 
regard to the words; we may instance, in particular, the 
expansion of the semi-vowels v and y after a consonant 
into uv and iij, which is peculiar to the Apastamba 
school. 92 As to data, geographical or historical, &c. (here, 
of course, I can only speak of the Apastamba school and 
the Kathaka), in consequence of the identity of matter 
these are essentially the same as those which meet us in 
the Samhita of the White Yajus. ( In the latter, however, 
they are more numerous, formulas being also found here 
for ceremonies which are not known in the former the 
purushamedha, for instance.) Now these data to which 
we must add some other scattered allusions* in the por- 
tions bearing the character of a Brahmana carry us back, 
as we shall see, to the flourishing epoch of the kingdom of 
the Kuru-Panchalas, 93 in which district we must there- 
fore recognise the place of origin of both works. Whether 
this also holds good of their final redaction is another 
question, the answer to which, as far as the Apastamba- 
Samhita is concerned, naturally depends upon the amount 
of influence in its arrangement to be ascribed to Apa- 
stamba, whose name it bears. The Kathaku, according to 
what has been stated above, appears to have existed as an 
entirely finished work even in Yaska's time, since he 
quotes it ; the Anukramani of the Atreya school, on the 
contrary, makes Yaska I'aingi 94 (as the pupil of Vais*am- 
payana) the teacher of Tittiri, the latter again the in- 

'- For further particulars, see [This remains correct, though the 

/, Ft., xiii. 104-106. position of the case itself is some- 

* Amongst them, for example, what different ; see the notes above, 

the enumeration of the whole of the p. 2 and p. 30. In connection "with 

lunar asterisms in the Apastamba- the enumeration of the Nakshatras, 

S-.imhitit, where they appear in an compare especially my essay, Die 

order deviating from that of the vedischen Nachric/iten von den Na- 

later series, which, as I have pointed ish'ttra, ii. 299, ff.] 
out above (p. 30), must necessarily 93 Of peculiar interestis the men- 

liave been fixed between 1472 and tion of Dhritantshtra Vaichitravirya, 

536 B.C. But all that follows from as also of the contests between the 

this, in regard to the passage in Panclialas and the Kuntis in the 

question, is that it is not earlier Kathaka; see 7. St., iii. 469-472. 
than 1472 B.C., which is a matter of !ii Bhatta BMskara Misra, on the , 

course; it nowise follows that it contrary, gives Yitjnavalka instead 

may not be later than 53') B.C. So of Pairigi ; see Btiruell'a Catalogue, 

we obtain nothing definite here. p. 14. 


structor of Ukha, and Ukha the preceptor of Atreya.* 
This at least clearly exhibits its author's view of the 
priority of Yaska to the schools and redactions of the 
Black Yajus bearing the names of Tittiii and Atreya. ; 
although the data necessary to prove the correctness of 
this view aie wanting. Thar, however, some sort of influ- 
ence in the arrangement of the Samhita of the Black Yajus 
is certainly to be attributed to Yaska, is evident further 
from the fact that Bhatta Bhaskara, Misra, in an extant 
fragment of his commentary on the Apastamba-Samhita.f 
quotes, side by side with the views of Kasakritsna and 
Ekachiirni regarding a division of the text, the opinion of 
Yaska also. 

Along with the Kathaka, the Mdnara and the Maitra 
are very frequently quoted in the commentaries on the 
Kati'ya-Sutra of the White Yajus. We do not, it is true, 
find these names in the Sutras or similar works ; but at all 
events they are meant for works resembling the Kathaka, 
as is shown by the quotations themselves, which are often 
of considerable length. Indeed, we also find, although only 
in later writings, the Maitrayaniyas, and, as a subdivision 
of these, the Manavas, mentioned as schools of the Black 
Yajus. Possibly these works may still be in existence in 

* Atreya \vas the padakdra of his with Sayana's completecommentary, 

school; Kundina, on the contrary, was commenced by Roer (1854), con- 

the vrittikdra. The meaning of tinued by Cowell and Rdma NaVd- 

vritti is here obscure, as it is also in yana, and is now in the hands of 

Schol. to Pan., iv. 3. 108 (mddhuri Mahesachandra Ny.iyaratna (the last 

vrittilf) [see 1. St., xiii. 3-Sl]. part, No. 28, 1874, reaches to iv. 

t We have, besides, a commen- 3. 1 1) ; the complete text, in Roman 

tary by Sayana, though it is only transcript, has been published by 

fragmentary; another is ascribed to myself in 7. St., xi., xii. (1871-72). 

a Bdlakrishna. [In Burnell's Col- On the Kiithaka, see 1. St., iii. 451- 

lection of MSS., see his Catalogue, 479.] 

pp. 12-14, is found the greater por- According to the Fort-William 

tion of Bhatta Kanaka Ehaskaia Catalogue, the ' Maitrayani-Sa'khd ' 

MisVa's commentary, under the name is in existence there. [Other MSS. 

Jndnayajna ; the author is said to have since been found ; see Haug in 

have lived 400 years before Sayana ; I. St., ix. 175, and his essay Brahma 

he quotes amongst others Bhavasvd- vnd die Jlrahmanen, pp. 31-34 

mil), and &eems to stand in special (1871), and Biihler's detailed survey 

connection with the Atreyi school, of the works composing this Sdklut 

A Paisdchablidshya on the Black in I. St., xiii. 103, 117-128. Accord- 

Yajus is alsc mentioned ; see 7. St., ing to this, the Maitr. Sainhitd con- 

ix. 176. An edition of the Tail- sists at present of five kdndas, two 

tiriyu-Samhitii in the Bill. Indica, of which, however, are hut later ad- 


Besides the Samhita so called, there is a Brahmana 
recognised by the school of Apastamba, and also by that 
of Atreya,* which, however, as I have already remarked, 
ditiers from the Samhita, not as to the nature of its con- 
tents, but only in point of time ; it is, in fact, to be regarded 
merely as a supplement to it. It either reproduces the 
formulas contained in the Samhita, and connects them 
with their proper ritual, or it develops further the litur- 
gical rules already given there ; or again, it adds to these 
entirely new rules, as, for instance, those concerning the 
purusliamedha, which is altogether wanting in the Sam- 
hita, and those referring to the sacrifices to the lunar 
asterisms. Only the third and last book, in twelve prapd- 
tliakas, together with Sayana's commentary, is at present 
known. 95 The three last prapdthakas, which contain four 
different sections, relating to the manner of preparing cer- 
tain peculiarly sacred sacrificial fires, are ascribed in the 
Anukramani of the Atreya school (and this is also con- 
firmed by Sayana in another place) to the sage Katha. 
Two other sections also belong to it, which, it seems,, are 
only found in the Atreya school, and not in that of Apa- 
stamba ; and also, lastly, the two first books of the Tait- 
tin'ya-Aranyaka, to be mentioned presently. Together 
these eight sections evidently form a supplement to the 
Ivathaka above discussed ; they do not, however, appear 
to exist as an independent work, but only in connection 
with the Brahmana and Aranyaka of the Apastamba- 
(and Atreya-) schools, from which, for the rest, they can 
be externally distinguished easily enough by the absence of 
the expansion of v and y into uv and iy. The legend 
quoted towards the end of the second of these sections 
(prap. xi. 8), us to the visit of Nachiketas, to the lower 


world, gave rise to an Upanishad of the Atharvau which 
bears the name of Kathakopanishad. Now, between thio 
supplement to the Kathaka and the Kathaka itself a con- 
siderable space of time must have elapsed, as follows from 
the allusions made in the last sections to Maha-Meru, 
Krauncha, Mainaga; to Vaisampayana, Vyasa Paras'arya, 
&c. ; as well as from the literature therein presupposed as 
existing, the ' Atharvaiigirasas,' Brahmanas, Itihasas, Pura- 
nas, Kalpas, Gathas, and Nara^ansis being enumerated as 
subjects of study (svddhydya). Further, the last but one 
of these sections / is ascribed to another author, viz., to the 
Arunas, or to Aruna, whom, the scholiast on Panini 90 
speaks of as a pupil of Vaisampayana, a statement with 
which its mention of the latter as an authority tallies 
excellently ; this section is perhaps therefore only errone- 
ously assigned to the school of the Kathas. The Tait- 
tiriya-Aranydka, at the head of which that section stands 
(as already remarked), and which belongs both to the 
Apastamba and Atreya schools, must at all events be 
regarded as only a later supplement to their Brahmana, 
and belongs, like most of the Aranyakas, to the extreme 
end of the Vedic period. It consists of ten books, the 
first six of which are of a liturgical character : the first 
and third books relate to the manner of preparing certain 
sacred sacrificial fires ; the second to preparatives to the 
study of Scripture; and the fourth, fifth, and sixth to 
purificatory sacrifices and those to the Manes, correspond- 
ing to the last books of the Samhita of the White Yajus. 
The last four books of the Aranyaka, on the contrary, 
contain two Upanishads; viz., the seventh, eighth, and 
ninth books, the Taittiriyopanishad, tear egoxyv so called, 
and the tenth, the Ydjniki- or Ndrdyaniyd-Upanisliad. 
The former, or Taittiriyopanishad, is in three parts. The 
first is the Samhitopamthad, or Sikslidvalli* which begins 
with a short grammatical disquisition, 97 and then turns to 

IJG Kaiyata on P;in., iv. 2. 104 * Valli means 'a creeper;' it ia 
(Mahabluisliya, fol. 73*, ed. Benares) ; perhaps meant to describe these U pa- 
he calls him, however, Aruni in- nishads as ' creepers,' which have 
etead of Aruna, and Derives from nttached themselves to the Veda- 
him the school of the Anmins (cited Sakha. 

in theBhashya, ibid.); the Arimis are 87 See above, p. 6l; Miiller, A.S. L., 

cited in the Kathaka itself; see p. 113, ff. ; Haug, Ucbcr dot Wescn 

I. St., iii. 475. dcs vcditchen Accents, p. 54. 



the question of the unity of the world-spirit. The second 
and third are the Anandavalli and BhriguvalU, which 
together also go by the name of Vdruni-Upaniskad, and 
treat of the bliss of entire absorption in meditation upon 
the Supreme Spirit, and its identity with the individual 
soul.* If in these we have already a thoroughly systematised 
form of speculation, we are carried even further in one 
portion of the Yajniki-Upanishad, where we have to do 
with a kind of sectarian worship of Narayana : the remain- 
ing part contains ritual supplements. Now, interesting as 
this whole Aranyaka is from its motley contents and evi- 
dent piecing together of collected fragments of all sorts, 
it is from another point of view also of special importance 
for us, from the fact that its tenth book is actually extant 
in a double recension, viz., in a text which, according to 
Say ana's statements, belongs to the Dravidas, and in an- 
other, bearing the name of the Andhras, both names of 
peoples in the south-west of India. Besides these two 
texts, Sayana also mentions a recension belonging to the 
Karnatakas, and another whose name he does not give. 
Lastly, this tenth bookt exists also as an Atharvopa- 
nishad, and here again with many variations ; so that there 
is here opened up to criticism an ample field for researches 
and conjectures. Such, certainly, have not been wanting 
in Indian literary history ; it is seldom, however, that the 
facts lie so ready to hand as we have them in this case, 
and this we owe to Sayana' s commentary, which is here 
really excellent. 

When we look about us for the other Brahmanas of the 
Black Yajus, we find, in the first place, among the schools 

* See a translation, &c., of the vii.-ix., see the previous note), in 

Tnitt. Upanishad in I. tit., ii. 207- Mil. Ind. (1864-72), by IMjendra 

255. It has been edited, with S;irn- Lala Mitra ; the text is the DnivitU 

kura's commentary, by lloer in Jiibl. text commented upon by Sayana, in 

Indica, vol. vii. [; the text alone, as sixty-four anurdkfit, the various 

a portion of the Taitt. Ar., by llajeii- readings of the Andhra text (in 

dra L,ila Mitra also, see next note, eighty annrdkas) being also added. 

Uoer's translation appeared in vol. Jn Burnell's collection there is also 

xv. of the Bibliotheca Indica]. a commentary on the Taitt. Ar., by 

t See a partial translation of it in Bhntta Biutskara Misra, which, like 

/. l. ,ii. 78-100. [It is published that on the Sarnhita, is entitled 

in the. complete edition of the Jniinayajna ; see Biirnell'8 Cata- 

Taitt. Aranyaka, with Sayana's com- loyue, pp. 16, 17.] 
mentary thereon (excepting books 


fcited in the Sama-Sutras two which must probably be 
considered as belonging to the Black Yajus, viz., the Bhdi- 
lavins and the Sdfydyanins. The Brahmana of the BMl- 
lavins is quoted by the scholiast on Panini, probably fol- 
lowing the Mahabhashya, 93 as one of the ' old ' Brahmanas : 
we find it mentioned in the Brihaddevata; SuresVaracharya 
also, and even Sayana himself, quote passages from the 
Bhallavi^ruti. A passage supposed to be borrowed from 
the Bhallavi-Upanishad is adduced by the sect of the 
Madhavas in support of the correctness of their (Dvaita) 
belief (As. Res., xvi. 104). That the Bhallavins belong to 
the Black Yajus is, however, still uncertain ; I only con- 
clude so at present from the fact that Bhallaveya is the 
name of a teacher specially attacked and censured in the 
Brahmana of the White Yajus. As to the d(ydyanins, 
whose Brahmana is also reckoned among the ' old ' ones by 
the scholiast on Panini," and is frequently quoted, espe- 
cially by Sayana, it is pretty certain that they belong to 
the Black Yajus, as it is so stated in the Charanavyiiha, a 
modern index of the different schools of the Vedas, and, 
moreover, a teacher named Satyayani is twice mentioned 
in the Brahmana of the White Yajus. The special regard 
paid to them in the Sama-Sutras, and which, to judge 
from the quotations, they themselves paid to the Saman, is 
probably to be explained by the peculiar connection (itself 
still obscure) which we find elsewhere also between the 
schools of the Black Yajus and those of the Saman. 100 Thus, 
the Kathas are mentioned along with the Saman schools 

s This is not so, for in the Bhd- tbority in this case either, for it does 

sliya to the particular sMra of Pdn. not mention the Sdtydyanins in it.i 

(iv. 3. 105), the Blidllavins are not comment on the st'iira in question 

mentioned. They are, however, (iv. 3. 105). But Kaiyata cites the 

mentioned elsewhere in the work, at Brdhmanas proclaimed by Sdtyd- 

iv. 2. 104 (here Kaiya^a derives them yaua, &c., as contemporaneous with 

from a teacher Bhallu : Bhallund the Ydjnaralkdni Brdhmandni and 

proktam adltiyatt) ; us a Bhdllavei/o Sanlablidni Kr., which ;ire mentioned 

Matsyo rdjaputrah is cited in the in the M ahdbhdshya (see, however, 

Anupada, vi. 5, their home may /. St., v. 67, 68) ; and the Mahdbha- 

liave been in the country of the shya itself citestheSdtydyaninsalong 

Matsyas ; see 7. St., xiii. 441, 442. with the Bhdllavins (On iv. 2. 104) ; 

At the time of the Bhdshika-Sutra they belonged, it would seem, to the 

their Brdhmana text was still accen- uorth ; see 7. St., xiii. 442. 
tuated, in the same way as the Sata- 10 See on this /. St., iii. 473, xiii 

patha ; see Kielhorn, /. St , x. 421. 439. 

afl The Mahdbhdshya is not his au- 


of the Kalapas and Kauthumas; and along with the latter 
the Laukakshas also. As to the Sakayanins,* Sayakayani ns, 
Kalabavins, and Salankayanins, 101 with whom, as with the 
Satyayanins, we are only acquainted through quotations, 
it is altogether uncertain whether they belong to the Black 
Yajus or not;. The Chhagalins, whose name seems to be 
borne by a tolerably ancient Upanishad in Anquetil's, are stated in the Charanavvuha 102 to form a 
school of the Black Yajus (according to Panini, iv. 3. 109, 
they are called Chhagaleyins) : the same is there said of 
the Svetd&vataras. The latter gave their name to an 
Upanishad composed in a metrical form, and called at its 
close the work of a SvetasVatara : in which the Samkhya 
doctrine of the two primeval principles is mixed up with 
the Yoga doctrine of one Lord, a strange misuse being 
here made of wholly irrelevant passages of the Samhita, 
&c., of the Yajus; and upon this rests its sole claim to be 
connected witli the latter. Kapila, the originator of the 
Samkhya system, appears in it raised to divine dignity 
itself, and it evidently belongs to a very late period ; for 
though several passages from it are quoted in the Brahma- 
Sutra of Badarayana (from which its priority to the latter 
at least would appear to follow), they may just as well 
have been borrowed from the common source, the Yajus. 
It is, at all events, a good deal older than Samkara, since 
he regarded it as Sruti, and commented upon it. It has 
recently been published, together with this commentary,* by 
Dr. lioer, in the Bibliothcca Inclica, vol. vii. ; see also Ind. 
Stud., i. 420, ff. The Maitrdijana Upanishad at least bears 
a more ancient name, and might perhaps be connected 

* They are mentioned in the tion to this extent, that the Chara- 

tenth book of the Bnihrnana of the navyuha does not know the name 

White Yajus [see also Kathaka 22. Chhagalin at all (which is mentioned 

7, 7. St., iii. 472] ; as is also Sityakii- by Panini alone), but speaks only of Chhageyas or Chhdgaleyas ; see /. 

101 The Sdlankdyanas are ranked as St., iii. 258 ; Muller, A . S. L., p. 370. 

Bnlhmanas ainonsr the Vilhikas iti On Anquetil's ' Tschakli ' Upanishad 

the Calcutta scholium to Pan. v. 3. see now 7. St., ix. 42-46. 

114 (bhdshycna vydkhytHam}. Vyd- * Distinguished by a great num. 

na's mother, Satyavati, is called ber of sometimes tolerably long 

Sulankilyanaja, and Pa"nini himself quotations from the Punlnas, &c. 

Sdlafiki ; see 7. St., xiii. 375, 395, [Roer's translation was published iu 

428, 429. the B'M. hid., vol. xv.] 

iiw 'i'^ja statement needs correc- 


with the above-mentioned Maitra (Brahmana). Its text, 
however, both in language and contents, shows that, corn- 
pared with the latter, it is of a very modern date. At pre- 
sent, unfortunately, I have at my command only the four 
first prapdlhakas, and these in a very incorrect form,* 
whereas in Anquetil's translation, the Upanishad consists 
of twenty chapters, yet even these are sufficient clearly 
to determine the character of the work. King Brihadra- 
tha, who, penetrated by the nothingness of earthly things, 
resigned the sovereignty into the hands of his son, and 
devoted himself to contemplation, is there instructed by 
Sakayanya (see gana 'Kunja^') upon the relation of the 
dtman (soul) to the world; Sakayanya communicates to 
him what Maitreya had said upon this subject, who in his 
turn had only repeated the instruction given to the Bala- 
khilyas by Prajapati himself. The doctrine in question is 
thus derived at third hand only, and we have to recognise 
in this tradition a consciousness of the late origin of this 
form of it. This late origin manifests itself externally 
also in the fact that corresponding passages from other 
sources are quoted with exceeding frequency in support of 
the doctrine, introduced by " athd 'nyatrd 'py uJctam," " etad 
apy uldani" " atre 'me lokd bhavanti," " atlia yatlie 'yam 
Kautsdyanastutih" The ideas themselves are quite upon 
a level with those of the fully developed Samkhya doc- 
trine,t and the language is completely marked off from the 

* I obtained them quite recently, to the commentary, on the one 

in transcript, through the kindness hand, the two last books are to be 

of Baron d'Eckstein, of Paris, to- considered as khilas, and on the 

gether with tlie tenth adhydya of a other, the whole Upanishad belongs 

metrical paraphrase, called Anabhu- to a purvakdnda, in four books, of 

liprakdsa, of this Upauishad, extend- ritual purport, by which most likely 

ing, in 150 slokas, over these four is meant the Maitrdyani-Samhita 

prapdthakns. The latter is copied discussed by Biihler (see 1. St., xiii. 

from E. I. H., 693, and is probably 119, ff.), in which the Upanishad is 

identical with the work of Vidyii- quoted as the second (!) kdnda ; see 

ranya often mentioned by Cole- I. c., p. 121. The transcript sent me 

brooke. [It is really so ; and this by Eckstein shows manifold devia- 

portion has since been published, tions from the other text ; its ori- 

together with the Upanishad in full, ginai has unfortunately not been 

by Cowell, in his edition of the discovered yet.] 

Maitr. Upanishad, in seven prapA- f Brahman, Rudra, and Vishnu 

thakas, with Rdmatirtha's comtnen- represent respectively the Sattva, 

tary and an English translation, in the Tamas, and the liajas eleuieuK. 

the Bill. Ind. (1862-70). According of Praj;ipati. 



prose of the Brahmanas, both by extremely long com- 
pounds, and by words entirely foreign to these, and only 
belonging to the epic period (such as sura, yakslia, uraga, 
IMUagana, &c.). The mention also of the grahas, planets, 
arid of the motion of the polar star (dhruvasya pracha- 
lanam), supposes a period considerably posterior to the 
Brahmana. 103 The zodiacal signs are even mentioned in 
Anquetil's translation; the text to which I have access 
does not unfortunately extend so far. 104 That among the 
princes enumerated in the introduction as having met 
their downfall, notwithstanding all their greatness, not one 
name occurs belonging to the narrower legend of the 
Maha-Bharata or Ivamayana, is no doubt simply owing to 
the circumstance that Brihadratha is regarded as the pre- 
decessor of the Pandus. For we have probably to identify 
him with the Brihadratha, king of Magadha, who accord- 
ing to the Maha-Bharata (ii. 756) gave up the sovereignty 
to his son Jarasamdha, afterwards slain by the Pandus, 
and retired to the wood of penance. I cannot forbear con- 
necting with the instruction here stated to have been given 
to a king of Magadha by a Sdkdyanya the fact that it 
was precisely in Magadha that Buddhism, the doctrine of 
Sdkyamuni, found a welcome. I would even go so far as 
directly to conjecture that we have here a Brahmanical 
legend about Sakyaimmi; whereas otherwise legends of 
this kind reach us only through the adherents of the Bud- 
dhist doctrine. Maitreya, it is well known, is, with the 
Buddhists, the name of the future Buddha, yet in their 
legends the name is also often directly connected with 
their Sakyamuni ; a Purna Maitrayaniputra, too, is given 
to the latter as a pupil. Indeed, as far as we can judge at 

1 1;! According to Cowell (p. 244), journeys (vi. 14; Cowell, pp. 119, 
by r/ralia we have here to under- 266) ; see ou this I. St., ix. 363. 
(stand, once at least (i. 4), not thu u ' 4 The text has nothing of this 
planets but lidlayrahas (children's (vii. i, p. 198); but special mention 
diseases); " Dhruvasya praclialanam is here made of Saturn, iani (p. 
probably only refers to a pralaya ; 201), and where &ukra occurs (p. 
then even ' the never-ranging pole 200), we might perhaps think of 
star* is forced to move." In a, Venus. This last adliydya through- 
second passage, however (vi. 16, p. out clearly betrays its later origin ; 
124), the grahas appear along with of special interest is the bitter pole- 
the moon and the rikshas. Very rnic against heretics and unbelievers 
peculiar, too, is the statement as to (p. 206). 
thu stellar limits of the sun's two 


present, the doctrine' of this Upanishad stands in close 
connection with the opinions of the Buddhists, 105 although 
from its Brahmanical origin it is naturally altogether free 
from the dogma and mythology peculiar to Buddhism. 
We may here also notice, especially, the contempt for 
writing (grantlia) exhibited in one of the Mokas* quoted 
in corroboration. 

Neither the Chhagalins, nor the SvetasVataras, nor the 
Maitrayaniyas are mentioned in the Sutras of the other 
Vedas, or in similar works, as schools of the Black Yajus ; 
still, we must certainly ascribe to the last mentioned a 
very active share in its development, and the names 
Maitreya and Maitreyi at least are not uufrequently 
quoted in the Brahmanas. 

In the case of the Sutras, too, belonging to the Black 
Yajus, the large number of different schools is very 
striking. Although, as in the case of the Brahmanas, we 
only know the greater part of them through quotations, 
there is reason to expect, not only that the remarkably 
rich collection of the India House (with which I am only 
very superficially acquainted) will be found to contain 
many treasures in this department, but also that many of 
them will yet be recovered in India itself. The Berlin 
collection does not contain a single one. In the first 
place, as to the Srauta-Stitras, my only knowledge of the 
Katha- Sutra, f the Mamt- Sutra, the Maitra-Sutra, and 
the Laur/dkshi-Sutra is derived from the commentaries on 
the Katiya-Sutra of the White Yajus; the second, how- 
ever, 106 stands in the catalogue of the Fort-William col- 

10j Buna's Harshacharitra informs whether the word grant/ia ought 

us of a Ma,itr;iy;miya Divdkara who really & priori and for the earlier 

embraced the Buddhist creed ; and period to be understood of written 

]>hau Daji (Journal Bombay Branch texts (cf. /. St., xiii. 476), yet in 

It. A. S., x. 40) adds that even now this verse, at any rate, a different 

Maitr. Brahinans live near Bhadgaon interpretation is hardly possible; 

at the foot of the Vindhya, with see below.] 

whom other Brahmans do not eat ) Laugakslii and the ' Ldmakdya- 

in common ; * the reason may have nlndm Brdhmanam ' are said to be 

been the early Buddhist tendencies quoted therein, 
of many of them.' 10S On this, as well as on the con- 

* Which, by the way, recurs to- tents and the division of the work, 

gether with some others in precisely see my remarks iu /. St., v. 13-16, 

the same form in the Au.ritavin- in accordance with communications 

<iu- (or Brahmavindu-) Upanishad. received from Professor Cowell ; cf. 

[Though it may be very doubtful also Haug, ibid., ix. 175. A ildnavn 


lection , and of the last, whose author is cited in the 
Katha-Sutra, as well as in the Katiya-Sutra, there is, it 
appears, a copy in Vienna. Mahadeva, a commentator of 
the Kalpa-Siitra of Satyashadha Hiranyakes"i, when enu- 
merating the Taittiriya-Siitras in successive order in his 
introduction, leaves out these four altogether, and names 
at the head of his list the Sutra of Baudhdyana as the 
oldest, then that of Bhdradvdja, next that of Apastamba, 
next that of Hiranyakesi himself, and finally two names 
not otherwise mentioned in this connection, Vdclktina 
and Vaikhdnasa, the former of which is perhaps a cor- 
rupted form. Of these names, Bharadvaja is the only one 
to be found in Vedic works ; it appears in the Brahmana 
of the White Yajus, especially in the supplements to the 
A r rihad-Aranyaka (where several persons of this name are 
mentioned), in the Katiya-Sutra of the same Yajus, in the 
Pratisakhya-Siitra of the Black Yajus, and in Panini. 
Though the name is a patronymic, yet it is possible that 
these last citations refer to one and the same person, in 
which case he must at the same time be regarded as the 
founder of a grammatical school, that of the Bharadvajiyas. 
As yet, I have seen nothing of his Sutra, and am acquainted 
with it only through quotations. According to a state- 
ment by the Mahadeva just mentioned, it treats of the 
oblation to the Manes, in two prasnas, and therefore shares 
with the rest of the Sutras this designation of the sections, 
\yhich is peculiar to the Black Yajus. 107 The Sutra of 
Apastamba * is found in the Library of the India Houe, 
and a part of it in Paris also. Commentaries on it by 

Srauta-Sutra is also cited in Biihler's Kumdrilasviimin was the author of 

Catalogue of A1SS. from Gnjardt, i. the commentary seems still doubt- 

188 (1871) ; it is in 322 foil. The ful. 

manuscript edited in facsimile by 107 The Bhitradvdjiya - Sutra has 

Goldstiieker under the title, ' Ma- now been discovered by Biihler ; see 

nava Kalpa-Stitra, being a portion of his Catal. of MSS. from Guj., i. 186 

tkis ancient work on Vaidik rites, to- (212 foil.) ; the Vaikhdnasa-Sfitra is 

{/ether with the Commentary of Kit- also quoted, ib. i. 190 (292 foil.) ; see 

mdrilasvdmin' (1861), gives but little also Hang in 7. St., ix. 175. 

of the text, the commentary quoting * According to the quotations, the 

only the first words of the passages Y;ijasaney:ika, Bahvricha-Brdhinana, 

commented upon ; whether the con- and Siityayanaka are frequently meu- 

eluding words, ' Knnuire'ablxlshyam tioned therein. 
iamuptam,' really indicate that 



Dhurtasviimin and Talavrintanivasin are mentioned, 108 also 
one on the Sutra of Baudhayana by Kapardisvamin. 109 
The work of Satyashadha contains, according to Maha- 
deva's statement, 110 twenty-seven prasnas, whose contents 
agree pretty closely with the order followed in the Katiya- 
Sutra; only the last nine form an exception, and are quite 
peculiar to it. The nineteenth and twentieth prasnas refer 
to domestic ceremonies, which usually find a place in the 
Grihya- and Smarta-Sutras. In the twenty-first, genealo- 
gical accounts and lists are contained; as also in aprasna 
of the Baudhayana-Sutra.* 

Still scantier is the information we possess upon the 
Grihya-Sutras of the Black Yajus. The Kdtkaka Grihya- 
Sutra is known to me only through quotations, as are also 
the Sutras of LaudJidyana (extant in the Fort-William 

108 On the Apastamha-Srauta-Su- 
tra and the commentaries helonging 
to it, by Dhurtasv., Kapardisv&nin, 
lludradatta, Gunxlevasvdmit), Ka- 
ravindasvdmin, Tdlav., Ahobalasuri 
(Adabilain Biihler, 1. c., p. 150, who 
also mentions a Nrisinha, p. 152), 
and others, see Biirnell in his Cata- 
logue, pp. 18-24, iU 'd i n t" e Indian 
Antiquary, i. 5, 6. According to 
this the work consists of thirty 
prasnas ; the first twenty-three treat 
of the sacrificial rites in essentially 
the same order (from darsapurna- 
mdsnu to sattrdyanam) as in Hiran- 
yakesi, whose Sutra generally is 
almost identical with that of Apa- 
p ram ha ; see Buhler's preface to the 
Ap. Dharma-Sutra, p. 6 ; the 24th 
prasna contains tlie general rules, 
jxiribhdshds, edited by M. Miiller in 
Z. D. M. G., ix. (1855), a pravara- 
khanda and a hautraka ; prasnas 25- 
27 contain the Grihya-Sutra ; pras- 
nas 28, 29, the Dharina-Sutra, eiited 
by Biihler^^S); and finally, prasna 
30, the Sulva-Sutra (sulva, ' mea- 
suring cord '). 

109 On the Baudh,iyana-Sutra corn- 
pare likewise Biirnell's Catalogue, pp. 
24-30. Bhavasviimin, who amongst 
others commented it, is mentioned 
by Btiatta Bhdskara, and is conse- 
quently placed by Buruell (p. 26) iu 

the eighth century. According to 
Kielhorn, Catalogue of S. MSS. in 
the Sout/i Division of the Bombay 
Pres., p. 8, there exists a commen- 
tary on it by Sdyanaalso, for whom, 
indeed, it constituted the special 
text-book of the Yajus school to 
which he belonged ; see Buruell, 
Vansa-Brdlimana, pp. ix.-xix. In 
Biihler's Catalogue of MS&. from 
Guj., i. 182, 184, Anautadeva, Na- 
vahasta, and Sesha are also quoted as 
scholiasts. The exact compass of the 
entire work is not yet ascertained ; 
the Baudhayana - Dharma - Stitra, 
which, according to Buhler, Digest 
of Hindu Lau\ i. p. xxi. (1867), 
forms part of, the Srauta-Sut7-a, as 
in the case of Apastamba and Hiran- 
yakesi, was commented by Goviuda- 
bvdrnin : see Burnell, p. 35. 

110 Mdtridatta and Vslnc lies' vara (?) 
are also mentioned as commentators ; 
see Kielhorn, 1. c., p. IO. 

* Such lists are also found in 
Asvaliiyana's work, at the end, 
though only in brief: for the Kdtiya- 
Sutra, a Pari.4ishta conies in. [Pras- 
iias 26, 27, of Hiranyake^i treat of 
dharmas, so ( that here also, as in 
the case of Apast. and Baudh., the 
Dharma-Sutra forms part of the 
Srauta- Sutra.] 


collection), of Bhdradvdja, and of Satydshddlia, or Hira.'n- 
yakei, unless in this latter case only the corresponding 
prasnas of the Kulpa-Sutra are intended. 111 I have myself 
only glanced through a Paddhati of the Grihya-Sutra of 
the Maitrdyaniya. school, which treats of the usual subject 
(the sixteen samskdras, or sacraments). I conclude that 
there must also have been a Grihya-Sutra 112 of the Mdnava 
school, from the existence of the Code bearing that name, 113 
just as the Codes ascribed to Atri, Apastamba, Chhaga- 
leya, Baudhayana, Laugakshi, and Satyayana are probably 
to be traced to the schools of the same name belonging 
to the Black Yajus, that is to say, to their Grihy a- Sutras. 114 
Lastly, the Prdtisdkhya-Sutra has still to be mentioned 
as a Sutra of the Black Yajus. The only manuscript with 
which I am acquainted unfortunately only begins at the 
fourth section of the first of the two pranas. This work 
is of special significance from the number of very peculiar 
names of teachers * mentioned in it : as Atreya, Kaundinya 
(once by the title of Sthavira), and Bharadvaja, whom we 
know already ; also Vdliriiki, a name which in this con- 
nection is especially surprising ; and further Agnives*ya, 
AgnivesVayana, Paushkarasadi, and others. The two last 
names, as well as that of Kaundinya/f are mentioned in 
Buddhist writings as the names either of pupils or of con- 
temporaries of Buddha, and Paushkarasadi is also cited 
in the vdrttikas to Panini by Katvavana, their author. 

\J *, / 

Again, the allusion occurring here for the first time to the 
Mimarisakas and Taittiriyakas deserves to be remarked; 

111 This ia really so. On Apa- shadvati and Snrnsvati as the proper 

stambn- and BhitradvKja-Gj-ihyii, see home of the Mtlnavas. This appears 

Jiiirnell, Cata/nyuc, pp. 30-33. The somewhat too strict. At any rate, 

section a <>f two ' pwynyas,' of both the statements as to the extent of 

texts, relating to birth ceremonial, the which are found in 

have been edited by Speijer in his the Pratijn^-Piirisishta of the White 

book De Cercmonia a/nid Jiulos quce Yajus point ns for the latter more 

rncatur jtitakarma (Leyden, 1872). to the east ; see my essay Ueber das 

n - It is actually extant ; see Bull- Pratijnd-SAtra (1872), pp. 101,105. 

W, Cutnloyuc, i. 1 88 (So foil.), and lu See Johautgen, /. c. f p. 108, 

Kielhorn, 1. c., p. 10 (fragment). 109. 

13 Johiintgen in his valuable tract * Their number is twenty; we 

7'cbcr das Gcsctzbuch dcs Manu Roth, Zur Lift, und Gesch., pp. 6c, 

(1863), p. 109, tt'., has, from the geo- 66. 

graphical data in Manu, ii. 17, ff., t ?ee 7. St., i. 441 not. [xiii. 387, 

fixed the territory between the Dp- ff., 418], 


also the contradistinction, found at the close of the work, 
of Chhandas and Bhdshd, i.e., of Vedic and ordinary lan- 
guage. 115 The work appears also to extend to a portion of 
the Aranyaka of the Black Yajus ; whether to the whole 
cannot yet be ascertained, and is scarcely probable. 116 

In conclusion, I have to notice the two Anukramams 
already mentioned, the one belonging to the Atreya school, 
the other to the Charayaniya school of the Kathaka. The 
former n7 deals almost exclusively with the contents of the 
several sections, which it gives in their order. It consists 
of two parts. The first, which is in prose, is a mere no- 
menclature ; the second, in thirty-four slokas, is little more. 
It, however, gives a few particulars besides as to the trans- 
mission of the text. To it is annexed a commentary upon 
both parts, which names each section, together with its 
opening words and extent. The Anukramani of the Ka- 
thaka enters but little into the contents ; it limits itself, 
on the contrary, to giving the Rishis of the various sections 
as well as of the separate verses; and here, in the case of 
the pieces taken from the Rik, it not unfrequently exhi- 
bits considerable divergence from the statements given in 
the Anukramani of the latter, citing, in particular, a num- 
ber of entirely new names. According to the concluding 
statement, it is the work of Atri, who imparted it to 

We now turn to the White Yajus. 

With regard, in the first place, to the name itself, it 
probably refers, as has been already remarked, to the fact 
that the sacrificial formulas are here separated from their 

116 In the passage in question Ar. or Taitt. Brdhm. is made in the 
(xxiv. 5), ' chk'indob/ids/id ' means text itself ; on the contrary, it con- 
rather 'the Veda language ;' see fines itself exclusively to the Taitt. 
Whitney, p. 417. S. The commentary, however, in 

116 We have now an excellent edi- some few instances goes beyond the 

tion of the work hy Whitney, Jour- T. S. ; see Whitney's special discus- 

nal Am. Or. Soc., ix. (1871), text, sion of the points here involved, pp. 

translation, and notes, together with 422-426; cf. also 7. St., iv. 76-79. 
a commentary called Tiibhdshya- 117 See /. St., iii. 373-401, xii. 

rntna, by an anonymous author (or 350-357, and the similar statements 

is his name Kdrttikeya?), a compila- ir>ni Bhntta Bhdskara MisVa in Bur- 

^ion from three older commentaries nell's Catalogue, p. 14. The Atreyi 

by Atreya, Mdhiehrya, and Vara- text here appears in a special rehv- 

ruchi. Ko reierence to the Taitt. ttou to a sdrasvata pdtha. 


ritual basis and dogmatical explanation, and that we have 
here a systematic and orderly distribution of the matter 
so confusedly mixed up in the Black Yajus. This is the 
way in which the expression ukldni yajtinshi is explained 
by the commentator Dviveda Ganga, in the only passage 
where up till now it has been found in this sense, namely, 
in the last supplement added to the Vrihad-Aranyaka of 
the White Yajus. I say iu the only passage, for though it 
appears once under the form hikrayajunshi, in the Aranyaka 
of the Black Yajus (5. 10), it has hardly the same general 
meaning there, but probably refers, on the contrary, to the 
fourth and fifth books of that Aranyaka itself. For in the 
Anukramani of the Atreya school these books bear the 
name ukriyakdnda, because referring to expiatory cere- 
monies ; and this name tiukriya, ' expiating ' [probably 
rather 'illuminating'?] belongs also to the correspond- 
ing parts of the Samhita of the White Yajus, and even to 
the sdmans employed at these particular sacrifices. 

Another name of the White Yajus is derived from the 
surname Vajasaneya, which is given to Yajnavalkya, the 
teacher who is recognised as its author, in the supplement 
to the Vrihad-Aranyaka, just mentioned. Mahidhara, at 
the commencement of his commentary on the Samhita of 
the White Yajus, explains Vajasaneya as a patronymic, 
" the son of Vajasani." Whether this be correct, or whe- 
ther the word vdjasani is to be taken as an appellative, it 
at any rate signifies * " the giver of food," and refers to the 
chief object lying at the root of all sacrificial ceremonies, 
the obtaining of the necessary food from the gods whom 
the sacrifices are to propitiate. To this is also to be traced 
the name vdjin, " having food," by which the theologians 
of the White Yajus are occasionally distinguished. 118 Now, 
from Vajasaneya are derived two forms of words by which 
the Samhita and Bnihmana of the White Yajus are found 

* Tn Mah<l-Bha>ata, xii. 1507, the by 'food' (anna) is probably purely 

word is an epithet of Krishna, a scholastic one.] 

[Here also it is explained as above ; 118 According to another explana- 

for the Rik, however, according to tion, this is because the Sun as 

the St. Petersburg Dictionary, we Horse revealed to Ydjnavalkya the 

have to assign to it the meaning of aydtaydmasamjndni yajiinshi ; see 

'procuring courage or strength, Vi&hmi-Purana, iii. 5. 28; 'swift, 

victorious, gaining booty or prize.' courageous, horse,' are the funda- 

The explanation of the word viija mental meanings of the word. 


cited, namely, Vdjasancyaka, first used in the Taittiriya- 
Siitra of Apastamba and the Kati'ya-Siitra of the White 
Yajus itself, and Vdjasaneyinas* i.e., those who study the 
two works in question, first used in the Anupada- Sutra of 
the Samaveda. 

In the White Yajus we find, what does not occur in the 
case of any other Veda, that Samhita and Brahmana have 
been handed down in their entirety in two distinct recen- 
sions ; and thus we obtain a measure for the mutual rela- 
tions of such schools generally. These two recensions 
agree almost entirely in their contents, as also in the dis- 
tribution of them ; in the latter respect, however, there are 
many, although slight, discrepancies. The chief difference 
consists partly in actual variants in the sacrificial formulas, 
as in the Brahmana, and partly in orthographic or orthoepic 
peculiarities. One of these recensions bears the name of 
the Kdnvas, the other that of the Mddhyamdinas, names 
which have not yet been found in the Sutras or similar 
writings. The only exception is the Pratis'akhya-Sutra of 
the White Yajus itself, where there is mention both of a 
Kanva and of r the Mddhyamdinas. In the supplement 
to the Vrihad-Aranyaka again, in the lists of teachers, a 
Kanviputra (vi. 5 i) and a Madhyamdinayana (iv. 6. 2) at 
least are mentioned, although only in the Kanva recension, 
not in the other ; the former being cited among the latest, 
the latter among the more recent members of the respec- 
tive lists. The question now arises whether the two 
recensions are to be regarded as contemporary, or if one is 
older than the other. It is possible to adopt the latter 
view, and to consider the Kanva school as the older one. 
For not only is Kanva the name of one of the ancient 
Rishi families of the Rigveda and with the Rigveda this 
recension agrees in the peculiar notation of the cerebral d 
by / but the remaining literature of the White Yajus 
appears to connect itself rather with the school of the 
Madhyamdinas. However this may be, 119 we cannot, at 

* Occurs in the gana 'Saunaka.' vaka, a yellow (pingala) Krfnva, and 

[The Vajasaneyaka is also quoted by a Kdnvyayana, and also their pupils, 

Latydyana.] nre mentioned ; see /. St., xiii. 417, 

119 The Mddbyamdinas are not 444. The school of the Kanvds 

mentioned in Patamjnli's Mahfi- Kausravasds is mentioned in the 

Lhsishya, but the Kunvas, the Kdg- Kdtliuka, see on this 7. St., iii. 475, 


aiy rate, assume anything like a long interval between the 
two recensions ; they resemble each other too closely for 
this, and we should perhaps do better to regard their 
distinction as a geographical one, orthoepic divergencies 
generally being best explained by geographical reasons. 
As to the exact date to be ascribed to these recensions, it 
may be, as has already been stated in our general survey 
(p. i o), that we have here historical ground to go upon 
a thing which so seldom happens in this field. Arrian, 
quoting from Megasthenes, mentions a people called 
MaSiavSivol, "through whose country flows the river An- 
dhomati," and I have ventured to suggest that we should 
understand by these the Madhyamdinas, 120 after whom one 
of these schools is named, and that therefore this school 
was either then already in existence, or else grew up at 
that time or soon afterwards.* The matter cannot indeed 
be looked upon as certain, for this reason, that mddhyam- 
dina, ' southern/ might apply in general to any southern 
people or any southern school ; and, as a matter of fact, 
we find mention of mddliyamdina-Kauthumds, ' southern 
Kauthumas.' f In the main, however, this date suits so 
perfectly that the conjecture is at least not to be rejected 
offhand. Prom this, of course, the question of the time 
of origin of the White Yajus must be strictly separated; 
it can only be solved from the evidence contained in the 

andin tlie Apastamba-Dharma-Sutra quotes in the case of the Yajurveda 
also, reference is sometimes made to the beginning of the Viijas. S., and 
a teacher Kanva or Kanva. Kanva not that of the Taitt. S. (or Kdth.).] 
and Kdnva appear r further in the + [Vinayaka designates his Kau- 
pravarn section of AsValayana, and shitaki-Brdhniana-Bhashya as Ma- 
in Panini himself (iv. 2. in), &c. ilhyamdina - Kauthumdnugam ; but 
;o The country of the MaSiavStvol does he not here mean the two 
is situate precisely in the middle of schools so called (Mddhy. and 
that ' Madhyadesa' the limits of Kauth.) ? They appear, in like man- 
which are given in the Pratijna-Pa- ner, side by side in an inscription 
risishta ; see my paper L'cber das published by Hall, Journal Am. Or. 
Prntijnd-Sutra, pp. 101-105. Soc., vi. 539.] In the Kd^ik^ (to 
* Whether, in that case, we may Pan. vii. i. 94) a grammarian, Ma- 
assume that all the works now coin- dhyamdini, is mentioned as a pupil 
prised in the Madhyamdina school of Vyaghrapa'd ( Vydghrapaddm vari- 
had already a place in this redaction th(kah) ; see Bb'htlingk. Panini, In- 
is a distinct question. [An interest- trod., p. 1. On this it is to be re- 
ing remark of Muller's, Hist. A. S. marked, that in the Brdhmana two 
L. t p. 453, points out that the Go- Vaiydghrapadyas and one Vaiydgh- 
patha-Brdhmana, in citing the first rapadiputra are mentioned, 
words of the different Vedas (i. 29), 


work itself. Here our special task consists in separating 
the different portions of it, which in its present form are 
bound up in one whole. Fortunately we have still data 
enough here to enable us to determine the priority or pos- 
teriority of the several portions. 

In the first place, as regards the Samhita of the White 
Yajus, the Vdjasaneyi-Samhitd, it is extant in both recen- 
sions in 40 adhydyas. In the Madhyamdina recension 
these are divided into 303 anurdkas and 1975 kandikds. 
The first 25 adhydyas contain the formulas for the general 
sacrificial ceremonial; 121 first (i., ii.) for the new and full- 
moon sacrifice ; then (iii.) for the morning and evening fire 
sacrifice, as well as for the sacrifices to be offered every 
four months at the commencement of the three seasons ; 
next (iv.-viii.) for the Soma sacrifice in general, and (ix., x.) 
for two modifications of it; next (xi. xviii.) for the con- 
struction of altars for sacred fires ; next (xix. xxi.) for the 
sautrdmani, a ceremony originally appointed to expiate 
the evil effects of too free indulgence in the Soma drink ; 
and lastly (xxii.-xxv.) for the horse sacrifice. The last 
seven of these adhydyas may possibly be regarded as a 
later addition to the first eighteen. At any rate it is cer- 
tain that the last fifteen adhydyas which follow them are of 
later, and possibly of considerably later, origin. In the 
Anukramani of the White Yajus, which bears the name of 
Katyayana, as well as in a Parisishta 122 to it, and subse- 
quently also in Mahidhara's commentary on the Samhita, 
xxvi.-.xxxv. are expressly called a Khila, or supplement, 
and xxxvi.-xl., ukriya, a name above explained. This 
statement the commentary on the Code of Yajnavalkya 
(called Mitiikshara) modifies to this effect, that the Bukriya 
begins at xxx. 3, and that xxxvi. i forms the beginning of 
an Aranyaka.* The first four of these later added adhyd- 
yas (xxvi.-xxix.) contain sacrificial formulas which belong 
to the ceremonies treated of in the earlier adhydyas, and 

121 A comprehensive but con- * That a portion of these, last 
densed exposition of it has been books is to be considered as an Aran- 
connnenced in my papers, Zur yaka seems to be beyond doubt ; 
Kcnntniss dcs vtdischcn Opferrituals, for xxxvii.-xxxix., in particular, 
in /. St., x. 321-396, xiii. 217-292. this is certain, as they are explained 

122 See my pnper, L'cbcr das Pra- in the Aranyaka part of the Brdh- 
tijnd-Stitra (1872), pp. 102-105. mnna. 


must be supplied thereto in the proper place. The ten 
following adhydyas (xxx.-xxxix.) contain the formulas for 
entirely new sacrificial ceremonies, viz., the puruslia-medJia 
(human sacrifice), 123 the sarva-medha (universal sacrifice), 
the pitri-medha (oblation to the Manes), and the pravargya 
(purificatory sacrifice). 124 The last adhydya, finally, has no 
sort of direct reference to the sacrificial ceremonial. It is 
also regarded as an Upanishad,* and is professedly designed 
to fix the proper mean between those exclusively engaged 
in sacrificial acts and those entirely neglecting them. It 
belongs, at all events, to a very advanced stage of specu- 
lation, as it assumes a Lord (is} of the universe. 1 ! Inde- 
pendently of the above-mentioned external testimony to 
the later origin of these fifteen adhydyas, their posteriority 
is sufficiently proved by the relation in which they stand 
both to the Black Yajus and to their own Brahmana, as well 
as by the data they themselves contain. In the Taittiriya- 
Samhita only those formulas appear which are found in 
the first eighteen adhydyas, together with a few of the man- 
tras belonging to the horse sacrifice ; the remainder of the 
latter, together with the mantras belonging to the S'lutrd- 
mani and the human sacrifice, are only treated of in the 
Taittiriya-Brahmana; and those for the universal and the 
purificatory sacrifices, as well, as those for oblations to the 
Manes, only in the Taittiiiya-Aranyaka. In like manner, the 
lirst eighteen adhydyas are cited in full, and explained word 
by word in the iirst nine books of the Brahmana of the 
White Yajus ; but only a few of the formulas for the sau- 
trdmuni, the horse sacrifice, human sacrifice, universal 

353 See my essay, Utber Menschen- * Other parts, too, of the Vd- 

opfer bci den Indtrn der vedischen jas. S. have in later times been 

Zcit, in /. Str., i. 54, ff. looked upon as Upanishads ; for ex- 

r - 4 This translation of the word ample, the sixteenth book (Sata- 
pravaryya is not a literal one (for r/idriya], the thirty-first (PurusJia- 
this see the St. Petersburg Diet., siikta), thirty-second (Tadeva), and 
under root varj with prep, pro), the beginning of the thirty-fourth 
but is borrowed from the sense and book (Sivasamkalpa). 
purpose of the ceremony in ques- f According to Mahidhara'a cona- 
tion ; the letter is, according to mentary, its polemic is directed par- 
Haugon Ait. Brdhm., i. 18, p. 42, "a tially against the Bauddhas, that 
preparatory rite intended for provid- is, probably, against the doctrines 
ing the sacrificer with a heavenly which afterwards were called Siiiu- 
body, with which alone he is permit,- khya. 
ted to enter the residence of thegods." 


sacrifice, and oblation to the Manes (xix. xxxv.) are cited 
in the twelfth and thirteenth books, and that for the 
most part only by their initial words, or even merely 
by the initial words of the anuvdkas, without any sort 
of explanation ; and it is only the three last adhydyas 
but one (xxxvii. xxxix.) which are again explained 
word by word, in the beginning of the fourteenth book. 
In the case of the mantras, but slightly referred to by 
their initial words, explanation seems to have been con- 
sidered unnecessary, probably because they were still 
generally understood ; we have, therefore, of course, no 
guarantee that the writer of the Brahmana had them 
before him in the form which they bear at present. As 
to those mantras, on the contrary, which are not men- 
tioned at all, the idea suggests itself that they may not yet 
have been incorporated into the Samhita text extant when 
the Brahmana was composed. They are, roughly speak- 
ing, of two kinds. First, there are strophes borrowed 
from the Rik, and to be recited by the Hotar, which 
therefore, strictly speaking, ought not to be contained in 
the Yajus at all, and of which it is possible that the Brah- 
inana may have taken no notice, for the reason that it has 
nothing to do with the special duties of the Hotar ; e.g., 
in the twentieth, thirty-third, and thirty-fourth adhydyas 
especially. Secondly, there are passages of a Brahmana 
type, which are not, however, intended, as in the Black 
Yajus, to serve as an explanation of mantras preceding 
them, but stand independently by themselves ; e.y., in par- 
ticular, several passages in the nineteenth adhydya, and 
the enumeration, in the form of a list, of the animals to 
be dedicated at the horse sacrifice, in the twenty-fourth 
adhydya. In the first eighteen adhydyas also, there occur 
a few sacrificial formulas which the Brahmana either fails 
to mention (and which, therefore, at the time when it was 
composed, did not form part of the Samhita), or else cites 
only by their initial words, or even merely by the initial 
words of the anuvdkas. But this only happens in the 
sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth adhydyas, though 
here with tolerable frequency, evidently because these 
adhydyas themselves bear more or less the character of a 
Brahmana. With regard, lastly, to the data contained in 
the last adhydyas, and testifying to their posteriority, these 


are to be sought more especially in the thirtieth and 
thirty-ninth adhydyas, as compared with the sixteenth. 
It is, of course, only the Yajus portions proper which can 
here be adduced, and not the verses borrowed from the Rik- 
Samhita, which naturally prove nothing in this connection. 
At most they can only yield a sort of measure for the time 
of their incorporation into the Yajus, in so far as they 
may be taken from the latest portions of the Rile, in which 
case the existence of these at that period would necessarily 
be presupposed. The data referred to consist in two facts. 
First, whereas in the sixteenth book litidrn, as the god of the 
blazing fire, is endowed wjth a large number of the epithets 
subsequently applied to Siva, two very significant epithets 
are here wanting which are applied to him in the thirty- 
ninth book, viz., isdna and mahddeva, names probably 
indicating some kind of sectarian worship (see above, 
p. 45). Secondly, the number of the mixed castes given 
in the thirtieth is much higher than that given in the 
sixteenth book. Those mentioned in the former can hardly 
all have been in existence at the time of the latter, or we 
should surely have found others specified besides those 
that are actually mentioned. 

Of the forty books of the Samhita, the sixteenth and 
thirtieth are those which bear most distinctly the' stamp 
of the time to which they belong. The sixteenth book, on 
which, in its Taittiriya form, the honour was afterwards 
bestowed of being regarded as an Upanishad, and as the 
principal book of the Siva sects, treats of the propitiation 
of lludra; and (see I. St., ii. 22, 24-26) by its enumeration 
and distinction of the many different kinds of thieves, 
robbers, murderers, night-brawlers, and highwaymen, his 
suppdsed servants, reveals to us a time of insecurity and 
violence : its mention, too, of various mixed castes indi- 
cates that the Indian caste system and polity were already 
fully developed. Now as, in the nature of things, these 
were not established without vigorous opposition from 
those who were thrust down into the lower castes, and as 
this opposition must have manifested itself chiefly in 
feuds, open or secret, with their oppressors, I am inclined 
to suppose that this Rudra book dates from the time of 
these secret feuds on the part of the conquered aborigines, 
as well as of the Vratyas or unbrahmanised Aryans, after 


their open resistance had been more or less crushed. 125 At 
such a time, the worship of a god \vho passes as the pro- 
totype of terror and fury is quite intelligible. The thirtieth 
book, in enumerating the different classes of persons to be 
dedicated at the purusha-medha , gives the names of most 
of the Indian mixed castes, whence we may at any rate 
conclude that the complete consolidation of the Brah- 
manical polity had then been effected. Some of the names 
here given are of peculiar interest. So, for example, the 
mdyadha, who is dedicated in v. 5 " atikrushtdya." The 
question arises, What is to be understood by mdgadha ? 
If we take atikrushta in the s^nse of " great noise," the 
most obvious interpretation of mdgadka is to understand 
it, with Mahidhara, in its epic sense, as signifying a 
minstrel,* son of a Vaisya by a Kshatriya. This agrees 
excellently with the dedications immediately following (in 
v. 6), of the suta to the dance, and of the sailusha to song, 
though not so well, it must be admitted, with the dedica- 
tions immediately preceding, of the kliba (eunuch), the 
ayogu (gambler?), and the punschalu (harlot). The 
mdyadha again appears in their company in v. 22,f and 
they cannot be said to throw the best light upon his moral 
character, a circumstance which is certainly surprising, 
considering the position held by this caste in the epic; 
though, on the other hand, in India also, musicians, 
dancers, and singers (sailusJuis) have not at any time 
enjoyed the best reputation. But another interpretation 
of the word mdgadlta is possible.^ In the fifteenth, the 

125 By the Buddhist author Ya- sides, an express condition is laid 

somitra, scholiast of the Abhidhar- down that the four must belong 

niakosa, the Satarudriya is stated neither to the Sudra nor to the 

to be a work by Vydsa against Brahmana caste. [By ayogfi may 

Buddhism, whence, however, we also be meant an unchaste woman ; 

have probably to conclude only see/. Str., i. 76] 

that it passed for, and, was used as, Sdyana, commenting on the 

a principal support for Siva worship, corresponding passage of the Taitt. 

especially in its detached form as a Brdhmana (iii. 4. i), explains the 

separate Upanishad ; see Burnouf's word atikrushtdya by atinindita- 

Introduction d, VHistoire du Budd't- devdya, "dedicated to the very 

isme, p. 568 ; /. St., ii. 22. Blameworthy as his deity " [in Rd- 

* How he comes by this name is, jendra Ldla "kitra's edition, p. 347] ; 

it is true, not clear. this 'very Blameworthy,' it ia true, 

t Here, however, the kitava is might also refer to the bad moral 

put instead of the ayogti, and be- 'ermtation of the minstrels. 


so-called Vratya book* of the Atharva-Samhita, the Vratya 
(i.e., the Indian living outside of the pale of Brahmanism) 
is brought into very special relation to the pun&hali and 
the mdgadha ; faith is called his harlot, the mitra (friend ?) 
his mdgadJia ; and similarly the dawii, the earth (?), the 
lightning his harlots, the mantra (formula), hasa (scorn ?), 
the thunder his mdgadhas. Owing to the obscurity of the 
Vratya book, the proper meaning of this passage is not 
altogether clear, and it is possible, therefore, that here also 
the dissolute minstrel might be intended. Still the con- 
nection set forth in the Sama-Sutras of Latyayana and' 
Drahyayana, as well as in the corresponding passage of the 
Katiya-Sutra between the Vratyas and the magadhadesiya 
Irahmdbandhu and the hatred with which the Magadhas 
are elsewhere (see Roth, p. 38) spoken of in the Atharva- 
Samhita, both lead us to interpret the mdgadha of the 
Vratya book as an heretical teacher. For the passages, 
also, which we are more immediately discussing, this inter- 
pretation vies with the one already given ; and it seems, 
in particular, to be favoured by the express direction in 
v. 22, that " the mdgadha, the harlot, the gambler, and the 
eunuch " must neither be Siidras nor Brahinans, an in- 
junction which would be entirely superfluous for the mdga- 
dha at least, supposing him to represent a mixed caste, but 
which is quite appropriate if the word signifies " a native 
of the country Magadha." If we adopt this latter inter- 
pretation, it follows that heretical (i.e., Buddhist) opinions 
must have existed in Magadha at the time of the com- 
position of this thirtieth adhydya. Meanwhile, however, 
the question which of these two interpretations is the 
better one remains, of course, unsolved. The mention of 
the nakshatradarsa, "star-gazer," in v. 10, and of the 

* Translated by Aufrecht, 1. St., Mdgadha explained by Siiyaivi as 

i. 130, ff. [Tlie St. Petersburg Diet., MayadliadcSotpanno brahmachdrl 

!>. v., considers 'the praise of the is contemptuously introduced by 

Vnttya in Ath. xv. as an idealising the SiitrakaYa (probably Baudha- 

of the devout vagrant or mendicant yana ?) to T. S., vii. 5. 9. 4, in asso- 

(parivrdjaka, &c.) ;' the fact of his elation with a punschali ; see /. St., 

being specially connected with the xii. 330. That there were good 

punschali and the mdyadha remains, Brahinans also in Magadha appears 

nevertheless, very strange, and even from the name Magadhardsl, which 

with this interpretation leads us to is given to Prdtibodhiputra, the 

Biirmise suggestions of Buddhism.] second son of Hrasva Mdndukeya, in 

120 In the very sime way, the Sankh. Ar., vii. 14. 


ganaka, "calculator," in v. 20, permits us, at all events, to 
conclude that astronomical, i.e., astrological, science was 
then actively pursued. It is to it that, according to Mahi- 
dhara at least, the "questions" repeatedly mentioned in v. 10 
relate, although Sayana, perhaps more correctly, thinks 
that they refer to the usual disputations of the Brahmans. 
The existence, too, of the so-called Vedic quinquennial 
cycle is apparent from the fact that in v. 15 (only in 
xxvii. 45 besides) the five names of its years are enume- 
rated ; and this supposes no inconsiderable proficiency in 
astronomical observation. 127 A barren wife is dedicated in 
v. 1 5 to the Atharvans, by which term Sayana understands 
the imprecatory and magical formulas bearing the name 
Atharvan; to which, therefore, one of their intended effects, 
barrenness, is here dedicated. If this be the correct ex- 
planation, it necessarily follows that Atharvan - songs 
existed at the time of the thirtieth book. The names of 
the three dice in v. 18 (krita, tretd, and dvdpara) are 
explained by Sayana, commenting on the corresponding 
passage of the Taittiriya-Brahmana, as the names of the epic 
yufjas, which are identical with these a supposition which 
will not hold good here, though it may, perhaps, in the 
case of the Taittiriya-Brahmana.* The hostile reference 
to the Charakacharya in v. 18 has already been touched 
upon (p. 8;). 128 

In the earlier books there are two passages in particular 
which give an indication of the period from which they 
date. The first of these exists only in the Kanva recen- 
sion, where it treats of the sacrifice at the consecration of 
the king. The text in the Madhyamdina recension (ix. 
40, x. 1 8) runs as follows : " This is your king, ye So and 
So," where, instead of the name of the people, only the 
indefinite pronoun ami is used; whereas in the Kanva 

U7 Since samvatsara is here men- * Where, moreover, the fourth 

tioned twice, at the beginning and name, kali, is found, instead of the 

at the end, possibly we have here to dskanda given here [see 1. Str. t i. 

do with a sexennial cycle even (cf. 82]. 

T. Br., iii. 10. 4. i) ; see my paper, 128 Sayana on T. Br., iii. 4. 16, p. 

]~>ie vedischen R achrichten von dtn 361, explains (!)theword by 'teacher 

Nakshatra, ii. 298 (1862). The of the art of dancing on the point 

earliest allusion to the quinquennial of a bamboo ; ' but the vansanartin 

yuga occurs in the Rik itself, iii. is introduced separately in v. 21 (T. 

55.18(1.25.8). Br., iii. 4. 17). 



recension we read (xi. 3. 3, 6. 3) : " This is your king, yo 
Kurus, ye Panchalas." * The second passage occurs in 
connection with the horse sacrifice (xxiii. 18). The ma- 
hishi, or principal wife of the king, performing this 
sacrifice, must, in order to obtain a son, pass the night by 
the side of the horse that has been immolated, placing its 
sisna on her upastha; with her fellow- wives, who are 
forced to accompany her, she pours forth her sorrow in 
this lament : " Amba, Ambika, Ambalika, no one 
takes me (by force to the horse) ; (but if I go not of myself), 
the (spiteful) horse will lie with (another, as) the (wicked) 
Subhadra who dwells in Kampila."f Kampila is a town 
in the country of the Panchalas. Subhadra, therefore, 
would seem to be the wife of the king of that district,! 
and the benefits of the asvamedha sacrifice are supposed 
to accrue to them, unless the mahislii consents voluntarily 
to give herself up to this revolting ceremony. If \ve 
are justified in regarding the maliishi as the consort of a 
king of the Kurus, and the names Ambika and Amba- 
lika actually appear in this connection in the Maha- 
Bharata, to wit, as the names of the mothers of Dhrita- 
rashtra and Pandu, we might then with probability 
infer that there existed a hostile, jealous feeling on the 
part of the Kurus towards the Panchalas, a feeling which 
was possibly at that time only smouldering, but which 
in the epic legend of the Maha-Bharata we find had burst 
out into the fiame of open warfare. However this may 
be, the allusion to Kampila at all events betrays that, the 
verse, or even the whole book (as well as the correspond- 

* Sdyana, on the corresponding subhudrikdtn kdmpllavdsinlm are 

passage of the Brdhmnna (v. 3. 3. wanting in it. 

Il), remarks that Baudhayana reads J As a matter of fact, we find in 

esha vo Bharatd rdjeti [thus T. S., the Maha-Blidrata a Subhadni as 

i, 8. IO. 2 ; T. Br., i. 7. 4. 2]. wife of Arjnna, the representative 

Apastarnba, on the contrary, lets us of the Panchdlas ; on account of a 

choose between Bharald, Kuravo, Subhadrd, (possibly on account of 

Panchdld, Kumpdn,chdld, or jand her abduction, related in the Mahii- 

rdjd, according to the people to Bhdrata?) a great war seems to 

whom the king belongs. [The have arisen, as appears from some 

Kdth., xv. 7, has cska te janate words quoted several times by the 

rdjd.] scholiast on Piinini. Has he the 

t The Brdhmana of the White authority of the Mahdbhdshya for 

Yajus quotes only the beginning of this ? [the Mahabhdshya has nothing 

this verse ; consequently the words about it]. 


ing passages of the Taitt. Brahmana), originated in tho 
region of the Panchalas ; and this inference holds good 
also lor the eleventh book of the Kanva recension. 129 We 
might further adduce in proof of it the use of the word 
arjuna in the Madhyamdina, and of phalguna in the 
Kanva recension, in a formula 130 relating to the sacrifice 
at the consecration of the king (x. 21) : " To obtain intre- 
pidity, to obtain food(, I, the offerer, ascend) thee(, 
chariot,) I, the inviolate Arjuna (Phalgun;i)," i.e., Indra, 
Indra-like. Por although we must take both these words 
in this latter sense, and not as proper names (see /. St., 
i. 190), yet, at any rate, some connection must be assumed 
between this use and the later one, where they appear as 
the appellation of the chief hero of the Pandus (or Pafi- 
chalas?); and this connection consists in the fact that 
the legend specially applied these names of Indra* to 
that hero of the Pandus (or Panchalas ?) who was pre- 
eminently regarded by it as an incarnation of Indra. 

Lastly, as regards the critical relation of the richas in- 
corporated into the Yajus, I have to observe, that in general 
the two recensions of the Kanvas and of the Madhyam- 
dinas always agree with each other in this particular, and 
that their differences refer, rather, to the Yajus -portions. 
One half of the Vajasaneyi-Samhita consists of richas, or 
verses; the other of yajuilshi, i.e., formulas in prose, a 
measured prose, too, which rises now and then to a true 
rhythmical swing. The greater number of these richas 

, 129 In T. S., vii. 4. 19. I, Krfth. 13 See V. S., x. 21 ; the parallel 
As'., iv. 8, there are two vocatives pncsages in T. S., i. 8, Is, T. Br., 
instead of the two accusatives ; be- i. 7. 9. i, Kdth., xv. 8, have no- 
sides, we have subhage for subfiad- thing of this. 

ram. The vocative kdmpilardsini * The Bnthmana, moreover, ex- 
is explained by Sayana, ' (J thou pressly designates arjuna as the 
that art veiled in a beautiful gar- ' secret name ' (yuliyamndma) of In- 
inent' (kdinpUasabdenasldyhyovastra- dra [ii. I. 2. II, v. 4. 3. 7]. How is 
rticsha uckyate; see 7. St., xii. 312). this to be understood ? The com- 
This explanation is hardly justifi- rnentary remarks on it : arjuna 
able, and Mahldhara's reference of iti lundrasya rahasyam ndma \ ata 
the word to the city of Kdmpila era Main tatputre Pandavamadh- 
must be retained, at least for the yame fratfitlih. [What is the 
wording of the text which we have reading of the Kitnva recension in 
in the V. S. In the Pratijiul- these passages ? Has it, as in the 
Parisishta, Kurnpilya is given as the Samhitif, so here also, not arjuna, 
eastern limit of Madhyadesa ; see but jihalyuna ?] 
my Pratijndsulra, pp. 101-105. 


recur in the Rik-Samhita, and frequently with consider- 
able variations, the origin and explanation of which I have 
already discussed in the introduction (see above, pp. 9, 10). 
Readings more ancient than those of the Rik are not found 
in the Yajus, or at least only once in a while, which results 
mainly from the fact that Rik and Yajus agree for the 
most part with each other, as opposed to the Saman. We 
do, however, find that verses have undergone later altera- 
tions to adapt them to the sense of the ritual. And 
finally, we meet with a large number of readings which 
appear of equal authority with those of the Rik, especi- 
ally in the verses which recur in .those portions of the 
Rik-Samhita that are to be regarded as the most modern. 

The Vajasaneyi-Samhita, in both recensions, has been 
edited by myself (Berlin, 184952), with the commentary 
of Mahidhara, 131 written towards the end of the sixteenth 
century ; and in the course of next year a translation is 
intended to appear, which will give the ceremonial belong- 
ing to each verse, together with a full glossary.* Of the 
work of tTata, a predecessor of Mahidhara, only fragments 
have been preserved, and the commentary of Madhava, 
which related to the Kanva recension, 132 appears to bo 
entirely lost. Both were supplanted by Mahidhara's work, 
and consequently obliterated; an occurrence which has hap- 
pened in a similar way in almost all branches of Indian 
literature, and is greatly to be regretted. 

I now turn to the Brdhmana of the White Yajus, the 
Sa'apatka-Brdlimana, which, from its compass arid con- 
tents, undoubtedly occupies the most significant and im- 
portant position of all the Bralnnanas. First, as to its 

131 p\ )r w bich, unfortunately, no tary (lately again by Roer in the 

sufficient manuscript materials were Bibliotheca Jndica, vol. viii.) [and 

at my disposal ; see Miiller, Preface vol. xv. A lithographed edition of 

to vol. vi. of his large edition of the the text of the Vajas. Sainhitd, with 

Ilik, p. xlvi. sqq., and my reply in a Hindi translation of Mahidhara's 

I '.iterarisckcs Centralblatt, 1875, pp. commentary, has been published ty 

519, 520. Giriprassidavarman, Rdja of Besma, 

* [This promise has not been ful- 1870-74, in Besma]. 
filled, owing to the pressure of other 132 Upon what this special state- 
labours.] The fortieth adhydya, the ment is based I cannot at present 
Isopanishad, is in the Kanva recen- show; but that Mddhava commented 
sion commented by Sumkara ; it has the V. S. also is shown, for example, 
been translated and edited several by the quotation in Mahidhara to 
times together with this commen- xiii. 45. 


extent, this is sufficiently denoted by its very name, 
which describes it as consisting of 100 patltas (paths), or 
sections. The earliest known occurrence of this name is 
in the ninth vdrttika to Pan. iv. 2. 60, and in the gana, 
to Pan. v. 3. 100, both authorities of very doubtful* anti- 
quity. The same remark applies to the Naigeya-daivata, 
where the name also appears (see Benfey's Sdmaveda, p. 
277). With the single exception of a passage in the twelfth 
book of the Maha-Bharata, to which 1 shall revert in the 
sequel, I have only met with it, besides, in the commen- 
taries and in the colophons of the^ MSS. of the work itself. 
In the Madhyamdina school the Satapatlia-Brahrnana con- 
sists of fourteen kdndas, each of which bears a special 
title in the commentaries and in the colophons : these 
titles are usually borrowed from the contents ; ii. and vii. 
are, however, to me inexplicable^ The fourteen kdnda$ 
are together subdivided into 100 adhydyas (or 68 pra- 
pdthakas), 438 brdhmanas, and 7624 kandikds. 133 In tho 
Kanva recension the work consists of seventeen kdndas, 
the first, fifth, and fourteenth books being each divided 
into two parts ; the first book, moreover, has here changed 
places with the second, and forms, consequently, the second 
and third. The names of the books are the same, but the 
division into prapdthakas is altogether unknown : the adhy- 
dyas in the thirteen and a half books that have thus far 
been recovered * number 85, the brdhmanas 360, the kan- 
dikds 4965. The total for the whole work amounts, accord- 
ing to a list accompanying one of the manuscripts, to 104 
adhydyas, 446 brdhmanas, 5866 kandikds. If from this 
the recension of the Kanva school seems considerably 

* The ffana is an dkritiyana, and Ekapddikd, that of the seventh Has- 

the sutra to which it belongs is, ac- tighuta. 

cording to the Calcutta edition, not Jj3 For statements disagreeing 

explained in the Malulbhdshya ; with this, which are found in the 

possibly therefore it does not belong MSS., see note on pp. 119, 120. 

to the original text of Panini. [The J Of the fourth book there exists 

vdrtlika in question is, in point of only the first half ; and the third, 

fact, explained in the Mahttbhashya thirteenth, and sixteenth books are 

(fol. 67 b ), and thus the existence of wanting altogether. [It is much to 

the name satapatha, as well as shath- be regretted that nothing has yet 

tipatha (see p. 119), is guaranteed, been done for the Kiinva recension, 

at least for the time when this work and that a complete copy has not 

was composed ; see /. St., xiii. 443-J yet been recovered.] 

f The name of the second book is 


shorter than that of the Madhyamdinas, it is so only in 
appearance; the disparity is probably rather to be ex- 
plained by the greater length of the kandikds in the for- 
mer. Omissions, it is true, not unfrequently occur. For 
the rest, I have no means of ascertaining with perfect 
accuracy the precise relation of the Brahmana of the 
Kanva school to that of the Madhyamdinas ; and what I 
have to say in the sequel will therefore relate solely to the 
latter, unless I expressly mention the former. 

As I have already remarked, when speaking of the 
Samhita, the first nine kdndas of the Brahmana refer to 
the first eighteen books of the Samhita ; they quote the 
separate verses in the same order* word for word, explain- 
ing them dogmatically, and establishing their connection 
with the ritiial. The tenth Jednda, which bears the name 
of Agni-rahasya (" the mystery of fire "), contains mystical 
legends and investigations as to the significance, &c., of the 
various ceremonies connected with the preparation of the 
sacred fires, without referring to any particular portions of 
the Samhita. This is the case likewise in the eleventh 
Jednda, called from its extent As/if ddJiydyi, which contains 
a. recapitulation of the entire ritual already discussed, with 
supplements thereto, especially legends bearing upon it, 
together with special particulars concerning the study of 
the sacred works and the provisions made for this pur- 
pose. The twelfth Jednda, called Madhyama, " the middle 
one," treats of prdyascluttas or propitiatory ceremonies 
lor untoward events, either previous to the sacrifice, dur- 
ing, or after it ; and it is only in its last portion, where 
the Sautramani is discussed, that it refers to certain of the 
formulas contained in the Samhita (xix. xxi.) and relating 
to this ceremony. The thirteenth Jednda, called ASvamedJut, 
treats at some length of the horse sacrifice ; and then with 
extreme brevity of the human sacrifice, the universal sac- 
rifice, and the sacrifice to the Manes; touching upon the 
relative portions of the Samhita (xxii.-xxxv.) but very 
.seldom, and even then very slightly. The fourteenth 
Jednda, called Aranyalea, treats in its first three adhydyas 

* Only in the introduction does of the new moon and full moon sac- 

a variation occur, as the Briihinan i rifices, which is evidently more cor- 

treats first of the morning and even- rect systematically, 
ing sacrifice.*, and not till afterwards 


of the purification of the fire, 134 and here it quotes almost 
in their entirety the three last books but one of the Sam- 
hita (xxxvii. xxxix.) ; the last six adhydyas are of a purely 
speculative and legendary character, and form by them- 
selves a distinct work, or Upanishad, under the name of 
Vrihad-Aranyaka. This general summary of the con- 
tents of the several kdndas of itself suggests the conjec- 
ture that the first nine constitute the most ancient part 
of the Brahmana, and that the last five, on the contrary, 
are of later origin, a conjecture which closer investiga- 
tion reduces to a certainty, both on external and internal 
evidence. With reference to the external evidence, in the 
first place, we find it distinctly stated in the passage of 
the Maha-Bharata above alluded to (xii. 11734) that the 
complete Satapatha comprises a Raliasya (the tenth kdnda), 
a Samgraha (the eleventh kdnda), and a PariSesha (the 
twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth kdndas). f Further, in 
the vdrttika already quoted for the name Satapatha, we 
also meet with the word shashtipatha 135 as the name of a 
work ; and I have no hesitation in referring this name to 
the first nine kdndas, which collectively number sixty 
adhydyas. On the other hand, in support of the opinion 
that the last five kdndas are a later addition to the first 
nine, I have to adduce the term Madhyama ("the middle 
one "), the name of the twelfth kdnda, which can only be 
accounted for in this way, whether we refer it merely to 
the last three kdndas but one, or to all the five.* 

134 The pravargya concerns, ra- third adliydya (viz., of the kdnda), 

ther, the lustration of the sacrificer so that xvi. and xvii. coincide. [A 

himself ; see above note 124, p. 108. highly remarkable statement is found 

133 It is found in the Pratijnd- in the MSS. of the Mitdhyamdina 

Parisishta also, and along with it recension at v. 3. I. 14, to the effect 

the name antij)atlia (!) ; satapatha, that this point marks not only ktin- 

on the contrary, is apparently want- dasyd 'rd/iam, with 236 kandikds, 

ing there ; see my essay on the Pra- but also, according to a marginal 

tijnii- Sutra, pp. 104, 105. gloss, satapathasyd 'rdham, with 

* In the latter case a difficulty is 3129 kandikds ; see p. 497 of my 

caused by the Kdnva recension, which edition. As a matter of fact, the 

subdivides the last kdnda into two preceding kandikdt do amount to 

parts (xvi., xvii.) ; this division, this latter number ; but if wo fix it 

however, seems not to have been as the norm for the second half, 

generally received, since in the MSS. we are only brought down to xii. 7. 

of Snmkara's commentary, at least, 3. 18, that is, not even to the close 

the Upanishad (xvii.) is reckoned of the twelfth book ! The point 

throughout as beginning with the which marks the exact half for tha 


Now these last five kdndas appear to stand in the same 
order in which they actually and successively originated ; 
so that each succeeding one is to be regarded as less 
ancient than the one that precedes it. This conjecture is 
based on internal evidence drawn from the data therein 
contained, evidence which at the same time decides the 
question of their being posterior to the first nine kdndas, 
In the first place, the tenth kdnda still connects itself 
pretty closely with the preceding books, especially in its 
great veneration for Sandilya, the principal authority upon 
the building of altars for the sacred fires. The following 
are the data which seem to me to favour the view that it 
belongs to a different period from the first nine books. In 
i. 5. i, if., all the sacrifices already discussed in the pre- 
ceding books are enumerated in their proper order, and 
identified with the several ceremonies of the Agni-chayana, 
or preparation of the sacred fireplace. Of the names 
of teachers here mentioned, several end in -dyana, a ter- 
mination of which we find only one example in the 
seventh, eighth, and ninth kdndas respectively : thus we 
meet here with a Rauhinayana, Sayakayana, Vamaka- 
kshayana (also in vii.), Rajastambayana, Sandilyayana (also 
in ix.), Satyayani (also in viii.), and the Sikayanins. The 
Vansa appended at the close (i.e., the list of the teachers 
of this book) differs from the general Van^a of the entire 
Brahmana (at the close of the fourteenth book) in not 
referring the work to Yajnavalkya, but to Sandilya, and 
also to Tura Kavasheya (whose ancestor Kavasha we find 
on the banks of the Sarasvati in the Aitareya-Brahmana). 
The only tribes mentioned are the Salvas and Kekayas 
(especially their king, A^vapati Kaikeya), two western 
tribes not elsewhere alluded to in the Brahmanas. The 

present extent of the work (3812 k.) marking of the accents is earlier in 

is at vi. 7. I. 19, where also the date than the division of the text 

MSS. repeat the above statement into kandikds. As, however, we 

(P- 555)- ^ deserves special men- find exactly the same state of things 

lion that the notation of the accents with regard to the final and initial 

operates beyond the limits of the words of the individual bnihmanas 

individual kandikds, the accent at (see Jcnacr Litcraturzcitung, 1875, p. 

the end of a kandikd being modified 314), we should also have to refer 

by the accent of the first word of the bnihmana division to a later 

the next kandikd. From this we date, aud this is hardly possible], 
might perhaps conclude that the 


legends here as well as in the four succeeding Mndas are 
mostly of an historical character, and are besides chiefly 
connected with individual teachers who cannot have lived 
at a time very distant from that of the legends themselves. 
In the earlier Mndas, on the contrary, the legends are 
mostly of a mythological character, or, if historical, refer 
principally to occurrences belonging to remote antiquity ; 
so that here a distinct difference is evident. The trayi 
vidyd (the three Vedas) is repeatedly discussed in a very 
special manner, and the number of the rickets is stated to 
be 12,000, that of the yo/ws- verses 8000, and that of the 
sdmans 4000. Here also for the first time appear the 
names Adhvaryus, Bahvrichas, and Chhandogas side by 
side ; * here, too, we have the first occurrence of the words 
iipanishud (as t>dra of the Veda), upanishaddm ddesdh, 
mimdnsd (mentioned once before, it is true, in the first 
kdnda), adhidevatam, adhiyajnam, adhydtmam ; 13 and 
lastly, here for the first time we have the form of address 
Ihavdn (instead of the earlier bhagavdri). Now and then 
also a sloJca is quoted in confirmation, a thing which occurs 
extremely seldom in the preceding books. Further, many 
of the technical names of the sdmans and sastras are men- 
tioned (this, however, has occurred before, and also in the 
tenth book of the Samhita) ; and generally, frequent refer- 
ence is made to the connection subsisting with the riclias 
and sdmans, which harmonises with the peculiarly mys- 
tical and systematising character of the whole kdnda. 

That the eleventh kdnda is a supplement to the first 
nine is sufficiently evident from its contents. The first 
two adhydyas treat of the sacrifices at the new and full 
moon; the four following, of the morning and evening sacri- 
ficial fires, of the sacrifices at the three seasons of the year, 
of the inauguration of the pupil by the teacher (dclidrya), of 
the proper study of the sacred doctrines, &c. ; and the last 
two, of the sacrifices of animals. The Riyvcda, Yajurveda, 
and Sdmaveda, the Atharvdngirasas, the anusdsanas, the 
vidyds, the vdkovdkya, the itiha&apurdna, the ndrdsansis, 
and the gdthds are named as subjects of study. We have 

* Along with the ydtuvidas (those 136 Mimdnsd, adlridaivataqi, and 

skilful ^a witchcraft), sarparidas adhydtmam occur several times iu 

(serpent - charmers), devajanavidas, the earlier books. 


already met with this enumeration (see p. 93) in the 
second chapter of the Taitt. Aranyaka, although in a con- 
siderably later form,* and we find a similar one in the 
fourteenth kdnda. In all these passages, the commen- 
taries^ probably with perfect justice, interpret these ex- 
pressions in this way, viz., that first the Samhitas are speci- 
fied, and then the different parts of the Brahmanas ; so that 
by the latter set of terms we should have to understand, not 
distinct species of works, but only the several portions 
respectively so designated which were blended together in 
the Brahmanas, and out of which the various branches of 
literature were in course of time gradually developed. The 
terms anu$dsana (" ritual precept " according to Sayana, 
but in Vrihad-Ar., ii. 5. 19, iv. 3. 25, Kathopan., 6. 15, 
" spiritual doctrine "), vidyd, " spiritual doctrine," and 
(jdthd, " strophe of a song " (along with sloJca), are in fact 
so used in a few passages (gdthd indeed pretty frequently) 
in these last five books, and in the Brahmanas or Upa- 
nishads of the Rik and Saman. Similarly vdkovdkya in the 
sense of "disputation" occurs in the seventh kdnda, and 
itilidsa at least once in the eleventh Jcdnda itself (i. 6. 9). 
It is only the expressions purdna and ndrdsansis that do 
not thus occur ; in their stead in the sense of narrative, 
legend we find, rather, the terms dkliydna, vydkhydna, 
anvdkhydna, updkhydna. Vydkhydna, together with anu- 
vydkhydna and upavydkhydna, also occurs in the sense of 
" explanation." In these expressions, accordingly, w r e have 
evidence that at the time of this eleventh kdnda certain 
Samhitas and Brahmanas of the various Vedas, and even 
the Atharva-Samhita itself, were in existence. But, fur- 
ther, as bearing upon this point, in addition to the 'single 
verses from the songs of the Rik, which are here, as in the 
earlier books, frequently cited (by " tad etad rishind 'bhy- 
anuktam"), we have in the eleventh kdnda one very special 
quotation, extending over an entire hymn, and introduced 
by the words " tad etad uktapratyuktam panchadasarcham 
L'ahvrichdh prdhuli" It is an interesting fact for the 
critic that in our text of the Rik the hymn in question 

* From it has evidently originated t Here Sttyana forms an excep- 

fi passage in Y.ijnavalkya's Code (i. tion, as he at least states the other 

45), which does not harmonise at all explanation also, 
with the rest of that work. 


(maiid. x. 95) numbers not fifteen but eighteen richas. 
Single slokas are also frequently quoted as confirmation. 
From one of these it appears that the care taken of horses 
in the palace of Janamejaya had at that time passed into 
a proverb : this is also the first mention of this king. 
Budra here for the first time receives the name of Maha- 
cleva* (v. 3. 5). In iii. 3. I, ff, special rules are for the first 
time given concerning the begging (bhikshd) of the brahma- 
chdrins, &c., which custom is besides alluded to in the 
thirtieth book of the Samhita [v. 18]. But.wnat throws 
special light upon the date of tlie eleventh kdnda is the fre- 
quent mention here made, and for the first time, of Janaka, 
king (samrdf) of Videha, as the patron of, Yajnavalkya. 
The latter, the Kaurupanchala Uddalaka Aruni and his 
son Svetaketu, are (as in the Vrihad-Aranyaka) the chief 
figures in the legends. 

The twelfth kdnda alludes to the destruction of the 
kingdom of the Srinjayas, whom we find in the second 
kdnda at the height of their prosperity, and associated 
with the Kurus. This connection may still be traced here, 
for it seems as if the Kauravya Valhika Pratipiya wished 
to take their part against Chakra, their enemy, who was a 
native of the country south of the Beva, and priest of King 
Dushtaritu of Dasapurushamrajya, but that his efforts 
failed. The names Vtirkali (i.e., Vashkali) and Naka 
Maudgalya probably also point to a later period of time ; 
the latter does not occur elsewhere except in the Vrihad- 
Aranyaka and the Taittiriyopanishad. The Rigveda, the 
Yajurvecia, and the Samaveda are mentioned, and we find 
testimony to the existence of the Vedic literature generally 
in the statement that a ceremony once taught by Indra to 
Vasishtha and formerly only known to the Vasishthas 
whence in former times only a Vasishtha could act as 
brahman (high priest) at its performance might now be 
studied by any one who liked, and consequently that any 
one might officiate as brahman thereat. 137 In iii. 4. i 
occurs the first mention of purusha Ndrdyana. The name 
of Proti Kau^dmbeya Kausurubindi probably presupposes 
the existence of the Panchala city KauSambi. 

* In the sixth l-dnda he is still 137 See on this J. St., i. 34, 35. 
called mahdn derah. 


The thirteenth Icdnda repeatedly mentions puruslia Nd- 
rdyana. Here also Kuvera Vais>avana, king of the Raksh- 
asas, is named for the first time. So, too, we find here 
the first allusion to the suktas of the Rik, the anuvdkas * 
of the Yajus, the dasats of the Saman, and the parvans of 
the Atharvanas and Aiigirasas, which division, however, 
does not appear in the extant text of the Atharvan. A 
division into parvans is also mentioned in connection with 
the Sarpavidya and the Devajanavidya, so that by these 
names at all events distinct works must be understood. 
Of Itihasa and Parana nothing but the name is given ; 
they are not spoken of as divided into parvans, a clear 
proof that even at that time they were merely understood 
as isolated stories and legends, and not as works of any 
extent. 133 While in the first nine books the statement 
that a subject has been fully treated of already is expressed 
by tasyokto bandhuh [or, so 'sdv eva bandhuh, and the like], 
the same is expressed here by tasyoktam brdhmanam. The 
use in v. I. 18 of the words ekavachana and lahuvachana, 
exactly corresponds to their later grammatical significa- 
tion. This kdnda is, however, very specially distinguished 
by the number of gdthds, strophes of historical purport, 
which it quotes at the close of the account of the horse 
sacrifice, and in which are given the names of kings who 
celebrated it in earlier times. Only one of these gdthdi 
appears in the Rik-Samhita (maiid. iv. 42. 8) ; the greater 
number of them recur in the last book of the Aitareya- 
Lrahmana, and in the Maha-Bharata, xii. 910, ff., in both 
places with many variations.t The question here arises 
whether we have to regard these gdt/ids as fragments of 
more lengthy hymns, or if they must be looked upon 
merely as separate memorial verses. The fact that in con- 
nection with some of these names (if we take into account 

* This term, however, occurs in terms iu the Sdukh. 6r., xvi, 2; AM 

the preceding kdndas also, e.g., in val. Sr.,x. 7. 

ix. I. I. 15. t I 1 ' 10 passages in the Mahd-Bhd- 

ia8 This is favoured also by the rata evidently connect themselves 

fact that they are here attributed to with the Satapat.ha-Brdhmana, to 

fishermen and fowlers ; with which which, as well as to its author Ydj- 

inay be compared the tale of the navalkya, and his patron Janaka, 

fishermaiden as mother of Vydsa, in special regard is had in this book of 

the Mahst-Bluirata. The whole state- the Maha- Bhdrata. [See also Sdfikh., 

lueut recura iu almost identical xvi. 8. 25-29. 32.] 


the Aitareya-Brahmana also) two, three, four, five, und 
even six verses are quoted, and always in the same metre, 
in slokas, certainly favours the former view. Only one ex- 
ception occurs where the first and fourth verses are Slokas, 
but the second trishtubh, the third not being quoted at - all ; 
it is, however, according to the commentary, understood by 
implication, so that this instance tells, perhaps, with a very 
special force in favour of the view in question. The ana- 
logy of the gdthds or slokas of non-historic purport quoted 
elsewhere cannot be brought forward in support either of 
the one view or of the other, for the very same uncertainty 
exists respecting them. Moreover, these verses repeatedly 
contain very old Vedic forms.* Again, their expressions 
of eulogy are for the most part very hyperbolical, and they 
might therefore perhaps be looked upon as the utterance 
of a still fresh feeling of gratitude ; so that we should have 
to consider their origin as in part contemporary with the 
princes they extol: otherwise this circumstance does not 
readily admit of explanation.f A passage in the thirteenth 
kdnda itself directly favours this view (see /. St., i. 187). 
Among the kings here named the following deserve special 
mention: Bharata, son of Duhshanta and the Apsaras 
Sakuntala, and descendant of Sudvumua SatanikaJ Sat- 
rajita, king of the Bharatas, and enemy of Dhritarashtra, 
king of the Kasis Purukutsa Aikshvaka Para Atnara 
Hairanyanabha Kausalya but above all, Janamejaya 
Parikshita, with the Parikshitiyas (his three brothers), Bhi- 
masena, Ugrasena, and Srutasena, who by means of the 
horse sacrifice were absolved from " all guilt, all brahma- 
hatyti." The time when these last four lived cannot be con- 
sidered as very distant from that of tlie t kdnda itself, since 
their sacrificial priest Indrota Daivapa Saunaka (whom the 
Maha- Bharata, xii. 5595, also specifies as such) is once 
mentioned in it apparently as coming forward in opposi- 

* And names too: thus, tlie king Still this is both in itself a very 

of the Panehdlas is called Kraivya, forced explanation, and besides many 

the explanation given by the Bnih- of these verses are of purely histori- 

mi\na being that the Panehdlas were cal purport, and contain no allusion 

' formerly' called Krivis. to the presents given to the priests. 

f Unless these verses were merely J See Vaj. S., 34. 52 (not in tho 

invented by priests in order to sti- Rik). 

mulate kings to copy and emulate See Rik, mand. iv. 42. 8. 
Hie liberality of their ancestors. 


tion to Bhallaveya ; while his own opinion, differing from 
that of the latter, is in turn rejected by Yajnavalkya. On 
account of the interest of the subject I introduce here an- 
other passage from the fourteenth book, from which we 
may gather the same result. We there find a rival of 
Yajnavalkya testing him with a question, the solution of 
whicli the former had previously obtained from a Gan- 
dharva, who held in his possession the daughter of Kapya 
Patamchala of the country of the Madras ; the question, 
namely, " Whither have the Parikshitas gone ?" the solu- 
tion of which therefore appears to have been looked upon 
as extremely difficult. Yajnavalkya answers : " Thither 
where (all) asmmedha sacrificers go." Consequently the 
Parikshitas must at that time have been altogether 
extinct. Yet their life and end must have been still 
fresh in the memory of the people, and a subject of 
general curiosity.* It almost seems as though their " guilt, 
their brahmahatyd," had been too great for people to be- 
lieve that it could have been atoned for by sacrifices were 
they ever so holy ; or that by such means the Parikshitas 
could have become partakers of the reward fixed for other 
less culpable evil-doers. It appears further as if the Brah- 
mans had taken special pains to rehabilitate their memory, 
and in this undoubtedly they were completely successful. 
Or was it, on the contrary, that the majesty and power of 
the Parikshitas was so great and dazzling, and their end so 
surprising, that it was difficult to believe they had really 
passed away ? I prefer, however, the former explanation. 
The fourteenth Jcdnda, at the beginning of its first part 
(that relating to ritual), contains a legend of a contention 
among the gods, in which Vishnu came off victorious, 
whence it became customary to say, " Vishnu is the 
srcshtha (luckiest ?) of the gods." This is the first time 
that we find Vishnu brought into such prominence; 
indeed, he otherwise only appears in the legend of 
the three strides, and as the representative of the 
sacrifice itself, a position which is, in fact, ascribed to 

* The country of the Madras lies wife of Pundu and mother of the 

in the north-west, and is therefore two youngest Pdndavas, Nakula and 

remote from the country of the Sahadeva, was a native of this re- 

Kururi. According to the Maba"- gion, and also had a Md- 

however, Mildri, second dravati to wife. 


him here also. Indra, as here related, afterwards strikes 
off his head in jealousy. 139 The second part of this kdnda, 
the VriJiad-Aranyaka, which consists of five prapdthakas, 
or six adhydyas, is again divided into three Jcdndas, the 
Madhukdnda, adhy. i. ii. (prap. i. i-ii. 5) ; the Ydjnaml- 
kiya-kdnda, adliy. iii. iv. (prap. ii. 6-iv. 3) ; and the KTiila- 
kdnda, adhy. v. vi. (prap. iv. 4~v. 5). Of these three divi- 
sions, each succeeding one appears to be later than that which 
precedes it, and each closes with a Yans'a or statement of 
the line of teachers, carried back to Brahman, the primeval 
source. The third brdhmana of the Madhu-kanda is an 
explanation of three sloJcas prefixed to it, a form of 
which we have no previous example. The fifth (adhy. ii. 
i) contains, as has already been stated (p. 51), another 
recension of the legend related in the fourth adhydya of 
the Kaushitaky-Upanishad, of Ajatasatru, the king of 
Kasi, who was jealous of Janaka's fame as a patron of 
learning. The eighth (adliy. ii. 4) contains another re- 
cension of the closing legend in the Yajnavalkiya-kanda, 
of Yajnavalkya's two wives, Maitreyi and Katyayani, 
this being the first mention we have of these names. 
Here, as also in the eleventh kanda, we find an enumera- 
tion of the subjects of Vedic study, namely, Rigvcda, 
Yajurveda, Sdmavcda, the Atliarvdngirasas, itihdsa, pu- 
rdna, vidyds, ujyanishads, SloJcas, stitras, anuvydkhydnas, 
vydkhydnas* The same enumeration recurs in the Yajna- 
valki'ya-kanda (adhy. vi. 10). Samkara and Dvivedaganga, 
the commentators of the Vrihad-Aranyaka, both, like 
Sayana (on the eleventh kdnda), take the expressions 
itihdsa, &c., to mean sections in the Brahmanas. . They 
are, in fact, as I have already pointed out (p. 122), used in 

139 This is wrong. The gods seud the Pahch. Br. of Muklia alone (cf. 

forth ants to gnaw the bowstring of also T. S., iii. 2. 4. I). In the 

Vishnu, who stands leaning on his Satapatha, Makha is only mentioned 

V>ended bow ; the string, snapping among the gods who assembled, 

and springing upwards, severs his though, to be sure, lie appears im- 

head from his body. The same mediately before Vishnu, 

legend recurs not only in the par- * The last five expressions tnke 

allel passage of the Taitt. Ar. (v. here the place of anusdsana, vdko- 

i), but also in the Panch. Br., vii. 5. vdkya, ndrdsansis, and gdthds in 

6 ; but whilst in the Sat. Br. it, is the eleventh book. The latter ar 

related of Vishnu, the Taitt. Ar. clearly the more ancient. 
tells it of Makha Vaishnava, and 


this sense in the Brahmanas themselves. It is only in 
regard to stitra* that I am unable to prove a similar use 
(though Dvivedaganga pretty frequently calls certain 
sentences by the name of s&tra, e.g., i. 2, 18, 22, 3. I, &c.); 
and this term raises a doubt whether the opinion of the 
commentators ought to hold good with reference to these 
passages also, and their time. The ninth (which is the 
last) brdhmana is evidently the one from which the 
Madlm-karida received its name. It treats of the intimate 
relation existing between the four elements (earth, water, 
fire, air), the sun, the quarters of the heavens, the moon, 
lightning, thunder, dMa (ether), &c., on the one hand, 
and all beings on the other; this relation being set forth 
by representing the one as the madhu (honey) of the 
other. This doctrine is traced to Dadhyanch Atbarvana, 
as is also, in fact, done in the Rik-Samhita itself (i. 116. 
12, 1 17. 22). In the beginning of the fourth Jcdnda of the 
Satap. Brahmana also (iv. i. 5. 18) we find the madhu 
ndma brdhmanam mentioned expressly in this connection ; 
Sayana, too, quotes Sdfydyana (- V&jasaneyau] in support 
of it. A very early date is thus guaranteed for the 
name at least, and probably also for the contents of this 
chapter; though its form, of course, cannot make any 
pretension to high antiquity. The concluding Vans'a hire, 
as elsewhere, varies very much in the two schools ; that 
is, as regards the last twenty members or so back to Yaska 
and Asurayana ; but from these upwards to the mythical 
fountain-heads the two schools generally agree. Asura- 
yana himself (consequently, also Yaska, who is recorded 
as his contemporary) is here placed two stages after Asuri ; 
at the end of the Khila-kanda he is even designated as 
his pupil; Asuri, again, being set down as the pupil of 
Y.djnavalkya. The list closes, therefore, with about the 
twenty-fifth member from the latter. It must conse- 
quently have been continued long after the Madhu-kanda 
had been finally put into shape, since both the analogy of 
the Vana contained in the last brdhmana but one of the 
Khila-kanda and the very nature of the case forbid the 

* The word siitra is found several supreme Brahman itself, which, like 
times here, but in the sense of a band, embraces and holds together 
4 thread, band,' only, to denote the everything. 


conclusion that its redaction could have taken place so 
late as the twenty-fifth generation from Yajnavalkya. The 
commentators never enter into any explanation of these 
Vans'as; doubtless, therefore, they too regarded them as 
supplements. The names themselves are naturally highly 
interesting, and, as far at least as the later stages are con- 
cerned, are probably strictly authentic. The aim of the 
Ydjnavalkiya-lcdnda is the glorification of Yajnavalkya, 
and it recounts how, at the court of his patron Janaka, 
king of Videha, he silenced all the Brahmans * of the 
Kurupanchalas, &c., and gained his patron's full confidence 
(like the corresponding legends in the twelfth book of the 
Maha-Bharata). The legend narrated in the eleventh Jcdnda 
(vi. 3. i. ff.) may perhaps have been the model; at least 
the Yajnavalkiya here begins in exactly the same manner, 
and gives also, almost in the same words, the account of 
the discomfiture and punishment of Vidagdha Sakalya, 
which alone is given in the eleventh Jcdnda. It closes with 
a legend already given in the Madhu-kanda, but with some 
deviations. The expressions pdnditya, muni, and mauna, 
occurring in this Jcdnda, are worthy of special notice as 
being new 140 (iii. 2. I, iv. 2. 25); further, ekaJiansa, ra- 
mana, tdpasa (iv. i. 12, 22), pravrdjin (iv. 2. 25, where 
Wiikslidcharya is recommended), and pratibuddha (iv. 2. 
17 ; the verb pratibudh occurs in this sense i. 2. 21), and 
lastly, the names chdnddla and paulkasa (iv. i. 22). I am 
now of opinion t that it is to this Yajnavalkiya-kanda 
that the vdrttiJca to Panini iv. 3. 105 refers when it speaks 
of the Ydjnaralkdni brdJimandni as not purdna-proJcta, 
but tulyakdla, " contemporaneous," i.e., with Panini. The 
wording of the vdrttika does not necessarily imply that 

* Among them Asvala, the king's hitii, viz., viii. 17. 14, and x. 136. 

Hotar, Vidagdha 6akalya, who lost 2-5." First German edition, Errata, 

his life for his impertinence, Kahola Paulkasa is found also in V. S. 30. 

Kaushitakeya, and Gdrgi Vsicha- 17. 

knavi, who all four (the latter, at f Formerly I was of different 

least, according to the Grihya- Sutra) opinion ; see /. St., i. 57. Many of 

may be looked upon as representa- the views there expressed especi- 

tives of the Rik, towards which ally pp. 161-232 have here either 

therefore a kind of jealousy is here been further developed or modified 

unmistakably exhibited. after careful consideration of the 

140 " The word muni occurs in various passages, as may be perceived 

the Inter portions of the Ilik-Sam- by comparison. 



these Brahmanas originated from Yajnavalkya himself; 
consequently they might bear his name simply because 
treating of him. I prefer the latter view, for it appears to 
me very hazardous to regard the entire Satapatha-Brah- 
mana, or even its last books only, as directly bearing the 
name of Yajnavalkya, however fully it may embody his 
system, or to set it down as contemporaneous with, or 
but little anterior to, Panini. In regard to the Yajnaval- 
kiya-kanda, however, I have not the slightest hesitation in 
doing the latter. 1 * 1 Finally, the Khila-Mnda, or last kdnda 
of the Vrihad-Aranyaka, is uniformly described by the 
commentators as such a Tchila, or supplement ; and as a 
matter of fact it is clearly enough distinguished from the 
o,ther kdndas. Its first adhydya the fifth of the Vrihad- 
Aranyaka is made up of a number of small fragments, 
which contain for the most part mystical plays upon words, 
of the most clumsy description. The second adhydya con- 
tains 'two brdhmanas, parts of which, as I have already 
remarked (p. 71), recur in precisely the same form in the 
Chhandogyopanishad vii. i, 3. Of the third brdJimana, 
which contains ritual injunctions, we also find another 
recension, ibid. vii. 2. It concludes with a Vana, not, 
however, in the form of a list, but of a detailed account. 
According to it^the first author of the doctrine here taught 
was Uddalaka Aruni, who imparted it to Yajnavalkya, here 
for the first time called Vajasaneya ; * his pupil was Madh- 
uka Paiugya, from whom the doctrine was transmitted to 
Chuda Bhagavitti, then to Janaki Ayahsthuna, and lastly 
to Satyakarna Jabala. The name of the latter (a teacher 
often alluded to in the Chhandogyopanishad) is in fact 
borne in later works by a school of the White Yajus, so 

141 On this subject compare Gold- nini. Although he here counts 

stacker's detailed discussion in his Ydjnavalkya among the purdnas, 

Panini, p. 132-140, and my special 'ancients,' and this interpretation 

rejoinder, /. St., v. 65-74, xiii. 443, is required by the wording of the 

444, /. <>., ii. 214. According to vdrttika, yet the KiMika", on the 

these expositions, the author of the contrary, expressly declares him to 

vdrttikas must, on the one hand, have be "not chirakdla." 
considered the Ydjnavalkdni ttrdh- * In the Ydjtiavalkiyakdnda Ud- 

mandni as originally promulgated ddlaka Aruni is, like the other Brah- 

(prokta) by Ydjnavalkya ; but, on mans, silenced by Ydjnavalkya, no 

the other hand, he must also have mention being made of his being 

looked, upon the recension then ex- the preceptor of the latter. 
Unt as contemporaneous with Pa"- 


that we might perhaps ascribe to him the final adjustment 
of this doctrine in its existing form. The fourth and last 
brdhmana, of this adhydya is, like the third, surprising, 
from the nature of its contents, which, consisting as they 
do of the rites to be observed before, arid at the time of, 
coitus, as well as after the birth of a son, more properly 
pertain to a Grihya-Sutra. It too closes with a VansX* 
this time of quite unusual length, and distinguished, as far 
as the more recent members are concerned, by this peculi- 
arity, that their names are formed by the addition of putra 
to the mother's name (see above p. 71), and that both 
parts of the names are accentuated. Asuri is here called 
the pupil of Yajnavalkya, and the latter the pupil of 
Uddalaka, Then, having passed through ten more stages 
and arrived at Aditya. the sun-god, as the original author, 
we find the following words as the close of the whole 
Brahmana : dditydni 'mdni sulddni yafanshi Vdjasaneyena 
YdjnavaUq/end "kliydyante, ' these "White Yajus-texts ori- 
ginating t from Aditya are transmitted by Vajasaneya 
Yajnavalkya.' According to Snmkara and Dvivedagaiiga, 
this Vaiisa does not refer to the Khila-kanda, but to the 
entire Pravaehana, the entire Veda (i.e., the White Yajus). 
This view is at all events favoured by the fact that the 
Vaiisa at the close of the tenth book (the only one which 
appears in the whole of the Satapatha-Brahmana, besides 
those of the Madhu-kanda, Yajnavalkiya-kanda, and Khila- 
kanda) J evidently refers to this Van^a, and presupposes 
its existence when at its commencement it says : samdnam 
d Sdmjiviputrdt, ' up to Samjiviputra the teachers are the 
same.' For, ascending from this Samjiviputra, there are 
still in this VaiiSa three steps up to Yajnavalkya, while in 
the tenth book, as before remarked, the doctrine is not 
traced up to the latter at all, but from Samjiviputra 
through five steps to Sandilya, and through two more to 
Tura Kavasheya. This latter circumstance suggests to 

* la the Kdnva recension the Vans'a here too at the close after 

Vansaa invariably form separate the words : Ydjnavalkyend "khyd- 

cliapters. yante. 

) Or : ' these White Yajus-texts Who is quoted in the Aitar. 

are named by Vdjasaneya Ydjnaval- Brsthmana as contemporaneous with 

kya as originating from Aditya' (?). Janamejaya (as his sacrificial priest); 

J The Kdnva recension adds this see /. St., i. 203, note. 


us, moreover, the possibility of yet another division of the 
Satapatha-Brahmana with reference to the origin of the dif- 
ferent kdndas. For in the first five and the last four kdndas 
the name of Yajnavalkya meets us exclusively, and very fre- 
quently, as that of the teacher whose opinion is appealed to 
as the decisive authority, whose system consequently is in 
any case there set forth.* Further, if we except the Yajna- 
vaikiya-kanda and the gdthds in the thirteenth Mnda, races 
settled in eastern or central Hindustan are the only ones 
mentioned in^ these Mndas, viz., the Kurupanchalas, Ko- 
salavidehas, Sviknas, and Srinjayas. Once only the Pra- 
chyas (eastern tribes) are opposed to the Vahikas (western 
tribes) ; again there is once mention madeof thelldichyas (in- 
habitants of the north) ; and lastly, the (southern) Nishadhas 
are once alluded to in the name of their king, Nala Naisha- 
dha (or, as he is here called, Naishidha). From this the 
remaining kdndas the sixth to the tenth differ palpably 
enough. They recognise Sandilya as the final authority f 
instead of Yajnavalkya, whom they do not even name ; 
neither do they mention any but north-western races, 
viz., the Gandluiras with their king Nagnajit, the Salvas, 
and the Kekayas.J May not the above-mentioned Vana 
apply not only to the tenth book, but to these five Jcdndas? 
Since the latter treat specially of the fire-ritual, of the 
erection of the sacred fire-altars, their possible north- 

* The fact that this is so clear later times. Besides, his patron Ja- 
inay easily account for the circutn- naka is mentioned at least in the 
stance that the Punlnas have here Kaushitaky - Upanishad. [In two 
for once a statement in conformity sections of the Kaushitaki-, or, 
with fact, as they cite Yajnavalkya Siiukhiiyana-Arnnyaka, which, how- 
as the author of the White Yajus. ever, are clearly of very late origin, 
We may here mention that the name Yajnavalkya himself is actually 
of Yajnavalkya occurs nowhere else cited (9. 7 and 13. l) ; but these 
in Vedic literature, which might be passages are themselves direct quo- 
explained partly by the difference of tations from Satap. Br. xiv. lu the 
locality, partly by his having edited Gopatha-Br., which shows so many 
the White Yajus after the text of special points of relationship to the 
the other Vedas had been fixed ; Satapatha, Ydjnavalkya is never 
though the latter reason seems in- mentioned.] 

sufficient, since other teachers of f So do the Sttma-Sutras ; ' 

the White Yajus are mentioned fre- dilya is mentioned besides in the 

quently in later Vedic literature, as, Chhdndogyop. only. 
for instance, Arimi, Svetaketu, Satya- + The legend concerning these re- 

kama J.ibala, &c., who are either curs in the Chhdndogyop. 
his contemporaries, or belong to even 


western origin might be explained by the fact that the 
doctrine upon this subject had, though differing from that 
of the Persa- Aryans, been kept particularly pure in the 
north-west owing to the proximity of this latter people.* 
However this may be, whether the north-western origin of 
the doctrine of these five kdndas be well founded or other- 
wise, 142 they at any rate belong, in their present form, 
to the snme period as (the tenth possibly to a somewhat 
later period than) the first five kdndas. f On this point the 
mention of Aruria Aupaves'i, Arum, Svetaketu Aruneya, 
and of Indradyumna (in the tenth book), as well as the 
frequent reprehension of the Charakadhvaryus, is decisive. 
That the various parts of the Brahmana were blended to- 
gether by one arranging hand 143 is evident in particular 
from the repeated occurrence of phrases intimating that a 
subject has already been treated of in an earlier part, or is 
to be found presented more in detail in a later part. A 
closer investigation of the various instances where this 
occurs has not as yet been within my power. 

The number of deviations in regard to ritual or readings 
cited in the Brahmana is very great. To these regard is 
had here and there even in the Samhita itself, two differ- 
ent mantras being quoted side by side as equally good. 
Most frequently the citation of such variations in the 
Brahmana is introduced by the words ity eke, or tad dhuTi ; 
yet pretty often the names of individual teachers are also 
mentioned, who must here, in part at least, be looked upon 
as representing the schools which bear their names. Thus 
in addition to those already named we have: Ashadha 
Sdvayasa, Barku ^Varshna, Aupoditeya, Panchi, Takshan, 
Jivala Chailaki, Asuri, Madhuki, Kahoda Kaushitaki, Var- 
shnya Satyayajna, Satyayajni, Tandya, Budila AsVatarasVi, 

* Ought we to bring the Sdkd- 14t The strong censure passed up- 

yanins into direct connection with on the residents on the seven western 

the latter? But then what would rivers in ix. 3. I. 24 must be ascribed 

become of the connection between to this 'arranging hand ;' see 1. St., 

Sakayanya (in the Maitray;mi-Upa- xiii. 267. That the White Yajus 

nishad) and the Sitkyas? (!). was arranged iu eastern Hindustdn, 

14 - See on this my detailed dis- seems to be proved by the statements 

cussion in I. St., xiii. 265-269, where in the Pratijnd-Parisishta respecting 

I call special attention to various the extent of the Madhyades'a ; see 

differences in point of language be- my essay on the Pratijnd- Sutra, pp. 

tweeu books i.-v. and vi.-ix. 101, 105. 


Rama Aupatasvini, Kaukusta, Mahitthi, Mudimbha* Au- 
danya, Saumapau Manutantavyau, Satyakama Jabala, Sai- 
lali, &c. Besides the Charakadhvaryus, Bhallaveya in par- 
ticular is regularly censured, from which I conclude, as 
already stated (p. 95), that the Bhallavi-Brahmana should 
be reckoned among those of the Black Yajus. By the 
"eke," where these are found fault with, we should pro- 
bably also understand (e.g., once for certain in the lirst 
kdnda) the adherents of the Black Yajus. Once, however 
(in the eighth kdnda}, a reading of the Kanva school is 
quoted by " eke " and disputed. How the matter stands 
in the Brahmana of the latter as to this passage, whether 
it finds fault with the reading of the Madhyamdina school, 
I arn not able to say. A collection of passages of this 
kind would naturally be of peculiar interest. 

The legends interspersed in such numbers throughout 
the Brahmana have a special significance. In some of 
them the language is extremely antiquated, and it is pro- 
bable therefore that before their incorporation into it they 
possessed an independent form. The following deserve 
special mention from their being treated in detail, viz., the 
legends of the Deluge and the rescue of Manu; of the 
emigration of Videgha Mathava Irom the Sarasvati to the 
Sadanira in the country of the Kosala-Videhas ; of the 
restoration to youth of Chyavana by the AsVins at the 
request of his wife Sukanya, the daughter of Saryata Ma- 
nava ; of the contest between Kadrii and Suparni ; of the 
love and separation of Puriiravas and Urvasi, and others. 
Many of them reappear as episodes in the epic, in a 
metrical garb, and often very much altered. It is 
obvious that we have here a much more intimate con- 
nection with the epic than exists in the other Brah- 
manas. The names Valhika, Janamejaya, and Nagnajit 
have the most direct reference to the legend of the Maha- 
Bharkta; as also the names already discussed above in 
connection with the Samhita, Amba, Ambika, Ambalika, 
Subhadra, and the use there made of the words arjuna and 
plialyuna. In any case, we must look for the explanation 

* Compare the Mutibhas in the M;i<lhuki (or Paifigya), and Kansii:- 
Aitar. Br. Of the above, only Bu- taki are mentioned elsewhere., the Saumapau, Sutyakuma, 


of this in the circumstance, that this Brahmana substan- 
tially originated and attained its final shape among the 
tribes of the Kurupanchalas and the neighbouring Kosala- 
Videhas. The king of the latter, Janaka, who is repre- 
sented in it as the chief patron of the sacred doctrine it 
embodies, bears the same name as the father of Sita and 
father-in-law of Earna, in the Bamayana. This is, how- 
ever, the only point of contact with the Eamayana legend 
which can here be traced, and as the name Janaka seems 
to have belonged to the whole family, it also virtually dis- 
appears. Nevertheless I am inclined to identify the father 
of Sita with this exceptionally holy Janaka, being of 
opinion that Sita herself is a mere abstraction, and that 
consequently she had assigned to her the most renowned 
father possible. As regards the special relation in which 
the Brahmana stands to the legend of the Maha-Bharata, 
Lasseu, it is well known, takes as the fundamental feature 
of the latter a conflict between the Kurus and the Pari- 
chalas, ending in their mutual annihilation, the latter being 
led by the family of the Pandus, who came from the west. 
Now at the time of the Brahmana, we find the Kurus and 
the Panchalas still in full prosperity,* and also united in 
the closest bonds of friendship as one people.f Conse- 
quently this internecine strife cannot yet have taken place. 
On the other hand, in the latest portions of the Brahmana, 
we find the prosperity, the sin, the expiation, and the fall 
of Janamejaya IMrikshita and his brothers Bhimasena, 
Ugrasena, and Srutasena, and of the whole family of the 
Parikshitas, apparently still fresh in the memory of the 
people and discussed as a subject of controversy. In the 
Maha-Bharata boundless confusion prevails regarding these 
names. Janamejaya and his brothers, already mentioned, 
are represented either as great-grandsons of Kuru, or else 
as the great-grandsons of the Panduid Arjuna, at whose 
snake-sacrifice Vai^ampayana related the history of the 

* Though certainly in the lastpor- -j- At least I am not able to offer 

tions of the Br. the Kosala-Videhas .another explanation of the word 

iseem to have a certain preponder- Kurupanch.ila ; it is, moreover, note- 

ance ; and there had perhaps existed worthy that no name of a king of the 

as early as the time of the Samhitti Kurupanchdlas is ever mentioned, 

(see p. 114) a certain rivalry between Such names are quoted only for 

the Kurus and Paiichdlas. Kauravya- or Paiichiila- kings. 


great struggle between the Kurus and the Piinclus. Adopt- 
ing the latter view, which appears to be the better war- 
ranted, from the fact that the part of the Maha-Bharata 
which contains it is written in prose, and exhibits a pecu- 
liarly ancient garb, the supposed great internecine conilict 
between the Kurus and the Panchalas, arid the dominion 
of the Pandavas, must have been long past at the time of 
the Brahmana. How is this contradiction to be explained ? 
That something great and marvellous had happened in the 
family of the Parikshitas, and that their end still excited 
astonishment at the time of the Brahmana, has already 
been stated. But what it was we know not. After what 
has been said above, it can hardly have been the overthrow 
of the Kurus by the Panchalas ; but at any rate, it must 
have been deeds of guilt ; and indeed I am inclined to regard 
this as yet unknown ' something ' as the basis of the legend 
of the Maha-Bharata. 144 To me it appears absolutely neces- 
sary to assume, with Lassen, that the Pandavas did not 
originally belong to the legend, but were only associated 
with it at a later time, 145 for not only is there no trace of 
them anywhere in the Brahmanas or Sutras, but the name 
of their chief hero, Arjuna (Phalguna), is still employed 
here, in the Satapatha- Brahmana (and in the Samhita), as 
a name of Indra ; indeed he is probably to be looked upon 
;is originally identical with Indra, and therefore destitute 
of any real existence. Lassen further (I. AK., i. 647, ff.) 
concludes, from M' Megasthenes (in Arrian) reports of 
the Indian Heracles, his sons and his daughter HavBaia, and 
also from other accounts in Curtius, Pliny, and Ptolemy,* 
that at the time when Megasthenes wrote, the mythical 
association of Krishna (?) with the Pandavas already ex- 

144 See Indian Antiquary, ii. 58 1-4 (Ath., xx. 127. ^-lo), serve; 

(1873). I may add the following, as although in Ait. Br., vi. 22 (Sdnkh. 

it possibly has a bearing here. Yrid- Br., xxx. 5), they are referred to 

ilhadyuimia Abhipratdnn i (=ee Ait. ' fire ' or 'year;' but see Gopatha- 

Br., iii. 48) was cursed by a Brahman Br., xi. 12. Another legend re- 

<>ii account of improper sacrifice, to specting Janamejaya PaYikshita is 

the effect that : imam era prati s- found in the Gopatha-Br., ii. 5. 

muramKurarahKwukshetrdchchyo- U5 See my detailed discussion of 

sliyanta iti, Saiikh., xv. 16. 12 (and this in /. St., ii. 402-404. 

K" it came to pass). For the glorifica- * Curtius and Pliny wrote in the 

tion of the Kauravya king Parikshit first, Arrian and Ptolemy ill the 

the four verses, &llikh, Sr., xii. 1 7. second century A.D. 


isted. But this conclusion, although perhaps in itself pro- 
bable, is at least not certain ;* and even it' it were, it would 
not prove that the Pandavas were at that time already 
associated with the legend of the Kurus. And if we have 
really to assign the arrangement of the Madhyamdina re- 
cension (see p. 106) to about the time of Megasthenes, it 
may reasonably be inferred, from the lack of all men- 
tion of the Pandavas in it, that their association with 
the Kurus had nut then been established; although, strictly 
speaking, this conclusion has weight not so much for the 
period when the arrangement of the work actually took 
place, as for the time to which the pieces arranged belong. 
As with the epic legends, so also do we h'nd in the 
Satapatha- Brahmana several points of contact with the 
legends of the Buddhists, on the one hand, and with the 
later tradition concerning the origin of the Samkhya doc- 

O O * / */ 

trine, on the other. First, as regards the latter. Asuri, the 
name of one of its chief authorities, is at the same time the 
name of a teacher frequently mentioned in the Sitapatha- 
Brahmana. Again, though only in the Yajnavalkiya-kanda, 
we have mention of a Kapya Patamchala of the country of 
the Madras as particularly distinguished by his exertions 
in the cause of Brahmanical theology ; and in his name we 
cannot but see a reference to Kapila and Patamjali, the 
traditional founders of the Samkhya and Yoga systems. 
As regards the Buddhist legends, the Sakyas of Kapilayastu 
(whose name may possibly be connected with the Saka- 
yanins of the tenth kdnda, and the Sdkayanya of the 
Maitrayana-Upanishad) called themselves Gautamas, a 
family name which is particularly often represented among 
the teachers and in the lists of teachers of the Brahmana. 
It is, moreover, the country of the Kosalas and Videhas that 
is to be looked, upon as the cradle of Buddhism. Sveta- 
ketu (son of Arum), one of the teachers most frequently 
mentioned in the Satapatha-Brahmana, is with^ the Bud- 
dhists the name of one of the earlier births of Sakyamuni 

"The incest of Hercules with and Arjuna occur together in Pda, 

Ila.v5a.ia must certainly be traced iv. 3. 98, cannot be considered as a 

to the incest of Prajdpati and his proof of their being connected with 

daughter, so often touched ou iu each other ; see /. St., xiii. 349, ff.] 
the Brdhmiinas. [That Vdsudeva 


(see Ind. Stud., ii. 76, note). That the mdyadka of the 
JSamhita may perhaps also be adduced in this connection is 
a point that lias already been discussed (pp. in, 112). The 
words arhant (iii. ,4. I. 3, ff.), framana (Vrih. Ar., iv. I. 22, 
as well as Taitt. Ar., ii. 7, beside tdpasa), mahdbrdhmana * 
(Vrih. Ar., ii. I. 19. 22), and pratibuddha, although by no 
means used in their Buddhistic technical sense, yet indi- 
cate how this gradually arose. The name Chelaka also iu 
the Brahmana may possibly have some connection with 
the peculiarly Buddhistic sense attached to the word chela. 
Ajata^atru and Brahmadatta,t on the contrary, are probably 
but namesakes of the two persons designated by the Bud- 
dhists under these names as contemporaries of Buddha (?). 
The same probably also applies to the Vatsiputriyas of the 
Buddhists and the Vatsiputras of the Vrih. Arany. (v. 5. 
31), although this form of name, being uncommon, perhaps 
implies a somewhat closer connection. It is, however, the 
family of the Katyayanas, Katyayaniputras, which we find 
represented with special frequency among the Buddhists 
as well as in the Brahmana (although only in its very 
latest portions). We find the first mention]; of this name 
in the person of one of the wives of Yajnavalkya, who is 
called Katyayani, both in the Madhu-kanda and the 
Ynjnavalkiya-kanda ; it also appears frequently in the lists 
of teachers, and almost the whole of the Sutras belong- 

* Beside mnhdrujn, which is found Keel. St.,v.6i, 63,64. A Ksityii- 
even earlier, i. 5. 3- 21, ii. 5- 4- 9- yaniputra Jat&karnya is quoted in 

+ With the surname Chaikitdneya tbeSttfikh. Ar., viii. 10. Patamjaliin 

Vrih. Ar. Mddhy., i. I. 26. In the MahabhrUhya mentions several 

Maha-BhaYata, xii. 5136, 8603, a K.ityas (I. St., xiii. 399, 407), and 

Pdilchdlyo rc'ijd named Brahmadatta indeed the vdrttikakdra directly be- 

is mentioned, who reigned in longs to this family. In no other 

pilya. Cliaikitiineya is to be distin- Vedic texts have I found either the 

guished from Chaikitdyana in the Kntas or the Kiltyas, Kdtydyanas, 

Clihitndogyopaii., iii. 8. [On a euri- excepting in the^srawnv^section ap- 

ons coincidence of a legend in the Bended .at the end of the Asvaldyana- 

A'rihad-Ar. with a Buddhist legend, Srauta-Stitra, xii. 13-15, in which 

see 7. St., iii. 156, 157-1 the Katas and the patronymic, 

* Tn the tenth book of the Taitt. Kittya, are mentioned several times. 
Ar., Kiltyiiyana (instead of ni) is a The Kuru-Katas are cited in the 
name of Durg.-l ; on this use see /. r/rma ' Garya,' and the family of the 
St., ii. 192 [xiii. 422]. In the Gana- Katas seems therefore to have been 
pdtha to Pitnini, Katyayana is want- (specially connected with the Kurus ; 
ing. [But Kfitydyani is to be gath- see /. St., i. 227, 228.] 

cred from Panini himself, iv. I. 18 ; 


ing to the White Yajus Lear this name as that of their 
author. f 

The Satnpatha-Bnihmana has been commented in the 
Madhyamdina recension by Harisvamin and Sayana; but 
their commentaries are so far extant only in a fragmentary 
form. 140 The Vrihad-Aranyaka has been explained by 
Dviyeda Gaiiga (of Gujarat) ; and in the Kanva recension 
by Samkara, to whose commentary a number of other 
works by his pupils, &c., attach themselves. As yet only 
the first kdnda, with extracts from the commentaries, has 
been published, edited by myself. In the course of the 
next three years, however, the work will be printed in its 
entirety. 147 The Vrihad-Aranyaka in the Kanva recension 
has been edited by Poley, and recently by Koer, together 
with Samkara's commentary and a gloss thereon. 148 

I now turn to the Stitras of the White Yajus. The first 
of these, the Srauta-Stitra of Kdfydyana, consists of 
twenty-six adhydyas, which on the whole strictly observe 
the order of the Brahmana. The first eighteen correspond 
to its first nine kdndas ; the Sautramani is treated of in 
the nineteenth, the horse sacrifice in the twentieth adhy- 
dya ; the twenty-first contains the human, universal, and 
Manes sacrifices. The next three adhydyas refer, as before 
stated (p. 80), to the ceremonial of the Samaveda, to its 
several ckdhas, ahinas, and sattras ; yet they rather specify 
these in the form of lists than present, as the other adhy- 
dyas do, a clear picture of the whole sacrificial proceedings. 
The twenty-fifth adhydya treats of the prdyaschittas, or 
expiatory ceremonies, corresponding to the first part of the 
twelfth kdnda ; and lastly, the twenty-sixth adhydya con- 
tains the pravargya sacrifice, corresponding to the first part 
of the fourteenth kdnda. Only a few teachers are cited 
by name, and among these are two belonging to authors of 
Sutras of the Black Yajus, viz., Laugakshi and Bharadvaja; 
besides whom, only Jatukarnya, Vatsya, Badari, Kdita- 

146 And in very bad manuscripts. 148 Roer's translation (1856) in- 

147 Thelastfasciculuswaspublished eludes the commentary of the first 
in 1855. A translation of the first adhydya; he also gives several ex- 
book, and also of some legends spe- tracts from it in the subsequent 
cially mentioned above, is printed in chapters. 

vol. i. of my Indischc Strcifcn (1868). 


kritsni, and Karshnajini are named. We meet with the 
three last of these elsewhere only 149 in the Yedanta-Sutra 
of Badarayana, Badari excepted, who appears also in the 
Mimansa- Sutra of Jaimini. Vatsya is a name which oc- 
casionally occurs in the Van^as of the Satapatha-Brah- 
mana ; 15 and the same applies to Jatiikarnya, who appears 
in the Yans'a of the Madhu- and ^Yajnavalkiya-kandas in 
the Kanva recension as a pupil of Asurayana and of Yaska. 
(In the Madhyamdina recension, another teacher inter- 
venes between the last-named and Jatiikarnya, viz., Bha- 
radvaja.) He is also mentioned in the Aitareya-Aranyaka, 
and repeatedly in the Pratilakhya-Sutra of the White Yaj us. 
Besides these, " eke" are frequently quoted, whereby refer- 
ence is made to other Sakhas. One passage gives expression 
to a certain hostility towards the descendants of^the daugh- 
ter of Atri (the Haleyas, Valeyas, Kaudreyas, Saubhreyas, 
Ycdmarathyas, Gopavanas) ; while the descendants of Atri 
himself are held in especial honour. A similar hostility 
is exhibited in other passages towards the descendants of 
Kanva, Kas"yapa, and Kautsa; yet these three words, ac- 
cording to the commentaries, may also be taken as appel- 
latives, kanva as " deaf," kasyapa as " having black teeth" 
(sj/dvadanta), and kautsa as " doing blamable things." 
The first adhy&ya is of peculiar interest, as it gives the 
paribhdshds, or general rules for the sacrificial ceremonial. 
Otherwise this work, being entirely based upon the Brah- 
mana, and therefore in no way an independent production, 
contains but few data throwing light upon its probable 
age. Amongst such we may reckon in particular* the 
circumstance that the word vijaya, " conquest," sc. of the 

149 Kitsakritsni appears as a gram- pointing to later times; it belongs 

marian also; he is possibly even to the same class as agnl = 3, bhA = 

earlier than Piinini ; see 7. St., xiii. I, &c. [This is wrong; a little be- 

398, 413. On a Vedic commentator fore, in xx. 5. 16, mention is made 

KitsMkritsnn, see above, pp. 42, 91. of 101 manis, and in xx. 7. I we have 

15U In addition to this there is simply a reference back to this. We 

quoted in ix. 5. I. 62 the opinion of might rather cite gdyatrisampannd. 

a teacher bearing this name ; r a &c., xx. II. 21, ff., in the sense of 

Viltsa is mentioned in the Aitar. Ar. 24. &c., but there is this material dif- 

and Sdflkh. Ar. furence from the later use, that it is 

* The use of mani, xx. 7- r > to \wtgdyatri alone which means 24, but 

denote 101, may also be instanced as ydyatrisampanna .] 


points of the compass,* is once used in the sense of " the 
points of the compass " themselves (xx. 4. 26), which evi- 
dently presupposes the custom of the dig-vijayas probably 
also poetical descriptions of them (?). The adhydyas relat- 
ing to the Saman ceremonial (xxii.-xxiv.) are the richest 
in this kind of data. They treat, for instance, like the 
Sama-Sutras, of the sacrifices on the Sarasvati, and also of 
the Vratya-sacrifices, at which we find the Mdfjadhadesiya 
Irahmabandhu (xxii. 4. 22) occupying the same position as 
in Latyayana. 

The Katyayana-Siitra has had many commentators, as 
Yasoga, 161 Pitribhuti, Karka (quoted by Sayana, and there- 
fore prior to him 152 ), Bhartriyajna, Sri-Ananta, Devayaj- 
nika (or Yajnikadeva), and Mahadeva* The works of the 
three last,f and that of Karka are, however, the only ones 
that seem to have been preserved. The text, with extracts 
from these commentaries, will form the third part of my 
edition of the White Yajus. 153 To this Sutra a multitude 

* See Lassen, /. AK., i. 542. 
[According to the St. Petersburg 
Dictionary, the word in the above 
passage should only mean ' gain, the 
thing conquered, booty ; ' but a re- 
ference to locality is made certain by 
the parallel passage, I-dty., ix. 10. 
17: vijitasya ra madhye yajet (yo 
yasya deso vijitah sydt, so, tasya m. 
y.} ; forthedigvijayas, it is true, we 
do not gain anything by this pas- 

151 This name must be read 
gopi ; see my edition, Introd., p. vii. 

152 A Dltumrdyanasagotra Karkd- 
dhydpaka occurs in an inscription 
published by Dowson in Journal R. 
A. 8., i. 283 (1865), of Sridattaku- 
salin (Prasantardffa), dated sam. 380 
(but of what era?). 

f [They are, however, incom- 
plete, in part exceedingly so.] The 
earliest MS. hitherto known of the 
rydkhyd of Yajnikadeva is dated 
samvat 1639. I have given the 
names of these commentators in the 
order in which they are cited by one 
another ; no doubt there were other 
commentators also preceding Yasoga 
[Yas"ogopi]. In the Fort William 

Catalogue, under No. 742, a com- 
mentary by Mahidhara is mentioned, 
but I question provisionally the cor- 
rectness of this statement. [The 
correct order is : Karka, Pitribhuti, 
Yasogopi, Bhartriyajna. They are 
so cited by Ananta, who himself 
seems to have lived in the first half 
of the sixteenth century, provided 
he be really identical with the Sri- 
whom' Ndrayana, the author of the 
Mtihuilaniiirtanda, mentions as his 
father; see my Catalogue of the 
Berlin MSS., No. 879. Deva on i. 
IO. 13 quotes a NaYayanabhjtshya ; 
might not Ananta's son be its au- 
thor ?] 

153 This pnrt was published 1856- 
59 ; Deva's Paddhati to books i.-v. 
is there given in full, also his com- 
mentary on book i. ; the extracts 
from the scholia to books ii.-xi. 
are likewise taken from Deva's com- 
mentary: those to books ii.-v. there 
exhibit, as to style, some differences 
from the original wording, resulting 
from abbreviations ; the extracts 
for books xii.-xxvi. come from the 
scholium of Karka and from an ano* 


of Paddhatis (outlines), extracts, and similar works * attach 
themselves, and also a large number of Pari&shtas (supple- 
ments), which are all attributed to Katyayana, and have 
found many commentators. Of these, we must specially 
draw attention to the Nigama-Pari&shta, a kind of syno- 
nymic glossary to the White Yajus ; and to the Pravard- 
dhydyaf an enumeration of the different families of the 
Brahmans, with a view to the proper selection of the sacri- 
ficial priests, as well as for the regulation of the inter- 
marriages forbidden or permissible among them. The 
Charana-vyuha, an account of the schools belonging to the 
several Vedas, is of little value. Its statements may for 
the most part be correct, but it is extremely incomplete, 
and from beginning to end is evidently quite a modern 
compilation. 154 

The Sutra of Vaijavdpa, to which I occasionally find 
allusion in the commentaries on the Katiya-Sutra, I am 
inclined to class among the Sutras of the White Yajus, as 
I do not meet with' this name anywhere else except in the 
Vargas of the Satap. Br. Here we have both a Vaijavapa 
and a Vaijavapayana, both appearing among the most 
recent members of the lists (in the Kanva recension I find 
only the latter, and he is here separated by five steps only 
from Yaska). A Grihya-Sutra of this name is also cited. 

The Kdtiya Grihya-Sutra^ 5 in three Jcdndas, is attri- 
buted to Paraskara, from whom a school of the White 

nyinons epitome (samkskiptasdra) of ff.), contain by far richer material. 

Deva, the MS. of which dates from If all these schools actually existed 

samvat 1609. None of these com- but there is certainly a great deal 

militaries is complete. of mere error and embellishment in 

* By Gadddhara, Harihararnisra, these statements then, in truth, 

Kenudikshita, GangaVlhara, &c. lamentably little has been left to us ! 

t Printed, but unfortunately from 15S See Stenzler's account of its 

a very bad codex, in my Catalogue contents in Z. D. M. G., vii. (1853). 

of the Berlin MSS., pp. 54-62. [See and his essay ou the arghdddna 

I. St., x. 88, ff.] (Filr., i. S^Breslau, 1855). The sec- 

154 Edited in /. St., iii. 247-283 tions on marriage ceremonial have 

(1854); see also Miiller, A, S. L., been published by Haas, /. St., v. 

p. 368, ff., and Rcijendra Lstla Mitra 283, ff., whilst the sections on the 

in the preface to his translation of jdtakarman have been edited by 

the Chhdndogyopanishad, p. 3. The Speijer (1872), together with critical 

enumerations of the Vedic schools variants (pp. 17-23) to the MS. of 

in the Vishnn-Purdna, iii. 4, and the whole text which was used by 

especially in the Vdyu-Purdna, chap. Stenzler. 
Ix. (see Aufrecnt's Cataloyus, p. 54, 


Yajus also (according to the Charanavyuha) derived its 
name. The word Paraskara is used as a samfnd, or proper 
name but, according to the gana, to denote a district 
in. tliC: Sutra of Panini ; but I am unable to trace it in 
Vedic literature. To this Grihya-Sutra there are still ex- 
tant a Paddhati by Vasudeva, a commentary by Jayarama, 
and above all a most excellent commentary by Rama- 
krishna under the title of Samskdra-ganapati, which ranks 
above all similar works from its abundant quotations and 
its very detailed and exhaustive handling of the various 
subjects. In the introduction, which deals with the Veda 
in general and the Yajurveda in particular, Eamakrishna 
declares that the Kanva school is the best of those belong- 
ing to the Yajus. Under the name of Paraskara there 
exists also a Smriti-Sastra, which is in all probability 
based upon this Grihya-Sutra. Among the remaining 
Smriti-Sastras, too, there are a considerable number whose 
names are connected with those of teachers of the White 
Yajus; for instance, Yajnavalkya, whose posteriority to 
Manu quite corresponds to the posteriority of the White 
Yajus to the Black Yajus and no doubt also to that of 
the Katiya-Sutra to the Manava-Siitra ; further, Katya- 
yana (whose work, however, as we saw,^ connects itself 
with the Sumaveda), Kanva, Gautama, Sandilya, Jabali, 
and Para^ara. The last two names appear among the 
schools of the White Yajus specified in the Cliaranavyuha, 
and we also find members of their families named in the 
Vaii^as of the Satapatha-Brahmana, where the family of 
the Parasaras is particularly often represented.* 

The Prdtisdlchya-Sutra of the White Yajus, as well as 
its Anukramani, names at its close Katyayana as its author. 
In the body of the work there is mention, first, of three 
grammarians, whom we also find cited in the PratiSakhya 
of the Rik, in Yaska, and in Panini, viz;., Sakatayana, 
Sakalya, and Gargya ; next, of Kasyapa, likewise men- 
tioned by Panini; and, lastly, of Dalbhya, Jatukarnya, 
Saunaka (the author of the Rik-Prati^akhya ?), Aupasivi, 

* [See /. St., i. 156.] Pilnini, iv. cants. [The Pdrd&arino bkikshavah 

3. no (a rule which possibly does are mentioned in the Mahdbhhya 

not belong to him), attributes to a also, and besides a Kalpa by Puni- 

PaYasarya a Bhikshu-Stitra, i.e., a sura; see /. St., xiii. 340, 445.] 
compendium for religious uiendi- 


Ktinva, and the Madhyamdinas. The distinction in i. I. 
1 8, 19 between veda and Widshya, i.e., works in Ikdskd, 
which corresponds to the use of the latter word in Panini, 
has already been mentioned (p. 57). The first of the 
eight adhydyas contains the samjnds and paribhdshds, i.e., 
technical terms * and general preliminary remarks. The 
second adhy. treats of the accent; the third, fourth, and 
fifth of samsktira, i.e., of loss, addition, alteration, and 
constancy of the letters with reference to the laws of 
euphony ; the sixth of the accent of the verb in the sen- 
tence, &c. ; the eighth contains a table of the vowels and 
consonants, lays down rules on the manner of reading 15 
(svddhydya), and gives a division of words corresponding 
to tli at of Yaska. Here, too, several slokas are quoted re- 
ferring to the deities of the letters and words, so that I am 
almost inclined to consider this last adhydya (which is, 
moreover, strictly speaking, contained in the first) as a 
v'ater addition. f We have an excellent commentary on 
this work by TJvatn, who has been repeatedly mentioned, 
under the title of Mdtrimodaka. 157 

The Anukramani of Katyayana contains, in the first 
place, in the first four adhydyas (down to iv. 9), an index 
of the authors, deities, and metres of the several sukldni 
yafunski "White Yajus-formulas" contained in the "Mddh- 
yamdiniye Vdjasaneyake Yajurvcddmndye sarve [?] salchile 
sasukriye," which the saint Yajnavalkya received from 
Vivasvant, the sun-god. For their viniyoya, or liturgical 
use, we are referred to the Kalpakara. As regards the 
names of authors here mentioned, there is much to be re- 
marked. The authors given for the richas usually agree 
with those assigned to the same verses in the Rig-anukra- 
mani ; there are, however, many exceptions to this. Very 
often the particular name appears (as is also the case in 

* Anion^ them tin, krit, tmliUiita, latiou, with critical introduction and 

and u]>adlid, terms quite agreeing explanatory notes, in I. St., iv. 65- 

with Pimini's terminology. 160, 177-331, Goldstiicker in his 

158 Rather: 'reciting;' because J'tinini, pp. 186-207, started a spe- 

here too we must dismiss all idea cial controversy, in which inter alia 

of writing and reading. he attempts in particular to show 

. "t In that case the mention of the that the author of tbiswork is iden- 

Madhyamdmas would go for nothing, tical with the author of the rtlrttikas 

167 In connection with my edition to Panini ; see my detailed rejoinder 

of this Prdtisitkhya, text and trans- in 7. St., v. 91-124. 


the Rig-anukramani) to be borrowed from some word 
occurring in the verse. In the case where a passage is 
repeated elsewhere, as very often happens, it is frequently 
assigned to an author different from the one to whom it 
had previously been attributed. Many of the Rishis here 
mentioned do not occur among those of the Rik, and be- 
long to a later stage than these ; among them are several 
even of the teachers mentioned in the Satapatha-Brahmana. 
The closing part of the fourth adhydya* contains the 
dedication of the verses to be recited at particular cere- 
monies to their respective Rishis, deities, and metres, to- 
gether with other similar mystical distributions. Lastly, 
the fifth adhydya gives a short analysis of the metres 
which occur. In the excellent^ but unfortunately not alto- 
gether complete Paddhati of Srihala to this Anukramani 
we find the liturgical use of each individual verse also 
given in detail. 

The Yajus recension of the three works called Vedaiigas, 
viz., Siksha, Chhandas, and Jyotisha, has already been dis- 
cussed (p. 60). f 

We come now to the Atharvaveda. 

The Samhitd of the Atharvaveda contains in twenty 
Mndas 158 and thirty-eight prapdthakas nearly 760 hymns 
and about 6000 verses. Besides the division into prapd- 
fhakas, another into anuvdkas is given, of which there are 

* Published together with the into twenty books is attested for the 

fifth adhydya, and the beginning of period of the author of the vdrttikas, 

the work, in my edition of the Yaja- and also by the Gopatha-Bra'hmana 

saneyi - Sarphitd, introduction, pp. i. 8; see I. St., xiii. 433; whereas 

Iv.-lviii. both the Ath. S. itself (19. 22, 23) 

t For particulars I refer to my and the Ath. Par. 48. 4-6 still con- 

Catalogue of the Berlin MSS., pp. tain the direct intimation that it 

96-100 [and to my editions, already formerly consisted of sixteen books 

mentioned, of these three tracts]. only ; see /. St., iv. 432-434. 

158 This division of the Ath. S. 


some ninety. The division into parvans, mentioned in the 
thirteenth book of the Satapatha-Brahmana, does not ap- 
pear in the manuscripts ; neither do they state to what 
school the existing text belongs. As, however, in one of 
the PariSishtas to be mentioned hereafter (the seventh), the 
rich as belonging to the -ceremony there in question are 
quoted as Paippalddd mantrdh, it is at least certain that 
there was a Samhita belonging to the Paippalada school, 
and possibly this may be the Samhita now extant. 169 Its 
contents and principle of division are at present unknown 100 
in their details. We only know generally that " it prin- 
cipally contains formulas intended to protect against the 
baneful influences of the divine powers,* against diseases 
and noxious animals ; cursings of enemies, invocations of 
healing herbs ; together with formulas for all manner of 
occurrences in every-day life, prayers for protection on 
journeys, luck in gaming, and the like" f all matters for 
which analogies enough are to be found in the hymns of 
the Rik-Samhita. But in the Rik the instances are both 
less numerous, and, as already remarked in the introduc- 
tion (p. 11), they are handled in an entirely different 
manner, although at the same time a not inconsiderable 
portion of these songs reappears directly in the Rik, par- 
ticularly in the tenth mandala* As to the ceremonial for 
which the hymns of the Atharvan were used, what corre.- 

159 According to a tract recently riage, xv. of the glorification of 
published by Kotli, Dcr Atkarvareda Vnitya, xvi., xvii. of certain con- 
in Kashmir (1875), this ' s n t the jurations, xviii. of burial and the 
case ; the extant Samhit<i seems festival of the Manes. Book xix. is 
rather to belong to the school of a mixture of supplementary pieces, 
the Sannakas, whilst the Paippaliida- part of its text being in a rather 
Samhitd has come down to us in a corrupt condition ; book xx. con- 
second recension, still preserved in tains, with one peculiar exception, 
Kashmir. the so-called kuntdpastikta, only 

160 The arrangement in books i.- complete hymns addressed to Indra, 
vii. is according to the number of which are borrowed directly and 
verses in the different pieces ; these without change from the Rigveda. 
have, on an average, four verses in Neither of thess two last books is 
book i., five in ii., six in iii., seven noticed in the Atharva-Prdtisitkhya 
in i v., eight to eighteen in v., three (see note 167), and therefore they did 
in vi., and only one in vii. Books not belong to the original text at 
viii.-xiii. contain longer pieces. As the time of this work. 

to the contents, they are indiscrimi- * Of the stars, too, i.e., of the 

nately mixed up. Books xiv. xviii., lunar asterisms. 

on the 'contrary, have all a uniform f See lloth, Zur Lilt, und Gcscti, 

lubject-matter ; xiv. treats of mar- dcs Wcdn, p. 12. 


spends to it in the other Vedas is found, not in the Srauta- 
Sutras, but with few exceptions in the Grihya-Sutras only ; 
and it appears therefore (as I have likewise already re- 
marked) that this ceremonial in its origin belonged rather 
to the people proper than to the families of priests. As 
in the Shadvina-Brahmana and in the Sama-Sutras we 
actually meet with a case (see p. 78) where an imprecatory 
ceremony is borrowed from the Vratinas, or Aryans who 
had not adopted the Brahmanical organisation, we may 
further reasonably conjecture that this was not a solitary 
instance; and thus the view naturally presents itself that, 
though the Atharva-Samhita originated for the most part 
in the Brahmanical period, yet songs and formulas may also 
have been incorporated into it which properly belonged to 
these unbrahmanical Aryans of the west.* And as a mat- 
ter of fact, a very peculiar relation to these tribes is unmis- 
takably revealed in the fifteenth kdnda, where the Supreme 
Being is expressly called by the name of Vratya, 161 and is 
at the same time associated with the attributes given in 
the Samaveda as characteristics of the Vratyas. In the 
same way, too, we find this word Vratya employed in the 
Atharva-Upanishads in the sense of " pure in himself" to 
denote the Supreme Being. The mention of the mdyatVia 
in the Vratya-book, and the possibility that this word may 
refer to anti-brahmanical Buddhist teachers, have already 
been discussed (p. 1 1 2). In a passage communicated by 
Roth, op. c. p. 38, special, and hostile, notice is taken of the 
Afigas and Magadhas in the East, as well as of the Gan- 
dhfiris, Mujavants, Sudras, Mahavrishas, and Valhikas in 
the North-West, between which tribes therefore the Brah- 
manical district was apparently shut in at the time of 
the composition of the song in question. Intercourse 
with the West appears to have been more active than 
with the East, five of the races settled in the West 
being mentioned, and two only of those belonging to the 

* In the Vislinu-Piirdna the Sain- the Chulikopanishad, v. n (see 7. 

dhavas, Saindhaviiyanaa are men- St., i. 445, 446, ix. 15, 16). Ac- 

tioned as a school of the Atharvan. cording to Roth, on the contrary 

161 This explanation of the con- (see above p. 112, note), the purpose 

tents of this book and of the word of the book is rather " the idealising 

vrdtya is based upon its employment of the devout vagrant or mendicant 

iu the Prasnopanishad 2. 7, and in (parivrdjaka, &c.)." 


East. In time it will certainly be possible, in the Atharva- 
Samhita also, to distinguish between pieces that are older 
and pieces that are more modern, although upon the whole 
geographical data are of rare occurrence. Its language 
exhibits many very peculiar forms of words, often in a 
very antique although prakritized shape. It contains, 
in fact, a mass of words used by the people, which from 
lack of occasion found no place in the other branches of the 
literature. The enumeration of the lunar asterisms in the 
nineteenth Icdnda begins with krittikd, just as in the Tait- 
tiriya-Samhita, but otherwise it deviates considerably from 
the latter, and gives for the most part the forms of the 
names used in later times. 162 No direct determination of 
date, however, can be gathered from it, as Colebrooke ima- 
gined. Of special interest is the mention of the Asura 
Krishna * Kesin, from the slaying of whom Krishna (Aiigi- 
rasa ?, Devakiputra) receives the epithets of Kesihan, Kesi- 
sudana in the Epic and in the Puranas. In those hymns 
which appear also in the Rik-Samhita (mostly in its last 
mandala), the variations are often very considerable, and 
these readings seem for the most part equally warranted 
with those of the Rik. There are also many points of 
contact with the Yajus. 

The earliest mention of the Atharvan-songs occurs under 
the two names "Atharvanas" and " Aiigirasas," names 
which belong to the two most ancient Rishi-families, or to 
the common ancestors of the Indo- Aryans and the Persa- 
Aryans, and which are probably only given to these songs 
in order to lend all the greater authority and holiness 
to the incantations, &c., contained in them.f They are 
also often specially connected with the ancient family 
of the Bhrigus. 103 Whether we have to take the " Atliar- 

1(i - The piece in question proves, and if, according to the Bhavishya- 

on special grounds, to be a later sup- Parana (Wilson in Reinaud's Mem. 

plement ; see 7. St., iv. 433, n. surl'Indc, p. 394), the Parsis (Macas) 

* An Asura Krishna we find even have four Vedas, the Vada (! Yas- 

in the Rik-Samhitii, and he plays a na?), Visvavada (Vispered), Vidut 

prominent part in the Buddhist (Vendidad), and fig i rasa, this is a 

legends (in which he seems to be purely Indian view, though indeed 

identified with the Krishna of the very remarkable, 

epic (':'!). 1<i3 See my essay Zwei vcdische 

f Spe I. St , i. 295, ff. That these Tcxte iibcr Omina und Porlenta, pp. 

names indicate any Persa-Aryan in- 346-348. 
nuence is not to be thought of ; 


vanas" in the tiiirtieth book of the Vaj. Samhita as 
Atharvan-songs is not yet certain ; but for the period to 
which the eleventh, thirteenth, and fourteenth books of 
the Satapatha-Brahniana, as well as the Chhandogyopa- 
nishad and the Taittiriya-Aranyaka (ii. and viii.), belong, 
the existence of the Atharvan-songs and of the Atharva- 
veda is fully established by the mention of^ them in 
these works. The thirteenth book of the Satapatha- 
Brahmana even mentions a division into parvans* which, 
as already remarked, no longer appears, in the manuscripts. 
In the eighth book of the Taittiriya-Aranyaka, the ddesa, 
i.e., the Brahmana, is inserted between the three other 
Vedas and the " Atharvangirasas." Besides these notices, 
I find the Atharvaveda, or more precisely the "Athar- 
vanikas," only mentioned in the Nidana-Sutra of the 
Samaveda (and in Panini). The names, too, which belong 
to the schools of the Atharvaveda appear nowhere in 
Vedic literature,f with the exception perhaps of Kaus"ika; 
still, this patronymic does not by any means involve a 
special reference to the Atharvan.j Another name, which 
is, however, only applied to the Atharvaveda in the later 
A tharvan- writings themselves, viz., in the Parislshtas, is 
"Brahma- veda." This is explained by the circumstance that 
it claims to be the Veda for the chief sacrificial priest, the 
Brahman, 10 * while the other Vedas are represented as those 
of his assistants only, the Hotar, Udgatar, and Adhvaryu, 

* Corresponding to the stiktns, athnrvdiigirasih, as magic formulas ; 

anuvdkas, and dasats of the Rik, in the lidmayana likewise only once 

Yajus, and Sdman respectively. ii. 26. 2O (Gorr.) the mantras 

t Members of the family of the chdtkarvands (the latter passage I 

Atharvans are now and then men- overlooked in /. St., i. 297). [In 

tioned ; thus especially Dadhyanch Patamjali's Malidbbsishya, however, 

Ath., Kahandha Ath., whom the the Atharvan is cited at the head 

Vishnti-Purana designates as a pupil of the Vedas (as in the Rig-Grihyas, 

of Sumantu (the latter we met in the see above, p. 58), occasionally even 

Grihya-Sutras of the Rik, see above, as their only representative ; see 

[>.' 57), and others. 1. St., xiii. 431-32.] 

It seems that even in later 164 This explanation of the name, 

times the claim of the Atharvan to though the traditional one, is yet 

rank as Vfda was disputed. Yaj- very likely erroneous ; by Bralmia- 

navalkya (i. 101) mentions the two veda (a name which is first men- 

eeparately, veddiharva ; though in tioned in the Sdiikh. Grihya, i. 16) 

another passage (i. 44) the " Athar- we have rather to understand 'the i rasas " occvir along with Rich, Veda of braltmdni,' of prayers, i.e., 

Siiman, and Yajus. In Mann's here in the narrower sense of ' in- 

Code we only once find the srutir cantations.' (St. Petersburg Diet.) 


a claim which has probably no other foundation than 
the circumstance, cleverly turned to account, that there 
was, in fact, no particular Veda for the Brahman, who 
was bound to know all three, as is expressly required 
in the Kaiishitaki-Brdhmana (see 1. St., ii. 305). Now 
the weaker these pretensions are, the more strongly are 
they put forward in the Atharvan- writings, which indeed 
display a very great animosity to the other Vedas. To- 
wards one another, too, they show a hostile enough spirit ; 
for instance, one of the Parisishtas considers a Bhargava, 
Paippalada, and Saunaka alone worthy to act as priest to 
the king,* while a Mauda or Jalada as puroliita would 
only bring misfortune. 

The Atharva-Samhita also, it seems, was commented 
upon by Say ana. Manuscripts of it are comparatively 
rare on the Continent. Most of them are distinguished by 
a peculiar mode of accentuation.f A piece of the Samhita 
of some length has been made known to us in text and 
translation by Aufrecht (I.St.,i. 121-140); besides this, 
only some fragments have been published. 105 

The Brahmana-stage is but very feebly represented in 
the Atharvaveda, viz., by the Gopatka-Brdhmana, which, 
in the manuscript with which I am acquainted (E. I. H., 
2 142), comprises a ptirva- and an uitara-poition, each con- 
taining five prapdthakas; the MS., however,- breaks ofl 
with the beginning of a sixth (i.e., the eleventh) prapd- 

h Yajnavalkya (i. 312) also re- Ka-hmlr (1875'). In the Gopatha- 

quires that Mich an one be well Bnthmana (i. 29), and in Patarpjali's 

versed atharrdngirase. Mah&bhdshya (see /. St., xiii. 433 ; 

t Dots ;ire here used instead of although, according to Burnell, ln- 

lines, and the svarita stands mostly trod, to Vnn.4;i-Brahinann, p. xxii., 

beside, not above, the aksliara. the South Indian MSS. omit the 

163 The whole text has been quotation from the Atharvaveda), 

edited long since (1855*56) by Roth the beginning of the Sumhitii is given 

and Whitney. The first two books otherwise than in onr text, as it 

have been translated by me in /. commences with i. 6, instead of i. I. 

St., iv. 393-430, and xiii. 129-216, It is similarly given by Bh;ind,irkar, 

and the nuptial formulas contained Indian Antiquary, in. 132 ; and two 

in the fourteenth book, together 1V1SS. in Hang's possession actually 

with a great variety of love charms begin the text in this manner ; see 

and similar formulas from the re- Hang's Braliman und die Brahma- 

maining books, ibid., v. 204-266. vr-n, p. 45. Burnell (Introd. to 

For the criticism of the text see Van^a-Br., p. xxi.) doubts whether 

Iloth's tracts, L'ebcr</en Atharravcda the Ath. S. was commented by 

(1856), and Der Atharravcda in Siiy;ina. 


{haka. In one of the Parisishtas the work is stated to 
have originally contained 100 prapdthaJcas. The contents 
are entirely unknown to me. According to Colebrooke's 
remarks on the subject, Atharvan is here represented as a 
Prajapati who is appointed by Brahman as a Demiurge ; 
and this is, in fact, the position which he occupies in the 
Parisishtas and some of the Upanishads. The division of 
the year into twelve (or thirteen) months consisting of 
360 days, and of each day into thirty muhurtas, which 
Oolebrooke points out as remarkable, equally appears in 
the Brahmanas of the Yajus, &c. 100 

Departing from the order hitherto followed I will add 
here what I have to say about the Stitras of the Atharva- 
veda, as these are the only other writings which have 
reference to the Samhita, whereas the remaining parts of 
the Atharvan-literature, corresponding to the Aranyakas 
of the other Vedas, have no reference to it whatever. 

In the first place, I have to mention the Saunakiyd 
chatur - adhydyikd, lGQ " a kind of Pratisiikhya for the 
A tharva- Samhita, in four adhydyas, which might possibly 
go back to the author of the Rik-Pratisakhya, who is 
also mentioned in the Prati^akhya of the "White Yajus. 
The Saunakas are named in the Charanavyuha as a school 
of the Atharvan, and members of this school are re- 
peatedly mentioned in the Upanishads. The work bears 
here and there a more generally grammatical character 
than is the case with the remaining Prati^akhyas. Saka- 

1 " ti M. Miiller nrst gave us some of which appear in the game form as 

information as to the Gopatha- in the Satnpatha-Brdhmnna, xi. xii., 

Brdhmana in his History of A. S. L., and are therefore probably simply 

p. 445-455 ; and now the work itself copied from it. The second half 

lias been published by Rdjendra Ldla contains a brief exposition of a 

Mitra and Harachandra Vidydbhu.- variety of points connected with the 

shnna in the Bibl. Indira (1870- Srauta ritual, specially adapted, as 

72). According to this it consists it seems, from the Aitar. Br. Very 

of eleven (i.e., 5 + 6) prapdthakas remarkable is the assumption in i. 

only. We do not discover in it any 28 of a doshapati, lord of evil (! ?), 

npecial relation to the A th. S., apart who at the beginning of the livsi- 

from several references thereto under para (-yuga) is supposed to have 

different names. The contents are acted as 'fishindm ekadeicih.' This 

a medlt-y, to a large extent derived reminds us of, and doubtless rests 

from other sources. The first half upon, the MaYa of the Buddhists, 
is essentially of speculative, cos. 166b The form of name in the 

mogonic import, and is particularly MS. is : chalurddTiydyikd. 
rich in kgends, a good number 


tayana and other grammatical teachers are mentioned. 
In the Berlin MS. the only one as yet known each rule 
is followed by its commentary. 167 

An Anukramant to the Atharva-Samhita is also ex- 
tant ; it, however, specifies for the most part only divine 
beings, and seldom actual Rishis, as authors. 

The Kausika- Sutra is the sole existing ritual Sutra of 
the Atharvaveda, although I am acquainted with an 
Atharvana-Grihya through quotations. 163 It consists of 
fourteen adhydyas, and in the course of it the several 
doctrines are repeatedly ascribed to Kausika. In the intro- 
duction it gives as its authorities the Mantras and the 
Brahmanas, and failing these the sampraddya, i.e., tradi- 
tion, and in the body of the work the Brahmana is likewise 
frequently appealed to (by iti lr.} ; whether by this the Go- 
patha-Brahmana is intended I am unable to say. The style 
of the work is in general less concise than that of the other 
Sutras, and more narrative. The contents are precisely 
those of a Grihya-Sutra. The third adhydya treats of the 
ceremonial for Nirriti (the goddess of misfortune) ; the 
fourth gives bhaisJiafyas, healing remedies ; the sixth, &c., 
imprecations, magical spells ; the tenth treats of marriage ; 
the eleventh of the Manes-sacrifice; the thirteenth and 
fourteenth of expiatory ceremonies for various omens and 
portents (like the Adblmta-Bnihmana of the Samaveda). 109 

107 Of this Prdtisiikhya also Whit- 168 By which is doubtless ,meanb 

ney has given us an excellent edition just this Kaulika-Stitra, A Srauta- 

in Journal Am. Or. Soc., vii. (1862), Sutra belonging to the Atharvaveda 

x. 156, ff. (1872, additions). See also- has recently come to light, under 

my remarks in /. St. , iv. 79-82. the name of Vaitdua - Sutra ; see 

According to Whitney, this work Hang, /. St., ix. 176; Biihler, 

takes no notice of the two last books Cat. of MSS. from Gujardt, i. 190, 

of the existing Ath. text, which it and Monatxberichte of the Berl. 

otherwise follows closely; since Acad. 1871, p. 76; and some fuller 

therefore the Atharva-Samhitd in accounts in lloth's Atharvaveda in 

Patamjali's time already comprised Kashmir, p. 22. 

twenty books, we might from this 169 These two sections are pub- 

directly infer the priority of the lished, with translation and notes, 

Saun. chat.; unless Patamjali's state- in my essay, Zuiei vedische Texte 

ment refer not to our text at all, iiber Omina und Portenta (1859);. 

but rather to that of the Paippa- the section relating to marriage 

liida school ; see lloth, Dcr Atharva- ceremonies is communicated in a 

reda in Kashmir, p. 15. Biihler has paper by Haas, Ueber die Ileiratksge- 

discovered another quite different braitcJie dcr ultcn Indcr in /. St., v. 

Ath. Pnltisdkhya ; see Monntsbcr. 378, ff. 
01' the Berl. Aoad. 1871, \\ 77. 


To this Sutra belong further five so-called Kcdpas : the 
Nakshatra-Kalpa, an astrological compendium relating to 
the lunar mansions, in fifty Jcandikds ; the Sdnti-Kalpa, 
in twenty-five kandikds, which treats likewise of the ador- 
ation of the lunar mansions, 170 and contains prayers ad- 
dressed to them ; the Vitdna-Kcdpa, the Samhitd-Kalpa, 
and the Abliicliara-Kalpa. The Vishnu-Purana and the 
Charanavyuha, to be presently mentioned, name, instead 
of the last, the Angirasa-Kalpa. Further, seventy-four 
smaller Pari^ishtas in also belong to it, mostly composed in 
sloJcas, and in the form of dialogues, like the Puranas. 
The contents are Grihya-subjects of various kinds ; astro- 
logy, 172 magic, and the doctrine concerning omens and por- 
tents are most largely represented. Some sections corre- 
spond almost literally to passages of a like nature in the 
astrological Samhitas. Among these Paris*ishtas, there is 
also a Charana-vy&ha, winch states the number of the richas 
in the Atharva-Samhita at 12,380, that of the parydyas 
(hymns) at 2000 ; but the number of the Kausikoktdni 
parisislitdni only at 70. Of teachers who are mentioned the 
following are the chief: first, Brihaspati Atharvan, Bhaga- 
vant Atharvan himself, Bhrigu, Bhargava, Afigiras, Angi- 
rasa, Kavya (or Kavi) Us*anas; then Saunaka, Narada, 
Gautama, Kamkayana, Karmagha, Pippalada, Mahaki, 
Garga, Gargya, Vriddhagarga, Atreya, Padmayoni, Kraush- 
tuki. We meet with many of these names again in the 
astrological literature proper. 

I now turn to the most characteristic part of the lite- 
rature of the Atharvan, viz., the Upanisliads. Whilst the 
Upanishads rear' ^o-^rjv so called, of the remaining Vedas 
all belong to the later, or even the latest, portions of these 

170 An account of the contents of kind are quoted even in the Mahii- 
both texts is given in my second blul*hya ; see /. St., xiii. 463. 
essay on the Nakshatras, pp. 390- 172 Une of the Parisishtas relating 
393 (1862) ; Hnug in 7. St., ix. 174, to this subject has been coimnuni- 
meations an Aranyaka-Jyutisha, dif- cated by me in /. St., x. 317, ff. ; it is 
ferent from the Nakshatra-Kalpa. the fifty-first of the series. The state- 

171 Haug, I. C., speaks of 72; men ts found therein concerning the 
amongst them is found a Nighantn, planets presuppose the existence cf 
which is wanting in the Berlin MS. (Jreek influence; cf. ibid., p. 319, 
Compare the Nigaina-l'arisishta of viii. 413. 

tiie White Yajus. Texts of this 


Vedas, they at least observe a certain limit which they 
never transgress, that is to sav, they keep within the range 
of inquiry into the nature of the Supreme Spirit, with- 
out serving sectarian purposes. The Atharvan Upani- 
shads, on the contrary, come down as far as tiie time of the 
Puranas, and in their final phases they distinctly enter the 
lists in behalf of sectarian views. Their number is as yet 
undetermined. Usually only fifty-two are enumerated. 
But as among these there are several which are of 
quite modern date, I do not see why we should separate 
these fifty-two Upanishads from the remaining similar 
tracts which, although not contained in the usual list, 
nevertheless call themselves Upanishads, or Atharvopani- 
shacls ; more especially as this list varies in part accord- 
ing to the different works where it is found, and as the 
manuscripts mix up these fifty-two with the remaining 
Upanishads indiscriminately, indeed, with regard to the 
Upanishad literature we have this peculiar state of things, 
that it may extend down to very recent times, and 
consequently the number of writings to be reckoned as 
belonging to it is very considerable. Two years ago, in 
the second part of the Indische Stndien, I stated the num- 
ber at ninety- five, including the Upanishads contained in 
the older Vedas.* The researches instituted by Walter 
Elliot in Masulipatam among the Telingana Brahmans on 
this subject have, however, as Dr. Roer writes to me, 
vieldud the result that amons the.-e Brahmans there are 

* This number is wrong ; it ought vopanishad) being different from 

to be ninety-three. I there counted the former. The number now 

the Anandavalli and Bhriguvalli llere finally arrived at ninety, 

twice, first among the twenty-three six is obtained (l) by the addi- 

Atharvopr in! shads omitted by An- tion of six new Upanishads, viz., 

quetil, and then among the nine the Bhdllavi-Upanishad, the Sam- 

Upanishads borrowed from the other varton., the second Mahopanishad, 

Vedas which are found in his work, and three of the Upanishads con- 

The number would further have to taiued in the Atharvasiras (Gana. 

be reduced to ninety-two, since I pati, Surra, Devi) ; (2) by the 

cite Colcbrooke's Amritavindu and omission of two, the Iludropanishad 

Anquetil's Amritandda as distinct, and the Atharvaniya- Iludropanishad, 

Upanishads, whereas in point of fact which are possibly identical, with 

they are identical ; but then, on the others of those cited ; and (3) by 

other hand, two Upanishads identi- counting the Mahdna'ra'yanopanishad 

Red by me ought to he kept distinct, as only one, whereas Colebrooka 

viz., Colebrooke's Prdndgnihotra and counts it as two. 
Anquetil's I'ranou, the latter (Prana- 


123 Upnnishads actually extant; and if we include those 
which they do not possess, but which are contained in my 
list just referred to, the total is raised to 147.* A list of 
these 123 is given in two of them, viz., in the Mahavak- 
yamuktavali and in the Muktikopanishad, and is exactly 
the same in both. According to the statement given 
above, there must be among these 123 fifty-two f in 
all which are wanting in my own list, and these include the 
two names just mentioned. A Persian translation made 
in 1656 of fifty Upanishads is extant in Anquetil du Per- 
ron's Latin rendering. 

If now we attempt to classify the Upanishads so 
far known, the most ancient naturally are those (i- 
12) which are found in the three older Vedas only.+ 
1 have already remarked that these never pursue sectarian 
aims. 7 A seeming but only a seeming exception to this 
is the Satarudriya ; for although the work lias in fact been 
used for sectarian purposes, it had originally quite a 
different significance, which had nothing to do with the 
misapplication of it afterwards made ; originally, indeed, it 
was not an Upanishad at all. A real exception, however, 
is the Svetasvataropanisliad (13), which is in any case 
wrongly classed with the Black Yajus; it is only from its 
having incorporated many passages of the latter that it has 
been foisted in here. It belongs to about the same rank 
and date as the Kaivalyopanishad. Nor can ihcMaitrdyana- 
Upanisliad ( 1 4) reasonably claim to be ranked with the Black 

* Accoidiug to the previous note, Since then many new names have 

only 145. been brought to our knowledge by 

+ According to last note but one, the Catalogues of MSS. published by 
only fifty. [In the list published by Ikirnell, Biihler, Kielhorn, Ra"jendr;i 
W. Elliot of the Upanishads in the Lala Mitra, Haug (Brahman und die 
]\Iuktikopan., see Journal As. Soc. Brahmanen, pp. 29-31), c. ; so that 
Bcng., 1851, p.' 607, ff., 108 names at present I count 235 Upanishads, 
are directly cited (and of Ihese 98 many of which, however, are pro- 
are analysed singly in Taylor's Cata- bably identical with others, as in 
logue (1860) of the Oriental MSS. of many cases the names alone are at 
fort St. George, ii. 457-474). But present known to us.] 
to these other names have to be J Namely, Aitareya, Kaushitaki, 
added which are there omitted ; see Vashkala, Chhdndogya, Satarudriya, 
/. St., iii. 324-326. The alphabe- Sikshdvalli or Taitt. Samhitopani- 
tical list published by M. Miiller iu shad, Chha'galeya (?), Tadeva, Siva- 
Z. D. M. G., xix. 137-158 (1865), samkalpa, Purushusukta, tsd, Vri. 
brings the number up to 149 (170, had-Aranyaka. 
Burnell, Indian Antiquary, ii. 267). See on this 7. St., ii. 14-47. 


Yajus; it belongs rather, like the Svetasvataropanishad, only 
to the Yoga period. Still it does not, at least in the part 
known to me, 173 pursue any sectarian aim (see pp. 96-99). 

Apart from the two last-named Upanishads, the transi- 
tion to the Atharvopanishads is formed on the one hand 
by those Upanishads which are found in one of the other 
three Veda,s, as well as in a somewhat modified form in an 
Atharvan-recension, and on the other hand by those Upa- 
nishads of which the Atharvan-recension is the only one 
extant, although they may have formerly existed in the 
other Vedas as well. Of the latter we have only one 
instance, the Kdthaka-Upanishad (15, 16); of the former, 
on the contrary, there are several instances (17-20), viz., 
Kcna (from the Samaveda), Bhriguvalli, Anandavalli, and 
L'r ihanndrdyana (Taitt. Ar., viii. ix.). 

The Atharvopanishads, which are also distinguished ex- 
ternally by the fact that they are mostly composed in 
verse, may themselves be divided into three distinct 
classes, which in their beginnings follow the earlier Upani- 
shads with about equal closeness. Those of the first class 
continue directly to investigate the nature of Atman, or the 
Supreme Spirit; those of the second deal with the subject 
of absorption (yoyo) in meditation thereon, and give the 
means whereby, and the stages in which, men may 
even in this world attain complete union with Atman; 
and lastly, those of the third class substitute for Atman 
some one of the many forms under which Siva and 
Vishnu, the two principal gods, were in the course of 
time worshipped. 

Before proceeding to discuss these three classes in their 
proper order, I have to make some observations on the 
Atharvan-recensions of those Upanishads which either 
belong at the same time to the other Vedas also, or at any 
rate oiiginally did so. 

The Atharvan-text of the Kenopanishad, in the first 
place, differs but very little from its Samoa-text. The 
reason why this Upanishad has been incorporated into the 
Atharvan collection seems to be the fact that Uma Hai- 
rnavati is here (and for tho first time) mentioned, as she 

173 In the remaining parts also there is nothing of the kind to ba 


was probably understood in the sense, of the Siva sects. 
"With, the Atharvan-text both of the Anandavalli and of 
the Bhriguvalli * I am unacquainted. Of the Brihannara- 
yanop. f also, which corresponds to the Narayaniyop. of 
the Taitt. Aranyaka, only a few data are known to me ; 
these, however, sufficiently show that the more ancient 
and obscure forms have here throughout been replaced 
by the corresponding later and regular ones.* The two 
Kathavallis, for the most pare in metrical form, are extant 
in the Atharvan-text only. The second is nothing but a 
supplement to the first, consisting as it does almost exclu- 
sively of quotations from the Vedas, intended to substan- 
tiate more fully the doctrines there set forth. The first is 
based upon a legend (see pp. 92, 93) related in the Taitt. 
Brahmana [iii. 11. 8]. Nachiketas, the son of Aruni || asks 
Death for a solution of his doubt whether man exists after 
death or not. After much reluctance, and after holding 
out enticements of all kinds, which Nachiketas withstands, 
Death at length initiates him into the mystery of exist- 
ence. Life and death, he says, are but two different phases 
of development; true wisdom consists in the perception of 
identity with the Supreme Spirit, whereby men are ele- 
vated above life and death. The exposition in this first part 
is really impressive : the diction, too, is for the most part 
antique. A few passages, which do not harmonise at all 
with the remainder, seem either to have been inserted at 
a later time, or else, on the contrary, to have been retained 

* Two lists of the Atharvopani- || Two other names, which are 

bhads in Chambers's Collection (see given to the father of Nachiketas, 

jny Catalogue, p. 95) cite after these viz., Audddlaki and Vajasravasa, 

two oallis (39, 40), also &madhyavalli conflict with the usual accounts, 

and an uttaravalll (41, 42) ! Vajasravasa appears also in the pas- 

t By Colebrooke it is reckoned as sage above referred to of the Tait- 

two Upanishads. tiriya-Brdhmana ; whether Audda- 

+ Thus we have visasarja instend laki does so likewise I am unable to 

of vya-cha-sarja ; Kanydkumdrlm in- say. [Audddlaki is wanting in the 

stead of "ri ; Kdtydyanyai instead of T. Br., as also the whole passage 

oyandya, &c. itself.] Benfey (in the Gottingei- 

See /. St., ii. 195, ff, where the Gclehrte Anzcvjcn. January 1852, p. 

various translations and editions are 129) suggests that we should refer 

cited. Since then this Upanishad A uddalaki Aruni to Nachiketas ; but 

has appeared in a new edition, with the incompatibility of the two names 

Samkara's commentary, in the Jlibl. is not thereby removed. Arnni is Ud- 

htdica, vol. viii., edited by Dr. Koer ddlaka, and Auddulnki is Arnneya. 
[and translated in vol. xv.]. 


from a former exposition drawn up more for a liturgical 
purpose. Its polemics against those holding different 
opinions are very sharp and bitter. They are directed 
against tarka, " doubt," by which the Samkhyas and Baud- 
dhas are here probably intended. The sacredness of the 
word om as the expression for the eternal position of things 
is very specially emphasised, a thing which has not occurred 
before in the same way. The gradation of the primeval 
principles (in iii. 10, 1 1) exactly corresponds to the system 
of the deistical Yoga, whereas otherwise the exposition 
bears a purely Vedantic character. 

Of the Atharvopanishads proper the Mundaka- and 
Prasna - Upanishads (21, 22) connect themselves most 
closely with the Upanishads of the older Vedas and with 
the Vedanta doctrine; 174 indeed, in the Vedanta-Siitra 
of Badarayana reference is made to them quite as often 
as to these others. The Miindaka-Upanishad, mostly in 
verse, and so called because it " shears " away, or frees 
from, all error, is very like the Kathakop. with regard 
to doctrine and style ; it has, in fact, several passages in 
common with it. At the outset it announces itself as an 
almost direct revelation of Brahman himself. For Augiras, 
who communicates it to S.iunaka, has obtained it from 
Bharadvaja Satyavaha, and tha latter again from Angir,* 
the pupil of Atharvan, to whom it was revealed by Brah- 

174 The list of the Atharvopani- following Up. to other Siikhas. But 
shads begins, as a rule, with the Ndfstyana, with whom, as regards 
Mundakopauishad ; and, according the order of the first twenty-eight 
to the statements in Narayanabhat- names, Colebrooke agrees in the 
t I's scholium on the smaller Atii. main (from this point their state- 
Upanishads now being edited (since men ts differ), also quotes the Sauna- 
1872) in the Bibl. Indica by Kama- kagranthavistwa for the Brahma- 
maya Tarkaratna, a settled order of vindu No. 18, and the sdkhd 
these Upmishads must still have Saunakavartitd for the Atmopani- 
been in existence in the time of shad No. 28, as authority for these 
N'arayanabhatta, since he denotes numbers, or places, of the two Up- 
the individual Upanishads as, e.g., anishads. The Gopdlatiipani, how- 
the seventh, the eighth, &c., reckon- ever, is marked by him as the forty- 
iug from the Munduka. This order sixth ' Atharva-Paippah,' and the 
is occasionally ascribed by him to Vasudevopanishad as the forty-ninth 
the Saunaka-school. Compare as to ' kshudragraiithaya^e;' see ll.ojen- 
tliis the remarks of Colebrooke, Misc. dra Lala Mitra, Notices of Sanskrit 
Ess., i. 93, according to which the MSS., i. 18 (1870). 
first fifteen Upanishads only would * Angir is a name which occurs 
belong to the Sauuakiyas, and the nowhere else. 


man himself. Shortly afterwards, Vedic literature is op- 
posed, as the inferior science, to speculation. The former 
is stated to consist of the four Vedas, and of the six 
Vedarigas, which are singly enumerated. Some manu- 
scripts here insert mention of the itih&sa-purdna-nydya- 
mimdnsd-dharmasd-'-trdni ; but this is evidently a later 
addition. Such additions are also found in other passages 
of this Upanishad in the manuscripts. This enumeration 
(here occurring for the first time) of the different Vedangas 
is of itself sufficient to show that at that time the whole 
material of the Vedas had been systematically digested, 
and that out of it a new literature had arisen, which no 
longer belongs to the Vedic, but to the following poriocl. 
We may further conclude from the mention of the Treta 
in the course of the work that the Yuga-system also had 
already attained its final form. On the other hand, we 
here find the words kdli (the dark one) and kardli (the 
terrible one) still reckoned among the seven tongues of 
fire, whereas in the time of the dramatic poet Bhavablmti 
(eighth century A.D.) they are names of Durga the wife of 
Siva, developed out of Agni (and Eudra) who under these 
names was the object of a bloody sacrificial .worship. Since 
evidently a considerable time is required for the transition 
from the former meaning to the latter, the Mundakop. 
must be separated by a very wide interval from the date 
of Bhavabhuti, a conclusion which follows besides from 
the circumstance that it is on several occasions turned to 
account in the Vedanta-Sutra, and that it has been com- 
mented by Samkara. The Prasnopanishad,iu prose, seems 
to be borrowed from an Atharva-Brahmana, viz., that of 
the Pippalada-school.* It contains the instruction by 
Pippalada of six different teachers, amongst whom the 
following names are especially significant in regard to the 
date of the Upanishad : Kausalya Asvalayana, Vaidarbhi 
Bhargava, and Kabandhin Katvavana. In the course of 

* In the colophons, at least, it is Pippalada is probably to be traced 

once so described ; by Samkara, too, to the conception found in the first 

at the beginning of his commentary, verse of the Mnndaka iii. I (taken 

it is called brdkmana, although this from Rik mand. i. 164. 2O)J[?). The 

proves but little, since with him all same verse recurs in the Svettivsa- 

the Upanishads he comments pass t-tropanishad iv. 6 and in Nir xiv. 

a. sruti and brdkmana. The name 30. 


the work Hiranyanabha, a prince of the Koalas, is also 
mentioned, the same doubtless who is specially extolled 
in the Puranas. As in the Mundakopan., so here also some 
interpolated words are found which betray themselves as 
such by the fact that they are passed over by Samkara in 
his commentary. They refer to Atharvan himself, and to 
the half mdtrd (inora), to which the word om, here appear- 
ing in its full glory, is entitled in addition to its three mone 
(a, u, m), and are evidently a later addition by some one 
who did not like to miss the mention of these two subjects 
in an Atharvopanishad, as in these they otherwise invari- 
ably occur. Both Mundaka and Prasna have been several 
times edited and translated, see /. St., i. 280, if., 439, ff., 
again recently by Dr. Eoer in vol. viii. of the JBibliotheca 

i/ V f 

Indica together with Samkara's commentary. 175 The name 
of Pippalada is borne by another Upanishad, the Garbha- 
UpanisJmd (23), which I add here for this reason, although 
in other respects this is not quite its proper place. Its 
contents differ from those of all the other Upanishads, and 
relate to the human body, to its formation as embryo and the 
various parts of which it is composed, and the number and 
weight of these. The whole is a commentary on a tri- 
s/itubh strophe prefixed to it, the words of which are passed 
in review singly and further remarks then subjoined. The 
mention of the names of the seven musical notes of the 
present day, as well as of the weights now in use (which 
are found besides in Varaha Mihira), brings us to a toler- 
ably modern date ; so also the use of Devadatta in the 
sense of Gains. A few passages in which, among other 
things, mention is made, for instance, of Narayana as 
Supreme Lord, and of the Samkhya and Yoga as the 
means of attaining knowledge of him, reappear in the 
fourteenth book & supplementary one of Yaska's Nir- 
ukti. Whether Samkara expounded this Upanishad is 
as yet uncertain. It is translated in Ind. Stud., ii. 65- 
7 1. 176 In the Brahmopanisliad also (24), Pippalada ap- 
pears, here with the title Wiayavdn Aiiyirds ; he is thus 
identified with the latter, as the authority for the particular 

175 Roer's translation is published 1872; in his introduction described 
in vol. xv. of theSibl. Indica (1853). as pancfiakhandd 'shtamdn (read 

176 Edited with Ndntynna's coin- ml!) Munddt Paippaldddbhidhd 
inentary in the Bibliotkcca Indica, tathd. 


doctrine here taught which he imparts to Saunaka (mahd- 
sdla), exactly as is the case in the Mundakopanishad. 
There is, for the rest, a considerable difference "between 
this Upanishad 177 and the Mundaka and Pras"na; it be- 
longs more to the Yoga-Upanishads properly so called. 
It consists of two sections: the first, which is in prose, 
treats, in the first place, of the majesty of Atman ; and 
later on, in its last portion, it alleges lirahman, Vishnu, 
Eudra, and Akshara to be the four pddas (feet) of the 
nirvdnam brahma ; the first eleven of the nineteen verses 
of the second section discuss the subject of the Yogin 
being allowed to lay aside his yajnopamta, or sacred thread, 
as he stands in the most intimate relation to the sutra, or 
mundane thread; the whole therefore amounts to a mere play 
upon words. The last eight verses are borrowed from the 
Svetasvataropanishad, Mundakopanishad, and similar Upa- 
nishads, and again describe the majesty of the One. The 
Mdndtikyopanisliad (25-28) is reckoned as consisting of 
four Upanishads, but only the prose portion of the first of 
these, which treats of the three and a half mdtrds of the 
word om, is to be looked upon as the real Mandukyopani- 
shad, all the rest is the work of Gaudapada,* whose pupil 
Govinda was the teacher of Samkara ; it dates therefore 
from about the seventh century A.D. Similarly, there are 
two works by Samkara himself specified among the Upa- 
nishads, viz., the Aptavajrasuclii (29), in prose, and the 
Tripuri (30), likewise in prose ; both composed in a Ve- 
danta sense. The former treats at the outset of what 
makes a Brdhmana a Brdhmana ; it is not jati (birth), 
varna (colour), pdnditya (learning) ; but the Brahmavid 
(he who knows Brahman} is alone a Brdhmana.^ Then 
it passes to the different definitions of moksha (liberation), 

177 Edited with NaYayana's comm. entire Mdndtikyopanishad together 

in Bibl. Ind. 1873 ; in the introduc- with Samkara's comm. in Bibl. hid. 

tion described as chatushkhandd vol. viii., also a translation of sect. 

dasami ; the two sections of the i in vol. xv.] 

text seem to have been transposed } This portion has been used by 

in some of the MSS. a Buddhist (As>aghosha), almost 

* As such, it has been commented literally, against the system of caste 

on by Samkara under the tMedgama- in general, in the tract of the same 

idstra. For particulars see /. St., ii. title which is given by Gildemeister, 

100-109. [Roer has published the Bibl. S., Praef. p. vi. not. ; see also 


stating the only correct one to be the perception of the 
oneness oijiva (the individual soul) and parameSvara (the 
All-Soul), and lastly, distinctly rejecting all sects, it ex- 
pounds the two highly important words tat (the Absolute) 
and tvam (the Objective). The Tripuri treats of the rela- 
tion of Atman to the world, and stands as fourth prakarana 
iti a series of seven little Vedanta writings attributed to 
Samkara. 178 The Sarvopaniskatsdropanishad (3 1 ), in prose, 
may be considered as a kind of catechism of these doctrines; 
its purpose is to answer several queries prefixed to it as an 
introduction. 179 The same is the case with the Nirddam- 
l)opanishad (32), 180 which, however, exhibits essentially 
the Yoga standpoint. The Atmopanishad (33), in prose, 
contains an inquiry by Angiras into the three factors 
(purushas), the body, the soul, and the All-Soul.* The 
Prdndgnihotropanishad (34), in prose, points out the rela- 
tion of the parts and functions of the body to those of the 
sacrifice, whence by implication it follows that the latter 
is unnecessary. At its conclusion it promises to him who 
reads this Upanishad the same reward as he receives 
who expires in Varanasi, viz., deliverance from transmigra- 
tion. 181 The ArshiJcopanishad (?35) contains a dialogue 
on the nature of Atman between Vi^vamitra, Jamadagni, 
Bharadvaja, Gautama, and Vasishtha, the last of whom, 
appealing to the opinion of "K'hak" (? another MS. in 
Anquetil has " Kapl " = Kapila ?), obtains the assent of the 
others. 182 

Burnouf, Introd. a I' Hist, du Buddh. !8 See Riijendra Ldla Mitra, ii. 95. 

Ind., p. 215. [Text and translation Taylor, Cataloyue of Oriental A1SS. 

see now in my essay Die Vajrasuchl of t/ie College Fort St. George, ii. 

<!cs Atcayhosha (1860). By Haugr, 462. 

Jiratiman und die Rrahmanen, p. 29, * Translated in /. St., ii. 56, 57. 

the Upanishad is described as sdma- [Text and Ndrayana's comm. in Bibl. 

rcdoktd.] Jnd. 1873; described in the introd. as 

17lj See my Catalogue of the Berlin kkandatraydnvitd \ ash tdvinfl rjran- 

^tSS., p. 180. By llftjendra Ldla thasamyJie sdkhd Saunakarartitd.] 

Mitra, however (Notices of Sanskrit 181 Text and Niinlyana's comm. in 

MSS., i. 10, ii), a different text is BiU. Ind. 1873; described in the 

c-ited as the srimachhamkardcJu'trya- introd. as ekddasi Saunakiye ; see 

virachitd tripuryupanishad. Taylor, ii. 472. Rdjendra L. M. i. 

179 See /. St., i. 301 ; edited with 49. Burnell, Cataloyue, p. 63. 

Naravana's comm. in Bibl. Ind. 1874; 182 See 7. St., ix. 48-52. The 

described in the introd. as Taittiri- name of the Upanishad is not yet 

j/ake | sari'opanisliaddm sdrah scqrta- certain. 
triiiic chaturdatc (! ?). 


The second class of the Atharvopanishads, as above 
stated, is made up of those whose subject is Yoga, or 
absorption in Atman, the stnges of this absorption, and the 
external means of attaining it. These last chiefly consist 
in the giving up of all earthly connections, and in the 
frequent repetition of the word om, which plays a most 
prominent part, and is itself therefore the subject of deep 
study. Yajnavalkya is repeatedly named in the Upani- 
shads of this class as the teacher of the doctrines they set 
forth ;* and indeed it would seem that we ought to look upon 
him as one of the chief promoters of the system of religious 
mendicancy so intimately associated with the Yoga-doctrine. 
Thus, in the Tdrakopanisliad (36) he instructs Bharadvaja 
as to the saving and sin-dispelling efficacy of the word 
om, 183 and similarly in the Sdkalyopanishad (37)* Sakalya 
as to true emancipation. 184 The one, however, in which he 
stands out most prominently is the Jdbdlopanishad (38), 
in prose, which, moreover, bears the name of a school of 
the White Yajus, although no doubt wrongly, as it must 
in any case be considered as merely an imitation of the 
Aranyaka of this Veda (see /. St., ii. 72-77). Still, it 
must have been composed before the Badarayana-Sutra, 
as several passages of itf seem to be given in the 
latter (unless these passages have been borrowed from 
a common source ?). Of special importance with regard 
to the mode of life of the Paramahansas, or religious 
mendicants, are also, in addition to the Upanishad just 
mentioned, the Kafhasruti (39; Colebrooke gives the 
name incorrectly as Kantkasrut'i), in prose, and the 
Arunikopanishad (40), likewise in prose ; J both are to be 

1 3 See 7. Ft., is. 46-48. jendra L. M. i. 92 (Commentary by 

* This name seems to result as Samkardnauda). There are, besides, 

the most probable one from com- quite a number of other Upanishads 

paiison of the variants in Anquetil. bearing the name of Jdbdla, viz., 

184 See /. St., ii. 170. Bfihajjdbala, Mahdjdbdla, Laghu- 

t They presuppose the name Vd- jdMla, Buasma", Rudra", Rudrd- 

rdnasi for Benares. [The text of kshd .] 

the Jdbdlopanishad with Ndrdyana's Translated in 7. St., ii. 176- 

coinm. appeared in Bibl. Ind. 1874; 181. [Text and Ndrdyana's comm.- 

it is described in the introd. as in BiU. Ind., 1872 ; described in 

ydjushi and ckachatvdrinsattaml (the the introd. as jmfickavinM. There 

latter, however, is said of the i ; s also a commentary upon it by 

Kaivalyopanisltad also!); see also Samkardnanda ; see Rdjendra L. M. 

Burnell, p. 61, Taylor ii. 474, Rd- 5. 92. The Kaiha&ruti, also, is 


regarded as supplements to the Aranyaka of the Black 
Yajus, as the Jabalopanishad is to that of the White 
Yajus. The Bhdllam-Upanishad (41) also belongs to this 
class, to judge by quotations from it, and so does the 
Samvartasruti (42) ; similarly the Samnydsopanishad (43) 
and the Paramahansopanishad (44), both in prose.* The 
Hansopanisliad (45) I have not yet met with ; but from 
its name it probably also belongs to this place. 185 The 
Asramopanishad (46), in prose, gives a classification of 
the four Indian orders the Brahmacharins, Grihasthas, 
Vanaprasthas, and Parivrajakas. It is even quoted by 
Samkara, and the names applied in it to the several classes 
are now obsolete. The Srimaddattopanishad (47) consists 
of twelve slokas put into the mouth of one of these reli- 
gious mendicants, and uniformly concluding with the 
refrain: tasyd 'ham panckamdsramam, "I am his, i.e., 
brahman's, fifth Asrama" Apart from the two Upanishads 
already mentioned, the Mandukya and the Taraka, the 
investigation of the sacred word om is principally con- 
ducted in the Atharvasikhd (48), in prose (explained by 
Samkara), in which instruction is given on this subject by 
Atharvan to Pippalada, Sanatkumara, and Angirasjt 
further, in the BrahmavidyA (49), in thirteen lokas, now 
and then quoted by Samkara; J and lastly, in the tiaunalca 

edited in Bill. Ind. (1873), with anuvdkas of the Ath. S. (xviii.) ; 

Nardyana's commentary; although their text is therefore given by the 

under the name Kantha , it is clear editor in the scholium, and that in 

from Ndrdyana's words in his intro- a double form ace. to two MSS. (pp. 

duction, Yajarvede tu Ckarakd dvd- 131-175); see also Rajendra L. M. 

dasai 'slid kanthdsrayah (!) | samnyd- i. 54, Taylor, ii. 469.] 

sopanishattidyd chafyhkhandd krita( \ } 183 Text and Ntir. 's comm. in Sibl. 

frutih || that this mode of spelling Ind., 1874 ; described in the introd. 

here, as well as in Burnell's Cata- ns ashtalrinsattami \ dtharvane. By 

loyue, p. 60, is a mere mistake, and HajendraMl., i. 90, a comui. by 

that Nitrayana himself connected 8amkartinanda is specified ; see be- 

the Upanisliad with the Kathas ; see sides Burnell, p. 65. 

also Biihler, Catalogue of MSS. froin t See 7. St., ii. 55. Here, there- 

Guf., i. 58.] fore, we have Pippalada andAfigiras 

r Tlie Paramnf/ansopanisJiad is appearing side by side (see above, 

translated in 7. St., ii., 173-176. p. 160). [Text and Ndr.'s comm. 

[Text with Nar.'s comm. in Bill, in Sibl. Ind., 1873; described in 

Ind., 1874; described in the introd. as the introd. as saptaml munddt.] 

triJchandd 'tharvatikharc chatvdrin- J Translated in 7. St., ii. 58. 

fattami. The Samnydsopanishad, [Text and Ntir.'s comm. in 

too, is printed Hid., 1872 ; we there Ltd., 1873.] 
find a direct reference made to four 


(50) and the Pranava (51). These two are found in 
Anquetil only. 186 The various stages of gradual absorp- 
tion into Atman form the contents ;f the following 
Upanishads (52-59): Hamandda (in prose), Kshurika, 
(24 Slokas), Nddavindu (20 Slokas), Bralimavindu (22 
slokas ; also called Amritavindu), A mritavindu (38 Slokas; 
also called Amritandda\ Dhydnavindu (23 sloJeas), Yoga- 
sikhd (10 Slokas), and Yogatattva (15 Slokas'); while the 
majesty of Atman himself is depicted in the Chtilikd 
(60, in 21 Slokas) and Tejovindu (61, in 14 slokas}: * in the 
former direct reference is repeatedly made to the doctrine 
of the Atharvans. The range of ideas and the style are 
quite identical in all the Upanishads just enumerated. 
The latter frequently suffers from great obscurity, partly 
because there occur distinct grammatical inaccuracies, 
partly because the construction is often very broken and 
without unity. Many verses recur in several of them; 
many again are borrowed from the SvetaSvataropanishad 
or Maitrayanopanishad. Contempt for caste as well as 
for writing (grantJia) is a trait which appears again and 
again in almost all these Upanishads, and one might 
therefore be inclined to regard them as directly Buddhistic, 
were they not entirely free from all Buddhistic dogma. 
This agreement is to be explained simply by the fact that 
Buddhism itself must be considered as having been origi- 
nally only a form of the Samkhya-doctrine. 

The sectarian Upanishads have been set down as form- 
ing the third class. They substitute for Atman one of the 
forms of Vishnu or &va, the earlier ones following the 
Yoga-doctrine most closely, whilst in those of a modern 
date the personal element of the respective deities comes 

186 See 7. St., ix. 52-53 and 49- yana's comm. (1872-73), excep- 

52; the Pranavopanishad is men- ting the ffansanddopanishad, which, 

tioned by Taylor, ii. 328. however, seems to be identical with 

* For the Hanstanddu, see 7. St., the Ifansopanishad printed ibid. 

\. 385-387; the Kslturikd, is trans- In the Introductions to the comm. 

lated, ib., ii. 171-173; likewise /I w/fi- Chillikd is described as panchamt ; 

tavindu, ii. 59-(>2 ; Tejovindu, ii. Bralimavindu as asktdd.asi Sauna- 

62-64; Dhydnavindu, ii. 1-5; Yo- kagranthavistare ; Dhydnavindu as 

yasikhd [so we ought to read] and vinid (vinsiJ) ; Tejovindu as ekaviii- 

Yoyatattva, ii. 47-50, [Amritandda, am; Yoga6ik/idn.&granthamndohe(l) 

is. 23-28; C/iiilikd, ix. IO-2I. All dvdtrinfatitami (probably meant for 

these Upanishads are now published dvdriiis !) ; Yogatattva as trayovinsd 

iu the B'Miothcca Indica with Nata- (")] 


more and more into the foreground. A special charac- 
teristic of this class are the unmeasured promises usually 
held out at the close of the work to him who reads and 
studies it, as also the quotation and veneration of sacred 
formulas containing the name of the particular deity. 

First, as regards the Upanishads of the Vishnu-sects, 
the oldest form under which Vishnu is worshipped in 
Ndrdyana. We find^ this name for the first time in the 
second part of the Satapatha-Brahmana, where, however, 
it is not in any way connected with Vishnu; it rather 
stands, as at the commencement of Manu and the Vishnu- 
Purana, in the sense of Brahman (mascul.). This is also 
the case in the Narayaniyopanishad of the Taittiriya- 
Aranyaka, and in its Atharvan-recension as Brihannara- 
yanopanishad, although in the latter he is at least called 
Ilari, and in one passage brought into direct relation to 
Viisudeva and Vishnu. It is in the Mahd-Upanishad 
(62), a prose tract, which* in its first part contains 
the emanation of the universe from Narayana, and in its 
second a paraphrase of the principal passage of the Nara- 
yaniyopanishad, that Narayana first distinctly appears as 
the representative of Vishnu, since Sulapani (Siva) and 
Brahman proceed from him, and Vishnu is not mentioned at 
all. In the Ndrdyanopanishad (64, in prose), 187 on the 
contrary, Vishnu also emanates from him, exactly as in the 
Narayana section t of the twelfth book of the Maha-Bha- 
rata (a book which in other respects also is of special sig- 
nificance in relation to the Samkhya- and Yoga-doctrines). 
The sacred formula here taught is : om namo Ndrdyandya. 
There exists of this Upanishad another, probably a later, 
recension which forms part of the Atharvasiras to be men- 
tioned hereafter, and in which Devakiputra Madlmsudana 
is mentioned as particularly brahmanya, pious, as is also 
the case in the Atmaprdbodlia-Upanishad (65), which like- 

* Translated in 7. St., ii. 5-8 [see 187 See also Edjendra L. M. i. 12, 
also Taylor, ii. 468, Rajendra L. M. 91 (cotiitn. by Sarjikardnanda). 
i. 25]; besides it there must have -f At the time of the (last?) ar- 
existed another Mahd-Upan. (63), rangement of the present text of the 
\vhicliiscitedbytheadherentsofthe Mah.i - Bhdrata, Ndnlyana worship 
Mddhava sect as a warrant for their must have been particularly flourish- 
belief in a personal soul of the uni- ing. 
verse, (vstinct from the soul of man. 


vise celebrates Nardyana as the Supreme Lord; 188 see /. 
St., ii. 8, 9. He (Narayana) is named, besides, in the 
same quality in the Garbhopanishad (in a passage re- 
curring in the Nirukti, xiv.) and in the &akalyopanishad. 

The second form under which we find Vishnu wor- 
shipped is Nrisinha: The earliest mention of him hitherto 
known appears in the Taitt. Ar., x. I. 8 (in the Xardyam- 
yop.), under the name of Narasinha, and with the epithets 
vajranakha and tikshnadansht^a. The only Upanishad in 
which he is worshipped is the Nrisinhatdpan'iyopanishad 
(in prose). It is relatively of considerable extent, and 
is also counted as six separate Upanishads (66-71), as it 
consists of two parts,* the first of which is in turn subdi- 
vided into five distinct Upanishads. The first part treats 
of the Anushtubh-formula f sacred. tt) Nrisinha, the man- 
trardja ndrasinha dnusktubha, with which the most won- 
drous tricks are played ; wherein we have to recognise the 
first beginnings of the later Malamantras with their Tan- 
tra-ceremonial. A great portion of the Mandukyopanishad 
is incorporated into it, and the existence also of the Athar- 
vas'ikha is presupposed, as it is directly quoted. The 
contents of the second part are of a more speculative 
character; but in respect of mystical trifling it does not 
yield to the first part. In both, the triad Brahman, 
Vishnu, and Siva is repeatedly mentioned. As regards 
language, the expression buddha for the supreme Atman, 
which occurs (along with nitya, suddka, satya, mukta, &c.) 
in the second part, is of peculiar interest ; and the expres- 
sion is still retained in Gaudapada and Samkara; originally 
it belongs evidently to the Samkhya school (see above, pp. 
27, 129). 

This Upanishad has been interpreted by Gaudapada 
and Samkara; and in addition to much that is quite 
modern, it presents a great deal that is ancient. It pro- 
bably dates from about the fourth century A.D., as at that 

188 See also Rtjendra L. M., iii. num jvalantam sarvatomukham \ 

36 ; Taylor, ii. 328. nrisinham bhlshanam bhadram 

* The above-mentioned lists of mrityumrityum namdmy aham, \\ " [ 

Upanishads in the Chambers collec- worship the terrible, powerful, 

tion admit a Madhyatdpini also [see mighty Vishnu, the flaming, theom- 

my Catalogue, p. 95]. nipresent; Nrisinha, the (Irani, tbe 

f It runs vyram viram mahdviah' holy one, the death of death." 


time the Nrisinha worship flourished on the western coast 
of India, while otherwise we find no traces of it. 189 

The Rdmatdpaniyopanishad (72, 73), in which Rama is 
worshipped as the Supreme God, shows a great resemblance 
to the Nrisinhatapam'yop., especially in its second part. 
This second part, which is in prose, is, properly speaking, 
nothing but a collection of pieces from the Tarakopanishad, 
Mandukyopanishad, Jabalopanishad, and Nrisinhopani- 
shad, naturally with the necessary alterations. Yajna- 
valkya here appears as the proclaimer of the divine glory 
of Kama. A London MS. adds at the close, a long passage 
which is unknown to the commentator Anandavana (a 
native of the town Kundina). The crowning touch of the 
sectarian element in this Upanishad ;is found in the cir- 
cumstance that Kama is implored by Siva (Samkara) him- 
self to spare those a second birth who die in Manikarnika 
or in the Gaiiga generally, the two principal seats of the 
Siva worship. The first part, in ninety-five lokas, contains 
at the beginning a short sketch of Kama's life, which bears 
a great similarity to that at the beginning of the Adhyat- 
maramayana (in the Brahmanda-Purana). The Mantraraja 
is next taught by the help of a mystical alphabet, speci- 
ally invented for the purpose.* This Upanishad evidently 
belongs to the school of Kamanuja, possibly to Kamanuja 
himself, consequently its earliest date would be the 
eleventh century A.D. 190 

Under the names Vishnu, Purushottama, and Vasudeva, 
Vishnu is mentioned as the supreme Atman in several 

189 See text and translation of this shad (1864); text and Ndray.'a 

Upanishad in I. St., ix. 53-173 ; and comm. in Bill. Ind. also (1873) ; in 

specially on the chronological ques- the introductions the two sectionsare 

tion, pp. 62, 63. la the Bibl. In- called panchatrinsattama and shat- 

dica also, this Upanishad has been trinsa respectively. The time of 

published by lldmamaya Tarkaratna composition is probably even later 

(1870-71), with Samkara' s common- than above supposed. In the first 

tary (it is, however, doubtful whe- pi-ice, according to Xrisinha's state- 

tlier the commentary on the second merits in his Smfityarthasdra (see 

part belongs to Saiukara), together Anfrecht, Catalogus, pp. 285 b , 286"), 

with tbe small (Ndrasinha) shatchalc- liamdnuja flourished as late as the 

ropanishad and Ndrayana's comm. twelfth century (take 1049 = A.D. 

mi it. 1127). But further, the Ramatiipani 

* The Nitrasinha- and a Va*ra"ha- displaysstillcloserrelationstoRdmd- 

Mautra are also mentioned. nanda, who is supposed to have lived 

" See text and translation in my towards the end of the fourteenth 

essay Die lidmu- Tdpanlija- Vp^nl- century ; see my essay, p. 382. 


Upanishads ; * Krishna Devakiputra appears likewise in 
some of them (the Atmaprabodha and Narayana), not, 
however, as supreme Atman, but merely, as in the Chhan- 
dogyop., as a particularly pious sage. It is in the Go- 
pdlatdpaniyopanislwd (74/75) that we first find him ele- 
vated to divine dignity. Of this Upanishad, the second 
part at least, in prose, is known to me.f It treats 
first of the gopis of Mathura and Vrnja, then it passes to 
the identification of Mathura with Brahmapura, &c. ; and 
it belongs without doubt to a very modern period, as it ex- 
hibits hardly any points of contact with other Upanishads 
in regard to contents and language. 191 The Gopichandano- 
panishad (76) also probably belongs to this place : 192 I 
know it only by name. 

At the head of the Upanishads belonging to the Siva- 
sects stands, according to the use that has been made of 
it, the atarudriya. I have already remarked, however, 
that this^is nothing but an abuse. In its germs the wor- 
ship of Siva may be traced even in the later portions of 
the Yajus.J He appears very prominently as Mahadeva 
in a portion of the Narayamyopanishad, and here he is 
already associated with his spouse. The SvetasVataropani- 
shad also pays homage to him. Among the Atharvo- 
pariishads the most ancient in this regard is the Kaivalyo- 
panisliad (77), a mixture of prose and lokas, in which 
Wiagavdn makddevah himself instructs As"valayana con- 
cerning his own majesty ; in a similar way he acts as his 
own herald in the Atharvasiras (78), in prose. The latter 

* And also, in particular under as shatchatrdrinsati cha ptirnd did 

the name V.isudeva, in the writings 'tharvapaippale. See an analysis of 

ascribed to Sarnkara. the second section in Taylor, ii. 472. 

( The lists in the Chambers collec- 18:! So also according to Eajen- 

ti on specify a Gopdlatdpinl.Madhya- dral., i. 20 (comm. by Ndr.), 60; it 

tdpini, Uttaratdpini, and Brihadut- is specially " a treatise on the merits 

taratdpiid / of putting on sectarial marks on the 

15)1 The text of this Upanishad, forehead 'with an ochrous earth, 

with Visvesvara's commentary, is called gopichandaiia." 

printed in the Bill. Indica (1870), J As in the Atharva-Samhitd and 

edited by Iliirachandra Vidvdbhu- in the Sdnkhdyana-Bruhmana (see 

Bliana and "Visvandthasastrin. Oc- pp. 45, no). 

casionally extracts are added from Like Krishna in the Bhagavad- 

the commentaries by Ndrtlyana and gitd. The Kaivalyopanishad it 

Jivagosvdmin. According to I'njen- translated /. St., ii. 9-14 ; on Atliar- 

dral., i. 18, its first section is de- vaiiras see ibid., i. pp. 382-385. 

scribed in Karayana's introduction [Text of, and two commentaries on, 


Upanishad has been expounded by Samkara. Under the 
same title, " head of Atharvan," a name that is also borne 
by Brahman himself, although in a different relation, 
there exists a second Upanishad, itself a conglomeration of 
five different Upanishads referring to the five principal 
deities, Ganapati (79), Narayana, lludra, Siirya (80), and 
Devi (Si).* Its Narayana-portion is a later recension of 
the Narayanopanishad (64, see aboye, p. 166), and the 
Itudra-portion follows the first chapter of the Atharvas'iras 
proper. All five have been translated by Vans Kennedy. 
In the Malia-Bharata (i. 2882), and the Code of Vishnu, 
where the Atharvasiras is mentioned along with the Blw- 
rundani sdmdni,a,nd in Vishnu also, where it appears beside 
the Satarudriya (as the principal means of expiation), the 
reference probably is to the Upanishad explained by Sam- 
kara (?). The Eudrop. and Alharvaniya-Rudrop. are known 
to me only through the Catalogue of the India Office Library. 
Possibly they are identical with those already named ; I 
therefore exclude them from my list. The Mrityulangli- 
anopanisliad (82) t is quite modern, and with it is wor- 

tbe Kaivalyonanishad printed in 
Bibl. Jncl., 1874; the first commen- 
tary is that, of Naraynrri ; the second 
is described by the editor as that of 
Samkara, in the colophon as that of 
Samkanlnanda ; it follows, however, 
from llaj"ndra Lala Mit.ra's Cata- 
logue, i. 32, that it is different from 
tue commentary written by the lat- 
ter ; and according to the same 
authority, ii. 247, it is identical 
rather with that of Vidyaranya. In 
Xaray.m I's introduction this Upa- 
nishad is described (exactly like the 
.Tahiti op. !) as ekachatvdrinsfittaml. 
Tiie Siras- or 
shad is likewise printed in Bibl. 
Ind. (1872), with Nttrayana's comm., 
which describes it as rudrddliydyah 
gaptakhnndah. See also Rajendral., 
i. 32 (comm. by Samkardnanda), 

* Sco I. St.,\\. 53, and Vans Ken- 
nedy, Researches into the Nature and 
Affinity of Hindu and Ancient Mytho- 
l"!/y> P- 44 2 - &c. [Taylor, ii. 469- 
471. By Iktjendral., i. 61, a,- 

patyaptirvatdpantyopanishad is men- 
tioned ; by Biihler, Cat. of MSS. 
from, Guj., i. 70. a Ganapatiptirvatd- 
pini and a Gancsatdpini ; and by 
V^\Q\\\f>rn. Sanskrit MSS. intheSouth- 
ern Division of tfie Bombay Pres. 
(1869), p. 14, a Ganapatiptirvatd' 
pan iyopa n ishad. ] 

f So \ve have probably to under- 
stand Anquetil's Amrat Lnnkoul, 
since he has also another form, Mrat 
Lankoun ; instead of, id est ' lialitus 
mortis,' we outrht to read ' salitus 
mortis.' [See now /. St., ix. 21-23 
according to this it is doubtful whe- 
ther the name ought not to be writ- 
ten Mrityuldngula(T). An Upanishad 
named Mfityulanghana is mentioned 
by Buliler, Cat. of MSS. from Guj., 
\. 1 20 ; a Mrityuldiiglila, however, 
appears as 8ad Upanishad in the 
Catalogue of Pandit Kddhdkrishna'a 
library. Finally, Burnell, in pub- 
lishing the text in the Indian Anti- 
quary, ii. 266, gives the form Afrit- 


tliily associated the Kdldgnirudropanishad (83), 193 in prose, 
of which there are no less than three different recensions, 
one of which belongs to the NandikesVara-Upapurana. 
The Tripuropanishad (84) also appears from its name 
otherwise it is unknown to me to belong to this divi- 
sion ; 194 it has been interpreted by Bhatta Bhaskara 
Mis'ra. The Skandopanishad (85), in fifteen slokas, is also 
Siva-itic 195 (likewise the Amritanddopanishad). The ado- 
ration of Siva's spouse, his Sakti, the origin of which may 
be traced back to the Kenopanishad and the Narayaniyo- 
panishad, is the subject of the Sundaritdpaniyopanishad 
(known to me by name only), in five parts (86-90), as well 
as of the Devi-Upanishad (79), which has already been 
mentioned. f The Kaulopanishad (91), in prose, also be- 
longs to a Sakta sectary.'"' 

Lastly, a few Upanishads (92-95) have to be mentioned, 
which are known to me only by their names, names which 
do not enable us to draw any conclusion as to their con- 
tents, viz., the Pindopanishad, Nilaruhopanishad (Cole- 
brooke has J^ilarudra), Paingalopanishad, and Darsano- 
vanishad. 1 6 The Garudopanishad (96), of which I know 
two totally different texts, celebrates the serpent-destroyer 
Garuda,t and is not without some antiquarian interest. 

193 It treats specially of the tri- saptavinsatipurani, the latter as sho- 

pundravidhi see Taylor, i. 461 ; dai: it is addressed to Rudra (see 

liajendr., i. 59; Burnell, p. 6l. also Eajendral., i. 51), and consists 

ia4 See on it Taylor, ii. 470 ; Bur- only of verses, which closely follow 

iiell, p. 62. those contained in Vaj. S. xvi. On 

195 < Identifies Siva with Vishnu, the Paingalop. and Darsanop., see 

and teaches the doctrines of the Taylor, ii. 468-471. 
Advaita school." Taylor, ii. 467 ; t As is done in the Ndr&yaniyo- 

Burnell, p. 65. panislutd also, and more especially 

* In the Tejovindu (61) also, in the Suparnddhydya, which is con- 

Irahman is described as dnava, sdm- sidered to belong to the Rik [edited 

Ihfira, fdkta. by Elimar Grube, 1875 ; see also 7. 

195 The Pindop. and the Nilarud- St., xiv. I, If'. Tne Garudopanishad 

fop, this is its proper name are is now printed in Bill. Jnd. (1874), 

now printed in BibL Jnd. (1873), with Ndrdyana's commentary; in 

with Kardyana's comm. ; the former, the introduction it is described us 

which treats of the pindas to the chatuschatvdrinsattaml.] 
pretas, is described by Ndrdyaga as 




HAVING thus followed the first period of Indian literature, 
in its several divisions, down to its close, we now turn to 
its second period, the so-called Sanskrit literature. Here, 
however, as our time is limited, we cannot enter so much 
into detail as we have hitherto done, and we must there- 
fore content ourselves with a general survey. In the case 
of the Vedic literature, details were especially essential, 
both because no full account of it had yet been given, and 
because the various works still lie, for the most part, shut 
up in the manuscripts ; whereas the Sanskrit literature 
has already been repeatedly handled, partially at least, and 
the principal works belonging to it are generally accessible. 

Our first task, naturally, is to fix the distinction between 
the second period and the first. This is, in part, one of 
age, in part, one of subject-matter. The former distinction 
is marked by the language and by direct data ; the latter 
by the nature of the subject-matter itself, as well as by 
the method of treating it. 

As regards the language, in the first place, in so far as 
it grounds a distinction in point of age between the two 
periods of Indian literature, its special characteristics in 
the second period, although apparently slight, are yet, in 
reality, so significant that it appropriately furnishes the 
name for the period ; whereas the earlier one receives its 
designation from the works composing it. 

Among the various dialects of the different Indo-Aryan 
tribes, a greater unity had in the course of time been 
established after their immigration into India, as the natural 
result of their intermingling in their new homes, and of 



their combination into larger communities. The gram- 
matical * study, moreover, which by degrees became neces- 
sary for the interpretation of the ancient texts, and which 
grew up in connection therewith, had had the effect of 
substantially fixing the usage ; so that a generally re- 
cognised language, known as the bhdshd, had arisen, that, 
namely, in which the Brahmanas and Sutras are com- 
posed.f Now the greater the advance made by the study 
of grammar, the more stringent and precise its precepts 
and rules became, and all the more difficult it was for 
those who did not occupy themselves specially therewith 
to keep in constant accord with grammatical accuracy. 
The more the language of the grammatically educated 
gained on the one hand in purity, and in being purged of 
everything not strictly regular, the more foreign did it 
become on the other hand to the usage of the majority of 
the people, who were without grammatical training. In 
this way a refined language gradually disconnected itself 
from the vernacular, as more and more the exclusive pro- 
perty of the higher classes of the people ; J the estrange- 

* Respecting the vise of the verb 
vydkri in a grammatical signification, 

Siiyana in his introduction to the 
Rik (p. 35. 22 ed. Miiller) adduces 
a legend from a Brahmana, which 
represents Indra as the, gram- 
marian. (See Lnssen, I. AK., ii. 
475.) [The legend is taken from the 
TS. vi. 4. 7. 3. All that is there 
stated, indeed, is that vdch was 
vi/dkritdby Indra; manifestly, how- 
ever, the later myths which do actu- 
ally set up Indra as the oldest gram- 
marian connect themselves with this 

t BhdsJdka-svara in Kiltyayana, 
Srauta-Sutra, i. 8. 17, is expressly 
interpreted as brukmann-svara ; see 
\'dj. Samh. Specimen, ii. 196. 197. 
[/. St., x. 428-429, 437.] Yaska 
repeatedly opposes bkds/idydtn and 
anvadhydyam (i.e., 'in the Veda 
reading,' ' in the text of the hymns ') 
to each other ; similarly, the Pniti- 
&tkhya - Sutras employ the words 
bkdshd and bkdshya as opposed to 
chkandas and veda, i.e., samhitd (see 
above, pp. 57, 103. 144). The way in 

which the word bltdsfiya is used in 
the Grihya- Sutra of ^.inkhdyana, 
namely, in contradistinction toSiitra, 
shows that its meaning had already 
l>y this time become essentially mo- 
dified, and become restricted, pre- 
cisely as it is in Panini, to the extra- 
Vedic, r so to say, profane literature. 
(The Asvahtyana-Grihya gives in- 
stead of bhdski/a, in the correspond- 
ing passage, bkdrata - mahdbhdrala- 
dkarma.) [This is incorrect ; rather, 
in the passage in question, these 
words follow the word Uidshya ; see 
the note on this point at p. 56.] In 
the same way, in the Nir. xiii. 9, 
mantra, kalpa, brdhmana, and the 
vydvahdriki (se. bkds'id) are opposed 
to each other (and also Rik, Yajus, 
Sdman, and the vydvahdrikl). 

i Ought the passage cited in Nir. 
xiii. 9 from a Brdhmana [cf. Kath. 
xiv. 5], to the effect that the Brah- 
man s spoke both tongues, that of 
the gods as well as that of men, to 
be taken in this connection ? or has 
this reference merely to a conception 
resembling the Homeric one ? 


ment between the two growing more and more marked, as 
the popular dialect in its turn underwent further develop- 
ment. This took place mainly under the influence of 
those aboriginal inhabitants who had been received into 
the Brahmanic community ; who, it is true, little by little 
exchanged their own language for that of their conquerors, 
but not without importing into the latter a large number 
of new words and of phonetic changes, and, in particular, 
very materially modifying the pronunciation. This last 
was all the more necessary, as the numerous accumulations 
of consonants in the Aryan bhdskd presented exceeding 
difficulties to the natives; and it was all the easier, as 
there had evidently prevailed within the language itself 
from an early period a tendency to clear away these trouble- 
some encumbrances of speech, a tendency to which, in- 
deed, the study of grammar imposed a limit, so far as the 
educated portion of the Aryans was concerned, but which 
certainly maintained itself, and by the very nature of the 
case continued to spread amongst the people at large. 
This tendency was naturally furthered by the native inhabi- 
tants, particularly as they acquired the language not from 
those who were conversant with grammar, but from inter- 
course and association with the general body of the people. 
In this way there gradually arose new vernaculars, proceed- 
ing directly from the common bhdshd* and distinguished 
from it mainly by the assimilation of consonants, and by 

* And therefore specially so called ceeding in common from.' The term 

down even to modern tiine.s ; where- directly opposed to it is nut sam- 

as the grammatically refined bhdshd skrita, but vaikrita ; see, e.g., Ath. 

afterwards lost this title, and sub- P;iris.49. l,"varndnptin>amvydkhyd- 

stituted for it the name Samskrita- aydmah prdkritd ye cha vaikritdh."] 

bhdsJtd, 'the cultivated speech.' The earliest instances as yet known 

The name Prdkrita-bhdstid, which of the name Samskrit as a designa- 

was at the same time applied to the tion of the language occur in the 

popular dialects, is derived from the Mrichhakati (p. 44. 2, ed. Stenzler), 

word prakriti, 'nature,' 'origin,' and in Vardha-Mihira's Brihat-Sam- 

and probably describes these as the hitd, 85. 3- The following passages 

' natural,' ' original ' continuations also of the Rdmdynna are doubtlesi 

of the ancient bhdshd: or does prd- to be understood in this sense, viz., 

Jcrita here signify 'having & prakriti v. 18. 19, 29. 17, 34 (82. 3), vi. 104, 

or origin,' i.e., 'derived'? [Out of 2. Pdnini is familiar with the word 

the signification 'original,' 'lying at Samskrita, but does not use it in 

the root of (prakriti-bhiita), 'un- this sense; though .the Pdniniy.i- 

modified,' arose that of 'normal,' Sikshd does so employ it (v. 3), in 

then that of ' ordinary,' ' communis,' contradistinction to prtikrita. 
' vulyaris,' and lastly, that of ' pro- 



the curtailment or loss of terminations. Not unfrequently, 
however, they present older forms of these than are found 
in the written language, partly because the latter has rigo- 
rously eliminated all forms in any way irregular or obso- 
lete, but partly also, no doubt, from the circumstance that 
grammar was cultivated principally in the north or north- 
west of India, and consequently adapted itself specially to 
the usage there prevailing. And in some respects (e.g., in 
the instr. plur. of words in a ?) 197 this usage may have 
attained a more developed phase than appears to have 
been the case in India Proper,* since the language was not 
there hampered in its independent growth by any external 
influence; whereas the Aryans who had passed into India 
maintained their speech upon the same internal level 
on which it stood at the time of the immigration,^ how- 

197 This example is not quite per- 
tinent, as the instr. plur. in -dis is 
of very ancient date, being reflected 
not only in Zend, but also in Sla- 
vonic and Lithuanian ; see Bopp, 
Veryl. Gram., i. I56 3 (i59 3 ). 

* The difference in usage between 
the Eastern and Western forms of 
speech is once touched upon in the 
Hrdhmana of the White Yajus, 
where it is said that the Vahikas 
style Agni Bhava, while the Prdch- 
yas, on the contrary, call him Sana. 
Yaska (ii. 2) opposes the Kambojas 
(the Persa- Aryans?) to the Ary as (the 
Indo- Aryans?), statingthat the latter, 
for instance, possess derivatives only 
of the root su, whereas the Kam- 
bojas possess it also as a verb. 
(Grammarians of the Kambojas are 
hardly to be thought of here, as 
I'otli, Zur Lit., p. 67, supposes.) 
Yaska further opposes the Prachyas 
and the Udichyas, and the same is 
done by Panini. According to the 
Hrahinana, the Udichyas were most 
conversant with grammar [see 7. 
Sf., i. 153, ii. 309, 310, xiii. 363, ff. 
Utirnell's identification of the Kam- 
bojas here, and in the other earlk-r 
passages where thev are mentioned, 
with Cambodia in Farther India, see 
his Elements of South. Indian Pa/ceo- 
'jraphy, pp. 31, 32, 94, is clearly a 
mistake. For the time of the Pali 

Abhidha'nappadipika' (v. Childers, 
Pali Diet.) this identification may 
perhaps be correct ; but the older 
Pali texts, and even the inscriptions 
of Piyadasi (e.g., most, distinctly the 
facsimile of the Khalsi inscription 
in Cunningham's Arck&ological Sur- 
vey, i. 247, pi. xli., line 7), intro- 
duce the Kambojas in connection 
with the Yavanas ; and this of itself 
determines that the two belonged 
geographically to the same region 
in the north-west of India; see 
I. Str., ii. 321. In addition to 
this we have the name Kabujiya = 
T\.a./jLt3i>(Tr)s, and therewith all the 
various references to this latter 
name, which point to a very wide 
ramification of it throughout, Ir4n ; 
see 7. S:r., ii. 493. To Farther 
India the name Kamboja evidently 
found its way only in later times, 
like the names Ayodhyd, Indra- 
prastha, IraVati, Champd ; though 
it certainly remains strange that 
this lot should have fallen precisely 
to it. Perhaps causes connected 
with Buddhism may have helped to 
bring this about. See on this point 
the Jenaer Litcraturzeitung, 1875. 
p. 418 ; Indian Antiquary, iv. 244.] 
t Much as the Germans did, who 
in the middle ages emigrated ta 


ever considerable were the external modifications which, it 

The second period of Indian literature, then, commences 
with the epoch when the separation of the language of 
the educated classes of the written language from the 
popular dialects was an accomplished fact. It is in the 
former alone that the literature is presented to us. Xot 
till after the lapse of time did the vernaculars also in their 
turn produce literatures of their own, in the first instance 
under the influence of the Buddhist religion, which ad- 
dressed itself to the people as such, and whose scriptures 
and records, therefore, were originally, as for the most part 
they still are, composed in the popular idiom. The epoch 
in question cannot at present be precisely determined ; 
yet we may with reasonable certainty infer the existence 
of the written language also, at a time when we are in a 
position to point to the existence of popular dialects ; and 
with respect to these we possess historical evidence of a 
rare order, in those rock-inscriptions, of identical purport, 
which have been discovered at Girnar in the Gujarat 
peninsula, at Dhauli in Orissa, and at Kapur di Giri 198 in 
Kabul. J. Prinsep, who was the first to decipher them, and 
Lassen, refer them to the time of the Buddhist king Asoka, 
who reigned from B.C. 259; but, according to the most 
recent investigations on the subject by Wilson, in the 
"Journal of the Hoy al Asiatic Society," xii., 1850 (p. 95 of 
the separate impression) they were engraved " at some 
period subsequent to B.C. 205," * and are are still, there- 
fore, of uncertain date. However this question may be 
settled, it in any case results with tolerable certainty 

198 This name ou^ht probably to * And tbat not much later ; asia 

be written Kapardigiri? See my vouched for by the names of the 

paper on the Satrurpjaya Mdhcitmya, Greek kings therein mentioned 

p. llS. In these inscriptions, more- Alexander, Antigonus, Magas, Pto- 

over, we have a text, similar in pur- lerny, Antiochus. These cannot, it 

port, presented to us in three distinct is true, be regarded as conternpora- 

dialects. See further on this subject neous with the inscriptions; but 

Burnout's admirable discussion of their notoriety in India can hardly 

these inscriptions in his Lotus de la have been of such lorg duration 

bonne Loi, p. 652, ff. (1852) ; /. St., that the inscriptions can have been 

iii. 467, ff. (1855) ; and Kern, De Ge- composed long after their time. See 

denkxtukken van Aioka den Buddhist Wilson, I. c. 
(1873, particularly p. 32 ff., 45 ff). 


that these popular dialects were in existence in the third 
century B.C. But this is by no means to be set down as 
the limit for the commencement of their growth ; on the 
contrary, the form in which they are presented to us suffi- 
ciently shows that a very considerable period must have 
elapsed since their separation from the ancient bhdshd. 
This separation must therefore have taken place compara- 
tively early, and indeed we find allusions to these vernacu- 
lars here and there in the Brahma nas themselves.* 

The direct data, attesting the posteriority of the second 
period of Indian literature, consist in these facts : first, 
that its opening phases everywhere presuppose the Vedic 
period as entirely closed ; next, that its oldest portions are 
regularly based upon the Vedic literature ; and, lastly, that 
the relations of life have now all arrived at a stage of de- 
velopment of which, in the first period, we can only trace 
the germs and beginning. Thus, in particular, divine wor- 
ship is now centred on a triad of divinities, Brahman, 
Vishnu, and Siva; the two latter of whom, again, in course 
of time, have the supremacy severally allotted to them, 
under various forms, according to the different sects that 
grew up for this purpose. It is by no means implied that 
individual portions of the earlier period may not run on 
into the later ; on the contrary, I have frequently endea- 
voured in the preceding pages to show that such is the 
case. For the rest, the connection between the two periods 
is, on the whole, somewhat loose : it is closest as regards 
those branches of literature which had already attained a 
definite stage of progress in the first period, and which 
merely continued to develop further in the second, 
Grammar, namely, and Philosophy. In regard to thoso 
branches, on the contrary, which are a more independent 

8 Tints in the second part of the mans are warned against such forms 

Aitarcya-Brdhiflanatha Sydpnrnas, a of speech; " tasmdd brdkmano na 

clan (?) of the western Salvas, are mlcchhet." I mny remark here in 

mentioned as " putdyai vdrlio vadi- passing that M. Muller, in his edi- 

tdrcih," 'speaking a filthy tongue-;' tion of the Rik, in Sayana's intro- 

and in the Pauchavinsa-BriihinnnM, duction, p. 36. 21, erroneously 

the Vnityas are found fault with writes hclayo as one word: it stands 

for their debased language. The for he'layo, theAsura corruption 

A suras are similar!}' censured in the of the battle-cry he 'rayo (arayo) : 

Satapatha-Brdhmana (iii. 2. i. 24), according to the 6atapatha-Bra'h- 

K'here, at the same time, the Brah- rnana, it even took the form he 'lavo. 


growth of the second period, the difficulty of connecting 
them with the earlier age is very great. We have here a 
distinct gap which it is altogether impossible to fill up. 
The reason of this lies simply in the fact, that owing to 
the difficulty of preserving literary works, the fortunate 
successor almost always wholly supplanted the predecessor 
it surpassed : the latter thus became superfluous, and was 
consequently put aside, no longer committed to memory, 
no longer copied. In all these branches therefore unless 
some other influence has supervened we are in possession 
only of those master- works in which each attained its cul- 
minating point, and which in later times served as the 
classical models upon which the modern literature was 
formed, itself more or less destitute of native productive 
energy. This fact has been already adduced as having 
proved equally fatal in the case of the more ancient JBrah- 
inana literature, &c. ; there, much to the same extent as 
here, it exercised its lamentable, though natural influence. 
In the Vedie literature also, that is to say, in its Sakhas, 
we iind the best analogy for another kindred point, namely, 
that some of the principal works of this period are extant 
in several generally two recensions. J>ut along with 
this a further circumstance has to be noted, which, in con- 
sequence of the great care expended upon the sacred lite- 
rature, has comparatively slight application to it, namely, 
that the mutual relation of the manuscripts is of itself such 
as to render any certain restoration of an original text for 
the most part hopeless. It is only in cases where ancient 
commentaries exist that the text is in some degree certain, 
for the time at least to which these commentaries belong. 
This is evidently owing to the fact that these works were 
originally preserved by oral tradition; their consignment 
to writing only took place later, and possibly in different 
localities at the same time, so that discrepancies of all sorts 
were inevitable. But besides these variations there are 
many alterations and additions which are obviously of a 
wholly arbitrary nature, partly made intentionally, and 
partly due to the mistakes of transcribers. In reference to 
this latter point, in particular, the fact must not be lost 
sight of that, in consequence of the destructive influ- 
ence of the climate, copies had to be renewed very fre- 
quently. As a rule, the more ancient Indian manuscripts 


are only from three to four hundred years old ; hardly any 
will be found to date more than five hundred years back. 1 * 1 
Little or nothing, therefore, can here be effected by means 
of so-called diplomatic criticism. We cannot even depend 
upon a text as it appears in quotations, such quotations 
being generally made from memory, a practice which, of 
course, unavoidably entails mistakes and alterations. 

The distinction in point of subject-matter between the 
first and second periods consists mainly in the circum- 
stance that in the former the various subjects are only 
handled in their details, and almost solely in their relation 
to the sacrifice, whereas in the latter they are discussed in 
their general relations. In short, it is not so much a prac- 
tical, as rather a scientific, a poetical, and artistic want that 
is here satisfied. The difference in the form under which 
the two periods present themselves is in keeping with this. 
In the former, a simple and compact prose had gradually 
been developed, but in the latter this form is abandoned, 
and a rhythmic one adopted in its stead, which is employed 
exclusively, even for strictly scientific exposition. The 
only exception to this occurs in the grammatical and phi- 
losophical Sutras ; and these again are characterised by a 
form of expression so condensed and technical that it can- 
not fittingly be termed prose. Apart from this, we have 
only fragments of prose, occurring in stories which are now 
and then found cited in the great epic ; and further, in the 
fable literature and in the drama; but they are uniformly 
interwoven with rhythmical portions. It is only in the 
Buddhist legends that a prose style has been retained, the ' 

1 ~ Regarding the age, manner MSS. in Eiihler's possession, the 
of preparation, material, and condi- Ava.syaka-S6.tra, dated Samrat 1189 
tion of text of Indian MS*., see Raj. (A.D. 1132), is annexed to the above- 
Litla Mitra's excellent report, dated mentioned report : " it is the oldest 
1 5th February 1875, o;i tue searches Sanskrit MS. that has come to no- 
instituted by him in native libraries tice," Raj. L. Mitra, Notices, iii. 68 
down to the end of the previous (18/4). But a letter from Dr. Rost 
year, which is appended to No. IX. (igth October 1875) intimates that 
of his Notices of Sanskrit MSS. in one of the Sanskrit MSS. that 
Quite recently some Devandgarl have lately arrived in Cambridge 
MSS. of Jaiua texts, written on from Nepal, he has read the date 
broad palm-leaves, have been dis- 128 of the Nep;ll era, i.e., A.D. 1008. 
covered by Blihler, which date two Further confirmation of this, of 
centuries earlier than any previously course, still remains to be given, 
known. A facsimile of one of these 


language of which, however, is a very peculiar one, and is, 
moreover, restricted to a definite field. In fact, as the re- 
sult of this neglect, prose-writing was completely arrested 
in the course of its development, and declined altogether. 
Anything more clumsy than the prose of the later Indian 
romances, and of the Indian commentaries, can hardly be ; 
and the same may be said of the prose of the inscriptions. 

This point must not be left out of view, when we now 
proceed to speak of a classification of the Sanskrit litera- 
ture into works of Poetry, works of Science and Art, and 
works relating to Law, Custom, and Worship. All alike 
appear in a poetic form, and by ' Poetry ' accordingly in 
this classification we understand merely what is usually 
styled belles-lettres, though certainly with an important 
modification of this sense. For while, upon the one hand, 
the poetic form has been extended to all branches of the 
literature, upon the other, as a set-off to this, a good deal 
of practical prose has entered into the poetry itself, im- 
parting to it the character of poetry ' with a purpose/ Of 
the epic poetry this is especially true. 

It lias long been customary to place the Epic Poetry at 
the head of Sanskrit literature; and -to this custom we 
here conform, although its existing monuments cannot 
justly pretend to pass as more ancient than, for example, 
Panini's grammar, or the law-book which bears the name 
of Manu. We have to divide the epic poetry into two 
distinct groups : the Itihdsa-Purdnas and the Kdvyas. We 
have already more than once met with the name Itihasa- 
Purana in the later Brahmanas, namely, in the second part 
of the Satapatha-Brahmana, in the Taittiriya-Aranyaka, 
and in the Chhandogyopanishad. We have seen that the 
commentators uniformly understand these expressions to 
apply to the legendary passages in the Brahmanas them- 
selves, and not to separate works ; and also that, from a 
passage in the thirteenth book of the Satapatha-Brahmana, 
it results with tolerable certainty that distinct w r orks of 
this description cannot then have existed, inasmuch as the 
division into parvans, which is usual in the extant writings 
of this class, is there expressly attributed to other works, 
and is not employed in reference to these Itihasa-Puranas 
themselves. On the other hand, in the Sarpa-vidya (' ser- 
pent-knowledge ') and the Devajana-vidya (' genealogies of 


the gods ') to which, in the passage in question, the dis- 
tribution into parvans, that is to say, existence in a distinct 
form, is expressly assigned we have in all probability to 
recognise mythological accounts, which from their nature 
might very well be regarded as precursors of the epic. 
We have likewise already specified as forerunners of the 
epic poetry, those myths and legends which are found in- 
terspersed throughout the Brahmanas, here and there, too, 
in rhythmic form,* or which lived on elsewhere in the 
tradition regarding the origin of the songs of the Rile. 
Indeed, a few short prose legends of this sort have been 
actually preserved here and there in the epic itself. The 
Gathas also stanzas in the Brahmanas, extolling indivi- 
dual deeds of prowess have already been cited in the like 
connection : they were sung to the accompaniment of the 
lute, and were composed in honour either of the prince of 
the day or of the pious kings of old (see /. St., L 187). 
As regards the extant epic the Mahd-Bhdrata specially, 
we have already pointed out the mention in the Taittirfya- 
Aranyaka, of Vyasa Paras'arya 199 and VaisSampayana, 200 
who are given in the poem itself as its original authors ; 
and we have also remarked (p. 143) that the family of the 

* As, for instance, the story of cial relation to the transmission of 

Hari.4chandra in the second part of the Yujur-Veda. By 1'anini, it is 

the Aitareya-Brdhmana. true (iv. 3. 104), he is simply cited 

199 Vydsa Pdrdsarya is likewise generally as a Vedic teacher, but the 
mentioned in the vansa of the Sdrna- Mahdbhdshya, commenting on this 
vidhdua-Brdhraana, as the disciple of passage, describes him as the teacher 
Vishvaksena, and preceptor of Jai- of Katha and Kaldpin. In the Gal- 
mini ; see /. St., iv. 377. The Ma- cutta Scholium, again, we find fur- 
hdbhdshya. again, not only contains ther particulars (from what source? 
frequent allusions to the legend of cf.Tardndtha on Siddh.Kaum., 1.590), 
the Malui- Bliarata, and even metri- according to which (see /. St., xiii. 
cr-.l quotations that connect them- 440) nine Vedic schools, and among 
pelves with it, but it also contains them two belonging to the Sduia- 
the name of Suka Vaiydsaki ; and Veda, trace their origin to him. In 
from this it is clear that there was the Rig-Griliya he is evidently re- 
then already extant a poetical ver- garded (see above, pp. 157, 58), after 
sion of the Mahd-Bhdrata story ; see the manner of the Vislinu-Purdna, 
/. St., xiii. 357- Among the prior ns the special representative of the 
births of Buddha is one (No. 436 Yajur-Veda ; and so he appears in 
in Westergaard's Cataloyus, p. 40), the Anukr. of the Atreyi school, at 
bearing the name Kanha-Dipdyana, the head of its list of teachers, spe- 
i.e., Krishna-Dvaipdyana ! ciaily as tlie preceptor of Ydska 

- w Vaisampdyana appears else- P;iiugi. 
where frequently, but always in ape- 


Paras"aras is represented with especial frequency in the 
vansas of the White Yajus.* We also find repeated allu- 
sions in the Brahmanas to a Naimishiya sacrifice, and, on 
the authority of the Maha-Bharata itself, it was at such a 
sacrifice that the second recitation of the epic took place in 
presence of a Sauriaka. But, as has likewise been remarked 
above [pp. 34, 45], these two sacrifices must be kept distinct, 
and indeed there is no mention in the Brahmanas of a Sau- 
naka as participating in the former. Nay, several such sacri- 
fices may have taken place in the Naimisha forest [see p. 34] ; 
or it is possible even that the statement as to the recitation 
in question may have no more foundation than the desire 
to give a peculiar consecration to the work. For it is 
utterly absurd to suppose that Vyasa Paras"arya and Vai- 
sampayana teachers mentioned for the first time in the 
Taittiriya-Aranyaka could have been anterior to the sac- 
rifice referred to in the Brahmanas. The mention of the 
" Bharata " and of the " Maha-Bharata " itself in the 
Grihya-Sutras of Asvalayana [and Sankhayana] we have 
characterised [p. 58] as an interpolation or else an indica- 
tion that these Sutras are of very late date. In Panini 
the word "Maha- Bharata" does indeed occur; not, how- 
ever, as denoting the epic of this name, but as an appel- 
lative to designate any individual of special distinction 
among the Bharatas, like Maha-Jabala,-Hailihila (see /. St., 
ii. 73). Still, we do find names mentioned in Panini which 
belong specially to the story of the Maha-Bharata namely, 
Yudhishthira, Hastinapura, Vasudeva, Arjuna,-f- Andhaka- 
Vrishnayas, Drona (?) ; so that the legend must in any case 
have been current in his day, possibly even in a poetical 
shape ; however surprising it may be that the name 
Pandu I is never mentioned by him. The earliest direct 

* This renders Lassen's reference Mahd-Bhdrata and in the works rest- 

(T. AK.,\. 629) of the name PaYa- ing upon it. Yet the Buddhists 

Barya to the astronomer or chrono- mention a mountain tribe of Pandi- 

lojier Parasara, highly questionable, vas, as alike the foes of the Stfkyaa 

f A worshipper of Vasudeva, or (I.e., the Kosalas) and of the in- 

of, Arjuna, is styled ' Vasudevaka,' habitants of U'jayini; see Schief- 

'Arjunaka.' Or is Arjuna here still ner, Leben des dkyamuni, pp. 4,40 

a name of Indra ? [From the con- (in the latter passage they appear to 

text he is to be understood as a be connected with Taksha4il;i?), and, 

Kshatriya ; see on this, /. St., xiii. further, Lassen, /. AK., ii. 100, ff. ; 

349, ff. ; Ind. Antiq. iv. 246.] Foucaux, Rgya Cher Rol Pa, pp, 

+ This name only occurs in the 228, 229 (25, 26). 


evidence of the existence of an epic, with the contents of 
the Maha-Bharata, comes to us from the rhetor Dion 
Chrysostom, who nourished in the second half of the first 
century A.D. ; and it appears fairly probable that the infor- 
mation in question was then quite new, and was derived 
from mariners who had penetrated as far as the extreme 
south of India, as I have pointed out in the Indischc 
Studien, ii. 161-165.* Since Megasthenes says nothing of 
this epic, it is not an improbable hypothesis that its origin 
is to be placed in the interval between his time and that 
of Clnysostom; for what ignorant-}- sailors took note of 
would hardly have escaped his observation ; more espe- 
cially if what he narrates of Herakles and his daughter 
Pandaia has reference really to Krishna and his sister, the 
wife of Arjuna, if, that is to say, the Pandu legend was 
already actually current in his time. With respect to this 
latter legend, which forms the subject of the Maha-Bharata, 
we have already remarked, that although there occur, in 
the Yajus especially, various names and particulars having 
an intimate connection with it, yet on the other hand 
these are presented to us in essentially different relations. 
Thus the Kuru-Panchalas in particular, whose internecine 
feud is deemed by Lassen to be the leading and central 
feature of the Maha-Bharata, appear in the Yajus on the 
most friendly and peaceful footing: Arjuna again, the 
chief hero of ,the Pandus, is still, in the Vajasaneyi-Sam- 
aita and the Satapatha-Brahmana, a name of Indra : J and 
lastly, Janamejaya Parikshita, who in the Maha-Bharata 
*s the great-grandson of Arjuna, appears, in the last part 
of the Satapatha-Brahmana, to be still fresh in the me- 
.nory of the people, with the rise and downfall of himself 
and his house. I have also already expressed the con- 
jecture that it is perhaps in the deeds and downfall of this 
Janamejaya that we have to look for the original plot 

* It is not, however, necessary to ( J In the thirteenth book of the 

suppose, as I did, I. c., that they Satapatha - Brdhrnana, Indra also 

brought this intelligence from the bears the name Dharma, which in 

south of India itself : they might the Malui-Bhdrata is especially as- 

have picked it up at some other part sociated with Yudhishthira him- 

of their voyage. self, though only in the forma 

f That they were so appears from dkarma-rdja, dharma-putra, &c. 
their statement as to the Great Bear, 


of the story of the Maha-Bharata ; * and, on the other 
hand, that, as in the epics of other nations, and notably 
in the Persian Epos, so too in the Maha-Bharata, the 
myths relating to the gods became linked with the popu- 
lar legend. But so completely have the two been inter- 
woven that the unravelling of the respective elements 
must ever remain an impossibility. One thing, however, 
is clearly discernible in the Maha-Bharata, that it has as 
its basis a war waged on the soil of Hindustan between 
Aryan tribes, and therefore belonging probably to a time 
when their settlement in India, and the subjugation and 
brahmanisation of the native inhabitants, had already been 
accomplished. But what it was that gave rise to the con- 
flict whether disputes as to territory, or it may be reli- 
gious dissensions cannot now be determined. Of the 
Maha-Bharata in its extant form, only about one-fourth 
(some 20,000 slokas or so) relates to this conflict and the 
myths that have been associated witli it; 201 while the 
elements composing the remaining three-fourths do not 
belong to it at all, and have only the loosest possible con- 
nection therewith, as well as with each other. These later 
additions are of two kinds. Some are of an epic character, 
and are due to the endeavour to unite here, as in a single 
focus, all the ancient legends it was possible to muster, 
and amongst them, as a matter of fact, are not a few that 
are tolerably antique even in respect of form. Others are 
of purely didactic import, and have been inserted with 
the view of imparting to the military caste, for which the 
work was mainly intended, all possible instruction as to 
its duties, arid especially as to the reverence due to the 
priesthood. Even at the portion which is recognisable as 
the original basis that relating to the war many genera- 
tions must have laboured before the text attained to an 
approximately settled shape. It is noteworthy that it is 
precisely in this part that repeated allusion is made to the 
Yavanas, Sakas, Pahlavas, 201 * and other peoples ; and that 

* Which of cmirse stands in glar- to the work (i. 8l) the express inti- 

ing contradiction to the statement mation is still preserved that it 

that the Mahit-Bhilrata was recited previously consisted of SSoo slokas 

in his presence. only. 

- 101 And even of this, two-thirds S01a In connection with the word 

will have to be sifted out as not Pahlara, Th. Noldeke, in a com- 

oriciual. since in the introduction iiiuuication. dated 3d November 

1 83 


these, moreover, appear as taking an actual part in the 
conflict a circumstance which necessarily presupposes 
that at the time when these passages were written, colli- 
sions with the Greeks, &c., had already happened. 202 But 
as to the period when the final redaction of the entire 
work in its present shape took place, no approach even to 
a direct conjecture is in the meantime possible; 203 but at 
any rate, it must have been some centuries after the com- 
mencement of our era.* An interesting discovery has 

1875, mentions a point which, if 
confirmed, will prove of the highest 
importance for determining the date 
of composition of the Mahd-Bharata 
and of the RdinaVana (see my Essay 
on it, pp. 22, 25), as well as of Manu 
(see x. 44). According to this, there 
exists considerable doubt whether 
the word Pahlav, which is the basis 
of Paldava, and which Olshausen 
(v. sup., p. 4, note) regards as having 
arisen out of the name of the Par- 
thavas, Parthians, can have origi- 
nated earlier than the first century 
A.D. This weakening of th to h is 
not found, in the case of the word 
Mithra, for example, before the 
commencement of our era (in the 
MIIPO on the coins of the Indo- 
Scythians, Lassen, /. AK., ii. 837, 
and in Meherdates in Tacitus). As 
the name of a people, the word 
Pahlav became early foreign to the 
Persians, learned reminiscences ex- 
cepted : in the Pahlavi texts them- 
selves, for instance, it does not 
occur. The period when it passed 
over to the Indians, therefore, would 
have to be fixed for about the 2d 
4th century A.D. ; and we should 
have to understand by it, not directly 
the Persians, who are called Para- 
fiikas, rather, but specially the Arsa- 
cidan Parthians. 

403 Of especial interest in this con- 
nection is the statement in ii. 578, 
579, where the Yavana prince Blia- 
iradatta (Apollodotus (?), according 
to von Gutschmid's conjecture ; reg. 
after B.C. 160) appears as sove- 
reign of Maru (Marwar) and Naraka, 
on ruling. Varuna like, the west, 

and as the old friend of Yudhi- 
shthira's father ; see /. St., v. 152. 
In the name of the Yavana prince 
Kaserumant, we appear to have a 
reflex of the title of the Roman 
Caesars ; see Ind. Skiz., pp. 88, 91 ; 
cf. L. Peer on the Kexari-ndma- 
simftrdmah of the Avaddna-Sataka 
in the Stances de I'Acad. des Inscr. 
(1871), up. 47, 56, 60. 

2o3 \Vi tu regard to the existence, 
so early as the time of the Mahdbhd- 
shya, of a poetical version of the 
Mahd-BhaYata legend, see /. St., 
xiii. 356 ff. "Still this does not 
in the smallest degree prove the 
existence of the work in a form 
at all resembling the shape in which 
we now have it ; and as the final 
result, we do not advance materially 
beyond the passage in Dion Chry- 
sostotn (7. St., ii. 161 ff.), relating 
to the * Indian Homer.' For the 
statements of the Greek writer 
themselves evidently date from an 
earlier time ; and although not 
necessarily derived, as Lassen sup- 
poses,from Megasthenes himself,yet 
they at any rate take us back to a 
period pretty nearly coincident with 
that of the Bhdshya." 

* We have a most significant 
illustration of the gradual growth of 
the Malui-BhaVata in an episode 
commented upon by Samkara, which 
by the time of Nilakantha (i.e., in 
the course of 6 or 7 centuries) had 
become expanded by a whole chapter 
of 47 ttokas ; see my Catul. of the 
Sanskrit MSS. in the Berlin Lib. t 
P. 1 08. 


recently been made in the island of Bali, near Java, of the 
Kavi translation of several parvans of the Maha-Bharata. 
which in extent appear to vary considerably from their 
Indian form. 204 A special comparison of the two would 
not be without importance for the criticism of the Maha- 
Bharata. For the rest, in consequence of the utter medley 
it presents of passages of widely different dates, the Work, 
in general, is only to be used with extreme caution. It 
has been published at Calcutta, 205 together with the Hari- 
vansa, a poem which passes as a supplement to it.* 
Respecting the Jaimini-Bhdrata, which is ascribed, not to 
Vyasa and Vaisampayana, but to Jaimini, we have as yet 
no very precise information : the one book of it with 
which I am acquainted is wholly different from the cor- 
responding book of the ordinary Maha-Bharata.-f- 

204 See the observations, following 
R. Friederick's account, in /. St., ii. 

136 * 

205 1834-39 in four vols.; recently 
also at Bombay (1863) with the 
commentary of Kilakantha. Hip- 
polyte Fauche's incomplete French 
translation (1863-72, ten vols.) can 
only pass for a translation in a very 
qualified sense ; see as to this 7. Str., 
ii. 410 ff. Individual portions of 
the \\ork have been frequently 
handled : e.g., Pavie has translated 
nine pieces (Paris, 1844) andFoucaux 
eleven (Paris, 1862). Bopp, it is 
well known, early made the finest 
episodes accessible, beginning with 
the Nala (London, 1819), whereby 
lie at the same time laid the founda- 
tion of Sanskrit philology in Europe. 
For the criticism of the Maha- 
Bhdrata, the ground was broken 
and important results achieved by 
Lassen in his Indische Altcrthums- 
kunde (vol. i. 1847). For the con- 
tents of the work, see Monier Wil- 
liams's Indian Epic Poetry (1863), 
and Indian Wisdom (1875). 

* In Albiruni's time, the nth 
century, it passed as a leading autho- 
rity; see Journ. Asiat. , Aug. 1844, 
p. 130. [Subandhu, author of the 
Vdsavadattd, had it before him, in 

the 7th century ; see 7. Sir., i. 380. 
A French translation by A. Langlow 
appeared in 1834.] 

t See my Cotal. of the Sanskrit 
MSS. in theerl. Lib., pp. in-ii8 : 
according to Wilson (Mack. Coll., ii. 
I), this book would appear to be the 
only one in existence ; see also 
Weigla in Z. D. M. G., ii. 278. 
[This book, the Asvamedliikam jarra, 
was printed at Bombay in 1863; ac- 
cording to its concluding statements 
as they appear in this tdition, 
Jaimini's work eml raced the entire 
epos; but up to the present, apart 
from this 1 3th book, nothing further 
is known of it ; see as to this my 
p;iper in the Monatsbericlite derJBerl. 
Acad., 1869, p. IO ff. A Kandrese 
transition of this book is assigned 
to the beginning of the I3th century 
(ibid., pp. 13, 35) ; quite recently, 
however, by Kittel, in his Preface 
to Nagavarma's Prosody, pp. vi. 
Ixxi., it has been relegated to the 
middle of the i8th (!) century. 
The peculiar colouring of the Krishna 
sect, which pervades the whole book, 
is noteworthy ; Christian legendary 
matter and other Western influences 
are unmistakably present; Monatsb., 
1. c., p. 37 ff. A good part of the con- 
tents has been communicated by 


Side by side with the Itihasa we find the Purdna men- 
tioned in the Brahmanas, as the designation of those 
cosmogonic inquiries which occur there so frequently, and 
which relate to the ' agra' or 'beginning' of things. 
When in course of time distinct works bearing this name 
arose, the signification of the term was extended ; and these 
works came to comprehend also the history of the created 
world, and of the families of its gods and heroes, as well 
as the doctrine of its various dissolutions and renovations 
in accordance with the theory of the mundane periods 
(yugas). As a rule, five such topics are given as forming 
their subject (see Lassen, /. AK., i. 479), whence the epi- 
thet Pancha-lalcsliana, which is cited in Amara's lexicon 
as a synonym of Purana. These works have perished, and 
those that have come down to us in their stead under the 
name of Puranas are the productions of a later time, and 
belong all of them to the last thousand years or so. They 
are written (cf. Lassen, /. c.) in^the interests of, and for the 
purpose of recommending, the Siva and Vishnu sects ; and 
not one of them corresponds exactly, a few correspond 
slightly, and others do not correspond at all, with the de- 
scription of the ancient Puranas preserved to us in the 
Scholiasts of Amara, and also here and there in the works 
themselves. " For the old narratives, which are in part 
abridged, in part omitted altogether, have been substituted 
theological and philosophical doctrines, ritual and ascetic 
precepts, and especially legends recommending a particular 
divinity or certain shrines" (Lassen, /. AK., i. 481). Yet 
they have unquestionably preserved much of the matter 
of these older works ; and accordingly it is not uncommon 
to meet with lengthy passages, similarly worded, in several 
of them at the same time. Generally speaking, as regards 
the traditions of primitive times, they closely follow the 
Mahd-Bharata as their authority; but they likewise ad- 
vert, though uniformly in a prophetic tone, to the historic 

Tal boys Wheeler in his History of the title Bdla-hdrata, in 44 ar- 

India, vol. i. (1867), where, too, gas of 6550 anushtubh verses, 

there is a general sketch of the and which appeared in the Benarea 

contents of the Malid- BhaVata it- Pandit (1869 ff.), edited by Vechana 

self ; see /. Sir., ii. 392. It remains lldmasdstrin. This work belongs 

further to mention the re-cast of probably to the nth century, sea 

the Mahd-Bhdrata by the Jaina Z. D. M. G., xxvii. 170. 
Amarachandra, which is extant under 


lines of kings. Here, however, they come into the most 
violent conflict, not only with each other, but with chro- 
nology in general, so that their historical value in this 
respect is extremely small. Their number is considerable, 
amounting to eighteen, and is doubled if we reckon the 
so-called Upapurdnas, in which the epic character has 
been thrust still more into the background, while the ritual 
element has come quite to the front. Up to this time only 
one single Purana, the Bhagavata-Purana, has been pub- 
lished the greater part of it at least edited [and trans- 
lated] by Burnouf : but of the others we have excellent 
notices in Wilson's translation of the Vishnu- Purana. 246 

As the second group of Epic Poetry we designated the 
Kdvyas, which are ascribed to certain definite poets (kavis) ; 
whereas the Itihasas and Puranas are attributed to a my- 
thical personage, Vyasa, who is simply Aiavicevii (Redac- 
tion) personified.* At the head of these poems stands the 
Rdmdyana of Valmiki, whose name we found cited among 
the teachers of the Taittiriya-Prati^akhya.-}- In respect of 
language, this work is closely related to the war-portion of 
the Maha-Bharata, although in individual cases, where the 
poet displays his full elegance, it bears plainly enough on 
its surface, in rhyme and metre, the traces of a later date. In 

208 As also in the separate analy- appearing in the same series (begun 

sesof various Puranas, now collected 1870; caps. 1-214 thus far). An 

in vol. i. of Wilson's Essays on San- impression of the Kalki- Purana, ap- 

stcrit Literature (ed. Host, 1864). peared at Calcutta in 1873; and 

Above all, we have hereto mention, lithographed editions of the Liiiga- 

further, the minute accounts given Purana (1858) and of portions of the 

of the Puranas by Anfrecht in his Padma, Skanda, Garuda, Brahma- 

Catal. Cod. Sansc. Bibl. Bodl., pp. vaivarta, and other Purdnas have ap- 

7-87. The Vishnu- Purana has been peared at Bombay ; see /. Str., ii. 

recently published at Bombay, with 245 ff., 301 ff. 

the commentary of Ratnagarbha- * The words kavi, in the sense of 

bhatta (1867) ; Wilson's translation 'singer, poet,' and kdvya, in that of 

of it has been repnblishud, edited by ' song, poem,' are repeatedly used in 

Fitzedward Hall in five vols. (1864- the Veda, but without any technical 

1870), with material additions and application ; see Vdjas. Samh. Spec., 

corrections. There are now also ii. 187 \trayi vai vidyd kdvyarn 

several editions of the BhdgaHatd.- chhandas, ^at., viii. 5. 2. 4]. 
Purdna ; amongst them, one with f Whether by this name we have 

the comm. of Sridharasva'min (Bom- to understand the same person is of 

bay, 1860). The Mdrkande,i/a-Pu- course not certain, but considering 

rdnn has been edited in the Bibl. the singularity of the name, it is at 

Indicaliy K. M. Banerjea (1855- least not improbable. 
1802) ; and the Agni-Purdna is now 


regard to contents, on the contrary, the difference between 
it and this portion of the Maha-Bharata is an important 
one. In the latter human interest everywhere preponder- 
ates, and a number of well-defined personages are intro- 
duced, to whom the possibility of historical existence 
cannot be denied, and who were only at a later stage asso- 
ciated with the myths about the gods. But in the Rama- 
yana we find ourselves from the very outset in the region 
of allegory ; and we only move upon historical ground in 
so far as the allegory is applied to an historical fact, 
namely, to the spread of Aryan civilisation towards the 
south, more especially to Ceylon. The characters are not 
real historic figures, but merely personifications of certain 
occurrences and situations. Sita, in the first place, whose 
abduction by a giant demon, and subsequent recovery by 
her husband Rama, constitute the plot of the entire poem, 
is but the field-furrow, to which we find divine honours 
paid in the songs of the Rik, and still more in the Grihya 
ritual. She accordingly represents Aryan husbandry, 
which has to be protected by Rama whom I regard as 
originally identical with Balarama "halabhrit," "the 
plough-bearer," though the two were afterwards separated 
against the attacks of the predatory aborigines. These 
latter appear as demons and giants ; whereas those natives 
who were well disposed towards the Aryan civilisation are 
represented as monkeys, a comparison which was doubt- 
less not exactly intended to be flattering, and which rests 
on the striking ugliness of the Indian aborigines as com- 
pared with the Aryan race. Now this allegorical form of 
t he Ramayana certainly indicates, a priori, that this poem 
is later than the war-part of the Maha-Bharata; and we 
might fairly assume, further, that the historical events 
upon which the two works are respectively based stand to 
each other in a similar relation. For the colonisation of 
Southern India could hardly begin until the settlement of 
Hindustan by the Aryans had been completed, and the feuds 
that arose there had been fought out. It is not, however, 
altogether necessary to suppose the latter ; and the warfare 
at least which forms the basis of the Maha-Bharata might 
have been waged concurrently with expeditions of other 
Aryan tribes to the south. Whether it was really the Ko- 
salas, as whose chief Rama appears in the Ramayana, who 


effected the colonisation of the south,* as stated in the 
poem ; or whether the poet merely was a Ko^ala, who 
claimed this honour for his people and royal house, is a 
point upon which it is not yet possible to form a judg- 
ment. He actually represents Sita as the daughter of 
Janaka, king of the Videhas, a tribe contiguous to the 
KosSalas, and renowned for his piety. The scanty know- 
ledge of South India displayed in the Bamayana has been 
urged as proving its antiquity ; since in the Maha-Bharata 
this region appears as far more advanced in civilisa- 
tion, and as enjoying ample direct communication with 
the rest of India. But in this circumstance I can only see 
evidence of one of two things : either that the poet did not 
possess the best geographical knowledge ; whereas many 
generations have worked at the Maha-Bharata, and made 
it their aim to magnify the importance of the conflict 
by grouping round it as many elements as possible : or 
else and this is the point I would particularly empha- 
sise that the poet rightly apprehended and performed the 
task he had set himself, and so did not mix up later con- 
ditions, although familiar to him, with the earlier state of 
things. The whole plan of the Ramayana favours the 
assumption that we have here to do with the work, the 
poetical creation, of one man. Considering the extent 
of the work, which now numbers some 24,000 slokas, this 
is saying a great deal ; and before epic poetry could have 
attained to such a degree of perfection, it must already 
have passed through many phases of development.-]- Still, 

* It was by them also byBhagira- compass. The term Chanardta still 

tha, namely that, according to the remains unintelligible to me ; see 

Rdmayana, the mouths of the Gan- /. St., i. 153. (For the rest, as 

ges were discovered. Properly, they stated by the Calcutta scholiast, 

were the Eastern rather than the this rule, vi. 2. 103, is not interpreted 

Southern foreposts of the Aryans. in the Bhdshya of Patamjali ; it 

f- Of these phases we have pro- may possibly therefore not be Pd- 

bably traces in the granthah Sisu- nini's at all, but posterior to the time 

Icrandlyah [to this Goldstiicker in of Patamjali.) The word grantha 

his Pdnini, p. 28, takes exception, may have reference either to the 

doubtless correctly ; see /. St., v. outward fastening (like the German 

27], Yamasabhiyah, Indrajanatnyah, Heft, Band] or to the inner compo- 

mentioned by Pdnini, iv. 3. 88 ; and sition : which of the two we have 

in the Akhydnas and Chdnardtas, to sitppose remains still undecided, 

which, according to Pdnini, vi. 2. 103, but I am inclined to pronounce for 

are to be variously designated ac- the former. [See above pp. 15, 99, 

cording to the different points of the 165.] 



it is by no means implied that the poem was of these 
dimensions from the first : here, too, many parts are cer- 
tainly later additions ; for example, all those portions in 
which Kama is represented as an incarnation of Vishnu, 
all the episodes in the first book, the whole of the seventh 
book, &c. The poem was originally handed down orally, 
and was not fixed in writing until afterwards, precisely 
like the Maha-Bharata. But here we encounter the further 
peculiar circumstance which has not yet been shown to 
apply, in the same way at all events, to the latter work 
namely, that the text has come down to us in several 
distinct recensions, which, while they agree for the most 
part as to contents, yet either follow a different arrange- 
ment, or else vary throughout, and often materially, in the 
expression. This is hardly to be explained save on the 
theory that this fixing of the text in writing took place 
independently in different localities. We possess a com- 
plete edition of the text by G. Gorresio, containing the 
so-called Bengali recension, and also two earlier editions 
which break off with the second book, the one published 
at Serampore by Carey and Marshman, the other at Bonn 
by A. W. von Schlegel. The manuscripts of the Berlin 
library contain, it would seem, a fourth recension.* 

* See my Catalogue of these MSS., in its earliest shape in Buddhist 
p. 119. [Two complete editions of legends, underwent in the hands of 
the text, with llama's Commentary, Vdhniki, rest upon an acquaintance 
have since appeared in India, the with the conceptions of the Trojan 
one at Calcutta in 1859-60, the cycle of legend ; and I have like- 
other at Bombay in 1859; respecting wise endeavoured to determine more 
the latter, see my notice in /. Str. , accurately the position of the work 
ii. 235-245. Gorresio's edition was in literary history. The conclusion 
completed by the appearance in 1867 there arrived at is, that the date 
of the text, and in 1870 of the trans- of its composition is to be placed 
lation, of the Uttara-lcdnda. Hip- towards the commencement of the 
polyte Fauche's French translation Christian era, and at all events in 
follows Gorresio's text, whereas an epoch when the operation of 
Griffith's metrical English version Greek influence upon India had 
(Benares, 1870-74, in 5 vols. ) fol- already set in. This elicited a re- 
lows the Bombay edition. In my joinder from Kashinath Trimbak 
Ees;iy, Ucbcr das Rdmiiyanam, 1870 Telang (1873), entitled, Was the 
(an English translation of which* ap- Pdmdyana, copied from Homer; as 
peared in the Indian Antiquary for to which see Ind. Ant., ii. 209, /. 
1872, also separately at Bombay in St., xiii. 336, 480. The same writer 
1873), I have attempted to show afterwards, in the Ind. Ant., iii. 
that the modifications which the 124, 267, pointed out a half Hloka 
story of Kama, as known to us which occurs in the Yud.dha-lcdnda, 


Between the Ramayana and the remaining Kavyas there 
exists a gap similar to that between the Maha-Bharata 
and the extant Puranas. Towards filling up this blank 
we might perhaps employ the titles of the Kavyas found in 
the Kavi language in the island of Bali, 207 most of which 
certainly come from Sanskrit originals. In any case, the 
emigration of Hindus to Java, whence they subsequently 
passed over to Bali, must have taken place at a time when 
the Kavya literature was particularly nourishing ; other- 
wise we could not well explain the peculiar use they have 
made of the terms Jcavi and kdvya. Of the surviving 
Kavyas, the most independent in character, and on that 
account ranking next to the Bamayana passably pure, 
too, in respect of form are two works * bearing the name 
of Kalidasa, namely, the Eagliu-vau$a and the Kumdra- 
sambliava (both extant in Kavi also). The other Kavyas, 
on the contrary, uniformly follow, as regards their subject, 
the Maha-Bharata or the Ptarnayana; and they are also 
plainly enough distinguished from the two just mentioned 
by their language and form of exposition. This latter 
abandons more and more the epic domain and passes into 
the erotic, lyrical, or didactic-descriptive field ; while the 
language is more and more overlaid with turgid bombast, 

and also twice in Patamjali's Mabd- ' They have been edited by 

bhdshya. But the verse contains a Stenzler, text with translation [and 

mere general reflection (eti jivantam repeatedly in India since, with or 

dnando naram varsJiafatdd api), and without the commentary of Malli- 

need not therefore have been de- ruttba. To the seven books of the 

rived from the Rdnidyana. In it- Kumara-sarnbhava, which were the 

self, consequently, it proves nothing only ones previously known, ten 

as to the priority of the poem to others have recently been added ; 

Patarnjali, and this all the less, as it on the critical questions connected 

is expressly cited by Vttlmiki himself with these, see, e.g., Z. D. M. G., 

merely as a quotation. On this and xxvii. 174-182 (1873). From the 

some other kindred points see my astrological data contained in both 

letter in the Ind. Ant., iv. 247 ff. works, H. Jacobi has shown, in the 

(1875).] Monatsber. der Birl. Acad., 1873, P 

207 See Friederich, I. c., I. St., ii. 556, that the date of their com- 

1396". The numerous traces which position cannot be placed earlier 

are contained in Patamjali's Maha"- than about the middle of the 4th 

bhdshya of epic or narrative poems century A. D. The Raghu-vansa was 

then actually extant, and which ap- most probably composed in honour 

pear in that work as direct quota- of a Bhoja prince ; see my Essay on 

tions therefrom, take us back to a the Trip.* Up., p. 279, /. Str., 

far earlier time ; see 7. St., xiii. i. 312]. 
463 ff. 


until at length, in its latest phases, this artificial epic re- 
solves itself into a wretched jingle of words. A pretended 
elegance of form, and the performance of difficult tricks 
and feats of expression, constitute the main aim of the 
poet ; while the subject has become a purely subordinate 
consideration, and merely serves as the material which 
enables him to display his expertness in manipulating tho 
language. 208 

Next to the epic, as the second phase in the develop- 
ment of Sanskrit poetry, cornes the Drama, The name 
for it is A"dtaka, and the player is styled Nata, literally 
' dancer.' Etymology thus points us to the fact that the 
drama has developed out of dancing, which was probably 
accompanied, at first, with music and song only, but in 
course of time also with pantomimic representations, pro- 
cessions, and dialogue. We find dancing repeatedly men- 
tioned in the songs of the Rik (e.g., in i. 10. i, 92. 4, &c.), 
but with special frequency in the Atharva-Samhita and 
the Yajus,* though everywhere still under the root-form 

208 Six of these artificial epics 
are specially entitled Mahdkdvyas. 
These are, in addition to the Jtaghu- 
vansa and Kumara - sambhava : 

(1) the Bhatti-lcdvi/a, in 22 saryas, 
composed in Valabhi under king 
Sri-l)harasena (xxii. 35), in the 6th 
or 7th cent, therefore ; it deals with 
the story of Rdtna, and is written 
with a special reference to grammar : 

(2) the Mdyha-kdvya or Sisapdla- 
badha of Mdgha, the son of Dattaka, 
in 22 sargas (Suprabhadeva, grand- 
father of the poet, is described as 
the minister of a king Sri-Dhartna- 
nahha), and (3) the Kirdtdrjrtniya 
of Bhiiravi,in 18 sargas, both prior 
to Hahiyudha (end of the loth 
cent.), see 7. St., viii. 193, 105, 
196 : (4) the Naishad/dya of Sri- 
Harsha, in 22 sargas, of the 1 2th 
cent, (see Biihler in the Journal 
Jlombay Br. JR. A. S., x. 35). The 
RdijJtavapdndai'lya, of Kaviraja, 
in any case later than the loth 
cent, (see /. Sir., i. 371), enjoys a 
his^h esteem ; it handles, in the 
self-same words, at once the ftory 
of the llitmayana and that of the 

Maha'-Bha'rata, and, like the Nal<* 
daya, in 4 sargas, which is even 
ascribed to K^liddsa (edited so long 
ago as 1830 by Ferd. Benary), is 
one of the most characteristically 
artificial pieces of this class of 
poetry. All these works have been 
frequently published in India, and 
to them are to be added many 
other similar productions. The 
Prdkrit poem Setu-bandha or Rd- 
vann-badha, which relates to the 
story of Kama, and is reputed to 
be by Kalidasa, also merits special 
mention here. Of this Paul Gold- 
schmidt has already published two 
chapters (Gottingen, 1873) '> andSieg- 
fried Goldschmidt is engaged on an 
edition of the entire text. 

* Withvariouskindsof musical ac- 
companiment, according to the Vaj. 
Samh. xxx., where we meet with 
quite a number of musicians and 
dancers, as well as with the name 
Sailiisha itself, which, at a later 
time, at all events, belongs specially 
to actors; see 7. Sir., i. 76, 83. 
According to the scholium on Kitty., 
xxii. 4. 3, by those " vrdtyayanasya 


nrit. The prakritized form nat occurs for the first time 
in Panini, who, besides, informs us of the existence of dis- 
tinct Nata-sutras,* or manuals for the use of natas, one of 
which was attributed to Silalin, and another to Kri^asVa, 
their adherents being styled Sailalinas and Kris"asvinas 
respectively. The former of these names finds an ana- 
logue, at least, in the patronymic Sailali, which occurs in 
the thirteenth kdnda of the Satapatha-Brahmana ; and it 
may also, perhaps, be connected with the words Saihisha 
and Ku6ilava, both of which denote ' actor ' (?).-(- The 
latter name, on the contrary, is a very surprising one in 
this connection, being otherwise only known to us as the 
name of one of the old heroes who belong in common to 
the Hindus and the Parsis.J Beyond this allusion we 
have no vestige of either of these works. Panini further 
cites the word ndtyam in the sense of ' natdndm dharma 
dmndyo vd.' In both cases, we have probably to under- 
stand by the term the art of dancing, and not dramatic 
art. It has been uniformly held hitherto that the Indian 
drama arose, after the manner of our modern drama in the 
Middle Ages, out of religious solemnities and spectacles 
(so-called 'mysteries'), and also that dancing originally 
subserved religious purposes. But in support of this latter 
assumption, I have not met with one single instance in 
the Srauta- or Grihya-Sutras with which I am acquainted 
(though of the latter, I confess, 1 have only a very super- 

ye sampddayeynh," as tbe text has corrupt, loose morals of those so 
it, we have to understand specially designated ; ; and the same must 
teachers of dancing, music, and apply to Sildla, if this be a cog- 
singing. " In the man who dances nate word. The derivation from 
and sings, women take delight," Kus'a and Lava, the two sons of 
Sat., iii. 2. 4. 6. Raina, at the beginning of the 

* The two rules in question, iv. Rdmayana, has manifestly been in- 

3. IIO, III, according to the Cal- vented in order to escape the odium 

cutta scholiast, are not explained in of the name ' ku-&lava,' 
the Bhashya of Patamjali ; possibly, J Ought we here to understand 

therefore, they may not be Panini's the name literally, as, perhaps, a 

at all, but posterior _to the time of kind of mocking epithet to express 

Patamjali. [The Sailalino natdh poverty, with at the same time, 

are mentioned in theBhdshya to iv. possibly, a direct ironical reference 

2. 66; in the Anupada-sutra, the to the renowned Krisa^va of old ?? 
ai/dlinah are cited as a ritual iv. 3. 129 : this rule, also, is not 

school ; see /. St., xiii. 429.] explained in the Bhdshya; perhaps 

+ These terms are probably de- therefore it is not Piinini's, but 

rived from sila, and refer to the later than Patamjali. 



ficial knowledge). 209 The religions significance of dancing 
is thus, for the older period at least, still questionable ; 
and since it is from dancing that the drama has evidently 
sprung, the original connection of the latter with religious 
solemnities and spectacles becomes doubtful also. Besides, 
there is the fact that it is precisely the most ancient dramas 
that draw their subjects from civil life ; while the most 
modern, on the contrary, almost exclusively serve religious 
purposes. Thus the contrary, rather, would seem to be 
the case, namely, that the employment of dancing * and 
of the drama at religious solemnities was only the growth of 
a later age. 210 This does not imply, however, that dancing 
was excluded from those great- sacrificial festivals which 
were now and then celebrated by princes ; but only that 
it did not itself constitute part of the sacred rite or reli- 
gious ceremony, and could only, and did only, find a place in 
the intervals. The name applied to the stage-manager in 
the dramas themselves, ' Siitra-dhara,' is referred, and no 

209 Even now I am acquainted 
with but little from these sources 
bearing on this point. Amongst 
other things, at the pitrimedha we 
find dancing, music, and song, 
which represent ; the three forms 
of silpa or art (Siifikh. Br. 29. 5), 
prescribed for the whole day, 
Kitty., 21. 3. ii. But a Sndtaka 
might not participate in any such 
performance, either actively or 
passively, Pdr. ii. 7. On the day 
preceding the departure of a bride, 
four or eight married women (un- 
widowed) performed a dance in her 
house, Sdnkh. Gri. i. II. 

It is known in the Megha-duta, 
v. 3=5, 36. 

aio Through the unexpected light 
shed by the Mahdbhdshya of Patam- 
jali on the then flourishing condi- 
tion of theatrical representation, 
this question has recently taken a 
form very favourable to the view of 
which Lassen is the principal ex- 
ponent, and which regards the 
drama as having originated in re- 
ligious spectacles resembling our 
mysteries. The particulars there 
given regarding the performance of 

a Kansavadha and Valibandha by so- 
called aubhikas (comp. perhaps the 
saubhikas in HdraVali, 15 1> though 
these are explained as indrajdlikas, 
'jugglers,' of. sob/ia, sobhanagaraka, 
I. St., iii. 153) lead us directly to 
this conclusion ; see 7. St., xiii. 354, 
487 ff. " But between the dramatic 
representations known in the Bha"- 
shya, which bear more or less the 
character of religious festival-plays, 
and the earliest real dramas that 
have actually come down to us, we 
must of course suppose a very con- 
siderable interval of time, during 
which the drama gradually rose to 
the degree of perfection exhibited 
in these extant pieces ; and here I 
am still disposed to assign a certain 
influence to the witnessing of Greek 
plays. The Indian drama, after 
having acquitted itself brilliantly in 
the most varied fields notably too 
as a drama of civil life finally re- 
verted in its closing phases to essen- 
tially the same class of subjects with 
which it had started to representa- 
tions from the story of the gods." 
Ibid., pp. 491, 492. 



doubt rightly, to the original sense of ' (measuring) line- 
holder,' 'carpenter;'* since it appears to have been one of 
the duties of the architect at these sacrificial celebrations, 
over arid above the erection of the buildings for the recep- 
tion of those taking part in the sacrifice, likewise to con- 
duct the various arrangements that were to serve for their 
amusement. (See Lassen, /. AK., ii. 503.) Whether the 
natas and nartaJcas mentioned on such occasions are to be 
understood as dancers or actors, is at least doubtful; but 
in the absence of any distinct indication that the latter are 
intended, I hold in the meantime to the etymological sig- 
nification of the word ; and it is only where the two appear 
together (e.g., in Bamay. i. 12. 7 Gorr.) that nata has cer- 
tainly to be taken in the sense of ' actor.' Buddhist legend 
seems, indeed, in one instance in the story of the life of 
Maudgalyayana and Upatishya, two disciples of Buddha 
to refer to the representation of dramas in the presence of 
these individuals.-}- But here a question at once arises as 
to the age of the work in which this reference occurs ; this 
is the main point to be settled before we can base any 
conclusion upon it. Lassen, it is true, says that " in the 
oldest Buddhistic writings the witnessing of plays is spoken 
of as something usual ; " but the sole authority he adduces 
is the passage from the Dulva indicated in the note. The 
Dulva, however, that is, the Vinaya-Pitaka, cannot, as is 
well known, be classed amongst the " oldest Buddhistic 
writings ; " it contains pieces of widely different dates, in 
part, too, of extremely questionable antiquity. In the 
Lalita-Vistara, apropos of the testing of Buddha in the 

* And therefore has probably their mutual addresses after the 

nothing to do with the Nata-sutras shows are over." By 'spectacle' 

mentioned above ? For another ap- must we here necessarily understand 

plication of the word by the Bud- ' dramatic spectacle, drama ' ? ? 

dhists, see Lassen, /. AK., ii. 81. [Precisely the same thing applies to 

Of a marionette theatre, at all the word vistika, which properly 

events, we must not think, though only signifies 'merrymaking' in the 

the Javanese puppet-shows might Suttas of the Southern Buddhists, 

tempt us to do so. where the witnessing of such ex- 

j- Csoma Korosi, who gives an hibitions (vMka-dassana) is men- 
account of this in As. Reg. xx. 50, tioned among the reproaches direct- 
uses these phrases : " They meet on ed by Bhagavant against the worldly 
the occasion of a festival at Raja- ways of the Brahmans ; see Bur- 
griha : . . . their behaviour during nouf, Lotus de la Bonne Loi, p. 465 ; 
the several exhibitions of tpcciaclet 1. St., iii. 152-154.] 


various arts and sciences (Foucaux, p. 1 50), ndtya must, 
undoubtedly, be taken in the sense of ' mimetic art ' and 
so Foucaux translates it; but this does not suppose the 
existence of distinct dramas. The date, moreover, of this 
particular work is by no means to be regarded as settled ; 
and, in any case, for the time of Buddha himself, this 
examination-legend carries no weight whatever. 

With respect, now, to the surviving dramas, it has 
hitherto been usual to follow what is supposed to be the 
tradition, and to assign the most ancient of them, the 
Mrichhakati and Kalidasa's pieces, to the first century B.C.; 
while the pieces next following those of Bhavabhiiti 
belong to a time so late as the eighth century A.D. Be- 
tween Kalidasa and Bhavabhiiti there would thus be a 
gap of some eight or nine centuries a period from which, 
according to this view, not one single work of this class has 
come down to us. Now this is in itself in the highest 
degree improbable ; and were it so, then surely at the very 
least there ought to be discernible in the dramas of the 
younger epoch a very different spirit, a very different man- 
ner of treatment, from that exhibited in their predecessors 
of an age eight or nine hundred years earlier.* But this 
is by no means the case ; and thus we are compelled at 
once to reject this pretended tradition, and to refer those 
soi-disant older pieces to pretty much the same period as 
those of Bhavabhiiti. Moreover, when we come to examine 
the matter more closely, we find that, so far as Kalidasa 
is concerned, Indian tradition does not really furnish any 
ground whatever for the view hitherto accepted : we only 
find that the tradition has been radically misused. The 
tradition is to the effect that Kalidasa lived at the court 
of Vikranuiditya, and it is contained in a memorial verse 
which says that Dhanvantari, Kshapanaka, Amarasinha, 
Saiiku, Vetalabhatta, Ghatakarpara, Kalidasa, Varahami- 
hira, and Vararuchi f were the 'nine gems' of Vikrama's 

* I have here copied Holtzmann's krama-charitra (Journ. Asiat. Mai, 

words, referring to Amara, in his 1844, p. 356). [This recension 

excellent little treatise, Ucber den ascribed to Vararuchi of the SiA- 

i/ricchischen Urspruny dcs indiscJun hasana-dvdtrinsikd is actually ex- 

Thierkreiscs, Karlsruhe, 1841, p. 26. tant ; see Aufrecht, Cat. of Sansk. 

f This is obviously the Vriracha M SS. Libr. Trin. Coll. Camb., p. II, 

who is mentioned by the Hindustani and Westerc;anrd, Catal. Codd. Or. 

chronicler as the author of the Vi- Bibl. llc<j. Haunicnsis, p. 100.] 


20 r 

court. Now it is upon this one verse a mere waif and 
stray, that has come, like Schiller's ' Madchen aus der 
Fremde,' from nobody knows where,* and which is, in any 
case, of the most questionable authority that the assump- 
tion rests that Kalidasa nourished in the year 56 B.C.! 
For people were not satisfied with hastily accepting as 
genuine coin the tradition here presented and this not- 
withstanding the fact that they at the same time impugned 
to some extent the trustworthiness of the verse embody- 
ing it -f they at once rushed to the conclusion that the 
Vikrama here named must be the Vikramaditya, whose era, 
still current in our own day, commences with the year 56 
B.C. But then, we know of a good many different Vikramas 
and Vikramadityas : J and, besides, a tradition which is 
found in some modern works, and which ought surely, in 
the first instance, to have been shown to be baseless before 
any such conclusion was adopted, states expressly (whether 
correctly or not is a question by itself) that king Bhoja, 
the ruler of Malava, who dwelt at Dhara and Ujjayini, was 
the Vikrama at whose court the ' nine gems ' flourished ; 
and, according to an inscription,!] this king Bhoja lived 

* It is alleged to be taken from 
the Vikrama- charitra ; but Rotb, in 
his analysis of this work in the Journ. 
Asiat., Octob. 1845, p. 278 ff., says 
nothing of it. [And in fact it occurs 
neither there nor in any of the other 
recensions of the Sinha'sana-dva'trin- 
sikd to which I have access. It is, 
however, found embodied both in 
the Jyotirvid-dbharana, of about the 
sixteenth century (22. 10, see Z. D. 
M. G., xxii. 723, 1868), and in a 
Singhalese MS. of the so-called 
Navaratna (with Singhalese com- 
mentary) cited in Westergaard's 
Catal. Codd. Or. Bill. Rcy. Ifaun., 
p. 14 (1846).] 

+ Partly on erroneous grounds. 
It was asserted, namely, that the 
word Ghatakarpara in the verse was 
only the name of a work, not of a 
person : this, however, is not the 
case, as several poems, besides, are 
found ascribed to him. 

+ ' Sun of might ' is quite a 
general title, and not a name. 

See, for instance, also Haeber- 

lin's Sanskrit Anthology, pp. 483, 

II See Lassen, Zeitsch. filr die 
Kunde des Morg., vii. 294 ff. ; Cole- 
brooke, ii. 462. According to Rein- 
aud in the Journ. Asiat., Sept. 1844, 
p. 250, Bhoja is mentioned some 
years earlier by Albiruni, who wrote 
in A.D. 1031, as his contemporary ; 
and Otbi alludes to him earlier still, 
in A.D. 1018, as then reigning; see 
Reinaud, Mem. sur I'fndc, p. 261. 
According to a later Hindustani 
chronicler, he lived 542 years after 
Vikramitditya (see Journ. Asiat. 
Mai, 1844, p. 354), which would 
make the date of the latter about 
A.D. 476. Upon what this very pre- 
cise statement rests is unfortunately 
uncertain ; the Vikrama-charitra 
does not fix in this definite way the 
iuierval of time between Bhoja and 
Vikrama. Roth, at all events, in 
his analysis of the work (Journ. 
Asiat., Sept. 1854, p. 281) merely 
nays, "ii'en des annecs apres (la mort 
dc Vilramdditya) Jihoja paniiit an 



about 1040-1090 A.D. On the other hand, there exists no 
positive ground whatever for the opinion that the Vikraraa 
of the verse is tlie Vikramaditya whose era begins in B.C. 
56. Nay, the case is stronger still ; for up to the present 
time we have absolutely no authentic evidence * to show 
whether the era of Vikramaditya dates from the year of 
his birth, from some achievement, or from the year of his 
death, or whether, in fine, it may not have been simply 
introduced by him for astronomical reasons ! -f- "To assign 
him to the first year of his era might be quite as great a 
mistake as we should commit in placing Pope Gregory 
XIII. in the year one of the Gregorian Calendar, or even 
Julius Caesar in the first year of the Julian period to which 
his name has been given, i.e., in the year 47 1 3 B.C." (Holtz- 
mann, op. cit.,p. 19). 

souverain poitvoir." [The text has 
simply: "bahuni vars/idni gatdni." 
Nor does any definite statement of 
the kind occur in any of the various 
other recensions of the Sinhdsana- 
dvdtrinsikd, although a considerable 
interval is here regularly assumed 
to have elapsed between the rule of 
Vikrama at Avanti and that of Bhoja 
at Dhdrd.] To suppose two Bhojas, 
as Reiuaud does, I. c., and M6m. sur 
i'lnde, pp. 113, 114, is altogether 
arbitrary. We might determine the 
uncertain date of Vikramdditya by 
the certain date of Bhoja, but we 
cannot reverse the process. The date 
3044. of Yudhishthira's era is, J. As., 
1. c., p. 357, assigned to the acces- 
sion of Vikramdditya ; but it does 
not appear whether this is the actual 
tradition of the Hindustani chroni- 
cler, or merely an addition on the 
part of the translator. Even in the 
former case, it would still only prove 
that the chronicler, or the tradition 
he followed, mixed up the common 
assertion as to the date of Vikrama 
with the special statement above 
referred to. [To the statements 
of the Hindustani chronicler, Mir 
Cher i AH Afsos, no great impor- 
tance, probably, need be attached. 
They rest substantially on the recen- 
sion attributed to Vararuchi of the 

Sinhasana-dvdtrinsikd, which, how- 
ever, in the MS. before me (Trin. 
Coll., Camb.), yields no definite 
chronological data. After all, 
the assumption of several Bhojas 
has since turned out to be fully 
warranted ; see, e.g. , Rdjendraldla 
Mitra in Journ. A. S. Beng. 1863, 
p. 91 ff., and my I. Str., i. 312.] 

* See Colebrooke, ii. 475 ; Lassen, 
/. AK., ii. 49, 50, 398; Reinaud, 
Mem. sur I'lnde, pp. 68 ff , 79 ff. ; 
Bertrand in the Journ. Asiat., Mai, 

1844, P- 357- 

+ We first meet with it in the 
astronomer Vardha-Mihira in the 
fifth or sixth century, though even 
this is not altogether certain, and, as 
in the case of Brahmagupta in the 
seventh century, it might possibly 
be the era of Sdlivdhana (beg. A.D. 
78). Lassen does, in fact, suppose 
the latter (I. AK., i. 508), but see 
Colebrooke, ii. 475. Albiruni gives 
particulars (v. Reinaud, Journ. Asiat., 
Sept. 1844, pp. 282-284) &a to the 
origin of the &aka era ; but regard- 
ing the basis of the Sarjivat era of 
Vikrama he does not enlarge. [Even 
yet these two questions, which are 
of such capital importance for Indian 
chronology, are in an altogether 
unsatisfactory state. According to 
Kern, Introd. to his edition of tho 


The dramas of Kalidjisa that one of the 'nine gems' with 
whom we are here more immediately concerned furnish 
in their contents nothing that directly enables us to 
determine their date. Still, the mention of the Greek 
female slaves in attendance upon the king points at least 
to a time not especially early ; while the form in which 
the popular dialects appear, and which, as compared with 
that of the inscriptions of Piyadasi, is extraordinarily 
degraded, not unfrequently coinciding with the present 
form of these vernaculars, brings us down to a period at 
any rate several centuries after Christ. But whether the 
tradition is right in placing Kalidasa at the court of Bhoja 
in the middle of the eleventh century appears to me very 
questionable ; for this reason in particular, that it assigns 
to the same court other poets also, whose works, compared 
with those of Kalidasa, are so bad, that they absolutely 
must belong to a later stage than his for example, 
Damodara Mi&a, author of the Hanuman-nataka. More- 
over, Kalidasa has allotted to him such a large number of 
works, in part too of wholly diverse character, that we 
cannot but admit the existence of several authors of this 
name ; and, in point of fact, it is a name that has continued 
in constant use down to the present time. Nay, one even 
of the three dramas that are ascribed to Kalidasa would 
seem, from its style, to belong to a different author from 

Brihat-Samhita of Vardha-Mihira, taken the same view, J. R. A. S., vii. 

5 ff. (1866), the use of the so-called 382 (1875). According to Eggeling 

Samvat era is not demonstrable for (Triibner's Amer. and Or. Lit. Rec., 

early times at all, while astronomers special number, 1875, p. 38), one of 

only begin to employ it after the the inscriptions found in Sir Walter 

year IOOO or so. According to Elliot's copies of grants dates as 

Westergaard, Om de indiske Kejser- far back as the year Saka 169 (A.D. 

house (1867), p. 164, the grant of 247). Buruell, however, declares it 

Dantidurga, dated aka 675, Samvat to be a forgery of the tenth century. 

8ll (A.D. 754), is the earliest certain Fergusson, too, On. the Satxt, Sam- 

instance of its occurrence; see also vat, and Gupta Eras, pp. 11-16, is 

Lurnell, Elem. of South. Ind. Pal., p. of opinion that the so-called samvat 

55. Others, on the contrary, have era goes no farther back than the 

no hesitation in at once referring, tenth century. For the present, 

wherever possible, every Samvat- or therefore, unfortunately, where 

Samvatsare-d&ted inscription to the there is nothing else to guide us, it 

Samvat era. Thus, e.g. , Cunning- must generally remain an open ques- 

ham in his Archceol. Survey of India, tion which era we have to do with 

iii- 3 T > 39. directly assigns an in- in a particular inscription, and what 

Kcription dated Samv. 5 to the year date consequently the inscription 

S.c; 52 : Dowson, too, has recently bears.] 



the other two. 211 And this view is further favoured by 
the circumstance, that in the introduction to this play 
Dhavaka, Saumilla, and Kaviputra are named as the 
poet's predecessors ; Dhavaka being the name ,of a poet 
who nourished contemporaneously with king Sri-Harsha 
of Kashmir, that is, according to Wilson, towards the 
beginning of the twelfth century A.D. 212 There may, it is 

211 In the introduction to my 
translation of this drama, the Md- 
lavikdgnimitra, I have specially ex- 
amined not only the question of its 
genuineness, but also that of the 
date of Kaliddsa. The result ar- 
rived at is, in the first place, that 
this drama also really belongs to 
him. and in this view Shaukar 
Pandit, in his edition of the play 
(Bombay, 1869), concurs. As to 
the second point, internal evidence, 
partly derived from the language, 
partly connected with the phase of 
civilisation presented to us, leads 
me to assign the composition of 
Kttliddsa's three dramas to a period 
from the second to the fourth cen- 
tury of our era, the period of the 
Gupta princes, Chandragupta, &c., 
"whose reigns correspond best to 
the legendary tradition of the glory 
of Vikrama, and may perhaps b^ 
gathered up in it in one single focus." 
Lassen has expressed himself to 
essentially the same effect (/. AK., 
ii. 457, 1158-1160) ; see also /. St., 
ii. 148, 415-417. Kern, however, 
with special reference to t.he tradi- 
tion which regards Kdlidasa and 
Vardha-Mihira as contemporaries, 
has, in his preface to Vardha's 
Brihat-Samhita", p. 2O, declared 
himself in favour of referring the 
' nine gems ' to the first half of the 
sixth century A.U. Lastly, on the 
ground of the astrological data in 
the KumaVa-sambhava and llaghu- 
vana, Jacobi comes to the con- 
clusion (Monatsber. dcr Btrl. A cad., 
1873, p. 556) that the author of 
these two poems cannot have lived 
before about A.D. 350 ; but here, of 
course, the preliminary question 
remains whether he is to be identi- 

fied with the dramatist. Shankar 
Pandit, in Triibner's Am. and Or. 
Lit. Rec., 1875, special No., p. 35, 
assumes this, and fixes Kalidasa'.s 
date as at all events prior to the 
middle of the eighth century. For 
a definite chronological detail which 
is perhaps furnished by the Megha- 
duta, see note 219 below. By 
the Southern Buddhists Kdliddsa 
is placed in the sixth century ; 
Knighton, Hist, of Ceylon, 105 j 
Z. D. M. <?., xxii. 730. With modern 
astronomers, the idea of a triad of 
authors of this name is so fixed, 
that they even employ the term 
KtHiddsa to denote the number 3 ; 
see Z. D. M. G., xxii. 713. 

212 The date of Sri-Harsha, of 
whom DhaVaka is stated in the 
Ka'vya-prakdsu to have been the 
protege" Kashmir is not here in 
question has since been fixed by 
Hall (Introd. to the Vdsavadattd) 
for the seventh century, rather. 
Hall, moreover, questions the exis- 
tence of Dhavaka altogether (p. 17), 
and is of opinion that he "never 
enjoyed any more substantial 
existence than that of a varkws 
reading." This conjecture of Hall's 
as to the name of the author of the 
RatnaVuli, in which Biihler also 
concurred, has since been brilliantly 
verified. According to Biihler's letter 
from Srinagara (publ. in I. St., xiv. 
402 ff.), all the Kashmir MSS. of 
the Kiivya-prakdsa rend, in the pas- 
sage in question, Bdna, not Dh&- 
vaka, the latter name being alto- 
gether unknown to the Pandits 
there : " As Mammafa was a native 
of Kashmir, this reading is un- 
doubtedly the correct one." Comp. 
note 218 below. 


true, Lave been more Dhavakas than one ; another MS., 
moreover, reads Bhasaka ; 213 and besides, these introduc- 
tions are possibly, in part, later additions. In the case of 
the Mrichhakati at least, this would appear to be cer- 
tain, as the poet's own death is there intimated.* This 
last-mentioned drama, the Mrichhakati whose author, 
Sudraka, is, according to Wilson, placed by tradition prior 
to Vikramaditya 2U (i.e., the same Vikrama at whose 
court the ' nine gems ' nourished ?) cannot in any case 
have been written before the second century A.D. For it 
makes use of the word ndnaka as the name of a coin ; f 
and this term, according to Wilson (Ariana Antigua, p. 
364), is borrowed from the coins of Kanerki, a king who, 
by the evidence of these coins, is proved to have reigned 
until about the year 40 A.D. (Lassen, /. AK., ii. 4 1 3). But 
a date long subsequent to this will have to be assigned to 
to the Mrichhakati, since the vernacular dialects it intro- 
duces appear in a most barbarous condition. Besides, we 
meet with the very same nourishing state of Buddhism 
which is here revealed in one of the dramas of Bhava- 
bhuti, a poet whose date is fixed with tolerable certainty 
for the eighth century A.D. The Eamayana and the war- 
part of the Maha-Bharata must, to judge from the use 

213 The passage exhibits a great whom Chdnakya is to destroy. To 
numberofvariousreadings; seeHaag, Vikramdditya, on the other hand, 
Zur TextesJcritik u. ErkULrurtg von is assigned the date Kali 4000, i.e., 
Kdliddsa'sMdlaviMgnimitra(iSj2), A.D. 899 (!) ; see the text in Isva- 
pp. 7, 8. Hall, 1. c., prefers the rachandra Vidydsdgara's Marriage 
readings Bhdsaka, Rdmila, and Sau- of Hindoo Widows, p. 63 (Calc. 
mila ; Haag, on the contrary, Bhdsa, 1 856), and in my Essay on the 
Saumilla, Kaviputra. In Edna's ltdmdyaiia, p. 43. 

Harsha - charita, Introd., v. 15, f According to the Vi^va-kosha, 

Bhdsa is lauded on account of his quoted by Mahidhara to Vdj. Samh. 

dramas : indeed, his name is even 25. 9, it is a synonym of ri'ipa 

put before that of Kdliddsa. (= rupee?). Ydjnavalkya (see 

* Unless Sudraka-rdja, the re- Stenzler, Introd., p. xi.) and Vrid- 

puted author, simply was the patron dha-Gautama (see Dattaka Mimdnsd, 

of the poet ? It is quite a common p. 34) are also acquainted with 

thing in India for the actual author ndnalca in the sense of 'coin.' 

to substitute the name of his patron [Both Lassen, 7. AK., ii. 575> an( l 

for his own. Miiller, A. S. L., p. 331, dispute 

214 In a prophetic chapter of the the conclusions drawn from the 
Skanda-Purdna, for instance, he is occurrence of the word ndnaka, but 
placed in the year Kali 3290 (i.e., I cannot be persuaded of the cogency 
A.D. 180), but at the same time only of their objections.] 

twenty years before the Naudas 


made of their heroes in the Mrichhakati, already have 
been favourite reading at the time when it was composed ; 
while, on the other hand, from the absence of allusion 
to the chief figures of the present Puranas, we may 
perhaps infer with Wilson that these works were not yet 
in existence. This latter inference, however, is in so far 
doubtful as the legends dealt with in these younger 
Puranas were probably, to a large extent, already contained 
in the older works of the same name.* The two remain- 
ing dramas of Bhavabhuti, and the whole herd of the later 
dramatic literature, relate to the heroic tradition of the 
Iidmayana and Maha-Bharata, or else to the history of 
Krishna ; and the later the pieces are, the more do they 
resemble the so-called 'mysteries' of the Middle Ages. 
The comedies, which, together with a few other pieces, 
move in the sphere of civil life, form of course an excep- 
tion to this. A peculiar class of dramas are the philo- 
sophical ones, in which abstractions and systems appear as 
the dramatis personcc. One very special peculiarity of the 
Hindu drama is that women, and persons of inferior rank, 
station, or caste, are introduced as speaking, not in Sanskrit, 
but in the popular dialects. This feature is of great 
importance 216 for the criticism of the individual pieces ; 
the conclusions resulting from it have already been ad- 
verted to in the course of the discussion. 

* Besides, the slaying of Sumbha certainly to a later stage. Ought 

and Nisumbba by Devi, which forms the Sudraka who is mentioned in 

the subject of the Devi-Mdhdtmya, this work, p. 118, ed. Wilson, to be 

v.-x., in the Mdrk;ind.-Purdna, is identified, perhaps, with the reputed 

referred to in the Mrichhakati, p. author of the Mrichhakati? 

1 05. 22 (ed. Stenzler). Whether, t'6/cZ. 215 For example, from the rela- 

104.18, Karataka is to be referred tion in which the Prdkrit of the 

to the jackal of this name in the several existing recensions of the 

Paiichatantra is uncertain. At Sakuntald stands to the rules of 

page 126.9 Stenzler reads yallakka, the Prdkrit grammarian Vararuchi, 

but Wilson (Hindu Theatre, i. 134) Pischel has drawn special arguments 

reads mallctka, and considers it not in support of the view advocated by 

impossible that by it we have to him in conjunction with Stenzler, 

understand the Arabic mdlik! In that of these recensions the Bengdli 

regard to the state of manners de- one is the most ancient; see Kuhn'a 

picted, the Mrichhakati is closely Bcitruge zur vergl. Sprachforsch., 

related to the Dasa - kumdra, al- viii. 129 ff. (1874), and my observa- 

though the latter work, written in tions on the subject in /. St., xiv. 

the eleventh century [rather in the 35 ff. 
eixth, Bee below, p. 213], belongs 


From the foregoing exposition it appears that the drama 
meets us in an already finished form, and with its best pro- 
ductions. In almost all the prologues, too, the several 
works are represented as new, in contradistinction to the 
pieces of former poets ; but of these pieces, that is, of the 
early beginnings of dramatic poetry, not the smallest rem- 
nant has been preserved. 216 Consequently the conjecture 
that it may possibly have been the representation of Greek 
dramas at the courts of the Grecian kings in Bactria, in 
the Panjab, and in Gujarat (for so far did Greek supremacy 
for a time extend), which awakened the Hindu faculty of 
imitation, and so gave birth to the Indian drama, does not 
in the meantime admit of direct verification. But its his- 
torical possibility, at any rate, is undeniable, 217 especially as 
the older dramas nearly all belong to the west of India. 
No internal connection, however, with the Greek drama 
exists. 218 The fact, again, that no dramas are found either 

216 See Cowell iu I. St., v. 475 ; 
and as to the Kansa-vadha aud "Vali- 
bandba, the note on p. 198 above. 

217 Cf. the Introduction to my 
translation of the Mdlavikd, p. xlvii., 
and the remarks on Yavanikd in Z. 
D. M. G., xiv. 269 ; also 1, St., xiii. 

- 18 The leading work on the In- 
dian dramas is still Wilson's Select 
Specimens of the Theatre of the Hin- 
dus, 1835% l8yi 3 . The number of 
dramas that have been published in 
India is already very considerable, 
and is constantly being increased. 
Foremost amongst themstill remain: 
the Mrichhakatikd of Sudraka, the 
three dramas of Kdliddsa (tfakuntald, 
Urvasi, &nd Mdlavikd), Bhavabhuti's 
three (Mdlati-mddhava, Mahd-vira- 
charitra, and Uttara-rdma-charitra); 
the Ratn&vali of King Sri-Harsha- 
deva, composed, according to Wil- 
son's view, in the twelfth century, 
and that not by the king himself, 
but by the poet Dhdvaka, who lived 
at his court, but according to Hall, 
by the poet Bana in the beginning of 
the seventh century ; see Hall, In- 
troduction to the Vdsavadattd, p. 
15 ff. (cf. note 212 above), /. Str., i. 

356), Lit. Cent. EL, 1872, p. 614; 
the Ndgdnanda, a Buddhistic sen- 
sational piece ascribed to the same 
royal author, but considered by 
Cowell to belong to Dhdvaka (see, 
however, my notice of Boyd's trans- 
lation in Lit. C. ., 1872, p. 615); 
the Veni-samhdra of Bhatta-ndrd- 
yana, a piece pervaded by the colour- 
ing of the Krishna sect, written, 
according to Grill, who edited it in 
1871, in the sixth, and in any case 
earlier than the tenth century (see 
Lit. C. ., 1872, p. 612) ; the 
Viddha-sdlabha&jikd of Kdja-Sekha- 
ra, probably prior to the tenth 
century (see /. Str., i. 313) ; the 
Mudrd-rdksliasa of Visdkhadatta, a 
piece of political intrigue, of about 
the twelfth century ; and lastly, the 
Prdbodha-chandrodaya, of Krishna- 
misra, which dates, according to 
Goldstiicker, from the end of the 
same century. Two of Kdliddsa's 
dramas, the Sakuntald and Urvasi, 
are each extant in several recensions, 
evidently in consequence of their 
having enjoyed a very special popu- 
larity. Since the appearance of 
Pischel's pamphlet, I)e Kdliddsae 
Sakuntali Recensionibus (Breslau, 


in the literature of the Hindus, who emigrated to the 
island of Java about the year 500 A.D. (and thence subse- 
quently to Bali), or among the Tibetan translations, is per- 
haps to be explained, in the former case, by the circumstance 
that the emigration took place from the east coast of India,* 
where dramatic literature may not as yet have been spe- 
cially cultivated (?). But in the case of the Tibetans the 
fact is more surprising, as the Meghaduta of Kalidasa and 
other similar works are found among their translations. 

The Lyrical branch of Sanskrit poetry divides itself, 
according to its subject, into the Keligious and the Erotic 
Lyric. With respect to the former, we have already seen, 
when treating of the Atharva-Samhita, that the hymns of 
this collection are no. longer the expression of direct reli- 
gious emotion, but are rather to be looked upon as the 
utterance of superstitious terror and uneasy apprehension, 
and that in part they bear the direct character of magic 
spells and incantations. This same character is found 
faithfully preserved in the later religious lyrics, throughout 
the Epic, the Puranas, and the Upanishads, wherever 
prayers of the sort occur ; and it has finally, within the 
last few centuries, found its classical expression in the 
Tantra literature. It is in particular by the heaping up of 
titles under which the several deities are invoked that 
their favour is thought to be won; and the 'thousand- 
name-prayers ' form quite a special class by themselves. 
To this category belong also the prayers in amulet-form, 
to which a prodigious virtue is ascribed, and which enjoy 
the very highest repute even in the. present day. Besides 
these, we also meet with prayers, to Siva } especially, which 

1870), in which he contends, with this Kavi literature, moreover, we 

great confidence, for the greater au- have actually extant, in the Smara- 

thenticity of the so-called Bengdli dahana, a subsequent version of the 

recension, the questions connected KutnaYa-sambhava, and in the Su- 

herewith have entered upon a new mana-santaka (?) a similar version 

stage. See a full discussion of this of the Raghu-vanJa, i.e., works which, 

topic in /. St., xiv. 161 ff. To in their originals at least, bear the 

Pischel we are also indebted for our name of Kiliddsa ; see/. St., iv. 133. 

knowledge of the Dekhan recension 141.] Do the well-known Javanese 

of the Urvasi : it appeared in the puppet-shows owe their origin to the 

Monatsber. der Berl. Acad., 1875, pp. Indian drama ? 

609-670. t Whose worship appears, in the 

* Yet the later emigrants might main, to have exercised the most fav. 

have taken some with them! [lu ourable influence upon his follow era, 



for religious fervour and childlike trust will bear compari- 
son with the best hymns of the Christian Church, though, 
it must be admitted, their number is very small. 

The Erotic Lyric commences, for us, with certain of the 
poems attributed to Kalidasa. One of these, the Megha- 
duta, belongs^ at all events to a period 219 when the temple 
worship of Siva Mahakala at Ujjayini was in its prime, 
as was still the case at the time of the first Muhammadan 
conquerors. Together with other matter of a like sort, it 
has been admitted, and under Kalidasa's name, into the 
Tibetan Tandjur,* from which, however, no chronological 
deduction can be drawn, as the date of the final completion 
of this compilation is unknown. The subject of the Megha- 
duta is a message which an exile sends by a cloud to his 
distant love, together with the description of the route the 
cloud-rnessenger is to take a form of exposition which has 
been imitated in a considerable number of similar poems. 
A peculiar class is composed of the sentences of Bhartrihari, 

whereas it is the worship of Krishna 
that has chiefly countenanced and 
furthered the moral degradation of 
the Hindus. 

219 A very definite chronological 
detail would be furnished by v. 14, 
provided Mallindtha'sassertiou is war- 
ranted, to the effect that this verse 
is to be taken in a double sense, i.e., 
as referring at the same time to 
Diiindga, a violent opponent of Kd- 
lidasa. For in that case we should 
in all probability have to understand 
by Dinnaga the well-known Bud- 
dhist disputant of this name, who 
lived somewhere about the sixth cen- 
tury ; see my discussion of this point 
in Z. D. M. G., xxii. 726 ff. 

* Considering the scarcity of the 
Asiatic Researches, I here give 
Csoma Koi o'si's account of the Tan- 
djur, contained in vol. xx., 1836, in 
some detail. " The Bstau-Htryur is 
a compilation in Tibetan of all sorts 
of literary works " (in all some 3900), 
"written mostly by ancient Indian 
Pandits and some learned Tibetans 
in the first centuries after the intro- 
duction of Buddhism into Tibet, 
commencing with the seventh cen- 
tury of our era. The whole makes 

225 volumes. It is divided into the 
Rgyud and the Mdo (Tantra and 
Sutra classes, in Sanskrit). The 
Rgyud, mostly on tantrika rituals 
and ceremonies, makes 87 volumes. 
The Mdo, on science and literature, 
occupies 136 volumes. One separate 
volume contains (58) hymns or 
praises on several deities or saints, 
and one volume is the index for the 
whole. The Rgyud contains 2640 
treatises of different sizes : they treat 
in general of the rituals and cere- 
monies of the mystical doctrine of 
the Buddhists, inten-persed with 
many instructions, hymns, prayers, 
and incantations. The Mdo treats 
iu general of science and literature 
in the following order : theology, 
philosophy" (these two alone make 
94 volumes), "logic or dialectic, 
philology or grammar, rhetoric, 
poesy, prosody, synonymies, astro- 
nomy, astrology, medicine and ethics, 
some hints to the mechanical arts 
and histories." See further, in par- 
ticular, Anton Schiefner's paper, 
Ueber die logischen und grammati- 
schen Werlce im Tandjur, in the Bul- 
letin of the St. Petersburg Academy 
(read 3d September 1847). 


Amaru, &c., which merely portray isolated situations, with- 
out any connection as a whole. A favourite topic is the 
story of the loves of Krishna and the shepherdesses, the 
playmates of his youth. It has already been remarked that 
the later Kavyas are to be ranked with the erotic poems 
rather than with the epic. In general, this love-poetry is of 
the most unbridled and extravagantly sensual description; 
yet examples of deep and truly romantic tenderness of feel- 
ing are not wanting. It is remarkable that, in regard to 
some of these poems, we encounter the same phenomenon 
as in the case of the Song of Solomon : a mystical interpre- 
tation is put upon them, and in one instance at least, the 
Gita-Govinda of Jayacleva, 219a such a mystical reference 
appears really to have been intended by the poet, however 
incompatible this may at first sight seem with the particu- 
larly wanton exuberance of fancy which is here displaved. 
Of the Ethico-Didactic Poetry the so-called Niti-Sds- 
tras but little has survived in a complete form (some 
pieces also in the Tibetan Tandjur), no doubt because the 
great epic, the Maha-Bharata, in consequence of the char- 
acter of universality which was gradually stamped upon 
it, is itself to be regarded as such a Niti-Sastra. Still, 
relics enough of the aphoristic ethical poetry have been 
preserved to enable us to judge that it was a very favourite 
form, and achieved very excellent results. 220 Closely allied 

218a Ace. to Biihler (letter Sep. Muir'.s Religious and Moral Senti- 

1875), Jayadeva, who does not ap- mcnts from Sanskrit Writers (1875). 

]>ear in the Saras v.-kantiuibh., flon- Kegarding an anthology which, both 

ri.-ihed under king Lakshmanasena of in extent and antiquity, surpasses 

Gauda, of whom there is extant an that of Sitriigadhara, viz., the Sad' 

inscription of the year Ill6, and ukti - hirndmrita of Sridharadasa, 

whose era, still current in Mithild, compiled Sake 1127 (A.D. 1205), and 

begins, ace. to Ind. Ant. iv. 300, in comprising quotations from 446 

A.D. 1170. poets, see the latest number of Raj. 

" See rjohtlingk's critical edition Ldla Mitra's Notices, iii. 134-149. 

of these aphorisms, Indischc Spriichc, The statement at the close of the 

3 vols., 1863-65 (with 5419 vv.), 2d work respecting the era of king 

edition, 1870-73 (with 7613 vv.), Lakshmanasena, in whose service the 

and Aufrecht's analysis, in the Z. poet's father was, is both in itself 

I). M. G., xxvii. i ff. (1873), of the obscure, and does not well harmonise 

&irnr/ad/tara-Padd/iati, of the four- with our other information on the 

teenth century, an anthology of point. On account of the numerous 

about 6000 vv. culled from 264 dif- examples it quotes we may also here 

ferent authors and works. Compare mention the Sarasvati-kanlhdbJiara- Job.. Klatt, DC Trccmtis Clidna- na, a treatise on poetics attributed 

1-tjfic Sentcntiis (1873), and Dr. John to king Bhoia-deva, and therefore 



to it is the literature of the ' Beast-Fable,' which has a very 
special interest for us, as it forms a substantial link of 
connection with the West. We have already pointed 
out that the oldest animal-fables known to us at pre- 
sent occur in the Chhandogyopanishad. Nor are these 
at all limited there to the representation of the gods as 
assuming the forms of animals, and in this shape associat- 
ing with men, of which we have even earlier illustrations,* 
but animals are themselves introduced as the speakers and 
actors. In Panini's time, complete cycles of fables may 
possibly have already existed, but this is by no means 
certain as yet.t The oldest fables, out of India, are 
those of Babrius, for some of which at least the Indian 
original may be pointed out. 221 But the most ancient book 

belonging probably to the eleventh 
century ; see on it Aufrecht, Cata- 
log us, pp. 208, 209. To this class 
also belongs, though its contents are 
almost entirely erotic, the Prdkrit 
anthology of H&la, consisting pro- 
perly of only 700 verses (whence its 
name Sapta-sataka), which, how- 
ever, by successive recensions have 
grown to 1 100-1200. It was the pro- 
totype of the Sapta-sati of Govardha- 
na, a work of about the twelfth cen- 
tury, which in its turn seems to have 
served as the model for the Satta- 
sni of the Hindi poet Bihdri Lai ; see 
my Essay on the Sapta-s^itaka of 
Hala (1870), pp. 9, 12, and Z. D. M. 
(f., xxviii. 345 ff. (1874), and also 
Garrez in the Journ. Asiat., August 
1872, p. 197 if. 

* For instance, the story of Maim 
and the fish, Indra's metamorphosis 
into the birds markata and Tcapinja- 
la, his appearance in the form of a 
ram, &c. In the Rik the sun is fre- 
quently compared to a vulture or 
falcon hovering in the air. 

+ The words cited in support of 
this are not Ptmini's own, but his 
scholiast's (see p. 225). [But, at 
all events, they occur directly in 
the Mahdbhashya ; see /. St., xiii. 

m In my paper, Uebei' den Zu- 
lammenliang indischer Faleln niit 

griechischen (I. St., iii. 327 ff.), as 
the result of special investigations 
bearing upon A. Wagoner's Essay 
on the subject (1853), I arrived at 
exactly the opposite conclusion ; for 
in nearly every instance where a 
Greek fable was compared with the 
corresponding Indian one, the marks 
of originality appeared to me to be- 
long to the former. In all proba- 
bility the Buddhists were here the 
special medium of communication, 
since it is upon their popular form 
of literary exposition that the Indian 
fable and fairy-tale literature is spe- 
cially based. Otto Keller, it is true, 
in his tract, Utber die Geschichte der 
griech. Fabd (1862), maintains, in 
opposition to my view, the Indian 
origin of the fables common to India 
and Greece, and suggests an ancient 
Assyrian channel of communication. 
His main argument for their Indian 
origin is derived from the circum- 
stance that the relation existing in 
Greek fable between the fox and 
the lion has no real bnsis in the na- 
ture of the two animals, whereas 
the jackal does, as a matter of 
fact, stand to the lion in the rela- 
tion portrayed in Indian fable. But 
are jackals, then, only found in Inr 
dia, and not also in countries inha- 
bited by Semitic peoples ? And is 
not the Greek animal-fable precisely 



of fables extant is the Pancha-tantm. The original text 
of this work has, it is true, undergone great alteration and 
expansion, and cannot now be restored with certainty ; 
but its existence in the sixth century A.D. is an ascertained 
fact, as it was then, by command of the celebrated Sas- 
sanian king Nushirvan (reg. 531579), translated into 
Pahlavf. From this translation, as is well known, sub- 
sequent versions into almost all the languages of Asia 
Minor and Europe have been derived. 222 The recension 
of the extant text seems to have taken place in the 
Dekhan ; 223 while the epitome of it known as the Hito- 
padesa was probably drawn up at Palibothra, on the 
Ganges. The form of the Hindu collections of fables is 
a peculiar one, and is therefore everywhere easily recog- 
nisable, the leading incident which is narrated invariably 
forming a framework within which stories of the most 
diverse description are set.* Allied to the fables are the 

a Semitic growth ? That the Indians 
should turn the fox of the Greek 
fable back again into the jackal 
necessarily followed from the very 
nature of the case. The actual state 
of things, namely, that the jackal 
prowls about after the lion, had in- 
deed early attracted their attention ; 
see, e.g., Rik, x. 28. 4 ; but there is 
no evidence at all that in the older 
period the knowledge was turned to 
the use to which it is put in the fable, 
the only characteristics mentioned 
of the jackal being its howling, its 
devouring of carrion, and its enmity 
to the dog. (In Satap., xii. 5. 2. 5, 
the jackal is, it is true, associated 
with the word vidagdha, and this is 
certainly noteworthy ; but here the 
term simply signifies 'burnt' or 
' putrid.') Keller's views as to the 
high antiquity of the Indian authors 
he cites are unfounded. 

222 See on this Benfey's transla- 
tion (1859) of the Pahcha-tantra, 
which follows Kosegarten's edition 
of the text (1848). Here there is a 
full exposition of the whole subject 
of the later diffusion of the mate- 
rials of Indian fable throughout the 
West. Kielhorn and Biihler have 
published a new edition of the text 

in the Bombay Sanskrit Series (1868 

223 From Benfey's researches, it 
appears that, in this recension, the 
original text, which presumably 
rested on a Buddhistic basis, under- 
went very important changes, so 
that, curiously enough, a German 
translation made in the last quarter 
of the fifteenth century from a 
Latin rendering, which in its turn 
was based upon a Hebrew version, 
represents the ancient text more 
faithfully than its existing Sanskrit 
form does. Of this, for the rest, two 
or more other recensions are extant ; 
see /. Str., ii. 1 66. For the I4th 
chap, of the Kalila wa Dimna, no 
Indian original had been known to 
exist ; but quite recently a Tibetan 
translation of this original has been 
discovered by Anton Schiefner ; see 
his Bharatae Responsa, St. Peters- 
burg, 1875. On a newly discovered 
ancient Syriac translation of the 
groundwork of the Pancha-tantra, 
made, it is supposed, either from the 
Pahlavi or from the Sanskrit itself, 
see Benfey in the Augsburger Ally. 
Zeit. for July 12, 1871. 

* Precisely the same thing takes 
place in the Mahd-Bhdrata also. 


Fairy Tales and Eomances, 224 in which the luxuriant 
fancy of the Hindus has in the most wonderful degree put 
forth all its peculiar grace and charm. These too share 
with the fables the characteristic form of setting just re- 
ferred to, and thereby, as well as by numerous points of 
detail, they are sufficiently marked out as the original 
source of most of the Arabian, Persian, and Western fairy 
tales and stories ; although, in the meantime, very few 
of the corresponding Indian texts themselves can be 
pointed out. 

As regards the last branch of Indian poetry, namely, 
Geography and History, it is characteristic enough that the 
latter can only fittingly be considered as a branch of poetry ; 
and that not merely on account of its form for the poetic 
form belongs to science also but on account of its subject- 
matter as well, and the method in which this is handled. 
We might perhaps have introduced it as a division of the 
epic poetry ; but it is preferable to keep the two distinct, 
since the works of the class now in question studiously 
avoid all matter of a purely mythical description. We 
have already remarked that the old Puranas contained 
historical portions, which, in the existing Puranas, are con- 
fined to the mere nomenclature of dynasties and kings ; 
and that here they clash violently, not only with one 
another, but with chronology generally. We meet with 
the same discrepancies in all works of the class we are 
now considering, and especially in its leading representa- 
tive, Kalhana's Rdja-taramgini, or history of Kashmir, 
which belongs to the twelfth century A.D. Here, it is 

224 Here, before all, is to be Kashmir, pub. in 7. St. , xiv. 4028".) 

mentioned Somadeva's Kathd-sant- he lived under king Ananta (1028- 

sdyara, of the twelfth century, edited 1080), and wrote 1020-1040). The 

by Herm. Brockhaus (1839-66). Of Dasa-kumdra-charita of Dandin, be- 

the Vrihat-katlid of Guniidhya, be- longing to about the sixth century, 

longing to about the sixth century was edited by Wilson in 1846, and by 

a work which is supposed to have Buhlerin 1873: Subandhu's Vdtava- 

been written in the PaUdchi bhdshd, dattd (seventh century ?) was edited 

aiid which is the basis of the work by Hall, with an excellent critical in- 

of Somadeva, a recast by Kshe- troduction, in 1859 (Bihl. Ind.) : 

mamkara has recently been dis- Edna's Kddambari, of about the 

covered by Burnell arid Biihler, see same date, appeared at Calcutta in 

Ind. Antiq., i. 302 ff. (Kshemam- 1850. For an account of these last 

kara is also called Kshemendra; three works see my 7. Sir., i. 308- 

arcording to Biihler (letter from 386. 



true, we have to do with something more than mere bald 
data ; but then, as a set-off to this, we have also to do 
with a poet, one who is more poet than historian, and who, 
for the rest, appeals to a host of predecessors. It is only 
where the authors of these works treat of contemporary 
subjects that their statements possess a decided value; 
though, of course, precisely with respect to these, their judg- 
ment is in the highest degree biassed. But exceptions like- 
wise appear to exist, and in particular, in some princely 
houses, family records, kept by the domestic priests, appear 
to have been preserved, which, in the main,* seem to be 
passably trustworthy. 225 As for Geography, we repeatedly 

* Only the family pedigree must 
not enter into the question, for these 
genealogical tables go back almost 
regularly to the heroic families of 
the epic. 

225 Certain statements in the astro- 
logical treatise Gdrgl Samhitd, cap. 
Yuga Parana, in which the relations 
of the YavanP.s with India are 
touched upon (see Kern, Pref. to 
Brihat-Samhitd, p. 33 ff.), appear to 
have a real historical significance. 
Bana's Jfarsha charita, too, seems 
to be a work embodying some good 
information ; see Hall, Pref. to the 
Vasava-datta, p. 12 ff. (1859). And 
the same remark applies to the 
Vikramdilka-charita by Bilhana of 
Kashmir, in 18 S'tryas, composed 
about A.D. 1085, just edited with 
a very valuable introduction by 
i!iihler. This work supplies most 
important and authentic informa- 
tion, not only regarding the poet's 
native country, and the chief cities 
of India visited by him in the course 
of prolonged travels, but also as to 
the history of the Ciuxlukya dynasty, 
whose then representative, Tribhu- 
vana-malla, the work is intended to 
exalt. In Biiuler's opinion, we may 
hope for some further accession to 
our historical knowledge from the 
still existing libraries of the Jainas. 
and, I might add, from their special 
literature also, which is peculiarly 
rich in legendary works (chnritrn I . 
The Satrumjaya-mdhatmya, of Dha- 

nesvara, in 14 sargas, composed in 
Valabhi, under king Sildditya, at 
the end of the sixth century, yields, 
it is true, but scant historical ma- 
terial, and consists for the most part 
merely of popular tales and legends ; 
see my paper on it (1858), p. 12 tf. 
(Biihler, 1. c., p. 18, places this work 
as late as the thirteenth century ; 
similarly, Lassen, 7. AK., iv. 761, 
but see my Essay on the Bhagavati, 
i. 369.) Still, a great variety 
of information has been preserved 
by the Jamas, - which deserves 
attention ; for example, respecting 
the ancient kings Vikrauadrka and 
Salivahana, though, to be sure, 
they, too, have become almost wholly 
mythical figures. The Vira-charitra 
of Atlanta, lately analysed by H. 
Jacobi in 7. <S2.,xiv. 97 ff., describes 
the feuds between the descendants 
of these two kings; introducing a 
third legendary personage, Sudraka, 
who, aided by the Mdlava king, the 
son of Vikramdrka, succeds in oust- 
ing the son of Silivdhana from Pra- 
tishthdna. It is written in a fresh 
and graphic style, but, to all ap- 
pearance, it has only a very slight 
really historical nucleus ; indeed, it 
expressly claims to be an imitation 
of the Kdmdyana ! The Sinhdsana- 
di'dtrinsika, too, a work extant in 
several recensions, of which one, 
the Vikrama-cliaritra (see above, 
p. 200), is attributed to Vararuchi, 
is almost solely, as the Vetdla-pan* 


find, in the various Furanas, jejune enumerations of moun- 
tains, rivers, peoples, and the like. 226 But modern works, 
also, upon this subject are quoted: these, however, are 
known only by name. A leading source, besides, for 
history and geography, is supplied by the exceedingly 
numerous inscriptions and grants,* which, indeed, being 
often of very considerable extent, might almost pass as a 
special branch of the literature. They are usually drawn 
up in prose, though mostly with an admixture' of verse. 
Of coins the number is comparatively small; yet they 
have furnished surprisingly rich information regarding a 
period previously quite unknown in its details, the period 
of the Grecian kintfs of Bactria. 227 

From this general view of Sanskrit poetry, we now 
turn to the second division of Sanskrit literature, to the 
works of Science and Art. 

chavinsatl is exclusively, made up of 
matter of the fairy-tale description. 
The stories in the Hhoja-prabandha 
of king Bhoja and his court of 
poets, are mere fanciful inventions. 
Buhler, in his letter from Kash- 
mir (/. St., xiv. 404, 405), states that 
he has now also discovered the 
Nila-mata which was used by Kal- 
hana, as also the Taramginis of 
Kehemendra and HelaVdja ; for the 
Itaja-taramgini itself there is thus 
the prospect of important correc- 

226 Of special interest, in this re- 
gard, are the sections styled Ktirma- 
vibhdga in the astrological texts ; 
see Kern, Pref. to Brih. Samh., p. 
32, aud in /. St., x. 209 ff. Cun- 
ningham's otherwise most merito- 
rious work, Ancient Geography of 
India, (1871), has unfortunately 
taken no account of these. 

* On metal plates, first meu- 

tioned in Ya'jnavalkya's law-book 
and in the Pancha-tantra : in Manu'a 
Code they are not yet known. [See 
the special accounts given of these 
inBurnell'B Mem. ofS. Lid. Palceog., 
p. 63 ff.] 

227 Wilson 'sAriana Antigua (1841) 
and Lassen's Jndische Alterthums- 
kunde (1847-61) still form the chief 
ruine of information and basis of 
research in the field of Indian his- 
tory. In the department of Nu- 
mismatics and Inscriptions, Burgess, 
Burnell, Cunningham, Dowson, Eg- 
geling, Fergusson, Edw. Thomas, 
Vaux, Bhandarkar, and Rajendra 
Ldla Mitra have of late done emi- 
nent service. In connection with 
the so-called cave-inscriptions, the 
names of Blidu Daji, Bird, Steven- 
son, E. W. and A. A. West, Wes- 
tergaard, and J. Wilson, amongst 
others, may be mentioned. 


We give the precedence to the Science of Language, 228 
and take Grammar first. 

We have already had frequent occasion to allude to the 
early beginnings and gradual development of grammatical 
science. It grew up in connection with the study and 
recitation of the Vedic texts ; and those works which were 
specially devoted to it, protected by the sacredness of their 
subject, have, in part, survived. But, on the other hand, 
we have no records of the earlier stages of that gram- 
matical study which was directed to and embraced the 
entire range of the language ;* and we pass at once into 
the magnificent edifice which bears the name of Panini as 
its architect, and which justly commands the wonder and 
admiration of every one who enters.f Panini's grammar 
is distinguished above all similar works of other countries, 
partly by its thoroughly exhaustive investigation of the 
roots of the language, and the formation of words ; partly 
by its sharp precision of expression, which indicates with 
an enigmatical succinctness whether forms come under the 
same or different rules. This is rendered possible by the 
employment of an algebraic terminology of arbitrary con- 
trivance, the several parts of which stand to each other in 
the closest harmony, and which, by the very fact of its 
sufficing for all the phenomena which the language pre- 
sents, bespeaks at once the marvellous ingenuity of its 
inventor, and his profound penetration of the entire ma- 
terial of the language. It is not, indeed, to be assumed 
that Panini was altogether the inventor of this method ; 
for, in the first place, he directly presupposes, for example, 
a collection of primary affixes ( Un-ddi) ; and, in the second 
place, for various grammatical elements there occur in his 
work two sets of technical terms, the one of which is 
peculiar to himself, while the other, as testified by his 

228 The general assertion in the * Only in Ydska's Nirukti are 

Mahiibhdshya toi. I. I f. 44* (cMian- beginnings of the kiud preserved; 

dovat sutrdni bhavanti) which as- yet here etymology and the investi- 

cribes Vedic usage to Sutras in gation of roots and of the formation 

general, is explained by Kaiyata in of words are still in a very crude 

the sense that, not the vaiscshika- stage. 

sntrdni, for example, but only the + E.g., of Pere Pons so long ago 

i-ydkarana-sutrdni are here meant, as 1743, in the Lettres Edijiantes, 26. 

frince these latter belong to the Veda 224 (Paris). 
as ailga; see /. St., xiii. 453. 


commentators, is taken from the Eastern grammarians.* 
But at any rate, it seems to have been he who generalised 
the method, and extended it to the entire stock of the 
language. Of those of his predecessors whom he men- 
tions directly by name, and whose names recur in part in 
Yaska's Nirukti, the PratiiSakhya- Sutras, or the Aranyakas, 
some may possibly have worked before him in this field ; 
in particular, Sakatayana perhaps, whose grammar is sup- 
posed (Wilson, Mack. Coll., i. 160) to be still in existence, 
although nothing definite is known about it. 229 

The question now arises, When did Panini live ? Bb'ht- 
lingk, to whom we owe an excellent edition of the gram- 
mar, has attempted to fix his date for the middle of the 
fourth century B.C., but the attempt seems to be a failure. 
Of the reasons adduced, only one has any approach to 
plausibility, which is to the effect that in the Katha-sarit- 
sagara, a collection of popular tales belonging to the 
twelfth century, Panini is stated to have been the disciple 
of one Varsha, who lived at Pataliputra in the reign of 
Nanda, the father of Chandragupta (^avBpoKviTTo<i). But 
not only is the authority of such a work extremely ques- 
tionable in reference to a period fifteen centuries earlier ; 
the assertion is, besides, directly contradicted, both as to 
time and place, by a statement of the Buddhist Hiuan 
Thsang, who travelled through India in the first half of 
the seventh century. For Hiuan Thsang, as reported by 
Eeinaud (Htm. sur I'fnde, p. 88), speaks of a double exist- 
ence of Panini, the earlier one belonging to mythical times, 
while the second is put by him 500 years after Buddha's 

* See Bohtlingk in the Introduc- himself a Jaina, in his introduction 

tion to his Panini, p. xii., and in describes Sdkatayana also as such 

his tract, Ucbcr den Accent im San- namely, as ' mahd-Sramana-samghd- 

skrit, p. 64. dhipati ; ' see also I. St., xiii. 396, 

229 In Benfey's Orient und Occi- 397. In Burnell's opinion, Vansa- 

dent, ii. 691-706 (1863), and iii. 181, Brdhm., p. xli., many of ^akattf- 

182 (1864), 0. Biihler has given an yana's rules are, on the contrary, 

account of a commentary (chintd- based upon Panini, or even on the 

mani-rritti) on the SabdunuMsana of Vdrttikas, nay, even on the further 

Sakatityana, according to which (p. interpretations in the Mahdbhdshya. 

703) Pixnini's work would appear to Might not these contradictions be 

be simply "an improved, completed, explained by supposing that the ex- 

nnd in part remodelled edition " isting form of the work combines 

of that of Sdkatifyana. The author both old and new constituents? 
of this commentary, Yakshavarman, 



death, i.e., loo years later than the reign of king Kanishka, 
who lived, as he says, 400 years after Buddha.* As Kani- 
shka is proved by coins to have reigned down to A.D. 40 
(Lassen, /. AK., ii. 413), Panini, according to this, would 
have to be placed not earlier than A.D. 140. A statement so 
precise, obtained by Hiuan Thsang on the spot, can hardly 
be a mere invention ; while no significance need be attached 
to the earlier mythical existence, nor to the circumstance 
that he makes Panini a Buddhist. 230 As Phonini's birth- 
place he mentions Pholotoulo, some six miles north-west of 
the Indus, and this agrees with the name ' ^alaturiya,' the 
formation of which is explained by Panini, and which in 
later writings is an epithet applied to the grammarian 
himself ; ' Salatura,' the basis of the name, being phone- 
tically identical t with the Chinese ' Pholotoulo.' That 
Panini belonged to precisely this north-western district of 

* The text of Hiuan Thsang is 
unfortunately not yet accessible : it 
seems to be much more important 
than the description of Fa Hian's 
travels, and to enter considerably 
more into detail. [This blank has 
since been filled up by Stan. Julien's 
translation of the biography and 
memoirs of Hiuan Thsang (1857 ff., 
3 vols. ). From this it now appears 
that the above statement, communi- 
cated from the text by Reinaud, is 
not quite exact. Tiie real existence 
of Panini is not there placed 500 
years after Buddha at all : all that 
is said is, that at that date there 
ptill existed in his birthplace a 
B'atue erected in his honour (see 
Slyuki, \. 127) ; whereas he himself 
passed as belonging ' dans une haute 

rather, that with regard to Pdnini's 
date there is no direct statement at 
all: a legend merely is communi- 
cated of a Buddhist missionary who 
had taken part in the council under 
king Kanishka, and who came from 
it to Pdnini's birthplace. Here he 
intimated to a Brahman, whom he 
found chastising his son during a 
lesson in grammar, that the youth 
was Pdnini himself, who, for his 

heretical tendencies in his former 
birth, had not yet attained emanci- 
pation, and had now been born again 
as his son ; see 7. St., v. 4. 

+ The commentators make Sd'd- 
tura the residence of Pdnini's an- 
cestors, and this is, in fact, the sense 
in which Paniiii's rule is to be taken. 
But the Chinese traveller, who ob- 
tained his information on the spot, 
is assuredly a better authority, especi- 
ally as it has to be remirked that 
the rule in question (iv. 3. 94), ac- 
cording to the Calcutta scholiasts, is 
not explained in the Bhdshya, and 
may possibly, therefore, not be Pdni- 
ni's at all, but posterior to, the time 
of Patarnjali. [The name Sdldturiya 
does not, in fact, occur in the Bhdshya; 
but, on the other hand, Pdnini is there 
styled Dilksliiputra, and the family 
of the Udkshis belonged to the Vd- 
hikas in the North- West ; see /. St., 
xiii. 395, 367. The name ^dlanki 
also, which is bestowed on him in 
later writings, and which actually 
occurs in the Bhdshya, though it 
does not clearly appear that he is 
meant by it, leads us to the Vdhikas; 
see 7. St., xiii. 395, 375, 429. Hiuan 
Thsansr expressly describes Pdnint 
as belonging to the Gandhdraa 

DA TE OF PAN IN I. 2 1 9 

India, rather than to the east, results pretty plainly from 
the geographical data contained in his work;* still he 
refers often enough to the eastern parts of India as well, 
and, though born in the former district, he may perhaps 
have settled subsequently in the latter. Of the two re- 
maining arguments by means of which Bohtlingk seeks to 
determine Panini's date, the one, based on the posteriority 
of Amara-siiiha, " who himself lived towards the middle 
of the first century B.C.," falls to the ground when the 
utter nullity of this latter assumption is exposed. The 
other is drawn from the Kaja-taramgim, a rather doubtful 
source, belonging to the same period as the Katha-sarit- 
sagara, and rests, moreover, upon a confusion of the 
Northern and Southern Buddhist eras, consequently upon 
a very insecure foundation. In that work it is related 
that the Mahabhashya, or great commentary on Panini, 
which is ascribed to Patamjali, was, by the command of 
king Abhimanyu, introduced into his dominions by 
Chandra, who had himself composed a grammar. Now 
the Northern Buddhists agree in stating that Kanishka, 
the immediate predecessor of Abhirnanyu, lived 400 years 
after Buddha's death. If, therefore, with the Southern 
Buddhists, we place this event in the year B.C. 544, then, 
of course, the date to be assigned to Kanishka would be 
B.C. 144, and to Abhimanyu B.C. 120, or thereabouts.^ 
But upon the evidence of coins, which are at all events 
a sure authority^ Kanishka (Kanerki) reigned until A.D. 
40 (Lassen, /. AK., ii. 413); and Abhimanyu himself 
therefore must have reigned 160 years later than the 
date derived from the previous supposition according to 
Lassen (/. c.). till A.D. 65. Consequently, even admitting 
Bohtlingk's further reasoning, we should still have to fix 
Panini's date, not for B.C. 350 or thereabouts, as his result 
gives, but 1 60 years later at any rate. But in view of 

* The circumstance that the only 21 (1872), also I. St., xiii. 302, 

two works containing legends con- 366.] 

cerning him and the commentary f As Bohtlingk, op. cit., p. xvii., 

upon his grammar theKathd-sarit- xviii., supposes; see also lleinaud, 

sstgara and the liaja-tararngini Mem. sur I'Inde, p. 79. 

were both written in Kashmir, also J Of these Bohtlingk could not 

tells in favour of this view. [On avail himself, as they only came to 

the geographical data in Pdnini, our knowledge some years after hig 

gue Bhandarkar in Ind. Antiq., i., edition of Tdnini appeared. 



Hiuan Thsang's assertion, no credit whatever need at pre- 
sent be attached to the statement in the Eaja-taramgini. 
If Panini did not really flourish until 100 years after 
Kanishka, i.e., A.D. I4O, 231 it is self-evident that the com- 
mentary upon his work cannot have been in existence, 
and still less have been introduced into Kashmir, under 
Abhimanyu, Kanishka's immediate successor ! But, apart 
altogether from the foregoing considerations, we have, in 
Panini's work itself, a very weighty argument which goes 
to show that the date to be assigned to him can by no 
means be so early as Bohtlingk supposes (about B.C. 350). 
For in it Panini once mentions the Yavanas, i.e., 'Iaoi/e<?, 
Greeks,* and explains the formation of the word yavandni 

231 But no such inference is de- 
ducible from Hiuan Thsang's ac- 
count, now that we are in possession 
of its exact tenor (see note 230 
above) : the statement of the Raja- 
taramgini is thus in no way im- 
pugned by it. 

* Lassen (/. AK., i. 729) asserts 
that the most ancient meaning 
of the word yavana was probably 
' Arabia,' because incense, which 
caine from Arabia, was termed yd- 
vana; but this assertion is distinctly 
erroneous. So far as we know at 
present, this latter term first occurs 
in the Amara-koslia, and there along 
with turuskka, which can scarcely be 
a very ancient word. It may con- 
sequently cither date from the time 
of the commercial intercourse of the 
Indians with Arabia shortly before 
Muhammad, or even with the Mu- 
hammadan Arabs ; or else like 
yavaneshta, 'tin' [Hemach., 1041, 
according to Bohtlingk-Rieu, ' lead,' 
not 'tin ']. and yavana-priya, 'pep- 
per,' the chief articles of traffic with 
the Greeks of Alexandria it may 
possibly have been named, not from 
the Arabs, but from the Greeks, who 
brought incense as well as tin arid 
pepper from India (Lassen, 7. AK., 
286 n.) ! Wherever we find the 
Yavanas mentioned in the epic, or 
other similar ancient writings, only 
tl'e Greeks can be meant. [The 
almost constant association of them 

with the Kambojas, Sakas, &c., is 
conclusive as to this ; see /. Sir., ii. 
321 ; 7. St., xiii. 371. The name 
Yavana was then in course of time 
transferred to the political successors 
of the Greeks in the empire of 
Western India, that is, to the Indo- 
Scythians themselves, to the Per- 
sians (Pa"rasikas, whose women, for 
example, are termed Yavanis by 
Kalidasa in Raghuv., iv. 6l), and, 
lastly, to the Arabs or Moslems ; see 
7. St., xiii. 308. Recently,. it is true, 
Rajendra La"la Mitra, in the Journ. 
As. Soc. Beng., 1874, p. 246 ff., has 
pronounced against the view that 
the Greeks were originally meant by 
the Yavanas ; but his arguments are 
in great part of a very curious kind. 
Cf. further on this point my letter 
in the Ind. Antiq., iv. 244 ff. (1875), 
where, in particular, I point out that 
the name Yavana first became popu- 
larised in India through Alexander, 
i.e., through his Persian interpreters, 
although it may possibly have been 
known previously through the me- 
dium of the Indian auxiliaries who 
served in the army of Darius.] There 
is a remarkable legend in the Pu- 
rdnas and the twelfth book of the 
Maha 1 - Bhdrata, of the fight of 
Krishna .with Kdla- Yavana, 'the 
Black Yavana,' so called, it would 
appear, in contradistinction to the 
(White) Yavanas? Ought we here 
to understand African or dark Seui- 



to which, according to the Vdrttika, the Avord lipi, 
' writing/ must be supplied, and which therefore signifies 
'the writing of the Yavanas.' 232 In the Pancha-tantra, 
Panini is said to have been killed by a lion ; but, inde- 
pendently of the question whether the particular verse 
containing this allusion belongs to the original text or not, 
no chronological inference can be drawn from it. 233 

itic races that had come into colli- 
sion with the Indians ? At the 
time of the Da&i-kumara, the name 
Kdla-Yavana (as well as Yavana 
itself) does, in point of fact, ex- 
pressly designate a seafaring people 
supposed by Wilson to be the 
Arabs. In the legend in the Pu- 
rdnas and the Mahd-Bhdrata, on the 
contrary, no reference to the sea 
is traceable ; and Wilson therefore 
(Vishnu-Pur., 565, 566) refers it to 
the Greeks, that is, those of Bactria. 
This view is perhaps confirmed by 
the circumstance that this Kdla- 
Yavana is associated with a Gdrgya ; 
since it is to Garga, at least, who 
uniformly appears as one of the 
earliest Indian astronomers, that a 
verse is ascribed, in which the Ya- 
vanas (here unquestionably the 
Greeks) are highly extolled. Pos- 
sibly this is the very reason why 
Gdrgya is here associated with Kdla- 

232 For the different explanations 
that have been attempted of this 
word, see 7. St., v. 5-8, 17 ff. ; 
Burnell, Elem. of S. Ind. Pal., p. 7, 
93 : the latter regards it as "not 
unlikely that lipi has been introduced 
into Indian from the Persian dipi." 
Benfey also, in his Geschichte der 
Sprachwissenschnft, p. 48 (1869), 
understands by Yavandni 'Greek 
writing ; ' but he places the comple- 
tion of Pdnini's work as early as B.C. 
320. In that case, he thinks, Pdnini 
"had already had theopportunity dur- 
ing six years of becoming acquainted 
with Greek writing in his own im- 
mediate neighbourhood without in- 
terruption, Alexander having, as is 
well known, established satrapies in 
India itself and in the parts adjoin- 

ing" in the vicinity of the Indus, 
namely, near which Pdnini's birth- 
place was. But to me it is very 
doubtful indeed that a space so short 
as six years should have sufficed to 
give rise to the employment by the 
Indians of a special term and affix 
to denote Greek writing (which 
surely in the first years after Alex- 
ander's invasion can hardly have 
attracted their attention in so very 
prominent a way!) so that the mere 
expression ' the Greek ' directly 
signified ' the writing of the Greeks," 
and Pdnini found himself obliged to 
explain the formation of the term in 
a special rule. " The expression 
could only have become so very 
familiar through prolonged and fre- 
quent use a thing conceivable and 
natural in Pdnini's native district, 
in those provinces of North- Western 
India which were so long occupied 
by the Greeks. But this of course 
presupposes that a lengthened period 
had intervened since the time of 
Alexander."/. St., iv. 89 (1857). 

233 Since the above was written 
the question of Panini's date haa 
been frequently discussed. Max 
Miiller first of all urged, and rightly, 
the real import of Hiuan Thsang'a 
account, as opposed to my argument. 
Apart from this,however,I still firmly 
adhere to the reasoning in the text ; 
see /. St., iv. 87, v. 2 ff. To the 
vague external testimony M'e need 
hardly attach much importance. 
Pdnini's vocabulary itself (cf. ya- 
vandnl) can alone yield us certain 
information. And it was upon this 
path that Goldstiicker proceeded in 
his Pdnini, his place in Sanskrit 
Literature (September 1861) a 
work distinguished in an eminent 



Pcinini's work has continued to be the basis of gramma- 
tical research and the standard of usage in the language 
down even to the present time. Owing to its frequent 
obscurity it was early commented upon, and a circum- 
stance to which there is no parallel elsewhere in the lite- 
rature some of these earliest interpretations have come 
down to us. At their head stand the Paribhdshds, or 
explanations of single rules, by unknown authors ; next 
come the Vdrttikas (from vritti, ' explanation ') of Katya- 
yana ; * and after these the Mahdbhdshya of Patamjali. 
With regard to the date of Katyayana, the statement of 
Hiuan Thsang, to the effect that 300 years after Buddha's 
death, i.e.,m B.C. 240^ " le docteur Kid to yan na" lived at 
Tamasavaiia in the Panjab, is by Bohtlingk referred to 
this Katyayana ; but when we remember that the -same 
traveller assigns to Panini's second existence a date so late 
as 500 years after Buddha, such a reference of course 
becomes highly precarious. Besides, the statement is in 

decree by truly profound investiga- 
tion of this aspect of. the question us 
well as of the literature immediately 
bearing upon it. The conclusion he 
arrives at is that Pdnini is older 
than Buddha, than the I'rdtisdkhyas, 
than all the Vedic texts we possess, 
excepting the three Samhitds of the 
Rik, Sdman, and Black Yajus 
older than any individual author in 
whatever field, with the single ex- 
ception of Ydska (p. 243). In May 
1 86 1, before the separate publication 
of this work, which had previously 
(Nov. 1860) appeared as the preface 
to Goldstucker's photo-lithographed 
edition of the j\Iitnava-Kal pa-Sutra, 
I endeavoured and, as I believe, 
.successfully in a detailed rejoinder 
in /. St., v. 1-176, to rebut these 
various deductions, point by point. 
For the post- Buddhistic date of 
lYinini, compare in particular the 
evidence adduced, pp. 136-142, 
which is excellently supplemented 
by Biihler's paper on Sdkatdyana 
(1863, see note 229 above). To the 
mention of the 'Yavandni' has to 
be added a peculiar circumstance 
which Burnell has recently noticed 

(Elem. S. Ind. Pal, p. 96) : The 
denoting of numbers by the letters 
of the alphabet in their order (i = 2), 
to which Goldstiicker (Pdnini, p. 53) 
first drew attention, and which, ac- 
cording to the Bhdshya, is peculiar 
to Pdnini, occurs in his work only, 
and is "precisely similar to the 
Greek and Semitic notation of 
numerals by letters of the alphabet." 
If, further, the Greek accounts of 
the confederation of the 'QtySpdicai 
and Ma\\o be correct ; if, that is to 
say, their alliance first took place 
through fear of Alexander, whereas 
they had up till then lived in con- 
stant enmity, then in all probability 
Apisali, and a fortiori Pdnini also, 
would have to be set down as subse- 
quent to Alexander ; see /. St., xiii. 

375 n. 

* Who there mentions several of 
tbese Paribbdshds. 

+ That is, if we adopt the chrono- 
logy of the Southern Buddhists ; but, 
rather, only B.C. 60, since Kanisbka, 
whose date, as we saw, is fixed by 
co.ins for A.D. 40, is by Hiuan Thsang 
placed 400 years after Buddha's 


itself an extremely indefinite one, the "docteur" in ques- 
tion not being described as a grammarian at all, but simply 
as a descendant of the Katya family. 234 Even admitting, 
however, that the reference really is to him, it would still 
be in conflict with the tradition in itself, it is true, of no 
particular authority of the Katha-sarit-sagara, which not 
only represents Katyayaua as the contemporary of Panini, 
but identifies him with Yararuchi, a minister of King 
N"anda, the father of Chandragupta (SavSpoKVTrTos), ac- 
cording to which, of course, he must have flourished about 
B.C. 350. As regards the age of the Mahabhashya, 235 we 
have seen that the assertion of the Ecaja-taramgini as to 
its introduction into Kashmir in the reign of Abhimanyu, 
the successor of Kanishka, i.e., between A.D. 40 and 65, is, 
for the reasons above assigned, in the meantime discre- 
dited. 236 For the present, therefore, we are without infor- 
mation as to the date of those interpretations, just as we 
are regarding the date of Panini himself. But when once 
they are themselves in our hands, it will certainly be pos- 
sible to gather from their contents, by means of the great 
number of words they contain, a tolerably clear image of 
the time when they originated, 237 in the same way as we 

234 It is this only that has weight; to understand Patarnjali himself; 
whereas no importance whatever is and the same applies to the name 
to be attached, as we have already Conikiiputra ; see on this I. St.,v. 
seen (note 230), to the second exist- 155, xiii. 316, 323, 403. 

ence of Panini. On the various * 36 By no means ; see note 231. 

Katyas, Katyayanas, at the time of 237 On the basis of the lithographed 

the Bhdshya itself, for instance, see edition of the Mahdbhdshya, pub- 

/. St., xiii. 399. Jished at Benares in 1872 by Raja- 

235 The name Patamjali (we should nlmasdstrin and Btila&tatrin, with 
expect Pat .) is certainly somehow Kaiyata's commentary (of about the 
connected witli that of the Patam- seventh century (?), see /. St., v. 
chala Kdpya of the land of the Ma- 167), I have attempted in /. ft., xiii. 
dras, who appears in^ the Yajnaval- 293-502, to sketch such an outline. 
kiya-knnda of the Satap. Br. It The first section of the work, with 
occurs again (see below, p. 237) as Kaiyafa, and Nage.4a's gloss, belong- 
the name of the author of the Yoga- ing to the eighteenth century, was 
Sutras. Patainjali appears as name published so long ago as 1856 by 
of one of the prior births of Buddha Ballantyne. A photo-lithographed 
(No. 242, in Westergaard's Cata- issue of the entire Bhashya, pre- 
logus, p. 39). IntliePmvarddhydya, pared under Goldstiicker's supervi- 
9 (Yajuh-Paris.), the Patamjalis sion, at the expense of the Indian 
are classed as belonging to the family Government, has recently appeared 
of Vi.svdmitra. According to later in London, in 3 vols. (vol. i., the 
accounts, by Gonardiya, who is cited Bhashya ; vol. ii., Bhiishya with 
four times in the Bhashya, we have Kaiyata's Coinm. ; vol. iiL, Ndgoji- 



can even now attempt, although only in broad outline, a 
picture of the time of Panini.* "With regard to the 
latter, the condition of the text, in a critical point of view," 
forms a main difficulty. A few of the Sutras found in it are 
already notoriously acknowledged not to be Panini's ; and 
there is the further peculiar circumstance, that, according 
to the scholiasts of the Calcutta edition, fully a third of 
the entire Sutras are not interpreted in the Mahabhashya 
at all.f The question then arises whether this is merely 

bhatta's Schol. on Kaiyata). Gold- 
sttick'er, in his Panini, p. 228 ff., 
mainly upon the ground of the state- 
ment in the Bhashya " arunad Ya- 
vanah Sdketam," which he connects 
with an expedition of Menander 
(B.C. 144-120) against Ayodhysi, 
fixed the date of the composition of 
the work for the period of this ex- 
pedition, or specially for B.C. 140- 
1 2O. The objections urged by me 
(/. St., v. 151) against this assump- 
tion were, in the first place, mate- 
rially weakened by a remark of 
Kern's in his Preface to the Brih. 
Sanih. of Varalia-Mihira, p. 37, ac- 
cording to which the statement in 
the same passage of the Bhashya 
"arunad Yavano Mddhyamikdn" is 
not necessarily to be referred to the 
Buddhistic school of this name, first 
founded by Ndgdrjuna, but may 
possibly have reference to a tribe 
called Mitdhyamika, mentioned else- 
where. In the next place, Bhandar- 
kar, in the Ind. Antiq., i. 299 ff, 
ii. 59 ff., attempted to prove that 
Patamjali wrote the particular sec- 
tion where he speaks in the above 
terms of Menander (who is assumed, 
on Goldstiicker's authority, to be 
meant by 'Yavana') between A.D. 
144 and 142, seeing that he there at 
the same time speaks of sacrifices as 
ttill being performed for Pushpa- 
mitra (A.D. 178-142). In my reply 
in /. St., xiii. 305 ff., I emphasised 
these points : first, that the iden- 
tity of the Yavana and Menander is 
by no means made out ; next, that 
it does not at all necessarily follow 
from the passage in question that 

Patamjali and Pushyamitra (this ia 
the correct form) were contempora- 
ries ; and, lastly, that Patamjali may 
possibly have found these examples 
already current, in which case they 
cannot be used to prove anything 
with regard to him, but only with 
regard to his predecessors it may 
be, even Panini himself. And al- 
though I am now disposed, in pre- 
sence of Bhandarkar's further objec- 
tions, to admit the historical bearing 
of the statement referring to Push- 
yamitra(but see Bohtlingk's opposite 
view in Z. D. M. G., xxix. 183 ff.), 
still, with respect to all the examples 
here in question, I must lay special 
stress on the possibility, just men- 
tioned, that they may belong to the 
class of mdrdhdbhishikta illustrations 
(ibid., p. 315). We must for the 
present rest satisfied, therefore (p. 
319), with placing the date of the 
composition of the Bhashya between 
B.C. 140 and A.D. 60, a result which, 
considering the wretched state of the 
chronology of Indian literature gene- 
rally, is, despite its iudefiuiteness, 
of no mean importance. 

* See I. St., i. 141-157. [The 
beginning here made came to a stand- 
still for want of the Mahabhashya.] 

f" In the case of some of these, it 
is remarked that they are not ex- 
plained here, or else not separately. 
Acquaintance with the Mahibhashya 
itself will alone yield us satisfactory 
information on this point. [From 
Aufrecht's accounts in his Catal. 
Codd. Sansk. Bibl. Bodl., it appeared 
that of Panini's 3983 rules only 1720 
are directly discussed ; and Gold- 


because these particular Sutras are clear and intelligible of 
themselves, or whether we may not also here and there 
have to suppose cases where the Sutras did not yet form 
part of the text at the time when this commentary was 
composed. The so-called gatias, or lists of words which 
follow one and the same rule, and of which, uniformly, 
only the initial word is cited in the text itself, are for the 
present wholly without critical authenticity, and carry no 
weight, therefore, in reference to Panini's time. Some such 
lists must, of course, have been drawn up by Panini ; but 
whether those now extant are the same is very problema- 
tical : indeed, to some extent it is simply impossible that 
they can be so. Nay, such of them even as chance to be 
specified singly in the Mahabhashya can, strictly speaking, 
prove nothing save for the time of this work itself.* Here, 
too, another word of caution is necessary, one which 
ought, indeed, to be superfluous, but unfortunately is not, 
as experience shows, namely, that care must be taken 
not to attribute to words and examples occurring in the 
scholia, composed so recently as fifty years ago, of the 
Calcutta edition of Panini, any validity in reference to the 
time of Panini himself. No doubt such examples are 
usually derived from the Mahabhashya; but so long as 
this is not actually proved to be the case, we are not at 
liberty at once to assume it ; and besides, even when it is 
clear that they are actually borrowed from the Maha- 
bhashya, they are good only for the time of this work 
itself, but not for that of Piiniiii. 288 

stiicker then showed that the Bhd- Bhsishya has itself a special name 

shya is not so much a commentary for these, such examples being 

on Pdnini as rather a defence of him styled miirdhdbkishikta ; see 7. St., 

against the unjust attacks of Kdtya- xiii. 315. Unfortunately, however, 

yana, the author of the vdrttikas ; we have not the slightest clue (7. Sir., 

see 7. St., xiii. 297 ff.]. ii. 167) to enable us to decide, in 

* See 7. St., 1.142, 143, 151. [xiii. individual instances, whether an ex- 

298, 302, 329]. ample belongs to this class of miirdli. 

J38 This is not quite strictly to the or not. On the other hand as re- 
purpose. Max Muller was the first to suits not only from the data in the 
point out that Pitnini's Sutras were Itttja-taramgini, but also, in parti- 
evidently from the beginning ac- cular, from the statements at the 
coinpanied by a definite interpreta- closeof the second book of Hari's Va- 
tion, whether oral or written, and kyapadiya, which were first cited by 
that a considerable proportion of the Goldstucker, and have lately been 
examples in the Bhashya must have published in a corrected form by 
come from this source ; nay, the Kielhorn in the Ind. Antiq., iii. 285- 




In addition to Panini's system, there grew up in course 
of time several other grammatical systems, having their 

o / o 

own peculiar terminology ; and grammatical literature in 
general attained to a most remarkably rich and extensive 
development. 239 The Tibetan Tandjur likewise embraces 

287 the Bhdshya has undergone 
manifold vicissitudes of fortune, has 
been more than once vichhinna, and 
arranged afresh, so that the possi- 
bility of considerable changes, addi- 
tions, and interpolations cannot be 
denied. Strictly speaking, there- 
fore, in each individual case it re- 
mains, d, priori, uncertain whether 
the example is to be credited to 
Pataipjali himself, or to these sub- 
sequent remodellings of the text 
(or, reversely, to Patamjali's pre- 
decessors, or even to Pdnini himself); 
see I. St., xiii. 320, 329 ; Ind. Antiq., 
iv. 247. Kielhorn, it is true, in 
Ind. Antiq., iv. 1 08, has protested 
very strongly against the view " that 
at soms time or other the text of 
the Mahdbhashya had been lost, 
that it had to be reconstructed, 1 ' 
&c. He will only "perhaps allow 
a break so far as regards its tradi- 
tional interpretation," while we are 
for the time being bound "to re- 
gard the text of the Mahdbhdshya 
as given by our MSS. to be the 
8 une as it existed about 2000 years 
:igo." Let us, then, await the ar- 
guments he has to offer in support 
of this ; for his protest alone will 
hardly suffice in the face of tlie 
statements on the subject that are 
still preserved in the tradition it- 
self. On three separate occasions, 
the epithets vlpldrita, b/iraskta, 
vichhinna are employed of the 
work. And there is the further 
circumstance that, according to 
Bnrnell's testimony (Pref. to Vaiisa- 
Brdk, p. xxii. n.), the South Indian 
MSS. of the text appear to vary 
materially : see also Burnell's Elcm. 
S. Ind. Pal. , pp. 7, 32. 

539 r^e Vdkyapadiya of Hari, the 
editing of which has now been 
undertaken by Kielhorn, connects 
itself specially with the Jl.did- 

bhdshya. The Kdsikd of Vdtnaua, 
a direct commentary on Pdnini, is 
at present being edited by Bdla- 
Hitstriu in the Benares Pandit. Ac- 
cording to him, it was composed in 
the thirteenth century, as Qold- 
stxickerhad already hinted ; whereas 
the date previously assigned to it, 
in accordance with Bohtlingk's view, 
was towards the eighth century ; 
see /. St., v. 67 ; Cappeller's Introd. 
to Vdmana's K 'dvydlamkdravritti ', 
pp. vii., viii. To Aufrecht we owe 
an edition (lionn, 1859) of Uj- 
jvaladatta's Commentary (of the 
thirteenth century or so) on the 
Unddi-Sutras, which are perhaps 
(see /. Str., ii. 322) to be ascribed 
to Sdkatdyana ; and Jul. Eggeling is 
engaged on an edition of the Gana- 
ratna-mahodadhi of Vardhamdna. 
Of Bhattoji-Dikshita's Sidd/idnta- 
kaumudi (seventeenth century) we 
have now anew and good edition by 
Tardndtha Vdchaspati (Calc., 1864- 
1865). A highly meritorious work 
is the edition, with English version, 
&c. , of Varadardja's Laghu-kaumudi 
by J. 11. Ballantyne (originally pub- 
lished at Mirzapore, 1849). Sdnta- 
nnva's Phit-Siitras were edited by 
Kielhoru in 1866 ; and to him we 
also owe an excellent edition of 
Ndgoji-bhatta's Paribhdshendu - 6e- 
Ichara, a work of the last century 
(Bombay, 1868-74). Of gramma- 
tical systems which proceed on their 
own lines, departing from Pdnini, 
we have Vopadeva's Muydha-bodha, 
of the thirteenth century, in nn edi- 
tion, amongst others, by Bohtlingk 
(St. Petersburg, 1847): the Sdrasvata 
of Anubhuti - svarupdcharya ap- 
peared at Bombay in 1861 in a 
lithographed edition; the Kdtantrn 
<>f Sarvavarman, with Durgasinha's 
Commentary, is being edited by 
Eggeling in the Bill. Indica (ia 



a tolerable number of grammatical writings, and these for 
the most part works that have been lost in India itself. 240 
As regards Lexicography the second branch of the 
science of language we have already pointed out its first 
beginnings in the Nighantus, collections of synonyms, &c., 
for the elucidation of the Vedic texts. But these were of 
a practical character, and wholly confined to the Veda: 
the need of collections towards a dictionary of Sanskrit, 
being, on the contrary, more a scientific one, was naturally 
only awakened at a much later time. Here, too, the earliest 
attempts in this direction have perished, and the work of 
Ainara-sinha, the oldest of the kind that has come down 
to us, appeals expressly in the introduction to other 
Tantras, from which it was itself compiled. Its com- 
mentators also expressly mention by name as such Tantras 
the Trikanda, the Utpalini, and the works of Kabhasa, 
Ivatyayana, Vyadi,* and Vararuchi, the two latter as 
authorities fcr the crender of words. 

1874 it Lad reached to iv. 4. 50). 
The system of this grammar is of 
peculiar interest on this account, 
that a special connection appears to 
exist between it and the 1'ali gram- 
mar of Kachchdyana, particularly in 
regard to the terminology employed. 
According to Buhler's letter from 
Kashmir (pnb. in /. St., xiv. 402 ff.), 
the Kdtantra is the special grammar 
of the Kasmiras, and was there 
frequently commented upon in the 
I2th-l6th centuries. Of older 
grammatical texts, he has further 
discovered the Parib/tds/ids of Vyddi 
and Chandra, as also the Vurna- 
^utras and Sliad-bhashd-chandrikd 
of the latter; likewise an Avyaya- 
rritti and Dhdtu-taramyini by 
Kshira (Jayapida's preceptor), and a 
very beautiful bhtirja-'M.S. of the 
Kasikd. In one of these MSS. this 
L-ist-named work is ascribed to 
Vdmana and Jaydditya (Jaydpida?), 
whereby the earlier view as to its 
date again gains credit. Fora list 
of "Sanscrit-Grammars," &c., see 
Colebrooke's Misc. Las., ii. 38 ff., 
ed. Cowell. It remains still to 
mention here Cowell 's edition of 
the Prdkfittt-jraldia of Vararuchi 

(1854, 1868) ; further, an edition 
recently (1873) published at Bom- 
bay of Hemachandra's (according to 
Bhdu Ddji, A.D. 1088-1172, see 
Journ. Bombay Br. R. A. S., ix. 224) 
Prdkrit Grammar, which forms tho 
eighth book of his great treatise on 
Sanskrit grammar, the Sabddnu- 
sdsana ; and lastly, Pischel's valu- 
able dissertation De Grammaticis 
Pracriticis (1874), which supple- 
ments the accounts in Lassen's In- 
sfitut. Linguce Pracriticce (Bonn, 
1837) with very important material. 

24U See Schiefner's paper on the 
logical and grammatical writings in 
tlie Tandjur, p. 25, from tlieHulletin 
dc la Classe hist. pJtil. de VAcad. 
Imp. des Sc. dc St. Pctersboury, iv., 
Nos. 18, 19 (1847), from which it 
appeai-s that the Chandra- Vydlca- 
rana-Sutra, the Kaldpa-Stitra, and 
the Sarasrati-Vydkarana-Siitra, in 
particubir, are represented there. 

* A Vyadi is cited iu the Rik- 
Prdtisdkhya [and in Goldstiicker's 
Pdnini he plays a very special part. 
The Samgraha, several times men- 
tioned iu the Bliashya, and there 
assigned to Ddks/idyana, is by Nd- 
gesa who describes it as a work in 


The question now is to determine the age of Amara- 
sinha a question which, in the first instance, exactly 
coincides with the one already discussed as to the date of 
Kalidasa, for, like the latter, Amara is specified by tradi- 
tion among the 'nine gems' of the court of Vikrama 
that Vikrama whom Indian tradition identifies with king 
Bhoja (A.D. 1050), but to whom European criticism has 
assigned the date B.C. 56, because an era bearing this name 
commences with that year. The utter groundlessness of 
this last assumption has been already exposed in the 
case. of Kalidasa, though we do not here, any more than 
tli ere, enter the lists in defence of the Indian tradition. 
This tradition is distinctly contradicted, in particular, by 
a temple-inscription discovered at Buddhagaya, which is 
dated 1005 of the era of Vikramaditya (i.e., A.D. 949), 
and in which Amara -deva is mentioned as one of 
the 'nine jewels' of Vikrama's court, and as builder 
of the temple in question. This inscription had been 
turned to special account by European criticism in sup- 
port of its View ; but Holtzmann's researches (pp. cit., 
pp. 26-32) have made it not improbable that it was put 
there in the same age in which Amara-sinha's dictionary 
was written, seeing that both give expression to precisely 
the same form of belief, a combination, namely, of Bud- 
dhism witli Vishnuism a form of faith which cannot 
possibly have continued very long in vogue, resting as it 
does on a union of directly opposite systems. At all 
events, inscription and dictionary cannot lie so much as 
1000 years apart, that is a sheer impossibility. Unfor- 
tunately this inscription is not known to us in the original, 
and has only survived in the English translation made by 
Ch. Wilkins in 1785 (a time when he can hardly have 
been very proficient in Sanskrit !) : the text itself is lost, 

100,000 6lokas attributed to a generations" prior to the latter. 

Vyddi, meaning in all likelihood the And on this he grounds a specific 

same Vyddi who is elsewhere men- "historical argument" for the de- 

tioned in the Bhdshya. Now upon termination of Pdnini's date ; for if 

the strength of this, Goldstiicker Vyddi, Panini's descendant collat- 

sets up a direct relation of kin- erally, is cited in the Rik-Pr., then 

ship hetweet) Pdnini, who is desig- of course this work must be later 

nated Ddkshiputra in the Bhdshya, than Pdnini ; see against all this 1. 

and this (Vyddi) Ddkshdyana ; only St., v. 41, 127-133, xiii. 401], 
the former must be "at lease two 


with the stone on which it was incised. That the dic- 
tionary belongs, in any case, to a period considerably later 
than the first century B.C. the date commonly assigned 
to it is sufficiently indicated by data furnished by the 
work itself. For, in the first place, it enumerates the 
signs of the zodiac, which were unquestionably borrowed, 
by the Hindus from the Greeks ; and, according to Le- 
tronne's investigations, the completion of the zodiac did 
not take place among the Greeks themselves before the first 
century A.D. ; so that, of course, it cannot have become 
known to the Hindus till one or several centuries later. 
Again, in the Amara-kosha, the lunar mansions are enu- 
merated in their new order, the fixing of which was due 
to the fresh life infused into Indian astronomy under 
Greek iniluence, the exact date being uncertain, but hardly 
earlier than A.D. 400. Lastly, the word dindra occurs 
here,* which, as pointed out by Prinsep, is simply the 
Latin denarius (see Lassen, /. AK., ii. 261, 348). The UFO 
of the term tantra in the sense of ' text-book ' may perhaps 
also be cited in this connection, as it belongs only to a 
definite period, which is probably the fifth or sixth cen- 
tury, the Hindus who emigrated to Java having taken the 
word with them in this sense. 241 All this, of course, yields 
us no direct date. If it be correct, as stated by Keinaud 
(Mdm. sur I'Inde, p. 114), that there existed a Chinese 
translation of the work, "redigee au vi e siecle," this 
would give us something tolerably definite to go by. But 
Stan. Julien does not, it would seem, in the passage cited 
by Reinaud as his authority, express himseJf in quite such 
definite terms ; as he merely speaks of the " traduction 
chinoise de 1'Amarakocha, qui parait avoir ete publiee 
. . . ":-f- nor are the positive grounds he adduces in sup- 
port of this view directly before us, so that we might test 

* It also occurs in the Pancha- 5, cited by Colebrooke, Misc. Ess., 

tantra, in a legend of Buddhistic i. 3I4 1 (339 2 ) ; Gildemeister in 

origin. I may here also remark in Z. D. M. G. , xxviii. 697. 

passing, that the word dramma, i.e., t The meaning of paraftre, liow- 

8pa.xfj.ri, is employed in the twelfth ever, is doubtful ; it can signify 

century by Blulskara, as well as in in- either 'seem' or 'be clear' (ac- 

Bcriptions [cf. Z. D. M. G., vi. 420]. cording to all evidence), in tlie 

241 Of special interest also is tlie latter sense like the Latin apparere, 

Arabico-Persian word pilu for ele- and the English 'appear,' being in. 

phant ; cf. Kumdrila on Jaini., i. 3. dt-ed derived from apparcscav. 


them. Of the Tibetan translation of the work in the 
Tandjur no particulars are known. How great the difficulty 
is of arriving at any sort of decision in this matter is 
shown by the example of one of the most celebrated of 
living Indianists, H. H. Wilson. For while, in the pre- 
face to the first edition of his Sanskrit Dictionary (1819), 
he rather inclined to the view that Amara-sinha flourished 
in the fifth century A.D., an4 while again, in the second 
edition of the work (1832), under the word ' Vararuchi,' 
he expressly transfers the 'nine gems' to the court of 
Bhoja (A.D. 1050), in the preface (p. vi.) to his transla- 
tion of the Vishrm-Purana (1840), on the contrary, he 
makes Amara-sinha live " in the century prior to Chris- 
tianity ! " But, independently of all that has hitherto 
been advanced, the mere circumstance that the other 
dictionaries we possess, besides the Amara-kosha, all 
belong to the eleventh, twelfth, and following centuries, 
constrains us to come to a conclusion similar to that 
which was forced upon us in regard to the drama 
namely, that as the Amara-kosha is in no way specifically 
distinguished in character from these other productions, 
so it cannot be separated from them by a very wide inter- 
val of time. (Holtzmann, p. 26.) 242 

Besides the dictionaries, we have also to mention a class 
of lexical works quite peculiar to the Hindus namely, 
the lists of roots styled Dhdtu-pdrdyanas or Dhdtu- 
pdllias : * though these belong rather to the province of 
grammar. They are written partly in prose and partly in 
slokas. The latter is the form adopted in all the dic- 
tionaries, and it supplies, of course, a strong guarantee of 
the integrity of the text, the interlacing of the different 
verses rendering interpolation well-nigh impossible.f 

242 Since the above was written, and by Aufrecht (London, 1861) of 
nothing new has appeared on this Halayudha's Abhidhdna-ratna-mdld, 
question. To the editions of the belonging to about the end of the 
Amara-kosha then already pub- eleventh century. A Piili redaction 
lighed, t hose, namely, of Colebrooke of the Arnara-kosha by Moggallilna 
(1808) and of Loiseleur Deslong- belongs to the close of the twelfth 
champs (Paris, 1839, 1845), various century ; see /. Str., ii. 330. 
new ones have since been added in * For the literature of these, see 
India. Of other vocabularies we AVestergaard's preface to his ex- 
may mention the editions, by Boht- cellent Radices Linyuce Sanscrita 
lingk and Rien (1847) of Henia- (lionn, 1841). 
Chandra's Abhidluina- chinbimani, f See Holtzmann, op. cit., p. 17. 


Lastly, as a third phase of the science of language, we 
have to consider Metric, Poetics, and Rhetoric. 

With the "beginnings of Prosody we have already become 
acquainted in connection with the Veda (see p. 23). The 
treatise ascribed to Pingala even appears as an appendage 
to the Veda itself, however little claim it has to such a 
position, specifying as it does the most highly elaborated 
metres, such as were only used in later times (see p. 60). 
The tradition which identifies Piugala witli Patamjali, the 
author of the Mahabhiishya and the Yoga-Sastra, must 
answer for itself ; for us there exists no cogent reason for 
accepting it. 243 The other existing treatises on metre are 
likewise all modern : they superseded the more ancient 
works ; and the same is the case, in an equal degree, with 
the writings on poetics and rhetoric. Of the Alamkdra- 
Sdstra of Bharata, which is often cited as the leading 
authority on these subjects, only the few quoted passages 
would seem to have survived, although, according to one 
commentary,* the work was itself but an extract from the 
Agni-Purana. A. W. von Schlegel in his Eeflexions sur 
I Etude des Langues Asiat., p. 1 1 1, speaks of a manuscript, 
preserved in Paris, of the Sdhitya-darpana, another leading 
work on this subject, as dated sake 949, i.e., A.D. 1027 ; and 
this, if correct, would naturally be of the highest import- 
ance for the age of the works therein quoted. But a priori 
I am firmly persuaded that this statement rests on a mis- 
take or misunderstanding; 244 for the oldest manuscripts 
with which I have had any opportunity of becoming ac- 
quainted are, as already mentioned (p. 182}, not so much 

243 Cf. on this 7. St., viii. 158 ff. the banks of the Brahmaputra ; see 
* See my Catal. o/theSansk. MSS. Jagan-mohana-sarman in the pre- 

in the Bcrl. Lib., p. 227. [Respect- face to his edition of the drama 

ing the Ndtya- Sdstra of Bharata Chanda-Kausika, p. 2. It has al- 

fuller information was first supplied ready been edited several times in 

by Hall in his edition of the Daia- India, amongst others by Roer in 

rtipa (1865), at the close of which the ibl. Indica (1851, vol. x.). 

he has given the text of four chap- Ballantyne's translation, ibid., is un- 

ters of the work (18-20, 34); see fortunately not yet entirely printed, 

also W. Heymann's account of it in and reaches only to Rule 575 ; for 

the Gottinger Gel. Anzcigen, 1874, p. the close of the work, however, from 

86 ff.] Rule 631, we have a translation by 

244 The Stthitya-darpana was only Pramami D;tsa Mitra, which appeared 
composed towards the middle of the in the Pandit, i> T os. 4-28. 
fifteenth century in E. Bengal, on 


as 500 years old, and it will be difficult to find any cf a 
yet greater age. For the rest, in the field of rhetoric and 
poetics, the Hindu mind, so fertile in nice distinctions, has 
had free scope, and has put forth all its power, not seldom 
in an extremely subtle and ingenious fashion. 245 

We now come to the consideration of Philosophy, as the 
second branch of the scientific Sanskrit literature. 

I rank it here after the science of language, not because 
I regard it as of later origin, but because the existing 
text-books of the philosophical systems seem to me to be 
posterior to the text-book of grammar, the Sutra of Panini, 
since they appear, to some extent, to presuppose the exist- 
ence of Upanishads, writings which, in their extant form, 
manifestly belong to a very late period, comparatively 

The beginnings of philosophical speculation go back, 
as we have already more than once seen (see espe- 
cially pp. 26, 27), to a very remote age. Even in the 
Samhita of the Rik, although only in its later portions, 
we find hymns that bespeak a high degree of reflection. 
Here, too, as with all other peoples, it was especially the 
question as to the origin of the world that more imme- 

245 Dandin's Kdvyudarsa, of the example, adopted the Vaidarbha-riti; 

sixth century, and Dhanamjaya's see Buhler, Vikramdiika-char., i. 9. 

Da,?a-rtf,pa,ot the middle of the tenth Vdmana's Kdvydlnmkdra-vritti haa 

century, have been published in the lately been edited byCappeller(Jena, 

Jiibl. Indica, the former edited by 1875), and belongs, he thinks, to the 

Premachandra TarkavaVisa (1863), twSlfth century. Mammata's^dtrc/o- 

the latter by Hall (1865). From prakdfa, several times published in 

these we learn, amongst oilier things, India, belongs, in Biihler's opinion, 

the very important fact that in to the same date, since Mammata, 

Dandiu's day two definite, provin- according to Hall (Introd. to Vdsava., 

cially distinguished, varieties of p. 55), was the maternal uncle of 

style (rlti) were already recognised, the author of the Naishadhiya ; see 

namely, the Gauda style and the Biihler in Journ. Bomb. Br. It. A. S., 

Vaidarbha style, to which in course x. 37, my /. Kir., i. 356, and my Essay 

of time four others, the P<ifi,chd/i, on Hdla's Sapta-s"ataka, p. II. Cf. 

Ldti, Avantikd. and Mugadhi. were here also Aufrecht's account of the 

added ; cf. my Essay on the Uamd- Sarasvati - kanthdbharana (note 220 

yana, p. 76, and /. St., xiv. 65 ff. above). A rich accession to the 

liana passes for the special repre- Alamkdra literature also will result 

tentative of the Pancliiila style; see from Biihler's journey to Kashmir : 

Aufrecht in Z. D. M. G., xxvii. 93; the works range from the ninth to 

whereas the Kdsuiira Billiana, for the thirteenth century. 


diately gave rise to philosophical contemplation. The 
mystery of existence, of being, and of life forces itself 
directly upon the soul, and along with this comes the 
question, how the riddle is to be solved, and what is its 
cause. The idea that most readily presents itself, and 
which is therefore, in fact, everywhere recognisable as the 
earliest one, is that of an eternal matter, a chaotic mass, 
into which order and system are gradually introduced, 
whether and here we have two distinct views, each of 
which has its intrinsic warrant, and which must therefore 
have been early opposed to each other by virtue of an 
indwelling capacity of development, or by impulse from 
without, whereby of course an object or Being existing 
outside of this chaotic mass is eo ipso postulated. This 
point reached, the idea is then a very natural one to 
regard this Being, whence the impulse proceeds, as higher 
and more exalted than the primary chaotic matter itself ; 
and, as speculation advances, this primary matter continues 
to sink to a more and more subordinate position, till at 
length its very existence appears as dependent upon the 
will of this Being, and so the idea of a creation arises. 
The steps of this gradation may actually be followed with 
tolerable distinctness in the Vedic texts. In the more 
ancient portions the notion everywhere still is that the 
worlds were but ' fixed,' ' arranged ' (stabhita, skdbMta *), by 
the aid of the metres (it is thus that the harmony of the 
universe is explained) ; only at a later stage is the idea 
developed of their sarjana, 'emission' or creation. As 
time goes on, the creative Being is conceived as more 
and more transcendental and supernatural, so that as a 
means of communication between him and the real uni- 
verse intermediate grades of beings, demiurges, are required, 
by classifying and systematising whom speculation strives 

* It is interesting that the Ger- of the word grown up independently 

man word scliaffen is derived from with both peoples ? Perhaps the 

this root stabh, skabh, 'establish;' 'yawning gulf' of chaos, 'gaha- 

originally therefore it had not the narn gambldram,' ' ginunga gap, 1 

sense in which it is now used. The might also be instanced as a similar 

idea of the ' establishment,' ' ar- primitive notion ? [The connection 

rangement ' of the worlds may pos- here supposed between schaffen and 

Kibly therefore date from the epoch s'abh, skabh, ffKriwrfiv, is very ques- 

when Teutons and Indians still tionable ; the word seems rather to 

dwelt together : or has the same use belong to schaben, scaberc, 


to introduce order, but naturally only with the result of 
producing greater confusion. We have thus three dis- 
tinct views -as to the origin of the world that of its 
' development,' that of its ' arrangement,' and that of its 
' creation.' The two former agree in so far as the theory 
of development requires an ' arranger ' also ; they are, 
however, sufficiently distinguished by the circumstance 
that in the former this Power is regarded as the first pro- 
duction of the capacity of development residing in primary 
matter; in the latter, on the contrary, as an independent 
Being existing outside of it. The theory of a creation 
starts generally with a desire on the part of the Creator to 
be no longer alone, the expression of which desire is imme- 
diately followed by the emanation itself. Either it is a 
female being that first proceeds from the Creator, in con- 
nection with whom, by a process of begetting,* he then 
accomplishes the further work of creation ; or it is the 
breath of life that first of all emanates, and in its turn 
produces all the rest ; or again, the mere expression of the 
desire itself involves creation, vdck or speech here appear- 
ing as its immediate source ; or the process is conceived in 
a variety of other ways. The notion that the world is but 
Illusion only belongs to the latest phase of this emanation 
theory. It is impossible at present to attempt even an 
approximate sketch of the gradual growth of these three 
different theories into complete philosophical systems; 
the Brahmanas and Upanishads must first be thoroughly 
studied. Nor until this has been done will it be possible 
to decide the question whether for the beginnings of Greek 
philosophy any connection with Hindu speculation can be 
established with reference to the five elements in par- 
ticular^ a point which for the present is doubtful.J I 
have already stated generally (p. 29) the reasons which 
lead me to assign a comparatively late date to the existing 
text-books (Sutras) of the Hindu philosophical systems. 240 

* By incest therefore: the story vi. i8ff. [Cf. my review of Schlii- 

in Megasthenes of the incest of the ter's book, Aristotelcs' Metaphysik 

Indian Herakles with his daughter cine Tochterder Sdnkhyalehre in Lit. 

refers to this. Cent. El., 1874, p. 294.] 

t And the doctrine of metempsy- 246 Cf. Co well's note to Colebrooke's 

cliosis! Misc. Ess., i. 354. "The Stitras aa 

See Max Mullerin Z. D. M. G., we have them cannot be the original 


Unfortunately we are not yet in possession of the treatises 
themselves ; * and for what follows I have had to depend 
mainly upon Colebrooke's Essays en the subject. 247 

The most ancient philosophical system appears to he the 
Sdmkhya theory, which sets up a primordial matter as the 
basis of the universe, out of which the latter is by succes- 
sive stages evolved. The \vord tidmkhya itself occurs first 
in the later Upanishads ; t while in the earlier Upanishads 
and Brahmanas the doctrines afterwards belonging to the 
Scamkhya system still appear in incongruous combination 
with doctrines of opposite tendency, and are cited along 
with these under the equivalent designations of Mimdnsd 
(V man, speculation), Adesa (doctrine), Upanisliad (sit- 
ting), &c. I am especially induced to regard the Samkhya 
as the oldest of the existing systems by the names of those 
who are mentioned as its leading representatives : Kapila, 
Pancha^ikha, and Asuri.^ The last of these names occurs 
very frequently in the Satapatha-Brahmana as that of an 
important authority for sacrificial ritual and the like, and 
also in the lists of teachers contained in that work (namely, 

form of the doctrines of the several 
schools. They are rather a recapi- 
tulation of a series of preceding de- 
velopments which had gone on in 
the works of successive teachers." 

* Only two of them have thus far ap- 
peared in India ; but of the edition of 
the Veddnta-Sutra with Samkara's 
commentary I have not yet been able 
to see a copy ; only the edition of the 
Nydya-Sutra is known to me. The 
whole of these texts are at present 
being edited in India by Dr. Bal- 
lantyne, with English translation. 
[These editions, entitled Aphorisms 
of the Sdnkhya, Vcddnla, Yoga, &c., 
extend to all the six systems, each 
sillra being regularly followed by 
translation and commentary ; but 
unfortunately only a few numbers of 
each have appeared.] 

247 In the new edition of Cole- 
brooke's Kssays (1873), these are 
accompanied with excellent notes by 
Professor Cowell. Since the above 
was written, much new material has 
beenadded by thelaboursof Itoer, Bal- 
lantye, Hall, CoweH, Mviller, Gough, 

K. M. Banerjea, Earth. St. Hilaire. 
In the Bibl. Indica and the Benares 
Pundit many highly important edi- 
tions of texts have appeared, and we 
are now in possession of the Sutras 
of all the six systems, together with 
their leading commentaries, three 
of them in translation also. See 
also in particular the San'a-dar&ana- 
samgraha of Mddhava in the, Bibl. 
Ind. (1853-58), edited by Isvara- 
chandra Vidydsiigara, and Hall's 
Bibliographical Index to the Ind. 
Phil. Syst. (1859). 

t Of the Taittiriya and Atharvan, 
as also in the fourteenth book of the 
Nirukti, and in the Bhagavad-gitd. 
As regards its sense, the term ia 
rather obscure and not very signi- 
ficant ; can its use have been in any 
way influenced and determined by 
its association with the doctrine of 
Kdkya ? or has it reference purely 
and solely to the twenty-five prin- 
ciples? [The latter is really the 
case; see I. St., ix. 17 ff. Kapilas 
tuttva-saml-hydtd, Bhdg. Pur., iii. 
25. I.] 


as disciple of Yajnavalkya, and as only one or a few gene- 
rations prior to Yaska). Kapila, again, can hardly be 
unconnected with the Kapya Patamchala whom we find 
mentioned in the Yajnavalkiya-kanda of the Vrihad- 
Aranyaka as a zealous representative of the Brahmanical 
learning. Kapila, too what is not recorded of any other 
of these reputed authors of Sutras was himself afterwards 
elevated to divine rank ; and in this quality we meet with 
him, for example, in the Sveta^vataropanishad.* But it is 
above all the close connection of his tenets with Buddhism 248 
the legends of which, moreover, uniformly speak both 
of him and of Panchas'ikha as long anterior to Buddha- 
which proves conclusively that the system bearing his name 
is to be regarded as the oldest. 249 The question as to the 
possible date of Kapila is thus closely linked with that of 
the origin of Buddhism generally, a point to which we 
shall revert in the sequel, in connection with our survey 
of the Buddhistic literature. Two other leading doctors 
of the Samkhya school as such appear towards the sixth 
century of our era, Kvara-Krishna and Gaudapada: the 
former (according to Colebrooke, i. 103) is expressly stated 

* In the invocations of the Pitris explanation of this, when he says 

which (seeabove, pp. 55, 56) form part that the existing Su.tras of Kapila 

of the ordinary ceremonial, Kapila, are "of later date, posterior, not 

Asuri, PanchaSikha (and with them anterior, to Buddha." On the sub- 

a Vodha or Bodha), uniformly oc- ject itself, see specially /. St., iii. 

cupy a very honourable place in later 132, 133. 

times ; whereas notice is more rarely 249 In the sicred texts of the 

taken of the remaining authors of Jainas also, not only is the Satthi- 

philosophical Sutras, &c. This too tanta (Shaskti-tantra, explained by 

proves that the former are more the comm. as Kdpila-Sdstra) speci- 

aucient than the latter. fied along with the four Vedas 

2n8 This relates, according to Wil- and their Aniras, but in another 

son, to the community of the funda- passage the name Kavila appears 

mental propositions of both in regard along with it, the only other Brah- 

to "the eternity of matter, the prin- manical system here mentioned be- 

ciplesof things, and the final extinc- inirthe Baisesiya (Vaiseshika). (The 

lion" (Wilson, Works, ii. 346, ed. order in which they are given is 

Host.). In opposition to this, it is Baisesiya, Buddha -sdsana, Kdvila, 

true, Max Miillerexpressly denies any LoL'ityata, Satthi-tanta.) So also in 

special connection whatever between a similar enumeration in the Lalita- 

Kapila's system, as embodied in the vistara, after Ssimkhya Yoga, only 

Sutras, and Buddhist, metaphysics Vaiseshika is further specified. See 

(Chips from a German Workshop, i. my paper on the Bhagavati of the 

226, 1870) ; yet he himself inime- Jainas, ii. 246-248. 
d lately afterwards gives the correct 


to be the author of the existing Samkhya- Sutra, while the 
latter embodied its doctrine in several Upanishads. 250 

Connected with the Samkhya school, as a further deve- 
lopment of it, is the Yoga system of Patamjali, 251 whose 
name describes him as in all probability a descendant of 
the Kapya Patamchala of the Vrihad-Aranyaka. Along 
with him (or prior to him) Yajnavalkya, the leading 
authority of the Satapatha-Brahmana, is also regarded as a 
main originator of the Yoga doctrine, but this only in later 
writings.* Whether Patamjali is to be identified with the 

250 The Sutras of Kapila, the so- 
called Sdmkhya-pravackana , are now 
published, with the commentary of 
Vijndna-bhikshu in the Bibl. 2nd., 
edited by Hall (1854-56) ; a trans- 
lation by Ballantyne also appeared 
in the same series, 1862-65. In 
his preface to the S. Prav., as well 
as in the preface some years biter 
to his edition of Vijndna-bhikshu's 
Sdmkhya-sdra, Hall gives a special 
account, with which, however, he is 
himsel i by no means satisfied (see his 
note to Wilson's Vishnu-Pur., iii. 301), 
of Kapila and the leading works ex- 
tant, of the Samkhya system. He re- 
gards the Sdmkhya-pravachana as a 
very late production, which may here 
and there even "be suspected of occa- 
sional obligation to the Kdrikas of 
J.4varakrishna " (Ssiinkhya-sara, Pre- 
face, p. 12). Of course this does not 
affect either the antiquity of Kapila 
himself or his "alleged connection 
with the Samkhya" (p. 20). Cowell, 
too (Colebrooke, Misc. Ess., i. 354, 
note), regards the Samkhya school 
itself " as one of the earliest," while 
the Sutras, on the contrary, are of 
late origin, inasmuch as they not 
only "refer distinctly to Veddnta 
texts," but also "expressly mention 
the Vaileshika in i. 25, v. 85 ; for 
the Nyaya, cf. v. 27, 86, and for 
the Yoga, i. 90." Besides the Vai- 
s"eshikas (i. 25), only Panchas'ikha 
(v. 32, vi. 68) and Sanandandcharya 
(vi. 69) are actually mentioned by 
name. An interesting detail is the 
opposing of the names Srughna and 

(i. 28) as an illustration 
of separate localiiy (similarly in the 
Mahdbha'shya, see /. St., xiii. 378). 

251 The Yoga - Sutra ascribed to 
Patamjali (likewise called Sdmkhya- 
pravachana - Stitra), with extracts 
trum Bhoja's commentary upon it, 
was edited, text with translation, to 
the extent of one-half, by Ballantyne 
in his Aphorisms; the second half 
appeared in the Pandit, Nos. 28-68, 
edited by Govinda-deya-sastrin. 
An Aryd-panchd&lti by Seslia (whom 
the eiiitor identifies with Patamjali), 
in which the relation of pralcriti and 
purushaia elucidated in a Vaishnava 
sense, was edited by Balasdstrin in 
No. 56 of the Pandit ; there existg 
also a Saiva adaptation of it by Abhi- 
navauupta ; seu Z. D. M. G., xxvii. 
167. According to Biihler's letter 
(7. St., xiv. 402 ff.), Abhinavagupta 
is supposed to have died in A.D. 982 ; 
but Biihler has not himself verified 
the date, which is stated to occur in 
the hymn written by Abhinava on 
his deathbed. 

* Particularly in the twelfth book 
of the Mahd-Bharata, where, with 
Janaka, he is virtually described as 
a Buddhist teacher, the chief out- 
ward badge of these teachers being 
precisely the Icdshdya - dhdranam 
maundyam (M.-Bh., xii. 11898, 566). 
It appears, at all events, from the 
Yajnavalkiya-kdnda that both gave 
a powerful impulse to the practice 
of religious mendicancy : in the 
Atharvopanishads, too, this is clearly 
shown (see p. 163). [In the Yajuii- 


author of the Mahabhashya remains for the present a ques- 
tion. The word yoga in the sense of ' union with the 
Supreme Being/ ' absorption therein by virtue of medita- 
tion,' first occurs in the later Upanishads, especially in the 
tenth book of the Taittiriya-Aranyaka and in the Kathako- 
panishad, where this very doctrine is itself enunciated. 252 
As there presented, it seems to rest substantially upon a 
dualism, that is, upon the ' arrangement ' theory of the 
universe ; in this sense, however, that in the Kathakopani- 
shad at least, purusha, primeval soul, is conceived as exist- 
ing prior to avyakta, primordial matter, from the union of 
which two principles the mahdn dtmd, or spirit of life, 
is evolved. For the rest, its special connection with the 
Samkhya system is still, in its details, somewhat obscure, 
however well attested it is externally by the constant 
juxtaposition of ' Samkhya- Yoga,' generally as a com- 
pound. Both systems appear, in particular, to have coun- 
tenanced a confounding of their purusha, isvara with the 
chief divinities of the popular religion, Eudra and Krishna, 
as may be gathered from the Svetavataropanishad, 252a the 
Bhagavad-gita, and many passages in the twelfth book of 
the Maha-Bharata.* One very peculiar side of the Yoga 

valkya-Stnriti, iii. HO, Y. describes of view of literary chronology no 

himself ostensibly as the author of forcible objection can be brought 

the Aranyaka as well as of the Yoga- against this ; some of the points, 

Silstra.] too, which he urges are not without 

282 It is in these and similar Upa- importance ; but on the whole he 

iiishads, as also in Manu's Dharina- has greatly over-estimated the scope 

Sitstra (cf. Joliiintgen's Essay on the of his argument : the question is 

Law-Book of Manu, 1863), that we still subjudice. 

have to look for the earliest germs * More particularly with regard 

and records of the atheistic Sdmkhya to the Bhdgavata, Panchardtra, and 

and the deistic Yoga systems. Pdsupata doctrines. [A Sutra of 

252a In my paper on the Svetdsva- the Pdnchardtra school, that, namely, 

taropanishad 1 had to leave the point of Sandilya (i j d. by Ballantyne in the 

undetermined whether, for the Bill, Jndica, 1861), is apparently 

period to which this work belongs, mentioned by Sainkara, Veddnta-S. 

and specially as regards the mono- Bh. ii. 2. 45- ^ rests, seemingly, 

theistic Yoga system it embodies, an upon the Bhagavad-gita', and lays 

acquaintance with the corresponding special stress upon faitli in the Su- 

doctrines of Christianity is to be preme Being (6/(a/rfVi*yare); seeon it, 

assumed or not ; see I. St., i. 423. Co well's note in Colebrooke's Misc. 

Lorinser, on the other hand, in his Ess. ,1.438. On the development of the 

translation of the Bhagavad-gita doctrine of b/iakti, Wilson surmises 

(Breslau, 1869). unreservedly as- Christian conceptions to have had 

eumes such an acquaintance in the some influence ; see my paper on the 

case of this poem. From the point Ham. Tdp. Up., pp. 277, 360. Tha 


doctrine and one which was more and more exclusively 
developed as time went on is the Yoga practice; that is, 
the outward means, such as penances, mortifications, and 
the like, whereby this absorption into the supreme God- 
head is sought to be attained. In the epic poems, but 
especially in the Atharvopanishads, we encounter it in full 
force : Panini, too, teaches the formation of the term yogin. 

The most flourishing epoch of the Samkhya-Yoga be- 
longs most probably to the first centuries of our era, the 
influence it exercised upon the development of Gnosticism 
in Asia Minor being unmistakable ; while further, both 
through this channel and afterwards directly also, it had 
an important influence upon the growth of the Sufi philo- 
sophy.* Albiriini translated Patarnjali's work into Arabic 
at the beginning of the eleventh century, and also, it would 
appear, the Samkhya-Sutra,f though the information we 
have as to the contents of these works does not harmonise 
with the Sanskrit originals. 

The doctrines of the two Mimdhsds appear to have been 
reduced to their present systematic shape at a later period 
than those of the Samkhya; 253 and, as indicated by their 
respective names, in the case of the l^rva-Mimdnsd earlier 
than in the case of the Uttara-Mimdnsd. The essential 
purpose of both Mimansas is to bring the doctrines enun- 
ciated in the Brahmanas or sacred revelation into harmony 
and accord with each other. Precepts relating to practice 
form the subject of the Purva-Mimansa, which is hence also 
styled Karm a - Mimdiisd ; while doctrines regarding the 
essence of the creative principle and its relation to the 

Ndrada-Pnfichanitra (edited in Bibl. very questionable. Besides, as we 
Ind. by K. M. Bauerjea, 1861-65) i 8 shall presently see, in both the 
uritual,notaphilosophical,Vaishnava Mitndnsd-Sutras teachers are repeat- 
text-book.] edly cited who are known to us from 

* See [Lassen, /. AK., iii. 379 ff.] the Vedic Sutra literature ; while 

Gildemeister, Script. Arab, de rib. nothing of the kind occurs in either 

Ind., p. H2ff. of the Ssimkhya-pravachana-Sutras. 

t Reinaud in the Journ. Asia/., This does not of course touch the 

1844, pp. 121-124 ; H. M. Elliot, point of the higher antiquity of the 

Ilibl. Index to the Hist, of Muham- doctrines in question ; for the names 

medan India, i. TOO. Kapila, Patamjali, and Yitjnavalkya 

253 jf ow that the antiquity of the distinctly carry us back to a far 

extant form of the Saipkhya-Sutras, earlier time than do the namea 

according to Hall, has become so Jaimini and B&lnrdyuna namely, 

exceedingly doubtful, the view above into the closing phases of the Rnih 

expressed ;ilao becomes in its turn ci.-ina literature itself. 



universe form the subject of the Uttara-Mimansa, which 
is hence also designated Brahma - Mimd nsd, Sdriraka- 
Mimdhsd (' doctrine of embodied spirit'), or also Veddnta 
(' end of the Veda '). The term ' Mimansa ' originally de- 
notes merely speculation in general ; it occurs frequently 
in this sense in the Brahmanas, and only became a technical 
expression later, 254 as is probably the case also with ' Ve- 
danta,' a word first occurring in the later Upanishads, in 
the tenth book of the Taittiriya-Aranyaka, the Kathako- 
panishad, Mundakopanishad, &c. 

The Karma - Mimdnsd - Sutra is ascribed to Jaimini, 
who is mentioned in the Puranas as the revealer of the 
Samaveda, though we search in vain in Vedic literature 
for any hint of his name.* Still, of the teachers who 

254 In the Malidbhdshya, mimdn- 
saka, according to Kaiyata, is to he 
taken in the sense of mlmdnsdm, 
adhite ; and as the term also occurs 
therein contradistinction to aukthika, 
it might, in point of fact, refer to the 
subject of the Purva-Mf mans;i. Still 
the proper word here for one speci- 
ally devoted to such studies would 
rather seem to be ydjnikaj see /. 
St., xiii. 455, 466. 

* With the exception of two 
probably interpolated passages in 
the Grihya-Sutras of the Rik (see 
pp. 56-58). Nor is there anything 
bearing on it in the Ganapa$ha of 
Panini of which, indeed, for the 
present, only a negative use can be 
made, and even this only with pro- 
per caution. But as the word is ir- 
regularly formed (from Jeman we 
.should expect Jaimani), this circum- 
stance may here, perhaps, carry some 
weight. [Apparently it is not found 
in the Mahibhdshya either ; see /. 
S'., xiii. 455. On the other hand, the 
name Jaimini occurs in the concluding 
vaii^a of the Rama-vidhdna-Bruhm. 
(v. 7. St. , iv. 377), and here the bearer 
of it is described as the disciple of 
Vyasa Panlsarya, and preceptor of a 
Paushpindya, which answers exactly 
to the statement in the Vishnu- Pur., 
iii. 6. I, 4, where he appears as the 
teacher of Paushpimji (cf. also lla- 

ghuv., 18. 32, 33). The special re- 
lation of Jaimini to the Sdma-Veda 
appears also from the statements in 
the Rig-Grihyas (see note 49 above), 
which agree with Vishnu-Pur., iii. 
4. 8, 9. Indeed, the Charana-vyuha 
specifies a Jaiminiya recension of 
the Sdman ; and this recension ap- 
pears to be still in existence (see 
note 60 above). In ( the Pravara 
section of the Asval.-Srauta-S., xii. 
IO, the Jaiminis are classed as be- 
longing to the Bhrigns. All this, 
however, does not afford us any 
direct clue to the date of our Jai- 
mini above, whose work, besides, 
is properly more related to the 
Yajnr- than to the Sdma-Veda. 
According to the Paiichatantra, the 
' MimdYiMitkrit' Jaimini was killed 
by an elephant a statement which, 
considering the antiquity of this 
work, is always of some value ; al- 
though, on the other hand, unfortun- 
ately, in consecp-ience of the many 
changes its texc has undergone, we 
huve no guarantee that this parti- 
cular notice formed part of the orig- 
inal text which found its way to 
Persia in the sixth century (cf. /. St., 
viii. 159). There is also an astro- 
logical (Jiitaka) treatise which goes 
by the name of Jai mini-Sutra ; see 
C'atal. of Skr. MS3. N. W. Pro. 
(1874), PP- 508, 510, 514, 532-1 


are cited in this Sutra Atreya, Badari, Badarayana, 
Labukayana (?), 255 Ait^ayana the names of the first and 
second, at all events, may .be pointed out in the Taittiriya- 
Pratisakhya and the Srauta-Sutra of Katyayana respec- 
tively ; while we meet with the family of the Aita3ayanas 
in the Kaushitaki-Brahmana.* Badarayana is the name 
of the author of the Brahma-Mimansa- Sutra ; but it 
by no means follows from the mention of him here that 
his Sutra is older than the Sutra of Jaimini ; for not only 
may the name, as a patronymic, have designated other 
persons besides, but in the Sutra of the Brahma-Mimansa 
the case is exactly reversed, and Jaimini in his turn is 
mentioned there. All that results from this, as well as 
from the fact of each Sutra frequently citing its own 
reputed author, is rather that these Sutras were not really 
composed by these teachers themselves, but only by their 
respective schools. t The name Badarayana is not to be 
found " in Panini," as has recently been erroneously as- 
serted,:}: but only in the gana-pdtha to Panini, not a very 
sure authority for the present. As leading expounders of 
the Jaimini-Sutra we have mention of Sahara- svamin, 256 
and, after him, of Kumarila-bhatta; 2568 the latter is said 
to have flourished prior to Samkara. 

255 In the passage in question (vi. 256 This commentary of Sabara- 
7. 37) onght we not to read Lama- svftmin, which is even cited by 
kayana? This is the name of a Samkara (Veddnta-Stitra-bh., iii. 3. 
teacher who is several times men- 53), with the text of Jaimini itself, 
tioned in the Sdma-Stitras ; see /. is at present still in course of publi- 
St., iv. 384, 373. The apparent cation in the Bibl. Ind., ed. by Ma- 
mention of Buddha in i. 2. 33 (bud- hes'achandra Nyayaratna (begun in 
d/ia-fdstrdt) is only apparent: here 1863 ; the last part, 1871, brings it 
the word 'buddha' has nothing down to ix. I. 5). Marlhava's Jai- 
whatever to do with the name miniyn-nyaya-mala-vistara, edited by 
'Buddha.' To the above names Goldsiiicker (1865 ff. ), is also still 
must, however, be added Karslmii- unfinished; see my 1. Str., ii. 376 ff. 
jini (iv. 3. 17, vi. 7. 35) and Kaiuu- 2S6a Who appears also to have 
kayana (xi. I. 51); the former of borne the odd name of Tutdta or even 
these is found also in Katyayana and Tutatita. At all events, Tautatika, 
in the Vedanta - Sutra, the latter or Tautdtita, is interpreted by the 
only in the gana 'Nada.' scholiast of the Prabodha-chandro- 

* xxx. 5, where they are charac- daya, 20. 9, ed. Brockhaus, to mean 

terised as the scum of the Bhrigu Kumdrila ; and the same explana- 

line, "pdpishthd Blirigundm. " tion is given by Aufrecht in his 

f- See Colebrooke, i. 102, 103, 328, Catalogvs, p. 247, in the case of the 

and above p. 49. Tautdtitas mentioned in Mddhava's 

J By Max Miiller in his otherwise Sarva-darsana-snmgraha. 

most valuable contributions to our See Colebrooke, i. 298 : yet the 

knowledge of Indian philosophy in t-olerably modern title bliatta awak- 

the Z. 1). M, G., vi. 9. ens some doubt as to th s : it may 



The Brahma-Sutra* belongs, as we have just seen, to 
Badarayana. The notion that creation is but Illusion, and 
that the transcendental Brahman is alone the Heal, but 
throning in absolute infinitude without any personal exist- 
ence, is the fundamental doctrine of this system. The 
attempt is here made to demonstrate that this doctrine 
is the end and aim of the Veda itself, by bringing all Vedic 
passages into harmony with this monotheistic pantheism, 
and by refuting the various views of the Samkhya, or 
atheistic, the Yoga, or theistic, and the Nyaya, or deistic 
schools, &c. The notice thus taken of the other systems 
would of itself seem to prove the posteriority of the Brahma- 
Sutra; still, it is for the present uncertain whether its 
polemic is in fact directed against these systems in the 
form in which we now have them, or merely perhaps 
against the original tenets out of which these systems 
have sprung. The teachers' names, at least, which are 
mentioned in the Brahma-Sutra recur to a large extent in 
the Srauta- Sutras ; for example, A^marathya in AsValaya- 
na ; f Badari, Karshnajini and Kas'akritsni in Katyayana 
[see above, p. 139], and, lastly, Atreya in the Taittiriya- 
PratiSakhya. The name Audulomi belongs exclusively 
to the Brahma-Sutra. 257 The mention of Jaimini and of 
Badarayana himself has been already touched upon. 
Windischmann in his excellent " S*amkara " (Bonn, 1832) 

not have belonged to him originally example of the new Kalpas, in con- 

perhaps? [According to Cowell, tradistinction to the earlier ones, 

note to Colebrooke's Misc. t JSss., i. and so is regarded as of the same 

323, there actually occur in Siiinkara ;ige with Paniui. If, as is likely, 

"allusions to Kutmirila-bhatta, if the scholiast took this illustration 

no direct mention of him ; " the from the Mahsibhiishya [but this is 

title bhatta belongs quite specially not the case ;. v. /. St., xiii. 455], 

to him: "he is emphatically de- then this statement is important, 

signed byhis title Bhatta." For the I may mention in passing that Asmn- 

rest, this title belongs likewise to rathya occurs in the gana ' Garga ; ' 

Bhatta-Bhaskara-Misra and Bhattot- Andulomi in the gana 'Bdhu ; ' Krish- 

pala, and therefore is not by any ndjina in the ganas ' Tika' and ' Upa- 

means 'tolerably modern.'] ka;' in the latter also Kasakritsna. 

* This name itself occurs in the The Gana-pdtha, however, is a most 

Bhagavad-gitd, xiii. 4, but here it uncertain authority, and for Panint's 

may be taken as an appellative rather time without weight, 

than as a proper name. 257 It is found in the Mahitbhdshya 

f We r have already seen (p. 53) also, on Pjtnini, iv. I. 85, 7^ > see 

that the Asmarathah Kalpah is in- 7. St., xiii. 415. 
tanced by Piinini's scholiast as an 



has attempted directly to fix the age of the Brahma-Sutra. 
For Badarayana bears also the additional title of Vyasa, 
whence, too, the Brahma-Sutra is expressly styled Vyasa- 
Sutra. Now, in the Samkara-vijaya a biography of the 
celebrated Vedanta commentator $amkara, reputed to bo 
by one of his disciples we find it stated (see Windisch- 
inann, p. 85 ; Colebrooke, i. 104) that Vyasa was the name 
of the father of Suka, one of whose disciples was Gauda- 
pada, the teacher of Govindanatha, who again was the 
preceptor 4 of Samkara; 258 so that the date of this Vyasa 
might be conjecturally set down as from two to three 
centuries prior to Samkara, that is, between 400 and 500 
A.D. But the point must remain for the present undeter- 
mined,* since it is open to question whether this Vyasa 
ought really to be identified with Vyasa Badarayana, 
though this appears to me at least very probable. 259 

- 6S See now in Aufrecht's Cata- 
loyus, p. 255 b , the passage in ques- 
tion from Mddhava's (!) Samkara- 
vijaya, v. 5 (rather v. 105, according 
to the ed. of the work published at 
Bombay in 1864 with Dhanapati- 
suri's commentary), and ibid., p. 
227 b , the same statements from 
another work. The Samkara-vijaya 
of Anandagiri, on the contrary, 
Aufrecht, p. 247 ff. (now also in the 
liibl. Jnd., edited by Jayandrdyann, 
1864-1868), contains notliing ot' 
this. t 

* Samkara, on Brahma-Sutra, iii. 
3. 32, mentions that Apdntaratamas 
lived as Krishna-Dvaipdyana at the 
time of the transition from the Kali 
to the Dvdpnra yuga ; and from the 
fact of his not at the same time ex- 
pressly stating that this was Vya-a 
Bddaidynna, author of the Brahma- 
Sutra, Windischmann concludes, 
and justly, that in oainkara's eyes 
the two personages were distinct. 
In the Mabd-Bhdrata, on the con- 
trary, xii. 12158 ff., Suka is expressly 
given as the son of Krishna Dvai- 
pdynna (Vydsa Pdrdsarya). }!ut the 
episode in question is certainly one 
of the very latest insertions, as is 
clear from the allusion to the Chi- 

nas and Hunas, the Chinese and 

259 In the meantime, the name 
Badardyana is only known to occur, 
besides, in the closing van$a of tha 
Sama-Vidhdna-Br. ; see /. S>., iv. 
377 ; and here the bearer of it ap- 
peal's as the disciple of Pdrdsary;ly;v- 
na, four steps later than Vyasa Pdrd- 
sarya, and three later than Jaimini, 
but, on the other hand, as the 
teacher (!) of Tdndin and Sdtydyanin. 
Besides being mentioned in Jaimini, 
he is also cited in the Sdndilya-Stitra. 
In Vardha-Mihira and Bhattotpala 
an astronomer of this name is re- 
ferred to ; and he, in his turn, ac- 
cording to Aufrecht (Cataloyus, p. 
329"-), alludes, in a passage quoted 
from him by Utpala, to the 'Yavana- 
vriddhds,' and, according to Kern, 
Pief. to Brih. Sarnh., p. 51, "ex- 
hibits many Greek words." The 
text of the Brahma-Stitra, with 
Sainkara's commentary, has now 
been published in the Bibl. Ind., 
edited by lioer and (from part 3) 
1-idma Ndrdyana Vidydratna (1854- 
1863} : of the translation of both by 
K. M. Banerjea, as of that in Ballan- 
tyne's Aphorisms, only one part hasi 
appeared (1870). 


In respect of their reduction to systematic shape, the 
logical Sutras of Kanada and Gotama appear to rank 
last. But this by no means indicates that these logical 
inquiries are themselves of later origin on the contrary, 
the other Sutras almost uniformly begin with such but 
merely that the formal development of logic into two philo- 
sophical schools took place comparatively late. Neither 
of the schools restricts itself to logic alone; each em- 
braces, rather, a complete philosophical system, built up, 
however, upon a purely dialectical method. But as yet 
little has been done to elucidate the points of difference 
between the two in this regard. 260 The origin of the world 
is in botli derived from atoms, which combine by the will 
of an arranging Power. 261 Whether the name of the 
Tlpd/j-vai, who are described by Strabo as contentious 
dialecticians, is to be traced to the word pramdna, 'proof/ 
as Lassen supposes, is doubtful. The word tarka, ' doubt,' 
again, in the Kathakopanishad, ought rather, from the 
context, to be referred to the Samkhya doctrines, and 
should not be taken in the sense, which at a later period 
is its usual one, of ' logic.' In Manu too (see Lassen, /. 
AK., i. 835), according to the traditional interpretation, 
tarkin still denotes ' one versed in the Mimansa logic.' 262 
Yet Manu is also acquainted with logic as a distinct 

- 60 In tliis respect, Roer in parti- edited, in the Bill. Tnd., the Nydya- 
culiir has done excellent service : in darsana of Gotama with the com 
the copious notes to his translation mentary of Vitr.sydyaiia (Pakshila- 
of the Vaiseshika - Sutra he has sv;miii). The earlier edition (1828) 
throughout special regard to this was accompanied with the corn- 
very point (in Z. D. M. G.. vols. mentary of Yisvansitha. The first 
xxi. xxii. 1867, 1868). Before four books have been translated by 
him, Miiller, with some of Ballan- Ballantyne in his Aphorisms. 
tyne's writings as a basis, had al- 261 WH find the atomic theory es- 
ready taken the fame line (in vols. pecially developed among the Jainas, 
vi. and vii. of the same Journal, and that in a materialistic form, 
1852, 1853). The text of the yet so, that the atomic matter and 
Vais'eshika- Sutras, with the com- the vital principle are conceived 
mentary, called UpaskaYa, of Sam- to be in eternal intimate connec- 
kara-misra, appeared in liibl. 2nd. in tion ; see my Essay on the Bhaga- 
1860, 1861, edited, with a gloss of vati of the Jainas, ii. 168, 176, 190, 
liis own, by Jaya NaVayana Tarka- 236. We have a mythological ap- 
panchfinana. In the Pandit (Nos. plication of it in the ai-sumption of 
32-69) there is a complete transla- a praja"pati Marichi ; see I. St., ix. 9. 
tion of both text and commentary 262 In PaYask., ii. 6 ("vidhir 
by A. E. Cough. Jaya NaYdyana vidhcyas tarkas cha vrdah"), tarka 
Las also since then (1864-65) is equivalent to artkavdda, mlmdnsd. 


science, as well as with the three leading methods of proof 
which it teaches, though not under the names that were 
afterwards usual. According to the most recent investiga- 
tions on the subject,* " the terms naiydyika and Jcevala- 
naiydyika (Pan., ii. i. 49) would point to the Nyaya system 
as antecedent to Panini:" these words, however, do not 
occur in the text of Panini at all (which has merely the 
word kevala /), but only in his scholiast.f Kanada's 
system bears the name Vaiseshika- Sutra, because its ad- 
herents assert that visesha, ' particularity,' is predicable of 
atoms ; the system of Gotarna, on the other hand, is styled 
Nydya-Sutra, KCLT G^O-^YJV. Which of the two is the older 
is still uncertain. The circumstance that the doctrines of 
the Vaiseshikas are frequently the subject of refutation 
in the Vedanta-Siitra, whereas Gotama's teaching is no- 
where noticed, either in the text or in the commentaries 
upon it, as stated by Golebrooke (i. 352), tells a priori 
in favour of the higher antiquity of the former; 263 
but whether the author of the Vedanta had these ' doc- 
trines of Kanada ' before him in their systematised form, 
as has recently been assumed J is a point still requiring 
investigation. 264 For the rest, these two systems are at 

* By Max. Miiller, 1. c., p. 9. as we know at present, is first men- 

t This is one of the cases of tioned by Mddhava. Their patro- 

\vhich I have already spoken (p. nymics, Kstsyapa and Gautama (this 

225). form is preferable to Gotama) date, 

- 6i In the Sstmkb.ya-Su.tra they it is true, from a very early time, 

are even expressly mentioned by but, beyond this, theytell us nothing, 

name (see p. 237) ; also in the sacred Of interest, certainly, although 

texts of the Jainas (v. note 249). without decisive weight, is the iden- 

The circumstance that the Gotama- tification occurring in a late com- 

Sutra dues not, like the other five mentator (Anantayajvan) on the 

philosophical text-books, begin with Pitrimedha-Sutra of Gautama, be- 

the customary Sdtra-formula, 'at/id longing to the Sdma- Veda of thia 

'tah,' may perhaps also be regarded latter Gautama with Akshap.ida ; 

as a sign of later composition. see Burnell's Catalogue, p. 57. 

M. Miiller, I. c., p. 9 : " Whereas From Cowell's preface to his edition 

Kandda's doctrines are there fre- of the Kusumdnjali (1864) it ap- 

quently discussed." pears that the commentary of Pa- 

264 In neither of the Sutras are there kshila-svjimin, whom he directly 
references to older teachers whose identifies with Viltsydyana, was coin- 
names might supply some chro- posed prior to Diiiiiitga, that is to 
nological guidance. As regards the say (see note 219 above), somewhere 
names of their authors themselves, about the beginning of the sixth 
Kanddaor Kanablmj (Ivanabhaksha) century. Uddyotakara, who is men- 
is mentioned by" Varaha-Mihira and tioned by Subandhu in the seventh 
bamkara, while Akshapsida, so far century, wrote against Difiudga, aud 


present, and have been for a long time past, those most in 
favour in India ; and it would also appear that among the 
philosophical writings contained in the Tibetan Tandjur, 
logical works are the most numerously represented. 

Besides these six systems, all of which \von for them- 
selves a general currency, and which on the whole are 
regarded as orthodox however slight is the title of the 
Samkhya theory, for instance, to be so esteemed we have 
frequent mention of certain heterodox views, as those of 
the Charvakas, Laukayatikas, 265 Barhaspatyas. Of this 
last-mentioned school there must also have existed a com- 
plete system, the Barhaspatya-Sutra ; but of all this 
nothing has survived save occasional quotations, intro- 
duced with a view to their refutation, in the commentaries 
of the orthodox systems. 

"We now come to the third branch of the scientific lite- 
rature, Astronomy, with its auxiliary sciences.* We have 
already seen (pp. 112, 113) that astronomy was cultivated 
to a considerable extent even in Vedic times; and we 
found it expressly specified by Strabo (see pp. 29, 30) as a 
favourite pursuit of the Brahmans. It was at the same 
time remarked, however, that this astronomy was still in a 
very elementary stage, the observations of the heavens 
being still wholly confined to a few fixed stars, more espe- 
cially to the twenty-seven or twenty-eight lunar asterisms, 
and to the various phases of the moon itself. 268 The cir- 
cumstance that the Vedic year is a solar year of 360 days, 

so did Vachaspati -misra in the A Bhdguri appears among the 

tenth, and Udayana, the author of teachers cited in the Brihad-devatd. 

the Kusumdnjali, in the twelfth The Lokayatas are also repudiated 

century ; see also Cowell's note to "by the Buddhists, Northern as well 

Colebrooke's Misc. Ess., i. 282. Gail- as Southern ; v. Burnouf, Lotus de 

gesa's Nydya-chintdinani, the most la bonne Loi, pp. 409, 470. The 

important work of the later Nydya Jainas, too, rank their system only 

literature, is also placed in the with loii/a- (laukika) knowledge; 

twelfth century ; see Z. D. M. G., see above, note 249. On the ChaV- 

xxvii. 168. Auliikya, given by yiikas, see the introduction of the 

Mftdhava as a name for the tenets Sarva-darsana-samgraha. 

of Kanstila, rests on a play upon * See /. St., ii. 236-287. 

the word kdndda, ' crow enter ' 266 The cosmical or astronomical 

ulnlca. data met with in the Brdhmanas are 

265 In the Mahdbhdshya there is all of an extremely childish and naive 

mention of a " vnrnikd Jtfuiyuri description; see /. St., ix. 35^^- 
lokd/jctlasya ; " see I. St., xiii. 343. 


and not a lunar year, does indeed presuppose a tolerably 
accurate observation and computation of the sun's course ; 
but, agreeably to what has just been stated, we can hardly 
imagine that this computation proceeded upon the pheno- 
mena of the nocturnal heavens, and we must rather assume 
it to have been based upon the phenomena of the length 
or shortness of the day, &c. To the elaboration of a quin- 
quennial cycle with an intercalary month a pretty early 
date must be assigned, since the latter is mentioned in the 
Eik-Samhita. The idea of the four mundane ages, on the 
contrary although its origin, from observation of the 
moon's phases, may possibly be of extreme antiquity 267 
can only have attained to its complete development to- 
wards the close of the Vedic period : Megasthenes, as we 
know, found the Yuga system flourishing in full perfection. 
That the Hindu division of the moon's path into twenty- 
seven (or twenty -eight) lunar mansions is of Chinese origin, 
as asserted by Biot (Journal des Savants, 1 840, 1 84 5 ; see 
Lassen, /. AK., i. 742 ff.), can hardly be admitted. 268 
Notwithstanding the accounts of Chinese writers, the 
contrary might equally well be the case, and the system 
might possibly have been introduced into China through 
the medium of Buddhism, especially as Buddhist writings 
adhere to the ancient order of the asterisms commencing 
with Krittikd precisely as we find it among the Chinese. 269 

267 Roth disputes tliis origin in his Courtee Observations siir qvelques 

Y.S-S&Y, Die Lehrevon denvierWeltal- Points de V llistoire de I' Astronomic 

tern (1860, Tubingen). (1863) ; and, Listly, Whitney in the 

2li8 On the questions dealt with second vol. of his Oriental and Lin- 

in what follows, a special discussion guistic Studies (1874). To the views 

was raised between J. B. Biot, my- expressed above I still essentially 

self, and Whitney, in wliich A. Se- adhere ; Whitney, too, inclines to- 

dillot, Steinschneider, E. Burgess, wards them. In favour of Chaldaea 

and Max Miiller also took part. Cf. having been the mother- country 

the Journal da Savants for 1859, and of the system, one circumstance, 

Biot's posthumous Etudes sur I' As- amongst others, tells with especial 

tronomie Indieitwe et Chinoise (1862); force, viz., that from China, India,and 

my to papers, Die Vedischen Nach- Babylon we have precisely the same 

ridden von den Nakshntra (1860, accounts of the length of the longest 

1862), as also 7. Str.. ii. 172, 173 ; day ; whilst the statements, e.g. f in 

/. St., ix. 424 ff. (1865), x. 213 ff. the Bundehesch, on this head, exhi- 

(1866) ; Whitney in Joum. Am. Or. bit a total divergence : see Windisch- 

Soc., vols. vi. and viii. (1860, 1864, uiann (ZoroastriscJie Studien, p. 105). 

1865); Burgess, ibid.; Steiuschnei- 269 This assertion of Biot's has not 

der in Z. I). M. G., xviii. (1863) ; been confirmed; the Chinese list 

Miiller in Pref. to vol. iv. of his edi- commences with Chitrd (i.e., the 

tion cf the Ilik (1862); S&lillot, autumnal equinox), orUttardshidhaa 


To me, however, the most probable view is that these lunar 
mansions are of Chaldaean origin, and that from the Chal- 
daeans they passed to the Hindus as well as to the Chinese. 
For the /rtSlD of the Book of Kings, and the nil-ID of the 
Book of Job, 270 which the Biblical commentators errone- 
ously refer to the zodiac, are just the Arabic JjU*, ' man- 
sions ; ' and here even Biot will hardly suppose a Chinese 
origin. The Indians may either have brought the know- 
ledge of these lunar mansions with them into India, or else 
have obtained it at a later time through the commercial 
relations of the Phoenicians with the Panjab. At all events, 
they were known to the Indians from a very early period, 
and as communication with China is altogether inconceiv- 
able at a time when the Hindus were perhaps not even 
acquainted with the mouths of the Ganges, Chinese influ- 
ence is here quite out of the question. The names of some 
of these asterisms occur even in the Rik-Samhita (and that 
under peculiar forms) ; for example, the Aghds, i.e., Maghds, 
and the Ar/unj/au, i.e., Phalgunyau a name also applied 
to them iu the $atapatha-Brahmana in the nuptial hymn, 
mandala x. 85. 13 ; further, Tishya in mandala v. 54. 13, 
which, however, is referred by Sayana to the sun (see also 
x. 64. 8). The earliest complete enumeration of them, with 
their respective regents, is found in the Taittiriya-Sam- 

(the winter solstice), both of which nomy in Chaldaea, Wassiljew com- 
rather correspond to an arrangement pares with Zoroaster, but in which 
in which Revati passes as the sign of I am inclined rather to look for 
the vernal equinox ; seemyfirst Kssay the Kraushtuki whose acquaint- 
on the Nakshatras, p. 300. Cf. here ance we make in the Atharva-Paris'. 
also the account of the twenty-eight (see Lit. C. Bl., 1869, p. 1497) 
lunar asterisms, contained in a letter who arranged the constellations in 
from Wassiljew to Schiefner (see the the order quoted in the Dictionary 
latter's German translation of the in question, that is, beginning with 
Preface to Wassiljew's Russian ren- Krittikd. Afterwards there came 
dering of Ttlrandtha's history of Bud- another Rishi, Kdla (Time!), who 
dhism, pp. 30-32, 1869), and cornmu- set up a new theory in regard to the 
nicated, according to the commentary motion of the constellations, and so 
on the Buddhistic Lexicon Mahit- in course of time Chitni came to be 
vyutpatti, from the book Sannip.ita named as the first asterism. To all 
(Chinese Ta-tsi-king). According appearance, this actually proves the 
to this account, it was the astrono- late, and Buddhistic, origin of the 
mer Kharoshtha (ass's-lip) a name Chinese Kio-list ; see Nakshatras, i. 
which, as well as that of Xarustr, 306. 

who, as Armenian authorities state, 27 On this point see specially /. 

originated the soienoe of astro- St. , z. 217. 


liila; a second, which exhibits considerable variation in 
the names, betokening a later date, occurs in the Atharva- 
Samhita and the Taittiriya-Brahmana ; the majority of the 
names are also given in Panini. This latter list contains 
for the most part the names employed by the later astro- 
nomers ; and it is precisely these later ones that are enu- 
merated in the so-called Jyotisha or Vedic Calendar (along 
with the zodiacal signs too!). To this latter treatise an 
importance has hitherto been attributed to which its con- 
tents do not entitle it. Should my conjecture be confirmed 
that the Lagadha, Lagata, whose system it embodies, is 
identical with the Lat who is mentioned by Albiriini as 
the author of the ancient Siirya-Siddhanta [see, however, 
p. 258 n.], then it would fall in the fourth or fifth century 
of our era ; and even this might almost seem too high an 
antiquity for this somewhat insignificant tract, which has 
only had a certain significance attached to it on account 
of its being ranked with the Veda.* 

A decided advance in astronomical science was made 
through the discovery of the planets. The earliest men- 
tion of these occurs, perhaps, in the Taittiriya-Aranyaka, 
though this is still uncertain ; 271 beyond this, they are not 
noticed in any other work of the Vedic period. 272 Manu's 

* This is why it adheres to the old on the Jyotisha, p. IO, I. St., ix. 363, 
order of the lunar asterisms, as is 442, x. 239, 240. The two Rik pas- 
done even at the present day in writ- sages which are thought by A If. 
ings that bear upon the Veda. [Ac- Ludwijr, in his recently published 
cording to the special examination of Nachrichten des Rig- und At/iarva- 
the various points here involved, in Veda iiber Geographic, &c., des alien 
the introduction to my Essay on the Jndiens, to contain an allusion to the 
Jyotisha (1862), a somewhat earlier planets (i. 105. IO, x. 55. 3), can 
term is possible ; assuming, of course, hardly have t any such reference, 
as I there do, that those verses which Neither the Satyayanaka, cited by 
betoken Greek influence do not Sayana to i. 105. IO, nor Sayana 
really belong to the text as it origi- hiinself,hasanythoughtoftheplanets 
nally stood. The author appears li^re (see /. St., ix. 363 n.). For the 
occasionally also under the name ' divichard grahdh' of Ath. S., 19. 9. 
Lagaddchdrya ; see above, p. 6l, 7, the Ath. Parisishtas offer other 
not*'.] parallels, showing that here too the 

271 The passages referred to are, in planets are not to be thought of, 
fact, to be understood in a totally especially as immediately afterwards, 
different sense ; see/. St., ix. 363, x. in v. 10, the ' grahdi ckdndramasdh 
271. . . dditydh . . rdhund' are enume- 

272 The Maitrayani-Up. forms the rated, where, distinctly, the allusion 
single exception, but that only in its is only to eclipses. This particular 
last two books, described as khila ; section of the Ath. S. (19. 7) is, 
see above, notes 103, 104. On the moreover, quite a late production ; 
subject itself, see further my Essay see /. St., iv. 433 n. 


law-book is unacquainted with them ; Yajnavalkya's Code, 
however and this is significant as to the difference in 
age of these two works inculcates their worship ; in the 
dramas of Kalidasa. in the Mrichhakati and the Maha- 
Bharata, as well as the Ramayana, they are repeatedly 
referred to.* Their names are peculiar, and of purely 
Indian origin ; three of them are thereby designated as 
sons' respectively of the Sun (Saturn), of the Earth (Mars), 
and of the Moon (Mercury) ; and the remaining two as 
representatives of the two oldest families of Rishis, Aii- 
giras (Jupiter) and Bhrigu (Venus). The last two names 
are probably connected with the fact that it was the adhe- 
rents of the Atharva-Veda which was likewise specially 
associated with the Rishis Aiigiras and Bhrigu who at this 
time took the lead in the cultivation of astronomy and 
astrology.f Besides these names others are also common ; 
Mars, for example, is termed ' the Red ;' Venus, ' the White' 
or 'Beaming;' Saturn, 'the Slow-travelling;' this last 
being the only one of the names that testifies to any real 
astronomical observation. To these seven planets (sun 
and moon being included) the Indians added two others, 
Rahu and Ketu, the ' head ' and ' tail ' respectively of the 
monster who is conceived to be the cause of the solar 
and lunar eclipses. The name of the former, Rahu, first 
occurs in the Chhandogyopanishad, 273 though here it can 
hardly be taken in the sense of ' planet ; ' the latter, on the 
contrary, is first mentioned in Yajnavalkya. But this num- 
ber nine is not the original number, if indeed it be to the 
planets that the passage of the Taittiriya-Aranyaka, above 
instanced, refers as only seven (sapta surydh} are there 
mentioned. The term for planet, gratia, ' the seizer,' is 
evidently of astrological origin ; indeed, astrology was the 
focus in which astronomical inquiries generally converged, 
and from which they drew light and animation after the 
practical exigencies of worship had been once for all satis- 
fied. Whether the Hindus discovered the planets inde- 

* In Pdn., iv. 2. 26, tulcra might nify 'an astrologer;' see Das"a- 
be referred to the planet Sukra, but kuniiira, ed. Wilson, p. 162. II. 
it is preferable to take it in the sense 273 Cf. also Ildhula as the name of 
of Soma-juice. Buddha's son, who, however, also 

f Whence Bhdrgava came to sig- appears as Lsighula ; see /. St. t iii. 

130, M9- 


pendently, or whether the knowledge came to them from 
without, cannot as yet be determined ; but the systematic 
peculiarity of the nomenclature points in the meantime to 
the former view. 274 

It was, however, Greek influence that first infused a real 
life into Indian astronomy. This occupies a much more 
important position in relation to it than has hitherto been 
supposed; and the fact that this is so, eo ipso implies 
that Greek influence affected other branches of the litera- 
ture as well, even though we may be unable at present 
directly to trace it elsewhere. 275 Here it is necessary to 
insert a few particulars as to the relations of the Greeks 
with the Indians. 

The invasion of the Pan jab by Alexander was followed 
by the establishment of the Greek monarchies of Bactria, 
whose sway, in the period of their prime, extended, al- 
though only for a brief season, over the Panjab as far 
as Gujarat. 276 Concurrently therewith, the first Seleu- 
cidse, as well as the Ptolemies, frequently maintained 
direct relations, by means of ambassadors, with the court 
of Pataliputra ; * and thus it comes that in the inscriptions 

274 Still it Lias to be remarked that to whom the name \vas afterwards 
in the Atharva-Parisishtas, which, transferred ; see I. St., xiii. 306, 
with the Jyotisha, represent the 307 ; also note 2O2 above. 

oldest remains of Indian astrology, * Thus Megasthenes was sent by 

the sphere of influence of the planets Seleucus to Chandragupta (d. B.C. 

appears in special connection with 291); Deimachus, again, by An- 

their Greek names ; see /. St., viii. tiochus, and Dionysius, and most 

413, x. 319. probably Basilis also, by Ptolemy II. 

275 Cf. my paper, IndiscJie Beitr&ge to ' Afjurpoxdri]*, Amitraghdta, son 
zur Geschichte der Ausspraclie des of Chandragupta. [Antiochus con- 
GriechiscJienmtheMonatsbcrickleder eluded an alliance with 2uif>aya- 
Berl. Acad., 1871, p. 613, translated ffrjvas, Subhagasena (?). Seleucns 
in Ind. Antiq., ii. 143 ff., 1873. even gave Chandragupta his daugh- 

276 According to Goldstiicker, the ter to wife; Lassen, /. AK., ii. 
statement in the Mahdbhashya as to 208 ; Talboys Wheeler, History of 
a then recent siege of Sdketa (Oude) India (1874), p. 177. In the retinue 
by a Yavana prince has reference to of this Greek princess there of 
Menander ; while the accounts in course came to Piitaliputra Greek 
the Yuga-Purana of the GaVgi Sam- damsels as her waiting-maids, and 
hitd even speak of an expedition of these must have found particular 
the Yavanas as far as Piitaliputra. favour in the eyes of the Indians, 
But then the question arises, whether especially of their princes. For not 
by the Yavanas it is really the only are irapOtvoi evetSeij irpbs iroX- 
Greeks who are meant (see /. Sir., \a.Ktav mentioned as an article of 
ii. 348), or possibly merely their traffic for India, but in Indian in- 
Indo-Scythian or other successors, scriptions also we find Yavana girls 


of Piyadasi we find mention of the names of Antigonus, 
Magas, Antiochus, Ptolemy, perhaps even of Alexander 
himself (cf. p. 179), ostensibly as vassals of the king, 
which is of course mere empty boasting. As the result 
of these embassies, the commercial intercourse between 
Alexandria and the west coast of India became particu- 
larly brisk ; and the city of Ujjayini, 'Ofyvtj, rose in con- 
sequence to a high pitch of prosperity. Philostratus, in 
his life of Apollonius of Tyana a work written in the 
second century A.D., and based mainly on the accounts of 
Damis, a disciple of Apollonius, who accompanied the 
latter in his travels through India about the year 50 A.D. 
mentions the high esteem in which Greek literature was 
held by the Brahmans, and that it was studied by almost 
all persons of the higher ranks. (Reinaud, Mem. sur I'lnde, 
pp. 85, 87.) This is not very high authority, it is true 
[cf. Lassen, /. AK., iii. 358 ff.j ; the statement may be an 
exaggeration, but still it accords with the data which we 
have now to adduce, and which can only be explained 
upon the supposition of a very lively intellectual inter- 
change. For the Indian astronomers regularly speak of 
the Yavanas as their teachers : but whether this also ap- 
plies to Pardsara, who is reputed to be the oldest Indian 
astronomer, is still uncertain. To judge from the quota- 
tions, he computes by the lunar mansions, and would 
seem, accordingly, to stand upon an independent footing. 
But of Garga,* who passes for the next oldest astronomer, 

specified as tribute ; while in Indian * The name of Pardsara, as wejl 

literature, and especially in Kali- as that of Garga, belongs only to 

ditsa, we are informed that Indian the last stage of Vedic literature, to 

princes were waited upon by Ya- the Aranyakaa and the Sutras : in 

vauis ; Lassen, I. AK., ii. 551. 957, the earlier works neither of the two 

1159, and my Preface to the Mala- names is mentioned. The family 

vika, p. xlvii. The metier of these of the Parasaraa is represented with 

damsels being devoted to Eros, it particular frequency in the later 

is not a very far-fetched conjecture members of the vansas of the Sata- 

that it may have been owing to patha-Bnihinana : a Garga and a 

their influence that the Hindu god Parasara are alsn named in the 

of Love, like the Greek Eros, bears Anukramani as Rishis of several 

ii dolphin (ma&ara) on his banner, hymns of the Rik, and another 

and, like him, is the son of the Pardsara appears in Pdnini as author 

goddess of Beauty ; see Z. D. M. G., of the Bhikshu-Siitra; see pp. 143, 

xiv. 269. (For makara = dolphin, 185. [The Gargas must have played 

see Jotim. Bomb. Br. R. A. S., v. a very important part at the time of 

33, 34; /. Str., ii. 169); and cf. the Maha"bh,ishya, in the eyes of the 

further /. St., is.. 380.] author at all events; for on almost 



an oft-quoted verse has come down to us, in which he 
extols the Yavanas on account of their astronomical 
knowledge. The epic tradition, again, gives as the earliest 
astronomer the A sura Maya, and asserts that to him the 
sun-god himself imparted the knowledge of the stars. I 
have already elsewhere (/. St., ii. 243) expressed the con- 
jecture that this 'Asura Maya' is identical with the 
' Ptolemaios' of the Greeks ; since this latter name, as we 
see from the inscriptions of Piyadasi, became in Indian 
' Turamaya,' out of which the name 'Asura Maya' might 
very easily grow ; and since, by the later tradition (that 
of the Jnana-bhaskara, for instance) this Maya is dis- 
tinctly assigned to Eomaka-pura* in the West. Lastly, 
of the five Siddhantas named as the earliest astronomi- 
cal systems, one the Romaka-Siddhanta is denoted, by 
its very name, as of Greek origin ; while a second the 
Paulisa-Siddhanta is expressly stated by Albirunif to 
have been composed by Paulus al Yunani, and is accord- 
ingly, perhaps, to be regarded as a translation of the 
of Paulus Alexandrinus. 277 The astronomers 

every occasion when it is a question 
of a patronymic or other similar 
affix, their name is introduced 
among those given as examples ; 
see /. St., xiii. 410 ff. In the 
Atharva-Parisishtas, also, we find 
Garga, GaYgya, Yriddha-Garga cited: 
these latter Gargas are manifestly 
very closely related to the above- 
mentioned Garga the astronomer. 
See further Kern, Pref. to Varalia- 
Mihira's Brih. Sumh., p. 31 ff. ; /. 
Str., ii. 347.] 

* See my CatdL. of the Sansk. 
MSS. in the fieri. Lib., p. 288. In 
reference to the name Romaka, I 
may make an observation in passing. 
Whereas, in Mahd - Bharata xii. 
10308, the Raumyas are said to 
have been created from the roma- 
kupas ('hair-pores') of Virabhadra, 
at the destruction of Daksha's sac- 
rifice, at the time of Rdmayana i. 
55. 3, their name must have been 
still unknown, since other tribes 
are there represented, on a like 
occasion, as springing from the 
roma-kiipas. Had the author been 

.acquainted with the name, he would 
scarcely have failed to make a 
similar use of it to that found in the 
Mah:i-Bharata. [Cf. my Essay on 
the liainayana, p. 23 ff.] 

t Albiruni resided a considerable 
time in India, in the following of 
Mahmud of Ghasna, and acquired 
there a very accurate knowledge of 
Sanskrit and of Indian literature, of 
which he has left us a very valuable 
account, written A.D. 1031. Ex- 
tracts from this highly important 
work were communicated byReinaud 
in the Journ. Asiat. for 1844, and 
in his Mem. sur I'Inde in 1849 [also 
by Woepcke, ibid., 1863] : the text, 
promised so -long ago as 1843, and 
iiiost eagerly looked for ever since, 
has, unfortunately, not as yet ap- 
peared. [Ed. Sachau, of Vienna, is 
at present engaged in editing it; and, 
from his energy, we may now at 
length expect that this grievous 
want will be speedily supplied.] 

877 Such a direct connection of 
the Pulisa - Siddhanta with the 
Eiffaywyi?) is attended with difficulty, 


and astronomical works just instanced Garga, Maya, the 
llomaka-Siddhanta, and the Paulisa-Siddhanta are, it 
is true, known to us only through isolated quotations ; 
and it might still be open to doubt, perhaps, whether 
in their case the presence of Greek influence can really 
be established; although the assertion, for instance, that 
Pulisa, in opposition to Aryabhata, 278 began the day at 
midnight, is of itself pretty conclusive as to his Western 
origin. But all doubt disappears when we look at the 
great mass of Greek words employed in his writings by 
Varaha-Mihira, to whom Indian astronomers assigned, in 
Albiruni's day, as they still do in our own,* the date 504 
A.D. employed, too, in a way which clearly indicates that 
they had long been in current use. Nay, one of his works 
the Hora-Sastra even bears a Greek title (from wprj} 
and in it he not only gives the entire list of the Greek 
names of the zodiacal signs and planets,t but he also 
directly employs several of the Litter namely, Ara, 
Asplmjit, and Kona side by side with the Indian names, 
and just as frequently as he does these. The signs of the 

from the fact that the quotations work (Ganita-pdda, v. i). This 

from Pulisa do not accord with it, was pointed out by Bhau Ddji in 

being rather of an astronomical than J. R. A. S., i. 392 (1864). 
an astrological description. That * See Colebrooke, 11.461 (415 ed. 

the Wuraywy-fi, however, was itself Cowell). 

known to theHindus, in some form or ( These are the following : Kriyi 

other, finds support in the circum- /cpt<5s, Tdvuri ravpos, Jituma oioupos, 

stance that it alone contains nearly K ultra KoXovpos (?), Leya \twv, Pd- 

the whole of the technical terms thonairapdevo's, Juka fvy6i>, Kaurpya 

adopted by Indian astronomy from ffKopirios. Tankshika TO^OTTJS, Akokera 

the Greek ; see Kern's Preface to aiyoKepus, Hridroga vSpoxoos, Ittha 

his edition of Vanilia - Mihira's ixOvs ', further, JJeli "HXtos,, 

Erihat-Samh., p. 49. Considerable 'E/a/tt??*, Ara "Ap^s, Kona Kpbvos, 

interest attaches to the argument J i/au Zei/y, Asphujit ' A^pooirrj. 

put forward by H. Jacobi in his These names were made known so 

tract, De Astrolorjice Indices fiord Ling ago as 1827 by C. M. Whish, 

Appellate Oriyinibus (Bonn, 1872), in the first part of the Transactions 

to the effect that the system of the of the Literary Society of Madras, 

twelve mansions occurs first in Fir- and have since been frequently pub- 

micus Mater n us (A.D. 336-354), and Hshed ; see in particular Lassen, iu 

that consequently the Indian Uord- Zeitsch. f. d. Kunde dcs Morg. t iv. 

texts, in which these are of such 306, 318 (1842) ; lately again in my 

fundamental significance, can only Catal. of the Sansk. MSS. in the 

have been composed at a still later Berl. Lib., p. 238. Iford and ken- 

date. dra had long previously been iden- 

278 This, and not Aryabhntta, is tified by Pere Pons with ftpy and 

the proper spelling of his name, as titvrpov ; see Lcttres Edif., 26. 236, 

is shown by the metre in his own 237, Paris, 1743. 


zodiac, on the contrary, he usually designates by their 
Sanskrit names, which are translated from the Greek. 
He has in constant use, too, the following technical terms, 
all of which are found employed in the same sense in 
the Eiaaywyr) of Paulus Alexandrinus, viz.,* drikdna =. 
Sefcavos, liptd = \e7TTrj, anaphd dva<f>ij, sunaphd = 
<rwcuf>ij, durudhard Sopvfopia, kemadruma (for krema- 
duma) = ^p^/iaricr/io?, 279 vesi 0a<rt9, kendra = /cevrpov, 
dpoklima =. a7r6/c?Ujua, panaphard e7rava<j>opd, trikona 
rpfywvos, -hibuka = inrcrycutv, jdmitra Bidfj,eTpov, 
dyutam = SVTOV, meshurana = fjLeaovpdvrjfjLa. 

Although most of these names denote astrological re- 
lations, still, on the other hand, in the division of the 
heavens into zodiacal signs, decani, and degrees, they com- 
prise all that the Hindus lacked, and that was necessary 
to enable them to cultivate astronomy in a scientific spirit. 
And accordingly we find that they turned these Greek 
aids to good account ; rectifying, in the first place, the 
order of their lunar asterisms, which was no longer in ac- 
cordance with reality, so that the two which came last in 
the old order occupy the two first places in the new ; and 
even, it would seem, in some points independently ad- 
vancing astronomical science further than the Greeks 
themselves did. Their fame spread in turn to the West ; 
and the Andubarius (or, probably, Ardubarius), whom the 
Chronicon Paschale t places in primeval times as the 
earliest Indian astronomer, is doubtless none other than 
Aryabhata, the rival of PuliSa, who is likewise extolled 
by the Arabs under the name Arjabahr. For, during the 
eighth and ninth centuries, the Arabs were in astronomy 
the disciples of the Hindus, from whom they borrowed 
the lunar mansions in their new order, and whose Sid- 
dhantas (Sindhends) they frequently worked up and 
translated, in part under the supervision of Indian astro- 
nomers themselves, whom the Khalifs of Bagdad, &c., 
invited to their courts. The same thing took place also 

* See 7. St., ii. 254. nally dates from the time of Con- 
279 Rather = KevoSpofWs, accord- stantius (330) ; it underwent, how- 
ing to Jacobi, I. c. To this list be- aver, a fresh recension under Hera- 
longs, further, the word hanja clius (610-641), and the name 
bpl'fw ; Kern, /. c., p. 29. Andubarins may have beeii intro- 
t The Chronicon Paschale notni- duced then. 



in regard to Algebra and Arithmetic in particular, in both 
of which, it appears, the Hindus attained, quite indepen- 
dently, 280 to a high degree of proficiency. 281 It is to them 
also that we owe the ingenious invention of the numerical 
symbols,* which in like manner passed from them to the 

380 But cf. Colebrooke in his 
famous paper On the Alg<-bra of the 
Hindus (1817) in Misc. Ass., ii. 446, 
401 ed. Cowell. Woepcke, indeed 
(Mem. sur la propagation des Chiffres 
Indiens, Paris, 1863, pp. 75-91), is 
of opinion that the account in the 
Lalita - Vistara of the problem 
solved by Buddha on the occasion 
of his marriage-examination, rela- 
tive to the number of atoms in the 
length of a yojana, is the basis 
of the ' Arenarius ' of Archimedes 
(B c. 287-212). But the age of the 
Lalita - Vistara is by no means so 
well ascertained that the reverse 
might not equally well be the case; 
see 1. St., viii. 325, 326 ; Reinaud, 
Mem. sur I'Indc., p. 303. 

281 ^hf, oldest known trace of 
these occurs, curiously, in Pingala's 
Treatise on Prosody, in the last chap- 
ter of which (presumably a later addi- 
tion), the permutations of longs and 
shorts possible in a metre with a 
fixed number of syllables are set 
forth in an enigmatical form ; see 
/. St., viii. 425 ff., 324-326. On 
geometry the Sulva-Sutras, apper- 
taining to the Srauta ritual, furnish 
highly remarkable information ; see 
Thibaut's Address to the Aryan 
Section of the London International 
Congress of Orientalists, in the 
special number of Trubner's Ameri- 
can and Orien'al Literary Record, 
1874, pp. 27, 28, according to which 
these Sutras even contain attempts 
at squaring the circle. 

* The Indian figures from 1-9 
are abbreviated forms of the initial 
letters of the numerals themselves 
[cf. the similar notation of the 
musical tones] : the zero, too, has 
arisen out of the first letter of the 
word suiiya, ' empty ' [it occurs even 
in Piiigala, I. c. It is the decimal 

place- value of th-se figures which 
gives them their special significance. 
Woepcke, in his above-quoted Mem. 
sur la jiropng. des Chiffri-s Indieni 
(Journ. Asiat., 1863), is of opinion 
that even prior to ttieir adoption by 
the Arabs they had been obtained 
from India by the Neo-Py thagoreans 
of Alexandria, and that the so- 
called Gobar figures are traceable to 
them. But against this it has to be 
remarked that the figures in ques- 
tion are only one of the latest stages 
of Indian numerical notation, and 
that a great many other notations 
preceded them. According to Ed- 
ward Thomas, in the Journ. Asiat. 
for the same year (1863), the earliest 
instances of the use of these figvuvs 
belong to the middle of the seventh 
century ; whereas the employment 
of the older numerical symbols is 
demonstrable from the -fourth cen- 
tury downwards. See also /. St., viii. 
165, 256. The character of the 
Valabhi Plates seems to be that 
\vh >se letters most closely approach 
the forms of the figures. Burnell 
has quite recently, in his Elem. S. 
Ind. Pal., p. 46 ff., questioned alto- 
gether the connection of the figures 
with the first letters of the nume- 
rals ; and he supposes them, or 
rather the older ' Cave Numerals,' 
from which he directly derives 
them, to have been introduced from 
Alexandria, " together with Greek 
Astrology." In this I cannot in the 
meantime agree with him ; see my 
remarks in the Jenaer Lit. Z., 1875, 
No. 24, p. 419. Amongst other 
things, I there call special attention 
to the circumstance that Hermann 
Hankel, in his excellent work (pos- 
thumous, unfortunately), Zur Ge- 
schichte dcr Mathematik (1874), p. 
329 ff. , declares Woepcke's opinion 



Arabs, and from these again to European scholars. 282 By 
these latter, who were the disciples of the Arabs, frequent 
allusion is made to the Indians, and uniformly in terms of 
high esteem ; and one Sanskrit word even uchcha, signi- 
fying the apex of a planet's orbit has passed, though in 
a form somewhat difficult to recognise (aux, genit. augis), 
into the Latin translations of Arabian astronomers 283 (see 
Eeinaud, p. 325). 

As regards the age and order of sequence of the vari- 
ous Indian astronomers, of whom works or fragments of 
works still survive, we do not even here escape from the 
uncertainty which everywhere throughout Indian literature 
attends questions of the kind. At their head stands the 
Aryabhata already mentioned, of whose writings we possess 
at present only a few sorry scraps, though possibly fuller 
fragments may yet in course of time be recovered. 284 He 
appears to have been a contemporary of Puli^a; and, in 
any case, he was indebted to Greek influence, since he 
reckons by the zodiacal signs. According to Albiruni, he 

tc the effect that the Neo-Pytha- 
goreans were acquainted with the 
new figures having place-value, and 
with the zero, to be erroneous, and 
the. entire passage in Boethius on 
which this opinion is grounded to 
be an interpolation of the tenth or 
eleventh century]. 

282 See also Woepcke, Sur V Intro- 
duction de V Arithmitique Indienne 
en Occident (Rome, 1859). 

283 As also, according to Reinaud's 
ingenious conjecture (p. 373 ff. ), the 
name of Ujjayiui itself through a 
misreading, namely, of the Arabic 

j '.\ as Arin, Arim, whereby the 

' meridian of Ujjayini ' became the 
'coupole d'Arin.' 

284 The researches of Whitney in 
Jour. Am. Or. Soc., vi. 560 ff. (1860), 
and of Bhdu Ddji in /. . A. S., i. 
392 ff. (1865), have brought us full 
light upon this point. From these 
it appears that of Aryabhata there 
are still extant the Da&agiti-Sutra 
and the Arydshtafata, both of which 
have been already edited by Kern 
(1874) under the title Aryabkatiya, 

together with the commentary of 
Paramddisvara ; cf. A. Earth in the 
Revue Critique, 1875, pp. 241-253. 
According to his own account therein 
given, Aryabhata was born A.D. 476, 
lived in Eastern India at Kusuma- 
pura (Palibothra), and composed this 
work at the early age of twenty-three. 
In ithe teaches, amongst other things, 
a quite peculiar numerical notation 
by means of letters. The larger work 
extant under the title Arya $id- 
dhdnta in eighteen adhydyas is evi- 
dently a subsequent production ; see 
Hall in Journ. Am. Or. Soc., vi. 
556 (1860), and Aufrecht, Calalogus, 
pp. 325, 326 : Beutley thinks it was 
not composed until A.D. 1322, and 
Bhdu Ddji, I. c., pp. 393, 394, be- 
lieves Bentley "was here for once 
correct." Wilson, Mack. Cott., i. 
119, and Lassen, /. AK., ii. 1136, 
speak also of a commentary by Arya- 
bhata on the Surya-Siddhdnta : this 
is doubtless to be ascribed to Laghu- 
Aryabhata (Bhdu Ddji, p. 405). Sea 
also Kern, Pref. to Brih. Sarah., p. 
59 ff- 


was a native of Kusumapura, i.e., Pataliputra, and belonged 
consequently to the east of India. Together with him, 
the authors of the following five Siddhantas are looked 
upon as ancient astronomers namely, the unknown* 
author of the Brahma- Siddhdnta or Paitdmaha-Siddhdnta ; 
next, the author of the Saura- Siddhdnta, who is called 
Lat by Albiruni, and may possibly be identical with the 
Lagata, Lagadha mentioned as author of the Yedaiiga 
treatise* Jyotisha, as well as with Ladha, a writer occasion- 
ally quoted by Brahmagupta ;t further, Pulis'a, author of 
the Paulisa- Siddhdnta ; and lastly, Srishena and Vishnu- 
chandra, to whom the Romaka-Siddhdnta and the Vasishtha- 
Siddhdnta works said to be based upon Aryabhata's 
system 285 are respectively attributed. Of these five Sid- 
dhantas, not one seems to have survived. There exist 
works, it is true, bearing the names Brahma-Siddhanta, 
Vasishtha-Siddhanta, Siirya-Siddhanta and Romaka-Sid- 
dhanta ; but that these are not the ancient works so en- 
titled appears from the fact that the quotations from the 
latter, preserved to us by the scholiasts, are not contained 
in them. 286 In point of fact, three distinct Vasishtha-Sid- 
dhantas, and, similarly, three distinct Brahma-Siddhantas, 

* Albiruni names Brahmagupta th e present only the Surya-Siddhiinta 

as the author of this Brahma-Sid- has been published, with Railgand- 

rlhdnta; but this is erroneous. Per- tha's commentary, in the Bibl. Ind. 

haps Reinaud has misunderstood the (18:54-59), ed. by Fitzedward Hall 

passage (p. 332). and Bapu Deva Sdstrin ; also a trans- 

+ Lddha may very well have arisen lation by the latter, ibid. (1860, 

out of Lagadha; [the form Ldta, 1861). Simultaneously there ap- 

however, see Kern, Pref. to Brih. peared in the Journ. Am. Or. Soc., 

S;imh., p. 53, points rather to AapiK-rj]. vol. vi., a translation, nominally by 

-^ 3 As also upon Ldta, Vasishtha, Eb. Burgess, with an excellent and 

and Vijayanandin, according to very thorough commentary by W. 

Bhdu Daji, I. c., p. 408. In the D. Whitney, who has recently (see 

latter's opinion the Romaka-Sid- Oriental and Linguistic Studies, ii. 

dhanta is to be assigned to ake 427 360) assumed " the entire responsi- 

(A. D. 505), and was "composed iu bility for that publication in all its 

accordance with the work <>f some parts. 1 ' In his view, p. 326, the 

Ri )tiian or Greek author." Bhattot- Sdrya-Siddhdnta is "one of the 

pala likewise mentions, amongst most ancient and original of the 

others, a Yavanesvara Sphujidhvaja works which present the modern 

(or Asph), a name in which Bhau astronomical science of the Hindus ;" 

Daji looks for a Speusippus, but but how far the existing text "is 

Kern (Pref. to Brih. Samh., p. 48) identical in substance and extent 

for an Aphrodisius. with that of the original Stirya-Sid- 

28(5 See on this point Kern, Pref. dhtlnta" is for the present doubtful, 

to Brih. Samh., pp. 43-50. Up to Cf. Kern, I. c., pp. 44-46. 


are cited. One of these last, which expressly purports to 
be a recast* of an earlier work, has for its author Brahma- 
gupta, whose date, according to Albiruni, is the year A.D. 
664, which corresponds pretty closely with the date assigned 
to him by the modern astronomers of Ujjayini, A.D. 62S. 287 
To him also belongs, according to Albinini,t a work named 
Aliargana, corrupted by the Arabs into ArJcand. This 
Arkand, the Sindhends (i.e., the five Siddhantas), and the 
system of Arjabahr (Aryathata) were the works which, 
as already remarked, were principally studied and in part 
translated by the Arabs in the eighth and ninth centuries. 
On the other hand, the Arabs do not mention Varaha- 
Mihira, although lie was prior to Brahmagupta, as the 
latter repeatedly alludes to him, and although he gathered 
up the teaching of these five Siddhantas in a work which 
is hence styled by the commentators Panchasiddhdntikd, 
but which he himself calls by the name Karana. This work 
seems to have perished, 288 and only the astrological works 
of Varaha-Mihira have come down to us namely, the 
Samhitd J and the ITord-Sdstra. The latter, however, is 

* Albiruni gives a notice of the Bxihler's letter of 1st April 1875. 

contents of this recast : it and the See now Biihler's special report on 

Paulisa-Siddhanta were the only two the PanchasiddLiiiitikii in Ind.Antiq., 

of these Siddha'ntas he was able to iv. 316. 

procure. J In a double edition, as Brihat- 

287 This latter date is based on Samhitd and as Samdsa-Samhitd. Of 
his own words in the BrdhmaSphuta- the former Albiruni gives us some 
Siddhdnta, 24. 7, 8, which, as there extracts ; see also my Catal. of the 
stated, he composed 550 years after Sanslc. MSS. in the Bcrl. Lib., pp. 
the Saka-nripdla (fidnta?\ at the 238-254. [For an excellent edition 
age of thirty. He here calls him- of the Bribat-Sarnhitd (Bibl. Jnd., 
self the^son of Jishnu, and he lived 1864-65), we are indebted to Kern, 
mider Sri- Vydghramukha of the who is also publishing a translation 
Sri-Chiipa dynasty ; Blulu Ddji, I. c., of it (chaps, i.-lxxxiv. thus far) in the 
p. 410. Prithudakasvaiuin, his Journ. Ji. A. S., iv.-vi. (1870-74). 
scholiast, describes him, curiously, There also exists an excellent com- 
as Bhilla-M;ilavakicbaYya ; see Z. mentary on it by Bhattotpala, drawn 
D. M. G., xxv. 659 ; I. St., xiii. 316. up Sake 888 (A.D. 966), and distin- 
Chaps. xii. (ganita, arithmetic) and guished by its exceedingly copious 
xxviii. (kuttaka, algebra) of his quotations of parallel passages from 
work have, it is well known, been Var^ha-Mihira's predecessors. In 
translated by Colebrooke (1817). the Brihaj-Jdtaka, 26. 5>. the latter 

f Reinaud, Mem . sur I'Jnde, p. calls himself the son of Adityaddsa, 

322. and an Avantika or native of Avauti, 

288 "Yesterday I heard of a ee- i.e., Ujjayini.] 
condMS. of the Panchasiddhiintikii." 



incomplete, only one-third of it being extant.* He men- 
tions a great number of predecessors, whose names are in 
part only known to us through him ; for instance, Maya 
and the Yavanas (frequently), Para^ara, Manittha, 289 Sak- 
tipurva, Vishnugupta,'}' Devasvamin, Siddhasena, Vajra, 
Jiva^arman, Satya, 290 &c. Of Aryabhata no direct mention 
is made, possibly for the reason that he did nothing for 
astrology : in the Karana he would naturally be men- 
tioned. 291 While Aryabhata still computes by the era of 
Yudhishthira, Varaha-Mihira employs the aka-kdla, 
Saka-bhtipa-kdla, or Sakendra-kdla, the era of the Saka 
king, which is referred by his scholiast to Vikrama's era. 292 
Brahmagupta, on the contrary, reckons by the aka-nri- 
pdnta which, according to him, took place in the year 
3 1 79 of the Kali age that is to say, by the era of aliva- 
hana. The tradition as to the date of Varaha-Mihira has 
already been given : as the statements of the astronomers 
of to-day correspond with those current in Albininf s time, 
we may reasonably take them as trustworthy, and accord- 

* Namely, the Jdtaka portion 
(that relating to nativities) alone ; 
and this in a double arrangement, 
as Laghu-Jdtaka and as Brihaj- 
Jdtaka : the former was translated 
by Albirtini into Arabic. [The text 
of the first two chaps, was published 
by me, with translation, in 1. St., ii. 
277 : the remainder was edited by 
Jiicobi in his degree dissertation 
(1872). It was also published at 
Bombay in 1867 with Bhattotpala's 
commentary ; similarly, the Brihaj- 
Jataka at Benares and Bombay ; 
Kern's Pref., p. 26. The text of 
the first three chaps, of the Ydtrd 
appeared, with translation, in I. St., 
x. 161 ff. The third part of the 
Hora-Sdstra, the Vivdha-patala, is 
still inedited.] 

289 This name I conjecture to re- 
present Manetho, author of the 
Apotelesmata, and in this Kern 
agrees with me (Pref. to Brih. Samh., 

P- 5 2 )- 

t This is also a name of Chdna- 
kya ; Dasakum. 183.5, ed. Wilson. 
[For a complete list and examination 

of the names of teachers quoted in 
the Brihat-Samhita', among whom 
are Bddarayana and Kanabhuj, see 
Kern's Preface, p. 29 ff.] 

290 Kern, Preface, p. 51, remarks 
that, according to Utpala, he was 
also called Bhadatta ; but Aufrecht 
in his Catalogus, p. 329', has Bha- 
danta. In the Jyotirvid-dbharana, 
Satya stands at the head of the 
sages at Vikrama's court ; see Z. D. 
M. 0., xxii. 722, xxiv. 400. 

291 And as a matter of fact we find 
in Bhattotpala a quotation from thia 
work in which he is mentioned ; see 
Kern, /. R. A. S., xx. 383 (1863); 
Bliilu Ditji, I. c., 406. In another 
such quotation Vaniha-Mihira refers 
to the year 427 of the Saka-kftla, 
and also to the Romaka-Siddhdnta 
and Paulisa ; Bhdu Ddji, p. 407. 

292 This statement of Colebrooke's, 
ii. 475 (428 ed. Cowell), cf. also 
Lassen, /. A K., ii. 50, is unfounded. 
According to Kern, Preface, p. 6 
ff., both in Vardha-Mihira and Ut- 
pala, only the so-called era of 5-ialiva"' 
hana is meant. 


ing to these he flourished in A.D. 5<D4. 293 Now this is at 
variance, on the one hand, with the tradition which re- 
gards him as one of the ' nine gems ' of Vikrama's court, 
and which identifies the latter with king Bhoja, 294 who 
reigned about A.D. 1050 j 295 and, on the other hand, also 
with the assertion of the astronomer Satananda, who, in 
the introduction to his Bhasvati-karana, seemingly ac- 
knowledges himself to be the disciple of Mihira, and at 
the same time states that he composed this work Sake 
1 02 1 ( = A.I). 1099). This passage, however, is obscure, 
and may perhaps refer merely to the instruction drawn 
by the author from Mihira's writings;* otherwise we 
should have to admit the existence of a second Varaha- 
Mihira, who flourished in the middle of the eleventh cen- 
tury, that is, contemporaneously with Albiruni. Strange 
in that case that the latter should not have mentioned him ! 
After Varaha-Mihira and Brahmagupta various other 
astronomers distinguished themselves. Of these, the most 
eminent is Bhaskara, to the question of whose age, how- 
ever, a peculiar difficulty attaches. According to his own 
account, he was born Sake 1036 (A.D. 1 1 14), and completed 
the Siddhanta-s'iromani ake 1072 (A.D. 1150), and the 
Karana-kutuhala Sake 1 105 (A.D. 1 183) ; and with this the 
modern astronomers agree, who assign to him the date 
ake 1072 (A.D. iiso). 296 But Albiruni, who wrote in A.D. 

283 Kern, Preface, p. 3, thinks Lib., p. 234) seems to speak of 

this is perhaps his birth year : the himself as living fiakeqij (A.D. 995). 

year of his death being given by How is this contradiction to be ex- 

Am araja, a scholiast on Brahmagupta, plained? See Colebrooke, ii. 390 

as Sake 509 (A.D. 587). [341 ed. Cowell. The passage in 

294 This identification fails of question probably does not refer to 
course. If Vardha - Mihira really the author's lifetime ; unfortunately 
was one of the ' nine gems ' of Vi- it is so uncertain that I do not under- 
krama's court, then this particular stand its real meaning. As, how- 
Vikrama must simply have reigned ever, there is mention immediately 
in the sixth century. But the pre- before of Kali 42OO=:A.D. 1099, ex- 
liminary question is whether he was actly as in Colebrooke, this date is 
one of these 'gems.' See the state- pretty well established. The allu- 
rnents of the Jyotirvid-dbharana, sion to Mihira might possibly, as 
I. c. indicated by the scholiast Balabhadra, 

295 See, e.g., Aufrecht, Catalogut, not refer to Vara~ha-Mihira at all, 
p. 327 b , 328*. but merely to mihira, the sun !] 

* Moreover, Satdnanda, at the 298 This also agrees with an in- 

close of his work in a fragment of scription dated Sake 1128, and re- 

it in the Chambers collection (see lating to a grandson of Bhilskara, 

my Caial. of tke Sansk. MSS. Berl. whose SiddMnta-^iromani is here 



1031 (that is, 83 years before Bhaskara's birth !), not merely 
mentions him, but places his work here called Karana- 
sara 132 years earlier, namely, in A.D. 899; so that there 
is a discrepancy of 284 years between the two accounts. 
I confess my inability to solve the riddle ; so close is the 
coincidence as to the personage, that the JLlj of Albi- 
riini is expressly described, like the real Bhaskara, as the 
son of Mahadeva.* But notwithstanding this, we have 
scarcely any alternative save to separate Albi'runi's Bash- 
kar, son of Mahdeb, and author of the Karana-sdra, from 
Uhdskara, son of Mahddeva, and author of the Karana- 
kutuhala! ZQ7 more especially as, in addition to the dis- 
crepancy of date, there is this peculiar circumstance, that 
whereas Albiriinf usually represents the Indian bh by ~b-h 

also mentioned in terms of high 
honour ; see Bhdu Ddji, I. c., pp. 41 1, 
416. Again, in a passage from the 
Siddhdnta-siromani, which is cited 
by Mddhava in the Kdla-nirnaya, 
nnd which treats of the years having 
tliree intercalary months, the year 
of this description which fell Saka- 
kdle 974 (A.D. 1052) is placed in the 
past; the year 1 1 15, on the con- 
trary (and also 1256, 1378), in the 
future. Bhaskara's Lildvati (arith- 
metic) and Vija-ganita (algebra) 
have, it is well known, been trans- 
lated by Colebrooke (1817) ; the 
former also by Taylor (1816), the 
latter by Stracbey (1818). The 
Ganitddyaya has been translated by 
Roer in the Journ. As. S. Bengal, ix. 
153 ft'. (Lassen, I. AK., iv. 849) ; of 
the Golddhydya there is a translation 
by Lancelot Wilkinson in the Bibl. 
Jnd. (1861-62). To Wilkinson we 
also owe an edition of the text of 
the Golddhvdya and Ganitddhydya 
(1842). The Lllitvati and Vija- 
g.inifci appeared in 1832, 1834, like- 
wise at Calcutta. Bdpii Deva Sds- 
trin has also issued a complete edi- 
tion (?) of the Siddhdnta-s'iromani 
(Benares, 1866). Cf. also Herni. 
Brockhaus, Ucber die Alycbra dcs 
Bhaskara, Leipzig, 1852, vol. iv. of 
the Bcrlchte dcr Kon. Sachs. Gcs. dcr 
Wisscnsch., pp. 1-45. 

* Reinaud, it is true, reads Mahd- 
datta with i" j instead of L * ; but 

in Sanskrit this is an impossible 
form of name, as it gives no sense. 
[At the close of the Golddliyjlya, xiii. 
6 1, as well as of the Karana-kutu.- 
hala, Bhitskara calls his father, not 
Mahddeva, but MahesVara (which of 
course is in substance identical) ; 
and he is likewise so styled by Bhas- 
kara's scholiast Lakshmidhara ; see 
my Catal. of the Berl. Sansk. MSS., 
pp. 235, 237.] 

21)7 This is really the only possible 
way out of the dilemma. Either, 
therefore, we have to think of that 
elder Bhdskara "who was at ( the 
head of the commentators of Arya- 
bhata, and is repeatedly cited by 
Prithudakasvdmin, who was himself 
anterior to the author of the ^iro- 
inani," Colebrooke, ii. 470 (423 ed. 
Cowell) ; or else under Reinaud's 

jLL> (PP- 33S 337) there lurks not 
a Bhstskara at all, but perhaps a 
Pushkara. It is certainly strange, 
however, that he should be styled 

<_^_j^ <( j and author of a Ka- 
rana-sdra. Can it be that we have 
here to do with an interpolation in 
Albiruni ? 


(e.g., b-kuj = bhtirja, ~balb-liadr balabhadra), and for the 
most part faithfully preserves the length of the vowels, 
neither of these is here done in the case of Bashkar, where, 
moreover, the s is changed into sli. 

Bhaskara is the last star of Indian astronomy and 
arithmetic. After his day no further progress was made, 
and the astronomical science of the Hindus became once 
more wholly centred in astrology, out of which it had 
originally sprung. In this last period, under the influence 
of their Moslem rulers, the Hindus, in their turn, became 
the disciples of the Arabs, whose masters they had formerly 
been.* The same Alkindi who, in the ninth century, had 
written largely upon Indian astronomy and arithmetic 
(see Colebrooke, ii. 513; Reinaud, p. 23) now in turn 
became an authority in the eyes of the Hindus, who 
studied and translated his writings and those of his suc- 
cessors. This results indisputably from the numerous 
Arabic technical expressions which now appear side by 
side with the Greek terms dating from the earlier period. 
These latter, it is true, still retain their old position, 
and it is only for new ideas that new words are intro- 
duced, particularly in connection with the doctrine of the 
constellations, which had been developed by the Arabs to 
a high degree of perfection. Much about the same time, 
though in some cases perhaps rather earlier, these Arabic 
works were also translated into another language, namely, 
into Latin, for the benefit of the European astrologers of 
the Middle Ages ; and thus it comes that in their writings 
a number of the very same Arabic technical terms may be 
pointed out which occur in Indian works. Such termini 
technici of Indian astrology at this period are the follow- 

ing :t mukdriiid Uu d conjunction, mukdvild 

opposition, taravi ^/ ^ quartile aspect, tasdi 

* Thence is even taken the name translations, as no Arabic texts on 

for astrology itself in this period, astrology have been printed, and the 

namely, tdjika, tdjika-idstra, which lexicons ar very meagre in this 

is to be traced to the Persian L f ;\J respect. [Cf. now Otto Loth's men- 

. , *-*J torious paper, Al-Kmdi a/s Astrolog 

Arabic. j n ^he Atoryenlandische Forschungen, 

f See /. St., 11. 263 ff. Most of ,3^ 263-309, published iu 

these Arabic terms I know in the h onour o f Fleischer's jubilee.] 
meantime only from mediaeval Latin 


* sextile aspect, taMi t^uJJu \ trine aspect; further, 
hadda j^ f radio, mufallaha kdU^, ikkavdla J^Sl jpcr- 

io, induvdra, ,Ujl deterioratio, ittkisdla and mutha&la 

^ * 
and J.*2JU conjunctio, {sarapha and miOsartpha 

c 1 , 

( ijjtf] and ^J^^ disjunctio, nakta (for nakla) j^ trans- 
latio, yamayd j^->. congregatio, manati, Ju) prohibitio, 
kamw&la J-o receptio, gairilcamvula J^Jj i inreceptio, 

sahama ^.., sors, inthihd and munthahd \j\ and 

i * ^ ** 

terminus, and several others that cannot yet be cer- 

tainly identified. 

The doctrine of Omens and Portents was, with the 
Indians, intimately linked with astrology from the earliest 
times. Its origin may likewise be traced back to the 
ancient Vedic, nay, probably to some extent even to the 
primitive Indo- Germanic period. It is found embodied, 
in particular, in the literature of the Atharva-Veda, as 
also in the Grihya-Sutras of the other Vedas. 298 A pro- 
minent place is also accorded to it in the Samhitas of 
Varaha-Mihira, Narada, &c. ; and it has, besides, produced 
an independent literature of its own. The same fate has 
been shared in all respects by another branch of supersti- 
tion the arts, namely, of magic and conjuration. As the 
religious development of the Hindus progressed, these found 
a more and more fruitful soil, so that they now, in fact, reign 
almost supreme. On these subjects, too, general treatises 
exist, as well as tracts on single topics belonging to them. 
Many of their notions have long been naturalised in the 
West, through the medium of the Indian fables and fairy 
tales which were so popular in the Middle Ages those, for 
instance, of the purse (of Fortunatus), the league-boots, the 
magic mirror, the magic ointment, the invisible cap, &C. 299 

98 Cf. my paper, Zwei Vedische cap, for instance, are probably to bo 

Tcxte iiber Omina vnd Portenta traced to old mythological supersti- 

(1859), containing the Adbhuta- tious notions of the primitive Indo- 

Brdhmana and adhy, xiii. of the Germanic time. In the Sanaa- 

Kaiiisika-Siitra. Vidhdna-Brdhmana(cf. Burnell.Pref., 

i! * 8 Some of these, the invisible p. xxv.), we have the purse of Fortu- 


We have now to notice Medicine, as the fourth branch of 
the scientific literature. 

The beginnings of the healing art in Vedic times have 
been already glanced at (pp. 29, 30). Here, again, it is 
the Atharva-Veda that occupies a special position in rela- 
tion to it, and in whose literature its oldest fragments are 
found fragments, however, of a rather sorry description, 
and limited mostly to spells and incantations. 300 The 
Indians themselves consider medicine as an Upaveda, 
whence they expressly entitle it Ayur- Veda, by which 
term they do not understand any special work, as has been 
supposed. They derive it, as they do the Veda itself, 
immediately from the gods: as the oldest of human 
writers upon it they mention, first, Atreya, then Agnives"a, 
then Charaka, 301 then Dhanvantari, and, lastly, his disciple 

natus, p. 94; see Lit. C. Bl., 1874, 
pp. 423, 424. Magic, further, stands 
in a special relation to the sectarian 
Tantra texts, as well as to the Yoga 
doctrine. A work of some extent 
on this subject bears the name of 
Ndgcirjuna, a name of high renown 
among the Buddhists ; see my Catal. 
of the Berl. Sansk. MSS., p. 270. 

300 See Virgil Grohmann's paper, 
Medicinisches aus demAtharva- Veda 
mit besonderem Bfzug auf den Tak- 
man in /. St., ix. 381 ff. (1865). 
Sarpa-vidyd t (serpent-science) is 
mentioned in Satap. Br. xiii., as a 
separate Veda, with sections enti- 
tled parvan ; may it not have treated 
of medical matters also ? At all 
events, in the AsVal. Sr., Visha- 
vidyd (science of poisons) is directly 
coupled with it. As to the con- 
tents of the Vayo - vidyd (bird- 
science), mentioned in the same 
passage of the Sat. Br., it is difficult 
to form a conjecture. These Vidyd- 
texts are referred to elsewhere also 
in the Sat. Br. (in xi. xiv.), and 
appear there, like the Va'idyaka in 
the Mahd,bhj(shya, as ranking beside 
the Veda. A Vdrttika to Piin. iv. 
2. 60, teaches a special affix to de- 
note the study of texts, the names 
of which end in -vidyd or -lakshana ; 
and we might almost suppose that 

Panini himself was acquainted with 
texts of this description. From 
what Patamjali states, besides birds 
and serpents, cattle and horses also 
formed the subject of such works. 
All the special data of this sort in 
the Mahdbhashya point to practical 
observations from the life ; and out 
of these, in course of time, a litera- 
ture of natural history could have 
been developed; see 7. St., xiii. 
459-461. The lakshana sections in 
the Atharva-Parisishtas are either 
of a ceremonial or astrological-me- 
teorological purport ; while, on the 
other hand, the astrological Samhitt 
of Vardha-Mihira, for instance, con- 
tains much that may have been 
directly derived from the old vidydi 
and lalcshanas. 

301 In the Charaka-Samhitd itself 
Bharadvaja (Punarvasu) Kapishthala 
heads the list as the disciple of Indra. 
Of his six disciples Agnivesa, Bhe- 
la, Jatukarna, Parasara, Hsirita, 
Kshdrapani Agnivesa first com- 
posed his tantra, then the others 
theirs severally,, which they there- 
upon recited to Atreya. To him the 
narration of the text is expressly 
referred ; for after the opening words 
of each adhydya (' athdto . . . vyd- 
khydsydmah') there uniformly fol- 
lows the phrase, " iti ha smdha bha~ 


Sus'ruta. THe first three names belong specially to the 
two divisions of the Yajus, but only to the period of the 
Sutras and the school-development of this Veda. 302 The 
medical works bearing these titles can in no case there- 
fore be of older date than this. How much later they 
ought to be placed is a point for the determination of 
which we have at present only the limit of the eighth 
century A.D., at the close of which, according to Ibn Beithar 
and Albininf (Reinaud, p. 316), the work of Charaka, and, 
according to Ibn Abi Us'aibiah, the work of Sus'ruta also, 
were translated into Arabic. That Indian medicine had 
in Panini's time already attained a certain degree of culti- 
vation appears from the names of various diseases specified 
by him (iii. 3. 108, v. 2. 129, &c.), though nothing definite 
results from this. In the gana ' Kartakaujapa ' (to Panini, 
vi. 2. 37) we find the ' SausSrutaparthavas ' instanced 
among the last members ; but it is uncertain what we 
have to understand by this expression. The ganas, more- 
over, prove nothing in regard to Panini's time ; and besides, 
it is quite possible that this particular Sutra may not be 
Panini's at all, but posterior to Patamjali, in whose Maha- 
bhashya, according to the statement of the Calcutta scho- 
liast, it is not interpreted. 303 Dhanvantari is named in 
Manu's law-book and in the epic, but as the mythical 
physician of the gods, not as a human personage. 304 In 
the Panchatantra two physicians, sYilihotra and Vatsya- 

gavdn Atreyah. " Quite as uniformly, vii.), Krisa, Samkrityayana, 

however, it is stated in a closing yana, Krishn&treya. 

verse at the end of each adkydya 3U3 ' Sausruta ' occurs in the Bha"- 

that the work is a tantra composed shya ; is, however, expressly derived 

by Agniv-esa and rearranged (prati- from snsrut, not from Susruta. 

samskrUa) by Charaka. Consequently neither this name nor 

^ 2 The same thing applies sub- the Kutapa-Sausruta mentioned in 

stantially to the names mentioned another passage has anything to do 

in Charaka (see last note) Bliarad- with the Susruta of medical writers ; 

vaja, Agnivesa ('aves'a !), Ja- see I. St., xiii. 462, 407. For the 

tukarna, Par&sara, Hiirita. And time of the author of the Vdrttikas 

amongst the names of the sages who we have the fact of the three hum- 

there appear as the associates of ours, vdta, pitta, tteshman, being 

Bliaradvaja, we find, besides those already ranked together, 1. c., p. 462. 

nf the old Rishis, special mention, S04 As such he appears in the verse 

amongst others, of Asvalayana, B;t- so often mentioned already, which 

dardj ann, Kdtydyana, Baijavdpi, &c. specifies him as one of the 'nine 

As medical authorities are further gems' at Vikrama's court, together 

cited, amongst others (see the St. with Kstlidsisa and Vardha-Mihira ; 

Petersburg Diet. Supplement, vol. see Jyotirvid-dbharana, I. c. 


yana,* whose names are still cited even in our own day, are 
repeatedly mentioned : 305 but although this work was 
translated into Pahlavi in the sixth century, it does not 
at all follow that everything now contained in it formed 
part of it then, unless we actually find it in this transla- 
tion (that is, in the versions derived from it).t I am not 
aware of any other references to medical teachers or works; 
I may only add, that the chapter of the Amarakosha (ii. 6) 
on the human body and its diseases certainly presupposes 
an advanced cultivation of medical science. 

An approximate determination of the dates of the. ex- 
isting works 305 * will only be possible when these have 
been subjected to a critical examination both in respect of 
their contents and language.! But we may even now dis- 

* This form of name points us 
to the time of the production of the 
Sutras, , to Vdtsya. [It is found in 
Taitb. Ar., i. 7. 2, as patronymic of 
it Paiichaparna.] 

305 Salihotra's specialty is here 
veterinary medicine (his name itself 
signifies 'horse'); that of Va'tsya'- 
yana the ars amandi. Of the for- 
mer's work there are in London two 
different recensions ; see Dietz, 
Analectn Medica, p. 153 (No. 63) and 
p. 156 (No. 70). According to Sir 
H. JI. Elliot's BiU. Index to the Hist, 
of Muh. Jnd., p. 263, a work of the 
kind by this author was translated 
into Arabic in A.D. 1361. The 
Kama-Sutra, also, of Vdtsya'yana, 
which by Madhusudana Sarasvati in 
the Prastha"na - bheda is expressly 
classed with Ayur-Veda, is still ex- 
tant. This work, which, judging 
from the account of its contents given 
by Aufrecht in his Catalogus, p. 215 
ff., is of an extremely interesting 
character, appeals, in majorem glori- 
am,to most imposing ancientauthori- 
ties namely, Auddjllaki, Svetaketu, 
Bitbhravya Pilhcliiila, Gonardiya (i.e., 
Patarnjali, author of the Maluibha"- 
shya ?'), Gonikdputra, &c. It is also 
cited by Subandhu, and Samkara 
himself is said to have written a 
commentary on it ; see Aufrecht, 
Catalogus, p. 256*. 

+ This was rightly insisted upon 
by Bentloy in opposition to Cole- 
brooke, who had adduced, as an 
argument to prove the age of Va- 
rdha-Mihira, the circumstance that 
he is mentioned in the Panchatantra 
(this is the same passage which is 
also referred to in the Vikramar 
Charitra ; see Roth, Journ. Asiat., 
Oct. 1845, p. 304.) [Kern, it is true, 
in his Pref. to the Brih. Samhitd, 
pp. 19,20, pronounces very decidedly 
against this objection of Bentley's, 
but wrongly,, as it seems to me; for, 
according to Benfey's researches, 
the present text of the Panchatantra 
is a very late production ; cf. pp. 
221, 240, above.] 

30Ba According to Tumour, Malid* 
vansa, p. 254, note, the medical 
work there named in the text, by the 
Singhalese king Buddhada"sa (A.D. 
339), entitled Sjirattha-Samgaha, is 
still in existence (in Sanskrit too) in 
Ceylon, and is used by the native 
medical practitioners ; see on this 
Davids in the Transactions of the 
Phitol. Society, 1875, pp. 76, 78. 

{ The Tibetan Tandjur, according 
to the accounts given of it, contains 
a considerable number of medical 
writings, a circumstance not with- 
out importance for their chronology, 
Thus, Csoma Korosi in the Journ. 
As. Soc. Beng., January 1825, gives 



miss, as belonging to the realm of dreams, the naive views 
that have quite recently been advanced as to the age, for 
example, of the work bearing Su^ruta's name.* In language 
and style, it and the works resembling it with which I 
am acquainted manifestly exhibit a certain affinity to the 
writings of Varaha-Mihira. 306 "If then" here I make 
use of Stenzler'sf words "internal grounds should render 
it probable that the system of medicine expounded in 
Suiruta has borrowed largely from the Greeks, there would 
be nothing at all surprising in such a circumstance so far 
as chronology is affected by it." 307 But in the mean- 
time, no such internal grounds whatever appear to exist : 
on the contrary, there is much that seems to tell against 
the idea of any such Greek influence. In the first place, 
the Yavanas are never referred to as authorities; and 
amongst the individuals enumerated in the introduction 
as contemporaries of Su6ruta,j there is not one whose name 
has a foreign sound. Again, the cultivation of medicine 

the contents of a Tibetan work on 
medicine, which is put into the 
mouth of Sdkyamuni, and, to all 
appearance, is a translation of Su- 
sVuta or some similar work. 

* To wit, by Vullers and Hessler ; 
by the former in an essay on Indian 
medicine in the periodical Janus, 
edited by Henschel ; by the latter in 
the preface to his so-called transla- 
tion of Susruta [1844-50]. 

308 The Charaka - Samhitd has 
rather higher pretensions to anti- 
quity ; its prose here and there re- 
minds us of the style of the Srauta- 

f From his examination of Vul- 
lers's view in the following number 
of Janus, ii. 453. I may remark here 
that Wilson's words, also quoted by 
Wise in the Preface to his System of 
Hindu Medicine (Calc. 1845), p. 
xvii., have been utterly misunder- 
stood by Vullers. Wilson fixes " as 
the most modern limit of our con- 
jecture " the ninth or tenth century, 
i.e., A.D., but Vullers takes it to lie 
B.C. ! ! [Cf. now Wilson's Works, 
iii. 273, ed. Rost.] 

3u7 This is evidently Roth's opinion 

also (see Z. D. M. G., xxvi. 441, 
1872). Here, after expressing a 
wish that Indian medicine might be 
thoroughly dealt with by competent 
scholars, he adds the remark, that 
"only a comparison of the prin- 
ciples of Indian with those of Greek 
medicine can enable us to judge of 
the origin, age, and value of the 
former ; " and then further on (p. 
448), apropos of Charaka's injunc- 
tions as to the duties of the physi- 
cian to his patient, he cites some 
remarkably coincident expressions 
from the oath of the Asklepiads. 

J Hessler, indeed, does not per- 
ceive that they are proper names, 
but translates the words straight off. 

With the single exception per- 
haps of Paushkalilvata, a name 
which at least seems to point to the 
North-West, to IIewce\au>m. [We 
are further pointed to the North- 
West of India (cf. the Kez/ti/S/fftfoXoi) 
by the name of Bharadvaja Kapi- 
slitliala in the Charaka-Samhiti, 
which, moreover, assigns to the neigh- 
bourhood of the Himavant (pdrtvc 
Ifimavatah subhe) that gathering 
of sages, out of which came the 


is by Susruta himself, as well as by other writers, expressly 
assigned to the city of Ka6i (Benares) in the period, to 
be sure, of the mythical king Divodasa Dhanvantari,* an 
incarnation of Dhanvantari, the physician of the gods. 
And lastly, the weights and measures to be used by the 
physician are expressly enjoined to be either those em- 
ployed in Magadha or those current in Kalinga ; whence we 
may fairly presume that it was in these eastern provinces, 
which never came into close contact with the Greeks, that 
medicine received its special cultivation. 

Moreover, considerable critical doubts arise as to the 
authenticity of the existing texts, since in the case of some 
of them we find several recensions cited. Thus Atri, whose 
work appears to have altogether perished, is also cited as 
laghv-Atri, brihad-Atii ; Atreya, similarly, as brihad-AtTeya, 
vriddha - Atreya, ma dhyama - Atreya, kanishtha-Atreja; 
Sus'ruta, also as vriddha-SuiTnta, ; Vagbhata, also as vriddha- 
Vagbhata ; Harita, also as vriddha-TLarita. ; Bhoja, also as 
vriddha-Rhoja a state of things to which we have an exact 
parallel in the case of the astronomical Siddhantas (see pp. 
258, 259, and Colebrooke ii. 391, 392), and also of the legal 
literature. The number of medical works and authors is 
extraordinarily large. The former are either systems 
embracing the whole domain of the science, or highly 
special investigations of single topics, or, lastly, vast com- 
pilations prepared in modern times under the patronage of 
kings and princes. The sum of knowledge embodied in 
their contents appears really to be most respectable. Many 
of the statements on dietetics and on the origin and diag- 
nosis of diseases bespeak a very keen observation. In 
surgery, too, the Indians seem to have attained a special 

instruction of Bharadvaja by Indra. expressly termed Vdhika-bhishaj. 

Again, Agnivesa is himself, ibid., i. We have already met with his name 

13 comm., described as Chdndrabha'- (p. 153 above) amongst the teachers 

gin, and so, probably (cf. gana ' ba- of the Atharva-Pari.4ishtas.] 

hvddi' to Pdnini, iv. I. 45) associ- * Susruta is himself said, in the 

ated with the Chandrabha'ga', one of introduction, to have been a disciple 

the great rivers of the Panjdb. And of his. This assertion may, how- 

lastly, there is also mentioned, ibid., ever, rest simply on a confusion of 

i. 12, iv. 6, an ancient physician, this Dhanvantari with the Dhan- 

Kdnkciyana, probably the Kankah or vantari who is given as one of the 

Katka of the Arabs (see Reinaud, ' nine gems ' of Vikrama's court. 
M6m. sur I'Inde, p. 314 ff.), who is 


proficiency, 308 and in this department European surgeons 
might perhaps even at the present day still learn some- 
thing from them, as indeed they have already borrowed 
from them the operation of rhinoplasty. The information, 
again, regarding the medicinal properties of minerals (especi- 
ally precious stones and metals), of plants, and animal sub- 
stances, and the chemical analysis and decomposition of 
these, covers certainly much that is valuable. Indeed, the 
branch of Materia Medica generally appears to be handled 
with great predilection, and this makes up to us in some 
measure at least for the absence of investigations in the 
field of natural science. 309 On the diseases, &c., of horses 
and elephants also there exist very special monographs. 
For the rest, during the last few centuries medical science 
has suffered great detriment from the increasing prevalence 
of the notion, in itself a very ancient one, that diseases are 
but the result of transgressions and sins committed, and 
from the consequent very general substitution of fastings, 
alms, arid gifts to the Brahmans, for real remedies. An 
excellent general sketch of Indian medical science is given 
in Dr. Wise's work, Commentary on the Hindu System of 
Medicine, which appeared at Calcutta in i845. 310 

The influence, which has been already glanced at, of 
Hindu medicine upon the Arabs in the first centuries of 
the Hijra was one of the very highest significance ; and 
the Khalifs of Bagdad caused a considerable number of 
works upon the subject to be translated.* Now, as Ara- 

308 See now as to this Wilson, the editor, it makes but slow pro- 
Works, iii. 380 ff., ed. Rost. gress. (Part 2, 1871, breaks off at 

309 Cf. the remarks in note 300 on adhy. 5.) It furnished the occasion 
the vidyds and the vaidyaka. for Roth's already mentioned mono_- 

310 New ed. 1860 (London). Cf. graph on Charaka, in which he corn- 
also two, unfortunately short, papers municates a few sections of the 
by Wilson On the Medical and Sur- work, iii. 8 (' How to become a doc- 
(jical Science of the Hindus, in vol. i. tor') and i. 29 ('The Bungler') in 
of his Essays on Sanskrit Literature, translation. From the Bhela-Sam- 
collected by Dr. Rost (1864, Works, hita" (see note 301 above), Burnell, 
vol. iii.). Up to the present only in his Elem. of S. Ind. Pal., p. 94, 
Susruta has been published, by quotes a verse in a way (namely, as 
Madhusiidana Gupta (Calc. 1835-36, 31.4) which clearly indicates that 
new ed. 1868) and by Jivdnanda he had access to an entire work of 
Vidj-dsagara (1873). An edition of this name. 

Charaka has been begun by Ganird- * See Gildemeister, Script. Arab. 

<1hara Kaviraja (Calc. 1868-69), de rebus Indicia, pp. 94-97. [Flxigel, 

but unfortunately, being weighted following the Fihrist al-ultim in Z. 

with a very prolix commentary by D. M. G., xi. 148 ff., 325 ff. (1857).] 


tian medicine constituted the chief authority and guiding 
principle of European physicians down to the seventeenth 
century, it directly follows just as in the case of astro- 
nomy that the Indians must have been held in high 
esteem by these latter ; and indeed Charaka is repeatedly 
mentioned in the Latin translations of Avicenna (Ibn Sina), 
Ehazes (Al Kasi), and Serapion (Ibn Serabi).* 

Besides Ayur-veda, medicine, the Hindus specify three 
other so-called Upavedas Dhanur-veda, Gdndharva-vcda, 
and Artha-sdstra, i.e., the Art of War, Music, and the For- 
mative Arts or Technical Arts generally ; and, like Ayur- 
veda, these terms designate the respective branches of 
literature at large, not particular works. 

As teacher of the art of war, VisVamitra is mentioned, 
and the contents of his work are fully indicated ; 311 the 
name Bharadvaja also occurs. 312 But of this branch of 
literature hardly any direct monuments seem to have been 
preserved.t Still, the Mti-Sastras and the Epic comprise 
many sections bearing quite specially upon the science of 
war ; 313 and the Agni-Purana, in particular, is distinguished 
by its very copious treatment of the subject. 314 

Music was from the very earliest times a favourite pur- 
suit of the Hindus, as we may gather from the numerous 
allusions to musical instruments in the Vedic literature ; 
but its reduction to a methodical system is, of course, of 
later date. Possibly the Nata-Sutras mentioned in Panini 
(see above, p. 197) may have contained something of the 

* See Eoyle On the Antiquity of Rdjendra Ldla Mitra in the Bill. 
Hindu Medicine, 1838. Ind. (1849-61), with extracts, which, 
311 By Madhusddana Sarasvati in however, only reach as far as the 
the Prasthdna-bheda, 1. St., i. IO, ninth chap., from the commentary 
21. entitled ' Upddhydya - nirapekshd ;' 
313 Where Bharadvdja can appear in style and matter it reminds us of 
in such a position, I am not at pre- the Brihat-Sainhitd of Vardha-Mi- 
seut aware ; perhaps we ought to hira. A work of like title and sub- 
read Bhdradvaja, i.e., Drona ? ject was taken to Java by the Hin- 
f With the exception of some dtis who emigrated thither, see /. 
works on the rearing of horses and St., iii. 145 ; but whether this emi- 
elephants, which may perhaps be gration actually took place so early 
classed here, although they more as the fourth century, as Rdj. L. 
properly belong to medicine. M. supposes, is still very question- 
si 3 The Kdmandakiya Niti-6dstra able. 

in nineteen chaps., to which this espe- 3U See Wilson ' On the A rt oj 

cially applies, has been published by War' (Works, iv. 290 ff.). 



kind, since music was specially associated with dancing. 
The earliest mention of the names of the seven notes of the 
musical scale occurs, so far as we know at present, in the 
so-called Vedangas in the Chhandas 315 and the Siksha ; 3ia 
and they are further mentioned in one of the Atharvo- 
panishads (the Garbha), which is, at least, not altogether 
modern. As author of the Gandharva-veda,* i.e., of a 
treatise on music, Bharata is named, and, besides him, also 
Isvara, Pavana, Kalinatha, 317 Narada ; 318 but of these the 
only existing remains appear to be the fragments cited in 

315 See on this /. St., viii. 259-272. 
The designation of the seven notes 
by the initial letters of their names 
is also found here, in one recension 
of the text at least, ibid., p. 256. 
According to Von Bohlen, Das alte 
Indien, ii. 195 (1830), and Benfey, 
Indien, p. 299 (in Ersch and Gruber's 
Encyclopcudie, vol. xvii., 1840), this 
notation passed from the Hindus to 
the Persians, and from these again 
to the Arabs, and was introduced 
into European music by Quido d' 
Arezzo at the beginning of the ele- 
venth century. Corresponding to 
the Indian sa ri ga ma pa dha ni we 
have in Persian, along with the de- 
signation of the notes by the first 
seven letters of the alphabet (A G), 
the scale da re mi fa sa la be ; see 
Hichardson and Johnson's Pers. 
Diet. s. v. Durr i mufassal. Does the 
word gamma, ' gamut,' Fr. gamme, 
which has been in use since the time 
of Guido d'Arezzo to express the 
musical scale, itself come from the 
equivalent Sanskrit term grama 
(Prdkr. gdma), and so exhibit a direct 
trace of the Indian origin of the 
seven notes? See Ludvvig Geiger's 
precisely opposite conjecture in his 
Ursprungder Spracke, i. 458 (1868). 
The usual explanation of the word 
is, of course, that it is derived from 
the r (gamma) which designates the 
first of the twenty - one notes of 
Guide's scale, and which was 
" known and in common, if not uni- 
versal, use for more than a cen- 
tury before his time ; " see Ambros, 

Geschichte der Musik, ii. 151 (1864). 
" There being already a G and a g in 
the upper octaves, it was necessary 
to employ the equivalent Greek lotter 
for the corresponding lowest note." 
The necessity for this ia not, how- 
ever, so very apparent ; but, rather, 
in the selection of this term, and 
again in its direct employment in the 
sense of ' musical scale ' a remini- 
scence of the Indian word may ori- 
ginally have had some influence, 
though Guido himself need not have 
been cognisant of it. 

316 A IIC J ^13 no m erely in the 
Sikshd attributed to Pdniui, but in 
the whole of the tracts belonging to 
this category ; see my Essay on the 
Pratijnd- Sutra, pp. 107-109; Haug, 
Accent, p. 59. 

* This title is derived from the 
Gandharvas or celestial musicians. 

317 This name is also written Kalli- 
ndtha (Kapila in Lassen, I. AK., 
iv. 832, is probably a mistake), by 
Sir W. Jones, On the Musical Modes 
of the Hindus in As. Res., iii. 329, 
and by Aufrecht, Catalogus, p. 2IO*. 
Biihler, however, Catal. of MSS. 
from Guj., iv. 274, has the spelling 
given in the text. But, at any rate, 
instead of Pavana, we must read 
' Hanumant, son of Pavana.' For 
Bharata, see above, p. 231. 

318 See the data from the N- 
rada-siksha" in Haug, Ueberdes Wescn 
des Ved. Accents, p. 58. The 'gan- 
dharva Narada* is probably origi- 
nally only Cloud personified ; see 
/. St., i. 204, 483, ix. 2. 



the scholia of the dramatic literature. Some of these 
writings were translated into Persian, and, perhaps even 
earlier, into Arabic. There are also various modern 
works on music. The whole subject, however, has been 
but little investigated. 319 

As regards the third Upaveda, Artha-$dstra, the Hindus, 
as is well known, have achieved great distinction in the 
technical arts, but less in the so-called formative arts. 
The literature of the subject is but very scantily repre- 
sented, and is for the most part modern. 

Painting, in the first place, appears in a very rudiment- 
ary stage. Portrait-painting, for which perspective is not 
required, seems to have succeeded best, as it is frequently 
alluded to in the dramas. 319 * In Sculpture, on the con- 
trary, no mean skill is discernible. 320 Among the reliefs 
carved upon stone are many of great beauty, especially 
those depicting scenes from Buddha's life, Buddha being 
uniformly represented in purely human shape, free from 
mythological disfigurement. There exist various books of 

319 Besides Sir W. Jones, I. c., see 
also Patterson in vol. ix. of the As. 
Jtes., Lassen, 7. AK., iv. 832, and 
more particularly the special notices 
in Aufrecht's Catalogus, pp. 199-202. 
Sarngadeva, author of the Sangi- 
taratnsikara, cites as authorities 
Abhinavagupta, Kirtidhara, Kohala, 
Somesvara ; he there treats not only 
of music, especially singing, but also 
of dancing, gesticulation, &c. 

3i9a Q n modern painting, see my 
Essay, Ucber Krishna's Gebiirtsfest, 
p. 341 ff. It is noteworthy that the 
accounts of ' the manner of origin 
of the production of likenesses* 
at the close of TaYandtha's hist. 
of Buddhism (Schiefner, p. 278 
ff. ) expressly point to the time 
of Asoka and Niigarjuna as the 
most flourishing epoch of the Ya- 
ksha and Ndga artists. In an ad- 
dress recently delivered to the St. 
Petersburg Academy (see the Bul- 
letin of 25th Nov. 1875), Schiefner 
communicated from the Kdgyur 
some ' Anecdotes of Indian Artists,' 

in which, among other things, special 
reference is made to the Yavanas as 
excellent painters and craftsmen. 
On pictorial representations of the 
fight between Kansa and Krishna, 
see the data in the Mahdbhdshya, /. 
St., xiii. 354, 489 ; and on likenesses 
of the gods for sale in Panini's time, 
Goldstiicker's Pdnini, p. 228 ff. ; /. 
St., v. 148, xiii. 331. 

320 Through the recent researches 
of Fergusson, Cunningham, and Leit- 
ner the question has been raised 
whether Greek influence was not 
here also an important factor. Highly 
remarkable in this regard are, for 
example, the parallels between an 
ini.ige of the sun-god in his car on a 
column at Buddhagayd and a well- 
known figure of Phoebus Apollo, ns 
shown in Plate xxvii. of Cunning- 
ham's Arckceological Survey of India, 
vol. iii. 97 (1873). The same type 
is also exhibited on a coin of the 
Bactrian king Plato, lately described 
by \V. S. W. Vaux in the Numitm, 
Chronicle, xv. 1-5 (1875). 




instructions and treatises on the subject : 321 according to 
the accounts given of them, they deal for the most part 
with single topics, the construction of images of the gods, 
for example ; but along with these are others on geometry 
and design in general. 

A far higher degree of development was attained by 
Architecture, of which some most admirable monuments 
still remain : it received its chief cultivation at the hands of 
the Buddhists, as these required monasteries, topes (sttipas), 
and temples for their cult. It is not, indeed, improbable 
that our Western steeples owe their origin to an imita- 
tion of the Buddhist topes. But, on the other hand, in the 
most ancient Hindu edifices the presence of Greek influ- 
ence 321a is unmistakable. 322 (See Benfey, Indien, pp. 300- 
305.) Architecture, accordingly, was often systematically 

321 E.g., also in Vaniha-Mihira's 
Brihat - Sarp.hita', one chapter of 
which, on the construction of statues 
of the gods, is communicated from 
Albiruni by Reinaud in his Mem. 
sur I'lnde, p. 419 ff. See also /. St., 
xiii. 344-346. 

32Ia In the fifth vol., which has 
just appeared, of his Archaeological 
Purvey of India, p, 185 ff., Cunning- 
ham distinguishes an Indo-Persian 
style, the prevalence of which he 
assigns to the period of the Persian 
supremacy over the valley of the 
Indus(5oo-33o), and three Indo-Gre- 
cian styles, of which the Ionic pre- 
vailed in Takshila, the Corinthian in 
GandhaYa, and the Doric in Kash- 
mir. Rajendra LtilaMitra, it is true, 
in vol. i. of his splendid work, The 
Antiquities of Orissa (1875), holds 
out patriotically against the idea of 
any Greek influence whatever on the 
development of Indian architecture, 
&c. (At p. 25, by the way, my con- 
jecture as to the connection between 
the Asura Maya, Turamaya, and 
Ptolemaios, see above, p. 253, /. St., 
ii. 234, is stated in a sadly distorted 
form.) Looking at his plates, how- 
ever, we have a distinct suggestion 
of Greek art, for example, in the two 

fountain-nymphs in Plate xvi., No. 
46 ; while the Bayadere in Plate 
xviii., No. 59, from the temple of 
BhuvanesVara, middle of seventh 
century (p. 31), seems to be resting 
her right hand on a dolphin, beside 
which a Cupid (?) is crouching, and 
might therefore very well be an imi- 
tation of some representation of 
Venus. (Cf. Rdj. L: if., p. 59.) 

322 This does not mean that the 
Indians were not acquainted with 
stone-building prior to the time of 
Alexander an opinion which is 
confuted by Cunningham, I. c., iii. 
98. The painful minuteness, indeed, 
with which the erection of brick- 
altars is described in the Vedic sac- 
rificial ritual (cf . the J-iulva-Sutras) 
might lead us to suppose that such 
structures were still at that time 
rare. But, on the one hand, this 
would take us back to a much earlier 
time than we are here speaking of ; 
and, on the other, this scrupulous 
minuteness of description may 
simply be due to the circumstance 
that a specifically sacred structure 
is here in question, in connection 
with which, therefore, every single 
detail was of direct consequence. 



treated of, 323 and we find a considerable number of such 
works cited, some of which, as is customary in India, pur- 
port to proceed from the gods themselves, as from Vi^vakar- 
man, 324 Sanatkumara, &c. In the Samhita of Varaha-Mihira, 
too, there is a tolerably long chapter devoted to architec- 
ture, though mainly in an astrological connection. 

The skill of the Indians in the production of delicate 
woven fabrics, in the mixing of colours, the working of 
metals and precious stones, the preparation of essences, 325 
and in all manner of technical arts, has from early times 
enjoyed a world-wide celebrity : and for these subjects also 
we have the names of various treatises and monographs. 
Mention is likewise made of writings on cookery and every 
kind of requirement of domestic life, as dress, ornaments, 
the table; on games of every description, dice,* for ex- 

323 See Lassen, /. AK., iv. 877. 
Rdm RaVs Essay on the Architecture 
of the Hindus (1834) is specially 
based on the Mdnasdra in fifty-eight 
adhydyas, presumably composed in 
S. India (p. 9). Ma"yamata (Maya's 
system, on which see Raj. L. M., 
Notices, ii. 306), Kdsyapa, Vaikha'- 
nasa, and the SakalddhikaYa ascribed 
to Agastya, were only secondarily 
consulted. The portion of the Agni- 
Pura'na published in the Bibl. 2nd. 
treats, int. al., of the building of 
houses, temples, &c. The Ratha- 
Siitraand the Vdstu-Vidya are given 
by Saiikha (Schol. on Kdty., i. I. 
1 1) as the special rules for the ratha- 
kdra. The word Sutra-dhdra, 'mea- 
suring-line holder,' ' builder,' signi- 
fies at the same time ' stage-man- 
ager ; ' and here perhaps we have to 
think of the temporary erections 
that were required for the actors, 
spectators, &c., during the perform- 
ance of dramas at the more import- 
ant festivals. In this latter accept- 
ation, indeed, the word might also 
possibly refer to the Nata-$w<ras, 
the observance of which had to be 
provided for by the Sutra-dhdra 1 
See above, pp. 198, 199. 

324 On a Visva-karma-praka'sa and 
a Vilvakarmiya-Silpa, see Edjendra 
Lala Mitra, Notices of Sansk. 

ii. 17, 142. 

328 The art of perfumery appears 
to have been already taught in a 
special Sutra at the time of the 
Bhdshya ; cf. the observations in /. 
St., xiii. 462, on chdndanagandhika, 
V&a. iv. 2. 65 ; perhaps the Sdmastam 
('ndma sdstram,' Kaiyata) Bhdshya 
to Pdn. iv. 2. 104, belongs to this 
class also. 

* In /. St., i. 10, 1 have translated, 
doubtless incorrectly, the expression 
chatuhshashti-kald-sdslra, (cited in 
the Prastha"na-bheda as part of the 
Artha-siistra) by 'treatise on chess,' 
referring the 64 ka/.ds to the 64 
squares of the chess-board ; whereas, 
according to As. Res. i. 341 (Schlegel, 
Reflex, sur I'Etudedes Langues Asiat., 
p. 112), it signifies 'treatise on the 
64 arts'? In the Ihtsakumara. 
however (p. 140, ed. Wilson), the 
chatuhshashti-lcaldgama is expressly 
distinguished from the Artha-sdstra. 
See an enumeration of the 64 
Tcalds, from the Siva-tantra in Rddhd- 
ka"ntadeva's &abda-lcalpa-druma, e. 
v. [On the game of Chatur-ailga 
see now my papers in the Monats- 
ber. der Berl. Acad., 1872, pp. 60 
ff., 502 S. ; 1873, p. 705 ff. ; 1874, 
p. 21 ff. ; and also Dr. Ant. van der 
Linde's beautiful work, Geschichte 
dct Schachspiels (1874, 2 vols.). 


ample ; nay, even on the art of stealing an art which, 
in fact, was reduced to a regular and complete system [cf. 
Wilson, Dasakum., p. 69, on Karmsuta, and Hindu Theatre, 
i. 63]. A few of these writings have also been admitted 
into the Tibetan Tandjur. 

From Poetry, Science, and Art, we now pass to Law, 
Custom, and Eeligious Worship, which are all three com- 
prehended in the term 'Dharma,' and whose literature is 
presented to us in the Dkarma-tidstras or Smriti-$dstras. 
The connection of these works with the Grihya-Sutras 
of Vedic literature has already been adverted to in the 
introduction (see pp. 19, 20), where, too, the conjecture 
is expressed that the consignment of the principles of 
law to writing may perhaps have been called forth by 
the growth of Buddhism, with the view of rigidly and 
securely fixing the system of caste distinctions- rejected by 
the new faith, and of shielding the Brahmanical polity gene- 
rally from innovation or decay. In the most ancient of 
these works, accordingly the Law-Book of Manu we en- 
counter this Brahmanical constitution in its full perfection. 
The Brahman has now completely attained the goal from 
which, in the Brahmanas, he is not very far distant, and 
stands as the born representative of Deity itself; while, 
upon the other hand, the condition of the $udra is one 
of the utmost wretchedness and hardship. The circum- 
stance that the Vaidehas and the Lichhavis (as Lassen, no 
doubt rightly, conjectures for Nichhivis) are here num- 
bered among the impure castes, is as regards the 
former certainly a sign that this work is long pos- 
terior to the Satapatlia-Bnihmana, where the Vaidehas 
appear as the leading representatives of Brahmanism. The 
position allotted to this tribe, as well as to the Lichhavis, 
may, perhaps, further be connected with the fact that, ac- 
cording to Buddhist legends, the Vaidehas, and especially 


this Liclihavi family of them, exercised a material influ- 
ence upon the growth of Buddhism. The posteriority of 
Manu to the whole body of Vedic literature appears, 
besides, from many other special indications ; as, for in- 
stance, from the repeated mention of the several divisions 
of this literature ; from the connection which subsists with 
some passages in the Upanishads ; from the completion of 
the Yuga system and the triad of deities; as well as, 
generally, from the minute and nicely elaborated distribu- 
tion and regulation of the whole of life, which are here 
presented to us. 

I have likewise already remarked, that for judicial pro- 
cedure proper, for the forms of justice, the connecting link 
is wanting between the Dharma-Sastra of Manu and Vedic 
literature. That this code, however, is not to be regarded 
as the earliest work of its kind, is apparent from the very 
nature of the case, since the degree of perfection of the 
judicial procedure it describes justifies the assumption 
that this topic had been frequently handled before.* The 
same conclusion seems, moreover, to follow from the fact 
of occasional direct reference being made to the views of 
predecessors, from the word ' Dharma-Sastra ' itself being 
familiar, f as also from the circumstance that Patamjali, 
in his Mahabhashya on Panini, is acquainted with works 
bearing the name of Dh anna-Sutras. 326 Whether remains 
of these connecting links may yet be recovered, is, for the 
present at least, doubtful.J For the domestic relations 
of the Hindus, on the contrary for education, marriage, 
household economy, &c. it is manifestly in the Grihya- 
Siitras that we must look for the sources of the Dharma- 
Sastras; and this, as I have also had frequent occasion 

* See Stenzler in I. St., i. 244 flf. with the precepts of Manu. So 

f Yet neither circumstance is also, for example, a verse in Ydska's 

strictly conclusive, as, considering Nirukti, iii. 4, concerning the dis- 

the peculiar composition of the ability of women to inherit, which, 

work, the several passages in ques- besides, directly appeals to ' Manuh 

tion might perhaps be later addi- Svdyambhuvah.' This is the first 

tions. time that the latter is mentioned 

3 - 6 See now on this /. St., xiii. as a lawgiver. ,[See also Sitflkh. 

458,459. Grih., ii. 16; Apast., ii. 16. I, 

Allusions to judicial cases are of ed. Biihler. On Vedic phases of 

very rare occurrence within the criminal law, see Burnell, Pref. to 

range of Vedic literature; but where .S;ima-vidh;{na-Hr., p. xv. ; Lit. C. 

they do occur, they mostly agree />/., 1874, p. 423.] 


to observe (pp. 58, 84, 102, 143), is the explanation of the 
circumstance that most of the names current as authors of 
Grihya-Sutras are at the same time given as authors of 
Dharma-Sastras.* The distinction, as a commentator f re- 
marks, is simply this, that the Grihya-Sutras confine 
themselves to the points^ of difference of the various schools, 
whereas the Dharma-Sastras embody the precepts and 
obligations common to all. 827 

* In the case of Manu, too, there 
would seem to have existed a 
Mdnava Grihya-Sutra as its basis (?), 
and the reference to the great an- 
cestor Manu would thus appear to 
be only a subsequent one (?). [This 
surmise of mine, expressed with 
diffidence here, above at pp. 19, IO2, 
and in /. St., i. 69, has since been 
generally accepted, and will, it is 
hoped, find full confirmation in the 
text of the Ma"n. Grihyas., which has 
meanwhile actually come to light. 
1 have already pointed out one in- 
stance of agreement in language with 
the Yajus texts, in the word abhini- 
mrukta; see /. Str., ii. 209, 210.] 

t As'drka on the Karma-pradipa 
of Kd'yilyana. 

327 la his Hist, of Anc. Sansk. 
Lit. (1859), Max Miiller gave some 
jiccount of the Dharma-Sutra of 
Apastamba, which is extant under 
the title Sa'maya'cha'rika- Sutra. He 
also characterised three of the Dhar- 
ma-Sdstras printed at Calcutta (the 
Gautama, Vishnu, and Vasishtha) 
as being bliarma-Sutras of a similar 
kind ; expressing himself generally 
to the effect (p. 134) that all the 
metrical Dharma-Siistras we possess 
are but "more modern texts of 
earlier Sutra-works or Kula-dbarmas 
belonging originally to certain Vedic 
Charanas." (The only authority 
cited by him is Stenzler in I. St., i. 
232, who, however, in his turn, re- 
fers to my own earlier account, ibid. 
PP- 57. 69, 143). Johiintgen, in 
his tract, Ueber das Gcsctzbuch dis 
Manu (1863), adopted precisely the 
same view (see, e.g., p. 1 13). Biihler, 
finally, in the Introduction to the 

Digest of Hindu Law, edited by 
him, jointly with R. West (vol. i., 
1867), furnished us for the first time 
with more specific information as 
to these Dhunm-Sutras, which 
connect themselves with, and in 
part directly belong to, the Vedic 
.Sutra stage. In the appendix to 
this work he likewise communicated 
various sections on the law of in- 
heritance from the four Dharma- 
Stitras above mentioned, and that of 
Baudhdyana. He also published 
separately,, in 1868, the entire 
Stitra of Apastamba, with extracts 
from Haradatta's commentary and 
an index of words (1871). This 
Sutra, in point of fact, forms (see 
above, notes 108 and 109) two 
pratnas of the Ap. Srauta-Sutra ; 
and a similar remark applies to the 
Siitra of Baudhdyana. According 
to Btihler's exposition, to the five 
Sutras just named have to be added 
the small texts of this class, consist- 
ing of prose and verse intermingled, 
which are ascribed to Usanas, Ka- 
s"yapa, and Budha; and, perhaps, also 
the Smritis of Hdrita and Sankha. 
All the other existing Smritis, on 
the contrary, bear a more modern 
character, and are either (i) metri- 
cal redactions of ancient Dharma- 
Sutras, or fragments of sucli redac- 
tions (to these belong our Manu and 
Yajnavalkya, as well as the Smritis 
of Ndrada, Par,isara, Brihaspati, 
Samvarta), or (2) secondary redac- 
tions of metrical Dharma-Sastras, 
or (3) metrical versionsof theGpbya- 
Siuras, or lastly, (4) forgeries of the 
Hindu sects. The material in vol. i. 
of Biihler and West's work has been 


As regards the existing text of Manu, it cannot, ap- 
parently, have been extant in its present shape even at 
the period to which the later portions of the Maha- 
Bharata belong. For although Manu is often cited in the 
epic in literal accordance with the text as we now have it, 
on the other hand, passages of Manu are just as often 
quoted there which, while they appear in our text, yet do 
so with considerable variations. Again, passages are there 
ascribed to Manu which are nowhere found in our collec- 
tion, and even passages composed in a totally different 
metre. And, lastly, passages also occur frequently in the 
Maha-Bharata which are not attributed to Manu at all, 
but which may nevertheless be read verbatim in our text.* 
Though we may doubtless here assign a large share of the 
blame to the writers making the quotations (we know from 
the commentaries how often mistakes have crept in through 
the habit of citing from memory), still, the fact that our 
text attained its present shape only after having been, 
perhaps repeatedly, recast, is patent from the numerous 
inconsistencies, additions, and repetitions it contains. In 
support of this conclusion, we have, further, not only the 
fabulous tradition to the effect that the text of Manu con- 
sisted originally of 100,000 ilokas, and was abridged, first 
to 12,000, and eventually to 4000 lokas\ a tradition 
which at least clearly displays a reminiscence of various 
remodellings of the text but also the decisive fact that 
in the legal commentaries, in addition to Manu, a Vriddha- 
Manu and a .#n7ta?i-Manu are directly quoted^ and must 
therefore have been still extant at the time of these com- 
mentaries. But although we cannot determine, even ap- 
proximately, the date when our text of Manu received its 
present shape, 328 there is little doubt that its contents, 

utilised critically, in its legal bear- t Our present text contains only 

ing, by Aurel Mayr, in his work, Das 2684 Slokas. 

indiscJie Erbrecht (Vienna, 1873) ; See Stenzler, 1. c., p. 235. 

see on it Lit. C. 1., 1874, p. 3 - 8 Jolmntgen (pp. 86, 95) assumes 

340 fl'. ag the latest limit for its composition 

* See Holtzmann, Ueber den the year B.C. 350, and as the earliest 

gricclischen Ursprung des indischen limit the fifth century. But this 

Thierkrcises, p. 14. [As to Manu's ' rests in great part upon his further 

position in Vardha-Mihira, see Kern, assumption (p. 77) that the Brdh- 

Pref. to Brih. Samh., pp. 42, 43, manas, Upanishads, &c., known 

and on a Pali edition of Manu, to us are all of later date an 

Kost in I. St., 5. 315 ff.] assumption which is rendered in 


compared with those of the other Dharrna-Sastras, are, on 
the whole, the most ancient, and that, consequently, it has 
been rightly placed by general tradition * at the head of 
this class of literature. The number of these other 
Dharma-Sastras is considerable, amounting to fifty-six, 
and is raised to a much higher figure namely, eighty 
if we reckon the several redactions of the individual works 
that have so far come to our knowledge, and which are 
designated by the epithets laghu, madhyama, briJiat, 
vriddha. 3 ^ When once the various texts are before us, 
their relative age will admit of being determined without 
great difficulty. It will be possible,t in particular, to 
characterise them according to the preponderance, or the 
entire absence, of one or other of the three constituent 
elements which make up the substance of Indian law, that 
is to say, according as they chiefly treat of domestic and 
civil duties, of the administration of justice, or of the regu- 
lations as to purification and penance. In Manu these 
three constituents are pretty much mixed up, but upon 
the whole they are discussed with equal fulness. The 
code of Yajnavalkya is divided into three books, accord- 
ing to the three topics, each book being of about the same 
extent. The other works of the class vary. 

With regard to the code of Yajnavalkya, just men- 
tioned the only one of these works which, with Manu, is 
as yet generally accessible its posteriority to Manu fol- 
lows plainly enough, not only from this methodical distri- 
bution of its contents, but also from the circumstance J that 

the highest degree doubtful by the these, however, we have still to add, 
remarks he himself makes, in agree- for example, from his Catalogue of 
merit with Muller and myself, upon MSS. from Gujardt, vol. iii., tho 
the probable orisr'm of the work Smritis of Kokila, Gobhila, Suryd- 
from a Grihya-Sutra of the Mdnava rima, laghu- and vrifMAa-Pardsara, 
school of the Black Yajus, as well lay/at- Brihaspati, lagku Saunaka ; 
as upon the various redactions it while to the collective titles pur- 
has undergone, and the relation of posely omitted by him from his 
the work itself and the various list Chaturvinsati, Shattrinsat (ex- 
schools of the Yajus to Buddhism tracts from 24 and 36 Smritis), and 
(pp. 112, 113); see /. Str., ii. 278, Saptarshi we have probably to add, 
279. from the same source, the Shndas'iti 

* Which those Hindus who emi- and Shannavati ? Tiie Anma-Smriti 

grated to Java also took with them, is also specified in the Catal. Sana. 

329 Biihler, 1. c., p. 13 ff., enu- MSS.,N.W. Prov., 1874, p. 122. 
merates 78 Smritis and 36 different + See Stenzler, 1. c., p. 236. 
redactions of individual Smritis, * See Stenzler in the Pref. to his 

iu all, a total of 114 such texts. To edition of Yajnavalkya, pp. ix.-xi. 


it teaches the worship of Ganes'a and the planets, the execu- 
tion, upon metal plates, of deeds relating to grants of land, 
and the organisation of monasteries all subjects which 
do not occur in Manu ; while polemical references to the 
Buddhists, which in Manu are at least doubtful, 330 are here 
unmistakable. 331 In the subjects, too, which are common 
to both, we note in Yajnavalkya an advance towards 
greater precision and stringency; and in individual in- 
stances, where the two present a substantial divergence, 
Yajnavalkya' s standpoint is distinctly the later one. The 
earliest limit we can fix for this work is somewhere about 
the second century A.D., seeing that the word ndnaka 
occurs in it to denote ' coin,' and this term, according to 
Wilson's conjecture, is taken from the coins of Kanerki, 
who reigned until A.D. 40.* Its latest limit, on the other 
hand, may be fixed about the sixth or seventh century, as, 
according to Wilson, passages from it are found in in- 
scriptions of the tenth century in various parts of India, 
and the work itself must therefore date considerably 
earlier. Its second book reappears literally in the Agni- 
Purana; whether adopted into the latter, or borrowed 
from it, cannot as yet be determined. Of this work also 
two recensions are distinguished, the one as brihad- 
Yajnavalkya, the other as #rwMAa-Yajnavalkya (see also 
Colebrooke, i. 103). As to its relation to the remaining 

330 jf by the pravrajitds in viii. De Astrologice Indices Ory/inibus, p. 
363, Buddhist brahmachdrinis be 14, the statement in Ydjnavalkyn, 
really meant, as asserted by Kuiluka, i. 80, that coitus must take place 
then this particular precept which ' susthe indau,' rests upon an ac- 
puts the violation of their persons quaintance with the Greek astro- 
on the same footing with violence logical doctrine of the ' twelve 
done to "other public women," and houses' (and, in fact, this is the 
punishes the offence with a small sense in which the Mitdkshara' under- 
fine only is to be taken not merely, stands the passage) ; so that, in his 
as Talboys Wheeler takes it (Hist, of opinion, Yajnavalkya cannot be 
India, ii. 583), as a bitter sarcasm, placed earlier than the fourth cen- 
but also as evidence that the work tury of our era. This interpreta- 
was composed at a time when the tiou, however, is not absolutely 
Buddhist nuns had already really forced upon us, as sustha might 
deteriorated ; cf. the remarks in a equally well refer to one of the 
similar instance in regard to Panini, lunar phases or mansions which 
/. St., v. 141. from an early period were re- 

331 Cf. Johantgen, pp. 112, 113. garded as auspicious for procreation 
* See above, p. 205: the same ap- and birth; see Lit, C. BL, 1873. 

plies also to the Vriddha-Gautama p. 787.] 
LiW-book. [According to Jacobi, 


codes, Stenzler, from the preface to whose edition the 
foregoing information is taken, is of opinion that it is an- 
tecedent to all of them, 332 and that, therefore, it marks the 
next stage after Manu.* 

But in addition to the Dharma-^astras, which form the 
basis and chief part of the literature dealing with Law, 
Custom, and Worship, we have also to rank the great bulk 
of the epic poetry the Maha-Bharata, as well as the 
Ramayana as belonging to this. branch of literature, since 
in these works, as I remarked when discussing them, the 
didactic element far outweighs the epic. The Maha-Bharata 
chiefly embraces instruction as to the duties of kings and of 
the military class, instruction which is given elsewhere also, 
namely, in the Niti-Sastras and (apparently) in the Dhanur- 
Veda ; but besides this, manifold other topics of the Hindu 
law are there discussed and expounded. The Puranas, on 
the contrary, chiefly contain regulations as to the worship 
of the gods by means of prayers, vows, fastings, votive 
offerings, gifts, pious foundations, pilgrimages, festivals, 
conformably to the shape which this worship successively 
assumed ; and in this they are extensively supported by 
the Upapuranas and the Tantras. 

"Within the last few centuries there has further grown 
up a modern system of jurisprudence, or scientific legal 
literature, which compares and weighs, one against another, 
the different views of the authors of the Dharma-Sastras. 
In particular, extensive compilations have been prepared, 
in great measure by the authority and under the auspices 
of various kings and princes, with a view to meet the prac- 

33-2 ;\[ul] er has, it is true, claimed Biihler's opinion (p. xxvii.), Manu 

(see above, note 327) for the Dhanna- and Ysljnavalkya, although only 

Sdstras of Vishnu, Gautama, and "versifications of older Sutras, "may 

Vasishtha the character of Dharma- yet very well be of higher antiquity 

Sutras; and Biihler (pp. xxi.-xxv.) "than some of the Sutra works 

expressly adds to the list the similar which have come down to our 

texts attributed to Usanas, Ka&yapa, times." 

and Budha, and also, though with * This, to be sure, is at variance 

a reservation, those of Hdrita and with i. 4^5, where twenty different 

Sankha (Vasi.shtha belongs pro- Dharma -Sdstra authors are enu- 

bably to the Drdhya'yana school of merated (amongst them Ydjnaval- 

t.lie Sitma-Veda, see pp. 79, 85 kya himself) : these two verses are 

the Veda with which Gautama perhaps a later addition (?). 
ia likewise associated). Still, iu 


tical want of a sufficient legal code. 333 The English them- 
selves, also, have had a digest of this sort compiled, from 
which, as is well known, the commencement of Sanskrit 
studies dates. These compilations were mostly drawn up 
in the Dekhan, which from the eleventh century was the 
refuge and centre of literary activity generally. In Hin- 
dustan it had been substantially arrested by the inroads 
and ravages of the Muhammadans ; * and it is only within 
the last three centuries that it has again returned thither, 
especially to Kaf (Benares) and Bengal. Some of the 
Mogul emperors, notably the great Akbar and his two suc- 
cessors, Jehangir and Shah Jehanf who together reigned 
1556-1656 were great patrons of Hindu literature. 

This brings us to the close of our general survey of 
Sanskrit literature ; but we have still to speak of a very 
peculiar branch of it, whose existence only became known 
some twenty or thirty years ago, namely, the Buddhistic 
Sanskrit works. To this end, it is necessary, in the first 
place, to premise some account of the origin of Buddhism 
itself. 334 

333 See Colebrooke's account of verse from another Dharma-&tstra : 

these in his two prefaces to the '' Vindhyasya dakshine bhdge yatra 

Digest of Hindu Law (1798) and the Goddvari sthitd \ tatra vedds cha ya- 

Two Treatises on the Hindu Law of jnds cha bhavishyanti kalau yuge."\\ 

Inheritance (1810), now in Cowell's "In the Kali age the Vedas and 

edition of the Misc. Ess., i. 461 ff. : sacrifices will have their home to 

also Biihler's Introduction, 1. c., p. the south of the Vindhya, in the 

iii. ff. region where flows the Godilvari." 

* This finds expression, e.g., in Similar expressions occur in the 

the following tiokaof Vystsa : "Sam- Law-book of Atri and in the Jagan- 

prdpte tu kalau kale Vindf/yddrer rnohana. 

uttare sthitdh \ brdhmand yajnara- f As well as the latter's son, Ddra 

hitd jyotih- tdstra-pardnmukhdh.''\\ Shakoh. 

"In the Kali age, the Brahmans 334 Cf. C. F. Koppen's excellent 

dwelling north of the Vindhya are work. Die Religion dee Buddha 

deprived of tbe sacrifice and averse (1857, 1859, 2 vols.). 
from Jyotih-sdstra :" and in this 


Of the original signification of the word luddha, ' awak- 
ened ' (sc. from error), ' enlightened,' as a complimentary 
title given to sages in general,* I have already more than 
once spoken (pp. 27, 167). I have also already remarked 
that the Buddhist doctrine was originally of purely philo- 
sophical tenor, identical with the system afterwards de- 
nominated the Samkhya, and that it only gradually grew 
up into a religion in consequence of one of its representa- 
tives having turned with it to the people.f Buddhist 
tradition has itself preserved in individual traits a remini- 
scence of this origin of Buddha's doctrine, and of its poste- 
riority to and dependence upon the Samkhya philosophy. 335 
Thus it describes Buddha as born at Kapila-vastu, ' the 
abode of Kapila/ and uniformly assigns to Kapila, the 
reputed founder of the Samkhya system, a far earlier date. 
Again, it gives Maya-devi as the mother of Buddha, and 
here we have an unmistakable reference to the Maya of 
the Samkhya. 335a Further, it makes r Buddha, in his prior 
birth among the gods, bear the name Svetaketu 336 a name 
which, in the Satapatha-Brahmana, is borne by one of the 
contemporaries of Kapya Patamchala, with whom Kapila 
ought probably to be connected. And, lastly, it distinctly 
ranks Panchasikha, one of the main propagators of Kapila's 
doctrine, as a demigod or Gandharva. Of the names be- 
longing to the teachers mentioned in Buddhist legend as 
contemporaries of Buddha, several also occur in Vedic 

* The name bJiayavant, which is there might perhaps actually be here 

also applied to Buddha in particular, an early complimentary allusion to 

is likewise a general title of honour, Buddha ! A "Parihshir (I)bhikshur 

still preserved among the Brahinans Atreyah " is named shortly after, 

to designate Rishis of every kind, 335a M.iysi, however, belongs not 

and is bestowed very specially on to the Samkhy;i, but specially to 

Vishnu or Krishna ; while in the the Vedanta doctrine, 

contracted form, bkavant, it actually 336 Can the legend in the Mabii- 

supplies the place of the pronoun of BhaYata, xii. 2056, have any connec- 

the second person [/. St., ii. 231, tion herewith to the effect that 

xiii. 351, 352]. Svetaketu was disowned by his fa- 

t See 7. '<., i. 435, 436, and above, ther Uddiilaka because of his being 

pp. " mitliya viprdn upacharan " ? The 

:i:)5 In the list of ancient gnges at name Svetaketu further occurs 

the beginning of the Charaku-Sam- among the prior births of Buddha, 

hitd, wefind mention, amongst others, Xo. 370 in Westergaard's Cataloyus, 

of a " Gautamali Samkhyah " an p. 40; but amongst these 539 

expression which the modern editor jdtakas pretty nearly everything ap- 

interprets, " Bauddhavisesha-Gau- pears to be mentioned ! 
tuma-vyrlvrittaye ! " But iu truth 


literature, but only in its third or Sutra stage, e.g., Katyu- 
yana, Katyayaniputra, Kaundinya, Agnives"ya, Maitraya- 
niputra, Vatsfputra,* Paushkarasadi ; but no names of 
teachers belonging to the Brahmana period are found in 
these legends. 337 This is all the more significant, as Bud- 
dhism originated in the same region and district to which 
we have to allot the Satapatha-Brahmana, for instance 
the country, namely, of the Kosalas and Videhas, among 
the Sakyas and Lichhavis. The Sakyas are the family of 
which Buddha himself came : according to the legend,t 
they had immigrated from the west, from Potala, a city 
on the Indus. Whether this tradition be well founded or 
not, I am, at all events, disposed to connect them with the 
Sakayanins who are referred to in the tenth book of the 
Satapatha-Brahmana, and also with the Sakayanyas of the 
Maitrayana-Upanishad, which latter work propounds pre- 
cisely the Buddhistic doctrine of the vanity of the world, 
&c. (see above, pp. 97, I37). 338 Among the Kosala- Videhas 
this doctrine, and in connection with it the practice of 
subsistence upon alms as Pravrajaka or Bhikshu, had been 
thoroughly disseminated by Yajnavalkya and their king 
Janaka ; and a fruitful soil had thereby been prepared for 
Buddhism (see pp. 137, 147, 237). The doctrines promul- 
gated by Yajnavalkya in the Yrihad-Aranyaka are in fact 
completely Buddhistic, as also are those of the later Athar- 
vopanishads belonging to the Yoga system. Nay, it 
would even seem as if Buddhist legend itself assigned Bud- 

* To these names in -putra, which Ariana Antiq., p. 212 : "The truth 

are peculiar to Buddhist legend and of the legend may be questioned, 

the vansa of the Satapatha-Brjih- but it not improbably intimates 

mann, belongs also, in the former, some connection with the Sakas or 

the name Sariputra, Sa"rika"putra. Indo-Scythians, who were masters 

337 Unless Buddha's preceptor of Pattalene subsequent to the Greek 

Ardda may have something to do princes of Bactria." The legend 

with the Ardlhi Saujdta of the Ait. may possibly have been invented in 

Br.,vii. 22(?). The special conclusion the time of Kanerki, one of these 

to be based upon these name-syn- Saka kings, with a view to flatter 

chronisms is that the advent of Bud- him for the zeal he displayed on 

dha is to be set down as contempor- behalf of Buddhism, 
aneous with the latest offsets of the 338 So, too, Johantgen, Ueber das 

Brdhmana literature, i.e., with the Oesetzbuch des Manu, p. 112, refers 

A*ranyakas and older Sutras ; /. St., the traces of Buddhistic notions 

iii. I58ff. exhibited in that work specially t<> 

t See Csoma Korosi, Journ. As. the school of the Mauavas, from 

Soc. Bemj., Aug. 1833 ; Wilson, which it sprang. 


dha to a period exactly coincident with that of Janaka, and 
consequently of Yajnavalkya also ; for it specifies a king 
AjataSatru as a contemporary of Buddha, and a prince 
of this name appears in the Vrihad-Aranyaka and the 
Kaushitaki-Upauishad as the contemporary and rival of 
Janaka. 339 The other particulars given in Buddhist legend 
as to the princes of that epoch have, it is true, nothing ana- 
logous to them in the works just mentioned ; the Ajatas"atru 
of the Buddhists, moreover, is styled prince of Magadha, 
whereas he of the Vrihad-Aranyaka and the Kaushitaki- 
Upanishad appears as the sovereign of the Kas*is. (The 
name Ajatas"atru occurs elsewhere also, e.g., as a title 
of Yudhishthira.) Still, there is the further circumstance 
that, in the fifth kdnda of the Satapatha-Brahmana, Bhad- 
rasena, the son of Ajatasatru, is cursed by Aruni, the 
contemporary of Janaka and Yajnavalkya (see /. St., i. 
213); and, as the Buddhists likewise cite a Bhadrasena 
at least, as the sixth successor of Ajatasatru we might 
almost be tempted to suppose that the curse in question 
may have been called forth by the heterodox anti- 
brahmanical opinions of this Bhadrasena. Nothing more 
precise can at present be made out ; and it is possible that 
the two Ajatalatrus and the two Bhadrasenas may simply 
be namesakes, and nothing more as may be the case also 
with the Brahmadatta of the Vrihad-Aranyaka and the 
two kings of the same name of Buddhist legend. It is, at 
any rate, significant enough that in these legends the name 
of the Kuru-Panchalas no longer occurs, either as a com- 
pound or separately ; 34 whilst the Pandavas are placed in 
Buddha's time, and appear as a wild mountain tribe, living 
by marauding and plunder.* Buddha's teaching was 
mainly fosteivd in the district of Magadha, which, as an 
extreme border province, was perhaps never completely 

339 Highly noteworthy also is the mentioned by the Southern Bud- 
peculiar agreement between Bud- dhists; see/. f.,iii. 160, 161. 
dhist legends and those of the * The allusion to the five P&ndus 
Vrihad-Aranyaka in regard to the in the introduction of the Lalita- 
six teachers whom Ajdtas'atru and Vistara (Foucaux, p. 26) is probably, 
Janaka had before they were in- with the whole passage in which 
Btructed by Buddha and Ydjiiavalkya it occurs, an interpolation, being 
respectively; see /. St., iii. 156, totally irreconcilable with the other 
1 57. references to the Pdndavas contained 

340 The Kurus are repeatedly in the work. 


bralimanised ; so that the native inhabitants always re- 
tained a kind of influence, and now gladly seized the 
opportunity to rid themselves of the brahmanical hier- 
archy and the system of caste. The hostile allusions to 
these Magadhas in the Atharva-Samhita (see p. 147 and 
in the thirtieth book of the Vajasaneyi-Samhita ? pp. in, 
112) might indeed possibly refer to their anti-brahmanical 
tendencies in times antecedent to Buddhism : the similar 
allusions in the Sama- Sutras, on the contrary (see p. 79), 341 
are only to be explained as referring to the actual flourish- 
ing of Buddhism in Magadha.* 

With reference to the tradition as to Buddha's age, the 
various Buddhist eras which commence with the date of 
his death exhibit the widest divergence from each other. 
Amongst the Northern Buddhists fourteen different ac- 
counts are found, ranging from B.C. 2422 to B.C. 546; the 
eras of the Southern Buddhists, on the contrary, mostly 
agree with each other, and all of them start from B.C. 544 
or 543. This latter chronology has been recently adopted 
as the correct one, on the ground that it accords best with 
historical conditions, although even it displays a dis- 
crepancy of sixty-six years as regards the historically 
authenticated date of Chandragupta. But the Northern 
Buddhists, the Tibetans as well as the Chinese inde- 
pendently altogether of their era, which may be of later 
origin than this particular tradition t agree in placing 
the reign of king Kanishka, Kanerki, under whom 
the third (or fourth) Buddhist council was held, 400 
years after Buddha's death ; and on the evidence of coins, 
this Kanishka reigned down to A.D. 40 (see Lassen, I. AK., 
ii. 412, 413), which would bring down the date of Buddha's 
death to about the year B.C. 370. Similarly, the Tibetans 
place Nagarjuna who, according to the Kaja-taramgini, 
was contemporaneous with Kanishka 400 years after 
the death of Buddha ; whereas the Southern Buddhists 
make him live 500 years after that event. Nothing like 

341 And on another occasion, in to the Buddhistic names of the 

the Baudhdyaua- Stitra also; see mountains about Rdjagriha, the 

note 126. capital of Magadha, found in Maha". 

* For other points of contact in BhaVata, ii. 799. 

the later Vedic literature, see pp. f Which is met with so early as 

129, 138 [98, 99, 151]. Lassen has the seventh century A.D., in Hiuan 

dnuvn attention, ill /. AK., ii. 79, Thsang. 


positive certainty, therefore, is for the present attain- 
able. 342 A priori, however, it seems probable that the 
council which was held in the reign of king Kanerki, and 
from which the existing shape of the sacred scriptures of 
the Northern Buddhists nominally dates, really took place 
400, and not so much as 570, years after Buddha's death. 
It seems probable also that the Northern Buddhists, -who 
alone possess these Scriptures complete, preserved more 
authentic information regarding the circumstances of the 
time of their redaction and consequently also regarding 
the date of Nagarjuna than did the Southern Buddhists, 
to whom this redaction is unknown, and whose scriptures 
exist only in a more ancient form which is alleged to 
have been brought to Ceylon so early as B.C. 245, and 
to have been there committed to writing about the year 
B.C. 80 (Lassen, /. AK., ii. 435). Of these various eras, 
the only one the actual employment of which at an early 
period can at present be proved is the Ceylonese, which, 
like the other Southern eras, begins in B.C. 544. Here 
the period indicated is the close of the fourth century 
A.D. ; since the Dipavansa, a history of Ceylon in Pali 
verse, which was written at that date, appears to make use 
of this era, whereby naturally it becomes invested with a 
certain authority. 

If, now, we strip the accounts of Buddha's personality 
of all supernatural accretion, we find that he was a king's 
son, who, penetrated by the nothingness of earthly things, 
forsook his kindred in order thenceforth to live on alms, 
and devote himself in the first place to contemplation, 
and thereafter to the instruction of his fellow-men. His 
doctrine was,* that " men's lots in this life are conditioned 
and regulated by the actions of a previous existence, that 
no evil deed remains without punishment, and no good deed 
without reward. From this fate, which dominates the in- 
dividual within the circle of transmigration, he can only 

342 Nor have the subsequent dis- any definite result; cf. my/. Str., 

(Missions of this topic by Max Mtiller ii. 216 ; Lit. C. J31., 1874, p. 719. 
(1859), Hist. A. S. L., p. 264 ff., by * Though it is nowhere set forth 

Westerpaard (1860), Ueber Buddha's in so succinct a form: it results, how- 

Todesjahr (Breslau, 1862), and by ever, as the sura and substance of 

Kern, Over deJaartdling dcr Zuidt-l. the various legends. 
Jhiddhistcn (1874), so far yielded 


escape * by directing his will towards the one thought of 
liberation from this circle, by remaining true to this aim, 
and striving with steadfast zeal after meritorious action 
only; whereby finally, having cast aside all passions, 
which are regarded as the strongest fetters in this prison- 
house of existence, he attains the desired goal of complete 
emancipation from re-birth." This teaching contains, in 
itself, absolutely nothing new ; on the contrary, it is en- 
tirely identical with the corresponding Brahmanical doc- 
trine ; only the fashion in which Buddha proclaimed and 
disseminated it was something altogether novel and un- 
wonted. For while the Brahmans taught solely in their 
hermitages, and received pupils of their own caste only, he 
wandered about the country with his disciples, preach- 
ing his doctrine to the whole people,f and although still 
recognising the existing caste-system, and explaining its 
origin, as the Brahmans themselves did, by the dogma of. 
rewards and punishments for prior actions receiving as 
adherents men of every caste without distinction. To 
these he assigned rank in the community according to 
their age and understanding, thus abolishing within the 
community itself the social distinctions that birth en- 
tailed, and opening up to all men the prospect of eman- 
cipation from the trammels of their birth. This of itself 
sufficiently explains the enormous success that attended 
his doctrine : the oppressed all turned to him as their 
redeemer.^ If by this alone he struck at the root of 
the Brahmanical hierarchy, he did so not less by declar- 

* See Schmidt, Dsanglun der minority. My idea is that the strict 

Weise und der Thor, Pref., p. morality required by Buddhism of 

xxxiii. ff. its adherents became in the long run 

t See Lassen, I. A K., ii. 440, irksome to the people ; the original 

441 ; Burnouf, Introd. d, VHistoire cult, too, was probably too simple. 

du Buddhisme Indien, pp. 152- The Brahmans knew how to turn 

212. both circumstances to the best ad- 

Under these circumstance?, it vantage. Krishna- worship, as they 

is indeed surprising that it should organised it, offered far more satis- 

have been possible to dislodge Bud- faction to the sensual tastes of the 

dhism from India. The great num- people ; while the various cults of 

bers and influence of the Brahman the ^aktis, or female deities, most 

caste do not alone completely ac- likely all date from a time shortly 

count for the fact ; for, in proper- preceding the expulsion of the Bud- 

tion to the whole people, the Brah- dhists from India, 
tuans were after all only a very small 


ing sacrificial worship the performance of which was 
the exclusive privilege of the Brahmans to be utterly 
unavailing and worthless, and a virtuous disposition and 
virtuous conduct, on the contrary, to be the only real 
means of attaining final deliverance. He did so, further, 
by the fact that, wholly penetrated by the truth of his 
opinions, he claimed to be in possession of the highest 
enlightenment, and so by implication rejected the validity 
of the Veda as the supreme source of knowledge. These 
two doctrines also were in no way new ; till then, how- 
ever, they had been the possession of a few anchorites ; 
never before had they been freely and publicly proclaimed 
to all. 

Immediately after Buddha's death there was held, ac- 
cording to the tradition, a council of his disciples in 
Magadha, at which the Buddhist sacred scriptures were 
compiled. These consist of three divisions (Pitakas), 
the first of which the Sutras* comprises utterances 
and discourses of Buddha himself, conversations with his 
hearers ; while the Vinaya embraces rules of discipline, and 
the Abhidharma, dogmatic and philosophical discussions. 
A hundred years later, according to the tradition of the 
Southern, but a hundred and ten according to that of the 
Northern Buddhists, a second council took place at Patali- 
putra for the purpose of doing away with errors of dis- 
cipline which had crept in. With regard to the third 
council, the accounts of the Northern and Southern Bud- 
dhists are at issue. (Lassen, /. AK., ii. 232.) According 
to the former, it was held in the seventeenth year of the 
reign of Asuka, a year which we have to identify with B.C. 
246 which, however, is utterly at variance with the 
equally traditional assertion that it took place 218 years 
after Buddha's death, i.e., in B.C. 326. At this council the 
precepts of the law were restored to their ancient purity, 
and it was at the same time resolved to send forth mission- 
aries to propagate the doctrines of Buddha, The Northern 
Buddhists, on the contrary, place the third council 400 
years after Buddha's death, in the reign of Kanishka, one 

* This name alone might suggest the Si'itra, not in the Brdhmana, 
tli;it Buddha himself flourished in period. 


of the Turushka (Saka) kings of Kashmir, who, as we have 
seen, is established, on numismatic evidence, to have reigned 
until A.D. 40. The sacred scriptures of the Northern Bud- 
dhists, which are alleged to have been fixed at this council, 
are still extant, not merely in the Sanskrit originals them- 
selves, which have recently been recovered in Nepal,* but 
also in a complete Tibetan translation, bearing the name 
Kdgyur, and consisting of one hundred volumes ; t as well 
as, partially at least, in Chinese, Mongolian, Kalmuck, and 
other translations. The scriptures of the Southern Bud- 
dhists, on the contrary, are not extant in Sanskrit at all. 
With reference to them, it is alleged that one year after 
their arrangement at the third council, that of Aoka (i.e., 
in the year B.C. 245), they were brought by Mahendra, the 
apostle of Ceylon, to that island, and by him translated 

* By the British Resident there, 
B. H. Hodgson, who presented MSS. 
of them to the Asiatic Societies of 
Calcutta, London, and Paris. The 
Paris collection was further enriched 
in 1837 with copies which the Soctite 
Asiatique caused to be made through 
Hodgson's agency. This led Bur- 
nouf to write his great work, Intro- 
duction d VHistoire du Huddhisme 
Indien, Paris, 1844 [followed in the 
end of 1852 hy his not less important 
production, the translation of the 
Lotus de la Bonne Loi ; see /. St., iii. 
135 ff., 1864. The British Museum 
and the University Library in Cam- 
bridge are now also in possession of 
similar MSS. A catalogue, com- 
piled by Cowell and Eggeling, of 
the Hodgson collection of Buddhist 
Sanskrit MSS. in the possession of 
the Royal Asiatic Society has just 

f Regarding the compass and con- 
tents of this Tibetan translation, our 
first (and hitherto almost our sole) 
information was supplied by a Hun- 
garian traveller, Csoma Korosi, the 
Anquetil du Perron of this century, 
a man of rare vigour and energy, who 
resided for a very long time in Tibet, 
and who by his Tibetan grammar 
and dictionary has conquered this 

language for European science. Two 
pretty extensive works from the 
Kdgyur have already been edited 
and translated : the Dsanglun in St. 
Petersburg by Schmidt, and the 
llgya C'her Rol Pa (Lalita-Vistara) 
in Paris by Foucaux. [Since then 
L. Feer, especially, has rendered 
valuable service in this field by his 
Tcxtes tires du, Kandjour (1864-71, 1 1 
parts) ; also Schiefner, e.g., by his 
editions of the Vimala-pramottara- 
ratnamdld (1858) the Sanskrit text 
of which was subsequently edited by 
Foucaux (cf. also J.Str., i. 210 ff.) 
and of the Bharatce Responsa (1875). 
Schiefner has further just issued a 
translation from the Kdgyur of a 
group of Buddhist tales, under the 
title, Mahdlcdtydyana und Konig 
Tsckanda Pradjota. The ninth of 
these stories contains (see p. vii. 26 
ff.) what is now probably the oldest 
version of the so-called 'Philoso- 
pher's Ride,' which here, as in the 
Piifichatantra (iv. 6), is related of 
the king himself; whereas in an 
Arabian tale of the ninth century, 
communicated in the appendix (p. 
66) and in our own mediaeval version, 
it is told of the king's wise coun- 


into the native Singhalese. 343 Not until some 165 years 
later (i.e., in B.C. 80) were they consigned to writing in 
that language, having been propagated in the interval by 
oral transmission only. 344 After a further period of 500 
years (namely, between A.D. 410 and 432) they were at 
length rendered into the sacred Pali tongue (cf. Lassen, 
/. AK., ii. 43 5 X in which they are now extant, and from 
which in turn translations into several of the languages of 
Farther India were subsequently made.* As to the relation 
of these scriptures of the Southern Buddhists to those of 
their Northern co-religionists, little is at present known 
beyond the fact that both present in common the general 
division into three parts (Sutra, Vinaya, Abhidharma). 
In extent they can hardly compare with the latter, 345 nor 
even, according to the foregoing exposition,t in authen- 
ticity. 346 Unfortunately but little information has as yet 

343 It was not the Pali text itself, 
but only the oral commentary (attha- 
kathd) belonging to it, which was 
translated into Singhalese. (See the 
following notes.) So at least it is 
stated in the tradition in the Mahd- 
vansa. For the rest, it is extremely 
doubtful how much of the present 
Tipitaka may have actually been in 
existence then. For if we compare 
the statements contained in tle 
Khabra missive addressed by king 
Piyadasi to the synod of Magadha, 
which was then engaged in the ac- 
commodation of schisms that had 
sprung up relative to the sacred 
texts (dhamma-paHyfiydni) as they 
then stood, a mighty difference be- 
comes apparent ! See Burnonf, 
Lotus, p. 724 ff. ; 7. St., iii. 172 ff. 

344 See Mah;ivan*a, chap, xxxiii. 
p. 207 ; Tumour, Preface, p. xxix. ; 
Muir, Orif/. Sansk. Texts, ii. 69, 70 
(57 2 ) ; /. St., v. 26. 

* That is to say, translated back 
again (?); for this sacred language must 
be the same that Mahendra brought 
with him ? [Not the texts them- 
selves, only their interpretation (at- 
thakathd) was now rendered back 
ngain into Pali, namely, by Buddha- 
ghosha, who came from Magadha, and 
resided a number of years in Ceylon.] 

346 The extent of the Pali Tipi$aka 
is also very considerable ; see the 
accounts in Hardy's Eastern Mona- 
chism, pp. 167-170. On the ear- 
liest mention of the name Tipitaka 
in a Sanskrit inscription of Buddha- 
ghosha at Kanheri (in the Journ. 
Bombay Er. R. A. 5., v. 14), see /. 
St., v. 26. 

t If indeed the case be as here 
represented ! I can in the mean- 
while only report. [Unfortunately, 
I had trusted to Lassen's account, 
in the passage cited in the text, 
instead of referring to Tumour him- 
self (pp. xxix. xxx.) ; the true state 
of the case (see the preceding notes) 
I have set forth in 7. St., iii. 254.] 

S4C rp ne question which of the two 
redactions, that of the Northern or 
that of the Southern Buddhists, is 
the more original has been warmly 
debated by Tumour and Hodgson. 
(The latter's articles on the subject 
are now collected in a convenient 
form in his Essays on Languages, 
Lit. and Rel. of Nepal and TV)ct, 
1874.) Burnouf, also, has discussed 
the question in his Lotus de la Bonne 
Loi, p. 862 ff., and has decided, in 
principle no doubt rijrhtly, that both 
possess an equal title. Compare 
here 7. St., iii. 176 ff., where certain 


been imparted regarding their contents, &c.* Southern 
Buddhism, however, supplies us with copious and pos- 
sibly trustworthy accounts of the first centuries of its 
existence, as well as of the growth of the Buddhist faith 
generally, a Pali historical literature having grown up in 
Ceylon at a comparatively early period, 340 * one of the most 
important works of which the Mahavansa of Mahanama, 
composed towards A.D. 480 has already been published, 
both in the original text and in an English version. 

doubts are urged by me against some 
of his assumptions, as also specially 
with regard to Buddhaghosha's 
highly significant part in the shap- 
ing of the IMli Tipitaka. Kern has 
recently, in his Essay Over de Jaar- 
telling der zuidelijke J3uddhisten,gone 
far beyond those objections of mine ; 
but, as it seems to me, he goes fur- 
ther than the case requires ; see Lit. 
C. Bl., 1874, p. 719. At any rate, 
even fully acknowledging the part 
belonging to Buddhagliosha, it ap- 
pears to me now that the claim of 
the Pdli Tipitaka to superior origi- 
nality is, after all, far stronger th;in 
that of the Sanskrit texts of the 
Northern Buddhists, from which, as 
from the sacred writings of the Jai- 
nas, it is distinguished, greatly to its 
advantage, by its comparative sim- 
plicity and brevity. Cf. also S. Beal's 
very pertinent observations in the 
Ind. Antiq., iv. 90. 

* The most authentic information 
as yet is to be found in the Intro- 
duction to G. Tumour's edition of 
the MahaVansa (1835, Ceylon) and 
in the scattered essays of this scholar; 
also, though only in very general 
outline, in Westergaard's Catalogue 
of the Copenhagen Indian MSS. 
(1846, Havniae), which comprise a 
tolerable number of these Pali works, 
purchased by the celebrated llask 
in Ceylon. Clough's writings, too, 
contain much that bears upon this 
subject : also Spiegel's Anecdola 
Palica. Exceedingly copious infor- 
mation regarding Southern Bud- 
dhism is contained in a work that 
has just reached me, by R. Spence 

Hardy, Eastern Monachism, an Ac- 
count of the Origin, Laws,<kc., of the 
Order of Mendicants founded by Go' 
tama Buddha, London, 1850, 444 pp. 
The author was twenty years a Wes- 
leyan missionary in Ceylon, and ap- 
pears to have employed this time to 
excellent purpose. [This was fol- 
lowed in 1853 by his Manual of 
Buddhism, also a very valuable work. 
The study of Pali and its litera- 
ture has recently taken a great spring, 
particularly through the labours of 
V. Fausbb'll (Dhammapada, 1855 ; 
Five Jdtakas, 1861 ; Dasarathajd- 
taka, 1871 ; Ten Jdtakas, 1872 ; The 
Jdtaka, together with its Commentary, 
Pt. i., 1875), James de Alwis (Intro- 
duction to Kaclichdy ana's Grammar, 
1863 ; Attanayaluvansaj 1866), P. 
Grimblot (ExtraUs du Paritta, 1870), 
L. Peer (Daharasutta and others of 
these Pali-suttas in his Textes tires 
du Kandjour, 1869 ff.), Joh. Mi- 
nayeff (Pdtimokkhasutta and Vutto- 
ddya, 1869; Grammaire Palie, 1874, 
Russian edition 1872), E. Kuhn 
( Kachchdyanappalcarance Specimen, 
1869, 1871 ; BeitrdgezurPdli-Gram- 
matik, 1875), E. Senart (Grammaire 
de Kachchdyana, 1871), R. Childers 
(Khuddakapdt/ia, 1869; Dictionary 
of the Pali Language, 1872-75), M. 
Cooma"ra Svdmy (Suttanipdta, 1874); 
to which may be added the gram- 
matical writings of W. Storck (1858, 
1862) and Fr. Miiller (1867-69). 

34611 Northern Buddhism has like- 
wise found its historians. The 
Tibetan Tdrana'tha (see note 350) 
cites as his precursors Bhatagha^i, 
Indradatta, Kshemendrabhadra. 


With respect now to the scriptures of the Northern 
Buddhists, the Sanskrit originals, namely for it is these 
alone that concern us here we must, in the first place, 
keep in view that, even according to the tradition, their 
existing text belongs only to the first century of our yra; 
so that, even although there should be works among them 
dating from the two earlier councils, yet these were in 
any case subjected to revision at the third. In the next 
place, it is a priori improbable nor is it indeed directly 
alleged that the whole of the existing works owed their 
origin to this third council, and amongst them there must 
certainly be many belonging to a later period. And lastly, 
we must not even assume that all the works translated in 
the Tibetan Kagyur were already in existence at the time 
when translations into Tibetan began to be made (in the 
seventh century) ; for the Kagyur was not completed all 
at once, but was only definitively fixed after a prolonged 
and gradual growth.* From these considerations alone, 
it is abundantly plain how cautious we ought to be in 
making use of these works. But there is still more to be 
borne in mind. Eor even supposing the origin of the most 
ancient of them really to date from the first and second 
councils, 347 still, to assume that they were recorded in 
writing so early as this is not only prima facie question- 
able, but is, besides, distinctly opposed to analogy, since we 
are expressly informed that, with the Southern" Buddhists, 
the consignment to writing only took place in the year 
B.C. So, long subsequent to both councils. The main pur- 
pose of the third council under Kanishka may possibly 
just have been to draw up written records; had such 
records been already in existence, Buddhism could hardly 
have been split up thus early into eighteen different sects, 
as wo are told was the case in Kanishka's time, only 400 
years after Buddha's death. Why, during all the eighteen 
centuries that have since elapsed no such amount of schism 
has sprung up, evidently because a written basis was then 
secured. Lastly, one important point which must not be 

* According to Csoma K6i6*i, the Bh.ibra missive as to the d1iamma,~ 

Tibetan translations date from the paliydydni as they then stood render 

seventh to the thirteenth centuries, such a supposition extremely doubt- 

j>rincipally from the ninth. fill here, just as in the case of the 

347 The data contained in the 1'ali Tiptyaka (.see note 343). 

LANGUAGE OF BUDDHISTIC SCRIPTURES. 295 sight of in estimating the authenticity of the existing 
Buddhist scriptures is the circumstance that the sources 
from which they were drawn were in a different language. 
True, we cannot make out with absolute certainty in what 
language Buddha taught and preached ; but as it was to 
the people he addressed himself, it is in the highest degree 
probable that he spoke in the vernacular idiom. Again, 
it was in Magadha * that the first council of his disciples 
assembled, and it was doubtless conducted in the dialect 
of this country, which indeed passes as the sacred language 
of Buddhism. The same remark applies to the second 
council, as well as to the one which, according to the 
Southern Buddhists, is the third, both of which were like- 
wise held in Magadha. f Mahendra, who converted Cey- 
lon in the year following this third council, took with him 
to that island the Magadhi language, afterwards called 
Pali : J this, too, is the dialect in which the inscriptions of 
this period, which at least bespeak Buddhistic influence, 
are composed. 348 At the last council, on the contrary, 
which falls some 300 years later, and at which the existing 
scriptures of the Northern Buddhists are alleged to have 

* In the old capital (Rajagriha). down to us officially under the name 

f- In the new capital (Pataliputra). of Msigadhi, and which presents 

J That Piili could have been de- special features of resemblance to 

veloped in Ceylon from an imported that dialect, rather, which is em- 

S.mskrit is altogether inconceivable, ployed in the insciiptions of Girnar. 

348 'ji ue edicts of Piyadasi present The question has therefore been raised 

themselves to us in three distinct whether Pdli is really entitled to the 

dialects. One of these, that of name Magadhi, which in the Pdli 

Dhauli, exhibits a number of the literature is applied to it, or whether 

peculiarities which distinctively be- it may not have received this title 

long to the Ardhama'gadhi of the merely from motives of ecclesiastical 

Jainas, and the dialect designated policy, having reference to the sig- 

Magadhi by the Prdkrit grammar!- uificance of the land of Magadha in 

ans. It is in it that the Bhabra mis- the history of Buddhism. Wester- 

sive addressed to the third council gaardevensurmises( Uebcrdenaltesten 

is composed a circumstance which Zeitraum der indischen Geschichte, p. 

conclusively proves that it was then 87 n., 1862) that Pali is identical 

the official language of Buddhism, with the dialect of Ujjayini, the 

and, in point of fact, Magadhi (since mother-tongue of Maheudra, who 

Dhauli belongs geographically to was born there ; and Ernst Kuhn 

this district) ; see 7. /Stf.,iii. 180. and (Beitr&ge zur Pdli-Grammatik, p. 7, 

my Essay on the Bhagavati of the 1875) adopts this opinion. But 

Jainas, i. 396. But then, on the Pischel (Jenaer Lit. Zeit., 1875, p. 

other hand, this dialect displays a 316) and Childers (Pali Diet., Pre- 

particularly marked divergence from face, p. vii) pronounce against it. 
Pali, the language which has come 


been compiled, the language employed for this purpose 
was not Magadhf, but Sanskrit, although not the purest. 
The reason of this lies simply in the locality. For this 
concluding council was not held in Magadha, nor even in 
Hindustan at all, whose rulers were not then favourably 
disposed towards Buddhism, but in Kashmir, a district 
which partly no doubt in consequence of its being peopled 
exclusively by Aryan tribes,* but partly also (see pp. 26, 
45, 178) because, like the North- West of India generally, 
it has to be regarded as a chief seat of the cultivation of 
Indian grammar had preserved its language purer than 
those Aryans had been able to do who had emigrated to 
India, and there mingled with the native inhabitants. 
Those priests,f therefore, who here undertook the compila- 
tion and recording in writing of the sacred scriptures were, 
if not accomplished grammarians, yet in all probability 
sufficiently conversant with grammar to be able to write 
passable Sanskrit.^ 

Agreeably to what has just been set forth, 349 it is in the 
highest degree risky to regard, as has hitherto been done, 

* The Greeks aud Scythians were 
both too scanty in numbers, and too 
short a time in close contact with 
the natives, to exercise any influence 
in the way of modifying the lan- 

f And it was evidently priests, 
educated men therefore, who formed 
the third council. In the first two, 
laymen may have taken part, but 
the Buddhistic hierarchy had had 
time to develop sufficiently in the 

J Burnouf thinks differently, Hist, 
du Buddh., pp. 105, 106, as also 
Lassen, /. AK. , ii. 9, 491-493 [hut 
pee 7. St., iii. 139, 179 ft'.]. 

349 Beside the two branches of 
Buddhistic literature discussed in 
the foregoing pages the Pali texts 
of the Southern and the Sanskrit 
texts of the Northern Buddhists 
there stands a third group, occupy- 
ing, from its original constitution, 
.1 kind of intermediate place between 
the other two namely, the Ardha- 
magadhi texts of the Jainas. The 
sect of the Jainas is in all probability 

to be regarded us one of the schis- 
matic sects that branched off from 
Buddhism in the first centuries of 
its existence. The legendary nar- 
ratives of the personal activity of 
its founder, Mahdvira, not only re- 
fer it exclusively to the same dis- 
trict which Buddhism also recognises 
as its holy land, but they, moreover, 
display so close an affinity to the 
accounts of Buddha's ministry that 
we cannot but recognise in the two 
groups of narratives merely varying 
forms of common reminiscences. 
Another indication that the Jaina 
sect arose in this way out of Bud- 
dhism although by some it has even 
been regarded as of pre-Buddhistic 
origin is afforded by the circum- 
stance, amongst others, that its sacred 
texts are styled, not Sutras, but 
ATiyas, and consequently, in contra- 
distinction to the oldest Buddhist 
texts, which date from the Vedic 
Sutra period, belong rather to the 
Anqa stage, that is to say, to the 
period when the Afigas or VedaTigas, 
works posterior to the Vedic Sutras, 


the data yielded by a Buddhistic literature fashioned in 
this way as valid for the epoch of Buddha himself, which 
is removed from the last council by an interval of four, 
or, if we accept the Southern chronology, of nearly six, 
centuries. Oral traditions, committed to writing in a 
different language, after such a series of years, and more- 
over only extant in a mass of writings that lie several 
centuries apart, and of which the oldest portions have still 
to be critically sifted out, can only be used with extreme 
caution ; and a pri ori the data they furnish serve, not 
so much to characterise the epoch about which they tell, 
as rather the epoch, in particular, in which they received 
their present shape. But however doubtful, according to 

were produced. But there is a 
further circumstance which is quite 
conclusive as to this point namely, 
that the language in which these 
texts are composed, and which, ac- 
cording to the scholiasts, is Ardha- 
raagadhi, exhibits a more de- 
veloped and considerahly later 
phase than the language of the 
Pali texts, to which, in its turn, 
the Ptili scholia expressly apply 
the designation Magadhi. (At the 
same time, there are also dia- 
lectic differences between the two.) 
See my paper on the Bbagavati 
of the Jainas, pp. 441, 373, 396 
ff. , 416. To the eleven principal 
Angas have to be added a large 
number of other writings, styled 
Updiiga, Mula-Stltra, Kalpa- Sutra, 
&c. An enumeration of the entire 
set, showing a total of fifty works, 
consisting of about 600,000 slokas, 
may be seen in Rajendra Ldla 
Mitra's Notices of Sanskrit MSS., 
iii. 67 ff., 1874. Of these texts 
our knowledge of the Jainas is 
otherwise derived from Brahmanic 
sources only all that has hitherto 
been published is a fragment of 
the fifth Afiga or Bhagavati-Sutra, 
dating perhaps from the first cen- 
turies of our era, edited by myself 
(1866-67). In / St., x. 254 ff. 
(1867), I have also given an account 
of the Siirya-prajnapti, or seventh 
Updfiga - Sutra, a commentary on 

which is said to have been composed 
by Bhadrabaliusviimin, author of 
the Kalpa-Stitra, a work seemingly 
written in the seventh century. 
Lastly, there is a translation by 
Stevenson (1848) of this Kalpa- 
Sutra itself, which stands thirtieth 
in the list of the sacred texts. Cf. 
also S. J. Warren, Over tie godsdunst- 
ige en wijsgeeriye Begrippen der 
Jainas, 1875. Thanks to G. Biihler's 
friendly exertions, the Royal Library 
in Berlin has lately acquired posses- 
sion of nearly all these fifty sacred 
texts, with or without commen- 
taries, and in good old MSS., so 
that we may hope soon to be 
better informed regarding them. 
But the Jainas have also a great sig- 
nificance in connection with Sanskrit 
literature, more especially for gram- 
mar and lexicography, as well as on 
account of the historical and legend- 
ary matter which they have preserved 
(see above, p. 214, and cf. my 
paper on the Satrumjaya Ma'hdtmya, 
1858). One of their most honoured 
names is thnt of Hemachandra, who 
flourished in the time of the Gur- 
jara prince KumaYapdla (1088-1172). 
Under the title Yoga-Sastra he com- 
posed a compendium of the Jaiua 
doctrines in twelve praMsas, the 
first four of which, treating of their 
ethics, have recently been edited 
and translated by Ernst "Windisch 
(Z. D. M. G., xxviii., 185 ff , 1874). 


this view, are the validity and authority of these writings 
in reference to the subjects which they have hitherto been 
taken to illustrate, they are nevertheless important, on 
the other hand, for the history of the inner development 
of Buddhism itself ; though even here, of course, their trust- 
worthiness is altogether relative. For the many marvel- 
lous stories they recount both of Buddha himself and of 
his disciples and other adherents, as well as the extravagant 
mythology gradually developed in them, produce upon the 
whole the impression of a wild and formless chaos of fan- 
tastic inventions. 

Our chief object must now, of course, be to establish a 
relative chronology and order of sequence amongst these 
various writings a task which Burnouf, whose researches 
are our sole authority on the subject,* also set himself, 
and which he has executed with great judgment and 
tolerable conclusiveness. And, first, of the Sutras, or 
accounts of Buddha himself. Burnouf divides these into 
two classes : the simple Stitras, and the so-called Mahd- 
vaipulya- or Mahdydna- Sutras, which he declares to be 
the more modern of the two in point of language, form, 
and doctrine. As far as the latter point is concerned, he 
is no doubt right. For, in the first place, in the Maha- 
vaipulya-Sutras Buddha appears almost exclusively sur- 
rounded by gods and Boclhisattvas (beings peculiar to the 
Buddhistic mythology) ; whereas in the simple Sutras it 
is human beings who mostly form his following, witli 
whom gods are only now and then associated. And, in 
the second place, the simple Sutras do not exhibit any 
trace of those doctrines which are not common Buddhistic 
property, but belong to the Northern Buddhists only, as, 
for example, the worship of Amitabha, Manjus'ri, Avaloki- 
tesvara, Adibuddha,f and the Dhyanibuddhas ; and further, 
do not contain any trace of mystic spells and magic 
formulas, all of which are found, and in abundance, in the 

* I cannot refrain from express- ttire death is an irreparable loss to 

ing here, in a few words at least, learning, as well as to all who knew 

my sincere and profound sorrow him, and, which is the same thing, 

that now, as these sheets, which I revered and loved him. 

would so gladly have submitted to f The word is found in a totally 

his judgment, are passing through different sense in those portions of 

the press, Eugene Burnonf has been the Mdndukyopaiiishad which are 

taken from among us. His prema- due to G.uid ipdda. 



Mahavaipuly a- Sutras only. But whether the circumstance 
that the language of the lengthy poetical pieces, which 
are inserted with special frequency in these last, appears 
in a much more degenerated form to wit, a medley of 
Sanskrit, Prakrit, and Pali than is the case with the 
prose portions, is to be taken as a proof of the posteriority 
of the Mahavaipuly a- Sutras, does not seem to be quite so 
certain as yet. Do these poetical portions, then, really 
agree so completely, in form and substance, with the 
prose text in respect to the several points just instanced, 
that they may be regarded as merely an amplification or 
recapitulation of it ? Or are they not rather distinguished 
from it precisely in these points, so that we might regard 
them as fragments of older traditions handed down in 
verse, exactly like the analogous pieces which occur so 
often in the Brahmanas ? * In the latter case we should 
have to regard them as proof, rather, that the Buddhist 
legends, &c., were not originally composed in Sanskrit, 
but in vernacular dialects. From the account of the 

* We must be content witli simply 
putting- the question, as we are still 
unfortunately without the Sanskrit 
text of even a single one of these 
Sutras ; the sole exception being an 
insignificant fragment from the 
Laiita-vistara, one of the Mabdvai- 
pulya-Sutras, communicated by Fou- 
caux at the end of his edition of the 
Tibetan translation of this work. 
[The entire text of the Laiita- 
vistara, in twenty-seven chapters, 
has since appeared in the Bibl. Ind., 
edited by Kajendra Lala Mitra 
(1853 ff.); the translation breaks 
off at chapter iii. Foucaux pub- 
lished the fourth chapter of the 
Sad-dharma-pundarlka in 1852, and 
Leon Feer an Avad&na, named 
Pratihdrya, in 1867. Lastly, the 
Jtdranda-vyuha, a terribly inflated 
Mahaydua-Siitra, in honour of Ava- 
lokitesvara, has been edited by 
SatyavrataSaniiisrami (Calc., 1873). 
A translation of the Laiita-vistara, 
begun by S. Lefmann in 1874, 
embraces, so far, the first five 
chapters, and is accompanied with 

very copious notes. The conjecture 
expressed above as to the poetical 
portions had previously been ad- 
vanced although when I wrote I 
was not aware of the fact in the 
Journ, As. Soc. Heng., 1851, p. 283, 
see I. St., iii. 140. It was subse- 
quently worked out in greater 
detail by Kajendra L. Mitra, in a 
special essay on the dialect of these 
Ga'tha's, likewise in Journ. As. Soc. 
Beng. (1854, No. 6). Here the date 
of their composition is even carried 
back to the period immediately suc- 
ceeding Buddha's death, see Muir, 
Oriff. S. Texts, ii. 2 115 ff. Kern, 
Over de Jaartelling, p. 108 ff., does 
not see in these Gdtha'sany peculiar 
dialect, but merely later versions of 
stanzas originally composed in pure 
Prakrit. Lastly, Edward Miiller, in 
his tract, Der Dialekt der Gdthd des 
Laiita-vistara (Weimar, 1874) per- 
ceives in them the work of poets 
who were not quite at home in 
Sanskrit, and who extended to it 
the laxness of their own verna- 


Chinese traveller, Fa Hian, who made a pilgrimage from 
China to India and back in A.D. 399-414, it would ap- 
pear that the Mahavaipuly a- Sutras were then already 
pretty widely diffused, since he mentions several of the 
doctrines peculiar to them as extensively studied. 350 

Of the simple Sutras, it is at least possible, in the ab- 
sence of evidence, that such as are concerned solely with 
Buddha's personality may be more ancient than those 
relating also to persons who lived some hundreds of years 
later; but beyond this we cannot at present determine 
anything. Their contents are of a somewhat multifarious 
description, and for the several divisions we also find spe- 
cial technical designations.* They contain either simple 
legends, styled Ityukta and Vydkarana (corresponding to 

350 rp[ le acc ounts of Fa Hian are 
far surpassed in moment by those 
of Hiuan Thsang, who travelled 
over India in the years 629-645 A.D. 
Of special importance also are the 
Chinese translations of Buddhistic 
works, \vhirh afe nearly all based 
\i pon the texts of the Northern 
Buddhists, and some of which pro- 
fess to be very ancient. Of four 
such translations of the Lalita- 
vistara, the first is said to have 
been made at a date so early as 
A.D. 70-76, the second in A.D. 308, 
and the third in 652 ; see on this 
I. St., iii. 140, viii. 326. Similarly, 
the Sad-dhartna-pundarika is said to 
have been thrice translated ; first 
in A.D. 280, next in A.D. 397-402, 
and again in A.D. 601-605. Beal, in 
t\ie Indian Aiitiq.,\v.C)O, 9 1, mentions 
not only a translation of the Brah- 
niajdla- Sutra of the year A.D. 420, 
but also a whole set of fifty Sutras 
(amongst them, e.g., the Sdmajdtaka) 
"translated at different dates, from 
A.D. 70 to 600, and by various 
scholars, all of them from Sanskrit 
or Pilli," all, therefore, from the 
Indian original, whereas the trans- 
lations of later times were mostly 
derived through the medium of the 
Tibetan. For the criticism of the 
respective texts, fuller particulars 
of these, iu part so ancient, transla- 

tions, would of course be of great 
importance. Of one of these works, 
a version of the A bhinishkramana- 
Sutra, a complete translation haa 
recently been published by Beal, 
under the title, The Jtomantic Le- 
yend of Sdkya Buddha, 1875. The 
special points of relation here found 
to Christian legends are very striking. 
The question which party was the 
borrower Beal properly leaves un- 
determined, yet in all likelihood we 
have here simply a- similar case to 
that of the appropriation of Christian 
legends by the worshippers of Krish- 
na. Highly important for the his- 
tory of Northern Buddhism is 
W. Wassiljew's work, drawn from 
Tibeto-Chinese sources, Der Bud- 
c/hismvs, 1860, as also TaVandtha's 
History of Buddhism in India, a 
work composed so late as 1 608, but 
resting upon older, and in part 
Sanskrit, authorities : rendered into 
Russian by Wassiljew, Tibetan 
text, with German version, by 
Schiefner, 1869; cf. also Lassen, 
/. AK., ii. 6, note. 

* According to Spiegel, in his re- 
view, of which I have frequently 
availed myself here, of Burnouf's 
work, in the Jahrb. fur wiss, Kritik, 
1845, p. 547, most of these names 
are also found among the Southern 


the Itihasa-Puranas in the Brahmanas) ; or legends in the 
form of parables, styled Avaddna, in which we find many 
elements of the later animal- fables; 351 or further, tales of 
presages and wonders, Adbhuta-dharma ; or again, single 
stanzas or songs of several stanzas (Geya and G-dthd} serv- 
ing to corroborate previous statements ; or lastly, special 
instruction in, and discussion of, definite topics, denomi- 
nated Upadesa and Niddna. All these reappear in a 
similar wav, onlv in a much more antique guise and under 

*/ ' / T. O / 

different names,* in the Brahmanas and Aranyakas, as 
well as in the prose legends interspersed here and there 
throughout the Maha-Bharata, which in style also (though 
not in language) offer the greatest resemblance to these 
Buddhistic Sutras. Quite peculiar to these latter,f how- 
ever, are the passages called Jdtakas, which treat of the 
prior births of Buddha and the Bodhisattvas. 

Now those data in the Sutras which have hitherto been 
taken as valid for Buddha's time, but which we can only 
consider as valid, primarily, for the time when the Sutras 
were composed, are chiefly of a kind bearing upon the his- 
tory of the Indian religion. For just as Buddha recog- 
nised the existence of caste, so, too, he naturally recognised 
the then existing Hindu Pantheon.! But it must not by 
any means be imagined that in Buddha's time this Pan- 
theon had attained to that phase of development which 
we here find in the Sutras, assuming that we follow the 

351 j<Yo m the Chinese translation legends stand distinctly related to 

Stan. Julien has published quite a corresponding Brnhmanic popular 

collection of such stories, for the tales and legends, which they have 

most part very short (Leg Avaddnas, t-imply transformed [<>r conversely, 

Contes et Apologues Indiens, 1859). into which they have themselves 

The high importance of these, as been transformed] to suit the object 

well as of the Buddhistic Jataka and in view. 

other stories generally, in the lite- + Lassen's assertion (7. AK., ii. 

rature of the fable and fairy-tale, is 453) that " Buddha recognised no 

shown in full relief by Benfey in the gods" refers only to the circum- 

introduction to his translation of the stance that they too are regarded by 

Panchatantra. him as subjected to the eternal sue- 

* Only Gdthd and Upadesa (Adesa cession of existence ; their existence 

at least) occur also in the Brah- itself he in no way denied, for in the 

rnanas. doctrines put into h'S mouth there 

t Although connecting links are is constant reference to them. [He 

found here and there in the Mauri- abolished their significance, how- 

Bhdrata also, especiallyin the twelfth ever, as he did that of caste.] 
book. Indeed, many of the Buddhist 


Southern chronology and place Buddha in the sixth cen- 
tury B.C., that is, doubtless, in the period of the Brahmanas, 
works in which a totally different Pantheon prevails. 
But if, on the other hand, he did not teach until the fourth 
century B.C., as must be the case if the assertion of the 
Tibetans and Chinese be correct, to the effect that the 
third council took place under Kanishka (who lived A.D. 
40), four hundred years after Buddha's death and this 
view is favoured by the circumstance that of the names of 
teachers who are mentioned as contemporaries of Buddha, 
such as reappear in the Brahmanical writings all belong 
to the literature of the Vedic Sutras, not to that of the 
Brahmanas there would at least be a greater possibility, 
a priori, that the Pantheon found in the Buddhistic Sutras, 
together with similar data, might have some validity 
for the time of Buddha, which on this supposition would 
be much nearer to them. The details of the subject are 
briefly these. The Yakshas, Garudas, Kinnaras, 352 so often 
mentioned in these Sutras, are still quite unknown in 
the Brahmanas : the name Danava, too, occurs but sel- 
dom (once as an epithet of Vritra, a second time as an epi- 
thet of Sushna), and never in the plural to designate 
the Asuras generally ; 353 nor are the gods ever styled 
Suras there. 354 The names of the Nagas and .Mahoragas 
are never mentioned,* although serpent-worship itself 
(sarpa-vidyd} is repeatedly referred to ; f the Kumbhan- 

352 \Vhere the Kinnaras and their mention of the term in Nir., iii. 8, 

wives appear as 'heavenly choris- is patently an interpolation, as it is 

tors,' as, e.g., in the Meghaduta, Ra- quite foreign to the Vedic texts, 
glmvansa, and Mahd-Bharata, I COD- * "In the sense of elephant the 

j-cture the word to be a popular word nuga occurs once in the Vrihad- 

etymological adaptation from the Arany.aka. Mitdhy., i. I. 24'' (Er- 

Greek Kivvpd, although the latter is rata, first German ed.). [Also in the 

properly only used of mournful, Ait. Br., viii. 22; whereas in the 

plaintive tones : kimnara itself is Sat. Br., xi. 2. 7. 12, maluindga is 

formed after the model of kim- better interpreted, with Sdyana, as 

punish a. 'serpent.' The antiquity of this 

393 This is a mistake : the Danus, latter meaning is favoured by ety- 

Danavas, appear even in the Rik ; rnology. cf. Kngl. snake ; see Kuhn's 

nay, the former in the Avesta as Zcitsrhrift, ix. 233, 234.] 
well; see A f >dn Yesht,J$; Far-card. f In the Atharva- Samhitii, in 

F., 37i 38 (here as earthly foes?) particular, many prayers are ad- 

364 Sura is a bastard formation dressed to the Harpas ; in the ^at. 

from asura, resting on a misunder- lir. they are once identified with the 

e'anding of the word, which was lolcas : can the term have originally 

wrongly analysed into a-sura. The denoted ' the stars' and o'.her spirits 



das,* too, are absent. This lack of allusion in the Brahmanas 
to any of these genii might be explained by supposing them 
to have been principally the divinities of the inferior classes 
of the people, to which classes Buddha specially addressed 
himself, and to whose conceptions and range of ideas he 
was therefore obliged to have particular regard. In this 
there may be a great deal of truth, but the remaining cycle 
of deities, also, which appears in the Buddhistic Sutras, 
is completely that belonging to the epic poetry. In the 
Brahmanas, on the contrary, the name of Kuvera, for in- 
stance, is only mentioned once t (and that in the Brahmana 
of the White Yajus) ; 355 S*iva and Samkara only occur along 
with other appellative epithets of Pudra, and are never 
employed alone as proper names to denote him ; the name 
of Narayana, again, is of extremely rare occurrence, whilst 
Sakra, 356 Vasava, 357 Hari, Upendra, Janardana, Bitiimaha, 
are totally unknown. We thus perceive that the Buddhistic 
Sutras, in all of which these names are prevalent, repre- 
sent ^precisely the same stage as the Epic literature.! The 

of the air? [Serpent-worship has 
unquestionably mythological, sym- 
bolical relations ; but, on the other 
hand, it has also a thoroughly real- 
istic background.] The Maitrayani- 
Tlpanishad does, indeed, mention 
the Suras, Yakshas, and Uragas ; but 
iliis Upanishad belongs (see p. 98) 
altogether to the later period. It is 
allied to these Buddhistic Sutras in 
contents, and probably also in age. 

* A kind of dwarfs with ' testicles 
as large as jars' (?). In the later 
Brahmanical writings they are 
styled Kushmdndas, Ktishmdndas 
('gourd'?); see also Mahidhara 
on Vuj. Siimh., xx. 14. [Cf. the 
Kumbka-mushkas in Ath., viii. 6. 15, 
xi. 9. 17, and perhaps also the sisna- 
devas in Rik, vii. 21. 5, x. 99. 3; 
Uothon Nir.,p. 47.], 

f The Taittiriya-Anmyaka, which 
contains several of these names, can- 
not exactly be ranked with the Bnih- 
m:ma literature. 

^ 5 Also in the parallel passages in 
the Rik Sutras, and once besides in 
the Ath. S. (viii. 10. 28). 

850 As an appellative epithet of 

Indra, Sakra occurs in the Rik even, 
but it is there employed of other 
gods as well. 

357 As an epithet of Indra (but 
not as a name for him) Vtisava oc- 
curs once in Ath. S., vi. 82. i. In 
the Nirukti also, xii. 41, it appears 
in direct connection with him, but at 
the same time also with Agni ; indeed, 
it is with Agni and not with Indra 
that the Vasus are chiefly associated 
in theBrdhmanas ; see /. St., v. 240, 

J The Mdra so frequently mention- 
ed would almost appear to be a purely 
Buddhistic invention ; in Brahma- 
nical writings I have nowhere met 
with him. [MinayefTs conjecture, 
in the introduction to his Grammaire 
Pdlic, trad, par Stan. Guyard, p. viii., 
that the name Miira is directly re- 
lated to Mairya, an epithet of Ahri- 
man in the Avesta, and in such a 
way that both "remontcnt d une 
cpoqve antirieurc a la separation des 
Jranicnsct des IJindous," is rendered 
extremely doubtful by the mere 
circumstance that nothing of tho 
sort occurs anywhere in the Vcdc 


non-mention of Krishna 358 proves nothing to the contrary, 
the worship of Krishna .as a divinity being of altogether 
uncertain date : 359 besides, it is still a question whether we 
have not really to understand him by the Asura Krishna 
who is repeatedly referred to in these Sutras (see p. 148). 
Although to notice other points besides the Pantheon 
the lunar asterisms in the Sutras begin with Krittikd, 
that is to say, still retain their old order, we cannot 
adduce this as proof that a comparatively high antiquity 
ought to be assigned to these writings, for the new order 
of the asterisms probably only dates from the fourth or 
fifth century A.D. ; all that results from this is, that the 
particular passages are earlier than this last-mentioned 
date. As an indication, on the contrary, of a date not 
specially ancient, we must certainly regard the mention of 
the planets, as also the occurrence of the word dindra 
(from denarius), which Burnouf (p. 424, n.) has twice met 
with in the older Sutras (see Lassen, /. AK., ii. 348). 

As regards the second division of the Buddhist scrip- 
tures, the Vinaya-Pitaka, or precepts concerning discipline 
and worship, these are almost entirely wanting in the 
Paris collection, doubtless because they are looked upon 
as peculiarly holy, and are therefore kept as secret as pos- 
sible by the priests, being indeed specially intended for 

(Gopatha-Br., i. 28, see note 166, is that of Krishna" (7. St., iii. 161), is 

only an apparent exception, due unfortunately not before us in the 

probably to Buddhistic influence), original text : might not the passage 

If, therefore, a direct connection simply mean, " Your hair is yet 

really exists between Mara and Aiira black?" The fact of Krishna 

Mainyu, it can only have come about appearing in the Abhidha'nappadi- 

in historic times; and for this there pikit as a name of Vishnu proves, of 

is nowhere any analogy. course, just as little for the ancient 

348 Whether the Southern Bud- texts as the patronymics Kanhi, 

dhists are acquainted with Krishna Kunhdyana in the sehol. on Kachck, 

is not yet clear. Buddha's prior v. 2. 4 (Senart, pp. 185, 186), which 

birth as Knnha has, according to the have necessarily to be referred to the 

text published in Fausboll's edition, epicor divine personality of Krishna, 
p. 194, nothing to do with Krishna ; 358 On the significance of the data 

the Jiltaka as Mahilkanha (No. 461 contained in the Mahabhashya on 

in Westergaard's Catal., p. 41), can this point, see /. St., xiii. 349 : for 

hardly have any reference to him the earliest occurrence of Krishna in 

either ; but, what of the Jdtaka as an inscription, see Bayley in Journ. 

Kesava? (No. 341 in Westenraard's As. Soc. Beng., 1854, p. 51 ff., with 

Catal., p. 40). The expression in which cf. /. Str., ii. 8l, and my 

Hardy, East. Mon., p. 41, " You Essay Ueber Krishna's tieburtsfest, 

are yet a youth, your hair is like p. 318. 



the clergy. Like the Buddhist mythology, the Buddhist 
hierarchy was a thing of gradual growth. Buddha, as we 
have seen, received all without distinction as disciples, and 
when ere long, in consequence of the great numbers, and 
of the practice of living constantly together, except in the 
winter season, some kind of distribution of rank was re- 
quired, it was upon the principle of age * or merit f that 
this took place. As the Buddhist faith spread more and 
more, it became necessary to distinguish between those 
who devoted themselves entirely to the priestly calling, 
the bhikshus^ monks, and Wiikshunis, nuns, on the one 

* The aged were called sthavira, 
a word not unfrequeritly added to 
a proper name in the Brahmanical 
Sutras to distinguish a particular 
person from younger namesakes : 
points of connection herewith are to 
be found in the Brdhmanas also. 
[Regarding the winter season, see 
Childers, Pdli Diet., s. v. vasso.] 

f The venerable were styled arh- 
ant (&px<i>v), also a title bestowed 
upon teachers in the Brdhmanas. 

When Pilnini speaks of Bhikshu- 
Sutras, and gives as their authors Pd- 
rdsarya :md Karmanda, teaching (iv. 
3. no, in) that their respective ad- 
herents are to be styled Pdrds'arinas 
and Karmandinas, and (iv. 2. 80) 
that the Sutra of the former is called 
Pdrdsariya, the allusion must be to 
Brahmanical mendicants, since these 
names are not mentioned in Bud- 
dhistic writings. By Wilson, too, in 
the second edition of his Dictionary, 
karmandin is given as ' beggar, reli- 
gious mendicant, member of the 
fourth order.' [According to the St. 
Petersburg Dictionary, from Amara, 
ii. 7. 41, and Hemachandra, 809.] 
But the circumstance must not be 
overlooked that, according to the 
Calcutta scholiasts, neither of these 
two rules of Pdnini is explained in 
the Mahdbhdshya, and that possibly, 
therefore, they may not be Pdnini's 
at all, but posterior to the time of Pa- 
tamjali. [The ' Pdrds"arino bhiksha- 
vah,' at least, are really mentioned 
in the Bhilshya to iv. 2. 66 ; see /. 
St., xiii. 340.] That mendicant 

monks must, as a matter of fact, 
have been particularly numerous in 
Pdnini's time is apparent from the 
many rules he gives for the forma- 
tion of words in this connection, e.g., 
bhikshdchara, iii. 2. 17; bhikshdkn, 
iii. 2. 155 ; bhikfhu, iii. 2. 168 ; 
bhaiksha Irom bhikshd in the sense of 
bhiks/tdndm sam&has, 'i v. 2 . 38. Com - 
pare, in particular, also ii. i. 70, where 
the formation of the nnine for femala 
mendicants (h-amand, and, in the 
gana, pravrdjitd) is treated of, which 
can only refer to Buddhistic female 
mendicants. [This last rule, which 
gives the epithet 'virgin ' as a special 
(not as an indispensable) quality 
of the faamand, taken in connec- 
tion with iv. i. 127, can hardly 
be said to throw a very favourable 
light on the 'virginity' of the class 
generally; cf. Manu, viii. 363,11010 
330 above. The words san-dnnina, 
v. 2. 9, and kaukkutika, iv. 4. 6, 
likewise exhibit a very distinct Bud- 
dhistic colouring ; on this see 7. St., 
v. 140 ff. On Buddhistic mendi- 
cants at the time of the Bhdshya, 
see the data collected in 7. St., xiii. 
340 ff.] The entire institution ot 
the fourth order rests essentially on 
the Sdmkhya doctrine, and its ex- 
tension was certainly due to a large 
extent to Buddhism. The red or red- 
dish-yellow garment (kashdyavasana) 
and the tonsure (maundya) are the 
principal badges of the Buddhist 
bhikshus ; see above, pp. 78, 237. 
On a commentary, extant in India, 
on a Bhikshu-Sutra, see /. St., i. 470. 


hand, and the Buddhist laity on the other, updsakas and 
updsikds* Within the priesthood itself, again, nume- 
rous shades of distinction in course of time grew up, 
until at length the existing hierarchy arose, a hierarchy 
which differs very essentially from the Brahmanical 
one, inasmuch as admission to the priestly order is 
still, as in Buddha's time, allowed to members of the 
lowest castes on the same conditions as to any one else. 
Among the laity the Indian castes still continue to exist 
wherever they existed in the past ; it is only the Brahman 
caste, or priesthood by birth, that has been abolished, and 
in its place a clergy by choice of vocation substituted. 
The Buddhist cult, too, which now is second to none in 
the world for solemnity, dignity, pomp, and specialities, 
was originally exceedingly simple, consisting mainly in 
the adoration of the image of Buddha and of his relics. 
Of the latter point we are first informed by Clemens Alex- 
andrinus. Afterwards the same honour was paid to the 
relics of his most eminent disciples also, and likewise to 
princes who had deserved specially well of Buddhism. 
The story of the ashes of Menander, related by Plutarch 
(see Wilson, Ariana, p. 283), is doubtless to be understood 
in this sense.f Now this relic-worship, the building of 
steeples traceable, perhaps, to the topes (stupas) which 

* Or specially buddhopdsaka, bud- bha, who is uniformly placed in the 

dhopdsikd, as we find it several times western country Sukhavati, may be 

in the Mrichhakati. identical with Amyntas, whose name 

f For I regard Menander, who on appears as Amita on his coins ; in 

his coins is called Minanda, as iden- the name Basili, too (in Schmidt's 

tical with Milinda, king of Sdsrala Dsanglun, p. 331), he discovers the 

(Sdkala), respecting whom see Tur- word /SacriXefo. [But Schiefner calls 

nour in the Journ. As. Soc. Beng., my attention to the circumstance, 

v. 530 fif. ; Buruoiif, I. c., p. 621 ; that as far back as 1852, in his 

and Catal. MSS. Or. Bill, llaun., Erffdnzungen und Berichtiywigen zu 

p. 50. (From an article by Spiegel in Schmidt's Ausgabe des Dsanglun, p. 

the Kider Allyemeine Monatsschrift, 56, to p. 256, 1. 3 of the Tibetan 

July 1852, p. 561, which has just text, lie withdrew the identification 

reached me while correcting these of Basili with /SocriXftfs : his connec- 

hheets, I sec that Benfey has already tion, too, of Amita with Amyntas, 

identified Menander with Milinda which had been questioned by Kop- 

[see the Berlin Jahrbucher fur wis- pen, ii. 28, note 4, he now regards 

sensch. Krilik, 1842. p. 87 b ].) Schief- as doubtful.] The legend of the 

ner in his notice, Ueber Indra's Western origin of the S&kyas I have 

Donnerkeil, p. 4 of the separate im- already characterised (p. 285) as per- 

pression, 1848, has expressed the haps invented as a compliment to 

conjecture that the Buddha Amitd- Kanishka. 


owe their origin to this relic-worship the system of mona- 
chism, the use of bells and rosaries,* and many other 
details, offer such numerous features of resemblance to 
Christian ritual, that the question whether Christianity 
may not perhaps have been here the borrowing party is 
by no means to be summarily negatived, particularly as 
it is known that Buddhist missionaries penetrated at an 
early period, possibly even in the two centuries preceding 
our era, into Western countries as far as Asia Minor. This 
is still, however, an entirely open question, and requires 
investigation. 360 

The third division of the Buddhist sacred scriptures, the 
Abhidharma-Pitaka, contains philosophical, and especially 
metaphysical, discussions. It is hardly to be imagined 
that Buddha himself was not clearly cognisant of the 
philosophical basis of his teaching, and that he simply 
adopted this latter from his predecessors, so that the 
courage and energy pertaining to its public promulgation t 
constituted his sole merit. But it seems just as certain 
that he was not concerned to propagate a philosophical 
system, and that his aim was purely a practical one, to 

* Afterwards adopted by the fectcd the growth of Buddhist ritual 

Brdhmans also. [The very name and worship, as they did that of the 

rosary has possibly arisen from aeon- Buddhist legends, by any means to 

fusion of the two Indian words japa- be dismissed out of hand. Indeed, 

mala and japdmdld ; see my paper, quite apart from the oft-ventilated 

Ueber Krishna s Geburtsfest, pp. 340, question as to the significance of 

341; Koppen, Die Religion des Bud- such influences in the further de- 

dka, ii. 319; and also my letter in velopment of Krishna-worship, there 

the Indian Antiq.. iv. 250.] are legends connected with the Siva 

360 See Ind. Skiz., p. 64 (1857), cult also, as to which it is not at all 

and the data from the Abbe' Hue's a far-fetched hypothesis that they 

Travels in Tibet in Koppen, i. 561, have reference to scattered Christian 

ii. 116. According to tlie interest- missionaries; see /. St., i. 421, ii. 

ing discovery made by Laboulaye 398; Z. D. M. G., xxvii. 166 (v. 

(see Miiller, Chips, iv. 185) and F. 263). That Western influence has 

Liebrecht with regard to Barlaam played a part in Tibet, finds support 

and Josaphat, one of the saints of in aletterof Schiefner's,accordingto 

the Catholic Church stands at length which, in a work of Dsaja Pandita, 

revealed as Bodhisattva himself a Galen is mentioned as the physician 

discovery to which Reinaud's ingeni- of the Persians, and is said to have 

ous identification of Yuasaf, Yudasf, been consulted by the first Tibetan 

with Budsatf (Mem. stir I'lndc, p. 91) king, along with a celebrated Indian 

might alone have led ; cee Z. D. M. and a celebrated Chinese physician. 
G., xxiv. 480. But neither is the + In this courage the circumstance 

contrary supposition, namely, that that he belonged by birth to the 

Christian influences may have af- military caste finds expression. 


awaken virtuous actions and dispositions. This is in 
accord with the circumstance, that, whereas the Buddhists 
allege of the Siitra-Pitaka and the Vinaya-Pitaka that they 
were delivered by Buddha himself, in the case of the 
Abhidharma-Pitaka, on the contrary, they start with the 
admission that it is the production of his disciples. Ac- 
cording to Burnouf, the doctrines of the Abhidharma are 
in reality only a further development or continuation of 
the views here and there propounded in the Sutras ; in- 
deed, the writings in question often merely add single 
words to the thoughts expressed in the Sutras : " but in 
any case there exists an interval of several centuries be- 
tween the two, and that difference which distinguishes a 
doctrine still in its earliest beginnings from a philosophy 
which has arrived at its furthest development." * In the 
Brah ma -Sutra of Budarayana doctrines are repeatedly 
combated which, on amkara's testimony, belong to two 
distinct schools of Buddhist philosophy, and consequently 
both of these, and perhaps also the other two schools 
which are ranked with them, belong to a period preceding 
the composition of this Brahma-Sutra. The doctrines 
themselves cannot be recognised with perfect distinctness, 
and their affinity, although undeniable, to the doctrines of 
the Samkhya system is still enveloped in some obscurity. 3151 
On this point, however, so much is clear, that, although 
Buddha himself may actually have been in full harmony 
with the doctrines of Kapila, as they then existed,f yet his 
adherents developed these in their own fashion; in the 

* Whether now, after these words of individual existence was certainly 

of Burnouf's, loc. cit., p. 522, Las- the goal to which Buddha aspired ; 

nen's view (/. AK., ii. 458) is ten- hardly, however, the resolving of this 

fcble to the effect that "although, existence into nothing, but only its 

in the collection bearing the name return to the same state of avidyd, or 

of Abhidharma, there are writings of unconsciousness which belonged to 

various dates, yet they must all be primeval matter before it attained 

assigned to the period preceding the to development at all," Lit. C. 

third council" (this third council in Bt., 1857, p. 770 (/. Str., ii. 132). 

B.C. 275 being here expressly dis- Childers thinks differently, Pdli 

tinguished from the fourth under Diet., *. v. nin-dna. 

Kanishka) appears to me in the + Were he really to be identified 

very highest degree doubtful. with theSdkdyanyaoftheMaitrayaijS 

aul Cf, for this 7. St., iii. 132; Upanishad (see p. 97), we should havo 

Max Duneker, Geschichte dcr Arier, in this work tolerably direct evidenca 

p. 234 ff. (1867) ; Koppen, i. 2l4ff. to the above effect. 
"" The extinction, the ' blowing out ' 


came way as the followers of Kapila also pursued their 
own path, and so eventually that system arose which is 
now extant under the name Samkhya, and which differs 
essentially from the Buddhist philosophy.* To the four 
schools into which, as we have just seen, this philosophy 
was split up at a comparatively early period, four others 
were afterwards added or perhaps these superseded the 
former but neither have the doctrines of these later 
schools been as yet set forth with anything like sufficient 
certainty. 362 The question, too, whether Buddhistic con- 
ceptions may not perhaps have exercised a direct influence 
on the development of Gnostic doctrines,t particularly 
those of Basilides, Valentinian, and Bardesanes, as well as 
of Manes, must for the present be regarded as wholly un- 
determined ; 363 it is most intimately bound up with the 
question as to the amount of influence to be ascribed to 
Indian philosophy generally in the shaping of these doc- 
trines. The main channel of communication in the case 
of the latter was through Alexandria; the Buddhist mis- 
sionaries, on the contrary, probably mostly came from the 
Panjab through Persia. 

Besides the three Pitakas, the Sanskrit manuscripts 
that have been procured from Nepal contain other works 
also, consisting, in part, of a large number of commen- 
taries on and elucidations of the Pitakas, in part, of a 

* Whether vv. 9-11 of the Iso- special work on Tibetan and Chinese 

panishad are to lie taken, with the Buddhism. See on this point Lit. 

commentator, as specially referring C. EL, 1875, p. 550. 

10 the Buddhists, as I assume in t See F. Neve, L'Antiquiti Cftri- 

I. St., i. 298, 299, appears to me tienne en Orient, p. 90, Louvain, 

doubtful now: the polemic nny 18^2. 

simply be directed asrainst the Sdm- 3 Cf. now Lassen, 7. AK., iii. 

khya tenets in general. 387-416 ; my Ind. Slciz., p. 64 ; 

362 Our information regarding Kenan, Hist, des Lang. Sem., 2(1 ed., 
them is derived exclusively from 1858, pp. 274, 275. That their in- 
Hodgton'a Essays (now collected, see fluence upon the growth of the doc- 
note 345). Their names, Svdbha'- trines of Manes in particular was a 
vika, Aisvarika, Kdrmika, Ydtnika, most important one is shown, for 
are so far unsupported by any other example, by this circumstance alone, 
literary evidence. Only for the that the formula of abjuration for 
names Sautra'ntika, Vaibhashika, those who renounced these doctrines 
Mitdhyamika, Yogdchdra, is such expressly specifies Bo5Sa and the 
testimony found. Tdrandtha, for SKUS-ICH/OJ (seemingly a separation of 
example, is acquainted with these 'Buddha Sdkyamuni ' into two) 
latter only, and they are also the Lassen, iii. 415. Cf. also Beal, J. 
only ones known to Wassiljew in his R. A. S., ii. 424 (1866). 


most peculiar class of writings, the so-called Tantras, which 
are looked upon as especially sacred, and which stand pre- 
cisely upon a level with the Brahmanical works of the 
same name. Their contents are made up of invocations of 
various Buddhas and Bodhisattvas, as also of their Saktis, 
or female energies, with a motley admixture of Sivaitic 
deities; to which are added longer or shorter prayers 
addressed to these beings, and directions how to draw the 
mystic diagrams and magic circles that secure their favour 
and protection. 36 * 

364 Cf. Emil Schlagintweit'a Bud- poetry; as to which Ree Klatt in 
dhism in Tibet (1863, with a folio the preface to his edition of tho 
atlas of twenty plates). Recently sentences of Ckdnakya, taken there- 
there have also come from Nepdl from (1873). 
Snnskrit MSS. containing works of 



P. 9, 3 6 ff. (and 64, 29 ff.)- Burnell, in his preface to the 
Arsheya-Br. (Mangalore, 1876), p. xvi. if., and Aufrecht, 
Hymnen des Rigveda (Bonn, 1877), Pref. pp. xvi., xvii., 
dispute the superior antiquity of the readings of the Sama- 
Samhita, as compared with those of the Rik-Samhita. 

P. 25, note 17 , and p. 67, note K . On the Sikshas see 
Kielhorn's paper in the Ind. Antiq., v. 141 ff., 193 ff., and 
my comments thereon, ibid., p. 253. 

P. 32, note 21 . On the Vashkalas somewhat more light 
has now been cast. In the first place, from a comparison 
of the kdrikd quoted in my Catal. of the Berlin Sansk. 
MSS., p. 314, ' fedkaldndm samdni va ity richd 'ntyd 
"hutir bhavet \ Bdshkaldndm tu tachhamyor ity richd 'ntyd- 
liutir bhavet,' it results that the citation in the forty-eighth 
Atharva-pari^ishta (see /. St., iv. 431) of the samyuvdka 
as the concluding verse of the Rik-Samhita has reference, 
to the Vashkala-recension of the latter. Next, it becomes 
evident that this recension stood in a special relation to 
the Sankhayana texts, since in the Saiikh. Grih., 4. 5. 9, 
the same verse is cited as the concluding one of the Sam- 
hita, and this expressly as the view of Kaushitaki. In 
addition to this we have the fact that the pratika of the 
whole section to which this verse belongs, and which 
forms the last khila samfndna in the vulgate recension 
of the Rik-Samhita, is found cited in the Sankhay.-Srauta- 
Siitra, 3. 6. 4, but is wanting in the parallel passage, A3val., 
2, n. And, lastly, we shall probably also have to allot to 
the Vashkalas the eleven hymns ten Afoindm and one 
Aindrdvarunam stiktam which, as Eud. Meyer has re- 
cently pointed out (Rigvidhana, Praef., p. xxiv.), are cited 


in the Brihaddevata, 3. 24, between Rik-Samh., i. 73 and 
74. For, according to Meyer, their pratikas prove to \>e 
identical with those given by the scholiast on $ankh. Sr., 
9. 20. 14, for the ' trisatam suparnam' there mentioned in 
die text, which again is specified under this name in the 
Safikh. Br. itself (18. 4) as part of the Asvina-s*astra. 
Probably; too, the other portions of text, which, as stated 
by Meyer (I. c., p. xxv. ff.), appear in the Brihaddevata 
as well as in the Rigvidhana, as belonging to the Rik- 
Samhita, whereas they are found neither in the vulgate 
the Sakala-Samhita itself, nor in its khila portions, will 
have to be assigned to the Vashkalas. In point of fact, 
the samjndna khila also, to which (see above) the con- 
cluding verse of the Vashkala-Samhita belongs, is men- 
tioned in both texts (Meyer, p. xxii.). An exact comparison 
of the Rik-verses cited in the Sankhayana texts will pro- 
bably throw full light upon this point. In Blihler's letter 
from Kashmir (published in /. St., xiv. 402 ff.) the in- 
teresting information was given that he had there dis- 
covered an excellent ?;M,r/a-MS., some five to six hundred 
years old, of the Rik-Samhita in the S*akala recension. 
This MS. is accentuated, whereas the Kashmir Vedio 
MSS. are not wont to be so, but the accent is denoted in a 
totally different manner from that customary in India, the 
uddtta alone being marked by a perpendicular line, pre- 
cisely as, according to Haug, is usual in one of the two 
schools of the Maitrayani Samhita, and as we ourselves 
do; cf. my remarks in the Jenaer Lit. Zeit., 1875, p. 315. 
On this MS. see now the detailed report of Biihler's journey 
in the Journal Bomb. Br. 11. A.S., 1877, extra No., pp. 35,36. 

Pp. 35, 36, note . See also Myriantheus, Die Asvins 
(Munich, 1876), and James Darmesteter, Ormazd et Ahri- 
man (Paris, 1877). 

P. 41, note 29 . See Alfred Hillebrandt, Varuna und 
Mitra, cin Beitrag zur Excgese des Veda (Breslau, 1877). 

P. 43, note 32 . Max Miiller's issue of the text alone of 
the Rik has now appeared in a second edition (London, 
1877). Samhitd-pdtha and pada-pdtha are here printed 
on opposite pages. Respecting the latter it has to be 
remarked that, as in Miiller's previous editions, so again 
in this one the so-called galitas are in no way marked, 
the text which a particular passage shows the first time 


it occurs being uniformly simply repeated, without any 
reference to what is done in the MSS. themselves in these 
cases. This is all the more surprising as, after I had 
pointed out this defect, in my review of the last volume of 
his large edition in the Lit. Cent. Matt, i/th April 1875, 
Miiller himself, in an article which appeared in the same 
periodical a year and a half later (i6th December 1876) 
fully recognised the critical importance of the galitas. 
Aufrecht's edition has also been reprinted (Bonn, 1877): 
the preface (comp. desideratum at note 28) contains a 
variety of critical remarks. Complete translations of the 
Rik-Samhita, by Alfred Ludwig (Prag, 1876) and Hermann 
Grassmann (Leipzig, 1876-77) have appeared. Very meri- 
torious, also, is the edition of the Rik-Samhita which is 
appearing in monthly numbers at Bombay, under the title 
' Vedarthayatna,' with English and Mahrathi translation, 
as well as with Mahrathi commentary : the latest No. 
brings it down to i. 100. The name of the excellent 
editor, Shankar Pandit, is an open secret. Lastly, there 
remains to be mentioned M. Hang's Vedische Rathselfragen 
und Rdthselspruche (Rik, i. 164, 1876). 

P. 48, note 33b . Rajendra 7 Lala Mitra's edition, in the 
Bill. Indica, of the Aitareya-Aranyaka with Say ana's com- 
mentary, has now been completed. A MS. acquired by 
Blihler in Kashmir shows a number of variations ; see his 
Report of Journey, 1. c., p. 34. 

P. 50, 6 (cf. p. 285). Panchalachanda appears in a Pali 
Sutta among the mahdsendpatis of the Yakkhas ; for the 
conclusions to be drawn from this see Jenaer Lit. Zeit., 
7th April 1877, p % 22i. 

P. 56, 8. The Sankh. Grih. (4. 10. 3) inserts between 
VisVamitra and Vamadeva, the two representatives of the 
third arid fourth mandalas, the name of Jamadagni, to 
whom in the Anukramani to the Sakala-Samhita only the 
last three verses of the third mandala (iii. 62, 16-18) are 
in this place ascribed, but in addition to these, also 
five entire hymns and four separate verses in the last three 
mandalas. Have we here also to do with a divergence of 
the Vashkala school? (In Sankh. Grih., 4. 5. 8, however, 
there is no trace of this variation from the vulgate; rather, 
the verse iii. 62. 18 appears there as the concluding verse 
of the third mandala) 


P. 58, note 50 . The Saiikh. Grihya has been published, 
with translation and notes, by Herm. Oldenberg; see 
/. St., xv. i 166. There exists also another recension of it, 
which is designated as Kaushitaka-Grihya, but which, 
according to Oldenberg, is rather to be understood as 
Sambavya-Grihya. Its text is ' nowise identical ' with 
the Saiikh. Grih., ' but it has borrowed from the latter by 
far the greatest part both of its matter and form.' The 
last two books of the $ankh. Grih. are not used in it, and 
a great deal is lacking besides. 

P. 6 1, note *. On the Jyotisha a very meritorious work 
has just appeared by G. Thibaut. 

P. 62, 6, 26 ff. On the Brihaddevata and Rigvidhana see 
K. Meyer's edition of the latter work (Berlin, 1877). 

P. 65, 28. The forty-eighth Atharva-parislshta, see /. 
St., iv. 432, gives indeed the same beginning, but a different 
concluding verse to the Sama-Samhita, namely, the last 
verse but one of the first part of the vulgate ; accordingly, 
it did not reckon the second part as belonging to the Sam- 
hita at all, while for the first part also it presents the 
discrepancy stated. 

P. 65, note 60 . The Aranya-Samhita, with Say ana's 
commentary, has been edited by Satyavrata Samasramin, 
and that in a double form, namely, separately (Calcutta, 
1873), and also in the second part of his large edition of 
the Sama-Samhitu, p. 244 ff. 

P. 66, note 61 . This edition of the Sama-Samhita, in 
the Bill. Indica, has now reached, in its fifth volume, as 
far as 2. 8. 2. 5. 

Pp- 73' 74- The Talavakara- or Jaiminiya-Brahmana, 
to which the Kenopan. belongs, has been recovered by 
Burnell (letter of iQth April). Also a Samaveda-Pra- 

Pp. 74, 75, notes 71 , 72 . The Arsheya-Brahmana and 
Samhitopanishad-Brahmana have also been edited by Bur- 
noil (Mangalore, 1876, 1877); the former with a lengthy 
introduction containing an inquiry into the Ganas, the 
secondary origin of the Samhita from these, the chanting 
of the sdmans, &c. On this compare A. Earth's detailed 
notice in the Revue Critique, 2ist July 1877, pp. 17-27. 
The A\rsheya-Brahmana has, further, just been issued a 
second time by Burnell, namely, in the text of the Jai- 


miniya school, which he had meanwhile recovered (Man- 
galore, 1878). 

Pp. 99-101. According to the catalogue (1876) of M. 
Haug's collection of MSS., there are now in the Eoyal 
Library at Municli, with which this collection was incor- 
porated in the spring of 1877, not only two MSS. of the 
Maitrayani Samhita, but also several more or less com- 
plete, but, unfortunately, in great part modern, copies of 
Apastamba, Manava, Bharadvaja, Baudhayana, Vaikha- 
nasa, Hiranyakesin. The description ^(in notes 108, 109) 
of the Dharma-Sutras as part of the Srauta- Sutras is not 
quite correct ; rather both are portions, possessing an equal 
title, of a collective Sutra-whole, to which in each case 
there also belonged a Grihya- and a Sulva-Sutra, and which 
we might perhaps designate by the name of Kalpa-Siitra. 
[The North-Western origin of the Katha school (cf. 
Kddaia, I. St., xiii. 439) is also, in a certain measure, 
attested by the fact that, according to Biihler's letter from 
Kashmir (dated September 1875, published in /. St., xiv. 
402 ff.) on the results of his search for MSS. in that pro- 
vince, this school is still in the present day the prevailing 
one in Kashmir. The Brahmans there call themselves, it 
is true, chaturvedi, but they follow the rules of the Ka- 
thaka-Grihya-Sutra of Laugakshi. Besides portions of all 
the Vedas, the Bhattas learn by heart the Paddhati of 
Devapala, the commentary and prayoya to the Kathaka- 
Grihya. ' Of these Grihyas I have acquired several MSS., 
among them an old one on Ihtirja. ,To the Kathaka-Sutra 
are attached a Pravaradbyaya, an Arsha, the Charayaniya 
Siksha, and several other Parisishtas.' Additional note in 
second German edition] According to Buhler, Z. D. M. G., 
xxii. 327, the Dharma-Sutra of the Kathaka school is iden- 
tical with the Vishnu-Smriti. On this, and on the Ka- 
thaka school in Kashmir generally, see now Buhler, Eeport 
of Journey, /. c., pp. 20, 36, 37. 

P. 103, note 11(5 . The Taitt. Pratisakhya has also been 
edited in the Bill. Indica by Ptdjendra Lala Mitra (1872). 

Pp. 117,118. The forty-eighth Atharva-Paris'ishta spe- 
cifies a recension of the Vaj. Samh., which begins with 
i.i, but which ends with 23. 32 ! See /. St., iv. 432. 

P. 114. for the formula Ambe ambike 'mbdlike, 
which differs in all three Yajus texts, Panini (vi. 7. 118) 


has a fourtli reading ; on this and the other points of con- 
nection between Panini and the vocabulary of the Yaju3 
texts, see /. St., iv. 432. 

P. 138, 23. According to Mahavansa, p. 9. 12, 15, the 
name of Buddha's wife was Bhadda- or Subhadda-Kach- 
chana ! 

P. 139, note 147 . Satap., 3. i, 1-2. 2, is translated in 
Bruno Lindner's dissertation, Ueber die Dikslid- (Leipzig, 
1878); other portions inDelbriiclt'sAltind. Wortfolge (iSfS). 

P. 142, note 155 . The Paraskara has been edited by 
Stenzler (1876). 

P. 150, note 165 . In the forty-eighth Atharva-Pari- 
sishta, the commencement of the Atharva-Samhita is given 
just as in the published recension, but it ends there with 
Book xvi. ; see /. St., iv. 432. 

P. 151, note ie6 . With the doshapali compare the pdp~ 
man dsura in the Nrisinhop. ; see /. St., ix. 149, 150. 

P. 153 ff. Of. Paul Eegnaud, Materiaux pour servir d 
I'Histoire de la Philosopliie de I'lnde, 1 876, and my review 
of this work in the Jenaer Lit. Zeit. of 9th February 1 878. 

P. 182, note 198 . The dates of the Nepalese MSS. appa- 
rently reach back as far as A.D. 883 ! See Dan. Wright, 
History of Nepal, 1877, Jenaer Lit. Zeit., 1877, p. 412. 

Pp. 187, 1 88, note 201a . On Olshausen's explanation of 
the word Pahlav the bo sis of the Indian Pahlava from 
Parthava, ' Parthians,' see now also Th. Noldeke in Z. D. 
M. 6r., xxxi. 557 ff. 

P. 189, note 204 . According to Kern, Over de oud- 
Javaansche Vertaling van't Mahdbhdrata (Amsterdam, 1 877), 
p. 7 ff., the Kavi translation of the Adi-parvan, from which 
lie there communicates the text of the Paushyacharita, 
dates from the beginning of the eleventh century. 

P. 1 89, note 205 . For the criticism of the Maha-Bharata, 
Holtzmann's researches (Indische Sagen, Preface, Stuttgart, 
1854) are also of great importance. 

P. 191, note 20G . The Index to Hall's edition of Wilson's 
translation of the Vishnu-Parana (vol. v. part ii.) appeared 
in 1877. The edition of the Agni-Punina in the Bibl. Ind. 
has now reached adhy. 294. 

P. 195, I5 . The identity of the author of the Raghu- 
vnrisa and Kamara-sambhava with the dramatist Kalidasa 
is contended for by Shankar Pandit in the Transactions 


o f ' the London Congress of Orientalists (London, 1876), p. 
227 ff. 

P. 196, note 20S . Bharavi and Kalidasa are mentioned 
together in an inscription of Pulakesi II., 'in the Saka 
year 507 (A.D. 585-6) ;' at that date, therefore, they must 
have been already famous. See Bhau Daji in Journ. 
Bomb. Br. E. A. S., ix. 315, and J. F. Fleet in Ind. Antiq., 
v. 68. On the Kashmir poets Chandraka and Mentha, of 
about the fifth (?) century, Ratnakara of the ninth, Kshe- 
mendra and Bilhana of the eleventh, Somadeva, Maiikha, 
Kalhana, &c., of the twelfth century, see Biihler, Report 
of Journey, /. c., p. 42 ff. 

P. 199, note f. For the text of these Suttas see now 
Grimblot, Sept suttas Palis (Paris, 1 876), p. 89 ; ' nachcliam 
gitain vdditam pekkham akkhdnam . . iti vd iti evarupd 
visukadassand ' (exhibitions, p. 65, spectacles, pp. 179, 
215). From this it appears that the word here properly 
in question is not so much the general term visuka as 
rather, specially, pekkka (prekshya), ' exhibition,' ' spec- 
tacle/ translated by 'theatricals,' pp. 65, 179, 'representa- 
tions dramatiques,' p. 215; comp. prekslianaka as the name 
of a species of drama in Bharata (Hall, Das"ariipa, p. 6), 
and drisya in the Sahitya-darpana as the name of dramatic 
poetry in general. 

Pp. 200, 12, 205, 20. According to Hall, Vasavad., In- 
trod., p. 27, Bhavabhuti would have to be placed earlier 
than Subandhu, and if so, of course, a fortiori, earlier than 
Bana : the latter, however, does not allude to him in the 
classic passage in the introduction to the Harsha-charita, 
where he enumerates his predecessors (Hall, ibid., pp. 13, 
14). See also Ind. Streifen, i. 355. 

P. 201, note ||. According to Lassen, /. AK., iii. 855, 
1163, Bhoja died in 1053. An inscription of his in the 
Ind. Antiq., 1877, p. 54, is dated in the year 1022. 

P. 203, note. According to Biihler, Ind. Antiq., v. 1 12 
(April, 1 876), a grant of King Jayabhata is ' older than 
the year 445 A.D., and dated in the Vikrama era.' 

P. 204, note 211 . In Z. D. M. G., xxx. 302, Jacob! cites 
from the Urvai a (chronometrical) datum betokening 
Greek influence. 

P. 207, note 21S . Of new publications, &c., of Indian 
dramas have to be mentioned : Bhandarkar's edition of the 


Malati-madhava (Bombay, 1876), Cappeller's edition of the 
Eatnavali (1877, in the second edition of Bohtlingk's 
Sanskrit-Chrestomatkie), the Bengali recension of the Sa- 
kuntala, edited by Pischel (see Cappeller in the Jenaer 
Lit. Zeit., 1877, p. 1 2 1), the two latter dramas translated 
by Ludw. Fritze ; lastly, Eegnaud's translation of the 
Mrichhakatika (Paris, 1876). On^ the question as to the 
various recensions of Kalidasa's Sakuntala discussed in 
/. St., xiv. 161 ff. see also Biihler's Eeport of Journey, 
1. c., p. Ixxxv. ff., where the first act of the Kashmir recen- 
sion of this drama is printed. 

P. 210, note 22 . To this place also belongs Srivara's 
Subhashitavali of the fifteenth century, containing quota- 
tions from more than 350 poets; see Biihler, Eeport of 
Journey, 1. c., p. 61 ff. ; further, the Subhashita-ratnakara 
by Krishna Shastri Bhatavadekar (Bombay, 1872). Here, 
too, have to be mentioned the four papers Zur Kritik und 
Erldarung verschiedener indischer Werlce, published by 0. 
Bohtlingk in vols. vii. and viii. of the Melanges Asiatigues 
of the St. Petersburg Academy (1875-76). 

P. 212, note 222 . Comp. Benfey's Introduction to Bick- 
ell's edition and translation of the ' Kalilag und Damnag' 
(Leipzig, 1876). It now appears doubtful whether the 
ancient Pahlavi version really rested upon one individual 
work as its basis, or whether it is not rather to be re- 
garded as an epitome of several independent texts ; see iny 
notice of the above work in Lit. C. Bl., 1876, No. 31, 
Biihler, Eeport of Journey, p. 47 ; Prym in the Jenaer Lit. 
Zcit., 1878, Art. 1 1 8. 

P. 213, note 224 . Eead 'recast by Kshemendra.' It is 
only to Kshemendra that the statements from Biihler's 
letter, given in the next sentence, refer. Biihler now 
places him in the second and third quarter of the eleventh 
century, Eeport of Journey, /. c., p. 45 ff. 

P. 213. On the Eaja-taramgini see now Biihler, Eeport 
of Journey, pp. 52-60, Ixvi.-lxxxii. (where an amended 
translation of I. 1-107 ^ s given ) ; and on the Nila-mata, of 
about the sixth or seventh century, ibid., p. 38 ff., Iv. ff. 

P. 214, note 225 . 'The Harsha-charita appeared at Cal- 
cutta in 1 876, edited by Jivananda. On the Sinhasana- 
dvatrinsika see now my paper in /. St., xv. 185 ff. 

P. 215, note - 1 . In the interpretation of Indian inscrip- 


tions, Biihler and Fleet also, in particular, have of late done 
very active service (especially in Ind. Antiq., vols. v., vi.). 

P. 221, note 233 . Goldstiicker's ' facsimile' (comp. note 
196 , p. 100) edition of the Manavakalp. is not ' photo-litho- 
graphed/ but lithographed from a tracing. 

P. 226, note 238 . Kielhorn has come forward with great 
vigour in defence of the Mahabhashya, first, in a lengthy 
article in the Ind. Antiq., v. 241 (August 1876), next in 
his Essay, Kdtydyana and Patamjali (Bombay, December 
1876), which deals specially with the analysis of the work 
into its component parts ; and, lastly, in his edition of the 
work itself, which exhibits the text critically sifted, in 
direct reference thereto (the first number, Bombay, 1878, 
gives the navdhnikam). Cf., further, two articles by Bhan- 
darkar, On the Relation of Kdtydyana to Pdnini and of 
Patamjali to Kdtydyana in Ind. Antiq., v. 345 ff. (December 
1876), and on G-oldstucker's Theory about Pdnini 's Technical 
Terms (reprint of an earlier review of G.'s Pdnini), ibid., 
vi. 107 ff. To this place also belongs an article on the 
Mahabhashya, which was sent off by me to Bombay on gt\\ 
October 1876, but which only appeared in the Ind. Antiq., 
vi. 301 if., in October 1877. 

P. 226, note s 39 . On the antiquity of the Ka^ika see 
now Biihler's Report of Journey, p. 72. The issue of the 
work in the Pandit is perhaps by this time completed. It 
is to be hoped that it will appear in a separate edition. 
Biihler's information regarding Vyadi, the Mahabhashya, 
Katantra, &c., is given in detail in his Eeport of Journey. 
On Burnell's essay, On tJie Aindra School of Sanskrit 
Grammarians (1875), which contains rich materials, see 
my critique in the Jenaer Lit. Zeit., March 1876, p. 202 ff. 
Of Hemachandra's Prakrit-Grammar Pischel has given 
us a new edition (Halle, 1877, text and good index of 

P. 229, note f. This note, according to Barth, Revue 
Critique, 3d June 1 876, is to be cancelled, as paraitre can 
only have the sense of ' seem ' (scheinen). 

P. 231, note m . On Ksheniendra's Loka-prakasa see 
Biihler, Report of Journey, p. 75. 

P. 231, 29. See note above to p. 182. 

P. 231, note 244 . The translation of the Sanity a-darpan a 
in the Bill. Indica ig now finished. For the rich informa- 



tion supplied by Biihler regarding the Alamkara literature 
in Kashmir, see his Report of Journey, p. 64 ff. Accord- 
ing to this, the Alamkara-s'astra of Bhatta Udbhata dates 
from the time of Jayapida (779-8 1 3), whose sabhdpati the 
author was. Vamana, too, in Biihler's opinion, belongs to 
the same period. Anandavardhana and Ratnakara belong 
to the ninth century, Mukula to the tenth, Abhinavagupta 
to the beginning, Rudrata to the end, of the eleventh, while 
Ruyyaka flourished at the commencement, and Jayaratha 
at the close, of the twelfth century ; Mammata is to be 
placed still later. 

P. 235, note 247 . Of the Sarva-dar^ana-samgraha there 
is now a translation, by Co well and Gough, in the Pandit, 
1875 ft 

P. 237, note 25 . The Samkhya-tattva-pradipa has been 
translated by Govmdadevas"astrin in the Pandit, Nos. 98 ff. 

P. 237, note K \ Abhinavagupta was still living in 
A.D. 1015 ; Btihler, Report of Journey, p. 80. The Saiva- 
sastra in Kashmir, ibid., pp. 7782, is divided into two 
groups, of which the one connects itself with the Spanda- 
sastra of Yasugupta (854), the other with the Praty- 
abhijna-s'astra of Somananda (ab. 900) and Utpala (ab. 930). 
It is of the latter which appears to rest upon Samkara 
that Abhinavagupta is the leading representative. 

P. 241, note 256 . The last number of this edition of aba- 
rasvamin brings it down to 10. 2. 73 ; the edition of the 
Jaimim'ya-nyaya-mala-vistara has just been completed by 
Cowell. The Jaimini-sutra is being published in the 
Bombay monthly periodical, ' Shaddarsaua-chintanika,' 
begun in January 1877 text and commentary with a 
double translation, in linglish and Mahrathi. 

P. 243, note 259 . Vachaspatimi^ra's Bhamati, a gloss on 
Samkara's commentary on the Vedanta-sutra, is in course 
of publication in the Bibl. Ind. edited by Bala^astrin, 
commenced in 1876. In the Pandit for 1876, p. 113, in 
the Preface to his edition of Srinivasadasa's Yatindramata- 
dipika, Ramamisrasastrin cites a passage from Ramanuja's 
Brahmasutra-bhashya, in which the latter mentions the 
i/iayamrf-Bodhayana as his predecessor therein, and as 
separated from him by several generations otpurvdeJubryas. 
As such purvdclidryas Ramamisra gives the names of 
Dramida, Guhadeva, and Brahmanandi, at the same time 


designating them by the epithets maharshi and suprdchi- 
natama. By Srinivasadasa himself (p. 115) the teachers 
are mentioned in the following order : Vyasa, Bodhayana, 
Guhadeva, Bharuchi, Brahmanandi, Dravidacharya, Sri- 
Parankusanatha, Yamunamuni, Yatisvara. Here is also 
to be mentioned the edition in the Pandit, by Vechana- 
rama^astrin, of two commentaries on the Vedanta-siitra, 
viz., the Saiva-bhashya of Srikantha Sivacharya (see Z. D. 
M. G., xxvii. 1 66), and the Vedanta-kaustubha-prabha of 
Kesava Kasrnirabhatta. Further, in the second edition of 
his Sanskrit-Chrestomathie (1877) Bohtlingk has given a 
new translation of the Vedanta-sara ; and the Vidvan- 
manoranjini of Piamatirtha, a commentary thereon, has 
been published, text with translation, in the Pandit by 
Gough and Govindadeva^astrin. In the same journal has 
also appeared the Advaita-makaranda of Lakshmidhara. 

P. 245, note 264 . A translation, by Kes'avas'astrin, of the 
Nyaya-darsana and of Vatsyayana's commentary thereon, 
has begun to appear in the Pandit (new series, vol. ii.). 
The fourth book of Ganger's Nyaya-chintamani, with the 
commentary of Ruchidatta, has also been edited, ibid. 
(Nos. 66-93) ky Balasastrin. 

P. 247, note 268 . Of importance are the names, com- 
municated to me from Albirum by Ed. Sachau, of the 
mendzil in Soghd and Khvarizm, the list of which begins 
with thurayyd, i.e., with krittikd, and that under the name 
parvi; by this is evidently meant parviz, i.e., the name 
which stands third in the Bundehesh, whence it neces- 
sarily follows that the list of names in the latter is the 
modern one, commencing with dsvini ; see Jenaer Lit. Zeit., 
1877 (7th April), p. 221. Some of the names here cited 
by Albiruni are distinctly Indian, as frshtbdth, i.e., pro- 
shthapdda, the ancient form of name, consequently, (not 
bhadrapadd). Here, too, presumably, as in the case of 
China, the Buddhists were the channel of communication. 

Pp. 250, 251, note 274 . The proposition laid down by 
H. Jacobi in Z. D. M. G., xxx. 306, that no Indian 
writings, which enumerate the planets in the order Sun, 
Moon, Mars, &c. can have been composed earlier than 
the third century A.D., has application to Yajnavalkya, as 
well as to the Atharva-parisishtas, which in point of fact 
already observe this order; see /. St., x. 317. 


P. 253, note *. The absence of mention of the Komakas 
in the Ramayana may perhaps also rest upon geographical 
grounds, namely, on the probable origin of the poem in 
the east of India, in the land of the Kos*alas, whereas the 
'war-part' of the Maha-Bharata was in all likelihood 
composed in Central, if not in Western India. 

P. 256, note 281 . Cf. Thibaut's paper On the 3ulva- 
sutras' in the Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, 1875 (minutely dis- 
cussed by Mor. Cantor in the hist. lit. div. of the Zeitsch. 
fur Math, und Physik, vol. xxii.), and his edition of the 
Sulva-sutra of Baudhayana with the commentary of Dva- 
rakanathayajvan (text with translation) in the Pandit, 
May, 1875-77. 

P. 256, note *. The explanation of the Indian figures 
from the initial letters of the numerals has recently been 
rudely shaken, see Biihler in Ind. Ant., vi. 48, through 
the deciphering, namely, of the ancient ' Nagarf numerals ' 
by Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji, ibid., p. 42 ff. These, it 
appears, turn out to be other letters, yet the derivation of 
the later figures from them- can hardly be called in ques- 
tion. What principle underlies these ancient numerals is, 
for the rest, still obscure : the zero has not yet a place 
among them; there are letter-symbols for 4-10 (1-3 
being merely represented by strokes) for the tens up to 
90, and for the hundreds up to 1000. Comp. pp. 222, 
note 233 , and 257, note 284 . 

P. 260, note *. The remainder of the Yatra has now 
been edited by Kern in /. St., xiv. and xv. 

P. 266 ff. In complete opposition to the former dreams 
about the high antiquity of Indian medicine, Haas has 
recently, in Z. D. M. G., xxx. 617 ff. and xxxi. 647 ff, 
characterised even the most ancient of the Indian medical 
texts as quite modern productions, to be traced to Arabian 
sources. In the accounts given by the Arabs themselves 
of the high repute in which Indian medicine stood with 
them, and of the translation of works of the kind, which 
are specified by name, from Sanskrit into Arabic, he recog- 
nises hardly any value. As regards the latter point, how- 
ever, there exists absolutely no ground for throwing doubt 
upon statements of so definite a character made by the 
old Arab chroniclers; while, with respect to the former 
point, the language of Susruta, Charaka, &c., is distinctly 


opposed to the assignment to them of so late a date. At 
the same time, every real proof of the presence of Greek 
(or even Arabian) conceptions in the works in question, 
will have to be thankfully received. But the early 
existence of medical knowledge in India would in no way 
be prejudiced thereby, as its beginnings are well attested 
by evidence from the Vedic period, especially from the 

P. 270, note 31 . Charaka, as Biihler informs me, has 
now also been printed at Bombay, edited, by Dr. Anna 
Mureshvar Kunte, Grant Medical College. 

P. 271, note 313 . The Kavi translation of the Kaman- 
daki-niti probably belongs, at the earliest, to about the 
same date as the translation of the Maha-Bharata ; see 
remark above to note 204 . Progress has been made with 
the printing of Nirapeksha's commentary in the Bibl. 

P. 273, note 319 . On modern Indian music, see now the 
numerous writings of Sourindro Mohun Tagore, Calcutta, 
1875 ff., of. Jenaer Lit. Zeit., 1877, p. 487. It is possible 
that the investigation of the gdnas of the Sama-veda, in case 
these are still in actual use and could be observed, might 
yield some practical result for the ancient lauldlca music 

P. 274, note 821a . For such representations of Venus, 
supported on the tail of a dolphin, or with a dolphin and 
Cupid behind her, see J. J. Bernouilli, Aphrodite (Leipzig, 
1873), pp. 245, 370, 405. See also numerous representa- 
tions of the kind in the Musee de Sculpture par le Gomte 
F. de Clarac (Paris, 1836-37), vol. iv., pi. 593, 607, 610, 
612, 615, 620, 622, 626-628, 634. 

P. 278, note 327 . Biihler has also published a transla- 
tion of Apastamba : it is now being reprinted in the series 
of ' Sacred Books of the East ' which is appearing under 
Max Miiller's direction. Gautama has been edited by 
Stenzler (London, 1876), and is also comprised in Jiva- 
nanda's large collection { Dharmashastrasamgraha ' (Cal- 
cutta, 1876), which, all inaccuracies notwithstanding, is 
yet a very meritorious publication, on account of the 
abundance of material it contains. It embraces 27 large 
and small Smriti-texts, namely, 3 Atris, 2 Vishnus, 2 
Haritas, Yajnavalkya, 2 Usanas', Augiras, Yama, Apa- 


stamba, Samvarta, Katyayana, Brihaspati, 2 Para^aras, 
2 Vyasas, Sankha, Likhita, Daksha, 2 Gautamas, and 
2 Vasishthas. Narada's Smriti has been translated by 
Jolly (London, 1 876) ; see also his papers, Ueber die recht- 
liche Stellung der Frauen bei den Indern (Munich, 1 876), 
and Ueber das indische Schuldrecht (Munich, 1 877). 

P. 280, note 329 . The Arun a- Smriti, Biihler informs me, 
is quite a late production, probably a section of a Purana. 

P. 28 1 . As Yaj navalkya enumerates the planets in their 
Greek order (i. 295) the earliest date we can assign to this 
work is the third century A.D. (see remark above to p. 251, 
note 274 , following Jacobi). 

P. 284, 5. See remark on Panchalachanda above, note 
to p. 50. 

P. 288. E. Senart, in his ingenious work, La Le'gendt 
du Bouddha (Paris, 1875), traces the various legends that 
are narrated of Buddha (and in part, identically, of Krishna 
also) to ancient solar myths which were only subsequently 
applied to Buddha ; comp. my detailed notice and partial 
rejoinder in the Jenaer Lit. Zeit., 1 876 (29th April), p. 282 ff. 

P. 291, note }. Schiefner's 'Indische Erzahlungen,' 
from the Kagyur, in vols. vii. and viii. of the Melanges 
Asiatiques of the St. Petersburg Academy, embrace alreacty 
forty-seven such legends. 

P. 292, note M5 . Whether the Buddhaghosha of this in- 
scription is, as Stevenson assumes (p. 13), to be identified 
with the well-known B. must still appear very doubtful, 
as the princes mentioned in the rest of these inscriptions 
belong to a far older period ; see Bhandarkar in the 
Transactions of the London Congress of Orientalists (1876), 
p. 306 ff. 

P. 293, note *. Sept suttas Pdlis, tire's du Dighanikdya, 
from the papers of Paul Grimblot, were published by his 
widow in 1876 (Paris), text with translation. The 
second part of Fausboll's edition of the Jataka appeared 
in 1877. The Mahaparinibbana-sutta was edited in 1874 
by Childers in the Journal E. A. S., vols. vii. and viii. : a 
separate impression of it has just appeared. The same 
journal also contains an edition of the Patimokkha by 
Dickson. An edition of the whole Vinaya-pitaka by 
Herm. Oldenberg is in the press. 

P. 297, note st& f A collected edition of the sacred Angas 


of the Jainas was published last year (1877) at Calcutta 
by Dhanapatisinhaji : the text is accompanied with the 
commentary of Abhayadeva and a SMs/id-explanation by 
Bhagvan Vijaya. 

P. 300, note S5 . On this compare also S. Beal, Tlie 
Buddhist Tripitaka as it is known in China and Japan 
(Devonport, 1876). 

P. 303, note J. On possible points of connection between 
the Avesta and Buddhism see Jenaer Lit. Zeit., 1877, p. 

P. 305, note |. In Gautama the word ~bhikshu appears 
expressly as the name of the third of the four dsramas ; 
in place of it Manu has yati. 

BERLIN, z^th May 1878, 


Akshapdda, 8. 245. 
akshara, 'syllable,' 15. 16. 

pbilos., 161. 
Agastya, 53. 275 (archit.). 
Agni, 31. 40. 63. 159. 178. 303. 

chayana, 120. (274). 

Purdna, 191. 231. 271. 275. 281. 

rahasya, 1 1 8. 1 20. 
Agnivesii, 265. 266. 269 (tned.). 
AgnUvdmin, 79. 

ayra, 190. 

aghds, 248. 

Anfja, 25. 216 (s. Veddiiga). 296. 

297- 3 2 6, S 2 ? (Jain.). 
Angas, 147. 
Angir, 158. 
Aflgiras, 31. 53. 153. 158. 160. 162. 

164. 250. 325 (Smriti). 

(Jupiter) 250. 
Angirasas, 124. 148 ff. 
Ajdta^atru, 51. 127. 138. 286 (his 

six teachers). 

comm., 82. 
atikrushta, III. 
atthakathd, 292. 

Atri, 31. 38. 53. 102. 103. 140 Ved. 

102. 283. 325 (jur.). 

269 med. 

daughter of, 38. 140. 

brihad , 269 (med.). 

laghu", 269 (med.). 
Atharvan, 151 (as prajdpati). 153 

(bfihatpati and bka<javant). 158. 

( = Ath. Veda], 78. 
Atharva-ParUishtas, 249. 251. 253. 


the forty-eighth Ath. Par., 313. 
316. 317. 318. 

Atharva-ParisisJita, Greek order of 
the planets in the Ath. Paris ishfas, 


Paippale, 158. 169. 

Prdttidkhya, 146. 151. 

Veda, 8. 22. 29. 145 ff. 249. 265. 

6ik/tare, 164. 

sikhd, 164. 167. 
Atharvasiras, 154. 1 66. 169. 170. 
Atharva-Samhitd, n. 208. 318. 
Atharvdngirasas, II. 72. 93. 12 1. 

127. 149. 150 (orasa sing.) 
Atkai-vdnas, 113. 124. 148. 149. 
Atharvopanishads, 28. 153 ff. 239. 
athd 'tah, 245. 265. 
Adbhutadharma, 301 (Buddh.). 
Adbhuta-Brdhmana, 69. 152. 
advaita, 171. 
A dvaita-makaranda, 323. 
adhidevatam, 121. 
adhiyajnam, 121. 
adhyayana, 8. 
adhydtmam, 121. 
Adhydtmardmdyana, 1 68. 
adltydya, 14. 31. 32. 107. 117. 
adhydyddln, 66. 
ad/ivaryu, 14. 80. 149. 
adhvaryus (pi.), 8. 80. 86. 87. 121. 
Ananta, 141 (comm.). 
Anantadeva, IOI 
Anantayajvan, 85. 245. 
anapM, 255 (Greek). 
Anukramanis, 24. 32. 33. 6l. 64. 65. 

74. 83. 85. 87. 88. 90. 103. 104. 

107. 143. 144. 145. 152. 
Anufiada-Siitra, So. Si. 84. 88. 95. 
Anubrdhmana, 12. 82. 
amtbrdhmanin, 82. 
Anubhtitiprakasa, 97. 
Anubhutiavarupsicha'rya, 226. 



amdamba, 68. 

anuvdka, 31. 33. 88. 94. 107. 109. 
124- H5- 

"kdnukramani, 32. 6l. 
anuvydkhydna, 122. 127. 
anusdsana, 121. 122. 127. 
anustotra, 84. 
anuchdna, 78. 
Andhaka-Vrishnayas, 185. 
Andhomatf, 106. 
anvadhydya, 57. 176. 
anvdkhyana, 122. 
Apdntaratamas, 243. 
Apsaras, 125. 
Abhayadeva, 327. 
Abhichdra-Kalpa, 153. 
Abhidharma (Buddh.). 290. 292. 

307 ff. 
Abhidhdna-chintdmani, 230. 

ratnamdld, 230. 
Abhinavagupta, 237. 273. 322. 
abhinimru/cta, 278. 
Abhinishkramana-Stitra, 300. 
Abhimanyu, 219. 220. 223. 
abhiyajna-gdthds, 45. 
Abhira, 3. 

abhyanukta, 122. 

Amarakosha, 220. 229 ff. 267. 

Amarachandra, 190. 

Amaradeva, 228. 

Amarasinha, 200. 219. 227 ff. 

Amaru. 210. 

Amita, 306. 

Amitdbha, 298. 306. 

Ainitraghdlta, 251. 

Amritanddopanishad, 154- 165. I7 1 - 

Amritavindtipanishad, 99. 154. 165. 

Amba", 114. 134. 317. 

Ambikd, 39. 114. 134. 317. 

Amba'lika, 39. 114. 134.317. 

ayana, 66. 

ayogti, in. 

Ayodhyit, 89. 178. 224. 

Aruna, 133. nas, 93. 

Smriti, 280. 326. 
Aruni, 93 (and plur.) 
Arkalinas, 33. 

arjuna, Ai-juna (and Indra), 37. 50. 

114. 115. 134. 135. 136. 137. 185. 

1 86. 

arjunyau, 248. 
Artha&dstra, 271.273. 275. 
ardha, 73 (inhabited place). 
ardhamdgadht, 295. 296. 297. 
nrhant, 78. 138. 305. 
Alamkdrasdstra, 231. 322. 

Avaddna, 299. 301 (Buddb.). 
Avalokite6vara, 298. 299. 
avyakta, 238. 
Avyayavritli, 227. 
asftipatha, 119. 
Asoka, 179. 273. 290. 291. 
A4vagbosha, 161. 162. 
A^vapati, 71. 120. 
asvamedha, 54. 114. 126. 

okdnda, 118. 
A^vala, 53. 129. 
Asbjldha, 133. 

ashtaka, 31. 32. 42. 43. 89. 

ashtddhydyi, 118. 

asura, 302 (sura formed from). 

language of the A.'s, 180. 

Krishna, 148. 304. 

Maya, 253, 274. 
ahargana, 258. 
alii, 36. 

ahina, 66. 76. 79. 80. 139. 
Ahobalasuri, 101. 
dkdsa, 128. 
dkoketa, 254. 
dkhydna, 122. 193. 

vidas, 45. 
^(/amasdstra, 161. 
Aguive^ya, 102. 285. 
Agnive^yfiyana, 49. 53- IO2. 
dyneyam parva, 66. 
Angirasa, 71. 148. 153. 
Angirasakalpa, 153. 
dchdrya, 73. 77. 8l. 121. 
Atndra, 68. 125. 

dnava, 171. 

diman, 97. 156. 161 ff. 

(malidn), 238. 
Atniaprabodhopanwhad, 166. 167. 


Atmdnanda, 42. 
^tmopanishad, 158. 162. 
Atreya, 87-89. 91. 92. 93. IO2. 103. 

Taitt., 153. Ath., 241. 242. (phil.). 

265. 269. (med.). 

kanishtha", 269. (med.). 

briliad", 269. (med.). 

madhyama , 269. (med.). 

vriddha", 269. (med.). 

(bhikshu), 284. 
Atharvana, 128. 149. 

Grihya, 152. 
Atbarvanikas, 82. 149. 

A tharvanlyarudropanithad, 1 54. 1 70k 
dditya, 131. 
dditydni, 131. 
Adityaddsa, 259. 



Adibuddha, 298. 

ddesa, 73. 121. 149. 235. 301. 

Ananda-giri, 51. 243. 

jnna, 51. 

tirtha, 42. 51. 

vana, 1 68. 

vardhana, 322. 
Anandavatti, 94. 154. 156. 157. 
Anarttiya, 55. 

./^.ndhras, 94. 

Apastamba, 88, 89 ff. 100. IOI. IO2. 

317. 325- 

Dharmasfitra, 101. IO2. 106. 278. 

. 325- 

Apisali, 222. 
dpoklima, 255 (Greek). 
Aptavajrasiichi, 161. 
^bhiprat^rina, 136. 
Amara'ja, 261. 
<J t yana, names in, 53. 120. 
AyahstMna, 130. 
Ayurveda, 265. 267. 271. 
ra, 254 (Greek). 
Aranyaka, 8. 28. 29. 48. 92. 

kdnda, 118. 

jyotisha, 153. 

samhitd, 65. 
Aranyagdna, 64. 65. 
Aranya-lSamhitd, 316. 
Ardda, Araihi, 285. 
Aruna, 93. 

Aruni, 51. 69. 71. 123. 130. 132. 

133. 157. 286. 

Arunikopanishad, 163. 164. 
4-runins, 93. 
Aruneya, 133. 157. 
drchika, 63. 65. 66. 
4-rjunaka, 185. 
Aryas, 3. 79. 178. 
Aryabhata, 6l. 254. 255. 257 ff. 
Arydbhatiya, 6l. 257. 
Aryasiddhdnta, 257. 
Arydpanchdsiti, 237. 
Arydshtasata, 257. 
Arsha, 85. 

Arshikopanisfiad, 162. 
Arsheya-Kalpa, 75. 77. 
Arsheya-Bralimana, 74. 313. 316. 


4-vantika, 259. 
4-vantika", riti, 232. 
4s^rka, 84. 278. 

.Asmarathah, Tcalpah, 46. 53. 242. 
Asmarathya, 53. 242. 
dsrama, omopanwhad, 164. 
(bhilcshu), 327. 

A^vatardsvi, 133. 

Asvalayana, 32. 34. 49. 52 ff. 59. 62. 
80. 85. ioi. 106. 169. 266. 

Kausalya, 159. 

Parisishta, 62. 

Urd/imana, 49. 
A&vina-sastra, 314. 
dsvinl series, 323. 
A.surayana, 128. 140. 

Asuri, 128. 131. 133. 137. 235. 236. 
dskanda, 113. 
dsphujit, 254 (Greek). 
Asphuji(d)dhvaja (?), 258. 
ikkavtila, 264 (Arabic). 
ithimikd, 89. 
Itard, 48. 
Itihdsas, 24. 72. 93. 122. 124. 127. 

159. 190. 191. 

Itihdsapurdna, 121. 183. 301. 
ittha, 254 (Greek). 
itthisdla, 264 (Arabic). 
ityukta, 300. 
inthihd, 264 (Arabic). 
induvdra, 264 (Arab.) 
ludra, 32.40. 52. 63. 123. 127. 176 

(gramm.). 186. 21 1. 265 (med.). 


and Arjuna, 37. 50. 115. 136. 
185. 186. 

Indrajananlya, 193. 

ludradatta, 293. 

Indradyumna, 133. 

Iiidraprastha, 178. 

Indrota, 34. 125. 

IraVati, 178. 

it, 108. 

Isdna, 45. no. 

Isopanishad, 116. 155. 309. 

i&vara, 238. 

Isvara, 272 mus. 

I^varakrishna, 236. 237. 

isardpha, 264 (Arabic). 

uktapratyuktam, 122. 

uktha, 67. 81. 

vlcthdrtha, 83. 

Ukha, 91. 

Ugrasena, 125. 135. 

itchcha, 257. 

Ujjayini, 185. 2OI. 209. 252. 257 

259. 295. 

Ujjvaladatta, 226. 
vnddi, 2 1 6. 226. 
Uttaratdpinl, 169. 
Uttaramimdnsd, 239 ff. 
Ultarardmacharita, 207. 
Uttaravalli, 157. 



vttard, uttardrchika, 63. 65. 

uttardshddhds, 247. 

Utpala, 243. 260. 322. 

Utpalini, 227. 

Udayana, 246. 

uddtta, 314. 

udichyas, 132. 178. 

udgdtar, 14. 67. 149. 

Udddlaka, 69. 71. 123. 130. 131. 

157. 284. 

Uddyotakara, 245. 
Udbhata, 322. 
Upagrantha-S&tra, 83. 84. 
Upatishya, 199. 
vpadefa, 301 (Buddh.). 
upadhd, 144. 
Upanishads, 28. 29. 42. 48. 73. 74. 

121. 127. 153 ff. 235. 277. 

number of, 154. 155. 

(Up. Brdhmana), 34. 74. 
Upapurdnas, 171. 191. 282. 
Upalekha, 40. 59. 
Upaveda, 265. 271. 273. 
upavydkhydna, 122. 
upaskdra, 244. 

upastha, 114. 
updkhydna, 73, 122. 
Updngas, 297 (Jain.). 
upddhydya, 82. 

nirapekshd, 271. 
updsaka, "sikd, 306. 
Upendra, 303. 
nbkayam antarena, 49. 
Uma", 74. 156. 
t/rajro, 98. 303. 

Urva^i, 134. 207 (drama). 208. 

iiltika, 246. 

Uvatta, 42. 

Usanns (Kdvya), 36. 153. 

278. 282. 325 (jur.). 
TjMuura, 45. 
Ushasti, 71. 

ushtra, 3. 

Data, 34. 42. 59. 1 1 6. 

flvata, 144. 

L'hagdna, Ohyagdna, 64. 

ftik-Samhitd, 9. 10. II. 14. 31 ff. 

and Sdma-S., readings of, 313. 

concluding verse of, in the forty- 
eighth At/i. Par., 313. 

Kashmir MS., 314. 

galitas in, 314, 315. 
Rigvidhdna, 62. 74. (33). 313. 314. 


Ri'jveda, 8. 33 (rigvedayuptaye). 45. 
121. 123. 127. 

richas, 8. 9. 14. 31. 33. 63. 64. 65. 

74- 75- 

number of, 121. 153. 
Rishi, 8 (= Veda). 122. 145. 

Brdhmana, 64. 

mukhdni, 66. 
Rishy-Anukramani, 88. 
Ekachurni, 42. 91. 
ekapddikd, 117. 
ekavachana, 124. 
ekahansa, 129. 

<?fotAa, 66. 76. 79. 80. 139. 
eie, 134. 140. 
Aikshvika, 125. 
Aitareya, 48. 49. 56. 70. 85. 

Brdhmana, 16. 44 ff. 72. 

yaka, 34. 62. 

"ydranyaka, 32. 48 ff. 75. 315. 

yins, 49. 81. 85. 

opanishad, 48. 155. 
Aitisdyana, 53. 241 (Aita). 
Aindra (School), 321. 
aindram parva, 66. 
aisvarika, 309. 

om, 158. 160. 161. 163. 164. 

orimikd, 89. 

aukthika, 83. 240. 

Aukhiyas, 88. 

Audulomi, 242. 

Audanya, 134. 

audichya, 34. 

Audumbardyana, 53. 

Auddllaki, 157 (VedJ. 267 (erot.). 

Audbhdri, 88. 

Aupatasviui, 134. 

Aupamanyava, 75. 

Aupave^i, 133. 

Aupa^ivi, 143. 

Aupoditeya, 133. 

Auldky;i, 246. 

Aushtnikshi, 75. 

Kansavadha, 198. 207. 

Kachchdnd (Buddha's wife), 318. 

Kachchdyana, 227. 293. 

Katha, 89. 92. 184 ; plur. 88. 89. 


Kaldpas, 89. 

vdtti, 157. 

sdkhd, 89. 

frutyupanishad,, 163. 164, 

Sutra, 99. 100. 
Kanabhaksha, Kanabhuj, 245. 


Kandda, 244. 245. 246. 
kandikd, 59. 89. 107. 117. 118-120. 
kanva, 140 (deaf). 



Kanra, 3. 31. 52. 106. 105 (plur.). 


Smriti-Sdstra, 143. 
Kanha, 304. 

Kanhi, Kanhdyana, 304. 
Katas, 138. 
Katkdsaritsdgara, 213. 217. 219. 


Kadni, 134. 
Kanishka, Kanerki, 205. 218. 219. 

22O. 222. 223. 28l. 285. 287. 288. 

290. 294. 302. 306. 308. 
kanishtha, 269 ( treya). 
kanydkumdri, 157. 
Kapardigiri, 179. 
Kapardisvdtnin, 42. lot. 
kapinjala, 211. 
Kapila, 96. 137. 162. 235 ff. 272. 

284. 308. 

Kapilavastu, 33. 137. 284. 
Kapishthala, 265. 268 (med.). 

Kathas, 88. 
Kapishthala-Samhitd, 88. 
Kabandha, 149. 
Kabandhin, 159. 
Kambojas, 178. 22O. 
kamvtila, 264 Arab. 
karat oka, 206. 

knrana, 259 (astr.). 

kuttihala, 261. 262. 

sdra, 262. 
Karavindasviimin, 101. 
kardli, 159. 

Karka, 141. 
Karndtakas, 94. 
Karnisuta, 276. 
Karmanda, dinas, 305. 
Karmapradipa, 84. 85. 278. 
Karmamlmdnsd, 239 ff. 
Karmargha, 153. 
Icalds (the sixty -four), 275. 
Kaldpa-Sutra, 227 (gram in.). 
Kaldpin, 184. 
kali, 113. 283 yuna. 

era, 205. 260. 261. 
Kaliiiga, 269. 
Kalindtha, 272. 
kaliyuga, 243. 
Kalki-Purdna, 191. 

Kalpa, 1 6. 46. 53. 75. 93. 153 (Ath.). 
176. 242. 

kdra, 144. 

Sutras, 16. 34. 75. loo. lO2(Ved.). 
^297 (Jain.) 317. 

Kalpdnupada, 84. 
Kalhana, 213. 215. 319. 

Kavasba, I2O. 

Kavi, 153 (Usanas). 191. 195. 

Kaviputra, 204. 205. 

Kavirdja, 196. 

kasyapa, 140 (having black teeth). 

Kasyapa, 53. 140. 

278. 282 jur. 
kashdya, 78. 306. 
Kaserumant, 188. 
Kahola, 129. 133. 

Ka'nka'yana, 153 (Ath.). 266. 269 

Kdthaka, 41. 81. 85. 88. 89 ff. 103. 


Grihya, ibi. 317. 
Kdthakopanishad, 93. 1 56, 238. 240. 
kdndda, 246. 

kdnda, 59. 89.91. 92. 117 ff. 145. 

Kdndamayana, 53. 

Kdnva, 103. 106. 113 ff. 142. 143. 
144 (gramm.). 

Kdnvaka, 105. 

Kdnviputra, 105. 

Kdnvydyana, 105. 

Kdtantra, 226. 227. 321. 

Kdtiya-Grikya, 142. 

Kdtiya-Sutra, 91. 99. 100. 142. 

Kdtya, 138. 223. 

Kdtyayana, 53. 61. 80. 83. 84. 107. 
138 ff. (Ved.)222. 321. (gramru.), 
227 lex. 266 ined. 285 (Buddh.). 

Smriti-Sdstra of, 143. 326. 

Kabandhin, 159. 
Kdtydyani, 127. 138; = Durgd, 

138- 157. 

putra, 71. 138. 285. 
Kddmnibari, 213. 
KdpUa-Sdstra, 236. 

Kdpya, 126. 137. 223. 236. 237. 284. 
Kdmandakiya, (Niti-Sdstra), 271. 


Adma-S&tra, 267. 
Kamukdyana, 241. 
Kdmpila, 114. 115 ; lya, 115. 138. 
Kdmboja, 7. 
Kdrandavyuha, 299. 
Kdrttakaujapa, 266. 
Kdrttikeya, 103 (comm.). 
kdrmika, 309. 

Kdrshniljini, 140. 241. 242. 
Kala, 248. 
Kdlanirnaya, 262. 
Kdlabavins, 14. 81. 83. 96. 
Kdlayavana, 220. 221. 
Kdldgnirudropaniihud, 171. 
Kdldpa, 89. 96. 



Kaliddsa, 195. 196. 2Ooff. 209. 228. 
250. 252. 266. 318 f. 

three Kalidasas, 204. 
Mil, 159. 

Kdvasheya, 120. 131. 
Kdvila, 236. 

kdvyas, 183. 191. 195. 2IO. 
Kavya 36 (U.4anas). 153. 
Kdvyaprakdsa, 204. 232. 
Kdvyddarsa, 232. 
Kdvydlarjikdravritti, 226. 232. 
Kiisakritsna, 42. 91. 140. 242. 
Kas'akfitsni, 139. 140. 242. 
Kasis, 125. 286. 

Kdsikd, 1 06. 130. 226, 227. 321. 
KM, 269. 283. 
Kasmiras, 227. 
Kasyapa, 143 (gramm.). 245 (pliil.). 

275 (archit.). 
kdshdyadltdrana, 237. 
kitava, III. 
kimnara, 302. 
Kirdtdrjuniya, 196. 
Kikatas, 79. 
Kirtidhara, 273. 
kuttaka, 259. 
Kiitliumi, 84. 
Kundina, 91. 

(town), 168. 
Kutapa-Sausruta, 266. 
kuntdpastikta, 146. 
Kunti, 90. 

Kubhd, 3. 
Kumdrapdla, 297. 
Kumdrasambhava, 195. 196. 208. 


KumaVilabhatta, 68. 74. 241. 242. 
KumaVilasviimin, loo. 
Kumbhamushkas, 303. 
Kumbbandas, 302. 303. 
Kurus, 114. 123. 135. 136. 137. 

138 (and Katas). 286. 
Kurukshetra, 68. 136. 
Kuru-Panchdlaa, 10. 34. 39. 45. 

68. 90. 114. 129. 132. 135. 1 86. 


kuladharma, 278. 
kullra, 254. 
Kulluka, 281. 
Kuvera, 124. 303. 
Kusa and Lava, 197- 
kunlava, 197. 
Kiislimftndas, 303. 
Knsumapura. 257. 258. 
K usumdiijali, 245. 246. 
icurmavibhdya, 215. 

Kushmfindas, 303. 

krit, 144'. 

krita, 113 (yuga). 

krittikd, 2. 148. 247. 248. 304. 323, 

series, date of, 2. 
Krityachintdmani, 80. 
Krisa, 266 med. 
Kri^dsva, "^vinas, 197. 
krishna, (black), 304. 

Krishna Devakiputra, 71. 104. 148. 
169. 186. 238. 284. 304. 

and Kalayavana, 22O. 221. 

and the Panda vas, 136. 

and the shepherdesses, 2IO. 

worship of, 71. 189. 209. 238. 
289. 300. 304. 307. 326. 

Angirasa, 71. 148. 

Dvaipayana, 184. 243. 

Asura Krishna, 148. 304. 

Krishna Hdrita, 50. 
Krishnajit, 54. 58. 
Krishnatnisra, 207. 
Krishnaj'ina, 242. 
Krishndtreya, 266 med. 
Kekayas, I2O. 132. 
ketu, 250. 

Kenopani'shad, 73, 74. 75- I 5^ ^ 

171. 316. 
kemadruma, 255. 
kevala, 245. 

naiydyika, 245. 
Kesava Ka^rnirabhatta, 323. 
Kesin (Asura), 148. - 
Kesi-siidana, "ban, 148. 
'Kesari' samgrdmah, 188. 
kesava, 304. 

Kaikeya, 120. 

Kaiyata, 56. 83. 93. 95. 223. 224, 

Kaivalyopanishad, 155. 163. 169 f. 

Kokila, 280. 

kona, 254. 

Kosala, 160. 185. 192. 193. 324. 

Kosala, 33. 68. 137. 285. 

- Videhas, 34. 39. 132. 134. 135. 


Kohala, 273. 
Kankusta, 134. 
kaukkutika, 305. 
Kaundinya, 102. 285. 
Kautsa, 77. 140. 
Kants.iyana, 97. 
Kauthumas, 47. 65. 76. 83. 84. 89. 

96. 1 06. 

Kaudreyas, 140. 
Kaumslrila, 241. 
Kauravya, 39. 123. 135. 136. 



Kaurupaflchdla, 123. 
kaurpya, 254 (Greek). 
Kaulopanishad, 171. 
Kausalya (Asvalayana), 159. 
KauiSdmbeya, 123. 
KauSika, 149. 152. 153 (Ath.). 

(Conim.), 42. 91. 
Kaushitaka, 56. 
Kaushitaka, 46. 8 1. 

kdrai}yaka, 50. 54. 
Kaushitaki, "kill, 46. 68. 82. 133. 

134- 313. 

Brdhmann, 26. 44 ff. 71. 

Upanishad, 50. 73. 127. 155. 

Kausbitakeya, 129. 

Kausalya, 125. 159 (s). 

Kausurubindi, 123. 

Kauhala, 75. 

kramapdjka, 34. 49. 60. 

kriya, 254 (Greek). 

Krivi, Kraivya, 125. 

Krauncha, 93. 

Kraushtuki, 6l metr. 153. 248 

Ath. ' 
kllba, ill. 
kshatrapati, 68. 
Kshapanaka, 2OO. 
Kshdrapdni, 265 ined. 
Ksbirasvdtiiin, 79. 227. 
Kshudras, 84. 
Kshurikopanishad, 165. 
Kshetnarnkara, 213. 
Kshetuendra, 213. 215. 319. 320. 


Kshemendrabhadra, 293. 
Kshairakalanibhi, 77- 
Jfshaudra, 84. 
Kbandika, 88. 
Kbadirasviimin, 79- 
Kbaroshtba, 248. 
Khddiiyana, 53, "iiins 14. 8l. 
Khdndikiyas, 87. 88. 
Khddiragrihya, 84. 
khila, 92.' 97. 107. 130. 144. 249. 

313 f- 

kdnda, 127. 128. 130. 131. 
khuddakapdt/ta, 293. 
Gafiga", 51. 1 68. 193. 248. 
Gangddbara, 142. 
Gangesa, 246. 323. 

ganas, 225. 266 gramm. 
ganaka, 113. 

Ganapatipurvatdpinl, 170. 
Ganapatyupanishad, 154. 170. 
yanapd(ha, 138. 225. 240. 241. 242. 

Gayaratnamahodadhi, 226. 
ganita, 159. 
ganitddhydija, 262. 
Ganes"a, 281. 

tdpini, 1 70. 
Gadddbara, 142. 

Gandharva, 272 (Ndrada). 284 (Pafl- 

possessed by a, 126. 
Gandhdra, 70. 132. 2iX, "ris, 147. 
Garuda, 171. 302 (plur.). 

Purdrta, 191. 
Garudopanis/iad, 171. 

Garga, 153 Ath. 221. 252 ff. (astr.). 

plur. 252. 253. 

Vriddhagarga, 153. 253. 
Garbhopanishad, 160. 167. 272. 
galitas, 314. 315. 

gallakka, 206. 
gahanam gambhiram, 233. 
Gdngydyani, 51. 
Gdyapatyapurvatdpaniya, 170. 
gdthds, 24. 33. 45. 72. 73. 93. 121. 

122. 124. 125. 127. 132. 184. 

299. 301 Buddh. 
Gdnae, 63. 64. 81. 316. 325. 
Gdndharvaveda, 271. 272. 
gdyatrisampanna, 140. 
Gdrgi Vdchaknavf, 56. 129. 

Saifihitd, 214. 251. 

Gdrgya, 56 (Grihya). 63 (Sdmuv ). 
75 (Masaka). 143 (gramm.). 153 

and Kdlayavana, 221. 

Bdldki, 51. 
Gitagovinda, 210. 

(time of composition), 210. 
Gunddbya, 213. 

Gupta (dynasty), 204. 
Gurudevasvdmiu, 101. 
Gurjara, 297. 
Gubadeva, 42. 323. 
guhya ddeta, 73. 
guJiyam ndma, 115. 
Gtidhdrtharatnaindld, 42. 
Gritsamada, 31. 
grihastha, 28. 164. 
Grihya-Sutras, 15. 17. 19. 2O. 69. 
84. 101. 152. 153. 264. 276. 278. 
geya, 301 Buddb. 
Geyagdna, 66. 
yairikamvula, 264 Arab. 
Gairiksbita, 41. 

Gonikdputra, 223 gr. 267 (erot.). 
Gotama, 244 ff. (log. ). 

Sutra, 245. 



Goddvari, 283. 

Gonardiya, 223 gr. 267 (erot.). 

Gopatha- Brdhmana, 106. 150. 151. 

152. 304. 
Gopavanas, 140. 
Gopdlatdpantyopanishad, 169. 
gopi, 169. 

Gopichandanopanishad, 169. 
Gobhila, 80. 82. 83. 84. 

Smriti, 280. 
golddhydya, 262. 
Govardhaua, 211. 
Govinda, comm., 55. 62. 

teacher of Samkara, 161. 243. 

svdmin, roi comm. 
GaueU (style), 232. 
Gaudapdda, 161. 167. 236. 243. 

Gautama, 77 (two G.'s). 

84. 143 (jur.). 

153. 162 (Ath.). 

2 4 5(phil.). 

162 (Risbi). 

D/iarma (-Siitra), 85. 278. 281. 
282. 325. 326. 327. 

(Pitrimedha-Stilra), 84. 245. 
Gautamah Sdmkhyah, 284. 
Gautamas, 137. 

grantha, 15. 99. 165. 193. 

(niddnasamjnaka), 8l. 
graha, 67 (Soma- vessel). 

eclipse, 249. 

planet, 98. 249. 250. 

(bdlagraha), 98. 
grama, 64. 77. 
(Jrdmageyagdna, 64. 65. 
Ghatakarpara, 200. 201. 
Ghora Afigirasa, 71. 
Chatuhshashtikaldsdstra, 275 (ld~ 


chaturanga, game of, 275. 
Chatur - ad/iydyikd, 151 ("ddhyd- 


Chaturvinsatismriti, 280. 
Chandra, 219. 227. 
Chandraka, 319. 
Chandragupta, 4. 204. 217. 223. 

251. 287. 

(Gupta dynasty), 204. 
Chandrabhdgd, 269. 
Chandra-Vydkarana, 227. 
Champa", 178. 

charaka, 87. 

Charaka, 265. 266. 268. 270. 284. 

324. 325 mecl. 
Charaka-8'dkhd, 89. 

Charakas, 87. 88. 164. 
CharakachaVya, 87. 113. 
Charakddhvaryiis, 87. 133. 134. 
Charan.a-vy&ha, 95. 142. 153 (Ath.). 
charitra, 214. 
Chdkra, 123. 
Chdkrdyana, 71. 
Chanakya, 205. 210. 260. 310. 
chdnddla, 129. 
Chdnardtas, 193. 
chdndanagandlnka, 275. 
Chdndrabhdgin, 269. 
6ri-Chdpa, 259. 

Chdrdyaniya, 88. 103. 317 (tfikshd). 
Chdrvdkas, 246. 
Chdlukya, 214. 
Chitra, 51. 

Chitraratha, 68 (Bdblikam). 
chitrd, 247. 248 (series). 
Chintdmanivritti, 217. 
Chinas, 243. 
Chuda, 130. 
Chiilikopanishad, 165. 
chela, 138. 
Chelaka, 138. 
Chaikitdneya, 138. 
Chaikitdyana, 138. 
Chaitrarathi, 68. 
Cbailaki, 133. 
Chyavana, 134. 
Cbhagalin, 96. 99. 
chhandas (Vedic text), 8. 14. 57. 
60. 103. 176. ' 

(Sdma-Sainhitd), 63. 

metr., 25. 60. 145. 272. 
Chhandasikd, 63. 
Cbhandogas, 8. 66. 8l. 86. 121. 
chhandobhdshd, 103. 
chhandovat, 216. 

Cbhagaleya, 96. 102. 155, yins, 


Cbhdgeyas, 96. 
Ckhdndogya-Brdlimana, 69. 
Cfihdndor/yopanishad, JO ff. 155- 
Jaganmohana, 283. 
Jatdjmtala, 60. 
Jatukarna, 265 med. 
Janaka, 33. 53. 68. 76. 123. 124. 

127. 129. 132. 135. 193. 237. 285. 

286 (his six teachers). 
janaka (prajdpatt), 76. 

saptardtra, 76. 
Janamejaya, 34. 123. 125. 131. 134. 

135. 136. 1 86. 
Jandrdana, 303. 
japamdld, 307. 



Jamadagni, 162, 315. 

Jayatirtha, 42. 

Jayadeva, 2IO (date of). 

Jayabhata, 319. 

Jayaratba, 322. 

Jayara'ma, 143. 

Jaydditya, Jaydpida, 227. 322. 

Jardsaindha, 98. 

Jalada, 150. 

Jdtaka, astr. , 240. 260. 

Jdtakas, Buddh., 284. 293. 301. 326. 

jdtakarman, 19. IO2. 142. 

jdti, 161. 

Jdttikarnya, 138. 139. 140. 143. 

Jdnaki, 130. 

Jdbala, 71. 130. 132. 134. 163. 185. 

Jdbdli, 143 (Smriti). 

Jdbdlopaniskad, 163. 164. 1 68. 

jdmitra, 255 (Greek). 

jituma, 254 (Greek). 

Jishnu, 259. 

jiva, 162. 

Jivagosvdmin, 160. 

Jivala, 133. 

Jiva&irman, 260. 

juka, 254 (Greek). 

jeman, 240. 

Jainas, 214. 217. 236. 244. 293. 

295 ff. 
Jaiaiini, 56-58 (Qrihyd). 65 (Sd- 

mav.). 184. 189. 239 ff. (phil.). 

Bhdrata, 57. 189. 

Sutra, 240 (astr.). 322. 
Jaiminiya, 65. 240. 316. 317. 

nydyamdidvistara, 241. 322. 
Jaivali, 71. 
Jndnabhdskara, 253. 
Jndnayajna, 91. 94. 
Jyotirvid-dbharana, 201. 260. 261. 

Jyotisha, 25. 30. 60. 61. 153 (Aran- 

yaka). 249. 258. 316. 
jyau, 254 (Greek). 
Taksbau, 133. 
TakshaSiliC, 185. 
Tanddlakshana-Stiira, 83. 84. 
tad and team, 162. 
Tadevopanishad, 108. 155. 
taddhita, 144. 
tantra ceremonial, 167. 208. 209. 

265. 282. 310. 
gramm., 227. 229. 

' text-book, ' 229 (term taken to 
Java). 265. 266. 

taravl, 263 (Arabic). 
tarka, 158. 244. 

tarkin, 244. 

Talavakdra-Brdhmana, 316. 
TalavakaVas, 74. 
taill, tasdl, 263. 264 (Arabic). 
Tdjika (-S'dstra), 263 (Arabic). 
Tdndam (purdnam), 76. 
Tdndin, 61 (gr.), 243. 
Tdndins, 70. 
Tandy a, 66 ff. 74. 133. 
tdpasa, 129. 138. 
"tdpanlya, tdpini, 167 ff. 
Tdrakopanitshad, 163. 164. 168. 
TaYandtha, 248. 293. 300. 309. 
Ta'lavrintaniva'sin, 101. 
tdvuri, 254 (Greek). 
tin, 144. 

tittiri, 87 (partridge). 
Tittiri, 41. 87. 88. 90. 91. 
Tipitaka, 292. 293. 294. 
Tiriipdira, 3. 
tishya, 248. 
tikshnadanshtra, 167. 
Tuta"ta, tita, 241. 
Tura, 120. 131 (Kdvasheya). 
Turamaya, 253. 274. 
turushka, Turusbka, 22O. 291. 
tulyakdla, 12. 129. 
Tejovindupanishad, 165. 171- 
Taittiriya, 81. 87, yakas 102. 162 
Cyake). 317 (Prdt.). 

Samhitd, 88 ff. 108. 248. 

ydranyaka, 92-94. 238. 240. 

249- 33- 

yopanishad, 93. 94. 
taukshika, 254 (Greek). 
Tautdtika, tita, 241. 
Taulvali, 53. 

trayi vidyd, 8. 45. 121. 191. 
Trasadasyu, 68. 
Trikdnda, 227. 
trikona, 255 (Greek). 
Tripitaka, 292. 
tripundravidhi, 171. 
Tripuropanishad, 171. 
Tripuryupaniskad, 161. 162- 
Tribhdxhyaratna, 103. 
Tribhuvanamalla, 214. 
TriMlafika, 62. 
/retti, 113. 159. 
Traitana, 36. 
Iwm and tad, 162. 
Daksha, 326 (Snm<i). 
Dandin, 213. 232. 
Dattaka, 196. 
Dadhyanch, 128. 149. 
Dantidurga, 203. 



dampati, 38. 
Darsanopanlshad, 171. 
dnrsaptirnamdsau, 101. 
Dcdakumdra, charita, 206. 213. 250. 


dasat, 63. 124. 149. 
Daiatayi, 83 (comm.). 
dafatayi, plur. dasatayyas, 32. 


Da^apurushaip-ra'jya, 123. 
Dadariipa, 231, 232. 
Dasarathajdtaka, 293. 
Daharasutta, 293. 
Da'ksha'yana, 227. 228. 
Dakshi, Ddkshiputra, 218. 228. 
Ddnava, Ddnu, 302. 
Dalbhya, 85 (PariMshta). 143 (gr.). 
ddsaka, 36. 
Dilsa4arraan, 55- 
dir/vijayas, 141. 
Difina'ga, 209. 245. 
Divodisa, 269. 
dindra, 229. 304 (cZenaraw). 
Dlpavansa, 288. 
Duhshanta, 125. 
durudkard, 255 (Greek). 
Durga, 33. 41. 42. 63. 
Durgasinha, 226. 
Durgd, 138, 159. 
dushkrita, 87. 
Dushtaritu, 123. 
drikdna, 255 (Greek). 
drisya, 319. 
TJrishadvati, 67. 102. 
Dera, Devaydjuika, Sri Deva, 141. 


Devaki, 71. 

Devakiputra, 71. 148. 166. 169. 
devajanavidas, 121. 
devajanavidyd, 124. 183. 
Devatddhydya, 74. 75- 
Devatrdta, 54. 
Devadatta, 160. 
Devapdla, 317. 
Devartljayajvan, 41. 42. 
Devasvitmin, 260 (astr.). 
Devdpi, 39. 

Devyupanishad, 154. 170. 171. 
de^'tya, 79. 
Daivata, 85. 
Daivdpa, 125. 
doshapati, 151. 318. 
dyuta, 255 (Greek). 
Dyaushpitar, 35. 

Dramida, Dravidilcbilrya, 322. 323. 
dramma, 229 (Greek). 

draha, 79. 
Drdvidas, 94. 

Drdhydyana, 53. 79. 84. 282, 
Drona, 185. 271. 
dvdpara, 113. 151. 243. 
Dva'raka'na'thayajvan, 324. 
Dvivedagaflga, 72. 104. 139. 
Dvaipdyana, a. Kj-isbna. 
Dhanaipjaya, 232. 
Dhanapatietiri, 243. 
Dhanurveda, 271, 282. 
DhanesSvara, 214. 
Dhanvantari, 200. 265. 266. 269. 
Dhanvin, 80. 
Dhammapada, 293. 
dhammapaliydydni, 292. 294, 
Dharma, 1 76. 276 ff. 

S'dstras, 159. 276-283. 

S'dstra-samgratia, 325. 326. 

Stitras, 19. 85. 101. 277 F. 


dharmas, 101. 
Dharma, putra, "raja, 1 86. 
dharmdchdrya, 56. 
D/tdtu-taramgini, 227. 
Dhdtu-pdtha, -pdrdyana, 230. 
Dhdnaipjayya, 76. 77. 82. 
DhaYa", 201. 202. 
Dhdvaka, 204. 205. 207. 
Dhumrdyana, 141. 
Dhtirtasviimin, 79. 101. 
Dhritai;lsb|ra (Vaicbitravirya), 39. 

90. 114. 

king of the Ka"3is, 125. 
Dhydnavindiipanishad, 165. 
Dbydnibuddbas, 298. 
dhruvasya prachalanam, 98. 
nakta (nakld), 264, Arab. 
naks/iatras, 2. 90. 
NaksJiatra-Kalpa, 153. 
naks/tatradarsa, 112. 
Nagnajit, 132. 134. 
Nacbiketas, 157. 

nata, 196. 197. 199. 

Siitras, 197. 199. 271. 275. 
Nsinda, 205. 117. 223. 
Nandikesvara-Upapurdya, 171. 
Namin, 68. 

Naraka, 188. 
nartaka, 199. 
Nala, 132. 189. 
Nalodaya, 196. 
Navaratna, 201. 
Navahasta, 101. 
Ndka, 123. 
Ndgas (ndya), 273. 302. 



Ndgdnanda, 207. 

Na"garjuna, 224. 265. 287. 288 (date 


Nagesa, 223. 227. 
Na'gojibhatta, 223. 224. 226. 
Ndtakas, 196. 
ndtya, 197. 200. 

S'dstra, 231. 
ndnaka, 205. 281. 
Nddavindtipanishad, 165. 
Narada, 72 (Ved.). 153 (Ath. Par.). 

264 (astr.). 272 (etym. aud runs.). 

panchardtra, 239. 

S'iks/td, 61. 272. 

(-Smriti), 278. 326. 
NaYasinha, 167, "mantra 167. 168. 
Ndra'yana, 94. 123 (purusha). 160. 

1 66. 167. 303. 

Narayana, 54 (eomm., several N.'s). 

58 (do.). 141. 158 ff. (Upan.). 
Ndrdyaniyopanishad, 93. 157. 166. 

167. 169. 171. 

Ndrdyanopaniskad, 166. 170. 
ndrasansis, 93. 121. 122. 127. 
nigama, 8. 

Nigama-Parisishta, 25. 142. 153. 
Nigkanfus, 25. 41. 153 (Atk.). 


nitya, 167. 
Nichhivis, 276. 

niddna, 81 (Ved.). 301 (Bnddb.). 
Niddna-Siitra, 24. 62. 77. 8l. 82. 
Nimi, 68. 
Nirapeksha, 325. 
Nirdlamhopanishad, 162. 
Nirukta, kti, 25. 26. 41. 42. 44. 

59. 62. 88. 160. 167. 216. 217. 

iSirriti, 152. 

nirbhuja, 49. 

nirvdnam, 161 (67 \ma). 308 

Nisumbha, 206. 
Nishadhas, 132. 
NishaVlas, 77. 

Niti-S'dstras, 210. 271. 282. 
Nilakantha, 188. 189. 
Nilainata, 320. 
Nilarudropanishad, 171. 
Nfisinha, 167. 168. 

tdpaniyopanishad, 167. 1 68. 
Nrisinha, IOI cotinu., 168. 
Negas, Naigeyas, 65. 85. 
Naigeya-SMra, 84. 
Naighantukas, 25. 85. 
Naidauas, 8 1. 

Naimi&ya, 70. 

Naitiiiaha, "shiya, 34. 45. 54. 59. 

68. 185. 
naiydyika, 245. 
Nairuktas, 26. 85. 
Naishadhiya, 196. 232. 
Naishidha, 132. 
Nydya, 159. 237. 242. 245. 246. 

chintdmani, 246. 323. 

darsana, 244. 323. 

Sdtra, 85. 235. 245. 
Pakshilasvdmin, 244. 245. 
Panchatantra, 206. 212. 215. 221. 

229. 240. 266. 267. 291. 301. 
panchadasarcha, 122. 
Panchaparna, 267. 
panchamdsrama, 164. 
panchalakshana, 190. 
Panchaviida-Brdhmana, 66 ff. 
Panchavidhi-Sutra, 83. 84. 
Panchavidkeya, 83. 84. 
Panchasikha, 235. 236. 237. 284. 
Panchasiddhdntikd, 259. 
Panchdlas, 10. 90. 114. 115. 125. 

135- 136. 

Pancha'lachanda, 50. 315. 326. 
panchdlapadavritti, 34. 
Panchdia Babhravya, 10. 34. (erot. 

panchikd, 44. 
patala, 59. 82. 84. 
Patanichala, 126. 137. 223. 236. 

237. 284. 
Patarpjali, 87. 219 ff. 231. 277. 321 


137. 223. 231. 237 ff. (phil.). 
patha, 117. 

padakdra, 91. 

padapdtha, 23. 33. 43. 49. 60. 


padavritti, 34. 
PaddtMtis, 55. 59. 85. 102. 141. 

142. 143. 145. 317. 
Padma- Parana, 191. 
Padmayoni, 153. 
panaphard, 255 (Greek). 
Para, 68. 125. 
Paramahansa, "hansopanishad, 163. 


Pararnddi^rara, 257. 
fiaramesvara, 162. 
Para^ara, 44. 143. 185. 252. 260 

(astr.). 265. 266 (tned.). 

(-Smriti), 278. 280 (laghu and 
vriddha). 326., 

Pariksbit, 136. 



Partita, 293 (Buddh.). 
paribhdshds, IOI. 140. 144. 222. 


Pariblidihendutekhara, 226. 
parivrdjaka, 112. 147. 164. 
PariMshtas, 60. 62. 69. 75. 84. 85. 

101. 107. 142. 146. 149. 150. 

IS'- 153- 317. 

Parisesha, 1 19 (Satap. Br.). 
Parthavas, 4. 188. 318. 
panian, 66 (Sdta#.). 124 (Athar- 

van, &c.). 146. 149. 183. 184. 
Parfu, 3 (.4). 
"paliydydni, 292. 294. 
Pavana, 272. 
Pas'upatisarman, 54. 
Pahlavas, 187. 1 88. 318. 
Pdiichardtra, 238. 
Pdnchavidhya, 83. 
Panchdla, 267. 
pdnchdli, 34 (gr.). 232 (rlti). 
Pancbzilya, 138. 
Pdnchi, 133. 
Pataliputra, 217. 237. 251. 258. 

290. 295. 

Pdtimokkhasutta, 293. 326. 
pdtha, 22. 49. 103. 
Panini, 3. 8. 12. 15. 26. 41. 57. 59. 

61. 77. 82. 87. 216-222. 232. 239. 

241. 242. 245. 249. 266. 281. 

318. 321. 

posterior to Buddha, 222. 305. 

posterior to Alexander, 221. 


Pdninlyd S'ikshd, 6l. 272. 
Pandavas, Pandus, 39. 98. 114. 115. 

126. 135. '136. 137. 185. 186. 


pdnditya, 129. 161. 
pdthona, 254 (Greek). 
pddas, 161 (the four). 
pdpman dsura, 318. 
PaVa,4avya, 3. 
Piirasikas, 188. 220. 
I'araskara, 66. 142. 143. 318. 
ParslsaYinas, 143. 305. 
Pdrddarlya, 305. 
Piira&arya, 143. 305 (Bhikshu-Sti- 


(Vydsa), 93. 184. 185. 240. 243. 
1 'ard.4aryayana, 243. 
Parikshi, 284. 
IMrikshitas, "tiyas, 34. 125. 126. 135. 

136. 1 86. 
P;irikshita, 136. 
Pali, 288. 292. 293. 295. pata, 238. 
Pittgala, 46. 60. 231. 256. 
pitaka, 290. 304. 309. 
pindapitriyajna, 19. 55. 
Pindopanishad, 171. 
pitdmaha, 303. 
pitritarpana, 55. 
Pitribh6ti, 141. 
pitrimedha, 108. 198. 

Sutra, 84. 245. 
pitta, 266. 

PippaUda, 153. 159. 160. 164. 
Piyadasi, edicts of, 6. 76. 178. 203. 

252. 253. 292. 295. 
pilu, 229 (Persian). 
pun&liali, lu, in. 112. 
"putra, 71. 131. 285. 
Punarvasu, 265. 
Purdnas (Ved.), 24. 72. 93. 12 1. 

122. 124. 127. 159. 190. 

190. 191. 195. 206. 207, 213. 
215. 282. 

purdnam Tdndam, 76. 
purdnaprokta, 12. 129. 
Purukutsa, 68. 125. 
purusha, 162 (the three p.' e, phiL). 
237. 238. 

Ndrdyana, 123. 124. 

medha, 54. 87. 90. 108. III. 

stikta, 65. 108. 155. 
purushottama, 168. 
Purdravas, 134. 
purohita, 150. 

Pulis"a, 253. 254. 255. 257. 258. 

Pushkara (?), 262. 

Pushpa-Stitra, 82. 84. 

Pushyamitra, 224. 

putd (filthy) vdch, 180. 

Pdrna, 98. 

Piirvamimdnsd, 239 ff. 

Prith6dakasvdmin, 259. 262. 

prishtha, 67. 

pekkha, 319. 

Paingalopanishad, 171. 

Paingi, Paiflgin, Paingya, 14. 41. 

46. 56. 81. 90. 130. 134. 184. 
Paingya, the, 46. 
Paitdmahasiddhdnta, 258. 
"paippale, 158. 169. 
Paippalttda, 146. 150. 152. 160. 
Paila, 56. 57. 58. 
Paisdchabhdshya, 91. 
paUdchi bhdshd, 213. 
Potala, 285. 
Paulisasiddhdnta, 253. 254. 258. 

259. 260. 



paulkasa, 129. 
PaushkarasacU, 102. 285. 
VaushkalaVata, 268. 
Paushpindya, 'pinji, 240. 
Paushyacharita, 318. 
prakriti, 177. 237. 
prachalanam, 98. 
Prajapati, 76. 97. 137. 151. 244. 
prajnapti, s. S&rya , 297. 
Pranavopanishad, 154. 165. 
Praiijnd-Parisishta, 102. 106. 115. 


Pratithi, 56. 
pratibudd/ia, 129. 138. 
Pratisbtha"na, 214.- 
Pratifidra-Stitra, 83. 
PratHidrya, 299 (Buddh.). 
pratrinna, 49. 
Pratyabhijndfdstra, 322. 
prapdthaka, 63. 64. 65. 66. 76. 79. 

80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 89. 97. 117. 

MS- IS 1 - 

Prabodhachandrodaya, 207. 241. 
Pramagamda, 79. 
pramdna, 28. 244. 
prayogas, 102. 
pravachana, 12. 83. 85. 131. 
2>ravarakhanda, 101. 240. 
pravarddhydya, 142. 317 (Kdth.). 
pravargya, 108. 119. 139. 
Pravdhana, 71. 
pravrdjaka, 285. 
pravrdjitd, 281. 305. 
pravrdjin, 129. 
Pra&intara'ga, 141. 
prasna, 89. 100. IOI. IO2. 
Prasnopanishad, 58. 1588". 
Prasthdnabheda, 267. 271. 275. 
prdkrita, 177. 

prakdsa, 227. 
Prdchyas, 34. 132. 178. 
Prdcbya-Kathas, 88. 

Pdnchdlishu, 34. 
Prdndynihotropanishad, 154. 162. 
PraVipiya, 123. 
Prdtibodhiputra, 112. 
Prdtisdkhya - Siitras, 23. 26. 59 

(Rigv.). S^(Sdmav.). 102 (Taitt.). 

143 (Voja*.). 151 (^<A.). 
Prdtitheyi, 56. 
prdmdnas, 28. 
prdyaschitta, 84. 118. 139. 
prckslianaka, 319. 
Proti, 123. 

Praudha-Srdhmana, 74. 
Plakshayana, 53. 

phalguna, 115. 134. 136. 

phdlgunyas, 248. 

Phit-Stitras, 226. 

Phulla-Sutra, 83. 

balsesiya, 236. 

bad/ia, "radha. 196. 198, 

bandhu, 12. 124. 

Babhru, 56. 

Barku, 133. 

Balabhadra, 261. 263 (schol.). 

Balardina, 192. 

bahuvachana, 124. 

Bahvrichas, 8. 66. 86. 89. 121. 122. 

Bahvricha-Pari&ishta, 62. 

Jiahvricha-Brdhmana, IOO. 

Edna, 99. 204. 2O$! 207. 213. 214. 

232. 319. 
Bdaryana, 53. 140. 2396". (phil.). 

266 (med.). 

(astr.), 260. 

<Sto$ra, 163. 

B^dari, 139-140. 241. 242. 
Babhravya, IO. 34 (Ved.). 267 


fldrhaddaivata, 72. 
Bdrhaspatya, "Siitra, 246. 
Bitlakfishna, 91. 
bdlakhilyas (s. vdZa), 97. 
Bdla-Bhdrata, 190. 
Bdlaki, 51. 
JBdverujdtaka, 3. 
Bashkala, 313. 
Bilhikabhishaj, 269. 
BsChikas, 33. 96. 132. 178. 218. 
B^hlika, 68. 
Bilbana, 214. 232. 319. 
Bukka, 42. 
Budila, 133. 134. 
buddha (awakened, enlightened), 

27. 167. 241. 284. 

isdstra, 241. 

Buddha, 3. 56. 98. IO2. 138. 184. 
199. 200. 217 ff. 236. 241. 256. 
273. 283 ff. 

date of Buddha's death, ".17- 
22O. 287-288. 302. 

posterior (?), or prior, to Panini, 
3. 222. 305. 

lived iu the Siitra period, 290. 
301 f. 

wife of, 318. 

and Krisbna, 326. 
Buddhagaya", 228. 273. 
Buddbaghosha, 292. 293. 326. 
Buddhadiisa, 267. 
Buddhasdsana, 236. 



buddhnpdsaka, "sikd, 305. 
\/budh, 27. 

with prati, 129. 
Budha, 278. 282 (jar.). 
Brihaj-jdtaka, 259. 260. 

jdbdla, 163. 
Brihat-Kathd, 213. 

Samhitd, 203. 204. 259 ff. 271. 

Hrihad-Atri, 269. 

Atreya, 269. 

Aranyaka, 70. 71. 72. 73. 
100. 119. 127 ff. 139. 155. 285. 

uttaratdpini, 169. 

devatd, 24. 33. 41. 62. 8l. 88. 
314. 316. 

Ydjnavalkya, 281. 
Brihadratha, 97. 98. 
Irihant, 280. 
Brihan-ndrdyanopanishad, 156. 157- 


Manu, 279. 
Brihaspati, 153 (Atharvan). 

Smriti, 278. 280 (laghu). 326. 
Baijavdpi, 266 (med.)., a. Vaija- 


Bodha, 236. 
Bodhdyana, 322. 323. 
Bodliisattvas, 298. 301. 307. 310. 
Bauddhas, 108. 158. 
Baudhdyana, 100. 101. IO2. 112. 

114. 317. 324. 

Dharma, 101. 102. 278. 
Brahmagupta, 61. 202. 258 ff. 
brahma-chdrin, 28. 112. 123. 164. 

jdlasiitra, 300. 
lirahmanya, 166. 
Brahmadatta, king, 138. 286 (three). 

55 (comm.). 
brahman, etymology of, II. 

neut., prayer, formula, II. 149. 

- Divine Power, 6. 127. 161. 
171. 242. 

masc., Supreme God, 6. 97. 151. 
158. 161. 166. 167. 170, together 
with Vishnu and Rudra, 97. 161, 
with Vishnu and Siva, 167. 180. 

chief priest, 123. 149. 

Brahma-pura, 169. 

bandhu, 78. 79. 112. 141. 

mlmdntd, 240. 241 ff. 

vid, 161. 

vidyopanishad, 164. 

vindtipanishad, 99. 158. 165. 

ve,da. 149. 150. 

BrcJimavaivarta-Purdna, 191. 

Siddhdnta, 258. 

Stitra, 70. 96. 242 ff. 308. 322. 

hatyd, 1 25. 1 26. 

Brahma'nandi, 322. 323. 

Brahmopanishad, 160 ff. 

brdhma Sphutasiddhdnta, 259. 

brdhmana, neut. (appellative : ' ex- 
planation,' 'section of a text'), 
76. 93. 117. 124. 152. 

work, 8. 11-15. 76. 159. 176. 

239. 240. 

masc., in. 161 (nature of a Br.), 
176 (two languages), 1 80 (na 
mlecJihet), 276. 

svara, 176. 
bhaJcti, 238. 
Hhagadatta, 188. 
JHiagavatl-Stitra, 297. 
Bhagavadgitd, 169. 235. 238. 242, 
bhayavant, 121. 153 (Atharvan), 

1 60 (Angiras), 169 (mahddevah, 

284 (Buddha, &c.). 
Bhagiratha, 193. 
Bliataghati, 293. 
Bhatta, 42. 90. 91. 241 ; s. Bhds- 


Bhntta-ndrdyaria, 207. 
Blidtti-kdvya, 196. 
Bhattoji Dikshita, 89. 226. 
Bhattotpala, 242. 243. 258. 259 ff. 
Bhadatta, Bhadanta, 260. 
Bhadrabdhusvdmin, 297. 
Bhadrasena, 286. 
Bharata, son of Duhshanta, 125. 

plur. 114. 125. 

231 (rhet.). 272 (mus.). 
BharatasvfCmin, 42. 65. 79. 
Bharadvaja, 31. 162. 163 (Upan.). 

(Kapishthala), 265. 268 (med.). 
Bhartriyajna, 141. 
Bhartrihari, 209. 2IO. 

Bhallu, 95. 

Bhava, 178. 

bhavant, 121. 284. 

Bhavabhuti, 159. 2OO. 205. 2o5. 

207. 319. 

Bhavasvdmin, 42. 79. 91. lol. 
Bhasmajdbdla, 163. 
Bhdgavata, 238. 

Purdna, 191. 
Bhdgavitti, 130. 
Bhdguri, 62. 246. 
Bhflndiiayana, 77. 
llhdmatt, 322. 
Bhdrata, 56. 176. 185. 



BhaVadvajn, 100-102 (Taltt.). 139. 

140. 158 (Ath. ). 271 (Drona '!). 
Bkdradvdjtya-Stitra, 100. 317. 
Bhdravi, 196. 319. 
Bharuchi, 323. 
Bhdrunddni sdmdni, 170. 
Bhdrgava, 150. 153. 159 (Vaidar- 


bhdrgava, 250 (astrologer). 
Bhdllavins, 14. 62. 8l. 95. 134. 
Ehdllaveya, 95. 126. 134. 
Bltdllavyupanishad, 95. 154. 164. 
bhdshd, 57. 103. 144. 176. 177. 180. 
Bhdshika-Stitra, 68. 95. 
bhdshika-svara, 176. 
Bhdshya, 56. 57. 144. 176. 
Bhasa, Bhdsaka, 205. 
Bbdskara, 229. 261 ff. 

mi^ra, 42. 90. 91. 94. IOI. 103. 

Bhdsvatikarana, 261. 

bhikshd, 123. 305. 

bhikshdka, 305. 

bhikshdchara, ocharya, 129. 305. 

bhikshu, "kshuni, 284. 285. 305. 306. 


SUtra, 143. 252. 305. 306. 
Bhilla, 259. 

Bhimasena, 125. 135. 
Bhishina, 39. 
bh&tagana, 98. 
bhurja, 227. 263. 314. 317. 
Bhrign, 53. 153. 241. 

plur., 148. 240. 241. 

valli, 94. 154. 156. 157. 
Bhela, 265. 270 (rued.). 
bhaiksha, 305. 
bhaishajyas, 152. 
bhogandtha, 42. 

Bhoja, 195. 202 (more than one). 

king of Dhard, 2OI. 2O2. 203. 
215. 228. 230. 261. 319. 

269 med. 

vfiddJuP, 269 (med.). 
Bhojadeva (reputed author of the 

Sarasvatikanthdbharana), 2IO. 
Jlhqjaprabandha, 215. 
bhrashta, 226. 
makara, dolphin, 252. 
makha, 127. 
Magadha, 79, 98. 112. 147. 269 

(weights). 286. 287. 290. 292. 

295. 296. 

vdsin, 112. 
Magas, 148. 
ilaghasvdmin, 80. 

mayhds, 248. 

Maukha, 319. 

Mafiju^ri, 298. 

mani, 140. 

Manikarnik^, 1 68. 

mandala, 31. 32. 34. 43. 64. 82. 

Manddka, 49. 

Matsya, 95. 

Mathur;!, 169. 

Madras, 126. 137. 223. 

Madragara, 75. 

madhu, 128. 

Madhu-kdnda, 15. 127 flf. 138. 

Brdhmana, 128. 
Madhuka, 130. 
Madhustidana, 166. 

Sarasvati, 267. 271. 
Madhyatdpini, 167. 169. 
Madhyade^a, 102. 106. 115. 133. 
madhyama, 269 (Atri). 280. 

Tcdnda, 118. 119. 
madhyamikd, 89. 
Madhyavalli, 157. 
manafi, 264 Arabic. 
Manittha, 260 (also with n). 
Manu, 134. 211 (and the fish). 277 


Code of, 20. 73. 102. 143. 183. 
188. 238. 244. 249. 266. 276 fi'. 

Sutra, 99. 

mantra, 8 ( Veda). 176. 

raja, 167. 168. 
Mammata, 204. 232. 322. 
(asura) Maya, 253. 254. 260. 275. 
Marichi, 244. 

Maru, 1 88. 
Manits, 40. 43. 
markata, 21 1. 
Malayade&i, 55. 
mallaka, 206. 
Mallindtba, 195. 209. 
Masaka, 75. 76. 83. 84. 
Mahilkaiiha, 304. 
Mahdkdla, 209. 

Mahdkausldtaki- Brdli mana, 47. 
mahdjdbdla, 163. 185 (Mahdj.). 
Mahddeva, 45. 123. 169. 
Mahddeva, 100. lot 141 (com in.). 

262 (astr.). 
mahdn dtmd, 238. 

devah, no. 123. 
mahdndga, 302. 
Malidndma, 293. 
Mahdndrdyaqopanishad, T^4. 
JWahdparinibbdna, 326. 
Mahd-Erdlimaga, 74. 138. 



Mahd-Bkdrata, 4. 24. 34. 37. 39. 
45- 56. 57-72. 98. 114. 135. 136. 

176.184-190. 205.206. 2IO. 243. 

250. 279. 282. 301. 318.324. 325. 
MaJidbhdshya, 219-226. 231. 238. 


Mahdmeru, 93. 
Mahdydna-Siitrai, 98. 299. 
mahdrdja, 138. 
Mahdvansa, 292. 293. 
Mahdvdkyamuktdvali, 155. 
mahdvlshnu, 167. 
Mahdvira, 296 (Jain.). 
Mahdviracharitra, 207. 
Mabdvrishas, 70. 147. 
Mahdvaipvlya-SHtras, 298 ff. 
Mahdvyutpatti, 248 (Buddh.). 
mahdsdla, 161. 
mahddramana, 217. 
Mahidasa, 48. 70. 
mahishl, 1 14. 

Mahidhara, 104. 107 ff., 116. 141. 
Mahendra, 291. 292. 295. 
Mahe^vara, 262 (astr.). 
Mahopanishad, 154. 166. 
Mahoragas, 302. 
Mdgadha, 79. 

desiya, 79. 112. 141. 
mdgadha, ill. 112. 138. 147. 287. 
mdgadhi, 232 (riti). 

language, 295. 296. 297. 
Mdgha-kdvya, 196. 
MdncUvya, 61. 
Mandukdyana, 53. 
Mdnduki-S'ilcshd, 49. 6l. 
Mdndukeya, 49. 56. 112. 
Mdndukyopanishad, 161. 164. 167. 

168. 298. 
Mdtridatta, IOI. 
Mdtrimodaka, 144. 
mdird, 160 (om}. 161. 
Mdthava, 134. 
Mddravati, 126. 
Mddri, 126. 
Madhava, 41. 42. 47. 116. 235. 241. 

243. 245. 246. 262. 

deva, 42. 
Mddhavas, 95. 166. 
Mddhuki, 133. 134. 
mddhuri, 91. 

mddhyamdina, southern, 106. 
Madhyamdinas, 10. II. 1058". 134. 

139. 144- 

Mddhyaipdindyana, 105. 
Mddhyan^dini, 106. 
Mddhyamika, 309. 

Mddhyamikas, 224. 
Mdnava, 134 (Sarydta). 
Mdnava, Mdnavas, 91. 102. 280. 285. 
Mdnava-Grihya, 20. 102. 278. 317. 
Mdnava-Dharmaddstra, 20. 277 ff. 
Mdnasdra, 275. 
Mdnutantavyau, 134. 
Mdya-mata, 275. 
mdyd, 284. 
Mdyddevi, 284. 
Mdia, 151. 303. 304. 
Mdrkandeya-Purdna, 191. 206. 
Mdlati-mddhava, 207. 320. 
Mdlava, 201. 214. 
Mdlavakdchdrya,' 259. 
Mdla/vikd, M dlavikdgnimitra, 204. 


mdldmantra, 167. 
Mdhaki, 153. 
Mdhitthi, 134. 
Mdhisheya, 103. 
Mitdkshard, 107. 281. 
Minanda, 306. 
Milinda, 306. 
Mihira, 261. 
mimdnsaka, 102. 240. 
Mimdnsd, 121. 159. 235. 239 ff. 
mimdnsd-krit, 240. 
Stitra, 140. 239. 
mukdrind, 263 (Arabic). 
mukdvild, 263 (Arabic). 
Mnkula, 322. 

mukta, 167. 34 (and amukta). 
Muktikopanishad, 155. 
Mugdhabodha, 226. 
Munjas6iHi, 55. 
Mutibhas, 134. 
Mudimbha, 134. 

Mundakopanishad, 58. 1 58 ff. 240. 
Mundopanishad, 164. 
muthasila, 264 (Arabic). 
Mudrdrdkshasa, 207. 
muni, 129. 

munthahd, 264 (Arabic). 
muhurta, 151. 
Mujavants, 147. 
mtirdhabkishikta, 224. 225. 
Mfila-S'&tra, 297 (Jain.). 
musarfpha, 26', (Arabic). 
Mrichhakati, 200, 205, 206. 207. 

2 50. 35- 320. 
mrityumrityu, 167. 
Mriiyulanghanopanisliad (?), 170. 
Mrityuldiigala, "Idngiila, 170. 
Meghadtita, 198. 204. 208. 209. 




Mentl.a, 319. 

Medhdtithi, 52. 

Meru, 93. 

meshurana, 255 (Greek). 

Maitra, 91. 97. 

Maitra-Sutra, 99. 

Maitrdyaniputra, 71. 98. 285. 

Maitrdyaniyas, 88. 91. 99. 102. 

Maitrdyani-Samhitd, 314. 317. 

Maitrdyanopaniskad, 52. 96 ff. 155. 

165. 285. 

Maitreya, 97. 98. 99. 
Maitreyi, 56. 99. 

Ydjnavalkya's wife, 127. 
Mainaga, 93. 

moksha, 161. 
Moggalldna, 230. 
maundya, 237. 306. 
Mauda, 150. 
Maudgalya, 123. 
Maudgalydyana, 199. 
mauna, 129. 
^mlec/th, 1 80. 
Yakshas, 98. 273. 302. 303. 
Yakshavartnan, 217. 
Yajuh-Samhitd, 9. 10. 
Yajurveda, 8. 45. 85 S. 1 2 1. 123. 
127. 164. 184. 

ddmndye, 144. 
yajus, 8. 9 s. iukla. 
yajus-veraea, number of the, 121. 
yajndvakirna, 68. 
yajnopavita, 161. 

j/a<t, 327 (dsrama), 
Yatlndramatadipikd, 322. 
Yatisvara, 323. 
Yama, 36. 

Smriti, 325. 
Yamasabhiya, 193. 
yamayd, 264 (Arabic). 
Yamuna", 68. 

Yavana, 178. 187. 188. 214. 220 ff. 
251. 252. 253. 260 (astr.). 268. 

priya, 220. 

vriddhds, 243. 
yavandni, 220 tf. 
yavanikd, 207. 
Yavani, 22O. 252. 
Yavane^vara, 258. 
yavaneshta, 220. 
Yasoga(l), Yasogopi, 141. 
Ya^omitra, in. 
Yaskdh, 41. 

ydjushi, 163. 

Ydjnavalkiya-Jcdnda, 127. 129 ff. 
137- 138. 

Ydjnavalkdni brdhmandni, 95. 129. 

Ya"jnavalkya, 33. 104. 120. 123. 

124. 126. 127. 128. 129. 130. 131. 

132. 138. 143. 144. 163. 168. 236. 

237 ff. 285. 

's Code, 107. 122. 143. 205. 215. 
250. 278. 280 ff. 323. 325. 326. 

ydjnika, 240. 

Ydjnikadeva, 141. 

Ydjuikl-Upanishad, 93. 94. 

ydtuvidas, 121. 

ydtnika, 309. 

ydtrd, 260 (astr.). 324. 

Yddvas, 3. 

Ydmunamuni, 323. 

Ydvana, 220. 

Ydska, 25. 26. 32. 33. 39. 41. 42. 

44. 46. 57. 59. 61. 62. 81. 82. 85. 

88. 90. 91. 128. 140. 142. 176. 

184. 216. 217. 236. 277. 
yugas (the four), 70. 113. 151. 159. 

190. 243. 247. 277. 

quinquennial, 113. 247. 
Yuga-Purdna, 214. 251. 
Yudhishthir'a, 185. 186. 188. 286. 

' era, 2O2. 260. 

Yoga, 96. 137. 156. 158. 1 60. 162. 
163. 165. 166. 235. 236 ff. 265. 

s. Sdmkhyayoga. 

tattva, 165. 

S'dstra, 297 (Jain.). 

tikhd, 165. 

Sutra, 223. 237. 
YogdcbaVa, 309. 
yogin, 161. 239. 
yaudha, 78. 
rakta, 78. 

Rayhuvan&a, 195. 196. 208. 302, 


Rangandtha, 258. 
ratnas (the nine), 200. 228. 261. 
llatnsikara, 319. 322. 
Ratha- Sutra, 275. 
Kabhasa, 227. 
Jtatndvali, 204. 320. 
Rahasya, 119 (S'atap. Er.). 
Rdjagj-iha, 199. 287. 295. 
Rdjataramgini, 213. 215. 219. 22Qi 

223. 225. 287. 320. 
rdjaputra, 95. 
rdjasuya, 54. 
Ititjastainbiiyana, I2O. 
Rdja^ekhara, 207. 
Rdndyana, 53. 



R&idyaniputra, 71. 77. 79. 
Rana'yaniyas, 65. 79. 84. 
Rzita, 6l. 
Rdma, 135. 168. 192. 

as incarn. of Vishnu, 194. 

Aupatasvini, 134. 
Ra"makrishna, 85. 143. 
Ramackandra, 59. 
Rdmatdpaniyopanishad, 1 68. 
Ramatirtha, 323. 
Rdmdnuja, 168. 322. 
Ramduanda, 168. 

Rdmdyana, 4, 37. 89. 98. 135. 1 88. 

191 ff. 205. 206. 214. 250. 324. 
Rdmila, 205. 

RaVana (conim.). 42. 66. 
Rdvanabadka, 196. 
Rdhu, 73. 249. 250. 
R&hula, 250. 

ritis (varieties of style), 232. 
Ruchidatta, 323. 
Rudra, 6. 40. 97. no. 123. 159. 

170. 171. 238. 303. 

by the side of Brahman aud 
Vishnu, 97. 161. 

jdbdla, 163. 
Rudrata, 322. 
Rudradatta, IOI. 
Rudraskanda, 80. 84. 
Rudrdkshajdbdla, 163. 
Rudropani&had, 154. 170. 
riipa (coin), 205. 
Ruyyaka, 322. 
Renudikshita, 142. 
revati, 248. 

Revd, 123. 
Romaka, 253. 324. 

pura, 253. 

siddhdnta, 253. 254. 258. 260. 
romakiipa, 253. 

Rautnyas, 253. 
Ranhindyana, 120. 
c lakshana-, 265. 
Lakshmanasena, 2IO. 

era of, 210. 

Lakshmidhara, 262 (astr.). 323. 
Lagaddchdrya, 6 1. 249. 
Lagata, dha, 6l. 249. 258. 
Ifif/hu, 280. 

Atri, 269 (med.). 

Arynbhata, 257. 

Kaumudi, 226. 

Jdt'ika, 78. 260. 

Jdbdla, 163. 

Pardsara, 280 (jur.). 

Brihaspati, 280 (jur.). 

gaunalca, 280 (jur.). 
Lamkd, 78. 

Lalita- Vistara, 199. 236. 256. 286. 

291. 299. 300. 
Ldghula, 250. 
Ldta, 76. 258. 
Latika, 76. 
Ldti (riti), 232. 

Ldtydyana, 53. 68. 76-79. 84. 105. 
La"dhachrya, 61. 258. 
La'buka'yana, 53. 241. 
Latnak^yana, 53. 77. 241. 

"uins, 14. 99. 
Likhita, 326 (Smriti). 
Linga-Purdna, 191. 
Lichhavis, 276. 277. 285. 
lipi, 221. 

liptd, 255 (Greek). 

Lildvatl, 262 (astr.). 

leya, 254 (Greek). 

loiya (laulcika), 246. 

Lokaprakdsa, 321. 

Lokdyatas, 246. 

Logdyata, 236. 

lohita, 78. 

Laukakshas, 96. 

Laukdyatikas, 246. 

Laugdkshi, 99. 102. 103. 139. 317. 

Stitra, 99. 
Valsesiya, 236. 

vansa, 41. 71. I2O. 127. 128. 129 

nartin, 113. 

JBrdhmana, 42. 74. 75. 79. 84. 
Vajra, 260. 

vajrandkha, 167. 

Vajrastichyupanishad, 162, 

Vadavsi, 56. 

Vatsa, 3. 

Vada (?), 148. 

vnditar, 180. 

Vayovidyd, 265. 

Varadatta, 55. 

Varadardja, 76. 83 (Ved.). 226 (gr.). 

Vararuchi, 200. 202. 230 (Vikraraa); 

83 (Phulla-Siitra), 103 (Taitt. 

Prdt.}, 206. 227 (Prdkrita-pra- 

kdsa), 223 (vdrtt.), 227. 230 (lex.). 
Vardhamihira, 78. 160. 2OO. 2O2. 

203. 204. 243. 254. 259 ff. 268. 

2 75- 2 79- 
Varuna, 35. 188. 
varga, 31. 
rarna, 1 8. 1 6 1. 

Siitras, 227. 
yiid, 246. 



Vardbamdna, 226. 

Varsha, 217. 

Valabbi, 196. 214. 256. 

Valibandha, 198. 207. 

"valli, 93. 157. 

Valhika, 123. 134. 

Valhikas, 147. 

Ya3a (-Uinaras\ 45. 

Vasisbtha, 31. 37. 53. 79. 123. 162. 

siddhdnta, 258. 

Smriti, 326. 
Vasugupta, 322. 
Vasus, 303. 

vdkovdkya, 121. 122. 127. 
Vdkyapadiya, 225. 226. 
Vdgbbnta, 269 lined.). 

vriddha , 269. 
vdch, 74. 176. 234. 

(jy&tA), 1 80. 
Vachaknavi, 56. 129. 
Vdchaspatirnisra, 246. 322. 
vdja, 104. 

vdjapeya, 54. 
Vdjasravasa, 157. 
fdjasani, 104. 

Vdjasaneya, 104. 128. 130. 131. 
Vdjasaneyaka, loo. 105. 144. 
Vdjasaneyi-Samhitd, 317 (conclu- 
sion in tbe forty-eightb At/i, Par). 
Vajasaneyius, 81. 105. 
vdjin, 104. 

Vanche^vara (?), IOI. 
vdta, 266. 
Ydtsiputra, 71. 138. 285. 

triyas, 138. 
Vdtsya, 139. 140. 267. 
Vatsydyana, 244. 245 (phil.), 266. 

267 (erot.), 323. 

Pancbaparna, 267. 
Yddbuna (?), ico. 
rdnaprastka, 28. 164. 
Vamakaksbdyana, 120. 
Vdmadeva, 31. 315. 

Ydmana, 84 (Sdmav.}, 226. 227 

(gr.), 232 (rhet.), 322. 
Vdmaratbyas, 140. 
Vdrdnasi, 162. 163. 
vdrdhamantra, 168. 
Vdrunyupanishad, 94. 
Vdrkali, 33. 123. 
Vdrkalinas, 33. 
vdrttikas, 222. 22^. 
Ydrsbaganya, 77. 
Vdrsbna, 133. 
Vdrsbnya, 133. 
Vdrsbydyani, 53. 

vdlalcfiilya-stilctas, 31, 32. 
Vdleyas, 140. 

Ydlmiki, 102 (Taitt.). 191. 194. 
Vdshkala, 14. 32. 52. 56. 62. 313 f. 

Sruti, 52. 

Vdshkalopanishad, 52. 15$- 
Vdsava, 303. 
Vdsavadattd, 213. 214. 
Vdsishtha, 123. 
Vdsisbtlias, 123. 

Vdsiii/it/ta- Sdtra, 79. 278. 282 

Vdsudeva, 51. 137. 166. 168. 169. 


Vdsudeva, 143 (corum.). 
vdsudevaka, 185. 
Vdstuvidyd, 275. 
rdhika, s. bdh. 
Vikrnraa, zoo. 2OI. 2O2. 204. 205. 

228. 260. 261. 266. 269. 

era of, 2OI ff. 260. 319. 

c/taritra, 200. 201. 214. 267. 
Vikramdnkacharila, 214. 
Yikramdditya, 200. 201. 2O2. 205. 


Vikramdrka, 214. 
Vicbitravirya, 39. 
vichhinna, 226. 
vijaya, 140. 141. 
Vijayanagara, 42. 
Vijayanandin, 258. 
vijita, 141. 
Vijndnabbiksbu, 237. 

Vitdna-Kalpa, 153. 
vid, 121. 
vidagdlia, 33. 212. 
Vidagdba, 33. 129. 

Vidut(l), 148. 
Videgba, 134. 

Videha (s. Kosala-Videhas), 10. 33, 
53. 68. 123. 129. 137. 193. 285. 

Viddhasdldbhanjikd, 207. 

Viclyd, 121. 122. 127. 265. 270. 

(trayi), 8. 45. 121. 191. 
Vidydnagara, 42. 
Vidydranya, 42. 54. 97. 170. 

Vidvanmanoranjini, 323. 

vidhi (Sdma), 74. 83 (five vidhis}. 

(Ved.), 244. 

vidhdna, 33, a. Rig, Sdma. 

vidheya, 244. 

Fmaj/a(Buddh.), 199. 290. 292. 304, 

308. 326. 

Vindyaka, 47 (comm.), 62 (do.). 
Viudhya, 51. 99. 283. 
vipldvita, 226. 



Vimalaprabiottaramdld, 291. 
Vivasvant, 144. 
Vivdhapatafa, 260. 
vi, visas, 1 8. 38. 

pati, 38. 
VL&khadatta, 207. 
Viwila, 48. 
vijegha, 245. 

Vi/5vakarman, 275 ("rmiyasilpa). 

ViJvakarmaprakdsa, 275. 

Vi&vakosha, 205. 

Vii?vandtha, 244 (phil.). 

Vi&avada, 148. 

Vi4vamitra, 31. 37. 38. 53. 315. 

162 (Upan.). 271 (Dhanurveda). 
Vi4ve3vara, 169 (comm.). 
Vishavidyd, 265. 
Vishnu, 6. 42. 97. 126. 127. 156. 

165. 166. 167. 168. 171. 190. 194. 


with Iludra and Brahman, 97. 

with Siva and Brahman, 167. 
1 80. 

Code of, 170. 278. 282. 317. 325. 
Vishnugupta, 260. 
Vishnuchaudra, 258. 
Vishnuputra, 59. 
Vishnu-Purdna, 58. 142. 191. 230. 


VishnuyafSas, 82. 
Vishvaksena, 184. 
vijaganita, 262. 

Viracharitra, 214. 
Virabhadra, 253. 
visilka, 199. 319. 

^uttodaya, 293. 
vr^.tti, kdra, 91. 222. 
Vritra, 302. 
i-riddha, 280. 

A treya, 269 (med.). 
--Garga, 153. 253. 

- Gautama, 205. 281 (jur.). 

dyumna, 136. 

Pardtara, 280 (jur.). 

Blioja,, 269 (med.). 

Manu, 279. 

Ydjnavalkya, 281. 

- Vdgbhata, 269 (med.). 

Susruta, 269 (med. ). 
Hdrita, 269 (med.). 

crihant, s. bri/iant. 
Vrisbni, 185. 

Venisamhtira, 207. abb atta, 200. 

VcUilapanchavinsati, 214. 215. 

Veda, 8. 23. 58. 144. 176. 244 

tdkJtd, 93. 

Veddngas, 25. 60. 145. 159. 258. 272. 
veddtharva, 149. 
Veddnta, 48. 51. 158. 161. 162. 240. 


kaustubJiaprdbhd, 323. 

sdra, 323. 

Stitra, 51. 158. 159. 235. 241. 
245. 322 f. 

Veddrthayatna, 315. 

Veyagdna (!), 64. 

vesi, 255 (Greek). 

vaikrita, 177. 

Vaikbdnasa, IOO. 275. 317. 

Vaichitravirya, 90. 

Vaijavdpa, "pdyana, 142. 

Vaitdna-Stitra, 152. 

vaidarbha (rlti), 232. 

Vaidarbhi, 159 (Bb^rgava). 

Vaideha, 276. 

Vaidyaka, 265. 270. 

Vaibhashika, 309. 

vaiydkaranas, 26. 

Vaiydghrapadiputra, 106. 

Vaiy^ghrapadya, 106. 

Vaiyasaki, 184. 

Vai&unpayana, 34. 41. 56. 57. 58. 

87. 89. 93. 135. 184. 
Vaiseshika, Vaisesbikas, 236. 237. 

245- . 

Vaiseshika- Stitra, 216. 244. 245. 
Vai6ravana, 124. 
Vaishnava (Makha), 127. 
Vodha, 236. 
Vopadeva, 226. 
Vydkarana, 2$ (Anga). 83. 

stitrdni, 2 1 6. 

Buddb., 300. 
vydkri, 176. 
vydkhydna, 122. 127. 
Vysighrapdd, 106. 
Vydghramukha, 259. 
Vyddi, Vydli, 227. 228. 321. 
vydvahdriki, 176. 

Vyasa, P^rdsarya, 93. 184. 185. 
240. 243. 

Bildardyana, 243. 

father of Suka, 243. 

author of the ftatarudriya ( !), 

62 (teacher of Shadguru^ishya). 
- (Smriti), 283. 326. ' 

Siitra, 243. 
Vraja, 169. 



vrdttnas, 78. 147. 

vrdtya, 68. 78. no. 1 12. 141. 146. 
147. 1 80. 

gana, 196. 

stoma, 67. 78. 80. 

Saka, 187. 220. 260. 285. 291. 

era, 202. 203. 260 (ka"la, "bbti- 
pakilla, Sakendrakala). 261. 262. 

nripdnta, 259. 260. 
^akuntald, 125. 

(drama), 206. 207. 320. 
Sakti, 171. 289. 310. 
Saktipurva, 260 (astr.). 
sakra, 303. 

samkara, 303 (epithet of Rudra). 

Samkara, 42. 48. 51. 56. 58. 70. 72. 
73-74-94.96. "6. 119,127- 131- 
139- J 57- !59- l6 ff - 1 88. 241. 
242. 243. 267 (erot.). 308. 

misra, 244. 

vijaya, 243. 

Sauikara"nanda, 52. 163. 164. 170. 
Sanku, 20O. 

Saflkha, 58. 275. 278. 282 (Dharma). 

326 (Smriti). 
iatapaiha, 117. 119. 
tfatapatha-Brdhmana, 116 ff. 276. 

284. 318. 
Satarudriya, 108. III. 155. 169. 


Sata'nanda, 261. 
Sata"nika, 125. 

8'atrumjaya Mdhdtmya, 214. 297. 
sani, 98. 
Samtanu, 39. 
Sabarasvdmin, 241. 322. 
Sabala, 35. 

S'abddnusdsana, 217. 227. 
Sambuputra, 71. 
samyuvdka, 313. 
J^ary^ta, 134. 
Sarva, 178. 
Sarvavartnan, 226, 
Salitura, 2 1 8. 

iastra, canon, 14. 32. 67. 121. 
Sa"katftyana, 53. 143. 151. 152. 217. 

222. 226. 
Siikapfini, 85. 
Siikala, 32. 33. 62. 313. 314. 315. 

(Sagala), 306. 

Sfikalya, 10. 32. 33. 34. 50 (two Sa" 
kalyas). 56. 143 fcramm.). 163. 

Vidagdba, 33. 129. 
ffdkalyopanishad, 163. 167. 
Sa'ka'yanins, 33. 96. 1 20. 133. 137. 


Sa"kdyanya, 97. 98. 133. 137. 285. 308. 

fdkta, 171. 

Siikya, 33. 133. 137. 185. 235. 285. 


tdkyabhikshu, 78. 

Sakyamuni, 56. 98. 137. 268. 309. 
STdkhd, 10. 91. 158. 162. 181. 
Sdnkhdyana, 32. 52 ff., 80. 313. 314. 

Grihya, 176. 313. 315. 316. 

Parisithta, 62. 

JBrdhmana, 44-47. 

tfitra, 44. 

Aranyaka, 50. 132. 
S;itya"yana, 53, 95. 102. 128. 

"naka 100.249. 

ni, nins, 14, 77. 81. 83. 95. 
, 96. 120. 243. 

Sandilya, 71. 76. 77. 78. 80. 82. 
120. 131. 132. 

143 (Smriti). 

Sutra, 238. 243. 

lydyana, 53. 76. I2O. 
fdtapathikas, 85. 
Sdrntanava, 226. 
S'dnti-Kalpa, 153. 
S'dmbavyagrihya, 316. 
Hdmbuvis, 14. 8l. 
sdmbhava, 171. 
SaYiputra, 285. 
S'drlraka-Mtmdnsd, 240. 
SaVfigadeva, 273. 
Sirflgadhara(-/ 3 ocW7ta<i), 2IO. 
Sdlainkiyana, 53. 75. 
Sa'lanika'yanaj&, 96. 
S^larpkityanins, 14. 77. 96 
SaMarnki, 96. 218. 
Sdl^turiya, 218. 
Sdlivdhaua, 202. 214. 260. 
Sa"lihotra, 266. 267. 

tfikshd, 25. 60. 61. 145.272. 313. 317. 

valli, 93. 94. 155. 
ffiras (Uiianishad), 170. 
SiWditya, 214. 
Silalin, 197. 

filpa, 198. 

Siva, worship of, 4. 45. IIO. III. 
156. 157. 165. 169. 190. 208. 209. 

303. 307. 

developed out of Agni (and 
Rudra), 159. 

beside Brahman and Vishnu, 
167. 1 80. 

tfivatantra, 275. 
Sivayogin, 62. 

Kivasarjikalpopanishad, Io8. 155. 
S'isttkrandiya, 193. 



tfisupdlabadha, 196. 
sisna, 114. 
stinadcvas, 303. 

ysu, 178. 

Suka, son of Vydsa, 184. 243. 
sukra (Venus?), 98. 250. 

yajiinshi, 104. 
sukmya, 104. 107. 144. 

kdnda, 104. 

titkldni yajuntslii, 104. 131. 144. 

Sungas, 33. 

suddha, 167. 

Sunakas, 33. 34. 

Sunahsepa, 47. 48. 55. 

Surnbha, 206. 

tfulva-Stitra, 101. 256. 274. 317. 


tyshna, 302. 

Sudra, 18. 77. III. 112. 276. 
Sudras, 147. 

Sudraka, 205. 206. 207. 214. 
ftinya (zero), 256. 
Sulapani, 1 66. 

Sesha, 101 (comm.). 237 (phil.). 
Saitydyana, 53- 
Sailali, 134. 197. 
Sailalinas, 197. 
sailusha, III. 196. 197. 
8'aivabhdsfiya, 323. * 
S'aivagdstra, 322. 
Saisiris, 33. 
Sai&riya, 32. 33. 
Saufigayani, 75. 
Sauchivfikshi, 77. 82. 
Saunaka (Rigv.), 24. 32-34. 49. 54. 

56. 59. 62. 85. 143. 

(Atli.), 150. 151.158. 161. 162. 

(Malid-Shdratd), 185. 

Indrota, 34. 125. 

Svaiddyana, 34. 

Grihya, 55 (Rigv.). 

vartita, 158. 162 (Atlt.). 

layhu , 280 (Srnriti). 
Saunakiyas, 158. 162. 
Saunaklyd, 151. 
tfaunukopanishad (?), 164. 165. 
taubhikas, 198 ; s. saubhikas. 
Saubhreyas, 140. 
Saulvdyana, 53. 
Sydpainas, 180. 

syena, 78. 

\/sram, 27. 

sramana, 27. 129. 138. 

yramand, 305. 

Sri Anauta, 141. 

J-Srikantha Sivdchdrya, 323. 
Sri Chipa, 259. 
Sridatt;i, 141. 
Sridharaddsa, 210. 
Sridharasena, 196. 
Srinivasa, 42. 
Srinivasadaaa, 322. 323. 
Sri Dharman^bha, 196. 
Sripati, 54. 58. 
Sripar&nkusana'tha, 323. 
Srlmaddattopantehad, 164. 
Srivara, 320. 
Sri Vy^hraraukha, 259. 
Srishena, 258. 
^ri Harsha, king, 204. 207. 

196 (Naishadhac/iar.), 
Sri Hala, 145. 

?,/6ru, 15. 

Srutasena, 125. 135. 

tfruti, 15. 17. 68. 81. 96. 149 (plur.). 

159. 164. 
ireshtha, 126. 

Srauta-Stitras, 16. 17. 19. 52. 
sleshman, 266. 
iloka, 24. 69. 70. 72. 73. 74. 83. 

87. 97. 99. 103. 121. 122. 123. 

125. 127. 
Svikuas, 132. 
Svetaketu, 51. 71. 123. 132. 133. 

137. 267 (erot.). 284. 
Sveta^vatara, 96. 99. 

ropanishad, 96 155. 156. 161. 
165. 1 69. .236. 238. " 

Shatchakropanis/iad, 168. 
Shattrinsat (Smriti), 280. 
Shadasiti (Smriti), 280. 
Shadguru^ishya, 33. 6l. 62. 83. 
Shaddar3anach,ii)tanikd, 322. 
Shadb/tdshdchandrikd, 227. 
Shadvinga-Brdlimai),a, 69. 70. 
Shannavati (Smriti), 280. 
Shashtitantra, 236. 
shashtipatha, 117. 119. 
sam = samvat (but of what era?), 

141. 202. 203. 
samvat era, 182. 202. 203. 
Samvarta (Smriti), 278. 326. 
Samvartasrutyupanighad, 154. 164. 
samskdra, 102 (the sixteen .). 

(gramm.), 144. 

ganapati, 143. 
samskritabhdgftd, 177. 
s'lmsthd, 66. 67. 

Samhitd (Ved.), 8. 9. 10. 14. 22-24. 

(ptiL), 75- 


Samf'itd(a.sir.}, 259. 264. 265. 275. 

Kalpa, 153. 

'/>dtha,_43. 49. 

"topanis/tad, 34 (Brdhmana). 74. 
75 (Sdmav.). 93. 155 (Taiit.). 316 
(Sdmav. ). 

Sakalddhikdra, 275 (arch.). 
samkhydtar, 235. 
Samyitarattidkura, 273. 
tamgraha, 119 (S'atapatha - Brdh- 

mana). 227 (grarnrn.). 
samjndna, 313. 314. 
Sat(hitanta, 236. 
8rtra, 66. 76. 79. 80. 139. 
gattrd i/ana, 101. 
Satya, 260 astr. 
Satyakiima, 71. 130. 132. 134. 
Satyavdba, 158. 
Satydshddha, 100. IOI. IO2. 
Sadanira", 134. 
Saduktikarndmrita, 210. 
Saddliarmapundarika, 299. 300. 
Sanatkuma'ra, 72. 164; 275 (ar- 


SanandandcbaYya, 237. 
samdhi, 23. 

samnipdta, 248 (Buddh.). 
Samnydsopanishad, 164. 
Saptarshi (Smriti), 280. 
Saptatataka, Saptasati, 83. 211. 


sapto stirydh, 250 (249). 
fiamdnam d, 131. 
Samdsa-Samhitd, 259. 
simpraddya,, 152. 
samrdj, 123. 
Sarasvati, 74 (Vdch). 

vydkarana, 227. 

Sarasvati, 4. 38. 44 (Indus). 53. 
67. 80. IO2. 1 2O. 134. 141. 

kanthdbharana, 210. 232. 
sarga, 190. 196. 214. 
tarjana, 233. 

sarpa, 302. 

sarpavidas, 121. 

Sarpavidyd, 124. 183. 265. 302. 

Sarvadarsanusamgraha, 235. 241. 


garvamedha, 54. 
Sarvdnukramani, 6l. 
sarvdnnina, 305. 
SarvopanishatsdropanisJtad, 1 62. 
Salvas, 1 20. 132. 1 80. 
sahama, 264 (Arabic). 
Sagala, 306. 
Sdketa, 224. 251. 

Sdmkritydyana, 266 (med.). 
Sdmkiiya, 96. 97. 108. 

158. 160. 165-167.235-239.242. 

244. 246. 284. ff. 306. 308. 309. 

tattva-pradipa, 322. 

prarachana, 237. 

pravachana- Sutra, 237. 239. 

Ij/tikshu, 78. 

yo^ra, 1 60. 1 66. 238. 239. 

sdm, 237. 

.S'tUra, 237. 239. 245. 
Siiipkhyah (Gautama^), 284. 
Sdrpkbydyana, 47. 
Sdipjiviputra, 131. 

Sdti, 75. 

Sdtyayajna, jni, 133. 

Sdtidjita, 125. 

Sdpya, 68. 

Sdmajdtaka, 300 (Buddb.). 

Sdmatantra, 83. 

sdman, 8. 9. 64. 66. 121. 

number of the sdman s, 121. 
Sdmaydchdrika-Siilra, 19. 278. 
Sdmalakshana, 83. 

Sdmavidhi, "vid/idna, 72. 74. 277. 
Sdmaveda, 45. 63 ff. 121. 316. 325 
(Gdnas of). 

Prdtiidkhya, 316. 
Sdma-Samhitd, 9. IO. 32. 63 ff. 313 

(readings). 316. 
Sdmastam, 275. 
Siiyakdyana, 96. I2O. 
Sdyakdyanins, 96. 
Sayana, 32. 41. 42. 43. 46. 47. 48. 

52. 65. 66. 68. 69. 72. 74. 91. 92. 

94. 101. 139. 150. 
Sdratthasamgaha, 267 (med.). 
Sirauieya, 35. 
f-'drasvata, 226 (gramm.). 
Sdrasvata pdtha, 103. 
Siivayasa, 133. 
Sdhityadarpana, 231. 321. 
Sinftdsanadvdtrinsikd, 200-202. 214. 


Siddbasena, 260 (astr.). 
Siddhdnta, 253. 255. 258 ff. 269 


kaumudi, 89. 226. 

biromani, 261. 262. 
Sitd, 135/192. 193. 
Snkanyd, 134. 
Sukbavati, 306. 
tiultanipdta, 293. 
sutyd, 66. 67. 
Sudiiiiian, 68. 
Sudyumna, 125. 



nunaphd, 255 (Greek). 

Sundaritdpaniyopanishad, 171. 

suparna, 314. 

Suparnddhydya, iji. 

Suparnf, 134. 

Suprabhadeva, 196. 

Subandhu, 189. 213.245. 267. 319. 

Subhagasena, 251. 

Subhadrd, 114. 115. 134. 

Subhdshitaratndkara, 320. 

Sub/idghitdvalt, 320. 

Sumanasantaka (?), 208. 

Suinantu, 56. 57. 58. 149. 

sura, 98. 302. 303. 

Surdshtra, 76. 

Sulabha, 56. 

Sulabhd, 56. 

Susravas, 36. 

susrut, 266. 

SusYuta, 266 ff. 324. 

vriddha, 269. 
stikta, 31. 32. 124. 149. 
siita, in. 

Sutras, 8. 15 (etyvno].;chhandovat); 
2 9- S^. 57- 216. 285. 290. 

127. 128 (passages in the Brdh- 

290. 292. 296. 298 ff. (Buddh.). 

128. 161 (. = Brahman). 
siitrad/idra, 198. 275. 
Surya, 62 (coinra.). 

Surya, 40 (god). 

prajnapti, 297 (Jain.). 

fiiddhdnta, 6l. 249. 257. 258. 

opanishad, 154. 170. 
(sapta) surydh, 250 (249). 
S&rydruna (Smriti), 280. 
Srinjayas, 123. 132. 
Setiibandha, 196. 
Saitava, 61. 

Saindhavas, vaVanas, 147. 
sobha, "nagaraka, 198. 
Soma, 6. 63 (god). 

(sacrifice), 66. 107. 
Somadeva, 213. 319. 
Somdnanda, 322. 
Some^vara, 273 (mus.). 
Saujdta, 285. 

Sauti, 34. 
Sautrjintika, 309. 
sautrdmanl, 107. 108. IlS. 139. 
taubhikas, 198 ; s. taubhikas. 
Saumdpau, 134. 
Saumilla, 204. 205. 
Saurasiddhdnta, 258. 
taulabhdni BrdhmanAni, 56. 95. 

SaiiMravasa, 105. 
Sau^rutapi^-thavds, 266. 
Skanda, 72. 

Purdna, 191. 205. 
Skandasv.iinin, 41. 42. 79* 
Skandopanishad, 171. 
\/skabh,. itabh, 233. 
sttipa, 274. 307. 

stotra, 67. 
stoma. 67. 8 1. 
staubhika, 63. 
st/iavira, 77. 102. 305. 
sthdnaka, 89. 
Spanda&dstra, 322. 
Sphujidhvaja (?), 258. 
Sphuta-Siddhdnta, 259. 
Smaradahana, 208. 
<Snulria-<S''!i<ras, 17. 19. 34 (S"ai/n.). 

Smriti, 17. 19. 20. 8 1. 

iS'iisfrew, 20. 84. 143. 276. 
Srughna, 237. 
Svaraparibhdshd, 83. 
svddhydya, 8. 93. 144. 
svdbhdvika, 309. 

"svdmin, 79. 
Svdyambhuva, 277. 
Svaiddyana, 34. 
Hansanddopanishad, 165. 
Hansopanishad, 164. 165. 
hndda, 264 Arabic. 
Hanumant, 272. 
Hanumanndtaka, 203. 
Haradatta, 89. 278. 
Kari, 1 66 (Vishnu). 303 (Indra). 
Hari, 225. 226 gramm. 
harija, 255 (Greek). 
Harivansa, 34. 189. 
Harischandra, 184. 
Harisvdmin, 72. 79. 139. 
Hariharamisra, 142. 
Sri Harsha (king), 204. 207. 

196 (Naishadhachar.). 

charita, 205. 214. 319 f. 
Sri Hala, 145. 
fialab/trit, 192. 

Haldyudha, 60 (metr.). 196. 230 

kasa, 112. 
hastighata, 117. 
Hdridravika, 88. 
Hiirita (Krishna), 50. 

269 med. 

vriddha , 269 (med.). 

(Dharma), 278. 282. 325. 
Hdla, 83. 211. 232. 



Hilleyas, 140. 
Hdstinapura, 185. 
Hitopadda, 212. 
hibuka, 255 (Greek). 
Himavant, 51. 268. 
himna, 254 (Greek). 
Hiranyakesi, 100-102. 317. 
idklitya-Brdfimana, 92. 
Hiranyandbha, 160. 
Huta"savesa, 266. 
Hunas, 243. 
hridroga, 254 (Greek). 
hetthd, 89. 
hdayas, helavas, I So. 

Hemachandra, 227. 321 (gr.). 230 

(lex.). 297 (Jain.). 
Heldra'ja, 215. 
heli, 254 (Greek). 
Haimavati, 74. 156. 
Hairanyandbha, 125. 
Hailih'ila, 185. 
hotar, 14. 53. 67. 80. 86. 89. 109. 

129. 149. 

hard, 254 (Greek). 
S'dstra, 254. 259. 260. 
hautraka, IOI, 
Hrasva, 1 12. 


Alyoicepus, 254. 

Ahriman (and Mdra), 303. 304. 
Akbar, 283. 

Albiruni, 60. 189. 201. 239. 249. 

253. 254. 257-262. 266. 274. 323. 

Alexander, 4. 6. 27. 28. 30. 179. 

221. 222. 251. 

Alexandria, 256. 309. 
Alexandrinus (Paulus), 253. 
Algebra, 256. 259. 
Alkindi, 263. 
'A/UT/>OX<T?;S, 251. 
Amulet-prayers, 208. 
Amyntas, 306. 
Ava<f>ri, 255. 
Andubarius, 255- 
Animal fables, 70. an ff., 301. 
Antigonua, 179. 252. 
Autiochus, 179. 252. 
Aphrodisius (?), 258. 
' A<f>podiTi), 254. 
Aw6K\L/ji.a, 255. 
Apollodotus, 1 88. 
Apolloniua of Tyana, 252. 
Apotelesmata, 289. 
Arabs : Arabian astronomy, 255- 
257. 263. 264. 

Arabic astronomical terms, 263- 

commercial intercourse of the 
Indians with Arabia, 220. 

Arabian figures, 256. 

Arabs : medicine, 266. 270, 271. 

music, 273. 

philosophy, 239. 
Archimedes, 256. 
Arenarius, 256. 
"A/Jijy, 254. 

Arim, Arin, coupole d', 257- 
Aristoteles, 234. 
Arithmetic, 256. 259. 
Arjabahr, 255. 259. 
Arkand, 259. 
Arrian, 4. 106. 136. 
Arsacidan Parthians, 1 88. 
Ars amandi, 267. 
Asklepiads, oath of the, 268. 
' AffTpovofila. of the Indians, 30. 
Atoms, 244. 
Aux, augis, 257. 

Avesta, 6. 36. 148 (Indian names of 
its parts), 302. 

and Buddhism, 327. 
Avicenna, 271. 
Babrius, 211. 
Babylon, 2. 247. 
Bactria, 207 ; s. Valhika. 
Bagdad, 255. 270. 

Bali, island of, 189. 195. 208. 
Bardesanes, 309. 
Barlaam, 307. 
Bashkar, 262. 263. 
BctcriXetfs, Basili, 306. 
Basilides, 309. 



Basilis, 251. 

Beast-fable, 21 1 ff. 301. 

Bells, 307. 

Bengali recensions, 194. 206. 208. 

Bhabra missive, 292. 294, 295. 

BihanLa"!, 211. 

Blessed, world of the, 50. (73). 

B665a, 309. 

Boethius, 257. 

~Rpa.Xfj.ave3, 28. 30. 

Buddhism, Buddhists, 3. 4. 20. 22. 

27. 78. 79. 99. in. 138. 151. 165. 

205. 229. 236. 247. 276. 277. 280. 

283 ff. 

Buddhist nuns, 281. 
Bundehesh, 247. 323. 
Caesar, 188. 
Castes, 10. 18. 78. 79. no. III. 161. 

178. 287. 289. 290. 301. 306. 
Ceylon, 192. 288. 291. 293. 295. 

medicine in, 267. 
Chaldseans, astronomy, 248 (Xa- 

Chaos, 233. 
Chess, 275. 
Chinese lunar asterisms, 247. 248 


statements on the date of Ka- 
nishka, 287. 

translations, 229 (Amara). 291. 
300. 301 (Buddh.). 

. travellers, s. Fa Hian, Hiuan 


XpT^arnTyaiy (! /cey65po/u.oj), 255. 
Christian influences, 71. 189. 238. 

300. 307. 

ritual, influence of Buddhist ri- 
tual and worship on (and vice 
versa), 307. 

sects, Indian influence on, 239. 


Chrouicon Paschale, 255. 
Clemens Alexandrinus, 306. 
Coin, 205 (ndnaka), 229 (dina"ra). 
Coins, Indian, 215. 2l8. 219. 
Commentaries, text secured by 

means of, 181. 

Comparative mythology, 35, 36. 
Constantius, 255. 
Creation, 233, 234. 
Creed-formulas, 166. 
Curtius, 136. 
Cycles, quinquennial and sexennial, 

113. 247. 
Damis, 252. 
Dancing, 196 ff. 

DaVa Shakoh, 283. 

Day, beginning of the, at midnight, 

Decimal place-value of the figures, 


Deeds of gift, v. Grants. 
Degrees of the heavens, 255- 
Deimachus, 251. 
Ae*cai>6s, 255- 
Dekhan, 4. 6. 192. 283. 
Dekhan recension (of the Urva&), 


Arjfj.-fjTi]p, 35. 
Demiurges, 233. 
Denarius, 229. 304, 
Dhauli, 179. 295. 
Diagrams, mystic, 310. 
Dialects, 6. 175 ff. 295. 296. 299. 
Aidfjierpov, 25$- 
Al5v/J.os, 254. 
Diespiter, 35. 

Dion Chrysostom, 186. 188. 
Dionysius, 251. 
Ai6i>v<ros, 6. 
Districts, division of Vedic schools 

according to, 65. 94. 132. 133. 
of other text-recensions, 195. 


Varieties of style distinguished 
by names of, 232. 

Dolphin, emblem of the God of 

Love, 252. 274. 325 (Cupid and 


Aopv<j>opia, 255. 
Apa.xfJ.-n, 229. 
Dravidian words, 3. 
Dsanglun, 289. 291. 306. 
Dulva, 199. 
Darr i mufassal, 272. 
Avrbv, 255. 
Egypt, commercial relations be- 

tween India and, 3. 
Ela-aywy/i, 253-255. 
Elements, the five, 334. 
Embryo, 160. 
'ETTCwo^opd, 255- 
Eras. Indian, 2O2. 203. 2IO. 260. 
Fa Hian, 218. 300. 
Farther India, geographical names 

in, 178. 
Fere'dun, 36. 

Festival-plays, religious, 197. 198. 
Figures, 256. 324. 

expressed by words, 60. 140. 
Firdusi, 37. 

Firmicus Maternus, 254. 



Fortunatus, purse of, 264-265. 
Fox, in Fable, 211, 212. 
Gamma, gamme, 272 (mus.). 
Ganges, 4. 38. 

mouths of the, 193. 248. 
Galen, 307. 

Geometry, 256. 

Ginunga gap, 233. 

Girnar, 179. 295. 

Gnosticism, 239. 309. 

Gobar figures, 256. 

Gods, images, statues of, 273. 274. 

language of the, 176. 

triad of : Agni, Indra, and Su- 
rya, 40. 63 (A., I., and Soma) ; 
Brahman, Rudra, and Vishnu, 
97. 161. 167 (Siva), l8o(3iva), 277. 

Grants, 203. 215. 281. 

Greek female slaves, 203. 251, 252. 

monarchies of Bactria, 1 88. 207. 
215. 221. 251. 285. 

words, 254, 255. 

Greeks : Greek Architecture, 274 
(three styles in India). 

Astronomy, 153. 243. 249. 251 

Commerce with India, 252. 

Drama, 207. 

Fables, 211. 

God of Love, 252. 274 (?). 

Influence upon India generally, 
251 ff. 

Medicine, 268. 324. 325. 

Philosophy, 220. 221. 234. 

Sculpture, 273. 

Writing, 221. 
Guido d'Arezzo, 272. 
Gujarat, 139. 179. 207. 251. 
Gymnosophists, 27. 
"HXtos, 254. 

'Rpa.K\rjs, 6. 136. 1 86. 234. 

Heraclius, 255. 

Heretics, 98. 

'Ep^s, 254. 

Homer, Indian, 186. 188. 

Homeric cycle of legend, 194. 
"Qprj, 254. 

'Oplfrv, 255. 

Hindustan, 4. 6. ro. 18. 38. 39. 70. 

187. 192. 283. 296. 
Hiuan Thsang, 217 ff., 287. 300. 
Humours, the three, 266. 
HusVavanh, 36. 
'T8pox6os, 254. 
'TX6/3to:, 28. 48. 
v, 255. 

Ibn Abi Usaibiah, 266. 

Ibn Baithar, 266. 

'IxOvs, 254. 

Immigration of the Aryas into Hin- 

dusta"n, 38. 39. 
Indo-Scythians, 220. 285. 
Indus, 10. 37. 38. 218. 285. 
Inheritance, law of, 278, 279. 
Initial letters of names employed 

to denote numbers, 256 ; to mark 

the seven musical notes, 272. 
Inscriptions, 183. 215. 228. 
Intercalary month, 247. 262 (three 
* in the year !). 
Invisible cap, 264. 
Jackal and lion in Fable, 211, 

Java, island of, 189. 195. 208. 229. 

171. 280. 
Jehkn, 283. 
Jeha"ngir, 283, 
Jemshid, 36. 
Josaphat, 307. 
Kabul, 3. 179. 
Kafu (kapi), 3. 
Kdgyur, 291. 294. 326. 
Kc0aia, 317. 
Kaikavus, 36. 
Kai Khosru, 36. 
Kalilag and Damnag, 320. 
Kalila wa Dimna, 212. 
Kalmuck translations, 291. 
Kajt/ftcrfloXot, 88. 268. 
Kambojas, 178. 
Kanfitcrris, 178. 
KanaYese translation, 189. 
Kanerki, s. Kanishka. 
Kanheri, 292. 
Kankah, 269. 

Kapur di Giri, 179 ; s. Kapardigiri. 
Kashmir, 204. 213. 215. 220. 223. 

227. 232. 291. 296. 
Kava Us*, 36. 
Kavi languages, origin of name, 


translations, 318 (date of). 325. 
Keeping secret of doctrines, 49. 
Kei>6Spo/j.os, 255- 
Ktvrpov, 254. 255. 
K^TTOS, 3. 
Ktpfiepos, 35. 
Kivvpd, 302. 
Kio-list, 248. 
K6\oi/po5, 254. 
Koi^y, 3. 
Kpcds, 254. 


Kp6ioj, 254. 
ha.pi.Ki], 76. 258. 
Ldt, 249. 258. 
League-boots, 264. 
A^&w, 254. 
AmJ, 255. 

Lion and jackal (fox), 211, 212. 
Longest day, length of the, 247. 
Love, God of, 252. 274. 
Lunar mansions, 2. 30. 90. 92. 148. 
229. 246-249. 252. 255. 281. 


phases, 281. 
MaSiavSivol, IO. 106. 
Magas, 179. 252. 
Magic, art of, 264, 265. 
Magic mirror, 264. 

ointment, 264. 
Mahmud of Ghasna, 253. 
Mairya (and MaYa?), 303. 
MoXXoi, 222. 

Manes, 309. 

Manes, sacrifice to the, 55- 93- 100. 

108. 1 1 8. 
Manetho, 260. 

Mansions, twelve, 254. 281 (aetr.). 
Manuscripts, late date of, 181. 182 

M dca-aya, 75. 

Mazzaloth, Mazzaroth, 248. 
Medicine in Ceylon, 267 ; in India, 

3 2 4. 325- 

Megastheues, 4. 6. IO. 2O. 27. 48. 
70. 88. 106. 136. 137. 186. 234. 

Meherdates, 1 88. 

Menander, 224. 251. 306. 

Mendzil, 323 (in Soghd). 

Mendicancy, religious, 237. 

Meffovpdvrifj.a, 255. 

Metempsychosis, 234. 

Metrical form of literature, 182, 

Missionaries, Buddhist, 290. 307. 


Christian, 307. 
Mvrj/J.ri, &irb fjLi>r/iJ.-r)S, 2O. 
Monachism, system of, 307. 
Monasteries, 274. 281. 
Mongolian translations, 291. 
Mundane ages (four), 247 ; P. Yuga. 
Music, modern Indian, 325. 
Musical scale, 272. 

Mysteries, 197. 198. 
Mythology, Comparative, 35. 36. 
Names, chronology from, 29. 53. 

71. 120. 239. 284. 285 (s. also 

Afiga, Kavi, Tantra, Sutra). 
Nearchus, 15. 

Neo-Pythagoreans, 256, 257. 
Nepal, 291. 309, 310. 
Nepdlese MSS., date of, 318. 
Nerengs, 56. 
North of India, purity of language 

in the, 26. 45. 296. 
Notes, the seven musical, 160. 272. 
Numbers, denoting of, by the 

letters of the alphabet in their 

order, 222. 
Numerical notation by means of 

letters, 257. 324. 

Symbols, 256. 
Nushirvdn, 212. 
Omens, 69. 152. 264. 
Ophir, 3. 

Oral tradition, 12 ff , 22. 48. 

Ordeal, 73. 

Orissa, 179. 274. 

Otbi, 201. 

0{/pav6s, 35. 

'Ofyvtf, 252 (s. Arin). 

'O^vdpaKat, 222. 

Pahlav, 1 88. 

Pahlavi, translation of Panchatantra 

into, 212. 267. 
Pali redaction of the Amarakosha, 


of Manu's Code,' 279. 
HavSala, 136. 137. 186. 

Panjdb, 2. 3. 4. 88. 207. 248. 251. 


Pantheism, 242. 
IlapOfros, 254. 
Parthians, 4. 1 88. 318. 
Parvi, parviz, 323. 
Pattalene, 285. 
Paulus Alexandrinus, 253. 255. 

al Yundni, 253. 

Peacocks, exportation of, to Bdveru, 

2, 3- 

Periplus, 4. 6. 
Permutations, 256. 
Persa-Aryans, 6. 133. 148, 178. 
Persians, 3. 4. 1 88 5273 (tnus.). 

274 (arch.). 
Persian Epos, 36. 37. 187. 

translation of the Upanishads, 


- Veda, 36. 148. 
Personal deity, 165, 1 66. 
HevKfXa&rts, 268. 
4>dc7ir, 255. 


'Philosopher's Ride,' 291. 

Philostratus, 252. 

Phoebus Apollo, 273 (type of). 

Phoenicians, their commercial rela- 
tions with India, 2, 3. 248. 

Pholotoulo, 2 1 8. 

Phonini, 218. 

Planets, 98. 153. 249-251. 254, 
255. 281. 304. 

Greek order of the, 3 1 9. 323. 326. 
Plato (Bactrian king), 273. 
Pliny, 136. 

Plutarch, 306. 
Polar star, 98. 

Popular dialects, 6. 175-180. 
IIpd/Avai, 28. 244. 

Prose-writing arrested in its deve- 
lopment, 183. 

Ptolemaios, 253. 274 (astr.). 
Ptolemy, 179. 251. 252 (two). 

130 (geogr.). 
Quinquennial cycle, 113. 247. 
Quotations, text as given in, 182. 


Relic-worship, 306. 307. 
Rgya Cher Rol Pa, 185. 291. 
Rhazes, 271. 
Rock-inscriptions, 179. 
Rosary, 307. 
2av5/)6/cu7TTos, 217. 223. 
2ap/j,dvai, 28. 
Scale, musical, 272. 
Schools, great number of Vedic, 


Seleucus, 4. 
Semitic origin of Indian writing, 


of the Beast-fable, 211, 212. 

Serapion, 271. 

Seven musical notes, 160. 272. 

Sindhend, 255. 259. 

Singhalese translations, 292. 

2Ko/>7ros, 254. 

^KvOiav6s, 309. 

Snake, 302. 

Solar year, 246, 247. 

Solomon's time, trade with India 

in, 3- 

2(i}<f>a.ya<rfivas, 251. 
Speusippus (?), 258. 
Squaring of the circle, 256. 
Steeples, 274. 306. 
Stone-building, 274. 

Strabo, 6. 27. 28. 30. 244. 246. 
Style, varieties of, distinguished by 

names of provinces, 232. 
Succession of existence, 289. 301. 
Sufi philosophy, 239. 
Swa<^ 255. 
Sun's two journeys, stellar limits of 

the, 98. 

Surgery, 269. 270. 

Tandjur, 209. 210. 226. 230. 246. 

267. 276. . 
TaDpos, 254. 

Teachers, many, quoted, 50. 77- 
Texts, uncertainty of the, 181, 182. 

224, 225. 

Thousand-uame-prayers, 208. 
Tibetans, translations of the, 208. 

212. 291. 294. 300; s. Dsanglun, 

Kagyur, Rgya Cher Rol Pa, 

Tiridates, 3, 4. 
To67Tjs, 254. 

Transcribers, mistakes of, 181. 
Translations, s. Arabs, Chinese, 

Kalmuck, Kandrese, Kavi, Mon- 

golian, Pahlavi, Pdli, Persian, 


Transmigration of souls, 73. 288. 
Tplyuvos, 255. 

Trojan cycle of legend, 194. 
Tukhilm, peacocks, 3. 
Valentinian, 309. 
Venus with dolphin (and Cupid), 


Vernaculars, 175-180. 203. 
Veterinary medicine, 267. 
Weights, 1 60. 269. 
Writing, 10. 13. 15; of the Ya- 

vanas, 221. 

consignment to, 22. 144. 181. 
292. 296. 

Written language, 178 ff. 

Yeshts, 56. 302. 

Yima, 36. 

Yuasaf, Yudasf, Budsatf, 307. 

Zero, 256. 

Zetfs, 35. 

planet, 254. 

Zodiacal signs, 98, 229. 249. 254. 

255- 257- 
Zohak, 36. 
Zvybv, 254. 




Ambros, 272. 

Anandacbandra, 58. 68. 79. 
Anquetil du Perron, 52. 96. 154, 

ISS- 162. 
Aufrecht, 16. 32. 43. 59. 80. 84. 

112. 150. 191. 200. 210. 211. 224. 

226. 230. 232. 243. 257. 260. 
261. 267. 272. 313. 315. 

Bdlasastrin, 223. 226. 237. 322, 


Ballantyne, 223. 226. 235. 237. 244. 
Banerjea, 191. 235. 238. 243. 
Bapti Deva ^astrin, 258. 262. 
Barth, 257. 316. 321. 
Barthelemy St. Hilaire, 235. 
Bayley, 304. 

Beal, 293. 300. 309. 327. 
Benary, F., 196. 
Benfey, 15. 22. 43. 44. 64. 66. 117. 

157. 212. 221. 267. 272. 274. 

301. 306. 320. 
Bentley, 257. 267. 
Bergaigne, 44. 
Bernoulli!, 325. 
Bertrand, 202. 
BbagvnMl Indraji, 324. 
Bhagvan Vijaya, 327. 
Bhandarkar, 60. 150. 215. 219. 224. 

319. 3 2 r - 326. 

Bhau Daji, 215. 227. 254-262. 319. 
Bibliotbeca Indica, s. Ballantyne, 

Banerjea, Cowell, Hall, Rajendra 

L. M., Roer, &c. 
Bickell, 320. 
Biot, 247, 248. 
Bird, 215. 
Bobtlingk, 22. 106. 210. 217-220. 

222. 226. 230. 320. 323. 
Von Bohlen, 272. 
Bollensen, 44. 
Bopp, 178. 189. 
Boyd, 207. 
Bre"al, 4. 36. 
Brockbaus, 213. 262. 
Browning, 84. 
Biibler, 50. 54. 92. 97. 101. 152. 

155. 164. 170. 182. 196. 204. 210. 

212, 213. 214, 215. 217. 222. 

227. 232. 237. 259. 272. 277, 

278. 280. 282, 283. 297. 314. 

315. 317. 319-322. 324-326. 

Burgess, Eb., 247. 258 ; Jas., 215. 

Burnell, 3. 13. 15. 20. 22. 42. 6l. 
65. 69. 74. 83. 90. 91. 94. 101. 
IO2. 103. 150. 155. 163, 164. 170, 
171. 178. 203. 213. 215. 217. 221, 

222. 226. 245. 256. 270. 313. 316. 


Burnouf, 8l. ill. 162. 179. 191. 

199. 246. 289. 291, 292. 296. 298. 

300. 306. 308. 
Cantor, 324. 

Cappeller, 226. 232. 320. 
Carey, 194. 

Chandr&kanta Tarkalarnkara, 84. 
Cbilders, 178. 293.295. 305.308.326. 
Clarac, Comte de, 325. 
Clough, 293. 
Colebrooke, 42. 43. 6l. 97. 148. 

151. 154, 157, 158. 163. 201. 

202. 227. 229. 230. 234. 235. 

236. 238. 241,242. 243. 245.256. 

259-263. 267. 269. 281. 283. 
CoomaYa Svdmy, 293. 
Cowell, 42. 43. 50. 52. 91. 97. 98. 

99. 207. 227. 234. 235. 237, 238. 

242. 256. 283. 291. 322. 
Cox, 36. 
Csoma Korosi, 199. 209. 267. 285. 

291. 294. 

D'Alwis, 293. 
Darmesteter, J., 314. 
Davids, 267. 
De Gubernatis, 36. 
Delbriick, 31. 44. 318. 
Gerard de Rialle, 3. 
Dbanapati Sinbaji, 327. 
Dickson, 326. 
Dietz, 267. 
Donner, 19. 44. 
Dowson, 141. 203. 215. 
Diimicben, 3. 
Duncker, 308. 
D'Eckstein, 97. 
Eggelinjr, 203. 215. 226. 291. 
Elliot, H. M., 239. 267. 
Elliot, W., 154, 155. 
Faucbe, 189. 194. 
Fausboll, 293. 304. 326. 
Feer, 1 88. 291. 293. 299. 
Fergusson, 203. 215. 273. 
Fleet, 319. 321. 
Fliigel, 270. 



Foucaux, 185. 189. 200. 286. 291. 299. 

Friederich, 189. 195. 

Fritze, 320. 

Ganga"dhara Kaviraja, 270. 

Garrez, 21 1. 

Geiger, L., 272. 

Geldner, 44. 

Gildemeister, 161. 229. 239. 270. 

Giriprasa'davarman, 116. 

Goldschmidt, Paul, 196. 

GoldscLmidt, Siegfried, 65. 196. 

Goldstiicker, 12. 15. 22. 87. 100. 

130. 144. 193. 207. 221, 222. 

223. 224, 225. 227. 241. 251. 

273. 321. 
Gorresio, 194. 
Gough, 235. 244. 322. 323. 
Govindadeva&istrin, 237. 322. 323. 
Grassmann, 44. 315. 
Griffith, 194. 
Grill, 207. 

Grimblot, 293. 319. 326. 
Grohmann, 265. 
Grube, 171. 
Von Gutschurid, 188. 
Haag, 205. 

Haas, 19. 58. 84. 142. 152. 324. 
Haeberlin, 201. 
Hall, 106. 191. 204. 207. 213. 214. 

231. 232. 235. 237. 257. 258. 318. 


Haukel, 256. 

Harachandra Vidydbhushana, 151. 
Hardy, 292, 293. 304. 
Haug, 22. 25. 32. 47. 60. 61. 91. 

93. loo. 150. 152. 153. 155. 162. 

314, 3IS- 317. 
Hessler, 268. 
Heymann, 231. 
Hillebrandt, 44. 314. 
Hodgson, 291. 292. 309. 
Holtzmann, 200. 228. 230. 279. 318. 
Hue, 307. 
jfsvarachandra Vidysfodgara, 205. 

Jacobi, 195. 204. 214. 254. 255. 

260. 281. 319. 323. 326. 
Jaganmohanas'annan, 231. 
JayanaYayana, 243, 244. 
JivdnandaVidyasagara, 270.320.325. 
Johantgen, 102. 238. 278, 279. 281. 


Jolly, 326. 
Jones, Sir W., 272. 
Julien, Stan., 218. 301. 
Kaegi, 44. 

Kashinath Trimbak Telang, 194. 
Keller, 0., 211, 212. 
Kennedy, Vans, 170. 
Kern, 6l. 179. 2O2. 204. 215. 224. 
243. 257-261. 267. 279. 288. 293. 

299- 3 l8 - 324- 
Ke6avasdstriu, 323. 
Kielhorn, 25. 61. 68. 95. 101. 155. 

170. 212. 225, 226. 313. 321. 
Kittel, 189. 
Klatt, 210. 310. 
Knighton, 204. 
Ko'ppen, 283. 306. 307. 308. 
Kosegarten, 212. 
Krishnashastri, 320. 
Kuhn,' Ad., 25. 32. 35, 36. 62. 
Kuhn, E., 293. 295. 
Kunte, 325 (Mureshvar). 
Laboulaye, 307. 
Langlois, 43. 189. 
Lassen, 4. 28. 75. 176. 179. 185. 

188. 189. 190. 198. 199. 201. 

202. 204. 205. 214, 218-220. 227. 

229. 239. 244. 247. 251, 252. 254. 

257. 260. 273. 275, 276. 287-290. 

292. 296. 301. 308. 309. 319. 
Lefmann, 299. 
Leitner, 273. 
Letronne, 229. 
Liebrechfc, 307. 
Linde, Van der, 275. 
Lindner, 318. 

Loiseleur Deslongchamps, 230. 
Lorinser, 238. 
Loth, 0., 263. 
Ludwig, A., 44. 249. 315. 
Madhusudana Gupta, 270. 
Mahes'achandraNya'yaratna, 91. 241. 
Marshman, 194. 
Mayr, 279. 

Meyer, Rud., 313, 314. 316. 
Minayeff, 3. 293. 303. 
Miiller, E., 299. 
Miiller, Fr., 293. 
Miiller, M., 15. 16. 19. 22. 31. 32. 

35. 36. 42. 43. 48. 49. 55. 58. 59. 

61. 63. 69. 93. 101. 106. 1 1 6. 

142. 151. 155. 176. 180. 205. 

221. 225. 234-236. 241. 244, 

245. 247. 278. 282. 288. 307. 

314, 315. 325. 
Muir, 41. 44. 210. 292. 299. 
Myriantheus, 314. 
Neve, 309. 
Noldeke, 187. 318. 
Oldenberg, 316. 326. 


Olshausen, 4. 188. 318. 

Patterson, 273. 

Pavie, 189. 

Pertsch, 40, 60. 

St. Petersburg Dictionary, 16. 104. 
108. 112. 141. 266. 305. 

Pischel, 206-208. 227. 295. 320. 321. 

Poley, 50. 139. 

Pons, Pere, 216. 254. 

Prama<M Da"sa Mitra, 231. 

Premachandra Tarkava"gi.4a, 232. 

Prinsep, 179. 229. 

Prym, 320. 

Ra'dha'ka'nta Deva, 275. 

Ra'ja'ra'ma&istrin, 223. 

Riljendra La"la Mitra, 48. 6l. 65. 
73- 84- 94- H2. 151- 155- 158- 162- 
164. 166, 167. 169-171, 182.202. 

210. 215. 220. 271. 274. 275. 297. 
299.3I5- 317. 

Rdmaiuaya Tarkaratna, 158. 168. 

Ra'mamis'ra&lstrin, 322. 

Ra'mana'ra'yana, 58. 91. 243. 

Ra"m Ra"z, 275. 

Rask, 293. 

Regnaud, 318. 320. 

Regnier, 34. 59. 

Reinaud, 61. 148. 201. 202. 217. 

219. 229. 239. 252, 253. 256- 

259. 262, 263. 266. 269. 274. 307. 
Renan, 309. 
Rieu, 230. 
Roer, 43. 48. 51. 54. 73. 74. 91. 

94. 96. 116. 139. 154. 157. 160. 

161. 231. 235. 244. 262. 
Rosen, 43. 

[lost, 66. 182. 
Roth, 8. 22. 23. 25. 33. 36. 38. 42 

43. 44. 48. 63. 70. 80. 102. 112. 
146. 147. ISO. 152. 178. 201. 

247. 267, 268. 270. 303. 

Royle, 271. 

Sachau, 253. 323. 

Satyavrata Samilsrami, 66. 299. 316. 

Schiefner, 56. 185. 209. 212. 227. 

248. 291. 300. 306. 307. 326. 
Sclilagintweit, E., 310. 
Schlegel, A. W. von, 194. 231. 275. 
Schliiter, 234. 

Schmidt, 289. 291. 306. 
Schonborn, 48. 
Schwanbeck, 20. 
Sedillot, 247. 

Senart, 293. 304. 326. 

Shankar Pandit, 204. 315. 318. 

Souriudra Mohan Tagore, 325. 

Speijer, 19. 102. 142. 

Spiegel, 293. 300. 306. 

Steinschneider, 247. 

Stenzler, 34. 55. 58. 142: 195. 206. 

268. 277-280. 318. 325. 
Stevenson, 43. 65. 215. 297. 326. 
Storck, 293. 
Strachey, 262. 
Streiter, 55. 
Ta'ra'na'tha T arkava*chaspati, 89. 184. 


Taylor, J., 262. 
Taylor, W., 155. 162. 164, 165. 

167. 169-171. 

Thibaut, 60. 256. 316. 324. 
Thomas, 215. 256. 
Tumour, 267. 292, 293. 306. 
Vaux, 215. 273. 
Vechanara'mas'a'strin, 190. 323. 
Vinson, 3. 

Vis>ana"tha6&3trin, 60. 
Vullers, 268. 
Wagener, A., 211. 
Warren, 297. 
Wassiljew, 248. 300. 309. 
Weigle, 189. 
West, A. A., 215. 
West, R., 278. 
West, E. W., 215. 
Westergaard, 22. 184. 2OI. 203. 

215. 223. 230. 284. 288. 293. 

295- 304. 

Wheeler, T., 190. 251. 281. 
Whish, 254. 
Whitney, 2. 23. 64. 103. 150. 152. 

247. 257, 258. 
Wilkins, 228. 
Wilkinson, 262. 
Williams, 189. 
Wilson, H. II., 43. 148. 179. 189. 

191. 204-207. 213. 215. 221. 

230. 236, 237. 250. 268. 270, 

271. 281. 285. 305. 306. 318. 
Wilson, J., 215. 
\Vindisch, 297. 
Windischmann, 73. 243. 
Wise, 270. 

Woepcke, 253. 256, 257. 
Wright, Dan., 318. 
Zimuier, 44. 



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