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G.Hin3|j  i.’i  iCiiiino/i  ni_,  ! , ■.  ni  'h.irv  ■ - 

'i||  1.1,1. M,  , 01.;  j|o,ii|i  Pi  110,1  I .ill  n u'ic:  inq-o.uj  no  ,i|sJ'imr  oti;i  ,".'.ii  i km.  .’'i  iitiujuJ  .jiu>  doin  p,.ir  . 


A.D.  1857.] 

lery,  also  merit  particular  notice  for  their 
i zeal  and  energy  on  duty. 

“ My  future  movements  must  he  guided, 
in  a great  measure,  by  the  information  I 
1 may  receive  from  other  quarters.  Mean- 
while, a good  supply  of  ammunition  is 
earnestly  required  for  her  majesty's  5th 
fusiliers,  to  the  extent  of  eighty  rounds  per 
man,  and  grape  for  two  9-pounders  and 
howitzer.  Enclosed  are  the  returns  of  casu- 
alties on  the  2nd  instant.* — I have,  &c., 
“V.  Eyre,  Major, 

“ Commanding  Field  Force.” 
“ P.S. — Mr.  Wake,  the  magistrate  of 
' Arrah,  has  just  ridden  into  camp ; his  de- 
fence of  his  house  seems  to  have  been 
almost  miraculous.” 

A report  from  Captain  F.  W.  L’Estrange 
accompanied  the  above,  and  detailed  tlie 
successful  operations  of  the  auxiliary  force 
under  his  command,  consisting  of  160  men 
I of  the  5th  European  regiment,  who  had 
I ably  seconded  the  proceedings  of  the  force 
I under  Major  Eyre. 

I The  very  strong  opinion  expressed  by 
Major  Eyre  in  the  concluding  sentences  of 
the  first  paragraph  of  his  report,  drew  from 
; Major-general  Lloyd  a distinct  repudiation 
of  the  inference  sought  to  be  conveyed  by 
it;  and,  on  the  10th  of  August,  that  officer 
1 wrote  to  the  deputy-adjutant-general  from 
Dinapore  in  the  following  terras  : — 

“ Sir, — In  a despatch  from  Major  V. 
Eyre,  dated  ' Camp,  near  Arrah,  3rd  instant,' 
forwarded  with  Colonel  Cumberlege’sf  letter 
of  the  4th  idem  to  your  address,  he  adverts 
to  the  severe  loss  sustained  by  a detachment 
dispatched  to  Arrah,  under  my  orders,  on 
the  29th  of  July;  adding,  ‘I  venture  to 
affirm,  confidently,  that  no  such  disaster 
I would  have  been  likely  to  occur  had  the 
detachment  advanced  less  precipitately,  so 
as  to  have  given  full  time  for  my  force  to 
approach  direct  from  the  opposite  side ; for 
the  rebels  would  then  have  been  hemmed  in 
between  two  opposing  forces,  and  must  have 
beeu  utterly  routed.' 

! “ Lest  the  foregoing  observation  and 

I opinion  should  be  accepted,  I deem  it  a duty 
to  myself  to  state,  that  the  first  intimation 
received  by  me  of  the  debarkation  at  Buxar 
' of  Major  Eyre’s  forces,  was  contained  in  a 
letter  dated  the  30th  ultimo  (which  reached 
me  by  steamer  the  same  day),  the  Dinapore 

I * The  returns  give  a total  of  two  killed  and  six- 
; teen  wounded. 

! t The  officer  who  superseded  General  Lloyd  in 
I command  at  Dinapore. 
j VOL.  11.  Q 


fpRlVATE  CORRESPONDENCE.  I 

detachment  having  started  on  its  expedition  I 
to  Arrah  the  day  before  ; also,  that  Major  | 
Eyre  made  no  previous  communication  what-  i 
ever  concerning  his  movements,  nor  had  I ! 
reason  to  suppose  that  any  land  operation 
would  have  been  attempted  by  him  ; hence, 
at  the  time,  any  undertaking  from  Dinapore, 
in  concert  with  Major  Eyre,  was  obviously 
impracticable. — I have,  &c., 

“ G.  W.  A.  Lloyd.” 
The  station  at  Arrah  having  been  effec- 
tually relieved  from  the  presence  of  the 
rebellious  soldiery  and  their  improvised 
leader  Koer  Sing,  with  his  followers,  a 
brief  reference  to  correspondence  descriptive 
of  the  occurrences  at  Dinapore  and  Arrah, 
may  not  be  out  of  place. 

Commencing  with  a letter  from  a medical 
officer  attached  to  her  majesty's  10th  regi- 
ment at  Dinapore,  under  date  of  August  the 
2nd,  we  read  as  follows  : — 

“ Since  I last  wrote  to  you  the  native 
regiments  here  have  mutinied,  but  without 
any  loss  of  life  to  us.  I told  you  all  along 
the  rascals  would  never  attack  the  10th. 
We  are  all  so  much  disgusted  herewith  the 
whole  affair,  that  really,  as  an  officer  of  the 
regiment,  I have  neither  patience  nor  time 
to  give  a full  account  of  the  very  bad  manage-  j 
ment  of  the  general  and  his  staff  in  allowing  [ 
the  three  regiments  to  escape.  They  went  off  ' 
in  the  direction  of  the  Soane  river,  which 
they  managed  to  cross,  and  afterwards 
marched  towards  Arrah.  The  day  of  the 
mutiny,  and  a few  hours  before  it  broke  i 
out,  the  general-  commanding  gave  orders 
for  the  removal  of  the  percussion-caps  from 
the  magazine  situated  at  the  top  of  the  ' 
native  lines.  This  was  done  at  an  early  [ 
hour  of  the  morning;  and  as  the  artillery  j 
cart  passed  down  where  the  native  regiments  j 
were  parading,  the  7th  and  8th  gave  a shout,  | 
and  showed  evident  symptoms  of  their  de- 
sire to  stop  it;  but  they  were  prevented, 
and  the  cart  was  brought  safely  on  to  our 
mess-room.  These  two  regiments  were  in 
open  revolt  at  six  o'clock  a.m.  The  general  j 
was  informed  of  the  fact ; and  in  place  of 
ordering  up  the  guns  and  the  10th  to  dis- 
arm the  7th,  8th,  and  40th,  on  the  spot,  he 
only  issued  the  supine  order  for  the  native  i 
officers  to  collect  the  caps  that  the  sepoys  i 
were  in  possession  of,  and  to  report  to  him 
by  twelve  o’clock  that  this  was  effected.  | 
When  the  native  officers  went  to  carry,  or 
pretended  to  carry,  this  contemptible  and  , 
temporising  order  into  effect,  the  7th  and 
8th  would  not  give  up  their  caps,  but  some 

113 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


DINAPORE  AND  ARRAH.]  HISTORY  OF  THE  [a.d.  1857. 


of  the  40th  complied.  The  European  officers 
belonging  to  the  regiments  afterwards  went 
up  to  the  rebels,  and  endeavoured  to  get 
them  to  do  so,  but  their  efforts  were  un- 
availing. The  sepoys  told  their  officers  to 
be  off,  and  fired  upon  them,  but,  happily, 
without  killing  or  wounding  any  of  them. 

“ The  hospital  guard  saw  all  this ; and  per- 
ceiving the  officers  running  towards  the 
lOth’s  lines,  the  signal  guns  were  fired  off 
from  the  hospital.  The  whole  of  ray  patients 
got  on  the  top  of  it.  They  kept  up  a steady 
fire,  and  managed,  infirm  in  health  as  they 
were,  to  kill  about  a dozen  of  the  scoundrels. 
The  regiment  turned  out,  and  every  one  was 
in  his  place  in  the  course  of  a few  minutes. 
I galloped  round  the  houses,  and  got  all  the 
ladies,  women,  and  children  brought  down 
to  the  barracks.  The  order  was  given — ■ 

‘ Guns  to  the  front  •/  and  on  we  went  in  the 
fond  anticipation  of  cutting  these  three  rebel 
regiments  to  pieces.  Some  of  the  37th 
(Queen’s),  who  arrived  here  the  day  before, 
were  thrown  out  in  skirmishing  order.  The 
10th  advanced  with  their  guns;  and  great 
was  our  mortification  when  we  perceived  the 
sepoys  running  across  the  country  like  deer. 
We  fired  six  guns  after  them  without  effect ; 
and  here  ended  this  most  disgracefully  mis- 
managed affair.  One  fellow  fired  at  myself 
as  I was  carrying  an  order,  but  the  ball  did 
not  hit  me.  Some  of  the  men  saw  where 
it  came  from,  and  found  him  concealed  in 
one  of  the  huts ; they  soon  dispatched  him. 
We  only  killed  about  thirty  of  the  muti- 
neers; had  they  stopped,  and  given  the 
j gallant  10th  a chance,  they  would  have 
I bagged  the  whole,  or  at  all  events  the 
I greater  proportion  of  them  ; and  it  is  galling 
and  most  mortifying  to  the  regiment  to 
think  that  it  has  been  prevented  doing  so 
by  the  imbecility  of  the  general,  whose  con- 
duct, for  many  weeks  past,  has  been  the 
means  at  least  of  bringing  a heavy  affliction 
upon  her  majesty’s  10th.  I must  here  ex- 
j plain,  that  after  the  rebels  ran  off,  an  order 
I was  given  (two  days  afterwards)  for  the 
1 head-quarters  of  the  regiment  to  proceed  to 
■ Arrah  by  a steamer,  to  relieve  some  Euro- 
peans besieged  in  that  place.  This  order 
: was,  however,  cancelled,  and  a small  detach- 

ment of  the  10th  was  sent,  under  the  com- 
mand of  one  of  our  senior  captains  (Dunbar.) 
The  strength  of  the  detachment  amounted 
to  150  men  and  four  officers.  There  were 
also  230  men  of  the  37th,  and  a proportion  of 
officers;  the  whole  force  constituting  nearly 
400  men,  including  eight  or  ten  officers 
114 


of  the  native  regiments  from  here,  who 
volunteered.  The  boat  containing  the  37th 
got  aground,  but  they  were  taken  on  board 
of  the  one  which  was  proceeding  up  with  the 
10th  men.  They  all  landed  safely,  and 
continued  their  march  towards  Arrah ; the 
whole  being  under  the  command  of  Captain 
Dunbar,  who  made  a sad  mess  of  it.  He 
did  not,  it  appears,  take  the  precaution  of 
throwing  out  an  advanced  guard  ; and  when 
our  gallant  soldiers  were  marching  on  in  the 
full  hope  of  doing  good  work,  they  were, 
about  two  o’clock  in  the  morning,  fired  upon 
by  2,000  sepoys,  who  were  lying  in  ambush 
for  them.  Captain  Dunbar  was  killed  on 
the  spot,  as  well  as  three  officers  of  the  37th. 
The  men  became  panic-stricken,  and  they 
retreated  in  the  direction  of  the  steamer, 
which  lay  two  miles  out  in  the  stream. 
Both  detachments  were  severely  handled, 
and  the  10th  have  lost  seventy  men  killed 
and  wounded  in  this  unfortunate  expedition. 
The  37th  sustained  pretty  much  the  same 
loss.  The  remainder  of  the  detachment 
arrived  back  here  on  Friday.  All  our  men 
are  badly  wounded;  and  for  the  last  two 
days  I have  had  hard  work  amputating  and 
extracting  balls.  I wash  the  blood  from  my 
hands  to  go  and  write  this  to  you,  and  again 
to  return  to  the  hospital.  In  tbe  absence 
of  Dr.  Gordon  on  medical  certificate,  you 
are  aware  that  I have  had  full  medical 
charge  of  the  regiment  for  nearly  twelve 
months  past ; and  in  the  present  untoward 
emergency  I have  had  plenty  to  do,  and 
with  little  assistance,  on  account  of  Dr. 
Tulloch,  the  second  assistant,  being  with  a 
detachment  at  Benares,  and  from  Mr. 
Tucker,  the  junior  assistant,  having  been 
sent  off  to  Patna  in  medical  charge  of 
another  detachment  on  the  very  day  the 
wounded  arrived  back  from  Arrah ; but  I 
have  now  got  assistance,  and  will  manage 
to  get  a sleep  to-night.  Poor  Erskine  was 
mortally  wounded  in  the  abdomen ; he  ex- 
pired yesterday.  Sand  with  and  Battye  were 
also  wounded ; but  both,  I am  happy  to  say, 
are  doing  well.  The  names  of  the  officers 
of  the  37th  killed  are — Lieutenant  Bagenall 
and  Ensigns  Birket  and  Sale.  Mr.  Ingilby, 
of  the  7th  regiment,  was  also  killed.  He 
was  one  of  the  European  officers  of  the 
native  regiments  who  volunteered,  several 
of  whom  have  come  back  here  badly 
wounded ; some  have  been  drowned,  and 
others  are  missing.  The  medical  officer 
sent  in  charge  was  also  wounded  ; and  all 
the  medical  stores  I sent  for  the  use  of  the 


A.D.  1857.]  INDIAN  MUTINY.  [the  10th  regiment. 


men  liave  been  lost.  I need  not  say  that 
the  poor  ladies  and  wives  of  the  men  are  in 
great  distress  about  their  husbands.  All  the 
ladies  are  ordered  from  this  to  Calcutta. 
The  10th,  now  here,  are  greatly  reduced  in 
numbers,  and  we  have  at  this  time  only  four 
officers  fit  for  duty;  but  we  expect  more 
troops  daily.  The  treasure  has  been  re- 
moved from  here,  and  we  are  all  in  great 
excitement.  If  you  will  refer  to  my  letters 
written  more  than  two  months  ago,  you  will 
read  in  them  that  I then  advocated  the  dis- 
arming of  these  regiments,  and  frankly 
stated  that  the  general  would  some  day  re- 
gret his  misplaced  confidence  in  them. 
That  day  has  at  last  arrived.  In  the  whole 
of  her  majesty’s  army  there  is  not  a corps 
in  higher  discipline  than  the  10th.  The 
gallant  Colonel  Franks  made  them  a model 
regiment.  Their  movements  were  as  one 
man ; and  I will  not  admit  that  even  the 
guards  could  have  gone  through  their  evolu- 
tions with  the  same,  or  at  least  with  more, 
precision  and  soldierlike  bearing  than  this 
regiment  to  which  I have  the  honour  to  be- 
long; and  although  three  regiments  were 
opposed  to  us,  we  were  burning  to  get  at 
them,  notwithstanding  we  had  little  more 
than  400  effective  bayonets ; for,  what  with 
the  detachment  at  Benares  and  the  sick  in 
liospital,  the  above  number  was  all  we  had 
here.  The  discipline  and  efficiency  of  the 
regiment  are  well  preserved  by  the  gallant 
officer.  Colonel  Fenwick,  now  in  command ; 
and  had  it  been  his  lot  to  take  charge  of  the 
small  expedition  sent  to  Arrah,  this  catas- 
trophe, I think,  would  not  have  happened, 
because  he  would  have  been  more  cantious. 

“General  Lloyd  had  been,  I am  informed, 
nearly  fifty  years  in  India,  and,  from  bodily 
infirmity,  is  altogether  unfit  for  such  a com- 
mand in  such  troublesome  times.  Surely  it 
is  high  time  for  any  field  officer  to  retire 
when  he  requires  help  to  be  put  on  and 
taken  off  his  horse.  We  are  all  vexed 
beyond  measure  that  he  has  prevented  the 
brave  10th  from  proving  to  the  world  that, 
with  only  400  men,  they  would  have  licked, 
and  that  most  effectually,  three  regiments 
of  insurgent  sepoys. 

“We  hear  that  large  supplies  of  troops 
are  coming  to  our  aid.  I hope  the  British 
government  will  bear  in  mind  the  necessity 
of  keeping  up  a continued  flow  of  fresh 
regiments  for  some  time  to  come,  so  as  to 
supply  the  deficiency  which  sickness  will 
create.  It  is  not  the  mere  sending  of 
50,000  men  that  will  do  in  this  presidency 


alone,  unless  that  number  is  steadily  kept 
up  by  an  infusion  of  healthy  men  sent  out  j 
for  some  years  to  come,  to  supply  the  place  j 
of  invalids  sent  home  and  the  sick  in  hospi-  I 
tab  This,  believe  me,  is  a most  trying  cli- 
mate for  Europeans.” 

Another  letter  describes  the  disastrous 
night  march  near  Arrah,  in  the  following 
language : — 

“Patna,  July  31st. 

“ I thank  God  that  I am  alive  and  well, 
and  able  to  write  to  you  once  more.  I have 
been  in  great  danger,  and  never  expected  to 
reach  this  place  alive  again ; but  God  has 
been  most  merciful  to  me.  As  I dare  say 
you  would  like  to  hear  the  whole  story,  I 
will  begin  at  the  beginning.  About  a week 
ago,  as  we  have  long  anticipated,  the  three  j 
native  regiments  at  Dinapore  mutinied.  [ 
The  general,  an  old  man  in  his  second  child-  j 
hood,  managed  the  whole  affair  very  badly, 
or  rather  did  nothing  at  all.  No  one  knew 
who  was  in  command  of  the  Europeans;  no 
one  knew  who  to  look  to  for  orders;  the 
general  was  not  to  be  found ; and  the  conse- 
quence was,  that  the  three  regiments  man-  ] 
aged  to  get  clear  off  with  their  arms  and  j 
ammunition,  and  almost  without  losing  a 
single  man  ! The  general  was  advised  and 
asked  to  send  men  after  them ; but  this  he 
altogether  declined  to  do,  and  determined  j 
to  keep  every  European  in  Dinapore,  to  j 
take  care  of  that  place.  A day  or  so  after  ' 
the  mutineers  left,  we  heard  that  they  had 
gone  to  Arrah,  where  they  were  attacking 
poor  Wake  and  party,  consisting  of  about  j 
twelve  or  thirteen  Europeans,  and  fifty  I 
Sikhs.  Wake  had  strongly  fortified  a | 
puckha  house,  and  laid  in  lots  of  ammuni-  | 
tion  and  food.  Directly  w^e  heard  of  this, 
and  that  they  were  holding  out  well,  Mr. 
Tayler  wrote  to  the  general  to  send  out  aid 
to  them.  At  first  he  refused  ; but  after  re- 
ceiving a strong  letter  from  Mr.  Tayler,  he 
consented,  and  sent  off  200  Europeans  in  a , 
steamer.  The  next  day,  we  heard  that  the 
steamer  had  stuck  in  the  river,  and  that  the 
general  had  sent  orders  to  recall  them.  Of  ; 
course,  as  Englishmen,  we  were  in  a great  j 
rage  at  this — leaving  a number  of  poor  i 

fellows  to  their  fate;  so  off' and  I 

started,  at  twelve  at  night,  on  Tuesday 
last,  to  ascertain  the  facts.  When  we  got 
to  Dinapore,  we  found  that  he  had  been  : 
made  to  change  his  mind,  and  had  consented 
to  send  another  steamer  off,  which  luckily  ! 
happened  just  to  have  come  in.  In  this 
started  150  Europeans  and  50  Sikhs;  we 

115 


\KRAH — THE  NIGHT  ATTACK.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  1857. 


altogether  made  up  a force  of  400  men.  As 
AVake  is  one  of  the  greatest  friends  I have 
got,  I determined  to  give  him  a hand  if  I 
could,  and  so  volunteered  with  seven  other 
fellows,  five  of  whom  are  dead.  Well,  I 
was  up  all  that  Tuesday  night,  and,  at  day- 
light on  Wednesday,  off  we  started.  We 
reached  the  nearest  point  to  Arrah,  on  the 
banks  of  the  Ganges,  at  about  two  o’clock, 
and  were  beginning  to  get  dinner  ready  (so 
as  to  start  with  a good  feed,  as  we  could  not 
expect  to  get  anything  on  the  road),  when 
we  heard  our  advanced  guard  firing.  We 
immediately  all  fell  in,  and  went  off  to  the 
place,  about  two  miles  off,  where  we  found 
them  drawn  up  before  a large  nullah  (river) 
about  200  yards  wide,  firing  away  at  some 
sepoys  on  the  other  side.  The  sepoys,  when 
they  saw  us  coming,  ran  away ; and  then, 
as  w'e  had  got  so  far,  we  thought  we  might 
as  w’ell  go  on.  After  a delay  of  two  or  three 
hours  in  getting  boats  and  crossing  over,  it 
was  nearly  seven  o’clock  before  we  got  well 
off.  From  the  villagers  w'e  heard  that 
Wake  was  still  all  right  and  holding  out, 
which  was  confirmed  by  the  firing  we  heard, 
in  the  direction  of  Arrah,  of  big  guns.  It 
was  a beautiful  moonlight  night,  the  road  a 
very  bad  one  (a  kutcha  one  in  the  rains), 
and  wooded  country  on  both  sides  of  us. 
We  did  not  see  a soul  on  the  road,  though 
we  passed  through  several  villages,  until  we 
came  to  within  five  miles  of  Arrah,  where 
we  saw  a party  of  horsemen  ahead  of  us, 
who  galloped  off  before  we  got  within  shot. 
About  eleven  o’clock  the  moon  went  down ; 
however,  as  we  did  not  expect  that  the 
mutineers  would  face  us,  we  still  went  on, 
till  we  came  to  within  about  a mile  of  the 
fortified  house.  We  were  passing  a thick 
black  mango-grove  to  our  right,  when  all  of 
a sudden,  without  any  warning,  the  whole 
place  was  lit  up  by  a tremendous  volley 
poured  into  us  at  about  thirty  or  forty  yards’ 
distance.  It  is  impossible  to  say  how  many 
men  fired  into  us : some  say  500 ; some, 
1,500.  The  next  thing  I remember  was 
finding  myself  alone,  lying  in  the  middle  of 
the  road,  with  a crack  ou  the  head,  and  my 
hat  gone.  I suppose  I must  have  been 
stunned  for  a minute.  When  I recovered, 
there  were  several  men  lying  by  me,  but 
not  a living  soul  could  I see.  There  were 
lots  to  hear,  though  ; for  the  bullets  from 
right  to  left  were  whistling  over  my  head. 
1 was  just  thinking  where  our  men  could 
be,  and  which  Avay  I should  run,  when  I 
saw  the  sepoys  advancing  out  of  the  grove 
116 


with  their  bayonets,  within  a dozen  yards  of 
me.  I fired  mj'^  double-barrel  right  and 
left  into  them,  and  then  ran  towards  our 
men,  Avhom  I could  hear  shouting  on  the 
left,  under  a tremendous  fire  from  both  par- 
ties. Everything  now  was  in  a most  dread- 
ful confusion ; the  men  were  all  scattered  in 
groups  of  fifties  and  twenties,  firing  in  every 
direction,  and,  I fear,  killing  each  other. 
At  last  a Captain  Jones,  a very  fine  fellow — 
our  commander  was  never  seen  again  after 
the  first  volley — got  hold  of  a bugler,  and 
got  the  men  together  in  a sort  of  hollow 
place,  a half-filled  pond.  There  we  all  lay 
down  in  a square.  I was  iu  the  middle, 
with  the  doctor,  helping  him  to  tie  up  the 
wounds  of  the  poor  fellows,  and  bringing 
them  water.  The  firing  was  all  this  time 
going  on.  The  enemy  could  see  us,  as  we 
were  all  dressed  in  white ; while  they  were 
nearly  naked,  and  behind  trees  and  walls. 
However,  the  men  fired  about  at  random. 
At  last  the  poor  doctor  was  knocked  over, 
badly  wounded.  It  was  dreadful  to  hear 
the  poor  wounded  fellows  asking  for  help. 

“ I shall  never  forget  that  night  as  long 
as  I live.  We  held  a consultation,  and  de- 
termined to  retreat,  as  the  enemy  was  at 
least  3,000  or  4,000  strong,  and  had,  besides, 
several  cannon.  Directly  morning  dawned, 
we  formed  order  and  began  our  retreat. 
The  whole  distance,  sixteen  miles,  we  M"alked 
under  a most  tremendous  fire ; the  ditches, 
the  jungles,  the  houses,  and,  in  fact,  every 
place  of  cover  along  the  road,  was  lined  with 
sepoys.  We  kept  up  a fire  as  we  went  along ; 
but  what  could  we  do  ? We  could  see  no 
enemy,  only  puffs  of  smoke.  We  tried  to 
charge,  but  there  was  nobody  to  charge  : on 
all  sides  they  fired  into  us,  and  were  scat- 
tered all  over  the  country,  in  groups  of  tens 
and  twenties.  Dozens  of  poor  fellows  were 
knocked  over  within  a yard  of  me  on  my 
right  and  left ; but,  thank  God  ! I escaped 
iu  the  most  wonderful  way.  The  last  five 
miles  of  the  road  I carried  a poor  wounded 
fellow,  who  begged  me  not  to  leave  him ; 
and  though  we  had  had  nothing  to  eat  for 
more  than  twenty-four  hours,  and  I had  had 
no  sleep  for  two  nights,  I never  felt  so 
strong  iu  my  life,  and  I stepped  out  with 
the  man  as  if  he  had  been  a feather,  though 
he  was  as  big  as  myself.  Poor  fellow  ! the 
men,  most  of  them  more  or  less  wounded, 
were  leaving  him  behind ; and  the  cowardly 
sepoys,  who  never  came  within  200  yards  of 
us,  were  running  up  to  murder  him.  I gut 
the  poor  fellow  safe  over  the  nullah ; I swam 


; A.D.  1857.] 

out  and  got  a boat,  put  him  iu,  and  went 
i over  with  a lot  of  others.  The  poor  fellow 
; thanked  me  with  tears  iu  his  eyes.  At  the 
I crossing  of  the  nullah  we  lost  a great  many 
; men;  they  threw  away  their  muskets  to 
j pull  the  boats  and  to  swim  over,  and  were 
shot  down  like  sheep. 

" I never  before  knew  the  horrors  of  war ; 
and  what  I have  gone  through,  I hope,  will 
make  a lasting  impression  on  my  mind,  and 
make  me  think  more  of  God,  and  His  great 
goodness  to  me.  I am  sure  God  spared  me 
because  He  knew  I was  not  fit  to  die ; and 
I pray  God  that  He  will  prepare  me,  for  we 
can  truly  say,  we  know  not  what  a day  may 
bring  forth.  I had  several  extraordinary 
escapes ; one  bullet  went  between  my  legs 
as  I was  walking,  and  broke  a man’s  leg  in 
front  of  me;  another  bullet  hit  me  on  the 
back  of  the  head,  knocking  me  down,  but 
hardly  breaking  the  skin.  Everything  here 
I is  quiet  as  yet,  but  people  are  in  a great 
panic.  I cannot  say  that  I am.  Out  of  the 
400  fine  fellows  that  started  for  Arrah, 
nearly  200  were  killed;  and  of  the  remainder, 
j I do  not  think  more  than  50  to  80  were 
not  wounded ; out  of  seven  volunteers,  five 
j were  knocked  over,  four  killed,  and  one 
wounded.  This  has  been  the  most  disas- 
trous affair  that  has  happened  out  here.  I 
hope,  however,  we  may  soon  get  some  more 
j troops  from  Calcutta,  and  get  back  our 
name.  I cry  to  think  of  the  way  we  were 
beaten,  and  of  the  number  of  poor  fellows 
who  were  killed.  I will  send  this  letter  at 
once ; for,  perhaps,  the  dak  may  be  stopped, 
and  I may  not  be  able  to  send  a letter  in  a 
day  or  two.  I will  write  again  if  I can,  but 
do  not  be  alarmed  if  I do  not.  The  crack 
on  my  head  hardly  broke  the  skin,  and  is 
nothing;  the  bullet  hit  me  sideways,  and 
the  folds  of  cloth  I had  round  my  hat 
saved  me. 

“August  1st. — I have  just  heard  that  about 
thirty  men  came  in  last  night  who  got  sepa- 
rated from  us  in  the  dark,  and  wandered  to 
the  river,  where  they  got  off  in  a native 
boat.  The  authentic  return  I have  just 
seen ; 150  men  killed,  the  rest  wounded, 
except  about  fifty  men,  who  escaped  un- 
touched. I suppose  such  a disastrous  affair 
was  never  heard  of  before  in  India — most 
dreadful  mismanagement  throughout.  Of 
course  we  did  not  relieve  poor  Wake  and 
his  garrison.” 

The  following  narrative  is  contained  in  a 
letter  from  Mr.  William  M'Donell,  magis- 
trate of  Chuprah,  who  writes  from  that 


[affairs  at  chuprah. 

place,  on  the  3rd  of  September,  as  fol- 
lows : — 

“On  the  evening  of  the  25th  of  July,  or 
rather  in  the  middle  of  the  night,  a note 
came  from  Dinapore,  saying  that  the 
troops  were  very  shaky,  but  that  her 
majesty’s  10th,  and  the  guns,  were  ready 
for  them.  Next  morning  we  got  an  official 
despatch  from  the  brigade-office,  telling  us 
that  all  three  native  corps  had  gone  off  in 
a westerly  direction  (this  was  at  11  a.m.), 
and  that  the  10th  were  after  them.  About 
half-an-hour  afterwards,  we  got  a note  from 
Daunt  at  Peiprah  (an  indigo  factory,  about 
fifty  miles  north  of  Chuprah),  that  the  12th 
irregular  cavalry  had,  on  the  23rd,  muti- 
nied, murdered  all  their  officers  and  their 
wives,  and  had  then  set  off  towards  Sewan. 
He  said  he  wrote  on  the  chance  of  our  not 
having  heard  it,  though  it  had  occurred 
three  days  before.  On  hearing  this,  we 
held  a cabinet  council,  and  determined 
that  Chuprah  was  no  longer  safe.  So 
Martin,  Richardson  and  his  wife,  set  off  at 
once ; the  doctor  and  his  wife  followed 
soon  afterwards ; and  about  two  o’clock  I 
was  thinking  of  following  them,  when 
I remembered  that  all  my  prisoners,  owing 
to  cholera  having  broken  out  iu  the  gaol, 
were  in  the  opium  godown.  Now,  as  they 
could  easily  escape  from  there,  I went  and 
saw  them  all  into  the  gaol.  By  this  time 
everybody  knew  that  the  officials  had 
bolted  ; and  people  seemed  so  alarmed,  that 
I determined  on  staying  a little  longer. 
About  6 p.M.  I got  a note  from  Mr.  Gars- 
ton,  asking  if  I was  in  the  station,  as  he 
heard  I was  alone.  He  was  returning  from 
the  district.  I said  I was,  but  I advised 
him  to  bolt ; but,  instead  of  that,  he  very 
pluckily  came  in  and  stayed  with  me.  We  j 
rode  round  the  town,  to  show  the  people  ! 
we  had  not  bolted,  and  then  came  home, 
and  went  to  bed  without  undressing ; and 
we  had  our  horses  saddled,  standing  all 
night  at  the  door.  About  twelve  o’clock 
that  night  I got  a pencil  note,  not  signed, 
but  written,  I saw,  by  Lynch,  saying  he 
had  escaped  from  Sewan  with  his  life,  and 
that  the  cavalry  were  there.  Early  in  the 
morning  I got  a second  note,  saying  that 
the  troopers  had  come  down  the  Chuprah- 
road,  searching  for  Lynch  and  M'Donell, 
the  deputy  opium  agent.  About  10  a.m.  j 
I heard  that  the  Dinapore  mutineers  had 
reached  Arrah ; and  while  in  cutcherry, 
about  three  o’clock,  a man  on  a pony  came 
galloping  in,  saying  that  the  cavalry  were 

117  i 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


UHUPRAH — A FLIGHT.] 

1 — — 

I withio  ten  miles  of  Chuprah.  I finished 
1 the  case  I was  about,  and  I fear  rather 
I hastily,  and  then  rode  home ; and  Garston 
and  I agreed  it  was  time  to‘  bolt ; so  we 
made  a start  for  it,  going  through  the 
! town,  and  to  the  police-station,  and  also  to 
the  missionaries,  to  tell  them  we  were 
going,  and  advising  them  to  do  the  same. 
AVe  rode  down  to  Doreegunge,  about  eight 
miles,  and  saw  the  smoke  of  a steamer  in 
the  distance,  so  we  waited  until  she  came 
near.  AVe  found  Martin,  and  Richardson, 
and  the  doctor  on  board,  with  a party  of 
the  5th  fusiliers,  and  some  thirteen  Sikhs. 
On  hearing  that  the  cavalry  were  on  their 
way  here,  and  that  the  rebels  were  at 
I Arrah,  all  agreed  it  would  be  folly  to 
go  back  with  only  thirteen  Sikhs,  so  we 
got  a party  of  the  5th  fusiliers  to  go  with 
1 us,  and  we  started  off  in  boats  for  Chuprah, 
i which  we  reached  at  11  p.m.  AA^e  went  to 
the  collector’s,  and  all  assisted  in  packing 
1 treasure,  and  we  started  back  for  the 
i steamer  with  some  90,000  rupees.  If  they 
had  left  me  fifty  men  I would  have  stopped 
! at  Chuprah,  but  not  with  only  thirteen 
I Sikhs.  As  the  men  could  not  be  spared, 

I back  we  went ; and,  on  the  way,  we  heard 
that  the  Arrah  people,  consisting  of  my 
! friend  AA'^ake,  officiating  magistrate ; Little- 
i dale,  the  judge;  Coombes,  the  collector; 
Boyle,  railway  engineer,  and  some  six  or 
seven  others,  were  besieged  in  a small  bun- 
galow by  the  three  Dinapore  corps.  On 
reaching  Dinapore,  I found  that  200  men 
[ of  the  37th  (Queen’s),  and  fifty  Sikhs,  had 
[ been  sent  to  relieve  Arrah ; but,  unfortu- 
I nately  the  steamer  grounded,  through 
treachery,  I believe,  on  the  part  of  the 
1 pilot.  There  the  steamer  lay,  quite  close 
to  Dinapore,  and  the  authorities  doing 
I nothing.  I went  to  the  general,  and  urged 
upon  him,  that  unless  relieved  soon,  the 
I garrison  must  all  be  murdered ; and  that  if 
he  would  send  a fresh  detachment  in  boats, 
j I could  show  them  another  way  to  Arrah, 
where  the  steamer  was  sure  not  to  stick, 
and  that  I knew  the  road  from  the  ghaut 
to  Arrah.  He  said,  if  I would  really  go 
with  them,  he  would  send  some  of  the  10th. 
Just  then,  another  steamer  came  iu  : it  was 
agreed  that  all  the  passengers  were  to  be 
! landed  and  put  into  the  church,  and  that 
I 500  of  the  10th  were  to  start  at  three  next 
, morning.  AVhile  making  arrangements,  I 
got  a note  from  Tayler,  the  commissioner, 
saying,  he  had  heard  I had  volunteered  to 
show  the  wav,  but  that  he  could  not  spare 
118 


[a.d.  1857.  I 

me ; so  I at  once  got  into  a native  cart  at 
ten  at  night,  and  drove  to  Patna,  which  I | 
reached  about  half-past  11  p.m.  I saw  i 
Tayler,  and  begged  him  to  let  me  go,  as,  i 
humanly  speaking,  it  was  the  only  way  of 
saving  the  little  garrison.  At  last  he  said,  ' 
that  if  the  general  really  laid  any  stress  on 
my  going  he  would  not  object.  He  ordered 
his  carriage,  and  I drove  down  with  him 
and  young  Mangles  to  Dinapore.  It  was  , 
then  nearly  two  o’clock.  AVe  woke  up  the 
general,  and  he  told  Tayler  that  it  was  very 
important  that  I should  go,  as  I knew  the 
road,  and  he  would  trust  to  me.  By  this 
time  it  was  the  hour  fixed  to  start.  AVe 
drove  down  to  the  steamer,  and,  to  my  dis- 
gust,  found  all  the  passengers  still  on 
board.  There  was  great  delay  and  squab- 
bling; and,  at  5 a.m.,  the  general  said, 

‘ Oh,  if  there  is  not  room  in  the  steamer, 
never  mind ; the  flat  takes  only  150  men.’ 
So  all  the  others  went  back.  This  caused 
endless  confusion.  Colonel  Fenwick  would 
not  go  with  only  150  of  his  men;  and 
ordered  Captain  Dunbar  to  take  the  com- 
mand. At  last  we  got  off,  and  came  up  to 
the  other  steamer — got  her  flat,  containing 
200  of  the  37th  and  50  Sikhs  ; steamed  on, 
and  landed  at  Buhira  Ghaut  about  2 p.m. 
Of  the  disasters  that  befei  us  on  that  occa- 
sion you  must  have  seen  a long  account, 
but  I will  give  a brief  sketch.  About  tw'o 
miles  from  the  ghaut  there  is  a river,  after 
crossing  which  you  get  on  the  public  road 
to  Arrah  from  Chuprah,  a distance  of  about 
twelve  miles.  As  I was  not  sure  I should 
find  boats,  as  we  were  in  au  enemy’s  coun- 
try, I offered  to  go  on  with  a small  party 
of  Sikhs,  and  secure  the  boats,  while  the 
Europeans  had  their  dinner  on  the  bank.  So 
off  lugilby,  of  the  7th  native  infantry  (who 
volunteered,  and  commanded  the  Sikhs), 
Garston  and  myself,  with  twenty  men, 
went  to  the  river  side.  On  reaching  the 
river’s  bank,  we  found  all  the  boats  drawn 
up  on  the  other  side,  and  about  200  men 
assembled.  They  had  four  or  five  of  those 
long  native  guns  stuck  on  three  sticks, 
and  began  blazing  at  us ; whereupon  two 
of  our  party  said  they  would  return  for  aid. 
AVe  told  them  particularly  not  to  disturb 
the  Europeans,  but  to  ask  for  the  rest  of 
the  Sikhs,  fifty  being  sufficient  to  dislodge  ! 
the  enemy.  AVe  immediately  set  to  work, 
and  blazed  across  the  river,  and  soon  set  all 
the  fellows  running.  Two  Sikhs  then 
swam  across,  and  got  a small  boat,  in  j 
w’hich  Ingilby,  Garston  and  myself,  with  j 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


A.D.  1857.]  INDIAN  MUTINY.  [defeat  at  arrah. 

i 

ten  Sikhs,  crossed.  We  were  hardly  across, 
M'hen,  to  our  disgust,  we  saw  all  the  Euro- 
peans coming  up  at  the  double-quick — these 
fools  having  reported  that  we  were  sur- 
rounded; so  the  10th  came  away  without 
getting  their  dinners,  or  even  a drop  of 
grog,  and  had  brought  nothing  with  them. 
We  all  crossed,  and  by  the  time  we  were  in 
marching  order  it  was  four  o’clock.  In- 
gilby,  Garston,  myself,  and  twenty  Sikhs, 
formed  the  vanguard ; then  came  150  of 
the  10th ; then  50  Sikhs ; and,  lastly,  200 
of  the  37th  (Queen’s.)  We  marched  four 
miles  all  right,  when  we  saw  some  ten  or 
twelve  horsemen  in  front.  However,  they 
galloped  off  before  any  damage  could  be 
done  to  them.  The  men  got  very  foot- 
sore, and  we  halted  at  the  Kainnugger 
bridge,  about  three  miles  from  Arrah,  at 
10  p.M. ; and  here  we  ought  to  have  re- 
mained for  the  night ; but,  after  stopping 
about  half-an-hour,  on  we  marched.  I 
fancy  poor  Dunbar  thought  it  useless 
halting,  considering  his  men  had  nothing 
with  them,  and  that  it  would  be  better  to 
push  on.  What  possessed  us  I know  not : 
up  to  this  time  we  had  made  the  Sikhs 
throw  out  skirmishers ; but  now  we  marched 
in  a body — Ingilby  and  Dunbar,  who  was 
talking  to  me,  with  about  twenty  Sikhs, 
some  200  yards  in  advance  of  the  main 
body.  After  marching  to  within  half  a 
mile  of  Arrah,  we  arrived  at  a thick  tope  of 
trees,  and  the  moonlight  hardly  showed 
through ; in  fact,  the  moon  was  setting. 
Well,  we  had  got  nearly  through,  when, 
like  a flash  of  lightning  all  along  our  left 
side,  came  one  blaze  of  musketry,  and  then 
another,  and  a third  volley.  By  the  light 
the  firing  made  we  could  see  we  were  sur- 
rounded. We  got  behind  the  trees,  and 
tried  to  return  the  fire ; Dunbar,  myself, 
three  of  the  10th,  and  two  Sikhs,  got 
together  and  blazed  away.  Foolishly,  I 
had  given  my  powder-flask  and  bullets, 
&c.,  to  a native  to  carry  : of  conrse,  he  dis- 
appeared ; and,  after  firing  off  two  barrels, 
I was  powerless — not  for  long,  however ; 
for  the  next  minute  we  got  a volley  into 
us.  I fancy  our  firing  showed  where  we 
were.  Poor  Dunbar  fell  against  me,  mor- 
tally wounded.  I was  covered  with  his 
blood.  A ball  hit  me  in  the  thigh,  cutting 
it  slightly  only  ; at  the  same  time,  two  of 
the  10th  and  one  Sikh  also  fell.  I imme- 
diately picked  up  an  Enfield  rifle  belonging 
to  the  10th  man,  and  his  cartridge-box, 
and  began  blazing  away.  I then  shouted 

out  that  Dunbar  was  killed  ; that  the  first 
officer  in  command  had  best  give  orders. 
This  brought  another  volley  on  us,  and 
another  man  dropped.  We  then  tried  to 
joiu  the  main  body,  and  ran  from  tree  to 
tree  : the  Europeans  seeing  us  coming  (all 
Sikhs  nearly),  thought  we  were  the  enemy, 
and  fired  into  us,  killing  several ; in  fact,  I 
fear  as  many  of  our  men  were  killed  by 
their  own  comrades  as  by  the  enemy.  In 
the  night,  it  was  difficult  to  tell  friend  from 
foe ; and,  after  having  to  dodge  round  a 
tree,  you,  in  the  dark,  could  hardly  tell 
where  your  friends  were,  and  where  your 
foes.  At  last,  most  of  us  got  together,  and 
beat  a retreat  towards  a tank,  near  which 
was  a high  bank  ; we  got  to  the  other  side 
of  this  bank,  and  lay  there  all  night,  the 
enemy  firing  into  us  every  five  minutes ; 
and,  foolishly,  our  men  would  return  the 
shot.  It  was  bad  policy — it  showed  where 
we  were ; and  we  could  not  afford  to  throw 
away  a single  shot.  Young  Anderson,  a 
very  nice  young  fellow  of  the  22ud  native 
infantry  (a  volunteer),  was  standing  up  be- 
hind the  hedge ; he  was  shot  through  the 
head,  and  jumped  up  like  a buck — of 
course,  killed  on  the  spot.  About  daylight 
we  counted  our  forces,  and  found  that  we 
were  about  350  strong — 100  missing;  after- 
wards, about  50  of  these  joined  us,  being 
concealed  in  a village  close  by;  the  rest 
were  killed.  We  could  see  the  enemy,  and 
tried  to  make  out  their  number.  There 
were  the  three  Dinapore  regiments  drawn 
up  in  order,  with  bugles  sounding  the  ad- 
vance; about  2,000  men,  with  long  match- 
locks, belonging  to,  and  headed  by.  Baboo 
Koer  Sing;  and  more  than  1,000  of  the 
disbanded  sepoys,  who  had  managed  to 
join  him ; and  a large  rabble  armed  with 
swords,  spears,  &c. — not  formidable  in 
themselves,  but  who  were  occupied  in 
killing  all  the  wounded,  beating  them  like 
dogs.  We  tried  to  make  the  men  charge; 
but  they  were  tired,  wet,  and  a great  num- 
ber wounded.  My  leg,  from  lying  on  the 
damp  ground,  and  from  the  bleeding,  was 
so  stiff  I could  hardly  walk ; however,  I 
soon  warmed  up.  Unfortunately,  the  doc- 
tor was  one  of  the  first  wounded ; and, 
though  he  did  his  best,  poor  fellow  ! he 
could  not  bind  up  the  wounds  properly. 
There  were  no  dhoolies,  so  that  the  wounded 
had  to  march  with  the  rest.  Then  com- 
menced our  retreat.  They  completely  sur- 
rounded us,  and  fired  into  us  all  the  way 
back — twelve  miles — men  dropping  every 

119 

! 

1 

i 

. 

ARRAH — THE  MASSACRE.] 


HISTOEY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  1857. 


minute ; and  some,  badly  wounded,  were, 

I fear,  left  behind  and  killed  by  the  enemy. 
By  the  time  we  reached  the  boats,  a hun- 
dred must  have  been  killed — and  then  com- 
menced the  massacre.  The  boats,  which 
we  expected  to  have  been  taken  away,  were 
all  there ; so,  with  a cheer,  we  all  rushed 
to  them,  when,  to  our  dismay,  we  found 
they  had  fastened  them  securely  to  the 
shore,  and  had  dragged  them  up  out  of 
the  water,  placing,  about  300  yards  off, 
a small  cannon,  with  which  they  blazed 
into  us.  (I  forgot  to  say,  that  all  the  way 
they  pitched  into  us  with  four  small  can- 
nons.) The  men,  to  escape  the  shot,  got 
into  the  boats ; and,  of  course,  as  long  as 
they  were  in  them,  it  was  impossible  to 
push  the  boats  off : so  a number  of  men 
stripped  themselves,  throwing  away  their 
rifles  and  everything,  and  some  of  them 
managed  to  reach  the  other  side.  The 
wounded  men,  of  course,  could  not  swim, 
j and  some  of  us  knew  that  we  could  never 
reach  the  shore ; so  out  we  jumped,  and 
managed  to  get  two  of  the  boats  off : well, 
j then  we  were  at  the  mercy  of  the  wind  and 
I stream,  for  not  an  oar  had  they  left  us. 
The  wind  was  favourable,  and  we  started 
off  splendidly,  when,  lo  and  behold  ! we  gra- 
dually turned  towards  the  shore ; and  then 
I saw  they  had  tied  our  rudder,  so  as  to 
bring  us  in  again.  I told  the  men  to  cut 
it ; but  no  one  moved,  and  so  I got  a knife 
and  climbed  up  to  the  rudder.  It  was  one 
of  those  country  boats,  covered  in  except 
just  at  the  stern.  The  moment  they  saw 
what  I was  at,  they  blazed  at  me ; but  God 
in  His  mercy  preserved  me.  Two  bullets 
went  through  my  hat,  but  I was  not 
touched.  The  rope  was  cut,  and  we  were 
saved  ; but  about  half-way  across  we  struck 
on  a sand-bank,  and  then  the  bullets  poured 
in  so  fast,  that  nearly  every  one  jumped 
overboard.  One  young  officer  jumped  over 
as  he  was,  with  his  sword  on,  and  down  he 
went ; another  (Ingilby)  was  shot  in  the 
head,  and  either  drowned  or  killed.  I 
threw  my  pistol  overboard ; my  coat  I had 
thrown  away  early  in  the  morning,  as, 
being  a coloured  one,  it  made  me  con- 
spicuous among  the  soldiers,  who  were  all 
in  white.  How  I swam  on  shore  I know 
not,  as  it  is  not  an  accomplishment  I am  a 
‘ dab’  at.  Wlien  once  on  shore,  we  were 
pretty  safe ; and  250  out  of  450  reached 
the  steamer  alive.  Since  then,  nearly  100 
more,  from  wounds,  exposure,  &c.,  have 
died;  making  a loss  of  300  out  of  450 — the 
120 


worst  that  has  befallen  us  yet;  nearly 
every  one  was  wounded.” 

A lady,  apparently  one  of  the  fugitives 
from  Arrah,  dates  her  letter,  of  the  28th 
July,  from  “ Boat  off  Dinapore,”  and  de- 
scribes the  events  in  which  she  had  partici-  I 
pated  thus  ; — j 

“ You  cannot  imagine  the  horrors  we  and  ! 
many  others  have  had  to  go  through,  but,  ! 
thank  God  1 we  have  still  been  spared,  j 
though  we  had  a very  hard  run  for  our 
lives,  and  are  now  refugees  without  home  or 
anything  but  a few  clothes,  which  we  had 
just  time  to  secure.  Our  house  is  burnt  to 
tbe  ground,  and  everything  in  and  about  it. 
On  the  evening  of  the  25th  we  got  a private 
note  from  the  brigade-major  in  Dinapore, 
under  official  cover,  to  say  the  troops  were 
expected  to  mutiny  every  moment,  and  to 
make  our  arrangements  accordingly.  We 
had  been  so  often  frightened  before  that  we 
did  not  think  so  much  of  it,  but  got  a boat 
anchored  close  to  our  house,  and  as  many 
of  the  ferry-boats  on  our  side  of  the  river 
as  we  could.  Went  to  bed,  and  about 
four  o’clock  in  the  morning  heard  that 
sepoys  were  gathering  on  the  opposite  banks; 
did  not  believe  it,  but  got  up  and  went  to 
the  boat;  saw  nothing  unusual  ourselves,  so 
went  home  again.  Presently  another  alarm 
came,  and  we  all  coolly  walked  to  the  river 
side,  and,  to  our  dismay,  saw  something 
very  like  sepoys  opposite.  Before  we  knew 
where  we  were,  they  had,  many  of  them,  got 
into  boats  and  were  firing  at  us,  and  we  saw 
the  houses  and  works  beginning  to  smoke. 

“We  got  into  our  boat  half  dead  with 
fright,  and  made  off  as  fast  as  strength  could 
get  us.  It  w'as  awful;  ten  minutes  more 
and  we  could  not  have  escaped ; or  if  our 
villagers  had  proved  treacherous  nothing 
could  have  saved  us,  as  we  should,  if  we  had 
got  from  the  banks,  have  been  fired  at  on 
passing,  as  they  have  done  but  too  effec- 
tually in  many  places.  We  took  the  river 
for  Dinapore,  and  all  the  way  down  we  saw 
nothing  but  fires — bungalows,  villages,  any- 
thing the  villains  could  fire. 

“We  got  near  Dinapore,  and  found  all 
the  sepoy  lines  in  a blaze ; and  after  about 
six  hours  we  got  the  news  that  3,000  of  the 
native  troops  had  mutinied,  and  made  direct 
for  Knockar  on  their  way  up  to  Arrah,  and 
the  stations  up  country.  It  is  dreadful  that 
nothing  was  done  to  prevent  these  three 
regiments  from  marching  off  with  arms  and 
ammunition,  and  that  the  10th  were  not 
even  allowed  to  fight  them. 


INDIAN  MUTINA’’.  [general  Lloyd’s  defence. 


A.D.  1857.] 

” All  Dinapore  is  perfectly  incensed  about 
, it;  and  what  should  we  be?  We  have  had 
! a good  deal  of  news  since  of  their  doings; 
it  is  perfectly  awful.  We  met  a steamer 
going  up  with  five  companies  to  our  rescue  : 
I they  got  but  half-way,  and  had  to  come 

back  for  want  of  water.  might  have 

sent  some  detachments  on  elephants  ; but  it 
is  too  late  by  a couple  of  days.  The  first 
thing  they  fired  on  the  east  side  was  our 
new  liouse ; and  then  they  crossed  and 
destroyed  everything,  and  every  building 
j belonging  to  the  works : but,  before  that, 

I they  butchered  a poor  inspector,  his  wife 
I and  daughter  ; and  burnt,  robbed,  and  com- 
I mitted  all  imaginable  atrocities : my  poor 
[ pet  buggy  horse  was  killed  in  his  stable,  and 
every  living  thing  destroyed.  They  fired  the 
coal  heap,  and  wantonly  threw  the  sheep, 
&c.,  on  the  top.  Out  of  all  the  houses  and 
immense  works  and  materials  collected  for 
the  bridge,  not  a stick  is  left.  What  the 
sepoys  could  not  take  or  destroy,  the  vil- 
lagers plundered. 

“ We  had  no  time  to  get  the  treasury 
from  Knockar-house ; and  it,  of  course,  is 
gone.  It  is  a sad  thing — the  work  of  years  ; 
and  property  to  an  enormous  extent.  All 
our  European  inspectors  escaped,  mostly 
without  a single  thing  save  what  was  on 
their  backs;  except  one,  a fine  young  man  : 
poor  fellow!  he  was  butchered — was  too  late 
to  get  into  the  boats.  It  is  feared  many 
between  us  and  Arrah  are  gone.  As  for 
Arrah,  we  are  in  great  alarm  about  it. 

I Some  of  the  up-couutry  engineers  and  civil 
I servants  fled  to  a small  bungalow  they  had 
I fortified.  Arrah  we  know  is  in  full  posses- 
I sioii  of  the  rebels.  The  prisoners  are  let 
! loose,  and  are  destroying  everything.  But 
the  fate  of  the  poor  people  we  cannot  tell, 
i There  has  been  no  news  since  five  in  the 
j evening  of  the  26th.  If  they  stand  out  some 
1 six  or  eight  days,  against  2,000  or  3,000 
sepoys,  it  will  be  by  a miracle.  It  is  a 
sad  thing  that  human  lives  and  property 
should  be  left  in  charge  of  such  generals. 
Our  own  unfortunate  position  prevents  my 
dwelling  upon  that  of  many  others.  But 
there  have  been  dreadful  accounts  from 
up-country ; official  reports  of  engineers’ 
deaths — wives  and  all,  iu  some  cases.  The 
country  is  iu  a fearful  state  all  over.  Patna 
is  expected  to  go  next.  What  we  shall  do, 
or  where  to  go  to,  I know  not ; the  steamers 
going  down  are  too  full  of  up-country  refu- 
i gees  to  leave  room  for  us.  Dinapore  is  so 
j full,  that  for  any  amount  we  could  not  get  a 
vor.  II.  R 


single  room.  We  have  no  help  but  to  live 
as  we  have  been  doing,  which  is,  I must 
confess,  very  wretched — five  of  us  in  an  open 
boat,  with  a thatched  bamboo  chopper  over 
part  of  it  to  keep  off  the  sun.  I need  not 
tell  you  we  are  very  harassed  both  iu  body 
and  mind;  but  if  God  gives  us  health  we 
shall  yet  be  very  thankful.” 

The  conduct  of  Major-general  Lloyd  in 
this  unfortunate  affair,  appears  to  have  been 
early  brought  to  the  notice  of  the  govern- 
ment of  Bengal;  which  felt  itself  called  upon 
to  relieve  that  officer  from  the  responsibility 
of  further  command  of  the  division:  and  the 
following  paragraph  in  the  ''  official  narra- 
tive of  events  within  the  presidency,  up  to  j 
the  8th  of  August,”  as  transmitted  by  the  ! 
governor-general  in  council  to  the  Court  of  i 
Directors  on  that  date,  expresses  very  plainly  ' 
the  feeling  that  prevailed  upon  the  subject  at  j 
the  seat  of  government : — [ 

“ Major-general  Lloyd  has  been  removed 
from  his  command  (at  Dinapore)  for  his  cul- 
pable neglect,  and  the  commander-in-chief 
has  been  requested  to  institute  the  usual 
preliminary  inquiry  preparatory  to  his  trial 
by  court-martial.”* 

It  is  only  fair,  that  an  officer  whose  pro- 
fessional reputation  had  been  so  rudely 
assailed  by  private  individuals,  and  whose 
conduct  had  been  stigmatised  by  his  supe- 
riors {previous  to  inquiry)  as  involving  “ cul- 
pable neglect,”  should  be  allowed  to  vindi- 
cate himself  in  the  same  pages  that  record 
his  alleged  misconduct.  The  following  pas- 
sages from  a letter  addressed  by  the  major- 
general  to  his  brother,  the  Rev.  A.  F.  Lloyd, 
dated  “ Dinapore,  September  3rd,”  may 
enable  a disinterested  reader  to  form  a just  ! 
estimate  of  the  whole  affair  : — 

“ On  the  25th  of  July,  1857,  I was  far 
from  well ; and  on  that  day  the  crisis  oc- 
curred here;  and,iu  consequence,  mymauner 
may  not  have  been  so  firm  and  decided  as  it 
used  to  be.  But  my  acts  will,  I think,  bear 
the  strictest  scrutiny;  and  although  from 
my  gouty  feet  I am  physically  unequal  to 
active  bodily  exertion,  I assert,  that  in  judg- 
ment and  intellect  I am  fully  equal,  if  not 
superior,  to  any  of  the  younger  commanders 
at  Dinapore.  The  way  I have  been  vilified  ; 
and  abused  by  the  press,  forces  me  thus  to 
assert  my  own  qualifications  iu  a style  which 
might  otherwise  be  thought  unbecoming. 
However,  the  shortcomings  of  some  of  those 
who  had  previously  talked  much,  but,  w hen  ! 
the  time  came,  did  little,  have  been  visited  i 
• Pari.  Papers  (Xo.  4),  1857.  I 

121 


DIXAPOKE EMBARRASSMENTS.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a-D.  185i 


very  hardly  on  me ; and  the  difficult  nature 
of  the  country,  and  the  peculiar  one  of  the 
j locality  of  the  Dinapore  cantonment  at  this 
I season,  as  well  as  the  small  available  Euro- 
’ poan  force  at  Dinapore,  have  been  quite  lost 
sij;ht  of  by  those  who  have  seen  fit  to  pub- 
lish their  dogmatical  opinions  as  to  what 
should  or  should  not  have  been  done  on  the 
occasion  of  the  late  outbreak  here.  Dina- 
I pore  cantonment  is  a nai'row  strip  of  land, 
bounded  on  the  north  by  the  river  Ganges, 
and  on  the  south  by  a deep  muddy  nullah 
and  bay ; and  it  is  swampy  ground — rice- 
fields — in  short,  a perfect  sea  in  the  rains; 
and  this  description  answers  for  the  nature 
of  the  country  from  Dinapore  to  Koelwar 
Ghaut  on  the  Soane — with  this  difference, 
that  the  swamp  extends  in  a great  degree  to 
the  Ganges  and  Soane,  westward  of  Dinapore, 
and  renders  the  country  quite  impassable 
for  artillery  in  the  rainy  season,  and  very 
difficult  for  the  passage  of  infantry.  1 must 
here  remark,  that  from  the  27th  of  June  to 
the  25th  of  July,  there  Avas  nearly  incessant 
rain,  but  the  river  Ganges  had  not  risen  to 
within  eight  or  ten  feet  of  its  highest  level. 

“On  the  4th  of  June  (without  any  ap- 
parent cause,  except  it  be  that  the  17th 
regiment  of  native  infantryat  Azimgurh*  had 
deserted  vith  their  arms,  after  shooting  the 
interpreter  and  quartermaster  only,  though 
they  had  all  the  rest  of  the  officers  in  their 
power,  escorting  them  in  safety  to  Ghazee- 
pore),  it  seems  to  have  been  determined  by 
the  military  authorities  atBenaresf  to  disarm 
the  37th  regiment  of  native  infantry;  and 
ultimately  this  was  attempted,  but  in  such 
a manner,  that  though  the  men  of  the  37th 
had  lodged  their  arms  in  their  bells  of  arms, 
they  were  fired  on  with  grape  and  musketry. 
The  Sikhs  present,  and  most  of  the  13th 
irregular  cavalry,  joined  them  in  resisting 
this  attack  ; and  as  it  was  everywhere  stigma- 
tised as  ‘ Feringhee  ka  Daghah,^  it  caused 
the  instant  revolt  of  the  6th  regiment,  at 
Allahabad,  on  the  6th  of  July,];  and  revolt 
at  Fyzabad  on  the  8th  of  June.§  It  created 
the  greatest  excitement  in  the  three  native 
regiments  here  on  the  7th  of  June;  and 
had  it  not  been  for  the  great  exertions  of 
the  European  officers,  the  men  of  those 
three  regiments  would  have  deserted  with 
their  arms  that  very  night.  Subordination 
was,  however,  preserved,  and  the  men  were 
reassured  and  remained  faithful.  I had 
lauded  150  men  of  the  Madras  fusiliers. 


• See  Tol.  i.,  p.  207. 
1 Ibid.,  p.  252. 

122 


t See  vol.  i.,  p.  224. 
§ Ibid.,  p.  393. 


with  the  intention  of  disarming  the  native 
corps ; but,  as  I was  quite  aware  the  men 
might  have  decamped  with  their  arms  in 
spite  of  anything  1 could  do,  I was  glad  to 
be  able  to  defer  such  a measure  for  the  pre- 
sent, particularly  as  it  was  of  great  impor- 
tance to  push  on  European  troops  towards 
the  north-west,  as  the  only  means  of  saving 
our  officers  and  men  still  holding  out  in 
those  parts. 

“ Contemplating  the  possibility  of  a mu- 
tiny of  the  native  troops  here,  and  feeling 
sure  that  in  such  an  event  they  would  make 
off  towards  Arrah,  it  was  with  satisfaction  I 
heard  that  measures  had  been  adopted  by 
the  magistrate  of  Shahabad  (of  which  dis- 
trict Arrah  is  the  Sudder  station),  to  have  all 
the  boats  on  the  Soane  river  collected  on 
! the  western  bank;  and  in  case  of  an  out- 
break of  the  native  corps  at  Dinapore,  they 
, were  to  be  destroyed  or  sunk,  so  as  to  hinder 
the  crossing  of  the  river.  When  the  time 
came,  the  man  entrusted  with  the  duty — a 
Mr.  Pahlen,  of  the  railway  works — thought 
only  of  his  own  safety,  and  fled  with  his 
iron  boats,  without  an  attempt  to  carry  out 
the  plan. 

“ As  I was  quite  aware  of  the  likelihood 
of  a mutiny  of  the  native  troops  here,  and 
feeling  sure  that  in  such  an  event  they 
would  make  off  towards  Arrah,  I,  in  June 
last,  issued  written  instructions  relative  to 
the  course  to  be  pursued  by  the  European 
troops  acting  against  them,  and  this  was 
fully  made  known  to  Colonel  Fenwick,  the 
commanding  officer  of  the  10th,  who  was  then 
the  senior.  Subsequently  Colonel  Huyshe, 
of  the  artillery,  joined  (senior  to  Colonel 
Fenwick,  though  I was  not  aware  of  this  till 
after  the  25th  of  July),  and  I took  an  early 
opportunity  to  inquire  from  him  whether 
he  had  made  himself  acquainted  with  the 
orders  given,  and  arrangements  for  meeting 
an  outbreak — whether  Lieutenant  Smothel 
had  told  him  all  those  things ; and  I re- 
ceived a reply  in, the  affirmative.  The 
colonel  said  the  bullocks  could  be  harnessed 
in  a moment,  as  they  were  close  by,  in  the 
tan-yard,  or  old  magazine-yard,  and  he  would 
not  be  caught  napping — an  expression  I par- 
ticularly remarked. 

“On  the  24th  of  July  I made  up  my 
mind,  as  a precautionary  measure,  to  have 
all  the  percussiou-caps  in  the  native  maga- 
zines at  the  western  extremity  of  the  can- 
tonments removed,  so  as  to  render  the 
sepoys  almost  harmless,  without  subjecting 
them  to  the  degradation  of  being  deprived 


A.D.  1857.] 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


[the  steamer. 


of  tlieir  arras,  with  the  contingent  proba- 
bility that,  so  disgraced,  they  would  take  to 
flight  and  disorganise  the  whole  country 
around,  thereby  causing  serious  erabarrass- 
inent  to  government  when  all  its  force  was 
urgently  needed  above.  The  same  consi- 
deration having  influenced  me  since  June 
last,  no  overt  acts  of  a mutinous  nature  had 
been  evinced  by  the  native  corps,  and  they 
were  all  performing  their  duties  as  usual. 
The  whole  of  the  caps  were  safely  removed 
on  the  morning  of  the  25th,  leaving  the  men 
with  only  fifteen  each,  which  they  would 
have  been  allowed  to  retain,  had  not  the  7th 
and  8th  regiments  shown  a sudden  spirit  of 
mutinous  feeling  when  they  saw  the  carts 
with  the  caps  pass  along  the  road,  at  which 
time  the  40th  regiment  made  a decided 
demonstration  in  favour  of  the  cause  of  order 
and  discipline,  being  ready  to  oppose  any 
attempt  to  rescue  the  caps.  This  demon- 
stration decided  me  on  depriving  the  men 
of  their  remaining  caps.  But  wishing  to 
avoid  driving  them  to  oppose  or  to  disperse, 
and  thinking  that  the  men  would  feel  it 
quite  madness  to  attempt  resistance  with 
only  fifteen  caps  per  man,  I,  finding  no  com- 
manding officer  of  a native  corps  had  any 
doubt  of  the  success  of  the  measure,  gave 
orders  for  their  collection  in  the  lines  by  the 
native  officers  quietly  by  1 p.m.,  it  being 
then  near  10  a.m.  It  was  thought  they  would 
be  given  up  without  any  demur.  The  two 
commanding  officers  of  European  troops 
urged  me  to  at  once  effect  the  disai’ming 
the  native  troops  on  their  mutinous  demon- 
stration in  the  morning.  Colonel  Fenwick 
was  then,  and  had  often  been  before  (when 
there  was  no  apparent  reason,  unless  that  it 
not  being  done  involved  less  duty,  parti- 
cularly night  duty,  on  his  men),  urged  to 
disarm  the  three  native  corps ; and  could  it 
have  been  attempted  with  a probability  of 
success,  it  would  have  been  with  the  cer- 
tainty of  rendering  the  three  corps  useless, 
and  a burden  to  the  state.  But,  otherwise, 
the  result  would  have  been  the  same  as  oc- 
curred in  the  afternoon ; the  sepoys  would 
have  fled  with  their  arms  on  the  first  ap- 
proach of  the  guns  and  Europeans;  and  this 
dispersion  I was  most  anxious,  if  possible, 
to  avoid.  About  2.30  p.m.,  the  7th  and  8th 
regiments  rose  in  open  mutiny : the  40th 
did  not  at  first  join ; but  being  fired  upon 
by  men  of  the  10th  from  the  roof  of  the 
European  hospital,  they  went  off"  and  joined 
the  mutineers.  I had  no  horse  in  canton- 
ments. My  stable  was  two  miles  distant ; 


and  being  unable  at  the  time  to  walk  far  or 
much,  I thought  I should  be  most  useful  on 
board  the  steamer  with  guns  and  riflemen, 
in  which  I proceeded  along  the  rear  of  the 
native  lines,  the  river  being  only  200  yards, 
or  thereabouts,  distant  from  the  right  of  the 
advancing  column  of  guns  and  Europeans, 
and  e.xpecting  to  get  some  shots  at  the 
sepoys  on  shore,  or  escaping  by  the  river. 
Considering  that  I had  fully  previously 
given  instructions  for  the  attack  and  pursuit 
of  the  sepoys  by  the  guns  and  her  majesty’s 
10th,  under  their  respective  commanding 
officers,  I left  it  to  them  to  follow  up  the 
mutineers  by  land.  On  embarking,  I sent 
Captain  Turner,  deputy  junior-adjutant- 
general,  to  order  the  guns  to  advance,  as  I 
thought  they  were  long  in  setting  off ; and  I 
sent  Lieutenant  Needham,  deputy  assistant- 
quarterraaster-general,  to  order  the  com- 
manding officer  of  the  detachment  of  her 
majesty’s  37th  foot  to  place  himself  under 
Colonel  Fenwick’s  orders. 

“The  guns  and  European  troops  ad- 
vanced; and,  debouching  from  barrack 
squares,  found  that  the  mutineers  were 
making  off  towards  the  western  end  of  can- 
tonments. The  guns  opened  at  a long 
range  on  the  whole  mass,  who  were  then 
near  the  native  infantry  magazines.  Her 
majesty’s  10th  and  37th  commenced  firing 
on  them  also  at  impossible  distances,  and 
the  whole  of  the  three  regiments  fled  en 
masse;  even  the  sick  in  the  hospitals  went. 
Instead  of  flying  along  the  Arrah-road,  as 
was  expected,  and  where,  as  it  ran  along  the 
bank  of  the  river,  the  steamer  would  have 
been  on  their  flank  and  done  good  service, 
they  went  off  across  the  swampy  fields,  be- 
hind the  magazines,  across  the  nullah,  which 
was  full  of  water,  and  beyond  which  Colonels 
Fenwick  and  Huyslie  found  it  impracticable 
to  follow  them.  By  this  time,  the  steamer 
(which  had  run  down  and  sunk  some  boats 
loaded  with  fugitives  from  the  rear  of  the 
lines,  who  had  been  observed  and  fired  on 
by  the  Europeans  on  the  roof  of  the  hospital, 
and  who  had  returned  the  fire  from  their 
boats,  showing  they  were  sepoys)  having 
arrived  at  the  vacant  lines  opposite  the 
magazines  and  hospital,  the  state  of  the 
I case  was  reported  to  me  by  Captain  Turner, 
I who  had  arrived  there.  Colonel  Fenwick, 
j also,  Avas  in  the  vacant  lines;  and  as  I saw 
! the  mutineers  in  the  distance,  on  the  other 
j side  of  the  swamp  and  nullah,  in  an  appa- 
j rently  unapproachable  position,  I turned  to- 
I wards  the  Arrah-road  ; and,  believing  I saw 

123 


I ; DIXAPORE BAD  MANAGEMENT.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


i some  sepoTs  beyond  Daudpore,  on  that  road, 

! within  range  from  the  steamer,  I went  on 
i some  distance,  but  found  only  unarmed 
people,  apparently  villagers,  on  whom,  of 
course,  I did  not  fire. 

I “The  mutineers’  position  being  on  the 
road  from  Patna,  via  Phoolwaree,  towards 
Arrah,  with  the  road  to  Gyah  open  in  their 
rear,  it  was  uncertain  which  road  they  wonld 
^ take;  or  they  might  have  taken  all  three, 

I and  visited  the  three  places.  Two  guns  and 
a detachment  were  therefore  sent  otF,  to 
protect  Patna,  leaving  only  500  men  and 
four  guns  at  Dinapore.  The  high-road  to 
Arrah  was  quite  impassable  for  guns,  and 
even  the  infantry  would  have  had  a difficult 
^ and  slow  march  along  it,  to  reach  the  Koel- 
j war  Ghaut,  on  the  Soane. 

I “ It  is,  perhaps,  to  be  regretted,  that  some 
were  not  sent  that  night  or  next  morning ; 

; but  only  a small  party,  in  comparison  to  the 
strength  of  the  mutineers,  could  have  been 
detached  : no  guns  could  have  gone ; and 
as  the  mutineers  avoided  the  road,  and  kept 
to  the  fields,  where  they  could  scarcely  have 
I been  effectively  followed  by  a small  party  of 
i Europeans,  they  would  probably  not  have 
; been  of  much  use.  However,  as  the  readi- 
est means  of  following  them,  to  prevent 
their  crossing  the  Soane,  I next  day,  the 
1 26th,  sent  off  some  riflemen  in  a steamer  up 

j that  river,  expecting  that,  at  this  season, 
there  would  have  been  sufficient  water;  but, 
unfortunately,  the  steamer  could  not  get  up 
high  enough,  and  returned  in  the  evening 
without  having  effected  anything.  Troops 
being  required  at  Buxar,  this  steamer  was 
started  off  next  day  with  some  of  her 
majesty’s  5th  fusiliers,  arrived  from  Calcutta ; 
and  in  the  evening,  when  the  other  steamer 
arrived  from  Patna,  she  was  at  once  sent  off 
with  another  detachment,  to  be  landed  at  a 
point  nine  miles  from  Arrah — to  march 
thence  and  bring  away  the  civilians,  &c., 

' there  besieged.  This  was  a much  nearer 
way  than  their  marching  by  the  Arrah-road  ; 
the  boats  at  the  Koelwar  Ghaut,  moreover, 
having  been  all  removed  by  the  rebels  after 
crossing  to  the  other  side  of  the  river. 
!Most  unfortunately,  this  steamer  ran  on  to 
a sand-bank,  and  could  not  be  got  off.  No 
I other  steamer  was  available  all  day.  In  the 
j evening,  a steamer  and  flat  arrived  from 

I Allahabad,  full  of  passengers  for  Calcutta. 

I It  was  at  once  arranged  that  thev  should  be 
j all  landed,  and  accommodated  in  the  church, 
I ' and  that  the  steamer  should,  with  her  own 
I flat,  embark  the  head-quarters  and  250  men 

I 12i 


[a.  I).  1857. 

of  the  10th,  and  some  Sikhs — go  and  pick  up 
the  other  flat  at  the  sand-bank,  and  tow  np 
both  flats,  with  a detachment  (altogether  | 
consisting  of  about  500  men),  to  tbe  ghaut  1 
on  the  Ganges,  nearest  to  Arrah.  This  was  | 
all  arranged,  and  Colonel  Fenwick  was  to  j 
command.  Early  next  morning  the  com- 
mander of  the  steamer  changed  his  mind, 
and  said  he  could  not  tow  two  flats ; conse- 
quently, the  party  had  to  be  reduced  by  100 
men;  and  therefore  Colonel  Fenwick  re- 
mained, and  sent  Captain  Dunbar  in  com- 
mand— an  officer  of  whose  unfitness  for  such 
a command  I suspect  Colonel  Fenwick  may 
bave  been  unaware ; at  any  rate,  he  subse- 
quently proved  himself  to  be  utterly  so.  He 
marched  his  men  fasting  (though  he  might 
have  given  them  a meal,  as  he  had  taken 
three  days’  provisions  with  the  detachment) 
towards  Arrah — pushed  on,  against  advice 
and  common  sense,  in  the  dark — got  his 
column  into  an  ambuscade,  from  which  they 
were  suddenly  fired  upon  by  the  rebels,  and 
were  thrown  into  utter  panic,  broke,  and 
scattered.  Captain  Dunbar  was  killed,  and 
about  thirty  killed  and  wounded.  Next 
morning,  the  panic  seems  still  to  have  pre- 
vailed. The  men  were  weak  and  hungry; 
and,  unfortunately,  a retreat  was  resolved 
on,  though  they  were  but  half  a mile  from 
Arrab.  The  mutineers,  of  course,  grew 
very  bold  on  seeing  the  Europeans  retreat, 
and  followed  them  keenly.  The  retreat  was 
hurried,  and  seems  to  have  more  resembled 
a disorderly  flight  than  a retreat : the  men 
were  scarcely  under  any  control,  and,  conse- 
quently, their  loss  was  fearfully  great. 
They  rushed  into  the  boats,  threw  away 
arms  and  accoutrements  into  the  water,  and 
leaving  seven  officers  and  about  145  men 
dead,  the  remainder,  with  many  of  them 
wounded,  re-embarked  on  the  steamer,  and, 
returned  with  the  disastrous  news  to  Dina- 
pore. This  unfortunate  result  was  entirely 
caused  by  the  mismanagement  of  poor  Cap-  ■ 
tain  Dunbar.  Well  handled,  and  marching 
by  daylight,  the  force  was  ample;  and  no 
blame  can,  with  any  justice,  be  attached  to  I 
me  for  the  disastrous  consequences.  There 
were  now  not  enough  men  to  send  another 
party,  and  it  seemed  to  be  unavoidable  to 
leave  the  little  beleaguered  garrison  at  Arrah 
to  its  unhappy  fate.  Fortunately,  ^lajor 
Vincent  Eyre,  with  three  guns  and  145 
Europeans,  had  marched  from  Buxar  towards 
Arrah,  of  his  own  accord,  to  co-operate  with 
the  attack  he  expected  us  to  make.  Hear- 
ing of  the  disaster  to  our  party,  he  bravely  ; 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


A.i).  1857.] 

pushed  on — managed  admirably  his  small 
' force,  defeated  and  dispersed  the  rebels  with 
i considerable  loss  to  them,  and  relieved  the 
hard-pressed  little  garrison  of  the  fortified 
j house  at  Arrah.  Major  Eyre’s  position  was 
i at  one  time  critical ; but  the  145  Europeans 
! of  the  5th  fusiliers  with  him  charged  the 
rebels,  some  three  thousand  strong,  with 
such  gallantry  and  determination,  that  they 
fled,  scattered  before  them  like  a flock  of 
sheep,  and  abandoned  the  field.” 

AVriting  again  to  his  brother,  from  Dina- 
pore,  on  the  17th  of  September,  the  major- 
general  says — “ You  will  see  that  my  en- 
! deavour  to  preserve  the  three  native  regi- 
! ments  here  in  a serviceable  state,  has 
[ resulted  in  my  being  severely  punished  by 
the  loss  of  my  divisional  command.  As  to 
disarming  the  regiments  here,  it  was  an 
I impossibility.  I had  no  cavalry ; and  as  all 
I proceedings  were  narrowly  watched  by  the 
sepoys,  the  appearance  of  any  movement  of 
guns  or  European  troops  towards  them, 
wmuld  have  been  the  signal  for  the  flight  of 
the  sepoys  with  their  arms.  I could  never 
have  disarmed  them,  from  the  nature  of  the 
locality.  If  you  were  at  one  end  of  a lane, 
and  I was  a mile  away  up  the  said  lane, 
and  could  run  faster  than  you,  it  would  be 
self-evident  that  you  could  never  catch  me; 
and  such  was  the  position  here.” 

It  is  not  necessary  to  dwell  further  upon 
this  unpleasant  subject : but  whatever  may 
have  been  the  military  blunder  that  per- 
mitted the  desertion  of  the  native  regi- 
ments from  Diuapore  on  the  25th  of  July, 
it  can  hardly  be  consistent  with  justice, 
that  the  catastrophe  of  the  night  of  the 
29th,  near  Arrah,  should  be  charged  against 
an  officer  who  was  not  within  twenty-five 
miles  of  the  scene  of  disaster,  and  had  no 
possible  means  of  directing  the  movements 
of  the  troops  engaged.  It  should  also  be 
remembered,  that  the  veteran  soldier  had 
served  his  country  for  more  than  half  a 
century,  and  that  he  wore  upon  his  breast 
an  honourable  distinction  awarded  for  merit 
and  valour  in  the  field. 

In  the  state  of  European  society  in  India 
at  this  time,  frenzied  outbursts  of  popular 
feeling  had  ceased  to  surprise  those  who 
were  enabled,  by  distance,  to  look  calmly 
upon  events  as  they  progressed.  We  read, 
therefore,  in  the  Calcutta  Phoenix,  that  a 
“ scene  of  a most  painful  character  took 
place  at  Dinapore,  on  the  arrival  there  of 
the  remnant  of  the  forces  sent  against 
Arrah.  As  soon  as  the  news  of  the  repulse,  | 


[fatal  affray. 

and  consequent  loss,  spread  among  the 
women  of  the  10th  regiment,  they  rushed 
in  a body  to  the  bungalow  of  General 
Lloyd,  and  would  have  literally  torn  him 
to  pieces,  had  he  not  succeeded  in  barri- 
cading his  bungalow.” 

The  paragraph  is  recorded  as  a fact, 
without  comment  or  attempt  at  explana- 
tion : not  so,  however,  the  following  occur- 
rence, which  met  with  the  most  severe 
reproof  from  the  general  commanding  the 
forces  in  Bengal : — 

On  the  night  of  the  16th  of  August,  an 
affray,  the  original  cause  of  which  is  not 
known,  took  place  between  some  men  of 
her  majesty’s  10th  regiment  and  a party  of 
sepoys  of  the  40th  regiment,  about  a hun- 
dred in  number,  who  had  refused  to  desert 
with  their  comrades  on  the  25th  ultimo,  and 
remained  true  to  their  allegiance.  These 
men  were  encamped  at  the  back  of  the 
north  quarters  of  the  grand  square,  near 
the  river,  and  were  peaceably  and  inoffen- 
sively occupied,  when,  about  nine  o’clock 
in  the  evening,  a sudden  attack  was  made 
upon  them  by  the  men  of  the  10th  Euro- 
pean regiment;  and,  in  the  melee  that 
ensued,  one  subahdar,  two  uaiks,  and  one 
sepoy  were  killed,  and  eleven  sepoys  and 
one  woman  were  wounded.  The  alarm  oc- 
casioned by  repeated  discharges  of  mus- 
ketry was  prodigious  ; and  when  the  autho- 
rities reached  the  scene  of  disturbance,  the 
sight  presented  to  them  was  most  distress- 
ing. Wounded  sepoys  lay  around,  dead 
and  dying  : one  poor  fellow  had  five  bayo- 
net thrusts ; one  shot  in  the  centre  of  the 
forehead ; another  with  his  mouth  and 
jaws  shattered  by  a shot — and  all  scream- 
ing with  alarm,  or  groaning  in  their  ago- 
nies. The  occurrence  was  immediately 
reported  to  the  commander-in-chief  and  to 
General  Outram,  and  a court  of  inquiry 
assembled  to  investigate  the  affair;  but  no 
conclusion  could  be  arrived  at,  other  than 
that  suggested  by  a probability  that  the 
attack  was  perpetrated  by  the  soldiers  of 
the  10th  regiment,  in  revenge  for  the 
slaughter  of  their  comrades  at  Arrah. 
Such,  at  any  rate,  appears  to  have  been  the 
opinion  of  General  Outram  ; who,  in  a letter 
of  the  19th  of  August,  stated,  that  the 
military  duties  of  the  town  could  not  safely 
be  entrusted  to  the  10th  regiment,  under 
the  lax  discipline  and  exasperated  feelings 
it  displayed  towards  natives  of  all  classes 
just  at  that  time.* 

* Pari.  Blue  Book  (No.  4),  p.  153. 

125 


JUGDESPORE — KOER  SING.] 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  1857. 


Au  attempt  was  made  to  give  the  affair  a 
more  distinct  character,  in  consequence  of 
the  recent  murder  of  a canteen  sergeant 
belonging  to  one  of  the  European  regi- 
ments ; and  the  Calcutta  Englishman,  in 
giving  currency  to  the  report,  expressed 
its  regret  that  such  serious  quarrels  should 
arise ; but,  at  the  same  time,  intimated, 
as  a matter  of  course,  that  “ in  the  present 
temper  of  the  European  soldiers,  it  cannot 
be  expected  that  they  will  allow  their  com- 
rades to  be  assassinated  without  taking 
prompt  vengeance.”* 

Upon  his  expulsion  from  Arrah,  Koer 
Sing,  with  the  greater  portion  of  his  dis- 
comfited army,  retreated  with  all  possible 
expedition  to  a fortified  residence  belong- 
ing to  him  at  Jugdespore,  about  twelve 
miles  distant;  whither  Major  Eyre — who,  on 
the  8th  of  the  mouth,  had  been  reinforced 
by  the  arrival  of  200  men  of  the  10th  regi- 
ment— immediately  followed  him ; and,  on 
the  12th,  the  rebel  force  was  again  signally 
defeated  and  dispersed,  after  sustaining 
severe  losses  in  their  useless  resistance  and 
eventual  flight.  The  result  was  communi- 
cated by  Major  Eyre,  in  the  following  des- 
patches ; — 

“Koer  Sing’s  Palace,  J ugdespore,  Aug.  12. 

“ Sir, — I have  the  pleasure  to  report  the 
total  rout  of  the  rebel  force  under  Koer 
Sing  this  day,  by  the  force  under  my  com- 
mand, as  per  margin.f  The  enemy  mus- 
tered, as  far  as  can  be  ascertained,  about 
3,000  strong,  of  whom  1,500  were  sepoys. 
The  action  commenced  at  the  village  of 
Dulloor,  at  11  a.m.,  where  a strong  posi- 
tion had  been  taken  up,  and  intrenchments 
raised.  Here  they  made  a resolute  stand 
for  about  an  hour,  when  they  fell  back 
upon  the  dense  and  formidable  jungle, 
which  extends  from  thence  about  a mile 
and  a-half  to  Jugdespore.  A running  fight 
was  kept  up  to  that  place,  which  we  entered 
in  triumph  at  one  o’clock,  and  immediately 
occupied  Koer  Sing’s  residence,  where 
much  promiscuous  property  fell  into  our 
hands.  Two  guns  were  captured  in  the 
action. 

“ Koer  Sing  has  fled  to  the  south,  and  I 
hear  that  his  army  is  dispersing;  and  I 
trust  the  blow  now  struck  may  be  the 
means  of  effectually  destroying  his  iuflu- 

• Englishman,  August  24lh,  1857. 

t In  round  numbers  Artillery,  three  light  field 
guns — 3G  men  ; her  majesty’s  5th — 140  men  ; her 
majesty’s  10th — 190  men  ; Kattray’s  Sikhs — 140 
men  ; yeomanry — 16  men  : total,  522. 

126 


ence.  In  my  next  I will  give  full  details 
of  my  march  from  Arrah,  and  of  the  ser- 
vices performed  by  my  force,  making  special 
mention  of  those  who  distinguished  them- 
selves. A return  of  killed  and  wounded 
shall  be  sent  with  my  ne.xt  despatch  : our 
loss  was  trifling ; that  of  the  enemy  severe. 

“ I have,  &c. — V.  Eyre,  Major.” 

On  the  following  day  (the  13th)  Major 
Eyre  transmitted  a detailed  account  of  his 
operations,  in  which  he  says — “ Leaving 
Arrah  at  2 p.m.  on  the  11th,  I marched  eight 
miles,  and  encamped  for  the  night  on  the 
banks  of  the  Gagur  Nuddee.  Resuming  the 
route  next  morning  at  6.30,  I proceeded 
without  difficulty  as  far  as  Rumneaon,  where, 
for  two  miles,  the  road  passed  over  rice-fields, 
and  was  in  many  places  under  water.  Had 
heavy  rains  fallen,  this  road  must  have  been 
impassable  for  guns. 

“ At  9 A.M.  I halted  to  refresh  the  troops 
and  animals  for  an  hour ; at  10.30,  we 
detected  parties  of  the  enemy’s  horse  and 
foot  occupying  the  village  of  Tola  Narain- 
pore,  evidently  with  the  view  of  disputing 
our  passage  of  the  river  immediately  be- 
yond it.  I forthwith  pushed  forward  skir- 
mishing parties  in  that  direction.  This 
elicited  a sharp  fire,  which  was  maintained 
on  both  sides  with  great  spirit.  As  our 
main  body  approached  nearer,  I advanced 
two  guns  to  the  front,  and  opened  a fire  of 
grape  on  a party  of  the  enemy,  whose  heads 
I could  just  discern  in  ambush  about  300 
yards  distant.  This  caused  them  to  rise  in 
some  confusion,  discovering  large  masses 
who  had  been  lying  in  close  concealment. 
The  men  of  her  majesty’s  10th  now  became 
so  impatient  to  be  led  to  the  charge,  that, 
instead  of  continuing  the  fire  from  the 
guns,  as  I had  intended,  I yielded  to  them 
the  honour  of  putting  the  enemy  to  flight. 
With  loud  and  continued  shouts  they  ad- 
vanced and  charged,  led  on  in  the  most 
noble  manner  by  Captain  Patterson,  im- 
petuously driving  all  before  them.  The 
sepoys  fell  back  on  the  large  village  of 
Dullaur,  across  the  river,  where  inti’ench- 
ments  had  been  thrown  up.  There  they 
endeavoured  to  make  a stand ; but  were 
driven  out  by  the  joint  efforts  of  the  gal- 
lant 10th  and  5th  fusiliers — the  latter  under 
Captains  L’Estrange  and  Scott. 

“ Thence  our  route  lay  through  a dense 
and  difficult  jungle,  for  one  mile  and  a-half, 
to  Jugdespore,  throughout  which  a running 
fight  was  maintained,  during  which  two 
guns  wei’e  captured.  Jugdespore  was  but 


A.D.  1857.]  INDIAN  MUTINY.  [a  mii.d  reproof. 

feebly  defended ; and  at  1 p.m.  vre  took 
possession  of  Koer  Sing’s  noted  stronghold, 
wherein  we  found  large  stores  of  grain, 
ammunition,  and  other  materials  of  war. 
Koer  Sing  has  fled  to  the  Jutowra  jungle, 
south  of  this,  with  a few  followers ; and  the 
villagers  around  Jugdespore  are  sending  in 
tokens  of  their  submission.” 

Among  the  individuals  recommended  by 
Major  Eyre  to  the  favourable  notice  of  the 
commander-in-chief  and  of  government,  for 
1 their  gallantry  and  zealous  exertions,  he 
specially  distinguishes  the  defender  of  Ar- 
rah  in  the  following  paragraph  : — 

“ Mr.  A.  C.  Wake,  of  the  Bengal  civil 
service,  at  the  head  of  his  Arrah  Sikhs, 
nobly  sustained  the  reputation  already  ac- 
quired by  his  heroic  defence  of  the  fortified 
house  at  Arrah, against  overwhelming  odds.” 
Following  up  his  success  at  Jugdespore, 
Major  Eyre,  on  the  14th,  again  Avrites  of 
victory  : — “ Early  this  morning,  I detached 
a company  of  her  majesty’s  5th  fusiliers 
and  a hundred  Sikhs,  with  the  yeomanry 
volunteers  (the  whole  under  Captain  L’Es- 
trange),  to  Jutowra,  where  Koer  Sing  has  a 
residence.  The  party  has  just  returned 
with  information  that  the  place  is  empty, 
though  Koer  Sing  had  recently  been  there. 
He  IS  reported  to  have  gone  towards  Rho- 
tas : the  sepoys  have  dispersed  entirely, 
and  the  country  hereabouts  is  quite  quiet. 

“ I am  destroying  the  town,  and  pre- 
paring to  blow  up  the  palace  and  principal 
buildings  around  it.  To-day  I partially 
destroyed  a new  Hindoo  temple,  on  which 
Koer  Sing  had  recently  lavished  large  sums. 
I did  this  because  it  is  known  that  the 
Brahmins  haA’e  instigated  him  to  rebellion. 

“ Captain  L’Estrange  reports  having  de- 
stroyed Koer  Sing’s  new  palace  at  Ju- 
towra; and  Lieutenant  Jackson,  with  the 
volunteers,  on  their  way  back  to  the  camp, 
set  fire  to  the  residences  of  Oomar  Sing  and 
Dhyal  Sing,  the  two  brothers  of  Koer  Sing.” 
fl'he  reports  from  Major  Eyre  were  trans- 
mitted to  government  by  desire  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief, with  the  following  letter, 
the  last  paragraph  of  which  is  significant, 
as  expressing  Sir  Colin’s  view  of  the  policy 
in  which  the  war  in  India  should  be  car- 
ried on  : — 

“ The  Deputy  Adjutant-general  to  the  Secre- 
tary to  the  Government  of  India. 
“Head-quarters,  Calcutta,  Aug.  21st. 
“ I have  the  honour,  by  desire  of  the 
commander-in-chief,  to  forward,  for  sub- 
mission to  government,  letters  in  original. 

relative  to  the  military  operations  that  have 
been  carried  on  by  Major  V.  Eyre  against 
the  mutineers,  under  Koer  Sing,  in  the 
Arrah  district. 

“ I am  to  request  you  will  be  good 
enough  to  inform  the  governor-general  in 
council,  that  his  excellency  highly  approves 
of  the  judgment  evinced  by  Major  Eyre 
throughout  these  movements,  and  of  the 
gallantry  and  perseverance  of  the  officers 
and  men  under  his  command,  in  bringing 
them  to  a triumphant  conclusion. 

“ Sir  Colin,  I am  to  add,  recommends  to 
the  favourable  notice  of  his  lordship,  the 
persons  brought  prominently  forward  in 
these  despatehes ; but  regrets  to  have  to  dis- 
approve of  the  destruction  of  the  Hindoo 
temple  at  Jugdespore  by  Major  Eyre,  under 
a mistaken  view  of  the  duties  of  a com- 
mander at  the  present  crisis. — I have,  &c., 

“ W.  Mayhew,  Major.” 

Upon  the  removal  of  General  Lloyd, 
pending  the  court  of  inquiry,  the  command 
of  the  Dinapore  division  of  the  presidency 
Avas  given  to  General  Sir  James  Outram, 
Avho  had  then  recently  returned  from  the 
Persian  expedition.  Under  the  guidance 
of  that  energetic  officer,  no  time  Avas  lost  in 
gathering  together  the  different  European 
detachments  as  they  arrived  up  country 
from  Calcutta,  and  in  organising  a movable 
column  for  the  purpose,  as  we  have  seen,  of 
relicAung  Lucknow. 

The  effect  of  the  mutiny  by  the  native 
regiments  at  Dinapore,  was  both  calamitous 
and  wide-spreading ; since  whole  districts, 
containing,  together,  a population  of  from 
twenty-five  to  thirty  millions  of  people, 
were  agitated  by  it.  At  SegoAvlia  (a  small 
military  station  not  far  from  the  Nepaul 
frontier),  it  will  be  remembered,  that  the 
officer  in  charge  (Major  Holmes)  had  taken 
upon  himself  to  proclaim  military  laAv* — 
a step  which  did  not  meet  with  the  ap- 
proval of  the  government ; and  the  unfor- 
tunate officer,  Avho  had  only  a party  of  the 
12th  regiment  of  native  irregular  cavalry  to 
depend  upon  for  carrying  out  his  mandates, 
very  soon  ceased  to  exercise  the  authority 
he  had  assumed.  On  the  24th  of  July, 
these  troops  broke  into  open  mutiny ; and, 
while  the  major  and  his  wife  were  riding 
out,  four  of  the  troopers  rode  up  to  the 
vehicle,  and  beheaded  both  of  them  as  they 
sat.  This  being  the  signal,  the  rest  of  the 
regiment  threw  off  all  restraint.  They  first 
proceeded  to  murder  the  Europeans  at  the 
* See  vol.  i.,  p.  450. 

127 

MADR.\S  AND  BOMBAY.] 

station  ; and  among  them,  the  surgeon,  his 
wife  and  children,  fell  a sacrifice  to  their  in- 
discriminating  vengeance  : they  then  plun- 
dered the  treasury  and  the  houses  of  the 
Europeans,  and  finally  departed  with  their 
booty  towards  Azimgurh.  This  terrible 
and  sudden  atrocity  caused  great  alarm ; 
for  the  12th  irregulars  were  looked  upon  as 
a corps  whose  known  gallantry  was  a 
pledge  of  its  fidelity.  As  soon  as  the 
events  at  Dinapore  became  known  at  the 
seat  of  government,  the  authorities  did  not 


[a.d.  1857. 

hesitate  to  adopt  the  views  of  the  unfortu-  , 
nate  Major  Holmes  ; and,  on  the  30th  of  , 
July,  martial  law  was  declared,  not  only  in  I 
the  northern  districts  of  Sarun,  Tirhoot,  * 
and  Chumparum,  but  also  in  the  districts 
of  Patna,  Behar,  and  Shahabad,  south  of 
the  Ganges.  No  further  mutinies  took  | 
place  in  those  places  during  August ; but  ! 
the  various  stations  were  kept  in  a constant  ' 
state  of  excitement  and  apprehension,  by  j 
the  threatened  irruption  of  insurgents  from  I 
other  quarters. 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


CHAPTER  V. 


POPULAR  FEELING  IN  THE  MADRAS  AND  BOMBAY  PRESIDENCIES  ; ENMITY  OF  THE  MOHAMMEDAN  TROOPS  ; 
DISQUIETUDE  AT  MADRAS;  OUTBRE.AK  OF  27TH  BOMBAY  REGIMENT  AT  KOLAPORE  ; MURDER  OF  THE 
OFFICERS;  NARRATIVE  OF  THE  OUTRAGE;  DEFEAT  AND  PUNISHMENT  OF  THE  REBELS;  CONSPIRACY 
DETECTED  AT  POONAH  AND  SATTARA  ; THE  NIZAM’S  DOMINIONS;  OUTBREAK  AT  HYDERABAD  AND  AHME- 
DABAD;  DISTURBANCES  AT  MEAN  MEER,  J ELPIGOREE,  GUZERAT,  AND  PUNDERPORE ; B.ARODA  ABAN- 
DONED ; THE  SAUGOR  AND  NERBUDDA  PROVINCES  ; INDICATIONS  OF  MISCHIEF  AT  JUBBULPORE  ; ARREST 
OF  THE  GOND  RAJAH  AND  HIS  SON;  PRAYER  TO  DEEVA  ; EXECUTION  OF  TRAITORS;  DESERTION  OF  THE 
o2ND  regiment  N.  I.;  letter  to  COLONEL  JAMIESON,  AND  REPLY;  AFFAIR  AT  KONEE ; MURDER  OF 
LIEUTENANT  MACGREGOR;  DEFEAT  OF  MUTINEERS  AT  KUTTUNGEE  ; PERILOUS  STATE  OF  THE  COUNTRY; 
AFFAIR  AVITH  BHEELS  IN  KANDEISH  ; A PLOT  DETECTED  AND  PUNISHED  IN  BOMBAY  ; RECAPTURE  OF 
NIMBHAIRA;  ALARM  AND  PUNISHMENT  AT  KURRACHEE ; THE  KOTAH  MURDERS;  MUTINY  AT  DEOGHUR  ; 
PANIC  AT  MYNEE  TAL  ; STATE  OF  CENTRAL  INDIA;  ASSAM;  CAPTURE  OF  THE  RAJAH  OF  DEBROGHUR ; 
TROOPS  DISARMED  AT  BERHAMPORE  ; GHOORKA  VICTORY  AT  MUNDOREE  ; ST.ATE  OF  REVOLTED  DISTRICTS 
IN  DECEMBER,  1857. 


Before  proceeding  to  describe  those  minor 
operations  in  the  field  which  filled  up  the 
interval  of  time  between  the  commencement 
of  the  outbreak  in  the  North-West  Provinces 
of  Bengal  and  the  close  of  the  year  1857,  it 
will  be  proper  to  refer  to  the  state  of  feeling 
that  prevailed  during  that  period  among  the 
native  armies  and  populations  of  the  sister 
presidencies  of  Madras  and  Bombay ; and 
to  glance  briefly  at  certain  facts,  of  them- 
selves calculated  to  provoke  disafi'ection  in 
those  quarters ; although,  happily,  the  prac- 
tical effects  of  such  feeling  were  neither 
permanent  or  serious. 

The  insubordinate  conduct  of  the  men 
belonging  to  the  8th  regiment  of  Madras 
light  cavalry,  when  under  orders  for  service 
in  Bengal,  and  the  disgraceful  consequences 
that  resulted  to  the  whole  corps,  have  al- 
ready been  noticed.  The  affair,  ostensibly 
a mere  question  of  pay,  was  at  the  time  pro- 
ductive of  no  serious  inconvenience,  except 
to  the  delinquents  themselves ; but  the 
^Madras  government  was  not  long  in  dis- 
covering, that  the  spirit  which  prompted  the 
irregular  conduct  of  the  8th  light  cavalry, 
128 


was  not  confined  to  that  regiment  only. 
The  mistaken  economy,  or  parsimony,  by 
which  the  rates  of  pay  and  pension  to  the 
native  troops  were  materially  reducd,  had 
aroused  a feeling  of  discontent  (among  the 
cavalry  especially,  which  consisted  chiefly  of 
Mohammedans)  that  might  have  required 
but  little  eflfort  to  nurse  into  open  mutiny — 
an  event  rendered  still  more  probable 
through  the  excitement  kept  up  amongst 
the  troops  by  means  of  the  exaggerated  re- 
ports that  were  disseminated,  from  time  to 
time,  respecting  the  state  of  affairs  in  the 
northern  districts  of  the  presidency. 
Another  source  of  disquietude  was  also 
furnished  by  the  policy  of  the  supreme 
government,  in  regard  to  questions  of  suc- 
cession among  the  families  of  the  native 
princes ; one  instance  of  which,  about  this 
time,  became  a tangible  point,  around  which 
native  discontent  might  find  nourishment, 
although  the  grievance  was  not  suflScieutly 
popularised  to  ripen  into  mischievous  re- 
sults. The  cause  for  disquietude  was, 
curiously  enough,  almost  identical  with  that 
1 which  had  given  offence,  and  produced  such 


A.D.  1857.]  INDIAN 


fearful  consequences,  in  Oucle,  at  Bitlioor, 
and  at  Delhi ; namely,  the  refusal  of  the 
Company’s  government  to  recognise,  in  the 
heir  of  a deceased  native  prince,  any  inhe- 
rent right  to  ascend  the  vacant  throne, 
however  justly  he  might  be  entitled  to  do 
so  by  the  laws  of  his  country.  Upon  the 
recent  death  of  the  nawab  of  the  Carnatic, 
his  uncle  Azim  Jah,  who  had  been  thereto- 
fore recognised  by  the  Court  of  Directors,  in 
their  official  documents,  as  the  legal  heir  and 
representative  of  the  nawab,  claimed  the 
: musnud  by  right  of  succession ; but  his  pre- 
i tensions  were,  for  some  state  cause  or  other, 
ignored,  or  else  disregarded,  by  the  Com- 
pany— a circumstance  that  occasioned  much 
ill-feeling  among  the  people,  who  had  been 
accustomed  to  look  up  to  the  family  as  that 
of  their  natural  rulers.  Moreover,  the 
troopers  of  the  Madras  army  were  chiefly 
collected  from  among  the  Mohammedan 
population  of  the  Carnatic ; and  it  was  not 
unnatural  that  a race  so  haughty,  and  im- 
patient of  interference  with  their  traditions 
i and  usages,  as  to  maintain  an  habitual 
[ state  of  discontent  and  rooted  hatred 
to  its  European  conquerors,  should  seize 
upon  such  an  occurrence  as  a national 
j wrong,  and,  like  the  mutineers  of  Bengal, 
or  the  insurgents  of  Oude,  should  sympa- 
thise with  the  living  descendant  of  their 
ancient  sovereigns,  and  desire  to  avenge  his 
wrongs.  Eortunately,  however,  for  the 
welfare  of  this  portion  of  India,  there  had 
not  yet  been  any  successful  attempt  to  im- 
port into  the  reasonable  grievances  of  the 
Madras  army,  any  question  respecting  the 
conversion”  of  the  troops  ; no  alarm  had 
been  excited  among  them  on  the  score  of 
“greased  cartridges;”  nor  was  there  any 
unpardonable  insult  to  be  avenged,  as  in 
the  case  of  the  3rd  light  cavalry  at  Meerut;* 

: and  thus  the  direct  personal  stimulus  was 
■wanting  that  might  otherwise  have  fanned 
the  smouldering  fires  of  discontent  into  the 
lurid  flames  of  rebellion. 

There  was  also  a solid  ground  upon  which, 
at  this  crisis,  the  government  of  Madras 
could  reasonably  depend  for  security,  owing 
to  the  curious  but  undeniable  fact,  that 
between  the  Mohammedans  on  the  Ganges 
and  in  Oude,  and  the  Mohammedans  of  the 
Carnatic  and  the  Deccan,  there  was  not  the 
slightest  sympathy  or  union  of  interests. 
Among  each,  there  are  yet  extant,  traditions 
j of  old  and  bitter  animosities;  and  the  severe 
struggle  which  the  Mussulmans  of  Southern 
* See  vol.  i.,  p.  55. 

VOL.  II.  S 


MUTINY.  [thk  rival  services. 

India  maintained  against  their  ultimate 
conqueror  Aurungzebe,  is  still  a theme 
which  fills  their  bosoms  with  inextinguish- 
able hatred  towards  the  descendants  of  the 
conquerors  by  whom  their  fathers  were  en- 
slaved. This  feeling  extends  towards  the 
inhabitants  of  all  the  northern  provinces, 
whom  the  Mohammedans  of  the  south  look 
upon  as  their  natural  and  hereditary  ene- 
mies, and  hate  with  an  intensity  only  ex- 
ceeded by  that  with  which  both  hate  their 
Christian  rulers. 

As  regards  this  long-cherished  animosity 
of  races,  it  has  long  been  notorious  that  it 
pervades  all  classes,  and  that  the  sepoys  of 
Madras  would  rejoice  in  any  opportunity 
that  might  bring  them  into  collision  with 
those  of  Bengal.  Where  regiments  of  both 
presidencies  have  been  quartered  at  the 
same  station,  it  has  been  with  the  utmost 
difficulty  that  conflicts  have  been  prevented; 
while  frequent  encounters  in  the  bazaars,  in 
which  the  combatants  on  either  side  have 
been  armed  with  lattees  (heavy  iron-shod 
sticks),  and  in  which  the  Bengal  sepoys 
have  invariably  been  overcome,  afford  tlie 
plainest  evidence  of  the  feelings  of  deter- 
mined hostility  with  which  the  rival  services 
regard- each  other. 

Another  reason  for  such  confidence  ex- 
isted in  the  fact,  that  the  larger,  and  by 
far  the  worthiest,  portion  of  the  Madras 
army  consisted  of  a race  utterly  antagonistic 
in  spirit  and  habits  to  the  Mohammedan 
element  with  which  it  was  associated,  but 
did  not  mingle.  It  was  therefore  a check 
upon  that  most  excitable  branch  of  the 
service,  and  was  able  of  itself  to  have 
crushed  any  effort  at  revolt,  had  such  been 
offered.  The  Hindoo  bulk  of  the  native 
array  of  Madras,  unencumbered  by  the 
trammels  of  caste,  and  unswerving  in  its 
loyalty,  would  have  been  alone  sufficient  to 
extinguish  the  torch  of  rebellion  upon  its 
own  territory ; though,  possibly,  in  the 
struggle  to  do  so,  deeds  might  have  been 
perpetrated  that  would  have  brought  inde- 
scribable misery  among  the  European  and 
native  Christian  inhabitants. 

Notwithstanding  these  various  grounds 
for  reliance  on  the  fidelity  of  the  native 
troops  of  the  two  presidencies,  there  were 
sufficient  indications  of  an  uneasy  feeling 
among  the  civil  populations  of  both  to  ex- 
cite apprehension,  and  to  demand  incessant 
vigilance  on  the  part  of  the  authorities. 
In  the  latter  end  of  August,  the  defiant 
tone  of  the  Mussulman  inhabitants  of 

129 


j KOLAPORB THE  OTJTBRKAK.]  HISTORY  OF  THE  [a.D.  1857.  ! 

1 Madras  became  obtrusively  prominent  iu 
1 tbeir  intercourse  with  the  European  resi- 
dents ; and  it  was  deemed  prudent  to  in- 
crease the  precautionary  measures  against  a 
possible  danger,  by  placing  a volunteer  corps 
on  active  duty.  The  impression  entertained 
i by  the  Europeans  at  this  time,  may  be  col- 
lected from  the  followingr  letter  of  a mem- 
ber  of  the  Company’s  civil  service,  dated 
j “ Madras,  August  25tli;”  in  which  the 
writer  says : — 

“ Daily,  on  entering  my  office,  I have 
about  twenty  prostrate  foreheads  before  me; 
and  yet  those,  and  others,  are  people  who 
would  murder  you  if  they  had  a chance, 
and  who  cheat  to  the  utmost  whenever  they 
can.  Lately,  the  Mussulmans  in  Madras 
have  been  very  insolent  in  their  looks  and 
behaviour,  and  are  evidently  intending  mis- 
chief. We  are  only  in  Madras,  soldiers 
and  all,  about  2,000  Europeans  against 
3,000,000  natives.  If  the  sepoys  are  faith- 
ful, it  will  not  matter  ; but  if  not.  Heaven 
help  us.  The  fort  has  been  provisioned  for 
10,000  men  for  six  months,  and  sixty 
sailors  have  just  been  landed  from  the 
various  ships.  We  have  one  ship  of  war 
opposite  Triplicane,  ready  to  batter  it  in 
pieces  if  the  35,000  rebels  there  show  fight. 

“ The  Mohurrum,  which  commenced  on 
Monday,  lasts  ten  days;  and  it  is  in  the 
latter  part  of  that  period  that  a disturbance 
is  expected.  The  volunteer  guard  will  be 
on  duty  from  Thursday  till  Tuesday.  For- 
tunately for  the  inhabitants,  our  company 
is  near  our  house  (St.  Thome);  for,  it  being 
five  miles  from  the  fort,  in  case  we  had  to 
retreat  we  should  get  intercepted,  and  be 
' cut  to  pieces  if  the  rebels  fought  well.  We 
1 are  forty  strong,  and  shall  relieve  guard 
night  and  day  without  intermission,  during 
our  period  of  duty.” 

The  much-dx’eaded  festival  of  the  Mohur- 
rum passed  over  without  the  expected  ex- 
plosion ; and,  after  a short  time,  Madras 
settled  down  to  its  accustomed  repose. 

Bombay,  like  its  sister  presidency  Ma- 
dras, was,  as  yet,  affected  but  slightly  by 
1 i the  storms  that  troubled  Bengal  and  the 
! North-West.  The  Bombay  troops,  though 
I not  altogether  equal  in  fidelity  to  those  of 
1 INIadras,  nevertheless  had  passed  through 
j 1 the  fiery  ordeal  very  creditably  until  a later 
' i period,  when  they  fell  into  a lamentable 
j error.  The  chief  native  community  o: 
j Bombay  consisted  of  the  Parsees,  Avho  em- 
i braced  nearly  all  the  wealth  and  influence 
1 of  the  place.  These  xverc,  to  a man,  firn 
130 

and  consistent  adherents  of  the  govern-  ! 
ment,  and  greatly  strengthened  the  hands  j 
of  Lord  Elphinstone  in  his  efforts  to  pre-  i 
serve  order  in  the  capital ; which,  conse-  | j 
quently,  was  undisturbed  by  any  rebel  de- 
monstration; although  the  adjacent  districts, 
north,  south,  and  east,  demanded  extreme 
vigilance.  The  first  point  at  which  the 
mutinous  spirit  showed  itself  in  this  direc- 
tion was  at  Kolapore — a station  situated 
about  180  miles  south  from  Bombay;  where, 
on  the  night  of  the  1st  of  August,’ the  men 
of  the  27th  Bombay  native  infantry,  with- 
out alleging  any  grievance,  or  affording  the 
slightest  hint  of  their  purpose,  broke  into  i 
open  mutiny,  murdered  several  of  their 
officers,  plundered  the  treasury  of  45,000 
rupees,  and  deserted.  The  emeute  com-  ' 
menced  about  ten  o’clock  in  the  evening; 
and  the  mutineers  proceeded  in  parties  to 
the  respective  bungalows  of  their  European 
officers.  The  native  adjutant,  and  two 
havildarsi  of  the  regiment,  who  were  loyal  j 
men,  had  fortunately,  although  at  the  last 
moment,  become  aware  of  their  intentions ; 
and,  by  anticipating  the  murderous  ruffians 
in  their  visit,  gave  some  of  the  intended 
victims  opportunity  to  escape.  Exasperated 
by  their  disappointment,  they  commenced 
firing  into  the  bungalow  of  Major  Rolland, 
who  was  in  command  of  the  regiment.  The 
family  of  this  officer  had  been  warned  of 
the  approaching  danger  by  the  mother  of 
the  native  adjutant,  and  had  escaped ; but 
the  unfortunate  woman  to  whom  they  were 
indebted  for  safety,  paid  with  her  life  for 
her  devotion  to  the  Europeans.  Upon 
learning  what  was  going  forward.  Captain 
M'Culloch  hastened  down  to  the  lines,  and 
managed  to  gather  around  him  about  fifty 
men ; but  they  would  neither  fire  upon 
their  mutinous  comrades,  nor  obey  his 
orders  to  rally  round  their  officers.  He 
was  therefore  compelled  to  leave  them, 
that  he  might  seek  the  safety  of  others. 

In  the  meantime.  Lieutenant  Norris,  and 
Ensigns  Heathfield  and  Stubbs,*  had  ran 
towards  the  quarter-guard,  calling  upon 
the  men  to  follow  them ; but  they  were 
answered  with  threats  and  imprecations. 
The  unfortunate  gentlemen,  who  were  ig- 
norant of  the  locality,  or  bewildered  by  the 
darkness  of  the  night,  wandered  for  some 
distance  in  search  of  an  asylum,  and  * 
reached  a village  called  Solunkore  before 
daylight  on  the  morning  of  the  3rd  of  ^ 

* Lieutenant  Norris  was  quite  a young  man ; and 
Ensigns  Stubbs  and  Heathfield  mere  boys.  j 

A.D.  1857.]  INDIAN 

August  ; and  there,  -wliile  taking  some 
food,  they  were  murdered  by  men  of  their 
own  regiment,  who  had  happened  to  cross 
their  track.  The  villagers  afterwards  threw 
their  bodies  into  the  Doodgunga  river, 
where  they  were  subsequently  found,  and 
recovered  for  the  rites  of  sepulture. 

Many  of  the  incidents  connected  with 
this  unexpected  outbreak  are  detailed  in 
the  following  extracts  from  letters  of  the 
surviving  officers,  and  from  reports  for- 
warded to  the  seat  of  government.  The 
first  selected  is  from  a narrative  of  facts, 
chiefly  referring  to  the  murdered  officers — 
gathered  from  the  confessions  of  muti- 
neers, and  the  testimony  of  native  eye- 
witnesses ; which,  as  they  agree  in  the 
main  with  that  of  the  surviving  officers 
of  the  regiment,  may  probably  be  de- 
pended on  as  correct.  This  document 
says — “On  the  night  of  the  31st  of  July, 
no  apprehensions  were  entertained  by  the 
English  at  Kolapore ; no  precautions  had 
been  taken,  nor  any  place  of  rendezvous  or 
refuge  appointed,  in  case  of  a mutiny 
amongst  the  sepoys.  The  night  was  very 
dark  and  rainy.  After  mess,  about  ten 
o’clock,  the  officers  separated  as  usual ; 
some  went  to  have  a game  at  billiards,  some 
went  home  to  bed.  The  major  (command- 
ing the  regiment)  was  at  home  ; the  doctor 
and  his  wife  were  spending  the  evening  at 
the  house  of  a friend ; Norris  and  De 
Lancey,  who  lived  together,  had  gone  home 
to  bed ; Stubbs  (who  was  adjutant  of  the 
regiment)  was  one  of  the  party  at  bil- 
liards ; his  younger  brother  had  gone  home 
to  bed.  The  alarm  was  given  in  the  bil- 
liard-room that  there  was  a row  in  the 
lines.  Stubbs’  servant  brought  him  his 
cloak,  and  ran  to  awake  his  brother. 
Stubbs  went  off  to  the  lines,  where  he  was 
soon  joined  by  the  major.  They  tried  to 
get  the  faithful  portion  of  the  regiment 
together;  and  a few  did  follow  them,  but 
could  not  be  got  to  act  in  quelling  the 
mutiny,  saving  the  arms  and  treasure,  or 
the  lives  of  the  officers,  more  than  by 
giving  them  warning  to  fly.  Heathfield 
and  Jones  rushed  into  Norris’s  house,  and 
begged  him  and  De  Lancey  to  ‘ Get  up 
quick;’  saying,  ‘The  men  have  mutinied, 
and  are  coming  up  here.’  Norris,  at  first, 
would  not  get  up,  nor  take  alarm ; but,  on 
De  Lancey’s  request,  he  got  up  and  loaded 
his  gun — De  Lancey  loaded  his  pistols,  and 
they  went  towards  the  lines,  having  pre- 
viously been  joined  by  Ensign  Stubbs.  On 


MUTINY.  [escape  of  Europeans. 

the  way  they  met  Captain  M'Culloch,  who 
advised  them  to  go  back  to  their  house  and 
wait  till  he  sent  them  word  what  to  do. 
They  returned,  and  sat  in  the  verandah 
listening  to  the  firing  and  noise  in  the 
lines.  Suddenly,  an  havildar  rushed  in  and 
said,  ‘ For  God’s  sake  fly  for  your  lives  ! 
There  are  150  men  coming  to  murder  the 
officers  ; they  are  now  in  the  mess  !’  Nor- 
ris’s house  was  within  two  doors  of  the 
mess.  The  four  officers  rushed  through 
the  house,  Norris  calling  out,  ‘ Come  along, 

I know  a capital  place.’  De  Lancey,  however, 
stepped  into  his  room  for  his  sword ; and 
this  saved  his  life ; for  when  he  attempted 
to  follow  his  comrades,  he  could  not  see 
them  for  the  darkness,  but  found  himself 
alone  with  his  sepoy  servant,  who  urged 
him  to  ‘ run,  or  he  had  no  chance  of  escape, 
as  the  men  were  mad  with  drink,  and 
longing  to  kill  the  Europeans.’  He  made 
for  the  residency,  not  without  fear  that  the 
irregulars  quartered  there  might  also  be  in 
mutiny,  and  fire  on  him ; but  he  resolved 
to  risk  it,  having  no  other  place  in  view, 
and  afraid  to  call  out  to  his  friends,  lest  he 
should  attract  the  attention  of  the  muti- 
neers, who  were  plundering  the  major’s 
house  next-door.  At  the  residency  he 
found  the  major  and  his  wife;  and,  by  de- 
grees, with  much  danger  and  difficulty,  all 
the  Europeans  of  the  place  assembled  there. 
Mrs.  Rolland,  and  the  other  ladies  and 
children,  had  escaped  as  by  miracle — for  the 
most  part  in  their  night-dresses  ; and  their 
first  act  on  reaching  the  residency,  was  to 
kneel  down  and  thank  God  for  their  safety. 

“ De  Lancey  volunteered  to  assist  Cap- 
tain Schneider  that  night,  and  went  off  to 
command  seventy  men  of  his  irregulars, 
protecting  the  magazine,  &c.  Stubbs, 
M‘Culloch,  and  other  officers,  got  together 
about  a hundred  men,  and  took  up  a posi-  | 
tion  at  the  mess-house ; but  the  men  were  j 
seized  with  a panic,  fired  off  their  guns,  and 
rushed  into  the  mess,  and  would  not  be 
persuaded  to  come  out  again. 

“ The  night  of  the  1st  of  August  came, 
and  no  tidings  of  the  missing  officers. 
Four  thousand  pounds  had  been  taken 
from  the  treasury,  lots  of  ammunition  car- 
ried off,  and  the  shops  and  the  major’s 
house  looted.  A poor  old  woman,  mother 
of  the  havildar  who  had  given  the  alarm  at  | 
Major  Rolland’s  house  and  at  Norris’s,  was  i 
found  murdered  in  her  house.  The  muti-  ! 
neers  had  gone ; but  all  was  confusion  and 
distrust  in  the  camp — not  a native  could  be 

131 


KOLAPOKE — OFFICERS  MURDERED.]  HISTORY  OF  THE  [a.D.  1857. 

trusted,  and  there  ivere  no  European  sol- 
diers. "When  De  Lancey  found  that  Nor- 
ris was  not  in  the  fort  or  the  neighbour- 
hood, nor  to  be  heard  of  anywhere,  he 
volunteered  to  scour  the  country  for  the 
three  missing  officers,  if  he  might  have  five 
mounted  men ; but  he  was  told  ‘ they 
could  not  be  spared — all  were  wanted  to 
protect  the  station.' 

“ [Meanwhile,  the  three  poor  fellows  were 
seen  by  some  Coolies  on  the  Phonda-road. 
They  carried  their  boots  over  their  shoul- 
ders, and  walked  barefoot,  because  of  the 
deep  mud  and  difficult  roads.  They  are 
supposed  to  have  left  the  main  road  on  the 
2nd  of  August,  and  turned  to  the  left  till 
they  reached  the  village  of  Solunkore  be- 
fore daylight  on  the  3rd.  Here  the  vil- 
lagers gave  them  some  food:  they  were 
eating  it  in  a temple,  when  a party  of  fifty 
mutineers  came  up ; a woman  told  them 
there  were  three  Kaffirs  in  the  temple,  and 
they  instantly  surrounded  it  and  shot  the 
two  unarmed  men  (Stubbs  and  Heathfield.) 
Norris  ran  a little  distance,  and  turned  to 
' fire  upon  the  murderers ; but  before  he 
could  draw  the  trigger,  three  bullets  en- 
tered his  left  side.  The  mutineers  passed 
on ; and  the  villagers,  fearing  to  be  blamed, 
threw  the  bodies  into  the  Doodgunga  river. 
The  bodies  of  Norris  and  Heathfield  have 
since  been  found  and  buried. 

Thus  fell  three  promising  young  men, 
i the  eldest  not  twenty-four  years  old,  be- 
loved and  regretted  by  all  who  knew  them. 
His  commanding  officer  says  of  Norris,  that 
‘ he  was  a great  favourite  with  his  brother 
officers  ; and,  from  his  abilities,  would  have 
been  a great  ornament  to  the  service  which 
has  lost  him.  Nothing  but  their  innate 
fiendish  disposition  could  have  induced  the 
mutineers  to  murder  him,  as  he  was  always 
conciliatory  and  kiud  towards  the  men.' 

“ One  of  his  brother  officers  speaks  even 
more  vrarmly  of  him,  as  ‘ the  best  fellow  in 
the  regiment,  and  my  greatest  friend,  with 
whom  I have  always  lived,  and  never  had  a 
quarrel,  or  anything  like  a quarrel.  Poor, 
dear  old  Norris,  whom  I loved  as  a brother  ! 
I miss  him  more  and  more  every  day ; he 
was  so  good  and  kiud,  and  never  hurt  a 
living  thing.  I am  so  unhappy  I scarcely 
know  what  to  do.  How  I feel  for  his  poor 
parents ! It  seems  almost  like  a dream ; 

1 and  I can  scarcely  imagine  I shall  never 
see  him  again.' 

“ Heathfield  is  also  spoken  of  as  an 
officer  of  great  promise  for  the  verv  short 
132 

time  he  had  been  in  the  service,  and  was 
much  esteemed  and  loved  in  the  regiment ; 
as  was  poor  Stubbs,  ‘ whose  sweetness  of 
temper  won  him  all  hearts.' 

“ It  has  been  said,  that  these  three 
' missed  their  way  to  the  residency ;'  but 
there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  they  in- 
tended to  go  there,  or  thought  they  would 
be  more  secure  at  Colonel  Maughan’s  than 
elsewhere.  In  fact,  they  knew  nothing 
of  its  being  a partial  mutiny.  All  the 
troops  at  Kolapore  were  native  to  a man ; 
and  the  three  officers  probably  thought  to 
escape,  as  Norris’s  words  would  imply,  to 
some  of  their  old  haunts  in  the  ghauts, 
where  they  were  frequently  in  the  habit  of 
hunting  and  shooting. 

“ Since  their  deaths,  Kolapore  has  been, 
like  many  other  places  in  India,  a scene  of 
terrible  and  bloody  retribution.  Up  to  the 
6th  of  September,  daily  courts-martial  were 
sitting.  Six  men  have  been  blown  from 
guns,  eleven  shot,  and  many  more  hung ; 
the  gaol  was  still  full,  and  the  work  going  on. 
Such  are  the  scenes  of  ‘ evil'  from  which 
these  three  young  souls  have  been  sud- 
denly and  awfully  ‘ taken.’  May  God  have 
mercy  on  their  murderers!  ‘Vengeance  is 
mine,  saith  the  Lord.’" 

The  second  extract  is  from  a letter  dated 
“ Kolapore,  12th  of  August,"  which  proceeds 
thus : — 

“Ou  the  1st  instant,  at  half-past  8 p.m., 
Stubbs,  Dr.  Broughton,  young  Heathfield, 
Keith,  and  myself,  after  having  dined  at 
mess,  were  playing  a game  at  billiards,  when 
suddenly  there  was  a violent  knocking  at 
the  door,  and  in  rushed  the  native  adjutant 
and  a drill  havildar;  and  as  soon  as  they 
had  recovered  their  breath,  said  there  was  a 
mutiny  in  the  lines.  We  were  all  so  excited, 
and  everything  in  such  a state  of  confusion, 
that  I cannot  well  describe  the  events  of 
that  night;  only  I know  that,  at  three  o’clock 
in  the  morning,  the  major.  Captain  M‘Cul- 
loch,  Stubbs,  De  Lancey,  Keith,  and  myself, 
took  refuge,  with  100  men,  in  a little  school- 
house  near  the  local  corps’  lines,  after  having 
walked  the  whole  night  through  pelting 
rain,  among  ploughed  fields,  dressed  in 
white  mess  jackets  and  trowsers.  At  five 
o’clock  in  the  morning  we  marched  down 
with  our  100  men,  all  the  local  corps  (about 
600  men),  and  50  of  tlie  Southern  Mahratta 
irregular  horse,  to  our  regiment’s  lines, 
where  we  expected  the  mutineers  would 
\ defend  themselves.  We  found,  however, 
1 that  about  210  men  had  gone  away,  taking 

A.D.  1857.]  INDIAJ^  MUTINY.  [a  plot  discovered. 

their  arms  and  lots  of  ammunition  with 
them.  The  rest  of  the  regiment  either 
quietly  joined  ns  in  the  lines,  or  had  run 
away  and  hidden  themselves  in  the  fields  and 
villages  about,  when  they  heard  the  firing. 
The  mutineers  had  broken  into  the  treasure- 
chests,  and  taken  away  about  60,000  rupees. 
They  had  torn  the  regimental  colours,  and 
trampled  them  in  the  mud;  they  had  taken 
away  or  destroyed  all  the  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion in  stores ; they  had  killed  one  old 
woman,  the  native  adjutant’s  mother,  and 
she  had  only  saved  his  children  by  hiding 
them  under  the  beds ; they  had  riddled  the 
major’s  door  and  windows  with  balls,  and 
broken  open  several  of  his  boxes.  The 
resident  got  information  that  the  mutineers 
had  shut  themselves  up  in  a strong  square 
building,  with  loopholed  walls,  and  flanking 
towers  at  the  corners,  near  the  city  of  Kola- 
pore.  He  accordingly  marched  all  the  local 
corps  out  to  attack  them.  When  they  got 
there,  however,  they  were  greeted  by  a 
volley  from  inside,  fired  through  the  loop- 
holes in  the  wall.  He  then  marched  the 
locals  straight  homq.  This  Avas  on  the 
morning  of  the  2nd  iust. ; from  that  until 
the  10th,  nothing  was  done.  Our  men  were 
kept  under  arms  all  day,  ready  to  turn  out 
the  instant  the  bugle  sounded  ; and  small 
parties  of  cavalry  Avere  continually  scouring 
the  country,  to  get  intelligence  of  Avhere  the 
mutineers  went,  and  to  Avarn  the  head-men 
of  villages  not  to  give  them  food  or  shelter. 
On  the  6th,  a party  who  had  been  out  at  a 
village  about  sixteen  miles  off,  said  that  the 
people  of  the  village  had  told  them  that  the 
three  unfortunate  young  officers  Avho  had 
not  been  heard  of  since  the  night  of  the 
roAV,  had  been  caught  and  murdered  here 
by  the  mutineers,  and  they  showed  the 
marks  of  bullets  and  the  blood  on  the 
floor  of  a native  temple.  They  said  their 
bodies  had  been  thrown  into  a river  that 
runs  near  the  place  ; but  they  have  not  been 
found.  On  the  3rd,  a man  named  Hossein 
Ali  came  in  from  the  city  to  our  lines,  where 
he  went  to  our  subahdar-major’s  house,  and 
said  to  him,  ‘All  the  Englishmen  in  India 
are  to  be  killed.  Get  the  regiment  to  rise ; 
the  city  Avill  join  you.  We  Avill  kill  the 
officers,  and  then  the  Mussulman  religion 
will  again  be  the  religion  of  India.’  He 
also  said  that  a native  officer  of  the  S.  M. 
horse  would  join  them  with  100  men.  The 
old  subahdar  put  food  before  him,  and  said 
he  Avould  go  and  call  some  other  native  offi- 
cers, and  they  would  consult  about  hoAv  it 

was  to  be  done.  He  got  two  other  faithful 
officers  into  the  house,  and  told  them  quietly 
to  keep  the  man  engaged  in  conversation, 
and  not  let  him  go,  Avhile  he  himself  ran  up 
and  told  the  major.  He  then  Avent  back, 
and  brought  the  man  quietly  up  through 
the  lines  to  the  major’s  house.  He  Avas 
then  tied  and  sent  into  the  city,  where  he 
Avas  put  in  ii’ons  in  the  gaol.  The  next  day 
four  of  our  officers  and  I Avent  into  the  city 
and  tried  him  by  court-martial,  after  having 
his  irons  knocked  off.  He  was  then  taken 
out,  and  shot  by  six  of  the  S.  M.  horse  in 
the  gaol-yard.  The  man  Avho  commanded 
the  firing  party  was  the  native  officer  who, 
he  said,  was  to  join  them  with  100  men.  In 
the  meantime,  about  ninety  men  had  come 
in  from  the  fields  and  villages  about,  Avho 
said  they  had  only  run  out  there  on  hearing 
the  firing,  to  place  their  wives  and  children 
in  safety,  not  knoAving  Avhere  else  to  go  to ; 
several  men  had  also  been  brought  in  by 
the  village  authorities,  and  by  the  parties 
of  irregulars  Avho  Avere  riding  about  the 
country.  They  were  all  sent  into  the  city 
of  Kolapore,  Avhere  they  Avere  put  into  the 
gaol  in  chains,  and  guarded  by  the  rajah 
and  his  people.  At  night  Ave  all  sleep  at 
Maughan’s,  where  there  is  a very  strong 
guard  kept ; we  have  also  outlying  pickets 
of  horse  and  foot  in  every  direction,  and  a 
regular  chain  of  videttes  all  round  camp. 

“ We  telegraphed,  on  the  night  of  the  1st, 
to  Sattara  about  the  row;  Kerr,  the  adju- 
tant of  the  S.  M.  irregulars,  started  on  the 
morning  of  the  2nd,  and  Avas  Avith  us,  bring- 
ing fifty  men,  on  the  morning  of  the  3rd ; 
having  ridden  Avith  his  men  the  eighty  miles 
in  twenty-four  hours,  and  swam  their  horses 
over  three  very  deep  and  rapid  rivers,  which 
in  the  rains  are  considered  quite  impassable. 
He  is  a very  fine  fellow,  and  a capital  speci- 
men of  an  irregular  horseman ; the  other 
day  he  rode  240  miles  without  stopping. 
Immediately  the  row  occurred,  Maughan 
telegraphed  to  Bombay  for  Europeans ; but 
they  have  not  been  by  any  means  so  expedi- 
tious as  Kerr;  for,  though  a steamer  was 
dispatched  from  Bombay  immediately,  with 
200  of  the  2nd  Europeans  to  Wargoten,  and 
they  arrived  there  on  the  3rd,  they  have  not 
been  able  to  get  here  yet  on  account  of  the 
nullahs  and  rivers  being  all  so  flooded.  A 
troop  of  horse  artillery,  too,  started  from 
Poonah,  but  they  have  not  arrived  here  yet 
for  the  same  reasons.  It  Avas  at  one  time 
feared  the  whole  country  had  risen : Ave 
might  have  been  cut  to  pieces  for  all  they 

133 

i 

I 

i 

1 

j 

i 

1 

j 

i 

1 

i 

1 

1 

1 

i 

( 

[ 

j 

AVARGOTEN — ATTACK  ON  THE  FORT.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  1857. 


knew ; so  that  they  are  very  much  to  blame 
for  not  having  made  more  haste.  Up  to 
the  10th,  the  mutineers  had  met  with  no 
check;  on  that  day,  however,  Ave  had  the 
great  pleasure  of  doing  for  a few  of  them. 
On  the  night  of  the  9th,  Maughan  received 
intelligence  that  twenty-five  of  the  muti- 
neers, with  muskets  in  their  hands,  were 
coming  back  in  the  Kolapore  direction,  from 
a place  sixteen  miles  out  on  the  Wargoten- 
road,  where  they  had  all  gone  to  at  first. 
Kerr  mounted  at  twelve  o’clock  at  night, 
and  set  off  through  the  rain,  with  thirty 
men,  to  meet  them.  He  rode  out  about 
twelve  miles,  and  caught  three  men ; but  he 
heard  from  them,  that  at  half-past  eleven 
o’clock  the  main  body  of  them  had  marched 
in  and  occupied  the  same  position  which 
Maughan  had  tried  to  take  before.  Kerr 
left  his  men  round  about  the  place,  to  see 
that  they  did  not  go  away  during  the 
night,  and  rode  in  to  ask  Maughan  to  give 
him  some  more  men,  and  let  him  try  to 
take  the  place.  Accordingly,  at  ten  o’clock 
next  morning.  Captain  M'Cuiloch  and  I set 
off  with  thirty  volunteers  from  our  regiment, 
and  Kerr  brought  out  thirty  more  of  his 
irregulars.  When  we  got  there,  we  found 
the  fellows  inside  all  ready  to  receive  us, 
with  two  sentries  walking  up  and  down  be- 
tween the  wall  and  the  lake,  and  a man  at 
each  of  the  corner  towers,  who  occasionally 
fired  Avhen  any  of  us  came  too  near.  We 
passed  behind  the  small  native  huts  which 
line  the  road,  to  a little  stone  temple,  which 
they  had  not  been  able  to  occupy,  as  it  is  solid 
stone,  without  a door  or  Aviudow;  in  fact  it 
is  a monument,  not  a temple.  From  here 
we  could  see  Avliat  sort  of  a place  it  was. 
It  was  a double  square,  hollow  in  the  middle, 
like  a farm  square  in  Scotland,  with  a Ioav, 
tiled  shed  inside  the  Avail,  for  putting  horses 
and  cattle  in.  The  four  doors  were  of  tre- 
mendously hard  Avood,  into  which  a musket- 
ball  did  not  penetrate  half  an  inch ; and  the 
main  gate  was  of  the  same  Avood,  bound  and 
studded  Avith  irou,  and  about  eight  or  ten 
inches  thick.  The  two  men  who  Avere  Avalk- 
ing  up  and  doAvn  the  place  in  front  of  the 
little  door  Avhich  looks  out  towards  the  lake, 
began  firing  at  us  behind  the  monument, 
and  our  felloAvs  returned  shot  for  shot ; but 
as  neither  of  them  hit,  it  was  not  of  much 
use,  only  keeping  our  fellows  from  going 
nearer.  M'Culloch  then  told  me  to  take 
some  of  our  men  and  some  of  the  S.  M.  horse 
round  the  lake,  to  a place  near  the  rajah’s 
house,  where  there  Avere  trees  aud  bushes 
134 


which  afforded  capital  cover  for  skirmishers. 
From  here  we  soon  dislodged  the  two  men, 
one  of  whom  Avas  hit  on  the  thigh,  and  they 
ran  inside  the  square.  We  could  not,  how- 
ever, get  very  near  the  square,  as  there  Avas 
a small  temple  at  that  corner,  Avhich  they  . 
had  occupied,  and  from  the  little  Avindows  of 
which  they  fired  at  us.  We  remained  here 
behind  the  trees  for  a long  time,  answering  ; 
their  shots,  on  the  chance  of  some  balls 
going  in  through  the  loopholes  or  windows. 
After  a while  a fellow  came  riding  round  the 
lake,  to  say  that  all  our  officers  had  come 
down  with  tAventy  more  men,  and  that  they 
had  got  two  of  the  rajah’s  guns,  and  Avere 
goiiig  to  bloAv  the  main  gate  open,  and  storm 
the  place.  I Avas  told  accordingly  to  collect 
my  men,  and  prevent  any  of  the  fellows 
escaping  by  the  road  toAvards  our  camp.  I 
therefore  formed  my  men  up,  and  made  the 
horsemen  mount,  so  as  to  be  ready  to  chase 
them  if  they  came  past.  I Avas  here  con- 
cealed by  a bank  from  the  fort.  The  felloAvs 
with  M'Culloch  ‘then  began  blazing  aAvay 
Avith  the  guns  at  the  main  gate,  aud  I 
expected  every  minute  to  hear  that  they 
had  broken  the  gate  open  and  gone  in, 
and  was  feeling  very  much  disgusted  at  not 
being  able  to  go  and  see  the  fun ; but  I felt 
obliged  to  stay  and  Avatch  that  road.  The 
guns  soon  stopped  firing,  and  I supposed  all 
was  over.  HoAvever,  I Avas  soon  undeceived ; 
for  Kerr  and  the  major  came  round  to  the 
lake  where  I was,  and  said  they  Avere  going 
to  bring  the  guns  there,  to  see  if  they  could 
open  a way  in.  They  said  that  the  guns 
could  only  be  brought  to  fire  obliquely,  and 
therefore  did  not  have  much  effect  on  thegate, 
for  the  balls  merely  Aveut  through,  leaATug 
only  a small  round  hole  in  the  Avood,  but 
not  breaking  it  so  as  to  make  it  passable. 
The  guns  were  then  placed  in  a neAV  posi- 
tion, and  Ave  began  firing  at  the  little  side  j 
door.  Two  balls  went  through  it,  but  only 
left  little  round  holes,  as  in  the  other  door; 
and  no  tAA^o  balls  hit  on  the  same  spot ; for 
the  balls  were  too  small  for  the  guns,  aud 
the  fellows  could  not  aim  them  at  all — so 
much  so,  that  several  balls  Aveut  right  over  ; 
the  place,  and  did  considerable  damage  in 
the  city.  While  here,  a native  gunner  Avas 
killed  from  the  Avails,  and  one  shot  cut  my 
trowsers  on  the  left  leg,  but  did  not  touch 
the  skin.  The  major,  seeing  that  the  guns 
Avere  not  likely  to  open  a Avay  into  the  place, 
said  to  me,  ‘ Will  you  take  a party  aud  turn 
those  fellows  out  Avho  are  firing  from  the 
AviiidoAvs  of  that  little  temple  ?’  I got  twelve 


A.D.  ]857.]  INDIAN 

men  to  volunteer,  and  we  rushed  up  the 
road  with  a shout,  six  of  the  men  firing  their 
muskets  at  the  windows  while  running  up, 
the  remaining  six  reserving  their  fire  for 
closer  quarters.  I ran  up  to  one  window 
and  fired  a cavalry  carbine,  which  I had  used 
all  day,  right  into  the  place,  and  one  of  the 
men  did  so  to  the  other.  We  found,  how- 
evei’,  that  the  fellows  Avho  had  been  there 
had  left  it,  and  gone  into  the  main  building. 
From  round  the  outside  of  this  temple,  we 
could  keep  them  almost  entirely  from  firing 
from  that  side  of  the  building ; for  if  one 
shot  Avas  fired  from  a loophole,  it  was 
immediately  answered  by  a dozen  ; and  Ave 
Avere  so  near,  that  a lot  of  our  balls  always 
went  in.  The  biggest  gun  Avas  here  hauled 
up  close  to  the  little  door.  Here  two  na- 
tives were  killed  ; one  Avas  hit  on  the  mouth, 
and  the  other  had  the  Avhole  of  the  back  part 
of  his  head  carried  aAvay.  A ball  grazed 
the  toe  of  ray  left  boot.  Here  seven  men 
came  out  of  the  place  and  gave  themselves 
up ; one  of  them  had  his  eye  shot  out,  and 
another  his  left  arm  broken  by  a cannon- 
ball. All  of  a sudden  Ave  heard  a Avhole  lot 
of  shots  inside  the  place,  and  Avere  told  that 
Kerr  had  got  in  on  the  opposite  side  by  a 
gate,  Avhich  they  had  neglected  to  guard. 
We  should  have  battered  the  little  door 
; down  in  a feAv  more  shots,  but  we  could  not 
get  it  opened  at  once,  as  they  had  piled  a 
' lot  of  big  stones  inside  against  it.  We 
rushed  at  a little  door  which  had  not  been 
tried  before,  because  it  Avas  so  difficult  to 
get  at.  We  found  it  not  so  strong  as  the 
others,  and  broke  it  in  Avith  a piekaxe  and 
the  butts  of  our  muskets.  Several  men  Avere 
shot  down  inside,  and  three  prisoners  taken. 
It  is  very  extraordinary  that  not  one  of  our 
men  was  touched,  though  they  fired  a lot  of 
shots  at  us.  Six  men  took  refuge  in  a little 
room  in  the  middle  of  the  square.  This 
Avas  made  of  immense  blocks  of  solid  stone. 
There  was  a small  door  looking  toAvards  the 
main  gate,  up  to  which  there  Avere  four 
stone  steps ; there  was  a little  stone  veran- 
dah round  it,  to  which  the  wiudoAv  looked, 
and  which  Avas  raised  about  four  feet  above 
the  ground.  The  AvindoAv  Avas  about  two 
feet  above  the  verandah,  and  about  four  feet 
square.  The  door  and  Avooden  shutter  of 
the  AviudoAv  Avere  shut.  We  sent  a lot  of 
balls  through  the  door  aud  AvindoAvs ; and 
they  returned  them,  each  on  the  chance  of 
I hitting  the  other.  They  hit  one  colour- 
havildar  on  the  head,  and  one  sepoy  on  the 
knee.  After  a Avhilc,  finding  Ave  could  not 


MUTINY.  [the  capture. 

turn  them  out  without  having  some  of  our 
men  hurt  (which  Ave  did  not  Avish),  Ave  I’e- 
solved  to  smoke  them  out,  aud  accordingly 
thrcAV  a lot  of  lighted  grass  before  the  door. 
One  man,  seeing  that  they  Avere  to  be  burnt 
out,  sprang  out  of  the  little  window  like  a 
tiger,  with  his  loaded  musket  in  his  hand, 
evidently  resolved  to  sell  his  life  dearly.  I 
happened  to  be  standing  close  to  the  Avin- 
doAA',  and  shot  him  through  the  head  with 
the  carbine  I had  used  all  day.  He  fell  all 
in  a heap,  stone  dead.  On  finding  the 
smoke  insufferable,  they  came  out  one  by 
one,  only  to  be  shot  down  by  our  men 
immediately.  The  square  Avas  now  an  awful 
sight,  Avith  eight  or  ten  dead  bodies  lying  on 
the  ground,  the  whole  place  streaming  Avith 
blood,  and  the  prisoners,  some  of  them, 
frightfully  wounded.” 

A singular  feature  connected  with  the 
mutiny  of  this  regiment,  was  presented  by 
the  fact,  that  no  non-commissioned  officer 
took  part  Avith  the  mutineers;  and  also  that 
only  one-third  of  the  regiment  were  Hin- 
dostani  men,  the  rest  being  Mahrattas,  and 
Deccan  and  Concan  Hindoos : the  virus  of 
sedition  had  affected  all  in  this  instance, 
Avithout  distinction  of  country. 

Another  account,  after  describing  the  first 
movement  of  the  mutinous  soldiers,  and  the 
flight  of  the  three  officers,  announces  the 
punishment  of  the  rebels,  and  the  entire 
suppression  of  revolt  in  that  quarter  of  the 
presidency  of  Bombay.  The  Avriter  says — 
" The  mutineers,  by  threats  of  instant  death, 
made  numbers  join  them.  They  plundered 
the  tumbril  of  45,000  rupees,  and  the  stores 
of  several  thousand  rounds  of  cartridges. 
While  all  this  Avas  going  on  the  Kolapore 
infantry  came  up,  and  surrounded  the  mess- 
house.  Some  fifty  of  the  27th,  still  faithful, 
were  there  also,  Avith  the  whole  of  the  offi- 
cers of  the  regiment.  They  had  not  been 
there  for  any  length  of  time  before  a sentry 
took  the  alarm,  or  purposely  discharged  his 
piece,  and  every  one  followed  his  example. 
The  27th  ran  like  coAvards  into  the  mess- 
room,  out  of  Avhich  they  refused  to  stir. 
Nothing  then  remained  but  to  retire  on 
BoAvrah,  a place  distant  about  half  a mile. 
The  fifty  men  of  the  27th  occupied  the 
school-house  as  a picket,  and  lit  a fire, 
round  Avhich  they  coolly  seated  themselves ; 
while  Major  Holland  and  Captain  McCul- 
loch performed  sentry-go — a duty  which 
their  OAvn  men  declined  ! Next  morning, 
120  of  the  Kolapore  infantry,  and  a party 
of  the  irregulars,  Avent  to  dislodge  150  of 

135 


KOLAPORE THE  REINFORCEMEXT.l  IIISTORY  OF  THE  Ta.D.  1857. 


the  mutineers  from  a position  they  held  iu 
the  city.  On  arrival,  it  was  found  to  be 
impracticable  without  guns.  The  position 
was  surrounded  by  high,  sti’ong  loopholed 
walls,  and,  without  scaling-ladders,  nothing 
could  be  attempted.  After  returning  some 
shots  our  force  retired  without  accident,  save 
a slight  graze  which  Colonel  JMaughan  re- 
ceived from  a fall. 

“ Late  in  the  day  a new  character  ap- 
peared on  the  scene.  The  whole  of  the 
European  community  had  retired  to  the 
residency,  the  compound  of  which  was 
strongly  guarded  by  the  Kolapore  infantry. 
They  were  all  anxious  and  praying  for  suc- 
cour, and  they  had  not  long  to  wait  for  it. 
Covered  with  skirmishers,  they  soon  saw  a 
small  body  of  men  riding  to  their  relief. 
As  they  advanced  nearer,  they  described 
the  leader  to  be  Lieutenant  Kerr,  of  the 
Southern  Mahratta  horse ; and  he  had  fifty 
sabres  at  his  back.  His  welcome  was  a 
j warm  one.  His  face,  radiaut  with  daring, 

■ inspired  every  breast  with  confidence ; and 
j as  they  glanced  at  his  swarthy  troopers, 

] reeking  with  their  recent  ride,  they  felt  that 
if  their  gallant  leader  were  only  permitted, 
his  horse’s  hoofs  would  soon  be  red  with 
rebel  blood.  The  march  of  Lieutenant  Kerr 
was  wonderful.  As  soon  as  the  mutiny 
broke  out  at  Kolapore,  a telegraphic  mes- 
sage was  sent  off  to  Colonel  Malcolm  at 
Sattara.  When  it  was  received.  Lieutenant 
KeiT  was  at  the  engineer  stores,  in  the 
European  guard,  putting  irons  upon  a man 
who  had  enlisted  in  the  horse  with  a view 
of  corrupting  the  allegiance  of  the  troopers. 
"While  so  engaged,  the  colonel’s  orderly 
galloped  up,  and  gave  him  a note  stating 
that  he  required  him  at  his  house,  and  that 
he  was  to  prepare  to  march  at  once  with 
fifty  sabres  upon  Kolapore.  In  a very  short 
time  Lieutenant  Kerr  and  his  men  were  in 
their  saddles.  When  they  started  they 
were  loudly  and  heartily  cheered  by  the 
men  of  the  3rd  European  regiment,  who 
wished  them  God-speed.  The  rivers 
Khonia-warna,  Punch-gunga,  and  the  nul- 
lahs, were  brim-full;  the  roads  fetlock-deep; 
even  the  elements  seemed  to  conspire 
against  the  little  party  : yet  without  a sick 
horse  or  man,  and  all,  comparatively  speak- 
ing, fresh.  Lieutenant  Kerr  did  the  whole 
distance  (seventy-six  miles)  in  twenty-four 
hours,  and  entered  Kolapore  in  the  manner 
we  have  described.  The  celerity  of  this 
march  requires  no  comment  at  our  hands ; 
it  speaks  for  itself ; and  we  can  only 
136 


hope  that  the  government  will  not  look  over 
a service  which  turned  the  tide  of  victory 
against  the  mutineers. 

“ On  the  morning  of  the  3rd  of  August, 
two  hours  before  daybreak,  the  mutineers 
left  the  Ghaum,  and  took  the  road  to 
Farala,  where  they  remained  until  the  6th 
instant.  They  then  descended  into  the  Con- 
can  by  a passage  near  the  ghauts. 

“ Lieutenant  Kerr  offered  to  attack  the 
rebels  before  they  left  Farala,  but  Colonel 
IMaughan  would  not  permit  him.  It  is  the 
general  belief,  that  had  he  been  allowed  to 
have  done  so,  he  w'ould  have  ridden  them 
down,  and  sabred  them  to  a man. 

“ The  Mahratta  horse  were  also  endea- 
voiu’ed  to  be  tampered  with;  but  the  traitor 
was  discovered,  tried,  and  shot  forthwith. 
The  rajah  of  Kolapore,  and  all  the  native 
chiefs  in  the  neighbourhood,  have  evinced 
the  best  of  feeling  throughout.  It  is  a pity 
that  more  promptitude  was  not  displayed 
by  Colonel  Maughan.  Had  he  attacked 
the  rebels  with  the  forces  at  his  disposal,  he 
might  easily  have  overcome  them.  The 
risk,  however,  was  great ; as,  in  the  event 
of  a reverse,  the  consequences  would  have 
been  fearful.  He  had  not  only  his  troops 
to  protect,  but  a number  of  helpless  women 
and  children;  and  snch  a responsibility  ren- 
ders even  the  bravest  irresolute.  Up  to  the 
9th  instant  but  little  seems  to  have  been 
done  beyond  strengthening  our  position. 
On  the  evening  of  that  day,  twenty-six  of 
the  mutineers  returned  to  Kolapore,  and 
shut  themselves  up  in  an  enclosure  close  by 
a tank,  in  front  of  what  formerly  was  the 
quarter-guard  of  the  native  regiment  in  the 
old  camp.  This  position  they  managed  to 
strengthen,  and  there  they  were  attacked. 
After  nine  hours’  hard  fighting,  the  place 
was  carried  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet. 
Lieutenant  Kerr  first  received  information 
of  the  arrival  of  these  men  when  he  was  out 
on  picket  duty.  He  instantly  went  up  and 
surrounded  the  place  with  his  irregular 
horsemen.  He  then  left  Dr.  Broughton  in 
charge,  and  galloped  off  to  camp  to  give 
the  news  to  Major  Holland.  This  officer 
immediately  went  to  the  lines  for  volunteers. 
All  volunteered,  but  only  100  were  taken. 
The  rest  remained  ready  in  their  lines. 
Lieutenant  Kerr  led  the  storming  party, 
and  did  his  duty  nobly.  He  has  been 
thanked  in  orders  for  his  ‘ devoted  bravery.’ 
Two  men  were  killed  in  this  attack, 
and  some  few  wounded.  Lieutenant 
Kerr  got  a smash  over  the  shoulder  from 


A.D.  1857.]  INDIAN  MUTINY.  [retribution,  | 

the  butt  of  a musket,  but  liad  ample  ven- 

Sheik  Sharuoodeen  has  been  recommended 

geance  by  shooting  liis  a>sailant  dead,  and 

for  promotion  to  rissaldar,  with  the  ‘ Order 

running  another  man  through  with  his  sword. 

of  British  India;’  and  a gallant  little  Mali- 

Tlie  storming  party  first  burst  in  a small 

ratta  sowar,  already  mentioned,  who  saved 

door  of  the  enclosure,  three  feet  wide,  and 

Lieutenant  Kerr’s  life  in  the  attack  at  the 

then  jumped  in  amongst  the  mutineers. 

enclosure,  is  also  recommended  to  be  pro- 

shooting  and  bayoneting  all  they  met. 

moted  to  the  rank  of  kote  duflfadar,  with  the 

They  then  burst  in  another  door  of  the 

‘ Order  of  Merit.’ 

inner  keep,  and  killed  all  they  encountered. 

“There  was  also  a detachment  of  250  men 

“ The  remainder  of  the  mutineers  have 

of  the  27th  regiment  of  native  infantry  at 

been  since  captured  and  destroyed — some 

Rutnagherry.  It  was  deemed  expedient  to 

in  the  Concan,  and  others  in  the  districts. 

disarm  them,  and  accordingly  arrangements 

Many  have  been  blown  away  from  guns ; 

were  made  in  Bombay  for  that  purpose.  The 

and  sucli  a terrible  example  has  been  made 

disarming  took  place  on  the  12th  instant. 

as  is  likely  to  keep  the  Southern  Mahratta 

The  detachment  of  the  27th  yielded  up  their 

country  quiet  for  years  to  come.  Colonel 

arms  without  a murmur,  and  were  quietly 

Le  Grand  Jacob  is  at  Kolapore,  and  has 

marched  back  to  their  lines.  Major  Stuart, 

assumed  the  chief  command  of  the  field 

of  the  86th,  with  the  majority  of  his  troops. 

force.  The  garrison  has  also  been  rein- 

then  left  for  Goa  en  route  to  Dharwar, 

forced  by  two  companies  of  the  2nd  Euro- 

leaving  a detachment  of  European  artillery 

pean  light  infantry,  two  12-pounder  howit- 

and  sailors  for  the  protection  of  Rutna- 

zers,  mountain  train,  and  the  4th  troop  of 

gherry.” 

horse  artillery.  All  danger  may  therefore 

The  Kolapore  mutineers  were  within 

be  said  to  have  passed  away. 

twenty  miles  of  Goa,  when  they  heard  that 

“ The  27th  regiment  was  disarmed  on 

a steamer,  with  European  troops,  had  arrived 

the  18th,  and  all  went  off  quietly.  Indeed 

there.  They  then  at  once  turned  their 

it  could  not  be  otherwise.  The  guns  were 

faces  towards  the  interior,  and  marched  up 

loaded  with  canister,  and  laid.  The  infantry 

the  ghaut  again,  where  they  were  disposed 

also  had  loaded.  Colonel  Jacob,  who 

of  in  the  manner  already  described. 

speaks  fluently  in  Hindustani,  addressed  the 

The  following  extracts,  from  a communi- 

27th  regiment  on  the  subject  of  the  late 

cation  dated  “ Belgaum,  August  23rd,” 

disgraceful  proceedings.  He  then  called 

record  the  punishment  inflicted  upon  a por- 

Lieutenant  Kerr  and  two  of  his  brave  sowars 

tion  of  the  Kolapore  mutineers.  The  narra- 

to  the  front,  complimented  them  on  their 

tive  is  in  the  form  of  a diary. 

distinguished  conduct  in  the  attack  on  the 

“ Aug.  10th. — Intelligence  reached  us 

enclosure,  and  explained  their  deeds  to  the 

to-day  of  the  slaughter  of  twenty  of  the 

Europeans,  who  instantly  evinced  their  ap- 

Kolapore  mutineers  by  their  own  regiment. 

proval  with  three  hearty  cheers. 

It  appears  these  men  could  not  get  on  at  all 

“ There  were  seven  more  arrests  on  the 

below  the  ghaut  where  they  at  first  went. 

18th.  Two  hundred  will  die  in  all.  Two 

They  could  get  no  money  and  no  food,  so 

courts-martial  are  at  work — one  a native. 

they  came  back,  and,  on  being  observed, 

and  the  other  a European.  Twenty  muti- 

barricaded  themselves  in  a temple.  The 

neers  were  to  die  on  the  evening  of  the 

officers  led  out  the  regiment,  who  broke 

19th.  Those  concerned  in  the  murders  of 

into  the  place  where  the  men  were,  and 

the  officers  are  to  be  hanged ; the  remainder 

f(fter  a sharp  hand-to-hand  fight  in  close 

will  be  disposed  of  between  guns  and  mus- 

quarters,  they  bayoneted  the  whole.  A 

ketry.  Respecting  the  latter  kind  of  punish- 

few  of  the  men  of  the  regiment  had  trifling 

ment,  volunteers  from  the  27th  regiment 

wounds.  Now  there  are  but  twenty-five  of 

are  to  form  a strong  firing  party.  The 

the  mutineers  loose  in  the  country. 

Southern  Mahratta  horse  have  earned  a 

“Aug.  11th. — Two  companies  of  the  2nd 

reputation  for  yalour  and  fidelity  which 

European  light  infantry  came  in  this 

some  may  equal,  but  none  surpass.  "With- 

morning.  The  poor  fellows  were  drenched 

out  a murmur  they  have  been  on  duty. 

to  the  skin,  and  had  eaten  no  food  for  two 

night  and  day,  since  the  31st,  in  awful  rain. 

days.  The  officers  all  marched  on  foot ; and 

and  under  no  cover.  The  lives  of  the  Euro- 

they  were,  for  the  most  part,  lame  when 

pean  society,  and  the  interests  of  the  state. 

they  arrived.  These  companies  are  to  go 

were  entirely  in  their  keeping,  and  nobly 

on  to  Dharwar,  on  being  relieved  by  two 

have  they  done  their  duty.  Naib  Russuldar 

companies  of  the  86th.  We  have  now  400 

VOL.  II.  T 

137 

K0L.4JP0RE — A DIARY.]  HISTOEY  OF  THE  [a.d.  1857. 

available  Europeans ; and  I think*,  with  them 
[ and  the  artillery,  we  are  equal  to  anything. 

1 I attended  the  court-martial  on  Sheik 
1 Usman — a greater  rogue  than  the  moon- 
; shee.  He  appears  to  have  directed  his 
1 letters  in  English.  I saw  the  letters  writ- 
! ten  inside  in  the  native  character,  and  also 
the  English  translation ; to  the  effect  that 
! everything  was  in  readiness  here.  Several 
1 leading  men  in  the  town,  and  in  the  native 
regiments  (no  names),  were  ripe  for  the  in- 
surrection. The  plan  for  taking  the  fort, 
j making  the  commander  prisoner,  and  cut- 
: ting  the  throats  of  all  Christians,  was  also 
! laid  out.  The  English  were  a parcel  of 
fools,  and  did  not  ‘ smell  the  rat.’  There 
were  many  other  subjects  discussed  in  the 
epistles,  but  the  pith  I have  given  you; 
and  if  these  had  not  been  intercepted  we 
should  not  have  been  in  the  land  of  the 
living.  I afterwards  rode  up  to  the  camp, 
and  passed  the  European  lines.  The  sol- 
diers looked  much  more  comfortable  with 
their  clean  kit,  and  were  enjoying  their 
pipes. 

“Aug.  13th. — To-day  most  exciting  events 
have  happened.  Two  men  have  been  sen- 
! tenced  to  death,  and  are  to  be  blown  away 
i from  guns  to-morrow.  The  moonshee’s 
trial  came  to  a close  to-day,  w'hen  he  was 
1 found  guilty.  Another  man,  a Perdassie, 

: was  tried  by  a court-martial  at  the  artillery 
mess-room.  The  chief  witness  was  the  ad- 
1 jutant  of  one  of  the  regiments;  and  his  tes- 
timony was  corroborated  by  the  jemadar. 
This  man,  it  seems,  had  come  to  try  and 
incite  the  sepoys  to  insurrection ; and  the 
jemadar,  an  havildar,  and  naik,  directly  they 
were  aware  of  his  intentions,  informed  the 
adjutant,  who  accompanied  them  to  the 
lines,  when  they  hid  him  in  a hut,  behind  a 
plain  deal  door  with  chinks  in  it.  They 
then  introduced  the  Perdassie,  and  the  ad- 
jutant took  down  on  paper  the  mutinou^ 
conversation.  Under  such  circumstances 
the  rascal  was,  of  course,  convicted,  and  to- 
morrow will  meet  the  fate  he  deserves.  I 
shall  go  and  see  him  executed,  as  I think 
that  every  European  ought,  by  his  presence, 
to  show  to  the  natives  his  concurrence  w ith 
the  justice  of  the  seutence ; and  I am  sure, 
when  we  consider  for  a moment  that  had 
those  letters  of  the  moonshee  not  been  inter- 
cepted we  should  all  have  had  our  throats 
cut,  it  takes  away  all  pity  that  one  might 
otherwise  have  felt  for  these  wretched  men. 
I read  the  translations  of  the  moonshee’s 
letters,  three  in  number.  Like  those  of  the 
138 

Perdassie,  their  plans  were  all  arranged  as 
nicely  as  possible.  One  was  to  the  moulavie 
of  Poonah,  telling  him  the  English  w*ere  quite 
in  ignorance  as  to  what  was  going  on.  He 
also  wrote  to  Kolapore ; and  the  mutiny  in 

that  place  is  attributed  to  him.  S has 

been  indefatigable  in  getting  evidence,  and 
keeping  spies.  It  was  entirely  through  his 
means  that  these  letters  were  intercepted. 
These  are  indeed  exciting  times.  God 
grant  all  may  be  well  yet  in  Bengal,  and 
that  no  such  insurrection  may  break  out 

here ! S had  to  announce  the  sen- 

tences  to  the  prisoners  this  evening,  and  to 
obtain  a confession,  which  I believe  he  got 
with  little  trouble. 

“Aug.  14th. — This  day  the  traitors  were 
blown  away  from  guns  at  half- past  4 p.m. 

I mounted  my  horse,  and  on  the  way  met 
the  prisoners  in  a cart,  guarded  by  a detach- 
ment of  the  64th ; presently  w*e  arrived  at 
the  place  of  execution.  It  was  on  the  little 
course.  There  was  a square  formed.  On 
one  side  were  the  Mahratta  horse ; on  the 
other  some  Shetsandi  police  from  the  vil- 
lages at  the  bottom;  and  in  the  direction 
in  which  the  guns  were  pointed  were  the 
rabble,  and  at  the  other  face  were  the  29th 
and  15th  native  infantry  and  the  2nd  Eu- 
ropeans drawn  up ; and  between  them  and 
the  guns  all  the  ‘ Sahib  log’  stood.  Every 
one  was  present,  from  the  general  down- 
ward. The  adjutant-general  read  the  sen- 
tence out  to  the  prisoners,  and  they  were  ' 
then  led  to  the  guns ; and  at  a given  signal 
off  they  went.  That  rascal  of  a moonshee 
was  drawing  150  rupees  a-mouth  for  in- 
structing officers  of  regiments  in  Hindos-  , 
taui,  at  the  very  time  he  was  plotting  their 
death.  I should  have  mentioned  that  an 
havildar  and  four  men  of  the  29th  were 
given  up  by  the  regiment  this  morning  for  ^ 
plotting  against  government. 

“Aug.  16th. — I went  down  to  the  lines, 
and  was  present  at  the  parade  assembled  to 
promote  the  jemadar,  havildar,  and  naik  | 
respectively,  ou  account  of  the  painful  dis-  | 
charge  of  their  duties  in  making  known  the  j 
plot  got  up  by  the  Perdassie.  The  general  j 
addressed  each  of  them;  he  also  called  out  j 
the  adjutant  and  complimented  him,  and  j 
informed  him  he  had  brought  his  conduct 
to  the  notice  of  the  commander-in-chief. 
This  was  a more  gratifying  spectacle  than 
that  of  the  day  before  yesterday.  The  gen- 
eral has  been  indefatigable ; he  told  me  of 
the  number  of  providential  interferences 
j that  had  occurred  for  our  benefit ; but,  under 

A.D.  1857.] 

Providence,  nothing  has  tended  more  to  the 
safety  of  the  Southern  Mahratta  country 
than  the  judicious  measures  taken  by  Gen- 
eral L , and  the  sudden  throwing  in  of 

detachments  of  European  troops.  General 

L has  throughout  acted  promptl}-^, 

firmly,  and  judiciously ; and,  aided  by  Mr. 

; S , the  superintendent  of  police,  has 

frustrated  the  plot,  which,  had  it  not  been 
I discovered,  would  have  caused  the  rising  of 
i all  the  native  regiments  in  the  division.” 

I I This  event  at  Kolapore  was  not  without 
I I an  irritating  influence  over  the  adjacent 
! i districts  of  the  Southern  Mahratta  country. 

I I At  Poonah,  Sattara,  Bel  gaum,  Dharwar, 
j ; and  other  places,  the  traces  of  a wide-spread 
! Mohammedan  conspiracy  were  detected; 

I but,  fortunately,  the  germs  of  insurrection 
j were  nipped  in  the  bud.  At  Poonah*  a 
plot  was  concerted,  between  the  moulvies  of 
that  place  and  those  of  Belgaum,  for  blowing 
j up  the  arsenal,  and  murdering  the  Eu- 
I ropeans  and  native  Christians  of  the  place. 

’ This  was  timely  discovered  by  letters  inter- 
I cepted  at  the  post-office;  and  the  autho- 
j I rities  were  enabled  to  guard  against  the  im- 
I pending  evil.  Many  arrests  of  Mussulman 
conspirators  were  made,  and  the  natives 
I of  the  cantonment  bazaar  were  disarmed. 

From  the  out-stations  the  European  families 
j were  called  in  for  safety,  and  were  sent 

I under  military  escort  to  Bombay.  Much 

! j of  this  alarm  was  not  justified  by  subse- 
I quent  events ; but,  at  the  moment,  “ discre- 
I tion  was  esteemed  the  better  part  of  va- 
I lour;”  and  timely  caution  had  more  advo- 
I cates  than  unnecessary  daring  had  admirers. 

1 ' The  Poonah  conspirators,  having  been  tried 
j ! and  convicted  of  high  treason,  were  securely 
I ] lodged  on  board  the  Company’s  receiving- 
i ! ship  Akbar,  preparatory  to  transportation 
' j for  life  to  the  Straits  settlements, 
j At  Sattara,t  the  commissioner,  Mr. 

! Rose,  had  reason  to  believe  the  rajah  and 

i j his  family  w'ere  in  communication  with  the 
! Mohammedan  conspirators  at  Poonah,  and 

I * Poonah,  formerly  a capital  city  of  the  Mah- 
I ratta  states,  is  situated  at  the  confluence  of  two 
I rivers,  the  Moctai  and  Moota ; about  98  miles 
S.E.  from  Bombay.  It  stands  in  an  extensive  plain 
200  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea,  and  is  sur- 
rounded by  hills,  most  of  which  were  formerly 
crowned  by  fortresses.  The  great  street  of  Poonah 
is  spacious  and  handsome,  many  of  the  houses 
being  adorned  with  mythological  paintings  and 
devices.  The  ancient  palace,  or  fort,  is  surrounded 
by  massive  and  lofty  walls,  with  four  circular  towers ; 
and  has  only  one  entrance.  A Hindoo  college  has 
been  established  at  Poonah  by  the  government;  and 
there  is  also  a spacious  and  convenient  English 


MUTINY.  [poonah  and  battara. 

determined  to  nip  the  mischief  in  its  bud. 
Accordingly  a force,  consisting  of  two  guns, 
a party  of  her  majesty’s  14th  dragoons,  with 
some  Southern  Mahratta  horse,  and  some 
men  of  the  22nd  native  infantry  (the  whole 
under  the  command  of  Colonel  Malcolm, 
and  accompanied  by  Mr.  Rose  and  his 
assistants),  marched  into  the  city  of  Sattara 
before  daylight  on  the  morning  of  the  6th 
of  August,  and  surrounded  the  palace, 
placing  the  guns  in  position  in  the  front. 
The  commissioner  then  directed  his  officers 
to  inform  the  rajah  that  it  was  necessary  he 
should  take  up  his  residence  for  a time  at 
Poonah,  and  that  carriages  were  then  in 
readiness  for  the  conveyance  of  himself  and 
family.  His  highness,  offended  at  the  un- 
ceremonious announcement,  at  first  refused 
compliance;  but,  after  satisfying  himself 
that  he  had  no  choice  but  to  obey,  he  con- 
sented to  the  removal,  and,  with  the  ranee 
in  company,  was  safe  on  his  way  to  Poonah 
before  eight  o’clock ; whence,  upon  his 
arrival,  he  was  transmitted,  with  several  of 
his  adherents,  under  a strong  guard  to  the 
naval  depot  at  Butcher  Island,  in  Bombay 
harbour,  where  he  remained  under  strict 
surveillance,  until  the  storm  of  rebellion 
had  passed  over  his  territory.  Some  timely 
exhibitions  of  punishment  followed  this  ab- 
duction; six  prisoners,  implicated  in  the 
outrage  at  Kolapore,  who  had  been  taken 
at  Sattara,  having  been  blown  awa}’’  from 
guns ; and  the  two  events  struck  wholesome 
terror  into  the  minds  of  the  surrounding 
populations. 

While  these  occurrences  were  progressing, 
the  three  presidencies  were  alike  anxious 
about  the  state  of  feeling  in  the  country 
around  Hyderabad,  in  the  Deccan ; and,  as 
the  territory  of  the  Nizam  bordered  upon 
Nagpore  in  the  north-east,  and,  on  the  south- 
east and  on  the  west,  adjoined  districts  be- 
longing to  Madras  and  Bombay  respective!  v, 
its  condition  naturally  became  an  object  for 
serious  attention.  The  two  largest  cities 

church,  and  an  excellent  library  in  the  cantonments, 
for  the  use  of  the  soldiery. 

t Sattara  is  a fortified  town,  situated  between  the 
Krishna  and  Tourna  Ghaut,  in  the  province  of  Beja- 
pore,  fifty-six  miles  south  of  Poonah.  The  place  is 
singularly  devoid  of  the  usual  features  of  an  Indian 
town,  consisting  only  of  one  long  street,  without  a 
temple  or  other  building  to  denote  that  it  is  a Hin- 
dostani  settlement  The  fort  crowns  the  summit  of  a 
hill  about  800  feet  in  height,  at  the  bottom  of  which 
the  town  is  built ; and  in  the  neighbourhood  are 
many  hill-forts  belonging  to  Mahratta  chiefs,  some 
of  which  are  of  considerable  strength,  and  have,  at 
times,  occasioned  embarrassment  to  the  government. 

139 


IJ^DIAN 


HYDERABAD — A PLOT  DEFEATED.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  1857. 


of  the  Nizam — namely  Hyderabad,  in  the 
south-east  portion,  and  Aurnngabad,  in  the 
north-west — contained  at  tlie  time,  besides 
the  estal)lishment  of  the  residency  near  the 
former  city,  many  English  families  belonging 
to  military  and  civil  servants  of  the  Com- 
pany, which,  by  the  terms  of  various  treaties, 
had  a right  of  maintaining  a large  military 
cantonment  at  Sekunderabad,  a few  miles 
north  from  Hyderabad  city.  The  infantry 
cantonment  was  three  miles  in  length,  well 
provided  with  all  requisites  for  a military 
station ; and  the  cavalry  lines  were  situated 
about  two  miles  north  of  the  cantonment. 
The  military  station  for  the  troops  of  the 
Nizam  was  at  Bolarum,  a short  distance 
from  Sekunderabad.  Matters  had  con- 
tinued perfectly  quiet  in  this  quarter  until 
the  16th  of  July,  when  it  was  communicated 
to  the  resident  political  agent  that  a number 
of  the  people  in  the  city  were  much  excited, 
and  that  a scheme  was  in  agitation  to  coerce 
the  Nizam  to  attack  the  British  residency, 
which  was  situated  outside  of  the  city,  but 
some  miles  distant  from  the  English  canton 
ments.  Accordingly,  early  in  the  evening 
of  the  17th,  about  4,000  bud  mashes,  led  by 
300  Rohillas,  marched  upon  the  residency, 
ostensibly  to  demand  the  release  of  a je- 
madar of  the  1st  Nizam  cavalry,  who  had 
been  delivered  up  to  the  resident  as  a mu- 
tineer, by  order  of  the  Nizam.  Major 
Davidson,  who  was  then  at  the  residency, 
acted  with  promptitude  and  vigour:  an 
express  was  at  once  sent  off  to  cantonments 
for  aid ; and  he  then  marched  out  with  the 
European  guard  and  three  guns  to  attack 
the  insurgents.  Upon  coming  in  front  of 
them,  he  opened  a fire  of  grape  with  such 
rapidity  and  effect  that  the  rebels  were 
stricken  with  terror,  and  fled,  leaving  many 
of  their  companions  on  the  ground,  among 
whom  were  several  of  the  Rohillas.  Some 
prisoners  were  made ; and  among  them  the 
Rohilla  chief,  who  was  mortally  wounded, 
and  afterwards  died.  So  quickly  had  the 
affair  been  managed,  that,  when  the  cavalry 
and  horse  artillery  arrived  from  Sekunder- 
abad, the  rebels  had  been  dispersed,  and 
the  city  of  Hyderabad  resumed  its  ordinary 
aspect.  This  was  almost  the  only  approach 
to  an  outbreak  that  occurred  in  the  por- 
tion of  the  Deccau  near  the  borders  of  the 
Carnatic. 

An  officer  of  the  30th  Madras  native 
infantry,  in  a letter  descriptive  of  this  affair, 
writes  thus : — 

I “1  must  tell  you  that  last  Friday  even- 
14B 


ing,  the  17th  of  July,  the  resident  got  in- 
formation that  the  Rohillas  were  assembling 
in  large  numbers  for  an  attack.  "Well,  in 
the  evening,  about  half-past  six,  Georgie 
and  myself  were  sitting  in  the  verandah, 
when  we  heard  the  three  alarm  guns  sound 
the  signal  for  the  troops  to  fall-in  and  be  off 
at  once  to  the  general  parade.  I went  off 
to  the  mess  of  the  7th  cavalry  to  find  out 
what  was  amiss,  when  I was  met  by  a cavalry 
officer  rushing  home  as  hard  as  he  could  go 
for  his  horse.  He  shouted  to  me,  ‘ The 
alarm  is  sounding’ — magic  words,  as  you 
may  suppose.  I turned,  ran  home  as  fast 
as  my  legs  could  carry  me,  got  out  the 
horse  and  carriage,  dressed  and  put  dear 

G and  the  son  in,  and  rattled  off  to  the 

barracks,  where  we  found  all  the  riflemen 
out,  and  the  cavalry  getting  to  saddle.  By 
this  time  an  express  came  in  to  say  that 
they — i.  e.,  the  Rohillas — were  attacking 
the  residency.  Off  galloped  the  cavalry 
and  horse  artillery;  we  remained  at  the 
barracks ; all  the  ladies  together  at  the  ad- 
jntaut’s  house.  The  whole  force  was  out : 
we  were  all  bivouacked  on  the  parade- 
ground  till  about  1 a.m.  About  seven, 
the  report  of  guns  told  us  that  tlie  work 
had  commenced.  But  we  were,  as  the  say- 
ing is,  one  too  many  for  them.  They  came 
on  and  got  nine  rounds  of  grapeshot,  which 
knocked  them  over  like  ninepins.  They 
then  got  into  a house  in  the  bazaar,  from 
which  they  kept  up  a fire  on  our  fellows 
and  the  residency  all  night.  This  house 
was  so  situated  that  the  guns  could  not  be 
brought  to  bear  upon  it,  so  it  was  resolved 
to  wait  till  the  morning,  and  then  have  at 
them  with  the  infantry;  However,  at  4 
A.M.  they  walked  off.  We  know  of  twenty- 
nine  Rohillas  picked  up  dead ; how  many 
wounded,  of  course,  we  cannot  find  out; 
but  the  quantity  of  blood  on  the  floor  of  the 
house,  when  taken  possession  of  in  the 
morning,  told  that  they  must  have  suffered 
heavily.  The  troops  turned  out  splendidly ; 
so  people  have  little  fear  of  the  Madrasees 
following  suit  with  Bengal.  The  residency 
has  now  been  strongly  fortified.  It  is  sup- 
posed we  shall  have  a row  to-morrow  again, 
as  it  is  Friday  (the  Mussulman  Sunday),  on 
which  day  they  think  it  a mark  of  zeal  for 
their  prophet  to  try  and  murder  us ; but  as 
our  sepoys  are  stanch,  they  are  likely  to  get 
more  than  they  bargain  for.  On  Friday 
last  all  the  ladies  (our  depot  excepted)  were 
put  into  the  arsenal  and  European  hospital. 
You  may  imagine  the  scene;  drums  beat- 


A.D.  1857.] 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


[meean  meer. 


ing,  bugles  and  trumpets  sounding  the 
alarm,  and,  in  all  directions,  carriages  rush- 
ing off  to  the  above-mentioned  places.  All 
the  Europeans  who  lived  in  the  city  came 
rushing  into  cantonments,  or  took  refuge  in 
the  residency.  We  had  not  a single  man 
oh  our  side  touched,  though  they  u’ere 
being  fired  at  all  night.  The  12th  lancers 
were  telegraphed  for  from  Poonah,  and  are 
likely  to  be  here  in  about  a fortnight. 
Their  approach  is  hailed  with  great  glee.” 

On  the  30th  of  July,  the  26th  regiment 
of  native  infantry  mutinied  at  Meean  Meer, 
about  noon.  Major  Spencer,  who  com- 
manded the  regiment,  immediately  went 
into  the  lines,  and  for  some  time  appeared 
to  have  succeeded  in  pacifying  the  men; 
but  he,  with  the  quartermaster-sergeant, 
the  havildar-major,  a pay  havildar,  and 
some  others,  lost  their  lives  in  the  vain  at- 
tempt to  maintain  order.  The  major  ap- 
pears to  have  been  slain  from  behind,  by 
blows  dealt  him  with  a hatchet.  The  mis- 
creants attempted  to  inveigle  some  other 
officers  into  their  lines ; and  Lieutenant 
M.  White  had  a most  narrow  escape.  Just 
as  he  was  on  the  point  of  dismounting,  to 
aid,  as  he  imagined,  his  commanding  officer, 
he  was  warned  by  a sepoy  that  he  would  be 
murdered,  and  got  away  with  difficulty,  and 
with  a slight  scratch  from  a sword.  The 
mutineers  fled  rapidly  to  the  eastward, 
across  the  grand  paiade,  and  got  into  the 
1 dense  jungle  without  being  overtaken. 
About  thirty  of  the  mutineers  were  killed 
by  the  new  Sikh  and  Punjabee  battalion, 
and  seven  were  captured  and  summarily 
executed. 

Accounts  were  afterwards  received  from 
]\Ir.  E.  Cooper,  deputy-commissioner  of 
Umritsir,  of  the  almost  total  destruction  of 
the  26th  regiment.  The  mutineers  continued 
their  flight  without  ceasing,  for  a distance 
of  forty  miles,  up  to  the  left  bank  of  the 
Ravee,  wliich  they  in  vain  tried  to  cross 
opposite  Ujuala.  On  Mr.  Cooper’s  reach- 
ing the  place,  about  4 p.m.  on  the  31st  of 
July,  he  found  that  about  150  men  had 
been  shot  or  drowned  by  his  police,  aided 
by  the  villagers;  160  were  captured  on 
the  island  in  the  river;  35  were  counted 
drowning  in  trying  to  get  off.  Numerous 
fugitives  were  brought  in  from  all  quarters 
during  the  night : 237  were  summarily 
executed  when  taken ; 41  died  from  fatigue ; 
and  about  21  more  had  been  apprehended 
in  neighbouring  villages.  In  round  uum- 
I hers,  500  men  were  thus  accounted  for.  If 


to  these  be  added  the  furlough  and  sick 
men,  the  Bhoojoore  men,  the  Sikhs  and 
Punjabees,  and  some  guards  which  re- 
mained, the  total  strength  of  the  whole 
regiment  is  approximately  given. 

A letter  from  Peshawur,  of  about  the 
same  date,  describes  an  exciting  affair  that 
had  recently  come  off  at  that  station,  as 
follows  : — “ I am  always  picturing  to  myself 
the  horror  of  people  at  home  when  they 
hear  of  the  succession  of  atrocities  perpe- 
trated by  the  scoundrel  sepoys,  and  of  the 
narrow  escape  we  have  had  of  losing  India. 
We  disarmed  the  10th  irregular  cavalry 
here,  aud  then  disbanded  them  for  not 
charging  the  55th  native  infantry  (who  were 
in  open  mutiny),  when  ordered  to  do  so. 
We  managed  to  get  these  ^ doves,’  as  they 
are  called,  dismounted  within  a hundred 
yards  of  the  guns ; sent  a party  to  seize 
their  horses  at  their  pickets ; then  com- 
manded them  to  lay  down  their  arms ; then 
sent  searchers  to  relieve  them  of  their  para- 
phernalia; made  them  take  off  their  coats; 
then  ordered  them  to  take  off  their  boots. 
Fancy  a cavalry  regiment  hard  at  work 
taking  off  each  other’s  boots,  under  the  ' 
influence  of  artillery  ! Each  man  was  then 
given  eight  annas  (1^.);  the  whole  secured, 
and  marched  off  to  the  river  side,  where  they  i 
are  to  be  embarked  in  boats  and  sent  down 
the  Indus,  where  I expect  every  mother’s 
son  will  have  a chance  of  being  drowned  in 
the  rapids.  To-night  we  pick  out  horses  to 
complete  the  battery  from  the  disbanded  i 
cavalry.  We  had  a night-alarm  a short  ! 
time  since;  you  know  we  (the  artillery)  all 
sleep  at  the  guns.  I awoke  aud  heard  | 

‘ boom,’  ‘ boom  ;’  hearing  guns  fired  (for  so  ' 
it  seemed)  at  regular  intervals  from  the 
fort,  we  thought  the  city  had  risen,  and  a 
night-alarm  all  through  the  cantonments  I 
was  the  consequence : we  were  all  at  our  j 
rendezvous  in  notime.  This  was  caused  j 
by  the  explosion  of  little  mines  in  the  city, 
in  honour  of  a wedding.  Well,  next  morn-  | 
ing,  the  persons  concerned,  and  those  who 
worked  at  the  mines,  were  tied  up,  and  re-  [ 
ceived  such  a flogging  as  they  will  not  ■ 
easily  forget.  In  these  times  of  danger  and  I 
treachery,  we  don’t  bother  ourselves  about 
the  quirks  of  law,  but  hang,  shoot,  or  j 
flog,  as  circumstances  arise.  We  stand  no  i 
nonsense  here.  The  general  swears  he  will 
maintain  discipline.” 

At  Jelpigoree  the  elements  of  discord 
were  at  work  also.  In  the  neighbourhood 
of  this  station,  at  which  the  73rd  Bengal  , 

141 


JELPIQOEEE — A TIMELY  ARREST.]  HISTORY  OF  THE  [a.D.  1857. 

native  infantry  was  quartered,  no  European 
troops  whatever  were  in  cantonments,  and 
every  facility  was  therefore  afforded  to  the 
evil-disposed  of  the  regiment  to  coerce,  or, 
if  need  be,  to  destroy  their  English  officers. 
An  effort  to  that  end  was  made  towards  the 
end  of  July;  but  the  corps  was  not  then 
ripe  for  revolt,  and  the  plot  was  discovered 
in  time  to  render  it  harmless.  The  details 
of  this  affair  are  given  by  an  officer  of  the 
73d  regiment;  who  says,  in  a letter  dated 
30th  July — “ We  have  been  a little  unset- 
tled lately,  in  consequence  of  a discovery 
that  there  were  some  twelve  or  fifteen  men 
in  the  regiment  who  were  disposed  to 
mutinjq  and,  if  possible,  kill  their  officers. 
We  at  once  arrested  the  ringleaders,  tried 
them  by  court-martial,  and  sent  them  to 
the  gaol,  heavily  ironed.  The  putting  on 
of  irons  is  almost  the  greatest  indignity 
which  can  be  offered  to  a high-caste  sepoy, 
so  Ave  naturally  felt  anxious  during  and 
after  the  process.  However,  all  went 
smoothly,  and  they  are  now  on  their  Avay 
to  Calcutta.  After  this  we  breathed  a little 
more  freely ; but  the  sequel  will  shoAV  how 
nearly  we  brought  the  storm  on  our  own 
heads.  A day  or  two  after,  information 
was  brought  us  by  a faithful  sepoy,  that  two 
men  had  been  to  him,  regretting  that  they 
could  not  get  up  a party  to  attack  the  offi- 
cers at  mess ; they  expressed  themselves  as 
ready  to  do  so  if  they  could  induce  three 
more  to  join  them.  Our  informant  pro- 
mised to  join  them.  The  next  day  they 
got  their  party  augmented  to  six,  and  made 
their  arrangements  for  that  very  evening; 
they  were  to  have  a boat  waiting  on  the 
river,  which  runs  close  under  the  mess- 
house,  to  make  a dash  at  the  officers  while 
at  dinner,  jump  into  the  boat,  and  escape 
into  Bhotan.  They  dared  not  trust  them- 
selves on  this  side,  as  the  regiment  would 
not  join  them.  We  heard  all  this  just  as 
we  were  going  to  a grand  entertainment 
given  by  our  regiment  to  the  irregular.*cav- 
alry.  We  thought  it  better  to  go,  and  we 
therefore  went.  We  remained  three  hours 
in  the  midst  of  them  all,  knowing  that 
some  few  were  contemplating  our  murder 
in  the  evening.  Up  to  this  time  we  had 
had  no  opportunity  of  consulting  as  to  what 
was  to  be  done ; in  fact,  nothing  Avas  set- 
tled till  I mounted  my  horse,  and  went 
down  to  the  lines  in  a tremendous  storm  of 
rain.  I had  the  w’hole  party  arrested. 
They  were  taken  up  by  sepoys,  guarded  by 
them  all  night,  and  packed  off  by  them  in 

\i'l 

a boat  next  morning  for  Calcutta.  This 
seems  to  prove  fully  that  we  may  rely  on 
the  regiment  as  a body;  they  ne\'er  would 
have  imprisoned  their  oavu  companions  had 
anything  like  a mutinous  spirit  been  rife 
among  them.” 

Throughout  the  country  between  the 
northern  districts  of  the  Bombay  presidency 
and  Malw'a,  many  events  occurred  suffi- 
ciently marked  to  show,  that  in  all  direc- 
tions the  native  troops  were  in  an  agitated 
state,  as  if  wavering  between  the  opposite 
principles  of  fidelity  and  revolt.  It  A\'as, 
however,  worthy  of  notice,  that  the  troops 
so  affected,  were,  in  very  fcAV  instances,  of 
the  Bombay  army;  being  chiefly  Mahrattas 
or  Rajpoots,  or  men  of  various  contingents, 
imbued  Avith  the  same  ideas  as  the  Hin- 
dostanis  and  the  Oudians.  ToAvards  the 
close  of  July,  a fcAv  troopers  of  the  Guzerat 
irregular  horse,  at  Ahmedabad,  attempted 
to  get  up  a mutinous  demonstration,  by 
rushing  through  the  lines  of  the  corps  with 
a green  flag,  and  calling  on  all  true  fol- 
lowers of  the  people  to  join  them,  and 
exterminate  the  unbelievers.  The  effort, 
however,  failed ; and,  in  an  attempt  to  seize 
them,  tAvo  were  killed  by  the  Coolie  police 
corps.  Captain  Taylor,  the  commandant  of 
the  regiment,  was  Avounded  in  the  affray ; 
and  the  mutineers  were  eventually  secured, 
and  sentenced  to  be  hanged.  The  execu- 
tion took  place  in  presence  of  the  Avhole 
force  at  the  station ; which  Avas  draAvn  up 
in  line,  the  Guzerat  irregular  horse  being 
placed  in  front  of  the  European  troops,  and 
facing  the  galloAvs ; so  that  if  they  had 
dared  to  attempt  a rescue,  their  destruction 
Avas  certain.  The  mutineers  were  per- 
mitted to  address  the  men  of  their  regiment 
previous  to  being  turned  off;  and  one  of 
them,  profiting  by  the  opportunity,  called 
aloud  to  them — “Why  do  you  not  do  as 
they  did  at  Neemuch,  and  charge  these 
Kaffirs?’'  But  the  reply  to  his  question 
came  in  a Ioav  murmur  of  reprobation  from 
the  ranks  before  him,  and  the  traitors  met 
their  doom  without  sympathy. 

At  Punderpore — a sacred  town  about  108 
miles  south-east  of  Poonah — an  tmeute  oc- 
curred in  July,  during  Avhich  the  mamlut- 
dar  (or  natiA'e  magistrate)  was  killed  ; but 
the  disturbance  Avas  quickly  repressed,  and 
no  serious  result  folloAved  to  the  Europeans 
in  that  quarter.  About  the  same  time, 
some  engineers  of  the  Baroda  Raihvay  Com- 
pany, stationed  at  that  toAvn,  created  un- 
necessary alarm  by  precipitately  abandon- 

A.D.  1857.]  INDIAN  MUTINY.  [saugor  and  nerbudda. 


ing  the  station  and  fleeing  into  Surat, 
where  they  declared  that  a large  body  of 
insurgents  were  marching  towards  the  Gui- 
cowar’s  capital.  The  momentary  panic  was, 
however,  without  any  permanent  injury  to 
the  quiet  of  the  city ; and  the  terrified 
fugitives  were  derided  for  their  pusilla- 
nimity, instead  of  being  thanked  for  their 
timely  warning. 

The  Saugor  and  Nerbudda  provinces 
were  in  a somewhat  precarious  state  during 
the  whole  of  August.  At  Jubbulpore,  the 
conduct  of  the  troops  had  not  ceased  to 
excite  alarm  since  the  first  symptoms  of 
disorder  became  apparent  in  June;  but 
still  the  two  following  months  passed  away 
! without  any  attempt  at  actual  mutiny.  At 
I length,  certain  symptoms  among  the  men 
[ of  the  52nd  regiment,  induced  Major 
j Erskine  (then  in  command)  to  take  extra- 
I ordinary  precautions  against  danger,  and 
I to  fortify  and  provision  the  residency.  An 
I officer  of  the  52nd,  writing  of  this  occur- 
rence on  the  17th  of  July,  says — “This 
I is  a beautiful  place,  so  we  all  came  here 
one  evening,  and  such  a business  you  never 
saw.  . There  were  ten  ladies,  with  ever  so 
J many  children,  and  a number  of  sergeants’ 

! and  writers’  wives.  The  next  morning  we 
; began  intrenching  ourselves,  bricking  ^lp 
all  the  verandahs,  only  leaving  holes  to  fire 
; through.  We  put  quantities  of  sand-bags  on 
the  top  of  the  house,  all  round;  cut  down  all 
j I trees  within  a certain  distance  of  the  house; 

; I laid  in  stores  of  grain  for  three  months; 

I and  staked  the  ground  all  round  to  prevent 
I a rush.  We  also  managed  to  find  two  old 
4-pounder  guns,  which  we  planted  on  the 
front  side  of  the  house,  where  they  present 
an  imposing  appearance.  During  this  time 
our  men  kept  quiet,  and  have  done  so  ever 
since.  Of  course,  we  did  not  admit  them 
within  the  fortifications ; but  permitted  them 
to  give  us  two  guards,  of  fifty  men  each,  at 
some  distance  outside.  We  number,  in- 
side, about  forty-five  fighting-men,  twenty 
women,  and  as  many  children.  We  feel 
quite  safe  now,  and  nothing  but  guns  can 
dislodge  us.  We  have  just  heard  that  a force 
is  coming  up  from  Kamptee,  consisting  of 
I the  33rd  Madras  infantry,  two  squadrons  of 
i horse,  and  a detail  of  artillery.  They  are 
I going  to  pass  through  this  country  to 
avenge  the  atrocities  of  Jhansie,  Nussee- 
rabad,  Banda,  Nowgong,  &c.  Two  com- 
panies of  our  regiment  are  to  accompany 

the  force,  and  O and  myself  are  the 

lucky  ones  to  go.  Won’t  we  just  avenge 


our  countrymen  ! Our  orders  are  to  de- 
stroy, burn,  kill,  and  hang ; and  if  the 
order  is  not  carried  out  it  won’t  be  my 
fault.  Some  of  the  worst  atrocities  took 
place  at  the  stations  I have  named.  At 
Jhansie,  for  instance,  fifty-three  Europeans, 
including  civilians  and  officers,  were  starved 
out  and  had  to  surrender.  The  rebels  tied 
them  to  trees — ladies  and  gentlemen ; then 
laid  down  the  children  in  front ; and,  after 
cutting  the  latter  in  two,  cut  the  men’s  heads 
off,  and  then  ended  by  violating  and  mur- 
dering all  the  women.  I have  seen  the 
depositions  taken  by  the  chief  commissioner 
here,  of  natives  who  wei’e  eye-witnesses,*  | 
and  had  escaped ; but  they  are  too  heart- 
rending to  relate.  Cawnpore  is  said  to 
have  gone,  and  every  European  murdered — 
among  them  Captain  and  Mrs.  Wiggens,  of 
our  regiment,  and  two  children.  No  pun- 
ishment can  be  too  great  for  these  brutes ; 
and  our  revenge  will  be  awful,  as  we  have  ; 
no  fear  now  of  speeches  about  the  mild  I 
Hindoos.  We  expect  to  be  out  about  six  i 
or  seven  months ; so,  should  I not  be  able 
to  write,  that  will  be  the  reason.  The  re- 
volver you  sent  me  is  always  round  my  | 
waist,  loaded.  I could  get  £50  for  it 
now,  as  there  are  only  two  others  here.  I 
have  but  a short  time  to  write,  having  the 
charge  of  the  w^est  side  fortifications.  We 
are,  of  course,  improving  every  day,  and 
shall  soon  be  impregnable.  My  own  bat- 
tery consists  of  a musket  from  my  com- 
pany, a double  rifle,  two  double  guns,  be- 
sides the  Colt.  If  you  could  look  in  upon 
us  you  would  not  think  we  were  a very 
lugubrious  set,  but  rather  that  we  were  met 
on  some  festive  occasion.  At  this  moment 
I hear  the  piano  and  singing.  We  are  a 
queer  lot,  we  Britons  : day  after  day  we 
hear  of  atrocities  too  horrid  to  write  about, 
and  of  the  murder  of  friends  and  relatives, 
and  never  seem  to  think  of  our  own  fate. 
Laughing,  talking,  eating,  drinking,  music, 
singing — all  seems  to  go  on  much  as  usual.”  : 

The  movable  column  from  Kamptee,  ' 
mentioned  in  the  preceding  extract,  duly  ; 
arrived  at  Jubbulpore,  where  it  halted  for  a ; 
day  or  two,  and  then  proceeded  on  its  mis-  | 
sion  of  justice.  A small  detachment  was  i 
afterwards  sent  back  to  the  station,  for  its  ; 
better  protection,  in  case  any  disturbance  ! 
should  occur, 

• This  would  seem  to  be  tolerably  conclusive  as  j 
to  facts  previously  recorded  of  the  sepoy  atrocities,  : 
notwithstanding  they  have  been  questioned  by  } 
parties  at  a distance  from  the  scene.  i 

143 


JUBBULPORE.J  HISTORY 

For  some  time,  nothing  occurred  to  in- 
crease tlie  anxiety  which  the  European 
inhabitants  of  Jubbulpore,  in  common  with 
those  of  the  surrounding  districts,  naturally 
felt  in  the  unsettled  state  of  the  country ; 
but  at  length,  some  appearance  of  mystery 
in  the  conduct  of  several  of  the  influential 
inhabitants,  towards  the  latter  end  of  the 
!Mohurrum,*  excited  suspicion  of  impending 
evil ; and,  by  the  exertions  of  Lieutenant 
Clarke,  the  deputy-commissioner  of  Jubbul- 
pore, information  was  obtained  that  it  had 
been  the  intention  of  the  rajah  of  Gond 
(Shunkur  Shah),  and  his  son,  Ragonauth 
Shah,  accompanied  by  several  zemindars 
I with  their  followers,  and  in  concert  with 
j some  sepoys  of  the  52nd  regiment,  to 
attack  the  cantonments  on  the  last  day  of 
■ the  Mohurrum,  murder  all  the  Europeans, 
j burn  the  cantonments,  and  afterwards 
plunder  the  treasury  and  city ; aiid  that  it 
had  not  taken  place  on  the  appointed  day 
for  two  reasons — first,  that  they  were  un- 
certain how  many  of  the  sepoys  would  join 
them;  and,  secondly,  because  two  of  the 
jemadars  of  the  rebel  party  had  refused  to 
act  with  them.  It  was  also  ascertained, 
that  the  attempt  would  probably  be  made 
during  the  Dusserah.f 

Upon  receiving  this  information.  Lieu- 
tenant Clarke  sent  a chuprassy,  in  the  dis- 
guise of  a fakir,  to  find  out  more  of  the 
alleged  conspiracy;  and  the  scheme  suc- 
ceeded admirably ; for  the  rajah  and  his 
son  were  completely  deceived  by  the  dis- 
guised emissary,  and,  without  hesitation, 
disclosed  to  him  their  intentions,  as  well  as 
the  means  they  had  resolved  to  employ  for 
carrying  them  into  effect.  Acting  upon 
the  report  of  the  chuprassy,  a party  of 
twenty  sowars,  with  a strong  body  of  police, 
was  assembled  at  Lieutenant  darkens  bun- 
galow ; and,  accompanied  by  that  officer, 
proceeded  towards  the  rajah’s  house,  in  a 
village  about  four  miles  from  Jubbulpore. 
When  about  a mile  from  the  place,  the 
lieutenant  galloped  forward  with  some 
! sowars,  and  surrounded  the  village,  until 
{ the  foot  police  arrived ; when,  the  arrange- 
j ments  being  complete,  the  rajah  and  his 
' son,  with  some  thirteen  people  in  his  house, 
j were  arrested,  and  conveyed  to  the  military 
prison  in  the  English  cantonments  without 
the  slightest  difficulty. 

• The  Mohurrum  is  a fast,  kept  by  Mohammedans 
in  commemoration  of  the  death  of  Hossein  and 
Hussein,  the  two  sons  of  Ali,  by  his  cousin  Fatima, 
the  daughter  of  Mahomet. 

144 


OF  THE  [a.d.  1857. 

On  searching  Rajah  Shunkur  Shah’s  and 
Ragonauth  Shah’s  house,  several  papers  of 
a rebellious  tendency  were  found.  One  of 
them  was  a prayer  by  Shunkur  Shah,  in- 
voking his  deity  to  aid  him  in  the  destruc- 
tion of  all  Europeans,  to  overset  the  gov- 
ernment, and  to  re-establish  his  own.  The 
paper  was  found  in  a silk  bag  in  which  he 
kept  his  fan,  by  the  bed  from  which  he  rose 
as  the  lieutenant  and  his  party  entered  the 
house.  The  prayer  was  written  on  a scrap 
of  paper  torn  from  a government  procla- 
mation after  the  massacre  at  Meerut ; and 
the  remainder  of  the  proclamation  was 
afterwards  found  in  the  house.  A second 
prayer,  dilfering  immaterially  in  one  or  two 
words,  was  also  found,  in  the  handwriting 
of  Ragonauth  Shah.  The  following  is  a 
literal  translation  of  the  prayer  of  the 
rajah  : — 

Shut  the  mouth  of  slanderers,  bite  and 
Eat  up  backbiters,  trample  down  the  sinners, 

You,  “ Sustrsingharka.”* 

Kill  the  British,  exterminate  them,  “ Mat  Chundee.”* 
Let  not  the  enemy  escape,  nor  the  offspring  of  such. 
Oh  ! “ Singharkah  !”^ 

Show  favour  to  Shunkur, 

Support  your  slave ! 

Listen  to  the  cry  of  religion, 

“ Mathalka.”* 

Eat  up  the  unclean. 

Make  no  delay. 

Now  devour  them ; 

And  that  quickly, 

“ Ghormatkalka.”® 

1 A name  of  the  goddess  Deeva;  signifying  “ Destroyer  of  the 
Enemy.”  s,  3,  4,  s — other  names,  expressive  of  her  various 
attributes. 

On  the  second  night  after  the  imprison- 
ment of  the  conspirators,  a report  was  for- 
warded to  Lieutenant  Clarke,  from  the 
regimental  lines,  that  it  was  the  intention 
of  some  of  the  sepoys  to  attempt  to  rescue 
them.  The  Madras  force  was  immediately 
turned  out,  and  remained  under  arms  all 
night.  The  prisoners  were  removed,  for 
greater  safety,  from  the  gaol  to  the  residency, 
where  no  attempt  of  the  kind  was  likely 
to  be  made.  In  the  course  of  the  night,  a 
few  shots ’were  fired  in  the  lines;  and  a 
picket  was  fired  on,  but  from  a long  distance ; 
after  which,  eight  of  the  worst  men  in  the 
52nd  regiment  set  fire  to  a bungalow,  and 
deserted,  taking  their  arms  with  them. 

A court  was  held  on  the  following  day, 
for  the  trial  of  the  rajah  and  his  soiij  and 
proof  of  their  complicity  in  the  plot  for  the 

t The  Dusserah  is  a Hindoo  festival,  continuing 
for  ten  days,  which  are  appropriated  to  religious 
ceremonies,  and  to  the  public  exhibition  of  the  idols, 
to  whom  offerings  are  presented. 


A.t).  1857.]  INDIAN  MUTINY.  [an  execution  described 

destruction  of  the  Europeans  being  conclu- 
sive, they  were  sentenced  to  suffer  death  by 
being  blown  from  guns — this  mode  of  execu- 
tion being  resorted  to  in  preference  to  hang- 
ing, in  consequence  of  the  excitement  then 
visible  in  the  lines  of  the  52nd,  which  sug- 
gested an  idea  of  a possible  attempt  at 
rescue ; an  event  that  would  have  been 
facilitated  by  the  delay  afforded  while  con- 
structing the  gallows.  Accordingly,  at 
eleven  o’clock  on  the  morning  of  the  18th 
of  September,  two  guns  were  advanced  a 
few  hundred  yards  in  front  of  the  residency, 
covered  by  a company  of  her  majesty’s  33rd 
regiment — a strong  party  of  Madras  light 
cavalry  being  on  either  flank ; and  the  two 
principal  offenders  were  brought  upon  the 
ground,  under  a guard  of  armed  police,  and 
an  escort  of  the  33rd.  The  old  man  walked 
up  to  the  guns  with  a firm  stride  and 
haughty  demeanour ; and  but  for  the  defi- 
ant tone  in  which  he  breathed  his  last 
aspirations  for  revenge,  his  snow-white  hair 
and  venerable  appearance  might  almost 
have  excited  a feeling  of  compassion  in  the 
breasts  of  those  he  had  plotted  to  destroy. 
The  son,  Ragonauth  Shah,  was  less  deter- 
mined in  his  manner,  as  he  placed  himself 
in  front  of  the  gun  that  was  to  annihilate 
him.  The  requisite  preparations  occupied 
but  a few  moments.  A signal  was  given, 
and  instantaneously  the  torn  and  shat- 
tered remains  of  two  human  beings  were 
strewn,  in  a shower  of  blood,  over  the  resi- 
dency compound.  Of  these  the  kites  and 
vultures  had  a share ; but  sucb  parts  of  them 
as  could  be  gathered  up  at  a later  period  of 
the  day,  were  given  over  to  the  ranee — terri- 
ble memorials  of  what  once  had  been  a 
husband  and  a son. 

The  rajah  of  Gond,  although  for  many 
years  shorn  of  territory  and  power,  had  still 
possessed  the  ancient  name  of  his  dynasty ; 
and  the  traditionary  prestige  of  his  family 
afforded  the  disaffected  a rallying-point 
which  they  were  ready  to  avail  themselves 
of.  In  former  days,  the  Gond  rajahs  had 
held  absolute  rule  over  a large  extent  of 

• A medical  officer  of  the  Bombay  presidency 
gives  the  following  description  of  an  “ execution 
parade — “ This  first  parade  was  a horrible  sight, 
but  the  blowing  away  from  guns  is  most  appalling. 
After  the  explosion,  the  grouping  of  the  men’s  re- 
mains in  front  of  each  gun  was  various  and  fright- 
ful. One  man’s  head  was  perched  upon  his  back, 
and  he  was  staring  round  as  if  looking  for  his  legs 
and  arms.  All  you  see  at  the  time  is  a cloud  like  a 
dust-storm,  composed  of  shreds  of  clothing,  burning 
muscle,  and  frizzing  fat,  with  lumps  of  coagulated 
blood.  Here  and  there  a stomach  or  a liver  comes 

VOL.  II.  U 

country,  and  could  trace  their  descent 
through  the  mists  of  sixty  generations. 
Cast  down  from  their  independence  as 
sovereigns  by  the  Mahrattas,  who  despoiled 
them  of  their  territories,  the  living  descen- 
dants of  the  family  were  in  utter  poverty, 
when  the  armies  of  the  Company  beat  down 
the  spoiler  and  oppressor.  The  government 
commiserated  the  fallen  condition  of  the 
once-powerful  family,  and  hoped,  by  restor- 
ing to  it  a share  of  its  former  importance, 
to  secure  its  gratitude,  and,  at  the  same 
time,  strengthen  the  southern  frontier  of  its 
acquisitions  against  future  aggression  by 
the  neighbouring  states.  This  considerate 
policy  was  accordingly  adopted ; and  the 
result  we  have  seen. 

An  officer  present  at  the  scene  of  death, 
describes  some  of  the  incidents  as  follows : — 

“I  have  just  come  back  from  seeing  the 
rebel  rajah  and  his  son  blown  from  guns. 
It  was  an  awful  sight ; but  they  richly  de- 
served a far  worse  fate.  Fancy — it  has  been 
found  out  that  we  were  all  to  be  roasted 
alive  when  caught ! He  prayed,  as  he  was 
being  lashed  to  the  gun,  that  his  surviving 
children  might  be  spared  to  burn  us  ! ! ! We 
went  down  to  where  the  two  guns  were 
drawn  up,  with  a detachment  of  infantry 
and  cavalry,  to  prevent  surprise — the  cavalry 
rushing  about  to  keep  the  people  back 
from  the  front  of  the  guns.  Soon  after- 
wards the  prisoners  arrived,  looking  very 
apathetic  and  nonchalant ; their  fetters  were 
knocked  off  on  the  ground.  I was  quite 
close  to  them,  as  we  officers  were  inside  a 
circle,  close  to  the  guns,  into  which  the 
crowd  was  not  allowed  to  come.  They  were 
then  bound  to  the  mouths  of  the  cannon. 
The  way  is  this  : — You  stand  with  your  back 
to  a cannon  mouth,  which  is  pointed  to  the 
back  of  the  heart ; you  have  now  a very 
good  idea  of  it.  The  artillery  officers,  when 
all  was  ready,  gave  the  command  in  a loud, 
clear  voice,  ‘ Division  ! ready  ! fire  !’  A 
boom — a thud,  as  of  a body  falling — and  all 
was  over.*  You  know  I have  a very  soft 
heart,  and  would  most  likely  have  fainted, 

falling  down  in  a stinking  shower.  One  wretched 
fellow'  slipped  from  the  rope  by  which  he  was  tied 
to  the  gun,  just  before  the  explosion,  and  his  arm 
was  nearly  set  on  fire.  Whilst  hanging  in  his  agony, 
under  the  gun,  a sergeant  applied  a pistol  to  his 
head,  and  three  times  the  cap  snapped,  the  man  each 
time  wincing  from  the  expected  shot.  At  last  a 
rifle  was  fired  into  the  back  of  his  head,  and  the 
blood  poured  out  of  the  nose  and  mouth  like  water 
from  a briskly-handled  pump.  This  was  the  most 
horrible  sight  of  all.  I have  seen  death  in  all  its 
forms — never  anything  to  equal  this  man’s  end.” 

145 

JUBBULPOF.E.]  HISTOEY 


or  got  sick  at  home,  if  I had  seen  the  same 
before  these  massacres ; but  I can  assure 
you,  that  although  I felt  the  awful  solemnity 
of  two  souls  going,  with  a prayer  for  murder 
upon  their  lips,  before  their  God,  yet  I went 
up  afterwards,  with  almost  gratified  feelings, 
to  look  at  their  faces,  still  thinking  of  Cawn- 
j pore,  Delhi,  IMeerut,  Jhansie,  Bareilly,  Fyza- 
I bad.  The  old  man’s  face  was  quiet  and 
severe  (he  never  had  moved  a muscle  the 
whole  time  before),  as  was  also  the  young 
one’s  (a  man  of  forty.)  Their  legs  and  arms 
fell  close  to  the  cannon  mouths,  they  being 
tied ; the  head  and  upper  part  of  the  body 
! being  blown  about  fifty  yards  in  front. 

I Quite  untouched  their  faces  were,  and  quite 
I quiet.  It  is  a veiy  quick  death,  as  they  can 
feel  no  pain,  the  region  of  the  heart  being  at 
I once  blown  away.  This  is  nearly  the  only 
j form  in  which  death  has  any  terrors  for  a 
native.  If  he  is  hung,  or  shot  by  musketiy, 

1 he  knows  that  his  friends  or  relatives  will  be 
! allowed  to  claim  his  body,  and  will  give  him 
{ the  funeral  rites  required  by  his  religion ; if 
I a Hindoo,  that  his  body  will  be  burned  with 
I all  due  ceremonies;  if  a Mussulman,  that 
j his  remains  will  be  decently  interred,  as  di- 
1 rected  in  the  Koran.  But  if  sentenced  to 
: death  in  this  form,  he  knows  that  his  body 
' will  be  blown  into  a thousand  pieces,  and 
I that  it  will  be  altogether  impossible  for  his 
i relatives,  however  devoted  to  him,  to  be  sure 
I of  picking  up  all  the  fragments  of  his  own 
; particular  body;  and  the  thought  that  per- 
j haps  a limb  of  some  one  of  a different  reli- 
! gion  to  himself  might  possibly  be  burned 
or  buried  with  the  remainder  of  his  own 
body,  is  agony  to  him.” 

The  execution  was  over,  and  the  troops 
had  returned  to  quarters  before  the  hour  of 
noon ; and  then,  with  a view  to  assure  the 
sepoys  that  only  the  guilty  had  any  cause 
I to  apprehend  severe  measures  on  the  part 
I of  the  government.  Colonel  Jamiesou,  with 
two  other  officers,  went  down  to  the  lines, 
and  remained  talking  to  the  men  for  some 
time — ultimately  leaving  them  with  an 
impression  that  all  was  quiet,  and  that  their 
Hsit  had  produced  a good  effect.  About 
j sunset,  however,  one  of  the  sepoys,  who  had 
' already  given  proofs  of  fidelity,  reported  to 
the  adjutant.  Lieutenant  Miller,  that  some 
1 plot  was  brewing,  and  that  he  expected  the 
whole  regiment  would  desert  during  the 
night.  To  have  then  acted  on  the  offensive, 
and  deprived  the  men  of  their  arms  and 
! ammunition,  would  have  been  the  wisest 
course;  and,  in  all  probabilitv,  would  have 
146 


q 

OF  THE  [a.d.  1857. 

been  resorted  to ; but,  unfortunately,  three  ' 
officers  of  the  regiment  were  out  on  detach,  j 
ment  at  Saleemabad  and  Patun,  and  anv  ' 
extreme  measures  would,  it  was  felt,  seri-  | 
ously  compromise  their  safety.  The  officers  ! 
had  assembled  at  mess;  when,  between 
nine  and  ten  o’clock,  the  regiment  rose  in  a 
body,  excepting  one  native  officer  and  ten 
men,  and  quietly  left  their  lines,  taking  with 
them  their  muskets  and  the  ammunition 
in  their  pouches ; all  their  other  property 
being  left  behind.  The  mutineers  remained 
for  some  time  in  the  vicinity,  and  afterwards 
moved  off  round  the  city,  taking  the  road  to 
Patun  : in  passing,  they  fired  a few  shots, 
but  without  effecting  any  damage;  they, 
however,  announced  their  intention  to  re-  ; 
turn  in  two  or  three  days  to  plunder  the 
city. 

The  Tuhseddaree  of  Patun,  on  the  left 
bank  of  the  Herun  river  (where  a company 
of  the  regiment,  under  the  command  of 
Lieutenant  Macgregor,  was  stationed),  was  , 
distant  about  twenty  miles  from  Jubbulpore ; 
and  thither,  in  the  first  place,  the  mutineers 
directed  their  steps,  for  the  purpose  of  taking 
up  the  detachment,  and  also  another  of  i 
about  forty  men  at  Kuttungee,  a station  yet 
higher  up  the  river.  Both  these  detach- 
ments joined  the  mutineers,  except  a jema- 
dar of  the  Kuttungee  party,  who  alone 
remained  faithful.  Upon  arriving  at  Patun, 
sentries  were  placed  over  Lieutenant  ]\lac- 
gregor,  whom  they  compelled  to  accompany 
them  on  their  march — announcing  their  in- 
tentions respecting  liim  by  a letter  to 
Colonel  Jamieson,  of  which  the  following  is 
a translation ; — 

“ To  his  Excellency,  the  Lord  of  Clemency,  the 

Bountiful  of  the  Age,  his  Excellency  Colonel  Sahih 

Bahadoor : may  his  power  he  perpetual! 

“After  respects,  the  representation  is  this — that 
Shaikh  Dianuth  Allee  (havildar-major),  and  Salar 
Buksh  (naik),  and  Dirguz  Sing  (naik) — [here  follow 
the  names  of  ten  sepoys] — and  others  whose  names 
are  unknown,  these  sepoys,  sir,  send  here ; and  this 
regiment  the  havildar-major  ruined,  and  said  that 
the  Major  Sahib  and  Mason  Sahib  told  the  Madras 
sepoys  to  seize  all  the  arms  of  the  regiment  and  kill 
the  men ; then  you  will  receive  thirty  rupees  per 
man  as  reward,  and  be  promoted  to  subahdar  baha- 
doors.  This  speech  the  havildar-major  made  to  the 
havildars  on  duty.  If  he  had  not  said  this  we  would  . 
not  have  deserted  and  saved  our  lives  by  flight,  as  i 
only  from  the  havildar-major’s  speech  we  deserted  : | 
it  is  proper  that  these  men  should  by  some  means  ■ 
or  other  be  sent  to  us — let  them  be  seized  and  sent ; 1 
we  have  committed  no  injury  to  the  government;  i 
and  as  for  the  muskets  and  cartridge-boxes  which  we  | 
brought  away  with  us,  we  have  left  our  property  in  i 
lieu  thereof ; having  sold  it,  take  the  price ; each 
sepoy  left  about  thirty  rupees’  worth  of  property ; j 


A.D.  1857.  J INDIAN 


also  send  pay  for  one  month  and  fifteen  days.  AVe 
are  men  of  honour,  and  are  doing  government  ser- 
vice here.  Your  lordship  answered,  that  ‘ the  Madras 
sepoys  are  not  under  my  authority;’  then,  having  be- 
come helpless,  we  came  away  here  by  your  order  to 
save  our  lives;  and  on  the  19th  of  May,  when  your 
ofiBcers  fled,  then  we,  being  faithful  to  our  salt,  did 
not  say  anything  to  your  lordship,  and  at  that  time 
the  Madras  regiment  was  not  present ; and  when 
the  Adjutant  Sahib  was  attacked  by  a sepoy  with  a 
bayonet,  if  we  had  not  been  true  to  our  salt,  why 
did  we  seize  the  sepoy  and  make  him  over  to  you  ? 
And  your  highness  is  our  lord  and  master ; but  w'hen 
we  did  not  find  any  way  to  save  our  lives,  we  fled 
and  came  here ; and  we  had  regard  to  your  lord- 
ship’s salt ; if  not,  at  that  time  we  might  have  killed 
you.  And  if  you  do  not  let  those  sepoys  go,  then 
this  Sahib*  we  will  not  kill,  but,  having  bound  him, 
will  take  him  to  Delhi ; and  if  you  will  send  those 
j sepoys,  then  we  will  cause  the  Sahib  to  arrive  where 
I you  are.  Moreover,  having  seized  those  sepoys, 
send  them  with  a guard  of  police,  and  it  will  be 
well ; and  if  life  remains,  we  will  again  be  present 
I in  your  service  ; we  will  not  run  away.  This  letter 
j is  written  on  the  part  of  all  the  sepoys  and  non- 
I commissioned  officers.  All  sepoys,  non-commissioned 
I and  commissioned  officers,  send  salam.” 

! 

I Having  dispatched  this  letter  to  Jubbul- 
' pore,  a portion  of  the  mntineers  proceeded 
to  Saleemabad,  about  thirty  miles  on  the 
I Mirzapore-road,  where  Lieutenants  Barton 
[ and  Cockburn  were  on  duty  with  a detach- 
i ment  of  the  regiment.  Upon  their  arrival, 
the  two  officers  were  ordered  by  the  rebels 
to  depart  for  Jubbulpore — the  men  who  had 
been  under  their  command  bidding  them 
farewell  with,  apparently,  much  regret,  and 
with  tears  in  their  eyes.  They  were  also 
permitted  to  bring  away  with  them  some 
2,000  rupees  of  treasure ; but  the  mutineers 
appropriated  1,400  rupees  to  themselves,  as 
their  pay  up  to  date.” 

The  above  letter  from  the  sepoys  would 
I have  been  unnoticed,  but  for  the  hope  that, 
by  replying  to  it,  some  of  the  men  who 
might  have  been  induced  to  leave  with  the 
I regiment  against  their  will,  would,  upon  re- 
I flection,  retuim  to  their  duty,  and  bring  with 
} them  the  captive  lieutenant.  The  followiug 
1 letter,  written  in  Hindoo,  was  consequently 
I transmitted  to  the  mutinous  troops : — 

“ To  Buldee  Jewarree,  subahdar,  and  as  many 
non-commissioned  officers  and  sepoys  who  are  well- 
! wishers  of  the  state,  this  advice  is  given — that  the 
; acts  you  have  committed  were  without  reason,  and 
1 your  ignorance  and  folly  were  great ; in  fact,  what 
; has  happened  has  happened.  But  there  is  one  way 
for  your  good,  which,  if  you  pay  attention  to,  for 
> your  whole  life  you  will  remain  saying,  ‘ Bless  the 
Colonel  Sahib,  and  all  the  officers  who  wish  our 
good.’  The  advice  is  this  : — ATou  have  deserted,  and 
all  know  that  the  punishment  for  desertion  is  great ; 
but  you  do  one  thing,  and  you  will  not  be  punished 
• Lieutenant  Macgregor. 


MUTINY.  [sepoy  corkespondence. 

here  by  us ; on  the  contrary,  we  officers  will  solicit 
the  governor-general  to  forgive  your  offences.  The 
work  is  this : — Having  brought  Mr.  Macgregor  with 
you,  come  here  without  fear,  and  never  think  that 
any  one  will  practice  deceit  with  you,  because  when 
we  have  once  written  that  no  harm  shall  come  to 
you,  it  shall  not  come.  Again,  what  you  write  to 
send  the  havildar-major,  &c.,  such  a bad  thing  we 
cannot  do,  or  ever  will  do ; and  when  we  showed 
them  your  petition,  they  expressed  their  willingness 
to  go;  but  we  will  never  let  them  go.  Understand 
all  of  you,  that  up  to  this  time  nothing  so  bad  has 
been  committed  which  might  not  be  pardoned  ; but 
if  Air.  Macgregor  is  in  any  way  hurt,  or  any  robbing 
takes  place,  you  will  not  escape  by  our  endeavours 
to  save  you.  Understand,  also,  that  you  have  com- 
mitted a very  bad  action ; but  the  Colonel  Sahib 
believes  that  many  men  have  been  taken  away 
against  their  will,  and  to  these  men  only  is  this  j 
advice  given ; for  why  should  good  men  be  ruined 
in  company  with  the  bad  characters  ? Understand, 
also,  that  no  further  communication  will  be  held 
with  you,  and  not  one  single  letter  will  be  written  ; [ 

therefore,  if  you  intend  following  this  advice,  do  so 
quickly,  because,  after  a delay  of  one  or  two  days, 
your  pardon  will  be  hopeless.  AVhatever  you  do, 
do  on  seeing  this  letter.  Why  do  you  strike  an  axe 
in  your  own  feet  ? 

“ P.S. — On  arrival  here  you  must  make  over  your 
muskets  to  the  colonel ; afterwards — as  the  order 
comes  from  the  governor-general — your  pardon  will  j 
be  seen.”  ^ 

This  attempt  to  conciliate  was,  as  might 
have  been  expected,  fruitless.  The  muti-  j 
neers  were  determined  to  detain  Lieutenant 
Macgregor  in  their  hands  as  a hostage,  until 
the  ten  men  of  the  regiment,  who  had  re- 
mained faithful,  were  delivered  up  to  them  to 
be  massacred.  It  was  impossible  to  purchase 
the  liberation  of  even  a British  officer  by  an 
act  so  treacherous  and  cruel.  A handsome 
reward  was  oftered  for  the  restoration  of  the 
lieutenant ; but  beyond  that,  no  effort  seems 
to  have  been  made  for  his  deliverance. 

The  regiment  that  had  thus  identified 
itself  with  the  rebel  cause,  took  up  a posi-  ' 
tion,  on  the  26th  of  September,  at  Konee, 
on  the  west  of  the  Herun  river,  about  twelve 
miles  below  Kuttungee.  The  corps  then 
consisted  of  about  500  rank  and  file,  having 
with  them  1,000  insurgent  matchlockmen ; 
and  as  there  was  a probability  that  they 
would  seize  and  destroy  the  boats  on  the 
Herun,  Colonel  Miller,  in  command  of  the 
Kamptee  movable  column  at  Sringampore 
(en  route  for  Jubbulpore),  dispatched  a 
company  of  the  33rd  Madras  native  infantry, 
with  twelve  troopers  of  the  4th  Madras 
cavaliy,  in  charge  of  Lieutenant  Watson, 
accompanied  by  Major  Jenkins,  assistant- 
quartermaster-general,  to  secure  the  boats. 
About  three  hours  after  their  departure, 
and  just  as  the  column  had  prepared  to  re- 

147 


KUTTUNGEE — A CAPTURE.] 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  1857. 


same  its  march,  two  troopers  galloped  into  the 
camp,  with  intelligence  that  the  advanced 
party  had  been  surprised  by  the  rebels  of 
the  52ud  regiment ; that  the  two  officers 
had  been  killed,  and  the  men  were  retreat- 
i ing  upon  the  column.  Colonel  Miller  forth- 
with set  his  troops,  consisting  of  384  men, 

I with  four  guns,  in  motion,  and  advanced  to 
the  village  of  Golera,  about  three  miles  in 
advance  of  Sringampore.  He  had  scarcely 
had  time  to  get  into  position,  when  the  52ud 
were  seen  marching  along  the  road,  in 
columns  of  sections.  Two  guns  were  fired 
j at,  or  rather,  into  them,  on  which  they  left 
i the  road,  and  advanced  through  the  jungle  on 
j either  side,  accompanied  by  the  matchlock- 
I I men.  Colonel  Miller,  finding  the  jungle 
i practice  rather  to  his  disadvantage,  fell  back 
upon  some  open  ground,  followed  by  the 
enemy.  A brisk  fire  was  kept  up  for  half- 
an-hour,  and  the  enemy  was  driven  back. 
The  column  then  advanced  slowly  through 
I three  or  four  miles  of  very  jungly  country 

I driving  the  enemy  before  it,  and  halting 

occasionally,  to  favour  them  with  a few 
rounds  from  the  guns,  by  way  of  accele- 
I rating  their  flight. 

I j On  reaching  the  open  country  near  Kut- 
I tungee,  the  cavalry  was  pushed  on  in 
pursuit,  the  enemy  being  discovered  in  full 
i retreat  among  the  hills  in  rear  of  the  town ; 

; hut,  from  the  nature  of  the  ground,  the 
i horses  could  not  follow;  and  before  the 
: infantry  could  get  up,  the  greater  number 
had  effected  their  escape : a few  only  were 
killed;  and  some  prisoners  taken  on  the 
hill  and  in  the  town,  were  summarily  dis- 
posed of  by  the  provost-marshal. 

On  the  column  approaching  Kuttungee, 
it  was  agreeably  surprised  by  Major  Jenkins 
and  Lieutenant  Watson,  whose  deaths  had 
been  reported,  riding  up  to  it.  They  had 
succeeded  in  cutting  their  way  through  an 
ambuscade  in  the  dark,  and  had  concealed 
themselves  on  the  hills,  until  the  advance  of 
the  column  enabled  them  to  rejoin  it. 
Lieutenant  Watson  had  been  wounded  on 
the  cheek  by  a musket-ball,  and  knocked  off 
his  horse.  His  escape  was  miraculous. 
Major  Jenkins’  charger  had  two  bullets 
through  him,  but  brought  his  master  safe 
before  he  dropped.  At  the  entrance  to  the 
town,  the  column  came  up  with  the  muti- 
lated remains  of  Lieutenant  Macgregor.  His 
throat  had  been  severed ; a bullet  discharged 
into  his  breast,  and  his  body  pierced  with 
bayonets.  This  foul  murder  had  been  per- 
' petrated  at  three  o’clock  the  same  morning, 
i 148 


immediately  before  the  mutineers  attacked  j 
the  advanced  party  before  mentioned.  | 

The  capture  of  one  of  the  ringleaders  of  ! 
the  mutiny,  is  detailed  in  the  following  ex-  ! 
tract  from  a report  of  Lieutenant  Pereira,  ; | 
commanding  the  rifles  of  the  1st  Nagpore  ' j 
irregular  corps.  He  says — “ On  seeing  a j 
number  of  men  in  red  jackets,  supposed  to  i 
be  mutineerSj  running  hither  and  thither  i 
among  the  thick  jungles  skirting  the  hills  of 
Kuttungee,  I advanced  the  rifles  in  skir- 
mishing order,  and  proceeded  in  that  direc- 
tion. On  arriving  at  the  base  of  one  of  the 
hills,  private  Ramchurren  saw  a man  hid 
behind  one  of  the  bushes.  He  cried  out, 
‘Who  are  you?’  and,  on  receiving  no  re-  | 
ply,  havildar  Huttah  Tewarree  and  private 
Ramchurren  immediately  seized  the  man.  ' 
Private  Shaik  Einam,  who  was  one  of  the 
files  adjoining,  immediately  went  to  their 
assistance,  and  seized  the  man’s  musket,  who 
was  just  on  the  point  of  full  cocking  it.  On 
seizing  him,  they  discovered  he  was  a colour-  , 
havildar  of  the  late  52nd  Bengal  native  m-  | 
fan  try.  He  begged  for  mercy,  and  said  that 
he  would  give  them  a hundred  rupees  to  shoot  | 
him  dead.  They  replied,  ‘ We  are  govern-  j 
ment  servants,  and  don’t  require  your  money; 
government  pays  us  well.’  At  this  time  I 
came  up  to  them,  and  ordered  him  to  be 
brought  on  as  a prisoner.  On  arriving  near 
the  encamping-gronnd,  I caused  him  to  be 
brought  before  the  commissioner  of  the 
Saugor  and  Nerbudda  territories,  who  asked 
his  name;  to  which  he  replied,  Buldeo 
Sookul;  and  then  he  was  ordered  to  be 
executed.  This  man  is  supposed  to  have 
been  one  of  the  principal  ringleaders  of  the 
mutiny.” — Lieutenant  Pereira  concluded  by 
recommending  the  havildar  and  two  privates 
to  the  favourable  notice  of  the  commanding 
officer ; the  result  of  which  was  the  promo- 
tion of  the  former  to  the  rank  of  jemadar 
(lieutenant),  and  of  the  two  latter  to  the 
rank  of  havildar  (sergeant.) 

The  subjoined  extracts  afford  some  inter- 
esting details  connected  with  the  mutiny  of 
the  52nd  regiment,  and  also  throw  some 
light  upon  the  movements  of  the  rebels  in 
the  districts  to  which  the  writers  refer. 
The  first  selected  is  dated  from  Jubbulpore, 
October  8th,  1857 ; but  is  written  by  one 
of  the  officers  in  charge  of  the  detachment 
at  Saleemabad.  This  gentleman  says  : — 

“ I will  now  give  you,  as  well  as  I can  recollect, 
an  account  of  my  escape  and  the  mutiny  of  the  regi- 
ment. On  the  morning  of  the  18th  of  September  I 
got  an  express  from  M , dated  September  17th, 


8 P.M.,  saying  that  tliey  had  every  reason  to  believe 
that  the  regiment  intended  to  mutiny  that  night, 

1 and  to  take  the  treasury  and  magazine  with  them, 

I as  well  as  to  release  all  the  prisoners.  The  letter 
j went  on  to  say,  that  I was  to  act  to  the  best  of  my 
I Judgment,  and  that  the  colonel  would  bear  me  out 
I in  anything  I did  or  ordered.  I at  once  told  my 
j men ; some  would  not  believe  it ; but  all  took  the 
I native  oath  to  remain  true,  and,  under  those  circum- 
I stances,  I had  not  the  heart  to  leave  them.  I told 
them  I did  not  wish  them  to  fight  the  regiment,  as 
I I made  sure  it  would  come  my  way  to  proceed  to 
^ Mirzapore.  I wanted,  on  the  arrival  of  the  regi- 
j ment,  that  one  man  should  go  and  tell  them  that 
1 my  company  would  not  join  them  ; at  the  same  time 
I I felt  sure,  that  if  the  whole  regiment  had  mutinied 
my  men  would  not  stand.  I got  no  more  news  that 
[ night.  I did  not  sleep  at  all ; but,  at  daylight,  I 
went  outside,  and,  by  the  gloomy  looks  of  the  men, 
j i and  their  talking  together,  knew  that  something  was 
j ! wrong.  I walked  among  them  for  some  time,  longing 
to  see  my  native  officer ; at  last  he  came.  I asked 
j him  what  was  the  matter;  he  threw  up  his  hands 
I and  said,  ‘ The  regiment  has  gone,  and  these  men 
j wonT  obey,  but  are  going  off  to  Delhi.’  I said  I 
should  order  them  to  march  into  Jubhulpore;  he 
I said,  ‘You  had  better  not;  mount  your  horse  and  be 
j off.’  I then  saw  that  nothing  hut  a bolt  would  save 

I us,  so  I went  and  called  C , ordered  our  horses, 

I put  on  my  revolver,  and  took  my  double  rifle,  giving 

my  gun  to  C . I saw  we  could  not  leave  with- 

j out  being  seen,  so  I thought  I had  better  go  away 
[ openly.  We  found  our  horses  saddled  outside,  and 
1 a number  of  my  men  all  round  them.  I saw  they 
I had  put  a sentry  over  my  luggage  and  the  government 
treasury.  I walked  quietly  up  the  road,  followed  by 
some  of  my  better-disposed  men ; they  saluted  me, 
and  many  wanted  to  shake  hands ; some  actually 
cried,  but  not  a single  man  offered  to  accompany 
me,  so  hopeless  did  they  consider  my  escape  to  be. 
On  we  rode,  at  a foot  pace,  for  fear  of  tiring  our 
horses,  expecting  to  see  the  mutinous  regiment  at 
! every  turn  of  the  road.  After  going  fifteen  miles 
! we  arrived  at  a village,  where  we  heard  that  the 
I regiment  had  really  gone,  but  were  not  coming  this 
I way.  I found  a dozen  irregular  cavalry  there ; and, 
though  I could  not  trust  them,  I knew,  if  they 
wanted  to  murder  us,  they  could  always  overtake 
us,  so  I ordered  them  to  mount  and  come  on  with 
us,  and  made  them  bring  along  whatever  govern- 
ment treasure  there  was  in  the  village ; and,  after 
having  a draught  of  milk,  on  we  went,  having  first 
sent  on  a trooper  at  a gallop  with  a letter  to  say  we 
were  coming.  At  every  village  through  which  we 
passed  the  people  turned  out,  and  only  looked  at 
I us,  as  our  small  cavalcade  was  too  strong  for 
them.  When  we  got  within  a few  miles  of  the 
station,  we  found  a buggy  which  had  been  sent  out 
for  us,  and  a couple  of  bottles  of  beer.  It  was 
quite  dark,  and  pouring,  having  rained  nearly  all 
day.  I was  glad  to  see  the  buggy,  as  we  then  knew 
that  the  station  was  all  right.  AVe  arrived  at  last 
at  about  half-past  nine  o’clock,  and  were  received 
! with  cheers.  Of  course  every  European  was  in  the 
j residency ; and  ladies,  in  all  stages  of  undress, 

! rushed  out  of  their  rooms  to  shake  hands.  My 
] dress  consisted  only  of  a coloured  flannel  shirt  and 
I canvas  trowsers,  shoes,  and  a leather  hat,  besides 
being  dripping  wet ; so  that  I myself  was  not  very 
I presentable.  I then  heard  that  poor  Macgregor 
1 had  been  taken  piisoner;  but  all  were  in  great 


hopes  that  he  would  be  released,  as  a free  pardon 
and  5,000  rupees  were  offered  to  any  party  who  ' 
would  bring  him  in.  As  soon  as  the  Madras  column 
heard  of  the  regiment  going,  they  retraced  their 
steps;  and,  on  the  27th,  as  they  were  marching 
through  some  very  thick  jungle,  they  were  attacked 
by  our  regiment  and  about  1,000  Bundeelas.  They 
were  only  two  marches  off,  and  we  could  hear  the 
guns  plainly.  The  mutineers  were  driven  back  with 
some  loss ; those  who  were  taken  prisoners  were 
hung  up  at  once,  to  the  intense  delight  of  the  Euro- 
pean artillerymen.  Poor  Macgregor  was  murdered 
that  morning : he  was  found  with  his  arm  broken, 
five  bayonet  wounds,  and  a shot  through  the  neck. 
He  was  brought  in,  and  we  buried  him  with  the 
usual  military  honours.  He  was  our  senior  lieu- 
tenant, and  had  been  brought  up  at  the  school  I was 
at,  at  Worthing.  I was  one  of  the  committee  of 
adjustment  of  his  estate,  and  had  to  go  to  his  old 
quarters,  where  everything  reminded  me  forcibly  of 
him ; and  although  we  were  not  great  friends,  it  is 
most  distre.ssing,  after  being  for  nine  years  together, 
to  see  a brother  officer  lose  his  life  in  so  terrible  a 
manner.  It  was  only  on  hearing  of  his  horrible 
fate  that  I could  realise  my  providential  escape ; and 
I am  convinced,  that  if  I had  waited  five  minutes,  I 
should  have  been  made  a prisoner.  That  day  was 
an  eventful  one  for  me.  I can  assure  you,  that  it  is 
not  a comfortable  feeling  to  be  surrounded  by  men 
who,  after  being  under  one’s  command  for  so  many 
years,  suddenly  throw  off  all  obedience  and  disci- 
pline. I felt  perfectly  powerless,  besides  having 
a junior  officer  with  me,  whose  life  depended  on  my 
acts.  On  seeing  how  things  were  going  on,  I 
thought  perfect  coolness  our  best  safeguard,  and 
this  I kept  up  to  the  time  of  leaving  Saleemabad. 

I left  orders  with  the  company  to  provide  carriage 
for  my  tents  and  luggage,  and  called  to  my  colour- 
sergeant  to  bring  me  whatever  money  he  had  of 
mine.  To  my  great  surprise  he  brought  it,  and  I 
put  the  money  in  my  belt.  Two  days  after  my 
arrival  here,  in  came  my  things — nothing  missing  ; so 
they  actually  obeyed  my  last  order.  • • • Some 
of  our  men  are  being  brought  in  prisoners,  and  will 
be  hung.  Two  men  of  the  1st  company  came  in 
this  morning ; they  could  not  look  me  in  the  face. 
I hear  they  have  just  been  hung.  * • • Great 
dissatisfaction  is  felt  at  the  order  that  no  sepoy  is  to 
be  hung  except  it  is  proved  that  he  was  present  at  a 
murder.  Who  is  to  bear  witness  to  the  murders  of 
our  unfortunate  countrymen  at  Cawnpore,  Futte- 
ghur,  Shahjehanpore,  &c.?” 

The  following  is  from  Jubhulpore,  dated 
October  9th : — 

“We  are  still  at  Jubhulpore,  you  see;  and  I do 
not  see  much  prospect  of  our  being  able  to  get  away 
in  a hurry,  as  it  is  rather  dangerous  to  go  along  the 
road  without  an  escort,  and  I am  not  likely  to  get 
one  at  present.  My  last  would  tell  you  of  the 
mutiny  of  the  52nd ; how  one  detachment  of  the 
regiment  allowed  two  officers  to  escape,  while 
another  had  made  a prisoner  of  poor  Macgregor; 
and  how  the  two  companies,  with  the  Kamptee 
column,  had  been  quietly  disarmed — that  Dumoh 
had  been  abandoned,  and  the  column  was  on  its 
march  back  to  J ubbulpore.  On  the  26th  the  column 
was  at  Sringampore.  The  next  morning  the  column 
was  to  march  to  Kuttungee  (ten  miles)  at  daylight; 
but  at  two  o’clock  A.M.,  the  grenadier  company  of 
the  33rd,  under  Lieutenant  Watson,  started  with 

149 


A.D. 


1857.] 


INDIAN  MUTINY.  [lieut.  macgregor’s  de.ath. 


KUTTUKGEE — 5L\.TTERS  OF  COUKSE.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  1857. 


the  intention  of  securing  the  boats  on  the  Herun 
river.  Major  Jenkins,  quartermaster-general,  went 
with  Watson.  After  riding  about  three  miles,  they 
had  got  about  200  yards  in  front  of  the  company. 
Suddenly  a bugle  in  front  of  them  sounded  the  fire ; 
‘snick,  snick’  went  some  muskets,  then  a regular 
volley.  ‘ Holloa,’  said  Jenkins,  ‘ here  we  are  in  the 
midst  of  them.’  Dark  though  it  was,  they  could  see 
they  were  surrounded  by  sepoys;  they  were  the 
rebel  52nd  advancing  to  attack  the  Kamptee  column. 
One  sepoy  stepped  close  up  to  Watson,  and  fired  in 
his  face ; the  ball  only  gave  him  a gash  under  the 
eye.  He  rode  the  man  down,  but  he  himself  fell  in 
doing  so.  He  regained  his  feet,  but  fell  again  and 
again.  Somehow  he  managed  to  catch  hold  of 
Jenkins’s  stirrup,  and  ran  on ; his  horse  trotted  up 
to  him,  and  he  contrived  to  mount.  Both  then  can- 
tered on,  but  immediately  came  on  the  rear-guard, 
‘ Halt,  who  comes  there  ?’  called  out  the  leading 
file.  They  gave  no  reply,  but  dashed  through  un- 
hurt, though  exposed  to  the  fire  of  the  whole  guard. 
Was  it  not  a wonderful  escape?  Jenkins’s  horse 
had  two  balls  in  him,  and  Watson’s  boy,  carrying 
his  rifle,  was  shot  dead;  they  hid  in  the  jungle  till 
the  column  came  up  in  the  forenoon ; they  were  re- 
ceived with  shouts  and  cheers,  for  everyone  thought 
them  killed.  The  mutineers  had  no  bayonets  fixed. 
The  grenadier  company  fell  back  on  the  column  in 
good  order;  which,  being  warned  of  the  state  of 


be  captured  or  done  for.  I hear  to-day  that  the  ex- 
pedition was  unsuccessful ; it  is  said  that  the  rebels 
have  retired  to  a hill  like  a natural  fortress.  I ima- 
gine some  effort  will  be  made  to  dislodge  them,  as 
the  infantry  have  not  returned,  and  the  cavalry  are 
still  on  the  other  side  of  the  river.  Gunnesgunge, 
another  place  on  the  road,  is  also  occupied  by  rebels 
— Gonds,  I believe.  The  main  body  of  the  mutinous 
52nd  are  gone  up  the  Mirzapore-road ; we  heard  of 
them  at  Sehora  (twenty-five  miles  from  this)  two 
days  ago.  Our  Calcutta  dak  has  been  interrupted 
for  two  or  three  days,  but  is  now  open,  so  I dare  say 
the  mutineers  have  left  the  high-road.  The  officers 
of  the  50th  Bengal  native  infantry,  with  250  stanch 
men,  have  arrived  at  Allahabad  in  safety.  Three 
sepoys  of  the  52nd  have  been  captured,  brought  in 
here,  and  hanged,  and  five  Bundeelas  were  turned 
off  two  days  ago.  These  affairs  are  taken  as  a 
matter'of  course.” 

At  the  close  of  September, nearly  the  whole 
of  the  territories  of  Saugor  and  Nerbudda 
were  in  a state  of  revolt.  In  Saugor,  distant 
ninety  miles  north-west  from  Jubbulpore,  a 
small  garrison  of  130  Eui’opeans,  with  about 
170  women  and  children,  and  a small  force  of 
sepoys,  were,  during  the  months  of  Septem- 
ber and  October,  shut  up  in  a scarcely  de- 


affairs, advanced  at  daylight,  and  soon  came  in  I fensible  fort,  surrounded  by  many  thousand 

sight  of  the  mutineers,  advancing  steadily  along  the  and  neeasionin?  the  most  nain- 

road  in  columns  of  sections : when  within  300  yards  ' insurgents,  ano  occasioning  tlie  most  pain 

of  them  our  guns  were  unmasked ; but  just  as  they  i tnt  apprehensions  for  their  safety  j the  whole 
opened  fire,  the  mutineers  wheeled  backwards  right  I country  being  in  the  hands  of  chiefs  who 
left,  and  got  into  the  jungle,  which  was  very  j ^ere  ready  to  rise  up  in  open  rebellion  at 


thick,  and  came  quite  close  to  the  road.  It  is  be- 
lieved, that  in  the  course  of  the  morning  the  muti- 
neers lost  about  120  men ; there  were  many  hundred  I 
Bundeelas  with  them.  Our  loss  was  trifling ; a few 
men  wounded,  and  a trumpeter  killed.  On  coming 
near  Kuttungee,  the  body  of  poor  Macgregor  was 
found,  pierced  with  eight  or  nine  bayonet  wounds,  a 
shot  in  the  neck,  his  arm  gashed  and  broken ; we 
were  all  grieved  to  hear  of  his  sad  fate ; his  body  was 
brought  in  here,  and  buried  the  next  day  at  noon. 
A wounded  havildar  and  sepoy  were  taken  prisoners 
at  Kuttungee,  and  hung  on  the  spot.  After  the 
column  moved  on,  the  mutineers  returned,  cut  down 
the  bodies,  and  buried  them  with  military  honours ! 
The  column  came  in  here  on  the  1st,  and  Colonel 
Miller  assumed  command  of  the  station.  We  in- 
tended to  have  left  this  on  the  7th  ; but  on  the  5th 
the  road  was  found  to  be  unsafe : it  has  been  un- 
safe any  day  for  the  last  three  months!  Bergee, 
fifteen  miles  from  this,  on  the  high-road  to  Kamp- 
tee, was  burnt  by  rebels.  On  the  27th  or  28th  ult,  a 
large  kafila  was  plundered  at  the  Silwa  Ghaut,  five 
miles  further  on.  Sixteen  mutineers  of  the  52nd 
were  at  Bergee  on  the  4th  ; they  cut  off  the  noses  of 
some  Bunyahs  who  had  gone  to  buy  ghee ; and  one 
of  them,  known  to  be  the  principal  in  the  murder  of 
poor  Macgregor,  sent  a message  to  Captain  Moxon, 
62nd — that  they  hoped  to  serve  him  the  same  way ; 
he  had  offered  200  rupees  for  the  colours ; they  had 
intended  to  collect  a party,  and  attack  Jubbulpore  ; 
that  they  would  bring  the  colours  with  them,  and  he 
might  then  take  them  if  he  could!  Yesterday 
morning  a party  from  this  were  sent  to  clear  the 
road  of  the  villains ; and  as  Cumberlege,  with  the 


news  of  any  discomfiture  of  the  British. 
Numerous  Thakoors  bad  risen,  and  were 
plundering  the  villages  in  all  directions. 
Jaloun,  Jhansie,  and  Dumoh — all  important 
towns — were  in  the  hands  of  the  insurgents ; 
and  only  the  presence  of  a few  hundred 
Madras  troops  stood  between  the  authorities 
of  these  important  provinces  and  total 
anarchy.  The  commissioner  of  Nagpore 
could  send  no  more  Madrasees  from  the 
south ; in  the  north,  Mr.  Grant  was  unable 
to  spare  a single  company  from  Benares; 
while  the  independent  and  unreliable  state 
of  Rewah  lay  on  one  side;  and  Banda,  in  a 
state  of  open  rebellion,  lay  on  the  other.  In 
this  dilemma,  the  charge  entrusted  to  Major 
Erskine,  as  commissioner  of  the  Saugor  and 
Nerbudda  districts,  became  one  of  painful 
responsibility.  As  the  autumn  drew  to  a 
close,  his  reports  to  the  government  became 
daily  more  gloomy.  In  one  letter  he  said — 
“The  mass  of  native  chiefs  disbelieve  in  the 
existence  of  a British  army;  and  nothing 
but  the  presence  of  troops  among  them  will 
convince  them  of  their  error.”  Again  and 
again  were  such  representations  sent  to  the 
governor-general ; and  as  often  as  they  came. 


rUdtl  Ol  lilC  MiidlXio*  dliU  do  V.*UUlUCllCfi,Cj  »itll  tXiC  , M J x xl.  4.  l» 1...  J „ _ 

4th  cavalry,  en  route  here,  was  only  three  miles  he  compelled  to  answer  that  he  had  no 
beyond  Bergee,  it  was  hoped  that  the  rebels  might  | British  troops  to  spare 
150 


A.D.  1857.] 


INDIAN  MUTINY 


[bheels  at  x.^door. 


On  the  4th  of  October,  a very  spirited 
affair  took  place  with  some  rebellious  Bheels 
at  the  village  of  Nandoor  Singoleh,  Kan- 
deish ; which,  in  spite  of  a brilliant  display 
of  gallantry  on  the  part  of  the  officer  com- 
manding the  loyal  force,  in  which  he  was 
admirably  seconded  by  his  men,  terminated 
in  the  death  of  that  officer,  and  without  any 
satisfactory  result  to  compensate  for  his  loss. 
The  idea  of  attacking  a strong  position,  held 
by  from  four  to  five  hundred  men  well 
armed,  with  a force,  altogether,  of  thirty 
men  of  the  police  corps  (of  whom  not  more 
than  twenty  took  part  in  the  affray),  could 
only  have  emanated  from  the  highest  degree 
of  military  enthusiasm,  and  justifies  the 
lengthened  details  preserved  in  the  subjoined 
documents.  The  first  of  these  is  a letter 
from  the  assistant-magistrate  of  Ahmednug- 
gur,  to  the  political  secretary  to  government 
(Bombay),  dated  “Nassick,  October  6th, 
1857 in  which  he  says — “I  have  the  honour 
to  forward  the  accompanying  statements 
regarding  the  affair  which  took  place  the  day 
before  yesterday  with  the  Bheels  at  Nan- 
door,  and  in  which  Lieutenant  Henry,  the 
superintendent  of  police,  was  unfortunately 
killed,  while  charging  at  the  head  of  his 
men.  From  the  accompanying  statements,  I 
think  it  is  clear  that,  while  every  credit  is  due 
to  the  memory  of  the  late  Lieutenant  Henry, 
for  the  gallant  and  determined  way  in  which 
he  led  the  attack,  yet  that  the  attack  itself 
was,  owing  to  the  enormous  superiority  of  the 
Bheels  in  point  of  numbers,  and  their  strong 
position,  a very  ill-advised  one.  They  were 
to  the  number  of  four  to  five  hundred, 
armed  with  matchlocks  and  bows,  posted  on 
the  top  of  a steep  hill,  surrounded  by  an 
abrupt  scarp.  They  met  our  advance  by  a 
volley  of  some  fifty  shots,  and  by  a shower 
of  arrows.  This  strong  position  was,  never- 
theless, carried  and  cleared  by  Lieutenant 
Thatcher,  supported  by  some  fifteen  men  of 
the  police  corps. 

“Lieutenant  Henry  Avas  almost  immedi- 
ately shot  down  by  two  men ; one  shot 
passing  through  the  lungs,  and  the  other 
through  both  thighs.  The  Bheel  who  fired 
the  second  shot  was  killed  by  Lieutenant 
Thatcher.  Both  Lieutenant  Thatcher  and 
Mr.  Taylor  are  united  in  their  praises  of  the 
gallant  way  in  which  Lieutenant  Henry 
fell  in  the  execution  of  his  duty.  In  him  I 
have  lost  a highly  valued  friend ; and  the 
behaviour  of  the  men  of  the  police  corps  at 
his  funeral,  testified  to  the  esteem  in  Avhich 
he  was  held  bv  them. 


“ Lieutenant  Thatcher’s  conduct  through- 
out, appears,  to  my  humble  judgment,  to  have 
been  admirable.  From  the  first,  poor  Lieu- 
tenant Henry  underrated  the  strength  and 
pluck  of  the  enemy.  Lieutenant  Thatcher 
did  all  he  could  to  persuade  him  to  await 
the  arrival  of  the  reinforcements,  which 
were  daily  expected  from  Poonah  and  Nug- 
gur.  Finding  his  remonstrances  of  no 
avail,  he  placed  himself  by  the  side  of  Lieu- 
tenant Henry,  and  the  two  raced  together 
up  the  hill.  His  subsequent  behaviour  was, 

I A’enture  to  think,  as  gallant  as  it  was  judi- 
cious. Lieutenant  Thatcher  spoke  in  the 
warmest  terms  of  the  spirit  displayed  by 
Mr.  Taylor,  the  inspecting  postmaster,  and 
of  the  assistance  he  afforded  him.  He  also 
mentions  that  Amut  Buksh,  the  rissaldar 
of  the  Poonah  horse,  behaved  with  very  great 
gallantry.  He  will  bring  to  the  notice  of 
the  police  commissioner  the  several  men  of 
the  corps  who  chiefly  distinguished  them- 
selves. Out  of  probably  some  twenty  men, 
who  took  a prominent  part  in  the  fight,  four 
were  wounded — two,  I fear,  very  severely. 
No  idea  can  be  formed  of  the  number  of 
Bheels  that  Avere  killed  and  wounded,  as 
they  Avex’e  all  carried  off.  Lieutenant 
Thatcher  himself  wounded  two  men,  and  he 
believes  mortally. 

“Up  to  the  time  of  writing  this,  I have 
heard  nothing  further  of  the  movements  of 
the  Bheels.  I tnist,  therefore,  that  the 
attack  of  the  day  before  yesterday  may  have 
cowed  them.  The  reinforcements  from 
Poonah  have  arrived,  and  those  from  Nuggur 
Avill  most  likely  arrive  during  the  course  of 
the  day.  The  Bheels  can,  therefore,  I 
think,  never  have  such  another  opportunity 
for  assembling  so  numerously. 

“ I have  the  honour  to  be,  &c., 

“ (Signed)  F.  S.  Chapman, 

“ First  Assist.  Magistrate  of  Ahmednuggur.” 

The  paper  referred  to  in  the  above, 
is  a statement  of  Lieutenant  Thatcher, 
assistant-superintendent  of  police ; which 
ran  as  follows  : — 

“Lieutenant  Henry  arrived  at  6 a.m.  on 
the  4th  instant.  I had  previously  been  at 
Nandoor  with  a party  of  thirty  police, 
watching  the  enemy,  who,  to  the  number  of 
betAveen  200  and  250,  were  occupying  a 
strong  position  in  the  hills.  On  the  first 
day  of  my  arrival  at  Nandoor,  I sent  olF  an 
express  to  the  magistrate  of  Ahmednuggur, 
desiring  a reinforcement  of  150  men  and  i 
tAvo  guns.  I had  previously  heard  that  i 
Lieutenant  Carr  Avas  on  his  way  to  join 

151 


NANDOOR A DESPERATE  ATTACK.]  HISTORY  OF  THE  [a.D.  1857. 

me  with  fifty  men  from  Poonah.  I had  also 
sent  in  to  Nassick,tothe  first  assistant-magis- 
trate, for  more  men ; but  as  I had  ouly  left 
sufficient  men  there  to  carry  on  the  duties 
of  the  place,  I stated  at  the  time  that  I did 
not  expect  him  to  be  able  to  comply  with 
my  request.  The  above  will  show  what  ap- 
peared to  me  the  necessity  for  reinforce- 
ments before  commencing  an  attack. 

“ On  the  night  of  the  3rd  instant,  I made 
a night  march  on  the  village  of  Dappoor,  in 
order  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  gaining 
the  ghauts,  and  also  with  a view,  when 
reinforcements  arrived,  to  attacking  them 
from  higher  ground.  As  I have  before 
stated.  Lieutenant  Henry  arrived  at  6 
A.M.  on  the  morniug  of  the  4th,  and,  of 
course,  took  the  command.  I gave  him  all 
' the  information  I had  as  to  the  number 
of  the  enemy,  who  were  then  reported  to  be 
increased  to  500,  and  to  be  posted  in  differ- 
ent positions.  Lieutenant  Henry  appeared 
to  treat  my  information  lightly,  and  to  think 
I had  been  imposed  upon.  My  words  to 
, Lieutenant  Henry  were,  to  the  best  of  my 
recollection,  to  this  effect : — ‘ Mr.  Henry, 
you  having  arrived,  of  course  have  taken  the 
' command;  but  I warn  you,  we  have  not 
sufficient  men  to  lick  these  fellows.  My 
! advice  is  to  wait  until  reinforced  by  Mr. 
i Carr  and  the  Tannah  party ; and  (pointing 
to  a road  above  the  hill)  go  and  get  above 

them.’  His  reply  was,  ‘It  is  a d 

hard  case  if  we  have  not  sufficient  men  to 
thrash  all  the  Sinur  Bheels.^  Lieutenant 
Henry  then  called  the  mamlutdar  and  two 
foujdars,  and  told  them  to  go  to  Ragojee, 
and  say,  ‘ Henry  Saheb  aya,  and  orders  you 
! to  come  to  Nandoor  Singoleh,  on  which 
! village  he  is  going  to  mareh  now ; if  you 
have  any  petition  to  make,  come  and  make  it 
j in  a proper  manner.’  Henry  told  the  offi- 
cials to  speak  to  Ragojee  coolly,  and  tell 
him  if  he  did  not  come  quietly,  he  (Henry) 
would  come  and  take  him. 

“ At  7 A.M.  we  marched  on  Nandoor ; 
and  as  we  were  going  there,  I pointed  out 
to  Henry  the  officials  talking  with  Ragojee. 
Henry  cantered  up  to  them ; and  on  this 
I turned  round  to  Mr.  Taylor,  who  was 
riding  with  me,  and  said,  ‘ Henry’s  going 
i will  cause  a fight ; he  had  better  leave  the 
niggers  (meaning  the  officials  who  were 
parleying  with  Ragojee)  alone.’  I halted 
the  men  under  some  trees,  at  a distance  of 
1 about  a mile  from  where  parleying  was 
going  on.  I did  this  by  Henry’s  order. 
Shortlv  after  a sowar  galloped  up,  with 
j ' 152 

orders  for  me  to  advance.  I brought  the 
men  up  to  Henry,  and  asked  him  how  it  ! 
(the  conference)  had  ended.  He  said 
Ragojee  had  refused  to  come,  and  pointed 
me  out  a scarped  hill,  which  he  said  we 
were  to  attack.  He  drew  the  men  up  in 
single  file,  and  sent  me  with  sowars  to  the 
left  flank,  to  examine  the  enemy’s  position.  ' 

I did  so ; and  reported  to  him  that  no  men 
were  visible  to  the  extreme  left.  I again 
pointed  out  my  objections,  in  a military 
point  of  view,  to  attack  at  the  proposed  i 
place,  and  showed  him  another  spur  of  the 
hill  of  easy  asceut;  but  it  was  in  vain.  ' 
Henry  ordered  the  advance,  and  desired  me  ' 
to  take  the  left,  while  he  took  the  right  of 
the  line.  We  advanced,  Henry  and  myself, 
on  horseback.  The  position  of  the  enemy 
was  a most  difficult  one,  being  a high  hill, 
with  a scarped  rock.  On  the  top  of  the  i 
scarp,  concealed  amongst  rocks  and  bushes, 
were  numbers  of  matchlockraen.  The  first 
shot  was  fired  by  the  enemy,  and  was  evi- 
dently aimed  at  Henry.  It  missed  him,  and 
hit  a man  to  rear  of  him.  Lieutenant 
Henry,  in  a loud  voice,  ordered,  ‘ Charge 
bayonets  !’  We  rode  together  in  advance  of  ^ 
the  men.  At  a distance  of  about  forty  i 
yards  the  enemy  gave  us  a tremendous 
volley.  Finding  we  could  ride  no  higher, 
we  simultaneously  dismounted.  Henry 

drew  his  revolver,  and  I my  sword.  We  ^ 
both  took  off  our  hats,  and  cheered  on  the 
men,  which  was  answered  by  a tremendous 
yell  from  our  own  men.  We  rushed  to  the 
top  of  the  hill,  together  with  about  fourteen 
of  our  men,  about  twenty  yards  to  my  right 
rear.  Henry  pointed  his  revolver  at  a man, 
and  I said,  ‘ Your  pistol  is  not  cocked.’ 
He  put  it  down,  staggered  against  me,  and  i 
said,  ‘I’m  hit  in  the  shoulder,  but  never 
mind  me;  go  on,  old  fellow.’  He  jumped 
up  again ; and,  finding  our  pistols  useless, 
we  each  took  a musket  from  the  men  who  ' 
had  come  up.  We  jumped  on  to  the  scarp, 
and  pointed  both  our  muskets  at  one  man, 
who  had  evidently  been  watching  the  path. 
We  went  up ; Henry  again  called  out,  ' 
‘ Good  God  ! I am  hit  again  !’  and  fell. 
The  man  who  fired  this  last  shot  was,  I 
believe,  shot  by  me  just  as  Henry  spoke. 

I knelt  down  by  Henry,  and  asked  him  if  ; 
he  was  mortally  wounded.  He  said,  ‘ For- 
ward, old  fellow — forward  !’  Seeing  I could 
do  no  good,  I pulled  him  out  of  the  line  of 
fire.  I then,  with  fourteen  or  fifteen  men, 
charged  two  of  the  hills  on  which  the  enemy 
1 were  strongly  posted,  and  made  myself 

A.D.  1857.] 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


[death  of  lteut.  henry. 


master  of  the  position.  The  fight,  after 
this,  lasted  upwards  of  an  hour,  when  Mr. 
Taylor  sent  me  a message  by  a native  offi- 
cer that  I was  being  outflanked.  I retired 
leisurely,  exchanging  shot  for  shot  with  the 
enemy,  until  a great  number  of  my  men  had 
exhausted  their  ammunition. 

“On  returning  to  Nandoor  Singoleh,  l! 
broke  up  the  remainder  of  my  detachment, 
and  strengthened  the  following  treasuries  : — 
1st,  Neemohum;  2nd,  Ankolaj  3rd,  Sinur. 
I had  four  men  wounded ; two,  I fear,  very 
seriously.  1 have  no  idea  of  the  number  of 
the  enemy  that  were  killed  and  wounded. 
I shot  two  myself,  and,  to  the  best  of  my 
belief,  mj'  men  hit  a great  number.  The 
behaviour  of  about  half  my  detachment  was 
admirable.  I will  make  a nominal  report 
of  them.  The  rissaldar  of  the  Poonah 
horse,  in  particular,  behaved  most  gallantly. 
Armed  with  only  a pistol,  he  tried  to  race 
in  front  of  me.  The  remaining  half  of  the 
detachment  did  not  come  under  my  obser- 
vation. Having  only  such  a few  men  left, 
I considered  it  my  duty  to  detach  them,  as 
before  stated,  and  not  make  any  further 
attack.  Before  concluding  this  statement, 
I feel  it  only  due  to  myself  to  state,  that 
the  attack  was  made  against  overwhelming 
numbers;  that  I strongly  dissuaded  Lieu- 
tenant Henry  from  making  it,  and  that  the 
position  of  the  enemy,  in  a military  point  of 
view,  was  as  strong  as  could  be  conceived. 
I beg  to  state  that  I received  great  assis- 
tance from  j\tr. Taylor,  inspecting  postmaster 
in  the  Deccan,  not  only  in  his  duties  as 
postmaster,  but  also  by  his  gallant  bearing 
throughout  this  fight.  I beg  to  refer  to  him 
for  a corroboration  of  what  I have  stated. 

“ (Signed)  Torin  Thatcher, 

“ Assistant  Superintendent  of  Police.^' 

The  following  is  the  statement  of  Alexan- 
der Law  Taylor,  Esq.,  inspecting  postmaster 
in  the  Deccan,  regarding  the  fight  with  the 
Bheels  in  front  of  the  village  of  Nandoor 
Singoleh,  on  the  4th  October : — On  Friday, 
the  2nd,  whilst  at  Sungumnair,  on  a tour  of 
inspection,  I heard  that  the  Bheels  had 
risen.  The  same  evening,  I heard  that 
Lieutenant  Thatcher  was  in  the  neighbour- 
hood, and  went  and  joined  him.  I was 
present  yesterday  when  Lieutenant  Henry 
arrived.  I overheard  their  conversation ; 
and  from  the  tenor,  am  of  opinion  that 
Lieutenant  Henry  viewed  the  matter  lightly. 
Lieutenant  Thatcher,  on  the  other  hand, 
remonstrated,  and  said  he  thought  it  not 
safe  to  attack  with  so  few  men.  Lieutenant 

VOL.  II.  X 


Henry  said  the  force  was  quite  sufficient  to 
take  double  the  number  of  the  enemy ; that 
it  was  a pity  they  had  not  been  attacked 
before;  and  that  he  would  lay  anything 
not  a shot  would  be  exchanged.  I,  too, 
asked  Lieutenant  Henry  whether  he  thought 
it  judicious  to  attack,  with  so  few  men,  such 
a difficult  and  strong  position  ? He  said, 

‘ Yes ; they  will  run  like  dogs.^  Just  before 
the  assault.  Lieutenant  Thatcher  again  re- 
monstrated, and  proposed  to  attack  by  an 
easier  ascent,  and  from  one  that  afforded  a 
more  commanding  position. 

“ When  the  assault  took  place,  I was  to 
the  rear  of  the  men,  about  their  centre.  I 
was  about  twenty  yards  from  Lieutenant 
Henry  when  he  received  his  second  wound. 

I ran  up  to  him,  and  found  him  insensible. 
I gave  him  some  water,  which  revived  him. 
He  opened  his  eyes,  and  said,  ‘ Pm  all  right 
now — forward.’  I left  him,  to  follow  up  the 
attack,  which  was  being  led  by  Lieutenant 
Thatcher,  who  was  about' fifty  yards  in  front 
of  me  with  about  twelve  men.  I perceived 
a flank  movement  of  the  enemy  to  cut  off 
Lieutenant  Thatcher  from  where  I was.  I 
immediately  dispatched  the  rissaldar,  who 
was  on  foot,  to  warn  him  of  his  danger,  and 
beg  of  him  to  retreat,  which  he  did,  dis- 
puting every  foot  of  ground,  and  exchanging 
shot  for  shot.  After  dispatching  the  rissal- 
dar, I returned  to  Henry,  and  ordered  him 
to  be  removed,  which  was  done : as  soon  as 
he  was  removed,  he  put  his  hand  to  his 
chest,  and  said  he  felt  pain,  and  asked  for 
water,  which  I gave  him.  I knew  he  was 
dying — put  my  ear  to  his  mouth,  and  tried  to 
catch  the  words  he  uttered,  but  could  not. 
I fancied  I heard  him  utter  the  name  of 
some  female ; but  could  not  catch  it  dis- 
tinctly. 

“ About  one-half  of  the  armed  police  be- 
haved right  well;  the  remainder  were  be- 
low. When  the  order  to  charge  was  given, 
Henry  and  Thatcher  raced  with  each  other 
up  the  hill,  cheering  on  the  men.  When 
the  former  was  hit,  the  latter  was  almost 
touching  him.  There  were,  in  all,  four  of 
our  men  wounded,  two  of  whom  fell  by  my 
side,  severely  wounded.  There  appeared  to 
be  between  450  and  500  of  the  enemy.  The 
first  volley  fired  was  from  a good  fifty  muskets. 
I counted  only  one  of  the  enemy  severely 
wounded;  he  had  been  hit  by  Thatcher.  I 
can  form  no  idea  as  to  how  many  of  the 
enemy  were  hit,  as  the  wounded  were 
dragged  away.  The  enemy’s  position  was 
completely  carried.  I have  read  Lieutenant 

153 


PLOT  AT  BOMBAY.]  HISTORY  OF  THE  [a.d.  1857. 


Thatcher’s  statement,  and  most  fully  concur 
in  the  version  he  has  given. 

“ (Signed)  A.  L.  Taylor, 
‘^OfBciatingInspectingPostmaster,Deccan.” 

Resolution  of  Government. 

“The  right  honourable  the  governor  in 
council  has  received,  with  the  deepest  re- 
gret, the  melancholy  intelligence  of  the 
death  of  Lieutenant  Henry,  the  superinten- 
dent of  police  at  Ahmednuggur.  This  most 
able  and  gallant  officer  died  in  the  zealous 
discharge  of  his  duty.  Undeterred  by  a 
severe  wound,  which  he  received  while  lead- 
ing on  his  men,  he  still  advanced ; and  when 
prostrated  by  a second  and  mortal  wound, 
his  word  to  those  who  tendered  to  him  their 
aid,  was,  ‘ Forward !’  The  fate  of  one  so 
young,  so  gallant,  so  energetic,  will  be 
mourned  by  all  the  services ; and  it  will  es- 
pecially be  deplored  by  the  government 
which  Lieutenant  Henry  served  faithfully 
and  devotedly. 

“The  right  honourable  the  governor  in 
council  directs  that  the  thanks  of  gov- 
ernment be  communicated  to  Lieutenant 
Thatcher,  for  the  gallantry  so  conspicuously 
exhibited  by  him  on  this  melancholy  occasion. 
The  right  honourable  the  govei’nor  in  council 
also  considers  that  Mr.  Taylor,  the  inspect- 
ing postmaster  in  the  Deccan,  and  Amut 
Buksh,  rissaldar  of  the  Poonah  horse,  are 
deserving  of  the  high  commendation  of 
government,  for  their  gallant  conduct  on  the 
4th  inst.  Mr.  Chapman  should  be  informed 
that  his  further  report  will  be  awaited.” 

I Immediately  upon  this  affair  being  re- 
I ported  at  head-quarters,  the  26th  regiment 
i of  native  infantry  was  dispatched  to  Nan- 
j door  Sinur  by  rail,  for  the  purpose  of 
1 dispersing  the  rebels  r the  report  current 
: respecting  whom  was  then  as  follows  : — 

“ Sinur  is  surrounded  by  about  1,500 
: Bheels,  with  matchlocks  and  swords,  and 
their  women  armed  with  bows  and  arrows, 
and  quite  naked.  Another  body  of  them 
have  taken  up  a position  on  the  top  of  a 
higher  hill  than  that  occupied  by  them 
when  Lieutenant  Henry  charged  them,  and 
about  eight  miles  farther  on  towards  Bombay. 
The  Bheels  of  the  town  of  Sinur,  before 
joining  their  comrades,  removed  all  their 
property,  and  set  fire  to  their  houses.  The 
leader  of  the  band  was  a naik  in  the  Com- 
pany’s service,  and  had  been  dismissed  and 
imprisoned  for  two  years  by  Lieutenant 
Henry  for  misconduct.  He  gratified  his 
desire  for  revenge  by  shooting  the  uufortu- 
154 


nate  officer.  From  the  strength  of  the 
position  occupied  by  the  Bheels,  and  their 
Amazonian  wives,  it  was  considered  prudent 
to  defer  an  attack  upon  them  until  the 
arrival  of  a further  reinforcement.” 

About  the  second  week  in  October,  a plot 
was  discovered  among  the  sepoys  of  the 
marine  battalion  stationed  in  Bombay; 
having  for  its  object  the  extermination  of 
the  Europeans,  and  the  plunder  of  the  place. 

It  was  proposed  by  the  conspirators,  that 
the  three  native  regiments  in  garrison  should 
each  take  a separate  district,  and,  on  the  last 
night  of  the  Mohurrum,  rise  and  commence 
the  massacre ; they  were  then  to  plunder 
the  treasury,  &c.,  and  depart  northward,  to 
join  the  mutinous  forces  iu  Oude  and 
Bengal.  Fortunately,  the  superintendent 
of  police  (a  Mr.  Forgett)  had  obtained  some 
information  of  the  project,  and,  without 
causing  alarm  by  a premature  disclosure, 
waited  quietly  till  the  proper  hour  for  action 
had  arrived,  and  then  seized  the  whole  of 
the  ringleaders  without  difficult}'.  Two  of 
the  most  active  of  the  traitors  were  an  havil- 
dar  of  the  marines  and  a private  of  the  10th 
native  infantry ; and  of  these  men  it  was 
determined  to  make  an  immediate  example. 
They  were  tried  by  a court-martial,  and  sen- 
tenced to  be  blown  from  guns ; and  on  the 
15th  of  October  the  sentence  was  carried  into 
execution.  An  eye-witness  of  the  terrible 
scene  has  thus  described  the  proceedings  : — 

“ The  men  of  the  marine  battalion,  and 
of  the  10th  regiment,  were  paraded  upon 
the  ground,  with  their  arms,  but  without 
ammunition ; and  the  guns  were  so  placed 
as  to  sweep  them  down  if  they  should  make 
any  effort  to  rescue  their  guilty  comrades. 

A strong  guard  of  the  95th  Europeans 
covered  the  guns,  and  faced  the  native 
regiments.  Two  guns  (from  which  the  pri- 
soners were  to  be  blown)  were  placed  iu  the 
centre  of  the  space  between  the  two  forces, 
with  portfires  lighted ; and  the  troops  hav-  ! 
ing  taken  their  ground,  the  prisoners  were  | 
marched  into  the  area,  under  a guard  of  the  | 
95th  regiment.  After  a delay  of  some  , 
minutes,  the  preparations  were  completed,  ; 
and  the  artillery  and  Europeans  were  ; 
ordered  to  load.  The  sentence  of  the  court  ; 
was  then  read  to  the  prisoners.  The  man 
belonging  to  the  10th  regiment  (a  Bengalee)  | 
was  terribly  affected,  and  begged  piteously  J 
for  his  life.  The  other  (a  Mohammedan)  ; 
was  much  firmer ; but  although  he  tried  to  [ 
look  bold,  and  threw  into  his  face  a look  of  i 
defiance  and  thir-st  for  vengeance,  his  j 


A.D,  1857.] 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


[aitack  on  nimbhaira. 


quivering  lip  showed  he,  too,  was  shaken. 
The  poor  wretches  were  stripped  of  their 
uniform,  and  marched  up  to  the  guns,  and, 
with  their  backs  to  the  muzzles,  were  lashed 
to  the  wheels.  It  w'as  a terrible  sight,  after 
the  men  who  had  bound  them  withdrew,  to 
see  the  poor  creatures  thus  bound  to  the 
guns — living  men,  in  another  minute  to 
be  in  eternity.  The  suspense  was  sicken- 
ing, hut  it  did  not  last  long.  ‘ Ready — 
tire!’ — an  explosion,  a cloud  of  smoke,  a 
shower  of  undistinguishable  fragments 
tossed  above  and  around  the  guns,  and  all 
was  over.  I was  at  a little  distance,  and 
my  feelings  were  much  less  terrible  than  I 
expected  ; but  those  who  were  nearer,  and 
beside  whom  the  ghastly  fragments  fell,  said 
it  W'as  very  dreadful.  It  is  not  a pleasant 
subject  to  enlarge  upon.  After  a few 
minutes  the  native  troops  were  marched 
back  to  their  quarters ; and  as  they  passed 
off  the  ground,  the  guns  were  brought 
round,  so  as  always  to  hear  on  them  in  case 
they  might,  in  a fit  of  desperation,  attempt 
a retaliation.  All,  however,  went  off  quietly. 
The  sepoys,  as  they  marched  away,  cast 
furtive,  frightened  glances  at  the  guns 
pointed  so  ominously  at  them ; but  they 
marched  on  steadily.” 

After  this  example,  the  trials  of  some  other 
prisoners  followed,  and  for  several  days  the 
place  of  execution  continued  to  be  resorted 
to.  The  native  troops  were  agitated  by  rage 
and  fear;  but  it  was  only  by  sullen  looks 
they  dared  express  the  feelings  that,  but  for 
the  extraordinary  watchfulness  of  the  autho- 
rities, would  probably  have  broken  out  into 
maddening  excitement  and  pitiless  revenge. 

The  condition  of  Rajpootaua,  during  the 
period  just  referred  to,  was  very  far  from 
satisfactory ; and,  for  some  time,  the  town 
of  Neemuch  appeared  to  be  one  of  the 
centres  around  which  the  rebels  gathered 
from  all  quarters ; the  consequence  being, 
that  the  surrounding  districts  were  in  a 
continual  state  of  alarm  and  uncertainty. 

The  town  of  Mundissore,  about  twenty- 
four  miles  from  Neemuch,  had  revolted  from 
the  rule  of  Scindia,  and  raised  the  green 
flag  of  the  prophet,  to  show  its  deflance  of 
British  power.  The  English  mails  were 
stopped  at  this  place,  and  the  letters  and 
papers  wantonly  destroyed.  The  town, 
also,  was  fortified  by  the  rebels,  who  had 
thirteen  guns  mounted  on  the  walls.  Re- 
cruits were  encouraged  from  the  mutinous 
bands  straggling  about  the  country,  and 
heavy  bribes  were  oft'ered  to  the  native 


troops  at  Neemuch  to  join  the  rebel  force. 
This  state  of  things,  of  course,  could  not  be 
tolerated;  but,  while  making  preparations  to 
dispatch  troops  for  the  recovery  of  Mundis- 
sore, a difficulty  presented  itself  in  another 
direction,  that  required  instant  attention. 
The  town  of  Nimbhaira,  situated  about  six- 
teen miles  distant  from  Neemuch,  on  the 
high-road  to  Nusseerabad,  was  in  the  pos- 
session of  a host  of  rebels,  paid  by  the 
nawab  of  Tonic,  who  had  declared  against 
the  British  government.  The  place  was 
walled  round,  and  had  a considerable  num- 
ber of  guns  mounted  for  its  defence ; but  it 
M'as  necessary  the  rebels  should  be  displaced, 
and  the  town  restored  to  obedience.  A force, 
consisting  of  seventy  men  of  her  majesty’s 
83rd  regiment,  eighty  men  of  the  Bombay 
12th  native  infantry,  and  150  men  of  the 
2nd  Bombay  cavalry,  with  two  9-pounders 
and  a mortar  (the  whole  under  the  com- 
mand of  Colonel  Jackson,  of  the  2nd  Bom- 
bay light  cavalry),  was  dispatched  from 
Neemuch,  for  the  purpose  of  expelling  the 
rebel  force  from  Nimbhaira.  The  following 
account  of  the  attack  and  capture  is  from 
the  pen  of  an  officer  engaged  in  the  affair; 
who  writes  thus  : — 

“ The  force,  as  above,  arrived  on  their  ground  at 
about  nine  o’clock  A.M.,  on  the  morning  of  the  20th  of 
October.  They  halted  on  the  bank  of  a river  which 
lay  between  them  and  the  town,  at  about  700  yards’ 
distance  from  its  walls.  A party  first  went  forward, 
calling  on  the  town  to  surrender  and  deliver  up  all 
arms.  The  Ameer,  or  representative  of  the  Tonk 
nawab,  came  forth  from  the  gates  and  agreed  to 
surrender,  but  begged  an  hour’s  time  for  the  arms  to 
be  given  up.  Slowly  a few  ragged-looking  warriors 
came  outside  the  gates,  and  placed  some  weapons  on 
the  ground ; but  it  was  evident,  that  whatever  might 
have  been  their  chief’s  ideas,  they  were  loth  to  give 
up  their  means  of  defence ; for  an  hour  passed,  and 
they  had  only  given  up  a few  guns  and  pistols  of 
British  make — plunder  which  had  evidently  been 
taken  at  the  late  mutiny  at  Neemuch.  One  half- 
hour  more  was  allowed,  and  then  a herald  went  into 
the  town  and  proclaimed,  that  if  a complete  sur- 
render of  arms  were  not  effected  in  a quarter  of  an 
hour,  the  town  should  be  attacked.  The  herald  was 
made  mincemeat  of  within  the  walls.  British  troops 
were  not  to  be  treated  thus ; so  ‘ whish’  went  a shell 
from  our  side  into  the  midst  of  the  town,  and  hos- 
tilities began.  The  cavalry  hemmed  the  enemy  in 
at  the  gates.  The  9-pounders  were  drawn  up  within 
500  yards  of  the  town,  the  infantry  within  100 
yards — whence  they  commenced  a rattling  fire  at  all 
heads  that  appeared  above  the  walls ; and  now  there 
was  warm  work  on  both  sides.  The  enemy  returned 
our  fire  well,  but  were  careful  in  concealing  their 
persons.  ’I'he  fire  of  musketry  and  matchlocks 
through  the  loopholes  was  tremendous;  but  aim 
appeared  to  be  a thing  of  little  importance,  or  our 
loss  would  have  been  severe.  From  half-past  one 
to  half-past  five  this  work  was  continued ; but  the 

155 


KURRACHEE — A PLOT  DISCOVERED.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


1 stubborn  gates  remained  firm,  and  little  or  no  im- 
' pression  was  made  upon  the  walls.  Then  the  guns 
advanced  through  deep  mud,  under  a galling  fire,  to 
within  about  100  yards  of  the  walls,  where  our 
infantry  had  been  keeping  up  a continued  fire  of 
musketry  from  the  beginning  of  the  fight. 

“ Our  plan  now  was  to  blow  up  the  gates,  make  a 
breach,  if  possible,  in  the  walls,  and  take  the  town 
by  assault  with  the  whole  of  the  infantry,  and  a 
party  of  dismounted  Bombay  cavalry — the  party  to 
be  led  by  Colonel  Jackson,  commanding  the  force. 
Everything  was  in  preparation  ; Sergeant  Taylor  had 
the  bag  of  powder  on  his  shoulder  to  blow  up  the 
gate,  and  was  ready  for  a run.  Her  majesty’s  83rd 
had  been  told-ofif  as  coolly  and  steadily  as  if  for 
parade,  and  every  one  was  worked  up  to  the 
highest  pitch  of  eagerness  and  excitement,  when,  lo ! 
our  hopes  were  doomed  to  be  disappointed ; the 
order  was  passed  that,  evening  coming  on,  the 
troops  were  to  retire ; and  most  slowly  and  unwil- 
lingly they  fell  back.  Nothing  could  exceed  the 
bravery  of  all  the  troops ; the  12th  native  infantry, 
firm  as  a rock,  caring  nothing  for  the  balls  that 
flew  like  hailstones  around  them,  were  only  eager 
that  our  own  83rd — who,  of  course,  behaved  as 
British  soldiers  do — should  not  be  before  them  on 
the  walls.  In  the  action,  one  corporal  of  the  83rd 
was  killed  within  thirty  yards  of  the  fort.  Dr.  Miles, 
83rd  foot,  was  severely  wounded;  and  an  ofiicer, 
Mr.  Charles  Burton,  of  the  officers’  volunteer  corps, 
was  slightly  wounded ; fifty  of  the  cavalry  had 
volunteered  their  services  to  dismount  and  join  in 
the  assault;  and  one  jemadar  (or  native  subaltern 
officer),  who  was  bravely  advancing  to  the  walls, 
was  shot  through  the  liver,  and  now  lies  in  a dan- 
gerous state ; seventeen  men  of  all  ranks  were 
wounded.  The  troops,  when  they  went  out  of  ac- 
tion, had  tasted  no  food  since  the  day  before,  and 
now  they  were  too  tired  to  eat;  they  slept  on  the 
damp  ground,  on  which  the  rain  had  fallen  heavily 
that  day,  with  no  tent  or  covering  of  any  sort  over 
them.  The  gallantry  of  the  native  troops  on  this 
occasion,  afforded  us,  their  officers,  peculiar  gratifica- 
tion, as  the  previous  mutinous  behaviour  of  some  of 
the  men  (all  of  whom  we  hope  are  captured  now,  or 
have  fled  not  to  return)  had  cast  a stigma  on  the 
two  corps  as  a body,  which  we  were  only  too  glad  to 
see  their  bravery  and  loyalty  this  day  wipe  out. 

“ In  the  morning  the  commandant  of  the  force 
' received  intelligence  that  our  brave  enemy  had 
deserted  the  fort — a contingency  we  could  hardly 
have  prevented  with  our  small  force,  and  mud  up 
to  the  horses’  knees  all  round  the  fort.  The  end 
! seems  a poor  one  after  the  high  hopes  that  had  been 
entertained  by  the  force,  and  considering  the  facility 
with  which,  with  another  hour’s  daylight  on  the 
previous  evening,  they  might  have  triumphantly 
stormed  and  cut  their  way  into  the  town ; many 
were  the  lamentations  among  the  British  soldiers 

• The  seaport  of  Kurrachee  (or  Corachie)  is 
situated  near  the  western  extremity  of  the  coast,  in 
lat.  24°  51'  N.,  long.  67°  2'  E.,  near  the  base  of  the 
southern  extremity  of  the  Pubb,  or  Brahooie  moun- 
tains, on  a level  space  intervening  between  them 
and  the  sea ; and  is  the  only  port  in  Scinde  for  vessels 
drawing  more  than  ten  feet  of  water.  The  port  is 
protected  from  bad  weather  by  Munorah,  a bluff 
rocky  headland  leaving  a space  of  about  two 
miles  between  the  extreme  point  and  the  coast  to 
I the  east.  On  the  promontory  of  Munorah,  which  is 
I about  150  feet  in  height,  a fort  was  built  in  1797. 

156 


[a.d.  1857. 

that  they  had  been  robbed  of  a chance  of  avenging 
the  horrible  murders  of  their  countrymen  and  coun- 
trywomen. Any  native  is  fair  game  to  a British 
soldier  now ; he  takes  him  as  the  representative  of 
the  Bengal  sepoy  as  a race.  But  our  political  point 
was  gained.  The  troops  walked  quietly  in,  the 
British  flag  was  erected  on  the  principal  building, 
and  Nimbhaira,  and  the  territory  of  which  it  is  the 
principal  town,  is  now  British  property,  to  yield  the 
government  a revenue  of  £2,000  per  annum.  The 
individual  who  cut  up  our  herald,  or  messenger,  into 
little  pieces,  has  been  captured  and  blown  away  from 
a gun.” 

At  Kurrachee,*  the  chief  port  of  Scinde 
(situated  about  105  miles  east  of  Hyderabad), 
a design  of  the  21st  regiment  of  Bombay 
native  infantry,  to  revolt  and  massacre  the 
Europeans,  was  happily  frustrated  under 
the  following  circumstances  : — About  eleven 
o'clock  on  the  night  of  the  14th  of  Septem- 
ber, two  of  the  native  officers  of  the  regiment 
reported  to  Major  M'Gregor,  the  command- 
ing  officer,  that  they  had  overheard  some 
sepoys  declare,  that  at  twelve  o'clock  the 
same  night  the  whole  corps  were  to  rise,  and 
loot  the  treasury,  murder  their  officers,  and 
make  off  for  Hyderabad.  The  major  at  once 
mounted  his  horse,  and  rode  quickly  to  the 
town,  where  he  communicated  the  report  to 
the  authorities.  The  2nd  European  light 
infantry  immediately  fell-in  under  their 
commanding  officer.  Colonel  Stiles ; and 
the  first  step  taken  by  him  was  to 
strengthen  the  mess-guard,  and  order  all 
the  ladies  of  the  station  to  rendezvous  there 
— the  soldiers'  wives  and  children  being 
protected  at  the  quarter-guard  of  the  regi- 
ment : a strong  guard  was  dispatched  to 
the  collector’s  treasury ; and  the  remainder 
of  the  regiment  (about  200  strong)  marched 
down,  with  Major  Blake's  troop  of  horse 
artillery,  to  the  rear  of  the  lines  of  the  21st 
regiment.  Having  wheeled  into  line  oppo- 
site the  parade-ground,  with  half  the  troop 
on  either  flank  (loaded  with  canister),  the 
“ assembly"  was  sounded,  and  the  men  of 
the  21st  regiment,  taken  by  surprise,  had 
no  choice  but  to  obey  the  order  to  fall-in  at 
quarter-distance  column.  The  roll  was  then 
called,  and  twenty-seven  men  were  absent, 

The  position  of  this  fort  was  thought  to  be  such  as 
to  be  unassailable  by  shipping ; while,  on  the  other 
hand,  musketry  from  the  rocks  could  clear  the  decks 
of  an  enemy.  In  1839,  however,  the  fallacy  of  this 
opinion  was  shown ; as  in  one  hour,  the  fire  of  the 
Wellesley,  of  74  guns,  dismantled  the  fort,  and  it 
was  immediately  occupied  by  British  troops.  The 
country  from  Kurrachee  to  the  coast  is  very  low ; 
and  when  the  snows  melt,  and  the  rains  fall  in  the 
remote  mountains  of  the  north,  it  is  flooded  by  the 
Indus.  The  estimated  population  of  the  town  is 
about  16,000. 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


A.D.  1857.] 

having  decamped  with  their  loaded  muskets. 
This  scrutiny  having  been  perfected,  the 
whole  were  ordered  to  pile  arms,  and  file 
away  on  the  reverse  flank,  to  a distance  of 
about  fifty  yards.  The  2nd  Europeans  and 
artillery  then  took  up  a position  between 
the  arms  and  the  regiment;  and  the  men  of 
the  latter  were  ordered  to  take  off  their  belts. 
Their  lines  were  then  searched,  and  all 
swords,  fire-arms,  and  ammunition  were 
taken  away ; the  muskets  and  belts,  being 
in  the  meantime  piled  on  commissariat  carts, 
were  taken  under  guard  to  the  arsenal,  and 
there  deposited.  Several  of  the  muskets 
were  found  loaded  with  ball.  The  21st  was 
then  formed  in  elose  column,  when  they 
were  addressed  by  General  Scott,  who  called 
upon  the  good  soldiers  of  the  corps  to  come 
forward  and  assist  their  officers  in  finding 
out  the  traitors  who  disgraced  the  regiment, 
and,  by  that  means,  to  keep  up  the  good 
name  it  had  always  hitherto  maintained. 
The  regiment  was  then  dismissed,  and  the 
Europeans  and  horse  artillery  marched  back 
to  their  barracks,  which  they  reached  about 
5 A.M.  Several  of  the  ringleaders  in  the 
plot  so  fortunately  counteraeted  but  an 
hour  before  it  was  to  have  been  carried  out, 
were  secured  within  a few  hours,  and  lodged 
in  the  quarter-guard  of  the  2nd  regiment. 
A court-martial  was  assembled  on  the  16th, 
for  the  trial  of  the  prisoners ; which  closed 
[ its  proceedings  on  the  following  day,  at  half- 
past four  o’clock,  previous  to  which  a large 
I gallows  was  erected  in  front  of  the  21st 
lines.  Very  soon  after  the  time  mentioned, 

I the  four  companies  of  the  2nd  European 
regiment  arrived  on  the  ground,  followed 
by  the  prisoners  who  had  been  eondemned, 
in  gharries,  eseorted  by  a strong  guard ; 
the  disarmed  men  of  the  21st  regiment  fol- 
lowed the  execution  party,  and,  after  them, 
marehed  the  14th  native  infantry  and  the 
horse  artillery. 

: The  prisoners  were  then  taken  out  of  the 

gharries,  and  their  names  called  over  by  the 
: brigade-major;  and  the  first  seven,  who  were 
; sentenced  to  be  hung,  and  three  others 

■ condemned  to  be  blown  away,  were  marched 
to  the  rear  of  the  gallows,  between  their  late 
regiment  and  that  erection.  The  proceed- 
ings of  the  court-martial,  and  the  sentence, 
were  then  read  in  English  by  the  brigade- 
major,  and  translated  into  the  native  tongue 
by  Major  Goldsmid.  The  seven  prisoners 
for  the  scaffold  were  then  marched  up  its 

■ steps,  which  they  ascended  without  hesita- 
j tion,  or  requiring  assistance.  One  man 


[the  punishment. 

only  spoke  w'hen  on  the  drop.  He  stated 
it  was  his  first  offence,  and  it  was  no  use 
hanging  him ; he  had  done  fourteen  years 
nokrie.  The  ropes  being  adjusted,  the  cul- 
prits were  faced  about  to  meet  the  gaze 
of  their  late  corps  : after  some  little  de- 
lay, the  signal  was  given,  and,  in  a few 
moments,  the  forfeit  of  their  treason  was 
paid. 

It  was  now  found  that,  on  account  of  the 
confined  range,  the  execution  from  the 
mouth  of  the  guns  could  not  be  carried  into 
effect  in  the  square,  where  the  scaffold  was 
still  bearing  its  fruit.  The  brigade  was, 
consequently,  moved  off  to  the  plain  be- 
tween the  sappers’  lines,  and  there  the  three 
guns  were  unlimbered,  and  the  prisoners 
sentenced  to  be  blown  away,  met  their  ter- 
rible doom  in  silence. 

Upon  the  occurrence  of  the  night  of  the 
14th  becoming  known,  the  European  com- 
munity was  entirely  taken  by  surprise,  as 
not  the  slightest  suspicions  had  been  enter- 
tained of  an  ill-feeling  among  the  native 
troops.  Precautionary  measures  were,  of 
course,  instantly  resorted  to  for  protection, 
in  case  of  any  further  indications  of  danger ; 
and  the  public  were  apprised  that  the 
arsenal  was  appointed  as  a place  of  general 
rendezvous,  if  circumstances  should  re- 
quire them  to  vacate  their  homes.  All  the 
males  at  the  station,  of  proper  age,  were 
also  enrolled  as  a volunteer  corps,  for  the 
purpose  of  acting  as  mounted  patrols  every 
night,  so  as  to  relieve  the  European  troops 
from  that  duty,  and  preserve  them  in  a state 
of  efficiency  in  case  of  a serious  outbreak. 
The  following  considerate  order  was  issued 
upon  the  occasion  : — 

“(Circular.)  Kurrachee,  Sept.  16th. 

“ By  desire  of  Major-general  Scott,  C.B., 
commanding  the  division,  all  able-bodied 
non-military  men  possessing  a horse  and 
arms,  and  willing  to  volunteer  for  patrol 
duties  in  and  about  the  station,  are  invited 
to  report  themselves  to  Major  Goldsmid,  or 
to  Captain  Johnstone,  who  will  give  them 
instructions  regarding  the  duty  to  be  per- 
formed. 

“ It  is  suggested  that,  for  the  present,  none 
should  offer  themselves  who  have  family 
ties  which  render  it  a primary  duty  to  re- 
main at  home  and  protect  their  household. 
“(Signed)  H.  B.  E.  Frere, 

“ Commissioner  in  Scinde.” 

A close  search  for  other  of  the  traitors 
than  those  executed,  was  kept  up  for  several 
davs;  and  of  forty-three  who  were  seized, 

157 


KURKACHEE — CORKESPOXDE>X£.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  1857. 


fourteen  were  hanged,  three  killed  in  the 
attempt  to  escape,  four  were  blown  away 
from  guns,  and  twenty-two  were  trans- 
ported. The  twenty-seven  absentees  at 
roll-call  were  nearly  all  apprehended  in  the 
neighbourhood,  and  were  also  snmmarily 
disposed  of. 

The  following  communication  from  a 
European  resident  at  Kurrachee,  gives  a 
lively  idea  of  the  incidents  connected  with 
this  affair.  The  writer,  dating  September 
17th,  says — 

“ Now  that  the  danger  is  over,  we  can  well  afford 
to  laugh  at  our  fears.  The  alaiin  was  heard  between 
eleven  and  twelve  o’clock,  and  the  noise  and  bustle 
in  the  camp  was  prodigious ; parties  were  rushing 
from  house  to  house,  rousing  the  inmates,  and 
directing  them  to  proceed  with  all  haste  to  the  2nd 
European  regiment  mess-house.  Within  a few 
minutes  the  streets  were  filled  with  Europeans,  sick 
ladies  in  chairs,  some  in  carriages,  others  on  foot; 
equestrians  galloping  about  in  all  directions;  gen- 
tlemen on  foot,  leading  their  female  relatives  and 
friends  to  the  mess-house.  One  gentleman,  living  a 
short  distance,  for  whom  a gharry  had  been  sent  by 
a friend,  bundled  his  wife  and  children  into  the 
gharry,  seized  a couple  of  coats  and  trowsers  to 
stand  a week’s  siege,  and  jumped  into  the  gharry  in 
drawers  and  slippers.  The  shock  he  has  received, 
I hear,  has  laid  him  up  with  an  attack  of  nervous 
fever.  Parties  on  the  road  were  making  anxious 
inquiries  as  to  the  whereabouts  of  the  mutineers ; 
the  sound  of  a horse’s  hoofs  would  send  the  timid, 
for  protection,  under  a bridge,  or  behind  a lamp- 
post.  The  scene  in  the  mess-house  was  worthy  the 
pen  of  a Cruikshank.  The  ladies,  God  bless  them  ! 
with  the  greatest  resignation,  were  looking  out  with 
anxiety  for  the  reports  that  were,  at  intervals, 
brought  in  of  the  progress  of  the  disarming ; and  the 
gentlemen,  some  armed  to  the  teeth,  trudging  about 
the  verandah  and  doorways,  looking  daggers  at  the 
dark  night  which  hid  the  mutineers  from  their  fierce 
gaze.  The  work  of  loading  and  unloading  of  guns, 
the  clicking  of  locks,  and  clashing  of  swords,  gave 
confidence  to  the  timid.  Fortunately  not  a single 
fire-arm  exploded,  either  by  design  or  accident ; 
for  we  do  verily  believe,  that  a single  shot  would 
have  set  the  whole  cantonment  in  a blaze,  and  the 
gentlemen  in  drawers  into  fits.  The  tramping  of  a 
horse,"  or  the  rattling  of  a gharry,  called  forth  the 
cry  of  ‘ There  they  come.’  The  mess-house  com- 
pound was  also  crowded  with  native  men  and 
women,  chiefiy  servants  of  the  parties  in  the  mess- 
house.  Almost  every  one  possessed  of  jewels,  silver 
ware,  &c.,  had  them  in  small  bundles  or  boxes  with 
them,  and  all  appeared  prepared  for  the  worst. 

“ In  another  part  of  the  camp  (the  commissariat 
lines),  some  of  the  residents  went  to  the  mess-house, 
others  to  the  depot,  and  others  even  so  far  as  the 
second  European  hospital.  We  have  heard  of  one 
family,  consisting  of  twenty  souls,  who,  on  the  first 
alarm,  put  out  the  light.  The  females  and  children 
covered  themselves  in  their  bedclothes ; whilst  the 
men  kept  a sharp  look-out  with  their  loaded  pieces. 
But  ladies  would  faint,  and  children  would  squall,  in 
spite  of  all  the  appeals  and  threats  of  their  friends ; 
and  the  consequence  was,  that  they  were  all  obliged 
to  proceed  in  a body  to  the  quarter-guard  of  the 

158 


depot,  where  they  arrived  just  in  time  to  be  told 
that  all  was  over.  The  women  in  the  depot  were  in 
a great  state  of  excitement ; but  Captain  Herne  and 
others  were  moving  amongst  them,  and  affording 
every  consolation  to  dispel  their  fears. 

“ Those  near  the  artillery  lines  rushed  into  the 
barracks ; the  convalescent  sick  were  all  armed  and 
turned  out.  The  Suddur  Bazaar  was  as  quiet  as 
could  be  wished : the  Parsees,  to  their  credit  be  it 
said,  were  mostly  all  in  their  own  houses ; each  shop 
had  twenty  or  thirty  individuals,  armed  with  guns, 
pistols,  and  swords ; and  woe  betide  the  mutineers  if 
they  came  across  them.  Scarcely  a single  native 
was  to  be  seen  moving  about.  The  tops  of  several 
houses  were  covered  with  inmates,  and  with  muzzles 
of  guns  pointed  to  the  streets ; but  the  moment  a 
horseman  was  heard  approaching,  the  heads  would 
disappear.  In  one  house  a person  was  seen  at  a 
window  with  his  gun  levelled  to  the  road,  and  im- 
mediately behind  him  was  a table  with  a candle 
burning — a beautiful  target  for  a pot-shot. 

“ Almost  every  European’s  house  in  the  camp  was 
deserted,  and  the  evil-disposed  had  a capital  oppor- 
tunity of  enriching  themselves ; but,  fortunately,  the 
police  were  on  the  alert ; and  as  the  mutineers  would 
not  commence  the  row,  the  camp  was  saved  from 
being  sacked  and  plundered.” 

Another  correspondent,  dating  from  Kur- 
rachee, October  12th,  writes  thus  : — 

“ We  have  had  difficulties  in  our  garrisons  all 
over  Scinde,  owing  to  want  of  more  European  sol- 
diers. The  panic  of was  beyond  belief,  and  he 

would  have  denuded  Scinde  of  defence  had  his 
requisitions  all  been  available;  but  great  caution 
became  obviously  necessary  here  when  the  various 
native  regiments  perceived  our  weak  European  re- 
sources. Instructions  of  the  general  have  been  ad- 
mirably carried  out ; and  at  the  three  large  stations 
in  Scinde  (Shirkapore  on  the  frontier,  Hyderabad  on 
the  Indus,  and  Kurrachee  on  the  coast),  mutiny  has 
been  arrested  just  in  time — and  only  just ; for  at 
Kurrachee,  on  the  night  of  the  13th  of  September 
(when  the  21st  native  infantry  were  discovered  par- 
tially under  arms),  had  not  our  little  army,  and  the 
general  with  it,  been  down  on  the  21st  native  infan- 
try lines  at  midnight,  this  whole  station,  in  half-an- 
hour  more,  was  to  have  been  a scene  of  mutiny  and 
outrage  from  end  to  end. 

“ The  intention  of  the  rebel  portion  of  the  21st 
was  to  rob  the  treasury  during  the  confusion  of 
the  hour  (on  a remarkably  dark  night),  and  to  carry 
money  and  arms  to  their  disarmed  friends  at  Hyder- 
abad, where,  about  a week  before,  the  artillery  affair 
had  fiared  up,  and  our  good  Brigadier  Morris  had 
run  the  guns  into  Hyderabad  fort  before  the  men 
could  get  at  them.  Shirkapore  is  where  Captain 
Merewether  now  commands  part  of  the  Scinde 
horse,  and  General  Scott  had  sent  some  artillery  to 
strengthen  that  garrison.  There  were  at  Kurrachee 
a few  guns,  to  the  use  of  which  some  of  the  Euro- 
peans had  been  for  a few  weeks’  training — a mea- 
sure which  was  of  material  benefit  at  the  crisis. 
Ladies  may  blunder  in  attempting  any  detail  of 
means  adopted  for  defence : but,  as  India  now  is, 
their  grateful  hearts  should  be  the  first  to  render 
thanks  to  a great  and  good  Providence  for  watching 
over  Scinde ; and  many  hearts  will  pray  for  blessings 
on'all  the  authorities,  and  on  our  general. 

“ The  Shirkapore  mutiny  was  the  last  to  occur, 
and  its  spirit  had  been  somewhat  checked  by  the 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


A.D.  1857.] 


dire  examples  made  of  the  rebels  here,  and  the 
utter  defeat  of  the  plot  at  Hyderabad — a plot  which, 
at  the  latter  place,  had  commenced,  and  if  carried 
out,  would  have  united  the  21st  native  infantry 
here  with  the  artillery  mutineers  at  Hyderabad 
and  at  Shirkapore,  and  then  the  robber  tribes  on  the 
frontier,  with  innumerable  horse,  w'ould  have  come 
down  to  join  the  insurgents.  The  chiefs  of  these 
horse  warriors  are  mentioned  by  Sir  C.  Napier, 
‘ Anee  Khan,’  and  ‘ Dhil  Morad.’  They  now  have 
the  honour  of  being  our  prisoners,  on  hoard  the 
ship  Feroze,  on  a voyage  to  Bombay,  as  the  orders 
were  to  send  them  there. 

“ It  is  impossible  not  to  wonder,  in  our  rejoicing, 
at  the  manner  in  which  Scinde  has  hitherto  been 
held  with  dignity  ; and  we  pray  to  preserve  it  so — all 
the  more  easily  when  more  Queen’s  regiments  are  at 
the  general’s  disposal.  He  seems  particularly  to 
congratulate  himself  upon  the  circumstance  of  the 
insurgent  attempts  in  his  division  being  decidedly 
thwarted  without  shedding  European  blood.  Not 
one  drop  has  flowed  in  Scinde.  Yet  it  has  been 
necessary  to  make  summary  examples  of  rebels  con- 
victed under  courts-martial,  who  have  been  executed 
on  parade  in  the  presence  of  the  general.” 

Kotah,*  a frontier  town  of  importance, 
on  the  Chumbul,  in  the  territory  of  Scin- 
dia,  was  the  next  to  furnish  its  contribu- 
tion to  the  aggregate  of  crime  and  cruelty. 
On  the  13th  of  October,  it  happened  that 
the  political  agent  at  Kotah  (Major  Burton), 
who  had  been  for  some  time  absent  at  Nee- 
much  with  his  family,  returned  to  his  official 
residence,  accompanied  by  two  of  his  sons 
— aged,  respectively,  nineteen  and  twenty- 
one;  but,  fortunately,  leaving  the  females 
and  younger  members  of  his  family  with 
their  friends  at  Neemuch.  His  reception 
by  the  rajah  was  courteous,  and  the  usual 
ceremonial  visits  were  duly  exchanged  on 
the  14th — not  the  slightest  ground  appearing 
to  warrant  a suspicion  of  evil ; but,  at  noon 
on  the  following  day,  information  was  con- 
veyed to  him,  that  two  regiments  of  the 
maharajah’s  contingent  had  mutinied.  Upon 
the  heels  of  this  unwelcome  intelligence, 
the  troops  appeared  before  the  residency, 
exclaiming  that  the  major  must  be  de- 
stroyed ; and  they  forthwith  made  an  at- 
tack upon  the  building,  which  they  .set  fire 
to.  The  unfortunate  gentleman,  with  his 
two  sous,  defended  themselves  as  long  as  it 
was  possible  for  them  to  do  so,  against  the 
overwhelming  odds  that  surrounded  them ; 
but  were  ultimately  overpowered  and  mur- 
dered. The  premises  were  then  plundered, 
and  the  bodies  of  the  victims  were  exposed 
for  the  gratification  of  the  rabble  of  the 

• Kotah  was  formerly  a part  of  the  Boondee 
principality;  but  circumstances  have  brought  it  into 
alliance  with  British  rule.  It  is  situated  on  the 
great  route  from  Hindostan  to  the  Deccan,  and 


[an  outbreak  at  kotah. 

place.  In  the  midst  of  this  deplorable 
work,  the  rajah  of  Kotah  continued  to  pro- 
fess fidelity  to  the  Company’s  government ; 
but  he  was  powerless  to  resist  the  excite- 
ment of  his  troops,  the  bulk  of  whom, 
consisting  of  four  regiments  of  infantry, 
and  the  whole  of  his  artillery,  had  re- 
volted, and  proposed  to  march  to  Delhi,  to 
assist  in  the  establishment  of  the  king,  as 
not  any  of  them  would  credit  the  news  of 
the  capture  of  the  city,  or  that  the  prospect 
of  a restoration  of  the  Mogul  empire  had 
vanished  for  ever. 

Some  interesting  particulars  relative  to 
the  death  of  Major  Burton  and  his  sons, 
are  furnished  in  the  following  statement, 
drawn  up  by  one  of  his  surviving  children 
at  Neemuch : — 

“ Major  Charles  Burton,  political  agent  of  Kotah, 
and  his  two  youngest  sons — fine,  brave,  spirited 
boys,  between  the  ages  of  nineteen  and  twenty-one — 
have  met  with  a tragical  fate  at  Kotah,  having  been 
attacked  suddenly,  without  one  moment’s  warning, 
by  a couple  of  regiments  of  the  maharajah,  cavalry 
and  infantry,  who  revolted,  and,  dividing  into  seve- 
ral parties,  surrounded  the  agency-house  almost  in  a 
few  moments.  The  political  agent  was  himself  the 
first  to  discover  their  approach ; and,  as  he  had  only 
returned  to  Kotah  three  days  previously  from  an 
absence  of  four  months,  he  believed  the  number  of 
people  he  saw  advancing  merely  to  be  some  of  the 
chief  subordinates  coming  to  pay  him  the  usual 
visit  of  ceremony  and  respect.  In  a second  he  was 
cruelly  undeceived ; the  mutineers  rushed  into  the 
house ; the  servants,  both  private  and  public,  aban- 
I doned  him  with  only  one  exception  (a  camel-driver) ; 
and  the  agent,  his  boys,  and  this  one  solitary  ser- 
vant, fled  to  the  top  of  the  house  for  safety,  snatch- 
ing up  such  few  arms  as  were  within  their  reach — the 
fiends  pursuing ; but  the  cowardly  ruffians  were 
driven  back  for  the  time  by  the  youngest  boy  shoot- 
ing one  in  the  thigh.  When  there,  they  naturally 
hoped  the  agency  servants  or  their  own  would  have 
returned  with  assistance  from  the  chief;  but  no — 
all  fled,  and  no  help  came.  In  the  meantime,  the 
mutineers  proceeded  to  loot  the  house ; and  the  be- 
sieged saw  from  their  position  all  their  property  carried 
away.  A little  while,  and  two  guns  were  brought 
to  play  upon  the  bungalow,  the  upper  part  of  which 
caught  fire  from  the  lighted  sticks  which,  the  mis- 
creants from  time  to  time  threw  up.  Balls  fell 
around  them,  the  little  room  at  the  top  fell  in,  and 
they  were  yet  unhurt — and  this  for  five  long  and 
weary  hours.  Major  Burton  wished  to  parley  with 
the  mutineers,  in  the  hope  that  they  would  be  con- 
tented if  he  gave  himself  up,  and  might  permit  his 
boys  to  escape;  but  the  latter  would  not  allow  of  such 
a sacrifice  for  their  sakes,  and,  like  brave  men  and 
good  Christians,  they  all  knelt  down  and  uttered 
their  last  prayer  to  that  God  who  will  surely  avenge 
their  cause.  All  now  seemed  comparatively  quiet, 

possesses  the  noted  pass  of  Makundra.  The  revenue  - 
of  the  district  is  estimated  at  twenty-five  lacs  of 
rupees.  The  capital  is  a large  walled  town,  con-  I 
taining  many  handsome  public  buildings  of  stone. 

159  i 


KOTAH — MURDER  OF  THE  BURTONS.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  1857. 


and  they  began  to  hope  the  danger  over,  and  let  ' 
down  the  one  servant,  who  was  still  with  them,  on 
a mission  to  the  Sikh  soldiers  and  officers,  who  were  | 
placed  by  the  chief  round  the  bungalow,  for  the  ' 
personal  protection  of  the  agent  (and  of  whom,  at  ; 
the  time,  there  were  not  less  than  140),  to  beg  of ' 
them  to  loosen  the  boat,  that  an  escape  might  be  j 
attempted  across  the  river.  They  said,  ‘ We  have  i 
had  no  orders.’  At  this  moment  a shot  from  a ■ 
pistol  was  fired.  Scaling-ladders  had  been  ob- 
tained— the  murderers  ascended  the  walls,  and  the  i 
father  and  his  sons  were  at  one  fell  stroke  de-  ! 
stroyed,  ! 

“ There  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  many,  if  , 
not  all,  of  the  agency  establishment  were  well  aware  \ 
that  an  attack  was  to  be  made.  It  is  to  be  hoped 
that  no  worse  feeling  than  that  of  cowardly  fear 
kept  their  tongues  tied.  Assistance  might  have 
been  sent  from  the  chief.  A gun  fired  from  the  city 
walls  would  have  dispersed  the  whole  cowardly 
mob  ; but  it  is  said  that  the  rajah  was  forcibly  kept  in 
his  palace  by  the  people  of  the  city,  who  were  in 
fear  for  their  own  lives  and  property.  It  is  also  said 
that  the  magazine  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the 
mutineers,  and  that  others  in  the  city  were  revolt- 
ing ; but  no  authentic  intelligence  has  as  yet  reached 
the  authorities  here  on  that  head.  The  maharajah 
was  enabled  to  recover  the  bodies  of  the  agent  and 
both  his  sons  in  the  evening,  and  they  were  care- 
fully buried  by  his  order.  Dr.  Salder’s  house  was 
attacked  at  the  same  time  with  the  agency-house. 
He  was  cut  down  outside,  in  sight  of  the  agent;  as 
was  also  Mr.  Saviell,  the  doctor  of  the  dispensary  in 
the  city;  and  one  or  two  others  whose  names  are  not 
certain. 

“ No  cause  whatever  can  be  assigned  for  this  out- 
rage. Major  Burton  was  beloved  by  every  one — by 
the  chief  especially.  He  had  lived  there  thirteen 
years,  and  led  a life  of  peace  and  usefulness.  No 
dispute,  no  quarrel,  had  ever  existed  between  him- 
self or  any  of  the  natives,  and  he  had  hastened  his 
return  by  some  ten  days  at  the  chief  s own  request,  as 
he  wished  to  see  not  only  himself,  but  all  his  family 
back  again.  Major  Burton’s  absence  was  caused, 
in  the  first  place,  by  his  presence  being  required 
with  the  Kotah  troops  at  Neemuch,  by  the  officer 
commanding  at  that  station;  and  when,  in  July,  the 
services  of  the  Kotah  soldiery  were  dispensed  with, 
the  agent  remained  for  the  two  months  at  Nee- 
much; he  left  that  station  on  the  7th  of  October — 
arrived  at  Kotah  on  the  13th — was  received  by  the 
chief  with  every  kindness — paid  and  returned  the 
usual  ceremonious  visit — found  all  quiet,  and  ap- 
parently peaceful  and  happy — and  was  cruelly  mur- 
dered on  the  loth  of  October,  1857.” 

The  mutiuy  of  a portion  of  the  32nd 
regiment  of  Bengal  native  infantry,  is  de- 
tailed in  a communication  from  Bhaugul- 
pore,  dated  October  the  18th.  It  appears 
that  two  companies  of  the  regiment,  with 
two  officers,  stationed  at  Deoghur,  in  the 
Santhal  district,  were  paraded  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  9th  of  October,  preparatory  to  a 
change  of  quarters  at  Maunbhoom.  There 
had  been  no  appearance  of  discontent 
among  the  men,  nor  liad  the  officers 
(Lieutenants  Cooper  and  Rennie)  any  sus- 
picion that  their  men  were  other  than  good 
160 


and  loyal  soldiers,  until,  upon  the  appear-  | 
ance  of  Lieutenant  Cooper  on  the  parade,  j 
a shot  was  discharged  at  him  by  one  of  the 
sepoys,  whose  aim  was  foiled  by  one  of  bis  | 
comrades  throwing  a cap  in  the  fellow’s 
face  at  the  moment  he  pointed  his  musket. 
Lieutenant  Cooper  immediately  left  the 
ground,  and  meeting  his  brother  officer, 
they  proceeded  together  to  the  bungalow  of 
Mr.  Ronald,  the  magistrate,  who  had  heard 
the  report  of  the  gun,  and  had  jestingly  re- 
marked to  Mr.  G.  H.  Grant  (a  gentleman 
residing  with  him),  that  the  mutiuy  had 
commenced.  He  had  scarcely  uttered  the 
words,  when  the  servants  rushed  into  the 
room,  and  declared  that  the  sepoys  were  ap- 
proaching. Lieutenant  Rennie,  who  seems 
to  have  been  a favourite  with  his  men,  was 
saved  by  two  havildars,  who  thrust  him 
into  a native  marriage-dhooly,  and  so  con- 
veyed him  uninjured  to  Bhaugulpore.  Mr. 
Grant  also  managed  to  escape — the  other 
gentleman  remaining  in  the  house,  which 
by  this  time  was  surrounded  and  fired  by 
the  mutineers.  The  officers  were  then 
sought  for;  and  Lieutenant  Cooper  being 
first  discovered,  was  shot  down,  and  after- 
wards frightfully  mutilated.  Mr.  Ronald 
was  first  wounded  in  the  leg  only,  and 
begged  very  hard  for  his  life;  but  the  re- 
morseless ruffians  said  to  him — ‘‘No!  If 
we  spare  you,  you  will  be  the  first  to  hang 
us  by-and-bye.”  They  then  gave  him  the 
coup-de-grace,  actually  riddling  his  body 
with  their  bullets.  They  finished  the  atro- 
cious work  by  setting  fire  to  his  clothes; 
and,  thrusting  a bayonet  through  him, 
pinned  his  body  to  the  ground.  Neither  of 
these  victims  were  suffered  to  be  removed  from 
the  spot ; and,  during  the  ensuing  night,  the 
bodies  were  partly  eaten  by  jackals.  Their 
remains  were  afterwards  collected,  and 
buried  by  a native  servant.  Mr.  Grant, 
after  leaving  the  place,  was  two  days  with- 
out food  ; but  on  the  third  he  reached  a 
village,  where  he  obtained  some  parched 
grain  and  milk,  and  learned  that  his  khit- 
mutgur  (servant)  was  also  there,  hiding 
from  the  sepoys.  Grant  sent  for  the  man, 
and  by  his  aid  obtained  a dhooly,  as  he  was 
now  unable  to  walk,  having  a severe  w’ound 
in  the  sole  of  one  of  his  feet.  He  had  only 
his  night-clothes  on,  and  was  without  shoes 
or  socks.  Having  been  placed  in  a covered 
dhooly,  he  travelled  from  this  village  as  the 
khitmutgur’s  wife;  and,  taking  a circuitous 
route,  at  length  reached  the  station  at 
Bhaugulpore  in  safety. 


A.D.  1857.] 

I 

i While  a portion  of  the  32nd  regiment  1 
i were  thus  employed  in  mutiny  and  murder,  [ 
two  other  companies  were  en  route  from 
Burhait  to  Soorie;  while  the  head- quaifers’ 
companies  were  at  Bowsee.  Upon  intel- 
ligence of  the  outbreak  reaching  Calcutta, 
it  was  deemed  necessary  to  ascertain  the 
temper  of  the  men  at  the  stations  just 
named ; but,  pending  the  inquiry,  orders 
were  given  to  dispatch  a wing  of  her 
majesty’s  13th  foot  from  Calcutta  to  the 
Santhal  district,  to  control  the  mutineers. 
!Major  English,  who  was  then  under  orders 
to  proceed  to  the  Upper  Provinces  with  a 
detachment  of  the  53rd  foot,  was  there- 
I upon  countermanded,  and  directed  to  assist 
in  pacifying  the  district  before  pursuing 
his  upward  journey.  The  result  of  the 
inquiry  into  the  state  of  the  remainder  of 
the  32nd  regiment,  merely  proved  that  its 
i loyalty  was  in  a stage  of  transition,  since, 
although  they  remained  obedient  to  their 
officers  for  a short  time  after  the  defection 
of  their  comrades,  they  ultimately  followed 
their  steps,  and,  throwing  themselves  into  the 
whirlpool  of  rebellion,  were  hopelessly  lost. 

The  two  companies  from  Deoghui’,  after 
their  successful  exploit,  were  fortunate 
enough,  by  a rapid  movement,  to  cross  the 
Soane  river  without  obstruction,  intending 
I to  form  a junction  with  the  rebel  force 
I under  Koer  Sing,  and  the  Dinapore  muti- 
j neers — an  object  they  accomplished  in 
I spite  of  the  most  strenuous  efforts  of  Major 
! English  and  a portion  of  the  53rd  regiment, 

I dispatched  to  intercept  them. 

' By  the  latter  end  of  October,  the  whole 
of  the  Rohilcund  territory  was  in  the  hands 
of  the  leaders  of  the  revolt ; who,  growing 
bold  by  their  success,  dispatched  a force  of 
upwards  of  5,000  men,  with  some  guns,  to 
blockade  the  passes  that  led  to  Mynee  Tal — 
a hill  station  of  favourable  repute  among  the 
Europeans  in  Bengal  and  adjacent  pro- 
vinces. The  movement  occasioned  inde- 
scribable alarm  among  the  valetudinarian 
residents  of  the  Sanatarium;  but  fortunately, 

I the  design  was  frustrated  by  the  prompt 
' action  of  a body  of  300  men  of  the  8th  irregu- 
i lar  cavalry,  under  Major  Ramsay ; who,  by  a 
spirited  attack,  drove  the  rebels  from  the 
positions  they  bad  taken,  and  compelled  them 
to  retreat  hastily  from  the  neighbourhood. 
Three  Ghoorka  regiments  were  afterwards 
stationed  for  .the  protection  of  the  district. 

Anarchy  now  prevailed  throughout  almost 
every  district  of  Central  India;  and  the 
struggles  to  repossess  it  were  fierce  and  contin-  I 

VOL.  If.  Y 


[central  INDIA. 

i uous.  On  the  27th  of  October,  a small  force, 

1 under  Colonel  Cotton,  fell  in  with  a division 
of  theindore  mutineers  atFuttehpore  Sikree, 
and  destroyed  nearly  the  whole  of  them. 
On  the  31st,  the  same  officer  reached 
Muttra,  after  cutting  to  pieces  150  of  the 
rebels  at  the  village  of  Begree,  on  his  way. 
On  the  30th,  the  town  of  Dhar  was  capthred 
by  Brigadier  Stuart’s  column ; who  found, 
in  the  fort,  between  thirty  and  forty  lacs  of 
rupees.  At  Mehidpore,  the  fortune  of  war 
was  adverse  to  the  cause  of  loyalty  and 
order ; a force  of  5,000  Rohillas,  under 
Heera  Sing  (late  a jemadar  of  the  Nagpore 
cavalry),  having  attacked  the  place,  which 
was  defended  by  the  Malwa  contingent,  on 
the  morning  of  the  8th  of  November.  The 
fight  lasted  nearly  eight  hours,  when  the 
enemy  were  about  to  retire,  with  the  loss  of 
their  guns.  At  this  moment,  the  Mussul- 
man portion  of  the  contingent  raised  the  cry 
of  “Deen!”  and  joined  the  rebels;  thus  turn- 
ing the  scale  in  the  very  grasp  of  victory. 
The  slaughter  then  became  general;  and 
among  the  officers  who  fell  in  this  treacher- 
ous struggle,  were  Captain  Mills  (command- 
ing the  infantry  of  the  contingent).  Dr. 
Carey,  and  Sergeants-major  O’Connell  and 
Manson.  Major  Timens,  under  an  escort  of 
some  of  the  2nd  Gwalior  contingent,  es- 
caped to  Indore,  where  he  was  kindly  re- 
ceived by  Holkar;  but  his  lady,  who  had 
her  horse  shot  under  her,  was  lost  sight  of 
during  the  conflict.  The  success  thus  ob- 
tained was  not  of  long  duration ; as,  on  the 
13th,  the  force  under  Brigadier  Stuart  fell 
in  with  the  victorious  rebels,  and  routed 
them  with  great  loss.  Upon  this  occasion, 
the  1st,  3rd,  and  4th  regiments  of  the  Ni- 
zam’s cavalry,  in  a brilliant  charge,  recap- 
tured the  guns  and  stores  taken  from  the 
Malwa  contingent. 

Crossing  Bengal,  in  a north-easterly  direc- 
tion, the  progress  of  the  insurrectionary  fever 
may  be  traced,  in  September,  to  the  borders 
of  Assam — a district  little  heard  of  by  Euro- 
peans, except  in  connection  with  the  experi- 
mental growth  of  tea.  Many  of  the  sepoys  of 
the  1st  Assam  battalion  came  from  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Arrah,  and  were  related  to  the 
men  of  the  40th  regiment  that  mutinied  at 
Dinapore;  while  others  of  them  were  from  the 
territory  belonging  to  Koer  Sing.  When, 
therefore,  the  outbreak  at  Dinapore  became 
known  to  the  men  of  the  1st  Assam  battalion 
at  Debroghur,  they  openly  expressed  their 
sympathy  with  the  mutineers,  and  proffered 

I tlieir  services  to  an  ex-rajah,  Poorundur 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


THE  RAJAH  OF  DEBROGHUR.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  185/ 


Sing,  whom  they  promised  to  restore  to 
the  authority  and  state  he  had  been  deprived 
of  by  the  English,  on  condition  that  he 
would  put  himself  at  their  head ; their  in- 
tent being  to  massacre  all  the  Christians  in 
Assam,  and  then,  after  plundering  the 
stations,  to  march  to  the  assistance  of  their 
friends  in  Bengal.  Upon  the  plot  becoming 
known,  most  of  the  Europeans  took  refuge 
in  the  neighbouring  station  of  Seebsaugor, 
Avhere  the  church  had  been  converted  into  a 
fortress,  and  was  Avell  stored  with  provisions  j 
and  there  they  awaited  the  arrival  of  suc- 
cours from  Calcutta ; the  only  loyal  troops  in 
Assam  at  the  time  being  a feAV  Ghoorkas, 
under  Major  Haunay,  at  Debroghur.  At 
this  crisis,  the  Calcutta  government  had  no 
soldiers  to  spare  for  Assam ; but,  to  meet 
the  exigency,  a force  of  English  seamen, 
Avho  had  been  trained  as  gunners,  were 
sent  by  a steamer  up  the  Brahmaputra  to 
Debroghur,  to  be  employed  as  the  local 
authorities  should  think  desirable.  The 
amphibious  force  consisted  of  a hundred 
armed  sailors,  having  with  them  two 
12-pounder  guns,  under  the  charge  of 
Lieutenant  Davies,  of  the  Indian  navy,  and 
a Mr.  Roberts  (assistant  to  the  chief  magis- 
trate.) The  men  selected  were  not  of  the 
royal  navy,  and  were  engaged  for  service  as 
policemen;  having,  while  employed  at  Cal- 
cutta, formed  a very  effective  little  artillery 
force  for  its  defence,  if  required.  Unfortu- 
nately, in  dispatching  the  force,  some  mis- 
understanding occurred  as  to  the  place  of 
its  destination ; the  men  concluding  that 
they  were  warned  for  Dacca  (a  town  many 
miles  from  the  seat  of  apprehended  danger), 
and  for  nowhere  else;  and,  consequently, 
upon  their  arrival  at  Dacca,  when  they  were 
ordered  off  to  Assam,  they  positively  refused 
to  go.  In  this  uulooked-for  difficulty, 
Lieutenant  Davies  behaved  with  prompti 
tude  and  firmness.  He  ordered  out  his  OAvn 
sailors  and  guns,  and,  surrounding  the  mal- 
contents, at  once  informed  them  that  no 
parleying  could  be  allowed — go  they  must ; 
and,  if  necessary,  force  would  be  used  to 
compel  obedience.  The  men  then  said  they 
would  go ; but,  at  the  same  time,  declared 
that  they  had  been  deceived,  and  that  they 
would  throw  down  their  arms  as  soon  as 
they  reached  their  destination.  However, 
their  resentment  at  what  they  considered 
a trick  put  upon  them,  subsided  on  their 
way,  and  they  arrived  in  Assam,  where  their 
appearance  tended  to  preserve  the  tranquil- 
lity supposed  to  have  been  in  danger. 

162 


To  secure  this  permanently,  it  became 
indispensable  that  the  rajah  of  Debroghur 
should  be  removed  from  the  neighbourhood, 
which  was  agitated  by  his  presence  and  the 
plots  of  his  emissaries;  and  Captain  Low- 
ther,  commanding  a corps  of  Ghoorkas,  Avas 
sent  from  another  station  to  seize  the  per- 
son of  the  rajah,  and  send  him,  under 
guard,  to  Calcutta.  This  operation  was 
successfully  carried  out.  The  palace  Avas 
at  a considerable  distance  from  Debroghur ; 
and  Avhile  the  owner  of  it  was,  as  he  thought, 
securely  planning  the  means  by  Avhich  he 
would  again  be  independent  of  English  rule, 
a band  of  police  and  Ghoorkas,  with  Captain 
Lowther  at  their  head,  were  quietly  thread- 
ing their  way,  by  an  unfrequented  route, 
towards  his  stronghold.  They  had  a long 
and  weary  march,  from  the  evening  to  the 
dawn  of  the  next  day,  across  a jungly  and 
marshy  country,  sometimes  on  elephants, 
then  on  foot,  and  then  in  boats.  But  they 
arrived  at,  and  surrounded,  the  palace  just 
before  daybreak,  while  all  Avithin  Avere  fast 
asleep.  They  seized  their  prisoner’,  with  his 
wives  and  a number  of  his  followers,  without 
firing  a shot;  took  nis  guns  and  spiked 
them,  and  then  cleared  the  palace,  and  a 
neighbouring  bazaar,  of  everything  that 
could  be  found  in  the  shape  of  arms  or 
correspondence.  The  party  then  left  Avith 
their  prisoners,  followed,  for  some  distance, 
by  about  2,000  people,  Avho,  paralysed  by 
their  daring,  did  not  offer  to  obstruct  them. 
The  whole  got  back  to  their  boats  by  10 
P.M.,  and  soon  after  reached  Debroghur, 
utterly  Avorn  out  by  their  arduous  and  Avell- 
conducted  enterprise. 

Captain  LoAvther  relates  the  history  of 
this  night-razzia  in  a highly  amusing  letter, 
from  Avhich  the  following  passages  are 
extracted. 

the  palace,  he  proceeds  thus  ; — 

“1  told-oflf  my  men  rapidly,  and  formed 
them  into  parties,  so  as  completely  to  sur- 
round and  cover  every  outlet  and  corner. 
The  main  party,  consisting  of  my  OAvn 
particular  sharpshooters  and  body-guard, 
watched  the  front ; another  moved  towards 
the  town,  there  to  arrest  an  educated  Ben- 
galee, agent  to  the  conspirators ; another  to 
the  rear,  to  cut  off  escape  towards  the 
toAvu;  while  ray  friend,  the  political,  crept 
quietly  past  some  outhouses  with  his 
police,  and,  under  the  palace  Avails,  awaited 
my  signal  for  opening  the  ball. 

“ Before  long,  the  ominous  barking  of  a 
disturbed  cur,  in  the  direction  of  the  party 


HaA’ing  reached  the  Aucinity  of 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


A.D,  1857.] 

sent  after  the  prime  minister,  proclaimed 
that  no  time  was  to  be  lost.  Off  I went  to- 
wards the  guard-shed  in  front  of  the  palace; 
my  personal  sharpshooters  following  at  the 
double.  The  noise,  of  course,  awoke  the 
sleeping  guard,  and,  as  they  started  up 
from  their  slumbers,  I caught  one  firmly  by 
the  throat;  and  a little  Ghoorka  next  me 
felled,  with  a butt-end  blow,  another  of 
them  while  they  were  getting  to  arms — I 
having  strictly  forbidden  ray  men  to  fire 
until  obliged  ; the  remainder,  as  we  rushed 
in,  took  to  flight,  and  my  eager  party  wished 
to  fire  on  them,  which  I prevented,  not  con- 
sidering such  valiant  game  worth  powder 
and  shot.  In  the  darkness  and  confusion 
no  means  of  entrance  could  at  once  be 
found.  My  police  guide,  however,  having 
been  often  in  the  palaee,  knew  every  room 
in  it,  and,  thrusting  himself  in  at  a door, 
acted  ferret  to  perfection ; and,  by  dint  of 
activity,  soon  brought  me  into  the  presence 
of  the  rajah,  who,  though  young  in  years,  is 
old  in  sin.  He  refused  to  surrender,  or 
admit  any  one — a resolution  which  cooled 
instanter  on  my  calling  my  men  to  set  fire 
to  the  palace.  He  then,  with  a bad  grace, 
delivered  up  to  me  his  state  sword.  A shout 
from  the  opposite  doors  proclaimed  an  entry 
there.  The  queen-mother,  and  the  rest  of 
the  female  royalty  and  attendants,  were 
seized  w'hile  trying  to  descend  on  that  side. 
Then  came  a chorus  of  shouting  and  strug- 
gling, and  bawling  for  lights  and  assistance; 
at  last,  a lamp  being  procured,  we  proceeded 
to  examine  the  palace : we  wandered  in 
dark  passages  and  cells ; while  I mounted  a 
guard  at  every  door.  The  air  being  con- 
fined and  heated  within  the  royal  residence, 
I sat  outside  until  after  daybreak,  and  then 
proceeded  to  rummage  for  papers  and  letters: 
several  boxes  of  these  we  appropriated,  and 
counted  out  the  rajah’s  treasure — all  in  gold 
vessels  and  ingots.  We  found  a quantity 
of  arms;  spiked  some  guns — one  of  them  of 
French  make.  All  day  we  wei’e  hard  at  work, 
searching  for,  and  translating,  papers.  The 
prime  minister  was  found  at  his  house  fast 
asleep.  In  the  heat  of  the  afternoon  we 
went  to  his  residence  in  the  town,  and,  by 
dint  of  keeping  fans  going  over  ns,  carried 
out  a thorough  search.  We  did  not  get  as 
many  of  his  papers  as  we  wanted,  he  having 
been  told  by  his  correspondents  to  destroy 
all  letters  after  reading  them.  At  sunset  I 
carried  off  my  prisoners,  over  the  same  bad 
ground  by  which  we  had  so  stealthily 
arrived.  We  were  followed  by  about  2,000 


[SERHAMrORE. 

infuriated  Mussulmans,  crying,  praying,  and 
prostrating  themselves  before  the  object  of 
their  lingering  hope  of  rebellion  (the  rajah); 
but  we  drove  them  off.” 

The  decisive  measures  adopted  in  this 
quarter  put  an  end,  for  the  present,  to  any 
actual  preparations  for  an  outbreak.  All 
was  quiet ; but  every  one  felt  that  a volcano 
was  burning  beneath  them,  and  they  knew 
not  the  moment  when  its  smouldering  fires 
would  burst  into  a devastating  flame.  To 
add  to  the  sense  of  insecurity,  not  a single 
European  soldier  was  at  this  time  stationed 
throughout  the  province ; and  the  prestige 
of  Koer  Sing  was  high  in  the  ascendant 
among  the  people. 

Returning  to  Bengal,  we  find  the  spirit 
of  disaffection  silently  but  surely  extending 
its  influence  among  the  few  native  regiments 
that  still  preserved  the  appearance  of  fidelity, 
as  well  as  over  the  populations  in  their  im- 
mediate vicinity.  Fortunately,  at  this  time, 
the  arrival  of  troops  from  Europe  ren- 
dered the  threatened  danger  less  imminent, 
and  enabled  the  government  to  act  with 
greater  decision  and  effect  upon  many  of 
the  points  that  had  given  grounds  for  un- 
easiness. Among  these  was  the  station  at 
Berhampore,  where  the  63rd  regiment  of 
native  infantry,  and  the  11th  irregular 
cavalry,  were  hi  cantonments. 

Her  majesty’s  90th  regiment  of  light  in- 
fantry arrived  in  India  about  the  latter  end 
of  July,  and  were  at  once  dispatched  up 
the  country,  by  way  of  Chinsurah  and  Ber- 
hampore. At  the  latter  place  the  behaviour 
of  the  native  troops  had  excited  suspicion, 
and  it  was  deemed  advisable  that  the  means 
of  annoyance  should  be  removed  from  their 
reach  before  actual  mischief  occurred ; and, 
with  this  intent,  the  officer  in  command  of 
the  90th,  was  ordered,  upon  his  arrival  at 
Berhampore,  to  disarm  the  suspected  regi- 
ments. The  modus  operandi  by  which  this 
was  accomplished  is  stated  by  Colonel 
Campbell,  the  commandant,  in  the  following 
letter  from  the  station,  dated  August  2nd. 
He  writes  thus  : — 

“ The  90th  left  the  Himalaya  steamer  for  Chin- 
surah in  two  boats  towed  by  steamers — large  covered 
vessels  ; and  we  remained  six  days  at  Chinsurah,  -and 
got  on  extremely  well ; no  drunkenness,  no  sickness, 
and  the  regiment  all  I could  wish,  so  clever  and 
orderly.  I implored  them  daily  not  to  poison  them- 
selves with  bad  spirits,  but  to  buy  beer  ; and,  during 
six  days,  I had  only  three  cases  of  drunkenness  in 
800  men,  and  only  four  men  sick,  who  came  so  from 
England.  We  have  had  no  casualty  since  leaving 
England.  1 was  hurried  off  from  Chinsurah,  and 

163 


DISARMING  THE  TROOPS.]  HISTORY  OF  THE  [a.D.  1857. 


embarked  the  regiment  again  in  steamers’  towing- 
boats,  and  we  have  been  four  days  coming  here. 
My  instructions  were  to  land  here  quietly  and  expe- 
ditiously, and  to  disarm  the  63rd  native  infantry 
and  the  11th  irregular  cavalry;  to  take  also  the 
horses  of  the  latter ; also  to  disarm  some  native  artil- 
lery here.  The  total  force  considerably  exceeded 
mine,  with  the  additional  advantage,  on  the  native 
side,  of  300  of  the  most  splendid  cavalry  I ever  saw  : 
as  regards  men,  horses,  and  equipments,  I never  saw 
anything  equal  to  them.  The  regiment  was  landed 
by  me  730  strong,  and  I ordered  the  commandant 
here,  who  is  lieutenant-colonel  of  the  63rd  native 
infantry,  to  parade  the  whole  of  the  troops.  lie 
wished  to  put  it  off  until  to-day,  but  I would  not 
grant  an  hour.  The  sepoy  regiment  came  out  on 
parade  ; I drew  up  the  90lh  opposite,  and  on  one 
flank,  and  ordered  them  to  lay  down  their  arms ; 
they  obeyed,  and  I then  ordered  them  to  take  off 
their  belts,  which  was  done ; and  having  secured 
them  in  carts  and  upon  elephants,  I kept  the  regi- 
ment of  sepoys  standing  upon  parade  until  the  11th 
irregular  cavalry  came  up ; and  they  came  from  a 
distance  of  five  miles  off,  not  expecting  to  find  an 
English  regiment,  but  only  a detachment  of  the 
I 35th  regiment,  180  strong,  whom  they  were  prepared 
! to  fight.  Their  commanding  officer  wished  to  put 
off  the  parade  until  to-day,  the  same  as  the  others ; 
but  I refused.  Fortunately  I did,  for  not  a man 
would  have  been  here  this  morning;  they  would 
have  gone  off  with  horses,  arms,  and  ammunition. 
They  seemed  thunderstruck  when  they  discovered 
our  men,  and  had  no  idea  that  their  fine  horses  were 
to  be  taken  from  them : if  they  had  thought  so,  they 
would  have  gone  off  in  a body.  They  told  the 
sepoys  afterwards  that  they  were  cowards  to  give 
up  their  arms,  and  that  if  they  had  waited  until 
I they  came  up  they  would  have  fouq-ht  us,  but  that 
! my  men  were  so  placed  they  could  not  escape.  The 
! cavalry  obeyed  orders  to  lay  down  their  arms,  but 
j with  a much  worse  grace  than  the  sepoys;  they 
I looked  at  each  other,  and  then  put  them  on 
- the  ground.  I collected  them,  and  found  all  the 
carbines  and  pistols  loaded.  I was  standing  op- 
posite to  them.  I then  ordered  all  the  belts  to  be 
taken  off,  and  this  was  not  approved  of;  some  broke 
i their  swords,  others  threw  their  pouches  into  the 
i air,  but  still  the  order  was  obeyed.  Having  col- 
I lected  these,  I surrounded  them  with  my  men,  and 
! ordered  them  to  lead  their  horses  ofl'  to  a safe  place 
I I had  selected  for  them,  and  where  they  were  turned 
out  loose.  The  men  then  pulled  off  their  long  jack- 
! boots  and  spurs,  and  pitched  them  away.  The  regi- 
I ment  had  not  mutinied ; but,  no  doubt,  would  have 
I done  so,  and  of  course  I treated  them  as  a regiment 
I having  committed  no  crime.  They  are  splendid 
I men,  but  savage  beyond  expression.  Their  swords 
are  like  razors.  The  political  agent  there  had  no 
idea  that  we  should  have  succeeded  in  getting  this 
regiment  together,  and  told  me  that  we  had  done  the 
I best  work  in  India  since  the  outbreak.  He  has 
I reported  our  valuable  service  to  the  government  of 
I India,  and  I have  reported  direct  to  the  commander- 
I in-chief.  Had  I delayed  as  requested  until  morn- 
I ing,  not  a man  would  have  been  found.  We  are 
! steaming  up  the  Ganges — the  weather  terribly  hot — 
mosquitoes  most  barbarous — heavy  rains.  I have  to 
disarm  and  dismount  another  irregular  cavalry  regi- 
ment in  two  days’  time,  if  they  have  not  already  gone 
off.  I want  to  come  near  some  mutinous  sepoys ; they 
shall  remember  the  women  and  children  if  1 do.” 

164 


Another  letter,  of  the  3rd  of  August, 
affords  a further  view  of  the  affair.  The 
writer  says : — 

“ Soon  after  our  arrival  at  Berhampore,  where  we 
had  landed  about  800  strong  on  the  1st  of  August, 
we  were  joined  by  about  100  men  of  the  Queen’s 
35th,  and  proceeded  together  to  disarm  the  native 
troops  in  cantonments,  some  distance  from  the  towm. 
We  marched  out  some  three  miles  in  the  rain,  over 
the  midan  at  double-quick  time.  On  nearing  the 
sepoys’  lines  the  90th  deployed  into  three  columns, 
one  extending  well  to  the  right  so  as  to  get  into  the 
rear  of  the  lines,  the  second  so  as  to  outflank  them 
on  the  left ; the  third  and  larger  column  extended  so 
as  to  outflank  them  on  their  right,  or  to  meet  them 
in  front.  This  movement  exposed  the  two  guns 
manned  by  the  sailors.  The  Jumna  was  lying  in 
positioft  to  shell  them : the  sepoys,  at  the  first  order 
given,  piled  their  arms ; the  officers  (native)  were 
allowed  to  keep  their  side-arms.  A company  of  the 
90th  disarmed  the  guards  in  and  about  the  lines,  and 
the  35th  disarmed  the  guards  at  the  treasuries.  The 
cavalry  show  ed  strong  symptoms  of  mutiny ; and  had 
it  not  been  for  the  imposing  force  before  them,  I 
feel  fully  persuaded  they  would  have  fought.  Num- 
bers of  their  pistols  which  were  picked  up  were 
loaded  to  the  muzzle,  and  some  even  loaded  on 
parade,  so  it  is  said.  Many  of  them  began  throwing 
away  their  belts,  &c.,  and  some  doubled  up  their 
swords,  and  threw  them  away ; their  mutinous  con-  ! 
duct  was  soon  put  an  end  to,  however,  by  the  flank  , 
movement  of  a couple  of  companies  of  the  90th  at  i 
the  double.  It  was  too  late  for  them  to  do  much, 
and  so  they  submitted  to  the  90th,  which  enclosed  i 
them  in  the  centre  of  a three-sided  square,  and  | 
marched  them  off  to  Berhampore,  where  the  horses 
were  confined  in  Hospital-square.  At  this  the 
troopers  became  infuriated,  but  they  were  soon  put  j 
down.  They  are  a fine-looking  set  of  men  ; as  also  | 
were  the  63rd ; and  all  their  appointments  were  in 
excellent  order.  The  63rd  are  nearly  all  Hindoos  ! 
and  Sikhs.  The  cavalry  are  from  about  Delhi  and 
Benares — all  Mussulmans;  they  have  never  agreed 
together,  which  I take  to  be  the  cause  of  the  safety 
of  Berhampore.”  | 

The  effect  of  this  prompt  and  decisive  ! 
action  was  to  suppress,  effectually  for  a 
time,  any  tendencies  that  miglit  have  existed  1 
among  the  population  at  this  place  towards 
an  outbreak ; and  the  90th  regiment,  having  j 
accomplished  its  first  protective  duty  in  j 
Bengal,  proceeded  onwards  to  aid  in  the 
suppression  of  rebellion  in  other  quarters. 

Duriug  the  mouths  of  September  and 
October,  the  portion  of  Bengal  north  of  the 
Ganges  was  almost  entirely  free  from  dis- 
tui’bance.  Patna,  in  September,  as  at  an 
earlier  period,  was  'disturbed  rather  by  the  j 
anarchy  that  prevailed  around  it,  than  by  j 
mutinies  within  the  place  itself;  its  greatest 
difficulties  arising  in  the  districts  north  and 
north-west  of  the  city,  where  the  revenue 
collectors  had  been  driven  from  place  to 
place  by  mutinous  sepoys  and  by  petty 
chieftains,  who  desired  to  exalt  themselves 


MUTINY. 


A.D.  1857.] 

upon  tlie  ruins  of  tlie  English  ‘‘raj.”  The 
abandonment  of  Goruckpore  by  the  govern- 
ment officials,  in  a moment  of  alarm,  had 
had  the  effect  of  exposing  the  Chuprah, 
Chumparun,  and  Mozufferpore  districts  to 
the  attacks  of  rebels,  especially  such  as  had 
r.anged  themselves  under  the  ffag  of  the 
Mussulman  chief,  Mahomed  Hussein  Khan, 
who  had  declared  himself  “ ruler,  in  the 
name  and  on  behalf  of  the  king  of  Oude.” 
This  individual  had  collected  a considerable 
force,  and  had  organised  a species  of  govern- 
ment at  Goruckpore,  where  he  collected 
revenue,  and  exercised,  for  a time,  supreme 
authority — no  troops  being  available,  for 
several  weeks,  to  put  an  end  to  his  arro- 
gated power. 

So  far  back  as  the  month  of  June,  the 
governor-general  had  accepted  an  offer  of 
Jung  Bahadoor,  of  Nepaul,  to  send  a con- 
siderable body  of  Nepaulese  troops  to  the  as- 
sistance of  the  Company’s  government;  and, 
in  consequence,  3,000  Ghoorkas  were  sent 
down  from  Khatmandoo,  and  entered  the 
British  territory  northward  of  Goruekpore. 
Bnt  a very  long  time  elapsed  between  the 
offer  and  the  performance ; the  process  of. 
collecting  them,  at  Khatmandoo  and  else- 
Avhere,  occupied  several  weeks ; and  it  was 
not  until  the  beginning  of  September  that 
they  reached  Jounpore — a station  in  the 
very  heart  of  the  disturbed  districts  : and 
1 even  then  there  was  much  delay  in  bringing 
I them  into  active  service ; for  the  English 
! officers  appointed  to  command  them,  had 
! yet  to  learn  the  difference  of  management 
‘ required  by  Nepaulese  Ghoorkas  and  Hin- 
dostani  sepoys  ; and,  moreover,  had  imbibed 
a prejudice  against  them,  under  the  idea 
that  they  were  incapable  of  rapid  movement, 
and  that  their  native  officers  were  averse  to 
the  responsibility  of  independent  action. 
But  this  impediment  to  their  usefulness  was 
not  of  long  duration;  and  a smart  affair,  on 
the  20th  of  September,  while  it  afforded  the 
Ghoorkas  an  opportunity  of  showing  their 
I gallantry  and  activity,  also  contributed  to 
I impress  the  English  officers  with  a due 
I sense  of  their  value  as  auxiliaries.  Colonel 
j Wroughton,  military  commandant  at  Joun- 
pore, having  heard  that  Azimgurh,  some 
fifty  miles  distant,  was  threatened  with  an 
attack  by  8,000  rebels  under  Madhoo  Sing, 

' of  Atrowlia,  resolved  to  send  a regiment 
of  Jung  Bahadoor’s  force,  under  Colonel 
i Shumshere  Sing  (a  Nepaulese  officer),  to  its 


[the  ghoorkas. 

assistance.  They  started  with  alacrity; 
marched  the  distance  in  a day  and  a-half, 
and  reached  the  threatened  city  on  the 
evening  of  the  19th.  At  an  early  hour  on 
the  morning  of  the  20th,  it  was  ascertained 
that  a large  body  of  rebels  had  assembled  in 
and  near  the  neighbouring  village  of  Mun- 
doree.  A force  of  1,200  men,  mostly  com- 
posed of  the  Ghoorka  regiment,  was  imme- 
diately sent  out  to  disperse  them — Captain 
Boileau  commanding.  Colonel  Shumshere 
Sing  leading  the  Ghoorkas,  and  Mr.  Vena- 
bles, a resident  landowner  of  the  district, 
taking  charge  of  a small  body  of  local  horse, 
whieh  he  had  raised  and  organised  for  the 
assistance  of  the  government.  Finding  that 
the  rebels  were  posted  in  a clump  of  trees, 
and  in  a jheel  behind  the  village.  Captain 
Boileau  directed  Shumshere  Sing  to  ad- 
vance his  men  at  double  pace.  This  was 
done  in  the  face  of  the  fire  from  sevei’al 
guns : the  Ghoorkas  charged  with  terrible 
impetuosity,  drove  the  enemy  away  from  his 
position,  and  captured  three  brass  guns,  and 
all  his  camp  equipage.  Mr.  Venables,  who 
headed  his  cavalry,  was  seen  wherever 
the  fight  was  most  serious,  and  killed  three 
of  the  enemy  with  his  own  hand.  About 
200  of  the  rebels  were  cut  up  in  this  brief 
encounter ; and  the  loss,  on  the  part  of  the 
victors,  amounted  to  thirty-four — killed  and 
wounded. 

The  fortunate  result  of  this  affair  entirely 
dissipated  the  prejudices  that  had  been  en- 
tertained against  the  efficiency  of  the  Ne- 
paulese troops,  who  had  marched  fifty  miles 
in  less  than  two  days,  and  then  won  a battle 
against  enormous  odds,  in  a country  to 
which  they  were  entire  strangers.  From 
this  period  their  assistance  Avas  appreciated, 
and  it  was  then  cheerfully  rendered. 

Throughout  the  vast  portion  of  the  Anglo- 
Indian  empire  embraced  within  the  south- 
western districts  of  Bengal  and  Behar — the 
Saugor  territories,  Bundlecund,  the  Mali- 
ratta  states,  and  Rajpootana — the  troubles 
that  prevailed  from  the  mouth  of  Septem- 
ber to  the  close  of  the  year,  were  occasioned 
rather  by  the  protracted  struggles  of  sepoys 
already  in  rebellion,  than  from  any  new  in- 
stances  of  disaffection  ; in  fact,  there  werj 
scarcely  any  remnants  left  of  the  nati\'e 
regiments  of  Bengal,  or  of  their  auxiliaries 
of  the  contingents,  upon  Avhich,  by  this 
time,  the  spirit  of  treason  had  not  set  its 
brand. 


165 


DELHI.] 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  1857. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

DEI.HI  ; STATE  OF  THE  CITY  AND  ENVIRONS  AFTER  THE  RECAPTURE;  MEASURES  FOR  THE  RE-ESTABLISH- 
MENT OF  ORDER  ; TREATMENT  OF  THE  NATIVE  INHABITANTS  ; CHARGES  OF  INJUDICIOUS  CLEMENCY ; 
COLONEL  HOGG  AND  THE  PRINCE  JUMMA  BUKHT  ; VISITS  TO  THE  ROYAL  PRISONERS  ; THE  QUESTION  OF 
PRIZE-MONEY;  TRIAL  OF  THE  EX-KING;  EVIDENCE  OF  A HALF-CASTE  WOMAN,  AND  OF  THE  KING’S 
SECRETARY  ; PROCLAMATION  OF  KHAN  BAHADOOR  KHAN ; FACTS  ESTABLISHED  BY  THE  TRIAL ; THE 
ANDAMAN  ISLANDS  ; INTRIGUES  OF  THE  COURT  ; ADMINISTRATION  OF  SIR  JOHN  LAWRENCE  ; COMPENSA- 
TION EXACTED  ; PARTIAL  IMPROVEMENT  OF  THE  CITY  ; THE  FUTURE  OF  DELHI ; REPORTED  ATTEMPT  TO 
RESCUE  THE  KING  ; FIDELITY  REWARDED  ; THE  KING’S  SOOTHSAYER  HUNG  ; CUSTOMS’  REVENUE  FOR 
JULY,  1858  ; ESTIMATED  AMOUNT  OF  PRIZE-MONEY. 


Of  the  successful  assault  and  capture  of 
the  city  of  Delhi,  the  imprisonment  of  the 
king,  and  the  merited  death  of  several  of 
the  princes  of  his  family,  copious  details 
have  been  given  in  previous  pages  of  this 
work.*  It  is  now  for  us  to  turn  aside  from 
the  continuous  progress  of  events  connected 
with  the  rebellion  in  other  parts  of  India, 
that  the  incidents  subsequent  to  the  recon- 
quest of,  and  connected  with,  the  Mogul 
capital,  may  be  succinctly  traced. 

As  soon  as  the  storm  of  war  had  subsided, 
and  the  British  flag  once  more  floated  tri- 
umphantly over  the  shattered  bastions  and 
towers  of  the  imperial  city,  it  of  course  be- 
came necessary  to  take  measures  for  its 
internal  regulation,  and  for  the  effective 
control  of  the  native  population  that  yet 
continued  to  lurk  amidst  its  ruined  palaces 
and  mosques.  To  this  end.  Colonel  Burn, 
an  officer  of  many  years’  experience  in  the 
Company’s  service  (who  then  held  a com- 
mand in  Brigadier  Nicholson’s  movable 
column),  was  appointed  military  governor  of 
the  city ; Colonel  Innes,  at  the  same  time, 
exercising  the  functions  of  commandant  of 
the  palace;  and  Mr.  Saunders  succeeding 
Mr.  Greathed  as  civil  commissioner.  These 
appointments  had  scarcely  been  notified  in 
garrison  orders,  when,  as  before  related. 
General  "Wilson,  worn  out  by  his  anxieties 
and  incessant  exertions  during  the  siege, 
surrendered  his  important  command,  and 
retired  to  the  hill  country  for  the  benefit  of 
his  health.  In  consequence  of  this  occur- 
rence, General  Penny  was  provisionally 
appointed  to  the  chief  command  of  the  army 
at  Delhi. 

At  the  time  this  change  took  place,  the 
city  was  still,  as  it  were,  trembling  from  the 
effects  of  the  shock  that  had  resulted  in  its 
utter  prostration,  as  the  capital  and  strong- 
hold of  a rebel  power.  Its  streets  were,  for 
the  most  part,  desolate ; and  silence  reigned 
• Vol.  i.,  pp.  505 — 530. 

166 


through  its  once  most  busy  quarters. 
Nearly  all  the  native  inhabitants,  both 
Hindoos  and  Moslems,  had  fled  from  it  in 
well-grounded  terror,  lest  the  English  sol- 
diers should  retaliate  upon  them  the  bar- 
barities perpetrated  by  the  mutinous  troops 
upon  the  defenceless  Europeans  found  in 
the  place  at  the  commencement  of  the  out- 
break, and  during  the  months  of  usurped 
dominion  by  the  phantom  king.  To  a cer- 
tain extent,  this  wholesale  evacuation  by  the 
inhabitants  was  of  advantage  to  the  authori- 
ties entrusted  with  the  resettlement  of  the 
city,  since  it  better  afforded  facilities  for  them 
to  ascertain  to  what  extent  the  traders  and 
general  population  had  taken  part  in  the 
rebellion,  and  the  excesses  that  followed  its 
outburst.  Nor  did  the  inhabitants,  on  their 
part,  show  any  great  anxiety  to  return; 
as,  although  a few  days  after  the  occu- 
pation, a proclamation  was  issued  by 
General  "Wilson,  promising  protection  and 
encouragement  to  all  not  actually  concerned 
in  the  foul  murders  and  outrages  of  the 
11th  of  May,  very  few  availed  themselves 
of  the  offer. 

From  the  period  of  complete  reoccupation 
in  September,  the  city  gradually  assumed  a 
state  of  reorganisation  and  order  scarcely, 
under  the  circumstances,  to  have  been  ex- 
pected ; but,  for  many  weeks  after  the  crisis, 
its  forlorn  and  desolate  condition,  as  well  as 
that  of  the  environs,  was  pitiable  in  the 
extreme.  Without  the  walls,  the  devasta- 
tion was  widely  spread ; but  ruin  had  con- 
centrated its  force  upon  the  ill-fated  city. 
From  the  Lahore  gate  to  the  village  of 
Subzee  Muudee,  on  the  road  to  Kurnaul, 
there  was  an  almost  continuous  line  of 
carcasses  of  camels,  horses,  and  bullocks, 
with  their  skins  dried  into  parchment  over 
the  sapless  bones.  Here  and  there  were 
remains  of  intrenchmeuts,  where  battles  had 
been  fought  on  the  road.  From  Badulee 
Serai,  a short  distance  from  the  Lahore 


i A.D.  1857.]  INDIAN 

gate,  every  tree  was  either  levelled  with  the 
ground,  or  the  branches  were  lopped  off 
by  round  shot.  The  garden-houses  of  the 
wealthy  citizens  were,  in  almost  every  in- 
stance, masses  of  ruins,  with  the  remains  of 
men  and  beasts  bleaching  around  them. 
Here  and  there  might  be  seen  the  perfectly 
white  skeleton  of  one  who  had  shared  in 
the  terrible  conflicts  of  the  siege,  and  had 
fallen  unnoticed  and  unremembered  by  his 
fellows;  while,  on  all  sides,  lay  scattered 
fragments  of  clothing,  cartouch-boxes,  round 
shot,  and  fragments  of  exploded  shells. 
Around  the  Subzee  Mundee  all  foliage  was 
destroyed.  The  gaily  ornamented  resi- 
dences in  the  vicinity  of  the  Serai,  were 
now  mere  masses  of  blackened  ruins,  with 
broken  s.and-bags  and  shattered  loopholed 
walls,  that  declared  the  fiery  ordeal  through 
which  the  combatants  on  both  sides  had 
passed.  With  the  exception  of  the  Moree 
bastion  and  the  Cashmere  gate  (both  on  the 
north  side  of  the  city),  the  line  of  defence 
did  not  exhibit  much  trace  of  injury ; but 
within  the  walls,  the  appearance  of  the  city 
was  fearfully  desolate.  Entering  by  the 
Cashmere  gate,  the  Mainguard  was  seen 
wholly  destroyed.  St.  James’s  church  next 
appeared,  battered  with  shot  even  up  to  the 
I ball  and  cross  that  surmounted  the  edifice. 

I Most  of  the  houses  from  this  point  to  near 
the  palace,  were  mere  ruins : many  of  them 
blackened  by  fire.  A spacions  structure,  occu- 
* pied  as  the  Delhi  bank,  formerly  the  resi- 
dence of  the  Begum  Sumroo,  had  nothing 
but  the  outer  walls  and  a portion  of  the 
verandah  remaining.  In  a narrow  street, 
leading  thence  to  the  Chandnee  Chouk, 
every  house  bore  visible  proof  of  the  showers 
of  musket-balls  that  must  have  been  poured 
upon  the  defenders  of  the  city,  as  they 
retreated,  street  by  street,  and  from  house 
to  house,  towards  the  palace.  In  many  of 
the  avenues,  were  still  to  be  seen  the  debris 
’ of  arches  which  had  been  built  up  by  the 
j rebels,  but  were  broken  into  by  the  advanc- 
ing troops.  The  road- ways  had  been  cut  up 
into  furrows  by  the  action  of  shot  and  shell, 
that  ploughed  up  their  surface.  House-doors 
and  huge  gates  lay  about  in  all  directions, 
some  of  which  had  been  well  backed  up 
by  massive  stone-work  and  heavy  beams 
of  wood;  while  the  remains  of  sand-bag 
defences  were  passed  at  every  corner. 
But  thr3e  of  the  seven  gates  of  the  city 
were  as  yet  permitted  to  be  open — namely, 
the  Cashmere  gate  at  the  north-east  angle, 
towards  the  old  cantonments,:  the  Lahore 


MUTINY.  [state  of  the  city. 

gate,  on  the  west  side,  opposite  to  the  prin- 
cipal entrance  to  the  palace ; and  the 
Calcutta  gate,  on  the  east,  communicating 
with  the  bridge  of  boats  over  the  Jumna, 
and  the  road  to  Meerut — the  other  four 
entrances  to  the  city  having  been  blocked 
up  with  solid  masonry  during  the  siege. 
The  city  of  the  Moguls  was  now,  indeed, 
but  little  better  than  a vast  and  hideous 
ruin — its  houses  and  streets  deserted;  its 
defences  unmanned ; and  the  sentence  of 
utter  demolition  suspended  over  its  shattered 
gates  and  once  defiant  towers ; the  carcasses 
of  some  thousands  of  its  defenders,  who  had 
fallen  in  their  insane  struggle  to  establish  a 
throne  based  upon  treason  and  cruelty,  had 
been  necessarily  gathered  by  the  sweepers 
and  camp-followers  into  deep  pits,  and  were 
so  hidden  from  mortal  sight : and  now, 
within  the  vast  area  of  that  imperial  city, 
not  one  hand  remained  uplifted  in  defiance 
of  its  conquerors. 

The  tei’rible  but  just  work  of  retribution 
was,  however,  carried  on  in  a spirit  of  hu- 
manity that  sometimes  was  mistaken  for 
weakness.  The  women  and  children  found 
in  Delhi  met  with  no  harsh  treatment,  and 
were  even  sheltered  from  personal  indignity 
by  men  fierce  with  the  excitement  of  war, 
and  thirsting  to  avenge  the  murders  and 
outrages  perpetrated  upon  their  countrymen; 
nor  were  the  inhabitants  molested  who  had 
remained  passive  during  the  struggle,  and 
had  not  aided  the  rebellion  by  their  re- 
sources or  their  sympathy.  All  such  were 
allowed  to  depart  from  the  city  upon  appli- 
cation for  the  purpose ; and  even  those  who 
were  suspected  of  treason  had  the  advan- 
tage afforded  them  of  an  impartial  trial ; and 
when  punishment  was  inflicted,  it  was  be- 
cause guilt  was  incontestably  proved. 

The  re-establishment  of  order  within  the 
walls  of  the  capital,  as  we  have  shown, 
occupied  the  attention,  and  called  for  the 
active  vigilance,  of  the  civil  and  military 
authorities  during  the  first  few  weeks  of  the 
reoccupation.  The  king,  and  the  female 
members  of  his  family,  with  his  youngest 
son,  a youth  of  some  eighteen  years  of  age, 
still  remained  in  strict  confinement  in  a 
small  building  within  the  palace  enclosure, 
but  separate  from  the  palace  itself;  and  the 
apparently  unnecessary  delay  in  putting  the 
dethroned  traitor  upon  his  trial,  gave  occa- 
sion for  the  expression  of  much  dissatisfac- 
tion, and  the  dissemination  of  unfounded 
rumour  and  undeserved  obloquy.  At  this 
time,  however,  the  feelings  of  the  whole 

167 


MISREPRESENT.VTIOXS.] 

HISTORY  OF  THE 

[-A..D.  1857. 

European  community,  distant,  as  well  as 
in  Hindostan,  were  painfully  excited  by  the 
terrible  calamity  that  had  torn  from  it  many 
of  its  most  loved  aud  valued  members,  under 
circumstances  which  afforded  no  room  for 
doubt  that  the  bereavement  had  been  at- 
tended with  brutalism  which  struck  a sick- 
ening terror  to  the  hearts  of  all  connected 
with  the  victims  : it  was  not  strange,  there- 
fore, that  the  delay  in  bringing  to  trial  the 
head  and  chief  of  the  rebellious  confedera- 
tion should  be  viewed  with  impatience,  and 
that  the  motives  of  the  authorities,  so  long 
as  they  were  left  unexplained,  should  be 
misconstrued  and  censured ; aud  such,  in 
fact,  was  the  case.  Prudent  delay  was  im- 
puted to  weakness  and  indecision ; and 
every  act  of  mitigated  punishment,  where  a 
native  was  concerned,  was,  irrespective  of 
the  merits  of  the  case,  cried  down  as  an 
exhibition  of  mistaken  and  mischievous 
leniency.  The  position  of  the  authorities 
upon  the  spot,  and  of  the  governor-general 
at  Calcutta,  had  thus  become  one  of  exceed- 
ing difficulty  upon  this  subject  alone.  On 
the  one  hand  was  the  impulsive  and  all  but 
national  cry  for  unmitigated  vengeance ; on 
the  other,  the  calm  and  prudent  dictates  of 
high  policy  and  humanity:  aud  by  adopting 
the  latter,  Avhatever  Lord  Canning  lost  in 
the  eyes  of  the  impetuous  and  unthinking 
as  a conqueror,  he  more  than  gained,  in  the 
esteem  of  the  civilised  world,  as  a states- 
man and  the  repi’eseutative  of  the  sovereign 
of  a great  aud  magnanimous  nation.  The 
derisive  sobriquet  of  “ Clemency  Canning,’^ 
which  was  applied  to  him  at  this  time,  lost 
all  its  point  when  the  propriety  of  the  course 
he  had  pursued  towards  the  natives  of  the 
vast  couutiy  he  governed  became  manifest. 
Among  other  charges  against  the  gov- 
ernor-general, which  had  their  origin  in 
Delhi,  but  found  a too  liberal  echo  in  Cal- 
cutta, were  some  connected  with  the  indul- 
gent treatment  of  the  captive  king  aud  his 
family  which,  it  was  alleged,  was  owing  to 
the  interference  of  Lord  Canning  with  the 
authorities  at  Delhi.  One  of  these  reports 
obtained  circulation  through  the  Friend  of 
India,  a paper  of  some  influence  at  the  time  j 
and  was  as  follows : — 

“ We  would  call  the  attention  of  the 
government  of  India  to  the  state  of  things 
existing  in  the  city  of  Delhi,  which  demand 
instant  aud  stern  reform.  The  youngest 
son  of  the  king,  eighteen  years  of  age,  has 
been  declared  innocent  on  account  of  his 
youth,  aud  rides  through  Delhi  on  an  ele- 
168 


phant,  with  two  British  officers  behind  him 
to  do  him  honour.  The  statement  appears 
so  incredible,  that  it  may  be  set  aside  as 
a mere  newspaper  report  j but  we  entreat 
the  government  to  believe  that  it  is  one 
which  we  would  not  publish  without  such 
information  as  produces  absolute  certainty. 
The  king  also,  it  is  said  (but  for  this  we 
have  only  the  authority  of  the  Lahore 
Chronicle),  has  a retinue  to  attend  him,  and 
coolly  insults  the  British  officers  who  visit 
him.  It  is  things  such  as  these — the 
honours  paid  to  our  murderers — which  ex- 
asperate Europeans  to  frenzy.” 

With  regard  to  the  allegation  respecting 
the  sou  of  the  king  aud  the  English  officers, 
a prompt  denial  of  the  calumny  was  at  once 
forwarded  to  the  Lahore  Chronicle  by  Colonel 
Hogg,  one  of  the  officers  implicated.  This 
gentleman  says — “ As  you  have  given  my 
name  in  one  of  the  editorials  of  your  paper 
of  the  4th  of  November,  as  one  of  the  officers 
who  had  been  seen  riding  with  one  of  the 
sons  of  the  king  on  an  elephant  through  the 
streets  of  Delhi,  I send  you  for  publication 
the  following  statement  of  facts  : — Having 
been  asked  to  accompany  the  commissioner 
on  a visit  to  the  king,  I went,  along  with 
several  officers  (one  of  them  holding  high 
official  rank  in  the  army),  to  the  house  where 
he  was  confined.  Before  leaving,  Jumma 
Bukht,  a son  of  the  king,  apparently  a lad 
of  fifteen  or  sixteen  years  of  age,  asked  the 
commissioner  if  he  might  be  permitted  to 
go  out  occasionally  for  an  airing  along  with 
anv  gentleman  who  would  take  him ; and 
as  I was  in  the  habit  of  going  out  every 
evening  on  an  elephant,  the  commissioner 
asked  if  I would  mind  occasionally  calling 
for  him.  I replied,  ‘ that  if  there  were  no 
other  (?)  objections  I would  do  so aud  as 
both  the  commissioner  and  the  officer  before 
alluded  to,  appeared  to  think  there  could  be 
none,  I consented  to  call  for  him ; and,  ac- 
cordingly, on  two  occasions  I took  Jumma 
Bukht  out : the  first  time,  having  nothing 
but  a pad  on  the  elephant,  aud  being  rather 
afraid  that  he  might  try  to  escape,  I put  him 
in  front  to  prevent  him  slipping  off“ ; the 
second  time,  having  a ‘ charjamah,’  I sat  in 
front,  though,  I must  say,  I considered  it  a 
matter  of  very  little  moment  which  seat  I 
occupied. 

“ As  to  parading  through  the  streets  of  the 
city,  the  first  time  I went  out  through  the 
Cashmere  gate  to  Ludlow  Castle ; and  home, 
when  it  was  quite  dusk,  through  the  Lahore 
gate  and  Chauduee  Chouk.  The  second 


A.D.  1857.]  IJsDIAX  MUTIXY.  [visit  to  the  kixg. 


time  I passed  up  the  Chandnee  Chouk,  and 
returned  by  the  Llal  Koa  street,  having 
been  induced  to  go  there  by  Jumma  Bukht 
expressing  a wish  to  show  me  the  house  lie 
lived  in. 

“Without  entering  into  the  question  of 
his  guilt  or  innocence,  but  presuming  that, 

' if  guilty,  he  would  never  have  been  allowed 
I to  accompany  a British  oflRcer  in  public,  I 
j can  only  say  that  I found  him  a very  intel- 
I ligent  lad ; he  gave  me  a good  deal  of  in- 
! formation  about  the  mutineers,  their  leaders, 
and  their  plans;  and  had  I remained  longer 
at  Delhi,  should  probably  have  taken  him 
out  oftener ; but,  having  returned  to  Meerut 
on  the  26th  of  October,  I had  no  further 
opportunity.^^ 

The  charge  of  “lackeying  the  king^s 
son  about  the  streets  of  Delhi  by  British 
officers,”  therefore  fell  to  the  ground;  and 
: the  alleged  crime  of  unjustifiable  indulgence 
I to  the  king  himself  and  his  family  (who,  it 
; was  said,  were  treated  with  the  most  obse- 
I quious  deference,  and  regard  to  state,  by  the 
j authorities,  through  the  unpardonable  in- 
terference of  the  governor-general  with  the 
“righteous  demand  for  blood”),  resolved 
itself  into  the  simple  fact,  that  the  king  was 
I to  be  put  upon  his  trial  for  high  treason  to 
! the  supreme  government  of  India;  but  that, 

! in  accordance  with  the  laws  of  England,  he 
Avas  not  to  be  treated  as  a felon  until  his 
guilt  was  proved.  As  to  the  “ obsequious 
j deference  and  observance  of  state  etiquette,” 

I the  following  extract  from  a letter  of  Mrs. 

I Hodson,  wife  of  the  officer  by  whom  the 
j king  was  taken  prisoner  and  brought  baek 
I to  his  capital,  may  suffice  as  a refutation. 

I “There  is  a report,”  writes  this  lady, 
i “ which  has  been  mischievously  spread  about, 

1 and  may  have  mischievous  consequences — 

' namely,  that  the  king  has  the  Avhole  of  his 
I retinue  around  him,  and  has  been  restored 
to  his  own  apartments  iu  the  palace.  This 
is  perfectly  untrue. 

“I  went  with  Mr.  Saunders  (the  civil 
commissioner)  and  his  wife,  to  see  the  un- 
fortunate and  wretched  man.  We  mounted 
a flight  of  stone  steps,  at  the  bottom  and 
top  of  which  was  a Em’opean  sentry.  A 
small  low  door  opened  into  a room,  half 
of  which  was  partitioned  off  Avith  a grass 
matting,  called  chitac,  behind  which  was  a 
Avoman  cooking  some  atrocious  compound, 
if  I might  judge  from  the  smell.  In  the 
other  half  was  a native  bedstead — that  is,  a 
frame  of  bamboo,  on  four  legs,  Avith  grass 
ropes  strung  across  it;  on  this  was  lying, 

VOL.  II.  z 


and  smoking  a hookah,  an  old  man  Avith  a 
long  white  beard ; no  other  article  of  furni-  | 
ture  whatever  was  in  the  room ; and  I am 
almost  ashamed  to  say  that  a feeling  of  pity 
mingled  Avith  my  disgust,  at  seeing  a man 
recently  lord  of  an  imperial  city  almost 
unparalleled  for  riches  and  magnificence, 
confined  in  a low,  close,  dirty  room,  Avhich 
the  lowest  slave  in  his  household  would 
scarcely  have  occupied  in  the  very  palace 
where  he  had  reigned  supreme,  with  power 
of  life  and  death,  untrammelled  by  any  law, 
Avithin  the  precincts  of  a royal  residence  as 
large  as  a considerable  sized  town ; streets, 
galleries,  towers,  mosques,  forts,  and  gar- 
dens ; a private  and  a public  hall  of  justice, 
and  innumerable  courts,  passages,  and  stair- 
cases. Its  magnificence  can  only  be  equalled 
by  the  atrocities  which  have  been  committed 
there.  But  to  go  back  to  the  king. — The 
boy.  Prince  Jumma  Bukht,  repeated  my 
name  to  his  father,  after  Mr.  Saunders. 
The  old  man  raised  his  head,  and  looked  at  i 
me ; then  muttered  something  I could  not 
understand ; and,  at  the  moment,  the  boy, 
who  had  been  called  from  the  opposite  door, 
came  and  told  me  that  his  mother,  the 
begum,  wished  to  see  me.  Mrs.  Saunders 
then  took  possession  of  me;  and  we  went 
on  into  a smaller,  darker,  dirtier  room  than 
the  first,  in  which  Avere  some  eight  or  ten 
women  crowding  round  a common  charpoy, 
on  which  Avas  a dark,  fat,  shrewd,  but  sen- 
sual-looking Avoman,  to  Avhom  my  attention 
was  particularly  drawn.  She  took  hold  of 
my  hand — I shuddered  a little — and  told 
me  that  my  husband  was  a great  Avarrior ; 
but  that  if  the  king’s  life  and  her  son’s  had 
not  been  promised  them  by  the  government, 
the  king  was  preparing  a great  army  Avhich 
would  have  annihilated  us.  The  other 
women  stood  in  silence  till  her  speech  Avas 
finished,  and  then  crowding  round,  asked 
how  many  children  I had,  and  if  they  Avere 
all  boys  ? — examined  my  dress,  and  seemed 
particularly  amused  by  my  bonnet  and 
parasol.  They  were,  with  one  exception, 
coarse,  low-caste  women,  as  devoid  of  orna-  ' 
ment  as  of  beauty.  The  begum,  Zenat  i 
Mahal,  asked  me — a great  honour  I after- 
wards found,  but  which  I did  not  apprcr 
ciate — to  sit  down  on  her  bed ; but  I de- 
clined, as  it  looked  so  dirty.  Mr.  Saunders 
Avas  much  amused  at  my  refusal,  and  told 
me  it  would  have  been  more  than  my  life  was 
worth,  six  months  before,  to  have  done  so.” 
Simultaneously  with  the  measures  adopted 
by  Colonel  Burn  for  the  restoration  of 

169 


DELHI — BOOTY  OR  BATTA.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  1857. 


order  within  tlie  city,  a military  commission 
was  appointed  to  try  such  leaders  of  the 
mutiny  as  had  been  captured  iu  or  near 
Delhi ; and,  by  sentences  of  this  tribunal, 
twenty  subordinate  members  of  the  royal 
family  were  executed  on  the  18th  of  No- 
vember; and  several  chiefs  of  the  adjacent 
districts,  who  had  been  found  in  arms  on 
the  side  of  revolt,  were  also  brought  in, 
tried,  and  executed.  With  regard  to  delin- 
quents of  high  rank  and  influence,  justice 
Avas  stern  and  inflexible.  With  minor 
olfenders,  as  time  wore  on,  its  judgment 
was  frequently  largely  tempered  with  mercy. 

One  of  the  first  causes  of  dissatisfaction, 
really  based  upon  a solid  foundation,  that 
arose  among  the  captors  of  Delhi,  originated 
I in  a question  of  prize-money.  The  amount 
! of  property  that  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
i victorious  troops,  with  the  city  and  palace, 

' was  of  enormous  value,  and  it  was  further 
i increased  by  the  heavy  forfeitures  declared 
] against  those  convicted  of  treason  to  the 
i state,  Avho  had  been  captured  by  the  troops. 
This  wealth,  it  was  supposed  by  the  men 
Avhose  valour  had  secured  it,  would  be  re- 
! garded  as  booty,  or  prize,  and  would  eveu- 

* The  following  is  the  obnoxious  order  of  the 
Bengal  government,  in  reference  to  the  booty  cap- 
tured at  Delhi : — “ Nov.  24th. — It  being  understood 
that  prize  agents  have  been  appointed  at  Delhi  for 
the  collection  of  booty  captured  by  the  British 
troops  from  the  mutineers  and  other  persons  in  re- 
bellion against  the  government,  it  is  hereby  notified, 
for  the  information  and  guidance  of  all  parties  con- 
cerned, that  a clear  distinction  exists,  in  cases  of 
recapture,  between  property  of  the  state  originally 
captured  by  an  enemy  in  time  of  war,  and  similar 
property  seized  by  rebels  or  mutineers  during  an 
insurrection.  In  the  former  case,  the  property  re- 
I captured  is,  in  general,  property  treated  as  property 
: of  the  hostile  state,  and  becomes  subject  to  the  laws 

I of  prize  ; but  in  an  insurrection,  such  as  the  present 
one,  the  troops  of  the  state  whose  property  has  been 
pillaged  by  its  own  subjects,  or  by  foreigners  aiding 
such  subjects  in  their  treason,  when  they  retake 
such  property  from  the  plunderers,  merely  retake 
it  on  behalf  of  the  government,  and  acquire  no  legal 
right  of  prize  or  of  property,  although  they  have 
strong  claims  on  the  liberality  of  the  government. 
These  principles  apply  also  to  the  property  of  pri- 
vate individuals  plundered  by  the  insurgents,  and 
retaken  by  the  troops  of  the  state.  Such  private 
property  can  in  no  case  be  deemed  lawful  prize 
when  clearly  identified  and  claimed  by  the  original 
1 owner.  In  accordance  with  these  principles,  the 
right  honourable  the  governor-general  in  council 
is  pleased  to  direct,  that  officers  in  command  of 
bodies  of  troops  employed  in  quelling  the  pre- 
! sent  insurrection,  shall  appoint  committees  of  offi- 
I cers  for  the  purpose  of  taking  an  account  of 
■ all  treasure  and  other  public  property,  cattle, 
munitions  of  war,  stores,  &c.,  recaptured  from 
the  insurgents  and  mutineers,  in  order  to  the 

170 


tually  be  distributed  among  them  as  in 
ordinary  cases  : such,  however,  was  not  the 
way  in  which  the  government  was  disposed  I 
to  treat  the  subject,  the  whole  of  this  pro-  I 
perty  or  booty  being  claimed  as  reverting  to 
the  state,  by  way  of  compensation  for  the  ^ 
expenses  it  had  incurred  through  the  re-  I 
bellion ; and  the  troops  were  consequently  j 
thrown  into  a state  of  discontent  and  irrita-  I 
tiou  by  the  intended  wrong,  which  was  not 
mitigated  by  au  announcement  from  the 
governor-general  in  council,  that  the  reward  ; 
of  the  conquerors  of  Delhi  was  limited  to  a ^ 
bounty  of  six  months’  batta  (or  pay)  to  each  ‘ 
soldief  engaged  in  the  struggle.*  Public 
opinion,  generally,  supported  the  claim  of  the  i 
men,  both  in  England  and  in  India;  and 
ultimately  an  arraugemeut  was  made,  by  ! 
which  a portion  of  the  personal  property  of  j 
the  rebels  was  allowed  to  be  set  apart  and 
treated  as  prize-money,  and  to  be  shared  by  ! 
the  gallant  fellows  who  had  justly  Avon  it.  ! 

At  length,  after  a number  of  the  chief 
actors  in  the  tragedy  of  Delhi  had  expi- 
ated their  crimes  by  an  ignominious  death 
upon  the  scaffold,  at  the  hands  of  the  com- 
mon hangman,  the  time  arrived  at  which  j 

delivery  of  the  property  so  recovered  into  the 
nearest  treasury,  or  into  the  custody  of  the  proper 
civil  or  military  officers : and  that  copies  of  such 
accounts  shall  be  transmitted  to  the  secretary  in  the 
military  department,  for  the  information  of  govern-  ' 
ment.  Separate  accounts  will  also  be  taken  by  the 
committees  of  all  private  property  captured  or  re- 
captured, and  copies  of  these  accounts  Avill  be  trans- 
mitted to  the  military  department,  with  statements 
of  claims,  if  any,  made  by  the  owners.  In  all  cases 
of  clear  identification  of  property,  restitution  may 
be  made  to  the  owners  on  the  spot ; provided  that, 
in  the  case  of  natives,  they  shall  prove,  to  the  satis-  ^ 
faction  of  the  committee,  that  they  have  not  been  - 
guilty  of  any  offence  for  which  their  property  would  , 
be  liable  to  forfeiture,  and  have,  to  the  best  of  their  [ 
ability,  rendered  active  assistance  to  the  British  ; 
government : and  when  claims  are  not  clearly  estab- 
lished, or  the  property  belongs  to  any  persons  de-  ! 
ceased,  the  orders  of  government  are  to  be  awaited 
before  delivery.  The  claims  of  the  troops  com- 
posing the  field  force  by  which  Delhi  has  been 
nobly  wrested  from  the  hands  of  the  mutineers  and 
rebels,  and  by  whose  gallantry  signal  punishment 
has  been  inflicted  on  the  insurgents  there,  are  fully 
appreciated  by  the  governor-general  in  council;  and 
in  recognition  of  their  services,  his  lordship  in 
council  is  pleased  to  grant  a donation  of  si.x  months’ 
batta  to  be  forthwith  distributed  to  all  the  troops 
engaged  in  the  operations  against  Delhi.” — The 
“ clear  distinction”  was  by  no  means  so  obt-ious  as 
to  be  satisfactory  to  the  brave  fellows  for  whose 
special  edification  it  tvas  now  pointed  out,  and  the 
“ General  Order  of  the  Bengal  governnrent,”  was  j ■ 
received  by  the  troops  with  an  expression  of  opinion  j 
far  more  energetic  than  complimentary  to  its 
authors. 


A.D.  1857.]  INDIAN 

it  was  deemed  expedient  to  make  known 
the  course  to  be  pursued  in  refereuce  to  the 
royal  prisoner,  who  still  nominally  held 
kingly  rank,  although  a powerless  captive 
within  the  wails  of  the  palace  that  once 
ow'ued  no  other  lord.  The  fact  that  the  life 
of  the  king  had  been  guaranteed  to  him  by 
the  promise  of  Captain  Hodson,  however 
much  objected  to  at  the  time  on  the  score 
of  justice  and  policy,  obviated  all  apprehen- 
sion as  to  his  personal  safety ; while  his 
advanced  age  rendered  him,  as  an  individual 
totally  divested  of  authority  or  influence, 
perfectly  harmless : and  these  considera- 
tions, in  some  degree,  reconciled  the  public 
mind  to  the  idea  that  a punishment  short  of 
death  would,  in  his  case,  satisfy  the  require- 
ments of  justice. 

The  capture  of  Mahomed  Suraj-oo-Deen, 
ex-king  of  Delhi,  was  effected,  as  already 
stated,  by  Captain  Hodson  on  the  21st  of 
September;  but  it  was  not  until  the  follow- 
ing month  of  January  that  the  commis- 
sion under  which  he  was  to  be  put  upon  his 
trial  was  made  public.  At  the  same  time, 

, the  charges  to  be  preferred  against  him 
I were  declared  to  be  as  follows  : — 

I “ 1st.  For  that  he,  being  a pensioner  of  the  Bri- 
1 tisli  government  in  India,  did,  at  Delhi,  at  various 
j times  between  the  10th  of  May  and  the  1st  of  Octo- 
I ber,  1857,  encourage,  aid,  and  abet  Mahomed 
I Bukht  Khan,  subahdar  of  the  regiment  of  artillery, 

I and  divers  others  non-commissioned  officers  un- 
I known,  of  the  East  India  Company’s  army,  in  the 
, crimes  of  mutiny  and  rebellion  against  the  state. 

“ 2nd.  For  having,  at  Delhi,  at  various  times 
between  the  10th  of  May  and  the  1st  of  October, 
1857,  encouraged,  aided,  and  abetted  Mirza  Mogul, 
his  own  son,  a subject  of  the  British  government  in 
India,  and  divers  other  unknown  inhabitants  of 
Delhi  and  of  the  North-Western  Provinces  of  India, 
also  subjects  of  the  said  British  government,  to  re- 
I bel  and  wage  war  against  the  state, 
j “Srd.  For  that  he,  being  a subject  of  the  British  gov- 
I ernment  in  India,  and  not  regarding  the  duty  of  his 
allegiance,  did,  at  Delhi,  on  the  11th  of  May,  1857,  or 
’ thereabouts,  as  a false  traitor  against  the  state,  pro- 
claim and  declare  himself  the  reigning  king  and  sove- 
reign of  India,  and  did  then  and  there  traitorously 
I seize  and  take  unlawful  possession  of  the  city  of  Delhi ; 
j and  did,  moreover,  at  various  times  between  the  10th 
I of  May  and  the  1st  of  October,  1857,  as  such  false 
I traitor  aforesaid,  treasonably  conspire,  consult,  and 
! agree  with  Mirza  Mogul  his  son,  and  with  Mahomed 
Bukht  Khan,  subahdar  of  the  regiment  of  artillery, 
and  divers  other  false  traitors  unknown,  to  raise, 
levy,  and  make  insurrection,  rebellion,  and  war 
against  the  state ; and  further  to  fulfil  and  perfect 
his  treasonable  design  of  overthrowing  and  destroy- 
ing the  British  government  in  India,  did  assemble 
armed  forces  at  Delhi,  and  send  them  forth  to  fight 
and  wage  war  against  the  said  British  government. 

“ 4th.  For  that  he,  at  Delhi,  on  the  I6th  of  May, 
1857,  or  thereabouts,  did,  within  the  precincts  of 
the  palace  at  Delhi  feloniously  cause  and  become 


MUTINY.  [charges  against  the  king. 


accessory  to  the  murder  of  forty-nine  persons, 
chiefly  women  and  children,  of  European  and  mixed 
European  descent : and  did,  moreover,  between  the 
10th  of  May  and  the  1st  of  October,  1857,  en- 
courage and  abet  divers  soldiers  and  others  in  mur- 
dering European  officers  and  other  English  subjects, 
including  women  and  children,  both  by  giving  and 
promising  such  murderers  service,  advancement, 
and  distinction ; and  further,  that  he  issued  orders 
to  different  native  rulers  having  local  authority  in 
India,  to  slay  and  murder  Christians  and  English 
people  whenever  and  wherever  found  in  their  terri- 
tories— the  whole  or  any  part  of  such  conduct  being 
a heinous  offence  under  the  provisions  of  Act  16,  of 
1857,  of  the  legislative  council  of  India. 

“Frederick  I.  Harriot,  Major, 

“ Deputy  Judge- Advocate-general,  Govt.  Prosecutor. 

“January  5th,  1858.” 

On  account  of  the  indisposition  of  the 
aged  prisoner,  the  commencement  of  this 
important  trial  was  from  time  to  time  post- 
poned, and  it  was  not  until  the  27th  of  the 
month  that  the  king  of  Delhi  was  formally 
arraigned  before  a court-martial,  composed 
of  the  following  officers  : — 

President — Colonel  Dawes,  of  the  horse 
artillery,  in  the  stead  of  Brigadier  Showers, 
originally  nominated.  Members — Major 
Palmer,  her  majesty^s  60th  rifles;  Major 
Redmond,  her  majesty^s  61st  regiment; 
Major  Sawyers,  her  majesty’s  6th  carabi- 
niers ; and  Captain  Rothiiey,  4th  Sikh 
infantry.  Deputy  Judge-Advocate-general, 
and  Government  Prosecutor — Major  Har- 
riot ; and  Interpreter  to  the  Court — Mr. 
James  Murphy. 

The  trial  was  to  have  commenced  at  11 
A.M. ; but,  owing  to  delays  caused  by  a sud- 
den change  in  the  constitution  of  the  court, 
in  consequence  of  Brigadier  Showers’  sud- 
den departure  on  an  important  command,  it 
was  half-past  twelve  o’clock  before  the 
prisoner  was  brought  before  his  judges, 
although  he  had  been  kept  waiting  in  j 
attendance  outside  the  Dewaui  Khas,  under 
a strong  guard  of  the  rifles,  from  the  hour 
first  appointed. 

At  length  the  order  w^as  given  to  bring 
in  the  prisoner;  and  to  those  assembled  in 
the  grand  audience  chamber  of  the  Moguls, 
the  appearance  of  the  old  man  as  he  tot- 
tered into  court,  supported  on  one  side  by 
his  only  remaining  son,  and  on  the  other 
by  one  of  his  attendants,  was  an  ev-ent  of 
intense  interest ; and  it  became  especially 
so  when  the  proud  antecedents  of  his  race 
were  compared  with  the  wretched  position 
of  their  miserable  descendant.  As  soon  as 
the  prisoner  had  reached  the  place  assigned 
him  between  the  president  and  the  govern- 
ment prosecutor,  he  seated  himself  on 

171 


cusliious  placed  for  his  accommodation,  hav- 
ing his  son  Jumma  Bukht  standing  on  his 
left ; the  background  being  filled  up  by 
a strong  guard  of  the  60th  rifles,  who  had 
charge  of  the  prisoner. 

The  proceedings  commenced  by  the 
! members  of  the  court,  the  prosecutor,  and 
the  interpreter  taking  the  customary  oaths. 

' The  prosecutor  then  read  the  charges 
j against  the  prisoner,  and  addressed  the 
court  iu  explanation  of  them;  concluding  by 
stating  that,  although  the  prisoner  might  be 
fully  convicted  by  the  court,  no  capital  sen- 
tence could  be  passed  upon  him,  in  conse- 
quence of  his  life  having  beeu  guaranteed 
to  him  by  General  Wilson,  in  a promise 
conveyed  to  him  by  Captain  Hodsou.  He 
then,  through  the  interpreter,  put  the 
formal  question,  “ Guilty  or  not  guilty  ?” 
but  the  prisoner  either  did  not,  or  affected 
not,  to  understand  the  meaning  of  the  iu- 
: quin,",  and  there  was  considerable  delay 

I before  he  could  be  got  to  reply.  He  at 
I length,  however,  declared  himself  profoundly 
' ignorant  of  the  nature  of  the  charges  against 
him,  or  of  the  authority  by  which  he  was 
then  questioned,  although  a translated  copy 
of  the  charges  had  been  delivered  to  him 
some  twenty  days  previous.  After  some 
further  delay,  and  a great  deal  of  persuasion 
and  explanation  through  the  interpreter, 
the  prisoner  at  last  pleaded  “Not  guilty,” 
and  the  business  of  the  court  proceeded. 

A number  of  documents  of  various  de- 
scriptions, and  of  varied  importance,  were 
theu  read  by  the  prosecutor.  These  chiefly 
consisted  of  petitions  from  all  classes  of 
natives,  addressed  to  “The  Shelter  of  the 
World  some  of  them  were  curious  ; many 
related  to  outrages  perpetrated  by  the 
sowars  and  sepoys  in  the  city  and  suburbs ; 
others  related  to  certain  delinquencies  of 
the  princes,  sons  of  the  ex-king,  who  had 
seized  the  opportunity  to  extort  money  and 
valuable  property  from  the  wealthy  inhabi- 
tauts ; a considerable  number  related  to 
I matters  connected  with  the  establishment 
of  the  “ new  reign and  all  concluded  with 
a prayer  that  it  might  endure  as  long  as  the 
world  lasted.  IMost  of  these  state  papers 
bore  the  autograph  orders  and  signature  of 
1 the  prisoner,  written  in  pencil  at  the  top ; 
and,  his  handwriting  being  sworn  to  by 
competent  witnesses,  incontrovertible  proof 
was  furnished  of  the  active  co-operation  of 
the  prisoner  iu  the  rebellious  movement. 

' During  the  greater  partof  the  day,  the  royal 
I prisoner  appeared  to  consider  the  proceed- 
I 172 


ings  as  perfectly  unimportant,  and  merely 
tiresome ; and  he  occasionally  found  relief 
from  ennui  by  dozing.  His  son  appeared 
more  animated,  and  laughed  and  chatted 
with  his  father’s  attendant  without  appear- 
ing at  all  embarrassed.  In  fact,  neither  of 
the  personages  most  interested  appeared  to 
be  at  aU  affected  by  the  position  in  which 
they  were  placed,  but,  on  the  contrary, 
seemed  to  look  upon  the  affair  as  one  of  the 
consequences  of  their  fate,  to  which  they 
could  offer  neither  resistance  or  regrets. 

Each  paper,  as  it  was  read,  was  shown  to 
the  prisoner’s  vakeel,  and  identified  by  him, 
although  the  king  himself  professed  utter 
ignorance  of  the  existence  of  such  docu- 
ments— denied  his  signature,  and  endea- 
voured, by  gestures  of  dissent,  to  impress  the 
court  with  an  idea  of  his  entire  innocence. 

On  the  second  day,  a document  was  read, 
which  purported  to  be  a remonstrance  from 
one  NubbeeBux  Khan  to  the  prisoner,  urging 
him  to  reject  the  request  of  the  army  for 
permission  to  massacre  the  Eimopean  women 
and  children  who  had  sought  shelter  iu  the 
palace.  The  writer  submitted  that  such 
massacre  would  be  contrary  to  the  Moham- 
medan religion  and  law ; and  stated  that, 
unless  fativd  (a  judicial  decree  or  sentence) 
could  be  procured,  it  should  not  be  put  iu 
execution.  This  document,  it  was  observed 
by  the  government  prosecutor,  was  the  only 
one,  of  an  immense  heap  before  him,  in 
which  the  spirit  of  mercy  and  of  kindness 
to  Europeans  coidd  be  traced ; and  it  was 
remarkable,  that  it  was  the  only  one  of  the 
mass  upon  which  the  prisoner  had  not  made 
some  comment. 

On  the  third  day,  the  proceedings  com- 
menced at  eleven  o’clock,  the  prisoner 
being  brought  into  court  in  a palanquin, 
attended  by  his  vakeel,  Gholam  Abbas,  and 
two  servants;  the  prince,  Jumma  Bukht, 
ha\dng  beeu  ordered  into  coufinemeut  for 
his  indecorous  and  disrespectful  conduct 
towards  the  court  during  the  first  day’s 
trial.  A portion  of  the  day  was  again  occu- 
pied in  reading  a mass  of  documents,  of 
w'hich  the  prisoner  took  little  notice — 
dozing,  and  apparently  regardless  of  what 
was  passing  around  him.  Occasionally,  how- 
ever, when  some  particular  passage  was 
read,  the  dull  eye  would  light  up,  and  the 
bowed  head  would  be  raised  iu  marked  at- 
tention for  a few  moments — only  to  relapse 
into  a state  of  listless  indifference. 

The  sittings  of  the  court  occupied  several 
weeks,  in  consequence  of  various  adjourn- 


1 

1 

1 

i 

DELHI TRI.VL  OF  THE  KING.]  HISTORY  OF  THE  [a.b.  1857 

A.D.  1857.]  INDIAN 

meuts  rendered  necessary  by  the  failing 
health  of  the  aged  prisoner. — On  the  tenth 
day  of  the  trial.  Sir  Theophilus  Metcalfe 
(civil  service)  gave  some  important  evidence 
relative  to  the  state  of  feeling  amongst  the 
natives  before  the  outbreak  on  the  11th  of 
May ; and  stated  that  a rumour  was  eurrent 
in  the  city,  for  six  weeks  prior  to  the  out- 
break, that  the  Cashmere  gate  would  be 
attacked  and  taken  from  the  British ; that 
this  rumour  was  communicated  to  the  civil 
authorities,  and  that  no  notice  was  taken  of 
it.  Another  witness,  Buktowur,  a peon  in 
the  service  of  the  late  Captain  Douglas, 
gave  details  of  the  occurrences  of  the  out- 
break on  the  11th  of  May,  from  the  first 
appearance  of  the  mutinous  troopers  from 
Meerut,  to  the  murder  of  Mr.  Fraser  (the 
chief  commissioner).  Captain  Douglas,  Mr. 
Hutchinson  (civil  service),  and  the  Bev.  Mr. 
Jennings  and  his  ill-fated  daughter.  From 
the  evidence  of  this  witness,  it  appeared 
that  Captain  Douglas,  Mr.  Hutchinson,  and 
Mr.  Nixon,  were  all  near  the  Calcutta  gate 
leading  to  the  bridge  of  boats,  when  four  or 
five  of  the  troopers  rode  up,  and  fired  upon 
the  little  party — killing  Mr.  Nixon,  and 
severely  wounding  Mr.  Hutchinson.  The 
Europeans,  alarmed,  jumped  down  from  the 
road  into  the  dry  ditch  surrounding  the 
palace.  Captain  Douglas  being  much  hurt 
in  his  descent.  They  then  ran  along  the 
ditch,  and  reached  the  palace  gate,  which 
they  entered,  and  closed  after  them.  Mr. 
Fraser  came  up  soon  afterwards,  and  was 
admitted  ; and  at  one  period  of  the  attack, 
he  appears  to  have  taken  a musket  from 
one  of  the  sepoys  at  the  gate,  and  shot  a 
trooper,  which  had  the  effect  of  driving  the 
others  off  for  a short  time.  At  the  sugges- 
ting of  Mr.  Jennings,  Captain  Douglas  was 
taken  up  to  his  own  apartments  over  the 
gateway ; and  soon  after  this,  a number  of 
people  from  the  interior  of  the  palace,  came 
rushing  forward,  shouting,  “ Deen  ! deeu  \” 
and  a crowd  gathering,  they  were  headed 
by  a native  officer  of  the  palace  guard,  aud, 
under  his  guidance.  Captain  Douglas  and  his 
companions  were  sought  out,  and  brutally 
murdered. 

Ou  the  eleventh  day  of  the  trial,  a peon, 
named  Chownee,  corroborated  the  evidence 
of  former  witnesses  as  to  the  deaths  of  Mr. 

! Fraser  and  Captain  Douglas;  aud  stated 
I that  the  Mohammedans  of  the  city  were  in 
I the  habit  of  boasting  that  the  Persians, 

' aided  by  the  Russians,  were  coming  to  drive 
, the  English  out  of  the  country;  and  averred 


MUTINY.  [kvidence  of  the  murders. 

that  tlie  chupatties  which  preceded  the  out- 
break, were  used  to  bring  together  large 
bodies  of  men,  for  some  business  then  to  lie 
explained  to  them,  and  that  the  distribution 
began  at  or  near  Kurnaul,  a town  about 
seventy  miles  north-west  of  Delhi.  He  also 
stated,  that  about  five  or  six  days  after  the 
city  had  been  in  the  possession  of  the  muti- 
neers, he  heard  there  was  a great  distur- 
bance in  the  palace, aud  on  going  to  ascertain 
the  cause,  found  a number  of  sepoys,  and 
some  of  the  prisoner’s  armed  servants,  kill- 
ing the  European  men,  women,  and  children. 
There  was  a great  crowd  collected,  and  he 
could  not  see  distinctly  through  it ; but 
after  the  slaughter  had  been  completed,  he 
inquired  of  the  sweepers  who  were  removing 
the  bodies,  and  heard  that,  in  all,  fifty-two 
persons  had  been  killed : of  these,  only  five 
or  six  were  males,  the  rest  being  females 
and  children.  The  bodies  were  removed  in 
carts,  and  thrown  into  the  river.  When  he 
saw  them  lying  dead,  they  had  been  col- 
lected in  a circle.  A number  of  Mohamme- 
dans were  on  the  top  of  Mirza  Mogul’s 
house — spectators  of  the  scene ; and  the 
prince  himself  was  among  them.  From  the 
11th  to  the  16th  of  May,  when  the  massacre 
took  place,  these  unfortunate  persons  were 
confined  in  a cellar  or  receptacle  for  rubbish, 
where  the  king’s  lowest  class  of  prisoners 
were  usually  kept,  and  in  which  it  would 
have  been  considered  an  insult  to  place 
respectable  persons. — On  the  twelfth  day  of 

the  examinations,  one Ram,  a person 

who  was  in  Delhi  ou  the  11th  of  May, 
but  left  a few  days  afterwards,  confirmed 
the  statement  of  the  previous  witness ; 
and  added,  that  the  prisoner  was  pro- 
claimed king  by  beat  of  drum,  and  that 
a royal  salute  was  fired  in  the  palace  at  mid- 
night of  the  11th  of  May.  He  also  gave 
further  details  of  the  massacre  of  the  Euro- 
peans within  the  palace,  of  which  event  he 
was  an  eye-witness.  He  said  that  it  was 
known  two  days  previously  that  the  Euro- 
pean prisoners  were  to  be  slaughtered  ou 
that  day,  aud  a great  crowd  had  in  conse- 
quence assembled.  The  prisoners  were  all 
ranged  in  a line  on  the  edge  of  a tank,  and, 
at  a given  signal,  the  mutineers  and  palace 
servants,  by  whom  they  were  completely 
surrounded,  rushed  in  and  hacked  them  to 
pieces  with  swords.  Shots  were  fired  at 
them  at  the  commencement ; but  one  of  the 
bullets  happening  to  strike  a sepoy,  the 
sword  was  resorted  to,  and  the  barbarous 
work  w'as  soon  over.  The  murderers  eu- 

173 


j DELHI — THE  TRIAL  CONTINUED.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


gaged  in  this  cowardly  deed  numbered  from 
150  to  200  persons.  When  the  sanguinary 
act  had  been  accomplished,  the  spectators 
were  turned  out  of  the  place,  and  the  bodies 
were  carried  away  by  sweepers.  No  one 
attempted  to  interfere  to  prevent  the  mas- 
sacre ; no  messenger  from  the  king  came 
to  stop  it : and  the  witness  said  he  heard 
nothing  which  could  lead  him  to  believe 
that  the  deed  was  not  gloried  in  by  the 
i\Iohammedans.  The  witness  further  stated 
that  he  was  present  at  the  murder  of  the 
Beresfords.  (Mr.  Beresford  was  manager 
of  the  Delhi  bank.)  This  gentleman  was 
badly  wounded  at  the  onset,  one  arm  being 
broken  by  a shot;  but  having  a sword,  and 
his  wife  being  armed  with  a spear,  they 
contrived  to  keep  the  ruffians  at  bay  for 
some  time,  Mrs.  Beresford  herself  killing 
one  and  wounding  another.  They  were  at 
length  overpowered,  and,  with  their  five 
children  (all  girls),  were  ruthlessly  mur- 
dered. The  Eev.  Mr.  Hubbard,  and  another 
missionary,  who  had  gone  to  the  bank  for 
protection,  were  also  killed  at  the  same  time. 
“ The  house,”  said  the  witness,  “ where  they 
were  all  slaughtered,  still  bears  the  marks 
of  the  struggle,  and  of  the  closing  scene  of 
horror.” 

An  important  piece  of  evidence  was  given 
on  the  thirteenth  day  of  the  trial,  by  a half- 
caste  woman,  the  wife  of  a Mr.  Alexander 
Aldwell,  formerly  in  the  civil  service  of  the 
Company;  who,  being  duly  sworn,  deposed 
as  follows ; — 

“ I am  the  wife  of  Mr.  Alexander  Aldwell,  a pen- 
sioner of  government,  and  was  residing  in  a house  in 
Durriaogunge  on  the  11th  of  May  last.  The  first 
news  of  the  mutiny  that  I received  was  from  my 
syce,  who,  between  eight  and  nine  o’clock  in  the 
morning,  brought  me  intelligence  that  the  troops  at 
Meerut  had  mutinied,  and  were  coming  from  Mee- 
rut, and  were  murdering  all  the  Europeans  they 
came  across.  He  advised  me  to  order  my  carriage, 
and  get  out  of  the  place  as  quickly  as  I could.  Soon 
after,  Mr.  Nowlan,  our  next-door  neighbour,  came  in, 
and  confirmed  the  tale.  My  husband  and  Mr. 
Nowlan  went  to  the  sepoy  guard  of  the  garrison 
hospital,  which  was  near  our  house,  and  asked  them 
if  they  would  assist  us  in  case  of  an  attack.  They 
replied,  ‘ Mind  your  own  business,  and  leave  us  to 
mind  ours.’  At  this  time  none  of  the  mutineers 
had  arrived  from  Meerut,  and  so  could  have  held  no 
communication  with  these  men.  Mr.  Nowlan  and 
my  husband,  after  consulting  together,  determined 
I to  make  a stand  in  our  house,  in  case  it  should  be 
attacked,  as  it  was  the  larger  and  more  defensible  of 
the  two.  They  proceeded  to  arm  themselves  and 
barricade  the  house.  Several  of  our  friends  and 
their  families  took  refuge  in  our  house.  We  num- 
bered, in  all,  about  thirty  souls,  as  far  as  I can 
judge.  Soon  after  this,  I saw  several  troopers  riding 

174 


[a.d.  1857. 


on  the  river  bank  under  our  house.  They  fired 
without  effect  at  some  people  who  were  on  the  roof 
of  our  house.  I saw  the  mutineers  cross  the  bridge 
from  Meerut.  I should  say  there  were  more  cavalry 
than  infantry.  After  some  time  had  elapsed,  a 
Mohammedan  dyer  of  the  town  rushed  into  our 
compound,  nearly  frantic,  with  a tulwar  drawm  in 
his  hand,  and  covered  with  blood.  He  was  repeat- 
ing the  Kulman,  or  profession  of  faith,  and  saying 
that  they  were  going  to  kill  all  the  infidels.  Mr. 
Nowlan  shot  him  dead.  About  eleven  o’clock  Mrs. 
Fowler,  a neighbour  of  ours,  was  brought  into  the 
house  very  badly  wounded  by  a sword-cut  on  the 
head.  About  3 p.  M.  I heard  the  explosion  of 
the  powder-magazine.  Before  this  our  friends  had 
made  their  escape  out  of  the  place  in  the  best  way 
they  could.  After  the  explosion,  I prevailed  upon 
my  husband  to  allow  me  to  leave  the  house  with  my 
three  children  in  Mohammedan  disguise.  We  left 
in  native  dhoolies.  We  went  to  the  house  of  a 
grandson  of  the  king’s,  called  Mirza  Abdoolah. 
His  family  had,  for  some  time  past,  been  acquainted 
with  us,  and  we  had  been  in  the  habit  of  visiting 
him.  We  remained  with  him  till  eight  o’clock  in 
the  evening,  and  then  went  to  his  mother-in-law. 
I left  what  property  I had  with  me  (about  200  rupees) 
in  his  hands,  as  he  said  he  would  take  care  of  it  for 
me,  as  it  would  be  safe  with  him.  The  next  morn- 
ing I sent  for  my  property ; I received  answer  that 
Mirza  Abdoolah  had  nothing  belonging  to  me.  He 
added,  that  I had  better  leave  his  family,  or  he 
would  send  and  have  me  and  my  children  killed  as 
infidels.  His  uncle  shortly  after  arrived,  with  armed 
attendants,  to  kill  us.  My  moonshee’s  mother,  who 
was  with  us,  upbraided  him  with  such  cruelty.  She 
said,  ‘If  you  wish  to  kill  any  one,  kill  me  first.  I 
am  a Syudanee,  and  by  killing  me  you  will  perform 
a meritorious  action.’  She  alluded  to  the  fact  of  the 
feud  between  the  Syuds  and  Sunnees.  The  king’s 
family  are  Sunnees.  They  replied,  ‘ If  we  did  so  we 
should  be  no  better  than  infidels.’  At  length,  after 
some  altercation,  we  were  allowed  to  live  till  the 
evening.  My  tailor  came  to  me,  and  advised  me  to 
take  shelter  in  Nawab  Mahommed  Alli’s  house, 
where  there  were  sorne  more  Europeans,  as  he  had 
heard.  We,  however,  went  to  my  tailor’s  own  house. 
Hearing,  the  next  day,  that  there  were  several  Euro- 
peans in  the  palace,  whom  the  king  kept  in  confine- 
ment, but  with  the  promise  of  their  lives  being  safe, 
I determined  to  go  and  join  them.  Accordingly,  in 
the  evening  (this  was  Wednesday,  May  14th),  my 
tailor,  and  a trooper  of  the  3rd  cavalry,  who  owed  him 
some  obligation,  escorted  us  thither.  As  soon  as  we 
arrived  at  the  Lahore  gate  we  were  stopped,  searched, 
and  made  prisoners  of.  We  were  taken  before 
Mirza  Mogul.  He  ordered  us  into  confinement  with 
the  rest  of  the  prisoners.  We  were  about  fifty,  in 
one  dark  filthy  room ; there  were  no  windows,  and 
only  one  door.  The  sepoys  and  crowd  had  free 
access  there.  They  used  to  insult  the  Europeans. 
We  were  obliged  to  shut  the  door  in  self-defence, 
and  then  we  had  no  aperture  for  light  or  air.  The 
Khassburdars  wished  to  kill  us  at  once,  but  the 
sepoys  would  not  let  them.  On  Thursday  morning, 
a sepoy  informed  us  that  they  meant  to  mine  the 
place  and  blow  us  up.  They  used  often  to  frighten 
us  by  such  stories.  On  Friday,  a servant  of  the 
king’s  asked  one  of  the  ladies  how  the  English 
would  treat  them  if  they  regained  Delhi.  She  re- 
plied, ‘As  you  have  treated  my  husband  and  chil- 
dren.’ On  Saturday  morning,  all  except  myself  and 


A.D.  1857.] 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


[the  king’s  secretary. 


children  and  an  old  Mussulman,  who  was  imprisoned 
with  us,  were  taken  out  and  murdered.  I and  my 
children  were  believed  to  be  natives.  Before  I came 
into  the  palace,  I had  learned  and  taught  my  chil- 
dren to  repeat  the  Mohammedan  profession  of  faith. 
I had  also  had  a petition  written  in  Hindostani, 
addressed  to  the  king,  styling  myself  a Cashmeree, 
and  asking  for  his  protection.  This  was  taken  from 
me  by  the  guard  at  the  Lahore  gate,  and  hence  my 
disguise  succeeded  completely.  The  Mussulmans 
used  to  eat  with  us  ; and  our  food  was  given  us 
separately  from  the  Christians.  The  prisoners  were 
taken  out  by  the  Khassburdars;  they  ordered  the 
Christians  out,  and  said  to  us,  ‘ You  Mussulmans  are 
to  remain  apart.’  Upon  this,  the  other  ladies  and 
children  began  crying,  saying  they  were  going  to  be 
killed.  They  were,  however,  reassured  by  the  men, 
who  swore  their  most  sacred  oaths  that  the  king 
merely  wished  to  put  them  in  a better  residence. 
They  were  taken  out,  and  a rope  put  round  the 
whole  of  them.  They  w'ere  taken  to  the  tank  in  the 
court,  and  murdered  there.  The  Khassburdars  alone 
took  part  in  the  murder.  They  boasted  of  it  as  a 
privilege.  It  is  reckoned  by  Mussulmans  that  to  kill 
an  infidel  is  to  insure  themselves  a place  in  paradise. 
After  the  massacre,  two  guns  were  fired  in  token  of 
' rejoicing.  After  the  Europeans  had  been  murdered, 

I w'e  were  taken  before  the  king’s  mufti  (or  lawyer), 
who  told  us  we  were  free.  AVe  went  to  my  tailor’s 
house.  The  thanadar  of  the  quarter,  however, 
having  suspicions  of  us,  took  us  prisoners  the 
next  day,  and  took  us  before  Mirza  Mogul,  saying 
we  were  Christians.  Mirza  Mogul  ordered  us  to  be 
executed.  However,  the  38th  sepoys  would  not 
allow  this,  and  hid  us  in  Captain  Douglas’s  quarters. 
We  escaped  from  this  the  day  after  the  defeat  at  the 
Hindun  river.  We  hid  ourselves  in  the  city,  and 
passed  as  natives.  After  the  defeat  at  the  Hindun, 
the  Hindoos  upbraided  the  Mussulmans  with  want 
of  courage,  and  with  having  deceived  them  by  false 
hopes.  The  sepoys  were  all  desponding  and  down- 
hearted. The  Hindoos  said,  that  if  they  thought 
their  lives  would  be  spared,  they  would  return  to  the 
British.  They  expressed  doubts  as  to  whether  gov- 
ernment had  really  intended  to  interfere  with  their 
caste.  The  Mussulmans  were  most  bitter  against 
the  infidel  English.  I heard  Mohammedan  women 
teaching  their  children  to  pray  for  the  destruction  of 
the  English,  and  to  execute  them.  As  soon  as  the 
troops  arrived  in  the  palace,  the  Hindoos  induced 
the  king  to  give  an  order  that  no  cows  or  bullocks 
were  to  be  killed  in  the  city.  I believe  this  order 
was  strictly  observed.  There  was  a disturbance  ex- 
pected during  the  Buckra  Eed,  when  the  Mussul- 
mans usually  kill  an  ox.  They  avoided  the  difficulty 
by  omitting  the  ceremony.  I made  my  escape  from 
the  city  on  the  9th  of  September,  and  remained  in 
disguise  till  the  British  retook  the  place,  when  I 
returned.” 

The  husband  of  Mrs.  Aldwell  managed, 
by  some  means  or  other,  to  escape  the  mas- 
sacre of  the  Europeans  in  the  city,  and  re- 
mained for  some  months  ignorant  of  the 
fate  of  his  wife  and  children.  He,  however, 
ultimately  rejoined  them  at  Delhi,  on  its 
reoccupation  by  the  British. 

The  most  conclusive  evidence  against  the 
prisoner,  in  reference  to  his  alleged  com- 


plicity in  the  rebellion,  was  produced  by 
jMukboon  Lall,  the  private  secretary  of  the 
ex-king.  Upon  the  first  appearance  of  this 
individual  before  the  court,  he  exhibited  a 
degree  of  insolent  assurance  that  drew  from 
the  judge-advocate  a sharp  rebuke  and  ad- 
monition. The  prisoner,  on  his  part,  took  no 
notice  of,  and  appeared  perfectly  indifferent 
to,  the  presence  or  the  behaviour  of  his  se- 
cretary ; and  only  once  in  the  course  of  the 
evidence  of  that  functionary,  did  he  exhibit 
the  slightest  token  of  recognition.  Muk- 
hoou  Lall,  a short  and  stout  Hindoo,  after 
a slight  interval  allowed  him  to  recover  his 
equanimity,  which  had  been  seriously  dis- 
turbed by  the  caution  he  received,  took  his 
station  in  the  place  allotted  to  the  witnesses, 
and  in  a very  humble  attitude,  and  with 
clasped  hands,  proceeded  to  give  his  evi- 
dence. He  declared  that,  for  more  than  two 
years  previous  to  the  outbreak  at  Meerut, 
the  prisoner  had  been  disaffected  towards 
the  British  government — a circumstance  he 
ascribed  partly  to  the  discontinuance  of  the 
pomp  and  ceremony  to  which  the  inmates 
of  the  palace  had  been  accustomed,  and 
partly  to  the  refusal  of  the  government  to 
recognise  whoever  the  prisoner  pleased  to 
nominate  as  heir-apparent  to  the  throne. 
The  arrival  of  some  of  the  royal  family  from 
Lucknow,  about  the  time  referred  to,  he 
stated  was  closely  connected  with  the  pri- 
soner’s correspondence  with  Persia.  The 
growing  disaffection  of  the  native  army 
had  been  the  common  subject  of  conversa- 
tion in  the  private  apartments  of  the  prisoner 
for  some  months  previous  to  the  outbreak  ; 
and  preparations  for  that  event  had  been 
arranged  by  the  native  officers  sent  from 
Delhi,  to  form  part  of  the  court-martial 
upon  the  mutineers  of  the  3rd  cavalry.  The 
witness  also  stated,  that  the  guards  of  the 
palace,  changed  weekly  from  the  three  regi- 
ments in  cantonments  at  Delhi,  were,  to  a 
man,  adherents  of  the  king.  The  secretary 
then  described  the  incidents  of  the  outbreak 
as  connected  with  the  personal  acts  of  the 
prisoner ; and,  with  regard  to  the  subsequent 
massacre  of  European  prisoners,  said,  that 
when  the  mutineers  became  clamorous  for 
the  slaughter,  Mirza  Mogul,  eldest  sou  of 
the  prisoner,  with  another  of  the  princes, 
went  to  obtain  the  consent  of  the  king,  who 
was  in  his  private  apartments ; and  were  ad- 
mitted to  an  audience,  the  mutineers  re- 
maining outside.  After  the  lapse  of  about 
twenty  minutes  the  two  princes  returned; 
and  Mirza  Mogul  announced,  with  exulta- 

^7^ 


DELHI — REBEL  PROCLAMATION.]  HISTORY  OF  THE  [a.D.  1857. 


tion,  that  the  prisoner  had  given  his  con- 
sent : the  slaughter  accordingly  commenced, 
the  princes  looking  on  from  a terrace  imme- 
diately above  the  scene  of  the  outrage,  and 
encouraging  the  murderers  by  their  ges- 
ticulations and  laughter ! 

On  the  following  day  (the  fifteenth  of  the 
trial),  Mukhoon  Lall  was  further  examined ; 
and  stated,  that  the  then  late  prime  minister, 
Maibhood  Ali  Khan,  was  the  only  person 
he  knew  of  in  the  prisoner’s  entire  confi- 
dence, and  that  he  himself  was  not  admitted 
to  the  secret  conferences  of  his  master. 
That  at  such  private  conferences,  Maibhood 
Ali,  Hussun  Uskeree,  the  begum  Zenat 
Mahal,  and  generally  two  of  the  prisoner’s 
daughters,  were  present,  and  that  by  their 
counsel  he  was  guided.  In  the  course  of 
the  proceedings,  the  following  proclamation 
• — issued  b}’^  Khan  Bahadoor  Khan,  nawab  of 
Bareilly,  to  the  Hindoo  chiefs,  and  published 
] in  Delhi — was  produced  as  an  exposition 
i of  the  terms  upon  which  Mussulmans  and 
! Hindoos  were  to  merge  their  own  differ- 
ences, and  co-operate  for  the  overthrow  of 
British  rule. 

“ Greeting  to  the  virtuous,  illustrious,  generous, 
and  brave  rajahs,  preservers  of  their  own  faith,  and 
props  of  the  religion  of  others ! — We  wish  you  every 
prosperity,  and  take  the  present  opportunity  to  ap- 
prise you  all  that  God  created  us  to  preserve  our 
faith ; and  our  religious  books  fully  inform  us  what 
our  faith  is.  We  are  all  determined  to  preserve 
that  faith.  Oh ! ye  rajahs,  God  has  created  you, 
and  given  you  dominions,  that  you  should  all  pre- 
serve your  faith,  and  extirpate  the  destroyers  of 
your  religion.  Those  that  are  sufficiently  strong, 
should  openly  exert  their  strength  to  destroy  the 
enemies  of  their  religion ; but  those  that  are  not 
sufficiently  strong,  should  devise  plans  for  causing 
the  death  of  those  enemies,  and  thus  preserve  their 
religion.  The  Shastras  inculcate  that  it  is  the  duty 
of  a man  to  die  for  his  religion,  and  not  to  embrace 
the  religion  of  an  alien.  God  has  said  it;  and  it  is 
a notorious  fact,  that  the  English  are  the  destroyers 
of  the  creeds  of  other  nations.  Let  this  fact  be 
thoroughly  impressed  upon  your  minds — that,  for 
years  past,  with  a view  to  destroy  the  religion  of 
natives  of  India,  the  English  have  compiled  books, 
and  have  disseminated  them,  through  missionaries, 
throughout  Hindustan.  They  have,  from  time  to 
time,  forcibly  dispossessed  us  of  our  religious  books. 
Their  own  accredited  servants  have  divulged  this  to 
us.  Now,  you  should  all  devote  your  attention 
towards  the  plans  which  the  English  have  been 
forming  for  destroying  the  religion  of  the  natives  of 
India.  Firstly,  they  have  promulgated  a law  that  a 
Hindoo  widow  must  re-marry.  Secondly,  they  have 
forcibly  suspended  the  rites  of  suttee  (burning  of 
widows  with  the  dead  bodies  of  their  husbands  on 
the  funeral  pyre),  and  passed  laws  prohibiting  those 
rites.  Thirdly,  they  have  often  pressed  us  to  em- 
brace their  religion,  on  promises  of  future  advance- 
ment under  their  government;  and  they  have  often 

176 


requested  us  to  attend  their  churches,  and  listen  to 
their  doctrines.  They  have  made  it  a standing  rule, 
that  when  a rajah  dies  without  leaving  any  male 
issue  by  his  married  wife,  to  confiscate  his  territory, 
and  they  do  not  allow  his  adopted  son  to  inherit  it, 
although  we  learn  from  the  Shastras  that  there  are 
ten  kinds  of  sons  entitled  to  share  in  the  property  of 
a deceased  Hindoo.  Hence  it  is  obvious  that  such 
laws  of  the  English  are  intended  to  deprive  the 
native  rajahs  of  their  territory  and  property.  They 
have  already  seized  the  territories  of  Nagpore  and 
Lucknow.  Their  designs  for  destroying  your  reli- 
gion, O rajahs ! are  manifest  from  their  having 
had  recourse  to  compulsive  measures  to  force  the 
prisoners  to  mess  together.  Many  prisoners  re- 
fused to  mess  together,  and  were  consequently 
starved  to  death;  and  many  ate  bread  together, 
and,  of  course,  forfeited  their  religion.  When  the 
English  saw  that  even  such  measures  were  ineffec- 
tual to  convert  the  Hindoos,  they  caused  bones  to 
be  ground  with  flour  and  sugar-,  and  mixed  particles 
of  dried  flesh  and  bone-dust  with  rice,  and  caused 
the  same  to  be  sold  in  the  shops.  In  a word,  they 
devised  every  plan  they  could  for  destroying  your 
religion.  Eventually,  a Bengalee  told  the  English 
that  if  the  native  army  would  use  the  profane 
things,  then  the  inhabitants  of  Bengal  would  make 
no  scruple  to  accept  the  same.  The  English  liked 
this  proposal,  little  knowing  that,  in  enforcing  it, 
they  would  themselves  be  rooted  out  of  the  country. 
The  English  told  the  Brahmins,  and  other  Hindoos 
serving  in  their  army,  to  bite  suet-greased  car- 
tridges. When  the  Mussulmans  serving  in  the 
army  saw  that  the  English  were  plotting  to  under- 
mine the  religion  of  the  Brahmins,  they  also  refused 
to  bite  the  greased  cartridges.  But  the  English 
were  bent  on  destroying  the  Hindoo  religion.  The 
native  soldiers  of  those  regiments  which  refused  to 
bite  the  cartridges,  were  blown  away  from  guns. 
This  injustice  opened  the  eyes  of  the  sepoys,  and 
they  began  to  kill  the  English  wherever  they  found 
them.  A small  number  of  English  is  still  left  in 
India,  and  measures  have  been  adopted  to  kill  them 
also.  Be  it  known  to  all  you  rajahs,  that  if  these 
English  are  permitted  to  remain  in  India,  they  will  i 
butcher  you  all,  and  put  an  end  to  your  religion,  j 
It  is  surprising  that  a number  of  our  countrymen 
are  still  siding  with  the  English,  and  fighting  for  '■ 
them ; but  let  it  be  well  impressed  upon  your  minds 
that  the  English  will  neither  allow  your  religion  to 
remain  safe,  nor  will  they  permit  those  countrymen  i 
of  ours  that  are  assisting  them  to  keep  their  religion 
unmolested. 

“ We  would  now  ask  you,  O rajahs ! have  you 
found  out  any  means  for  preserving  your  religion 
and  lives  ? If  you  ail  be  of  the  same  mind  with  us, 
then  we  can  easily  root  out  the  English  from  this 
country,  and  maintain  our  national  independence 
and  our  religion. 

“ As  all  the  Hindoos  and  Mohammedans  of  India  ' 
have  found  out  that  the  destruction  of  the  English-  ^ 
men  is  the  only  way  by  which  we  can  save  our  lives 
and.  religion,  we  have  printed  this  proclamation.  , 
We  conjure  you,  O rajahs!  by  the  holy  water  of  the 
Ganges,  by  the  sacred  plant  of  Toolsee,  and  by  the 
sacred  image  of  Shalugram — and  we  conjure  you, 

O Mussulmans ! by  the  Almighty  God,  and  by  the 
sacred  Koran,  to  attend  to  us.  These  Englishmen 
are  enemies  of  the  Hindoos  as  well  as  of  the  Mus- 
sulmans. It  is  a duty  now  incumbent  upon  both 
nations  (Hindoos  and  Mussulmans)  to  kill  all  the 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


A.D.  1857.] 


[intrigues  with  PERSIA. 


Englishmen  in  India.  Both  nations  should  there- 
fore combine  together  and  destroy  the  Englishmen. 

“ Among  the  Hindoos,  the  slaughter  of  kine  is 
looked  upon  as  a horrible  sin.  The  Mussulman 
chieftains  have  all  agreed,  that  should  the  Hindoos 
join  them  in  killing  the  Englishmen  in  India,  they 
(the  Mussulmans)  will  cease  to  slaughter  cows. 
The  Mussulmans  have  made  solemn  promises  by  the 
sacred  Koran,  to  abstain  from  eating  flesh  of  cows. 
Should  the  Hindoos  join  them,  the  Mussulmans 
will  look  upon  the  flesh  of  cows  with  the  same 
horror  which  they  feel  at  seeing  pork.  If  the  Hin- 
doos do  not  attend  to  this  solemn  appeal,  and  do 
not  kill  the  English — nay,  if  they  shelter  them  even 
— they  will  be  considered  guilty  of  slaughtering 
cows  and  eating  beef. 

“ Should  the  English,  with  a view  to  neutralise 
our  proposal,  make  a similar  agreement,  and  urge 
the  Hindoos  to  rise  against  the  Mussulmans,  let  the 
wise  Hindoos  consider,  that  if  the  English  do  so,  the 
Hindoos  will  be  sadly  deceived.  The  Englishmen 
never  keep  their  promises.  They  are  deceitful  im- 
postors. The  natives  of  this  country  have  always 
been  tools  in  the  hands  of  these  deceitful  English- 
men. None  of  you  should  permit  this  golden  op- 
portunity to  slip  away.  Let  us  take  advantage  of 
it.  Our  epistolatory  intercourse,  though  not  so 
charming  as  personal  interview,  is  still  calculated  to 
revive  remembrance  of  each  other.  We  trust  you 
will  concur  with  us  and  favour  us  with  a reply  to 
this  appeal,  which  is  made  with  the  full  consent  of 
both  Hindoos  and  Mussulmans  of  this  place. 

“ Published  by  Moulvie  Seyed  Kootub,*  Shah 
Bahadoor — Press,  Bareilly. f 

“ True  translation. 

(Signed)  “ J.  C.  Wilson, 

“ Commissioner  on  Special  Duty.” 

During  the  trial  the  king  displayed  a 
singular  line  of  conduct,  not  at  all  in  keeping 
with  the  serious  position  he  occupied.  Oc- 
casionally, while  the  evidence  was  pro- 
gressing, he  would  coil  himself  up  in  his 
shawls,  and,  reclining  upon  the  cushions 
placed  for  his  convenience,  would  appear 
perfectly  indifferent  to  the  proceedings 
around  him ; at  other  times  he  would  sud- 
denly rouse  up,  as  if  from  a dream,  and 
loudly  deny  some  statement  of  a witness 


under  examination;  then  again  relapsing 
into  a state  of  real  or  assumed  insensibility, 
he  would  carelessly  ask  a question,  or  laugh-  | 
ingly  offer  an  explanation  of  some  phrase  | 
used  in  evidence.  Upon  one  occasion,  he  j 
affected  such  utter  ignorance  of  a question 
before  the  court,  in  reference  to  his  alleged 
intrigues  with  Persia,  as  to  inquire,  “ Whe- 
ther the  Persians  and  the  Russians  were  the 
same  people !”  He  several  times  declared 
himself  perfectly  innocent  of  everything  he 
was  charged  witli,  and  varied  the  weari- 
someness of  his  constrained  attendance,  by 
amusing  himself  with  a scarf,  which  he 
would  twist  and  untwist  round  his  head 
like  a playful  child. 

The  following  facts  were  ultimately  estab- 
lished by  these  proceedings  : — First,  that  the 
intended  revolt  was  known  to,  and  encou- 
raged  by,  the  Shah  of  Persia,  who,  at  the 
request  of  the  king,  promised  money  and 
troops  to  ensure  its  success ; his  proclama- 
tion to  that  effect  being  posted  upon  the  i 
gate  of  the  Jumma  Musjid,  from  whence  it 
was  taken  down  by  order  of  Sir  Theophilus 
Metcalfe,  who  himself  was  informed  by  a 
Christian  rissaldar  very  popular  with  the 
natives,  that  he  had  been  warned  to  fly,  as  1 
the  Persians  were  coming,  and  the  Mussul- 
mans were  exceedingly  excited.  Unfortu- 
nately, Sir  Theophilus  considered  the  in- 
formation from  such  a quarter  of  no  im- 
portance. Secondly,  it  was  proved  that  a 
paper  was  addressed  to,  and  received  by,  the 
late  Mr.  Colvin  (lieutenant-governor  of  the 
North-West  Provinces),  by  Mahomed  Der- 
vish, revealing  the  whole  plot  six  weeks 
before  the  rebellion  actually  broke  out;  and 
that  this  warning  also  was  considered  so 
unimportant,  that  it  was  neither  acted  upon 
by  the  party  to  whom  it  was  given,  or  re- 
ported by  him  for  the  consideration  of  the 


* This  man  was  Persian  teacher  in  the  govern- 
ment college  at  Bareilly. 

t The  letters  and  proclamations  that  have  from 
time  to  time  been,  addressed  to  the  populations  of 
India  by  the  rebel  leaders,  do  not  so  much  illustrate 
the  causes  of  the  mutiny,  as  the  motives  and  feel- 
ings that  may  be  supposed  to  prevail  among  the 
natives  of  both  races.  The  few  specimens  that  have 
been  published,  it  will  be  observed,  dwell  almost 
exclusively  on  the  proselytising  tendencies  of  the 
English,  and  on  the  hopelessness  of  their  efforts. 
The  assertion,  that  only  a few  Englishmen  remain 
in  India,  is  always  repeated  with  increased  earnest- 
ness; and  the  charge  of  interference  with  the  native 
religion,  is  carefully  elaborated  from  a few  well- 
known  measures  of  the  government,  mingled  with  a 
chaos  of  impudent  fictions  ; but  it  is  remarkable  that 
not  a single  instance  of  civil  maladministration  is 
brought  forward,  although  repeated  instances  of 
VOL.  II.  2 A 


disregard  of  the  rite  of  adoption  by  the  Indian  gov- 
ernment, might  have  been  adduced  as  involving 
secular  oppression,  as  well  as  religious  innovation. 
But  the  suspicion  of  this  possible  wrong  was  not 
sufficiently  strong  to  outweigh  considerations  of  pru- 
dence and  loyalty  among  the  masses  of  the  Hindoo 
population.  In  the  foregoing  address  of  Khan  Ba- 
hadoor Khan,  the  author,  a chieftain  of  Mussulman 
race,  affects  the  deepest  solicitude  for  the  safety  of  the 
Hindoo  religion-  A member  of  the  sect  which  has 
deluged  India  with  blood  for  the  promotion  of  Mono- 
theism, Khan  Bahadoor  Khan  affects  to  be  an  en- 
thusiast for  the  365,000  deities  of  Hindooism ; and 
forgetting  the  proselytising  doctrines  of  the  Koran, 
he  quotes  from  the  Shastras  a declaration,  that  no 
man  is  at  liberty  to  adopt  the  creed  of  an  alien  ! 
The  nawab  was  probably  aware  that  the  persons  he 
addressed  might  doubt  his  sincerity,  but  he  never- 
theless furnished  them  with  an  excuse  for  disloyalty. 


THE  ANDAMANS.  HISTORY  OF  THE 


supreme  government : and,  Thirdly,  that  tlie 
j murders  of  the  Europeans  in  Delhi  M-ere 
committed  by  order  of  the  king,  in  the 
' presence  of  his  sons  and  other  persons 
I conneeted  with  the  royal  family,  and  by 
means  of  the  Khassburdars,  his  speeial  body- 
guard. 

Of  the  assumption  of  independent  sove- 
! reignty  in  defiance  of  existing  treaties,  and 
i the  levying  of  war  against  the  British  govern- 
I ment  in  India,  there  eould  be  no  question ; 
and  the  prisoner  was  found  guilty  upon  each 
of  the  four  charges  alleged  against  him, 

; whereby  he  became  liable  to  the  penalty  of 
death  as  a traitor  and  felon ; but  in  conse- 
quence of  the  assurance  given  to  him  on 
surrendering  himself  prisoner  to  Captain 
^ Hodson  at  the  college  of  Durgah  Nizam- 
oo-Deen,  on  the  21st  of  September,  1857, 

; the  court  sentenced  him  to  be  transported 
for  the  remainder  of  his  days,  either  to  one 


[a.d.  1857. 

of  the  Andaman  Islands,*  or  to  such  other 
place  as  might  be  selected  by  the  governor- 
general  in  council. 

A consideral)le  delay  occurred  in  carrying 
the  sentence  of  the  court  into  effect;  and,  in 
the  meantime,  the  deposed  king,  with  the 
females  of  his  family  and  some  native  at- 
tendants, remained  in  close  confinement 
within  the  precincts  of  the  palace  at  Delhi. 
Sheltered  by  its  privacy  from  the  odium 
that  ever  accompanied  the  mention  of  his 
name,  Mahomed  Suraj-oo-Deen  might 
here  probably  have  lingered  until  his  exis- 
tence and  his  crimes  had  been  alike  forgot- 
ten, but  for  the  injudicious  conduct  of  per- 
sons whose  political  importance  at  the  time 
was  sought  to  be  established  upon  an 
avowed  opposition  to  the  opinion  univer- 
sally expressed  in  relation  to  the  atrocities 
perpetrated  by  the  adherents  of  the  fallen 
monarch.  Among  such  persons  was  the 


i * The  Andamans  are  a group  of  densely-wooded 
' islands  in  the  Bay  of  Bengal,  between  10°  and  13° 

I N.  lat.,  and  nearly  under  93°  E.  long.,  about  180 
; miles  south-west  of  Cape  Negrais,  and  as  much  north 
1 of  the  Nicobar  Isles.  The  Great  and  Little  Anda- 
] mans  are  separated  by  a channel  known  as  Duncan’s 
j Passage;  and  the  area  of  the  two  is  estimated  at  about 
3,000  square  miles.  The  native  population  is  believed 
to  be  exceedingly  scanty,  and  in  the  lowest  state  of 
ferocious  barbarism.  The  interior  of  these  islands 
has  never  yet  been  penetrated  by  Europeans ; and 
although  a British  settlement  was  attempted  at  Port 
Cornwallis,  in  the  north-east  of  the  larger  island,  in 
1793,  the  untamable  ferocity  of  the  natives  was  such, 

I as  to  render  its  abandonment  a measure  of  prudence, 

[ within  three  years  from  ;that  time  ; most  of  the  set- 
; tiers  having  been  killed  and  eaten  by  the  people  of 
the  place.  The  islands  then  remained  unnoticed 
j by  the  British  until  after  the  outbreak  of  the  sepoy 
I rebellion,  when  it  became  necessary  to  provide  a 
j secure  place  of  .transportation  for  the  swarms  of 
defeated  rebels  that  remained,  after  the  sword  and 
j the  halter  had  become  satiated  with  prey ; and  the 
isolated  condition  of  the  Andamans  at  once  suggested 
their  appropriation  to  the  uses  of  a penal  settlement 
I for  British  India.  A sufficient  force  of  military  police 
I was  accordingly  dispatched  to  the  Great  Andaman, 

I under  the  superintendence  of  Dr.  Walker,  of  the 
! Bengal  service ; and  thither,  from  time  to  time,  the 
] ruffians  of  the  late  Bengal  army,  whose  lives  were 
j spared  by  the  clemency  of  the  courts-martial,  were 
transported,  to  take  their  chance  for  existence 
among  the  aborigines,  by  whom  they  were  scarcely 
surpassed  in  cruelty  and  cunning.  A number  of 
the  first  batch  of  military  convicts  were  at  once  set 
to  work  to  clear  the  land  adjacent  to  the  proposed 
j settlement;  while  others  were  compelled  to  labour 
1 in  the  erection  of  suitable  buildings  for  the  estab- 
i lishment.  The  following  extract  from  the  letter  of 
; an  officer  belonging  to  her  majesty’s  ship  Hoebuck, 
i affords  some  interesting  intelligence  regarding  the 
place  : — “ Our  cruise  to  the  Andamans  would  have 
been  pleasant  had  we  had  other  than  ship  provisions 
in  the  mess.  We  called  at  Port  Blair  (our  head- 
quarters), and  found  two  of  the  Company’s  ships  there, 


with  Dr.  Walker,  superintendent  of  the  penal  settle- 
ment, and  other  officers  on  board;  and  then  went  on 
our  cruise  to  the  south  of  Rutland  Island,  and  as  far  as 
12°  30'  N.,  keeping  the  land  in  sight  all  day  (some- 
times within  a mile  of  it)  to  look  for  Malay  vessels, 
which  resort  there  for  birds’-nests  and  sea-slugs,  but 
we  were  unsuccessful ; in  fact,  nothing  was  to  be 
seen  but  a few  native  huts,  and  canoes  hauled  up  on 
the  beach.  Only  once  did  we  see  anything  of  the 
savages,  who  were  bathing  or  fishing  under  the  trees. 
There  are  four  Andaman  Islands — Northern,  Southern, 
Middle,  and  the  Great  Andaman;  but  these  have 
several  smaller  islands  attached  to  them ; and  they  are 
covered  so  densely  with  trees,  that  nothing  is  seen 
of  the  interiors.  Port  Blair  was  the  only  part  where 
we  could  venture  on  shore,  and  then  only  with  our 
revolvers,  in  case  of  meeting  some  natives.  The  Com- 
pany’s ships  have  lost  several  men,  besides  an  officer 
of  the  Pluto ; and  when  the  Sesostns  sent  a water- 
ing party  on  shore  the  other  day,  they  were  suddenly 
attacked  by  natives  with  bows  and  arrows — the  latter 
pointed  with  hard  wood,  and  found  to  penetrate  a 
boat’s  side.  Several  arrows  were  discharged,  and  one 
went  through  a man’s  thigh,  which  made  our  party 
run  for  it  (not  being  armed),  and  return  to  the  ship 
for  muskets.  When  they  got  back  to  the  watering 
place,  they  found  that  the  savages  had  decamped, 
taking  with  them  the  hoops  off  the  casks.  Little  is 
known  about  these  natives.  It  is  believed  that  they 
live  upon  fish ; some  live  up  the  trees.  The  only 
kind  of  flesh  to  be  had  is  that  of  the  wild  pig,  which 
they  shoot.  This  information  was  obtained  by 
sepoys,  in  the  following  way.  I believe  Dr.  Walker 
sent  several  of  them  away  into  the  interior,  with 
muskets  and  ammunition,  to  explore  the  country; 
but  very  few  of  them  came  back,  for  they  were 
nearly  all  killed  by  the  savages.  Before  that,  how- 
ever, a great  number  of  the  sepoys  deserted ; and 
those  that  returned,  eighty  in  number,  were  hanged 
on  the  trees  in  Chatham  Island.  There  are  two 
small  islands  at  Port  Blair — Ross  Island  at  the 
entrance,  and  Chatham  in  the  middle  of  the  harbour; 
both  of  these  are  bearing  the  tents  of  about  800 
mutineers  of  the  highest  rank  ; and  as  soon  as  the 
rebels  are  caught  up-country  in  India,  they  are 


178 


; A.o.  1858.] 

cx-member  of  parliament  for  Aylesbury, 

; whose  efforts  to  re-create  political  capital, had 
] induced  him  to  wander  from  the  harmless 
paths  of  antiquarian  research,  to  thread  the 
j intricate  labyrinths  of  Anglo-Indian  policy, 
Muth  a view  to  enlighten  the  British  public 
upon  the  subject  of  its  Eastern  empire,  its 
' sacrifices,  and  its  wrongs.  This  gentleman, 
i in  the  course  of  his  travels,  reached  Delhi, 
and,  it  would  seem,  was  permitted  to  have  an 
interview  witli  the  royal  prisoner;  and  some 
details  of  that  interview  were,  on  the  11th 
of  hlay,  1858,  communicated  to  a large  and 
: influential  auditory  at  the  St.  James’s  Hall, 

I London  (amongst  which  were  several  mem- 
bers of  the  British  House  of  Commons),  in 
the  following  words  : — 

[ “ Alany  persons  regret  that  the  king  of 

! Delhi  had  not  fallen  in  just  punishment  for 
his  offence.  I saw  the  king  of  Delhi ; and 
I will  leave  the  meeting  to  judge,  when  it 
has  heard  me,  whether  he  is  punished  ! I 
will  not  give  any  opinion  as  to  whether  the 
manner  in  which  we  are  treating  him  is 
worthy  of  a great  nation.  I saw  that 
broken-down  old  man — not  in  a room,  but  in 
a miserable  hole  of  his  palace — Ijdug  on  a 
bedstead,  with  nothing  to  cover  him  but  a 
miserable  tattered  coverlet.  As  I beheld 
him,  some  remembrance  of  his  former 
greatness  seemed  to  arise  in  his  mind.  He 
rose  with  difficulty  from  his  couch;  showed 
me  his  arms,  which  were  eaten  into  by 
disease  and  by  flies — partly  from  want  of 
water;  and  he  said,  in  a lamentable  voice, 
that  he  had  not  enough  to  eat ! Is  that 
a way  in  which,  as  Christians,  we  ought  to 
treat  a king?  I saw  his  women  too,  all 
huddled  up  in  a corner  with  their  children  ; 
and  I was  told  that  all  that  was  allowed  for 
their  support  was  16s.  a-day  ! Is  not  that 
punishment  enough  for  one  that  has  occu- 
pied a throne  ?” 

That  such  a statement,  from  such  an  au- 
thority, should  excite  a large  amount  of 
sympathy,  was  naturally  to  be  expected;  and, 
for  a time,  many  persons  imagined  that  the 
treatment  of  the  octogenarian  prisoner  of 
Delhi  was  marked  by  cruelty  alike  uncalled- 
for  and  unjustifiable  : but  it  was  not  long 
ere  the  echoes  of  those  deprecatory  sen- 
tences, spoken  beneath  the  vaulted  roof  of 
St.  James’s  Hall,  in  the  British  metropolis, 
were  heard  throughout  India ; nor  were 

packed  off  to  their  new  home  in  the  Andamans, 
j where  they  have  to  cultivate  the  ground,  first 
j burning  or  cutting  down  the  jungle.  On  Ross 
Island,  while  we  were  there,  they  were  building  an 


['I'KE.Vl'MENT  OF  THE  KING. 

they  long  without  a distinct  and  circum- 
stantial contradiction.  A gentleman,  to 
w'hose  medical  supervision,  as  officiating  civil 
surgeon  at  Delhi,  the  personal  health  of  the 
prisoner  and  his  family  had  been  confided 
by  the  authorities,  no  sooner  met  with  the 
charge  as  reported  in  the  English  news- 
papers, than,  in  a tone  at  onee  decisive  and 
temperate,  he  forwarded  to  England  a refu- 
tation of  the  calumny,  and  left  the  question 
of  its  author’s  veracity  to  be  decided  at 
leisure.  This  gentleman,  writing  from 
Delhi,  June  25th,  1858,  after  quoting  the 
offensive  allegations,  expressed  himself  as 
follows : — 

“ I hope  that  the  report  is  incorrect,  as 
the  words  as  they  stand  are  likely  to  mislead. 
For  a man  of  his  years,  the  ex-king  of 
Delhi  is  particularly  active  and  intelligent ; 
and  I have  seldom  seen  so  old  a man  in 
England  with  equal  mental  and  bodily 
energy. 

“ He  resides,  not  in  a hole,  but  in  (for  a 
native)  a large  room,  square,  with  windows 
looking  inwards  and  outwards.  This  room 
is  divided  about  equally  by  curtains  from 
one  side  to  the  other,  separating  the  females 
from  the  males.  On  either  side,  the  centre 
room  opens  on  to  a square  court — one  re- 
served for  the  females  of  the  family,  and 
containing  one  or  two  small  buildings  (or 
godowns)  used  for  sleeping;  the  other,  or 
entrance  court,  provided  with  temporary 
dwellings  for  the  male  attendants,  of  whom 
there  are  several,  besides  eunuchs  and 
women  for  the  service  of  the  concealed 
ones. 

“ The  whole  suite  of  buildings  is  elevated 
some  twelve  or  fourteen  feet,  and,  on  the  ex- 
king’s  side,  overlook  a garden,  in  the  centre 
of  which  reside  the  officers  in  charge  of  the 
prisoners. 

“ At  the  season  of  the  year  Mr.  Layard 
visited  Delhi,  no  covering  further  than  a 
sheet  is,  as  far  as  my  experience  goes,  ever 
used  by  the  natives  of  Central  India ; and 
the  old  man  has  no  deficiency  either  of 
clothes,  pillows,  or  cushions. 

“ There  is  no  limit  whatever  but  the  in- 
dividual’s own  desire,  to  the  amount  of 
water  used  for  bathing  or  other  purposes. 
At  one  time  the  ex-king  was  suffering  from 
a disease  not  uncommon  in  India,  but 
rarely  mentioned  in  polite  English  ears;  the 

hospital,  and  a pier  for  boats.  They  are  all  alone, 
having  only  the  Burmese,  whom  they  despise,  as 
guards,  to  look  after  them,  with  the  naval  guard  of 
the  Company.” 

179 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


DELHI rALA.CE  INTRIGUES.]  HISTORY 

I 

j j skin  was  abraded  slightly  in  one  or  two 
I j small  patches  about  the  fingers,  arms,  &c., 

; from  scratching  only. 

! “ Although  he  has  been  months  under 

my  care,  he  has  not  once  complained  of  a 
, deficiency  of  food,  though,  as  has  been  his 
custom  for  thirty-five  years,  he  usually 
vomits  after  every  meal.  I have,  on  more 
! than  one  occasion,  seen  him  superintend- 
ing the  preparation  of  sherbet  by  his  own 
attendants. 

“ The  ordinary  pay  of  an  inferior  work- 
man at  Delhi,  is  7s.  per  month — that  is  a 
sufficiency  to  feed  and  clothe  man,  wife, 
i and  children.  Very  few  adults  consume 
more  than  Sd.  worth  of  the  common  food 
, in  twenty-four  hours.  That  amount  covers 
( the  charge  for  flour,  rice,  dhal,  sugar,  curry 
j ingredients,  vegetables,  butter,  and  firewood 
I for  cooking. 

j “ I speak  advisedly,  as  the  accounts  for 
the  lunatic  asylum  pass  through  my  hands; 
and  in  that  institution  the  dietary  for  pa- 
; tients,  of  different  social  conditions,  is  with- 
I out  stint  — speaking  of  necessaries,  of 
; course.  Paupers  have  an  allowance  of  less 
i than  a lef.  a-day,  for  adults. — The  Offi- 
I ciATiNG  Civil  Surgeon,  Delhi.” 

Thus  ended  the  Assyrian  romance,  whose 
foundation  was  to  have  been  laid  in  the 
palace-prison  of  Delhi. 

Among  the  real  or  alleged  causes  for  dis- 
satisfaction within  the  palace,  it  has  already 
been  observed,  that  a difficulty  in  recognising 
the  nominee  of  the  king,  as  his  successor 
on  the  nominal  throne  of  Delhi,  was  a source 
of  much  annoyance  to  that  personage,  and 
also  to  his  youngest  and  favourite  wife,  the 
sultana,  Zeuat  Mahal.  The  question  of 
succession  had  furnished  a topic  for  dissen- 
sion within  the  palace,  and  intrigue  without 
it,  from  the  year  1853;  the  king,  at  the 
instigation  of  Zenat  Mahal,  then  desiring 
to  name  the  child  of  his  old  age,  Mirza 
Jumma  Bukht,  heir  to  the  throne ; while  the 
I British  government  insisted  on  recognising 
I the  superior  and  prior  claim  of  an  elder  son, 

1 Mirza  Furruk-oo-Deeu.  The  contention  to 
i which  this  rivalry  of  interests  gave  birth, 
continued  to  rage  with  great  virulence  until 
1856,  when  the  elder  son  died  of  cholera,  or, 
probably,  as  suspected  at  the  time,  of  poison. 
This  event,  however,  had  not  the  effect  of 
settling  the  question,  as  there  still  were 
elder  brothei’s  of  Jumma  Bukht  in  existence, 
whose  claims  to  priorit}^  of  succession  were 
recognised  by  the  Anglo-Indian  govern- 
ment ; while  the  mother  of  the  latter  prince 
180 


OF  THE  [a.d.  1858. 

persisted  in  her  endeavours  to  obtain  the 
heirship  to  the  throne  for  her  own  son,  and 
declared  that  her  object  would  be  persis- 
tently and  steadily  pursued  until  it  was 
accomplished.  When,  however,  it  was  an- 
nounced by  the  government  that  the  son  of  i 
the  deceased  prince,  and  grandson  of  the  j 
king,  should  succeed  in  a direct  line  to  all  I 
that  remained  of  imperial  power  at  Delhi,  j 
her  hostility  to  British  influence  became 
intense ; and  it  thenceforward  was  a question  I 
of  daily  consideration  with  her  and  her  par- 
tisans, whether,  by  overturning  the  English  | 
raj,  she  might  not  forcibly  obtain  for  her  ] 
son  the  supremacy  she  so  much  coveted ; 
and  thus,  when  other  causes  for  dissatisfac- 
tion and  revolt  began  to  exert  their  influence  j 
over  the  army  and  people  of  Hiudostau, 
her  whole  energies  were  directed  to  the  ob- 
ject of  encouraging  and  extending  the  in-  ^ 
surrectiouary  movement.  In  the  course  of 
the  trial  of  the  king,  much  was  shown  to  I 
this  effect;  but  as  no  positive  act  of  rebellion  [ 
had  been  alleged  against  her,  it  was  not 
deemed  necessary,  under  the  circumstances,  ! 
to  put  the  sultana,  Zeuat  Mahal,  upon  her  * 
trial.  [ 

Reverting  to  the  state  of  the  city  at  the 
beginning  of  the  year,  it  seems  that,  among  j 
other  measures  adopted  for  re-establishing 
order  amidst  its  ruined  streets  and  bazaars, 
a system  of  passes  or  permits  was  resorted 
to,  by  which  a promiscuous  influx  of  the 
native  population  was  checked,  and  a regula- 
tion established,  by  which,  such  as  were 
admitted  came  immediately  under  the  eyes 
of  the  authorities.  Each  applicant,  on  seek- 
ing entrance  to  the  city,  was  required  to 
pay  to  an  officer  at  the  Kotwallee  one  rupee  j 
four  annas;  who,  in  return,  gave  to  him  a I 
ticket,  which,  on  presentation  at  the  com-  j 
missariat  store,  was  exchanged  for  a charpoy 
(bedstead),  and  two  chukkees  (grindstones) ; 
thus  providing  each  returning  outcast  with 
immediate  facilities  for  procuring  rest  and  j 
food.  The  effect  of  this  humane  and  politic 
arrangement,  was  to  bring  a great  number 
of  the  former  residents  back  to  the  city ; 
and,  according  to  a letter  of  the  20th  of 
January,  the  place  had  already  assumed  an 
appearance  of  bustle  and  activity  it  had  for 
months  been  a stranger  to.  “ The  Chandnee 
Cbouk,”  observes  the  writer,  “is  now 
almost  as  much  crowded  of  an  evening  as  it 
was  in  days  of  yore ; and  the  fusiliers’  band, 

‘ discoursing  sweet  music’  opposite  the 
church  every  Monday  and  Tuesday  evening, 

I attracts  such  a goodly  display  of  beauty  and 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


A. I).  1858.] 


[compensation  tax. 


fashion,  that  were  it  not  for  tlie  European 
guards  and  the  shot-holes  round  about, 
people  might  almost  forget  the  painful  inci- 
dents of  the  past  six  months.'^  The  fol- 
lowing gratifying  account  of  the  state  of  the 
country  round  Delhi,  at  the  beginning  of 
the  year,  was  also  furnished  by  a gentleman 
who  had  visited  the  city,  on  his  way  up  the 
country,  and  who  says — ‘‘  I found  the  traffic 
upon  the  Grand  Trunk-road  just  as  consi- 
derable as  it  was  this  time  last  year.  Carts 
and  hackeries  of  every  description,  conveying 
goods  and  provisions  of  all  kinds,  and  drawn 
by  two,  three,  and  five  bullocks;  bullocks 
and  buffaloes,  ponies  and  donkeys,  laden 
pannier-fashion,  with  grain  and  other  things ; 
camels  in  hundreds,  similarly  burthened, 
besides  vehicles  containing  native  travel- 
lers, male  and  female,  Mohammedan  and 
Hindoo;  to  say  nothing  of  the  numerous 
• dak  and  transit  carriages  with  European 
passengers,  post-office  vans,  and  bullock- 
I train  waggons,  with  government  stores ; 
with  all  of  which  several  conveyances  and 
beasts  of  burden  the  road  is  thronged  along 
its  entire  length.  No  one  ignorant  of  the 
anarchy  which  prevailed  in  these  provinces 
a few  mouths  ago,  would  suspect  that  peace 
‘ and  order  had  ever  been  interrupted,  judging 
from  the  traffic  now  seen  upon  the  road.” 

! It  should  be  observed,  that  these  favourable 
sketches  of  the  rebel  city  must  be  taken 
I with  great  allowance  for  the  evident  dispo- 
sition of  the  writers  to  see  everything  under 
the  most  cheerful  aspect,  since  later  deline- 
ations by  no  means  support  the  views  taken 
by  them  of  the  interior  and  exterior  cou- 
[ dition  of  Delhi  at  the  beginning  of  1858. 

I The  administration  of  the  province  of 
' which  Delhi  had  formed  the  capital,  was, 
early  in  the  year,  transferred  to  the  able 
management  of  the  chief  commissioner  in 
the  Punjab — Sir  John  Lawrence,  K.C.B.; 
who  arrived  at  the  seat  of  his  new  govern- 
ment about  the  24th  of  February,  and,  by 
: his  judicious  measures  and  energetic  action 
1 upon  every  disturbed  point,  the  districts 
! round  Delhi  were  speedily  restored  to  at 
I least  a semblance  of  order.  The  first  ob- 
j ject  of  the  new  chief  commissioner,  was  to 
; convince  the  people  of  the  province  under 
i his  command  that  they  were  really  once  more 
in  the  hands  of  the  British  government; 
and,  with  that  view,  he  issued  a circular  to 
the  commissioners  of  the  three  districts  of 
Delhi,  Hissar,  and  Sirsa,  directing  that  every 
community  and  section  of  a community, 
and  individual  within  those  districts,  should 


be  made  to  repay  the  losses  sustained  by 
Europeans  during  the  rebellion.  The  cir- 
cular, which  was  entitled  “ Compensation 
to  Sufferers  by  the  Insurrection,”  was 
couched  in  the  following  terms:  — 

“ Sirsa — Camp,  Delhi,  5th  March,  1858. 

“ Sir, — I am  directed  to  draw  your  immediate 
attention  to  the  recovery,  from  insurgent  villages,  of 
the  value  of  the  property  plundered  by  them  from 
the  British  government,  or  from  its  European  British 
subjects,  or  European  foreigners,  or  from  native 
Christians,  or  from  the  natives  of  the  country  who 
threw  in  their  lot  with  us,  and  suffered  in  conse- 
quence of  signal  fidelity. 

“ 2nd.  The  chief  commissioner  is  resolved,  that 
every  community,  section  of  community,  or  individual 
who  may  have  plundered  or  destroyed  property,  real 
or  personal,  belonging  to  any  of  the  above-men- 
tioned parties,  shall  be  made  to  pay  the  value  of  the 
same  to  the  utmost  of  his  or  their  means,  and  within 
the  earliest  reasonable  period  ; provided  always  that 
the  exaction  of  this  specific  compensation  shall  be 
exclusive  and  irrespective  of  penal  fines,  or  other 
legal  penalties,  to  which  the  offenders  may  be 
subject. 

“ 3rd.  It  will  therefore  be  the  duty  of  the  local 
authorities  to  ascertain  summarily,  and  estimate 
fairly,  the  value  of  the  property  plundered  or  de- 
stroyed, under  whatever  circumstances.  Due  care 
will  also  be  taken  to  avoid  exaggeration  or  mistaken 
estimates.  Thus  the  parties  who  plundered  or  did 
the  mischief  having  been  detected,  awards  for  specific 
sums  will  be  declared  against  them,  such  awards 
being  regulated  exactly  by  the  amount  of  the  damages 
dene ; so  that,  in  this  respect,  plunder  and  retri- 
bution may  be  in  precise  proportion.  Perhaps,  in 
some  cases,  the  recovery  of  the  full  amount  due  will 
be  impossible,  and  so  we  must  content  ourselves  with 
exacting  what  we  can. 

“ 4th.  Again,  although,  in  some  cases,  it  might  be 
possible  to  exact  more  than  the  sum  awarded,  yet 
herein  it  is  not  necessary  to  grind  such  amount;  it 
will  suffice  to  take  that,  and  no  more.  If  the  offend- 
ers deserve  to  have  to  pay  more  on  account  of  general 
misconduct,  then  that  matter  can  be  dealt  with 
hereafter. 

“The  mode  of  collecting  or  realising  the  amount 
in  such  individual  cases,  must  be  left  very  much  to  [ 
the  discretion  of  the  district  officers.  It  will  be  well,  j 
however,  to  indicate  certain  methods  open  to  adop-  ] 
tion.  In  towns,  or  wards  of  towns,  the  amount  can 
be  levied  by  a house-tax  or  pro  rate  cess.  Such  cess 
may  be  either  fixed  on  value  of  house,  or  in  reference 
to  particular  guilt,  if  that  can  be  discriminated,  or  in 
such  like  considerations. 

“ In  villages,  also,  the  plan  may  be  adopted,  espe- 
cially in  regard  to  men,  agricultural  residents ; but 
as  the  inhabitants  of  such  villages  will,  many  of 
them,  be  cultivators  or  landowners,  their  land  will 
afford  a proper  means  of  realisation.  The  money 
can  be  rateably  fixed  upon  the  land,  due  regard 
being  had,  however,  to  the  fiscal  demands  on  the 
soil  and  crops,  and  to  the  expediency  of  not  impove- 
rishing the  occupant,  so  far  as  they  seriously  impair 
his  power  of  cultivating.  If  the  whole  sum  cannot 
be  realised  at  once,  yearly  instalments  might  be  ac- 
cepted for  moderate  periods. 

“ Moreover,  if  the  case  should  be  aggravated,  or  if 
other  modes  of  realisation  should  fail,  proposals  for 

181 


DELHI — ITS  rUXDKE.] 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  1857. 


the  sale,  transfer,  or  farm  of  estates,  parcels  of  land, 
and  other  real  property,  might  be  submitted  to  com- 
petent authority.  Besides  the  above  processes,  there 
will  be  the  ordinary  distraint  of  individuals,  and 
attachment  of  effects ; there  will  be  tbe  ordinary  pro- 
cess of  seizing  and  confining  for  brief  periods ; pro- 
vided, however,  that  no  person  be  formally  imprisoned 
in  default  of  satisfaction  of  these  awards.  Then,  as 
regards  the  disposal  of  the  sums  thus  realised,  if  they 
be  on  account  of  government,  there  will  be  no  diffi- 
culty in  ascertaining  as  to  how  they  should  be  cre- 
dited j in  some  cases,  however,  the  moneys  will  be  on 
account  of  damages  done  to  government  houses  or 
buildings  in  your  district ; as,  for  instance,  a staging 
bungalow  may  have  been  partially  burnt  by  an  adja- 
cent village.  The  bungalow  will  be  economically 
repaired  by  hired  labour,  and  the  cost  be  recovered 
from  the  village.  "When  the  sums  shall  have  been 
realised  on  account  of  officers  or  private  individuals, 
known  or  unknown,  they  will  be  kept  in  deposit,  and 
paid  over  as  soon  as  possible  to  the  proper  recipients. 

“ Returns  of  the  sums  levied  under  these  orders 
will  be  forwarded  quarterly  to  this  office. 

“ I am  to  add,  that  the  chief  commissioner  is  aware 
that  the  carrying  out  of  this  order  will  entail  much 
labour  on  the  district  officers ; but  he  trusts,  seeing 
the  desirability  of  the  measure,  they  will  co-operate 
' in  its  execution. — I have,  &c. — R.  Temple, 
i “ Secretary  to  the  Chief  Commissioner.” 

The  promulgation  of  this  most  just  and 
reasonable  ordei’,  was  hailed  with  unfeigned 
satisfaction  by  the  survivors  of  those  who 
had  suffered  from  the  depredations  of  the 
j rebels ; but,  as  may  be  imagined,  with  feel- 
I iiigs  of  increased  hatred,  and  renewed  de- 
i sire  of  vengeance,  on  the  part  of  those 
' upon  Avhom  its  weight  was  intended  to 
fall,  in  the  following  proportions : — In  the 
! Delhi  division,  the  Mohammedan  inhabi- 
tants were  indiscriminately  mulcted  of 
■ twenty-five  per  cent.,  or  a quarter  of  the 
whole  amount  of  their  real  property ; while 
the  proportion  levied  upon  the  Hindoos 
was,  for  some  sufficient  cause  it  may  be 
presumed,  reduced  to  ten  per  cent,  of  such 
, property  ; but,  with  the  fiues  so  graduated, 
and  the  produce  of  the  confiscated  estates  of 
persons  known  to  have  been  engaged  in  the 
rebellion,  and  to  have  participated  in  the 
outrages  connected  with  it,  a very  con- 
siderable fund  was  raised,  out  of  which 
those  who  had  seriously  suffered  in  the 
traitorous  struggle,  were  partially  compen- 
sated for  their  losses.  Meantime,  investi- 
gations for  the  discovery  of  the  property  of 
absent  individuals  of  known  wealth,  were  of 
daily  occurrence  j and  a strict  search  for 
buried  treasure  was  carried  on  throughout 
the  city  with  beneficial  results,  as  well  to 
individuals  as  to  the  government. 

But  although,  under  the  wise  and  almost 
paternal  administration  of  Sir  John  Law- 
rence, the  storms  that  had  agitated  Delhi 
182 


were  gradually  subsiding,  and  a tranquil 
future  for  it  seemed  within  the  range  of  pro- 
bability, a strange  and  curious  struggle  of 
opinions  as  to  the  ultimate  disposition  of 
the  Mogul  capital,  absorbed  the  attention 
of  Europeans  in  India ; and  the  question, 

“ Yt'  hat  shall  be  done  with  Delhi now 
that  the  struggle  for  bare  life  had  ceased, 
furnished  a topic  for  earnest  and  animated 
discussion,  not  only  within  the  place  itself, 
but  throughout  Hindustan.  Upon  this  sub- 
ject, three  very  opposite  views  were  enter- 
tained. One  party  advocating  its  destruc- 
tion as  a measure  of  national  policy ; an- 
other-advising  that  it  should  be  abandoned 
to  gradual  decay;  and  a third  insisting 
upon  the  advantages  derivable  from  its  pre- 
servation as  a city.  It  was,  perhaps,  not 
extraordinary,  that  when  the  place  was  first 
recaptured,  a very  general  desire  should  be 
felt,  under  the  influence  of  the  intense  in- 
dignation that  prevailed,  that  not  one  stone 
should  be  left  upon  another,  to  tell  where 
Delhi  had  once  stood : and  the  advocates 
for  this  course  argued  that  Delhi  should  be 
extinguished  from  the  list  of  cities,  because 
it  had  been  the  centre  of  disafl^ection,  and 
the  scene  of  the  most  important  phase  in 
the  resistance  to  British  authority;  that  the 
Mohammedans  of  India  would  ever  think 
they  had  a national  rallying  point,  so  long 
as  Delhi  remained  a mark  upon  the  map  of 
India;  and  that  nothing  less  than  the  utter 
destruction  of  the  city  would  convince 
them  of  the  irresistible  will  and  power  of 
the  English  government.  It  was  further 
urged,  that  even  the  memory  of  the  place 
should  be  effaced,  if  possible,  as  being  a 
dangerous  traditional  record  of  its  once 
national  importance.  The  advocates  for  its 
gradual  and  unobstructed  decay,  and  ulti- 
mate desertion,  urged,  that  to  destroy  Delhi 
at  once,  would  have  the  effect  of  rendering 
it  a perpetual  ol)ject  of  regret  to  the  Mo- 
hammedan populations  of  India;  whereas, 
to  let  it  sink  gradually  to  decay  and  insig- 
nificance, would  produce  only  feelings  of 
contempt  and  indifference.  No  tradition 
of  sovereignty  would  attach  to  a neglected 
and  insignificant  village,  which  in  time  it 
must  become,  and  in  which  a population  of 
pauper  Msusulmans  only  would  congregate 
amidst  the  ruins  of  its  palaces,  to  scramble 
for  the  occasional  charity  of  travellers. 
They  recommended  that  the  European 
military  station  at  Delhi  should  be  removed 
to  Hansi ; that  the  arsenal  should  be 
established  at  Ferozepore;  or,  still  better. 


A.i).  1858.]  INDIAN 

that  an  entirely  new  European  city  should 
1 be  built  lower  doAvn  the  Jumna;  and  that 
I Delhi  should  then  be  left  to  be  supported 
j by  natives  only,  the  inhabitants  being  bur- 
dened by  a special  and  heavy  capitation 
tax,  as  a punishment  for  past  treason.  The 
j third  party  strenuously  advocated  the  pre- 
servation of  the  cit}'’,  and  the  restoration  of 
such  of  its  more  important  features  as  had 
suffered  by  the  ravages  of  war.  In  support 
of  this  view,  the  arguments  went  to  show, 
that  geographically  and  politically,  Delhi 
was  peculiarly  adapted  for  the  capital  of  an 
! important  district;  that  its  site  was  origi- 
nally chosen  by  men  who  looked  forward  to 
the  permanent  maintenance  of  power  in 
the  north-west  regions  of  India ; that,  as 
a commercial  entrep6t,  it  was  the  point  at 
which  the  two  great  streams  of  Central 
Asian  trade  diverged  to  Calcutta  and  Bom- 
bay ; that,  as  a military  cantonment,  the 
i city  commanded  the  Jumna  at  the  best 
i point  for  crossing  the  river;  and  that  the 
Mogul  palace  could  be  converted  into  an 
admirable  fortress,  to  be  garrisoned  by 
British  troops  only ; while  the  walls  of  the 
city,  brought  at  one  point  to  a narrower 
sweep,  would  require  a smaller  force  to  de- 
fend them,  and,  at  the  same  time,  would 
protect  the  magazines,  and  keep  out  the 
marauding  Goojurs  and  Meewatties. 

But  while  these  various  opinions  were 
discussed,  little  change  had  really  taken 
place  in  the  desolate  aspect  of  the  city  up 
to  the  end  of  March.  The  outer  walls,  it 
is  true,  continued  standing,  with  their 
breaches  hastily  and  roughly  filled  up. 
All  the  gates,  except  the  three  already 
mentioned,  were  still  kept  closed,  but  not 
destroyed ; the  shattered  Cashmere  barrier 
had  been  temporarily  replaced,  but  not 
repaired ; the  English  church  had  been  re- 
paired and  painted ; and  the  college,  riddled 
by  b.alls,  was  now  converted  into  a barrack; 
the  magazine  remained  as  it  was  left  by 
the  explosion  effected  by  Lieutenant  Wil- 
loughby in  the  preceding  May ; but  the 
palace,  now  the  prison-house  of  its  royal 
owner,  and  the  head-quarters  of  the  British 
' force  at  Delhi,  had  sustained  but  little 
injury.  In  the  principal  avenue  of  the 
city,  the  Chandnee  Chouk,*  with  its 
crowded  shops  and  splendidly  picturesque 
buildings  on  either  side,  every  house  had 
been  plundered,  and  bore  traces  of  the 
havoc  that  had  reigned  within  them ; nor 

* Or  Chandra  Chauk;  from  “ chandra,”  the  moon, 
and  " chauk,”  market,  or  place  of  sale  in  a city. 


MUTINY.  [traces  of  rerelliox. 

did  the  little  display  of  property,  as  it  slowly 
accumulated  along  its  extent,  under  the 
protection  of  English  bayonets,  disguise  the 
utter  ruin  that  followed  the  insane  out- 
break of  the  preceding  year.  To  a stranger, 
the  population  that  traversed  the  spa- 
cious street  in  March,  1858,  might  seem 
large;  but  to  those  who  had  known  Delhi, 
and  its  numerous  and  thronged  thorough- 
fares preA'ious  to  the  rebellion,  it  seemed 
but  as  the  shadow  of  the  life  that  had  once 
animated  it.  TheRedMosque — within  whose 
walls  Nadir  Shah  sat  in  sullen  meditation 
on  the  17th  of  February,  1739,  while  the 
swords  of  his  infuriated  soldiers  were  fleshed 
in  the  bodies  of  near  100,000  of  the  Hindoo 
inhabitants  of  Delhi — still  remained  a blush- 
ing record  of  the  atrocious  act  of  unap- 
peasable vengeance.  The  old  Kotwallee,  or 
police-station — where  but  a few  months 
previous,  the  mutilated  corpses  of  murdered 
Europeans  had  been  exposed  to  the  ribald 
jeers  of  a traitorous  population,  and  before 
which,  also,  in  just  retribution  for  their  un- 
manly crimes,  the  dishonoured  carcasses  of 
the  ruffian  princes  by  whom  those  murders 
were  sanctioned  and  encouraged,  were  also 
exposed  to  public  scorn — still  remained ; but 
in  its  front  now  arose  three  immense  gib- 
bets, on  whose  fatal  arms  had  already  been 
suspended  about  300  of  the  traitors,  who 
had  taken  part  in  the  revolting  outrages  of 
May;  and  which  were  still  outspread  to 
receive  more  offerings  to  retributive  justice. 
With  regard  to  the  temper  of  the  native 
population  now  within  the  city,  it  was  de- 
scribed as  more  than  simply  respectful  to 
the  Europeans,  and,  in  fact,  as  “ cringing.^’ 
“Fear,^^  it  was  written,  “possessed  every 
soul ; and  never  was  a conquest  more  com- 
plete than  is,  for  the  present,  that  of  Delhi 
and  its  neighbourhood.  But  the  present 
disposition  of  the  native  mind  in  Delhi  to- 
wards us,  is  one  which  no  wise  man  can 
wish  permanently  to  continue;  although  no 
wise  man  will  deny  that  such  a disposition 
was  necessarijy  created,  if  British  rule  is 
ever  more  to  be  asserted  over  this  vast  and 
captured  city.” 

In  the  midst  of  the  arrangements  for 
the  restoration  of  order,  and  the  rehabita- 
tion of  the  place  by  the  native  shopkeepers 
and  others,  a rumour  gained  currency  that 
an  attempt  was  about  to  be  made  by  Nana 
Sahib  to  rescue  the  king,  who  was  then 
awaiting  the  confirmation  of  the  sentence 
passed  upon  him ; the  proceedings  and 
evidence  taken  upon  his  trial,  having  been 

183 


DELHI — riDELin’  REWARDED.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  1858. 


forwarded  to  the  Court  of  Directors  in 
England  for  its  decision.  The  effect  of 
this  report  was  simply  a strengthening  of 
the  guards  to  whom  the  safe  keeping  of 
the  prisoner  was  confided,  and  the  issue  of 
an  order  from  the  military  commandant,  to 
dispatch  his  majesty  at  once  in  tlie  event 
of  an  attempt  to  rescue  him  from  his  cap- 
tivity, and  from  the  doom  he  had  wantonly 
brought  down  upon  himself  and  his  unfor- 
tunate race.  The  stringency  of  this  e.x- 
treme  order  was  partly  necessitated  by  the 
gradually  perceptible  assurance  of  many  of 
the  natives,  who  began  to  exchange  their 
tone  of  obsequious  servility  for  that  of  in- 
solent indifference,  if  not  defiance.  It  was 
publicly  asserted  among  them  that  reverses 
had  occurred  which  crippled  the  British 
resources,  and  that  the  native  troops 
would,  in  a short  time,  recover  Delhi  from 
its  infidel  captors ; that  the  events  at  Luck- 
now were  falsely  reported  in  favour  of  the 
British,  who,  in  fact,  had  been  there  signally 
defeated;  and  that  the  time  was  fast  ap- 
proaching, when  the  Mogul  city  would  be 
again,  and  for  ever,  freed  from  the  pollution 
of  the  Feringhee  raj.  It  was  probably 
with  a view  to  show  the  unconeern  with 
which  these  reports  were  received,  that  an 
opportunity  was  seized  to  exhibit  as  well 
the  power  as  the  generosity  of  the  British 
government,  under  the  following  circum- 
stances. 

A rissaldar  of  the  irregular  native  cavalry, 
named  Hidayut  Ali,  was,  at  the  period  of  the 
outbreak  in  May,  on  leave  at  his  native  vil- 
lage, Mahonah,  in  the  Goorgaon  district; 
and  while  there,  thirty-two  fugitives,  con- 
sisting of  men,  women,  and  chddren,  who 
had  escaped  from  Bhurtpore,  reached  the 
village.  The  rissaldar  received  the  whole 
of  them  into  his  house — treated  them  v^ith 
kindness,  supplied  them  with  clothes,  and 
for  eight  days  provided  for  them  a separate 
and  liberal  table.  When,  at  length,  mes- 
sengers arrived  from  Delhi  to  tell  him  it  was 
known  that  he  had  Europeans  under  his 
protection,  and  that  the  king^s  troops  would 
be  sent  against  him,  and  to  bring  the  Kaffirs 
to  Delhi,  the  man  raised  a force  of  the  vil- 
lagers, who  appear  to  have  been  attached  to 
him,  and  who,  for  his  sake,  escorted  the 
fugitives  to  the  extreme  limit  of  the  district 
under  his  influence,  and  placed  them  in 
safety  ; where  they  remained  until  prepara- 
tions had  been  matured  for  their  further 
progress  towards  a European  station.  This 
was  accordingly  effected,  and  the  whole 
184 


party  reached  Agra  in  safety  during  the 
month  of  June,  1857.  For  tliis  loyal  and 
meritorious  conduct,  it  was  considered  pro- 
per by  the  government  that  a public  avowal 
of  its  approbation  should  be  made  by  the 
chief  commissioner  at  Delhi ; who,  accord- 
ingly, on  the  31st  of  April,  1858,  held  a 
grand  durbar,  at  the  residency,  which  was 
attended  by  a large  assembly  of  Punjabees, 
Ghoorkas,  Hindostanees,  and  Europeans,  in 
the  presence  of  w hom  the  rissaldar  was  ad- 
dressed by  the  commissioner  in  terms  of 
unqualified  encomium  of  his  fidelity  and 
gallantry.  He  was  then,  in  the  name  of 
the  government,  presented  with  a sword  of 
honour,  valued  at  1,000  rupees,  and  also 
with  a sunnud,  under  the  signature  of  the 
governor-general  in  council,  conveying  to 
him,  and  to  his  heirs  for  ever,  in  free  jag- 
hire,  his  native  village  of  Mahonah,  the 
annual  revenue  of  which,  at  the  time, 
amounted  to  5,400  rupees. 

A less  agreeable  spectacle  was  shortly 
afterwards  afforded  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
city,  in  the  execution,  by  hanging,  of  the 
king’s  soothsayer,  Hussun  Ushkurie,  on  the 
29th  of  May,  for  his  connection  with  the 
outbreak  of  the  previous  year.  As  no  one  of 
particular  note  had  recently  been  executed 
in  front  of  the  Khotwallee,  the  circumstance 
occasioned  a large  gathering  of  the  native 
population,  who  looked  on  in  silent  wonder, 
that  so  powerful  a man  as  the  king’s  sooth- 
sayer, who  had  given  ten  years  of  his  own 
existence  for  the  prolongation  of  that  of  the 
king  to  a like  extent,  should  not  be  able  to 
deliver  himself  from  the  hands  of  the  Kaffirs. 

A test  of  the  improved  and  settled  state 
of  the  district  governed  by  Sir  John  Law- 
rence, was  supplied  by  the  fact,  that  the  cus- 
toms’ collection  for  the  month  of  July,  1858, 
amounted  to  6,557,800  rupees;  being  an 
increase  of  the  same  collection  over  that  of 
July,  1855,  of  58,993  rupees  ; and  for  that 
of  1856,  of  59,245.  For  the  month  of  July, 
1857,  there  was  no  collection  of  revenue 
whatever  iu  the  city  and  district  ai'ound 
Delhi. 

The  amount  of  prize-money  reported  in 
October,  1858,  for  the  capture  of  Delhi, 
reached  to  twenty-eight  lacs  of  rupees,  or 
£280,000  sterling;  but  its  appropriation 
had  not  yet  been  finally  decided  upon.  The 
famous  crystal  block  and  marble  platform, 
which  adorned  the  Dewas  Khan,  or  princi- 
pal hall  of  audience,  in  the  Mogul  palace, 
were  forwarded  to  Calcutta  for  transmission 
to  England ; and  the  crown  and  jewels  of 


INDIAN  MUTINY.  [operations  in  the  ooab. 


A.D.  1857.] 

the  ex-king,  with  those  of  his  family,  were 
also  transmitted  to  the  Indian  metropolis,  to 
augment  the  prize  fund  by  their  sale. 

Before  closing  the  present  chapter,  it  w'ill 
he  proper  to  refer  briefly  to  the  operations 
I of  the  troops  dispatched  in  various  directions 
from  Delhi,  in  pursuit  of  the  discomfited 
and  fugitive  rebels.  Of  the  proceedings  of 
the  column  under  Brigadier  Greathed, 
mention  has  already  been  made ; * and  it 
will  be  remembered,  that  Brigadier  Showers, 
with  a force  under  his  command,  also  left 
Delhi  on  the  23rd  of  September,  for  a spe- 
cial purpose  near  the  tombs  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  city ; and  that  the  object  having  been 
accomplished,t  the  brigadier  returned  to 
the  capital,  where  he  remained  until  the  1st 
of  October,  when  he  was  again  dispatched, 
with  a column  of  considerable  strength,  to 
operate  in  the  adjacent  districts  west  and 
north-west  of  Delhi.  The  purposes  for  which 
this  force  was  put  in  motion  were  also  effec- 
tually accomplished,  and  it  returned  to  head- 
quarters on  the  9th  of  the  ensuing  month, 
having,  in  the  course  of  its  march  out  and 
home,  taken  four  important  forts,  burnt 
many  obnoxious  villages,  and  captured, 
besides  the  rajahs  of  Jhujjur  aud  Babulghur, 
about  seventy  guns  and  eight  lacs  of  rupees, 
with  a vast  quantity  of  ammunition,  and 
many  horses.  Three  days  after  the  return 
of  this  force,  upon  receipt  of  news  from 
Rewaree  (a  town  about  forty-seven  miles 
south-west  of  Delhi),  another  column  was 
formed  under  Colonel  Gerrard,  of  the  14th 
native  infantry,  for  service  in  that  direc- 
tion. This  force  consisted  of  the  1st  fusi- 
liers and  Sikh  infantry,  with  some  carabi- 
niers,  guides,  and  artillery,  joined  by  parties 
of  irregular  Cashmerians,  Mooltauees,  and 
others.  With  this  miscellaneous  gathering 
Colonel  Gerrard  marched  to  Rewaree,  and 
from  thence  to  the  town  of  Narnol  in  Jhujjur, 
where  a rebel  chief,  Sunnund  Khan  (a  rela- 
tive of  the  rajah  already  made  prisoner  by 
Brigadier  Showers),  had  taken  post  with  a 
strong  party  of  the  Joudpore  mutineers. 
Colonel  Gerrard  immediately  charged  the 
enemy  with  his  cavalry,  and  drove  them 
into  a fortified  serai  in  the  town,  which, 

• See  ante,  p.  60.  t See  ante,  p.  58. 

1 Furruckabad  (Happy  Abode)  is  the  capital  of  a 
small  district  of  the  Hoab,  similarly  named,  and  is 
situated  at  a short  distance  from  the  Ganges,  about 
185  miles  south-east  of  Delhi.  The  town,  which 
was  founded  by  a Patan  colony,  some  150  years 
since,  is  surrounded  by  a strong  wall,  and  in  its  time 
has  been  one  of  the  principal  seats  of  commerce  for 
VOL.  II.  2 B 


after  a severe  but  brief  struggle,  was  carried 
by  the  infantry.  lu  this  affair  one  officer 
only  fell;  but  that  one,  unfortunately,  was 
the  commander.  Colonel  Gerrard.  Among 
the  slain  on  the  part  of  the  rebels,  was  also 
the  chief  in  command,  Sunnund  Khan. 

Early  iiiNovember,  another  column, under 
the  orders  of  Colonel  Seaton,  marched  from 
Delhi  in  a south-eastern  direction,  between 
the  Jumna  and  the  Ganges,  clearing  the 
road  of  small  detached  parties  of  the  enemy 
as  it  advanced ; and,  on  the  13th  of  Decem- 
ber, it  arrived  at  Gangheree,  a large  village 
on  the  Kalee  Nuddee,  twenty-four  miles 
from  Allj'^gurh,  where  a small  force  from 
Bolundshuhur,  under  Colonel  Farquhar,  had 
just  previously  halted.  The  rebels,  who 
were  in  great  force  in  the  neighbourhood, 
had  received  information  of  the  arrival  of 
Colonel  rarquhaFs  party,  but  appear  to 
have  been  ignorant  of  its  junction  with  that 
of  Colonel  Seaton,  which  consisted  of  be- 
tween three  and  four  thousand  men,  a large 
proportion  of  which  were  cavalry.  The 
united  force  had  scarcely  been  encamped 
two  hours,  when  a strong  body  of  the  enemy’s 
cavalry  appeared  in  front  of  it,  making  de- 
monstrations of  an  intention  to  attack  the 
position,  and  commenced  a heavy  fire  from 
two  6-pounders  and  a 9-pounder.  Without 
waiting  an  instant,  the  carabiniers  and 
Hudson’s  horse,  with  some  artillery,  ad- 
vanced towards  the  rebels,  and  dashing  in 
amongst  their  ranks,  overthrew  and  cut 
down  numbers  of  them ; the  carabiniers 
then  charged  the  guns.  As  they  approached, 
three  charges  of  grape  were  poured  into 
them  at  a hundred  and  fifty  yards’  distance, 
which  told  fearfully ; but,  without  hesitating, 
the  gallant  fellows  rode  on,  charged  home, 
sabred  the  gunners,  and  took  the  guns.  In 
this  aflfair  the  enemy  lost,  in  killed  alone, 
between  four  and  five  hundred.  The  cara- 
biniers lost  twenty-five  horses  out  of  seventy, 
and  the  other  cavalry  in  a nearly  equal  pro- 
portion. The  loss  of  the  British,  in  men, 
was  reported  at  twelve  killed  and  fifty 
wounded. 

On  the  following  day  Colonel  Seaton  pur- 
sued his  march  towards  Futteghur,  about 
three  miles  from  Furruckabad ; J and,  on 

Upper  Hindostan.  The  buildings  generally  are 
commodious,  and  even  elegant ; and  its  streets  are 
of  good  width,  and  well  shaded  with  fine  trees.  For 
its  flourishing  condition  of  late  years,  it  has  been 
chiefly  indebted  to  the  neighbourhood  of  the  British 
cantonments  at  Futteghur  (the  Fort  of  Victory), 
about  three  miles  to  the  south-east  of  the  town.  In 
1805,  the  Mahrattas,  under  Holkar,  amounting  to 

185 


PUTTEEALA  AND  MYNPOORIE.]  HISTORY  OF  THE  [a.D.  1857. 


the  18th,  came  iip  with  the  enemy  at  Put- 
teeala — a town  about  sixty  miles  north-west 
of  the  place  first  named.  When  about 
three  miles  from  their  position,  the  force 
was  halted  and  the  line  formed,  having  the 
horse  artillery  on  either  flank,  and  the 
cavalry  on  the  right  and  rear.  Colonel 
Seaton  then  advanced  : as  he  came  on,  the 
enemy  opened  fire  from  a battery  of  twelve 
guns,  which  they  had  formed  in  front  of  the 
town.  The  British  artillery  replied;  and, 
under  cover  of  its  fire,  the  infantry  advanced  ; 
but  it  was  no  part  of  the  rebel  tactics  to 
wait  for  a close  acquaintance  with  the  ap- 
proaching line  of  bayonets,  when  brought 
down  to  the  charge : their  artillery  ceased 
to  fire,  and  in  a moment  the  whole  force 
turned  and  fled.  The  English  cavalry  and 
artilleiy  then  dashed  on  with  a cheer,  and 
completed  the  rout  of  the  enemy,  whose 
guns,  standing  camp,  ammunition,  and  sup- 
plies were  all  captured,  and  between  seven 
and  eight  hundred  men  were  killed.  The 
rebels,  on  this  occasion,  were  commanded 
by  Ahmed  Yer  Khan  and  Mohson  Ally, 
two  Mohammedan  zemindars,  whom  the 
nawab  had  appointed  lieutenant-governors 
of  the  eastern  and  western  districts  of  Fut- 
teghur,  and  who  were  amongst  the  first  to 
fly  from  the  field.  One  of  their  subordinate 
officers  was,  however,  not  sufficiently  active 
to  escape,  and  falling  into  the  hands  of  the 
victors  alive,  was  presently  tried  by  drum- 
head court-martial,  and  condemned  to  be 
shot  as  a traitor.  In  this  action  the  British 
loss  was  merely  nominal. 

While  halting  for  the  necessary  rest 
of  the  troops,  the  column  was  joined  by  a 
small  force  from  the  garrison  at  Agra,  under 
Major  Eld,  and  the  march  was  resumed, 
clearing  the  district  towards  Etawah  and 
!Mynpoorie.  The  self-ennobled  personage 
who  styled  himself  rajah  of  the  latter  place, 
and  who  had  fled  at  the  approach  of  Great- 
hed’s  column  in  October,*  afterwards  re- 
turned to  his  capital,  and  expelled  the  offi- 
cials left  there  by  the  brigadier;  and  again 
had  managed  to  collect  a formidable  band 
of  rebels  (troops  and  budmashes)  around 
him,  although  his  palace  was  destroyed,  and 
his  treasury  and  jewels  carried  off.  The 
punishment  unavoidably  deferred  io  October 
was  now  to  be  inflicted. 

20.000  men,  were  signally  defeated  by  General  Lake, 
in  a conflict  under  the  walls  of  Furruckabad,  when 

3.000  Mahrattas  were  cut  to  pieces,  and  the  rest  of  ' 


On  the  27th  of  December,  Colonel  Seaton 
once  more  came  within  reach  of  the  enemy, 
who  were  favourably  posted  behind  a tope, 
about  a mile  from  Mynpoorie,  and  there 
appeared  disposed  to  await  his  attack.  He 
at  once  made  the  necessary  arrangements, 
and  commenced  operations  with  a rapid 
discharge  of  his  light  guns,  which  was 
promptly  replied  to  by  the  rebel  artillery. 
The  colonel  then  ordered  his  cavalry  round 
to  the  right  of  the  enemy’s  position,  to  at- 
tack his  flank.  While  this  movement  was 
being  carried  out,  the  infantry,  led  by  Major 
Eld,  deployed  into  line,  and  advanced  at  the 
charge  upon  the  enemy’s  right..  As  the 
troops  marched  forward,  a sharp  fire  was 
kept  up  by  the  artillery  of  both  forces ; but 
again,  at  the  first  flash  of  the  English 
bayonets,  as  the  bright  steel  gleamed  in  the 
morning  sunlight,  the  rebels  turned  and 
fled  ! A rapid  and  precise  fire  from  the 
artillery  and  rifles,  told  with  terrible  effect 
upon  the  flying  host;  and  the  cavalry,  which 
had  now  cleai’ed  the  tope  and  reached  the 
open  ground,  dashed  off  in  pursuit  of  the 
fugitives,  and  cut  them  down  without  resis- 
tance, along  a distance  of  seven  miles. 
Here  again  the  rout  was  complete,  and 
six  guns  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors. 
The  loss  to  the  enemy  upon  this  occasion 
was  estimated  at  from  250  to  300  men. 
Colonel  Seaton,  being  thus  master  of  the 
position,  advanced  upon  Mynpoorie,  which 
lie  took  possession  of  without  further  resis- 
tance ; but  the  self-styled  rajah  had,  as  on 
the  former  occasion,  secured  his  own  safety 
by  a timely  flight.  The  following  telegram 
announced  the  occupation  of  the  town  by 
Colonel  Seaton’s  force  : — 

“Mynpoorie,  Dec.  27th,  3 P.M. 

“ Found  the  enemy  this  morning  posted  behind 
some  high  trees,  a mile  west  of  the  city.  He  opened 
with  four  guns  as  I advanced.  The  horse  artillery 
guns  made  a detour  to  the  right,  supported  by  cav- 
alry, the  heavy  guns  and  infantry  following.  The 
enemy,  finding  himself  cut  off,  soon  began  to  retreat. 
Took'  all  his  guns,  and  cut  up  250.  As  yet,  none 
reported  killed  on  our  side.” 

The  victory  at  Putteeala  had  cleared  the 
road  to  Futteghur;  and  by  the  successful 
movement  on  Mynpoorie,  Colonel  Seaton 
was  enabled  to  open  communications  with 
the  commander-in-chief,  and  await  his 
further  orders  for  operations  in  the  Doab. 

the  enormous  army  only  escaped  by  the  superior 
fleetness  of  their  horses. 

* See  ante,  p.  72. 


186 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


A.n.  1857.] 


[gwalior. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

THE  GWALIOR  CONTINGENT;  FIDELITY  OF  SCINDIA  ; DEFECTION  OF  IIIS  TROOPS;  ADVANCE  ON  CAWNPORE  ; 
ATTACKED  BY  GENERAL  AVINDIIAM  AT  BUOWSEE  ; THE  BRITISH  POSITION  ATTACKED  ; RETREAT  OF  THE 
TROOPS;  THE  ENGLISH  CAMP  ABANDONED;  CORRESPONDENCE;  THE  CAPSIZED  GUN;  A MIDNIGHT 
COUNCIL;  ARRANGE.MENTS  FOR  ACTION  OF  28TH  NOVEMBER;  BATTLE  OF  CAM’NPORE  ; DEATH  OF  BRIGA- 
DIER WILSON  ; DEFEAT  OF  THE  BRITISH  TROOPS;  DIARY  OF  EVENTS;  CORRESPONDENCE;  ARRIVAL  OF 
THE  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  AND  THE  CONVOY  FROM  LUCKNOW;  GENERAL  CARTHEW’s  REPORT;  STATE 

OF  Windham’s  troops;  report  of  general  windham;  public  opinion  thereon  ; an  after- 
thought; COMMENCEMENT  OF  DECEMBER  AT  CAWNPORE  ; TOPOGRAPHY  OF  THE  CITY  AND  ENVIRONS; 
POSITIONS  OF  THE  ADVERSE  FORCES;  ACTION  OF  6TH  DECEMBER;  DEFEAT  AND  FLIGHT  OF  THE  REBELS; 
DESPATCHES  FRO.M  THE  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  AND  GENERAL  MANSFIELD  ; PURSUIT  OF  FUGITIVE  REBELS  ; 
REPORT  OF  BRIGADIER  GRANT  AT  SERAI-GHAT  ; RESULT  OF  OPERATIONS  AT  CAWNPORE  IN  DECEMBER. 


The  defection  of  some  portions  of  the  troops 
composing  the  Gwalior  contingent  of  the 
Maharajah  Scindia,  on  the  14th  of  June  and 
the  4th  of  July,  1857,  has  already  been 
noticed  ;*  and  it  is  now  necessary  to  trace 
the  proceedings  of  the  remainder  of  that 
force,  before  we  advert  to  the  operations  of 
the  army  under  the  command  of  Sir  Colin 
Campbell,  after  his  return  to  Cawnpore  in 
November. 

The  position  of  Scindia  had  been,  from  a 
very  early  period  of  the  disturbances,  one 
that  called  for  the  exercise  of  a vast  amount 
of  firmness  and  sagacity.  At  the  com- 
mencement of  the  outbreak  the  maharajah 
was  but  twenty-three  years  of  age;  but,  from 
the  completion  of  his  eighteenth  year,  he 
had  displayed  high  qualifications  for  the 
government  of  his  country,  which  had 
greatly  benefited  by  his  rule;  and,  at  the 
same  time,  he  had  secured  the  respect  of 
the  British  authorities  in  India,  as  well  by 
his  unswerving  friendship  as  by  his  prudent 
and  dignified  conduct.  It  was  not  therefore 
surprising,  when  the  hour  of  trial  arrived, 
and  his  sincerity  was  tested,  that  it  should  be 
found  the  confidence  reposed  in  him  had 
been  worthily  bestowed.  The  revolt  of  the 
native  army  of  Bengal  against  the  authority 
of  the  Company,  with  whom  he  was  upon 
terms  of  strict  amity,  naturally  placed 
Scindia  in  a position  of  great  embarrass- 
ment between  the  British  government  on 
the  one  hand,  and  the  troops  of  his  contin- 
gent on  the  other.  This  force,  which  he  was 
bound  by  treaty  to  maintain  for  the  service 
of  the  Company,  consisted  chiefly  of  men 
gathered  from  different  parts  of  Hiudostan 
proper,  and  from  Oude;  who  very  early  ex- 
hibited their  sympathy  with  the  aspirations 
for  independence,  and  revenge,  of  their  fel- 
* Vol.  L,  pp.  417 — 546. 


low-countrymen  on  the  Jumna  and  the 
Ganges.  His  own  personal  army  consisted 
chiefly  of  Mahrattas — a race  hitherto  proved 
to  be  rancorously  hostile  to  the  Hindoos, 
and  therefore  not  likely  to  be  influenced 
by  any  considerations  on  their  behalf ; but 
yet,  in  a general  struggle  with  the  Feriu- 
ghee  for  the  restoration  of  the  Mogul 
dynasty  to  the  throne  of  Hiudostan,  it  be- 
came impossible  to  foresee  how  long  the 
antipathy  of  races  would  be  able  to  resist 
the  influence  of  a combined  effort  in  favour 
of  an  independent  native  sovereignty. 

From  the  time  of  the  defection  of  a part 
of  the  contingent  force  in  June,  1857, 
nothing  but  the  most  strenuous  exertions 
and  unremitting  vigilance  on  the  part  of 
Scindia,  had  kept  the  disaffected  portion  of 
the  remainder  from  joining  the  rebel  force 
at  Delhi.  These  were,  however,  kept  harm- 
less_  by  the  firm  yet  conciliatory  policy  of 
their  ruler,  who  himself  continued  to  be  j 
their  paymaster,  and,  to  a certain  extent,  I 
ensured  their  fidelity  by  keeping  their  pay 
slightly  in  arrear.  During  July  and  August, 
occasional  desertions  were  reported ; and 
some  minor  detachments  at  isolated  sta- 
tions, marched  off  to  join  the  insurgents; 
but  the  main  body  still  exhibited  an  appear- 
ance of  subordination  and  fidelity.  At 
length,  the  mutineers  of  Holkar’s  contin- 
gent, from  Indore,  arrived  in  the  vicinity  of 
Gwalior,  and  the  effect  of  their  association 
with  the  troops  of  Scindia  soon  became  ap- 
parent in  the  disturbed  state  of  the  contin- 
gent. Many  of  the  men  belonging  to  the 
latter  were  now  seduced  from  their  allegi- 
ance; and  at  length,  on  the  5th  of  Septem- 
ber, a considerable  body  of  them  deserted, 
taking  with  them  seven  guns  and  a large 
quantity  of  ammunition.  Two  days  after- 
wards, the  native  officers  of  the  contingent 

187 


REVOLT  OF  THE  CONTINGENT.]  HISTORY  OF  THE  [a.d.  1857. 


waited  upon  the  maharajali,  and  announced 
the  determination  of  the  whole  of  the  re- 
maining force  to  join  their  brethren  in  arms 
against  the  English  raj ; and  demanded  of 
his  highness  their  arrears  of  pay,  with  food 
and  conveyance  either  to  Agra  or  Cawn- 
pore.  Circumstances  now  assumed  a seri- 
ous aspect  at  Gwalior,  and,  after  some 
unavoidable  delay,  the  state  of  affairs  was 
reported  to  the  governor-general  by  tele- 
graph from  Mhow,  in  the  following  mes- 
sage : — 

“Mhow,  September  28th,  1857. 

“ Scindia,  on  the  7th,  was  insolently 
pressed  by  the  contingent  mutineers  of 
Gwalior,  for  pay,  for  carriages,  and  for  a 
leader  to  head  them  on  a march  to  Agra. 
Scindia  refused ; but  found  it  advisable  to 
place  eleven  guns  in  position,  and  to  in- 
trench. On  the  7th,  the  Mhow  and  Indore 
rebels  were  at  the  Chumbul,  where  they 
had  collected  fifteen  boats,  and,  on  the  8th, 
were  crossing  baggage.  On  the  9th,  the 
contingent  mutineers  advanced  guns  out  of 
Mora,  raised  religious  standard  of  Hindoo 
Islam,  and  fired  a salute  of  twenty-two 
guns.  They  seized  carriage  from  neigh- 
bouring villages.” 

To  the  demands  of  the  mutinous  contin- 
gent, Scindia  returned  an  immediate  and 
decided  refusal ; and,  during  the  excitement 
that  followed  among  the  men,  apprehen- 
sions for  the  personal  safety  of  the  maha- 
rajah himself  were  more  than  once  enter- 
tained. Fortunately,  the  greater  portion  of 
his  Mahrattas  continued  faithful  to  their 
prince;  and  the  chiefs  and  landowners  of 
the  neighbouring  districts  having  tendered 
him  the  assistance  of  their  retainers,  the 
gathering  storm  passed  over  for  a short 
time,  and  the  troops,  reassuming  an  appear- 
ance of  fidelity,  returned  to  their  duty. 

When  the  united  body  of  Indore  and 
Gwalior  mutineers  and  traitors  marched 
from  the  vicinity  of  the  latter  city  on  the 
5th  of  September,  they  proceeded,  as  no- 
ticed in  the  telegram,  towards  the  Chum- 
bul, which  river  they  crossed  on  the  8th, 
and  took  possession  of  the  fort  of  Dholpore 
(about  thirty  miles  distant  from  Agra),  where 
they  remained,  supporting  themselves  by 
plundering  the  adjacent  districts,  until  the 
end  of  the  month,  occupied  in  concerting  a 
plan  of  attack  upon  Agra,  which  they  at- 
tempted to  carry  into  effect  on  the  10th  of 
October,  with  the  result  already  described.* 

At  length,  on  the  15th  of  October,  the 
• See  aute,  p.  62. 

188 


whole  of  the  remaining  troops  of  the  Gwa- 
lior contingent,  with  a number  of  the  Mah- 
rattas, consisting  altogether  of  six  regi- 
ments, four  batteries,  and  a siege-train, 
rose  in  open  mutiny,  again  hoisted  the 
standard  of  rebellion,  and,  without  offering 
any  injury  to  Scindia  or  the  inhabitants  of 
his  capital,  marched  from  their  canton- 
ments, and  took  the  direction  of  Jaloun — a 
large  town  of  Bundelcund,  about  twenty- 
five  miles  west  of  Calpee;  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  which  place  they  encamped, 
and  remained  during  the  rest  of  the  month, 
without  attempting  any  offensive  movement 
except  against  the  local  authorities,  but 
gathering  reinforcements  and  supplies  from 
various  quarters.  On  the  11th  of  Novem- 
ber, a column  of  the  mutinous  force,  con- 
sisting of  3,000  men,  with  eight  guns,  was 
pushed  on  to  Calpee  (about  forty-five  miles 
south-west  of  Cawnpore),  where  it  remained 
in  readiness  to  cross  the  Jumna.  Here  the 
advanced  column  was  gradually  augmented 
by  the  reserve  from  Jaloun,  and  by  a large 
body  of  rebellious  troops  from  Banda  and 
other  disturbed  districts ; and  at  length,  on 
the  21st  of  November,  the  whole  force, 
amounting  to  20,000  men,  with  thirty-eight 
pieces  of  cannon,  commenced  crossing  the 
river  preparatory  to  an  attack  on  Cawn- 
pore. 

The  importance  of  this  place  as  a central 
point  of  strategy,  was  obvious  to  the  com- 
manders of  both  forces.  On  the  north  side 
of  it,  and  merely  divided  by  the  river,  lay 
the  kingdom  of  Oude,  Avith  its  capital, 
Lucknow — so  important  in  relation  to  the 
occupancy  of  the  surrounding  territory ; on 
the  south-east  was  the  city  of  Allahabad, 
commanding  the  great  line  of  route  for  troops 
from  Calcutta;  on  the  north-west,  Agra 
and  Delhi  lay  on  the  direct  route  from  the 
Punjab;  while,  on  the  south  and  south- 
west, were  the  roads  along  which  armies 
could  approach  from  the  two  southern  presi- 
dencies of  Madras  and  Bombay.  The  pos- 
session of  Cawnpore  was  therefore  of  the 
utmost  importance  to  either  party ; and  Sir 
Colin  Campbell  had  directed  his  attention 
to  the  maintenance  of  that  position  previous 
to  his  departure  for  the  relief  of  Lucknow ; 
its  safety  being  entrusted  to  General  Wind- 
ham, whose  gallantry  at  tlie  Redan,  before 
Sebastopol,  had  won  for  him  an  imperish- 
able celebrity — the  instructions  given  to 
him  by  the  commander-iu-chief  being,  to 
remain  quiet  in  his  position  unless  attacked, 
and  to  keep  the  communication  safely  open 


A. I).  1857.]  INDIAN  MUTINY.  [advance  to  cawnpore. 

from  Lucknow,  via  Cawnpore,  to  Alla- 
habad. 

The  movements  of  the  Gwalior  and  In- 
dore troops  were,  from  time  to  time,  re- 
ported to  General  Windham  by  spies  ; and, 
about  the  middle  of  November,  he  learned 
that  the  rebel  force,  with  a formidable  park 
of  artillery,  had  arrived  within  twenty  miles 
of  Cawnpore.  The  troops  under  the  com- 
mand of  General  Windham,  comprising 
about  2,000  men,  at  this  time  occupied  an 
intrenched  position  or  fort  in  the  sonth- 
eastern  suburb  of  the  city,  at  no  great  dis- 
tance from  the  intrenchment  formerly  held 
by  Sir  Hugh  Wheeler.  The  position  was 
close  to  the  Ganges,  and  completely  covered 
the  bridge  of  boats  which  communicated 
with  the  Lncknow-road  ; but  unfortunately 
for  the  immediate  exigency,  occasioned  by 
the  advance  of  the  rel)el  force,  the  city  of 
Cawnpore  lay  directly  between  the  position 
held  by  the  general  and  the  Calpee-road, 
by  which  the  enemy  approached.  It  became 
necessary,  therefore,  by  a speedy  movement, 
to  secure  a point  of  defence  against  an 
attack  from  the  threatened  quarter,  which 
should  place  the  town  in  his  rear,  and 
check  the  approach  of  the  rebels  before 
they  reached  it.  Leaving,  accordingly,  a 
portion  of  his  troops  to  protect  the  in- 
trenchment and  bridge,  he  proceeded  with 
the  remainder  to  Dhuboulee,  a village  on 
the  north-west  of  Cawnpore,  on  the  Calpee- 
road,  where  he  took  up  a position,  having 
the  Ganges  terminal  branch  canal  in  his 
front,  and  the  road  and  canal  bridge  at  a 
short  distance  from  his  left  flank. 

On  the  25th  of  November,  the  enemy 
was  reported  to  be  in  force  within  fifteen 
miles  from  Cawnpore ; and  General  Wind- 
ham determined  to  arrest  their  further  pro- 
gress while  yet  at  a distance  from  the  city 
left  to  his  protection.  At  three  o’clock, 
therefore,  on  the  morning  of  the  26th,  he 
marched  from  his  new  position  at  Dhu- 
bonlee  to  encounter  the  rebel  force,  leaving 
his  camp-equipage  and  baggage  nnder 
guard,  and  having  with  him  about  1,200 
infantry,  consisting  of  portions  of  the  34th, 
82nd,  88th,  and  rifles,  a hundred  mounted 
sowars,  and  eight  guns.  Having  advanced 
between  eight  and  nine  miles  on  the  Calpee- 
road,  the  troops  arrived  at  Bhowsee,  near 
the  Pandoo  Nuddee,  on  the  opposite  side  of 
which  the  enemy  was  found  strongly 
posted.  The  British  force  advanced  to  the 
attack  with  a line  of  skirmishers  along  its 
whole  front,  having  supports  on  each  flank. 

and  a reserve  in  the  centre.  The  enemy 
opened  a heavy  fire  of  artillery  from  field 
and  siege  guns ; but  the  English  troops 
carried  the  position  with  a rush,  cheering  as 
they  went;  and  a village,  half  a mile  in  the 
rear  of  the  enemy,  was  speedily  cleared. 
The  mutineers  then  broke  from  their  ranks, 
and  took  to  a disorderly  flight,  leaving  be- 
hind them  two  howitzers  and  a gun.  Upon 
reaching  a height  on  the  opposite  side  of 
the  village,  in  pursuit  of  the  flying  enemy, 
it  was  discovered  that  the  main  body  of  the 
rebel  force  was  close  at  hand ; the  troops 
engaged  being  only  the  leading  division. 
To  invite  an  attack  by  this  overwhelming 
force,  was  deemed  likely  to  endanger  the 
safety  of  the  city;  and  General  Windham, 
upon  consideration,  resolved  to  return  to 
Cawnpore,  towards  which  he  was  closely 
followed  by  the  enemy,  until  he  reached 
the  bridge  over  the  canal ; and  thus  leaving 
the  position  he  had  occupied  in  the  morn- 
ing in  his  rear,  he  encamped  for  the  night 
on  the  Jewee  plain,  at  a short  distance 
from  the  north-western  angle  of  the  city; 
but  keeping  the  latter  between  his  force 
and  the  intrenched  fort  near  the  bridge  of 
boats  on  the  Ganges, 

On  the  following  day  (the  27th),  the 
enemy,  who  had  advanced  in  great  strength 
during  the  night,  commenced  a spirited 
attack  upon  the  British  force,  with  an  over- 
whelming discharge  from  their  heavy  guns. 
The  attack  was  sudden,  and  did  not  appear 
to  have  been  anticipated  by  the  general, 
who  speedily  found  himself  threatened  on 
all  sides,  and  very  seriously  assailed  on  his 
front  and  right  flank ; but,  in  spite  of  the 
heavy  bombardment  which  continued  with- 
out intermission  during  five  hours,  the 
troops  held  their  ground,  and  so  far  pre- 
vented the  direct  advance  of  the  enemy. 
At  length,  the  pertinacity  of  the  attacks 
upon  his  front  and  flanks,  induced  General 
Windham  to  ascertain  personally  what 
might  be  doing  in  his  rear;  and  there,  to 
his  surprise  and  mortification,  he  found 
that  the  enemy,  by  turning  his  flank,  had 
penetrated  into  the  town,  and  at  that 
moment  were  attacking  his  intrenched  posi- 
tion near  the  river.  An  order  to  retire  to 
the  fort  was  immediately  given  to  the 
troops,  and  it  was  obeyed  with  such  an 
unusual  celerity  that  a great  portion  of  the 
camp-equipage  and  baggage  was  left  to  the 
mercy  of  the  enemy.  This  booty  was  of 
course  eagerly  seized ; and  among  other 
valuable  property,  some  500  tents,  besides 

189 

CAWXPORE — A DISASTER.] 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  1857. 


saddlery,  harness,  and  camp  requisites  of  all 
kinds,  fed  the  bonfires  that  were  lighted 
that  night  to  announce  the  advantage 
gained  by  the  rebel  army. 

The  intrenched  fort  was  eventually  reached 
by  General  Windham’s  troops,  and  the  pro- 
tection requisite  for  the  passage  over  the 
Gauges  was  happily  continued.  For  that 
night  the  troops  remained  strictly  on  the  ; 
defensive. 

Bitter,  indeed,  was  the  mortification  with  [ 
which  the  survivors  of  this  unfortunate  day 
contemplated  the  disastrous  occurrences 
that  had  signalised  it.  One  private  letter 
from  an  officer  says — “ You  will  read  the 
account  of  this  day’s  fighting  with  astonish- 
ment ; for  it  tells  how  English  troops,  with 
their  trophies,  and  their  mottoes,  and  them 
far-famed  bravery,  were  repulsed,  and  lost 
their  camp,  their  baggage,  and  their  posi- 
tion, to  the  scouted  and  despised  natives 
of  India ! The  beaten  Feringhees,  as  the 
enemy  has  now  a right  to  call  them,  have 
retreated  to  their  intreuchments,  amid  over- 
turned tents,  pillaged  baggage,  men’s  kits, 
fleeing  camels,  elephants,  horses,  and 
servants  ! All  this  is  most  melancholy  and 
disgraceful.”  — Another  officer,  who  has 
given  his  notes  in  the  shape  of  a diary, 
affords  a vivid  idea  of  the  occurrences  of  the 
27th  and  28th  of  November,  in  the  follow- 
ing passages.  It  should  be  observed  that 
the  writer  was  the  bearer  of  an  important 
message  to  General  Windham,  and  had 
arrived  at  Cawnpore,  from  Futtehpore,  with 
a detachment  of  rifles,  on  the  very  day  of  the 
repulse  of  Windham’s  troops.  He  says — 
“ The  twelve  o’clock  gun  struck  as  I reached 
the  iutrenchment,  and  this  was  followed  by 
a general  cannonade.  General  Windham 
had  gone  out  to  meet  the  enemy,  and  I was 
directed  to  Brigadier  Wilson,  as  command- 
ing officer  in  the  iutrenchment.  When  I 
had  delivered  my  message,  he  sent  for 
Captain  Morphy,  the  brigade-major,  to 
whom  I repeated  it.  I then  went  to  the 
hotel,  where  I took  up  my  quarters ; and  as 
I sat  in  the  verandah,  after  a comfortable 
breakfast,  a dhooly  passed,  having  a man 
within  it,  whose  head  had  just  been  shat- 
tered by  a ball : it  was  a horrid  spectacle 
that,  my  first  glimpse  of  military  glory  ! 
The  roar  of  artillery  and  the  sharp  crack  of 
rifles  continued ; and  I proceeded  to  the 
gate  of  the  fort  to  inquire  why  my  baggage 
had  not  been  sent  up  to  my  quarters.  Be- 
tween the  hotel  and  the  fort,  the  garrison 
provost,  who  was  my  guide,  showed  rae  the 
190 


house  and  verandah  bespattered  with  blood, 
where  the  ladies  and  children  were  mur- 
dered by  order  of  Nana  Sahib ; the  tree 
against  which  the  children  were  dashed ; 
and  the  hideous  well,  now  closed  up,  into 
which  the  mutilated  and  reeking  bodies 
were  thrown.  On  arriving  at  the  gate  of 
the  fort,  I found  that  the  people,  civil  and 
military,  were  rushing  into  it  from  their 
houses  and  tents,  with  whatever  clothes  and 
articles  of  value  they  coidd  snatch  up.  I 
had  ordered  my  gharry-waggon  into  the 
fort;  but  the  driver  went  away  with  the 
horse,  and  I saw  him  no  more.  He,  how- 
ever^  left  the  vehicle. 

“3.20  p.M. — Saw  our  troops  retreating 
into  the  outer  intreuchment.  A regular 
panic  followed.  Trains  of  elephants,  camels, 
horses,  bulloek-waggons,  and  coolies,  came 
in  at  the  principal  gate,  laden  with  stuft'. 
The  principal  buildings  in  the  fort  are  the 
general  hospital,  the  sailors’  hospital,  the 
post-office,  and  the  commissariat  cellars. 
Around  these  houses,  which  are  scattered, 
crowds  of  camels,  bulloeks,  aud  horses  were 
collected,  fastened  by  ropes  to  stakes  in  the 
ground ; aud,  among  the  animals,  piles  of 
trunks,  beds,  chairs,  and  miscellaneous  fur- 
niture and  baggage.  There  was  scarcely 
room  to  move.  The  fort  may  cover  three 
or  four  acres,  I should  say.  Met  one  of 
the  chaplains  hastening  into  the  intrench- 
ment.  He  had  left  everything  in  his  tent 
outside.  The  servants  almost  everywhere 
abandoned  their  masters  when  they  heard 
the  guns.  Mounted  officers  were  galloping 
across  the  rough  ground  between  the  inner 
aud  outer  iutrenchmeuts,  aud  dhooly  after 
I dhooly,  with  its  red  curtains  down,  conceal- 
ing some  poor  victim,  passed  on  to  the 
i hospitals.  The  poor  fellows  were  brought 
! in,  shot,  cut,  shattered,  aud  wounded  in 
i every  imaginable  way;  and  as  they  went 
by,  raw  stumps  might  be  seen  hanging  over 
the  sides  of  the  dhoolies,  literally  like  torn 
butcher-meat.  The  agonies  which  I saw 
some  of  them  endure  during  the  surgical 
operations,  were  such  as  no  tongue  or  pen 
can  describe.  The  surgeons,  who  did  their 
utmost,  were  so  overworked,  that  many 
sufferers  lay  bleeding  for  hours  before  it 
was  possible  to  attend  to  them.  Here  and 
there,  both  outside  the  hospitals  and  within 
them,  a man  lay  on  his  bloody  litter  breath- 
ing out  his  life.  The  groaus  aud  cries  were 
I heartrending.  I saw  one  sailor  carried  in 
a litter  on  the  shoulders  of  four  men ; he 
i was  severely  wounded,  but  kept  up  his 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


A.D.  1857.] 

spirits  amazingly,  and  spoke  to  his  com- 
rades as  he  passed,  quite  jocularly. 

“But  I must  be  brief,  else  I shall  lose 
the  mail.  The  retreat  is  thus  explained. 
General  Windham,  who  repulsed  the  enemy 
yesterday,  went  out  to-day  about  noon  to 
attack  the  three  divisions  of  the  Gwalior 
rebels  under  Nana  Sahib.  Windliam  was 
routed,  I regret  to  say,  and  lost  his  camp, 
with  500  tents,  the  mess  plate  of  four  regi- 
ments, no  end  of  tents,  saddlery  and  har- 
ness in  an  unfinished  state,  and,  it  is 
said,  private  property  valued  at  £50,000. 
He  left  his  flank  exposed,  and  made  no  pro- 
vision for  the  safety  of  his  camp.  This  has 
been  a most  disastrous  affair.  Felt  the 
want  of  something  to  eat  in  the  evening, 
but  could  procure  only  some  biscuit  from 
the  commissariat.  Slept  in  my  waggon.” 
During  the  hasty  retreat  of  the  27th,  one 
of  the  guns  was  unluckily  capsized  in  a 
narrow  street  of  the  city.  It  was  not 
thought  prudent  at  the  time  to  retard  the 
flight  of  the  troops  to  the  intrenchment, 
by  staying  to  get  it  again  upon  its  wheels; 
but  at  night,  100  men  of  the  64th  regiment 
were  ordered  to  assist  some  men  of  the. 
naval  brigade  in  their  endeavour  to  secure 
the  gun.  This  was  a delicate  task  in  the 
midst  of  a city  crowded  with  the  enemy; 
i but  it  was  accomplished;  and  the  occurrence 
is  thus  described  by  an  officer  of  the  naval 
I brigade  engaged  in  the  affair : — 

“ We  marched  off,  under  the  guidance  of 
; a native,  who  said  he  would  take  us  to  the 
I spot  where  the  gun  lay.  We  told  him  he 
I sliould  be  well  rewarded  if  he  brought  us  to 
I the  gun ; but  if  he  brought  us  into  a trap, 
we  had  a soldier  by  him  'at  full  cock,’ 

[ ready  to  blow  his  brains  out.  We  passed 
i our  outside  pickets,  and  entered  the  town 
through  very  narrow  streets,  without  a 
single  nigger  being  seen,  or  a shot  fired  on 
j either  side.  We  crept  along;  not  a soul 
j spoke  a word — all  was  as  still  as  death ; and 
! after  marching  in  this  way  into  the  very 
; heart  of  the  town,  our  guide  brought  us  to 
tlie  spot  where  our  gun  was  capsized.  Tlie 
j soldiers  were  posted  on  each  side,  and  then 
I we  went  to  work.  Not  a man  spoke  above 
i his  breath,  and  each  stone  was  laid  down 
i quietly.  When  we  thought  we  had  cleared 
j enough,  I ordered  the  men  to  put  their 
shoulders  to  the  wheels  and  gun ; and  when 
all  was  ready,  and  every  man  had  his  pound 
before  him,  I said,  ‘Heave!’  and  up  she 
righted.  We  then  limbered  up,  called  the 
soldiers  to  follow,  and  we  marched  into  the 


[the  recovered  gun. 

intrenchment  with  our  gun  without  a shot 
being  fired.  When  we  got  in,  the  colonel 
returned  us  his  best  thanks,  and  gave  us  all 
an  extra  ration  of  grog.  We  then  returned 
to  our  guns  in  the  battery.” 

While  this  interesting  night  episode  was 
progressing  in  the  very  heart  of  the  enemy’s 
position.  General  Windham  and  his  supe- 
rior officers  were  engaged  in  consultation  as 
to  the  means  by  which  to  avert  the  mischief 
that  had  gathered  around  them.  Had  it 
been  possible  to  obtain  reliable  information 
concerning  the  position  of  the  enemy’s 
artillery,  a night  attack  would  have  been 
resorted  to ; but  as  no  such  information 
could  be  obtained,  it  Avas  resolved  to  defer 
operations  till  the  morrow.  Accordingly, 
early  on  the  morning  of  the  28th  of  Novem- 
ber, the  force,  divided  into  four  sections, 
was  thus  distributed  : — One,  under  Colonel 
Walpole,  was  ordered  to  defend  the  ad- 
vanced portions  of  the  town  on  the  left  side 
of  the  canal ; a second,  under  Brigadier 
Wilson,  was  to  hold  the  intrenchment,  and 
establish  a strong  picket  on  the  extreme 
right;  a third,  under  Brigadier  Carthew,  to 
hold  the  Bithoor-road,  in  advance  of  the 
intrenchment,  receiving  support,  if  neces- 
sary, from  the  picket  there ; and  the  fourth, 
under  General  Windham  himself,  was  to 
defend  the  portion  of  the  town  nearest  the 
Ganges,  on  the  left  of  the  canal,  and  support 
Colonel  Walpole,  if  requisite.  These  ar- 
rangements were  specially  intended  to  pro- 
tect the  intrenchment  and  the  bridge  of 
boats — so  vitally  important  in  connection 
with  the  operations  of  the  commauder-in- 
chief  in  Oude;  but  the  position  of  the  whole 
Avas  to  be  purely  defensive. 

By  the  time  the  troops  had  taken  the 
positions  assigned  to  them,  the  enemy  came 
on  in  great  strength,  and  a severe  struggle 
ensued.  The  Gwalior  mutineers  had  been 
joined  by  another  force,  led  by  Nana  Sahib 
in  person,  and  by  a third,  commanded  by 
his  brother  Bhola  Sahib ; and  altogether, 
the  insurgent  army  numbered  about  21,000 
men,  besides  an  immense  train  of  bud- 
mashes  and  Goojurs  in  quest  of  plunder.  This 
armament  marched  unmolested  over  the 
ground  that  had  been  occupied,  or  traversed, 
by  the  British  troops  on  the  preceding  da}’, 
and  reached  the  vicinity  of  the  intrencb- 
ment  Avithout  encountering  any  opposition. 
Colonel  Walpole’s  division,  on  the  left,  was 
the  first  met  Avith : his  men  sustained  the 
onslaught  of  the  rebels  Avith  great  firmness, 
and,  after  some  hard  fighting,  drove  them 


CAA\->'PORE — A SECOND  REPULSE.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


back  with  a tremendous  sacrifice  of  life  : no 
prisoners  were  taken;  and  it  was  only  by 
this  division  that  any  perceptible  advantage 
j was  gained.  Being  ably  seconded  by 
I Colonels  Woodford  and  Watson,  and  Cap- 
I tain  Green,  Colonel  Walpole  not  only  re- 
pulsed the  enemy,  but  also  captured  two  of 
his  18-pounder  guns.  Brigadier  Carthew, 
who  struggled  throughout  the  day  against 
a formidable  body  of  the  enemy,  was  at 
j length  compelled  to  retire  from  his  position 
I as  the  evening  drew  on — a movement  which 
j incurred  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief, when  the  brigade  report 
was  laid  before  him.  Brigadier  Wilson, 
who  was  eager  to  render  service  at  the  point 
so  hardly  pressed,  led  his  section  of  troops, 
chiefly  consisting  of  the  64th  regiment, 
against  four  guns,  which  had  been  placed 
by  the  rebels  in  front  of  Carthew’s  position. 
In  the  face  of  the  enemy,  and  under  a mur- 
derous fire  from  their  guns,  the  veteran 
oflficer  and  his  gallant  men  advanced  for 
more  than  half  a mile  up  a ravine,  com- 
manded by  high  ground  in  front,  as  well  as 
on  both  sides;  and,  from  a ridge  which 
crowned  the  front,  the  four  9-pounders 
played  upon  them  with  terrible  effect. 
Nothing  daunted,  they  rushed  forward,  and 
had  nearly  reached  the  battery,  when  they 
j were  met  by  a large  force  of  the  enemy,  till 
then  concealed  in  a bend  of  the  ravine. 

I AVith  such  odds  to  encounter,  further  pro- 
, gress  was  impossible,  and  the  troops  were 
compelled  to  retreat,  the  officers  falling  at 
i almost  every  step.  Brigadier  Wilson,  Major 
Stirling,  and  Captains  Macrae  and  Morpby, 
fell  in  this  unfortunate  afl'air,  which  was  a 
repnlse  in  every  sense  of  the  term.  The 
surviving  troops  retired  to  the  iutrench- 
ment ; and,  on  the  night  of  the  28th  of 
November,  the  mutineers  revelled  as  \dctors 
in  the  city  of  Cawmpore.  Everything  in 
the  place  that  had  belonged  to  the  British 
troops  or  native  Christians,  was  now  at 
their  mercy;  and  among  the  booty  thus  ac- 
quired, were  10,000  rounds  of  Enfield  car- 
[ tridges,  the  mess  plate  of  four  of  the  Queen’s 
! regiments,  the  paymaster’s  chests,  and  a 
I large  amount  of  miscellaneous  property. 

The  diary  to  which  reference  has  already 
been  made,  affords  some  interesting  details 
I of  this  disastrous  affair  of  the  28th.  The 
I writer  commences  thus: — 

! “ Saturday,  November  28th. 

i “ 9.40  A.M. — Heavy  firing  on  our  right, 

j “ 9.50  A.M. — Heavy  firing  on  our  left, 

j “ 11.15  .v.M. — Brigadier  Wilson  has  been 
192 


[a.d.  1857. 

carried  into  his  tent  mortally  wounded, 
shot  through  the  back  and  left  lung.  He 
lived  for  two  hours,  and  then  calmly  sunk 
to  his  rest.  His  last  moments  proved  him 
to  be  a hero  and  a Christian.  The  chap- 
lain remained  with  him  till  he  died. 

“ The  conduct  of  the  64th  regiment  this 
morning  has  justly  excited  admiration. 
Brigadier  Wilson  asked  General  Windham 
to  allow  him  to  charge  the  enemy  with  the 
64th,  of  which  he  was  colonel.  Permission 
was  granted.  The  regiment  advanced  in 
the  face  of  the  enemy,  and  under  a mur- 
derous fire,  for  more  than  half  a mile,  up  a 
ravfne  commanded  by  high  ground  in  front, 
as  well  as  on  the  right  and  left.  From  the 
ridge  in  front  four  9-pounders  played  upon 
them  as  they  went  forward.  The  left  flank 
of  the  Gwalior  rebels  rested  on  the  Ganges, 
and  their  guns  weie  protected  by  dense 
columns  of  troops,  who  lay  under  cover, 
and  w’ere  strongly  supported  by  cavalry  on 
their  left.  After  disputing  every  inch  of 
the  ground,  their  front  line  was  driven 
back  by  the  steady  and  determined  fire  of 
the  64th.  It  then  appeared,  that  over- 
whelming numbers  of  the  hostile  force  lay 
concealed  in  three  or  four  parallels  behind. 
These  rose  and  met  the  64th  as  soon  as  the 
foremost  officers  (Major  Stirling,  Captain 
Saunders,  Captain  Morphy,  Captain  Macrae, 
Lieutenant  Parsons,  Lieutenant  O’Grady, 
and  others)  reached  the  crest  of  the  ridge, 
and  charged  upon  the  guns,  followed  by  the 
column.  Major  Stirling  fell  gloriously  in 
front  of  the  battery,  fighting  hand-to-hand 
with  tlie  enemy,  of  whom  he  killed  several. 
Captain  Morphy  was  shot  through  the 
heart,  and  seemed  to  bound  from  his  sad- 
dle, falling  heavily  upon  his  head.  Captain 
Macrae  also  met  his  fate  like  a soldier,  with 
his  face  to  the  foe.  Captain  Saunders, 
commanding  the  leading  division,  dashed 
forward,  followed  by  Parsons  and  O’Grady. 
Parsons  instantly  received  a severe  wound 
in  his  sword  arm.  O’Grady  cheered  the 
men  on,  waving  his  cap  in  the  air,  until  he 
had  the  honour  of  laying  his  hand  on  one 
of  the  guns.  The  regiment  took  up  the 
cheer,  and  hurried  on  to  the  support  of 
Saunders  and  O’Grady,  now  fiercely  en- 
gaged in  personal  conflict  with  the  Gwa- 
liors.  The  fine  old  brigadier  (whose  horse, 
w'ounded  in  two  places,  carried  him  with 
difficulty  over  the  rough  ground)  was  push- 
ing on  with  all  possible  speed  to  the  front, 
shouting,  ‘ Now,  boys,  you  have  them !’ 
w'hen  he  received  his  mortal  wound.  As  he 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


A.D.  1857.] 


[the  64th  regiment. 


■vras  unable  to  keep  his  seat  in  the  saddle? 
some  of  his  brave  fellows  carried  him  to  the 
rear,  while  he  continued  to  urge  the  troops 
to  maintain  the  honour  of  the  corps.  At 
this  juncture  the  enemy  fell  back  on  their 
reserve,  which  lay  concealed  in  the  paral- 
lels behind.  Then  occurred  one  of  those 
blunders  which  neutralise  the  effect  of  the 
bravest  actions.  Two  of  our  own  guns 
opened  fire  on  the  64th  regiment  from  the 
left ; and,  at  the  same  instant,  the  enemy’s 
cavalry,  together  with  the  overwhelming 
force  of  infantry  in  front,  poured  down 
upon  the  right,  and  compelled  our  troops 
to  retire.  Strange  to  say.  Captain  Saun- 
ders, and,  I believe.  Lieutenant  O’Grady, 
escaped  unhurt.  After  the  death  of  Bri- 
gadier Wilson  and  Major  Stirling,  Cap- 
tain Saunders  became  the  senior  officer 
present ; and  his  conspicuous  gallantry 
to-day  deserves  not  only  honourable  men- 
tion, but  such  reward  as  a soldier  covets. 
The  hospital  to-day  is  a perfect  acel- 
dama.” 

An  officer  of  the  64th  regiment,  de- 
scribing the  incidents  of  the  day,  writes 
thus: — “We  had  to  turn  out  about  two  in 
the  morning  to  occupy  the  Baptist  chapel, 
which  is  situated  a short  distance  to  the 
north  of  the  intrenchment,  and  we  thought 
to  have  had  a quiet  day;  but  just  after 
breakfast-time,  crack  went  the  rifles  in 
front,  and,  in  about  ten  minutes,  the 
enemy’s  shot,  shell,  and  grape,  came  pitch- 
ing into  and  over  the  place  in  fine  style. 
However,  no  one  was  hit,  as  we  had  excel- 
lent cover.  We  soon  got  tired  of  it,  how- 
ever; and,  to  our  delight,  we  perceived  a 
reinforcement  of  the  34th  coming  up  the 
road.  So  we  ‘fell-in’  in  front  of  them, 
and  marched  down  the  road  for  about  half 
a mile,  when  we  suddenly  came  upon  the 
enemy’s  battery,  in  a most  formidable  posi- 
tion. Of  course,  the  instant  they  perceived 
us,  a storm  of  grape,  shot,  shell,  &c., 
opened  upon  us.  The  brigadier  gave  the 
word  to  charge,  and  ‘ at  ’em’  we  went ; but 
sadly  reckoned  without  our  host.  You  will 
imagine  what  a fire  we  were  exposed  to 
when  I tell  you  that  we  went  in  fourteen 
officers  and  160  men : of  the  former,  seven 
were  killed  directly,  and  two  wounded ; of 
the  latter,  only  eighteen  killed  and  fifteen 
wounded — so  the  officers  were  evidently 
picked  out.  We  fought  at  the  guns  for 
about  ten  minutes.  Two  were  spiked — one 
by  Major  Stirling,  who  rushed  up  to  it 
sword  in  hand.  The  native  gunners  rushed 
VOL.  II.  2 c 


at  us  in  the  most  ferocious  manner,  cutting 
with  their  swords  and  throwing  bricks.  By 
the  latter.  Captain  Bowlby  and  I were 
knocked  down  together,  but  jumped  up 
again  directly,  when  the  devils  came  at  us 
again  with  swords  and  shields.  I fired  my 
pistol  at  one  fellow,  and  I suppose  I hit 
him,  for  he  did  not  come  on.  Brigadier 
Wilson  was  killed.  I was  just  behind  him 
when  his  horse  was  struck  by  two  balls. 
He  was  afterwards  shot  through  the  body. 
However,  we  were  regularly  beaten  off ; 
and  then  commenced  a most  terrible  re- 
treat. The  guns  (six  in  number)  and 
swarms  of  infantry  poured  in  a withering 
fire.  As  I ran  to  the  rear,  officers  and  men 
were  shot  down  within  a yard  of  me ; but  I 
escaped  by  the  greatest  miracle.  I ran  by  the 
brigadier’s  side  until  his  horse  was  hit,  which 
was  about  twenty  yards  from  the  muzzles, 
when  I passed  him.  Directly  an  officer 
was  down,  the  sepoys  cut  him  to  pieces 
with  their  tulwars.  But  fancy  160  men 
charging  six  guns  and  about  1,000  infantry  ! 
We  were  awfully  blown  in  getting  up  to 
their  position,  as  we  had  to  cross  a deep 
‘ nullah,’  and  up  the  other  side.  I was  one 
of  the  first  ‘fortunates’  up — at  least,  all  the 
officers  were  in  front ; but  there  could  not 
have  been  more  than  fifty  men  with  us. 
We  had  two  guns  in  our  possession  for  a 
few  minutes ; but  our  supports  failed  us, 
and  then  it  was,  ‘ Devil  take  the  hindmost.’ 
We  have  been  under  a hot  fire  now  since 
the  26th.  I am  writing  this  from  our 
outer  trench,  and  the  shot  and  shell  are 
flying  about  from  both  sides.  However, 
we  are  quite  safe,  and  have  not  had  a casualty 
since  we  entered  the  trenches.  The  sepoys 
occupy  the  adjacent  ruins ; and,  as  they 
run  from  one  to  the  other,  we  pot  them. 
They  had  done  themselves  up  with  bang 
yesterday,  intending  to  rush  at  us  with 
their  swords ; but  the  brutes  failed  after 
all.  It  was  a dreadful  sight  to  see  the  poor 
officers  being  eut  up.  They  were  all  round 
me;  hut,  by  the  greatest  mercy,  I was  not 
touched.  I lost  my  sword-belt,  scabbard, 
pistol,  and  keys  (which  were  attached  to  the 
scabbard.)  Whether  the  whole  apparatus  was 
cut  away  by  a shot  or  not,  I don’t  know. 
Oh,  I forgot  to  tell  you  that,  in  the  first 
day’s  fight,  I tumbled  into  a burning  lime- 
kiln, but  didn’t  get  hurt  a bit,  although  I 
lost  one  of  my  pistols.  One  of  the  poor 
fellows  (Gibbons,  52nd),  who  was  after- 
wards killed  at  the  charge  on  the  guns, 
rushed  in  after  me;  but  I scrambled  out 

193 


CA^^'^’PORE — REBEL  PROCLAMATIONS.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


by  myself.  We  cauglit  a spy  or  sepoy  tbis 
morning,  and  didn’t  Ave  blow  his  brains 
out  ? I never  could  have  believed  that  one 
could  get  so  accustomed  to  firing;  but  I 
can  assure  you  that  one  pays  no  more 
I attention  to  ‘ whistling  Dick’  going  by,  than 
one  would  to  a bit  of  paper.  In  the  gun 
scrimmage  my  coat  and  sword  Avere  splashed 
all  over  Avith  blood.  These  Gwaliors  that 
I Ave  are  fighting  now,  are  some  20,000 
I ' strong,  and  the  natives  are  joining  them 
every  day.  They  had  forty  guns  or  so  at 
I ' the  beginning  of  the  row;  but  noAv  they 
! have  lost  some  to  us.  This  trench  business 
is  harassing  work.  We  have  been  four 
days  and  four  nights  Avithout  taking  our 
i things  off.  There  is  a ruined  bungalow 
, about  400  yards  off,  full  of  sepoys.  The 
brutes  sometimes  fire  into  us  in  the  mid- 
1 die  of  the  night;  and  the  general  won’t 
I let  us  make  a rush  and  drive  them  out. 

I They  shelled  our  hospital  the  other  day, 

I and,  I believe,  wounded  some  of  the 
patients.” 

Great  as  the  mortification  inflicted  upon 
I General  Windham,  by  the  result  of  his 
i operations  on  the  27th  of  November,  had 
been,  it  was  severely  augmented  by  the 
defeat  sustained  by  the  troops  under  his 
j command  on  the  following  day.  The  pres- 
1 iige  of  his  name  was  obscured,  and  the 
I vaunted  in\incibility  of  British  soldiers  be- 
! came,  for  the  moment,  a subject  for  derision 
j among  the  rebels,  who  exulted  in  their  acci- 
! dental  triumph.  Encouraged  by  success, 

I I and  by  the  severe  loss  they  had  inflicted 
upon  the  English  troops,  the  commanders 
I of  the  insurgent  forces  panted  for  the  mor- 
j row’s  sun  that  should  light  them  to  the  ncAV 
! victory  they  anticipated,  and  which  they 
' intended  to  crown  by  the  entire  extermina- 
tion of  the  AAdiole  British  force  in  the  in- 
j trenchment.  Already  Avere  proclamations 
prepared,  announcing  to  the  inhabitants  of 
I Cawnpore,  and  the  adjacent  districts,  the 
! utter  destruction  of  the  Eeringhee  raj,  and 
I the  restoration  to  independent  sovereignty 
of  the  ancient  dynasties  of  Hindoostan. 
The  traitors,  dazzled  by  the  brilliancy  of  an 
unexpected  triumph  on  two  successive  days, 
Avere  blind  to  the  approaching  future ; they 
knew  not  that  the  avenger  was  near,  that 
succour  Avas  at  hand,  and  that  a terrible 
punishment  was  about  to  be  inflicted  upon 
them. 

It  has  already  been  stated  that  the  com- 
mander-in-chief, while  on  the  road  from 
Lucknow  Avith  the  rescued  garrison  and 
194 


[a.d.  1857. 

families,  had  received  intelligence  from 
Cawnpore,  which  induced  him  to  press  for- 
Avard  in  advance  of  the  convoy,  and  that  he 
reached  the  intrenchment  during  the  evening 
of  the  28th  November,*  and  immediately 
assumed  command  of  the  force,  now  suffering 
under  the  double  mortification  of  defeat  and 
the  loss  of  their  camp-equipage  and  baggage; 
Avhile  the  city  of  Cawnpore,  Avhich  he  had  left 
but  a few  weeks  preA'ious,  in  the  undisputed 
possession  of  British  troops,  was  now  en- 
tirely occupied  by  a rebel  army,  which,  em- 
boldened by  success,  Avas  preparing  to  attack 
the  position  he  had  so  opportunely  reached. 
However  much  annoyed  by  the  circum- 
stances that  surrounded  him.  Sir  Colin 
Campbell’s  first  consideration  Avas  for  the 
preservation  of  the  unfortunates  whom  he 
had  already  once  rescued  from  imminent 
peril,  and  who  Avere  now  closely  approaching 
a new  scene  of  danger,  the  passage  over  the 
Ganges  being  rendered  painfully  hazardous 
by  the  continued  fire  of  the  enemy,  whose 
heavy  guns  had  been  directed  upon  the  bridge 
of  boats  from  daybreak  of  the  29th.  To  put 
an  end  to  this  annoyance,  some  heavy  guns, 
under  the  command  of  Captain  Peel  and 
Captain  Travers,  of  the  artillery,  took  up  a 
position  on  the  left  bank  of  the  river ; and 
by  their  vigorous  and  well-directed  efforts, 
at  length  succeeded  in  keeping  down  the 
fire  of  the  enemy. 

The  convoy  had  been  halted  shortly  after 
dusk  on  the  evening  of  the  28th,  about 
three  miles  from  the  Ganges,  with  instruc- 
tions to  await  an  order  to  advance.  Prepara- 
tory to  that  movement  a column  had  been 
dispatched,  under  the  commandof  Brigadier- 
general  Grant,  to  secure  and  keep  open  the 
road  from  Cawnpore,  through  Futtehpore 
to  Allahabad;  and  the  remainder  of  the 
troops,  under  the  personal  command  of  Sir 
Colin  Campbell,  were  so  disposed  as  to  pre- 
sent an  effectual  check  to  any  movement 
of  the  enemy.  These  arrangements  being 
complete,  on  the  29th,  as  soon  as  the  evening 
had  become  sufficiently  dark  to  veil  the 
moA'ement,  the  artillery  park,  the  wounded, 
and  the  rescued  families,  were  ordered  to 
advance  and  file  over  the  bridge ; but  it  was 
not  until  six  o’clock  in  the  evening  of  the 
30th,  that  the  last  cart  of  the  convoy  had 
cleared  the  passage  over  the  river;  the 
transport  having  occupied  thirty  continuous 
hours  between  its  commencement  and  its 
close. 

Again  we  may  have  recourse  to  the 
• See  ante,  p.  98. 


A.D.  1857.]  INDIAN 


Diary  for  some  interesting  details  of  the 
j events  of  Sunday,  the  29th  of  November : — 

" At  dawn  great  guns  began  to  play  upon 
I us.  Soon  afterwards  the  cannonade  became 
j general,  and,  by  7 a.m.,  it  was  something 
1 tremendous — shot  and  shell  flying  over  us 
in  all  directions. 

“ 8.30  A.M. — Good  news ! Sir  Colin 
Campbell,  with  a strong  reinforcement,  and 
470  women  and  children  from  Lucknow, 
are  on  the  other  side  of  the  Ganges,  which 
flows  under  the  northern  parapet  of  our 
I iutrenchment.  The  troops  with  the  com- 
I mander-in-chief,  said  to  number  3,000,  are 
! I much  needed  here  to-day.  Looking  over 
[ the  wall  for  an  instant  (it  is  not  very  safe  to 
I show  one’s  head),  I see  two  bodies  of  horse- 
j men  in  advance,  and  an  extended  line  of 
I troops,  elephants,  camels,  bullock-waggons, 

I and  camp-followers,  stretching  far  away  to 
the  horizon.  The  banging  of  our  own  guns 
just  at  our  ears  is  most  deafening.  Grape 
( and  round  shot  have  been  falling  on  the 
tree  close  to  our  tent.  Some  shells,  I be- 
lieve, have  fallen  on  the  hospital,  which  is, 
unfortunately,  much  exposed.  Every  square 
foot  of  the  floor  and  verandah  of  the  general 
hospital  is  covered  with  wounded  officers  and 
men. 

“11.40  A.M. — Horse  artillery,  9th  lancers, 
32nd,  53rd,  and  93rd  regiments  have  crossed 
the  bridge  of  boats  below  our  fort.  Heartily 
glad  to  see  the  kilts,  the  plumes,  and  the 
I tartan.  May  God  defend,  direct,  and  bless 
I my  brave  countrymen  ! Such  a Sunday  ! 
j Two  shells  have  just  whizzed  over  our 
] heads.  ‘ Eall-in,  82nd!’  is  the  cry.  We 
, hope  the  advance  with  fixed  bayonets  is  now 
to  be  made,  as  the  rebels  are  taking  shelter 
\ under  some  ruined  houses.  The  hotel  is  in 
j flames. 

! “ 12  Noon. — Grape,  round  shot,  and  rifle 

I bullets,  rushing  over  us  in  slight  showers, 
j A round  shot  has  crashed  through  the  big 
! tree  beside  us. 

I “ 1 P.M. — This  is  exciting.  Another  large 
j round  shot  over  our  heads.  They  have  not 
quite  got  our  range.  Fortunately,  the 
I parapet  protects  us  in  some  degree.  Bang  ! 

I another  over  us  ! Again — again — again  (a 
shell  this  time,  and  burst.)  Our  guns  on 
I the  parapet  are  answering  them,  so  that  the 
earth  trembles.  A person  has  come  into 
tent  saying,  ‘ We  have  killed  loads  of  the 
enemy.’  The  more  the  better,  we  all  think. 
The  artillery  is  beautifully  directed  by 
Captain  Dangerfield  and  others  on  the 
parapets. 


MDTINY.  [the  mAEY.  I 

“2.15  p.m. — The  cannonade  has  paused 
for  half-an-hour.  I hear  Lucknow  soldiers 
and  their  old  comrades  exchanging  greetings 
and  congratulations  in  their  rough  but 
hearty  style;  and  counting  over  the  dead 
and  the  wounded  of  their  acquaintance. 

“ 2.35  p.M.  — Cannonade  commenced 
again.  The  rifles  have  not  ceased  all  day. 
Colonel  Fyers  and  his  men  have  done  good 
service.  They  went  into  action  on  Friday 
as  soon  as  they  reached  Cawnpore,  although 
they  had  marched  forty-eight  miles  almost 
without  halting,  and  some  were  lame,  many 
footsore,  and  all  weary.  Their  arrival 
seemed  to  be  the  means  of  saving  the  fort, 
when  our  other  troops  were  in  full  retreat. 
Colonel  Woodford,  an  excellent  officer,  with 
whom  I came  from  Benares  to  Allahabad, 
was  killed  in  a hand-to-hand  fight  in  the 
field  yesterday.  The  church,  I am  just  in- 
formed, was  burnt  last  night  by  the  enemy ; 
and  the  assembly-rooms  and  school  have 
been  burnt  to-day.  There  is  a dense  column 
of  smoke  ascending  from  the  town  about 
half  a mile  off. 

“ 4 p.M. — One  of  the  ladies  from  Luck-  j 

now  has  come  in,  and  M and  I have 

given  up  the  tent  to  her.  She  has  a most  i 
touching  story  to  tell,  and  she  tells  it  most  j 
effectively.  She  gave  us  in  half-an-hour  j 
what  might  be  the  substance  of  an  interest-  j 
ing  volume.  She  and  her  husband  have  ' 
lost  their  all. 

“5.30  p.M. — The  scene  from  the  veran- 
dah of  the  general  hospital  is  at  this  mo- 
ment one  never  to  be  forgotten.  A proces- 
sion of  human  beings,  cattle,  and  vehicles 
(six  miles  long),  is  coming  up  to  the  bridge  I ; 
of  boats  below  the  fort.  It  is  just  about  ; 
sunset.  The  variety  of  colour  in  the  sky  j 
and  on  the  plain,  the  bright  costumes  and  ; 
black  faces  of  the  native  servants,  the  crowd  | 
of  camels  and  horses,  and  the  piles  of  furni-  ^ 
ture,  and  so  forth,  in  the  foreground  at  my  , 
feet  (all  seen  between  two  pillars  of  this 
verandah,  w'hich  is  raised  some  eight  or  ten 
feet  from  the  ground),  produce  a very  re- 
markable effect.  But  the  groans  of  the 
poor  fellows  on  charpoys  and  on  the  floor, 
behind  and  around  me,  dissolve  the  fascina- 
tion of  the  scene. 

“ Slept  again  in  my  waggon.”  ! 

The  operations  of  Brigadier  Carthew,  in 
the  action  of  the  28th  of  November,  are  de- 
tailed in  the  following  report  from  him  to 
the  deputy-adjutant-general : — 

“ Cawnpore,  December  1,  1857. 

“ Sir, — I have  the  honour  to  submit,  for  the  infor- 

195 


CAWNPORE — CARTHEw’s  REPULSE.]  HISTORY  OF  THE  [a.u.  1857. 


mation  of  Major-general  Windham,  commanding 
the  Cawnpore  division,  the  following  report  of  my 
defence  of  the  bridge  and  Bithoor-road,  on  the  28th 
ultimo. 

“ At  daylight  on  the  28th  of  November,  I pro- 
ceeded, according  to  instructions,  with  her  majesty’s 
34th  regiment,  two  companies  of  her  majesty’s  82nd 
regiment,  and  four  guns  of  Madras  native  artillery, 
to  take  up  a position  at  the  Racket-court;  two 
companies  of  her  majesty’s  64th  regiment  having 
been  placed  in  the  Baptist  chapel,  to  keep  up  com- 
munication with  me.  When  within  a few  hundred 
yards  of  the  Racket-court,  I received  instructions 
through  the  late  Captain  Macrae,  that  General 
Windham  preferred  the  position  of  the  previous 
evening  being  taken  upon  the  bridge,  and  the 
Bithoor-road  defended.  I consequently  retired, 
leaving  a company  of  her  majesty’s  34th  regiment  to 
occupy  the  front  line  of  broken-down  native  infantry 
huts,  and  another  company  in  their  support,  in  a 
brick  building,  about  a hundred  yards  to  their  rear. 

I then  detached  a company  of  her  majesty’s  34th  to 
the  opposite  side  of  the  road  across  the  plain,  in  a 
line  with  the  above  support,  to  occupy  a vacant 
house,  to  man  the  garden  walls,  and  the  upstair  ve- 
randah. These  companies  formed  a strong  position, 
and  quite  commanded  the  whole  road  towards  the 
bridge.  I halted  at  the  bridge,  with  the  remainder 
of  the  34th  and  four  guns,  and  barricaded  the  road, 
and  placed  two  guns  on  the  bridge.  I then  sent  two 
companies  of  the  34th,  under  Lieutenant-colonel 
Simpson,  to  occupy  the  position  he  held  the  previous 
evening,  to  prevent  the  egress  of  the  enemy  from  the 
town  towards  the  intrenchments ; also  to  defend  the 
road  from  Allahabad.  This  picket  I subsequently 
strengthened  with  two  of  my  guns,  which  could  not 
be  worked  on  the  bridge. 

“ A brisk  fire  was  kept  up  by  the  enemy  from 
their  position  against  the  native  lines,  on  the  ad- 
vanced skirmishers  and  picket,  and  upon  the  bridge, 
by  their  guns  (16-pounders),  throughout  the  whole 
day.  About  mid-day.  Captain  Macrae  conve5'ed 
instructions  to  me  to  proceed  to  the  front,  to  attack 
the  enemy’s  infantry  and  guns ; that  he  was  to  con- 
vey the  same  instructions  to  her  majesty’s  64th  regi- 
ment, and  both  parties  to  advance  at  the  same  time. 

“ Captain  Macrae  took  with  him,  to  strengthen 
the  64th,  forty  men  of  a company  of  her  majesty’s 
82nd,  which  I had  placed  as  a picket  at  the  old 
commissariat  compound,  for  the  protection  of  the 
road  leading  from  that  direction  tp  the  intrenchment. 
I advanced  with  my  two  guns  and  a company  of  the 
34th  from  the  bridge,  taking,  as  I advanced,  the 
company  stationed  to  my  right  in  the  upstair  house, 
and  the  company  in  the  broken  huts,  with  its  sup- 
port, on  my  left. 

“ On  advancing  and  clearing  the  front  line  of  trees, 
I was  desirous,  and  endeavoured,  to  push  the  whole 
of  my  party  across  the  plain  in  front,  to  charge  the 
enemy’s  guns ; but  as  their  infantry  still  occupied 
the  broken  ground  of  other  huts,  and  my  force  with- 
out support,  it  could  not  be  done.  The  enemy’s 
guns  were  driven  far  to  the  rear  by  the  fire  of  my 
two  guns,  after  which  my  skirmishers,  support,  and 
right  picket,  took  up  their  original  positions,  and  I 
returned  with  the  guns  to  the  bridge.  Shortly  after 
this,  the  enemy’s  infantry  were  seen  to  be  skirting 
along  the  edge  of  the  town,  with  the  evident  inten- 
tion of  turning  our  flank,  and  of  pouring  a fire  upon 
us  from  the  houses  on  our  left.  Both  picket  and 
skirmishers  applied  for  reinforcements,  which  I could 
196 


not  afford;  but  desired  them  to  hold  their  positions 
as  long  as  possible,  and  then  fall  back  to  the  head  of 
the  bridge,  which  they  did  about  five  o’clock. 

“ The  enemy  were  now  increasing  in  large  num- 
bers on  our  left,  occupying  houses,  garden-walls,  and 
the  church.  A company  was  sent  through  the  gar- 
dens to  dislodge  the  enemy,  and  drive  them  from  the 
church ; buc  the  enemy  were  strong  enough  in  posi- 
tion to  maintain,  or  rather  to  return  to,  their  position. 

I then  concentrated  all  my  force  on  both  flanks  of 
the  bridge,  and  with  the  guns  kept  up  a heavy  fire. 
The  enemy  now  brought  up  a gun  into  the  church- 
yard, which  enfiladed  the  bridge  at  a distance  not 
exceeding  150  yards,  my  own  guns  not  being  able  to 
bear  on  their  position.  The  enemy  were  still  in- 
creasing, and  working  round  to  my  rear  by  my  left 
flank ; I retired  the  guns  about  a hundred  yards,  so 
as  to  command  the  bridge  and  the  road  leading 
from  the  town. 

“ Officers  and  men  were  at  this  time  falling  fast 
around  me.  I applied  for  a reinforcement,  but  by 
the  time  they  arrived  night  had  set  in,  and  I now 
considered  it  prudent  to  retire  with  the  remainder  of 
my  force  into  the  intrenchment,  which  was  done 
with  perfect  regularity,  the  reinforcement  of  rifles 
protecting  the  rear. 

“ Although  for  some  time  earnestly  advised  to  re- 
tire, I refrained  from  doing  so,  until  I felt  convinced 
that,  from  the  increasing  numbers  of  the  enemy,  the 
fatigue  of  the  men  after  three  days’  hard  fighting, 
and  my  own  troops  firing  in  the  dark  into  each 
other,  the  position  was  no  longer  tenable,  and  that 
consequently  it  became  my  painful  duty  to  retire. 

“I  beg  to  forward  a return  of  the  killed  and 
wounded  during  the  day. 

“M.  Carthew,  Brigadier, 

“ Commanding  Madras  Troops.” 

The  return  showed  three  officers,  and 
twelve  non-commissioned  officers  and  pri- 
vates, killed;  and  ten  officers,  and  sixty-five 
men,  wounded.  One  private  also  was  re- 
turned as  missing. 

The  dissatisfaction  of  the  commander-in- 
chief  at  Brigadier  Carthew’s  conduct,  was  ex- 
pressed in  the  following  memorandum : — 

“Head-quarters,  Camp,  Cawnpore, 

“ Dec.  9th,  1857. 

“The  commander-in-chief  has  had  under  considera- 
tion Brigadier  Carthew’s  despatch,  dated  “ Cawnpore, 
3rd  of  December,  1857,”  addressed  to  tbe  deputy 
assistant-adjutant-general,  Cawnpore  division.  Al- 
though his  excellency  fully  admits  the  arduous 
nature  of  the  service  on  which  Brigadier  Carthew 
had  been  engaged  during  the  28th  of  November,  he 
cannot  record  his  approval  of  that  officer’s  retreat  on 
the  evening  of  that  day. 

“ Under  the  instructions  of  Major-general  "Wind- 
ham, his  commanding  officer.  Brigadier  Carthew  had 
been  placed  in  position.  No  discretion  of  retiring 
was  allowed  to  him.  When  he  was  pressed  hard,  he 
sent  for  reinforcements ; which,  as  the  commander- 
in-chief  happened  to  be  present  when  the  request 
arrived,  his  excellency  is  aware,  were  immediately 
conducted  to  his  relief  by  Major-general  Windham 
in  person.  It  would  appear  from  Brigadier  Carthew’s 
letter  of  explanation,  that  he  did  not  wait  to  see  the 
effect  of  the  reinforcements  which  had  been  brought 
to  him ; but,  to  the  great  astonishment  of  Major- 


A.D.  1857.] 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


[military  reports 


general  Windham  and  his  excellency,  retired  almost 
immediately  after. 

“ With  respect  to  these  occurrences,  his  excellency 
feels  it  necessary  to  make  two  remarks.  In  the  first 
place,  no  subordinate  officer,  when  possessing  easy 
means  of  communication  with  his  immediate  superior, 
is  permitted,  according  to  the  principles  and  usages 
of  war,  to  give  up  a post  which  has  been  en- 
trusted to  his  charge,  without  a previous  request  for 
orders,  after  a representation  might  have  been  made 
that  the  post  had  become  no  longer  tenable. 

“ Secondly.  It  might  have  occurred  to  Brigadier 
Carthew,  that  when  ^lajor-general  Windham  pro- 
ceeded to  reinforce  the  post,  according  to  his  just 
request,  instead  of  ordering  the  garrison  to  retire, 
it  was  the  opinion  of  the  major-general  that  to 
hold  it  was  an  absolute  necessity.  His  excellency 
refrains  from  remarking  on  the  very  serious  conse- 
quences which  ensued  on  the  abandonment  of  the 
post  in  question. 

“The  night,  which  had  arrived,  was  more  favour- 
able to  the  brigadier  for  the  purpose  of  strengthening 
his  position,  than  it  was  to  an  enemy  advancing  on 
him  in  the  dark ; at  all  events,  there  were  many 
hours  during  which  a decision  could  have  been 
taken  by  the  highest  authority  in  the  intrenchment, 
whether  the  post  should  be  abandoned  or  not,  with- 
out much  other  inconvenience  than  the  mere  fatigue 
of  the  garrison. 

“The  commander-in-chief  must  make  one  more 
remark.  Brigadier  Carthew,  in  the  last  paragraph 
of  his  letter,  talks  about  his  men  firing  into  one 
another  in  the  dark.  His  excellency  does  not  see 
how  this  could  occur  if  the  men  were  properly  posted, 
and  the  officers  in  command  of  them  duly  instructed 
as  to  their  respective  positions.” 

The  condition  of  the  discomfited  troops 
of  Windham  may  be  conjectured  from  the 
following  telegraphic  message  from  the 
commander-in-chief  to  the  governor-general 
in  council;  and  also  from  the  unusual  promp- 
titude with  which  it  was  attended  to: — 

“Cawnpore,  December  2nd,  1857. 

“ In  consequence  of  the  force  under  Major-gen- 
eral Windham  having  been  so  much  pressed  at 
Cawnpore,  prior  to  my  arrival,  I regret  to  say  that 
a very  large  portion  of  his  camp-equipage,  aban- 
doned on  the  occasion  of  his  retreat  from  outside 
the  city,  and  the  store-rooms,  containing  all  the 
clothing  of  some  of  the  eight  or  ten  of  his  regiments 
here  and  at  Lucknow,  have  been  burnt  by  the 
enemy.  I must  entreat  your  lordship  to  give  the 
most  urgent  orders  for  the  transmission  of  clothing, 
great-coats,  &c.,  from  below,  to  make  up  the  defi- 
ciency which  has  occurred  in  consequence  of  this 
lamentable  circumstance.” 

The  urgency  of  this  request  admitted  of 
no  interposition  of  red-tapism,  and  orders 
were  given  direct  from  the  governor-general 
for  the  immediate  supply  of  necessaries 
for  the  troops,  iu  lieu  of  those  destroyed  by 
the  rebels. 

The  following  despatches  give  the  official 
details  of  the  occurrences  between  the  26th 
and  30th  November,  already  referred  to : — 


'‘The  Commander -in- Chief  to  the  Governor-general. 

“ Head-quarters,  Camp,  Cawnpore, 

“December  2nd,  1857. 

“ My  Lord, — In  accordance  with  the  instructions 
of  your  lordship,  arrangements  were  finally  made 
with  Sir  James  Outram,  that  his  division,  made  up 
to  4,000  strong  of  all  arms,  should  remain  in  position 
before  Lucknow. 

“This  position  includes  the  post  of  Alumbagh,  his 
standing  camp,  of  which  the  front  is  1,500  yards  in 
the  rear  of  that  post,  and  the  bridge  of  Bunnee, 
which  is  held  by  400  Madras  sepoys,  and  two  guns. 

“ On  the  27th,  I marched  with  Brigadier-general 
Grant’s  division,  all  the  ladies  and  families  who  had 
been  rescued  fram  Lucknow,  and  the  wounded  of 
both  forces ; making  in  all  about  2,000  people,  whom 
it  was  necessary  to  carry,  and  encamped  the  evening 
of  that  day  a little  beyond  Bunnee  bridge.  The 
long  train  did  not  reach  completely  and  file  into 
camp  until  after  midnight. 

“ When  w'e  arrived  at  Bunnee,  we  were  surprised  to 
hear  very  heavy  firing  in  the  direction  of  Cawnpore. 
No  news  had  reached  me  from  that  place  for  several 
days ; but  it  appeared  necessary,  whatever  the  in- 
convenience, to  press  forward  as  quickly  as  possible. 
The  march  accordingly  recommenced  at  9 a.m.  the 
next  morning ; and  shortly  afterwards  I received  two 
or  three  notes  in  succession — first,  announcing  that 
Cawnpore  had  been  attacked ; secondly,  that  General 
Windham  was  hard  pressed ; and  thirdly,  that  he 
had  been  obliged  to  fall  back  from  outside  the  city 
into  his  intrenchment.  The  force  was  accordingly 
pressed  forward,  convoy  and  all,  and  was  encamped 
within  three  miles  of  the  Ganges,  about  three  hours 
after  dark,  the  rear-guard  coming  in  with  the  end  of 
the  train  some  twenty-four  hours  afterwards.  I 
preceded  the  column  of  march  by  two  or  three  hours, 
and  reached  the  intrenchment  at  dusk,  wnere  I 
learnt  the  true  state  of  affairs. 

“ The  retreat  of  the  previous  day  had  been  effected 
with  the  loss  of  a certain  amount  of  camp-equipage ; 
and  shortly  after  my  arrival,  it  was  reported  to  me 
that  Brigadier  Carthew  had  retreated  from  a very- 
important  outpost.  All  this  appeared  disastrous 
enough ; and  the  next  day  the  city  was  found  in 
possession  of  the  enemy  at  all  points.  It  had  now 
become  necessary  to  proceed  with  the  utmost  caution 
to  secure  the  bridge. 

“ All  the  heavy  guns  attached  to  General  Grant’s 
division,  under  Captain  Peel,  R.N.,  and  Captain 
Travers,  li.A.,  were  placed  in  position  on  the  left 
bank  of  the  Ganges,  and  directed  to  open  fire,  and 
keep  down  the  fire  of  the  enemy  on  the  bridge. 
This  was  done  very  effectually;  while  Brigadier 
Hope’s  brigade,  with  some  field  artillery  and  cavalry, 
was  ordered  to  cross  the  bridge,  and  take  position 
near  the  old  dragoon  lines.  A cross-fire  was  at  the 
same  time  kept  up  from  the  intrenchment,  to  cover 
the  march  of  the  troops. 

“ When  darkness  began  to  draw  on,  the  artillery 
parks,  the  wounded,  and  the  families,  were  ordered 
to  file  over  the  bridge ; and  it  was  not  till  six  o’clock 
P.M.,  the  day  of  the  30th,  that  the  last  cart  had 
cleared  the  bridge.  The  passage  of  the  force,  with 
its  incumbrances,  over  the  Ganges,  had  occupied 
thirty  hours. 

“The  camp  now  stretches  from  the  dragoon  lines, 
in  a half  circle,  round  the  position  occupied  by  the 
late  General  Sir  Hugh  Wheeler,  the  foot  artillery 
lines  being  occupied  by  the  wounded  and  the  fami- 
lies. A desultory  fire  has  been  kept  up  by  the 

197 


CAwxpoRE — Windham’s  report.]  HISTORY  OF  THE  [a.d.  1857. 


enemy  on  the  intrenchment  and  the  front  of  the 
camp  since  this  position  was  taken  up,  and  I am 
obliged  to  submit  to  the  hostile  occupation  of  Cawn- 
pore,  until  the  actual  dispatch  of  all  my  incumbrances 
towards  Allahabad  has  been  effected. 

“ However  disagreeable  this  may  be,  and  although 
it  may  tend  to  give  confidence  to  the  enemy,  it  is 
precisely  one  of  those  cases  in  which  no  risk  must 
be  run.  I trust,  when  the  time  has  arrived  for  me 
to  act  with  due  regard  to  these  considerations,  to  see 
the  speedy  evacuation  of  his  present  position  by  the 
enemy.  In  the  meantime,  the  position  taken  up  by 
Brigadier-general  Grant’s  division,  under  my  imme- 
diate orders,  has  restored  the  communications  with 
Futtehpore  and  Allahabad,  as  had  been  anticipated. 
The  detachments  moving  along  the  road  from  these 
two  places  have  been  ordered  to  continue  their 
march  accordingly.  Major-general  Windham’s 
despatch,  relating  to  the  operations  conducted  under 
his  command,  is  enclosed. 

“In  forwarding  that  document,  I have  only  to  re- 
mark, that  the  complaint  made  by  him  in  the  second 
paragraph,  of  not  receiving  instructions  from  me,  is 
explained  by  the  fact  of  the  letters  he  sent,  announc- 
ing the  approach  of  the  Gwalior  force,  not  having 
come  to  hand.  The  first  notice  I had  of  his  embar- 
rassment, was  the  distant  sound  of  the  cannonade,  as 
above  described.  All  the  previous  reports  had  de- 
clared that  there  was  but  little  chance  of  the  Gwalior 
contingent  approaching  Cawnpore. — I have,  &c., 

“ C.  Campbell,  General,  Commander-in-Chief.” 


' “ Major-general  C.  A.  Windham  to  the  Commander- 
in-  Chief. 

“Cawnpore,  November  30th,  1857. 

“ Sir, — In  giving  an  account  of  the  proceedings  of 
the  force  under  my  command  before  Cawnpore, 
during  the  operations  of  the  26th,  27th,  28th,  and 
29th  instant,  I trust  your  excellency  will  excuse  the 
hasty  manner  in  which  it  is  necessarily  drawn  up, 
4 owing  to  the  constant  demands  upon  me  at  the  pre- 
sent moment. 

i “ Having  received,  through  Captain  H.  Bruce,  of 
the  5th  Punjab  cavalry,  information  of  the  move- 
ments of  the  Gwalior  contingent,  but  having  received 
none  whatever  from  your  excellency  for  several  days 
from  Lucknow,  in  answer  to  my  letters  to  the  chief 
of  the  staff,  I was  obliged  to  act  for  myself.  I there- 
fore resolved  to  encamp  my  force  on  the  canal,  ready 
to  strike  at  any  portion  of  the  advancing  enemy  that 
came  within  my  reach,  keeping  at  the  same  time  my 
communications  safe  with  Cawnpore.  Finding  that 
the  contingent  were  determined  to  advance,  I re- 
solved to  meet  their  first  division  on  the  Pandoo 
Nuddee.  My  force  consisted  of  about  1,200  bayonets 
and  eight  guns,  and  a hundred  mounted  sowars. 
Having  sent  my  camp-equipage  and  baggage  to  the 
rear,  I advanced  to  the  attack  in  the  following 
order ; — 

“ Four  companies  of  the  rifle  brigade,  under  Colonel 
i R.  M'alpole,  followed  by  four  companies  of  the  88th 
I Connaught  rangers,  under  Lieutenant-colonel  E.  H. 

I Maxwell,  and  four  light  6-pounder  Madras  guns, 
I under  Lieutenant  Chamier;  the  whole  under  the 
command  of  Brigadier  Carthew,  of  the  Madras 
! native  infantry.  Following  this  force  was  the  34th 
' regiment,  under  Lieutenant-colonel  R.  Kelly,  with 
four  9-pounder  guns  ; the  82nd  regiment  in  reserve, 
with  spare  ammunition,  &c,  I had  given  directions, 
in  the  event  of  the  enemy  being  found  directly  in 
our  front,  and  if  the  ground  permitted,  that  Briga- 
198 


dier  Carthew  should  occupy  the  ground  to  the  left 
of  the  road,  and  that  Lieutenant-colonel  Kelly,  with 
the  34th,  divided  into  wings,  and  supported  by  his 
artillery,  should  take  the  right.  It  so  happened, 
however,  that  this  order,  on  our  coming  into  action, 
became  exactly  inverted  by  my  directions,  in  conse- 
quence of  a sudden  turn  of  the  road.  No  confusion, 
however,  was  caused.  The  advance  was  made  with 
a complete  line  of  skirmishers  along  the  whole  front, 
with  supports  on  either  side,  and  a reserve  in  the 
centre.  The  enemy,  strongly  posted  on  the  other 
side  of  the  dry  bed  of  the  Pandoo  Nuddee,  opened  a 
heavy  fire  of  artillery  from  siege  and  field  guns ; but 
such  was  the  eagerness  and  courage  of  the  troops, 
and  so  well  were  they  led  by  their  officers,  that  we 
carried  the  position  with  a rush,  the  men  cheering 
as  they  went ; and  the  village,  more  than  half  a mile 
in  its  rear,  was  rapidly  cleared.  The  mutineers 
hastily  took  to  flight,  leaving  in  our  possession  two 
8-inch  iron  howitzers  and  one  6-pounder  gun.  In 
this  fight  my  loss  was  not  severe ; but  I regret  very 
much  that  a very  promising  young  officer.  Captain 
H.  H.  Day,  88th  regiment,  was  killed. 

“ Observing,  from  a height  on  the  other  side  of  the 
village,  that  the  enemy’s  main  body  was  at  hand, 
and  that  the  one  just  defeated  was  their  leading 
division,  I at  once  decided  on  retiring  to  protect 
Cawnpore,  my  intrenchments,  and  the  bridge  over 
the  Ganges.  We  accordingly  fell  back,  followed, 
however,  by  the  enemy,  up  to  the  bridge  over  the 
canal. 

“ On  the  morning  of  the  27th,  the  enemy  com- 
menced their  attack,  with  an  overwhelming  force  of 
heavy  artillery.  My  position  was  in  front  of  the 
city.  I was  threatened  on  all  sides,  and  very 
seriously  attacked  on  my  front  and  right  flank.  The 
heavy  fighting  in  front,  at  the  point  of  junction  of 
the  Calpee  and  Delhi  roads,  fell  more  especially 
upon  the  rifle  brigade,  ably  commanded  by  Colonel 
Walpole,  who  was  supported  by  the  88th  regiment 
and  four  guns  (two  9-pounders,  and  two  24-pounder 
howitzers),  under  Captain  D.  S.  Greene,  royal  artil- 
lery, and  two  24-pounder  guns,  manned  by  seamen 
of  the  Shannon,  under  Lieutenant  Hay,  R.N.,  who 
was  twice  wounded.  Lieutenant-colonel  John  Adye, 
royal  artillery,  also  afforded  me  marked  assistance 
with  these  guns.  In  spite  of  the  heavy  bombard- 
ment of  the  enemy,  my  troops  resisted  the  attack  for 
five  hours,  and  still  held  the  ground,  until,  on  my 
proceeding  personally  to  make  sure  of  the  safety  of 
the  fort,  I found,  from  the  number  of  men  bayo- 
neted by  the  88th  regiment,  that  the  mutineers  liad 
fully  penetrated  the  town ; and  having  been  told 
that  they  were  then  attacking  the  fort,  I directed 
Major-general  Dupuis,  R.A.  (who,  as  my  second  in 
command,  I had  left  with  the  main  body),  to  fall 
back  with  the  whole  force  into  the  fort,  with  all  our 
stores  and  guns,  shortly  before  dark.  Owing  to  the 
flight  of  the  camp  followers  at  the  commencement  of 
the  action,  notwithstanding  the  long  time  w'e  held 
the  ground,  I regret  to  state,  that  in  making  this 
retrograde  movement,  I was  unable  to  carry  off  all 
my  camp-equipage,  and  some  of  the  baggage.  Had 
not  an  error  occurred  in  the  conveyance  of  an  order 
issued  by  me,  I am  of  opinion  that  I could  have 
held  my  ground  at  all  events  until  dark.  I must 
not  omit,  in  this  stage  of  the  proceedings,  to  report 
that  the  flank  attack  was  well  met,  and  resisted  for  a 
considerable  time,  by  the  34th  regiment,  under 
Lieutenant-colonel  Kelly,  and  the  Madras  battery, 
under  Lieutenant  Chamier,  together  with  that  part 


INDIAN  JIUTINY. 


A.D.  1857.] 


of  the  82nd  regiment,  which  was  detached  in  this 
direction  under  Lieutenant-colonel  D.  Watson.  In 
retiring  within  the  intrenchments,  I followed  the 
general  instructions  issued  to  me  by  your  excellency, 
conveyed  through  the  chief  of  the  staff — namely,  to 
preserve  the  safety  of  the  bridge  over  the  Ganges, 
and  my  communications  with  your  force,  so  severely 
engaged  in  the  important  operation  of  the  relief  of 
Lucknow,  as  far  as  possible.  I strictly  adhered  to 
the  defensive. 

“ After  falling  back  to  the  fort,  I assembled  the 
superior  officers  on  the  evening  of  the  27th,  and 
proposed  a night  attack,  should  I be  able  to  receive 
reliable  information  as  to  where  the  enemy  had 
assembled  his  artillery.  As,  however,  I could  obtain 
none  (or,  at  all  events,  none  that  was  satisfactory),  I 
decided — 1.  That  on  the  following  day  Colonel 
Walpole  (rifle  brigade)  should  have  the  defence  of 
the  advanced  portion  of  the  town  on  the  left  side  of 
the  canal,  standing  with  your  back  to  the  Ganges. 
The  details  of  the  force  upon  this  point  were  as  fol- 
lows : — Five  companies  rifle  brigade,  under  Lieu- 
tenant-colonel C.  Woodford;  two  companies  of  the 
82nd  regiment,  under  Lieutenant-colonel  Watson; 
four  guns  (two  9-pounders,  and  two  24-pounder 
howitzers),  under  Captain  Greene,  R.A.  (Two  of 
these  guns  were  manned  by  Madras  gunners,  and 
two  by  Sikhs.)  2.  That  Brigadier  N.  Wilson,  with 
the  64th  regiment,  was  to  hold  the  fort  and  estab- 
lish a strong  picket  at  the  Baptist  chapel  on  the 
extreme  right.  3.  That  Brigadier  Carthew,  with 
the  34th  regiment,  under  Lieutenant-colonel  Kelly, 
and  four  Madras  guns,  should  hold  the  Bithoor- 
road  in  advance  of  the  Baptist  chapel,  receiving  sup- 
port from  the  picket  there,  if  wanted.  4.  That,  with 
the  88th  regiment,  under  Lieutenant-colonel  Max- 
well, I should  defend  the  portion  of  the  town  nearest 
the  Ganges,  on  the  left  of  the  canal,  and  support 
Colonel  Walpole  if  required. 

“ The  fighting  on  the  28th  was  very  severe.  On 
the  left  advance.  Colonel  Walpole,  with  the  rifles, 
supported  by  Captain  Greene’s  battery,  and  part  of 
the  82nd  regiment,  achieved  a complete  victory  over 
the  enemy,  and  captured  two  18-pounder  guns. 
The  glory  of  this  well-contested  fight  belongs  entirely 
to  the  above-named  companies,  and  artillery. 

“ It  was  owing  to  the  gallantry  of  the  men  and 
officers,  under  the  able  leading  of  Colonel  Walpole, 
and  of  my  lamented  relation.  Lieutenant-colonel 
Woodford,  of  the  rifle  brigade  (who,  I deeply  regret 
to  say,  was  killed),  and  of  Lieutenant-colonel  Wat- 
son, 82nd,  and  of  Captain  Greene,  royal  artillery, 
that  this  hard-contested  fight  was  won  and  brought 
to  so  profitable  an  end.  I had  nothing  to  do  with 
it,  beyond  sending  them  supports,  and,  at  the  end, 
of  bringing  some  up  myself.  I repeat  that  the  credit 
is  entirely  due  to  the  above-mentioned  officers  and 
men. 

“ Brigadier  Wilson  thought  proper,  prompted  by 
zeal  for  the  service,  to  lead  his  regiment  against 
four  guns  placed  in  front  of  Brigadier  Carthew.  In 
this  daring  exploit,  I regret  to  say,  he  lost  his  life, 
together  with  several  valuable  and  able  officers. 
Major  T.  Stirling,  64th  regiment,  was  killed  in 
spiking  one  of  the  guns,  as  was  also  that  fine  gallant 
young  man,  Captain  R.  C.  Macrae,  64th  regiment, 

I who  acted  as  deputant-assistant  quartermaster-gen- 
eral to  the  force  here.  Captain  W.  Morphy,  64th 
regiment  (the  brigade-major),  also  fell  at  the  same 
time.  Our  numbers  were  not  sufficient  to  enable  us 
to  carry  off  the  guns.  Captain  A.  P.  Bowlby,  now 


[report  continued. 


the  senior  officer  of  the  64  th  regiment,  distinguished 
himself,  as  did  also  Captain  H.  F.  Saunders,  of  the 
70th  regiment,  who  was  attached  to  the  64th,  and  is 
senior  to  Captain  Bowlby,  whose  conduct  he  de- 
scribes as  most  devoted  and  gallant;  as  was  also 
that  of  the  men  of  the  regiment.  Brigadier  Car- 
thew, of  the  Madras  native  infantry,  had  a most 
severe  and  strong  contest  with  the  enemy,  from 
morning  till  night ; but  I regret  to  add,  that  he  felt 
himself  obliged  to  retire  at  dark. 

“ During  the  night  of  the  28th  instant,  the  enemy 
occupied  the  town,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  29th 
commenced  bombarding  my  intrenchments  with  a 
few  guns,  and  struck  the  bridge  of  boats  several 
times.  The  guns  mounted  in  the  fort  were  superior 
in  number  to  those  of  the  enemy,  and  were  well 
manned,  throughout  the  day,  by  the  officers,  non- 
commissioned officers,  and  men  of  the  royal  artil- 
lery, seamen  of  the  Shannon,  Madras  and  Bengal 
gunners,  and  Sikhs.  The  chief  outwork  was  occu- 
pied by  the  rifle  brigade,  and  in  the  course  of  the 
afternoon,  by  your  excellency’s  instructions,  they 
were  advanced,  and  gallantly  drove  the  mutineers 
out  of  that  portion  of  the  city  nearest  to  our  works, 
under  the  command  of  Lieutenant-colonel  Fyers, 
who  was  supported  by  Colonel  Walpole. 

“ Throughout  the  short  period  I have  had  the 
temporary  command  of  this  division,  I have  received, 
both  in  the  field  and  elsewhere,  the  most  important 
assistance  from  Captain  H.  Bruce,  5th  Punjab  cav- 
alry. Without  him  I should  have  been  at  a great 
loss  for  reliable  information ; and  although  I am 
aware  that  your  excellency  is  not  ignorant  of  his 
abilities,  courage,  and  assiduity,  I think  it  my  duty 
to  make  this  mention  of  his  service  to  the  country. 
Pressed  as  I am  by  the  operations  now  going  for- 
ward, I am  not  able  to  specify  the  services  of  every 
individual  who  has  assisted  me,  where  all  have 
behaved  so  well.  I have  no  staff  of  my  own,  except 
Captain  Roger  Swire,  of  the  17th  foot,  my  aide-de- 
camp,  who  has  behaved  with  his  usual  zeal  and 
courage.  I therefore  hope  I may  be  allowed  to 
thank,  through  your  excellency,  the  undermentioned 
officers,  for  the  great  services  they  have  voluntarily 
rendered  me  during  this  trying  time: — Major- 
general  J.  E.  Dupuis,  C.B.,  commanding  royal  artil- 
lery in  India;  Lieutenant-colonel  John  Adye,  C.B., 
assistant-adjutant-general,  royal  artillery;  Lieu- 
tenant-colonel H.  D.  Harness,  commanding  royal 
engineers;  and  Major  Norman  M'Leod,  Bengal 
engineers,  specially;  Lieutenant-colonel  John  Simp- 
son, 34th  regiment ; senior-surgeon  R.  C.  Elliot, 
C.B.,  royal  artillery;  Captain  John  Gordon,  82nd 
regiment ; Captain  Sarsfield  Greene,  royal  artillery ; 
Captain  Smyth,  Bengal  artillery.  There  are  several 
other  officers  in  addition,  who  I fortunately  found 
detained  here,  en  route  to  join  your  excellency’s 
force,  and  I beg  to  submit  their  names  also — viz. : 
Captain  R.  G.  Brackenbury,  61st  regiment;  Lieu- 
tenant Arthur  Henley,  52nd  light  infantry ; Lieu- 
tenant Valentine  Ryan,  64th  regiment ; Captain 
Ellis  Cunliffe,  1st  Bengal  fusiliers  ; Lieutenant  E.  H. 
Budgen,  82nd  regiment  (to  whom  I gave  the  com- 
mand of  the  hundred  mounted  sowars);  Captain 
C.  E.  Mansfield,  33rd  regiment;  Lieutenant  P. 
Scratchley,  royal  engineers  ; Lieutenant  W.  C.  Milne, 
74th  Bengal  native  infantry. 

“ I beg  to  inform  your  excellency  that  I have 
called  for  nominal  returns  of  the  killed  and  wounded, 
and  I have  also  directed  all  officers  commanding 
corps,  regiments,  and  batteries,  &c.,  to  forward  to 

199 


CA-HT^rORE — CORRESPONDENCE.]  HISTORY  OF  THE  [a.d.  1857. 


me  the  names  of  any  officers,  non-commissioned 
officers,  or  soldiers,  who  may  have  especially  dis- 
tinguished themselves  by  gallantry  in  the  field, 
■which  shall  be  forwarded  to  your  excellency  without 
delay. 

“ In  conclusion,  I hope  I may  be  permitted  to 
express  my  sincere  thanks  to  all  the  regimental  offi- 
cers, non-commissioned  officers,  and  men,  for  the 
zeal,  gallantry,  and  courage  with  which  they  have 
carried  out  my  orders  during  the  four  days  of 
j harassing  actions  which  have  successively  taken 
place  in  the  defence  of  this  important  strategic 
centre  of  present  operations. — I have,  &c., 

“ C.  A.  Windham,  Major-general.” 

The  following  letter  from  a young  ofl&cer 
of  nineteen  is  so  characteristic  and  natural, 
j that  it  certainly  deserves  a place  among  the 
i reminiscences  of  the  three  days  to  which  it  re- 
j fers.  The  writer  dates  from  the  “ Intrenched 
! Camp,  Cawnpore,  December  2nd,  1857.^’ 

I “ My  darling  Mother, — Thank  God  I am 
' safe  and  well,  and  through  God’s  mercy  I 
I hope  to  remain  so.  We  have  had  terrible 
i hard  work  here  fighting  the  sepoys ; we  have 
been  at  it  five  days  together.  The  first  day 
I was  on  my  legs  from  four  o’cloek  in  the 
morning  until  six  in  the  evening.  We 
paraded  at  four  o’clock,  and  after  standing 
on  parade  for  an  hour  or  two  we  marched 
off  1,500  strong.  Nobody  knew  where  we 
were  going  to ; but  I had  a dim  idea  that 
we  should  see  service  that  day,  and  sure 
enough  we  did.  We  marched  along  cheerily 
enough  for  two  or  three  miles,  the  bands 
playing  now  and  then  in  front.  Presently 
I there  was  a halt,  the  band  came  to  the 
rear,  and  the  fighting  88th  (the  Connaught 
rangers)  came  to  the  front.  Whereat  there 
were  sundry  mui’murings  among  the  officers 
! of  'ours,’  because  our  right,  by  seniority, 
of  fighting  first  was  thus  taken  from  us. 

1 The  word  is  given  to  ' Advance !’  Bang ! 

I goes  a heavy  gun,  and  whiz  comes  the  im- 
mense mass  of  iron  over  our  heads ; and  I 
am  afraid  I must  plead  guilty  to  feeling  an 
extraordinary  sort  of  sinking  in  my  stomach. 
On  we  go,  some  command  is  given,  and  the 
left  wing  of  our  regiment  goes  away  some- 
, where  (I  am  in  the  right  wing.)  ‘ Bang  !’ 
again.  This  time  they  have  the  right  range, 
and  the  grapeshot  tears  through  the  column. 
The  word  is  given — 'Extend  into  skirmishing 
I order  to  the  left.’  Away  we  go,  rushing  on 
^ all  the  time ; we  jump  over  a bank  of  earth, 

I and  a man  falls  at  my  side.  I think,  ' Oh  ! 
i he  only  tripped  up;’  I turn,  and  see  the  rec 
blood  gushing  out  on  to  the  earth.  And 
; now  the  bullets  come  round  us  fast  and 
1 thick.  My  spirit-flask  has  the  top  grazed 
I by  a bullet.  I am  lost  in  astonishment 

I 200 


that  I am  not  hit ! I see  thousands  of  red- 
coated  sepoys  firing  away  at  us,  and  I get 
into  a rage,  and  shout,  'Come  along  my 
boys,  remember  Cawnpore  !’  but  in  a feeble 
voice,  trying  to  fancy  myself  brave,  but  fail 
totally  in  the  attempt.  We  come  to  a stop 
at  length,  and  thank  goodness  for  it,  for  I 
am  terribly  blown.  Here  they  rally  the 
men,  and  get  them  together  preparatory  to 
taking  three  guns  in  front.  A cheer,  a 
long  heave  of  my  breath,  a clenching  of  my 
hands  and  teeth,  and  away  I go  once  more 
into  the  buUets.  ' The  guns  are  ours — 
hurrah !’ 

"Three  days  more  something  like  this; 

I will  not  bother  you  with  the  fourth  day. 
The  last  part  we  had  been  skirmishing  all 
day,  and  towards  six  o’clock  the  black- 
guards made  a rush,  some  four  or  five  thou- 
sand of  them,  to  the  bridge  which  I was 
defending.  Then  came  a fight  between 
1,500  tired  Englishmen  and  5,000  or  more 
of  fresh  sepoys ; for  these  were  the  reserve. 
There  are  some  20,000  of  them  here.  Please 
goodness,  I hope  never  to  see  such  a hail- 
storm of  bullets  again.  I saw  men  fall  on 
every  side  of  me ; splinters  hit  me,  pieces  of 
earth  from  bullets,  &c. ; and  there  we  were 
obliged  to  stay.  Our  orders  were  ' to  keep 
the  bridge  as  long  as  possible  :’  the  ' keeping’ 
consisted  in  standing  still  while  a hurricane 
of  balls  passed  through  us.  I must  own 
here  that  I lost  my  presence  of  mind;  I 
said  the  Lord’s  Prayer,  and  thought  I should 
never  see  you,  darling,  and  all  my  dear 
friends  again ; but  God  (thanks  to  him 
for  it)  has  hitherto  preserved  me.  We, 
after  some  time,  retreated  into  the  fort, 
and  defended  it  until  relieved  by  Sir  Colin 
Campbell. 

" I sleep  on  the  ground  every  night.  I 
have  hard  biscuit  and  rum  to  live  on.  I 
never  am  able  to  sleep  more  than  three 
hours  at  a stretch,  but  I have  a capital  appe- 
tite, good  health,  and  I say  my  prayers  every 
night  that  I may  be  allowed  to  see  you 
again,  and  I am  very  happy  and  comfortable, 
so  do  not  worry  about  me,  darling.” 

The  unfortunate  result  of  an  affair  which 
involved  so  severe  a loss  to  the  hitherto 
vietorious  troops  of  England,  was  much 
magnified  by  rumour  before  the  real  state 
of  the  case  became  known  through  the 
report  of  Major-general  Windham ; and 
when  at  length,  upon  that  authority,  the 
facts  came  before  the  public,  the  general 
disappointment  found  expression  in  lan- 
guage that  could  not  be  mistaken.  The 


A.D.  1857.]  INDIAN  MUTINY.  [popxilar  comjient. 

Crimean  brilliancv  associated  with  the  name 

the  movements  which  he  ‘thought  proper’ 

of  TVindham,  had  rendered  the  idea  of  any- 

to  execute  were  always  approved  by  his 

thing  approacliing  defeat  to  troops  led  by 

chief.  He  died  in  the  performance  of  a most 

the  hero  of  the  Redan,  a possibility  that 

daring  and  gallant  achievement ; and  there 

no  one  was  disposed,  or  prepared,  to  admit 

must  not  be  permitted  to  rest  on  his  memory 

the  existence  of;  and  when,  therefore,  the 

any  of  the  stains  of  this  day’s  performance. 

bare  and  unpalatable  fact  was  avowed  and 

Had  he  lived  he  could  have  answered  for 

vouched  for  by  his  own  signature,  public  dis- 

himself;  but  as  fate  has  denied  that,  it  is 

appointment  became  more  universally  felt. 

only  just  that  his  memory  should  thus  be 

and  was  yet  more  energetically  expressed. 

vindicated.  The  avoidance  of  the  mention 

Not  only  were  the  whole  operations  of  the 

of  General  Windham’s  name  amongst  those 

gallant  soldier  canvassed  with  a jealous  and 

whom  the  government  of  India  has  thanked ; 

embittered  spirit,  but  even  the  tone  of  his 

the  inferior  post  subsequently  assigned  to 

military  despatch  formed  a topic  for  animad- 

him  by  Sir  Colin  Campbell,  and  his  removal 

version.  “ There  is,^’  writes  the  special  cor- 

to  Umballah,  show  the  light  in  which  his 

respondent  of  the  Times,  in  his  communica- 

services  are  considered  in  this  country.  It 

tion  from  Calcutta,  of  the  26th  of  December, 

would  seem  ungracious  to  dwell  so  particu- 

“ another  point  in  the  general’s  despatches, 

larly  upon  this  subject,  but  for  the  boastful 

to  which  it  is  worth  while  to  direct  attention. 

manner  which  was  assumed  by  the  principal 

Referring  to  Brigadier  Wilson’s  attack  with 

actor  prior  to  the  development  of  this  scene 

the  64th  foot  on  the  enemy’s  line,  on  the 

of  the  drama.  Indian  generals  were  styled 

second  day,  he  says,  ‘Brigadier  Wilson 

‘ effeminate ;’  they  were  to  be  ‘ taught 

thought  proper,  prompted  by  zeal  for  the 

how  to  make  war.’  Their  effeminacy  has 

service,  to  lead  his  regiment  against  four 

been  proved  by  their  patient  endurance  be- 

guns,’ &c.  Now  this  expression,  ‘thought 

fore  Delhi ; by  their  achievements,  without 

proper,’  occurring  in  a despatch,  is  intended 

tents,  under  a terrible  sun,  in  the  months 

to  indicate  that  the  movement  was,  in  the 

of  June,  July,  August,  and  September;  by 

opinion  of  the  genei’al  commanding,  rash 

their  daring  efforts  to  relieve  their  country- 

and  ill-timed.  Yet  it  is  a fact  that,  by  that 

men  at  Lucknow — never  resting,  unable  to 

movement.  Brigadier  Wilson  broke  the 

change  their  clothes,  always  under  fire ; by 

enemy’s  centre ; he  took  possession  of  their 

that  unrivalled  dash  through  the  streets  of 

main  battery,  spiked  three  guns  out  of  four. 

Lucknow,  every  street  of  which  was  fortified. 

and  was  finally  only  compelled  to  retire  for 

and  every  house  a castle.  This  may  be 

want  of  support.  All  the  private  accounts 

‘ effeminacy ;’  but  it  is,  on  the  whole,  pre- 

I have  seen,  concur  in  asserting  that,  had  he 

ferred  to  the  ‘ generalship’  which  was  to 

been  supported,  the  enemy  would  have 

have  astonished  India.” 

given  way.  Let  us  imagine  the  position. 

In  further  reference  to  the  report  of 

< 

Here  was  the  enemy’s  line  advancing  on 

Major-general  Windham,  it  may  be  ob- 

our  intrenchments,  the  guns  from  their 

served,  that  it  Avas  forwarded  by  the  com- 

centre  battery  committing  fearful  havoc 

mander-in-chief  to  the  governor-general  in 

amongst  Brigadier  Carthew’s  brigade.  Bri- 

council,  almost  without  a comment,  and 

gadier  Wilson,  advancing  from  our  right. 

certainly  without  any  expression  of  satisfac- 

drives  back  the  enemy’s  left ; then  changing 

tion ; a circumstance  of  rare  occurrence  in 

front,  dashes  on  their  centre,  and  gains  the 

military  correspondence,  when  the  respec- 

destructive  battery ; but  having  only  three 

tive  rank  of  the  parties  are  considered. 

hundred  men  is  overwhelmed.  Had  General 

Whether  the  omission  was  attributable  to  a 

Windham,  instead  of  making  isolated  at- 

decided  disapproval  of  the  whole  proceed- 

tacks  on  all  parts  of  the  enemy’s  line,  con- 

ings  of  the  major-general,  or  was  the  result 

i centrated  his  efforts  on  one ; and  had  he,  in 

of  accident,  does  not  appear ; but  it  is  cer- 

pursuance  of  this  plan,  supported  Brigadier 

tain  that  the  exceptional  tone  of  the  com- 

AVilson’s  attack,  the  enemy,  cut  in  two,  would 

mander-in-chief’s  despatch,  attracted  much 

have  been  driven  from  the  field.  To  attack 

observation  in  military  circles;  and  the  im- 

the  enemy’s  line  on  isolated  points,  in  this 

pression  it  was  calculated  to  convey,  was 

case,  was  to  court  defeat ; by  concentrating 

scarcely  modified  by  the  following  “ after- 

and  assailing  them  on  one,  success  with 

thought”  of  the  commander-in-chief,  or  by 

British  troops  was  assured.  General  Wilson 

the  formal  recognition  of  the  appeal  for 

; was  one  of  Havelock’s  brigade  leaders ; and 

“ protection  and  good  offices,”  on  the  part 

under  that  gallant  and  experienced  ofiicer, 

of  the  governor-general. 

VOL.  II.  2 D 

201 

- - . 

1 


CAWKPORE — AN  AiTEE-THOUGHT.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  1857. 


I ! 


I I 


“ To  the  Right  Ron.  the  Governor-general. 

“ Head-quarters,  near  Cawnpore,  Dec.  20th. 

“ My  Lord,— 1 have  the  honour  to  bring  to  your 
lordship’s  notice  an  omission  which  I have  to  regret 
in  my  despatch  of  the  2nd  of  December,  and  I beg 
to  be  allowed  now  to  repair  it. 

“ I desire  to  make  my  acknowledgment  of  the 
great  difficulties  in  which  Major-general  Windham, 
C.B.,  was  placed  during  the  operations  he  describes 
in  his  despatch,  and  to  recommend  him  and  the 
officers  whom  he  notices  as  having  rendered  him 
assistance,  to  your  lordship’s  protection  and  good 
offices.  I may  mention,  in  conclusion,  that  Major- 
general  Windham  is  ignorant  of  the  contents  of  my 
despatch  of  the  2nd  December,  and  that  I am 
prompted  to  take  this  step  solely  as  a matter  of 
justice  to  the  major-general  and  the  other  officers 
concerned. — I have  the  honour,  &c., 

“ C.  Campbell,  General,  Commander-in-Chief.” 

The  publication  of  the  above  was  accom- 
panied by  the  following  general  order : — 

“ The  right  honourable  the  governor-general  in 
council  has  received  the  accompanying  despatch 
from  his  excellency  the  commander-in-chief,  and 
hastens  to  give  publicity  to  it.  It  supplies  an  omis- 
sion in  a previous  despatch  from  his  excellency, 
which  was  printed  in  the  Gazette  Extraordinary  of 
the  24th  instant.  Major-general  "Windham’s  repu- 
tation as  a leader  of  conspicuous  bravery  and  cool- 
ness, and  the  reputation  of  the  gallant  force  which 
he  commanded,  will  have  lost  nothing  from  an  acci- 
dental omission  such  as  General  Sir  Colin  Campbell 
has  occasion  to  regret.  But  the  governor-general  in 
council  will  not  fail  to  bring  to  the  notice  of  the 
government  in  England,  the  opinions  formed  by  his 
excellency  of  the  difficulties  against  which  Major- 
general  Windham,  with  the  officers  and  men  under 
his  orders,  had  to  contend.” 

As  we  have  already  observed,  the  unplea- 
sant impression  created  by  the  first  an- 
nouncement of  General  Windham’s  unsuc 
cessful  operations  at  Cawnpore,  had  rapidly 
extended  to  every  part  of  India,  as  well  as 
to  the  remotest  parts  of  Great  Britain  : and 
his  friends  in  the  latter  country  were 
prompt  to  avail  themselves  of  every  possible 
means  by  which  the  shade  that  rested  upon 
his  military  fame  might  be  removed.  To 
some,  the  preceding  supplementary  despatch 
of  the  commander-in-chief,  and  the  accept- 
ance by  the  governor-general  in  council  of 
the  explanation  thereby  afforded,  were  held 
suflBcient  to  exonerate  General  Windham 
from  all  blame  on  the  score  of  incapacity  or 
impi'udence;  but  suchwasnot  the  popular  in- 
terpretation of  the  correspondence.  Mean- 
while, rumours  alike  disparaging  to  the 
military  renown  of  the  gallant  general,  and 
ill-beseeming  the  rank  he  had  won  for 
himself  in  the  British  service,  became  cur- 
rent in  every  quarter ; and,  at  length,  the 
Duke  of  Cambridge,  in  his  place  in  the 
House  of  Lords,  felt  it  necessarv,  as  corn- 
202 


mander-in-chief  of  the  forces,  to  express  his 
perfect  satisfaction  with  the  conduct  of 
General  Windham,  upon  the  responsibility 
of  the  foregoing  documents.  Thus,  on  the 
15th  of  February,  his  royal  highness  ad- 
dressed the  House  of  Lords  in  the  following 
terms : — 

" So  much  having  been  said  in  reference 
to  the  conduct  of  the  gallant  general  who 
recently  commanded  at  Cawnpore  (Major- 
general  Windham),  I am  sure  that  your 
lordships  will  be  glad  to  learn  what  were 
the  real  merits  of  the  case.  I have  been 
anxiously  waiting  for  some  official  despatch 
from  India  that  would  clear  up  the  subject, 
and  I am  happy  to  say  that  a statement 
has  come  to  my  hand  this  day,  which  is 
most  satisfactory  with  regard  to  that  officer, 
whose  military  conduct  has  occasioned  such 
confficting  opinions.  Your  lordships  will, 

I am  sure,  rejoice  with  me,  that  my  gal- 
lant friend.  Sir  Colin  Campbell,  from  whom 
this  despatch  came,  entirely  exonerates 
Major-general  Windham  fi'om  all  blame  in 
reference  to  the  action  which  has  given 
rise  to  these  comments.  There  is  blame 
attached  to  other  parties,  which  it  is  not 
necessary  for  me  now  to  refer  to ; but,  as 
regards  General  Windham,  I have  re- 
ceived from  my  gallant  friend.  Sir  Colin 
Campbell,  a handsome  despatch  exonerating 
him  from  all  blame ; and  I have  reason  to 
believe  that  he  wiU  be  recommended  by 
Sir  Colin  for  some  more  important  com- 
mand.” 

The  important  command  to  which  Gen- 
eral Windham  was  promoted  by  Sir  Colin 
Campbell,  was  that  of  the  Umballah  dis- 
trict— a place  totally  removed  from  the 
perils  of  warfare,  and,  in  fact,  bearing  much 
the  same  relation  to  Cawnpore,  that  Alder- 
shott  does  to  London. 

But  if  the  royal  duke  could,  at  a glance, 
discover  so  much  to  be  gratified  with,  in  the 
shape  of  a complete  exculpation  of  the  gal- 
lant officer,  such  was  far  from  the  effect 
produced  upon  other  parties : and  as  a 
specimen  of  the  generffi  tone  adopted  in 
reference  to  the  Cawnpore  disaster,  and 
the  supplementary  despatch,  the  subjoined 
leading  article  from  the  Daily  News  of 
February  16th,  1858  (the  day  after  the 
statement  of  the  Duke  of  Cambridge  had 
been  made),  may  fairly  be  adduced  ; — 

“ The  supplementary  despatch  of  Sir 
Colin  Campbell  is  regarded  as  a complete 
Sphinx’s  riddle,  both  in  military  and  in 
non-military  circles.  On  the  20th  of 


A.D.  1857.]  INDIAN  MUTINY.  [thk  English  press. 


December,  Sir  Coliu  addresses  a few  lines 
to  the  governor-general,  ostensibly  for  the 
purpose  of  supplying  an  omission  in  his 
despatch  giving  an  account  of  the  second 
relief  of  Cawnpore.  What  Sir  Colin  had 
omitted  to  say  in  that  first  document  ap- 
pears to  have  been  simply  that  General 
Windham  was  placed  under  'great  diffi- 
, culties’  in  the  operations  which  preceded 
the  commander-in-chiePs  return  from  Luck- 
now; and  that  Sir  Colin  'recommends’ 
General  Windham  and  his  staff  to  the 
governor-general’s  ‘protection  and  good 
offices.’  The  remarkable  feature  of  Sir 
Colin  Campbell’s  first  despatch,  was  the 
utter  absence  of  any  expression  of  opinion 
regarding  the  merits  or  demerits  of  General 
Windham’s  operations.  On  this  subject 
the  supplementary  despatch  is  equally 
silent.  Sir  Colin  speaks  of  the  difficulties 
General  Windham  had  to  encounter;  but 
not  one  word  does  he  say  as  to  the  manner 
in  which  the  general  encountered  them. 
There  is  something  remarkable  in  Sir 
Colin’s  expression,  that  he  recommends 
General  Windham  to  Lord  Canning’s  ' pro- 
tection.’ It  is  not  ' protection’  that  meri- 
torious officers  are  generally  understood  to 
require. 

“ But  the  guarded  language  of  Sir  Colin, 

I who  knows  from  personal  observation  what 
General  Windham  has  done,  is  amply  com- 
pensated for  by  the  rapturous  encomiums 
of  Lord  Canning  and  the  Duke  of  Cam- 
bridge, who  know  nothing  of  the  matter 
except  from  Sir  Colin’s  reports.  Lord  Can- 
ning, it  is  true,  is  sufficiently  cautious  to 
speak  only  of  General  Windham’s  ‘conspi- 
cuous bravery  and  coolness,’  and  of  the 
difficulties  against  which  he  had  to  contend. 
Still  even  he  attributes  more  to  Sir  Colin’s 
guarded  language  than  unbiassed  readers 
can  find  in  it.  But  the  language  of  the 
Duke  of  Cambridge  is  so  strong,  that  the 
idea  naturally  suggests  itself  that  his  royal 
highness  must  have  been  referring  to  some 
other  despatch  from  Sir  Colin  Campbell, 
which  has  not  yet  seen  the  light.  As- 
suredly there  is  nothing  in  the  document 
which  has  been  promulgated  at  Calcutta  to 
warrant  the  royal  duke’s  saying  that  Sir 
Colin  has  acquitted  General  Windham  of 
all  blame,  and  that  he  appears  to  be  wait- 
; ing  for  an  opportunity  to  confer  high  com- 
; mand  on  that  officer.  If  a despatch  from 
I Sir  Colin  Campbell  has  come  to  the  hands 
I of  his  royal  highness,  the  tenor  of  which 
I justifies  expressions  like  these,  simple  jus- 


tice to  General  Windham  demands  that  it  | 
should  be  published  without  loss  of  time;  1 
for,  until  it  is  published,  all  who  know  any- 
thing of  military  matters  will  continue  to 
judge  of  General  Windham’s  operations  at 
Cawnpore  from  the  statements  in  his  own 
report  to  his  commander,  and  will  look 
upon  his  relegation  to  Umballah  as  any- 
thing but  a precursor  to  high  command. 

" Perhaps  the  general  order  issued  by  Sir 
Colin  Campbell  on  the  9th  of  December, 
may  be  taken  to  throw  some  light  on  this 
perplexing  question  : — ' Officers  command- 
ing batteries  and  troops  in  the  royal  artil- 
lery, must  conform  in  all  things  to  the 
usages  and  orders  of  the  army  as  re- 
gards supply,  organisation,  management 
of  horses,  native  servants,  &c.  Doubtless 
there  are  many  points  tuhich  are  new 
to  the  officers  of  the  royal  artillery,  and 
perhaps,  in  some,  reform  may  be  desirable : 
but  this  is  no  time  for  change.  Hereafter 
the  commander-in-chief,  under  the  instruc- 
tions of  government,  will  receive  any  repre- 
sentation that  may  be  made  by  the  officers 
of  the  roj^al  artillery ; but,  in  the  meantime, 
the  service  must  proceed  according  to  the 
orders  and  precedents  of  that  service  with 
lohich  the  royal  artillery  has  been  lately 
associated.’ 

"One  thing  is  clear  from  this  document: 
that  Sir  Colin,  in  addition  to  the  other 
enormous  difficulties  of  his  position,  had 
been  pestered  by  ill-timed  requests  from 
the  officers  of  the  royal  artillery  under  his 
command,  to  new-model  all  the  arrange- 
ments for  'supply,  management  of  horses, 
native  servants,  &c.,’  which  in  India  have 
necessarily  grown  out  of  the  state  of  native 
society.  These  pedantic  demands  of  holiday 
soldiers  to  have  everything  ordered  so  as  to 
suit  their  preconceived  notions,  must  have 
been  urged  with  undue  pertinacity,  when 
the  comraander-in-chief  in  India,  after 
being  driven  to  tell  the  remonstrants, 
shortly  and  sharply,  that  ' this  is  no  time 
for  change,’  is  further  compelled  to  invoke 
the  name  of  the  supreme  government  for 
support.  We  say  nothing  of  the  judgment 
or  modesty  of  men  who,  entirely  new  to 
India,  could  thus  take  upon  themselves  to 
insist  dogmatically  upon  an  entire  altera- 
tion of  arrangements  prescribed  by  the 
peculiar  characteristics  of  India.  But  we 
unhesitatingly  affirm,  that  the  complaints — 
call  them  what  you  will- — which  at  so  criti- 
cal a time  had  been  urged  with  a pertina-  j : 
city  that  elicited  such  a general  order  as  we  > | 

203  I I 


CAAVNPORE — FURTHER  COMMENTS.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


have  quoted,  cannot  have  fallen  far  short  of 
mutiny.’^ 

The  amiable  temper  of  these  remon- 
strants is  not  likely  to  have  been  mnch 
soothed  by  Sir  Colin^s  sending  General 
Dupuis  and  his  statF  back  to  Calcutta,  and 
placing  Bengal  officers  at  the  head  of  his 
artillery.  And  the  following  extract  from 
the  private  letter  of  an  intelligent  and  ex- 
perienced officer,  gives  s(ime  inkling  of  the 
spirit  which  this  measure  has  awakened 
among  the  malcontents : — 

“ Another  cause  of  complaint  against  Sir 
Colin  is,  that  he  prefers  Company’s  to 
Queen’s  officers.  But  I submit  that  the 
preference  at  the  present  moment  is  very 
natural.  We  are  in  the  middle  of  a cam- 
paign ; the  Company’s  officers  are  ac- 
quainted with  the  language  and  manners 
of  the  natives,  the  topography  of  the  country, 
and  its  resources ; they  know  exactly  whence 
to  procure  supplies ; to  what  department  to 
refer  for  the  requirements  of  their  men, 
horses,  and  guns.  At  present,  the  Queen’s 
officers  are,  as  a rule,  ignorant  on  these 
subjects,  and  for  every  want,  however  small, 
they  pester  the  commander-in-chief.  He 
has  no  time  to  point  out  these  things ; and 
he  prefers  employing  men  who  have  all 
these  points  at  their  fingers’  ends,  and  who 
can  give,  instead  of  ask  for,  information.” 

To  impartial  men  this  exculpation  (?) 
would  appear  complete : not  so  to  the 

friends  of  Generals  Windham  and  Dupuis  j 
who,  it  would  appear  from  other  passages 
in  the  letter  from  which  we  have  been  quot- 
ing, are  trying  to  “make  political  capital” 
out  of  the  soreness  of  the  Queen’s  officers. 
The  passages  to  which  we  refer  are  as  fol- 
lows : — 

“ With  respect  to  General  Windham,  I 
may  mention  that  all  his  friends  inveigh  in 
the  bitterest  terms  against  Sir  Colin  Camp- 
bell and  General  Mansfield;  and  with  the 
assistance  of  a few  ‘ ifs,’  make  out  that  the 
two  latter  are  entirely  responsible  for  what 
might  have  been  the  second  massacre  of 
Cawnpore.  Windham’s  defeat  they  attri- 
bute— 1st,  to  overwhelming  odds  against 
him;  2ndly,  to  mistakes  made  by  his  aides- 
de-camp;  3rdly,  to  the  bad  conduct  of  the 
troops.  With  respect  to  the  first,  I would 
reply  that  Havelock  fought  and  conquered 
against  equal  odds;  2ndly,  that  General 
Windham  is  entirely  responsible  for  the 
composition  of  his  own  staff;  and  3rdly,  that 
on  the  27th  the  gallantry  of  the  64th  was 
conspicuous,  and  would,  with  proper  sup- 
204 


[a.d.  1857. 

port,  have  ensured  a decisive  victory.  The 
real  fact  is,  that  Sir  Colin  Campbell  has  a 
very  poor  opinion  of  Generals  Windham 
and  Dupuis;  and  it  is  because  he  has  shown 
his  sentiments  respecting  them  that  they 
now  inveigh  against  him.  It  is  even  hinted 
that  Windham  will  shortly  return  home  to 
attaek  Sir  Colin  in  parliament. 

“We  leave  the  public  to  draw  their  own 
conclusions  from  the  arguments  to  which 
we  have  now  directed  their  attention.  Four 
things  appear  to  us  to  be  placed  beyond  a 
doubt.  First,  that  the  governor-general  of 
India  and  the  Duke  of  Cambridge  have 
been,  at  least,  speaking  as  partisans  of 
General  Windham ; second,  that  there  is 
understood  to  be  a coolness  between  General 
Windham  and  Sir  Colin  Campbell;  third, 
that  an  attempt  is  being  made  by  some  who 
flatter  themselves  that  they  have  the  ear  of 
the  Horse-guards,  to  convert  the  coolness 
which  exists  between  these  officers  into  a 
quarrel  between  the  Queen’s  and  the  Com- 
pany’s service;  and  fourth,  that  this  may 
compel  ministers  to  make  their  option  be- 
tween recalling  Sir  Colin  Campbell  or 
General  Windham.  Are  the  English  people 
and  parliament  prepared,  in  the  event  of 
matters  being  brought  to  this  extremity,  to 
see  the  man  who  effected  the  evacuation  of 
Lucknow  and  saved  Cawnpore,  sacrificed  to 
the  ofi'ended  vanity  of  the  man  who  all  but 
lost  Cawnpore  ? Are  they  prepared  to  see 
a great  general  removed  from  command  be- 
cause he  prefers  experienced  to  inexperi- 
enced officers?  In  connection  with  this 
latter  question,  let  them  recall  one  circum- 
stance connected  with  the  glorious  eareer  of 
Wellington  in  the  Peninsula.  Wellington 
owed  his  victories  in  no  small  degree  to  his 
resolute  determination  to  confide  important 
duties  to  the  best  men,  even  when  they 
were  of  inferior  military  rank  and  standing. 
He  was  absolute  master  in  his  own  army. 
Sir  Colin  Campbell  has  shown  that  he  pos- 
sesses military  genius  sufficient  to  re-esta- 
blish our  Indian  empire;  but  to  enable  him 
to  do  this,  he  must  be,  like  Wellington,  abso- 
lute master  in  his  owm  army;  he  must  have 
the  free  and  unfettered  choice  of  his  own 
officers.  Even  Wellington,  the  brother  of 
Wellesley,  and  the  beloved  youthful  friend 
of  Castlereagh,  found  difficulties  at  first  in 
warding  off  undue  interference ; how  much 
more  difficulty  must  Sir  Colin  Campbell  feel, 
who  has  no  such  powerful  backers?  It  is 
the  duty  of  the  British  nation  to  be  to  Colin 
Campbell  what  Lord  Castlereagh  was  to 


A.D.  1857.]  INDIAN 

Arthur  Wellesley.  The  British  nation 
must,  if  necessary,  be  prepared  to  tell  the 
Duke  of  Cambridge  and  Lord  Canning,  in 
the  most  unequivocal  terms,  that  Sir  Colin 
is  to  be  allowed  in  all  respects  to  conduct 
the  war  in  his  own  way.” 

The  month  of  December,  1857,  had  com- 
menced amidst  much  cause  for  anxiety  and 
for  vigorous  effort  on  the  part  of  the 
English  commander.  The  convoy  of  Luck- 
now fugitives  was  still  necessarily  detained 
under  the  protection  of  the  troops  at  Cawn- 
porc,  whose  operations  were  shackled  by 
the  presence  of  the  helpless  and  useless 
multitude.  The  Gwalior  mutineers  still 
held  possession  of  the  town  and  the  greatest 
part  of  the  suburbs,  from  whence  their 
artillery  kept  up  an  incessant  cannonade 
upon  the  intrenchment  and  the  southern 
cantonments,  in  which  the  convoy  and  the 
Lucknow  force  were  encamped ; but  until 
the  women  and  children,  with  the  wounded 
people,  could  be  safely  dispatched  on  their 
route  to  Allahabad,  the  hands  of  Sir  Colin 
Campbell  were  tied.  He  daily  saw  his  offi- 
cers and  men  fall  around  him,  without 
being  able  prudently  to  act  against  the 
enemy.  The  loss  of  officers  alone,  in  the 
Aveek  from  the  26th  of  November  to  the 
2nd  of  December,  amounted  to  ten  killed, 
thirty-two  wounded,  and  two  missing. 

Before  entering  upon  details  connected 
with  the  movements  of  the  opposing  forces 
on  the  6th  of  December,  it  should  be 
observed,  for  the  purpose  of  illustrating 
those  movements,  that  the  town  of  Cawn- 
pore  lies  on  the  right  or  west  bank  of  the 
Ganges,  about  130  miles  north-west  of 
Allahabad.  The  town  does  not  extend 
quite  down  to  the  river;  and  in  order  to  reach 
the  latter,  a sandy  plain,  of  about  two  miles 
in  breadth,  must  be  traversed.  This  space, 
covered  with  officers’  bungalows  and  their 
compounds,  is  called  the  cantonments,  and 
it  stretches  several  miles  along  the  water- 
side. In  this  plain  of  the  cantonments, 
there  were,  as  already  stated,  the  intrench- 
ments,  and  the  fort  for  the  protection 
of  the  bridge  of  boats,  which  afforded  the 
only  means  for  crossing  the  river  and  com- 
municating with  the  Lucknow-road.  It 
was  for  the  purpose  of  occupying  these  de- 
fences, and  of  protecting  the  bridge,  and 
thereby  preserving  the  communication  with 
Sir  Colin  Campbell,  that  General  Windham 

! was  entrusted  with  the  command  at  Cawn- 

' pore.  Through  the  cantonments  there  is  a 
road,  which,  at  a few  miles’  distance,  south- 

1 

I 


MUTINY.  [relative  positions. 

east  of  Cawnpore,  joins  the  Grand  Trunk- 
road,  which  unites  Delhi,  Cawnpore,  Alla- 
habad, and  Calcutta.  A considerable  dis- 
tance northward  of  this  junction,  but  before 
reaching  the  city,  were  the  ruins  of  the  in- 
trenchment in  which  the  late  Sir  Hugh 
Wheeler  was  besieged  by  Nana  Sahib  and  his 
rebel  force.  This  road  through  the  canton- 
ments, and  the  Grand  Trunk-road,  it  should 
be  observed,  was  the  line  of  retreat  to  be 
taken  by  the  rescued  garrisou  of  Luck- 
now, on  the  route  to  Allahabad ; and  its 
preservation  was  therefore  of  vital  im- 
portance. 

When,  on  the  evening  of  the  30th  of  j 
November,  the  whole  of  the  convoy  and 
troops  had  crossed  from  Oude,  the  position 
of  the  entire  British  camp  was  in  the  form 
of  a half-circle,  stretching  from  some  old 
dragoon  lines  lying  near  the  Ganges,  and 
the  fort,  south-westward  across  the  Grand 
Trunk-road,  and  round  the  position  occu- 
pied by  Sir  Hugh  Wheeler.  In  short,  its 
right  rested  on  the  river,  while  its  centre 
and  left  covered  the  Grand  Trunk-road. 

It  should  further  be  observed,  that  the 
city  of  Cawnpore  lay  in  front  of  the  British 
camp,  separated  by  a canal  running  east 
and  west,  the  larger  portion  of  the  city  ; 
being  on  its  northern  side.  On  the  even-  I 
ing  that  Sir  Colin  arrived  from  Lucknow,  j 
the  mutineers  were  driven  from  that  part  , 
of  the  city  which  lay  nearest  the  British 
intrenchments ; and  Brigadier  Greathed, 
about  the  same  time,  occupied  the  General- 
gunge — an  old  bazaar  of  very  considerable 
extent,  which  lay  along  the  canal  in  front 
of  the  line  occupied  by  the  British  camp. 
Thus,  it  will  be  seen,  that  the  enemy  were 
on  the  north  side  of  the  canal,  and  the 
British  on  the  south  side,  having  one  ad- 
vanced post  (the  General- gunge)  on  the  canal 
itself.  The  rebels’  right,  facing  the  Bri- 
tish left,  stretched  out  beyond  the  angle 
formed  by  the  Grand  Trunk-road  and  the 
canal;  and  before  closing  with  it,  the  British 
force  would  therefore  be  obliged  to  cross 
the  canal  by  the  only  two  bridges  that 
formed  the  communication.  The  centre  of 
the  enemy  was  in  the  town  of  Cawnpore, 
where  he  occupied  the  houses  and  bazaars 
which  overhung  the  canal.  The  city,  in 
this  part,  was  full  of  narrow  lanes,  the  houses 
in  which  were  loopholed,  and  the  principal 
streets  were  carefully  barricaded.  This 
division  of  the  enemy’s  force  was  exactly 
opposite  to  the  British  advanced  post 
named  the  General-gunge,  held  by  Bri- 


! CAWNPORE — FIN  AL  PREPARATIONS.]  HISTOEY  OF  THE 


gadier  Greathed ; but  this  position  of  the 
enemy,  strong  as  it  appeared  to  be,  in 
' reality  proved  his  weakness;  for,  between 
I I his  centre  and  his  right,  there  was  the  wall 
I of  the  city,  which  separated  one  portion  of  his 

I force  from  the  other  so  completely,  that,  in 
j case  of  emergency,  he  had  no  means  of  trans- 
I ferring  troops  from  one  flank  to  the  other, 
j The  left  division  of  the  rebel  force  occupied 
the  old  cantonment — namely,  that  portion 
of  the  ground  which  lies  between  the  city 
and  the  Ganges.  In  the  rear  of  this  posi- 
' tion,  and  about  a mile  and  a-half  distant, 
in  a direct  line  from  the  British  intrench- 
ments,  was  the  Subahdar’s  Tank,  and  in 
front  of  this  was  the  Baptist  chapel.  Thus 
the  entire  line  of  the  rebel  force  extended 
from  the  Ganges  through  the  city  of  Cawn- 
pore,  and  along  the  canal  westward  of 
the  city  wall,  which  was  parallel  to  the 
canal.  The  camp  of  the  enemy  was  pitched 
two  miles  in  rear  of  his  right  division,  and 
covered  the  Calpee-road,  which  afterwards 
formed  his  line  of  retreat.  This  disposition 
of  the  enemy’s  force  did  not  escape  the 
notice  of  the  commander-in-chief,  who  saw, 
in  a moment,  the  disadvantage  to  which  it 
would  be  exposed,  if  the  attack  was  directed 
; from  a particular  point ; and  upon  that 
point,  therefore,  he  determined  to  base  his 
operations. 

On  the  night  of  the  5th  of  December, 

I the  force  of  the  enemy  at  Cawnpore  con- 
! sisted  of  about  25,000  men,  with  at  least 
forty  pieces  of  artillery ; while  the  facilities 
afforded  by  his  position  for  the  uninterrupted 
junction  of  other  mutinous  regiments  by 
I I the  Calpee-road,  rendered  the  actual  strength 
; j and  resources  of  the  rebel  army — which 
j already  outnumbered,  by  more  than  two- 
j thirds,  the  aggregate  strength  of  the  British 
! troops  opposed  to  it — a point  on  which 
I no  certain  calculation  could  be  based.  The 
j comprehensive  genius  of  the  commander- 
in-chief,  was,  however,  equal  to  the  emer- 
gency forced  upon  him  by  the  adverse 
circumstances  that  had  thrown  a cloud  over 
the  proceedings  of  the  few'previous  days ; 
and,  as  usual,  he  grasped  the  difficulties  of 
his  position  with  a determination  to  over- 
come them.  The  force  under  his  command 
on  the  5th  of  December,  amounted  to  about 
8,000  men  of  all  arms,  of  which,  in  round 
numbers,  not  more  than  7,500  were  avail- 
j able  for  service  in  the  field. 

! Early  in  the  morning  of  the  6th,  Sir 
! Colin  Campbell  assigned  to  his  several  corps 
, and  officers  their  respective  stations  and 
i 206 


[a.d.  1857. 

duties,  and  the  moment  for  action  at  length 
arrived ; the  baggage,  &c.,  of  the  army  hav-  ' 
iug  first  been  taken  down  to  the  river-side 
for  precaution.  At  nine  o’clock  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  6th  of  December,  a heavy  bom- 
bardment was  opened  from  the  intrench- 
ment  to  the  east  of  Cawnpore,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  inducing  the  enemy  to  believe  he 
would  be  attaeked  from  that  quarter.  Bri- 
gadier Greathed’s  three  regiments  at  the 
General-gunge  bazaar  were  then  reinforced 
by  the  64th,  the  rest  of  the  force  being 
drawn  up  in  contiguous  columns  in  the 
plain  of  the  cantonments,  and  effectually 
masked  from  the  observation  of  the  enemy. 
By  eleven  o’clock  all  was  ready,  and  the 
infantry  deployed  in  parallel  lines  fronting 
the  canal — Brigadier  Hope  being  in  advance  ' 
in  one  line,  and  Brigadieringlis,  of  Lucknow,  j 
leading  the  second.  The  cavalry  and  horse  | 
artillery  were  then  directed  to  cross  the  canal  j 
by  a bridge  a mile  and  a-half  to  the  west-  I 
ward,  and  from  thence  threaten  the  enemy’s 
rear.  Immediately  to  the  left  of  Brigadier  ! 
Greathed,  was  another  bridge  over  the 
canal,  which  was  crossed  by  Brigadier  Wal- 
pole, under  cover  of  the  guns.  Keeping 
along  the  city  wall,  that  officer  drove  the 
enemy  from  the  shelter  of  some  brick- 
kilns, and  the  whole  line  advanced — Captain  ' 
Peel,  with  the  heavy  guns  of  his  naval  bri-  i 
gade,  leading  the  way  over  the  bridge,  ac-  | 
companied  by  a private  of  the  53rd  regi- 
ment named  Hannaford;  and,  in  a short 
time,  the  whole  of  the  British  force  was  on 
the  Cawnpore  side  of  the  canal,  and  the 
enemy’s  centre  and  right  were  driven  back 
at  all  points.  By  one  o’clock  in  the  after-  , 
noon,  his  camp  was  reached,  and  taken 
possession  of  after  a short  struggle ; and 
the  rout  of  the  rebel  army  became  com- 
plete along  the  Calpee-road,  for  fourteen.  ! 
miles  of  which  he  was  hotly  pursued  by 
cavalry  and  artillery;  and  so  perfect  was  ! 
the  abandonment  of  the  enemy,  that  not  a ' 
single  gun  or  ammunition  carriage  on  the 
right  of  his  position  escaped  the  grasp  of 
the  victors.  But  the  triumph  was  yet  in-  | 
complete : the  left  wing  of  the  enemy  still  I 
remained  untouched ; and,  consequently,  as  | 
the  commander-in-chief  passed  through  the  j 
unoccupied  camp  of  the  rebels,  he  dis-  i 
patched  General  Mansfield,  with  a detach-  ! 
ment,  to  secure  the  latter,  and  to  take  the 
position  of  the  Subahdar’s  Tank,  which  * 
stood  in  rear  of  the  euemy’s  left.  By  skill 
and  valour  this  task  was  admirably  accom- 
plished ; and  having  occupied  the  camp,  and 


A.D. 


1857.] 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


[the  action. 


taken  measures  for  maintaining  a good  post 
on  the  Calpee-road,  General  Mansfield  ad- 
vanced towards  the  tank,  struggling  over 
broken  ground  and  through  enclosures,  and 
driving  parties  of  the  enemy  before  him. 
After  a good  deal  of  manoeuvring,  in 
ground  highly  favourable  to  the  rebels,  the 
general  at  length  succeeded  in  obtaining 
the  position  assigned  to  him,  and  soon  after 
had  the  satishiction  to  see  large  bodies  of 
the  enemy’s  infantry  and  cavalry  rapidly 
moving  off,  in  full  retreat,  to  the  westward. 
As  it  was  not  practicable  to  communicate 
with  Sir  Colin  after  sunset,  the  position 
being  almost  isolated,  and  considerable 
numbers  of  the  enemy  being  still  in  portions 
of  the  town  and  the  old  cantonment,  the 
general  strengthened  the  pickets  round  his 
position,  and  bivouacked  for  the  night  with- 
out molestation.  The  rebel  centre  finding 
itself  without  support,  its  camp  lost,  and  its 
wings  destroyed,  broke  up  during  the 
night,  and  fled  from  the  town  in  every  pos- 
sible direction  ; and  before  Sir  Colin  Camp- 
bell returned  to  the  British  camp  at  the 
close  of  that  well-fought  day,  the  enemy  had 
been  driven  completely  from  Cawnpore. 
The  following  are  the  despatches  of  the 
commander-in-chief,  in  reference  to  the 
battle  of  the  6th  of  December  : — 

“ The  Commander -in- Chief  to  the  Governor-general. 

“ Head-quarters,  Camp,  Cawnpore,  Dec.  10th. 

“ My  Lord, — I have  the  honour  to  report  to  your 
lordship,  that  late  on  the  night  of  the  3rd  instant, 
the  convoy,  which  had  given  me  so  much  anxiety, 
including  the  families  and  half  the  wounded,  was 
finally  dispatched ; and  on  the  4th  and  5th  the  last 
arrangements  were  made  for  consigning  the  re- 
mainder of  the  wounded  in  places  of  safety,  while  a 
portion  of  the  troops  were  withdrawn  from  the 
intrenchm.ents  to’join  the  camp.  On  the  afternoon 
of  the  5th,  about  3 P.M.,  the  enemy  attacked  our 
left  pickets  with  artillery,  and  showed  infantry 
round  our  left  flank.  A desultory  fire  was  also 
begun  on  our  pickets  in  the  Generalgunge,  which  is 
an  old  bazaar  of  very  considerable  extent  along  the 
canal,  in  front  of  the  line  occupied  by  the  camp. 
These  advanced  positions  had  been  held,  since  our 
arrival,  by  Brigadier  Greathed’s  brigade  with  great 
firmness,  the  brigadier  having  displayed  his  usual 
judgment  in  their  arrangement  and  support.  On 
two  or  three  occasions  he  had  been  supported  by 
Captain  Peel’s  heavy  guns  and  Captain  Bourchier’s 
field  battery,  when  the  artillery  of  the  enemy  had 

• Artillery  Brigade — Two  troops  of  horse  artil- 
lery ; three  light  field  batteries ; guns  of  the  naval 
brigade  ; heavy  field  battery  royal  artillery.  Cavalry 
Brigade — Her  majesty’s  9th  lancers ; detachments 
of  1st,  2nd,  and  6th  Punjab  cavalry,  and  Hudson’s 
horse.  4<A  Infantry  Brigade — Her  majesty’s  53rd 
regiment ; her  majesty’s  42nd  and  93rd  highlanders  ; 
4th  Punjab  rifles,  bth  Infantry  Brigade — Her 


annoyed  him  and  the  general  front  of  the  camp. 
After  two  hours  of  cannonading,  the  enemy  retired 
on  the  afternoon  in  question.  Arrangements  were 
then  made  for  a general  attack  on  him  the  next  day. 

“ His  left  occupied  the  old  cantonment,  from 
which  General  Windham’s  post  had  been  principally 
assailed.  His  centre  was  in  the  city  of  Cawnpore, 
and  lined  the  houses  and  bazaars  overhanging  the 
canal,  which  separated  it  from  Brigadier  Greathed’s 
position,  the  principal  streets  having  been  after- 
wards discovered  to  be  barricaded.  His  right 
stretched  some  way  beyond  the  angle  formed  by  the 
Grand  'ITunk-road  and  the  canal,  two  miles  in  rear 
of  which  the  camp  of  the  Gwalior  contingent  was 
pitched,  and  so  covered  the  Calpee-road.  This  was 
the  line  of  retreat  of  that  body.  In  short,  the  canal, 
along  which  were  placed  his  centre  and  right,  was 
the  main  feature  of  his  position,  and  could  only  be 
passed  in  the  latter  direction  by  two  bridges.  It 
appeared  to  me,  if  his  right  was  vigorously  attacked, 
that  it  would  be  driven  from  its  position  without 
assistance  coming  from  other  parts  of  his  line ; the 
wall  of  the  town,  which  gave  cover  to  our  attacking 
columns  on  our  right,  being  an  effective  obstacle  to 
the  movement  of  any  portion  of  his  troops  from  his 
left  to  right.  Thus  the  possibility  became  apparent 
of  attacking  his  division  in  detail. 

“ From  intelligence  received  before  and  after  the 
action,  there  seems  to  be  little  doubt  that,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  arrival  of  four  regiments  from  Oude, 
and  the  gathering  of  various  mutinous  corps  which 
had  suffered  in  previous  actions,  as  well  as  the 
assemblage  of  all  the  Nana’s  followers,  the  strength 
of  the  enemy  now  amounted  to  about  25,000  men, 
with  all  the  guns  belonging  to  the  contingent,  some 
thirty-six  in  number,  together  with  a few  guns 
belonging  to  the  Nana. 

“ Orders  were  given  to  General  Windham,  on  the 
morning  of  the  6th,  to  open  a heavy  bombardment 
at  9 A.JI.  from  the  intrenchment  in  the  old  canton- 
ments, and  so  induce  the  belief  in  the  enemy  that 
the  attack  was  coming  from  the  general’s  position. 
The  camp  was  struck  early,  and  all  the  baggage 
driven  to  the  river-side  under  a guard,  to  avoid  the 
slightest  risk  of  accident.  Brigadier  Greathed,  rein- 
forced by  the  64th  regiment,  was  desired  to  hold 
the  same  ground  opposite  the  centre  of  the  enemy, 
which  he  had  been  occupying  for  some  days  past,  as 
above  mentioned,  and  at  11  A.M.,  the  rest  of  the 
force,  as  per  margin,*  was  drawn  up  in  contiguous 
columns  in  rear  of  some  old  cavalry  lines,  and  effec- 
tually masked  from  the  observation  of  the  enemy. 
The  cannonade  from  the  intrenchment  having  become 
slack  at  this  time,  the  moment  had  arrived  for  the 
attack  to  commence. 

“ The  cavalry  and  horse  artillery,  having  been 
sent  to  make  a detour  on  the  left  and  across  the 
canal,  by  a bridge  a mile  and  a-half  further  up,  and 
threaten  the  enemy’s  rear,  the  infantry  deployed 
in  parallel  lines  fronting  the  canal.  Brigadier 
Hope’s  brigade  was  in  advance  in  one  line.  Briga- 
dier Inglis’s  brigade  being  in  rear  of  Brigadier 

majesty’s  23rd  fusiliers;  her  majesty’s  32nd  regi- 
ment ; her  majesty’s  82nd  regiment.  &th  Infantry 
Brigade — 2nd  and  3rd  battalion  rifle  brigade  ; de- 
tachment of  her  majesty’s  38th  foot.  ^Engineer  Bri- 
gade— Royal  engineers,  and  detachments  of  Bengal 
and  Punjab  ; sappers  and  miners  attached  to  the 
various  brigades  of  infantry.  (The  whole  of  the 
force  enumerated  did  not  exceed  7,500  men.) 

207 


CAWNPOKE — THE  DESPATCH.]  HISTORY  OF  THE  [a.D.  1857.  1 

Hope.  At  the  same  time  Brigadier  Walpole,  as- 
sisted by  Captain  Smith’s  field  battery',  royal  artil- 
lery, was  directed  to  pass  the  bridge  immediately  to 
the  left  of  Brigadier  Greathed’s  position,  and  to 
drive  the  enemy  from  the  brick-kilns,  keeping  the 
wall  of  the  city  for  his  guide.  The  whole  attack 
then  proceeded,  the  enemy  quickly  responding, 
from  his  proper  right,  to  the  fire  of  our  heavy  and 
field  artillery. 

“ Good  use  was  made  of  these  guns  by  Captain 
Peel,  C.B.,  E..N.,  and  the  artillery  officers  under 
Major-general  Dupuis,  C.B.,  R.A.,  Brigadier  Craw- 
ford, R.A.,  and  Major  Turner,  B.A.  The  Sikhs  of 
the  4th  Punjab  infantry',  thrown  into  skirmish- 
ing order,  supported  by  her  majesty’s  53rd  foot, 
attacked  the  enemy  in  some  old  mounds  and  brick- 
kilns to  our  left,  with  great  vigour. 

“ The  advance  then  continued  with  rapidity  along 
the  whole  line,  and  I had  the  satisfaction  of  observ- 
ing, in  the  distance,  that  Brigadier  Walpole  was 
making  equal  progress  on  the  right.  The  canal 
bridge  was  quickly  passed.  Captain  Peel  leading 
over  it  with  a heavy  gun,  accompanied  by  a soldier 
of  her  majesty’s  53rd,  named  Hannaford.  The 
troops  which  had  gathered  together,  resuming  their 
line  of  formation  with  great  rapidity  on  either  side 
as  soon  as  it  was  crossed,  and  continuing  to  drive 
the  enemy  at  all  points,  his  camp  was  reached  and 
taken  at  1 P.5I.,  and  his  rout  was  complete  along 
the  Calpee-road. 

“ I must  here  draw  attention  to  the  manner  in 
which  the  heavy  24-pounder  guns  were  impelled  and 
managed  by  Captain  Peel  and  his  gallant  sailors. 
Through  the  extraordinary  energy  and  good-will 
with  which  the  latter  had  worked,  their  guns  have 
been  constantly  in  advance  throughout  our  late 
operations,  from  the  relief  of  Lucknow,  till  now,  as 
if  they  were  light  field-pieces,  and  the  service  ren- 
dered by  them  in  clearing  our  front  has  been  incal- 
culable. On  this  occasion  there  was  the  sight  beheld 
of  24-pounder  guns  advancing  with  the  first  line  of 
skirmishers. 

“ Without  losing  any  time,  the  pursuit  with  cav- 
alry, infantry,  and  light  artillery  was  pressed  with 
the  greatest  eagerness  to  the  fourteenth  milestone 
on  the  Calpee-road,  and  I have  reason  to  believe 
that  every  gun  and  cart  of  ammunition  which  had 
been  in  that  part  of  the  enemy’s  position,  which  had 
been  attacked,  now  fell  into  our  possession.  I had 
the  satisfaction  of  accompanying  the  troops  engaged 
in  the  pursuit,  and  of  being  able  to  bear  witness  to 
their  strenuous  endeavours  to  make  the  most  of  the 
success  which  had  been  achieved.  When  I passed 
the  camp  and  went  forward  on  the  Calpee-road, 
Major-general  Mansfield  was  desired  by  me  to  make 
arrangements  for  the  attack  of  the  position  called 
the  Subahdar’s  Tank,  which  extended  round  the  left 
rear  of  the  enemy’s  position  in  the  old  cantonments. 
As  this  operation  was  a separate  one,  I beg  to 
enclose  for  your  lordship’s  consideration  the  major- 
general’s  own  narrative. 

“ The  troops  having  returned  from  the  pursuit  at 
midnight  on  the  6th,  and  their  baggage  having 
reached  them  on  the  afternoon  of  the  next  day. 
Brigadier-general  Grant  was  detached  in  pursuit  on 
the  8th,  with  the  cavalry,  some  light  artillery,  and  a 
brigade  of  infantry,  with  orders  to  destroy  public 
buildings  belonging  to  the  Nana  Sahib  at  Bithoor, 
and  to  press  on  to  Serai-Ghat,  twenty-five  miles 
from  hence,  if  he  had  good  tidings  of  the  retreating 
enemy.  This  duty  was  admirably  performed  by  the 
208 

brigadier-general,  and  he  caught  the  enemy  when  he  ] 
was  about  to  cross  the  river  with  his  remaining  1 
guns.  The  brigadier-general  attacked  him  with  j 
great  vigour ; and  by  the  excellent  disposition  he 
made  of  his  force,  succeeded  in  taking  every  gun  i 
the  enemy  possessed,  without  losing  a single  man. 

I have  the  pleasure  to  enclose  the  brigadier-general’s  j 
report  for  your  lordship’s  perusal. 

“ It  now  remains  for  me  to  bring  to  your  lord- 
ship’s notice  the  officers  who  have  distinguished 
themselves  during  the  series  of  operations  which 
have  occurred  under  my  own  eyes,  since  this  field 
force  left  the  neighbourhood  of  Lucknow.  I have  a 
particular  pleasure  in  again  bringing  to  your  lord- 
ship’s notice  the  zeal  and  great  ability  with  which 
Major-general  W.  R.  Mansfield,  chief  of  the  staff, 
has  conducted  the  very  important  duties  of  his  high 
position,  and  of  my  obligations  to  him  for  the  most 
valuable  assistance  he  has  afforded  me  during  the 
whole  of  the  recent  operations.  I desire  also  to 
call  your  lordship’s  attention  to  the  able  and  distin- 
guished manner  in  which  he  conducted  the  troops 
placed  under  his  orders,  after  the  enemy’s  centre 
had  been  divided,  to  the  attack  of  their  strong  posi- 
tion at  the  Subahdar’s  Tank,  and  to  recommend  to 
your  lordship’s  favourable  consideration  the  names 
of  the  officers  who  assisted  him. 

“ I have  to  thank  Brigadier-general  Hope  Grant, 
C.B.,  very  particularly  for  the  admirable  manner  in 
which  he  has  conducted  the  duties  of  the  force,  and 
more  particularly  for  his  exertions  on  the  6th  of 
December,  and  the  capital  operations  he  performed 
on  the  8th  and  9th.  The  brigadier-general  speaks 
in  the  highest  terms  of  his  divisional  and  personal 
staff. 

“ I have  the  greatest  satisfaction  in  bringing  to 
your  lordship’s  notice.  Brigadiers  Greathed,  the 
Hon.  A.  Hope,  M’^alpole,  and  Inglis.  These  officers 
have  all  exerted  themselves  to  the  utmost,  and  have 
fully  justified  my  expectations.  'Ihey  desire  to 
record  their  obligations  to  the  officers  commanding 
corps  in  their  respective  brigades,  and  to  their  bri- 
gade staff. 

“ Owing  to  his  knowledge  of  the  ground,  I re- 
quested Major-general  Windham  to  remain  in 
command  of  the  intrenchment,  the  fire  of  which  was 
a very  important  feature  in  the  operations  of  the  6th 
of  December,  although  I felt  and  explained  to 
General  Windham  that  it  was  a command  hardly 
worthy  of  an  officer  of  his  rank.  He  gave  me  every 
satisfaction,  and  I have  to  thank  him  accordingly. 

“ I must  particularly  notice  the  exertions  of  Cap- 
tain H.  W.  Norman,  assistant-adjutant-general  of 
the  army ; of  Captain  Herbert  Bruce,  deputy-quar- 
termaster.general  ; and  of  Captain  J.  H.  Smyth, 
Bengal  artillery,  the  latter  of  whom  had  been  re- 
quested by  me  to  take  command  of  the  artillery  in 
the  intrenchment,  as  a special  duty.  Captain  Smyth 
has  rendered  other  great  and  valuable  services  since 
he  left  Calcutta,  of  which  I have  not  had  an  oppor- 
tunity before  of  recording  my  approval.  I desire 
also  to  bring  to  your  lordship’s  favourable  notice, 
the  officers  on  the  general  staff,  or  belonging  to  the 
personal  staff  of  myself  or  Major-general  Mansfield. 

“ To  the  crew  of  her  majestj'’s  ship  Shannon,  and 
to  the  royal  and  Bengal  artillery,  my  thanks  are 
alike  due ; but  more  particularly  to  Captain  Feel, 
C.B.,  royal  navy;  to  Brigadier  Crawford,  royal 
artillery ; and  to  Major  Turner,  Bengal  horse  artil- 
lery. I cannot  refrain  from  again  drawing  your 
lordship’s  most  marked  attention  to  the  very  distin- 

A.D.  1857.]  INDIAN  MUTINY.  [dispatches  continued. 

guished  merits  of  the  last-named  (Major  Turner.) 
As  is  always  the  case  in  the  three  services,  the  bat- 
teries and  troops  were  mancEuvred  with  remarkable 
dexterity. 

“ Captain  Peel  has  brought  to  my  favourable  no- 
tice Lieutenant  Vaughan,  royal  navy,  and  I should 
much  wish  that  this  recommendation  may  be  known 
to  the  admiralty;  and  Brigadier  Crawford  has  ex- 
pressed his  obligations  to  his  brigade-major.  Captain 
H.  L.  G.  Bruce,  Bengal  artillery,  and  has  mentioned 
with  marked  distinction  all  the  officers  holding  com- 
mands. Major-general  Dupuis,  C.B.,  royal  artil- 
lery, commanded  the  artillery  during  the  action,  in 
consequence  of  his  accidental  presence  in  camp ; and 
I beg  to  thank  him  for  his  exertions,  as  well  as 
1 those  of  his  staff.  Colonel  Harness,  royal  engineers, 
was  also  present  in  the  same  manner,  and  accom- 
1 panied  me  throughout  the  action.  General  Grant 
has  also  brought  to  my  notice  the  distinguished 
conduct  of  Brigadier  Little,  commanding  the  cavalry, 
as  also  of  officers  commanding  corps  in  that  brigade, 
and  its  staff  officers. 

“During  the  pursuit  of  the  6th,  and  the  operation 
of  the  9th,  the  cavalry  maintained  that  high  character 
for  dash  and  perseverance  which  has  distinguished 
them  since  they  took  the  field  in  the  numerous 
engagements  of  their  long  campaign.  I desire  also 
to  mention  Major  Payne,  of  the  o3rd  regiment, 
whom  I saw  performing  very  valuable  service  during 
the  first  advance  on  the  6th  instant.  I must  not 
allow  this  opportunity  to  pass  without  bearing  my 
testimony  to  the  unwearied  zeal  and  assiduity  of  the 
superintending  surgeon.  Dr.  J.  C.  Brown,  Bengal 
artiller)-,  which  have  never  flagged  for  an  instant, 
and  have  been  of  the  greatest  use  to  the  force  in 
the  field  from  the  time  the  troops  first  moved 
before  going  to  Delhi.  I beg  to  recommend  him 
most  particularly  to  your  lordship’s  favourable  con- 
sideration.— I have,  &c., 

“ C.  C.iliPBELL,  General,  Commanding-in-Chief.” 

The  report  of  General  Mansfield  to  the 
commander-in-chief  was  as  follows  : — 

“ Head-quarters,  Camp,  Cawnpore,  Dec.  10th. 

“ Sir, — In  obedience  to  your  excellency’s  instruc- 
tions, when  I left  your  side  after  the  capture  of  the 
enemy’s  camp,  on  the  afternoon  of  the  6th  Decem- 
ber, I proceeded  to  make  the  arrangements  for 
taking  the  position  called  the  Subahdar’s  Tank,  in 
rear  of  the  enemy’s  left,  and  about  a mile  and  a-half 
in  a direct  line  from  the  intrenchments  through  the 
old  cantonment. 

“ Before  advancing,  measures  were  taken  for  the 
safe  guard  of  the  captured  camp.  Colonel  Kelly, 
with  a wing  of  the  38th  foot,  being  placed  in  position 
for  that  purpose,  in  addition  to  the  23rd  regiment, 
which  had  already  been  left  there  by  your  excellency. 
These  two  regiments  repelled  an  attack  in  the  course 
of  the  afternoon,  and  took  two  guns  from  the 
enemy.  The  93rd  highlanders,  who  had  been  placed 
on  the  Grand  Trunk-road,  beyond  the  camp  to  the 
left,  at  the  time  that  your  exc^lency  gave  the  orders 
for  pressing  the  pursuit  of  the  enemy  along  the 
Calpee-road,  were  now,  at  2 P.M.,  beginning  to 
suffer  from  the  enemy’s  guns,  which  were  in  position 
about  one  thousand  yards  in  their  front,  in  the 
enclosures  between  them  and  the  tank.  They  were 
advanced  a short  distance  with  Captain  iMiddleton’s 
field  battery,  R.A.,  which  answered  the  enemy’s 
guns,  until  the  rifle  brigade  under  Brigadier  Walpole, 

VOL.  II.  2 E 

and  the  heavy  field  battery  under  Captain  Longden, 
R.A.,  could  be  brought  up.  In  the  course  of  half- 
an-hour  this  had  taken  place,  and  the  heavy  field 
battery  pushed  along  the  road  intersecting  the 
Grand  Trunk-road,  about  a mile  to  the  left  of  the 
enemy’s  camp,  and  leading  directly  to  the  old  can- 
tonment. The  rifles  were  extended  in  skirmishing 
order  some  300  yards  on  each  side  of  the  road, 
slightly  in  advance  of  the  heavy  guns,  the  high- 
landers being  kept  in  reserve. 

“ These  arrangements  having  been  made,  the 
advance  took  place,  and  the  enemy  began  to  give 
way  immediately,  successive  positions  being  taken 
up,  and  a rapid  fire  maintained,  by  Captain  Longden 
and  Captain  Middleton,  of  the  royal  artillery,  the 
rifles  passing  through  the  enclosures  to  the  right, 
and  the  broken  ground  to  the  left  of  the  road,  with 
much  spirit,  under  the  able  directions  of  Brigadier 
AValpole. 

“ On  the  entrance  of  the  village  being  reached, 
which  may  be  distinguished  as  the  soldiers’  burial- 
ground,  although  the  enclosures  were  still  held  to 
a certain  degree  by  the  enemy,  it  appeared  to  me 
expedient  to  push  the  field  battery  through  the  vil- 
lage at  a gallop,  and  take  position  in  the  plain,  with 
the  tank  on  the  right,  the  infantry  being  desired  to 
press  forward  as  fast  as  they  coulcL  This  was  done 
very  well  by  Captain  Middleton,  R.A.,  and  he  had 
the  satisfaction  of  firing  at  the  enemy’s  guns  as  they 
disappeared  along  the  Bithoor-road,  whilst  the  rifles 
were  still  running  up  to  his  support.  The  position 
was  then  fairly  occupied,  Brigadier  Hope  coming 
up  with  the  reserve  of  highlanders,  and  taking 
charge  of  the  pickets  which  were  thrown  out  on  the 
line  of  the  enemy’s  retreat.  About  4 P.M.  the  posi- 
tion which  had  been  taken  was  attacked  by  artillery, 
brought  by  the  enemy  from  the  old  cantonment. 
These  guns  might  have  been  taken  ; but  I refrained 
from  giving  the  necessary  order,  being  aware  that 
it  was  contrary  to  your  excellency’s  wish  to  involve 
the  troops  among  the  enclosures  and  houses  of  the 
old  cantonment ; and  that,  if  the  slightest  advance 
had  been  made  in  that  quarter,  it  would  have  been 
necessary,  at  whatever  loss,  to  make  no  stop  till  the 
intrenchment  should  have  been  reached.  When 
Captain  Longden’s  and  Captain  Middleton’s  batte- 
ries had  almost  succeeded  in  silencing  the  enemy’s 
fire,  the  position  was  attacked  by  some  guns  of  the 
enemy  from  the  broken  ground  of  the  plain  on  ex- 
actly the  opposite  side.  They  could  not  be  seen, 
except  by  their  smoke.  They  were,  however,  an- 
swered quickly,  and  all  the  men  and  field  hospital, 
&c.,  having  been  put  under  tolerable  cover,  no  harm 
was  suffered  by  the  troops  in  consequence  of  this 
attack.  At  dusk  I had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing 
large  bodies  of  the  enemy’s  infantry  and  cavalry 
move  round  to  the  west  of  the  position  about  a mile 
distant,  in  full  retreat. 

“ It  not  being  possible  to  communicate  with  your 
excellency  after  sunset,  the  position  taken  up  being 
almost  isolated,  and,  as  reported  to  me,  there  being 
considerable  numbers  of  the  enemy  still  in  oceupa- 
tion  of  the  town  and  old  cantonment,  the  pickets  all 
round  the  position  were  slightly  strengthened,  and 
the  troops  bivouacked  by  their  arms.  Everything 
having  been  quiet  during  the  night,  the  highlanders 
were  withdrawn  the  next  morning,  and  replaced  by 
the  38th  foot  under  your  excellency’s  orders. 

“ My  thanks  are  eminently  due  to  Brigadier 
Walpole,  who  commanded  the  advance,  and  Briga- 
dier Hope,  commanding  the  reserve ; to  Captains 

209 

CAWXPORE NATIVE  REPORT.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  1857. 


Middleton  and  Longden,  commanding  the  batteries 
of  artillery,  and  to  my  aide-de-camp,  Captain  Mans- 
field, who  was  of  the  greatest  use  to  me  till  he  was 
unfortunately  severely  wounded  after  the  guns  had 
passed  the  village.  Captain  Herbert  Bruce,  deputy- 
quartermaster-general,  whose  merits  are  so  highly 
considered  by  your  excellency,  distinguished  himself 
very  much  by  his  knowledge  and  appreciation  of 
the  ground,  and  was  the  cause  of  my  being  able  to 
direct  the  troops  with  tolerable  certainty.  The 
brigadiers  report  verj'  highly  on  the  conduct  of  the 
officers  commanding  corps — viz.,  Lieutenant-colonel 
A.  S.  L.  Hay,  93rd  highlanders  ; Lieutenant-colonel 
Horsford,  3rd  battalion  rifle  brigade ; Brevet  Lieu- 
tenant-colonel Fyers,  2nd  battalion  rifle  brigade. 

“ I have,  &c., 

“ W.  R.  M.ansfield,  Maj.-gen.,  Chief  of  the  Staff.” 

The  foregoing  signal  defeat  of  the  rebels 
by  the  commander-in-chief,  was  reported, 
by  a native  writer  in  the  service  of  the  Ma- 
harajah Scindia,  in  the  following  terms  ; — 
“Calpee,  December  8th,  1857. 

“Three  hurkarus  came  straight  from 
Cawnpore  to-day,  and  reported,  that  the 
Gwalior  contingent  rebels,  having  collected 
all  their  force  and  stores  at  Bhoti,  advanced 
thence  to  a place  two  coss  nearer  to  Cawn- 
pore, and  left  there,  with  fifty  or  si.xty  men, 
their  camp  and  bazaar.  The  whole  force, 
including  sepoys  and  chiefs,  with  their  fol- 
lowers of  all  sorts,  amounted  to  15,000 
men.  Their  plan  was  to  fight  with  their 
guns  up  to  12  P.M.,  and  then  to  assault  and 
carry  the  intrenchments.  At  Mogul  Serai, 
near  Cawnpore,  the  English  had  a battery, 
and  there  the  fight  began.  The  rebels 
fought  very  bravely  up  to  12  p.m.,  when 
the  English  began  to  retire,  and  the  rebels 
followed  them  until  they  were  two  coss 
from  the  rebel  camp.  Then  500  English, 
with  two  guns,  advancing  on  the  Allahabad- 
road,  attacked  the  rebel  camp,  and  cap- 
tured it  with  all  that  was  in  it.  Leaving  a 
guard  there,  they  then  attacked  the  rear  of 
the  rebels,  when  the  retiring  English  turned 
and  attacked  them  in  front.  The  rebels 
could  not  endure  this  double  attack,  and 
fled ; and  the  English  chased  them  to  Sach- 
eindee,  and  took,  on  the  road,  their  guns, 
baggage,  magazine  — everything.  ]\Iean- 
while,  the  two  great  guns  which  the  rebels 
had  sent  for,  with  ammunition,  from  Cal- 
pee,  having  reached  Eenniah,  the  English 
marched  thither  also,  and  captured  them. 
The  three  hurkarus  who  report  this  were 
in  the  action,  and  with  great  difficulty 
saved  their  lives,  but  none  of  their  pro- 
perty ; and  of  the  flying  sepoys,  no  village 
would  admit  a man  within  its  walls — not 
even  if  it  were  his  own  home.  The  hur- 
I karus  put-up  in  the  village  of  Muttabel- 
210 


pore;  and  there,  at  twelve  o’clock  at  night, 
came  Koor  Dawlut  Sing;  but  the  people 
would  not  let  him  halt  there.  I cannot 
tell  how  many  were  slain,  but  shall  hear 
to-morrow.  The  English  fought  in  this 
battle  as  Roostum  and  Isfendian,  alone, 
fought  before.  The  Sahibs  dismounted 
amid  the  fire  of  the  guns,  and  slew  the 
gunners  with  their  swords,  and,  rushing 
upon  the  gunners,  stopped  them  as  they 
applied  the  match;  while  the  English  so 
worked  their  guns,  that  winking  is  a slow 
operation  compared  to  the  rapidity  of  their 
fire.  They  fired  after  the  fugitives  as  their 
noise  directed ; and  if  they  but  saw  a head, 
that  bead  was  crushed.  The  blood  of  the 
dead  and  wounded  flowed  in  streams. 

Whoever  shall  hear  this  news  will  re- 
joice ; for  these  men,  who  injured  and 
trampled  on  high  and  low,  have  received 
punishment  from  God  proportioned  to  their 
cruelty.  And  great  as  was  their  bravery, 
as  signal  has  been  their  flight  and  destruc- 
tion. The  dead  are  doomed  to  dozukh. 
Balia  Sahib,  brother  of  the  Nana,  who  was 
wounded  iu  the  shoulder,  took  refuge  in 
Calpee,  where  he  has  been  since  busy  in 
bringing  together  guns,  ammunition,  and 
provisions.” 

These  energetic  operations  on  the  6th  of 
the  month,  so  completely  dismayed  the 
chiefs  of  the  mutinous  army,  that  their 
arrangements  were  thrown  into  confusion, 
and  they  separated — some  marching  off  in 
one  direction,  some  in  another,  but  without 
any  apparent  unity  of  purpose.  After 
securing  and  concentrating  his  resources 
on  the  7th,  Sir  Colin  lost  no  time  in 
devising  further  work  for  the  officers  and 
men  by  whom  he  had  been  so  ably 
seconded.  On  the  8th  of  December,  orders 
were  issued  to  Brigadier  Hope  Grant,  to 
proceed  to  the  late  residence  of  Nana 
Sahib  at  Bithoor,  and  clear  that  locality  of 
any  rebel  force  that  might  have  gathered 
there ; if  necessary,  advancing  to  Serai- 
ghat — a ferry  over  the  Ganges,  about 
twenty-five  miles  from  Cawnpore.  This 
officer  accordingly  marched,  with  a column 
of  2,800  men  and  eleven  guns,  to  Bithoor, 
which  he  passed  through  without  resistance, 
and  reached  Soorajpore,  three  miles  short 
of  Serai-ghat,  where  he  bivouacked  for  the 
night.  Early  in  the  morning  of  the  9th, 
after  leaving  a portion  of  his  column  to 
protect  the  baggage,  he  advanced  with  the 
main  body,  and  found  the  enemy  assem- 
bling on  the  bank  of  the  river.  The  guns 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


A.D.  1857.] 

of  tlie  opposing  forces  were  soon  engaged 
in  action ; and,  after  a sharp  fire  of  about 
half-an-hour’s  continuance,  the  artillery  of 
the  enemy  was  silenced.  During  the  can- 
nonade, a body  of  the  enemy’s  cavalry 
made  a desperate  effort  to  capture  the  guns 
of  the  British  force,  but  were  met  by 
Grant’s  cavalry,  which  charged  upon  them ; 
and  the  intended  attack  of  the  rebel  sowars 
was  changed  into  a hurried  flight,  in  the 
course  of  wliich  a great  number  of  them 
were  cut  down  by  their  pursuers.  The 
nature  of  the  ground,  however,  was  such, 
that  most  of  the  enemy  reached  the  cover 
of  trees  and  houses  before  the  English  troops 
could  intercept  them,  and  thus,  for  a time, 
escaped  destruction.  In  this  affair,  the 
cavalry  and  artillery  only  v/ere  engaged,  as 
the  enemy  had  retreated  before  the  in- 
fantry could  reach  the  ground,  leaving  be- 
hind them  fourteen  brass  guns  and  howit- 
zers, one  iron  18-pounder,  and  a large  store 
of  waggons  and  ammunition,  all  of  which 
were  speedily  secured.  In  this  fortunate 
affair,  not  a single  casualty  occurred  on  the 
side  of  the  British  ; and,  consequently.  Bri- 
gadier Grant’s  return  of  killed,  wounded, 
and  missing,  was  nil. 

The  following  is  that  officer’s  report  of 
the  affair  at  Serai-ghat,  addressed  to  the 
chief  of  the  staff; — 

“Camp,  Serai-ghat,  December  11th,  1857. 

“ Sir, — At  mid-day  on  the  8th  inst.,  having  re- 
ceived his  excellency  the  commander-in-chiefs  or- 
ders, through  you,  to  march  to  Bithoor,  and,  if  I 
thought  advisable,  or  heard  of  any  of  the  rebels’  guns 
being  at  Serai-gh^t  (a  ferry  about  twenty-five  miles 
above  Cawnpore,  on  the  Ganges),  to  proceed  there, 
I started  with  the  force  named  in  the  margin  ;•  and 
from  what  I could  learn  on  the  road,  I had  reason  to 
believe  that  a certain  number  of  guns  had  been  taken 
to  this  ghat.  Towards  evening  I halted  the  force, 
and  directed  the  men  to  have  their  dinners.  I then 
proceeded  on  to  Soorajpore,  a village  on  the  road, 
within  three  miles  of  Serai-gh&t,  where  I halted  the 
force  until  daylight.  I then  collected  the  baggage, 
and  had  it  placed  in  a safe  spot,  covered  by  a portion 
of  artillery,  cavalry,  and  infantry.  I moved  the  re- 
mainder within  about  two  miles  of  the  ghsit,  when  I 
proceeded  to  reconnoitre  with  a party  of  the  9th 
lancers,  and  found  on  the  banks  of  the  river  a force 
assembled,  and  horsemen  and  sepoys  with  baggage 
moving  down  towards  the  spot.  I immediately 
ordered  up  the  cavalry  and  guns ; but  the  road  under 
the  banks  of  the  river  was  of  such  a dangerous  nature, 
from  the  quicksands,  that  the  heavy  9-pounders  of 
Captain  Middleton’s  battery,  drawn  by  tired  horses, 
ran  great  risk  of  being  altogether  stopped;  and  it 

• 1st  troop  1st  brigade  horse  artillery,  83  men, 
o guns;  7th  company,  14th  battalion,  royal  artil- 
lery, 139  men,  6 guns;  9th  lancers,  327  men;  5th 
Punjab  cavalry,  85  men ; Hodson’s  horse,  109  men  ; 


[action  at  serai-gHaT. 


was  only  through  the  hard  exertions  and  praise* 
worthy  conduct  of  Captain  Middleton,  Lieutenant 
Millman  (in  command  of  the  battery),  and  the  men, 
that  the  guns  were  got  through.  An  18-pounder  of 
the  enemy  was  here  discovered  fixed  in  the  quick- 
sands. Two  guns  of  the  field  battery  having  got  over 
this  difficulty,  and  on  to  the  dry  bank  of  the  river, 
soon  got  into  position ; and  under  a very  severe  fire 
from  thirteen  of  the  rebels’  guns.  Lieutenant  Millman 
brought  his  guns  into  play.  Soon  after,  Captain 
Kemmington’s  troop  galloped  up,  and  took  up  a 
most  admirable  position  covered  by  the  bank  of  a 
ditch,  opening  on  the  enemy  a flanking  fire,  which, 
together  with  the  remainder  of  the  field  battery,  now 
come  up,  in  half-an-hour’s  time  completely  silenced 
the  enemy’s  fire,  and  put  them  in  full  retreat. 

“ A force  of  the  rebels’  cavalry,  upon  this,  came  up 
to  try  and  take  our  guns ; but  the  9th  lancers,  under 
Major  Ouvry,  the  5th  Punjab  horse,  under  Lieu- 
tenant Younghusband,  and  Hodson’s  horse,  under 
Lieutenant  Gough  (the  whole  commanded  by  Bri- 
gadier Little),  advanced  upon  them,  drove  them  away, 
and  Lieutenant  Younghushand,  who  was  sent  out  in 
pursuit  with  his  men,  cut  up  some  eighty  or  ninety 
stragglers,  and  took  three  standards.  The  movement 
of  our  cavalry  towards  the  rear  of  the  enemy  no 
doubt  had  the  effect  of  hurrying  their  retreat  from 
their  guns ; but  the  ground  was  of  such  a nature  as 
to  prevent  the  possibility  of  getting  at  them  before 
they  had  got  under  cover  of  trees  and  houses.  The 
infantry  brigade,  under  Brigadier  the  Hon.  Adrian 
Hope,  was  of  great  use  in  supporting  the  advance  of 
the  cavalry ; but  before  they  reached  the  ground  the 
enemy  were  in  retreat.  As  soon  as  possible,  I sent 
up  the  Sikh  infantry  to  secure  the  guns ; and  am 
happy  to  say,  fourteen  brass  guns  and  one  18-pounder, 
with  limbers,  waggons,  &c.,  and  a large  quantity  of 
ammunition,  were  taken. 

“ The  success  was  complete ; and  I am  truly  grateful 
to  God,  and  happy  to  say,  though  the  fire  of  grape 
from  the  enemy  was  most  severe  and  well-placed, 
falling  amongst  the  artillery  like  hail,  I had  not  a 
single  man  even  wounded,  and  only  one  horse  of 
Captain  Middleton’s  battery  killed.  It  was  truly 
marvellous  and  providential.  Thirteen  guns,  most 
of  them  9-pounders  and  24-pounder  howitzers,  were 
playing  with  grape  on  the  gallant  artillery,  and  with 
round  shot  upon  the  cavalry,  the  former  within  about 
500  yards  (and  his  excellency  is  well  aware  with 
what  precision  these  rebels  fire  their  guns),  and  yet 
not  one  single  man  was  wounded. 

“ I gave  directions  at  once  to  remove  everything 
from  the  spot ; and  the  highlanders,  53rd  regiment, 
and  Sikhs,  with  a most  praiseworthy  zeal  and  activity, 
brought  off  all  the  guns,  waggons,  &c.,  from  the 
quicksands  beyond  which  they  had  been  placed. 
The  troops  had  been  marching  ^ince  one  o’clock  on 
the  8th,  with  occasional  halts ; and  the  moving-in  of 
the  guns  to  a position  I had  taken  up  for  them,  within 
about  three-quarters  of  a mile  of  the  camp,  was  not 
accomplished  till  dusk  the  following  day.  They  had 
little  to  eat  or  drink  for  nearly  twenty-four  hours ; 
but  there  was  not  a complaint. 

“ I beg  to  request  you  will  lay  the  names  of  the 
undermentioned  officers  before  his  excellency  the 
commander-in-chief.  Captain  Middleton,  who  com- 

4th  brigade — 42nd  highlanders,  403  men  ; 53rd  foot, 
413  men;  93rd  highlanders,  806  men;  4th  Punjab 
rifles,  332  men;  sappers,  100:  the  whole  amounting 
to  2,797  men,  and  eleven  guns. 

211 


PREPARATIONS  FOR  OUDE.] 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  1857. 


manded  the  whole  of  the  artiller}',  rendered  the 
greatest  service,  both  in  the  action  and  in  the  moving 
of  the  guns ; Lieutenant  Millman,  who  commanded 
the  battery ; Captain  Remmington,  who  worked  his 
guns  admirabl)’,  and  who  was  most  zealous  in  giving 
every  assistance  to  Captain  Middleton ; Brigadier  A. 
Little,  to  whom  I was  much  indebted  for  his  cavalry 
support  to  the  guns,  and  for  the  way  in  which  he 
brought  his  force  to  the  front  on  the  advance  of  the 
enemy;  Major  Ouvry,  commanding  the  9th  lancers, 
a most  active  and  zealous  officer ; Lieutenant  Young- 
husband,  commanding  5th  Punjab  cavalry;  and 
Lieutenant  Gough,  commanding  Hodson’s  horse : to 
all  of  whom  my  thanks  are  due  for  the  very  able  way 
in  which  they  commanded  their  regiments.  Lieu- 
tenant Malcolm,  commanding  the  royal  engineers, 
and  Lieutenant  Forbes,  commanding  the  Bengal 
engineers,  who,  with  their  men,  executed  the  work 
entrusted  to  them  with  great  ability  and  zeal ; 
Brigadier  the  Hon.  A.  Hope,  commanding  the  in- 
fantry brigade,  was  of  the  greatest  possible  assistance, 
and  behaved  with  his  usual  well-known  gallantry ; 
Lieutenant-colonel  Thorold,  commanding  42nd  high- 


landers ; Colonel  Faber,  commanding  53rd  regi- 
ment; Lieutenant-colonel  Leith  Hay,  commanding 
93rd  highlanders ; and  Captain  Ryves,  commanding 
4th  Punjab  infantry. 

“My  thanks  are  also  due  to  the  officers  engaged 
for  the  able  manner  in  which  they  commanded  their 
regiments.  Captain  Bruce,  head  of  the  intelligence 
department,  rendered  me  very  great  assistance  in 
procuring  information  regarding  the  movements  of 
the  enemy. — I have,  &c., 

“ Hope  Grant,  Brigadier-general, 
commanding  Force.” 

The  result  of  these  successful  movements 
by  Sir  Colin  Campbell  and  his  brigadiers, 
was  to  clear  the  road  around  Cawupore  for 
a considerable  distance,  while  it  left  the 
commander-in-chief  at  liberty  to  mature  his 
plan  of  future  operations,  and  also  to 
strengthen  his  force  preparatory  to  a final 
advance  npon  Lucknow. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


PREPAP.ATIONS  FOR  A CAMPAIGN  IN  OUDE;  ATTACK  UPON  A REBEL  FORCE  AT  JEERUM ; NEEMUCH  IN 
DANGER  ; INSUBORDINATION  OF  ODEYPORE  CONTINGENT  ; THE  FORT  AT  NEEMUCH  ; APPROACH  OF  REBEL 
FORCE ; THE  SIEGE ; ASSAULT  AND  REPULSE  ; RETREAT  OF  REBEL  TROOPS  ; CAPTURE  OF  A MOSLEM 
STANDARD  ; DETAILS  OF  THE  SIEGE  ; MEHIDPORE  ; DEFECTION  OF  MALW'A  CONTINGENT  ; SLAUGHTER  OF 
EUROPEAN  OFFICERS  ; REBELS  DEFEATED  AT  RAWUL  ; MUNDESORE  EVACUATED  BY  THE  REBEL  TROOPS  ; 
THE  NAWAB  OF  RUNEEA  ; OUTBREAKS  AT  CHITTAGONG  AND  DACCA;  REBEL  FORCE  AT  JELPIGOREE  ; AN 
EXECUTION;  UNSUCCESSFUL  PURSUIT  OF  THE  ENEMY;  JUNG  BAHADOOR  OF  NEPAUL  ; THE  GHOORKAS ; 
GOVERNMENT  NOTIFICATION  ; RECEPTION  OF  THE  NEPAUL  FORCE  BY  THE  AUTHORITIES  ON  THE  FRON- 
TIER ; ADVANCE  TOWARDS  GORUCKPORE  ; DEFEAT  OF  THE  REBEL  TROOPS ; RECAPTURE  OF  GORUCK- 
PORE;  BATTLE  OF  SOHUNPORE;  THE  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  EN  ROUTE  TO  FUTTEGHUR ; AFFAIR  AT 
KALEE  NUDDEE;  FURRUCKABAD  OCCUPIED;  CONCENTRATION  OF  TROOPS  FOR  OUDE;  STATE  OF  ROHIL- 
CUND;  THE  PUNJAB,  MALWA,  AND  CENTRAL  INDIA;  HEROIC  DEFENCE  OF  THE  TREASURY  AT  TULLOWAN. 


While  the  operations  detailed  in  the  pre- 
ceding chapter  had  been  progressing  at 
Cawnpore  and  the  adjacent  districts  of  the 
Upper  Provinces,  the  revolntionary  influ- 
ences that  raged  over  Hindostan  were 
actively  mischievons  in  other  directions 
also ; and,  on  every  side,  “ war,  and  rumours 
of  war,”  terrified  and  distressed  society. 
The  attention  of  the  commander-in-chief 
was,  at  this  period,  principally  confined  to 
securing  the  advantages  already  obtained 
by  his  troops,  and  in  maturing  preparations 
for  a campaign  that  should  enable  him  to 
wrest  Lucknow  from  the  hands  of  its  rebel 
masters,  and  restore  the  kingdom  of  Oude 
to  the  undisturbed  domination  of  the  Bri- 
tish government.  It  was  therefore  not 
surprising,  while  thus  occupied,  that  in 
distant  quarters  the  fires  of  rebellion  should 
212 


burst  forth,  and  burn  with  undiminished 
fury,  fed  as  they  were  by  the  brands  of 
religious  fanaticism  and  national  hatred. 

Turning  from  the  Doab,  now  for  a time 
cleared  of  the  rebel  forces,  we  trace  the 
lurid  flame  in  a south-west  direction,  to 
the  border  of  Rajpootana,  where  it  had 
spread  its  devastating  influences  over  a 
wide  extent  of  country.  For  many  months, 
Neemuch  had  been  one  of  the  centres  of 
disaffection  in  this  province ; and  about  the 
middle  of  October,  the  mutinous  sepoys 
and  their  vagrant  followers  began  to  gather 
around  it  from  the  surrounding  districts ; a 
body  of  them,  from  Mundesore,  concentrat- 
ing at  Jeerum  (a  walled  town,  about  ten 
miles  distant),  with  an  intention  to  attack 
the  garrison  at  Neemuch.  The  latter, 
however,  took  the  initiative  in  the  matter; 


A.D.  1857.] 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


[affair  at  jeerum. 


and  on  tlie  24th  of  tlie  month,  marched 
out  to  try  their  strength.  Tlie  rebels  to  be 
attacked  had  arrived  from  Mundesore,  and 
were  about  a hundred  strong.  Two  ad- 
vanced parties  of  the  2nd  cavalry,  under 
Captain  Tucker  and  Lieutenant  Blair  re- 
spectively, were  sent  on  the  previous  night 
by  different  roads,  the  main  eolumn  follow- 
ing at  half-past  5 a.m.  The  party  under 
Captain  Tucker  fell  in  with  the  rebels 
near  Jeerum  at  daylight;  and  leaving  a re- 
serve, under  Lieutenant  Le  Geyt,  in  a con- 
cealed situation,  he  advanced  with  a few 
men  towards  the  enemy,  and  charged  right 
through  them,  paying  with  his  life  for  the 
daring  act.  In  the  melee,  Captain  Lawrie, 
of  the  21st  native  infantry,  who  had  volun- 
teered to  accompany  the  part}'’,  and  had 
vainly  endeavoured  to  dissuade  Tucker  from 
rashly  charging  wdth  his  half-dozen  men 
into  so  large  a foree,  finding  remonstrance 
useless,  bravely  resolved  to  share  the  danger 
of  his  companion,  and  was  wounded  severely 
in  the  breast  with  a lance,  besides  being 
much  cut  about  by  the  swords  of  the 
enemy.  His  horse  was  shot  under  him ; 
and  one  trooper,  with  Captain  Tucker,  was 
killed  in  the  charge.  The  enemy  was,  how- 
ever, sufficiently  alarmed  by  this  unex- 
pected encounter,  to  induce  them  to  retire 
to  a position  out  of  the  reach  of  cavalry, 
before  Lieutenant  Le  Geyt,  who  had  but  a 
handful  of  men  in  reserve,  could  come  up 
with  them.  The  body  of  Captain  Tucker 
was  cai-ried  off  by  the  rebels,  but  after- 
wards recovered  by  the  men  of  his  own 
troop,  severed  from  the  head,  which  had 
been  retained  by  his  murderers. 

While  this  affair  was  in  progress,  the 
main  body  from  Neemuch,  under  Captain 
Simpson,  arrived  before  the  walls  of  Jeerum, 
and  found  the  enemy  assembled  on  the 
brow  of  a hill,  about  200  yards  in  front  of 
the  town,  where  they  remained  until  the 
9-pouuder  guns  of  the  column  got  into 
position,  and  sent  a few  rounds  of  grape 
amongst  their  ranks,  when  they  slowly  re- 
tired to  take  up  a stronger  position,  behind 
the  shelter  of  some  huts.  Captain  Ban- 
nister was -then  dispatched  with  a squadron 
to  the  other  side  of  the  town,  to  cut  off  any 
stragglers,  and  the  action  proceeded,  and 
raged  for  some  time  with  unusual  obsti- 
nacy on  the  part  of  the  enemy.  The  in- 
fantry in  vain  attempted  to  dislodge  the 
latter  from  their  position;  and  in  their 
advance  for  that  purpose.  Captain  Reade, 
commanding  a detachment  of  the  83rd 


regiment,  was  killed,  and  Captain  Soppit, 
of  the  12th  native  infantry,  dangerously 
wounded.  Both  infantry  detachments  see- 
ing their  commanders  fall,  made  a retro- 
grade movement;  and  the  enemj^,  embol- 
dened by  it,  rushed  impetuously  upon  them, 
and  captured  one  mortar,  and  had  nearly 
obtained  the  guns,  when  Captain  Simpson, 
with  Lieutenants  Blair  and  Le  Geyt, 
with  Riding-master  Steei’s,  charged  with  a 
squadron  upon  the  enemy,  recaptured  the 
mortar,  and  dispersed  the  rebels,  who  fled 
to  the  fort.  In  this  charge.  Captain  Simp- 
son was  severely  wounded  in  the  head,  and 
his  two  lieutenants  were  also  disabled. 
The  day  now  approached  its  close;  and  a 
report  reached  Captain  Bannister,  who  suc- 
ceeded Captain  Simpson  in  command  of  the 
column,  that  a large  force  of  the  enemy 
was  advancing  on  Neemuch  from  another 
direction.  For  this  reason,  as  well  as  on 
account  of  the  great  natural  strength  of  the 
place,  which  rendered  it  impregnable  with- 
out the  aid  of  breaching  guns.  Captain  Ban- 
nister determined  upon  returning  to  protect 
Neemuch,  which  he  reached  with  the  re- 
mains of  his  column  the  same  night,  taking  ’ 
with  him  the  body  of  Captain  Reade,  which 
had  been  gallantly  recovered,  in  the  face  of 
a heavy  fire  from  the  walls,  by  a Beloock 
of  the  12th  native  infantry,  named  Mulam 
Khan.  | 

The  reported  advance  upon  Neemuch  ] 
was  from  Mundesore,  about  twenty-eight 
miles  distant ; and  the  rebel  force  collected 
for  the  purpose,  was  understood  to  consist 
of  some  600  Affghans,  or  Belatees,  4,000 
Meewatties,  and  350  horsemen  of  various 
races,  with  seven  guns : thus  the  threat- 
ened danger  was  obviously  of  a serious 
character.  For  several  days,  no  perceptible 
movement  on  the  part  of  the  rebels  ap- 
peared to  substantiate  the  rumour;  but  at 
length,  on  Sunday,  the  8th  of  the  month,  a 
spy  arrived  at  the  British  eamp  about 
3 P.M.,  and  announced  that  the  enemy,  who 
had  been  for  a day  or  two  encamped  at 
Mullhayar  (an  intermediate  town,  about 
twelve  miles  from  Neemuch),  were  advanc- 
ing in  great  force,  the  advanced  guard  of 
cavalry  being  already  within  three  miles  of 
the  town.  As  no  time  was  to  be  lost  in  an 
effort  to  check  their  approach,  a detach- 
ment of  the  2nd  light  cavalry,  consisting  of 
a hundred  men  under  Captain  Bannister, 
moved  out,  and  proceeded  along  the  Mun- 
desore-road.  By  the  time  they  had  marched 
about  two  miles,  the  van  of  the  enemy 

213 


^EEMVCH — THE  FORT,] 


HISTOUY  OP  THE 


[a.d.  1857. 


was  discovered  diawn  up  in  line  in  a com- 
manding position,  on  the  brow  of  a hill, 
with  about  a thousand  yards  of  open  plain 
in  their  front;  having  with  them  three 
guns,  and  numbering  at  least  3,500  men. 
"\Yith  such  an  immense  disparity  of  num- 
bers, and  advantage  of  position,  it  would 
have  been  madness  to  attack  them,  even 
had  the  dragoons  with  Captain  Bannister 
I been  Europeans;  and  he  therefore  ma- 
mEuvred  about,  until  a reinforcement,  for 
which  he  had  sent  back  to  the  British 
camp,  should  arrive.  After  thus  attracting 
the  attention  of  the  enemy,  who  fortunately 
remained  inactive  during  the  interval.  Cap- 
tain Showers,  the  officiating  political  agent 
in  Mewar,  joined  the  party  under  Ban- 
nister, with  a number  of  troops  belonging 
to  the  Rana  of  Odeypore;  who  m.erely 
added  to  the  difficulty  already  existing,  by 
positively  refusing  to  advance  against  the 
rebels  when  the  order  was  given  them  to  do 
so.  As  it  happened,  the  insubordination  of 
these  worthless  auxiliaries  extended  no 
further  than  the  mere  refusal  to  attack  the 
rebels ; and  after  manoeuvring  about  for 
some  time,  the  troops  gradually  retired  for 
the  night  to  the  lines,  under  shelter  of  the 
fort,  the  enemy  making  no  effort  to  follow 
or  prevent  them. 

I The  fort  at  Neemuch  is  a small  square, 
measuring  externally  170  yards,  with  a 
quadrangular  bastion  at  each  angle;  the 
walls,  18^  feet  high,  by  8 thick  at  the  base, 
had  on  the  inner  face  open  casemates,  which 
were  chiefly  converted  into  barracks.  The 
j eastern  and  western  bastions  were  built  solid, 
to  allow  of  heavy  ordnance  or  mortars  being 
placed  upon  them ; the  southern  and 
: northern  were  hollow,  but  bomb-proof ; and 
j in  the  former  of  the  two  the  magazine  was 
i contained.  The  gateway  of  the  fortification 
j was  in  the  north-eastern  curtain,  protected 
1 by  a drawbridge  and  deep  ditch ; and  in 
j front  of  it,  at  a short  distance,  was  a mound 
! or  embankment  to  mask  the  gate,  called  the 
{ Victoria  mound,  upon  which  a 24-pounder 
' gun  was  mounted.  On  the  bastions  were 
placed  an  8-iuch  mortar,  two  9-pounders, 
two  French  6-pounders,  and  a couple  of 
guns  taken  from  the  rebels  at  Nimbhaira. 
The  stock  of  ammunition  was  limited ; and 
as  there  were  no  loopholes  in  the  para- 
pet of  the  curtain,  about  1,000  sand-bags 
were  made,  and  arranged  to  supply  the 
deficiency. 

Externally,  on  three  sides  of  the  fort,  and 
extending  for  about  1,500  yards,  was  a 
214 


tolerably  deep  trench,  the  excavated  soil  | 
forming  an  embankment  towards  the  fort ; 
and  on  the  fourth  side  was  a wide  nullah, 
which  had  been  dammed  up.  Upon  the 
space  between  the  trench  and  the  walls  of 
the  fortification,  the  political  agent  (Captain  j 
Showers)  had  his  bungalow  and  compound,  ! 
the  latter  being  well  stocked  with  trees  and  j 
outhouses.  The  garrison  within  the  fort  | 
consisted  of  the  following  troops — viz.,  eleven  | 
artillery  officers  and  sergeants,  thirty-seven  | 
Christian  troopers  of  the  2nd  light  cavalry,  | | 
sixty-nine  men  of  her  majesty’s  83rd  regi-  I 1 
ment,  206  of  the  12th  Bombay  native  in-  j i 
fantry,  and  four  volunteers ; making  a total 
of  327  fighting-men.  There  were  also  in  the 
fort,  for  protection,  two  ladies  with  their 
families,  several  sergeants’  wives  with  their 
children,  forty-one  sick  of  the  various 
corps,  and  some  native  servants;  making 
altogether  a total  of  778  persons.  Besides 
these  there  were  all  the  gun  horses,  with 
about  twenty  others  belonging  to  the  officers, 
and  several  commissariat  bullocks.  For  this 
number  of  persons  and  cattle  there  was  but 
an  indifferent  supply  of  provisions  ; and  the 
water  supply  for  the  whole  was  only  to  be 
obtained  from  two  wells  in  the  fort,  each 
about  ten  feet  in  diameter,  and  containing 
about  twelve  feet  of  water. 

The  night  of  the  8th  of  November  was 
allowed  to  pass  without  interruption;  but 
about  seven  o’clock  on  the  morning  of  the 
9th,  the  shouts  of  the  approaching  rebels 
were  heard.  Orders  were  issued  for  all  | 
persons,  except  the  cavalry  in  the  intrench- 
ment,  to  retire  within  the  fort,  and  the  gates 
were  closed.  In  a few  minutes  the  rebel 
movements  became  visible  from  the  bastions, 
and  their  standards  were  advanced  to  near 
the  ruins  of  the  old  residency  buildings 
destroyed  in  the  outbreak  of  June,  which  j 
were  about  300  yards  distant  from  the  [ 
fort. 

The  cavalry  within  the  intrenchment  now 
mounted,  and  moved  off  along  the  Nim- 
bhaira-road,  taking  with  them,  or  rather  fol- 
lowed by,  the  whole  of  the  native  servants 
who  had  remained  outside  the  fort.  The 
rebels,  encouraged  by  this  movement,  made 
an  advance  towards  the  fortification ; but  as 
soon  as  they  came  sufficiently  near,  a 24- 
pound  shot,  which  fell  in  their  midst, 
warned  them  that  they  had  been  expected, 
but  were  not  desired.  A considerable  num-  | 
ber  of  them  then,  with  one  gun,  made  a 
detour  to  a village  named  Bagana,  about  ' 
1,300  yards  to  the  rear  of  the  fort ; while  the 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


A.D.  1857.] 

remainder  spread  themselves  out  in  the 
cover  unfortunately  made  for  them  by  the 
plantations  and  buildings  in  Showers’  com- 
pound. The  Bagana  party  immediately 
opened  fire  upon  the  fort  with  their  12- 
pounder  gun,  but  without  effect;  and  a little 
shell  and  9-pounder  pi’actice  from  the 
bastions  soon  rendered  the  gun  useless,  and 
compelled  the  rebels  to  move  back  to  the 
residency  buildings,  where  they  had  estab- 
lished their  head-quarters.  The  division  in 
the  compound  and  trenches  kept  up  a con- 
stant fire  throughout  the  day,  and  rendered 
it  dangerous  for  any  head  to  be  visible  above 
the  parapet  of  the  fort. 

During  the  week  the  enemy  kept  up  an 
incessant  attack  upon  the  fortifications  with 
his  guns  and  small  arms,  but  the  garrison 
were  equally  vigilant  and  alert  in  returning 
his  fire.  Some  desertions  from  the  native 
detachments  in  the  fort  occurred ; and  on 
the  fifth  day  (Friday),  a spy  from  the  enemy, 
who  had  come  in  with  some  cossids,  was  de- 
tected in  the  garrison  : on  the  following  day, 
as  he  would  give  no  information,  he  was 
tried  by  a court  of  native  officers,  and  sen- 
tenced to  death ; and  being  led  to  the  sum- 
mit of  the  mortar  bastion,  he  was  seated 
upon  the  parapet  and  shot — his  body  falling 
over  the  wall,  to  be  picked  up  by  his  fellow- 
traitors.  On  Wednesday,  the  18th  of  the 
month  (the  tenth  day  of  the  siege),  an 
attempt  was  made  from  the  fort  to  dispatch 
a messenger  to  the  Mhow'  force,  which  was 
supposed  to  be  then  at  Muudesore.  The 
cossid  was  apprehensive  of  being  recog- 
i nised  by  some  of  the  men  who  had  deserted 
: from  the  fort,  and  was  reluctant  to  leave  it, 
j but  was  compelled  to  do  so,  as  the  supplies  of 
I firewood  and  water  were  rapidly  diminish- 
ing, and  no  other  means  existed  of  replenish- 
; ing  either.  The  poor  fellow’s  presentiment  of 
I danger  was  realised,  as  about  2 p.m.  he  was 
' taken  by  the  enemy,  who  drove  him  at  the 
point  of  the  sword  towards  their  camp, 
j Although  seen,  the  distance  was  too  great  to 
] justify  an  attempt  to  rescue  him,  and  he 
was  necessarily  left  to  his  fate. 

On  the  night  of  the  20th  of  November,  a 
great  deal  of  activity  was  visible  in  the  rebel 
camp,  and  around  the  bazaar;  and  about  four 
I on  the  following  morning,  a sepoy  of  the 
12th  regiment  reported,  that  the  enemy,  in 
good  force,  was  advancing  towards  the 
north-east  curtain.  The  information  was 
found  to  be  correct,  and  the  alarm  was 
sounded.  Almost  at  the  same  moment,  a 
heavy  fire  of  musketry  opened  upon  the 


[the  siege. 

rebels  from  the  southern  bastion,  and  from 
the  curtain  on  both  its  flanks:  a well- 
directed  discharge  of  grape  from  the 
northern  bastion  and  the  mortar  bastion 
also  commenced  ; and  the  effect  of  the  fire 
was  such  that  the  attacking  division  was 
driven  off.  In  this  portion  of  the  defence 
the  sepoys  of  the  12th  native  regiment  were 
stated  to  have  behaved  admirably.  The 
first  party  had  scarcely  retired,  when  shouts 
were  heard  to  “ advance”  and  “ drag,”  and 
it  was  seen  that  another  portion  of  the  rebel 
force  were  bringing  a gun  as  near  as  possible 
to  the  southern  bastion,  which  was  hollow, 
for  the  purpose  of  trying  the  effect  of  shot 
at  close  quarters  on  the  wall.  These  men 
came  on  to  their  work  with  loud  shouts  and 
discordant  yells ; but  a shell,  judiciously 
directed,  was  lodged  just  in  front  of  them, 
and  followed  by  another  which  burst  in  the 
middle  of,  and  opened,  their  ranks  very 
considerably.  After  repeated  efforts  to  ad- 
vance, the  enemy  retired  from  the  ground 
dispirited  and  thoroughly  checked,  leaving  ' 
behind  them  their  scaling-ladders,  and,  at  a 
tent  near  the  southern  bastion,  one  of  their 
consecrated  Moslem  standards.  The  aequi- 
sition  of  the  latter  became  an  object  of  in- 
tense desire  among  the  officers  and  others 
in  the  fort,  and  several  volunteered  to  bring 
it  in;  but  Captain  Simpson,  the  senior  offi- 
cer, refused  to  risk  his  Europeans  for  the 
purpose.  At  length,  a havildar,  Teeka  Sing, 
and  the  Belooch,  Mulam  Khan,  offered  to 
descend  from  the  southern  bastion  and 
bring  in  the  coveted  prize,  and  they  were 
permitted  to  make  the  attempt.  Admiring 
the  intrepidity  of  Mulam  Khan  upon  a for- 
mer occasion.  Captain  Lloyd  took  off  his 
own  sword  and  fastened  it  round  the  waist 
of  the  gallant  soldier;  and  on  the  signal  being 
given,  the  two  brave  men  nimbly  descended, 
under  cover  of  the  fire  from  the  walls,  and 
seizing  the  standard,  quickly  returned 
with  it,  without  being  in  any  way  harmed. 
Mulam  Khan,  as  a reward  for  his  spirit,  was 
made  a havildar  on  the  bastion  at  once,  and 
Teeka  Sing  was  promoted  to  jemadar. 

On  the  following  night,  considerable  noise 
was  heard  in  the  rebel  camp  towards  the 
residency  and  in  Showers’  compound,  and 
a desperate  attempt  to  recover  the  captured 
standard  was  expected  ; but,  to  the  great 
relief  of  the  garrison,  about  five  o’clock  in 
the  morning  of  the  22nd,  it  became  apparent 
that  the  rebels  were  moving  off.  Shortly 
afterwards,  a Borah,  whose  nose  had  been 
cut  off  by  the  enemv,  came  to  the  fort,  and 

215 


NEEMUCH RETREAT  OF  REBELS.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


reported  that  an  attack  had  certainly  been 
intended,  but  that  during  the  night,  an 
express  had  arrived  from  the  Shahzadah  at 
IMuudesore,  ordering  all  the  faithful  to  re- 
pair to  that  place  forthwith,  and  assist  in 
j repelling  the  attack  made  upon  it  by  the 
Mhow  column. 

On  examining  the  position  held  by  the 
rebels  after  their  departure,  the  bank  of  the 
intrenchment  was  found  scooped  out  in 
numerous  places,  to  allow  of  men  being  well 
covered  while  firing  upon  the  fort,  the 
general  appearance  being  that  of  a rabbit- 
warren. 

! ' The  following  memoranda  of  the  siege  of 
\ Neemuch  may  not  be  uninteresting  ; — 

I I “ November  8th. — About  5 p.m. the  enemy 

‘ I appeared  before  the  fort : a reconnaissance 
! ' was  made  by  the  2nd  Bombay  cavalry, 
under  Captain  Bannister,  in  which  Lieu- 
; 1 tenant  Stapleton’s  (1st  Bengal  light  cavalry) 

; I charger  was  mortally  wounded  by  a round 
1 I shot  from  the  enemy.  The  enemy  were 
i j seen  to  be  in  force,  with  several  guns,  their 
j I number  supposed  to  amount  to  about  4,000. 
i Our  cavalry  returned  about  sunset. 

1 '‘It  having  been  determined  that,  with 
j our  small  force  of  only  about  400  effective 
{ fighting-men,  we  could  not  meet  the  enemy 
j in  the  field,  the  cavalry,  with  some  baggage, 
j marched  out  into  the  neighbouring  country 
j in  the  early  morning.  About  8 a.m.  the 
i euem}’^  came  into  the  station,  burning  the 
! ; houses  that  the  mutineers  of  the  3rd  of 
; 1 June  had  spared.  The  enemy  had  fired  a 
few  shots  from  a large  gun  placed  near  the 
I village  of  Nixongunge;  but  our  shells  from 
j the  8-iuch  mortars  interfered  with  their 
j shooting  a good  deal.  Their  sharpshooters 
I took  possession  of  some  outhouses  and  the 
I intrenchment,  and  kept  up  a heavy  fire. 

I Lieutenant  Williams,  2Lst  grenadier  Bom- 
I bay  native  infantry,  was  struck  by  one  of 
I them  to-day,  the  bullet  going  through  his 
: hat  and  teax’iug  his  forehead  above  the  left 

j eye — rather  a narrow  escape.  A Banda 
I man  of  the  2nd  cavalry  was  also  grazed  on 
; the  jaw  by  a bullet,  either  on  the  9th  or 
: 10th.  The  fire  of  the  enemy  from  their 

guns  was  very  slack  from  the  9th  to  the 
' 10th  j on  some  days,  a few  round  shot  being 
! I fired  against  the  fort,  and  on  others  none  at 
all.  On  the  11th,  Lieutenant  Barnes,  Ben- 
gal horse  artillery,  was  struck  by  a bullet 
while  looking  over  a parapet  early  in  the 
j morning;  the  ball  entered  above  the  nipple 
I of  the  right  breast,  and  was  cut  out  of  the 
armpit.  This  day  the  cavalry  made  a diver- 
216 


[a.d.  1857. 

sion,  coming  into  Nixongunge,  and  cutting 
up  some  dozen  or  so  of  the  enemy  there, 
and  drawing  the  enemy  out  of  the  iutrench- 
ments,  under  the  fire  of  our  24-pounder, 
which  let  into  them  with  round  shot.  The 
cavalry  was  the  6th  troop,  under  Lieutenant 
Farquharson,  with  Lieutenant  Stevenson 
(2nd  Bombay  Europeans),  and  Lieutenant 
Stapleton  (1st  Bengal  liglit  cavalry),  as  su- 
balterns : the  enemy  came  out  in  great 
force,  and  attempted  to  suri’ound  it  with 
their  cavalry.  Some  of  the  Odeypore 
troops,  who  accompanied  our  cavalry,  had 
several  of  their  number  destroyed  by  the 
enemy.  The  loss  of  our  cavalry  was  two 
men,  and  one  or  two  slightly  wounded. 
The  plan  of  the  enemy  was  to  keep  up  a 
pretty  smart  matchlock  fire  in  the  early 
morning  and  in  the  evening;  at  mid-day 
they  did  not  fire  much — perhaps  they  were 
eating  their  dinners  and  sleeping.  This 
fire  was  kept  up  from  outhouses  near  the 
fortified  square,  and  from  the  lines  of  cir- 
cumvallation  thrown  up  round  the  fort. 

“Nov.  19th. — An  attempt  was  made  to 
batter  one  of  the  curtains.  Some  of  the  shots 
hit  the  curtain,  some  went  over  the  fort  alto- 
gether, and  some  fell  inside ; one  of  the  last 
went  into  that  partition  of  the  fort  in  which 
the  post-office  was  kept,  and  broke  the  table 
of  Lieutenant  Rose  (25th  Bombay  native 
infantry),  the  postmaster,  who,  luckily,  was 
not  sitting  at  it.  Their  attempt  at  breach- 
ing having  failed,  the  enemy  seem  to  have 
determined  to  try  to  take  the  place  by  esca- 
lade: accordingly,  on  the  21st,  between  4 
and  5 a.m.,  they  made  the  attempt  in  the 
dark ; but  the  garrison  were  not  to  be 
caught  napping,  and  beat  them  off,  they 
leaving  four  ladders  and  a standard  on  the 
ground ; the  standard,  a holy  green  Mussul- 
man affair,  was  brought  in  by  Teeka  Sing 
and  Mulam  Khan,  both  of  the  12th  Bombay 
native  infantry ; the  former  was  a havildar, 
and  is  to  be  promoted  to  a jemadarship ; the 
latter  is  promoted  from  private  to  havildar. 

“On  the  22nd  (early  morning),  it  was 
found  that  the  enemy  had  left  the  place  en 
route  for  Mundesore  : it  has  since  been  learnt 
that  they  met  the  IVIhow  column  and  lost 
their  guns,  and  that  numbers  of  them 
were  slain.  Lieutenant  Brett,  2nd  Bombay 
cavalry,  and  tw'o  of  her  majesty's  83rd,  died 
of  sickness  during  the  siege.  On  the  22nd 
(evening)  the  cavalry  returned  to  camp. 
There  seems  to  be  some  confusiou  in  the 
papers  as  to  what  defences  the  garrison  of 
Neemuch  were  surrounded  by  during  the 


INDIAN  MUTINY.  [repulse  at  mehidpore. 


A.D.  1857. J 

siege ; to  dispel  which  I give  you  the  follow- 
iug  explauatiou The  fort  of  Neemuch 
is  a commou  fortified  square,  about  as 
large  as  a big  serai.  Outside  this,  and 
surrounding  it,  except  on  one  side  where 
a stream  runs,  at  a distance  of  about 
300  yards  or  so,  on  an  average  from 
the  centre  of  the  fort,  run  a succession 
of  salient  and  re-entering  angles  of  the 
parapet  and  bouquette,  with  a ditch  on  the 
outside.  Of  course,  so  vast  a length  of 
lines  could  only  be  kept  by  thousands,  and 
were  useless — worse  than  useless — to  the 
small  garrison  of  Neemuch,  but  very  useful 
to  the  enemy,  who  occupied  them  on  the 
first  day,  and  kept  on  firing  from  them  every 
day  that  they  remained  in  Neemuch.  It  is 
said  that  these  lines  were  made  at  the  sug- 
gestion, or  requisition,  or  order,  and  some 
say  at  the  expense,  of  one  of  General  Law- 
rence’s assistant  politicals,  who  is  officiating 
political  agent,  Mewar;  and  they  were 
commonly  called  after  him,  ‘ Showers’ 
ditch.’  They  are  now  being  levelled,  and 
may  be  considered  as  of  the  past.” 

The  departure  of  the  rebel  force  from 
Neemuch  had  not  been  commanded  before 
it  was  wanted ; although  the  accession  of  its 
numbers  was  unavailing  in  the  contest  be- 
fore it.  On  the  morning  of  the  8th  of 
November,  the  Malwa  contingent,  under 
Major  Timins  and  Lieutenant  Mills,  was  at- 
tacked at  Mehidpore  by  the  Vellaitees,  Ro- 
hillas,  and  Mokranees,  aided  by  the  bud- 
mashes  of  the  city.  The  insurgents  were 
led  by  the  amildar  (or  native  police  officer  of 
Mehidpore),  and  numbered  between  4,000 
and  5,000  men,  armed  with  matchlocks, 
swords,  and  spears.  The  force  opposed  to  this 
host  consisted  of  250  men  of  the  contingent, 
with  the  two  officers  named ; and  after  main- 
taining a gallant  but  unequal  fight,  from 
seven  in  the  morning  until  three  in  the  after- 
noon, the  loyal  troops  were  compelled  to 
retire  from  the  scene  of  contest  with  the  loss 
of  their  guns.  The  Mussulmans  of  the 
contingent  refused  to  obey  their  officers, 
and  joined  the  enemy,  who  forthwith  grati- 
fied their  revenge  by  murdering  several  of 
the  Europeans,  among  whom  were  Lieu- 
tenant Mills,  Dr.  Carey,  and  two  sergeant- 
majors.  They  then  plundered  and  set  fire 
to  the  station.  Major  Timins  escaped  in 
the  direction  in  which  the  Malwa  field  force, 
under  Brigadier  Stuart,  was  supposed  to  be 
advancing;  but  the  fato  of  his  lady  and 
other  Europeans  at  the  station,  remained 
for  some  time  unknown.  At  length,  on  the 
VOL.  n.  2 F 


13th  of  the  month,  Mrs.  Timins  reached  the 
English  camp  at  Jehampore  in  safety,  having 
been  compelled  to  disguise  herself  iu  male 
attire,  to  escape  the  pursuit  of  the  rebels. 
The  following  telegram,  from  Captain  Mayne 
to  the  governor-general,  announced  the  in- 
telligence of  the  affair  at  Mehidpore : — 

“ Camp,  Jehampore,  Nov.  13th,  1857. 

“Mehidpore  was  attacked  by  the  rebel 
force  from  Bunnuggur  at  8 a.m.  on  the  8th 
instant,  they  having  first  fired  the  station. 
The  infantry  and  artillery  of  the  contingent 
assembled  near  the  artillery  lines,  and  the 
guns  opened  on  the  rebels,  who  were  under 
cover  of  the  bungalows  and  their  enclosures. 
The  Mehidpore  contingent  infantry  mostly 
behaved  shamefully,  refusing  to  attack 
when  led  on  by  their  officers.  The  subah- 
dar-major  opened  his  jacket  as  the  rebels 
approached,  took  out  a green  flag,  and 
hoisted  it.  Only  a portion  of  the  artillery 
stood  to  their  guns,  and,  at  noon,  the  rebels 
advanced  and  took  them.  The  contingent 
troops  then  fled,  and  their  officers  were 
forced  to  escape,  escorted  by  a faithful 
band  of  the  2nd  Gwalior  cavalry.  Lieu- 
tenant Mills  is  killed,  and  Dr.  Carey  re- 
ported to  be  so.  Major  Timins  left  his 
wife  in  the  city  of  Mehidpore,  and  fled 
towards  Oojein  with  Lieutenant  Dysart, 
joining  our  camp  at  Bunnuggur  on  the  10th 
instant.  That  night,  the  Hyderabad  con- 
tingent force,  under  the  command  of  Major 
Orr,  started  for  Mehidpore,  parties  of  the 
1st,  3rd,  and  4th  cavalry,  going  in  advance; 
but  on  reaching  that  station,  they  found  it 
evacuated,  the  rebels  having  taken  with  them 
two  12-pounders,  four  9-pounders,  and  sixty 
cart-loads  of  ammunition  and  plunder.” 

On  the  morning  of  the  11th,  the  ad- 
vanced body  of  cavalry,  led  by  Captain 
Abbot,  of  the  1st  regiment,  reached  Mehid- 
pore, which  they  occupied  without  resis- 
tance, the  rebels  having  evacuated  it  the 
previous  day.  On  the  12th,  he  marched 
out  with  337  of  the  1st,  3rd,  and  4th 
Hyderabad  cavalry,  and  overtook  the  in- 
surgents, to  the  number  of  about  500,  with 
tAvo  guns,  at  Rawul,  where  they  had  re- 
solved to  make  a stand.  They  were  imme- 
diately attacked  and  dispersed,  leaving  a 
hundred  dead  upon  the  field,  with  two 
9-pounder  guns,  and  a large  quantity  of 
ordnance  stores.  In  the  pursnit  that  fol- 
lowed, the  enemy  abandoned  three  guns, 
which  they  had  takeu  from  Mehidpore, 
with  two  others  of  larger  calibre,  seized  by 
them  at  Bunnuggur.  Upon  this  occasion 

217 


EVACUATION  OF  MUNUESORE.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


the  casualties  were  inconsiderable — one  offi- 
cer only  being  seriously  wounded.  Of  the 
enemy,  seventy-six  prisonei’s  were  taken, 
who  were  tried  by  drum-head  court-martial 
at  Mehidpore,  and  shot  for  being  in  rebel- 
lion against  the  government.  On  the  12th, 
part  of  the  force  crossed  the  Chumbul,  and 
encamped  on  the  other  side,  two  marches 
from  Mundesore,  near  which  some  8,000 
rebels  were  reported  to  have  taken  up  a 
position.  The  troops  continued  inactive 
until  the  21st  of  the  month,  when  the 
enemy,  under  Heera  Sing,  attacked  the  left 
front,  but  were  driven  back  into  Munde- 
sore with  heavy  loss.  The  cavalry  pursued 
the  rebel  commander  and  his  escort  into 
a fortified  village  about  ten  miles  from 
Mundesore,  on  the  Neerauch-road,  where 
the  main  body  of  the  rebel  force  ap- 
peared in  strength,  and  displayed  its  stan- 
dards. On  the  23rd,  Brigadier  Stuart’s 
main  column  came  up,  and  marched  in 
quest  of  the  mutineers,  w'ith  whom  it  at 
length  met,  drawn  up  in  a strong  position, 
having  the  village  of  Goorareea  in  their 
centre,  and  considerably  outflanking,  by 
their  numbers  and  arrangement,  the  Bri- 
tish force,  whose  artillery  speedily  silenced 
a battery  of  five  guns,  afterwards  captured 
by  a party  of  the  14th  light  dragoons. 
The  enemy  were  then  driven  from  their 
position  with  heavy  loss ; but  a body  of 
them  took  shelter  in  the  village,  and  con- 
tinued to  hold  it  with  great  determination. 
While  thus  engaged  in  front,  the  garrison 
of  Mundesore  sallied  out,  and  attacked  the 
rear  of  the  force,  but  were  repulsed  with 
loss  by  the  rear- guard,  which  had  been 
timely  strengthened  in  anticipation  of  the 
attack.  On  the  25th,  the  rebels,  dispirited 
by  successive  defeats,  evacuated  Mundesore 
during  the  night,  and  retired  on  Nagurh, 
in  the  direction  of  Rampoorah.  By  this 
movement,  Neemuch  was  effectually  re- 
lieved from  any  danger  on  the  Mundesore 
side.  Shortly  after  this  fact  was  ascer- 
tained, the  Malwa  field  force  returned  to 
Mhow,  where  Major-general  Rose  was  ap- 
pointed to  the  command,  vice  Brigadier 
Stuart. 

The  subjoined  account  of  some  of  the 
movements  of  the  force  is  interesting  : — 

' Mhow,  December  25th,  1857. 

“ The  Malwa  field  force  having  returned 
hither,  I purpose  giving  you  a brief  account 
of  our  journey  from  the  time  we  left  Mim- 
desore.  On  the  morning  of  the  2nd  inst. 
we  left  that  place,  and  arrived  at  Mehid- 
218 


[a.d.  1857. 

pore  about  8 a.m.  on  the  9th,  where  we 
found  that  the  work  of  ’ devastation  had 
been  carried  to  a fearful  extent.  Not  a 
vestige  of  anything  European  was  to  be 
seen,  except  the  smoke-blackened,  ruined 
walls  of  those  bungalows  in  which  but  re- 
cently our  countrymen  and  their  familiies 
happily  dwelt.  There  were  fearful  traces 
of  the  recent  battle  fought  between  Orr’s 
column  and  the  Mehidpore  mutineers,  as 
well  as  the  victory  gained  over  the  latter. 
Rambling  amidst  the  ruins,  I strayed  into 
a mango-tope  only  a few  paces  from  the 
main  road,  and  there  I counted  fiftj^  human 
skeletons ; and  a short  distance  from  the 
residency,  down  a little  valley,  eighteen 
more.  It  was,  I think,  obvious  to  all  of 
us,  that,  at  the  time  we  entered  the  place, 
a great  number  of  rebels  were  still  shel- 
tered there ; for  on  our  approach,  the  native 
artillery  lines  were  set  fire  to,  as  if  to  ac- 
quaint us  with  their  presence  and  their  un- 
sated vengeance.  It  is  quite  clear  the  fire 
could  not  have  arisen  from  spontaneous 
combustion;  and  had  the  inhabitants  of 
Mehidpore — who  now  professed  to  be 
staunch  friends  to  the  government — de- 
sired to  prove  their  loyalty,  they  could 
easily  have  apprehended  the  scoundrels  who 
dared  thus  to  mock  British  authority,  espe- 
cially as  the  rebels  were  declared  to  have 
fled  some  days  previous  to  our  arrival.  On 
the  following  morning  we  marched  en 
route  to  Oojein,  and  from  thence  to  Indore, 
where  ive  arrived  on  the  morning  of  the 
15th,  all  expecting  to  be  called  upon  to 
demand  from  the  native  inhabitants  a set- 
tlement of  accounts,”  in  atonement  for  the 
blood  of  not  our  countrymen,  but  our  help- 
less countrywomen  aud  children,  who  were 
brutally  murdered  by  those  accursed  In- 
doreans,  who  are  now,  according  to  the 
statement  of  Colonel  Durand,  “ satisfac- 
torily” settled  with,  and  are  fondly  petted 
by  those  to  whom  we  have  all  along  been 
looking  up,  with  patience  and  anxious 
glances,  for  the  word  to  march,  and  inflict 
upon  such  miscreants  the  punishment  they 
so  richly  deserve.” 

At  this  time,  the  natural  excitement  of 
the  European  troops  against  the  native  in- 
habitants of  the  towns  that  had  revolted, 
still  prevailed  in  an  intense  degree ; and 
every  instance  of  leniency  shown  to  the 
latter,  whether  merited  by  exceptional  cir- 
cumstances, or  not,  was  imperfectly  under- 
stood, and  became  a source  of  disappoint- 
ment and  dissatisfaction  to  those  who  con- 


A.D.  1857.]  INDIiUS^  MUTINY.  [the  nawab  of  runeea. 

sidered  British  soldiers  in  India  only 
properly  employed  when  carrying  out  mea- 
sures of  vengeance  and  retaliation. 

Proceeding  northward,  we  find  treachery 
and  rebellion  trampled  down  by  the  iron 
heel  of  the  authority  that  had  been  in- 
sulted in  that  direction ; and  the  vigour 
and  decision  of  Mr.  Montgomery,  judicial 
commissioner  for  the  Punjab,  as  described 
in  the  following  letter  addressed  officially 
to  the  commissioner  of  Sirsa,  was  con- 
sidered as  entitling  the  former  gentleman 
to  high  and  merited  encomium,  for  the 
example  he  had  afforded  to  others  invested 
with  similar  powers. 

“Lahore,  November  7th,  1857. 

“ Sir, — I have  the  honour  to  acknowledge 
the  receipt  of  your  letter  of  November  3rd, 
submitting  the  vernacular  proceedings  of  the 
case  of  Noor  Sunnund  Khan,  nawab  of 
Runeea ; and,  in  reply,  to  communicate  the 
following  remarks : — I gather  from  the  pro- 
ceedings, that  on  danger  threatening  the 
district  of  Sirsa  in  May  last,  the  superinten- 
dent, Captain  Robertson,  summoned  the 
nawab  of  Runeea  (the  prisoner  in  this  case, 
and  who  with  his  family  receive  a pension 
from  government  of  5,760  rupees  per  an- 
num), and  directed  him  to  raise  a small 
force,  horse  and  foot,  for  the  protection  of 
Sirsa;  which  he  did,  and  a sum  of  money 
was  advanced  to  meet  the  cost  of  maintaining 
them.  The  nawab  was  present  in  Sirsa, 
with  his  men,  when  the  outbreak  took  place. 
There  is  evidence  to  show  that  the  nawab 
and  his  men,  instead  of  protecting  the  town, 
joined  the  plunderers,  and  that  a portion  of 
the  plunder  was  sent  to  his  house  in  carts ; 
also,  that  he  was  proclaimed  ruler  of  the 
countiy ; and  that,  as  such,  he  wrote  a letter 
deprecating  the  conduct  of  certain  parties 
who  had  made  an  inroad  into  his  territory. 
Gohur  Ali  Khan,  the  uncle  of  the  prisoner, 
was  with  him  at  the  time,  and  has  since 
been  apprehended  and  hanged. 

“ The  commission  finds  the  prisoner,  Na- 
wab Noor  Sunnund  Khan,  guilty  of  treason 
against  the  state,  by  having  caused  the  king 
of  Delhi  to  be  proclaimed  as  king,  and  him- 
self as  ruler  of  the  country,  and  passed 
sentence  of  death  on  him ; but  inasmuch  as 
he  does  not  seem  to  have  been  guilty  of 
murder,  and  considering  an  example  no 
longer  necessary,  the  case  is  referred  for 
my  final  orders.  Of  the  nawab’s  guilt  there 
can  be  no  doubt.  He,  as  also  his  ancestors, 
long  enjoyed  pensions,  favour,  and  consi- 
deration from  the  British  government.  In- 

stead,  therefore,  of  aiding  the  local  autho- 
rities, who  reposed  confidence  in  him,  and 
whom  he  professed  to  serve,  he  joined  the 
rebels  with  his  adherents,  and  caused  himself 
to  be  proclaimed  ruler.  Although  murder  is 
not  actually  proved  to  have  been  committed 
by  himself,  yet  the  city  of  Sirsa  was  entirely 
plundered  and  destroyed,  as  were  also  the 
government  offices;  treasure  and  property 
belonging  to  government  carried  off,  and 
the  prisoners  released  from  gaol.  A number 
of  lives  are  known  to  have  been  sacrificed, 
of  which  there  is  no  record.  I consider  it, 
therefore,  imperative  to  make  examples  of 
such  men  as  the  nawab.  The  leaders  must 
feel  that  vengeance  will  assuredly  overtake 
them.  Mercy,  in  this  instance,  would  be 
weakness,  and  would  encourage  others  to 
rebel  hereafter.  I,  therefore,  with  the  con- 
currence of  the  chief  commissioner,  sentence 
him,  Noor  Sunnund  Khan,  nawab  of  Runeea, 
to  be  hanged. 

“ The  sentence  is  to  be  carried  out  without 
delay. — I have,  &c., 

“ R.  Montgomery,  Judicial  Commissioner.” 

Crossing  from  the  north-west  to  almost 
the  south-eastern  extremity  of  Bengal,  we 
find  the  town  and  district  of  Chittagong, 
which  was  ceded  to  the  British  in  1760, 
subjected,  in  November,  to  the  usual  conse- 
quences of  a mutinous  outbreak.  On  the 
night  of  the  18th  of  the  mouth,  some  com- 
panies of  the  34th  regiment  of  native  in- 
fantry rose  upon  their  officers,  whom,  how- 
ever, they  did  not  harm.  First  plundering 
the  treasury  of  about  three  lacs  of  rupees, 
they  liberated  the  prisoners  in  the  gaol, 
killing  a burkandaze  who  resisted  them ; 
and  then,  having  fired  their  cantonments, 
they  blew  up  the  magazine  and  left  the 
town,  taking  with  them  three  government 
elephants  to  carry  their  booty.  Avoiding 
the  main  road  to  Tipperah,  through  fear  of 
being  intercepted  at  a ferry  on  the  route, 
the  mutineers  hurried  on  the  way  towards 
Sylhet,  where  they  halted  for  a short  time 
to  deliberate  on  their  further  proceedings ; 
and  being  there  reinforced  by  the  accession 
of  a number  of  armed  vagabonds  from  the 
adjacent  villages,  they  subsequently  took 
the  route  to  Mongapore,  through  the  jungle, 
in  order  to  avoid  the  chance  of  being  inter- 
cepted. 

The  report  of  Captain  Dewool,  com- 
manding the  34th  regiment  of  native  in- 
fantry at  Chittagong,  affords  the  following 
detail  of  this  affair,  which  fortunately  in- 
volved no  loss  of  European  life. 

219 

MUTINY  AT  CHITTAGONG.]  HISTORY  OF  THE  [a.d.  1857. 


“Chittagong,  November  24th,  1857. 

“ I have  the  honour  to  report,  for  the  in- 
formation of  Major-general  Sir  J.  Hearsey, 
K.C.B.,  commanding  the  presidency  divi- 
sion, that,  on  the  evening  of  Wednesday, 
the  18th  instant,  about  nine  o’clock,  the 
detachment  of  the  34th  regiment  of  native 
infantry  mutinied,  and  instantly  occupied 
the  magazine  with  a strong  body  of  men. 
Immediately  upon  hearing  the  noise  from 
my  house,  which  is  quite  close  to  the  lines, 

I went  to  the  parade  in  company  with  Lieu- 
tenant Hunter;  but  upon  approaching  the 
scene  of  disturbance,  hearing  the  men  very 
violent  and  loading  their  muskets,  I directed 
that  officer  to  retire,  and  went  forward  to 
the  mutineers  alone.  I found  a very  strong 
guard  in  front  of  the  magazine,  who  chal- 
lenged me,  and  shouted  out  in  a most  violent 
tone,  ‘ Don’t  care  for  him  ! Go  away  ! you 
have  no  business  here  !’  I advanced  up  to 
it,  and  did  my  best,  with  every  argument  I 
could  use,  to  persuade  the  men  to  their 
duty;  but  a Mohammedan,  who  was  in  a 
native  dress,  and  not  in  uniform  like  the 
rest,  standing  out  in  front,  called  out  in  a 
loud  voice,  ‘ The  whole  detachment  is  in  a 
state  of  mutiny,  and  we  have  all  determined 
to  die  if  it  is  necessary.  Go  away  !’  This 
he  said  shaking  his  hand  in  my  face,  and 
using  the  most  violent  gestures.  A shout 
was  then  raised,  ‘ Shoot  him  ! shoot  him !’ 
but  a number  of  voices  replied,  ‘No!  no! 
don’t  hurt  the  captain.’  Taking  encou- 
ragement from  this,  and  thinking  I might 
have  some  men  who  would  stand  by  me,  I 
again  endeavoured,  by  every  persuasion,  to 
bring  the  men  to  a sense  of  their  duty,  and 
appealed  to  several  sepoys  by  name,  who 
had  previously  borne  a good  character,  to 
think  what  they  were  about,  and  to  remain 
faithful  to  their  salt;  but  they  all  replied 
that  they  had  joined  the  mutineers,  and 
that  it  was  not  their  intention  to  withdraw. 
A shout  was  again  raised,  ‘ Shoot  him ! 
shoot  him  !’  which  was  again  negatived ; 
and  at  the  same  moment  two  or  three  sepoys, 
with  their  muskets  at  the  charge,  came  at  me. 
Not  liking  this  demonstration,  I stepped 
back  a few  paces,  and  got  out  of  the  crowd, 
which  was  gradually  getting  round  me;  a 
Sikh  of  No.  4 company  then  came  up,  and 
giving  me  a rough  push,  said,  ‘ Go  away 
from  this  [Hum  suh  log  bigger  gya).’  Not 
a single  native  commissioned  or  non-com- 
missioned officer,  or  Sikh,  remained  by 
me;  and  seeing  nothing  could  be  done,  I 
went  to  the  quarters  of  Lieutenant  Hunter, 
220 


close  by,  and  found  that  officer  with  Lieu- 
tenant Thomson,  walking  in  the  verandah ; 

I told  them  hastily  what  had  occurred,  upon 
which  they  armed  themselves  and  imme- 
diately went  away.  I then  went  to  everj'^ 
house  in  the  cantonment,  to  give  warning 
to  the  residents,  but  most  of  them  had 
already  taken  alarm  and  fled.  Ultimately 
joining  the  civil  surgeon’s  family,  who  live 
at  the  extreme  end  of  the  cantonment,  in 
their  company  I sought  to  make  my  own 
escape;  but  by  this  time  the  parade  and  all 
the  road  around  were  covered  with  muti- 
neers, so  that  we  were  only  able  to  reach 
the  next  house,  where  we  were  detained  for 
about  two  hours ; we  afterwards  disguised 
ourselves  as  natives,  and,  under  the  guidance 
of  the  collector’s  bearers,  proceeded  by  a 
jungle  path  to  the  banks  of  the  river,  when 
with  difficulty  we  got  a boat,  and  dropped 
down  to  the  Kortabeea  lighthouse,  from 
whence  we  returned  yesterday. 

“I  have  to  state  that  the  mutineers  plun- 
dered the  treasury  most  completely,  and  in 
doing  so  killed  a burkandaze.  They  also 
broke  open  the  gaol,  and  forced  the  prisoners 
to  go  with  them  to  carry  the  treasure ; and 
afterwards  returned  to  the  cantonments, 
and  blew  up  the  magazine  and  burned  down 
the  lines.  I am  happy  to  say  that  none  of 
the  European  residents  have  been  personally 
injured,  and  that,  with  the  exception  of  a 
horse  or  two  which  were  taken  away  to  carry 
their  baggage,  the  mutineers  have  left  all 
private  property  untouched. 

“ I have  been  informed  by  a native  named 
Thakoor  Bux,  formerly  a jemadar  of  the 
Chittagong  provincial  battalion,  whom  the 
mutineers  forced  to  go  some  distance  with 
them,  that  the  pay-havildar  of  No,  4 com- 
pany, named  Rujub  Ali  Khan,  has  assumed 
command  of  the  detachment,  which,  we 
hear,  has  crossed  the  Fenny  river,  and 
entered  the  territories  of  the  rajah  of  Tip- 
perah. 

“ I took  the  opportunity  while  at  Kootuh- 
deen,  to  write  to  the  commissioner  of  Arra- 
can,  reporting  the  mutiny,  and  requesting 
him  to  send  a copy  of  my  letter  for  the  in- 
formation of  the  general  commanding,  which 
I hope  has  been  done. — I have,  &c., 

“P.H.K.  Dewool,  Captain,  commanding 
34th  Regiment  Native  Infantry. 

“ P.S. — Lieutenants  Hunter  and  Thomson 
are  in  safety.” 

Intelligence  of  the  outbreak  at  Chitta- 
gong reached  Dacca,  a military  station  of 
secondary  importance,  but  the  capital  of  a 


A.n.  1857.]  INDIAN 

district  of  Bengal,  situated  on  a branch  of 
the  Brahmaputra,  called  the  Booree  Gunga, 
or  Old  Ganges,  at  a few  miles  distant  from 
the  scene  of  disorder.  Upon  the  arrival  of 
the  messenger  from  Chittagong,  at  10  p.m., 
the  authorities  assembled,  and  resolved,  by 
■way  of  prevention,  to  disarm  the  sepoys  of 
the  11th  native  infantry,  in  garrison  there, 
amounting  to  about  260  men.  To  effect 
this,  they  had  no  other  military  force  than 
a small  corps  of  volunteers,  which  had  been 
for  some  weeks  in  training  for  active  service, 
and  a few  sailors  collected  under  the  com- 
mand of  Lieutenant  Lewis;  the  whole 
amounting  together  to  about  ninety  Euro- 
peans. The  volunteers  were  ordered  to 
march  at  once  to  the  collectorate,  to  watch 
the  guard  there,  while  the  process  of  dis- 
arming it  was  carried  out.  A little  before 
5 A.M.,  the  sailors,  with  two  mountain  how- 
itzers, under  the  command  of  Lieutenant 
Lewis,  proceeded  to  the  collectorate,  and  dis- 
armed the  guard  there,  without  meeting 
with  any  attempt  at  resistance.  The  execu- 
tive officers’  guard  was  soon  after  marched 
in  without  arms  by  Lieutenant  Rhynd,  and 
the  whole  were  placed  in  charge  of  the 
volunteers.  Soon  after  some  very  heavy 
firing  was  heard  in  the  direction  of  the  Lall 
Bagh,  a fortified  barrack  ; and  an  alarm  was 
given  that  the  men  stationed  there  were 
escaping  from  it  by  windows  in  the  rear. 
The  sailors  were  immediately  marched  off 
for  the  Lall  Bagh,  situated  a mile  and  a-half 
to  the  westward  of  the  treasury,  detaching  on 
their  way  a party  to  disarm  the  commis- 
sariat guard.  On  approaching  the  Lall 
Bagh,  Lieutenant  M'Mullin,  with  two 
sailors,  went  forward  to  communicate  with 
the  officers  in  charge ; but  they  were  fired 
upon,  and  compelled  to  retire  to  the  main 
body,  which  deployed  into  line,  and  ad- 
vanced. Immediately  on  this  movement 
being  observed,  a severe  fire  of  grape  was 
opened  upon  them,  in  front  and  flank,  from 
the  barracks,  which,  having  lattice-work 
verandahs,  afforded  shelter  to  those  who 
fired,  as  loopholes  would  have  done.  Lieu- 
tenant Lewis,  upon  this,  left  his  howitzers, 
and  with  two  or  three  gentlemen,  who  acted 
as  riflemen,  wheeled  his  men  right-shoulders- 
forward,  and  gave  the  order  to  charge  up 
the  face  of  a mound,  in  front  of  the  building 
on  which  some  of  the  mutineers  had  posted 
themselves.  This  assault  was  made  in 
gallant  style,  but  not  without  the  loss  of 
several  brave  men.  The  mutineers  then 
fled  into  the  barracks,  and  were  driven  from 


MUTINY.  [coxFucT  at  dacca. 

building  to  building,  along  the  whole  length 
of  the  enclosure ; and  in  the  course  of  the 
struggle,  a gallant  charge  was  made  upon 
the  guns,  which  were  taken ; and  the  sepoys 
then  fled  by  every  possible  outlet  from  the 
place.  During  the  conflict.  Dr.  Green,  the 
military  surgeon,  was  shot  through  the 
leg,  and  seriously  injured,  while  attending 
the  wounded  at  the  hospital.  The  Rev. 
Mr.  Winchester,  a resident,  distinguished 
himself  in  the  midst  of  the  fire,  by  assisting 
to  carry  the  wounded  from  the  field  to  the 
hospital.  The  people  of  the  town  behaved 
remarkably  well,  and,  with  cheers,  assisted 
to  drag  the  captured  guns  and  tumbril  to 
the  collectorate,  and  seemed  to  look  on  with 
admiration  when  the  sailors,  having  made  a 
prize  of  the  drum  and  fife  belonging  to  the 
sepoys,  marched  back  to  their  barracks, 
playing  the  “ British  Grenadiers.”  In  this 
short  but  spirited  affair,  there  were  engaged 
about  ninety  Europeans  against  260  native 
soldiers,  having  among  them  twenty-six 
golundauzes;  the  whole  of  the  mutineers 
being  fully  prepared  for  the  struggle  when- 
ever it  might  happen — the  pouches  of  many 
of  them  being  found  to  contain  sixty  rounds 
of  ball  cartridge,  besides  a number  of  the 
latter  concealed  in  their  beds  and  other 
places.  Of  the  Europeans,  one  was  killed, 
and  eighteen  wounded — three  mortally. 

The  subjoined  report  from  Lieutenant 
Dowell,  R.A.,  commanding  at  Dacca,  fur- 
nishes the  official  account  of  the  occurrence 
at  that  place. 

“ Dacca,  November  22nd,  1857. 

Sir, — I have  the  honour  to  inform  you 
that,  in  consequence  of  intelligence  received 
by  express  at  5 p.m.  last  evening,  from  Mr. 
Metcalfe,  judge  of  Tipperah,  that  the  three 
companies  of  the  34th  native  infantry  sta- 
tioned at  Chittagong,  had  mutinied,  plun- 
dered the  treasury',  let  loose  the  prisoners, 
and  were  supposed  to  be  making  towards 
this  station,  a meeting,  composed  of  C.  T. 
Davidson,  Esq.,  commissioner  of  the  district; 
C.  E.  Carnac,  Esq.,  magistrate;  Lieutenant 
Lewis,  Indian  navy,  commanding  detach- 
ment of  European  seamen,  and  myself,  was 
immediately  convened ; at  which  it  was 
unanimously  agreed  that  the  detachments 
2nd  company  9th  battalion  artillery,  and 
73rd  regiment  of  native  infantry  (strength 
as  per  margin*),  should  be  disarmed  at  day- 

* Artillery — 1 havildar,  3 naiks,  22  privates. 
Detachment  73rd  regiment  native  infantry— 1 su- 
bahdar,  2 jemadars,  12  havildars,  8 naiks,  4 drum- 
mers, 201  sepoys. 

221 


MOVEMENT  ON  JELPIGOKEE.] 

break  this  morning.  Consequently,  at 
5 A.M.,  Lieutenant  Lewis,  Indian  navy, 
commanding  detachment  of  European  sea- 
men, proceeded  to  the  treasury,  and  dis- 
armed that  guard ; detaching  at  the  same 
time  a section,  under  the  command  of  Mr. 
Connor,  Indian  navy,  to  my  quarters,  for 
the  purpose  of  disarming  the  executive 
oflScers’  guard  : this  being  accomplished,  we 
joined  the  main  body  and  proceeded  to  the 
lines,  disarming  the  commissariat  guard 
en  route.  On  our  arrival  at  the  Lall  Bagh, 
Lieutenant  C.  N.  M'Mullin,  commanding 
detachment  of  73rd  regiment  of  native  in- 
fantry, and  myself,  entered,  followed  by 
Lieutenant  Lewis’s  detachment : imme- 

diately a shot  was  fired  at  Lieutenant  C.  N. 
M'Mullin,  followed  by  a heavy  fire  of  mus- 
ketry from  the  magazine,  barracks,  and 
other  buildings. 

“ Lieutenant  Lewis,  Indian  navy,  com- 
manding detachment  of  European  seamen, 
formed  line,  fired  a volley,  and  charged ; 
after  which,  the  sepoys  fell  back  upon  their 
6-pounder  guns,  which  were  taken  and  spiked; 
and  the  sepoys  were  entirely  routed  and  dis- 
persed. The  only  assistance  I was  able  to 
give,  was  to  assist  Mr.  Connor  with  his 
mountain  howitzers,  one  of  which  he  kindly 
made  over  to  me,  and  I worked  it  until  the 
end.  Dr.  W.  A.  Green,  civil  surgeon  (who 
accompanied  us  as  medical  officer,  in  the 
absence  of  Dr.  A.  V.  Best,  who  is  very  ill), 
is,  I regret  to  say,  severely  wounded  by  a 
musket-ball  through  the  thigh.  As  far  as  I 
am  at  present  able  to  discover,  forty  of  the 
sepoys  were  killed  during  the  engagement, 
which  lasted  a little  more  than  half-an-hour. 
The  treasure,  and  nearly  all  the  ammuni- 
tion, and  a great  number  of  muskets,  are  in 
our  possession ; those  who  escaped,  only 
carrying  off  what  they  had  in  pouch. 

“ A statement  of  arms,  accoutrements, 
ammunition,  &c.,  missing,  will  be  forwarded 
to  the  military  auditor-general  without  delay. 
Of  the  whole  detachment,  we  have  only 
fifteen  remaining,  six  of  whom  are  in  hospi- 
tal.— I have,  &c., 

“Wallis  Dowell,  Lieutenant,  Artillery, 
commanding  at  Dacca.” 

On  the  expulsion  of  the  mutineers  from 
Dacca,  a considerable  number  of  them  di- 
rected their  steps  towards  Jelpigoree,  at  a 
few  miles’  distance,  where  the  head-quarters 
of  their  regiment  was  stationed.  Intelligence 
of  their  approach  quickly  reached  the  place ; 
and  to  avert  the  threatened  danger,  a de- 
tachment of  the  73rd  regiment,  and  some 
222 


[a.d.  1857. 

troopers  of  the  11th  regiment  of  irregular 
cavalry,  were  ordered  out  to  meet  and  dis- 
perse the  rebels,  whose  advance  had  been 
hitherto  unimpeded ; for  so  thoroughly  was 
that  part  of  India  denuded  of  British  troops, 
that  there  were  none  to  repel  them;  and 
many  villages  were  plundered  on  their  way. 
The  troops  sent  out  to  arrest  their  pro- 
gress marched  away  cheerfully,  and  appa- 
rently determined  in  their  loyalty — having 
actually  assisted  in  arming  some  Ghoorkas 
to  aid  in  protecting  the  station.  An  officer 
of  the  73rd,  writing  from  Jelpigoree  on  the 
3rd  of  December,  says — “ Our  men  have 
sworn  to  their  native  officers  (not  to  us)  that 
they  will  do  their  duty;  and  our  spies,  who 
have  hitherto  proved  so  trustworthy,  declare 
that  we  may  fully  depend  on  the  regiment. 
Yesterday  the  test  commenced  by  our  order- 
ing accoutrements  and  ammunition  to  be 
served  out  to  200  Ghoorkas.  This  was 
done  cheerfully,  and  is  a very  good  indica- 
tion of  the  prevailing  feeling.  A strange 
scene  it  was,  while  watching  the  sepoys 
doling  out  ammunition  to  Ghoorkas  to  fight 
against  their  own  (the  sepoys)  comrades, 
and  it  did  one’s  heart  good  to  see  it.” 

The  menofthe73rdand  11th  had  nosooner 
quitted  the  station,  than  murmurs  of  discon- 
tent were  heard  among  some  troopers  of  the 
latter  regiment,  who  evidently  sympathised 
with  their  comrades  of  the  Dacca  garrison. 
The  annoyance,  however,  passed  off  without 
an  outbreak;  but  on  the  5th  of  December, 
the  whole  of  the  remaining  men  of  the  11th, 
about  fifty  in  number,  with  a rissaldar  at 
their  head,  quietly  deserted,  taking  with 
them  their  horses,  arms,  and  ammunition. 
The  fact  was  reported  to  the  adjutant-gen- 
eral of  the  presidency  division,  by  Colonel 
Sherer,  in  command  of  the  73rd  regiment, 
in  the  following  despatch:— 

“Jelpigoree,  Dec.  5th,  1857,  11.30  p.m. 

“Sir, — I have  the  honour  to  report,  for  the 
information  of  the  major-general  command- 
ing the  division,  that  intelligence  received 
yesterday  induced  me  to  call  in  the  Euro- 
peans and  Ghoorka  sappers  from  Punbolaree. 
I expect  them  by  3 p.m.  to-day. 

“ The  rebels  are  now  reported  to  be 
making  their  way  here,  via  Kooch  Behar,  on 
the  opposite  side  of  the  Teesta.  The  Euro- 
peans will  join  the  force  at  Madargunge : 
the  Ghoorkas  remain  here. 

“ After  hearing  that  the  Europeans  were 
coming,  the  4th  troop  11th  irregular  cav- 
alry went  off  with  their  horses,  arms,  and 
accoutrements.  This  occurred  at  2 a.m. 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


A.D.  1857.]  INDIAN  MUTINY.  [a  surprise. 

to-day.  The  cavalry  lines  being  some 
distance  from  the  infantry,  the  departure 
of  the  cavalry  was  neither  heard  nor  noticed  ; 
and  I did  not  become  aware  of  the  fact  till 
two  hours  had  elapsed,  so  that  pursuit  was 
out  of  the  question.  The  73rd  regiment 
are  behaving  admirably. — I have,  &c., 

“ G.  M.  Sherer,  Colonel,  commanding 
73rd  Native  Infantry.’^ 

In  reference  to  this  affair,  a letter  from 
an  officer  of  the  foree  called  in,  dated 
“ Jelpigoree,  11th  December,’'  says — “Here 
we  are  encamped  in  the  huts  of  the  11th 
irregular  cavalry,  after  a tedious  march  of 
forty  miles  in  eighteen  hours.  We  left 
Darjeeling  on  the  1st,  and  arrived  here  on 
the  morning  of  the  6th.  The  cavalry  who 
were  stationed  here  bolted  the  night  previous 
to  our  arrival,  and  are  dispersed  amongst 
the  neighbouring  villages,  about  eight  miles 
from  hence.  Our  men  and  the  Ghoorkas  are 
quite  savage  at  not  getting  ttte-a-tite  with 
them.  However,  we  shall  march  to-morrow 
to  Madargunge,  about  five  miles  south-east 
of  this,  where  we  hope  to  encounter  the 
Dacca  and  Chittagong  mutineers,  and  shall 
endeavour  to  give  a good  account  of  them. 
At  five  o’clock  this  evening,  our  force  of 
93  Europeans,  130  Ghoorkas,  and  the  73rd 
native  infantry,  were  drawn  up  on  the  plain 
facins:  the  river,  to  witness  the  execution  of 
two  of  the  11th  irregulars,  who  were  caught 
yesterday.  Our  little  detachment  marched 
to  the  spot,  and  took  up  a position  in  open 
column ; our  right  (the  Europeans)  rested 
on  the  river;  the  73rd  were  also  in  open 
column,  their  right  flank  facing  our  centre, 
and  their  front  the  river.  After  the  pri- 
soners were  brought  forward,  the  sentence 
was  read  to  them,  and  they  were  then 
marched  up,  and  lashed  to  the  guns.  At 
this  moment,  one  was  perfectly  composed, 
and  apparently  unconcerned  at  the  terrible 
preparations  before  him ; the  other  was 
little  better  than  half  dead  already.  Among 
the  native  troops  and  the  native  bystanders, 
much  subdued  excitement  was  visible  for  a 
few  minutes ; but  it  was  put  an  end  to  by 
an  officer  advancing  to  the  front,  and  giving 
the  word  ‘Eire!’  On  went  the  portfires, 
and  away  went  the  mutilated  fragments  of 
what,  a moment  previous,  had  been  two 
living  men.  The  scene  was  appalling  for 
the  time ; but  after  a short  pause,  as  if  to 
give  time  for  meditation  to  the  native  troops 
on  the  ground,  we  marched  off  to  our  huts, 
and  the  73rd  to  their  lines,  their  band  play- 
ing the  ‘Wanderer.’  The  scene  was  pic- 

turesque,  although,  perhaps,  somewhat  un- 
pleasant to  many,  as  the  plain  was  covered 
with  spectators,  nearly  all  of  whom  were 
natives.” 

As  it  could  not  be  permitted  that  a body 
of  deserters  and  rebels  from  Dacca  should 
remain  within  marching  distance  of  a British 
force  with  impunity,  two  officers  were  dis- 
patched to  their  supposed  locality,  for  the 
purpose  of  reconnoitring  the  position  really 
occupied  by  them ; and,  upon  their  return, 
a party,  consisting  of  fifty  Europeans  and 
forty  Ghoorkas,  were  sent  from  Jelpigoree 
on  the  11th  of  December,  to  dislodge  them. 
After  a march  of  twenty-five  miles,  through 
a country  intersected  by  innumerable  nul- 
lahs, the  little  force  arrived  at  the  place 
indicated  by  the  reconnoitring  party  shortly 
after  daybreak,  an d,to  their  utter  amazement, 
found  the  enemy  in  a position  so  formidable 
and  90  peculiarly  situated,  that,  with  a mere 
handful  of  men,  a successful  attack  was  out 
of  the  question.  The  spot  occupied  by  the 
rebel  force,  which  consisted  of  150  sepoys 
and  about  the  same  number  of  armed  bud- 
mashes  and  Bootan  people,  was  protected  in 
front  by  three  large  nullahs,  two  having  three 
feet  of  water,  with  shifting  sands,  and  the 
third  and  largest  unfordable,  with  a bank 
from  fifteen  to  twenty  feet  high,  which  was 
lined  by  the  rebels,  and  afforded  them  mag- 
nificent cover.  Their  left  wing  was  also 
protected  by  nullahs,  and  their  right  by  a 
field  of  thick,  long  grass ; while  a dense 
jungle  covered  their  rear.  The  troops  having 
reached  the  vicinity  of  the  rebel  camp, 
emerged  from  the  long  grass  through  which 
their  path  had  been  taken,  and  crossed  the 
first  nullah  without  noise ; but  having  passed 
this,  and  reached  the  bank  of  the  second, 
they  found  themselves  in  a disagreeable 
predicament,  as  every  step  forward  sent 
them  knee-deep  into  the  shifting  sand  form- 
ing the  bed  of  the  nullah.  They,  however, 
struggled  onward ; but  had  the  rebels  taken 
advantage  of  the  unexpected  difficulty,  not 
a man  could  have  escaped  their  shot.  Hav- 
ing reached  the  other  side,  while  forming 
into  line  preparatory  to  an  attack,  a terrific 
fire  was  opened  upon  them  from  the  opposite 
side  of  the  third  nullah ; and,  after  return- 
ing a volley,  the  force  was  compelled  to 
seek  cover  under  a sand-bank,  from  whence 
they  fired  as  opportunity  offered.  In  this 
somewhat  inglorious  position  the  troops  re- 
mained for  about  a quarter  of  an  hour;  by 
which  time,  the  remaining  nullah  between 
them  and  the  enemy  was  discovered  to  be 

223 

JUXG  BAHADOOR  OF  NEPAXJL.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


unfordable,  and  the  order  was  given  to  re- 
tire. Upon  the  retreat  becoming  known  to 
the  rebels,  their  courage  and  spirits  became 
extravagantly  exuberant;  they  fired  volley 
after  volley,  laughed,  danced,  and  hooted 
the  retiring  force,  until  the  men  were  half 
mad  with  rage  and  vexation.  They,  how- 
ever, obeyed  orders,  and  again  reached  the 
long  grass,  having  sustained  no  other  casu- 
alty than  four  rank  and  file  wounded  by 
spent  shot.  The  troops  returned  to  Jelpi- 
goree  the  same  night,  quite  knocked-up 
with  their  fruitless  march  of  eighty  miles  in 
twenty-three  hours. 

A letter  from  Soodharam,  in  East  Ben- 
gal, of  the  7th  of  December,  referred  to  a 
party  of  the  Chittagong  rebels  in  the  fol- 
lowing terms : — “ Certain  intelligence  has 
at  last  reached  this,  that  the  Chittagong 
mutineers  have  passed  Cornillah  and  An- 
gertollah,  and  may  by  this  time  have  gone 
beyond  Sylhet.  They  have  been  precipi- 
tate in  their  flight,  and  have  committed  but 
little  damage  on  their  way.  It  appears 
that  the  fellows  spent  very  freely  the  money 
they  carried  away  from  the  collectorate  of 
Chittagong;  and  several  of  them  who  car- 
ried the  treasui’e  contrived  to  separate 
themselves  from  their  companions  on  the 
way,  and  went  off  with  bags  of  the  stolen 
money.  The  fact  became  known  in  conse- 
quence of  the  police  apprehending  all  strag- 
glers ; and  money,  to  the  amount  of  five  or 
six  thousand  rupees,  was  thus  recovered 
and  accounted  for.  The  inhabitants  of 
Cornillah  were  seized  with  panic,  which 
lasted  several  days ; during  which,  the 
wealthy  classes  removed  with  their  families 
to  more  secure  localities.  The  magistrate, 
collector,  and  judge,  were  the  only  persons 
among  us  who  did  not  show  any  signs  of 
fear,  and  continued  to  hold  their  courts  as 
usual  with  a few  amlahs.” — At  Tirhoot, 

* This  individual,  who  has  long  attained  an  his- 
torical celebrity  in  this  country  as  the  “Nepaulese 
Ambassador,”  of  jewelled  memory,  was  a nephew  of  a 
former  prime  minister  of  Nepaul,  whose  death  paved 
the  way  for  the  exaltation  of  his  young  relative ; the 
latter,  under  his  uncle’s  successor,  becoming  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  army,  and,  in  due  time, 
possessing  himself  of  almost  sovereign  authority. 
Ills  visit  to,  and  reception  in,  this  country,  greatly 
strengthened  his  position  in  his  own ; and  shortly 
after  his  return  home,  he  caused  a marriage  to  be 
concluded  between  his  daughter,  then  six  years  old, 
and  the  heir-apparent  to  the  Nepaulese  throne,  then 
in  his  ninth  year.  When  the  revolt  broke  out  in 
British  India,  Jung  Bahadoor  exercised  paramount 
authority  in  Is’^epaul,  and  took  every  opportunity  to 
evince  his  friendly  disposition  towards  tne  English, 

224 


[a.d.  1857. 

about  the  same  date,  some  apprehension 
was  entertained  of  danger  from  Jelpigoree ; 
but  as  the  division  of  the  73rd  regiment 
there  had  a large  proportion  of  the  hill 
tribes  in  its  ranks,  and  had  hitherto  acted 
loyally,  the  alai’m  subsided  before  any 
serious  inconvenience  resulted  from  it.  The 
districts  of  Chittagong  and  Dacca  were 
shortly  afterwards  well  supplied  with  troops 
for  their  protection,  and  confidence  was  re- 
stored among  all  classes  of  the  inhabitants, 
who,  for  a time,  were  left  in  the  enjoyment 
of  tranquillity. 

The  arrival  of  Jung  Bahadoor,  prime 
minister  and  commauder-in-chief  of  Ne- 
paul,* with  a large  force  of  Ghoorkas,  in- 
tended to  co-operate  with  the  British 
troops  in  the  restoration  of  order,  was  j 
announced  in  the  Calcutta  Gazette  of  the  1 
19th  of  December,  in  the  following  terms : — 

“ Genei'al  Order  of  the  Bengal  Government. 

“The  maharajah,  Jung  Bahadoor,  prime 
minister  and  commander-in-chief  of  Nepaul, 
will  shortly  enter  the  plains  of  Hindostan, 
at  the  head  of  a large  force  destined 
to  co-operate  with  the  British  troops  in 
the  restoration  of  order  in  the  British 
provinces. 

“ The  right  honourable  the  governor- 
general  in  council  directs,  that  the  civil  and 
military  authorities  of  the  principal  stations 
through  which  his  excellency  may  pass, 
shall  unite  in  paying  to  his  excellency  the 
honour  and  attention  which  are  due  to  his 
exalted  station. 

“ At  every  principal  military  station, 
post,  and  camp,  a salute  of  seventeen  guns  j 
will  be  fired  in  honour  of  the  maharajah, 
Jung  Bahadoor;  a salute  of  thirteen  guns 
in  honour  of  the  maharajah's  second  in 
command.  General  Runodeep  Sing;  and 
salutes  of  eleven  guns  each  in  honour  of 
Generals  Bukht  Jung  and  Khurg  Baha- 

by  acts  of  kindness  and  protection  towards  such  of 
them  as  were  compelled  to  seek  shelter  within  his 
territory,  of  which  the  following  instance  (among 
others)  may  be  cited  in  proof : — About  the  middle 
of  June.  1857,  fifteen  Europeans  (seven  gentlemen, 
three  ladies,  and  five  children)  escaped  from  the 
Oude  mutineers  into  the  jungle  region  of  Nepaul, 
and  sought  refuge  iu  a post  station,  or  serai,  about 
ten  days’  journey  from  Goruckpore,  and  eighteen 
from  Khatmandoo.  The  officer  at  the  latter  place 
reported  the  occurrence,  and  asked  for  instructions, 
when  he  speedily  received  the  following  reply : — 

“ Treat  them  with  every  kindness ; give  them  ele- 
phants, &c.,  and  escort  them  safely  to  Goruckpore.” 
The  place  indicated  was  at  the  time  in  the  possession 
of  the  English,  and  was  also  the  nearest  dak  station 
to  the  Nepaulese  territory. 


A.D.  1857.]  INDIANS' 

door,  commanding  divisions  in  the  Ne- 
paiilese  force. 

“ The  maharajah,  Jung  Bahadoor,  -will ' 
be  accompanied  by  Brigadier-general  Mac- 
gregor,  C.B.,  in  the  capacities  of  military 
commissioner  and  governor-general’s  agent; 
and  all  civil  authorities  in  the  districts 
through  which  the  Nepaulese  camp  may 
pass,  are  hereby  required  to  give  immediate 
attention  to  all  requisitions  which  may  be 
addressed  to  them  by  that  oflScer.” 

The  rumour  of  proffered  assistance  from 
Nepaul,*  was  at  first  received  with  some 
degree  of  incredulity,  inasmuch  as  it  had 
become  known,  that  an  offer  of  troops, 
which  had  been  made  by  Jung  Bahadoor  at 
an  early  period  of  the  rebellion,  had  been 
somewhat  curtly  declined.  In  that  in- 
stance, the  proposition  from  Nepaul  was  to 
place  three  bodies,  of  1,000  men  each,  at 
the  service  of  the  Anglo-Indian  govern- 
ment— one  party  to  act  in  Oude,  and  the 
other  two  in  the  Lower  Provinces ; but  as 
such  disposition  of  the  force  would  have 
had  the  effect  of  isolating  them  upon  their 
respective  fields  of  action,  and  a very  na- 
tural suspicion  existed  as  to  the  fealty  of 
any  native  sovereign  whatever,  it  was 
deemed  prudent  to  decline  the  offer.  At  a 
later  period,  Jung  Bahadoor  renewed  his 
friendly  proposition — this  time  extending 
the  number  of  troops  to  10,000  for  service 
in  Oude ; and  his  offer  was  accepted.  The 
fact  had  no  sooner  become  known  through 
the  official  announcement  above  quoted, 
than  curiosity  was  actively  employed  in 
efforts  to  discover  the  price  at  which  the 
extraordinary  and,  under  the  circumstances, 
unexpected  aid  would  be  furnished.  Vari- 
ous surmises  were  broached  upon  the  sub- 
ject; and,  among  others,  the  restoration  to 
Nepaul  of  the  Oude  Terai — a district  on  its 
southern  frontier,  consisting  of  a strip  of 

• Nepaul  is  about  equal  in  extent  to  England,  and 
is  one  of  the  few  remaining  independent  states  of 
Northern  India ; comprising  the  southern  slopes  of 
the  Himalaya  mountain  chain,  which  forms  its  north- 
ern boundary ; having  on  the  west  and  south  sides 
the  British  territories  of  Behar  and  Oude,  and,  on 
the  east,  Kumaon.  The  region  is  distinguished  by 
its  giant  mountains,  which  separate  it  from  Thibet ; 
by  the  dense  forest  jungle  of  the  Terai,  on  the  Oude 
frontier;  and  by  a beautiful  valley,  in  which  the 
capital,  Khatmandoo,  is  situated,  and  which  is  covered 
with  flourishing  towns  and  villages,  luxuriant  fields 
and  picturesque  streams.  The  climate  of  Nepaul  is 
temperate  and  healthy.  The  inhabitants,  about  two 
millions  in  number,  comprise  Ghoorkas,  Newars, 
Bhotias,  Dhanwars,  and  Mhanjees  ; but  the  Ghoor- 
kas are  the  dominant  race.  The  Newars  are  the 

VOL.  II.  2 G 


MUTINY.  [offers  from  nepaul. 

swampy  forest-laud,  thirty  miles  broad, 
lying  between  the  plains  and  the  hills, 
which  had  formerly  been  ceded  to  the 
British  government — was  suggested ; the 
value  of  the  equivalent  being  somewhat 
awkwardly  depreciated  by  the  Calcutta 
press,  which  described  the  territory  as  of  no 
earthly  use  to  the  English,  and  therefore 
as  very  proper  to  be  eeded  in  return  for 
valuable  assistance  in  a time  of  need  ! 

By  another  authority  (probably  self-con- 
stituted), it  was  announced  that  Jung 
Bahadoor  had  applied  to  the  government 
for  the  grant  of  a tract  of  land  in  the 
northern  part  of  the  Oude  district,  with  the 
right  and  title  of  prince,  “ protected”  by 
the  British  government.  His  highness,  it 
was  said,  was  well  aware  that  his  present 
exalted  position,  won  as  it  had  been  by 
sheer  energy  and  indomitable  strength  of 
character,  was,  at  best,  a preearious  one, 
especially  in  a court  like  that  of  Khatman- 
doo — famous  for  intrigues  of  unusual  cun- 
ning and  hardihood ; and  he  felt,  that  were 
he  the  ruler,  recognised  as  an  ally  by  the 
British  government,  of  ever  so  small  a 
principality,  even  though  it  was  but  a strip 
of  terai,  trans-Gogra,  it  would  give  him 
such  status  and  position  among  his  un- 
scrupulous adversaries  round  the  throne  of 
Nepaul,  as  would  render  him  safe  from 
their  machinations,  and  permanently  secure 
to  him  the  influence  he  had  already  ac- 
quired in  the  government  of  that  country. 

However  the  question  of  remuneration 
for  service  in  the  field  might  be  disposed  of, 
it  is  certain  that  the  stout  hearts  and  sharp 
kookrees  of  Jung  Bahadoor’s  Ghoorkas  very 
soon  found  opportunity  to  prove  their  met- 
tle upon  the  enemy  of  their  friend  and 
ally.  Upon  emerging  from  the  mountain 
passes  that  form  the  southern  boundary 
of  Nepaul,  the  maharajah,  Jung  Bahadoor, 

aborigines  of  Nepaul,  and  are  the  artisans  of  the 
kingdom ; while  the  Ghoorkas  are  hardy  soldiers ; 
the  other  three  tribes  are  chiefly  cultivators  of  the 
soil.  In  the  latter  half  of  the  last  century,  Nepaul 
was  for  a short  time  a dependency  of  the  Chinese 
empire ; but  a treaty  of  commerce  with  the  Anglo- 
Indian  government,  in  1782,  enabled  it  to  throw  off 
Chinese  supremacy,  and  establish  its  own  indepen- 
dence. In  1812,  the  East  India  Company  made  war 
upon  Nepaul,  and  narrowly  escaped  ignominious 
defeat.  A peace  ensued,  which  lasted  until  1816, 
when  another  rupture  occurred.  After  a short  but 
severe  struggle,  in  which  the  soldierlike  qualities  of 
the  Ghoorkas  were  established,  a treaty  of  amity 
succeeded,  which  had  not  since  been  violated.  A 
great  portion  of  the  transit  trade  between  Cashmere 
and  the  Chinese  empire,  passes  through  Nepaul. 

225 


ADVAJSCE  OF  THE  GHOORKAS.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  1858. 


with  his  10,000  Ghoorkas,  composed  of 
fourteen  regiments  of  infantry,  and  four 
batteries  of  artillery  of  six  guns  each, 
reached  Segowlie — a frontier  town  in  the 
British  dominions — on  the  morning  of  the 
21st  of  December;  and  the  chief  was  there 
received  by  the  authorities  assembled  for 
the  purpose,  with  great  demonstrations  of 
respect.  The  same  day  the  troops  were 
reviewed ; and,  on  the  following  morning,  a 
brigade  marched  for  Bettiab,  and  another 
for  Govindgunge.  On  the  23rd,  the  maha- 
rajah and  the  British  officers  in  his  suite, 
followed  the  troops  to  Bettiab,  where  they 
halted  while  carriages  were  collected  for 
their  further  progress. 

On  the  30th  of  the  month,  the  baggage 
of  the  Ghoorka  force  having  all  been 
conveyed  across  the  Gundah,  the  army 
marched  from  the  right  bank  of  that  river 
to  Bimnowlee  factory  on  the  following  day. 
On  the  1st  of  January,  1858,  the  force 
reached  Gobernath ; and,  on  the  2nd,  ar- 
rived at  Purowno — a town  of  some  impor- 
tance in  the  Bengal  presidency ; where  a 
lithographed  proclamation  of  Mahomed  Hos- 
sein’s  was  found  attached  to  the  Tehseel- 
dai'ee,  which  notified  to  the  world  at  large, 
that  his  Nuseeb  had  risen  higher  than  the 
stars,  and  called  upon  all  men  to  assist  him  in 
the  extermination  of  the  Feringhees.  Four 
burkandazes  were  tried  at  this  place  for 
having  taken  service  under  Mahomed  Hos- 
sein,  and  three  of  them  atoned  for  their 
crime  by  death.  On  the  3rd,  the  force 
marched  to  Ramkotah,  the  zemindar  of 
which  had  been  acting  under  the  orders  of 
Mahomed ; and  had  his  house  burned  down 
as  a mark  of  disapproval  of  his  conduct 
His  personal  safety  had  been  secured  by  a 
timely  flight.  Continuing  their  route,  the 
Ghoorka  force  moved  on  towards  Pree- 
praitch,  on  the  road  to  Goruckpore — the 
I capital  of  a district  in  the  presidency  of 
I Bengal,  adjoining  the  Nepaulese  dominions, 

I and  about  150  miles  N.W.N.  of  Patna. 

1 The  town,  which  is  situated  on  the  Raptee, 
had  been  for  some  time  in  the  hands  of  a 
rebel  force  from  Fyzabad ; and,  from  its 
1 position  in  reference  to  the  stations  at 

• * Another  correspondent  with  the  army  afterwards 

writes  upon  this  subject  as  follows: — ‘‘  Jung  Baha- 
' door’s  dress  was  most  magnificent.  The  first  day  he 
wore  the  skin  of  a wild  animal  for  a coat,  richly 
trimmed  with  head-bands  of  pure  gold ; his  girdle 
was  of  the  same,  studded  with  precious  stones ; his 
trowsers  of  fine  cloth  of  gold.  As  for  his  turban,  it 
was  really  magnificent:  first  there  was  a row  of  rubies 
all  round  it,  then  emeralds;  and  a broad  plate  of  pure 
226 


Azimgurh,  Jounpore,  and  other  important 
places,  its  early  recovery  from  the  insur- 
gents was  desirable. 

It  should  be  observed,  that  previous  to 
the  advance  of  the  Ghoorka  force,  Jung 
Bahadoor  had  stipulated,  that  a European 
officer  should  be  attached  to  each  of  his 
regiments;  and,  accordingly,  a number  of 
officers  of  all  arms,  with  General  Macgre- 
gor  at  their  head,  were  ordered  from  Cal- 
cutta to  join  the  Nepaulese  troops.  A 
description  of  the  chief  and  his  army  was 
given  in  a letter  from  one  of  these  officers, 
in  the  following  terms : — 

“Yesterday,  we  went  to  see  the  maha- 
rajah in  full  durbar.  He  is  a very  fine 
fellow,  and  made  a most  favourable  impres- 
sion on  us  all.  He  was  magnificently 
dressed;  but,  at  the  same  time,  in  the  very 
best  taste.*  He  is  accompanied  by  two  of 
his  bi’others ; one  of  them  second  in  com- 
mand, and  the  other  without  any  specific 
appointment.  The  army,  which  consists  of 
about  11,000  men,  is  formed  into  divisions, 
commanded  by  the  Jung’s  half-brothers. 
Indeed,  half  the  durbar  was  composed  of 
his  blood  relations.  After  the  durbar, 
which  did  not  last  half-an-hour,  we  went 
out  to  look  at  the  troops.  They  were 
drawn  up  in  lines  of  regiments  one  behind 
the  other,  the  best,  of  course,  in  front ; but 
we  were  very  agreeably  surprised,  both  as 
to  their  state  of  discipline,  physique,  and 
equipment.  They  marched  as  steadily  as 
any  troops  I ever  saw.  The  double  march 
was  singularly  steady;  and  they  formed 
column,  square,  and  deployed,  and  passed 
in  review  in  a most  soldierlike  and  steady 
manner.  Far  from  realising  our  precon- 
ceived notions  of  Ghoorka  diminutiveness, 
they,  at  any  rate  in  the  crack  corps,  were 
giants ; and  even  those  in  the  non-selected 
regiments  were  very  much  larger  than  in 
our  Ghoorka  battalions.  I inquired  about 
their  composition ; and  General  Rumheer 
Sing,  the  second  in  command,  informed 
me  that,  with  the  exception  of  seventeen, 
they  were  all  pure  Ghoorkas.f  The  Jung 
is  most  anxious  to  get  at  the  enemy.” 

At  length,  on  the  morning  of  the  6th  of 

large  diamonds  in  front,  with  a large  waving  plume. 
Fancy,  his  entire  dress  was  worth  upwards  of  six  lacs 
of  rupees  (£60,000.)  His  two  younger  brothers  were 
with  him,  of  course  dressed  as  superbly,  befitting 
their  high  rank  in  Nepaul.” 

t These  hardy  soldiers  are  of  Monghol  origin,  but 
smaller  and  darker  than  the  real  Chinese.  They 
first  became  familiar  to  the  British  by  their  resolute 
soldierly  qualities  during  our  wars  with  Nepaul ; and 


A.i).  1858.]  INDIAN  MUTINY.  [the  first  fight. 

January,  the  maharajah,  with  his  troops,  set 
out  from  Preepraitch,  about  ten  miles  from 
Goruckpore,  for  the  purpose  of  attacking 
the  rebels  at  that  place : the  road  was  heavy 
and  bad,  running  through  thick  jungle 
almost  the  entire  way,  and  intersected  by 
three  nullahs.  The  force  marched  at  7 a.m., 
and,  after  proceeding  about  two  miles,  came 
upon  the  jungle,  where  it  separated,  one 
brigade  taking  ground  to  the  right,  and 
another  to  the  left,  for  the  purpose  of  turning 
the  enemy's  position  near  a broken  bridge 
over  a nullah  in  the  centre  of  the  wood. 
The  movement  had  scarcely  been  completed 
before  the  centre  column  of  the  Ghoorkas 
came  suddenly  upon  the  rebel  force  strongly 
posted  in  the  jungle.  The  Ghoorka  guns 
at  once  opened  fire,  and  for  a time  were 
vigorously  replied  to  both  by  guns  and 
musketry  ; but  the  conflict  did  not  last ; for, 
on  the  advance  of  the  Ghoorka  infantry, 
the  rebels  turned  and  fled,  leaving  behind 
them  an  iron  gun,  with  limber  and  bullocks 
attached.  From  this  moment,  for  about  four 
miles  through  the  jungle,  it  became  a race 
for  life  between  the  enemy  and  their  pur- 
suers ; but  the  former,  spurred  on  by  terror 
of  the  Ghoorkas,  flew  ivith  extraordinary 
speed,  strewing  the  road  with  their  shoes, 
which  they  cast  away  to  expedite  their  flight. 
On  arriving  at  the  bridge,  which  the  rebels 
had  only  partially  broken,  a few  sappers  were 
brought  to  the  front  j and  it  was  quickly 
rendered  passable  for  the  troops,  who,  shortly 
after  crossing,  came  upon  a body  of  rebel 
sowars,  whom  a few  rounds  sufficed  to  dis- 
1 perse.  In  this  advance,  the  rapid  and  efifec- 
, tive  manner  in  which  the  guns  w'ere  handled 
by  the  Ghoorkas,  elicited  the  surprise  and 
! admiration  of  the  Europeau  officers  attached 
j to  the  force;  they  having  no  limbers, 
were  drawn  by  hand,  the  trail  being  sup- 
j ported  on  the  shoulders  of  other  men.  After 
! dispersing  this  body  of  cavalry  the  whole 
force  reunited  and  advanced.  Upon  reach- 
ing the  crest  of  a small  eminence  in  front 
of  Goruckpore,  the  enemy  opened  fire  from 
a clump  of  trees,  in  direct  line  with  the  ad- 
vancing column ; but  the  Ghoorkas,  having 
' brought  up  their  guns  to  the  front,  drove 
the  enemy  from  his  position,  and  then 

* although  Hindoos  by  religion,  they  have  little  in 
common  with  Hindoos,  as  regards  caste  prejudices 
and  exclusiveness ; nor  do  they  sympathise  materially 
' with  the  inhabitants  of  the  plains  of  Hindostan. 
Being  natives  of  a country  of  but  limited  wealth,  they 
have,  within  the  last  few  years,  evinced  a readiness 
to  enter  the  military  service  of  the  Company  as 
auxiliary  troops;  and,  as  such,  have  been  incorporated 

charged  en  masse.  From  this  point  it  was 
a race  into  the  station,  the  Ghoorkas  cutting 
up  the  stragglers  on  the  road  with  their 
kookrees.  The  intrenched  position  of  the 
rebels  had  been  abandoned  by  all  but  about 
a dozen  men,  who  were  instantly  cut  down ; 
and  the  chase  was  continued  through  the 
town  to  the  bank  of  the  river,  when  a 
frightful  slaughter  eommenced.  A number 
of  the  rebels  had  succeeded  in  crossing  by  a 
ferry ; and  had  they  lined  the  opposite  bank 
of  the  river,  and  kept  up  a fire  upon  the 
Ghoorkas,  many,  if  not  most  of  their  party 
might  have  escaped  with  life ; but  sauve  qui 
pent  was  the  order  of  the  day  with  them, 
and  they  all  fled  in  confusion;  the  eonse- 
quence  was,  that,  without  order  or  combina- 
tion, they  became  a mob,  and  were  struck 
down  in  great  numbers,  boat-loads  of  them 
being  shot,  drowned,  or  cut  to  pieces,  until 
the  river  was  actually  red  with  their  blood. 

“ So  coutiiuious,”  says  an  eye-witness, 
was  the  file-firiug  for  upwards  of  an  hour, 
that  the  maharajah  thought  the  sepoys  were 
making  a stand  : he  became  desperate  with 
excitement;  and  those  who  were  near  him 
must  have  thought  we  were  fighting  another 
Inkermaun.  Altogether,  though  no  passage 
of  arms,  it  was  a very  respectable  'scrim- 
mage ;'  we  took  six  guns,  and  two  things 
which  we  have  called  ' zumbooruks,’  for  want 
of  a better  name,  mounted  on  carriages; 
and  two  not  mounted,  besides  a little 
1-pounder  brought  in  by  the  villagers." 

The  result  of  this  action  was  the  entire 
clearance  of  the  Goruckpore  district.  The 
rebel  leader,  Mahomed  Hossein,  fled  to 
Tauda,  a town  on  the  road  to  Fyzabad,  in 
the  vicinity  of  which  he  again  collected 
his  scattered  forces.  The  Ghoorkas,  for  a ' 
few  days,  remained  upon  the  field  of  their 
triumph  while  waiting  for  carriage. 

A letter  from  Goruckpore,  of  the  12th  of 
January,  gave  the  following  account  of  the 
state  of  affairs  at  that  place  : — “ This  town 
has  now  been  almost  a week  in  our  posses- 
sion, and  matters  are  rapidly  returning  to 
their  former  state.  New  thanadars  and 
tehseeldars  are  appointed ; several  of  those 
who  held  post  under  the  Nizam  (as  Maho- 
med Hossein  is  ealled  by  the  natives)  ai’e 

into  a force  called  the  Simoor  and  Kumaon  Battalions, 
which  upon  several  occasions  in  the  earlystages  of  the 
revolt,  found  opportunity  to  exhibit  their  earnestness 
in  the  cause  of  their  European  employers.  The  troops 
of  which  we  are  now  treating,  form  a distinct  body, 
employed  on  a special  service,  and  commanded  by  its 
own  chief,  the  Jung  Bahadoor,  who  was  assisted  on 
the  occasion  by  a staff  of  British  officers. 

227 

■ 

1 GORUCrCPORE — THE  TOtVN.] 

HISTORY  OF  THE 

[a.d.  1858. 

being  brought  in  for  trial,  and  execution 
quickly  follows.  Already  we  see  convicts 
clearing  up  the  station,  and  no  doubt  the 
gaol  will  soon  be  again  as  well  tenanted  as 
it  was  in  August  last.  No  regard  is  shown 
to  a man^s  former  rank : all  alike  are  made 
to  do  sweepers’  work,  so  far  as  clearing  up 
and  removing  rubbish  goes.  The  church, 
which  had  been  completely  dismantled  by 
the  rebels  (who  had  taken  away  or  de- 
stroyed everything  removable,  and  smashed 
the  windows),  has  been  cleansed,  and  the 
writing  effaced  from  the  walls;  the  civil 
offices  are  crowded  with  candidates  for  situ- 
ations; and  British  authority,  I ain  happy 
to  learn,  is  being  rapidly  re-established  over 
the  district. 

“We  expect  hourly  the  arrival,  at  Goruck- 
pore,  of  that  consummate  villain  Mushurruf 
Khan,*  who  was  apprehended  a few  days 
since  by  the  ranee  of  Bustie,  but  was  taken 
from  her  by  a powerful  zemindar  of  the 
same  district,  who  is  anxious  to  curry  favour 
with  the  British  government,  now  that  it  is 
again  unmistakably  in  the  ascendant.  Ten 
men  were  hung  the  day  after  we  arrived, 
and  six  on  the  following  day;  how  many 
more  since  it  is  not  easy  to  say,  as  the  gal- 
lows was  removed  from  the  conspicuous  spot 
it  occupied  in  consequence  of  an  intimation 
from  the  Nepaulese  chief,  that  it  was  dis- 
pleasing to  him  to  see  bodies  hanging. 
Bustie,  wheite  the  force  will  next  move  to, 
is  about  forty  milps  from  this,  and  half-way 
to  Fyzabad.” 

On  the  ^2nd  of  January,  the  advanced 
brigade  of  Jung  Bahadoor’s  force  had 
reached  Belwa  Bagur  on  the  Gogra,  oppo- 
site to  Fyzabad ; and,  with  the  brigades  of 
General  Franks  and  Colonel  Kowcroft, 
formed  a complete  chain  on  the  south  and 
east  of  Oude,  from  Fyzabad  to  within 
twenty  miles  of  Allahabad. 

It  should  be  observed,  that  early  iu  De- 
cember, the  brigade  under  Colonel  Kowcroft 
had  moved  up  the  country,  iu  the  direction 

* This  individual  had  formerly  been  sentenced  to 
imprisonment  for  “ budmashee,”  by  Mr.  Bird,  the 
joint  magistrate  of  Goruckpore.  AVhen  the  station 
was  abandoned  by  the  British,  Mr.  Bird  alone  re- 
mained at  his  post ; but  his  efforts  to  maintain  order 
were  fruitless ; the  gaol  was  thrown  open,  and  the 
prisoners  liberated ; and  the  first  visitor  Mr.  Bird 
was  honoured  with  from  that  undesirable  locality, 
was  Mushurruf  Khan,  who  coolly  walked  into  his 
house,  and,  sitting  down  upon  a sofa,  informed  the 
magistrate  that  he  had  come  to  settle  the  little 
account  they  had  between  them.  Mushurruf  Khan 
was  armed,  and  accompanied  by  a number  of  his 
gaol  companions.  Mr.  Bird  was  alone,  all  police, 
228 


of  Goruckpore,  where,  ultirnateh^,  he  estab- 
lished communications  with  Jung  Baha- 
door,  who  sent  him  a reinforcement  of  500 
men;  and  with  these,  the  marines,  and  naval 
brigade,  the  colonel  considered  it  safe  to 
advance  against  a body  of  the  enemy 
encamped  at  Sohunpore,  on  the  Little 
Gundah.  With  the  aceession  mentioned, 
Colonel  Rowcroft’s  whole  strength  only 
amounted  to  1,100  men,  of  whom  but  160 
were  Europeans ; the  enemy,  on  the  other 
hand,  mustered  over  5,000  men,  with  a 
large  train  of  artillery.  Leaving  his  camp 
between  Myrvva  and  Mujhowlee,  in  the 
Sar.uu  district,  the  colonel,  on  the  26th  of 
December,  moved  forward  to  attack  the 
position  held  by  the  rebels,  and,  after  a 
sharp  encounter,  succeeded  in  dislodging 
them,  and  driving  them  across  the  river.  In 
the  accomplishment  of  this  result,  the  Bri- 
tish commander  was  necessitated  to  change 
his  front  several  times,  to  prevent  the 
enemy  from  overlapping  his  flanks,  and  so 
gradually  forcing  him  to  retire  without  a 
chance  of  engaging  under  an  accidental 
advantage  of  ground  which  he  had  secured. 
In  the  course  of  the  war,  there  was  scarcely 
another  instance  of  an  enemy  so  numeri- 
cally superior,  being  forced  to  retreat  before 
a force  so  weak,  and  with  such  small  loss 
to  the  attacking  party — Colonel  Kowcroft 
having  but  four  men  wounded.  By  his 
masterly  operations  at  Sohunpore,  he  forced 
the  I’ebels  out  of  the  district  of  Sarun, 
crossed  the  Little  Gundah,  and  effectually 
assisted  the  ulterior  movements  of  the 
Ghoorka  force.  The  following  is  the  des- 
patch of  Colonel  Kowcroft,  to  the  secretary 
of  government,  in  reference  to  this  spirited 
affair : — 

“ Camp,  Mujhowlee,  on  the  river  Chota  Gundah, 

“ 25  miles  west  of  Sewan,  28th  Dec.,  1857. 

“ I have  the  honour  to  report,  for  the  information 
of  the  right  honourable  the  governor-general,  that 
the  field  force  under  my  command  received  a rein- 
forcement of  the  Gorucknath  regiment  of  Ghoorkas 
(500  strong)  on  the  morning  of  the  25th  of  Decem- 


gaol-guard,  and  rajah  followers  having  deserted  him. 
After  a tolerably  long  stay,  the  worthy  Naib  Nazim 
left  the  house,  with  a promise  that  he  would  repeat 
his  visit  before  long ; in  the  interim,  however,  Mr. 
Bird  escaped  from  the  place  on  an  elephant,  and  got 
safely  through  the  jungle  to  Chuprah.  Upon  the 
advance  of  Jung  Bahadoor’s  force,  he  accompanied  it 
as  joint  magistrate  of  the  district;  and  upon  the 
subsequent  recapture  of  Mushurruf  Khan,  he  had 
the  .satisfaction  of  hanging  his  uninvited  visitor, 
whom  he  fir.st  had  paraded  in  a cart  through  the 
streets  of  Goruckpore,  where,  during  the  five  pre- 
ceding months,  he  had  been  accustomed  to  ride 
about  with  a species  of  regal  pomp. 


A.D.  1857.]  TNDT.m 


her,  sent  on  to  join  me  by  forced  marches  from 
Segowlie,  by  his  excellency  Maharajah  Jung  Baha- 
door,  and  Mr.  Samuells,  the  commissioner.  It  was 
represented  to  me  strongly  that  they  were  too 
fatigued,  foot-sore,  and  hungry,  to  march  again  that 
day,  and  that  they  had  been  without  sleep  for  two 
nights.  I therefore  postponed  for  the  day,  though 
reluctantly,  my  arrangements  to  move  and  attack  the 
rebels  at  Sohunpore,  seven  miles  distant,  and  about 
midway  between  my  intrenched  camp  at  Myrwa  and 
Mujhowlee.  About  half-past  seven  on  the  morning 
of  the  26th  of  December,  I marched  from  camp  with 
the  force,*  leaving  two  companies  (a  hundred  men) 
of  Ghoorkas,  and  fifty  matchlockmen  of  the  Hutwa 
rajah’s,  for  the  protection  of  the  camp;  and  of  these, 
half  a company  and  twenty  matchlockmen  to  watch 
and  secure  the  narrow  causeway  bridge  over  the 
river  Jurhaee,  less  than  half  a mile  in  front  of  my 
camp.  It  was  reported  to  me  that  the  rebels  were 
posted  in  the  village  of  Sohunpore,  and  in  two  or 
three  large  topes  (woods)  close  to  it,  on  either  side 
of  the  Mujhowlee-road,  with  a tank  with  high  banks 
close  in  front  of  the  village  on  the  north,  in  which 
most  of  the  sepoys,  and  three  of  their  four  guns, 
were  posted.  On  arriving  within  little  more  than 
half  a mile  of  the  position  of  the  rebels,  I formed 
line,  and  took  ground  to  the  right,  to  turn  their  left 
flank,  and  act  more  easily  on  the  tank.  During  this 
movement,  the  enemy  pushed  forward  numerous 
skirmishers  into  the  topes  and  cultivation,  and 
opened  fire  of  guns  and  musketry  on  our  line.  Our 
skirmishers,  consisting  of  the  marines,  part  of  the 
naval  brigade,  and  Sikhs,  soon  returned  their  fire, 
doing  much  execution  among  the  enemy,  especially 
the  marines,  with  the  Minie  rifle.  We  also  opened 
fire  with  our  guns;  and  a few  shells  well  thrown  in 
two  or  three  directions,  checked  the  rebels  for  a 
time.  I advanced  the  line  a short  distance,  when 
the  main  body  of  the  enemy  rapidly  moved  to  their 
right,  to  join  a force  previously  in  position — I 
strongly  suspect,  on  our  left;  their  aim  apparently- 
being  to  surround  us  with  their  numbers.  I changed 
our  front  immediately  to  our  left.  During  this  time, 
a village  on  our  left  was  steadily  and  gallantly  held 
by  Lieutenant  Burlton  (40th  regiment  native  in- 
fantry), with  the  fifty  Sikhs,  and  I sent  two  compa- 
nies of  the  Ilamdull  regiment  of  Ghoorkas,  to  rein- 
force him  in  holding  that  post,  and,  if  possible,  to 
capture  a gun  firing  on  our  left.  Lieutenant  Burl- 
ton  reports  that  Subahdar  Himkumal  Bushnia  (9th 
company  Ramdull  Ghoorkas)  behaved  very  gallantly, 
constantly  encouraging  his  men,  and,  in  riding  at 
one  of  the  rebels  who  was  attacking  Lieutenant 
Burlton,  inflicting,  fortunately,  only  a cut  through 
his  turban  and  helmet,  the  subahdar  was  severely 
wounded  by  a tulwar-cut  round  the  left  hip,  a Sikh 
then  rushing  up,  cutting  down,  and  killing  the  rebel. 
After  changing  ground  to  the  left,  I advanced  the 
line  towards  the  enemy,  now  and  then  allowing  our 
guns  to  throw  a shell  or  two.  The  enemy  made  a 
show  of  advancing  a short  distance,  with  about  fifty 
sowars  in  their  front.  After  advancing  the  line  a 
short  distance,  two  or  three  shells  were  beautifully 
pitched  into  the  midst  of  this  large  body  of  foot  and 
horsemen,  at  900  or  1,000  yards  distance,  scattering 

•Royal  marines,  30;  naval  brigade,  130;  Ram- 
dull Ghoorka  regiment,  500  ; Gorucknath  ditto,  350 
(one  company  of  this  regiment  being  at  Sewan,  and 
two  in  camp);  four  guns  (12-pounder  howitzers),  two 
being  mountain-train ; Captain  Rattray’s  Sikhs,  50. 


MUTINY.  [b.\iti,e  of  sohuxpore. 


them  in  all  directions.  I am  sorry  there  was  no 
opportunity  to  allow  of  the  Ghoorkas  joining  in  a 
charge.  The  main  body  then  moved  rapidly  to  their 
left,  as  if  to  gain  their  old  position  in  the  topes  and 
village.  Our  line  was  changed  to  the  right.  During 
the  former  advance  and  this  movement,  the  rebel 
skirmishers  -were  firing  from  heavy  cover  on  us  from 
our  right  and  right  rear.  I ordered  the  marines  to 
skirmish  and  cover  our  right,  and  two  companies  of 
the  Gorucknath  regiment,  who  were  placed  in  re- 
serve to  cover  our  right  rear.  The  line  and  skir- 
mishers advanced,  firing  a few  rounds  from  our  guns 
into  the  topes,  and  in  the  direction  of  the  tank. 
The  rebels  seem  to  have  had  only  a rear-guard  at 
this  time  left  at  Sohunpore.  The  skirmishers  ra- 
pidly advanced  into  the  topes,  which  we  found  quite 
clear  of  the  enemy.  Three  tents  of  Baboo  Koer 
Sing’s  nephew,  llurkishen  Sing,  were  here  found 
all  pitched,  and  a quantity  of  grain,  &c.  I ordered 
the  tents  to  be  burned  at  once.  We  then  moved  to 
the  right,  to  get  on  the  Mujhowlee-road,  and  con- 
tinued our  advance  without  delay  to  Mujhowlee, 
some  six  miles  distant.  Within  about  two  miles  of 
Mujhowlee,  we  saw  the  rear  of  the  rebels  entering 
the  place ; and  on  nearing  it,  I ordered  the  marines, 
and  part  of  the  naval  brigade,  and  four  companies  of 
the  Gorucknath  regiment,  to  push  on  rapidly  after 
the  Sikhs  composing  the  advance  guard,  in  the  hope 
of  capturing  their  guns,  crossing  the  deep  ford  of  the 
Gundah.  I am  happy  to  say  one  large  iron  6-pounder 
gun,  and  limber  complete,  full  of  ammunition,  was 
taken  near  the  river.  The  Sikhs,  and  some  men  of 
the  Gorucknath  regiment,  with  Captain  Koolpurshad 
Sing  Bushnial,  were  among  the  first  down  at  the  ; 
river  in  capturing  the  gun.  The  cultivation  was  so 
heavy,  and  we  advanced  on  so  quickly,  it  was  diffi- 
cult to  ascertain  the  number  of  the  rebels  killed. 
Two  other  tumbrils — one  full  of  ammunition,  the  other 
of  powder — and  some  carts,  were  also  taken.  The 
rebels,  by  all  reports  and  appearances,  were  1,100  or  ' 
1,200  sepoys,  and  between  4,000  and  5,000  other  ^ 
armed  men.  The  Naib  Nazim,  Mushurruf  Khan,  was 
present  in  the  action  with  his  force,  and  also  Ali  Kur- 
reem,  Moulvie  of  Patna,  who  was  first  reported  to  , 
have  been  killed  in  the  action,  but  now  said  to  have  | 
got  away  the  evening  before.  The  governor-general  : 
will  be  pleased  to  learn,  that  this  one  day’s  work  has 
completely  cleared  the  district  of  this  horde  of 
marauding  rebels,  relieving  the  many  villages  of 
their  plundering  and  oppression.  The  rajah  of 
Mujhowlee  and  the  people  gladly  welcomed  us,  as 
did  other  people  on  the  road.  The  rajah  states  that 
the  rebels  made  sure  of  surrounding  and  destroying 
us,  as  we  were  so  few,  and  of  being  able  to  get  into 
Chuprah,  and  to  plunder  the  district.  The  rajah  also 
states  that,  with  the  sepoys,  matchlockmen,  sword 
and  spearmen,  the  rebels  were  more  than  6,000  or 
7,000  strong.  I do  not  think  the  rebels  had  heard 
of  the  arrival  of  the  second  Ghoorka  regiment  on  the 
25th  of  December.  I learn  from  the  Mujhowlee 
rajah,  and  other  reports,  that  there  must  have  been  | 
some  120  of  the  rebels  killed,  by  the  number  of 
bodies  since  seen  in  their  positions  in  the  field.  I 
Besides  many  wounded,  a few  rebels  were  killed  at  I 
the  ford,  and  six  in  one  boat.  I am  happy  to  say  we 
have  had  few  casualties.  The  gun  and  basket-firing  ! 
of  the  rebels  was  too  high,  their  round  shot  and  * 
matchlock  bullets  mostly  passing  over  our  heads,  one 
round  shot  killing  a dhooly  bearer  and  a villager  in 
our  real-.  A Ghoorka  private  of  the  Gorucknath 
regiment  was  wounded  by  a musket-ball,  and  also 

229 


COLONEL  ROWCROFT’s  DESPATCH.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  1857-’58. 


one  of  the  magistrate’s  sowars.  It  is  a marvel  none 
in  the  line  were  hit,  for  numbers  of  the  round  shot, 
&c.,  passed  over  or  by  us,  tearing  up  the  ground,  and 
ricochetting,  but  without  hitting  any  one.  The  action 
commenced  about  10  A.M. ; and  by  half-past  1 P.M.  we 
had  dispersed  the  rebels,  and  driven  them  through  the 
topes  and  village  of  Sohunpore,  and  had  followed  them 
up  and  driven  them  out  of  Mujhowlee,  and  over  the 
river  Gundah  by  4 P.M.  The  troops  had  a hard  day’s 
work,  and  went  through  their  fatigue  most  cheer- 
fully. I was  myself  in  the  saddle  for  ten  hours,  or 
would  have  written  to  you  earlier ; but  I wrote  and 
reported  our  advance  and  successful  attack,  and  com- 
plete operation,  to  Brigadier-general  Macgregor, 
with  Maharajah  Jung  Bahadoor,  the  same  evening, 

; express  to  Bettiah.  AVe  bivouacked  for  the  night 
near  the  river,  having  marched  without  tents  or 
baggage,  except  two  or  three  tents  for  the  men  of  the 
naval  brigade,  and  a few  hackeries  for  the  ammuni- 
! tion,  and  to  carry  the  Ghoorkas  and  Sikhs  in  case  of 
' accidents  during  the  action. 

I “I  marched  again  ye.sterday  morning  (27th  De- 
cember) with  a detachment  of  the  naval  brigade, 
two  guns,  eight  companies  of  Ghoorkas  (400  men), 
and  the  Sikhs — crossed  the  river,  and  moved  through 
Selimpore,  and  about  two  miles  beyond,  to  the  house 
of  one  Narain  Dial  Conengoe,  formerly  an  assistant 
collector,  who  had  been  forward  in  marauding  and 
giving  aid  to  the  rebels.  His  house  was  blown  up, 
burnt,  and  destroyed.  We  also  moved  to  another 
village,  to  the  house  of  one  Sungram  Lall,  the 
nephew  and  toomandar  of  the  above,  and  destroyed 
his  house ; but  neither  of  tlie  villages  was  injured. 
We  returned  to  camp  at  half-past  4 P.M. 

“ I need  hardly  say  that  the  troops  behaved,  as  Bri- 
tish marines  and  seamen  ever  do,  most  excellently  and 
gallantly  : Captain  Sotheby  was  ever  ready  and  pre- 
sent with  the  guns,  and  to  afford  me  every  assistance 
in  the  field.  Captain  Sotheby  has  paid  great  atten- 
tion to  the  drill  and  training  of  the  naval  brigade 
for  land  service,  and  in  quickly  training  the  horses 
and  ponies  for  the  guns — horses  for  the  large  12- 
pounder  guns,  and  ponies  for  the  three  others,  and 
the  seamen  to  ride  and  act  as  gunners ; and,  under 
Lieutenant  Turner,  R.N.,  in  charge  of  the  artillery, 
they  have  had  constant  drill  and  training,  and  are 
now  ready  and  steady  for  field  service,  and  were  in 
the  action  of  the  26th  Dpcember. 

“ Major  Captain  Sree  Bhuggut  Khanks,  command- 
ing Ilamdull  regiment ; Captain  Dercedass  Opu- 
diah,  Ramdull  regiment ; Captain  Koolpurshad  Sing 
Bushnial,  commanding  Gorucknath  regiment,  and  all 
the  officers  of  the  two  Ghoorka  regiments,  were 
anxious  and  ready  to  render  good  service ; and  the 
men  of  both  regiments  were  steady  and  willing  in 
the  field,  and  kept  well  to  the  front  with  the  Euro- 
pean force. 

*'  I respectfully  beg  to  recommend  Captain  Sotheby, 
R.N.,  of  her  majesty’s  steam-frigate  Pearl,  and  all 
the  civil,  military,  and  naval  officers,  to  the  favour- 
able notice  of  the  right  honourable  the  governor- 
general. 

“I  have  reports  that  the  rebels  left  their  gun 
which  played  on  our  left  behind  them,  in  some  well 
or  jungle  at  Sohunpore,  and  also  the  two  guns  they 
are  said  to  have  crossed  over  the  river,  somewhere 
hidden  beyond  Selimpore.  The  rebels  will  feel  the 
want  of  their  guns  and  ordnance  stores  at  Goruck- 
pore,  as  they  are  said  to  be  in  want  of  ammunition. 

“ On  the  evening  of  the  26th,  I dispatched  a mes- 
senger to  Myrwa  to  move  on  the  camp  and  baggage, 

230 


which  was  carefully  brought  on  to  this  place  at  4 '' 
P.M.  yesterday,  under  Lieutenant  Hamilton,  8th  j 
regiment  native  infantrj',  doing  duty  with  the  naval  | 
brigade.  ! 

“ I have  ordered  a bridge  of  boats  to  be  got  ready 
to  cross  the  river  to-morrow,  to  facilitate  the  move- 
ment over  of  the  numerous  hackeries,  the  only  car- 
riage we  have ; to  be  ready  to  move  and  act  accord- 
ing to  reports  brought  in,  and  probable  orders  from 
Brigadier-general  Macgregor,  and  to  co-operate  with  ‘ 
the  maharajah’s  Nepaulese  army. 

“ A few  sepoys  and  rebels  were  brought  in  pri- 
soners during  yesterday.  They  will  be  duly  and 
speedily  disposed  of.  Proclamations  have  been  sent 
out  to  the  villagers  to  capture  all  rebels,  and  offering 
rewards. — I have,  &c. — H.  Rowceoft,  Colonel, 

“ Commanding  Sarun  Field  Force.” 

Having  at  length  put  Cawnpore  into  an 
efficient  state  of  defence,  and  restored  dis- 
cipline in  the  camp  there,  after  the  irregu-  | 
larities  that  followed  the  disastrous  occur- 
rences of  the  later  days  of  November,  the 
commauder-iu-chief  appointed  Brigadier  , 
Inglis  (of  Lucknow)  to  the  command,  vice  \ 
General  Windham,  removed  toUmballah; 
and  on'  the  24th  of  December,  Sir  Colin 
Campbell,  with  a force  of  about  8,000  men, 
commenced  his  march  towards  Futteghur 
(the  British  cantonment  of  Furruckabad), 
px’oceeding  by  the  Great  Trunk-road.  On 
the  28th  of  the  month,  his  force  reached 
Meerun-ki- Serai,  where  he  opened  commu- 
nications with  Colonel  Seaton  at  ]\Iynpoorie, 
through  Lieutenant  Hudson,  of  the  irregu-  > 
lar  horse  which  bears  his  name  ; who,  with 
a hundred  of  his  men,  made  a rapid  dash 
over  ninety  miles  of  country  overrun  with 
rebels ; and  having  received  the  chiePs 
orders  for  the  advance  of  Colonel  Seaton  to 
Furruckabad,  he  galloped  back  to  hlyn- 
poorie,  having  narrowly  escaped  being 
crossed  in  his  ride  by  the  retreating  troops 
and  guns  of  the  rajah  of  Etawah,  who  had  , 
been  driven  from  that  town  by  Seaton’s  ! 
column  during  his  absence.  In  the  mean- 
time Sir  Colin  Campbell  continued  his 
advance  along  the  Great  Trunk-road,  and, 
on  the  29th,  reached  Jellalabad,  a small 
village  two  marches  from  Futteghui’,  where 
a large  body  of  matchlockmen,  with  several 
guns,  appeared  to  dispute  his  further  pro- 
gress. Without  a moment’s  delay  the  ! 
rebel  force  was  saluted  with  a discharge  of  i 
grape  and  round  shot;  and  without  an  effort 
to  maintain  their  position,  the  insurgents  | 
dispersed,  lea\dng  behind  them  eighteen 
pieces  of  cannon,  besides  a quantity  of 
small  arms  which  they  threw  away  in  their 
flight.  On  the  1st  of  the  month  of  January, 
the  head-quarters  of  the  British  force  were 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


A.D.  1858.] 


[advance  on  futteghur. 


at  the  village  of  Goorsuhagunjc,  six  miles 
beyond  -which  the  road  crosses  the  Kalee 
Nuddee  by  a suspension-bridge,  which  the 
enemy  had  broken  down,  and  had  also 
taken  the  precaution  to  remove  or  destroy 
all  the  boats  in  the  vicinity.  A brigade 
was  at  once  sent  forward  with  the  sappers 
to  restore  this  means  of  communication, 
and  by  the  morning  of  the  2nd,  the  bridge 
was  nearly  completed,  %vhen  the  repairing 
party  was  fired  upon  from  a village  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  river.  Had  the  enemy 
ventured  upon  this  interruption  some  two 
or  three  hours  earlier,  they  might,  from  the 
nature  of  the  ground  on  the  other  side  of 
the  stream,  have  caused  very  serious  annoy- 
ance; but  they  fortunately  delayed  until 
the  bridge  was  nearly  completed.  A heavy 
cannonade  was  instantly  opened  upon  the 
village  by  the  guns  of  the  naval  brigade, 
while  the  whole  force  was  brought  up ; and 
the  bridge  being  now  finished,  the  men  ad- 
vanced across  it,  and  deployed  in  front  of 
the  village.  The  rebels  scarcely  had  time 
to  look  upon  the  British  troops  before  they 
were  swept  from  the  position  they  had 
taken,  and  driven  up  the  road  towards  Fut- 
teghm’,  for  several  miles,  by  the  cavalry  and 
horse  artillery,  losing  six  guns  and  a quan- 
tity of  ammunition  in  their  hasty  flight. 
Encamping  for  the  night  at  the  twelfth 
milestone  from  Futteghur,  Sir  Colin  marched 
upon  that  cantonment  early  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  4th,  and  hopes  ran  high  that 
before  the  close  of  that  day  many  a trea- 
cherous murder  would  be  avenged  upon  the 
very  spot  on  which  it  had  been  perpetrated ; 
but  they  were  not  realised.  At  three 
o’clock  P.M.,  the  advanced  column  reached 
the  station,  but  no  semblance  of  human 
existence  was  there  to  meet  it — no  sound 
was  heard  save  the  echoes  of  the  footfall  of 
the  impatient  band  that  thirsted  for  retri- 
bution. During  the  preceding  night  the 
rebel  camp  had  broken  up,  and  its  recreant 
occupiers  had  fled  from  the  station ; two 
heavy  guns  stood  ready  shotted  on  the 
parade-ground ; the  intrenched  camp  was 
left  all  standing,  filled  with  the  furniture, 
carriages,  and  other  property  of  the  fugitive 
English  residents,  afterwards  murdered  on 
their  passage  down  the  Ganges  by  order  of 
Nana  Sahib.*  All  the  enemy’s  guns,  ex- 
cept two,  which  he  had  carried  off,  and  a 
large  quantity  of  stores  and  ammunition, 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  disappointed  sol- 
diers upon  this  occasion.  On  the  5th,  the 
• See  vol.  i.,  p.  349. 


city  of  Furruckabad,  three  miles  distant, 
was  also  taken  possession  of  by  Sir  Colin 
Campbell,  and,  to  the  intense  dissatisfac- 
tion of  the  troops  under  his  command, 
without  the  slightest  attempt  at  opposition, 
the  whole  of  the  rebel  force  having  aban- 
doned the  place. 

Fortunately,  their  retreat  had  been  so 
precipitate,  that  they  had  not  time  to  de- 
stroy the  government  property  within  the 
town;  and  thus  Sir  Colin  found  a large 
quantity  of  stores  of  the  most  valuable  de- 
scription, belonging  to  the  gun  and  clothing 
departments,  available  for  his  immediate 
use.  Having  secured  these  important  items 
of  military  property,  the  commander-in- 
chief  sent  a large  stock  of  grain  to  Cawn- 
pore,  to  assist  the  commissariat  in  supplying 
the  troops  of  Sir  James  Outram  at  the 
Alumbagh.  Tlie  nawab  of  Furruckabad 
had  long  been  notorious  as  one  of  the  most 
ferocious  leaders  of  the  insurgents,  and  the 
time  had  now  arrived  when  punishment 
could  no  longer  be  evaded.  In  a telegram 
from  the  commander-iu-chief  at  this  time, 
it  is  stated  — “The  destruction  of  the 
nawab’s  palace  is  in  progress.  I think  it 
right  that  not  a stone  should  be  left  un- 
turned in  all  the  residences  of  the  guilty 
chiefs.  They  are  far  more  culpable  than 
their  misguided  followers.” 

A letter  from  an  officer  attached  to  the 
force  with  Sir  Colin  Campbell,  has  the  fol- 
lowing details  of  the  action  of  the  2nd  of 
January,  at  the  Kalee  Nuddee,  and  of  the 
advance  to  Futteghur  on  the  following  day. 
After  describing  the  movements  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief on  his  way  from  Cawnpore, 
the  writer  says — “ His  course  lay  from 
Meerun-ki-Serai  to  Goorsuhagunje,  where 
head-quarters  were  established  on  the  1st 
of  January.  A brigade  was  sent  on  to  ' 
repair  the  suspension-bridge,  fourteen  miles 
from  that  place.  They  commenced  work 
on  the  1st,  and,  by  the  morning  of  the 
2nd,  had  finished  it  all  but  one  or  two 
planks,  which  they  were  laying  down  when 
Sir  Colin  saw  the  villagers  come  out  of  the 
village  opposite.  He  desired  some  one  to 
go  and  tell  them  not  to  be  afraid,  as  they 
would  not  be  hurt,  when  all  of  a sudden  off 
came  a round  shot  from  amongst  them, 
which  killed  four  men  of  the  53rd.  The 
enemy  were  then  discovered  to  be  in 
force : the  naval  brigade  opened  on  the  vil- 
lage for  about  two  hours,  the  enemy  re- 
turning the  fire  with  an  18-pounder  and 
9-pouuder.  The  bridge  was  soon  finished, 

OQ] 

i. 


FUTTEGHUR FLIGHT  OF  THE  REBELS.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  1858. 


1 


and  then  Sir  Colin  ivith  his  force  crossed, 
turned  the  enemy  out  of  the  village,  and 
pursued  them  with  cavalry  and  artillery  for 
about  eight  miles.  The  naval  rockets  blew 
up  a magazine  of  theirs  very  prettily,  and 
knocked  over  a 9-pounder;  this  and  another 
gun  they  left  in  the  village.  The  cavalry 
captured  four  more — one  an  18-pounder, 
and  plenty  of  ammunition ; in  all,  six  guns 
that  day.  Our  loss  was  Younghusband,  of 
the  Sikhs,  shot  through  the  lungs ; and 
INIaxwell,  of  the  artillery,  shot  through  the 
thigh.  General  Grant  was  slightly  touched, 
and  a spent  ball  hit  Sir  Colin  on  the 
stomach,  but  did  not  injure  him ; four  men 
of  the  53rd  were  killed,  and  six  or  seven  of 
the  8th  were  also  knocked  over  by  a shell ; 
no  others  wounded.  They  encamped  at  the 
twelfth  milestone  from  here,  and  started 
again  on  the  3rd  at  11  a.m.  The  cavalry, 
the  night  before,  came  upon  a body  of  the 
rebels  in  the  open,  and  cut  them  up  in 
grand  style.  Fifty  bodies  were  counted  in 
a few  fields — all  sepoys.  The  force  came 
near  Futteghur  about  3 p.m.  ; and,  to  their 
disgust,  found  the  enemy  had  decamped 
during  the  night.  They  had  an  18  and  24- 
pounder  ready  loaded,  and  were  intrenched 
on  the  grand  parade;  also  an  intrenched 
camp  outside  the  fort.  They  left  all  their 
guns  but  two,  and  ammunition,  and  merely 
made  off  with  all  the  treasure,  and  two  guns 
^ to  protect  it.” 

j A letter  from  Futteghur,  dated  January 
i 5th,  stated,  that,  on  the  previous  day.  Nadir 
1 Khan,  one  of  the  individuals  concerned  in 
i executing  the  orders  of  Nana  Sahib  for  the 
' murder  of  the  European  women  at  Cawu- 
pore,  was  hanged  in  the  midst  of  a great 
number  of  the  native  inhabitants,  and  that 
' he  died  “ calling  upon  the  people  of  India 
to  draw  their  swords  and  assert  their  in- 
dependence, by  the  extermination  of  the 
English.” 

' Another  correspondent,  at  the  camp  of 
the  commander-in-chief,  says — “We  arrived 
at  Futteghur  about  5 p.m.  on  the  3rd  in- 
stant. We  had  a brush  with  the  rebels  on 
the  way,  and  gave  them  a sound  thrashing, 
killing  about  200,  and  capturing  seven 
guns — one  of  them  a 32-pounder.  The 
rebels  bolted  from  Futteghur,  leaving  ten 
guns,  a good  deal  of  ammunition,  and  a vast 
quantity  of  miscellaneous  plunder.  They 
have  gone  across  the  Ganges  into  Oude,  and, 
fools  like,  the  panic-stricken  wretches  could 
not  muster  up  courage  enough  to  wait  and 
blow  up  the  bridge  of  boats, which,  if  thevhad 
232 


done,  would  have  delayed  us  for  a week  at 
least,  instead  of  leaving  us,  as  now,  at  liberty 
to  cross  over  at  any  moment  we  choose.  I 
The  chief’s  force  suffered  much  during  the  i 
advance  on  Futteghur.  The  ‘ old  man’  was  I 
determined  to  push  on,  and  all  in  camp  ' 
were  eager  to  carry  out  his  ideas.  Forced 
marches,  and  sometimes  nothing  for  break-  j 
fast  and  dinner,  were  accordingly  the  order  | 
of  the  day.  Add  to  this,  lots  of  hard  work, 
and  bivouacking  on  the  open  plain,  and  you  | 
will  be  able  to  form  something  like  an  accu-  i 
rate  idea  of  the  march  from  Cawnpore. 
The  rebels’  camp  at  Futteghur  was  a curi- 
ous'sight.  It  had  evidently  been  abandoned 
in  haste,  and  in  hot  haste  too.  It  was  full 
of  articles  plundered  from  Europeans.  For 
instance,  ladies’  boots  and  shoes,  with  por-  | 
tions  of  dress,  and  many  articles  of  personal  | 
requirement  among  females  and  children, 
were  strewn  about  all  over  the  camp.  The  1 
Pandies  must  have  been  in  a great  fright,  | 
which  we  shall,  doubtless,  increase  before 
long.  AYe  care  not  how  soon.” 

Previous  to  the  flight  of  the  rebels  from 
Furruckabad,  the  nawab  had  fired  a por- 
tion of  the  town,  and  allowed  his  retainers 
to  plunder  it.  At  one  time  he  had  evi- 
dently contemplated  resistance,  as  heavy 
guns  were  mounted  on  the  walls  of  his  fort, 
and  at  other  points  Avhich  might  have  been 
troublesome  to  the  advancing  troops;  but 
the  rapid  and  complete  discomfiture  of  his 
advanced  post  at  the  village  near  the  Kalee 
Nuddee,  assured  him  that  his  only  chance 
of  safety  consisted  in  flight;  and  he  fled  ac- 
cordingly, seeking  an  asylum  in  Oude,  the 
precise  quarter  iu  which  the  commander-iu- 
chief  desired  hereafter  to  meet  with  him. 

Almost  at  the  same  time  these  events 
were  in  progress.  Colonel  AA’^alpole,  who  had  | 
been  dispatched  from  Cawnpore  to  clear  i 
Etawah  with  his  column,  encountered  and 
defeated  the  enemy  at  a place  called  Akbar- 
pore,  where  he  captured  a number  of  guns, 
and  arrested  twenty  persons  of  Nana  Sahib’s  i 
immediate  retinue,  whom  he  tried  for  their  | 
complicity  in  that  chief’s  atrocities,  and  im-  ; 
mediately  hung.  From  thence,  marching  | 
by  Mynpoorie,  and  clearing  the  country  as  ! 
he  advanced,  he  at  length  joined  the  com- 
mauder-in-chief  at  Futteghur. 

On  the  1st  of  February,  Sir  Colin  Camp- 
bell broke  up  his  camp  at  Futteghur,  and  ; 
commenced  his  return  march  to  Cawnpore.  j 
Himself,  with  General  Mansfield,  and  the 
officers  of  his  staff,  pushed  on  in  advance  of  : 
the  army,  escorted  by  the  9th  lancers  and  I 


A.D.  1858.]  INDIAN  MUTINY.  [general  operations. 

a troop  of  Bengal  horse  artillery,  and,  pro- 
ceeding at  the  rate  of  twenty-five  miles 
a-day,  he  arrived  at  Cawnpore  on  the  4th  of 
the  month.  When  at  Soorajpore,  their 
last  halting-place  before  reaching  the  city, 
the  commander-in-chief  was  informed  that 
the  arch-rebel  and  murderer,  Nana  Sahib, 
was  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river  in  Oude, 
with  a small  guard  of  Mahratta  irregular 
infantry : there  was,  however,  no  means  by 
which  he  could  be  reached ; although,  hut 
for  the  intervention  of  the  river,  the  traitor, 
and  his  handful  of  adherents,  might  have 
been  surrounded,  and  their  capture,  living 
or  dead,  effected  by  the  chief’s  escort. 

The  main  body  of  troops  at  Futteghur 
followed  the  commander-in-chief  with  all 
speed ; the  82nd  regiment,  with  some  Sikh 
cavalry  and  infantr}'^,  only  remaining  to  pro- 
tect the  station.  Walpole’s  brigade  was 
withdrawn  across  the  Ganges,  from  the 
right  bank  of  the  Ramgunge,  on  the  farther 
side  of  which  he  had  been  watching  a large 
but  inactive  body  of  Rohilcund  rebels,  and 
arrived  at  Cawnpore  on  the  10th  and  11th. 
Hope’s  brigade,  which,  on  the  26th  of 
January,  overthrew,  with  loss,  a body  of 
Mussulman  fanatics  at  Shumsabad  Mhow 
(twenty-five  miles  from  Futteghur),  reached 
Cawnpore  on  the  7th;  and  on  the  following 
day,  the  commander-in-chief  departed  by 
rail  for  Allahabad,  at  which  city  the  gov- 
ernor-general had  already  arrived,  for  the 
purpose  of  consultation  with  him.  The  in- 
terview was  important  in  its  results,  as  unity 
of  purpose  was  thereby  secured  between  the 
two  chief  authorities  in  India;  and,  on  the 
] 2th,  Sir  Colin  rejoined  the  army  at  Cawn- 
pore. 

Meanwhile,  Jung  Bahadoor,  with  his 
Ghoorkas,  remained  inactive  before  Fyza- 
bad  in  eastern  Oude,  being  unable  to  take 
the  place  for  want  of  ammunition.  Sup- 
plies were  consequently  ordered  for  him 
from  Benares;  and,  pending  their  arrival  at 
his  camp,  the  march  of  Brigadier  Franks,  on 
the  road  from  Jounpore  by  Sultanpore  to 
Lucknow,  was  halted  at  Budlapore.  Such 
were  the  respective  positions,  on  the  7th  of 
February,  of  the  two  auxiliary  forces  destined 
to  aid  the  commander-in-chief  in  the  recon- 
quest of  Oude. 

Turning  to  the  north-west  of  that  terri- 
tory, the  great  province  of  Rohilcund  still 
continued  a wide  field  of  disorder  and  out- 
rage, although,  by  the  beginning  of  February, 
no  less  than  five  Sikh  regiments  of  foot,  with 
cavalry  and  guns,  had  moved  down  the  roads 

VOL.  II.  2 H 

from  Lahore,  and  were  already  within  the 
boundary  of  the  province.  Before  their 
arrival,  however,  a severe  blow  had  been 
inflicted  upon  the  rebels  of  Bareilly.  Of 
these  depredators,  three  large  bodies  were 
stationed  at  the  following  points,  between 
Bareilly  and  the  hills  : — One  part)^  under 
Fuze  Huk,  held  the  road  to  Peeleebheel,  at 
a point  fourteen  miles  from  the  bottom  of 
the  Nynee  Tal  hill;  a second  was  at  Ruda- 
pore,  further  to  the  west ; and  a third  was 
in  the  centre,  on  the  main  Bareilly-road, 
twenty-four  miles  from  the  Nynee  Tal  hill, 
or  rather  from  the  camp  at  the  foot  of  the 
hill,  occupied  by  Colonel  M^Causland,  with 
the  66th  Ghoorkas,  some  500  Nepaulese 
and  hill-men,  with  irregular  horse,  and  four 
light  guns;  in  all,  about  1,200  men.  With 
this  little  force,  on  the  10th  of  February, 
the  colonel  attacked  the  rebels  on  the 
Bareilly-road  (commanded  by  Kalee  Khan, 
who  had  advanced  within  thirteen  miles  of 
his  camp),  and  utterly  routed  them,  captur- 
ing three  guns,  and  killing  and  wounding 
upwards  of  500  of  the  rebel  troops.  His 
own  loss,  in  killed  and  wounded,  was  thirty- 
five,  including  among  the  latter  two  officers 
of  the  66th  regiment.  The  action  over. 
Colonel  M'Causland  prudently  marched 
back  to  his  camp,  which  was  exposed  to 
attack  by  the  two  other  forces  of  the  enemy, 
having,  within  twenty-four  hours,  traversed 
nearly  thirty  miles,  and  fought  a pitched 
battle. 

At  this  period  all  was  quiet  in  the  Pun- 
jab, from  whence  Sikh  regiments  moved 
down  into  Hindostan;  while  European  ones 
came  from  Kurrachee  to  take  their  places. 
On  the  4th  of  the  month.  Sir  John  Law- 
rence arrived  at  Loodiana  with  the  17th 
Punjab  infantry,  on  his  way  to  Delhi  and 
Agra — the  districts  recently  handed  over  to 
his  superintendence ; and  from  Mooltan  the 
7th  fusiliers  had  arrived  at  Lahore,  relieving 
the  81st  regiment,  which  was  thus  free  to 
reinforce  the  scanty  garrison  at  Peshawur. 

At  the  same  time,  a small  Bombay  force 
left  Hyderabad,  in  Scinde,  for  Rajpootana, 
and  arnved  at  Jeysulmeer,  from  which 
point  it  might  be  conveniently  directed 
upon  Joudpore,  if  necessary.  The  Raj- 
pootanee  force,  under  General  Roberts,  had 
also  commenced  its  march  from  Nussee- 
rabad  to  Kotah.  In  Malwa,  the  energies  of 
the  rebels  appeared  to  be  crushed ; and 
the  execution  of  the  rajah  of  Amjhera,  at 
Indore,  had  stricken  a wholesome  terror 
among  the  disaffected.  The  delinquent  was 

233 

HEROISM  AT  TUl.LOWAN.] 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  1858, 


one  of  the  first  among  the  native  chiefs  to 
commence  disturbance  in  his  district;  but 
•was  spared  by  Sir  Robert  Hamilton,  the 
political  commissionei’,  when  his  ministers 
were  executed,  upon  the  ground  of  imbe- 
cility— a plea  that  no  longer  availed  him. 

Further  to  the  eastward,  in  Central 
India,  Sir  Hugh  Rose  and  General  Whit- 
lock were  pressing  on,  helping  to  reduce 
into  an  ever-narrowing  circle,  the  yet 
smonldering  fires  of  rebellion  and  anarchy. 
The  first-named  commander,  after  having 
relieved  Saugor  from  the  presence  of  the 
enemy,  moved  eastward  against  a strongly 
situated  fort,  called  Gurratoka,  about 
twenty-five  miles  from  that  place,  supposed 
to  be  occupied  by  the  remains  of  the  mu- 
tinous 52nd  Bengal  native  infantry.  He 
proceeded  to  invest  the  fort,  which,  how- 
ever, from  its  extent  and  situation,  his  force 
would  have  been  perfectly  inadequate  to 
accomplish,  when  the  occupants,  seized 
with  a panic,  fled  from  the  place.  A party 
of  cavahy  and  horse  artillery,  sent  in  pur- 
suit, cut  up  nearly  a hundred  of  the  fugi- 
tives ; and  theu,  having  demolished  the 
defences  of  the  fort.  Sir  Hugh  moved  M'ith 
his  brigade  towards  Jhansie,  on  which  point 
his  other  column,  with  Captain  Orr’s  force 
of  the  Hyderabad  contingent,  had  already 
marched. 

During  these  operations  of  Sir  Hugh 
Rose,  and  pending  the  arrival  at  Jubbul- 
pore  of  General  Whitlock’s  force,  a small 
Madras  column,  sent  out  from  that  station 
on  the  Great  Deccan-road  to  the  Ganges, 
had  not  been  idle.  Several  rebel  villages 
were  destroyed ; and  an  attack  of  the  rebels 
in  force  upon  the  village  of  Sleemanabad, 
was  gallantly  repulsed  by  detachments  of 
the  28th  and  33rd  Madras  native  infantry. 
Communications  were  also  opened  with 
Captain  Osborne  and  the  rajah  of  Rewah, 
by  whom  the  fort  of  Bijrajooghur  had  been 
taken.  The  rajah  of  the  place  contrived  to 
escape  ; but  the  killadar  (commandant  of 
the  fort)  and  ninety-four  other  prisoners 
were  taken.  These  men  Captain  Osborne 
hesitated  to  exeeute,  doubting  the  temper 
of  the  Rewah  men ; and  he  accordingly  sent 
the  prisoners  down  the  road  to  the  Ma- 
drasees,  by  whom  they  were  readily  shot. 
General  Whitlock’s  force  was  to  leave  Jub- 
bulpore  about  the  15th  of  the  month,  and 
advance  in  two  divisions — one  along  the 
great  road  to  the  Ganges,  the  other  to 
Saugor  by  way  of  Dumoh. 

The  Calpee  rebels,  thus  pressed  upon  in 
234 


the  rear,  had  been  twice  compelled  to  mea- 
sure swords  with  the  British  troops — once 
near  Etawah,  Avhere  125  of  them  were  de- 
stroyed in  a walled  enclosure,  by  a force 
under  Mr.  Hume,  a collector;  and  the 
second  time  towards  Cawnpore,  where  a de- 
tachment of  the  88th  regiment  attacked  a 
party  of  them  Avhich  had  crossed  the 
Jumna,  and  utterly  routed  them,  leaving 
eighty  of  their  number  lifeless  on  the  field. 

In  the  presidency  of  Bombay,  since  the 
ocenpation  of  Shorapore  and  the  capture  of 
its  chief  at  Hyderabad,  the  Southern  Mah- 
ratta  country  had  remained  tranquil;  but, 
in  the  Sawnut  Warree  district,  a state  pri- 
soner (one  of  the  insurgents  of  1814) 
having  escaped  from  gaol,  collected  about 
200  followers,  and  attacked  a small  trea- 
sury station  of  the  government,  at  a place 
called  Tullowan,  defended  only  by  a havil- 
dar  and  ten  sepoys  of  the  ghaut  police. 
The  little  garrison,  on  being  summoned  to 
surrender  the  post,  manfully  refused  to  do 
so,  and  sustained  and  repulsed  a series  of 
attacks  from  the  armed  budmashes;  which 
continued  during  four  hours,  and  in  which 
several  daring  efforts  were  made  to  fire  the 
place  over  their  heads.  Failing  in  open 
assault,  the  rebels  demanded  a parley, 
through  an  influential  man  of  the  neigh- 
bouring village,  and,  during  the  conference, 
attempted  a surprise,  but  were  again  foiled. 
At  length  they  appeared  to  remember  that 
the  wives  and  children  of  the  soldiers  were 
in  the  village ; these  they  immediately 
seized,  and  placing  them  in  front  of  the 
position  held  by  the  loyal  treasury  guard, 
threatened  indescribable  atrocities  if  the 
place  and  treasure  were  not  instantly  snrren- 
dered  to  them.  To  their  threats,  and  to  the 
shrieks  of  the  terrified  captives,  the  brave 
men  were  alike  deaf;  and  at  length  the 
assailants  withdrew,  taking  with  them  the 
unfortunate  women  and  children.  Such 
were  among  the  cruel  incidents  of  the  ter- 
rible war  that  still  desolated  homes,  and 
destroyed  families,  throughout  the  wide 
and  bloodstained  provinces  of  Hindostan  at 
the  close  of  the  first  year  of  its  duration. 

Of  the  prospect  of  its  speedy  termination, 
expectations  Avere  vai'ious  and  sanguine,  in 
the  early  part  of  the  year  1858,  even  among 
those  who,  by  position  and  circumstances, 
were  naturally  deemed  well  informed  upon 
the  subject.  Of  the  confideuce  Avith  which 
the  entire  and  speedy  suppression  of  the 
reA'olt  was  then  asserted,  the  following 
passages,  in  a letter  received  by  Lord 


A.p.  1857.] 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


[lucknow. 


Elpliinstone,  the  lieuteuant-goveruor  of 
Bombay,  from  an  officer  of  distinction  in 
the  camp  of  the  commander-in-chief,  dated 
at  Meerun-ki-Serai,  on  the  28th  of  Decem- 
ber, may  be  instanced  as  one  proof  of  the 
mistaken  views  entertained  upon  tlie  sub- 
ject, even  by  persons  actually  upon  the 
scene  of  operations.  The  writer,  referring 
to  the  revolt  generally,  says,  “The  neck  of 
the  business,  all  over  the  country,  is 
broken and  the  whole  tone  of  intelli- 
gence forwarded  to  Europe  by  the  Indian 
mails  of  January,  might  be  understood  as 
expressed  by  those  few  but  positive  words. 
But  it  proceeded  yet  further  to  reassure  and 
inspirit  all  who  were  interested  in  the  paci- 
fication of  the  country,  and  the  personal 
safety  of  its  European  residents.  “Now,'^ 
said  the  letter,  “that  the  overwhelming 
superiority  of  the  British  forces  to  those  of 
the  mutineers  has  been  established  by  the 
series  of  brilliant  exploits,  that  ended  with 
the  rout  of  the  numerous,  and  well-ap- 
pointed, and  half-victorious  Gwalior  con- 
tingent, a desultory  and  comparatively 
feeble  opposition  is  all  that  is  likely  to  be 
encountered  in  our  progress  towards  the 


complete  pacification  of  the  country.  The 
Doab,  which  for  so  many  months  was  aban- 
doned to  rebel  chiefs  and  lawless  soldiery, 
has  been  swept  clear  of  the  enemy;  Bithoor, 
Etawah,  Mynpoorie,  Eutteghur,  Purruck- 
abad — all  in  our  hands.  Their  petty  rulers 
and  landholders,  if  still  at  large,  are  at 
least  fugitives  in  Bohilcuud  or  Oude,  and 
their  lands  have  passed  from  them  for  ever. 
The  mutineers  under  Bahadoor  Khan,  at 
Bareilly,  have  next  to  be  attacked;  and 
here  some  resistance  may  be  met  with ; 
but  neither  from  them,  nor  from  the  hordes 
whom  Sir  James  Outram  is  holding  in 
check  at  the  Alumbagh,  and  whose  destruc- 
tion will  be  the  latest  event  of  the  insur- 
rection, do  we  look  to  receive  anything 
more  than  a momentary  obstruction  to  the 
re-establishment  of  the  benign  and  just 
rule  of  England.” 

Unfortunately  for  the  accuracy  of  this 
prediction,  Oude  had  yet  to  be  conquered ; 
and  rivers  of  blood  were  yet  to  flow,  before 
the  blessings  of  peace  could  be  again 
realised  by  the  native  populations  of  the 
greater  portion  of  the  Anglo-Indian  empire, 
or  safety  be  insured  to  its  European  residents. 


CHAPTER  IX. 


BRITISH  FORCE  AT  THE  ALUMBAGH;  THE  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  AND  SIR  JAMES  OUTRAM;  ADVICE  AND 
CAUTION;  THE  STAFF  AT  FAULT;  THE  REBEL  TROOPS  IN  LUCKNOW;  BATTLE  OF  GUILEE  ; OFFICIAL 
DETAILS;  ACTIONS  OF  THE  12TH  AND  16TH  OF  JANUARY;  REPULSE  ON  THE  21ST  OF  FEBRUARY;  QUARREL 
BETWEEN  THE  DELHI  AND  OUDE  SEPOYS  IN  THE  CITY;  ADVANCE  OF  THE  REBEL  FORCE  ON  THE  2oTH  OF 
FEBRUARY;  THE  BEGUM  AND  COURT  IN  THE  FIELD;  DEFEAT  OF  THE  REBELS;  STATE  OF  LUCKNOW; 
ADVANCE  OF  THE  BRITISH  FORCE  UNDER  THE  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF;  THE  ASSAULT;  DEFEAT  AND  DIS- 
PERSION OF  THE  REBELS ; FINAL  OCCUPATION  OF  THE  CITY. 


It  will  be  remembered,  that  Avhen  Sir  Colin 
Campbell  retired  from  Lucknow,  in  Novem- 
ber, 1857,  with  the  relieved  garrison  of  the 
presideney,  and  the  women  and  children 
whom  he  had  rescued  from  destruction,  he 
left  Sir  James  Outram,  with  a strong  divi- 
sion of  British  troops,  to  hold  possession  of 
Alumbagh,  and  form  a nucleus  for  future 
operations  in  Oude.*  The  force  selected  by 
the  commander-in-chief  for  this  important 
service,  consisted  of  two  brigades  of  infantry, 

I composed  of  the  5th,  75th,  78th,  84th,  and 
90th  regiments  of  the  British  line,  the  1st 
* See  ante,  p.  98. 


Madras  European  regiment,  the  Ferozepore 
regiment  of  Sikhs,  the  12th  irregular  horse, 
a body  of  volunteer  cavalry,  and  a formi- 
dable detail  of  artillery,  engineers,  sappers, 
&c.,  &c.;  the  whole  amounting  to  about 
3,500  men,  partly  stationed  at  the  Alum- 
bagh, and  partly  in  an  intrenched  camp 
between  that  post  and  the  city. 

In  consequence  of  the  successful  result  of 
the  action  at  Cawnpore  on  the  6th  of  De- 
cember, it  appeared  of  importance  to  the 
commander-in-chief,  that  the  road  between 
that  place  and  Sir  James  Outrara’s  post  in 
Oude,  should  be  thenceforth  kept  free  from 

235 


LUCKNOW — CORRESPONDENCE.]  HISTOEY  OF  TECE 


[a.d.  1857. 


interruption  by  scattered  parties  of  the 
enemy,  and  the  communication  between 
himself  and  the  force  at  the  Alumbagh  ren- 
dered less  precarious.  In  order  to  effect 
this  desirable  object,  the  following  memo- 
randum was  forwarded  to  the  major-general 
by  the  chief  of  the  staff  at  Cawnpore  : — 

“ Head-quarters,  Cawnpore,  Dec.  8th. 

“The  commander-in-chief  is  of  opinion, 
that  you  should  take  immediate  steps  in 
pursuance  of  the  advantages  gained  the 
day  before  yesterday  at  Cawnpore,  to  put 
your  communications  with  this  place  in  a 
thoroughly  effective  condition.  You  will, 
therefore,  on  the  receipt  of  this  memo- 
randum, detach  to  the  rear  400  European 
soldiers,  200  Madras  infantry.  Captain 
Olphert’s  light  field  battery,  and  half  your 
cavalry,  with  all  your  camels. 

“This  force,  which  should  be  placed 
under  your  best  ofBcer,  must  clear  the  vici- 
nity of  the  road  from  Alumbagh  to  Cawn- 
pore, of  all  refractory  characters,  including 
Munsik  Ali,  who  disturbs  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Onoa.  This  force  will  collect,  as 
it  marches,  as  much  carriage  as  possible, 
bringing  it  to  the  north  bank  of  the 


Gauges,  to  be  laden  with  gram  and  sup- 
plies for  your  field  force.  The  difficulties 
of  procuring  carriage  at  Cawnpore  are 
very  great,  but  every  effort  is  being  made 
in  your  behalf.” 

The  instructions  thus  conveyed  appear  to 
have  been  met  with  strong  objection  by  Sir 
James  Outram,  who  considered  that  the 
weakening  of  his  force  to  so  great  an  extent, 
while  in  the  immediate  proximity  of  an 
enemy  nearly  ten  times  his  numerical 
strength,  would  be  to  risk  the  safety  of  the 
position  entrusted  to  him,  and,  in  all  proba- 
bility, might  lead  to  its  loss.  On  the  11th 
of  the  month,  therefore,  he  submitted  his 
view  of  the  inexpediency  of  the  measure  en- 
joined upon  him,  in  the  following  letter  to 
the  chief  of  the  staff,  for  the  information  of 
the  commander-in-chief : — 

“Camp,  Alumbagh,  Dec.  11th,  1857. 

“ Sir, — I am  directed  by  Major-general 
Sir  James  Outram  to  acknowledge  the  re- 
ceipt of  the  message  dispatched  by  you,  by 
cossid,  on  the  8th  instant,  with  the  account 
of  the  commander-in-chief  s victory  over  the 
Gwalior  force,  which  arrived  yesterday.  He 
did  not,  however,  bring  the  ‘ memorandum’ 
by  the  chief  of  the  staff,  for  the  guidance  of 
Sir  J.  Outram,  G.C.B.  Sir  James  only  re- 
ceived the  copy  of  that  this  morning.  He 
is  desirous  of  being  informed  if  the  memo- 
236 


randum  was  sent  by  the  cossid,  that  he  may 
deal  with  him  according  to  his  deserts,  if  he 
has  been  playing  false.  He  has  been  exam- 
ined, and  will  remain  a prisoner  until  infor- 
mation is  received  from  you. 

“ Sir  J.  Outram  is  much  concerned  to 
find,  by  that  ‘ memorandum,’  that  the  com- 
mander-in-chief  expects  him  to  detach  so  | 
large  a force  to  the  rear  as  400  Europeans  j 
and  200  Madras  infantry,  as  well  as  half  the  | 
cavalry,  and  Captain  Olphert’s  light  field 
battery. 

“ In  his  letter  to  the  governor-general  in 
council  of  the  9th  instant,  which  was  for- 
warded, under  a flying  seal,  for  the  com- 
mander-in-chiefs  information,  he  states — 
'We  have  barely  carriage  for  a weak  bri- 
gade ; which,  however,  could  not  be  detached 
with  prudence,  to  a distance  involving  an 
absence  of  more  than  a day,  without  ex- 
posing the  camp  to  considerable  risk, 
menaced  as  it  is  by  many  thousands  of  the 
enemy,  supported  by  several  guns  posted  in 
the  gardens  and  enclosures  on  this  side  of 
the  canal,  on  our  front  and  flanks,  which 
daily  send  round  shot  into  our  advanced 
posts,  though  from  so  great  a distance  as  to 
do  no  injury.’ 

“ The  enemy  are  now  busily  employed  in 
erecting  a battery  on  our  left  flank,  which  very 
likely  is  intended  for  defensive  purposes, 
but,  at  the  same  time,  might  become  offen- 
sive at  any  moment : they  are  also  daily 
strengthened  by  the  fugitives  of  the  army 
defeated  by  the  commander-in-chief. 

“ They  have  lately  brought  out  two  horse 
artillery  guns.  These  guns  could  do  much 
harm  by  moving  on  our  flanks,  if  we  had  no 
guns  of  a similar  description  to  oppose  to 
them ; and  it  must  be  recollected  that  they 
have  a strong  reserve  of  guns  in  the  city, 
which  might,  at  any  time,  be  brought  out 
against  this  camp  or  the  Alumbagh.  We 
are  also  entirely  without  gram,  and  we  shall 
be  obliged  to  make  more  distant  expeditions 
in  search  of  it;  and  these  parties  must,  of 
course,  be  increased  in  strength  in  propor- 
tion. 

“ The  cavalry  force  is  most  inefficient : 
the  horses  of  the  volunteer  cavalry,  and  the 
irregulars,  who  have  all  been  in  the  presi- 
dency, are  so  reduced  in  condition,  that 
they  can  render  little  or  no  service;  and 
our  present  want  of  gram,  and  the  cold  at 
night,  prevent  their  regaining  it.  The 
military  train  can  only  mount  140  men; 
their  saddle-trees  being  so  bad,  that  no 
amount  of  stuffing  suffices  to  prevent  sore 


i I 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


A.D.  1857.] 

backs ; and  these,  therefore,  comprise  the 
only  efficient  cavalry  ne  have. 

“ Detaching  200  ^Madras  infantry  from 
Bunuee,  would  weaken  Colonel  Fisher  too 
much,  as  strong  parties  of  the  enemy,  ac- 
companied by  guns,  have  been  reported  as 
moving  along  the  old  road  to  our  rear,  and 
in  the  direction  of  that  post;  and  Sir  James 
thought  it  expedient,  on  Colonel  Fisher’s 
application,  to  reinforce  him  with  50  Euro- 
peans; they  will,  however,  accompany  the 
convoy,  and  remain  at  Bunnee  on  their 
return. 

“The  major-general  also  writes  to  point 
out  the  extensive  nature  of  his  position,  the 
right  of  which  is  Jellalabad,  and  the  left 
resting  on  a village  to  the  left  of  the  main 
road — a front,  altogether,  of  nearly  four 
miles.  This  extent  is  rendered  necessary 
by  being  obliged  to  occupy  Jellalabad,  in 
which  direction  all  the  grazing  and  forage 
for  the  cattle  is  obtained ; and  the  villages 
on  the  left  front  and  flank  have  to  be  occu- 
pied, in  order  to  prevent  the  enemy  com- 
manding the  main  road  and  our  flank  with 
their  guns,  from  a very  strong  defensive 
position.  Sir  J.Outram  trusts  that  the  com- 
mander-in-chief will  view  these  points  in  the 
same  light  that  he  does,  and  agree  with  him 
in  the  inexpediency,  under  these  circum- 
stances, of  detaching  the  force  proposed  to 
the  rear. 

“ To-night,  the  convoy,  consisting  of  350 
camels,  will  leave  this  camp,  escorted  by  150 
European  infantry,  fifty  Sikhs,  and  twenty- 
five  cavalry,  and  be  joined  at  Buunee  by  fifty 
of  the  90th  regiment,  now  stationed  there. 
This  is  the  utmost  of  the  force  Sir  James 
feels  himself  justified  in  sending.  He  re- 
tains 150  camels,  for  the  purpose  of  bringing 
in  gram,  which,  from  information  received, 
he  hopes  to  lay  his  hands  on.  Your  letter 
only  specifies  camels;  and  Sir  James  has  not 
sent  any  carts,  as  it  delays  the  march  of  the 
convoy,  and  involves  a larger  escort  accom- 
panying it. — I have,  &c., 

“F.  Berkeley,  Colonel, 

“ Chief  of  the  Staff.” 

The  remonstrance  thus  submitted  by  Sir 
James  Outram,  through  the  chief  of  his 
staff,  was  by  no  means  satisfactory  to  Sir 
Colin  Campbell,  by  whose  orders  the 
following  memorandum  was  immediately 
transmitted  to  the  Alumbagh,  for  the  guid- 
ance of  the  major-general ; — 

“ Head-quarters,  Cawnpore,  Dec.  12th. 

“ The  commauder-in-chief  has  had  under 
his  consideration,  a letter  addressed  to  the 


[difference  of  opinion. 

chief  of  the  staff  by  Colonel  Berkeley, 
deputy-adjutant-general,  by  order  of  Major- 
general  Sir  James  Outram,  G.C.B.,  in  which 
the  reasons  of  the  latter  are  alleged  for  not 
giving  execution  to  his  excellency’s  orders, 
conveyed  in  the  memorandum  by  Major- 
general  Mansfield,  chief  of  the  staff,  on  the 
7th  of  December. 

“ It  is  a subject  of  the  deepest  regret  to 
his  exeellency  that  he  eanuot  coineide  in 
the  reasoning  of  Sir  James  Outram,  the  order 
above  alluded  to  having  been  considered 
with  the  greatest  care  before  it  was  given, 
with  reference  to  the  country  in  which  Sir 
James  Outram’s  camp  is  pitched,  and  the 
knowledge  of  what  it  is  in  the  power  of  the 
enemy  to  attempt. 

“ His  excellency  entreats  Sir  James  Out- 
ram to  believe  that  he  is  fully  alive  to  the 
circumstances  of  his  position,  and  he  does 
not  think  it  possible  for  him  to  be  threat- 
ened by  real  danger. 

“ Including  the  posts  of  Alumbagh  and 
Bunnee,  Sir  James  Outram  has  at  his  dis- 
posal 4,400  fighting-men,  of  which  the  bulk 
is  composed  of  European  infantry,  besides  a 
very  powerful  artillery.  The  effect  of  the 
late  successes  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
Ganges,  cannot  but  be  felt  throughout  the 
province  of  Oude  as  elsewhere. 

“ If  the  left  be  threatened  by  a battery, 
his  excellency  would  suggest  the  advisability 
of  attacking  and  destroying  it  before  it  can 
become  a cause  of  annoyance.  If,  on  the 
occasion  of  a detachment  going  out.  Sir 
James  has  fears  for  his  position,  his  excel-  ; 
lency  would  further  venture  to  suggest 
that  the  front  of  the  camp  should  be  con- 
tracted, or  that  it  should  be  converted 
into  a bivouac,  in  case  of  really  imminent 
danger. 

“ The  strength  of  detachments  is  always 
calculated  by  the  commander-in-chief  with 
the  greatest  care,  with  reference  to  general 
circumstances,  with  which  it  is  hardly  pos- 
sible that  any  one  but  his  excellency  should 
be  acquainted. 

“ In  conclusion,  his  excellency  observes, 
that  nothing  advanced  in  this  memorandum 
is  said  by  way  of  reproach,  but  merely  of 
advice  and  friendly  caution.” 

The  “ advice”  and  “ caution”  thus  fur- 
nished, might  naturally,  from  its  tone,  seem 
to  require  the  paragraph  that  closed  the 
memorandum,  which  was  calculated  to 
operate  as  a salve  to  the  wound  that  docu- 
ment might  tacitly  inflict  upon  the  feelings 
of  an  officer  of  the  rank  and  merit  of  Sir 

237 


LUCKNOW — THE  STAFF  AT  FAULT.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.p.  1857. 


James  Outram,  who,  as  a disciplinarian 
himself,  could  do  no  other  than  bow  in 
silence  to  the  reproof  thus  administered  to 
him  by  his  supei’ior  in  rank  and  responsi- 
bility. Further  correspondence  on  the  sub- 
ject was  therefore  avoided;  but  the  irritable 
feeling  on  either  side  had  scarcely  time  to 
calm  down,  before  some  ” routine’^  blunders 
in  the  quartermaster-general’s  department 
at  the  Alumbagh,  brought  down  the  follow- 
ing communication  from  the  chief  of  the 
staff,  “ for  the  guidance  of  Sir  James  Out- 
ram,”  and  his  officers  in  charge  of  depart- 
ments : — 

Head-quarters,  Cawnpore,  Dec.  15th. 

“ Two  hundred  gun-bullocks  have  been 
dispatched  to  Sir  J.  Outram,  yoked  to  carts. 
He  will  have  the  goodness  to  apply  them  to 
the  guns.  A fortnight’s  provisions  for  all 
Sir  James  Outram’s  force,  including  Bun- 
nee,  together  with  what  stores  of  clothing, 
tentage,  and  boots,  it  is  in  the  power  of 
Brigadier  Inglis,  commanding  at  Cawnpore, 
to  give. 

“ Sir  James  Outram  will  arrange  in 
future,  by  order  of  his  excellency,  to  send  a 
sufficient  escort,  with  carriage,  once  a fort- 
night, to  take  out  what  supplies  he  may 
want  from  Cawnpore  to  his  camp.  This 
escort  must  never  consist  of  less  than  350 
European  infantry,  150  native  infantry, 
seventy  cavalry  soldiers,  together  with  two 
field  guns.  Colonel  Pisliei*,  commanding  at 
Buunee,  being  under  the  command  of  Sir 
James  Outram,  will  be  supplied  by  the  com- 
missariat of  the  major-general’s  division, 
and  not  from  that  of  Cawnpore,  which  be- 
longs to  another. 

“ It  will  be  easy  for  Captain  Maclean  and 
Captain  Christopher  so  to  arrange  together, 
under  the  orders  of  the  deputy-commis- 
sary-general, that  the  supplies  meant  for 
Bunnee,  shall  not  travel  onwards  to  Alum- 
bagh. 

“ Sir  J.  Outram  is  informed  that,  owing 
to  the  neglect  of  his  deputy-assistant-quar- 
termaster-general, or  other  staff  officer,  a 
quantity  of  flannel  shirts  and  serge  jackets, 
besides  other  articles,  which  had  been  pro- 
vided by  the  commander-in-chief  for  the  use 
of  his  ffivision,  were  positively  allowed  to 
return  to  Cawnpore,  instead  of  being  made 
use  of  as  intended. 

“The  chief  of  the  staff  is  aAvare  that 
an  order  was  issued,  on  the  occasion  of 
the  commandcr-in-chief  quitting  Alumbagh, 
that  the  quilts,  &c.,  brought  for  Sir  James 
Outram’s  division,  should  be  taken  charge 
238 


of  at  once.  It  appears  never  to  have 
occurred  to  his  staff  officer  to  have  examined 
the  other  bales  besides  those  containing 
quilts,  although  it  was  perfectly  well  known 
to,  every  one  in  the  force,  that  what  stores 
were  in  Alumbagh,  had  been  brought  solely 
for  the  use  of  the  Lucknow  garrison  under 
Sir  James  Outram. 

“ Sir  James  Outram  is  requested  to  in- 
form the  officers  subordinate  to  Colonel 
Berkeley,  now  on  the  staff  of  his  division,  of 
the  commander-in-chief’s  marked  displea- 
sure on  this  account,  and  to  enforce  their 
personal  attention  and  superintendence  of 
every  duty  committed  to  their  charge. 
Any  staff  officer  failing  in  this  respect  in 
future,  will  be  immediately  deprived  of  his 
appointment,  according  to  a general  order 
lately  published  on  the  subject.” 

It  may  be  presumed,  that  the  warning 
thus  given  had  its  intended  eflect,  as  no 
record  appears  to  be  extant  of  any  con- 
tinued displeasure  of  the  commauder-in- 
chief  with  the  staff  at  the  Alumbagh ; nor 
did  another  instance  occur  during  its  occu- 
pation by  Sir  James  Outram,  of  objections 
to  the  declared  arrangements  of  Sir  Colin 
Campbell. 

We  may  now  resume  our  detail  of 
active  operations  in  connection  with  the 
important  position  held  by  the  force 
under  Major-general  Sir  James  Outram, 
and  the  final  reoccupation  of  the  capital 
of  Oude. 

From  the  time  of  the  departure  of  the 
commandci’-in-chief,  on  the  night  of  the 
22nd  of  November,  no  serious  aggression 
on  the  part  of  the  rebels  was  attempted 
until  the  22nd  of  the  following  month, 
when  General  Outram  received  information 
that  the  enemy  Avere  preparing  to  cut  off 
his  communication  with  CaAvnpore,  and  to 
form  a chain  of  outposts  between  the  camp 
and  Bunnee,  about  fourteen  miles  on  the 
Cawnpore-road,  where  he  intended  to  place 
guns  in  position ; and  to  effect  this  purpose, 
5,000  men,  with  four  guns,  were  collected 
at  a village  called  Guilee,  about  three  miles 
from  the  camp,  in  the  direction  of  Dil- 
koosha,  and  at  a short  distance  from  tlie 
city.  The  troops  at  the  Alumbagh  Avere 
already  becoming  tired  of  the  inactivity 
enforced  by  their  position;  and  Sir  James 
Outram,  feeling  that  the  occasion  war- 
ranted immediate  action,  determined  upon 
taking  the  enemy  by  surprise,  and  thus 
frustrating  their  project.  Accordingly,  the 
necessary  force  for  an  attack  Avas  detailed 


A.D.  1857.]  INDIAN 

off;  and  at  4 o’clock  a.m.  on  the  22nd  of 
December,  the  troops — consisting  of  1,100 
infantry,  and  150  cavalry,  with  six  guns 
— marched  from  the  station,  and  arrived 
near  the  advanced  picket  of  the  enemy  by 
daybreak.  The  force  quietly  approached, 
under  cover  of  a ruined  callage,  until 
Avitliin  a hundred  yards  of  the  rebels,  when 
they  halted ; and  scouts  were  sent  out  to 
discover  their  position.  These  were  absent 
but  a few  minutes,  when  they  returned  and 
reported  to  the  general.  Sir  James  Outram 
at  once  advanced  alone  a short  distance, 
to  satisfy  himself  of  their  accuracy,  and  then 
silently  beckoned  to  the  troops  to  advance. 
As  they  emerged  into  the  open  plain  in 
rear  of  the  village,  the  cavalry  videttes  of 
the  enemy  were  seen  directly  in  front  of 
them;  but  so  completely  surprised  were  the 
latter,  that  for  some  moments  they  stood 
gazing  upon  the  advancing  column  as  if 
incredulous  of  sight.  They  at  length  chal- 
lenged ; but  without  loitering  for  a reply, 
the  astonished  troopers  discharged  their  car- 
bines at  random,  and  galloped  off  to  their 
main  body.  As  soon  as  the  English  troops 
were  fairly  in  the  open  ground,  but  before 
they  could  deploy  into  line,  the  enemy, 
who  were  favourably  posted  in  a thick  tope, 
fired  upon  them  Avith  musketry  and  round 
shot.  Sir  James  Outram  at  once  gave  the 
order  to  form  line  and  advance ; and  with- 
out giving  the  rebels  time  to  fire  a second 
volley,  the  troops  rushed  foiuvard  with  a 
hearty  cheer,  and  drove  everything  before 
their  bayonets.  Their  first  trophy  was  the 
gun  belonging  to  the  enemy,  Avhich  Avas 
taken  with  the  loss  of  only  one  man  killed 
and  one  Avounded.  The  troops  continued 
to  advance,  skirmishing  through  a jungle 
on  the  right  of  the  enemy’s  position ; and 
having  driven  them  out  of  the  latter,  re- 
formed line,  and  advanced  across  a wide 
plain  in  pursuit.  The  ground  being  favour- 
able for  cavalry  at  this  place,  the  volunteer 
corps  made  a brilliant  charge,  and  drove 
the  enemy  in  confusion  towards  the  town, 
leaving  three  guns  to  their  pursuers.  As 
the  object  of  the  general  was  simply  to 
drive  them  from  the  position  they  had 
taken,  and  capture  suc’n  guns  as  they  might 
have  brought  with  them,  Avithout  hazarding 
a general  engagement,  the  troops  were  now 
halted,  and  shortly  after  returned  to  the 
camp,  which  they  reached  about  11  a.m.,  to 
breakfast.  The  loss  of  the  enemy  in  this 
morning  encounter,  was  estimated  at  150 
killed,  and  four  guns.  On  the  side  of  the 


MUTINY.  [battle  at  gtjilee. 

British,  the  killed  and  wounded  amounted 
to  three  only. 

The  folloAving  despatch  of  Major-general 
Outram  to  the  deputy-adjutant-general  of 
the  army,  giA'es  the  official  details  of  the 
battle  of  Guilee  : — 

“Camp  before  Lucknow,  Dec.  23rd,  1857. 

“ Sir, — I have  the  honour  to  report,  for 
the  information  of  his  excellency  the  com-  ^ 
mander-in-chief,  that  I had  yesterday  an  j 
affair  with  the  enemy  at  a village  called  i 
Guilee,  three  miles  from  hence,  situated  a | 
little  to  the  right  of  the  road  to  Dilkoosha. 

O I 

“ I had  been  informed  tAvo  days  pre-  i 
viously,  by  my  spies,  that  the  enemy  con- 
templated surrounding  my  position,  in  < 
order  to  cut  off  supplies,  stop  all  foraging 
expeditions,  and  to  intercept  my  communi-  ^ 
cation  Avith  Bunnee.  With  this  object,  ! 
they  dispatched  a force  to  Guilee,  Avhich 
took  up  a position  between  that  village  and  ! 
Budroop,  which  places  are  about  a mile 
distant  from  each  other.  I i 

“ On  the  evening  of  the  21st  instant,  I ; ! 
learnt  that  the  rebels  had  been  reinforced,  ; i 
and  that  their  strength  amounted  to  about 
4,000  infantry,  400  cavalry,  and  eight  field 
guns.* 

“ Having  ascertained  that  a space  of  i 
about  half  a mile  intervened  between  their 
position  and  the  gardens  skirting  the  canal 
and  the  Dilkoosha,  I moved  out  at  5 a.m., 
in  the  hope  of  surprising  them  at  daybreak 
and  intercept  their  retreat  to  the  city,  with 
a force  detailed  in  the  accompanying  divi- 
sional order,  Avhich  I have  this  day  issued, 
and  to  Avhich  I beg  to  refer  his  excellency 
for  all  details,  and  for  the  terms  in  Avhich  I 
express  my  appreciation  of  the  conduct  of 
the  troops  on  the  occasion. 

“ The  main  body  of  the  enemy  being  on 
the  march  considerably  in  advance,  re- 
treated to  the  city  by  a detour  to  the  left, 
out  of  our  reach,  and  concealed  by  inter- 
vening topes  of  trees,  on  hearing  the  attack 
on  their  rear;  but  the  loss  of  four  horse  ! 
artillery  guns,  much  ammunition,  besides 
elephants  and  baggage,  and  some  fifty  or  . 
sixty  men  slain,  will,  I think,  deter  the 
enemy  from  again  venturing  beyond  their  i 
defensive  works,  or  at  any  rate,  from  at-  I 
tempting,  for  some  time  to  come,  to  carry  i 

out  their  plan  for  surrounding  this  camp  ' 

within  a too  limited  circumference;  and  I 
have  great  hopes  that  the  success  of  this 
expedition  will  be  productive  of  good  effect 

• Since  ascertained  to  be  only  four,  all  of  \A-hich  I 
were  captured. 

239 


LUGKXOW — Dl■^^SIOyAL  ORDERS.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  1857. 


in  restoring  confidence  to  the  neighbouring 
inhabitants.” 


Divisional  Orders  issued  by  Major-general 
Outram,  G.C.B. 

‘^Camp,  Alumbagh,  Dec.  23rd,  1857. 
^lajor-general  Sir  James  Outram  has 
ranch  pleasure  in  recording,  in  divisional 
orders,  his  satisfaction  with  the  conduct  of 
the  officers  and  men*  under  the  command 
of  Brigadier  Stisted,  engaged  yesterday  in 
the  skirmish  at  Guilee,  in  which  four  guns 
and  twelve  waggons,  filled  with  ammunition, 
were  captured.  The  right  column,  under 
the  command  of  Lieutenant-colonel  Purnell, 
her  majesty’s  90th  regiment,  consisting  of 
detachments  of  the  78th  and  90th  regiments, 
and  of  the  Ferozepore  regiment  of  Sikhs, 
excited  his  admiration,  by  the  gallant  way 
in  which,  with  a cheer,  they  dashed  at  a 
strong  position  held  by  the  enemy,  and 
from  which  they  were  met  by  a hea\y  fire; 
regardless  of  the  overwhelming  numbers, 
and  six  guns  reported  to  be  posted  there. 
The  suddenness  of  the  attack,  and  the 
spirited  way  in  which  it  was  executed,  re- 
sulted in  the  immediate  flight  of  the  enemy, 
with  hardly  a casualty  on  our  side. 

‘‘Colonel  Guy,  in  command  of  the  left 
column,  consisting  of  her  majesty’s  5th 
fusiliers,  under  the  guidance  of  Lieutenant 
^loorsom,  deputy -assistant -quartermaster- 
general,  was  equally  successful  in  his  simul- 
taneous attack  on  the  adjacent  village  of 
Guilee;  in  which,  and  the  adjoining  tope, 
two  guns  were  captured.  The  enemy  were 
now  rapidly  followed  up  across  the  plain  by 
the  volunteer  cavalry,  under  Captain  Barrow, 
until  they  found  refuge  in  a village,  from 
which  they  opened  a fire  of  grape  and  mus- 
ketry. They  were,  however,  speedily  dis- 
lodged, by  the  assistance  of  two  of  Captain 
Olphert’s  guns,  under  the  command  of 
Lieutenant  Smithett ; and,  changing  their 
line  of  retreat,  they  endeavoured  to  reach 
the  city  by  the  way  of  the  Dilkoosha. 

“ The  military  train,  under  IMajor  Robert- 
son, having  been,  however,  dispatched  to 
make  a flank  movement,  followed  them  up 
so  closely,  that  they  dispersed  their  cavalry, 

• Two  9-pounder  guns,  royal  artillery,  Captain 
Maude;  four  ditto,  2nd  company  3rd  battalion  Bengal 
artillery.  Captain  Olphert;  112  of  the  military  train. 
Major  Robertson;  30  of  volunteer  cavalry.  Lieutenant 
Hay  and  Lieutenant  Graham;  550  of  H.  M.’s  5th  fusi- 
liers, Colonel  Guy;  103  of  H.M.’s  75th  regiment. 
Captain  Brookes;  156  of  H.M.’s  T8th  highlanders. 
Captain  Lockhart;  108  of  H.M.’s  84th  regiment, 
Captain  O'Brien ; 270  of  H.M.’s  90th  light  infantry, 
240 


and  drove  their  guns  into  a ravine,  where 
they  were  captured,  the  leading  horses,  of 
which  the  traces  were  cut,  only  escaping. 
The  major-general  was  particularly  pleased 
with  the  very  cool  and  soldierlike  behaviour 
of  the  military  train.  Far  ahead  of  the  in- 
fantry, and  unable  to  remove  the  guns 
which  were  captured,  they  were  menaced  in 
their  front  by  a large  body  of  fresh  troops 
from  the  city,  and  attacked,  on  their  right 
flank,  by  the  main  body  of  the  enemy,  con- 
sisting of  about  2,000  infantry,  who  had 
commenced  their  march  previous  to  our 
attack ; and  who,  on  hearing  their  rear 
assailed,  also  changed  their  route  to  one  in 
the  direction  of  the  city ; and  seeing  their 
guns  in  possession  of  so  small  a force  as 
that  under  Major  Robertson,  made  demon- 
strations of  an  attempt  to  regain  them ; but 
by  the  bold  front  shown  by  the  military 
train,  and  the  gallant  advance  of  their 
skirmishers,  were  held  at  bay  until  the  arri- 
val of  a party  of  the  5th  fusiliers,  and  two 
9-pounder  guns,  under  Captain  Olphert,  who 
completely  secured  their  capture,  and  enabled 
a working  party  of  Madras  sappers,  under  the 
command  of  Lieutenant  Ogilvie,  to  extricate 
them  from  the  ravine  into  which  they  had 
been  driven.  Captain  Hutchinson,  chief 
engineer,  on  this,  as  on  several  other  occa- 
sions during  the  day,  afforded  much  valu-  ! 
able  assistance.  j 

“The  major-general  has  to  thank  Lieu- 
tenant-colonel H.  Hamilton,  commanding 
the  reserve,  for  the  good  position  taken  up 
by  him ; which,  with  the  fire  of  the  two 
guns  under  Lieutenant  Simpson,  which  were  i 
most  judiciously  posted,  were  of  great  assis-  I 
tance  in  checking  the  advance  of  the  enemy,  j 
during  the  protracted  operations  of  removing 
the  captured  guns.  ] 

“ Sir  James  Outram  has  also  to  express 
his  acknowledgments  to  Brigadiers  Hamil- 
ton and  Eyre,  who  were  left  in  charge  of  the 
camp,  and  who,  with  the  small  force  at  their 
disposal,  checked  the  dispositions  for  an 
attack,  which  the  enemy  was  commencing 
with  their  skirmishers  on  the  left  flank, 
until  the  return  of  the  force  to  camp  caused 
them  to  abandon  their  intentions. 

Captain  Guise;  150  of  the  regiment  of  Ferozepore, 
Captain  Brasyer ; 40  Madras  sappers,  Lieutenant 
Ogilvie  : total,  six  9-pounder  guns,  under  Captain 
j Olphert ; 190  cavalry  under  Major  Robertson ; 

1 1,227  infantry, under  Brigadier  Stisted;  right  column, 

‘ under  Lieutenant-colonel  Burnell,  H.M.’s  90th  light 
infantry  ; left  column,  under  Colonel  Guy,  5th  fusi- 
\ Hers ; reserve,  under  Lieutenant-colonel  Hamilton, 

, H.M.’s  78lh  highlanders. 


A.D.  1857-’58.]  INDIAN 

“ It  will  be  the  pleasing  duty  of  the 
major-general  to  make  his  excellency  the 
commander-in-chief  acquainted  with  the 
successful  result  of  yesterday’s  operations, 
and  his  approbation  of  the  conduct  of  all 
those  concerned  in  them.” 

A letter  from  the  Alumbagh,  written  a 
few  days  after  this  spirited  affair,  says — 
“ On  the  22nd  of  December,  the  enemy 
made  a clever  attempt  to  obtain  possession 
of  the  road  to  Cawnpore.  They  posted 
1,200  men  inside  a jungle,  with  a sandy 
plain  in  front,  and  the  road  close  at  hand. 
Sir  James  Outram  understood  the  plan  ; 
and  at  night,  two  regiments  w'ere  silently 
put  in  motion.  The  soft  sand  deadened  all 
sound,  and  dawn  found  them  within  the 
enemy’s  pickets.  A rattling  volley,  a cheer, 
and  the  enemy,  pouring  in  one  discharge, 
fled,  leaving  their  guns  (four)  and  about  a 
hundred  men  dead  on  the  field.  Since  that 
day  nothing  has  been  seen  of  the  foe,  who 
are  believed  to  be  quarrelling  fiercely  among 
themselves,  instigated  by  some  one  whom 
the  spies  and  our  officers  call  the  queen- 
mother.  They  are  said  to  be  losing  heart ; 
and  some  of  the  chiefs  have  sent  silver  fish 
(the  symbol  of  nobility)  to  the  general,  as  a 
token  of  surrender.  Maun  Sing  and  Bal 
Kishan  (the  finance  minister)  are  reported 
as  amongst  those  who  are  anxious  to  treat; 
and  as  several  European  captives  are  in 
their  hands,  if  the  rebels  are  sincere  in  their 
advances,  it  is  hoped  that  their  overtures 
may  not  be  altogether  rejected.  All  infor- 
mation, however,  as  to  their  intentions,  is 
at  present  doubtful ; for,  in  contradiction  to 
the  rumours  of  their  inclination  to  succumb, 
it  is  said  that  27,000  men  are  at  work  re- 
pairing the  intrenchments  vacated  by  us 
in  November,  and  that  they  intend  to  hold 
them  to  the  last  man.  However  true  this 
may  be  of  the  sepoys,  it  is  certain  that  the 
peasantry  are  turning  round,  which  is  not  a 
good  omen  for  them.  For  a fortnight  after 
the  retreat  from  Lucknow,  not  a grain  of 
wheat  or  a wisp  of  hay  could  be  proeured 
from  them,  even  by  force : but  the  victory 
of  the  6th  of  this  month,  by  Sir  Colin 
Campbell,  suddenly  changed  the  tone  of 
popular  feeling.  It  was  then  discovered 
that  ‘the  English  raj  was  really  mo/  over;’ 
and  the  ‘ Sahib  loge’  speedily  became 
much  honoured  by  these  servile  people. 
Grain,  forage,  milk,  bread,  and  vegetables 
poured  into  the  camp  with  unprecedented 
abundance,  and  no  difficulty  was  made  in 
furnishing  such  supplies  as  the  country 

VOL.  II.  2 I 


MUTINY.  [attack  on  the  alu.mb.igh. 

round  afforded.  The  country  is  still  swarm- 
ing with  armed  vagabonds  hastening  to 
Lucknow,  to  meet  their  common  doom, 
and  die  in  the  last  grand  struggle  with  the 
Feringhee.  The  more  the  better.  It  is 
the  dispersion,  not  the  strength  of  the 
enemy,  that  we  dread.” 

From  this  time  until  near  the  middle  of 
January,  the  enemy  continued  to  receive 
almost  daily  an  accession  to  their  numbers, 
until  the  force  within  and  around  the  city, 
amounted  to  near  87,000  men : they  did 
not,  however,  make  any  demonstration 
against  the  camp  at  the  Alumbagh,  beyond 
keeping  in  activity  a vigilant  system  of 
espionage ; by  means  of  which  the  measures 
of  the  commandant  of  that  garrison  were 
made  familiar  to  them,  even  before  any 
attempt  was  made  to  carry  them  into  effect : 
they  also  laboured  hard  at  restoring  the 
fortifications  of  the  various  important  posi- 
tions of  the  city,  and  in  providing  stores  of 
ammunition,  &c.,  in  order  to  be  fully  pre- 
pared for  the  attack  they  anticipated  from 
the  force  led  by  the  commander-in-chief, 
and  which  they  were  aware  would  not  be 
long  delayed.  This  lull  in  their  offensive 
operations  did  not  arise  from  any  in- 
difference on  their  part  to  the  important 
position  held,  as  it  were,  at  their  very  gates 
by  Sir  James  Outram;  and  it  was  deemed 
necessary  that,  previous  to  the  arrival  of  any 
large  British  force  before  Lucknow,  the 
garrison  at  Alumbagh  should  be  annihilated. 
For  this  purpose  an  opportunity  seemed  to 
present  itself  by  the  absence  of  a con- 
siderable number  of  the  British  troops,  who 
had  been  dispatched  to  convoy  a supply  of 
provisions  from  Cawnpore;  and  accordingly 
a large  force  was  detailed  to  attack  the 
garrison  in  its  weakened  state : but  Sir 
James  Outram  had  intelligence  of  the  in- 
tended attack,  and  was  prepared  to  meet 
it.  At  sunrise  on  the  morning  of  the  12th 
of  January,  the  rebels  were  seen  advancing 
from  the  city  in  a stream  of  columns, 
amounting,  in  round  numbers, to 30,000  men, 
forming  a wide  semicircle  in  front  and 
flank  of  the  Alumbagh  and  camp.  General 
Outram,  who  had  no  idea  of  being  confined 
to  the  walls  of  his  citadel,  at  once  massed 
his  force  of  little  more  than  3,000  effective 
men  into  two  brigades,  and  sent  them  out 
to  confront  the  enemy.  A fierce  and  san-  j 
guinary  contest  ensued;  for,  while  the  main  i 
body  of  the  enemy  attacked  the  two  English 
brigades,  a second  division  proceeded  to 
assault  the  fort  of  Jellalabad,  which  formed  i 

241 


LUCKNOW — A FANATIC  LEADER.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


the  right  extremity  of  the  British  position; 
wliile  a third,  by  a detour,  reached  the 
Alumbagh,  defended  only  by  a very  small 
portion  of  the  garrison,  and  endeavoured  to 
intercept  and  cut  oft'  General  Outram’s 
communication  with  it.  The  struggle  con- 
tinued between  the  mere  handful  of  men 
under  the  British  general,  and  the  over- 
whelming numbers  of  the  enemy,  from 
sunrise  until  four  o’clock  in  the  afternoon, 
every  gun  being  incessantly  employed  in 
repelling  the  advance  of  dense  masses  of  the 
enemy.  Foiled  at  every  point  by  the  in- 
domitable bravery  of  the  troops  opposed  to 
them,  the  enemy  at  length  withdrew  to 
their  positions  in  the  city,  and  the  gardens 
and  villages  surrounding  it,  leaving  on  the 
field  upwards  of  400  killed.  To  pursue  the 
retiring  force  with  such  disparity  of  num- 
bers was  not  considcTed  prudent,  after  the 
arduous  exertions  made  by  the  men  during 
fourteen  hours  of  incessant  fighting,  and 
Sir  James  Outram  remained  content  with 
holding  possession  of  the  field,  and  securing 
his  position  at  the  Alumbagh.  The  whole 
of  the  casualties  on  the  English  side  in  this 
afifair,  amounted  to  six  wounded. 

On  the  16th  of  the  month,  the  enemy 
appeared  again  in  the  field  before  Alumbagh. 
The  force  upon  this  occasion  was  led  by  a 
Hindoo  fanatic,  supposed  to  be  a fakir  of 
the  Monkey  Temple  in  Awadh,  disguised 
to  represent  the  Monkey  god  Humayun. 
This  enthusiast  marched  at  the  head  of  the 
insurgents,  and  incited  them,  by  his  cries 
and  gestures,  to  rush  upon  and  exterminate 
the  little  band,  which  they  might  have  been 
sufficient  to  crush  by  mere  force  of  num- 
bers. Fortunately  all  the  fanaticism  in  the 
world  will  not  stop  bullets ; and  the  noisy 
and  nimble-footed  rebels  had  a far  greater 
relish  for  keeping  at  a safe  distance  from 
English  bayonets,  than  for  grappling  with 
them  at  close  quarters.  They  therefore 
could  only  screw  their  courage  up,  on  this 
occasion,  to  a tiresome  and  desultory  conflict, 
which  lasted  from  ten  in  the  morning  until 
nine  at  night,  when  they  hastily  retreated, 
leaving  their  leader,  the  representative  of 
the  Monkey  god,  a prisoner  in  the  hands  of 
the  English  troops,  and  a large  number  of 
killed  and  wounded  upon  the  ground.  The 
loss  of  the  British  was  again  but  trifling — 
a circumstance  partly  attributable  to  the 
general’s  appreciation  of  the  value  of  Euro- 
pean life,  and  partly  to  the  withering  power 
of  the  Enfield  rifle ; for  even  numbers  are  of 
little  value  against  an  enemy  who  can  fire 
242 


[a.d.  1858. 

half-a-dozen  rounds  before  the  old  musket 
can  be  brought  within  range ; and  thus  it  is 
that  the  disproportion  of  forces,  and  of 
casualties  on  either  side,  were  satisfac- 
torily accounted  for. 

The  result  of  the  attack  on  the  16th  of 
January,  was  notified  to  the  governor-gen- 
eral and  the  commander-in-chief,  by  the 
following  telegram  from  Major-general  Sir 
J.  Outram : — 

“Alumbagh,  January  17th,  1858. 

“ The  enemy  attacked  my  position  yester- 
day, the  16th,  in  force,  led  on  by  a Hindoo 
fanatic,  Biduhe  Dass  Hunnooman,  who  was 
severely  wounded  and  taken  prisoner.  The 
attacks  from  various  quarters  lasted,  with 
slight  intermission,  from  10  a.m.  till  9 p.m. 
— Loss  on  our  side  trifling:  that  of  the 
enemy  severe.  This  is  the  second  attack 
within  the  last  three  days.” 

At  this  period,  the  force  of  the  enemy  in 
and  around  Lucknow  was  daily  increasing. 
Hour  by  hour  they  received  accessions  of 
troops  from  Goruckpore,  from  Rohilcund,  and 
even  from  Central  India.  The  leaders,  driven 
from  Etawah,  Allygurh,  Futteghur,  Go- 
ruckpore, and  Banda,  were  also  swarming 
to  Lucknow  with  their  bands  of  desperadoes, 
and  had  there  concentrated,  it  was  supposed, 
upwards  of  100,000  fighting-men,  with  from 
eighty  to  100  guns,  and  abundance  of  am- 
munition. The  fortifications  of  the  city 
had  been  carefully  restored,  the  streets 
intrenched,  and  most  of  the  houses  loopholed 
for  musketry ; in  short,  everything  appeared 
to  indicate  that  the  rebels,  driven  to  bay, 
intended  to  die  fighting,  or  to  drive  the 
Europeans  from  Oude,  believing  they  could 
now  hold  Lucknow  as  once  they  had  held 
Bhurtpore.  From  the  report  of  the  spies 
sent  among  them  at  this  time,  it  appeared 
to  be  the  general  belief  that  the  present 
struggle  between  the  sepoys  and  the  British 
would  terminate  in  the  destruction  of  both 
parties.  Thus  an  officer  who  was  engaged  in 
executing  a party  of  the  rebel  prisoners, 
asked  each  before  he  died,  why  he  had 
fought,  and  what  was  the  proposed  object 
of  the  war?  and  each  gave,  in  effect,  the  same 
answer — “The  slaughter  of  the  English 
was  required  by  our  religion ; the  end  will 
be,  the  destruction  of  all  the  English  and 
all  the  sepoys  ; and  then — God  knows.” 

Meanwhile  an  important  contest  of  opin- 
ion was  silently  operating  in  the  official 
world,  at  the  seat  of  government,  and  at  the 
camp  as  well  as  at  the  court.  One  party,  led 
by  the  government  in  Calcutta,  was  anxious 


A.D. 


1858.] 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


[difference  of  opinion. 


that  Lucknow  should  be  attacked  at  once, 
and  disposed  of.  “ There, said  they,  “is 
the  true  seat  of  tlie  rebellion ; and  that  once 
secured,  the  bands  scattered  over  tbe  coun- 
try would  lose  hope,  and  the  rebellion 
would  die  out : but  until  that  central  point 
of  union  is  destroyed,  every  day's  delay 
adds  to  its  strength  and  prestige ; while  the 
victories  of  the  British  troops  only  add  to 
the  number  and  the  desperation  of  its  de- 
fenders." It  was  contended,  that  Avhile 
Lucknow  continued  in  the  hands  of  the 
rebels,  the  revolt  had  still  a centre  and  a flag, 
around  which  the  discontented  from  every 
quarter  might  and  would  rally. 

The  other  party,  headed  by  the  com- 
mander-in-chief, were  represented  as  holding 
it  essential  to  clear  Rohilcund  first.  They 
felt  that  the  large  bands  of  mutineers  and 
insurgents  still  roaming  over  that  province 
might  intercept  communications,  and  pro- 
duce serious  embarrassment ; while  the  eon- 
eentration  of  rebel  troops  at  Lucknow  would 
eventually  be  advantageous  as  bringing  the 
difliculty  to  one  point,  instead  of  having  it 
distributed  all  over  the  country.  Another 
reason  for  delay  also  had  some  influence  in 
this  quarter : the  Sikh  levies,  depended 
I upon  for  the  augmentation  of  Sir  Colin's 
army,  were  slow  in  coming  forward ; and 
without  them,  the  whole  numerical  strength 
of  his  command  was  inconsiderable.  It 
was  urged,  that  although  some  13,000  men 
I (the  whole  number  that  the  persistent  energy 
of  the  eommander-in-chief  was  yet  able  to 
collect)  might  be  sufficient,  with  its  native 
auxiliaries  and  the  Ghoorkas  from  Nepaul, 
to  recapture  Lucknow,  yet  it  Avould  not 
suffice  to  take  that  place  by  street-fighting 
j against  100,000  men — to  leave  a strong  gar- 
rison there,  and  then,  with  the  remainder 
' of  the  little  force,  to  effect  the  clearance  of 
Rohilcund,  with  the  hot  season  immediately 
before  them.  The  commander-in-chief, 
therefore,  was  eontent  to  “ bide  his  time." 

From  the  16th  of  January  to  the  end  of 
the  second  week  in  February,  the  rebels  at 
! Lucknow  did  not  venture  upon  any  re- 
I newed  demonstration  of  their  designs  on 
I j Alumbagh;  but  hoping,  probably,  by  an- 
* ' other  attack,  to  disarrange  some  part  of  the 
' measures  they  justly  calculated  might  be 
: contemplated  for  their  discomfiture,  and 
\ being  aware  that  the  bulk  of  the  English 
I forces  in  India,  under  Sir  Colin  Campbell, 
were  actually  in  motion  towards  the  fron- 
; tier  of  their  country,  they  ventured  upon 
1 repeated  struggles  with  the  troops  at  the 


Alumbagh,  and,  as  usual,  met  with  signal 
defeat.  The  circumstances  attending  the 
most  important  of  these  affairs  were  as 
follow. 

Exasperated  by  the  eontinued  loss  to 
which  the  rebel  force  in  and  around  Luck- 
now had  been  subjected  by  troops  notori- 
ously inferior  to  them  in  numerical  strengtb, 
some  adherents  of  the  principal  adviser  of 
the  queen  (Mummoo  Khan),  issued  a pro- 
clamation, in  which  it  was  declared  that  there 
were  only  200  Europeans  at  Alumbagh, 
and  yet  that  no  one  dared  to  attack  them 
except  Mummoo  Khan.  The  vain-glorious 
boast  gave  great  umbrage  to  the  sepoys  and 
their  officers,  who  forthwith  held  a council  of 
war,  at  which  it  was  decided  that  two-and- 
a-half  months'  pay  should  be  given  to  the 
troops  engaged  in  a proposed  assault,  and 
eertain  distinctions  were  to  be  conferred 
upon  them  in  case  of  suceess.  • The  sepoys, 
who  had  more  stomach  for  rewards  than 
for  the  fight  that  was  to  win  them,  did 
not  evince  any  considerable  ardour  in  com- 
peting for  the  questionable  prize,  until  at 
length  one  of  the  mutineer  native  officers 
of  rank  undertook  to  annihilate  the  entire 
English  force  at  the  Alumbagh  within  ten 
days,  upon  condition  that  he  was  appointed 
to  the  chief  command  for  the  occasion. 
His  proposal  was  accepted  ; but  half  the 
stipulated  period  had  already  elapsed  Avith- 
out  any  approaeh  to  the  promised  extermi- 
nation, when  it  was  discovered  that  Sunday, 
the  21st  of  February,  would  be  a favourable 
day  for  the  enterprise.  A feud  had  for 
some  weeks  existed  between  the  begum 
(acting  as  regent  for  her  son)  and  a moulvie, 
who  possessed  great  influence  over  the 
troops;  but,  in  tbe  hope  of  the  prospective 
triumph,  they  were  reconeiled ; and  the 
Hindoos  swore  on  the  Ganges — the  Moham- 
medans on  the  Koran — that  they  Avould 
destroy  the  British  troops  at  the  Alumbagh, 
or  perish  in  the  attempt.  The  plan  of 
operations  was  to  surround  the  force  by 
making  a wide  detour  to  the  rear,  and,  when 
the  circle  Avas  completed,  to  close  in,  making 
desperate  assaults  at  five  or  six  different 
points  at  the  same  time ; mass  after  mass 
being  poured  upon  the  Feringhees,  until  not 
one  should  be  left  alive  to  carry  tidings  of 
the  defeat  to  the  English  commander-in- 
chief. The  scheme  was  cleverly  designed ; 
and  had  its  execution  been  equal  to  the 
spirit  that  conceived  it,  the  result  might 
have  been  serious:  fortunately,  it  Avas  not  so. 

Late  in  the  evening  previous  to  the 

243 


LUCKNOW AN  ATTACK  FRUSTRATED.]  IIISTORY  OF  THE  [a.D.  1858. 


meditated  attack,  Major-general  Outram 
was  duly  informed  of  the  proposed  opera- 
tions of  the  rebels,  and  adopted  instant 
measures  to  counteract  them. 

Just  before  daybreak  on  the  morning  of 
the  21st  of  February,  a body  of  the  rebel 
army,  amounting  to  20,000  men,  with  a large 
train  of  artillery,  silently  emerged  from 
their  shelter  in  the  city  and  adjacent  vil- 
lages, and  moved  towards  the  British  posi- 
tion. The  major-general  had  already  dis- 
patched some  cavalry  and  guns  from  the 
] Alumbagh,  to  meet  the  right  and  left  wings 
! of  the  enemy,  cautiously  permitting  them 
to  proceed  with  their  intended  circle  until 
it  amounted  to  a horse-shoe.  Unaware  of 
the  measures  taken  to  arrest  their  progress, 
and  supposing  everything  to  be  favourable 
i to  their  project,  the  enemy  commenced  to 
I fire  from  their  front  and  both  flanks  at  the 
same  moment.  They  were  at  first  replied 
to  languidly,  with  the  hope  of  drawing  them 
on ; but  before  they  could  find  heart  to 
advance,  the  British  cavalry  and  guns  were 
at  work  on  both  extremities  of  their  line, 
and  a general  rout  ensued.  They  were 
hotly  chased  by  the  cavalry  and  horse  artil- 
lery j and  their  aggregate  loss  in  the  affair 
amounted  to  upwards  of  500  men.  The 
casualties  on  the  side  of  the  British 
amounted  to  six  wounded  only. 

An  officer  in  the  force  sent  out  to  attack 
the  rebel  troops,  describes  the  affair  as 
follows : — “ Early  on  the  morning  of  the 
21st  of  February,  a body  of  the  rebel  troops, 
amounting  to  20,000  men,  emerged  from  the 
city  and  some  adjacent  villages,  for  the 
purpose  of  taking  Alumbagh  by  assault. 
Their  first  operations  having  filled  all  the 
trenches  with  as  many  men  as  they  could 
hold,  and  placed  large  masses  of  infantry  in 
the  topes  as  a support,  a simultaneous 
movement  was  commenced  round  both 
flanks  of  General  Outram’s  position,  threat- 
ening, at  the  same  time,  the  whole  length 
of  his  front,  the  north-east  corner  of  the 
Alumbagh,  and  the  picket  and  fort  at  Jella- 
labad.  Outram  perceiving,  at  a glance, 
the  nature  and  object  of  the  attack,  lost  no 
time  in  strengthening  the  several  endan- 
gered posts.  At  the  Alumbagh  and  Jella- 
labad  posts  the  enemy  met  a severe  check, 
owing  to  their  having  ventured  within 
range  of  the  grapeshot  which  the  British 
poured  out  upon  them.  The  major-general 
then  detached  250  cavalry  and  two  field- 
pieces,  in  charge  of  Captain  Barrow,  to  the 
rear  of  Jellalabad.  Upon  the  arrival  of  the 
244 


detachment  at  this  point,  it  came  in  front  of 
a body  of  2,000  of  the  enemy’s  cavalry  and 
5,000  infantry,  which  were  advancing  to- 
wards the  garrison ; but  were  so  effectually 
kept  at  bay  by  the  two  field-pieces,  that  their 
intended  scheme  of  attack  was  frustrated  ; 
and  they  halted,  apparently  undecided 
whether  to  fall  upon  and  overwhelm  the 
handful  of  men  opposed  to  them,  or  to  retire 
to  another  and  less  dangerous  position,  i 
The  enemy’s  attack  on  Major-general  Out-  ' 
ram’s  left  flank,  was  made  by  no  less  than 
5,000  cavalry  and  8,000  infantry ; to  oppose 
which  formidable  number,  he  sent  only  four 
field  guns  and  120  men  of  the  military  I 
train,  under  Major  Robertson;  and  this 
mere  handful  of  brave  men,  with  their  four 
guns,  actually  succeeded  in  driving  back 
the  armed  masses  befoz’e  them.  A large 
convoy  from  Cawnpore  was  known  to  be  on 
its  march  at  this  time,  and  the  necessary 
escort  had  taken  away  the  greater  part  of 
our  cavalry — a fact  of  which  the  enemy  was 
aware ; and  yet,  with  a disproportion  of 
numbers  so  great  in  their  favour,  and  with 
all  the  advantages  of  choosing  their  plan  of 
attack,  and  for  the  accession  of  reinforce- 
ments equal  to,  or  even  exceeding,  their 
number  in  the  field,  this  large  army  suffered 
itself  to  be  ignomiuiously  beateu  by  a few 
hundred  men.  The  truth  is,  that  our  men 
now  so  heartily  despise  these  miserable 
rebels,  that  a picket,  or  sometimes  a dozen 
of  men,  will  suffer  themselves  to  be  sur- 
rounded, without  thinking  of  falling  back  on 
the  main  body,  and  then  knock  the  enemy 
over  with  the  Enfield  rifle,  man  after  man, 
as  they  come  within  reach.  The  assailants 
never  dream  of  making  a rush  over  the 
quarter  of  a mile  at  which  the  weapon  is 
fatal,  knowing  that  any  that  might  escape 
would  immediately  fall  into  our  hands; 
no  party,  however  small,  being  left  uu- 
watched.” 

Cooled  down  by  this  repulse,  the  prudenee 
of  the  enemy  for  a time  restrained  their 
courage ; and  during  the  22nd,  23rd,  and 
24th,  everything  remained  quiet  ou  their 
part : but  on  the  night  of  the  24th,  a quar- 
rel that  had  for  some  time  existed  be- 
tween the  Delhi  and  Oude  sepoys,  broke 
out  into  a fierce  encounter,  and  there 
was  much  firing  between  the  belligerent 
parties  in  the  city.  This,  however,  was  but 
the  prelude  to  another  attempt  upon  the 
English  position.  About  9 a.m.  of  the 
25th,  information  was  sent  in  by  the  pickets, 
that  the  enemy,  in  large  masses,  were 


INDIAN  MUTINY.  [oamp  correspondence. 


A.D.  1858.] 

endeavouring  to  creep  round  by  the  left,  and 
get  into  the  rear  of  the  garrison.  The  pickets 
were  instantly  strengthened,  especially  on 
the  flanks,  and  the  troops  were  ordered  to 
stand  on  the  alert,  but  to  make  no  move- 
ment until  the  enemy  was  close  at  hand. 
Upon  this  occasion,  the  queen,  with  her  son 
and  the  officers  and  members  of  her  court, 
came  out  of  the  city  on  state  elephants,  to 
encourage  the  assailants,  and  to  be  eye- 
Avitnesses  of  the  anticipated  victory.  Sti- 
mulated by  the  presence  of  the  begum,  a 
strong  body  of  the  rebels  advanced  into  a 
grove  of  trees  near  Jellalabad,  when  the 
order  to  charge  was  given,  and,  in  less  than 
five  ndnutes,  the  leading  column  of  the 
enemy  was  cut  off  from  both  its  flanks. 
Two  guns  were  captured  in  this  charge,  and 
two  more  immediately  followed.  The  rebels 
were  panic-stricken.  The  rout  became 
general,  and  so  precipitate,  that  the  cavalry 
were  seen  riding  over  their  own  infantry  in 
the  way  back  to  the  city.  Unfortunately 
for  the  pursuers,  the  ground  was  extremely 
broken  and  irregular,  which  interfered  ma- 
terially with  the  punishment  the  fugitives 
would  otherwise  have  received ; but  the 
horse  artillery,  as  usual,  committed  great 
havoc.  From  this  time  to  the  first  week  in 
March,  the  enemy  remained  quiet  in  their 
stronghold,  which,  with  the  exception  of  the 
residency  compound,  had  been  wholly  in 
their  hands  since  the  early  part  of  July  in 
the  preceding  year. 

The  subjoined  extracts  of  letters  from  tbe 
Alumbagb,  during  the  period  occupied  by 
the  occurrences  referred  to,  are  interesting, 
as  furnishing  personal  views  of  the  state  of 
affairs  in  Oude  at  the  time,  and  of  camp 
life  at  the  Alumbagh.  The  first  is  dated 
February  the  17th;  and  reads  thus: — 
“ In  the  midst  of  my  work  yesterday,  and 
whilst  it  was  blowing  a tremendous  dust- 
storm,  the  rebels  attempted  to  attack  us, 
and  turned  out  pretty  strong  on  our  left. 
Sraithett  was  first  sent  off  with  a couple  of 
guns,  and  Timbrell  followed  with  four 
others.  Captain  Olpherts  accompanied  the 
party;  and  Robertson,  with  the  military 
train,  formed  the  cavalry  escort  to  the  guns. 
On  seeing  the  rebel  infantry,  Olpherts,  with 
the  guns,  galloped  up  to  within  200  yards, 
and  pitched  in  grape.  The  enemy  fired 
once,  knocked  over  one  havildar  driver,  and 
then  cut ! Olpherts  then  gave  them  round 
and  shrapnel,  and  retired,  having  spoilt  a 
few  of  them.  For  some  reason  the  cavalry 
did  not  charge;  had  they  done  so,  they 


might  have  cut  up  a lot.  These  rebels  are 
getting  more  impertinent  every  day ; and 
whilst  I am  Avritiug,  they  are  peppering 
away  at  a great  pace.  On  the  15th,  the 
guns,  Avith  Major  Robertson,  avIio  com- 
manded the  cavalry,  went  out  at  a good  trot 
for  four  or  five  miles,  and  then  suddenly 
came  down  upon  a party  of  the  enemy’s  in- 
fantry hovering  along  the  Bithoor-road, 
escorting  someone  in  a dhooly.  This  we 
have  since  learnt  was  the  moulvie  of  Luck- 
now. The  guns  were  galloped  smartly  to 
tbe  front — came  about  in  splendid  style  at 
about  150  yards’  distance,  and  then  gave 
them  grape.  It  was  a splendid  sight.  The 
moulvie  Avas  wounded  in  the  shoulder,  and 
eight  felloAVs  Avere  killed,  and  many  Avounded. 
If  we  had  had  a fcAv  more  cavalry  Ave  might 
have  cut  up  every  one  of  them,  and  taken 
the  moulvie  prisoner;  but  Robertson  did  not 
like  to  leave  the  guns,  as  the  enemy’s 
cavalry  Avere  beginning  to  come  out.  We 
then  came  back,  and  not  before  it  Avas  time; 
for  the  rebels  had  put  their  Avhole  army  in 
motion,  and  were  advancing  upon  us.  On 
the  16th,  the  rebels  attacked  our  position 
again,  but,  after  a sharp  contest  for  several 
hours,  they  Avere  driven  off.  These  fellows 
give  us  no  peace  by  day  or  nigbt,  and  our 
guns  are  noAv  kept  harnessed,  in  momen- 
tary expectation  of  being  required.  How- 
ever, Ave  are  all  jolly,  and  have  no  sickness 
in  camp.” 

Another  extract  is  from  a letter  dated 
“ Alumbagh,  February  20th.”  The  writer 
states — “The  engineers’  park  here  is  as- 
suming most  magnificent  proportions — ga- 
bions in  thousands,  fascines  in  tens  of  thou- 
sands, and  sand-bags  by  cart-loads,  have 
already  arrived  from  CaAvnpore,  or  been 
made  on  the  spot;  boats,  ladders,  &c.,  are 
in  proportion,  aud  tbe  sapper  corps  num- 
bers nearly  a thousand  men.  The  enemy 
have  shoAvn  their  teeth  frequently  of  late ; 
but  they  have  never  succeeded  in  gaining 
anything  beyond  a loss,  nor  will  they. 
They  Avere  to  have  attacked  us  in  force  yes- 
terday, and  once  or  twice  we  were  on  the 
alert,  under  the  idea  that  they  were  coming 
on  ; but  nothing  occurred  out  of  the  usual 
practice  of  loud  drumming  and  long-range 
practice ; nor  do  I suppose  that  the  attack 
threatened  for  to-morrow  will  be  more  to 
the  purpose ; for  though  they  talk  of  bring- 
ing ‘ scaling-ladders’  up  to  the  Alumbagh 
enclosure,  they  are  likely  to  sit  down  and 
calculate  the  cost  before  they  venture  to 
cross  the  intermediate  ‘ open.’  Their  esca- 

245 


LUCKNOW — REBEL  PREPARATIONS.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


lade  will  be  like  their  artillery  attacks  d la 
j distance.  The  cause  of  their  present  ac- 
tivity is,  that  five  days  ago,  a subahdar  of 
the  65th  regiment  undertook  to  destroy  the 
English  in  ten  days,  if  he  were  made  com- 
mander-in-chief  for  that  time.  He  has 
; now  only  half  his  time  to  do  it  in,  poor 
I fellow.  The  moulvie  was  wounded  the 
' other  day  in  the  arm  by  grape.  His  life 
will  be  saved,  but  his  arm  will  be  useless 
for  the  remainder  of  his  days — no  very  pro- 
tracted period,  I fancy,  if  he  falls  into  our 
hands.  The  begum,  they  say,  is  in  a 
dreadful  state  of  mind  at  the  turn  affairs 
have  taken.  The  Delhi  troops  compelled 
her  to  release  the  moulvie,  who,  having  set 
up  a throne  of  his  own  in  rivalry  to  that  of 
her  son  (the  present  ‘boy-king’),  had  been 
secured  and  thrown  into  prison ; and  as 
the  moulvie  declares  that  everything  has 
gone  wrong  during  his  confinement  (whereas, 
had  he  been  at  large,  he  would  long  since 
have  exterminated  us),  the  Delhi  gentlemen 
are  decidedly  disrespectful  to  her  majesty 
the  queen-mother.  The  local  troops,  by 
whom  her  son  was  placed  on  the  throne, 
though  very  respectful,  are  unequivocally 
i disobedient.  They  profess  their  readiness 
! to  fight  on  being  paid — a condition  with 
' which  their  royal  mistress  cannot  comply ; 
and  they  are  not  the  men  to  be  coaxed 
into  perilous  activity  by  the  promises  of 
the  lady,  although  she  has  increased  their 
pay  to  twelve  rupees  per  mensem — that  of 
the  recusant  Delhi-ites  remaining  at  nine 
rupees.  To  add  to  the  poor  woman’s  dis- 
comfort, Maun  Sing  has  broken  away  from 
the  rebels,  and  entered  into  an  alliance 
with  Macgregor.  Maun’s  example  has 
been  followed  by  other  sirdars;  and  a very 
general  feeling  of  distrust  seems  to  prevail 
in  the  rebel  ranks.  So  uncomfortable  is 
the  position  of  the  poor  begum,  that  even 
I her  favourite,  Mummoo  Khan — the  darogah 
of  the  ex-king’s  seraglio,  and  well  known 
! to  be  the  father  of  the  present  boy-king ; 

I though,  of  course,  the  latter  is,  iu  theory, 

I the  son  of  Wajid  Ali — has  latterly  pre- 
sumed to  be  insolent  towards  her,  and  has, 
in  consequence,  been  more  than  once  re- 
primanded for  it  in  durbar.  The  be- 
gum holds  daily  levees,  and  addresses  the 
officers  of  state,  civil  and  military,  w'ith 
much  energy  from  behind  a purdah.  Poor 
thing ! she  talks  of  poisoning  herself  and 
her  son  also,  so  soon  as  the  Kaiserbagh  is 
stormed ; and  it  is  the  very  best  thing  she 
can  do.  It  will  save  herself  and  Sir  Colin 
246 


[a.d.  1858.  I 

Campbell  a world  of  trouble ; for  if  taken,  ' 
it  is  impossible  she  can  be  let  off;  and  I 
am  sure  Sir  Colin  would  much  rather  not 
have  the  hanging  of  her — he  hates  that  , 
sort  of  thing.”  ! 

As  the  time  approached  when  Lucknow  was 
again  destined  to  revert  to  the  possession  of 
the  English  authorities — a fact  to  be  realised 
only  through  torrents  of  blood  and  days  of 
frightful  carnage — it  may  be  apropos  here  to  ' 
observe,  that  during  the  interval  between 
November  and  March,  the  defences  of  the 
city  had  been  greatly  strengthened  and 
augmented.  Although  not  surrounded  by 
a fortified  wall,  as  Delhi  had  been,  its 
many  miles  of  area,  full  of  narrow  streets  ! 
and  lofty  houses,  and  occupied  by  an  enor- 
mous military  force,  in  addition  to  the 
ordinary  population,  constituted  it  a formi- 
dable stronghold.  The  city,  it  will  be  re- 
membered, lies  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
river  Goomtee,  which  there  runs  nearly  from 
north-west  to  south-east;  all  the  buildings  ; 
on  the  opposite  or  left  bank  of  the  river  j 
being  nearly  suburban.  After  winding  ‘ 
round  the  buildings  called  the  Martiniere 
and  the  Dilkoosha,  the  river  changes  its 
course  towards  the  south.  The  south-east-  I 
ei’n  extremity  of  the  city  is  bounded  by  a 
canal,  which  enters  the  Goomtee  near  the  i 
Martiniere;  but  there  is  no  defined  boun-  | 
dary  on  the  south-west,  west,  or  north-west. 
Between  the  crowded  or  commercial  part  of 
the  city,  and  the  river,  there  extended, 
previous  to  the  revolt,  a long  range  of  ^ 
palaces  and  gardens,  occupying,  collectively, 
an  immense  area,  and  known  by  the  several 
names  of  the  Secunderbagh,  the  Shah 
Nujeef,  Shah  Munzil,  the  Motee  Mahal, 
the  Kaiserbagh  (or  Palace  of  the  King), 
the  Chuttur  Munzil,  Fhurreed  Buksh,  the 
Residency  enclosure,  IMuchee  Bowun,  the 
great  Emaumbarra,  and  the  Moosabagh ; 
these  various  palaces  and  stately  buildings 
occupying  an  almost  continuous  line  of  five  j 
miles  along  the  right  bank  of  the  river,  and  | 
forming  a belt  between  it  and  the  poorer  and 
more  dense  portion  of  the  city.  To  cross  : 
the  river,  there  were  at  this  time  three  ' 
bridges — namely,  one  of  stone,  near  the 
great  Emaumbarra;  an  iron  suspension 
bridge,  near  the  residency ; and  a bridge  of 
boats,  near  the  Motee  Mahal. 

In  preparing  for  the  struggle  which  they 
were  well  aware  was  before  them,  the  rebels  i 
did  not  neglect  the  various  precautions  of 
defensive  warfare ; and  rightly  judging  that  ; 
the  English  commander  would  avoid  a hand- 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


A.D.  1858.] 

to-hand  contest  in  the  streets,  and  would 
direct  his  attack  towards  the  south-eastern 
suburb,  they  exerted  themselves  in  strength- 
ening that  side  of  the  city.  In  their  plan 
of  fortification  they  prudently  treated  the 
buildings  and  courts  of  the  Kaiserbagh  as 
a citadel,  and  interposed  between  it  and  the 
expected  besiegers  a series  of  formidable 
works.  The  exterior  of  these  was  a line  of 
defence  extending  from  the  river  i to  a 
building  known  as  “Banks^  House;”  of 
this  line  the  canal  formed  the  wet  ditch,  and 
behind  it  was  a rampart  or  embankment 
■with  guns.  The  second  defence  consisted 
of  an  earthwork  beginning  at  the  river-side, 
near  the  Motee  Mahal : and  the  third,  or 
interior  defence,  was  formed  by  the  prin- 
cipal rampart  of  the  Kaiserbagh  itself.  All 
these  lines  consisted  of  well-constructed 
earthen  parapets,  or  ridges  fronted  by  wide 
and  deep  ditches,  and  strengthened  at  in- 
tervals by  bastions.  But  not  alone  on  these 
formidable  works  did  the  enemy  rely;  for, 
with  prudent  foresight,  they  had  loopholed 
and  fortified  almost  every  house  and  en- 
closure, constructed  strong  counter-guards 
in  front  of  the  gateways,  and  placed  isolated 
bastions,  stockades,  and  traverses  across 
each  of  the  principal  streets.  The  three 
lines  of  defence  all  abutted  at  one  extremity 
on  the  river  Goomtee ; and,  at  the  other,  on 
the  great  street  or  road  called  the  Huzrut- 
guuge,  which  was  one  of  the  chief  avenues, 
and  was  loopholed  and  bastioned.  Nearly 
one  hundred  guns  and  mortars  were  placed 
in  position  upon  the  various  works  ; and  the 
number  of  troops  collected  for  the  defence 
of  the  place,  was  computed  as  ranging  be- 
tween ninety  and  one  hundred  thousand. 
Whatever  the  exact  number  of  troops  might 
then  have  been,  it  was  certain  that,  at  the  be- 
ginning of  March,  the  city  contained  above 
60,000  revolted  sepoys;  and  at  least  50,000 
irregular  volunteers,  and  armed  retainers  of 
insurgent  chiefs ; besides  the  ordinary  city 
population  of  some  300,000  persons;  and 
upon  this  immense  host  of  living  beings,  con- 
gregated and  massed  within  the  boundaries 
of  Lucknow,  the  storm  of  war  was  about  to 
burst  with  pitiless  but  just  severity.  The  in- 
surgent chiefs  of  Oude,  with  their  followers, 
animated  by  a desire  to  avenge  the  wrong 
inflicted  upon  their  native  sovereign  by  the 
prostration  of  his  throne,  and  the  degradation 
of  his  kingdom  to  the  level  of  a mere 
English  province,  were  there  assembled  to 
make  a last  effort  for  native  independence. 
The  mutinous  and  revolted  sepoys  of  the 


[the  oude  LE.ADERS. 

Anglo-Indian  government,  whose  lives 
scarcely  depended  upon  the  alternative 
afforded  by  victory  or  defeat,  were  there 
also  in  their  desperation  ; and  the  position 
of  the  mere  resident  population  was  neces- 
sarily compromised  by  their  presence.  This, 
how’ever,  was  a result  which  the  stern  neces- 
sities of  the  war  rendered  unavoidable  under 
any  circumstances. 

Of  the  leaders  and  chief  personages  who 
exercised  influence  over  this  vast  multitude 
at  the  time,  the  first  and  prime  mover  of  the 
insurrectionary  movement  was  the  begum, 
Huzrut  Mehal,  first  wife  of  the  king  of  Oude, 
then  a prisoner  at  Fort  William,  Calcutta. 
This  personage  is  represented  to  be  a woman 
of  much  energy  of  character;  who,  since  the 
departure  of  her  husband,  had  assumed  the 
regency  of  the  kingdom,  acting  in  the  name 
of,  and  during  the  minority  of  her  son,  a 
boy  of  eight  years  old,  whom  she  now  de- 
sired to  be  looked  upon  as  the  successor  of 
his  father  upon  the  musnud.  A favourite 
counsellor  of  the  begum,  named  Mummoo 
Kban,  raised  by  her  to  the  office  of  chief 
judge,  and  one  Shirreff-u-Dowlah,  the  chief 
minister,  were  her  principal  advisers;  the 
commander  - in  - chief,  Hissamut  - u - Do  wlah, 
also  exercised  great  influence  in  the  coun- 
cils of  the  regent;  as  did  also  a moulvie, 
or  Mussulman  fanatic,  who,  though  pro- 
fessing allegiance  to  the  infant  prince,  laid 
under  strong  suspicion  of  aiming  at  the 
throne  for  his  own  purposes — a surmise 
that  created  much  personal  ill-feeling  at 
times  between  the  begum  and  himself. 
Most  of  the  chief  officers  of  the  existing 
Oudian  government,  had  purchased  their 
places  by  large  gifts  to  the  begum  or  her 
favourites,  and  were  consequently  deeply 
interested  in  the  success  of  her  cause 
in  the  approaching  struggle.  The  power- 
ful military  commands  under  Shirreff-u- 
Dowlah,  were  held  by  eunuchs  of  the  royal 
palace. 

One  serious  obstacle  to  success  in  this 
w'ar — which,  as  regards  the  Oudians  ex- 
clusively, might  be  regarded  as  a war  of 
independence — was  the  simple  fact,  that  the 
court  of  Lucknow  was  a vast  mass  of  in- 
trigue, in  which  the  various  members  of  the 
royal  family  only  sought  how  they  might 
obtain  power  and  wealth  at  the  expense  of 
each  other,  and  of  the  bulk  of  the  people ; 
while  the  ministers  and  officers  were 
only  subservient  to  their  purposes,  so  far 
as  might  conduce  to  their  own  personal 
interests.  The  begum  and  the  moulvie 

247 


LUCKNOW THE  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


' leader,  although  moved  by  different  con- 
siderations, were  in  fact  the  chief  levers  by 
! which  popular  resistance  to  British  rule 
I was  moved,  and  by  tliem  every  measure 
j was  resorted  to  tliat  would  incite  the  fana- 
ticism of  the  native  population  against  the 
English,  who  were  studiously  represented 
! as  murdering  all  that  fell  into  their  hands; 

I and  resistance  to  the  death  was  inculcated 
' as  the  only  means  by  which  a chance  of 
deliverance  could  be  preserved  to  the  people 
of  Oude. 

After  the  reduction  and  reoccupation 
of  Futteghur  and  Furruckabad,  it  will  be 
remembered,  the  commander-iu-chief  con- 
tinued for  some  days  encamped  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  former  place,  busily 
occupied  iu  collecting  his  resources  for  the 
final  advance  into  Oude.  While  thus  sta- 
tioned, his  excellency  dispatched  to  the 
governor-general  the  following  account  of 
the  operations  of  the  various  forces  under 
his  command  : — 

I “ Head-quarters,  Fort  Futteghur,  Jan.  5th,  1858. 

1 “ My  Lord, — I have  already  had  the  honour  to 

inform  your  lordship  by  telegraph,  of  the  various 
arrangements  which  have  been  made  for  the  march 
of  the  force,  under  my  immediate  command,  up  the 
Doab.  Having  been  obliged  to  part  with  much  of 
my  carriage  to  meet  the  wants  of  Major-general  Sir 
J.  Outram,  G.C.B.,  in  Oude,  considerable  delay  was 
unavoidable  at  Cawnpore  after  the  action  of  the  6th. 
The  time,  however,  was  not  lost.  A brigade  under 
Brigadier  the  Hon.  Adrian  Hope  was  detached  to 
Bithoor,  where  every  vestige  of  the  Nana  Sahib’s 
property  was  swept  away ; and,  after  very  consider- 
able exertion,  much  treasure  recovered  from  the 
wells  belonging  to  his  former  palace.  The  troops 
had  worked  hard  at  this  duty ; and  it  was  not  com- 
pleted when  it  became  necessary  for  Brigadier  Hope 
to  close  on  me,  subsequent  to  ray  march.  The  88th 
foot  was  accordingly  ordered  out  from  Cawnpore, 
under  Colonel  Maxwell,  C.B.,  to  prosecute  the  re- 
searches which  bad  already  been  attended  by  much 
success.  An  order  has  been  given  to  transfer  the 
treasure  so  found  to  Mr.  Sherer,  civil  magistrate  of 
Cawnpore. 

“ Another  brigade  had  been  detached  under 
Brigadier  Walpole,  to  make  a detour  by  Akbarpore, 
through  Etawah  to  Mynpoorie,  with  orders  to  rejoin 
me  on  the  Grand  Trunk-road.  The  effect  of  this 
movement  has  been  excellent;  and  Captain  Bradford, 
the  officer  whom  I selected  to  act  as  a special  com- 
missioner to  accompany  Brigadier  Walpole’s  force, 
has  been  enabled  to  shape  out  the  police  arrange- 
ments. He  has  punished  some  notorious  malefac- 
tors and  disaffected  districts,  as  shown  by  the  various 
reports  which  have  been  forwarded  to  the  secretary 
of  government.  In  consequence  of  the  march  of 
this  column,  it  would  appear  that  there  has  been  a 
complete  sweep  of  rebels  and  bad  characters  from 
the  southern  part  of  the  Doab.  Brigadier  Walpole 
joined  me  yesterday  at  Futteghur,  and  has  received 
my  entire  approval  for  the  able  and  judicious  manner 
in  which  he  has  carried  out  the  duty  entrusted  to 

248 


[a.d.  1858. 


him.  I am  informed,  by  the  civil  authorities,  that 
my  protracted  stay  at  Cawnpore  was  of  much  benefit ; 
and  I am  convinced  that,  apart  from  any  immediate  \ 
military  object,  it  is  necessary  for  the  re-establish-  j 
ment  of  authority,  that  the  march  of  the  troops 
should  be  deliberate.  Time  is  thus  afforded  to  the  ' 
magistrates  and  special  commissioners  to  visit  rebel-  i 
lious  towns  and  villages,  and  again  display  to  the 
people,  in  an  unmistakable  manner,  the  resolution 
of  your  lordship’s  government  to  visit  punishment  I 
on  all  those  who  have,  during  the  last  few  months, 
set  aside  their  allegiance.  Our  movements  have 
accordingly  been  regulated  on  this  principle  with 
reference  to  the  day  on  which  Brigadier  Walpole 
was  ordered  to  be  at  Mynpoorie,  and  the  date  of  the 
probable  arrival  of  Colonel  Seaton’s  column  from 
Delhi,  at  the  same  place.  Having  completed  my 
means  of  movement  with  the  carts  which  had  returned 
from  Allahabad  on  the  23rd  December,  after  con- 
veying the  wounded  to  that  station,  I marched  to 
Chowbepore  on  the  24th. 

“ On  the  28th,  while  the  head-quarters  and  one 
brigade  were  advanced  to  Meerunka  Serai,  Major- 
general  Windham,  C.B.,  was  detached  with  his 
remaining  brigade  to  Futtiah,  the  rajah  of  which 
place  had  abandoned  his  fort  the  night  of  the  advance 
from  Cawnpore.  The  fort  was  destroyed  by  the 
engineers,  and  several  rebels  belonging  to  the  vil- 
lages in  the  neighbourhood  were  disposed  of  by 
the  magistrate.  Mr.  Power  accompanied  this  bri- 
gade, and  was  enabled  to  make  a good  circuit  round 
the  country.  Measures  were  taken,  from  our  several 
halting-places,  to  destroy  the  country  boats  on  the 
Ganges,  in  order  to  prevent  interruption  of  the  Doab, 
from  the  Oude  side  of  the  river,  when  the  troops 
should  have  moved  on.  A considerable  number 
were  burnt,  but  it  is  probable  that  many  may  have 
escaped  notice. 

“ On  the  31st  of  December  the  leading  brigades  ' 
arrived  at  Goorsaigunge,  Brigadier  Greathed  and 
Major-general  Windham  closing  up,  the  one  from 
the  river  in  the  evening,  and  the  other  from  Futtiah 
the  next  day.  Early  in  the  forenoon  of  the  1st  of 
January,  Brigadier  Hope  was  sent  forward  with  two 
regiments  to  the  Kalee  Nuddee,  to  prevent  the  fur- 
ther destruction  of  the  iron  suspension-bridge  by 
the  rebels.  They  disappeared  on  his  approach,  and 
the  corps  of  royal  engineers  and  Bengal  sappers, 
with  a party  of  sailors,  under  Major  Nicholson 
(royal  engineers),  set  to  work  with  great  vigour,  and 
worked  day  and  night  for  the  repair  of  the  bridge, 
which  had  been  very  much  injured.  I consider  that 
Major  Nicholson,  and  the  officers  and  men  under 
his  command,  deserve  great  credit  for  the  unflagging 
industry  and  real  skill  displayed  on  this  occasion. 
The  sailors  were  specially  useful  to  Major  Nicholson, 
in  the  management  of  the  ropes  which  replaced  the 
broken  part  of  the  iron-work  of  the  suspension- 
bridge. 

“ On  the  morning  of  the  2nd  of  January,  I rode  , 
out,  accompanied  by  the  chief  of  the  staff,  to  see  if  S 
the  bridge  was  ready  for  the  advance  of  the  column.  | 
Shortly  after  my  arrival,  while  I was  inspecting  the  j 
work,  which  was  nearly  complete,  I observed  an 
unusual  movement  amongst  the  villagers  in  a village 
about  half  a mile  to  the  right  front  of  the  bridge. 

It  soon  became  evident  that  an  attack  was  about  to 
be  made  on  the  working  parties.  The  picket,  which 
had  been  placed  on  the  enemy’s  side  of  the  river,  to 
cover  the  working  party,  was  quickly  reinforced. 
The  pickets  there,  consisting  of  a wing  of  the  53rd 


A.D.  1858.]  INDIAN  MUTINY,  [preliminary  arr.\ngements. 


regiment,  were  skilfully  laid  out  by  Major  Payn,  of  that 
j corps,  under  the  direction  of  Brigadier  Hope,  to  the 
left  and  along  the  road.  The  enemy  attacked  with 
guns  and  musketry,  whilst  the  remainder  of  the  o3rd 
was  passing  the  bridge  in  support,  and  the  heavy 
guns  were  being  advanced  from  the  position  in 
which  they  had  originally  been  placed,  to  cover  the 
working  parties.  The  right  wing  of  the  93rd  high- 
landers remained  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Kalee 
I Nuddee,  in  reserve.  A raking  fire  was  quickly 
opened  by  Lieutenant  Vaughan,  of  the  royal  navy, 
and  Major  Smith,  commanding  a field  battery,  royal 
artillery.  It  not  appearing  expedient  to  press  the 
I enemy  till  the  remainder  of  the  force  should  come 
up  (for  which  orders  were  sent),  the  position  now 
I taken  up  by  the  53rd  regiment  was  secured,  and  the 
fire  of  the  enemy  kept  down  by  our  guns ; but  an 
advance  was  not  permitted.  I may  mention  that 
the  flanks  had  been  secured,  when  the  bridge  was 
first  occupied,  by  the  detachment  of  a wing  of  the 
highlanders  at  Rowen,  a village  about  three  miles  to 
j the  right,  where  there  was  a ford ; a patrol  having 
been  sent  also  on  the  previous  day  to  destroy  what- 
i ever  boats  might  he  found,  for  several  miles  up  the 
' Kalee  Nuddee,  to  the  left  of  the  bridge.  At  11a.m., 
j the  main  column  from  the  old  camp  began  to  arrive. 
Brigadier  Greathed’s  brigade  leading.  At  the  same 
I time  it  was  observed  that  the  enemy  had  got  a heavy 
[ gun  in  position,  which  had  not  opened  before  about 
half.past  2 p.m.  ; the  53rd,  supported  by  the  93rd, 
advanced  on  the  village,  to  the  right,  which  had 
already  been  evacuated  in  consequence  of  the  fire 
brought  upon  it ; whilst  Brigadier  Greathed  marched 
along  the  left  of  it,  the  cavalry  moving  at  a sharp 
pace  on  the  line  of  the  enemy’s  retreat  towards  Fut- 
I teghur.  The  retreat  of  the  enemy  soon  became  a 
I rapid  flight,  considerable  execution  being  inflicted 
' by  the  cavalry,  under  the  immediate  superintendence 
j of  Brigadier-general  Grant  and  Brigadier  Little  ; all 
j the  guns  which  had  been  opposed  to  us,  viz.  {vide 
I return),  eight  in  number,  falling  into  our  hands. 
In  this  skirmish  all  the  troops  engaged  behaved 
remarkably  well ; and  the  only  fault  I had  to  find 
was  with  their  too  great  eagerness  for  attack.  The 
rebels  who  were  dispersed  on  this  occasion  consisted 
of  three  or  four  battalions  of  the  41st  and  other  corps 
of  native  infantry.  In  the  41st  the  rebels  had  begun 
with  much  system  to  organise  a second  battalion, 
their  recruits  being  dressed  in  a neat  uniform.  Their 
rout  was  complete,  and  it  is  said,  apparently  on  good 
authority,  that  the  fugitives  who  escaped  have  made 
for  Bareilly. 

“ The  camp  was  pitched,  late  in  the  evening,  on 
the  road  to  Futteghur,  five  miles  from  the  Kalee 
Nuddee,  w’here  I had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  Colonel 
Seaton,  who  had  ridden  over  from  Bewer  to  report 
the  arrival  of  his  force  and  convoy  in  person.  He 
was  directed  to  make  certain  arrangements  with  the 
latter,  and  to  close  on  Futteghur,  after  being  joined 
by  Brigadier  AValpole.  A very  large  stock  of  grain 
was  ordered  to  be  sent  to  Cawnpore,  to  ease  that 
district,  and  lighten  the  labours  of  the  commissariat, 
for  the  supply  of  Sir  James  Outram. 

“ On  the  3rd,  I marched  on  Futteghur,  which 
had  been  deserted  after  the  defeat  of  the  previous 
day,  by  all  the  followers  of  the  nawab.  The  flight 
of  the  rebels  was  so  rapid,  that  they  had  no  time  to 
j complete  the  destruction  of  the  government  pro- 
1 perty.  It  is  with  the  utmost  satisfaction  I have  to 
inform  your  lordship  of  the  very  large  amount  of 
stores,  of  the  most  valuable  description,  belonging 

VOL.  II.  2 K 


to  the  late  gun  and  clothing  agencies,  which  have 
been  saved  to  the  state.  A notorious  malefactor 
(one  Najir  Khan)  was  seized,  with  his  guns,  in  the 
town.  I caused  this  to  be  done  by  the  inhabitants, 
under  fear  of  punishment  on  themselves.  He  was 
executed  at  the  principal  gate,  on  the  4th  instant. 
Mr.  Bower,  civil  service,  has  applied  to  me  to  sanc- 
tion the  appointment  of  Mr.  Capper,  civil  service,  to 
assist  him  in  the  Futteghur  district.  Mr.  Power 
represents  his  new  assistant  as  a man  of  much  expe- 
rience in  these  districts,  and  acquainted  with  the 
people.  I have  therefore  ventured  to  give  the  sanc- 
tion required,  subject  to  your  lordship’s  approval. 

“ The  destruction  of  the  nawab’s  paiace  is  in  pro- 
cess. I think  it  right  that  not  a stone  should  be 
left  unturned  in  all  the  residences  of  the  rebellious 
chiefs.  They  are  far  more  guilty  than  their  mis- 
guided followers.  A brigade  will  proceed  to-mor- 
row to  visit  two  very  mutinous  villages,  at  a dis- 
tance of  some  twenty  miles  from  Futteghur.  A 
garrison  has  been  left  at  Mynpoorie,  eonsisting  of 
her  majesty’s  38th  foot,  two  field  battery  guns,  and 
200  Wale’s  horse.  This  garrison  will  furnish  the 
escorts  from  Mynpoorie  to  .A"*'^' 
precautions  are  necessary.  I have  intimated  to 
Colonel  Fraser,  the  chief  commissioner,  North-West 
Provinces,  that  it  is  not  expedient  to  leave  a small 
detachment  by  itself  at  Etawah  ; but  that  that  place 
should  trust  rather  to  the  influence  of  the  Myn- 
poorie garrison  on  the  one  side,  and  the  last  ar- 
rangements made  by  me  in  the  Cawnpore  district 
on  the  other.  That  arrangement  consists  of  a 
movable  column,  which  is  now  being  organised  by  j 
Brigadier  Inglis,  at  Cawnpore,  for  the  purpose  of 
marching  about  the  district,  in  aid  of  the  civil 
power. 

“ Having  reached  this  point,  and  the  communica- 
tion being  fairly  established  between  Calcutta  and 
Agra,  I await  your  lordship’s  further  instructions. 

“ I have,  &c., 

“ C.  Campbell,  General,  Commander-in-Chief.” 

The  necessary  arrangements  for  the  cam- 
paign in  Glide — which  had  been  retarded 
by  the  non-arrival  of  a puwertui  siege-train 
from  Agra,  and  other  accidental  oiistacles  | 
to  immediate  action — were  at  length  com-  i 
pleted ; and  the  various  divisions  of  the  ' 
array,  under  their  respective  brigadiers, 
were  in  readiness  to  march  simultaneously 
towards  Lucknow.  Sir  Colin  Campbell  ^ 
then,  on  the  4th  of  Februarv,  as  already  I 
stated,  returned  to  Cawnpore  with  a por- 
tion of  the  force  under  his  immediate  com- 
mand ; and,  after  a flying  visit  to  the  gov- 
ernor-general at  Allahabad,  returned  to  the 
'‘City  of  Blood,’'’  to  set  in  motion  the  vast 
machinery  he  had  organised,  and  so  well  j 
knew  how  to  manage.  j 

At  length,  about  the  11th  of  the  month, 
all  was  ready  for  action ; and  part  of  a Bri- 
tish army,  more  formidable  than  any  that 
had  previously  taken  the  field  against  the 
rebels,  began  to  cross  the  Ganges  into 
Oude.  It  had  originally  been  intended  to  i 
effect  the  crossing  of  a portion  of  the  i 

249  ; 


THE  ARMY  OF  OFUE.]  HISTORY  OF  THE  [a.d.  1858. 

j 

troops  at  Futteghur;  but,  for  sufficient 
reasons,  Cawnpore  was  ultimately  selected 
for  the  passage  of  the  whole.  To  increase 
the  facilities  for  this  important  operation,  a 
second  bridge  of  boats  was  constructed ; 
but  even  with  this  additional  means,  the 
crossing  was  a slow  and  difficult  one,  and 
occupied  several  days  in  its  accomplish- 
ment, from  the  vast  number  of  vehicles 
employed.  For  instance,  a small  portion 
of  the  ammunition  only,  without  reference 
to  any  camp-equipage  or  baggage,  required 
the  assistance  of  1,500  carts;  and  the  artil- 
lery, which  was  on  an  enormous  scale,  com- 
prising the  siege  guns,  the  naval  brigade 
guns,  the  field  guns,  and  those  of  the  horse 
artillery,  numbered  not  much  less  than  200 
pieces,  and  extended  to  an  immense  line  of 
march. 

The  following  notification  enumerates  the 
component  parts  of  the  force  destined  to 
achieve  the  final  conquest  of  Lucknow, 
under  the  guidance  of  Sir  Colin  Camp- 
bell : — 

“Head-quarters,  Camp  Cawnpore,  10th  Feb. 

“ The  troops  now  in  Oude,  and  those  advancing 
into  that  province,  are  formed  into  divisions  and 
brigades,  and  staff  officers  are  attached  as  follows, 
the  whole  being  under  the  personal  command  of  his 
excellency  the  commander-in-chief.  Such  appoint- 
ments as  now  appear  for  the  first  time,  will  take 
effect  from  this  date. 

“\Artille.ry  Division  Staff. — Major-general  Sir  A. 
Wilson,  Bart.,  K.C.  B.,  Bengal  artillery,  command- 
ing ; Major  E.  B.  Johnson,  B.  A.,  assistant-adjutant- 
general  ; Lieutenant  R.  Biddulph,  R.  A.,  deputy- 
adjutant,  quartermaster-general;  Lieutenant-colonel 
C.  Hogge,  Bengal  artillery,  director  of  artillery  in 
the  ordnance  department ; Captain  C.  H.  Burchard, 
20th  regiment  native  infantry,  aide-de-camp  ; Lieu- 
tenant H.  G.  Deedes,  60th  royal  rifles,  extra  aide- 
de-camp. 

“Brigade  of  Field  Artillery. — Brigadier  D.  E. 
"Wood,  C.  B.,  royal  horse  artillery;  Lieutenant  S.  S. 
Frith,  Bengal  horse  artillery,  major  of  brigade. 

“Brigade  of  Siege  Artillery. — Brigadier  G.  R. 
Barker,  C.  B.,  royal  artillery  ; Lieutenant  A.  Bur- 
ney, Bengal  horse  artillery,  major  of  brigade ; E 
troop  royal  horse  artillery;  F ditto;  1st  troop  1st 
battalion  Bengal  horse  artillery;  2nd  ditto  1st  ditto; 
2nd  ditto  3rd  ditto ; 3rd  ditto  3rd  ditto ; 3rd  com- 
pany 14th  battalion  royal  artillery  and  No.  20  light 
field  battery ; 2nd  company  3rd  battalion  Bengal 
artillery  and  No.  20  light  field  battery ; 3rd  com- 
pany 8th  battalion  royal  artillery;  6lh  ditto  11th 
ditto;  5th  ditto  12th  ditto;  5th  ditto  13th  ditto; 
4th  ditto  1st  battalion  Bengal  artillery;  1st  ditto 
5th  ditto ; 3rd  ditto  5th  ditto ; detachment  Bengal 
artillery  recruits ; the  naval  brigade  will  form  part 
of  the  division  under  Sir  A.  Wilson,  but  will  be 
under  the  immediate  command  of  Captain  W.  Peel, 
C.B.,  royal  navy,  and  independent  of  the  brigade  of 
siege  artillery. 

“Engineer  Brigade. — Brigadier  R.  Napier,  B.  E., 
chief  engineer;  major  of  brigade,  Lieutenant  H. 

250 

Bingham,  Veteran  E.,  brigade  quartermaster;  Lieu- 
tenant-colonel  H.  ]).  Harness,  B.  E.,  commanding 
royal  engineers ; Captain  A.  Taylor,  B.  E.,  com- 
manding Bengal  engineers ; 4th  company  roval 
engineers ; 23rd  company  royal  engineers ; head- 
quarters sappers  and  miners ; Punjab  sappers  and 
miners  ; corps  of  pioneers. 

“ Cavalry  Division. — Brigadier -general  J.  H. 
Grant,  C. B.,  commanding;  Captain  W.  Hamilton, 
9th  lancers,  deputy-adjutant-general ; Lieutenant 
J.  S.  Roberts,  Bengal  horse  artillery,  deputy-assis- 
tant-quartermaster-general ; Captain  the  Hon.  A. 
H.  A.  Anson,  H.  M’s.  84th  regiment,  aide-de-camp. 

“ ls<  Brigade. — Brigadier  A.  Little,  H.  M.’s  9th 
lancers ; Captain  H.  A.  Savel,  H.  M.’s  9th  lancers, 
major  of  brigade. 

“ 2n<f  Brigade. — Brigadier  W.  Campbell,  H.M.’s 
2nd  dragoon  guards ; Captain  H.  Forbes,  1st  light 
cavalry,  major  of  brigade  ; H.  M.’s  9th  lancers  ; 2nd 
battalion  military  train  ; 2nd  Punjab  cavalry ; de- 
tachment of  5th  light  cavalry ; Wale’s  horse ; 
H.M.’s  2nd  dragoon  guards;  H.M.’s  7th  (Queen’s 
Own)  hussars ; volunteer  cavalry ; detachment  P.  I. 
cavalry;  Hudson’s  horse. 

“ ls<  Infantry  Division. — Major-general  Sir  J. 
Outram,  G.C.  13.,  Bombay  army,  commanding; 
Captain  D.  S.  Dodgson,  30th  native  infantry, 
deputy-adjutant-general ; Lieutenant  W.  R.  Moor- 
some,  H.  M.’s  52nd  light  infantry,  deputy-assistant- 
quartermaster-general  ; Lieutenant  F.  E.  A.  Cha- 
mier,  34th  native  infantry,  aide-de-camp ; Lieu- 
tenant Hargood,  1st  Madras  fusiliers,  extra  aide- 
de-camp. 

“ Is^  Brigade. — Brigadier  D.  Russel,  H.  M.’s  84th 
regiment,  major  of  brigade  ; H.  M.’s  5th  fusiliers  ; 
ditto  84th  regiment  1st  Madras  fusiliers. 

“ 2nd  Brigade. — Brigadier  C.  Franklyne,  H.  M.’s 
8th  regiment,  major  of  brigade  ; H.  M.’s  78th  high- 
landers ; ditto  90th  light  infantry;  regiment  of 
Ferozepore. 

“ 2nd  Division. — Captain  R.  C.  Stewart,  H.  M.’s 
53rd  regiment,  deputy-assistant-adjutant-general, 
commanding;  Captain  D.  C.  Steute,  deputy-assis- 
tant-quartermaster of  the  army,  aide-de-camp. 

“ 3rd  Brigade. — Brigadier  W.  Hamilton,  H.  M.’s 
78th  highlanders ; Captain  G.  N.  Fendall,  H.  M.’s 
53rd  regiment,  major  of  brigade ; H.  M.’s  34th  re- 
giment ; ditto  53rd  regiment. 

“ 4<A  Brigade. — Brigadier  the  Hon.  A.  Hope, 
H.  M.’s  93rd  highlanders ; Captain  J.  H.  Cox, 
H.  M.’s  75th  regiment,  major  of  brigade ; H.  M.’s 
42nd  highlanders ; ditto  93rd  ditto ; 4th  Punjab 
rifles. 

“ 3rd  Division. — Brigadier-general  Walpole,  R.  B., 
commanding;  Captain  C.  A.  Howell,  71st  native 
infantry,  deputy-assistant-adjutant-general;  Captain 
T.  A.  Carey,  17th  native  infantry,  deputy-assistant- 
quartermaster-general,  aide-de-camp. 

“ bth  Brigade. — Brigadier  Douglas,  H.  M.’s  79th 
highlanders,  major  of  brigade  ; H.  M.’s  23rd  regi- 
ment ditto,  79lh  highlanders,  and  1st  Bengal  fusiliers. 

“ %th  Brigade. — (General  Lugard) — Brigadier 
H.  H.  Horford,  rifle  brigade,  major  of  brigade  ; 
two  battalions  rifle  brigade  ; 3rd  ditto  ditto,  and 
2nd  Punjab  infantry ; Captain  C.  C.  Johnson, 
deputy-assistant-quarlermaster-general,  will  be  at- 
tached to  army  tread-quarters.  Deputy-judge-advo- 
cate-general  to  the  force ; Captain  A.  C.  Robertson, 
H.  M.’s  8th  (the  King’s)  regiment ; field  pay- 
master. Captain  H.  C.  Tombs,  13th  native  infantry; 
baggage-master.  Lieutenant  H.  ^lorland,  1st  Bengal 

INDIAN  MUTINY,  [me.  kussell’s  correspondence. 


A.D.  1858.] 

fusiliers;  provost-marshal,  Captain  A.  C.  Warner, 
7th  light  cavalry;  post-master,  Major  C.  Apthorp, 
41st  native  infantry;  superintending  surgeon,  J.  C. 
Browne,  M.  D.,  B.  H.  A.;  field-surgeon.  Surgeon 
Wilkie;  medical  storekeeper.  Assistant- surgeon 
Corbyn.  All  staff  appointments  connected  with 
Major-general  Sir  J.  Outram’s  force,  not  specified 
above,  will  hold  good  until  the  junction  of  that  force 
with  the  army  head-quarters.  All  appointments 
not  filled  up  in  the  above  orders,  will  be  filled  up 
under  the  orders  of  officers  commanding  divisions 
and  brigades. 

On  the  night  of  the  26th  of  February,  it 
was  announced  in  orders  that  the  greater 
part  of  the  troops  stationed  around  Cawn- 
pore,  should  march  for  Lucknow  at  day- 
break on  the  following  morning,  and  that 
all  the  head-quarters’  staff,  except  those  in 
immediate  personal  attendance  on  Sir  Colin 
Campbell,  and  on  the  chief  of  the  staff, 
(General  Mansfield)  should  proceed  in  three 
marches  to  Buiithura — a large  plain  on  the 
road  to  Lucknow,  and  about  nine  miles 
from  the  city,  and  there  await  further  orders. 
The  following  graphic  description  of  the 
preparations  for  the  march  of  the  troops, 
and  the  advance  to  Bunthura,  is  from  the 
pen  of  the  Times’  correspondent,  who  had 
joined  the  camp  at  Cawnpore  on  his  special 
mission : — 

“ It  requires  hut  short  notice  in  India  to 
move  a camp.  For  days  past  I had  been 
disturbed  by  the  gurglings  and  grumblings 
of  the  great  internal  waterworks  of  two 
huge  camels  which  I had  for  the  transport 
of  my  baggage,  and  which  were  picketed 
close  to  my  tent.  The  utile  was  never  so 
little  mingled  with  the  dulce  as  in  the 
instance  of  the  camel ; he  is  a horribly  ne- 
cessary animal,  ungainly  in  his  gait,  dis- 
agreeable in  his  disposition,  misanthropical 
and  dyspeptic,  and  teetotal  in  his  habits ; 
sharp  and  unrelenting  in  his  bites,  of  un- 
accountable phantasies  in  his  likings  and 
dislikings,  unreasonably  susceptible  of  pres- 
sttre  and  oppression — a sort  of  inborn  animal 
democrat,  of  a querulous  and  morose  turn 
of  mind,  and  possessed  of  the  power,  which 
he  delights  to  use,  of  making  the  most  hor- 
rible noises  with  his  throat,  his  jaws,  his 
tongue,  and  his  stomach.  With  loud  pro- 
testations they  submit  to  monstrous  cruelties 
from  their  keepers,  and  bite  innocent  well- 
meaning  people  who  are  like  to  take  an 
interest  in  them.  They  will  allow,  withont 
anything  more  than  a grunt,  their  leader  to 
tear  open  their  nostrils  with  a jerk  of  the 
string  which  is  passed  through  the  cartilage ; 
ten  to  one  they  will  spit  at  you  spitefully  if 
you  approach  to  offer  them  a piece  of  bread. 


They  will  march  for  days,  the  nose  of  one 
fastened  to  the  tail  of  another  in  endless  ! 
procession,  and  never  seek  to  escape  from 
bondage;  and  yet  the  same  creatures  will 
gnash  their  tushes  awfully  at  an  unhappy 
European  who  ventures  to  rub  their  rugged 
sides.  However,  they  form  an  institution 
of  India — possibly  a part  of  the  traditional 
policy — and  they  must  be  respected  accord- 
ingly. I had  secured  for  a ridiculous  price 
a palkee  gharry  belonging  to  one  of  the 
Agra  fugitives,  drawn  by  a horse,  whose 
special  recommendation  was  that  he  had 
drawn  this  vehicle  thirty  miles  a-day  for 
several  days  previously,  but  who  had  evi- 
dently made  up  his  mind  that  he  had  by  so 
doing  secured  himself  an  immunity  from 
locomotion  for  the  rest  of  his  natural  life. 

A promise  of  a mount  of  an  elephant  also 
entered  into  the  consideration  of  my  re- 
sources, and  I had  furthermore  the  aid  of  a 1 
white  mare,  which  I had  bought  for  a high 
price  at  Cawnpore.  I only  enumerate  these 
matters,  as  they  may  enable  one  to  judge  of 
the  paraphernalia  of  the  march  in  India;  [ 
and  I have  not  as  yet  said  one  word  of  the 
two  other  camels  which  were  appointed  to 
carry  my  tent.  Under  the  eaves  of  that 
tent  had  gathered  a strange  population : 
they  came  as  sparrows  come  to  a house, 
without  the  knowledge  or  consent  of  the 
owner;  but  the  analogy  fails  in  other  re- 
spects except  noise,  because  the  natives 
require  to  be  paid.  There  are  two  men  who 
belong  to  the  tent-post,  as  in  England  cer- 
tain gentlemen  belong  to  horses ; then  there  j 
is  a man  to  carry  water,  who  belongs  to  a | 
large  skin  to  contain  that  liquid  ; next  there 
is  a cleaner  or  sweeper;  then  there  is  a 
khitmutgur  (or  servant),  and  there  is  his  and 
my  master,  one  Simon — ‘an  assizes  man’ 
he  says  himself,  but  he  only  means  that 
he  is  a follower  of  St.  Francisco  d’ Assisi; 
and  then  follow  camel-keepers,  and  horse- 
keepers,  and  grass-cutters,  so  that  I feel 
very  much  as  Sancho  did  in  his  government 
of  Barrataria. 

“ On  the  morning  of  the  27th,  soon  after 
midnight,  commenced  a tumult  in  camp, 
the  like  of  which  I never  heard  before ; first 
began  a loud  tapping  of  all  the  tent-pegs, 
as  if  an  army  of  gigantic  woodpeckers  were 
attacking  us.  This  was  caused  by  the 
kelassies  (or  tent-men)  loosening  the  tent- 
pegs,  so  that  they  might  be  drawn  easily 
from  the  ground  when  the  word  “to  march” 
was  given.  Then  followed  a most  hideous, 
grumbling,  growling,  roaring  noise,  as  if 

251 


THE  MAKCH  TO  LUCKNOW.] 

many  thousands  of  aldermen  were  choking 
all  at  once,  only  that  it  was  kept  up  for 
hours ; that  was  caused  by  the  camels  ob- 
I jecting  to  the  placement  of  the  smallest 
article  on  their  backs,  and  continuing  their 
; opposition  till  they  stalked  off  with  their 
1 loads.  Then  came  the  trumpeting  of  ele- 
: phants,  the  squeaking  of  bullock-cart  wheels, 
the  hum  and  buzz  of  thousands  of  voices, 
and  at  last  the  first  bugle-call,  which  an- 
nounced that  the  time  for  turuiug-out  had 
arrived.  Daylight  was  still  striving  with 
the  moonlight  for  mastery,  and  casting  a 
I sort  of  neutral  tint  over  the  camping-ground, 

' on  which  blazed  the  flames  of  many  Avatch- 
fires,  when  the  heads  of  our  columns  began 
to  cross  the  bridge  of  boats  at  Cawnpore. 
There  was  but  a waste  of  baked  earth  where, 
at  sunset,  had  been  a camp — only  a few 
tents  belonging  to  the  commauder-iu-chief 
and  the  head-quarters'  staff,  were  left  be- 
hind; and  for  hours  the  bridge  echoed  to 
the  tramp  of  men  and  horses,  the  rumble  of 
artillery,  and  to  the  tread  of  innumerable 
elephants  and  camels  and  oxen.  The  Granges 
is  at  this  season  at  its  lowest,  and  the  bridges 
are  not,  I should  think,  more  than  300 
yards  long;  one  is  used  for  the  exit,  the 
other  for  the  entrance  of  Cawnpore.  They 
lead  to  a level  sandy  plain,  overflowed  by 
the  Ganges  for  several  hundred  yards  in 
the  rainy  season,  on  which  there  were  now 
moving,  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach,  the 
. strings  of  baggage  animals  and  the  commis- 
\ sariat  carts  of  the  army,  with  their  fantastic 
followers.  The  road  has  been  much  cut  up 
by  the  passage  of  artillery,  and  in  some 
places  is  only  to  be  distinguished  from  the 
land  at  each  side  by  the  flanking  line  of 
telegraph-posts.  The  country,  as  we  go  on, 
is  as  level  as  a bowling-green,  but  on  all 
sides  the  horizon  is  bounded  by  the  groves 
of  mangoes.  The  country  is  green  with 
early  corn  ; but  close  to  the  roadside  the 
presence  of  our  hosts  has  made  itself  visible, 
and  the  trees  are  stripped  of  their  branches, 
and  the  fields  trampled  and  brown,  the 
young  crops  being  used  as  food  for  animals, 
and  the  boughs  and  branches  as  provender 
for  elephants  and  camels.  The  villages  by 
the  roadside,  built  of  mud,  but  rather  better 
than  those  in  Bengal,  Avere  deserted  and  in 
ruins,  and,  except  in  the  wake  of  the  army, 
not  a soul  was  visible.  The  dust  fleAV  in 
clouds — alight  choking  poAvder,  which  filled 
eyes  and  lungs  and  mouth,  and  rendered  all 
the  senses  unpleasant.  It  Avas  with  great 
satisfaction,  therefore,  that  I learnt,  after  a 
252 


[a.d.  1858. 

little  purgatory  of  some  three  and  a-half 
hours,  that  Ave  were  approaching  Oonao 
(pronounced  Ohnow),  where  Havelock  fought 
and  beat  the  enemy  on  tAvo  successive  occa- 
sions in  his  advances  to  Lucknow.  It  is 
about  eleven  miles  from  Cawnpore,  and  it 
presents  an  irregular  outline  of  mud  houses, 
with  high  mud  walls,  which  in  the  distance 
looked  like  those  of  a fortress.  Above  them 
peer  the  minarets  of  some  small  mosques, 
and  there  are  thick  groves  of  mangoes  and 
orchard  trees  all  around  it.  The  road  passes 
it  on  the  left ; and  in  half-an-hour  more  we 
saw  before  us  a Avide  plain,  destitute  of 
trees,  over  which  the  crowds  of  vultures 
and  kites  that  eA’er  follow  a camp  were 
wheeling  in  great  flocks,  telling  us  that 
Ave  were  near  our  resting-place.  Through 
the  clouds  of  dust  we  could  distinguish  our 
tents  in  the  distance,  and,  passing  through 
multitudes  of  transport  animals  and  parks 
of  carriages  of  all  sorts,  Ave  found  our  tents 
all  ready  for  us,  each  man  with  his  peculiar 
residence  pitched  on  its  own  plot  of  ground, 
and  all  the  interior  apparatus  arranged  just 
as  it  was  Avhen  he  walked  out  of  it  in  the 
morning.  The  mess  tent,  not  the  least  im- 
portant of  the  mansions  of  this  canvas  city, 
Avas  ready  also  Avith  its  crowd  of  white- 
robed,  black-faced,  mute  attendants,  its 
curious  dishes,  and  its  warmest  Allsopp. 
Camels  and  hackeries  and  elephants  came 
pouring  in  all  day  till  late  at  night,  and  the 
sun  set  through  a thick  veil  of  dust,  through 
which  might  be  seen  dimly  the  fleet  of 
camels  steering  their  course  steadily  along 
the  line  of  the  main  road  towards  Lucknow. 

“ Feb.  28th. — This  morning  Avas  very  like 
yesterday  morning;  if  possible,  there  was 
more  noise  and  dust.  The  first  bugles 
Avent  at  two  o'clock,  and  at  3.30  the  camp 
Avas  struck,  and  the  force  under  Walpole 
was  again  in  motion.  It  was  a strange 
scene — not  to  be  described  or  imagined. 
The  moon  was  shining  brightly  on  the  vast 
array,  which,  Avhen  in  motion,  became  com- 
paratively silent;  but  the  ground,  indeed, 
thundered  Avith  the  beat  of  many  feet,  and 
now  and  then  the  shrill  neigh  of  a charger 
provoked  a thousand  responses.  The  camels, 
looming  to  a gigantic  size  in  the  light, 
passed  noiselessly  like  spectres.  As  we  ap- 
proached the  road — narroAV  for  such  a host 
— the  clamour  uprose  again,  and  dhoolies, 
hackeries,  ox-carts,  and  baggage  animals 
became  involved  in  immense  confusion, 
which  was  not  diminished  by  the  efforts  of 
the  baggage  guard  to  restore  order  by  com- 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


A.D.  1858.] 

mands  issued  in  the  vernacular,  and  en- 
forced now  and  then  by  the  aid  of  a musket 
stock.  At  last  we  got  into  files  upon  the 
road,  and  rode  on  in  clouds  of  dust.  Pre- 
sently in  front  we  heard  the  joyous  clash  of 
a brass  band,  playing  a quick  step,  and, 
getting  off  the  road,  we  managed  to  join  our 
old  friends  of  the  rifle  brigade,  and  renewed 
acquaintanceship  with  talk  of  old  marches 
in  the  Crimea.  As  the  sun  rose  upon  one 
side  and  the  moon  set  upon  the  other,  the 
spectaele  assumed  a weird,  unearthly  aspect, 
which  not  all  the  hard  reality  around  us 
could  quite  destroy.  We  were  marching 
over  historic  ground.  We  trod  the  very 
earth  which  had  felt  the  tread  of  Havelock 
and  Outram’s  gallant  little  columns,  and 
before  us  were  positions  made  memorable 
by  their  valour.  Oonao  was  succeeded  by 
Busheerut-guuge;  and  at  every  few  hundred 
yards  spots  were  pointed  out,  even  trees 
identified,  as  the  places  where  ‘ We  caught 
sight  of  the  enemy’s  sowars,’  or  ‘ where 
Havelock  gave  the  men  such  a wigging  for 
straggling  a little  in  the  ranks.’  Through 
dust  and  smothering  pillars  of  pulverised 
earth  we  went  on ; but,  fast  as  we  went,  we 
heard  that  an  hour  before.  Sir  Colin,  with 
General  Mansfield  and  a small  staff,  accom- 
panied by  his  little  escort  of  irregular  horse 
and  a solitary  English  lancer,  had  dashed 
on  towards  Bunthura.  They  had  started 
from  Cawnpore  soon  after  midnight,  and  at 
a swinging  gallop  had  passed  through  the 
regiments  on  the  march.  It  was  nearly 
eight  o’clock  in  the  morning  when  we  de- 
bouched upon  another  wide  plain,  passing 
the  camp  of  another  battalion  of  the  rifle 
brigade  and  some  Punjabee  infantry,  and 
pitched  our  tents  at  Nuwabgunge  for  the 
day.  The  heat  was  very  great,  and  as  there 
was  nothing  to  see  but  clouds  of  dust,  no- 
thing to  feel  but  dust — dust  everywhere,  in 
eyes,  in  nose,  on  clothes,  in  tea,  on  plates, 
on  meat  and  bread,  in  water,  in  the  tent, 
outside  the  tent, — I was  glad  of  a fit  of 
fatigue  which  enabled  us  to  sleep  through 
several  hours  of  the  fervour  of  the  sun. 

; “March  1st. — First  bugleat  2 a.m.  Second 

bugle  at  three.  Turn  out.  The  same  noise, 
and  more  dust.  The  moon,  however,  was 
barred  with  black  clouds  this  time,  and  half 
the  stars  were  covered  with  a veil,  through 
which  flashed  the  lightnings  incessantly. 
A storm  was  gathering  rapidly;  and  scarcely 
were  the  tents  down  and  we  half  a mile 
away,  when  the  thunder  Avas  rolling  over 
us,  and  the  pattering  of  rain  was  heard  on 


[convoy  FRO.M  AGRA. 

the  ground.  There  w.as  a sight  this  morn- 
ing to  enchant  and  to  defy  the  painter — 
the  sky  in  one  place  twinkling,  clear,  and 
azure,  with  stars  innumerable;  in  another, 
covered  with  a pall  of  dense  rolling  masses 
scarred  incessantly  by  lightning,  through 
which  now  and  then  the  moon  revealed  her- 
self in  diminished  glory;  and,  in  the  east,  the 
horizon  just  flushing  with  the  first  hues  of 
early  morning.  I was  rather  rudely  dis- 
enchanted. My  horse,  frightened  by  the 
lightning,  began  to  take  alarm  at  elephants, 
at  camels,  at  dhoolies;  and  at  length,  tired 
out  by  his  fretfulness,  I determined  to  give 
him  a good  run  across  the  plain.  Scarcely 
had  I put  spurs  into  him  when  I perceived 
a dark  line  on  the  plain  in  front  of  me.  I 
tried  a pull  at  his  head.  I might  as  well 
have  taken  a pull  at  a locomotive,  and  so  I 
rode  him  straight  at  this  dark  Hue,  which 
grew  darker  and  higher  as  I approached  it, 
and  in  another  instant  Avent  smash  doAvn 
into  the  bottom  of  a deep  trench.  As  the 
horse  rolled  over  I managed  to  get  clear  of 
him,  and  he  flew  away  along  the  trench  till 
it  opened  upon  the  plain,  Avhen  he  dashed 
off,  saddle,  bridle,  and  all.  I Avas  so  little 
hurt  that  I was  able  in  a few  minutes  to 
get  upon  a camel  on  which  Avas  seated  an 
excellent  friend  of  mine,  who  came  to  my 
succour,  and  so  I rode  into  the  camp  at 
Bunthura.” 

The  departure  of  the  commander-in-chief 
for  Lucknow  was,  as  already  observed,  re- 
tarded firstly  by  the  non-arrival  of  a convoy 
with  a siege  train,  and  a number  of  women 
and  children  from  Agra,  who  were  en  route 
for  Allahabad ; and,  secondly,  by  the  slow 
movements  of  the  Ghoorkas  under  Jung 
Bahadoor.  At  length,  on  the  23rd  of 
February,  the  convoy,  with  the  long  im- 
prisoned and  involuntary  residents  of  the 
fort  at  Agra,  reached  CaAvnpore,  and  Avere 
received  Avith  hearty  welcome  into  the  in- 
trenchmeuts  near  the  city,  which  by  that 
time,  had  been  rendered  almost  impreg- 
nable. These  persons  were  quickly  for- 
warded on  their  Avay  by  the  Great  Trunk- 
road  to  Allahabad,  and  one  great  source  of 
anxiety  was  thus  removed  from  the  mind 
of  the  commander-in-chief ; since  for  some 
time  previous,  the  equivocal  situation  of 
those  ladies  and  their  little  ones  had  been  a 
most  embarrassing  ingredient  in  his  calcu- 
lations.* 

* Mr.  Russell  in  his  graphic  delineation  of  events, 
gives  the  following  humorous  sketch  of  some  of  the 
difficulties  Sir  Colin  Campbell  had  to  contend  with  : 

253 


LUCKNOW — INTESTINE  FEUDS.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


Various  were  the  opinions  in  the  English  | 
camp  at  this  time,  as  to  the  probable  results 
of  the  approaching  contest.  Some  were 
inclined  to  believe  that  the  sepoys  would 
fight  for  their  lives  when  the  day  of  tlie 
assault  should  arrive,  with  desperation,  if 
not  with  success,  and  that  the  matchlock- 
men  would  leave  them  to  fight  the  dreaded 
battle  alone.  Others  reversed  the  hypo- 
thesis; but  all  were  agreed  that  the  fight 
must  be  one  of  fierce  and  exterminating  fury 
on  both  sides.  It  was  known,  as  already 
stated,  that  intestine  feuds  raged  within 
the  city,  and  that  the  councils  of  the  enemy 
were  distracted  by  the  terrible  seriousness 
of  the  circumstances  around  them ; but  tlie 
rebel  government  still  maintained  some  form 
of  order,  and  held  frequent  durbars,  at 
which  expedients  of  all  kinds  were  resorted 
to,  to  alarm  and  exasperate  tlie  inhabitants 
against  the  British  rule.  Among  other 
measures,  placards  were  posted  in  all  the 
streets,  informing  the  people  that  the  English 
had  sworn  to  murder  every  man,  woman, 
and  child  in  the  place,  and  calling  upon 
them  to  defend  their  lives  to  the  last ; it 
being  certain  that  they  could  not  secure 
safety  by  cowardice.  A report  was  also 
promulgated,  that  the  soldiers  had  received 
orders  to  spare  no  one  within  the  city ; and 
that,  very  recently,  at  Meangunge,  they  had 
abused,  and  afterwards  killed,  all  the  women 
whom  they  found  in  the  place. 

At  daybreak,  on  the  moiming  of  the  2nd 
of  March,  the  commander-in-chief,  with  his 
personal  staff,  left  the  camp  at  Bunthura, 

“ At  Lucknow  he  was  in  a fever  at  the  various  small 
delays  which  they  considered  necessary,  and,  cour- 
teous as  he  is  to  women,  he,  for  once,  was  obliged  to 
be  ‘ a little  stern’  when  he  found  the  dear  creatures  a 
little  unreasonable.  In  order  to  make  a proper 
effect,  most  of  the  ladies  came  out  in  their  best 
gowns  and  bonnets.  Whether  ‘ Betty  gave  the 
cheek’  a little  touch  of  red  or  not,  I cannot  say,  but 
I am  assured  the  array  of  fashion,  though  somewhat 
behind  the  season,  owing  to  the  difficulty  of  com- 
municating with  the  Calcutta  modistes,  was  very 
creditable.  Sir  Colin  got  fidgety  when  he  found 
himself  made  a maitre  d'etiquette  and  an  arbiter 
morum  among  piles  of  bandboxes,  ‘ best  bonnets,’ 
and  ‘ these  few  little  clothes  trunks ;’  but  he  sus- 
tained his  position  with  unflinching  fortitude,  till 
at  length,  when  he  thought  he  had  ‘seen  the  last  of 
them’  out  of  the  place,  two  young  ladies  came  trip- 
pingly in,  whisked  about  the  residency  for  a short 
time,  and  then,  with  nods  and  smiles,  departed,  say- 
ing graciously,  ‘ We’ll  be  back  again  presently.’ 
‘ No  ladies,  no ; you’ll  be  good  enough  to  do  nothing 
of  the  kind,’  exclaimed  he ; ‘ you  have  been  here 
quite  long  enough,  I am  sure,  and  I have  had  quite 
enough  trouble  in  getting  you  out  of  it.  The  Agra 
ladies  ought  to  have  been  ready  long  ago.  They 

254 


[a.d.  1858. 

•"tncl  marched  towards  Lucknow,  taking  with 
him  the  whole  of  the  2nd  division,  under 
hlajor-general  Lugard,*  and  the  cavalry 
force  (with  the  exception  of  some  small  par- 
ties and  detachments  on  duty  with  the 
camp).  On  the  following  day,  the  Hil- 
koosha  was  occupied,  after  a slight  effort 
at  resistance,  in  which  Colonel  Little  was 
wounded ; and  here  the  chief  established  his 
head-quarters,  while  the  several  brigadiers 
brought  their  troops  to  the  assigned  posi- 
tions. On  the  6th  of  the  month,  Major- 
general  Sir  James  Outram,  leaving  the  Alum- 
bagh  under  sufficient  protection,  crossed  the  ! 
Goomtee  with  6,000  men  and  thirty  guns, 
by  two  pontoon  bridges  thrown  over  the 
river  for  the  purpose,  and  entered  upon  a 
very  careful  and  leisurely  reconnaissance  of 
the  country  between  the  bridge  and  the  ' 
village  of  Chinhut,  being  closely  watched  by  j 
the  scouts  of  tlie  enemy,  who  hung  like  a 
cloud  on  his  left  flank.  Leaving  Chinhut 
on  the  left,  he  advanced  for  about  three 
miles  along  the  Fyzabad-road,  intending, 
after  he  had  selected  his  camping  ground, 
to  make  a detour  on  the  right,  and  recon- 
noitre Maryon,  the  old  cantonments  of 
Lucknow,  where  two  divisions  of  the  enemy  | 
were  reported  to  be  stationed.  Before  this,  j 
however,  could  be  accomplished,  the  force  | 
was  attacked  by  the  enemy,  who  were 
driven  off  with  considerable  loss.  The  j 
English  division  suffered  little,  numerically; 
but  Major  Smith,  of  tiie  queen’s  bays,  a ; 
gallant  officer,  was  amongst  the  slain  upon  1 
the  occasion.  On  attempting  a forward  ^ 

i 

were  warned  over  and  over  again,  but — Well,  it’s  ' 
the  old  story.’  It  is  rather  a joke — too  common  to 
be  appreciated — to  keep  a husband  waiting  while 
‘one  is  putting  on  one’s  bonnet;’  but  when  the  | 
cares  of  the  toilette  prove  an  obstacle  which  an  I 
army  cannot  overcome,  which  frustrate  strategic 
combinations,  delay  great  sieges,  and  affect  the 
fortunes  of  a whole  campaign,  it  is  sufficient  to 
make  generals,  at  all  events,  wish  that  good  Mother 
Eve’s  earlier  style  was  now  in  fashion  among  her 
daughters. 

• This  division  consisted  of  the  3rd  and  4th 
brigades  of  the  amy  of  Oude,  and  comprised  the  I 
38th,  42nd,  53rd,  and  93rd  regiments ; part  of  the 
34th  and  the  4th  regiments  of  Punjab  rifles.  Most  of  | 
the  regiments  were  in  a highly  efficient  state,  but  ; 
the  highlanders  were  most  conspicuous,  not  only  j 
for  their  costume  but  for  their  steady  and  martial 
air,  on  parade  and  in  the  field.  An  eye-witness 
says  of  the  latter  corps — “ As  they  marched  off  in 
the  early  grey  of  the  morning,  with  the  pipes  play- 
ing ‘ The  Campbells  are  coming,’  one  caught  a 
vision  of  the  interior  of  Lucknow  through  the  j 
dancing  sheen  of  their  arms ; the  chief  inspected  | 
them  and  seemed  proud  of  his  countrymen and  it  j 
was  only  natural  he  should  be  so. 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


A.D.  1858.] 


[the  attack. 


movement,  a seeoncl  attack  was  made,  which 
was  repulsed  with  still  greater  loss ; the 
cavalry  pursuing  and  sabring  some  hundreds 
of  the  fugitive  rebels.  It  vvas,  by  this  time, 
late  iu  the  day,  and  as  the  men  had  beeu 
under  arms  since  three  in  the  morning  j 
it  was  resolved  to  bivouac  for  the  night,  on 
the  plain  of  Chinhut,  which,  on  the  30th  of 
the  preceding  June,  had  been  the  scene  of 
the  late  Sir  Henry  Lawrence's  defeat, 
through  the  treachery  of  his  native  artillery 
drivers.* 

The  night  passed  without  annoyance 
from  the  enemy,  but  early  on  the  following 
i morning,  they  again  made  their  appearance, 
and  after  half-an-hour's  fighting,  were  driven 
off,  multitudes  of  them  being  cut  up  by  the 
lancers  in  their  flight.  Major-geueral  Out- 
ram  then  marched  upon,  and  invested  the 
Chukkur  Kothi,  or  King’s  Race-house;  but 
as  the  place  was  commanded  by  the  enemy’s 
I guns,  it  was  not  considered  tenable  until  a 
breaching  battery  against  the  city  could  be 
established.  In  the  afternoon  of  the  8th, 
another  attack  was  made  by  the  enemy 
with  the  usual  result,  and  the  same  day  the 
commander-in-chief  visited  the  camp  at 
Chinhut,  to  ascertain  personally  the  state  of 
affairs  across  the  river.  The  duty  of  further 
reconnaissance  now  devolved  upon  General 
Hope  Grant,  who  made  a wide  sweep  to  the 
north-east,  but  encountered  no  resistance; 
and  in  his  absence  Sir  James  Outram  was 
again  attacked  by  the  enemy  iu  great  force, 
who  were  driven  off,  but  not  before  they 
had  inflicted  serious  loss  upon  the  English 
troops.  The  next  day  (the  9th)  the  Chuk- 
kur Kothi  was  carried  by  Sir  James,  with 
all  the  buildings  and  gardens  round  it ; an 
exploit  by  which  he  was  enabled  to  turn 
and  enfilade  the  canal  which  formed  the 
first  great  line  of  works  of  the  enemy.  The 
principal  casualties  resulting  to  the  British 
force  upon  this  occasion,  occurred  iu  the 
pursuit  of  the  sepoys  through  the  dark 
rooms  and  passages  of  the  buildings,  as  the 
latter  from  their  hiding  places,  could  see 
their  pursuers  advance,  and  fire  at  them 
before  they  were  aware  of  their  danger. 
While  Outram  was  thus  dealing  with  the 
enemy  from  across  the  river  on  the  9th,  Sir 
Colin  Campbell  advanced  from  the  Dilkoosha, 
and  captured,  with  trifling  loss,  and  but 
slight  opposition,  the  Martiniere.  On  the 
11th,  General  Outram  pushed  his  advance 
as  far  as  the  iron  bridge,  and  established 
batteries  by  which  he  commanded  the 
* See  ante,  p.  6. 


passage  of  the  stone  bridge  also,  and  on  the 
afternoon  of  the  same  day,  the  begum’s 
palace  was  stormed  by  a brigade  of  the 
93rd  highlanders,  the  4th  Punjab  in- 
fantry, and  1,000  Ghoorkas,  all  of  whom 
behaved  with  great  gallautry.  Major  Hod- 
son,  who  had  rendered  himself  conspicuous 
as  the  captor  and  prompt  executioner  of  the 
Delhi  princes,  accompanied  the  storming 
party  as  a volunteer,  and  was  wounded  iu 
the  stomach  by  a grape  shot,  from  the 
effects  of  which  he  died  on  the  13th,  to  the 
great  regret  of  the  whole  army.  The 
Imaumbarra,  a magnificent  building  erected 
by  a former  king  of  Oude  to  the  memory  of 
the  twelve  patriarchs  of  the  Mohammedan 
faith,  and  which  had  been  converted  into  a 
formidable  stronghold,  was  breached  and 
stormed  at  nine  a.m.  on  the  14th;  and  the 
storming  columns  pursued  their  advantage 
so  closely,  that  they  entered  the  Kaiser- 
bagh  with  the  flying  enemy,  and  after  a 
very  inconsiderable  resistance,  obtained 
possession  of  it.  This  palace  had  been 
looked  upon  by  the  Oude  troops  as  their 
citadel,  which  they  were  bound  to  defend 
to  the  last  extremity,  and  it  had  con- 
sequently been  strongly  fortified  with  de- 
fensive works,  and  was  mined  in  all  direc- 
tions. It,  however,  fell  before  the  impetuous 
onslaught  of  the  British  troops,  and  its  loss 
so  much  disheartened  the  enemy,  that  they 
seemed  to  abandon  any  idea  of  further 
resistance ; throughout  the  night  the  dis- 
comfited i-ebels  streamed  out  of  the  city  by 
the  stone  bridge,  and  great  multitudes  of 
the  iuhabitauts  with  their  property,  managed 
also  to  escape ; but  that  means  of  exit  was 
speedily  closed  to  them,  and  Brigadier  Hope 
Grant,  with  the  whole  of  the  cavalry  and 
horse  artillery,  on  the  left  bank  of  the  river, 
was  ordered  to  pursue  the  fugitives,  some 
thousands  of  whom,  nevertheless,  managed 
to  escape  in  the  directions  of  Sundeela, 
Seetapore,  and  Fyzabad,  to  the  infinite 
chagrin  of  our  troops.  On  the  16th,  Sir 
James  Outram  received  instructions  to  clear 
the  Chuttur  Munzil,  Motee  Mahal,  the 
ruins  of  the  Residency,  aud  the  iron  and 
stone  bridges,  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
river ; and  Douglas’s  brigade,  consisting  of 
the  79tb  highlanders,  23rd  Welsh  fusiliers, 
and  the  1st  Bengal  fusiliers,  were  marched 
across  the  river  by  the  floating  bridge  below 
the  Badshabagh,  and  with  artillery  and  a 
portion  of  the  4th  dragoons  iu  support, 
took  up  ground  near  the  begum’s  palace, 
till  the  momeut  came  for  the  attack.  A 

255 


LUCKXOW — THE  CAPTURE.] 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  1858. 


heavy  bombardment  and  fire  were  main- 
tained from  daybreak  on  the  16th,  on 
portions  of  the  city  near  the  stone  bridge, 
and  a rumour  spread  that  the  begum  had 
appealed  to  Sir  James  Outram  to  suspend 
his  proceedings,  in  reply  to  which  she  was 
invited  to  come  in  and  surrender  herself  to 
the  government;  and  at  the  same  time, 
facilities  were  offered  to  her  for  compliance, 
by  suspending  the  attack  upon  the  stone 
bridge,  that  it  might  not  endanger  her 
movements ; but  as  the  morning  advanced, 
it  became  evident  that  her  majesty  either 
could  not,  or  would  not  trust  herself  into 
the  hands  of  the  English  generals.  The 
hour  at  length  arrived  for  active  operations, 
and  the  troops  pressed  on,  but  most  of  the 
buildings  in  which  the  rebels  were  expected 
to  be  met  with,  had  been  abandoned,  and 
they  had  retreated  to  houses  beyond  the 
ruins  of  the  residency,  and  close  to  the 
south  side  of  the  iron  bridge,  which  they 
appeared  inclined  to  defend.  The  houses 
and  palaces  between  the  iron  and  stone 
bridges,  being  also  occupied  by  them  in 
force;  the  line  of  march  lay  through  the  same 
buildings  by  which  Sir  Colin  Campbell  had, 
a few  months  before,  led  out  the  garrison  of 
Lucknow;  and  the  courts  and  halls  of  palace 
after  palace,  echoed  to  the  tread  of  the 
avenging  phalanx,  as  the  grim  stern  British 
soldiery  threaded  the  mazes  of  the  Lall 
Bagh,  the  Furra  Buksh,  and  Chuttur  Mun- 
zd,  until  at  length  they  came  out  upon  a 
large  space  in  front  of  the  Bailly  Guard, 
whose  pierced  gateway,  one  shattered  tur- 
ret, and  some  tottering  walls,  were  mere 
heaps  of  rubbish,  surrounded  by  the  re- 
mains of  a trench.  As  the  troops  emerged 
from  the  Chuttur  Munzil,  they  found  the 
20th  regiment  waiting  for  them,  in  reserve, 
in  case  they  were  needed.  The  residency 
grounds,  and  the  iron  bridge,  were  quickly 
in  the  possession  of  the  troops,  who  then 
turned  their  guns  against  the  stone  bridge, 
across  which  the  enemy,  horse  and  foot, 
men,  women  and  children,  were  still  en- 
deavouring to  escape.  Passing  the  Muchee 
Bowun,  a fine  building  which  Avas  blown  up 
by  Sir  Henry  Lawrence  to  clear  ground  for 
his  guns,  the  troops  entered,  a broad  avenue 
Avith  magnificent  arched  gateAvays,  and 
turning  sharp  to  the  left,  came  in  front  of 
the  Imaumbarra,  a grand  and  simple  fronted 
edifice  with  a noble  mosque,  ample  squares, 
and  magnificent  flights  of  marble  steps, 
broad  esplanades,  and  gardens  once  sparkling 
with  fountains.  After  a short  pause,  onlv 
258 


interrupted  by  an  occasional  shot,  from 
individuals  secreted  in  the  various  nooks  of 
the  building,  the  men  of  the  79th  regiment 
proceeded  to  install  themselves  in  the  great 
saloon,  and  the  whole  structure  Avas  at 
their  mercy.  The  day’s  proceedings  Avere 
most  satisfactory,  and  by  midnight  the  whole 
of  the  city  along  the  river’s  bank,  Avas  in 
the  hands  of  the  British.  Up  to  this  period 
it  was  computed  that  upwards  of  eighty 
guns  had  been  captured,  and  at  least  3,000 
of  the  enemy  had  fallen. 

On  the  morning  of  the  17th,  Sir  James 
Outram  receri'ed  instructions  to  endeaA'our 
to  take  possession  of  a large  isolated  build- 
ing near  the  river,  on  the  extreme  Avest 
of  the  city ; and  his  column  thereupon 
proceeded  without  interruption  through 
the  streets,  until  the  object  was  accom- 
plished. At  the  same  time  Jung  Bahadoor’s 
troops  were  advancing  from  the  south : 
but  Avere  stoutly  opposed  by  the  enemy, 
who,  with  a considerable  force  of  infantry 
and  guns,  and  some  horse,  suddenly  ad- 
vanced to  attack  the  Ghocrkas,  and  after  a 
hard  fight,  took  up  a strong  position  in  their 
front.  The  Jung,  hoAvever,  turned  their 
flank  and  put  them  to  flight  with  great 
loss,  capturing  ten  guns.  By  this  fortunate 
result.  Sir  James  Outram  was  enabled  to 
open  communications  halfway  across  the 
city,  and  measures  were  at  once  taken  to 
check  the  plunder  and  outrages  of  the  camp 
folloAvers,  for  which  purpose  the  following 
order  was  issued  by  the  commander-in- 
chief : — 

“Twenty-five  men  of  her  majesty’s  9th  lancers 
under  a sub-officer  are  immediately  to  be  sent  into 
the  town  for  the  purpose  of  checking  plundering. 
The  party  will  be  under  the  orders  of  Brigadier- 
general  Lugard,  to  whom  the  officer  will  report 
himself. 

“ With  a still  further  view  of  checking  plunder- 
ing, Brigadier-general  Lugard  will  send  out  strong 
patrols  continually,  day  and  night,  until  the  present 
license  ceases.  These  patrols  are  to  be  commanded 
by  officers.” 

During  this  day  a deplorable  accident, 
which  involved  the  death  or  disabling  of  many 
brave  men,  who  had  escaped  injury  in  their 
encounters  Avith  the  enemy,  occurred  from 
an  explosion  of  gunpoAvder,  under  the  fol- 
IdAving  unfortunate  circumstances.  By  Sir 
James  Outram’s  orders,  several  thousand 
pounds  of  powder,  a part  in  tin  cases,  and 
the  remainder  in  skins,  Avere  cariied  in 
carts  to  a deep  Atell,  for  the  purpose  of 
being  thrown  to  the  bottom  of  it,  to  be  out 
of  the  Avay  of  mischief.  As  the  first  case 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


A.D.  1858.] 

was  thrown  down,  a rush  of  fire  burst  from 
the  well,  and  blew  up  the  cases  in  the 
nearest  cart ; the  explosion,  with  the  swift- 
ness of  lightning,  leaped  from  cart  to  cart, 
singeing  aud  burning  all  the  men  engaged 
in  the  duty.  Two  officers.  Captain  Eliot 
Brownlow,  B.E.,  and  Captain  Clarke,  R.E., 
with  sixteen  European  sappers  and  thii’ty 
Sikhs,  were  carried  to  the  hospital  tents, 
and  several  Sikhs  were  also  killed  on  the 
spot.  Of  this  hapless  party  all  died. 

On  the  17th,  it  was  announced  in  orders, 
that  Major-general  Sir  Archdale  Wilson,  of 
Delhi,  K.C.B.,  would  leave  the  camp  on 
medical  certificate.  His  mental  and  physi- 
cal energies  had  been  prostrated  by  inces- 
sant labour  and  fatigue  before  Delhi,  and  a 
fall  from  his  horse,  on  the  day  the  Marti- 
niere  was  taken,  so  much  shook  his  frame, 
that  he  was  reluctantly  compelled  to  resign 
his  command.  On  the  following  day  (the 
18th),  the  Ghoorkas,  under  the  command 
of  Jung  Bahadoor,  advanced  from  their 
position ; and,  in  the  face  of  a tremendous 
fire,  penetrated  into  and  occupied  the 
suburb  adjacent  to  the  Charbagh  bridge. 
By  this  operation,  which  was  effected  with 
a gallantry  that  elicited  the  warm  encomium 
of  the  commander-in-chief,  the  Ghoorkas 
obtained  possession  of  an  important  quarter 
of  the  town  lying  between  the  palaces  and 
the  canal,  aud  added  seventeen  guns,  of 
various  calibre,  to  the  trophies  already  won 
from  the  disheartened  and  despairing  rebels. 
This  advantage,  moreover,  was  obtained 
with  scarcely  any  loss  to  the  captors.  It 
was  immediately  after  this  success,  that  one 
of  those  interesting  episodes  occurred  which 
were  of  so  frequent  occurrence  dui’ing  the 
war  of  the  revolt,  and  it  arose  under  the 
following  circumstances. 

Of  the  many  individuals  who  were  missing 
from  bereaved  European  families  at  dif- 
ferent periods  of  the  insurrection,  several 
remained  for  many  months  undiscovered, 
while  wandering  from  place  to  place,  in 
hourly  peril,  or  enduring  an  imprisonment 
more  terrible  than  death,  in  the  scattered 
strongholds  of  their  vindictive  enemies. 
Rumour,  fitful  and  vague,  would  occa- 
sionally reach  the  European  garrisons,  that 
one  or  other  of  the  mourned  was  still  in 
existence ; but  for  many  of  the  lost  ones 
hope  had  been  long  extinct.  Among  such, 
for  a considerable  period,  were  a party  of 
English  officials  and  their  families,  who  had 
barely  escaped  with  life  from  the  outbreak 
at  Seetapore,  on  the  3rd  of  June,  1857.* 

VOL.  II.  2 L 


[the  ghoorkas. 

The  fugitives  comprised  the  civil  commis- 
sioner of  Seetapore,  Mr.  Christian,  with  his 
wife  and  infant  daughter;  Sir  Mountstuart 
Jackson  and  two  sisters;  Captain  Patrick 
Orr,  his  wife  and  daughter ; Lieutenant 
Burnes,  Sergeant-major  Morton,  and  the 
wife  and  children  of  a European  sergeant, 
who  was  absent  with  a detachment  at  the 
time.  The  heroic  conduct,  and  chivalrous 
self-denial  of  Lieutenant  Burnes,  in  his  noble 
but  vain  efforts  to  save  the  little  girl  (Chris- 
tian) , whose  father  had  been  cruelly  murdered 
by  the  mutineers,  is  already  upon  record,t 
and  will  be  admired  so  long  as  heroism 
and  manly  feeling  are  appreciated  on  earth. 
Sir  Mountstuart  Jackson,  in  his  flight,  had 
two  sisters  to  protect.  The  eldest,  a beau- 
tiful girl,  was  separated  from  him  in  the 
first  confusion  of  the  outbreak,  and  was 
carried  off  with  some  other  European  ladies 
to  a fort  of  one  of  the  Oude  chiefs.  Sir 
M.  Jaeksou  himself,  his  youngest  sister. 
Captain  Patrick  Orr,  Mrs.  Orr  and  infant, 
Lieutenant  Burnes,  Sergeant-major  Morton, 
and  Miss  Christian,  were  taken  by  Lonee 
Singh,  a powerful  zemindar  in  Oude,  to  his 
stronghold  at  Mitawlee.  The  unfortunate 
Captain  Orr,  who,  in  former  days,  had  been 
a personal  friend  of  Lonee  Singh,  to  the 
extent  of  becoming  his  surety  for  rents  due 
to  the  late  king,  amounting  to  a lac  of 
rupees  (£10,000),  naturally  looked  for  gen- 
tlemanly treatment  from  one  so  much 
indebted  to  him  for  past  kindness ; but  the 
first  act  of  the  ruffian,  on  getting  possession 
of  his  victims,  was  to  put  the  whole  of  the 
men  in  irons,  although  the  wife  of  Captain 
Orr  fell  at  the  feet  of  the  ingrate,  and 
endeavoured  to  recall  to  his  memory  the 
obligation  he  owed  to  her  husband.  Sub- 
sequently the  rigour  and  torment  of  cap- 
tivity in  his  hands  became  unendurable,  and 
two  of  the  gentlemen  (Jackson  and  Burnes) 
were  goaded  to  madness.  Their  gaoler  was 
engaged  in  a work  of  extermination,  and  no 
pleading  could  divert  him  from  his  purpose. 
At  length,  after  subjecting  his  prisoners  to 
the  most  brutal  treatment  for  sevei-al  weeks, 
Lonee  Singh  sold  them  to  the  begum  for 
8,000  rupees;  aud  they  were  accordingly 
transferred  to  the  custody  of  that  personage, 
whose  cruelty  was  not  less  vindictive  than 
that  of  their  former  tormentor.  The  pri- 
soners were  now  separated,  although  the 
whole  party  were  confined  in  the  palace  at 
Lucknow.  Here,  at  the  first  sound  of  the 
guns  of  Sir  Colin  Campbell,  in  November, 
• See  vol.  i.,  p.  203.  t pp.  203-4. 

257 


LUCKNOW — FEir.vLE  CAPTrs  Es.]  HISTORY  OF  THE  [a.o.  1858. 


! the  unfortunate  gentlemen  were  brought 
from  their  prison-house,  and  murdered ; 
while  the  victorious  shouts  of  the  relieving 
j troops  yet  rang  in  their  ears.  This  atro- 
I cious  act  was  perpetrated  at  the  instigation 
of  the  moulvie  of  Fyzabad,  whose  forfeited 
life  had  been  spared  at  the  outset  of  the 
rebellion,  on  the  strength  of  some  legal 
informality,  and  who  thus  displayed  his 
j gratitude  to  the  countrymen  of  his  preser- 
[ vers.  The  ladies  were,  now  upon  the  inter- 
I cession  of  Maun  Siugh,  removed  from  their 
first  prison,  and  placed  in  charge  of  officers 
belonging  to  the  household  of  the  begum, 
but  were  still  supposed  to  be  confined  in  an 
apartment  of  the  palace.  At  length,  by  an 
j accident,  information  was  received  of  the 
! existence  of  one  of  the  ladies,  and  a commu- 
1 nication  was  opened  by  means  of  the  vakeel 
i of  the  brother  of  Captain  Orr,  who  was  in 
the  garrison  at  Alumbagh.  Through  this 
person  Mrs.  Orr  wrote  to  her  brother-in- 
law,  to  describe  her  condition,  and  appeal 
for  his  aid.  This  lady  stated  that  she  had 
been  compelled  to  adopt  native  clothing, 
and,  with  her  child,  and  Miss  Jackson,  were 
shut  up  in  an  apartment  so  low,  that  they 
could  only  sit  or  lie  down  in  it.  She  ex- 
pressed her  gratitude  for  the  kindness  with 
! which  Maun  Singh  had  protected  them  so 
j long  as  he  could  do  so,  and  for  the  efforts 
he  had  promised  to  make  for  their  libera- 
tion ; but  she  wrote  as  fearing  the  worst. 

|.  Almost  immediately  after  the  successful 
j attack  of  Jung  Bahadoor  upon  the  Char- 
bagh,  two  of  the  British  officers  attached  to 
the  Ghoorka  foi’ce.  Captain  McNeill,  Ben- 
gal artillery,  and  Lieutenant  Boyle,  of  the 
same  corps,  set  out  to  explore  some  deserted 
streets  in  front  of  their  advanced  posts, 
when  they  were  encountered  by  a native, 
j who  said  he  Avas  one  of  Sir  James  Outram’s 

I employes,  and  besought  their  protection  for 

, his  house  and  property.  In  the  course 

I of  conversation,  he  mentioned,  incidentally, 

that  he  knew  where  the  English  ladies  were 
' confined,  and  offered  to  point  out  the  place. 

Almost  immediately  afterwards,  another 
I native  appeared,  and  presented  two  notes ; 

j one  from  Mrs.  Orr,  the  other  from  Miss 

Jackson,  imploring  immediate  succour,  as 
I their  enemies  were  making  search  for  them. 

I The  officers  at  once  returned  to  the  nearest 
' Ghoorka  post,  and  called  for  volunteers. 
Forty  or  fifty  willing  fellows  stepped  out  of 
the  ranks ; and,  with  the  native  before 
them,  as  a guide,  started  off  at  a rapid  pace 
to  the  rescue.  They  proceeded  for  more 
258 


than  half  a mile  through  the  silent,  Avinding 
streets,  expecting,  at  every  turn,  to  receive 
a volley ; and  at  length  came  to  a house 
apparently  shut  up  and  abandoned.  “ This 
is  the  house,^^  said  the  guide.  The  door 
Avas  instantly  burst  open ; and  at  the  noise 
of  the  entering  party,  the  owner,  Meer 
TVajeed  Ali,  a daroga  of  the  court,  made  his 
appearance ; and  learning  the  object  of 
the  intruders,  begau  to  stipulate  upon 
terms ; but  Captain  McNeill  cut  the  affair 
short,  by  demanding  the  instant  and  uncon- 
ditional production  of  the  European  ladies 
in  his  custody.  Finding  that  to  procrasti- 
nate Avas  simply  to  bring  a dozen  kookrees  in 
unpleasant  contact  Avith  his  throat,  the 
daroga  led  the  officers  to  an  obscure  and 
miserable  apartment,  wherein  tAVO  ladies, 
in  oriental  costume,  had  shrunk  terrified 
into  a dark  corner.  At  the  unexpected 
sound  of  the  question,  ‘'Are  you  the  Eng- 
lish ladies,  and  do  you  Avish  to  leave  this 
place  ?”  those  to  whom  it  was  addressed  were 
not  able  to  reply  from  excessive  joy ; and 
for  a short  time,  they  were  speechless  with 
thankfulness  and  emotion.  But  there  Avas 
no  time  to  be  lost,  as  the  Moulvie  and  his 
followers  Avere  knoAvn  to  be  searching  for 
them.  The  ladies,  clad  as  they  were,  de- 
scended to  the  street,  and  AV'ere  about  to  be 
placed  on  the  horses  belonging  to  the  two 
officers,  when  Captain  McNeill  observed  a 
palanquin  in  the  court  of  the  house.  At  the 
moment  the  ladies  approached,  some  bud-  ; 
mashes,  with  drawn  swords,  sallied  from  an  , 
adjacent  building,  to  attack  the  party  ; but 
a fcAv  shots  from  a revolver,  and  the  knives 
of  the  Ghoorkas,  speedily  put  an  end  to  this 
obstruction ; and  six  of  the  daroga^s  re- 
tainers being  impressed  for  the  service  of 
palanquin  bearers,  the  ladies,  escorted  by  a 
part  of  the  volunteer  force  engaged  in  their 
rescue,  moved  rapidly  off,  the  speed  of  the 
bearers  being  greatly  accelerated  by  the 
ready  bayonets  around  them  ; and  thus,  in  a 
short  time,  they  reached  the  advanced  post 
of  the  Ghoorkas,  and  Avere  in  safety. 

The  two  ladies  were  shortly  afterwards 
comfortably  lodged  in  a house  near  Banks’  i 
bungalow,  in  the  old  residency;  but,  for  a 
long  time,  they  showed,  by  anxious  and 
agitated  demeanour,  the  prostrating  effects 
of  their  long  captivity.  Their  lives  had, 
indeed,  been  spared,  but  they  Avere  watched 
night  and  day  by  armed  guards,  who  did 
not  refrain  from  usiug  gross  and  insulting 
language  toAvards  them,  and  whose  constant 
delight  it  was  to  tell  them  of  the  outrages 


I 


I 


I 


1 


A.D.  1858.]  INDIAN 

and  massacres  which  were  taking  place 
throughout  India,  before  and  during  the 
period  of  their  captivity.  Their  lives  had 
been,  doubtless,  preserved  by  order  of  the 
daroga,  that  he  might  secure  his  personal 
safety,  in  case  the  British  became  masters 
of  the  city;  and  for  this  purpose,  he  had 
contrived,  at  a late  period  of  the  attack,  to 
have  them  secreted  in  his  house ; Avhere, 
day  by  day,  they  lived  in  expectation  of 
death  by  torture,  or  even  a M'orse  fate. 

Upon  this  interesting  subject,  it  may  be 
permitted  to  refer  to  a letter  published  in 
the  Bombay  Standard.  The  communication 
from  which  the  extract  is  taken,  is  dated 
“ Lucknow,  March  the  20th and  its  au- 
thority is  vouched  for : — “ But  how  shall  I 
essay  to  convey  to  you  an  idea  of  the  feelings 
which  the  recovery  of  our  dear  captives  has 
caused  me?  With  Mrs.  Orr  I was  not 
acquainted  : but  you  know  the  obligations 
under  which  I lie  to  Mr.  Jackson,  and  the 
deep,  tender  affection  which  both  my  wife 
and  myself  bore  to  his  dear  nephew  and 
nieces.  When  the  disturbances  commenced, 
Sir  Henry  Lawrence,  who  had  insisted  on 
our  continuing  to  live  with  him,  when  Mr. 
Jackson  left,  authorised  us  to  send  for  the 
girls,  Mrs.  Christian,  and  one  or  two  others, 
and  planted  escorts  for  them  on  the  road. 
But,  alas ! our  letters  never  reached  them. 
The  Seetapore  mutiny  had  broken  out. 
Christian  and  Mrs.  Christian  were  mur- 
dered, and  Mountstuart  and  his  dear  sisters 
were  fugitives.  The  two  girls  got  separated. 
The  sweet,  gentle,  fragile  Georgina  was 
taken  in  charge  by  John  Hearsey,  and  after 
much  dreadful  suffering,  was,  with  other 
prisoners,  cruelly  murdered  within  sight  of 
the  residency.  We  saw  the  deed  from  the 
residency  turrets,  but  knew  not  who  were 
the  victims  on  the  23rd  of  September — 
dear  Madeline — that  bright-eyed,  light- 
hearted, merry,  loving  Madeline — after 
still  more  fearful  dangers,  sufferings,  and 
privations,  was  brought  along  with  Mrs. 
Orr,  Sir  Mountstuart,  young  Burnes,  Cap- 
tain P.  Orr,  little  Sophy'  Christian,  and 
little  Missy  Orr,  into  the  Kaiserbagh,  on 
the  26th  of  October.  On  the  i7th  of  No- 
vember, the  gentlemeir  were  executed  ; and 
since  then,  who  shall  tell  the  anguish  of 
the  ladies?  Poor  little  Sophy  Christian 
succumbed  at  length ; she  died  of  fever. 
Dear  little  Louisa  Orr  was  got  out  ou  the 
4tli  of  this  mouth,  and  the  two  poor  ladies 
alone  remained.  I cannot  master  my  feel- 
ings sufficiently  to  tell  you  at  present  of  all 


MUTINY.  [UGH'I’  IN  mRKNESS. 

they  had  to  endure.  Suffice  it  to  say  that 
— barring  the  last  outrage — they  were  sub- 
jected to  almost  every  indignity  that  a set  of 
cowardly,  black-hearted,  and  foul-mouthed 
devils  could  offer.  But  God  was  with  the 
dear  creatures  in  their  captivity.  He  sent 
his  Holy  Spirit  to  console  them  ; most  mar- 
vellously did  he  interpose  all  his  almighty 
power  in  their  behalf  on  one  occasion. 
Their  greatest  privation  was  that  of  God’s 
Word : their  Bibles  had  been  taken  from 
them.  In  vain  had  they  endeavoured  to 
procure  even  a Testament;  and  they  were 
compelled  to  rely  on  their  memories  for 
their  scriptural  exercises.  At  length,  in 
answer  to  their  reiterated  and  earnest  en- 
treaties for  a little  medicine  for  poor  little 
Sophy  Christian,  a powder  was  sent,  ivrapped 
up  in  a small  dirty  piece  of  paper,  torn  from 
the  corner  of  an  English  book.  To  our 
dear  friends,  the  smallest  scrap  of  print  was 
indeed  a treat ; and,  on  examining  it,  they 
found  it  to  be  literally  a God-send.  It  con- 
tained verses  12  and  13,  and  part  of  verse 
14,  of  the  fifty-first  chapter  of  Isaiah; 
these  are  the  blessed  words  that  their  God 
thus  miraculously  sent  to  our  dear  coun- 
trywomen in  their  extremity : “ I,  even  I, 
am  He  that  comforteth  you.  Wlio  art  thou 
that  thou  shouldst  be  afraid  of  a man  that 
shall  die,  and  of  the  son  of  man,  that  shall 
be  made  as  grass  ? And  forgettest  the  Lord 
thy  Maker,  that  hath  stretched  forth  the 
heavens,  and  laid  the  foundations  of  the 
earth ; and  hast  feared  continually  ever’y  day 
because  of  the  fury  of  the  oppressor.  The 
captive  exile  hasteneth  that  he  may  be 
loosed,”  &c.  Have  you,  in  the  whole  course 
of  your  life,  seen  or  read  of  a moi’e  wonder- 
ful instance  of  God  speaking  to  and  com- 
forting His  elect  in  the  midst  of  their  tribu- 
lation? I confess,  that  were  I to  read  of 
such  a thing  in  a newspaper,  or  even  in  a 
religious  biography,  I would  not  believe  it. 
But  as  surely  as  I pen  these  words — as 
surely  as  I shall  have  to  answer  God  at  the 
great  day,  I have  seen  and  read,  and  with 
grateful  adoration  kissed,  the  blessed  frag- 
ment of  God’s  word  above  quoted,  which 
carried  comfort  to  our  dear  friends  in  the 
Kaiserbagh,  and  sustained  their  faith  at  a 
time  hell  had  put  forth  its  whole  powers  to 
induce  them  to  curse  God  and  die.  I re- 
joice to  say  that,  though  weak,  and  not 
altogether  free  from  ailment,  the  dear,  noble- 
minded  creatures  are  likely,  in  a few  weeks, 
to  recover  their  former  health  and  vigour. 
Mav  that  All-merciful  Being  who  has  hither- 

259 


LUCKNOW  CORRESPONDENCE.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  1858, 


to  so  wonderfully  preserved  and  sustained  ' 
them,  continue  to  watch  over  their  comings  j 
ill  and  tlieir  goings  out.  I can  write  no 
more.  I am  quite  beside  myself  with  joy. 
And  yet  it  all  appears  to  me  so  like  a dream, 
that  I am  constantly  going  over  to  see  them, 
to  be  certain  there  is  no  delusion.” 

The  following  series  of  extracts  from  the 
letters  of  officers  in  the  camp  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief,  supply  many  interesting 
facts,  and  will  form  a continuous  narrative 
of  important  events  connected  with  the 
recapture  of  Lucknow.  The  first  extract  is 
from  a communication  dated  the  10th  of 
March,  in  which  the  writer  says: — “We 
took  the  Martiniere  yesterday  almost  with- 
out a struggle  and  with  very  little  loss, 
some  eight  or  nine  killed  and  wounded. 
The  enemy  may  more  properly  be  said  to 
have  run  out  of  it,  than  to  have  been  driven 
out  of  it,  for  they  never  allowed  our  men  to 
come  near  them.  No  guns  were  captured, 
nor  were  many  dead  bodies  found,  either  in 
the  Martiniere  or  in  the  line  of  earthworks 
in  its  rear,  which  also  fell  into  our  hands. 
The  game  seems  to  be  up  with  the  sepoys. 
They  give  us  no  trouble.  The  only  sign  oi 
vitality  they  exhibit  is  the  keeping  up  a 
wild,  irregular,  ill-directed,  harmless  fire  of 
cannon,  musketrj',  and  matchlocks.  Our 
movement  to  advance,  is  invariably  their 
signal  to  retreat.  Captain  Peel,  R.  N., 
was  wounded  yesterday  in  the  batteries, 
a flesh  wound  in  the  upper  part  of  the 
thigh.  With  General  Outram’s  force,  which 
is  making  great  progress  on  the  other  side, 
i.e.  the  cantonment  side  of  the  river,  one 
officer,  Major  Smith,  of  the  2nd  Dragoon 
guards  has  been  killed,  and  one,  viz..  Captain 
St.  George  of  the  Bengal  fusiliers,  dan- 
gerously wounded.  If  we  are  to  credit 
some  of  our  camp  quidnuncs,  Outram  has 
got  into  the  Residency,  but  the  more  cau- 
tious put  it  down  as  a shave.  General 
Franks  arrived  on  the  4th  of  March,  having 
had  a slight  skirmish  with  the  rebels,  whom 
his  skirmishers  pursued  into  a small  fort,  in 
attempting  to  take  which  Ensign  Smith, 
H.  M.  97th,  was  mortally  wounded.  His 
(General  Franks’)  officers  speak  highly  of 
the  skill  with  which  he  handles  his  men. 

J ung  Bahadoor,  it  is  expected,  will  arrive  to- 
morrow. Lucknow  will  soon  be  in  our 
possession.” 

The  following  extract  is  from  a letter, 
dated  Lucknow,  March  11th,  from  an  offi- 
cer with  Brigadier  Franks’  column  : — “ I 
must  write  to  you  to-night,  although  I am 
260 


' quite  tired,  having  been  out  the  greater  part 
j of  the  day,  and  have  to  be  up  again  early, 
as  we  go  to  picket  at  the  Secunderbagh 
to-morrow  morning,  and  will  most  likely  be 
there  all  day  and  the  following  night.  The 
siege  is  going  on  vigorously,  and  to-day  we 
took  the  begum’s  palace,  after  an  obstinate 
resistance  by  Tandy.  His  position  was 
surprisingly  strong,  and  good  soldiers  alone 
could  have  done  what  was  performed  to-day 
in  so  short  a time.  The  93rd  had  the 
brunt  of  it,  and  steady  good  fellows  they 
are.  All  praise  to  them ; their  loss,  I fear, 
has  been  heavy.  As  our  guns  galloped  up 
into. action,  Ave  saw  a string  of  dhoolies  going 
away,  two  of  the  Highlanders  put  their 
heads  out  and  hurraed,  calling  out,  ‘ Go 
at  them.’  The  musketry  firing  was  very 
heavy;  our  men  cheered  and  went  at  the 
place  in  good  earnest,  but  Avere  received  by 
volleys  from  loopholes,  that  did  not,  however, 
prevent  them  from  tumbling  doAvn  a deep 
and  wide  trench  encircling  the  place,  and 
scrambling  up  on  the  other  side,  and  going 
in  Avherever  there  Avas  an  opening.  The 
brutes  had  an  eighteen-pounder  just  beyond, 
which  commanded  the  road  and  stopped 
our  progress.  One  of  our  guns  was  sent 
for,  and  afterwards  two  heavy  guns  of  the 
naval  brigade  came  and  silenced  the  fire; 
but  Ave  Avere  all  the  time  under  heavy 
musketry  fire,  and  the  place  was  taken  when 
we  left.  The  Secunderbagh  Avas  taken 
without  opposition.  I hear  Tandy’s  picket 
marched  to  occupy  it  at  the  same  time  as 
ours  did,  the  former  politely  giving  us  pos- 
session by  taking  to  their  heels.  Toor 
Hodson  of  the  irregular  horse,  Avho  guaran- 
teed, it  is  said,  the  king  of  Delhi’s  life,  Avas 
mortally  Avouuded;  he  Avas  brave  to  a fault, 
as  most  of  our  irregular  cavalry  officers  are. 
It  is  amusing  to  hear  some  old  officers  talk 
of  days  gone  by,  and  what  they  have  done, 
and  the  men  of  their  day  could  do.  I 
think  there  is  as  much  pluck  in  the  British 
officer  now  as  there  ever  was.  Two  officers 
of  the  93rd,  I am  soriy  to  say,  were  killed. 
The  shelling  and  firing  are  going  on,  and 
Avill  doubtless  continue  night  and  day.  The 
Tandies,  it  is  said,  are  bolting  to  Rohilcund ; 
at  any  rate,  from  to-day’s  resistance  enough 
must  be  left  to  fight  it  out.  The  Kaiserbagh 
is  reported  to  be  strongly  entrenched  and 
fortified,  and  there  Tandy  Avill  make  his  last 
stand.  I believe  it  is  to  undergo  shelling 
from  all  our  heavy  guns.  The  rebels  have 
fortified  themselves  well  in  every  direction, 
and  with  pluck  could  defy  us,  but  the  cheer 


A.D.  1858.] 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


[outram's  movements. 


and  dash  are  too  much  for  the  gentle  Hin- 
doo, whose  heart  then  begins  to  fail  him. 
He  likes  the  old  adage,  ‘ He  that  fights  and 
runs  away,  lives  to  fight  another  day.'  The 
begum,  it  is  said,  intends  to  defend  her 
palace  to  the  last." 

The  next  communication  is  dated  the  12th 
March  : — “ Outram’s  force  has  cleared  all 
the  other  side  of  the  river  as  far  as  the 
stone  bridge,  and  his  guns  and  mortars,  by 
firing  into  the  enemy’s  defences  in  flank 
and  reverse,  have  been  of  the  greatest 
possible  use  to  the  commander-in-chief’s 
force  on  its  advance  to  the  different  posts. 
There  has  been  an  almost  incessant  can- 
nonade for  the  last  three  days  and  nights, 
and  it  is  still  going  on.  The  chief  yesterday 
evening  had  got  as  far  as  the  Shah  Mujif, 
and  this  morning  has,  I fancy,  taken  the 
IMotee  Mahal,  but  I don’t  know  this  for 
certain.  Yesterday  afternoon  the  93rd 
highlanders  and  4th  Sikhs,  advanced  with 
deafening  cheers  and  a tremendous  mus- 
ketry fire,  and  took  a place  called  the 
Begum’s  Palace,  a little  in  advance  of  Banks’ 
House.  It  was  an  immensely  strong  place, 
with  three  lines  of  loopholed  walls,  and  a 
large  ditch.  About  fifty  of  the  sepoys  (some 
of  the  22nd  amongst  the  number)  were 
killed  here,  the  others  having  bolted.  Major 
-McDonald  of  the  93rd  was  killed,  and 
another  ofiicer  of  the  same  regiment,  of  the 
name  of  Sergison.  You  will  be  sorry  to 
hear  that  poor  Moorsom  was  shot  dead  at 
the  head  of  the  iron  bridge  yesterday  after- 
noon. Hodson  has  been  very  badly  hit 
through  the  groin,  and  I believe  Dale  has 
been  sent  for,  and  gone  to  supply  his  place, 
he  taking  the  Chukkur  Kotee  on  the  9th. 
Six  Pandies,  who  could  not  escape,  defended 
the  lower  rooms,  and  killed  Anderson  of  the 
Sikhs,  and  Lieutenant  George  of  the  1st 
Bengal  fusiliers,  besides  four  privates  of  the 
same,  and  two  Sikhs,  and  wounded  five 
others,  total  thirteen,  before  they  were 
themselves  polished  off.  Outram’s  force  is 
too  weak  to  leave  a party  at  the  stone  bridge 
(his  head-quarters  being  at  present  at  the 
Chukkur  Kotee)  but  he  has  left  cavalry  to 
the  westward  of  the  old  cantonment  to 
intercept  any  who  may  try  to  escape  in  that 
direction,  via  the  stone  bridge.  He  sur- 
prised the  camp  of  a chief  (I  forget  his 
name)  who  was  on  his  way  to  Lucknow, 
j killed  some  of  his  men,  and  captured  two  of 
j his  guns  near  the  Gaon  ghat,  far  beyond 
the  stone  bridge.  Jung  Bahadoor  is,  or 
was  with  the  commander-iu-chief,  but  I 


have  no  idea  where  his  forces  are,  Franks’ 
Ghorkas  are  encamped  at  different  places 
between  Dilkoosha  and  Jellalabad,  some  of 
them  also  hold  Banks’  house.  Brasyer’s 
Sikhs  and  the  84th  hold  the  Dilkoosha ; 
the  32nd  and  8th,  and  Blunt’s  battery  ar- 
rived here  yesterday  morning.’’ 

Another  letter,  also  dated  the  12th  March, 
says; — “ There  have  only  been  two  casualties 
to-day  in  our  whole  force,  I believe,  but  the 
operations  of  the  day  have  consisted  chiefly 
in  battering  away  with  the  heavy  guns  at 
the  Motee  Mahal  and  mess-house  defence. 
There  is  a report  here  that  the  mess-house 
has  been  taken,  but  I don’t  think  it  is  the 
case.  General  Outram’s  force  on  the  other 
side,  has  been  of  the  greatest  service,  by 
taking  all  the  enemy’s  defences  in  flank  or 
reverse.  It  will  cross  by  the  stone  bridge, 
and  possibly  make  for  the  Residency.  It 
has  a heavy  battery  at  the  iron  bridge,  to 
command  the  stone  bridge ; it  has  also  two 
other  heavy  batteries,  and  one  mortar  bat- 
tery, at  different  posts  along  the  bank  of 
the  Goomtee.  The  chief’s  force  has  a mor- 
tar battery  at  the  Begum’s  Palace,  which 
was  stormed  yesterday  evening  by  the  93rd 
highlanders,  and  4th  Punjabees.  It  is 
about  800  yards  from  the  Kaiserbagh. 
Poor  Hodson  died  this  afternoon,  from  the 
effect  of  the  wound  he  unfortunately  received 
yesterday.  There  has  been  an  almost  in- 
cessant war  of  cannon  for  the  last  three 
days  and  nights,  and  at  this  minute  the 
mortars  are  firing  away  as  hard  as  they  can. 
The  Pandies  are  becoming  compressed  within 
the  limits  of  their  defences  around  the 
Kaiserbagh,  and  it  is  only  to  be  hoped  that 
Outram’s  force  may  be  enabled  to  cut  off 
their  retreat  into  the  city,  and  then  there  will 
be  no  escape  for  them.  I am  afraid,  how- 
ever, that  many  of  them  will  bolt  in  the 
course  of  to-night  and  to-morrow.  The  road 
to  the  westward  is  open  to  them ; we  are 
doing  all  we  can  with  our  cavalry,  to  prevent 
escape  from,  or  supplies  being  taken  into 
the  city,  by  our  left,  and  as  for  three  to  four 
miles  within  which  distance  the  old  Cawn- 
pore  road  is,  they  will  be  well  looked  after. 
They  have  shown  a very  strong  disposition 
to  attack  us  here  all  to-day,  and  after  re- 
peated rounds  of  shrapnell  being  sent 
amongst  them  they  dispersed  both  this 
morning  and  this  evening.  They  are  not 
nearly  so  strong  in  one  point  as  they  were, 
and  have  removed  most  of  their  guns.  We 
are  much  reduced  in  strength,  having  only 
three  regiments  (weak)  of  infantry,  but  we 

261 


LUCItXOW — THE  ALUMBAGH.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.u.  1858. 


are  strong  in  artillery,  and  have  about 
1,400  sabres.  This  would  be  a good  strong 
force,  if  it  was  not  that  we  have  to  protect 
a front  of  about  three  miles.” 

"Writing  under  date  the  13th  J.Iarch,  this 
writer  adds  : — “ Showers  of  shells  poured 
into  the  Kaiserbagh  all  night  long,  and  a 
tremendous  hammering  at  the  mess-house 
going  on  all  this  morning.  The  Ghoorkas 
are  closing  in  a good  deal  towards  the  city. 
Another  regiment  (the  !Madras  fusiliers) 
ordered  away  from  this,  and  two  squadrons 
of  the  7th  hussars  sent  here.  All  the 
ammunition  ordered  up  to  the  front.  Hai’- 
wood,  of  the  1st  IMadras  fusiliers  (General 
Outram’s  extra  aide-de-camp),  wounded. 
Altogether  about  200  of  our  men  ho7S  de 
combat,  and  fourteen  or  fifteen  officers  hit.” 
The  state  of  the  commander-iu-chief'’s 
camp  at  the  Alumbagh  on  the  2nd  of 
March,  is  thus  described; — “The  troops  are 
in  a first-rate  condition,  and  well  supplied 
by  the  commissariat,  but  their  accommoda- 
tion is  not  so  good,  twenty  men  having  to 
sleep  in  tents  warranted  to  hold  only  six- 
teen. But  in  this  latter  respect  they  are 
better  off  than  many  of  the  officers  who 
are  without  tents  of  any  description,  and 
who  have  to  provide  shelter  for  themselves 
out  of  a few  piles,  some  mud,  and  straw. 
The  brave  Sir  Colin  is  described  as  being 
worse  off,  in  the  way  of  accommodation, 
than  any  of  his  men,  and  as  sharing  all  the 
privations  to  which  the  lowest  in  rauk  are 
subject.  Conduct  like  this  cannot  be  too 
much  admired,  but  (if  the  accounts  which 
have  been  published  are  true)  his  reckless- 
ness in  exposing  himself  to  the  fire  of  the 
enemy,  cannot  be  too  much  censured,  for 
his  life  is  far  too  valuable  to  be  thus  need- 
lessly endangered.  It  is  said  that  Avhen 
remonstrated  with,  he  coolly  replies,  the 
rebels  are  such  miserable  shots,  that  there 
is  no  danger,  and  that  he  rides,  if  possible, 
slower  than  before  past  the  point  of  danger. 
The  walls  of  Lucknow  are  said  to  be  covered 
with  rebel  proclamations,  calling  on  the 
jMussulmans  to  massacre  every  Feringhee, 
and  reminding  the  Hindoos  of  the  contempt 
with  which  the  English  regard  their  caste 
notions,  holding  as  they  do  that  the  prince 
and  the  scavenger  are  equal  in  the  sight  of 
God.  It  is  reported  that  Rajah  Balkishen, 
the  finance  minister  under  the  admiuis- 
tration  of  the  king,  is  dead.” 

A communication  dated  “ Camp  Dilkoo- 
sha,  March  13th,”  says — Our  present  posi- 
tion is  as  follows : — Sir  Colin  holds  the 
2G2 


Mess-house,  jMotee  Mahal,  Shah  Nujeef. 
Mosque,  Barracks,  Begum’s  Palace,  and 
Banks’  House  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
river;  on  the  left  bank.  Sir  James  Outram 
is  advanced  to  the  stone  bridge.  The 
Ghoorka  camp  extends  from  Jellalabad  to 
the  Dilkoosha.  The  Kaiserbagh  is  a large 
range  of  mosques  and  palaces,  covering  as 
much  ground,  I should  think,  as  Windsor 
Castle,  and  is  inti’enched  on  all  sides. 
However,  the  range  of  works  already  taken 
without  a struggle  is  so  enormous  that  it  is 
supposed  there  will  be  little  fighting.  The 
amount  of  labour  Blackie  has  thrown  away 
is  perfectly  marvellous ; the  loop-holing 
itself  is  prodigious,  and  notwithstanding  all 
this,  no  resistance  has  as  yet  been  made, 
except  at  the  Begum’s  Palace.  We  are  to 
have,  I believe,  eighty  heavy  guns  and 
mortars  concentrated  on  the  Kaiserbagh 
to-day. 

“Alumbagh,  March  15th. — Just  a few 
lines  to  inform  you  that  the  ‘ Kaiserbagh’ 
was  taken  yesterday  morning,  with  a loss  on 
our  side  of  fourteen  killed  and  wounded. 
Brazyer,  of  the  Sikhs,  among  the  latter.  A 
lot  of  guns  captured,  most  of  them  honey- 
combed. The  city  will  soon  be  in  our  pos- 
session now.  Poor  Hodson  was  killed  four 
days  ago,  whilst  charging  a battery  "with 
the  infantry;  he  volunteered  his  services. 
Moorsora  was  also  killed,  he  was  on  Out- 
ram’s  staff ; both  good  men  and  true.  Two 
officers  of  the  93rd  killed  also.  The  18th 
and  32ud,  and  Blunt’s  9-pounder  batteiy, 
came  up  as  the  9th,  but  were  speedily 
ordered  back  again  to  Cawnpore,  for  some 
reason  or  other.  The  Sikhs  had  been 
driven  into  Cawnpore  by  the  Calpee  lot ; so 
I hear.  An  officer  from  Cawnpore  arrived 
with  despatches  for  Outram  two  days  ago. 
Heavy  cannonading  has  been  going  on  for 
some  days.  Captain  Peel  is  wounded.  A 
good  many  men  of  the  98th  blown  up  by  a 
mine — convoys  still  arriving.  The  enemy 
are  dispirited,  and  do  not  fight  pluckily. 
Outram  is  living  in  the  ‘ Chukkur  Kotee ;’ 
weather  getting  hot,  over  a hundred  degrees 
in  the  shade.  There  ought  to  be  lots  of 
loot  in  Lucknow.  Can  you  inform  me  why 
the  jewels  and  other  valuables,  to  the 
amount  of  a crore  of  rupees,  are  not  given 
as  prizes  to  the  garrison  of  Lucknow  and 
Havelock’s  force,  according  to  the  order  of 
General  Sir  James  Outram  to  that  effect, 
who  appointed  prize-agents  for  that  pur- 
pose ? 

“Lucknow,  March  17th. — On  Tuesday, 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


A.D.  1858.] 


the  9tli  of  !March,  the  second  division  en- 
tered Lucknow,  or,  I may  say,  got  some  way 
into  the  ‘ "West  end,’  and  the  commander-in- 
chief  attacking  the  Martiniere,  found  it  de- 
serted ; the  immense  earthen  ramparts,  with 
a ditcli  deeper  than  that  of  the  ‘ Redan’ 
(so  tlie  Crimean  men  say),  forsaken.  Our 
flank  movement  entirely  durafoundered  the 
i enemy,  who,  when  they  saw  our  column 
marching  from  Dilkoosa  to  their  tents, 
must  have  made  up  their  minds  to  desert 
a line  of  works  which  they  knew  were  no 
longer  tenable.  Their  knowledge  of  the 
art  of  war,  instead  of  having  been  of  much 
use  to  them,  has  been  a perfect  snare. 
Their  parapets  have  been  pierced  for  em- 
brasures, and  loopholed  for  musketry  : their 
ditches  have  been  deep  and  wide,  and  the 
ground  for  yards  in  front  has  been  cleared 
of  cover;  but  they  had  no  flanking  defence, 
and  seem  never  to  have  understood  that,  to 
make  a military  position  of  any  strength, 
one  work  must  flank  another.  But  I must 
give  you  an  account  of  what  the  5th  brigade 
did,  as  well  as  I can;  for  really,  so  little 
falls  to  the  notice  of  a single  individual, 
that  although  one  knows  there  has  been 
great  success,  it  is  difficult  to  say  to  wffiat 
extent  it  has  been  cai’ried.  We  moved 
down  from  our  camp  to  Chinhut,  for  the 
purpose  of  attacking  the  Yellow  Bungalow, 
or  Race-stand,  the  troops  to  be  pushed  on 
as  occasion  might  require.  The  1st  Bengal 
fusiliers,  and  two  companies  of  the  79th 
highlanders,  charged  at  it  in  fine  style, 
dashed  in  with  a cheer,  and,  as  usual,  our 
enemies  turned  tail,  leaving  some  seven  or 
eight  men  below  in  a series  of  vaults,  who 
could  not  get  out,  and  fired  at  our  men  as 
they  came  near.  Later  in  the  day  they 
were  all  disposed  of  after  having  killed 
an  officer  and  two  men,  and  wounded  nine 
others.  However,  the  brigade  pushed 
eagerly  on.  The  23rd  fusiliers,  as  fine  a 
regiment  as  ever  stepped,  went  far  into 
the  place,  and  the  rifle  battalion  scoured  it, 
nearly,  if  not  quite,  up  to  the  iron  bridge. 
Tlie  first  fusiliers,  who  are  very  weak,  but 
up  to  any  work,  were  for  some  time  kept 
back  in  an  inclosed  ground  behind  a mosque ; 
but  they  afterwards  went  forward,  I think. 
The  head-quarters  of  the  79th  highlanders 
] were  also  on  ahead  with  the  23rd.  In  the 
I meanwhile,  the  chief  entered  on  the  IMarti- 
; niere  side,  and  the  enemy,  between  his 
j army  and  ours,  retired  altogether  from  the 
I ground  between  the  Dilkoosha  and  our 
j camp,  which,  next  day,  was  brought  down 


[correspondence. 

to  the  sands  before  the  Race-house.  A ^ 

picket  of  the  fusiliers,  and  the  79th,  was  ! 

still  kept  a little  ahead  of  the  Race-house,  ^ 
to  guard  two  guns  which  played  into  Luck-  j 
now.  No  guns  answered  them,  but  a 
dropping  fire  of  musketry  was  kept  up 
from  about  the  Secunderbagh  at  our  men  ; 
who,  being  well  under  cover,  xvere  not  hit, 

I think.  Time  will  not  allow  me  to  go 
into  the  details  of  the  different  buildings 
we  took;  but  yesterday,  the  16th,  our 
brigade  went  in  to  attack  the  residency  and 
buildings  there  about ; for  although  the 
principal  portion  of  the  inhabitants  and 
mutineers  were  reported  to  have  left  the 
city  on  the  14tli,  yet  w'e  know  that  some 
5,000  desperate  villains  have  sworn  to  die 
there,  and  we  .are  determined  not  to  baulk 
their  fancies.  The  23rd  and  1st  fusiliers 
went  into  the  town  (I  saw  very  few  Bandies), 
and  pop,  pop,  was  heard  going  on ; and 
presently  the  order  came  for  the  79th  to 
advance,  which  they  did.  They  fired  once 
or  twice  at  that  regiment  as  it  passed  : 
through  the  town,  but  no  damage  was  | 
done.  "We  passed  the  iron  bridge,  leaving 
it  on  our  right,  found  the  houses  all  de- 
serted, and  then  down  to  the  Imaumbarra, 
which  is  a most  splendid  place;  and  there 
the  1st  fusiliers  were  peppering  away  at 
flying  Bandies,  running  over  the  roof  and 
along  the  passages.  Alter  this  (I  suppose) 
the  79th  encamped  there.  The  brigade 
left  camp  at  seven,  and  did  not  reach  its 
destination  till  past  four.  All  our  advances 
were  preceded  by  a heavy  fire  of  artillery, 
and  accordingly  we  did  not  lose  many  men. 
The  palaces  and  buildings  are  shattered  to 
pieces,  I am  sorry  to  say,  and  looting  goes 
oil  all  over  the  place ; silk  and  crockery 
seem  to  be  about  the  only  things  worth 
taking,  though  some  camp-followers  have 
got  bars  of  gold  and  shawls;  but  they  soon 
get  looted  in  turn  by  the  Europeans.  It 
seems  to  be  ' every  man  for  himself.’  Gen- 
eral Wilson  was  invested  with  the  K.C.B. 
to-day,  in  full  open  durbar ! Musketry 
has  been  heard  all  day;  but  nearly  the 
whole  of  the  city  and  all  the  principal 
buildings  are  in  our  hands. 

“Dilkoosha,  March  18th. — Outram’s  ope- 
rations yesterday  ivere  most  successful.  He  ! 
cleared  all  the  principal  streets  about  the 
chowk,  occupied  Shirreff-u-Dowlah’s  house, 
which  was  found  to  be  highly  fortified  and 
full  of  powder,  and  advanced  close  to  the 
Jumma  Musjid,  which,  as  I write,  is  in  our 
possession.  I regret  to  sav,  however,  that 

263 


LUCKNOW — AN  ACCIDENT.] 

the  gratifying  nature  of  our  yesterday’s 
operations  was  sadly  dashed  by  a terrible 
accident.  The  troops  came  across  several 
waggons  of  gunpowder,  some  loose  powder 
in  tin  cases,  some  in  bags.  The  waggons 
were  in  a narrow  lane.  General  Outram 
ordered  the  powder  to  be  well  flooded  with 
water,  and  then  carefully  thrown  into  a 
well  in  a neighbouring  garden.  It  would 
have  been  most  dangerous  to  have  at- 
tempted to  carry  it  off,  as  there  were  several 
fires  on  the  line  of  route.  Sir  James’ 
orders  about  the  sousing  of  the  water  were 
not  fully  carried  out,  nor  his  injunctions  as 
to  the  care  with  which  the  tins  and  bags 
should  be  thrown  into  the  well.  One  tin 
case  was  hurled  with  vdolence  into  the  well. 
It  struck  the  side  with  force ; the  powder 
exploded ; a sheet  of  Are  shot  up  from  the 
w’ell,  communicated  with  the  rest  of  the 
powder,  and  a fearful  explosion  occurred. 
Some  forty-two  men  suffered.  Of  five  or 
six  not  a vestige  remained;  the  rest  were 
burned  in  the  most  frightful  manner. 
Their  clothes  were  burnt  and  blown  off 
their  bodies.  A European  could  not  be 
distinguished  from  a native.  It  was,  they 
say,  a fearful  sight  to  see  the  naked  skinless 
bodies  of  our  men  as  they  rushed  about  in 
indescribable  anguish,  screaming  for  water 
or  brandy,  and  imploring  their  officers,  by 
the  love  of  Jesus,  to  shoot  them  and  put 
them  out  of  agony.  Two  officers  were 
injured;  one  mortally,  it  is  feared;  the 
other  is  sadly  disfigured.  Several  officers, 
amongst  them  Captain  Weston  and  Captain 
Tulloch,  had  a most  wonderful  escape. 
Sir  James  Outram  and  his  staff,  and  Briga- 
dier Eyre,  had  left  only  about  one  minute 
before  the  explosion.  Sir  James  met  a 
company  of  the  79th  advancing  to  the 
place.  He  changed  their  route  to  some 
other  point ; and  but  for  this  providential 
accident,  they  too  would  have  been  blown 
up.  Tiie  Ghoorkas  have  taken  some  eigh- 
teen or  nineteen  guns  near  the  Charbagh. 
There  was  a grand  investiture  of  the  Bath 
yesterday.  Sir  Archdale  Wilson  and  Sir 
Edward  Lugard  were  invested  by  the  chief ; 
salutes  were  fired,  which  rather  alarmed 
the  fellows  in  front.  In  the  evening  the 
chief  gave  a grand  dinner  party.” 

“ March  20th. — The  operations  yesterday 
were  admirably  conducted,  as  regarded  our 
division,  and  the  result  most  satisfactory. 
But  unfortunately.  General  Campbell  made 
some  mistake  in  the  road,  and  did  not  join 
us  at  Moosabagh.  General  Grant  found 
264 


[a.d.  1858. 

the  river  swollen  and  unfordable,  and  chafed 
like  a caged  lion  as  he  saw  us  slashing 
away,  much  desiring  that  aid  which  the 
state  of  the  Goomtee  prevented  him  render- 
ing. They  say  that  the  first  oath  this  brave 
soldier  and  good  man  ever  was  heard  to 
utter,  escaped  his  lips  on  that  occasion. 
General  Outram  had  been  promised  a troop 
of  horse  artillery.  They  sent  him,  instead, 
a battery  of  foot.  The  royal  artillery  is 
awfully  slow,  and  thus  many  hundreds  es- 
caped, who  would  have  been  sent  to  their 
long  account  had  we  had  that  glorious 
fellow,  Olpherts,  with  us.  Great  looting 
went  on  during  the  17th  and  18th,  and 
several  Pandies  were  shot  in  the  different 
streets  and  houses  where  they  were  con- 
cealed ; it  was  dangerous  going  anywhere ; 
six  and  eight  would  be  found  in  a house. 
I hear  several  very  valuable  articles  were 
got  by  the  men  and  camp-followers.  As 
usual,  a prize  agent  was  appointed  after  all 
the  valuables  had  been  taken  away,  and  he 
called  upon  officers  to  give  up  what  they 
had.  Some  men  are  said  to  have  got  bars 
of  gold,  gold  mohurs,  jewels,  diamond  brace- 
lets, &c.  On  the  19th,  we  followed  part  of 
Outram’s  force,  and  advanced  through  the 
remainder  of  the  town,  took  possession  of 
the  Moosabagh,  where  the  enemy  had  a 
kind  of  rearguard,  with  the  begum,  whom 
we  w^ere  in  hopes  of  catching ; she  is  willing 
to  give  herself  up,  but  Pandy  wont  allow 
her  to  come.  As  usual  they  bolted ; our 
cavalry  cut  up  a good  number;  we  chased 
them  for  about  three  miles,  and  took  a 
number  of  guns,  carts,  camels,  bullocks,  &c., 
and  saw  numbers  of  people  hiding  them- 
selves ; the  male  portion  received  little 
mercy,  the  women  and  children  were  allowed 
to  go  away.  One  woman  was  killed.  She 
shot  a lancer  dead  with  a musket  from  be- 
hind a mound.  There  were  two  other  men 
there,  and  they  ran  her  through  with  their 
lances.  I saw  the  body.  A Pandy  of  the 
2Ist  native  infantry  was  hid  in  some  tall 
cultivation,  and  suddenly  cut  at  an  officer 
riding  by.  Fortunately  the  stroke  missed 
him,  but  brought  his  horse  down.  The 
brute  was  going  to  cut  at  the  oflBcer,  who 
could  not  extricate  himself  from  the  horse, 
when  four  others  ran  to  his  rescue  with 
their  revolvers,  but  made  such  bad  shots, 
that  I believe  out  of  twelve  shots,  not  one 
struck  him.  Pandy  kept  going  at  one,  then 
another  with  his  tulwar,  and  nearly  killed 
one  of  our  officers,  whose  horse  saved  him  by 
going  too  close  to  the  brute : two  or  three 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


A.D.  1858.] 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


[the  proposed  ransom. 


gunners  went  on  liim  with  their  swords,  and 
killed  the  brute;  but  not  before  he  had  se- 
verely wounded  one  of  them  in  three  places. 
People  are  coming  back  to  the  town.  Some 
negotiations  seem  to  be  going  on.  It  is 
said  that  the  town  is  to  be  ransomed  for 
two  crores  of  rupees. 

“ Lucknow,  March  22nd. — The  town  is 
being  gradually  cleared  of  ‘ budmashes,'  and 
the  civil  officers  are  labouring  most  enei’- 
getically  to  encourage  the  peaceful  inhabit- 
ants to  return  to  their  houses  and  avocations. 
But  their  efforts  are  much  thwarted  by 
the  plundering  and  violence  of  the  camp- 
followers,  whose  numbers  render  them  un- 
controllable in  a large,  rambling,  straggling 
city  of  tortuous  streets  and  intricate  lanes 
like  Lucknow.  Sir  James  Outram  has, 
however,  obtained  Sir  Colin  Campbell’s 
authority  to  establish  a very  strong  provost 
establishment;  and  it  is  hoped  that  a few 
shootings  and  hangings  may  tend  to 
prevent  further  excesses.  The  plunder,  un- 
fortunately, has  not  been  confined  to  camp- 
followers,  and  there  are  unpleasant  ru- 
mours in  cix’culation,  which,  however,  it 
may  be  best  to  refrain  from  repeating. 
The  ‘moulvie’  and  the  'begum’  are  re- 
ported now  to  be  about  thirty  miles  from 
Lucknow,  endeavouring  to  reorganise  the 
rebel  army.  The  chief  commissionership 
: in  Oude  has,  I believe,  been  offered  to 
and  declined  by  General  McGregor,  whose 
I health  demands  that  he  should  return  to 
. Europe.  Colonel  Edwardes  is  generally 
j understood  to  be  the  chief  commissioner 
I designate.  From  information  derived 
from  an  authority  that  is  indisputable, 
there  can  be  no  cause  to  doubt  that 
the  ladies  lately  rescued  from  captivity 
were  spared  outrage.  They  have  been 
treated  with  great  harshness  and  indig- 
nity, subjected  to  cruelly  severe  confine- 
ment, imperfectly  clad,  imperfectly  fed,  and 
compelled  to  listen  to  the  foulest  vitupera- 
tion and  abuse.  But,  luckily,  one  of  them 
at  least  was,  through  her  ignorance  of  the 
language,  spared  the  pain  of  understanding 
the  words  addressed  to  them  and  uttered  in 
their  hearing.  The  darogah,  who  alone 
showed  them  anything  approaching  to  kind- 
ness, and  all  who  aided  in  their  escape,  have 
been  handsomely  rewarded  by  Sir  James 
Outram ; and  that  officer  and  Sir  Colin 
Campbell  have  nobly  vied  with  each  other 
in  their  kindness  to  the  poor  captives. 

“Lucknow,  March  25th. — Just  had  a 
race  of  about  fourteen  miles  after  some 

VOL.  II.  2 M 


Pandies,  who  had  arrived  so  far  on  their 
way  to  relieve  Lucknow,  when  they  were 
met  by  their  noble  Bhaiees,  who  had  escaped 
from  Lucknow,  and  announced  that  their 
relief  was  too  late.  The  enemy  had  four- 
teen guns;  two  of  them  were  of  very  small 
calibre,  2-pounders,  I suppose;  the  otliers 
6-pounders,  9-pounders,  and  one  5^-inch 
mortar.  Pandy  no  sooner  got  sight  of  us 
than  he  took  to  his  heels.  Our  troops  at  a 
gallop  could  not  get  within  sight  of  them  at 
all.  About  120  pucka  Pandies,  who  were 
caught  up  and  surrounded  by  the  Punjab 
cavalry,  made  a desperate  fight.  Seeing 
themselves  hemmed  in  on  one  side  by  poor 
Macdonald’s  squadron,  and  on  the  other  by 
Brown’s  or  Cosserat’s,  they  had  the  cheek 
to  cry  out,  ‘ Don’t  touch  us,  and  we  will  not 
touch  you.’  This,  as  you  may  suppose,  had 
little  effect  upon  Macdonald,  who  closed  in 
on  them  at  once ; but  the  Pandies  reserved 
their  fire  until  the  cavalry  was  within  a few 
yards  of  them,  when  they  fired,  and  shot 
poor  Macdonald  dead — hit  Cosserat,  I fear, 
very  severely,  and  wonnded  a great  many  of 
the  men.  One  Sikh  behaved  beyond  all 
praise.  He  was  shot  mortally,  and  dropped 
off  his  horse  : having  recovered  after  a mo- 
ment from  the  shock,  he  mounted  his  horse 
again,  charged,  and  cut  down  two  Pandies. 
The  weather  here  growing  awfully  hot,  and 
dours  likely  to  last  for  the  next  year ! A lot  of 
zemindars  of  the  surrounding  country  have 
sent  in  their  pugries  in  token  of  submission, 
and  have  expressed  their  readiness  to  do 
whatever  the  chief  wishes.  People  have  not 
yet  begun  to  return  to  the  city,  and  so  far 
they  have  acted  wisely ; for  the  Europeans 
have  been,  for  the  last  day  or  two,  in  such  a 
mood,  that  no  native  left  was  safe.  A sol- 
dier shot  a native  two  days  ago  through  the 
body,  for  not  giving  up  a tattoo  he  asked 
him  for;  they  are,  however,  returning  to 
order  again,  and  I hope  soon  all  will  be 
going  on  smoothly  here  again.” 

Many  extraordinary  and  exciting  inci- 
dents connected  with  the  recapture  of  the 
city  of  Lucknow,  are  elaborately  and  amus-. 
ingly  described  in  detail  by  Mr.  Russell, 
the  special  correspondent  of  the  Times 
newspaper,  who  traces  the  progress  of  the 
struggle  after  the  reduction  of  the  Imaum- 
barra,  in  the  following  lively  sketches, 
among  others: — “The  sepoys,  dismayed  by 
the  fierce  onslaught,  and  by  the  lesson  they 
had  previously  been  taught  at  the  begum’s 
palace,  abandoned  their  position ; and  as 
they  fled,  with  Brasyer’s  Sikhs  and  the  10th 

265 


LUCKNOW — AN  AGREEABLE  SURPRISE.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  1858. 


regiment  in  fast  pursuit,  they  rushed  in 
such  confusion  through  the  detached  houses 
and  courts  between  it  and  the  Kaiserbagh, 
that  a universal  panic  was  created,  and  the 
Sikhs  entered  by  the  ramps  and  gateways 
along  with  the  enemy.  They  were  sup- 
ported by  men  of  the  corps  engaged  in  the 
assault  on  the  Imaumbarra;  and  at  the 
very  aspect  of  those  men  inside  tlie  defences, 
sepoys  and  nujeebs  lost  heart,  and  fled  out 
of  the  courts  and  buildings.  Some  were 
shut  up,  or  secreted  themselves  in  recesses, 
and  in  the  many  mysterious  apartments  of 
an  eastern  palace;  but  all  who  were  found 
in  arms  were  shot  down  or  bayoneted  on 
the  spot.’'  When  Brigadier  Napier,  soon 
after  eleven  o’clock,  reported  that  the  troops 
were  in  the  Kaiserbagh,  every  one  ivas 
taken  by  surprise.  It  happened  at  the 
i time,  that  a grand  durbar  was  being  held 
by  the  comrnander-iu-chief,  for  the  formal 
reception  of  Jung  Bahadoor;  but,  before 
the  ceremony  was  half  ended.  Captain  Hope 
Johnstone  rushed  in,  announcing  the  cap- 
ture of  the  Kaiserbagh.  All  state  formali- 
ties were  broken  through  at  once.  “ Every- 
body,” says  an  eye-witness  of  the  scene, 
“shook  hands  with  everybody;  and,  by 
common  consent,  the  pomp  and  circumstance 
of  the  ceremonious  visit  were,  amongst  the 
stern  and  terrible  realities  of  victory,  post- 
poned to  a future  day,  and  all  repaired  to  the 
last  scene  of  triumph  as  quickly  as  possible. 
Sir  Colin  at  once  mounted ; and,  accompa- 
nied by  his  staff  and  a host  of  followers, 
proceeded  to  the  Imaumbarra,  and  from 
thence  to  stairs  which  led  up  on  the  roof  of 
the  palace,  vociferously  cheered  by  his  sol- 
diers as  he  passed  along.  From  this  posi- 
tion, a good  view  could  be  obtained  of  por- 
tions of  the  Kaiserbagh;  but  it  was  rather 
too  much  exposed  to  fire  from  the  minarets 
and  buildings  in  the  vicinity,  to  be  perfectly 
agreeable  or  safe.  The  road  from  the 
begum’s  palace,  and  on  to  the  Kaiserbagh, 
could  now  be  seen  thronged  with  dhooly- 
bearers,  some  returning  with  heavy  litters, 
full  of  groaning,  wounded  men,  others  in  a 
stream  tramping  through  the  dust,  to  join 
their  regiments.  Artillerymen,  sailors,  and 
oxen  were  busily  employed  in  dragging  up 
heavy  guns  and  mortars,  to  secure  the  new 
possession ; while  troops,  among  whom  w'ere 
meu  of  English,  Scotch,  Ghoorka,  and  Sikh 
regiments,  were  marching  rapidly  towards 
the  Kaiserbagh,  or  were  already  in  the 
courts  and  streets  around  it.  The  nar- 
rator then  proceeds: — “Descending  from 
26G 


the  roof,  as  one  struggled  over  the  masses 
of  fallen  brickwork,  the  traces  of  our 
sap,  choked  up  here  and  there  with  fallen 
earth,  were  close  on  our  left;  till  the 
sap  reached  a long  corridor  by  the  side  of 
a court,  which  served  as  an  excellent  co- 
vered way  for  our  sappers.  The  enemy’s 
cooking  places,  brass  pots  or  lotas,  charpas, 
clothing,  belts,  ammunition,  broken  mus- 
kets and  matchlocks,  swords,  pistols,  chapat- 
ties  were  scattered  over  the  ground  on  every 
side ; but  there  were  not  many  dead  visible 
till  we  reached  some  of  the  courts.  The 
large  hall  of  the  Imaumbarra,  which  ap- 
peared to  have  been  used  as  a sort  of 
museum,  and  had  contained  many  curious 
models  of  mosques  and  many  fine  glasses 
and  chandeliers,  was  a heap  of  ruin.  Work- 
ing our  w’ay  through  Sikhs  busy  in  melting 
down  gold  and  silver  lace,  in  huge  fires, 
under  earthen  pots  that  served  as  crucibles, 
through  wounded  Ghoorkas  staggering  back 
to  the  rear,  we  approached  the  Kaiserbagh. 
The  air  was  still  heavy  with  gunpow'der; 
bullets  were  still  whistling  around  from 
desperate  men  shut  up  in  the  works,  aud 
from  the  enemy  in  the  inner  line  of  defences. 
Every  window  of  every  house  was  filled 
with  brick  or  baked  mud  and  loopholed, 
and  the  tops  of  all  the  houses  and  walls  had 
a raised  parapet  pierced  in  the  same  way 
above  them.  The  heat  and  the  dust  were 
fatiguing  and  oppressive;  but  the  excite- 
ment carried  one  forward,  and  at  last  we 
managed  to  get  through  the  breach  in  the 
parapet  of  the  outer  work,  which  our  sap- 
pers were  enlarging  for  the  passage  of  guns, 
and  to  enter  one  of  the  courts  of  the  Kaiser- 
bagh, through  a small  gateway  or  broken 
door.  It  was  surrounded  by  rooms  with 
latticed  windows,  to  which  access  was  gained 
by  means  of  stairs  opening  into  the  court, 
the  strong  doors  of  which  were  barred  on 
the  inside.  The  walls  Avere  decorated  with 
indifl'erent  frescoes,  representing  feats  of 
arms  and  female  dancers.  On  one  side,  the 
trees  of  a garden  could  be  caught  sight  of 
through  Venetian  blinds,  and  there  was 
evidence  that  we  were  near  to  the  kine’s 
zenana,  and  that  the  buildings  around  us 
were  the  houses  of  his  eunuchs.  \Ye  pro- 
ceeded forward  to  the  entrance  of  the  main 
building.  Our  men  were  just  crashing 
through  the  rooms  of  the  palaces,  which 
were,  as  yet,  filled  with  the  evideuce  of 
barbaric  magnificence  and  splendour,  and 
the  cries  of  the  dying  w’ere  not  yet  stilled 
when  we  entered. 


A.D.  1858.] 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


[the  KAISERBAGH. 


“ The  Kaiserbagh  cannot  be  described ; 
the  wliole  place  is  a series  of  palaces,  kiosks, 
and  mosques,  all  of  fanciful  Oriental  archi- 
tecture— some  light  and  graceful,  others 
merely  fantastic  and  curious,  connected 
generally  by  long  corridoi’s,  arched  and 
open  in  the  front,  or  by  extensive  wings, 
which  enclose  the  courts  and  gardens  con- 
tained within  the  outer  walls.  In  every 
room  throughout  the  endless  series,  there 
was  a profusion  of  mirrors  in  ponderous  gilt 
frames ; from  every  ceiling  hung  glass  chan- 
deliers of  every  age,  form,  colour,  and  de- 
sign. As  to  the  furniture,  in  many  instances 
it  looked  like  collections  from  the  lumber 
rooms  of  all  the  old  palaces  in  Europe,  re- 
lieved by  rich  carpets  and  sumptuous  divans, 
by  cushions  covered  with  golden  embroi- 
dery, by  rich  screens  of  Cashmere  shaivls, 
and  by  table  covers,  ponderous  with  pearls 
and  gold.  In  some  of  the  rooms  were  a few 
pictures  in  gorgeous  frames;  but  the  hand 
of  the  spoiler  had  been  heavy  among  all. 
Those  which  hung  out  of  the  reach  of  the 
musket-stock  and  bayonet-thrust,  were  not 
safe  from  a bullet,  or  the  leg  of  a table  con- 
verted into  an  impromptu  missile  for  the 
occasion.  Down  came  chandeliers  in  a 
tinkling,  clattering  rain  of  glass;  crash  fol- 
lowed crash,  as  door  and  window,  mirror  and 
pendule  were  battered  down  by  the  excited 
victors,  Sikh  and  soldier  were  revelling  in 
destruction,  and  delirious  with  plunder  and 
mischief : those  who  could  not  get  in  at 
once  to  carry  on  the  work,  searched  the 
corridors,  and  battered  off  the  noses,  legs, 
and  arms  of  the  statues  in  the  gardens ; or, 
diving  into  the  cellars,  either  made  their 
fortune  by  the  discovery  of  unexpected  trea- 
sure, or  lost  their  lives  at  the  hands  of  con- 
cealed fanatics.  There  had,  as  yet,  been  no 
time  to  guard  against  indiscriminate  plun- 
der, inasmuch  as  it  never  was  expected  that 
ths  Kaiserbagh  and  all  its  treasures  would 
have  fallen  that  day  into  our  hands.” 

Our  men  were  in  high  delight  with  the 
gay  di'esses  of  the  eunuchs,  which  they 
found  in  some  of  the  rooms ; and  it  was 
with  difficulty  they  were  induced  to  take  off 
the  crowns  of  lace,  and  peacock^s  plumes, 
and  bird  of  paradise  feathers,  and  the 
sword  belts  they  stuck  over  their  heads 
and  shoulders.  Here,  as  in  every  other 
building,  there  were  quantities  of  kites, 
the  flying  of  which  appears  to  have  been 
a favourite  amusement  with  the  childish 
but  ferocious  races  that  inhabited  the 
place.  Cyrus  cranes,  tame  monkeys,  apes. 


antelopes,  and  numbers  of  paroquets,  in 
cages,  were  appropriated  by  the  men  in  this 
quarter;  but  as  some  officers  were  looking 
at  one  of  the  men  who  had  dressed  himself 
out  in  a fantastic  eunuch’s  attire,  a shot 
from  one  of  the  rooms  of  the  court  passed 
between  them,  annoujicing  that  that  was 
no  place  for  antics,  and  the  party  speedily 
shifted  their  quarters.  " In  the  next  court, 
which  was  sheltered  from  fire  by  the  walls 
around  it,  some  men  had  made  a great 
seizure.  They  had  burst  into  some  of  the 
state  apartments,  and  they  were  engaged  in 
dividing  the  spoil  of  shawls  and  lace,  and 
embroidery  of  gold  and  silver  and  pearls. 
In  a nook  off  this  court,  where  there  was  a 
little  shade,  we  retired  to  rest  ourselves,  as 
there  were  no  means  of  approaching  the 
front  partof  the  buildings,  which  were  on  fire, 
and  explosions  of  mines  were  momentarily 
expected.  Two  men  of  the  90th  were  in 
before  us,  and,  ass;sted  later  by  some  of  the 
38th,  we  saw  them  appropriate  moneys 
worth  enough  to  make  them  independent 
for  life.  The  rooms  off  this  nook  had  been 
used  as  stores  by  the  king  or  some  wealthy 
member  of  his  household,  and  each  mo- 
ment these  men  went  in  only  to  emerge 
with  a richer  trophy.  In  one  box,  they 
found  diamond  bracelets,  emeralds,  rubies, 
pearls,  and  opals,  all  so  large  and  bright 
and  badly  set,  that  we  believed  at  the  time 
they  were  glass.  In  another  was  a pair  of 
gold-mounted  and  jewelled  duelling  pistols 
of  English  make,  and  the  bill,  stating  that 
his  majesty,  the  king  of  Oude,  owed  the 
maker  £280  ! Then  out  they  came  with 
bundles  of  swords,  gold-mounted  and 
jewelled,  which  they  at  once  knocked  to 
pieces  for  the  sake  of  the  mountings,  leav- 
ing the  blades  behind  them.  Next  came 
out  a huge  chemical  laboratory — then  a 
gold  saddle-cloth,  studded  with  pearls — 
then  gold-handled  riding-canes  and  cups  of 
agate  and  jade,  gold-mounted  and  jewelled. 
The  happy  possessors  of  these  riches  were 
quite  mad  with  excitement,  and  their  en- 
quiries were  almost  too  rapid  for  reply — 
‘Is  this  gold,  sir?’  ‘Is  that  a diamond?’ 
‘ Is  your  honour  shure  that’s  raal  goold  ?’ 
‘Is  this  string  of  little  white  stones  (pearls) 
worth  anything,  gintlemen?’  It  was  a 
great  drawback  to  have  a conscience  under 
such  circumstances — a greater  not  to  have 
a penny  in  one’s  pocket;  for  in  this  coun- 
try no  one,  except  an  old  stager  on  the 
look  out  for  loot,  carries  a farthing  about 
him ; and,  as  one  of  the  soldiers  pithily  ob- 

267 


LL’OKNOW THE  ZENANA.] 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  1858. 


served,  ‘these  liere  concerns  only  carries  on 
ready  money  transactions.^  He  was  an  ex- 
perienced operator,  that  gentleman.  If  a 
native  soldier  came  in,  and  walked  off  with 
anything  which  he  found  in  a dark  corner, 
out-pounced  our  friend  upon  him,  rifle  in 
hand,  ‘ Leave  that  there,  I tell  you.  I put 
that  there  myself  / and  there  was  something 
in  his  eye  which  explained  his  meaning  so 
clearly,  that  the  article  was  at  once  aban- 
doned, and,  if  found  to  be  valuable  was 
retained ; if  not  was  ‘ made  a present  of.’ 
Close  to  us  were  large  boxes  of  japanned 
work,  containing  literally  thousands  of  cups 
and  vessels  of  jade,  of  crystal,  and  of 
china,  which  the  soldiers  were  carelessly 
throwing  about  and  breaking  into  atoms. 
Had  the  enemy  made  a strong  attack  upon 
us  at  that  moment,  not  one  half  of  our 
troops  could  have  been  collected  to  repel 
it ; and  such  were  the  scenes  through  every 
court  of  the  many  mansions  of  the  Kaiser- 
bagh. 

“ While  these  proceedings.were  going  on, 
intelligence  reached  General  Mansfield,  the 
chief  of  the  staff,  that  some  women  of  the 
zenana  were  secreted  in  one  of  the  strongest 
parts  of  the  Kaiserbagh,  and  Captain  Hope 
Johnstone  of  the  stalf,  with  some  officers 
with  two  companies  of  the  38th  regiment, 
were  immediately  ordered  to  the  spot  indi- 
cated for  their  protection.  Some  of  the 
soldiers  had  already  in  their  search  for 
plunder  forced  an  entrance  to  the  apart- 
ments, and  in  doing  so,  the  son  of  one  of 
the  begums  (a  deaf  and  dumb  youth  of 
twenty  years  of  age),  and  two  or  three  of 
the  ladies  of  the  zenana,  were  unfortunately 
killed  by  a discharge  of  musketry  when  the 
doors  were  broken  in,  and  before  the 
soldiers  saw  that  the  persons  befoi’e  them 
were  females.  When  the  officers  with  their 
men  entered,  the  terror  of  the  begums  and 
their  attendants  was  extreme.  They  ex- 
pected instant  death.  Huddled  together 
amid  the  smoke,  they  could  scarcely  be 
calmed  by  the  assurances  of  the  officers, 
who  at  once  took  measures  to  remove  them 
to  a place  of  safety.  As  they  were  going 
out,  one  of  the  ladies  pointed  out  to  Captain 
Hope  Johnstone  a box  which  he  had  just 
taken  from  the  floor  and  laid  upon  the 
table.  She  told  him  it  contained  jewels  to 
the  value  of  ten  lacs  of  rupees,  or  £100,000. 
He  at  once  placed  sentries  at  the  doors, 
and  gave  orders  that  no  one  should  enter. 
Having,  with  the  aid  cf  his  brother  officers, 
taken  the  ladies  out  of  danger,  he  returned 
268 


to  the  zenana;  it  was  blazing  from  end  to 
end,  the  sentries  only  escaped  by  clamber- 
ing up  to  the  roof,  from  which  they  were 
with  difficulty  saved ; but  the  jewels  were 
gone.  Had  Captain  Johnstone  taken  them, 
they  would  have  been  his  own ; for  the 
Kaiserbagh  on  this  day  was  given  up  to 
plunder,  and  what  each  man  could  get  be- 
came his  property. 

“ Those  stately  buildings,  v^hicli  had  never 
before  been  entered  by  European  foot,  ex- 
cept by  a commissioner  of  Oude  on  a state 
visit,  were  now  open  to  the  common  soldier, 
and  to  the  meanest  camp-follower  of  our 
army.  Their  splendours  vanished  like  snow 
in  sunshine — the  destruction  around  one, 
the  shouting,  the  smashing  noises,  the  yells 
of  the  Sikhs  and  natives,  were  oppressive. 

I was  glad  to  get  away,  just  as  our  mortars 
began  to  thunder  away  at  the  enemy’s 
works  again.  There  were  burning  stock- 
ades, and  thousands  of  pounds  of  powder 
near  at  hand.  In  every  court,  there  was 
abundance  of  all  kinds  of  ammunition,  ex- 
cept 6-pounder  shot ; which,  as  well  as 
many  9-pounder  balls,  were  rudely  made  of 
hammered  iron.  In  one  court  we  found  a 
large  brass  mortar,  with  heaps  of  live  brass 
and  stone  shells  near  it;  but  I could  not 
find  any  fusees.  It  was  late  in  the  evening 
when  we  returned  to  camp,  through  roads 
thronged  with  at  least  20,000  camp-follow- 
ers, all  staggering  under  loads  of  plunder; 
the  most  extraordinary  and  indescribable 
spectacle  I ever  beheld — a flood  of  men  co- 
vered with  clothing  not  their  own,  carrying 
on  heads  and  shoulders,  looking-glasses, 
mirrors,  pictures,  brass  pots,  swords,  fire- 
locks, rich  shawls,  scarfs,  embroidered 
dresses,  and  ‘loot’  of  all  kinds,  from  ran- 
sacked palaces.  The  noise,  the  dust,  the 
shouting,  the  excitement,  were  almost  be- 
yond endurance.  Lucknow  was  borne  away 
piecemeal ; and  the  wild  Ghoorkas  and . 
Sikhs,  with  open  mouths  and  glaring  eyes, 
burning  with  haste  to  get  rich,  Avere  con- 
tending fiercely  against  the  current,  as  thcj'^ 
sought  to  get  to  the  sources  of  such  unex- 
pected wealth.  The  commauder-in-chief 
and  the  chief  of  his  staff  were  already  in 
camp,  and  the  expression  of  Sir  Colin’s 
face  told  how  much  the  result  of  the  day’s 
operations  had  pleased  him.”* 

Having  illustrated  some  striking  incidents 
of  the  struggle  for  Lucknow,  so  far  as  the 
preceding  extracts  extend,  the  narrative  of 
active  operations  is  resumed. 

* Itussell’s  Letter,  see  Times,  May  6tr,  1858. 


A.D.  1858.]  INDIAN  MUTINY.  [the  moosabagh. 

Late  in  the  afternoon  of  the  18th  of 
jMarch,  orders  were  issued  to  Sir  James 
Outram,  to  drive  the  enemy  from  their 
strong  position  at  the  Moosabagh,  the  only 
post  of  strength  now  held  by  them.  The 
force  under  the  command  of  Sir  James  was 
ready  to  march  from  their  quarters  at  the 
great  Imaumbarra,  at  6.  30.  a.m.;  and  the 
general  and  his  staff  left  their  quarters  at 
Banks’  House, in  the  old  residency,  soon  after 
daybreak.  Sir  Colin  Campbell  and  the  head- 
quarters’ staff  riding  out  to  view  the  opera- 
tions. The  enemy  had  collected,  at  this 
their  last  post,  in  numbers  estimated  at  from 
8 to  10,000;  and  both  the  begum  and 
moulvie  were  reported  to  be  present  with 
the  troops.  The  position  occupied  by  them 
was  situated  outside  the  verge  of  the  city, 
close  to  the  Goomtee,  and  consisted  of  a 
large  cluster  of  buildings,  surrounded  by 
gardens  and  high  walls,  which  were  loop- 
holed,  and  otherwise  prepared  for  defence. 
Immediately  in  front  of  the  walls  was  a 
similar  enclosure,  belonging  to  Ali  Nacky 
Khan,  the  king’s  vizier;  and  the  road  to 
both  passed  through  a low  suburb,  with 
occasional  large  palaces  and  mosques,  which 
were  capable  of  being  converted  into  for- 
midable obstacles  to  the  advance  of  troops. 
As  no  very  serious  resistance  was  expected 
from  the  rebel  troops  in  the  defence  of  the 
post,  the  principal  cause  for  anxiety  was, 
how  to  secure  and  punish  such  of  them  as 
might  attempt  to  escape  by  flight;  and, 
accordingly,  a strong  force  of  cavalry  was 
disposed  in  various  directions,  to  intercept 
them. 

As  the  troops  detailed  for  the  assault, 
marched  through  the  gateway,  in  front  of 
the  Imaumbarra,  the  enemy  were  observed 
retiring  in  haste  from  their  advanced  posts 
in  the  houses  opposite,  and  retreating  on 
the  Moosabagh,  from  which  place  also  a 
similar  movement  was  speedily  visible,  and 
a vast  number  of  the  enemy  were  soon  in 
rapid  flight  before  the  English  troops  had  a 
chance  of  getting  near  them.  The  rebels 
fled  in  broken  masses,  mingled  with  towns- 
people and  budmashes,  followed  by  the 
lancers.  Some  few  of  their  matchlock 
men  and  sepoys  kept  up  a smart  fire,  and 
their  gunS  were  placed  to  cover  the  retreat 
as  much  as  possible,  occasionally  directing 
their  attention  towards  the  group  of  officers 
composing  the  head-quarters’  staff.  At 
length,  after  a faint  effort  to  rally  near  the 
river,  they  finally  gave  way  and  fled  through 
the  enclosures  and  corn-fields  with  which 

the  country  is  diversified,  speedily  distancing 
the  pursuers  by  the  rapidity  of  their  move- 
ments. A sikh  regiment  was  placed  in  the 
Moosabagh  for  its  security,  but  no  enemy 
again  appeared  to  dispute  their  possession. 

To  prevent  the  outrages  that  continually 
occurred  in  the  city  through  collisions  be- 
tween the  troops,  it  was  determined  by  the 
commander-in  chief  to  withdraw  them  from 
the  streets  as  soon  as  a fair  proportion  of 
the  respectable  inhabitants  should  return  to 
occupy  the  houses ; but  for  some  time  there 
appeared  little  ground  for  expecting  that 
persons  would  return,  owing  to  the  frequency 
of  explosions,  and  to  the  wanton  outrages 
perpetrated  by  the  sikhs.  “ To-day,”  writes 
Mr.  Russell,  “ as  we  were  riding  towards 
the  Moosabagh,  we  observed  a very  old 
man,  who,  apparently  in  the  last  extremity 
of  feebleness,  was  lying  on  his  resai  by  the 
road  side.  As  we  came  baek  we  saw  his 
body  with  a cleft  in  the  skull,  dead  by  the 
wall  over  which  it  had  been  thrown  by  his 
murderers.  I almost  fear  the  same  fate  will 
befall  a white-bearded  Said,  or  holy  man, 
who  was  dragged  out  of  his  hiding  place  by 
some  sikhs  the  other  day,  and  would  have 
been  slain  but  for  my  companion.  The  old 
fellow  said  he  had  lain  in  mortal  terror  for 
three  days  after  the  capture  of  the  Imaum- 
barra in  a cellar,  till  he  was  forced  to  move 
by  hunger.”  To  repress  these  atrocities  as 
far  as  possible,  the  following  general  order 
was  issued  by  the  commander-in-chief  on 
the  18th  of  March  : — 

“ It  is  reported  to  the  commander-in-chief 
that  the  sikhs  and  other  native  soldiers,  are 
plundering  in  a most  outi’ageous  manner, 
and  refuse  to  give  up  their  plunder  to  the 
guards  told  off  for  the  express  purpose  of 
checking  such  proceedings. 

His  excellency  desires  that  strong 
parties  under  the  command  of  European 
officers  be  immediately  sent  out  from  each 
native  regiment  to  put  a stop  to  these 
excesses. 

“Commanding  officers  of  native  regiments 
are  called  upon  to  use  their  best  endeavours 
to  restore  order,  and  are  responsible  that  all 
their  men  who  are  not  on  duty  remain  in 
camp,  and  that  those  who  are  on  duty  do 
not  quit  their  posts.” 

These  orders  being  found  ineffectual  to 
repress  the  mischief  that  prevailed,  regu- 
lations far  more  stringent  were  announced 
for  the  restoration  of  order  among  the  troops. 
An  hourly  roll  call  was  ordered  by  the  com- 
mander-in-chief,  and  no  soldier  upon  any 

269 

LUCKNOW — THE  DESPATCHES.]  HISTORY  OF  THE  [a.d.  1858. 


pretence,  was  allowed  to  enter  the  city.  All 
camp  followers  found  in  the  streets  or 
houses,  with  arms,  were  seized  and  hung  up, 
no  soldier  was  permitted  to  wear  his  side 
arms  except  when  on  dutj',  and  triangles 
were  set  up  at  proper  places  for  the  sum- 
mary punisliment  of  minor  oflenders. 

The  following  despatches  announced  offi- 
cially the  recapture  of  Lucknow',  and  were 
promulgated  in  the  governor-general’s 
gazette  of  April  5th,  1858  : — 

“ The  right  honourable  the  governor-general, 
having  now  received  the  despatches  from  his  excel- 
lency the  commander-in-chief,  giving  an  account  of 
the  retaking  of  Lucknow  by  the  force  under  his 
excellency’s  personal  command,  is  pleased  to  publish 
them  for  general  information  : — 

“ In  December  last,  it  became  the  grateful  duty 
of  the  governor-general  in  council  to  promulgate  in 
general  orders  the  announcement  of  the  relief  of  the 
garrison  of  Lucknow,  so  admirably  achieved  by 
General  Sir  Colin  Campbell,  G.C.  B.,  and  the  rescue 
of  the  women  and  children,  sick  and  wounded,  long 
beleaguered  there.  It  is  now  the  governor-general’s 
privilege  to  convey  to  his  excellency  the  tribute  of 
his  highest  admiration,  and  of  his  most  cordial  con- 
gratulation on  the  capture  of  the  strong  city  of  the 
rebels.  From  the  2nd  till  the  16th  of  March,  a 
series  of  masterly  operations  took  place,  by  which 
the  commander-in-chief,  nobly  supported  in  his 
well-laid  plans  of  attack  by  the  ability  and  skill  of 
the  general  officers,  and  by  the  indomitable  bravery 
and  resolution  of  the  officers  and  men  of  all  arms, 
drove  the  rebels  successively  from  all  their  strongly- 
fortified  posts,  till  the  whole  fell  into  the  possession 
of  our  troops.  That  this  great  success  should  have 
been  accomplished  at  so  little  cost  of  valuable  lives, 

I enhances  the  honour  due  to  the  leader  who  has 
I achieved  it.  It  is  a pleasure  to  the  governor- 
general  to  acknowledge  publicly  the  services  of  the 
i general  and  other  officers  who  took  part  in  the 
j capture  of  Lucknow. 

i “ During  the  last  days  of  the  operations,  the 
1 Nepaulese  force,  under  Maharajah  Jung  Bahadoor, 

’ was  associated  with  the  army  under  General  Sir 
I Colin  Campbell’s  command.  To  the  distinguished 
leader  of  that  force,  the  Maharajah  Jung  Bahadoor, 

' the  governor-general  desires  to  express  his  thanks 
j for  the  hearty  co-operation  which  the  commander- 
I in-chief  received  from  his  highness,  and  for  the 
I gallant  bearing  of  his  highness’s  troops.  To 
; IMajor-general  Sir  James  Outram,  G.  C.  B.,  the  gov- 
ernment of  India  is  under  a new  debt  of  gratitude. 
After  having  held  the  exposed  post  of  the  Alumbagh 
for  more  than  three  months,  in  the  face  of  powerful 
bodies  of  rebels,  whose  attacks  he  never  failed  to 
; repel.  Sir  James  Outram  has  further  greatly  distin- 
I guished  himself  at  the  head  of  the  first  division,  by 
i the  brilliant  and  thoroughly  complete  manner  in 
which  he  executed  these  duties  entrusted  to  him. 

I The  governor-general  requests  that  Sir  James  Out- 
I ram  will  accept  his  most  sincere  thanks. 

! “ His  lordship  offers  his  hearty  acknowledgments 

j to  the  other  general  officers  whose  services  are  pro- 
minently noticed  in  these  despatches  : — 

“ To  Major-general  Mansfield,  chief  of  the  staff, 
of  whose  eminent  services  the  commander-in-chief 
speaks  with  well-merited  commendation.  To  Major- 

270 


general  Sir  Archdale  Wilson,  K.  C.  B.,  in  chief  com- 
mand of  the  artillery,  who,  after  winning  lasting 
renown  in  the  capture  of  Delhi,  has  borne  a con- 
spicuous part  in  the  reduction  of  Lucknow'.  Tr 
Major-general  Sir  J.  Hope  Grant,  K.  C.  B.,  com- 
manding the  cavalry  of  the  force ; to  Brigadier-  ■ 
general  Franks,  C.  B.,  Brigadier-general  Walpole, 
and  Brigadier-general  Sir  Edward  Lugard,  K.  C.  B, 
commanding  the  second,  third,  and  fourth  divisions  , 
of  infantry. 

“ The  governor-general  has  to  record  his  acknow-  ^ 
ledgments  to  Captain  Sir  William  Peel,  K.  C.  B., 
commanding  the  naval  brigade  of  her  majesty’s  ship 
Shannon,  and  to  offer  his  especial  thanks  to  him  for 
his  remarkable  services.  The  governor-general  en- 
tirely concurs  with  his  excellency  the  commander- 
in-chief  in  prominently  recognising  the  great  skill 
and  ability  of  Brigadier  Napier,  who  commanded 
the  engineers  of  her  majesty’s  and  the  East  India 
Company’s  services  forming  part  of  the  force.  Bri- 
gadier Napier  is  especially  entitled  to  the  thanks  of 
the  governor-general ; and  to  him,  to  Colonel  Har- 
ness, commanding  the  royal  engineers,  and  to  the  t 
several  officers  under  them,  of  both  the  services,  his 
lordship’s  grateful  acknowledgments  are  offered. 
The  governor-general  has  much  satisfaction  in  ex- 
pressing his  high  sense  of  the  merits  of  the  several  | 
officers  commanding  brigades  and  regiments. 

“ To  the  commanding  officers  of  the  royal  artillery, 
the  naval  artillery,and  of  the  Bengal  andMadras  artil- 
lery, the  governor-general  tenders  his  cordial  thanks. 

To  Major  Norman,  deputy-adjutant-general  of  the 
army,  to  whose  superior  merits  and  distinguished 
services  the  commander-in-chief  bears  willing  testi- 
mony, a tribute  in  which  the  governor-general  con- 
curs ; to  Colonel  the  Hon.  W.  L.  Pakenham,  C.  B., 
officiating-adjutant-general  of  her  majesty’s  forces 
in  India ; to  Lieutenant-colonel  Macpherson,  offi- 
ciating-quiirtermaster-general  of  the  army  ; to  Cap- 
tain Seymour,  officiating-quarlermaster-general  her 
majesty’s  forces  ; to  Captain  Bruce,  ceputy-quarter- 
master-general,  and  Captain  Algood,  assistant-quar- 
termaster-general ; to  Lieutenant-colonel  Keith 
Young,  judge-advocate-gencral ; to  Captain  Fitz- 
gerald, assistant-commissary-general,  who  is  spe- 
cially mentioned  by  the  commander-in-chief ; to 
Lieutenant  P.  Stew'art,  of  engineers,  superintendent 
of  electric  telegraphs  ; to  Dr.  M'Andrew,  inspector- 
general  of  hospitals  her  majesty’s  forces,  and  to  Dr. 
Brown,  superintending-surgeon  of  the  force,  the 
governor-general  has  much  satisfaction  in  express- 
ing his  sense  of’the  good  service  they  have  rendered. 

“ To  the  officers  of  the  personal  staff  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief, of  the  chief  of  staff,  and  of  general 
officers  commanding  divisions,  the  thanks  of  the 
governor-general  are  due  ; and  his  lordship  records 
his  acknowledgments  to  the  officers  of  the  staff  of 
divisions  and  brigades,  all  of  whom  have  zealously 
performed  their  duty.  'To  the  officers  and  men  of 
every  service — soldiers,  seamen,  and  marines — com- 
posing the  force  by  which  Lucknow  has  been  taken, 
the  governor-general  desires  to  express  his  admira- 
tion of  their  conduct,  and  to  tender  to  each  indi- 
vidual the  thanks  of  The  government  of  India.  His 
lordship  will  take  the  earliest  opportunity  of  bring- 
ing under  the  favourable  notice  of  her  majesty’s 
government,  and  of  the  Hon.  the  Court  of  Directors, 
the  services  rendered  by  the  force. 

“ In  testimony  of  these  services,  the  governor- 
general  is  pleased  to  direct,  that  every  officer  and 
soldier,  European  and  native,  and  the  officers  and 


A.B.  1858.]  INDIAN  MUTINY.  [detail  of  operations. 


men  of  the  navy,  who  took  part  in  the  capture  of 
Lucknow,  shall  receive  a donation  of  six  months’ 
batta. — By  order  of  the  right  honourable  the  gov- 
ernor-general. 

“K,  J.  H.  Birch,  Colonel,  Secretary  to  the 
Government  of  India,  Military  Department, 
with  the  Governor-general.” 

Frotn  Sir  Colin  Campbell,  General,  Commander- in- 
Chief  in  India,  to  the  Fif/ht  Hon.  the  Viscount 
Canning,  Governor-general  of  India,  ^'c. 

Camp  La  Martiniere,  dated  Lucknow,  March  22. 

“ My  Lord, — I have  the  honour  to  announce  to 
your  lordship,  that  I transferred  my  head-quarters  to 
the  camp  of  Brigadier-general  Sir  Edward  Lugard, 
K.  C.B.,  at  Bunthura,  on  the  28th  ultimo,  the  division 
which  had  been  detached  under  Brigadier-general 
Sir  J.  Hope  Grant,  K.  C.  B.,  and  that  under  Briga- 
dier-general M'^alpole  joining  the  next  day. 

“ Having  received  tolerably  correct  information 
with  respect  to  the  lines  of  works  which  have  been 
constructed  by  the  enemy  for  the  defence  of  Luck- 
now, it  appeared  evident  to  me  that  the  necessity 
would  arise  for  operating  from  both  sides  of  the 
Goomtee  when  the  capture  of  the  city  should  be 
seriously  entertained.  Two  very  important  reasons 
conduced  to  show  the  expediency  of  such  a course, 
the  one  being  that  it  would  become  possible'  to  enfi- 
lade many  of  the  enemy’s  new  works  ; the  other,  that 
great  avenues  of  supply  would  be  closed  against  the 
town,  although  I could  not  hope  to  invest  a city 
having  a circumference  of  twenty  miles.  My  first 
preparations,  therefore,  were  made  for  the  purpose 
of  crossing  the  river.  Bridges  of  casks  had  been 
previously  constructed,  and  were  ready  in  the  engi- 
neer’s park. 

“ On  the  2nd  of  March,  I advanced  on  Dilkoosha 
with  the  following  troops  : — Head-quarters  of  the 
division  of  artillery,  and  of  the  field  artillery  brigade, 
under  Major-general  Sir  A.  Wilson,  K.  C.  B.,  and 
Colonel  D.  Wood,  C.  B.,  royal  horse  artillery ; Lieu- 
tenant-colonel D.  Aguilar’s  troops,  royal  horse  artil- 
lery; Lieutenant-colonel  Tombs,  C.B.,  and  Lieutenant 
Bishop’s  troops,  Bengal  horse  artillery,  under  Lieu- 
: tenant-colonel  Turner.  Two  24-pounders,  and  two 
8-inch  howitzers  of  the  Shaymon’s  naval  brigade  ; two 
companies  Punjab  sappers  and  miners.  The  head- 
quarters of  the  cavalry  division,  and  the  1st  cavalry 
brigade,  under  Brigadier-general  Sir  J.  H.  Grant, 
K.  C.  B.,  and  Brigadier  Little.  Her  majesty’s  9th 
lancers,  2nd  Punjab  irregular  cavalry,  detachment 
olh  Punjab  irregular  cavalry,  1st  Sikh  irregular 
cavalry,  the  second  division  infantry,  under  Bri- 
gadier-general Sir  E.  Lugard,  K.  C.  B.,  consisting  of 
3rd  brigade.  Brigadier  P.  M.  M.  Guy,  composed  of 
her  majesty’s  34th,  38th,  and  53rd  regiments;  4th 
brigade,  Brigadier  Hon.  A.  Hope,  composed  of  the 
42nd  and  93rd  highlanders,  with  4th  Punjab  rifles  ; 

; and  seized  that  position  after  a skirmish,  in  which  a 
I gun  was  taken  from  the  enemy, 
j “ When  the  brigades  of  infantry  began  to  close 
I on  the  advance  guard  the  enemy  opened  several 

• Force  sent  across  the  Goomtee  under  Sir  J. 
Outram  : — Lieutenant-colonel  D’Aguilar’s  troop, 
royal  horse  artillery ; Major  Bemington’s  and  Cap- 
tain McKinnon’s  troops,  royal  artillery,  under  Lieu- 
tenant-colonel F.  Turner ; Captain  Gibbon’s  and 
iMiddleton’s  light  field  batteries,  royal  artillery,  and 
head-quarters  field  artillery  brigade;  H. M.’s  2nd 
dragoon  guards  (bays)  ; H.  M.’s  9tli  lancers ; 2nd 


guns,  which  were  in  position  in  strong  bastions 
along  the  line  of  the  canal.  This  fire  was  heavy 
and  well  sustained.  These  guns  commanded  the 
plateau,  and  compelled  me  to  retire  the  camp  as  far 
back  as  it  was  possible;  but  not  so  far  as  I could 
have  wished,  owing  to  ravines  in  rear.  The  palace 
of  Dilkoosha  was  occupied  as  an  advance  picket  on 
the  right,  and  the  Mahomedbagh  on  the  left — heavy 
guns  being  placed  in  battery  at  both  points,  to  keep  i 
down  the  hostile  fire.  During  the  whole  of  the  2nd,  | 
until  these  arrangements  could  be  completed,  the  \ 
troops  were  much  annoyed  by  the  enemy’s  guns.  | 
After  that  day,  until  an  advance  took  place, 
although  the  shot  ranged  up  to,  and  sometimes  into 
the  camp,  but  slight  loss  ensued  from  this  cause. 

“ On  the  3rd  and  4th,  the  remainder  of  the  siege 
train,  together  with  Brigadier-general  Walpole’s  i 
division,  closed  up  on  the  Dilkoosha  position — the 
right  of  our  line  resting  on  Bibiapore  and  the 
Goomtee,  the  left  being  towards  the  Alumbagh. 
There  was  an  interval  of  about  two  miles  between 
our  left  and  Jellalabad,  the  right  of  the  Alumbagh 
position.  This  interval  was  occupied  by  a regiment 
of  irregular  horse  (Hodson’s).  Brigadier  Campbell,  : 
with  a strong  brigade  of  cavalry  and  horse  artillery, 
secured  the  extreme  left,  and  swept  the  country  ‘ 
towards  the  north-west.  Three  infantry  regiments 
were  withdrawn  from  the  Alumbagh,  and  joined  the 
head-quarters’  camp. 

“ On  the  5th,  General  Franks,  of  the  fourth  divi- 
sion of  infantry,  came  into  direct  communication 
with  me.  This  officer  had  marched  right  across  the 
kingdom  of  Oude,  having  signally  defeated  many 
bodies  of  insurgents,  and  kept  his  time  with  punc- 
tuality according  to  the  orders  given  to  him,  with 
which  your  lordship  is  already  acquainted.  On  the 
same  day,  the  Goomtee  was  bridged  near  Bibiapore. 
While  the  bridge  was  being  formed,  the  enemy 
showed  on  the  left  bank,  causing  the  necessity  of  a 
disposition  of  troops  and  heavy  guns.  He  did  not, 
however,  make  a real  attack.  These  guns  were 
ver}'  useful  in  another  respect ; as  their  practice  on 
the  Martiniere  silenced  much  fire  which  would 
otherwise  have  annoyed  the  pickets.  They  were 
. accordingly  kept  on  the  same  ground  for  some  days, 
till  the  advance  of  the  troops  rendered  them  un- 
necessary. 

“ On  the  6th,  Sir  James  Outram,  G.  C.  B.,  who 
had  been  withdrawn  from  the  Alumbagh,  crossed  to 
the  left  bank  of  the  Goomtee,  with  troops  as  below;* 
the  fourth  division,  under  Brigadier-general  Franks, 
C.  B.,  taking  the  place  vacated  by  Brigadier-general 
Waljtole  in  the  line. 

“ The  plan  of  attack  which  had  been  conceived, 
was  now  developed,  and  Sir  James  Outram  was 
directed  to  push  bis  advance  up  the  left  bank  of  the 
Goomtee,  while  the  troops  in  the  position  of  Dil- 
koosha remained  at  rest  till  it  should  have  become 
apparent  that  the  first  line  of  the  enemy’s  works,  or 
the  rampart  running  along  the  canal,  and  abutting 
on  the  Goomtee,  had  been  turned. 

“ The  works  may  be  briefly  described  as  fol- 

Punjab  cavalry;  detachments  1st  and  5th  Punjab 
cavalry,  under  Captains  AVatson  and  Sanford ; 3rd 
infantry  division,  under  Brigadier-general  li.  AVal- 
pole  ; 5th  brigade.  Brigadier  Douglas,  C.B. ; H.  M.’s 
23rd  fusiliers  ; H.M.’s  79th  highlanders  ; 1st  Bengal 
fusiliers ; 6th  brigade.  Brigadier  Horsford,  C.C. : 
2nd  battalion  rifles ; 3rd  brigade ; battalion  ditto , 
2nd  Punjab  infantry. 

.271 


Li’CKNOw — DESPATCHES.]  HISTORY  OF  THE  [a.d.  1858. 


lo'ws  : — The  series  of  courts  and  buildings  called  the 
Kaiserbagh,  considered  as  a citadel  by  the  rebels, 
■was  shut  in  by  three  lines  of  defence  towards  the 
Goomtee,  of  ■which  the  line  of  the  canal  was  the 
outer  one.  The  second  line  circled  round  the  large 
building  called  the  Mess-house  and  the  Motee 
I Mahal ; and  the  first  or  interior  one  was  the  prin- 
cipal rampart  of  the  Kaiserbagh,  the  rear  of  the 
enclosures  of  the  latter  being  closed  in  by  the  city, 
through  ■which  approach  would  have  been  dan- 
gerous to  an  assailant.  These  lines  were  flanked  by 
i numerous  bastions,  and  rested  at  one  end  on  the 
I Goomtee,  and  the  other  on  the  great  buildings  of 
; the  street  called  the  Huzrutgunge,  all  of  which  were 
' strongly  fortified,  and  flanked  the  street  in  every 
direction.  Extraordinary  care  had  been  expended 
on  the  defences  of  the  houses  and  bastions,  to 
enfilade  the  streets.  This  duty  was  ably  performed 
by  Sir  J.  Outram,  who  pitched  his  camp  on  the  6th 
instant,  after  a skirmish  of  his  advanced  guard  in 
front  of  the  Chukkur  Walla  Kotee,  or  ‘ Yellow- 
house.’  On  the  7th,  he  was  attacked  by  the  enemy, 

1 who  was  speedily  driven  back. 

I “ Having  reconnoitred  the  ground  on  the  8th 
I instant,  I directed  Sir  James  Outram  to  arrange  his 
! batteries  during  the  succeeding  night,  and  to  attack 
the  enemy’s  position — the  key  of  which  was  the 
; Chukkur  Walla  Kotee — the  next  day  or  the  9th. 
This  was  done  in  very  good  style  by  the  troops 
under  his  command  ; the  enemy  being  driven  at  all 
points,  the  Yellow-house  being  seized,  and  the 
whole  force  advanced  for  some  distance  through 
[ ground  affording  excellent  cover  for  the  enemy. 
He  was  then  able  to  bring  his  right  shoulders  for- 
ward, occupying  the  Fyzabad-road,  and  to  plant  his 
batteries  for  the  purpose  of  enfilading  the  works  on 
the  canal  before  alluded  to.  He  lost  no  time  in 
doing  this,  other  batteries  of  heavy  guns  and 
howitzers  being  the  following  night  to  play  on  the 
works  and  the  Kaiserbagh. 

“ While  this  attack  was  being  made  by  Sir  James 
Outram  along  the  left  bank  of  the  Goomtee,  on  the 
9th  instant,  a very  heavy  fire  was  kept  up  on  the 
' Martiniere,  both  from  mortars  and  hea^vy  guns 
i placed  in  position  during  the  previous  night  on  the 
j Dilkoosha  plateau.  At  2 P.M.,  the  42nd  highlanders, 
the  o3rd,  and  90th  regiments,  stormed  the  Martiniere, 
under  the  direction  of  Brigadier-general  Sir  Edward 
! Lugard,  K.  C.  B.,  and  Brigadier  the  Hon.  Adi'ian 
1 Hope.  It  was  quickly  seen  that  the  enfilading  fire 
I on  the  line  of  the  canal  from  the  opposite  side  of 
the  river  had  produced  the  expected  result.  The 
4th  Punjab  infantry,  supported  by  the  42nd  high- 
landers, climbed  up  the  intrenchment  abutting  on 
' the  Goomtee,  and  proceeded  to  sweep  down  the 
; whole  line  of  the  works,  till  they  got  to  the  neigh- 
' bourhood  of  Banks’  House,  when  it  became  neces- 
sary to  close  operations  for  the  night.  Major 
, Wylde,  4th  Punjab  rifles,  distinguished  himself  very 
much  on  this  occasion.  The  line  of  works  ■was 
strongly  occupied  by  the  troops  which  had  first 
entered,  and  by  the  o3rd  regiment. 

' “ On  the  10th  instant.  Sir  James  Outram  was 

' engaged  in  strengthening  his  position  ; Sir  James 
Hope  Grant,  K.  C.  B.,  being  employed  in  patrolling 
towards  the  cantonment  with  the  cavalry  placed 
j under  Sir  James  Outram’s  orders — a system  of  ex- 
tensive patrolling  or  reconnaissance  having  been 
established  by  my  order,  in  that  direction,  from  the 
time  that  the  first  position  had  been  taken  up  across 
the  Goomtee.  At  sunrise  on  the  same  day,  a dis- 

272 


position  of  troops  and  hea^vy  guns  was  made  by  Sir 
Edward  Lugard  for  the  attack  on  Banks’  House, 
which  was  carried  at  noon,  and  secured  as  a strong 
military  post. 

“ The  second  part  of  the  plan  of  attack  against 
the  Kaiserbagh  now  came  into  operation — viz.,  to 
use  the  great  blocks  of  houses  and  palaces,  extend- 
ing from  Banks’  House  to  the  Kaiserbagh,  as  our 
approach,  instead  of  sapping  up  towards  the  front  of 
the  second  line  of  works.  By  these  means,  I was 
enabled  to  turn  towards  our  own  left,  at  the  same 
time  that  they  were  enfiladed  on  the  right  by  Sir 
James  Outram’s  advance.  The  latter  had  already 
received  orders  to  plant  his  guns  with  a view  to 
raking  the  enem)’’s  position  ; to  annoy  the  Kaiser- 
bagh with  a vertical  and  direct  fire  ; also  to  attack 
the  suburbs  in  the  vicinity  of  the  iron  and  stone 
bridges  shortly  after  daybreak,  and  so  commence 
the  iron  bridge  from  the  left  bank.  All  this  was 
carried  out  by  Sir  James  Outram  with  the  most 
marked  success.  The  enemy,  however,  still  held 
pertinaciously  to  his  own  end  of  the  iron  bridge  on 
the  right  bank,  and  there  ■was  heavy  cannon- 
ading from  both  sides  till  the  bridge  was  after- 
wards taken  in  reverse.  Sir  Edward  Lugard’s 
attack  on  the  11th  was  pressed  forward  in  like 
manner. 

“ The  operation  had  now  become  one  of  engineer- 
ing character,  and  the  most  earnest  endeavours  were 
made  to  save  the  infantry  from  being  hazarded 
before  due  preparation  had  been  made.  The  chief 
engineer  (Brigadier  Napier)  placed  the  batteries 
with  a view  to  breaching  and  shelling  a large  block 
of  the  palaces  called  the  Begum  Kotee.  The  latter 
were  stormed  with  great  gallantry  by  the  93rd  high- 
landers, supported  by  the  4th  Punjab  rifles  and 
1,000  Ghoorkas,  led  by  Brigadier  the  Hon.  Adrian 
Hope,  under  the  direction  of  Brigadier-general  Sir 
Edward  Lugard,  at  4 P.M.  The  troops  secured  the 
whole  block  of  buildings,  and  inflicted  a very  heavy 
loss  on  the  enemy,  the  attack  having  been  one  of 
very  desperate  character. 

“ This  was  the  sternest  struggle  which  occurred 
during  the  siege.  From  thenceforward,  the  chief 
engineer  pushed  his  approach,  with  the  greatest 
i judgment,  through  the  enclosures,  by  the  aid  of  the 
j sapper  and  of  heavy  guns,  the  troops  immediately 
I occupying  the  ground  as  he  advanced,  and  the  mor- 
tars being  moved  from  one  place  to  another,  as  the 
I ground  was  won  on  which  they  could  be  placed. 
The  buildings  to  the  right,  and  the  Secunderbagh, 
were  taken  in  the  early  morning  of  the  same  day 
without  opposition. 

“During  the  night  of  the  12th,  Sir  James  Out- 
ram ■was  reinforced  with  a number  of  heavy  guns 
and  mortars,  and  directed  to  increase  his  fire  on  the 
Kaiserbagh;  while,  at  the  same  time,  mortars  placed 
in  position  at  the  begum’s  house  never  ceased  to 
play  on  the  Imaumbarra,  the  next  large  palace  it 
was  necessary  to  storm  between  the  Begum  Kotee 
and  the  Kaiserbagh.  On  Brigadier-general  Franks, 
C.  B.,  ■«ho  had  relieved  Sir  Edward  Lugard,  and 
the  second  division,  ■with  the  fourth  division,  on  the 
12th  inslant,  devolved  the  duty  of  attacking  the 
Imaumbarra.  A column  of  attack  was  formed  for 
that  purpose  by  Brigadier  D.  Russell  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  14th. 

“In  the  meantime,  the  Maharajah  Jung  Baha- 
door,  with  a force  of  about  9,000  men  and  twenty- 
four  field  guns,  drawn  by  men,  had  arrived,  and 
taken  his  position  in  our  line  on  the  12th  instant, 


A.D.  1858.] 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


[details  of  operations. 


and  moved  close  to  tlie  canal  on  the  13th.  At  my 
request,  his  highness  was  begged  by  Brigadier- 
general  Macgregor,  C.  B.,  the  special  commissioner 
attached  to  him,  to  pass  the  canal  and  attack  the 
suburbs  in  his  front,  and  considerably  to  the  left 
of  Banks’  House.  To  this  his  highness  acceded  with 
much  willingness ; and  his  force  was  most  advan- 
tageously employed  in  thus  covering  my  left  for 
several  days,  during  which,  from  the  nature  of  our 
operations,  I was  obliged  to  mass  all  the  available 
strength  of  the  British  force  towards  the  right,  in 
the  joint  attack  carried  along  both  banks  of  the 
Goomtee.  The  Imaumbarra  was  carried  early  on 
the  14th;  and  the  Sikhs  of  the  Ferozepore  regi- 
ment, under  Major  Brasyer,  pressing  forward  in 
pursuit,  entered  the  Kaiserbagh — the  third  line  of 
the  defences  having  been  turned  without  a single  gun 
being  fired  from  them.  Supports  were  quickly  thrown 
in,  and  all  the  well-known  ground  of  the  former 
defence  and  attack,  the  Mess-house,  the  Tera  Kotee, 
ilotee  Mahul,  and  the  Chuttur  Munzil,  were  rapidly 
occupied  by  the  troops,  while  the  engineers  devoted 
their  attention  to  securing  the  position  towards  the 
south  and  west.  The  day  was  one  of  continued 
exertion ; and  every  one  felt  that,  although  much 
remained  to  be  done  before  the  final  expulsion  of 
the  rebels,  the  most  difficult  part  of  the  undertaking 
had  been  overcome. 

“ This  is  not  the  place  for  description  of  the 
various  buildings  successively  sapped  into  or 
stormed  ; suffice  it  to  say,  that  they  formed  a range 
of  massive  palaces  and  walled  courts  of  vast  extent, 
equalled,  perhaps,  but  certainly  not  surpassed,  in 
any  capital  in  Europe.  Every  outlet  had  been 
covered  by  a work,  and  on  every  side  were  prepared 
barricades  and  loopholed  parapets.  The  extraordi- 
nary industry  evinced  by  the  enemy  in  this  respect 
has  been  really  unexampled.  Hence  the  absolute 
necessity  for  holding  the  troops  in  hand,  till,  at  each 
successive  move  forward,  the  engineers  reported  to 
me  that  all  which  could  be  effected  by  artillery  and 
the  sappers  had  been  done,  before  the  assault. 

“ The  15th  instant  was  employed  in  securing 
what  had  been  taken,  removing  powder,  destroying 
mines,  and  fixing  mortars  for  the  further  bombard- 
ment of  the  position  still  held  by  the  enemy  on  the 
line  of  our  advance  up  the  Goomtee,  and  in  the 
heart  of  the  city.  Brigadier-general  Sir  J.  Hope 
Grant,  K.  C.  B.,  was  sent  out  with  cavalry  on  one 
side,  towards  Seetapore,  to  intercept  fugitives,  while 
another  brigadier  marched  with  like  orders  in  the 
direction  of  Sundeela,  on  a similar  duty.  They  re- 
turned on  the  17th  to  their  former  positions. 

“On  the  16th  instant.  Sir  James  Outram,  with 
the  5th  brigade,  under  Brigadier  Douglas,  sup- 
ported by  two  other  regiments  (her  majesty’s  20th 
and  the  regiment  of  Ferozepore),  having  crossed 
over  the  Goomtee  by  a bridge  of  casks,  opposite  the 
Secunderbagh.  advanced,  according  to  order,  through 
the  Chuttur  Munzil,  to  take  the  residency.  During 
the  first  movements  of  this  operation,  a movement 
of  the  enemy  in  retreat  across  the  stone  bridge, 
became  apparent.  Sir  James  was  ordered  to  press 
forward;  and  he  was  able,  almost  without  opposi- 
tion, not  only  to  take  the  iron  bridge  in  reverse, 
which  was  my  principal  object,  but  also  to  advance 
far  more  than  a mile,  and  occupy  the  Muchee 
Bowun  and  Great  Imaumbarra.  In  short,  the  city 
was  ours.  Brigadier-general  Walpole’s  picket,  on  the 
left  bank,  were  attacked  by  the  retreating  enemy, 
who  was,  as  usual,  heavily  repulsed. 

VOL.  II.  2 N 


“On  the  19th,  a combined  movement  was  orga- 
nised. Sir  James  Outram  moved  forward  directly 
on  the  Moosabagh — the  last  position  of  the  enemy 
on  the  line  of  the  Goomtee.  Sir.  J.  Hope  Grant 
cannonaded  the  latter  from  the  left  bank,  while 
Brigadier  Campbell,  moving  right  round  the  western 
side  from  the  Alumbagh,  prevented  retreat  in  that 
direction.  The  rout  was  now  complete;  and  great 
loss  was  inflicted  on  the  enemy  by  all  these 
columns. 

“ On  the  IGth,  for  the  last  time,  the  enemy  had 
shown  in  some  strength  before  the  Alumbagh, 
which  that  day  was  held  by  only  two  of  our  regi- 
ments. Jung  Bahadoor  was  requested  to  move  to 
his  left  up  the  canal,  and  take  the  position  in  re- 
verse from  which  our  position  at  the  Alumhagh  had 
been  so  long  annoyed.  This  was  executed  very  well 
by  his  highness,  and  he  seized  the  positions,  one 
after  another,  with  little  loss  to  himself.  The  guns 
of  the  enemy,  which  the  latter  did  not  stop  to  take 
away,  fell  into  his  hands. 

“ On  the  21st,  Sir  Edward  Lugard  was  directed 
to  attack  a stronghold  held  by  the  moulvie  in  the 
heart  of  the  city.  This  he  occupied  after  a sharp 
contest,  and  it  now  became  possible  to  invite  the 
return  of  the  inhabitants,  and  to  rescue  the  city 
from  the  horrors  of  this  prolonged  contest.  Bri- 
gadier Campbell,  with  his  cavalry,  attacked  the 
enemy  when  retreating  from  the  city,  in  conse- 
quence of  Sir  Edward  Lugard’s  advance,  inflicting 
heavy  loss,  and  pursued  him  for  six  miles. 

“ I beg  to  inclose  Sir  James  Outram’s  own  ac- 
count of  his  operations,  which  were  removed  from 
my  immediate  superintendence  till  he  recrossed  the 
Goomtee,  prior  to  the  attack  of  the  16th.  It  was 
matter  of  real  gratification  to  me  to  be  able  to 
intrust  the  trans-Goomtee  operation  to  this  very 
distinguished  officer ; and  after  that  had  been  con- 
ducted to  my  perfect  satisfaction,  to  bring  him  for- 
ward again  to  put  the  finishing  stroke  on  the  enemy 
while  the  extended  position  in  the  town  was,  of 
necessity,  held  by  the  troops,  who  had  won  it.  My 
thanks  are  eminently  due  to  him,  and  I trust  he 
will  receive  them  as  heartily  as  they  are  offered! 

“ I have  now  the  pleasing  task  of  communicating 
to  your  lordship  the  name  of  an  officer  to  whom, 
not  only  as  commanding  general,  but  to  whom,  in 
truth,  the  service  at  large  is  under  great  obligation 
— Major-general  Mansfield,  the  chief  of  the  staff — 
whose  labour  has  been  unceasing,  whose  abilities 
are  of  the  highest  order,  and  have  been  of  the 
greatest  use  to  me  during  the  campaign.  It  is  im- 
possible for  me  to  praise  this  officer  too  highly,  or  to 
recommend  him  sufficiently  to  the  protection  of  your 
lordship  and  of  the  government. 

“ I desire  to  draw  the  particular  attention  of  your 
lordship  to  Brigadiers-general  Franks.  C.B  ; Wal- 
pole ; Sir  J.  Hope  Grant,  K.C.B. ; and  Sir  Edward 
Lugard,  K.C.B.  Their  divisions  have  been  most 
admirably  commanded,  and  they  have  on  every 
occasion  amply  justified  all  my  expectations.  Bri- 
gadiers-general Walpole  and  Sir  J.  H.  Grant  were 
employed  more  immediately  under  the  direction  of 
Sir  James  Outram,  who  speaks  in  the  highest  terms 
of  the  assistance  he  received  from  them.  Sir  J.  H. 
Grant’s  management  of  his  cavalry  and  horse  artil- 
lery is  always  most  admirable.  As  detailed  above, 
the  manner  in  which  the  attacks  on  the  main  line 
of  operations  were  directed  by  &ir  Edward  Lugard 
and  Brigadier-general  Franks  reflected  the  greatest 
credit  on  them. 


273 


LUCKNOW — DESPATCHES.]  HISTORY  OF  THE  [a.d.  1858. 


“ The  officers  in  command  of  the  cavalry  brigades 
have  proved  themselves  equal  to  their  high  position, 
and  are  worthy  of  your  lordship’s  favourable  con- 
sideration. Brigadier  Campbell  in  command  of  the 
cavalry  on  the  left,  performed  his  detached  duty 
with  much  vigilance  and  jtidgment.  His  march 
round  the  city  on  the  19th  instant,  which  was  a 
running  fight  for  the  greater  part  of  the  day,  was  a 
very  difficult  one.  His  pursuit  on  the  21st  of  the 
party  which  broke  away,  after  being  driven  by 
Sir  Edward  Lugard  from  Saadutgunge  was  highly 
effective. 

“ Brigadier  Hagart  has  received  the  marked  com- 
mendation of  Sir  J.  Hope  Grant,  and  the  brigadiers 
in  command  of  infantry  brigades  have  particularly 
distinguished  themselves  under  the  eyes  of  their 
divisional  commanders: — Brigadier  D.  Russel,  1st 
brigade  ; Brigadier  F.  M.  Gay,  3rd  brigade  ; Briga- 
dier the  Hon.  A.  Hope,  4th  brigade ; Brigaefier 
Douglas,  C.B.,  5th  brigade ; Brigadier  Horsford, 
C.B.,  6th  brigade  ; Brigadier  Evelegh,  7th  brigade ; 

' and  Lieutenant-colonel  Longden  (H.M’s.  10th  foot), 
attached  to  the  Ghoorka  brigade,  by  order  of  the 
commander-in-chief.  The  head-quarters  of  the  2nd 
brigade,  with  the  5th  fusiliers,  and  78th  highlanders, 
under  Brigadier  Franklyn,  remained  at  Alumbagh 
in  position,  and  was  well  disposed  by  that  officer  to 
resist  the  enemy’s  demonstration  on  the  16th 
instant. 

“ To  Major-general  Sir  Archdale  Wilson,  K.C.B., 
my  warmest  acknowledgments  are  due  for  the  effec- 
tive manner  in  which  he  commanded  the  artillery 
division.  The  four  corps — the  naval  brigade,  the 
royal  artillery,  the  Bengal  artillery,  and  the  Madras 
artillery  worked  with  the  greatest  harmony  under 
his  happy  direction  as  one  regiment.  The  merits  of 
Sir  Archdale  Wilson  are  too  widely  known  to  gain 
anything  by  encomium  from  me,  but  I may  be  per- 
I mitted  to  express  my'  great  satisfaction  at  having 
i been  able  to  avail  myself  of  the  assistance  of  this 
\ most  distinguished  officer.  The  effective  fire  of  the 
' artillery  during  the  long  operations,  which  depended 
! so  much  on  the  management  of  that  arm,  elicited 
I general  admiration.  The  practice  of  the  68-pounder 
of  the  naval  brigade  was  capital,  while  the  Kaiser- 
bagh  and  other  great  buildings  which  had  been 
stormed,  showed  in  a very  convincing  manner  how 
truly  the  shells  had  been  directed  by  the  royal  and 
Bengal  artillery.  Whenever  the  field  artillery  could 
be  used  the  troop  of  horse  artillery,  and  the  field 
batteries  of  royal  artillery,  the  Bengal  artillery,  and 
the  Madras  artillery  did  the  most  excellent  service. 

“ Sir  Archdale  Wilson  expresses  his  great  obliga- 
tions to  Captain  Sir  William  Feel,  K.C.B.,  R.N.,  till 
that  most  gallant  officer  was  severely  wounded ; and 
to  Brigadier  Wood,  C.B.,  royal  horse  artillery,  and 
Barker,  C.B.,  royal  artillery,  respectively  command- 
! ing  the  field  and  siege  artillery  brigades.  It  would 
' be  difficult  for  me  to  give  an  adequate  idea  of  the 
I zeal  and  activity  displayed  by  the  chief  engineer, 
i Brigadier  Napier,  Bengal  engineers.  Many  of  the 
I operations  depended  on  his  proper  appreciation  of 
j the  obstructions  to  be  overcome,  and  the  means  at 
I his  disposal  for  that  purpose.  His  great  profes- 
sional skill  and  thorough  acquaintance  with  the 
I I value  of  his  enemy  have  been  of  the  greatest  service, 

1 and  I recommend  him  most  cordially  to  your  lord- 

I ship’s  protection.  I am  under  very  great  obliga- 

tions to  him. 

“The  officers  of  the  general  departments  of  the 
I I army  have  accompanied  me  during  the  siege,  and 

: ! 274 


I beg  to  return  them  my  thanks.  They  are  as 
follows: — Major  H.  W.  Norman,  deputy-adjutant- 
general  of  the  army;  Lieutenant-colonel  W.  Mac- 
pherson,  officiating  quartermaster-general  of  the 
army;  Colonel  the  Hon.  W.  L.  Fakenham,  C.B., 
officiating  adjutant-general  of  H.M.’s  forces;  Cap- 
tain C.  F.  Seymour,  84th  regiment,  officiating  quar- 
termaster-general of  H.M.’s  forces;  Captain  G. 
Algood,  officiating  assistant-quartermaster-general 
of  the  army;  Lieutenant-colonel  Keith  Young, 
judge-advocate-general  of  the  army  ; Lieutenant  P. 
Stewart,  Bengal  engineers,  superintendent  of  electric 
telegraphs ; Dr.  M’ Andrew,  inspector-general  of 
hospitals  of  H.M.’s  forces.  Dr.  Brown,  the  superin- 
tending surgeon  of  the  force,  has  again  won  my 
sincere  thanks  for  his  admirable  arrangements. 
Captain  Fitzgerald,  assistant-commissary-general, 
who  has  had  the  disposition  of  the  commissariat 
in  the  field,  has  met  every  want  of  the  army.  He 
has  distinguished  himself  much,  and  is  a credit  to 
his  department.  I must  draw  very  particular  atten- 
tion to  the  services  of  Major  Norman,  deputy- 
adjutant-general,  who,  besides  his  ordinary  depart- 
mental duties,  has  performed  the  very  onerous  one 
of  adjutant-general  of  the  army  in  the  field,  through- 
out the  campaign. 

“ To  Captain  H.  Bruce,  deputy  quartermaster- 
general,  head  of  the  intelligence  department,  and  to 
Captain  G.  Algood,  officiating  assistant  quarter- 
master-general, who  performed  the  duties  of  quarter- 
master-general  of  the  army  in  the  field,  until  the 
arrival  of  Lieutenant-colonel  Macpherson.  These 
officers  have  all  been  most  active  in  the  performance 
of  their  duties.  To  my  personal  staff,  and  that  of 
Major-general  Mansfield,  my  acknowledgments  are 
due,  but  more  particularly  to  my  military  secretary. 
Colonel  Sterling,  C.B.,  and  to  Captain  R.  G.  Hope 
Johnstone,  Bombay  army,  deputy  assistant  adjutant- 
general  to  the  chief  of  the  staff.  These  two  officers 
are  most  indefatigable.  A list  of  the  other  members 
of  these  staffs  is  appended. 

“ Finally,  I wish  to  draw  your  lordship’s  attention 
to  the  conduct  of  the  regimental  officers,  commis- 
sioned and  non-commissioned,  and  to  the  men  of  the 
regiments.  Their  conduct  has  been  very  brilliant 
throughout.  The  manner  in  which  the  93rd  regi- 
ment flung  itself  into  the  Begum  Kotee,  followed  by 
the  4th  Sikhs,  and  supported  by  the  42nd,  was 
magnificent,  and  the  subsequent  attack  on  the 
ImaumbarraandtheKaiserbagh, reflected  the  greatest 
credit  on  the  regimental  leaders  of  the  4th  division, 
and  the  soldiers  who  followed  them. 

“ Corrected  lists  will  be  sent  immediately  of  the 
officers  and  soldiers  who  are  deemed  most  worthy  of 
distinction  in  a force  in  which  every  one  has  a 
claim. — I have,  &c., — C.  Campbell,  General, 

“ Commander-in-Chief  in  India.” 

List  of  the  Personal  Stc^  of  his  Excellency  General 

Sir  Colin  Campbell,  K.C.B.,  Commander-in-Chief 

in  India  ; and  of  Major-general  W.  E.  Mans- 
field, Chief  of  the  Staff. 

“Colonel  Sterling,  C.B.,  unattached,  military 
secretary  to  the  commander-in-chief;  Captain  Sir 
David  Baird,  her  majesty’s  98th  regiment;  Lieute- 
nant F.  M.  Alison,  72nd  highlanders;  Captain  W. 

F.  Forster,  18th  royal  Irish,  aides-de-camp  to  the  j 
commander-in-chief ; Major  J.  Metcalf,  3rd  regiment 
Bengal  native  infantry,  interpreter  and  commandant 
head-quarters;  Lieutenant  R.  G.  Hope  Johnstone, 
Bombay  army,  deputy  assistant  adjutant-general  to 


A.D.  1858.]  INDIAN  MUTINY.  [return  oe  the  ghoorkas. 

the  chief  of  the  staff;  Lieutenant  D.  M.  Murray, 
her  majesty’s  64th  regiment;  Lieutenant  F.  K.  S. 
Flood  (severely  wounded),  her  majesty’s  53rd  regi- 
ment, aides-de-camp  to  the  chief  of  the  staff;  Sur- 
geon J.  Clifford,  officiating  surgeon  to  the  com- 
mander-in-chief. 

“A.  C.  Sterling,  Colonel,  Military  Secretary. 

“ Head-quarters,  Camp,  Lucknow,  March  22nd.” 

The  thanks  of  the  commander-in-chief  to 
the  array  of  Oiide  were  communicated  to  the 
troops  by  order  of  his  excellency  in  tlie  fol- 
lowing general  order : — 

“ Camp  La  Martiniere,  Lucknow,  March  22nd. 

“ The  commander-in-chief  congratulates  the  army 
on  the  reduction  and  fall  of  Lucknow.  From  the 
2nd  till  the  21st  of  March,  when  the  last  body  of 
rebels  were  expelled  from  the  town,  the  exertions  of 
all  ranks  have  been  without  intermission,  and  every 
regiment  employed  has  won  much  distinction.  The 
attacks  on  both  sides  of  the  river  Goomtee  ably  con- 
ducted by  the  generals  and  commanding  officers  of 
brigades  and  regiments,  have  been  sustained  by  the 
men  with  vigour  and  perseverance;  the  consequence 
being  that  great  results  have  been  achieved  with 
comparatively  moderate  loss.  His  excellency  returns 
his  warmest  thanks  to  the  troops.  Every  man  who 
was  engaged  either  in  the  old  garrison  of  Lucknow, 
in  the  relieving  forces,  or  at  the  siege,  which  has 
now  been  terminated,  may  rest  satisfied  that  he  has 
done  his  duty,  and  deserves  well  of  his  country.” 

With  the  conquest  of  Lucknow,  the 
necessity  for  further  aid  from  the  force 
under  Jung  Bahadoor  appears  to  have 
ceased ; and  it  was  determined  by  the  re- 
spective chiefs,  that  the  whole  of  the 
Ghoorkas  should  forthwith  commence  their 
homeward  march,  taking  with  them  the 
plunder  they  had  acquired  during  their 
short  campaign.  On  the  23rd  of  the 
month,  the  maharajah,  with  one  brigade  of 
his  army,  took  leave  of  the  commauder-in- 
chief  at  Lucknow,  and  proceeded  towards 
Allahabad,  for  the  purpose  of  making  a 
complimentary  visit  to  the  governor-gen- 
eral, then  at  that  city;  the  remainder  of 
the  Nepaulese  force  marched  on  the  follow- 
ing day  en  route  for  Fyzabad.  The  wild 
and  impetuous  behaviour  of  these  aux- 
iliaries rendered  their  departure  a relief  to 
the  European  troops  in  more  respects 
than  one ; but  the  fact  of  their  return 
homewards  was  thus  graciously  announced 
by  the  British  commander-in-chief,  in  the 
following  despatch  to  the  governor-gen- 
eral : — 

“ Camp,  Lucknow,  March  28th,  1858. 

“ My  Lord, — I have  the  honour  to  report  to  your 
lordship  the  departure  of  his  highness  Jung  Baha- 
door from  the  camp  before  Lucknow.  I desire  to 
take  this  opportunity  to  express  my  thanks  to  his 
highness  for  the  assistance  rendered  to  me  during 

the  late  operations  by  him  and  his  gallant  troops. 

I found  the  utmost  willingness  on  his  part  to  accede 
to  any  desire  of  mine  during  the  progress  of  the 
siege,  and  from  the  first  his  highness  was  pleased  to 
justify  his  words,  that  he  was  happy  to  be  serving 
under  my  command.  His  troops  have  proved  them- 
selves worthy  of  their  commanders,  and  it  will 
doubtless  be  a happiness  to  them  hereafter  that  they 
were  associated  with  the  British  arms  for  the  reduc- 
tion of  the  great  city  of  Lucknow. 

“ My  best  thanks  are  due  to  the  special  commis- 
sioner, Brigadier-general  Macgregor,  C.B.,  the  me- 
dium of  communication  between  his  highness  and 
myself.  I beg  to  recommend  him  and  the  British 
officers  serving  under  his  orders  to  the  favourable 
consideration  of  your  lordship. 

“ I have  the  honour  to  be,  my  lord,  with  the 
greatest  respect,  your  lordship’s  most  obedient  and 
humble  servant, 

“ C.  Campbell,  General,  Commander-in-Chief.” 

The  Ghoorkas  who  required  a vast  deal  of 
assistance  in  the  way  of  carriage  and  provi- 
sions before  they  were  able  to  join  the 
British  force  before  Lucknow,  experienced 
nearly  as  much  difficulty  in  retiring  on 
their  own  frontier  as  they  had  on  advancing 
from  it.  From  the  26th  of  March  to  the 
12th  of  April,  they  continued  at  Nawab- 
gunge,  twenty  miles  to  the  north-east  of 
Lucknow,  where  their  services  were  not  re- 
quired, and  they  continued  to  draw  heavily 
both  on  the  commissariat  and  the  treasury. 
They  were,  with  their  followers,  about 
15,000  strong,  and  had  with  them  4,000 
carts  laden  with  plunder.  The  country  was 
swarming  with  insurgents,  and  the  peasan- 
try, as  well  as  the  men  in  arms,  cast 
longing  eyes  towards  the  wealth  that  was 
about  to  be  carried  off,  and  were  anxious  to 
relieve  the  unwelcome  intruders  of  incum- 
brances they  were  scarcely  able  to  protect. 
This  state  of  affairs  occasioned  repeated  ap- 
plications to  the  commander-iu-chief  for  an 
English  force  to  aid  them  in  getting  out  of 
the  country  with  their  booty,  and  was  pro- 
ductive of  much  annoyance,  as  interfering 
with  the  arrangements  for  the  ensuing  cam- 
paign. That  Sir  Colin  was  heartily  tired  of 
his  unmanageable  auxiliaries  is  evident  from 
the  tone  of  the  following  telegram,  trans- 
mitted by  his  excellency  to  the  governor- 
general  during  the  halt  of  the  force  at 
Nawabgunge : — 

“ Lucknow,  April  6th,  1858. 

“ The  Ghoorka  force  went  to  Nawabgunge  at  no 
solicitation  of  mine.  The  maharajah  offered  to  clear 
the  country  in  its  neighbourhood,  and  gave  me  to 
understand  he  should  go  home  by  way  of  Fyzabad. 
All  this  seeming  advantageous,  I acquiesced  will- 
ingly in  his  move  to  Nawabgunge.  Since  the 
Ghoorkas  have  been  there,  the  British  officer  in 
charge  has  expressed  much  alarm  for  the  safety  of 
the  force,  and  I have  always  had  troops  in  readiness 

275 

THE  OUDE  PROCLAMATION.] 


mSTORY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  1858. 


1 to  support  it.  A retreat  by  way  of  Bairan  ghat 
I would  not  be  nearly  so  good  for  our  interests  as  a 
: movement  by  Fyzabad,  but  it  is  possible  the 
Ghoorkas  may  fear  the  latter.  Sir  James  Outram 
1 had  employed  Maun  Sing  to  make  it  safe  for  them, 
and  maintain  the  bridge.  I do  not  wish  to  be  in 
’ any  way  responsible  for  their  movements,  which  are 
! quite  beyond  my  powers  of  direction;  perhaps  it 
may  be  better  that  they  should  go  home  as  suggested 
by  your  lordship.  It  is  not  in  my  power  to  spare 
British  troops  to  act  in  concert  with  them,  with  re- 
spect to  the  most  recent  arrangements.” 

Renewed  applications  for  aid  to  enable 
the  Ghoorkas  to  proceed  in  safety,  even- 
tually induced  the  commander-in-chief  to 
accede  to  the  wish  of  the  British  officer  at 
their  head-quarters,  and  on  the  11th  of 
April,  General  Sir  Hope  Grant,  with  a 
I column,  consisting  of  her  majesty’s  7th  hus- 
[ sars,  a battalion  of  the  rifle  brigade,  her 
: majesty’s  38th  regiment,  and  the  1st  Bengal 
' fusiliers,  with  an  ample  train  of  artillery, 
was  dispatched  from  Lucknow  to  clear  the 
way  for  the  Ghoorka  army,  which  \vas  so 
much  embari’assed  with  camp  followers  and 
; plunder  as  to  be  utterly  unable  to  pursue  its 
I way  home  in  safety.  This  column  having 
I cleared  the  route  to  Ramnugger  about  sixty 
‘ miles  from  Lucknow,  left  the  Ghoorkas  to 
pursue  the  remainder  of  the  homeward 
march  by  themselves,  and  returned  to  Luck- 
now on  the  24th  of  the  month,  having  had 
two  or  three  sharp  skirmishes  with  strag- 
gling parties  of  the  enemy  in  the  course  of 
their  progress  across  the  country. 

As  soon  as  the  operations  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief had  rendered  the  ultimate 
conquest  of  Lucknow  a matter  of  certainty, 
a proclamation  was  prepared  by  order  of  the 
governor-general,  addressed  to  the  chiefs 
and  people  of  Oude,  explanatory  of  the  iu- 
I tendons  of  the  government  towards  them, 

I and  in  due  time  the  document  was  for- 
i warded  for  publication.  As  the  Oude  pro- 
clamations became  at  a subsequent  period  a 
topic  of  warm  and  frequent  discussion  in 
the  British  parliament,  as  well  as  in  India, 
it  is  proper  that  the  circumstances  under 
•which  they  originated,  and  by  which  they 
were  afterwards  accompanied,  should  be  re- 
ferred to  in  detail.  It  will  be  observed  that 
a difficulty  arose  upon  the  vei’y  threshold  of 
these  proceedings.  The  proclamation  of  the 
I governor-general  was  transmitted  by  order 
of  his  excellency  to  Sir  James  Outram,  who 
j by  virtue  of  his  office  as  chief  commissioner 
of  Oude,  had  superseded  the  military  autho- 
rity of  Sir  Colin  Campbell — the  supremacy 
of  the  latter  having  ceased  with  the  conquest 
of  the  city. 

276 


Procl(unatio)i. — “ The  army  of  his  excellency  the 
commander-in-chief  is  in  possession  of  Lucknow, 
and  the  city  lies  at  the  mercy  of  the  British  govern- 
ment, whose  authority  it  has  for  nine  months  rebel- 
liously  defied  and  resisted.  This  resistance,  begun 
by  a mutinous  soldiery,  has  found  support  from  the 
inhabitants  of  the  city  and  of  the  province  of  Oude 
at  large.  Many  who  owed  their  prosperity  to  the 
British  government,  as  ■n'ell  as  those  who  believed 
themselves  aggrieved  by  it,  have  joined  in  this  bad 
cause,  and  have  ranged  themselves  with  the  enemies 
of  the  state.  They  have  been  guilty  of  a great  crime, 
and  have  subjected  themselves  to  a just  retribution. 
The  capital  of  their  country  is  now  once  more  in  the 
hands  of  the  British  troops.  From  this  day  it  will 
be  held  by  a force  which  nothing  can  withstand, 
and  the  authority  of  the  government  will  be  carried 
into  every  corner  of  the  province.  The  time,  then, 
has  come  at  which  the  right  hon.  the  governor- 
general  of  India  deems  it  right  to  make  known  the 
mode  in  which  the  British  government  will  deal 
with  the  talookdars,  chiefs,  and  landholders  of  Oude 
and  their  followers. 

“ The  first  care  of  the  governor-general  will  be  to 
reward  those  who  have  been  steadfast  in  their  alle- 
giance at  a time  when  the  authority  of  the  govern- 
ment was  partially  overborne,  and  who  have  proved 
this  by  the  support  and  assistance  which  they  have 
given  to  British  officers.  Therefore  the  right  hon. 
the  governor-general  hereby  declares  that  lirigliejjie 
Sing,  rajah  of  Bulrampore;  Koolwunt  Sing,  rajah 
of  Fudnaha;  Kao  Hurdeo  Buksh  Sing,  of  Kuti- 
aree ; Ixasheepershaud,  talookdar  of  Sissaindee  j 
Zuhr  Sing,  zemindar  of  Gopaul  Kheir ; and  Chun- 
deeloll,  zemindar  of  Moraon  (Baiswarah),  are  hence- 
forward the  sole  hereditary  proprietors  of  the  lands 
which  they  held  when  Oude  came  under  British 
rule,  subject  only  to  such  moderate  assessment  as 
may  be  imposed  upon  them,  and  that  those  loyal 
men  will  be  further  rewarded  in  such  manner  and  to 
such  extent  as,  upon  consideration  of  their  merits 
and  their  position,  the  governor-general  shall  deter- 
mine. A proportionate  measure  of  reward  and 
honour  according  to  then'  deserts  will  be  conferred 
upon  others,  in  whose  favour  like  claims  may  be 
established  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  government. 

“ The  governor-general  further  proclaims  to  the 
people  of  Oude  that,  with  the  above-mentioned  ex- 
ceptions, the  proprietary  right  in  the  soil  of  the 
province  is  confiscated  to  the  British  government, 
which  will  dispose  of  that  right  in  such  manner  as  it 
mav  seem  fitting.  To  those  talookdars,  chiefs,  and 
landholders,  with  their  followers,  who  shall  make 
immediate  submission  to  the  chief  commissioners  of 
Oude,  surrendering  their  arms  and  obeying  his 
orders,  the  right  hon.  the  governor-general  promises 
that  their  lives  and  honour  shall  be  safe,  provided 
that  their  hands  are  unstained  with  English  blood 
mui'derously  shed. 

“ But,  as  regards  any  further  indulgence  which 
may  be  extended  to  them,  and  the  condition  in  which 
they  may  hereafter  be  placed,  they  must  throw 
themselves  upon  the  justice  and  mercy  of  the  British 
government.  To  those  among  them  who  shall 
promptly  come  forward  and  give  support  to  the  chief 
commissioner  their  support  in  the  restoration  of 
peace  and  order,  this  indulgence  will  be  large,  and 
the  governor-general  will  be  ready  to  view  liberally 
the  claims  which  they  may  thus  acquire  to  a restitu- 
tion of  their  former  rights.  As  participation  in  the 
murder  of  Englishmen  and  Englishwomen  will 


A.D.  1858.] 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


[explanatory  I.ElTJiR. 


exclude  those  who  are  guilty  of  it  from  all  mercy,  so 
will  those  who  have  protected  English  lives  be 
specially  entitled  to  consideration  and  leniency. 

“ By  order  of  the  right  hon.  the  governor-general 
of  India. 

“ G.  F.  Edmonstone, 

“ Secretary  to  the  Government  of  India. 

'*  Allahabad,  March  14th.” 

The  following  explanatory  letter,  dictated 
by  Viscount  Canning,  and  signed  by  his 
secretary,  accompanied  the  proclamation: — 

“Allahabad,  March  3rd,  1858. 

“ Sir, — I am  directed  by  the  right  honourable  the 
governor-general,  to  enclose  to  you  a copy  of  a pro- 
clamation which  is  to  be  issued  by  the  chief  com- 
missioner at  Lucknow,  as  soon  as  the  British  troops 
under  his  excellency  the  commander-in-chief  shall 
have  possession  or  command  of  the  city. 

“ 2.  This  proclamation  is  addressed  to  the  chiefs 
and  inhabitants  of  Oude  only,  and  not  to  the  sepoys. 

“ 3.  The  governor-general  has  not  considered  it 
desirable  that  this  proclamation  should  appear  until 
the  capital  is  either  actually  in  our  hands  or  lying 
at  our  mercy.  He  believes  that  any  proclamation 
put  forth  in  Oude  in  a liberal  and  forgiving  spirit 
would  be  open  to  misconstruction,  and  capable  of 
perversion,  if  not  preceded  by  a manifestation  of  our 
power ; and  that  this  would  be  especially  the  case 
at  Lucknow — which,  although  it  has  recently  been 
the  scene  of  unparalleled  heroism  and  daring,  and 
of  one  of  the  most  brilliant  and  successful  feats  of 
arms  which  British  India  has  ever  witnessed — is 
still  sedulously  represented  by  the  rebels  as  being 
beyond  our  power  to  take  or  to  hold. 

“ 4.  If  an  exemption,  almost  general,  from  the 
penalties  of  death,  transportation,  and  imprison- 
ment, such  as  is  now  about  to  be  offered  to  men 
who  have  been  in  rebellion,  had  been  publicly  pro- 
claimed before  a heavy  blow  had  been  struck,  it  is 
at  least  as  likely  that  resistance  would  have  been 
encouraged  by  the  seeming  exhibition  of  weakness, 
as  that  it  would  have  been  disarmed  by  a generous 
forbearance. 

“ 5.  Translations  of  the  proclamation  into  Hindee 
and  Persian  accompany  this  despatch. 

“ 6.  It  will  be  for  the  chief  commissioner  in  com- 
munication with  his  excellency  the  commander-in- 
chief, to  determine  the  moment  at  which  the  pro- 
clamation shall  be  published,  and  the  manner  of 
disseminating  it  through  the  province;  as  also  the 
mode  in  which  those  who  may  surrender  themselves 
under  it  shall  be  immediately  and  for  the  present 
dealt  with. 

“ 7.  This  last  question,  considering  that  we  shall 
not  be  in  firm  possession  of  any  large  portion  of  the 
province  when  the  proclamation  begins  to  take 
eflect,  and  that  the  bulk  of  our  troops,  native  as 
well  as  European,  will  be  needed  for  other  purposes 
than  to  keep  guard  through  its  districts — is  one  of 
some  difficulty.  It  is  clear,  too,  that  the  same 
treatment  will  not  be  applicable  to  all  who  may  pre- 
sent themselves. 

“ 8.  Amongst  these  there  may  be  some  who  have 
been  continuously  in  arms  against  the  government, 
and  who  have  shown  inveterate  opposition  to  the 
last,  but  who  are  free  from  the  suspicion  of  having 
put  to  death  or  injured  Europeans  who  fell  in  their 
way. 

“ 9.  To  these  men  their  lives  are  guaranteed  and 


their  honour ; that  is,  in  native  acceptation,  they 
will  neither  be  transported  across  the  sea,  nor  placed 
in  prison. 

“ 10.  Probably  the  most  easy  and  effectual  way  of 
disposing  of  them,  in  the  first  instance,  will  be  to 
require  that  they  shall  reside  in  Lucknow  under 
surveillance  and  in  charge  of  an  officer  appointed 
for  that  purpose. 

“ 11.  Their  ultimate  condition  and  j)lace  of  resi- 
dence may  remain  to  be  determined  hereafter,  when 
the  chief  commissioner  shall  be  able  to  report  fully 
to  the  governor-general  upon  the  individual  charac- 
ter and  past  conduct  of  each. 

“ 12.  There  will  be  others  who,  although  they 
have  taken  up  arms  against  the  government,  have 
done  so  less  heartily,  and  upon  whom,  for  other 
causes,  the  chief  commissioner  may  not  see  reason 
to  put  restraint.  These,  after  surrendering  their 
arms,  might  be  allowed  to  go  to  their  homes,  with 
such  security  for  their  peaceable  conduct  as  the 
chief  commissioner  may  think  proper  to  require. 

“ 13.  One  obvious  security  will  be  that  of  making 
it  clearly  understood  by  them,  that  the  amount  of 
favour  which  they  shall  hereafter  receive,  and  the 
condition  on  which  they  shall  be  re-established,  will 
be  in  part  dependent  upon  their  conduct  after  dis- 
missal. 

“ 14.  The  permission  to  return  to  their  homes 
must  not  be  considered  as  a reinstatement  of  them 
in  the  possession  of  their  lands,  for  the  deliberate 
disposal  of  which  the  government  will  preserve  itself 
unfettered. 

“ 15.  There  will  probably  be  a third  class,  less 
compromised  by  acts  of  past  hostility  to  the  govern- 
ment, in  whom  the  chief  commissioner  may  see 
reason  to  repose  enough  of  confidence  to  justify 
their  services  being  at  once  enlisted  on  the  side  of 
order,’  towards  the  maintenance  of  which  in  their 
respective  districts  they  might  be  called  upon  to 
organise  a temporary  police. 

“ 16.  The  foregoing  remarks  apply  to  the  talook- 
dars  and  chiefs  of  the  province.  As  regards  their 
followers  who  may  make  submission  with  them, 
these,  from  their  numbers,  must  of  necessity  be  dis- 
missed to  their  homes.  But  before  this  is  done, 
their  names  and  places  of  residence  should  be  regis- 
tered, and  they  should  receive  a warning  that  any 
disturbance  of  the  peace  or  resistance  of  authority 
which  may  occur  in  their  neighbourhood,  will  be 
visited,  not  upon  the  individual  offenders  alone,  but 
by  heavy  fines  upon  the  villages. 

“17.  I am  to  observe  that  the  governor-general 
wishes  the  chief  commissioner  to  consider  what  has 
been  above  written  as  suggestions  rather  than  in- 
structions, and  as  indicating  generally  the  spirit  in 
which  his  lordship  desires  that  the  proclamation 
should  be  followed  up,  without  tying  down  the 
action  of  the  chief  commissioner  in  matters  which 
may  have  to  be  judged  under  circumstances  which 
cannot  be  foreseen. 

“ 18.  There  remains  one  more  point  for  notice. 

“ 19.  The  proclamation  is  addressed  to  the  chiefs 
and  inhabitants  of  Oude,  not  to  mutineers. 

“ 20.  To  the  latter,  the  governor-general  does  not 
intend  that  any  overture  should  be  made  at  present. 

“21.  But  it  is  possible  that  some  may  surrender 
themselves,  or  seek  terms,  and  it  is  necessary  that 
the  chief  commissioner  should  be  prepared  to  meet 
any  advances  from  them. 

“ 22.  The  sole  promise  which  can  be  given  to  any 
mutineer  is,  that  his  life  shall  be  spared ; and  this 

277 


I 

0T7DE — THE  OBJECTIONS.]  HISTOEY  OF  THE  [a.d.  1858. 


promise  must  not  be  made  if  the  man  belongs  to  a 
regiment  which  has  murdered  its  officers,  or  if  there 
be  other  prima  facie  reason  to  suppose  that  he  has 
been  implicated  in  any  specially  atrocious  crime. 
Beyond  the  guarantee  of  life  to  those  who,  not 
coming  within  the  above-stated  exception,  shall  sur- 
render themselves,  the  governor-general  cannot  sanc- 
tion the  giving  of  any  specific  pledge. 

“ 23.  Voluntary  submission  will  be  counted  in 
mitigation  of  punishment ; but  nothing  must  be 
said  to  those  who  so  submit  themselves  which  shall 
bar  the  government  from  awarding  to  each  such 
measure  of  secondary  punishment  as  in  its  justice  it 
may  deem  fitting. — I have,  &c., 

(Signed)  “ G.  F.  Edmonstone.” 

The  terms  of  the  proclamation,  and  the 
arguments  in  support  of  it,  conveyed  by 
the  above  letter,  did  not  appear  to  the 
chief  commissioner  to  meet  the  require- 
ments of  the  case;  and  he  accordingly 
transmitted  his  view  of  the  exigency  for 
the  consideration  of  government,  before 
giving  currency  to  the  proclamation.  His 
letter  was  as  follows  : — 

“ Camp,  Chimlut,  March  8th,  1858. 

“ Sir, — I am  directed  to  acknowledge  the  receipt 
of  your  letter.  No.  191,  dated  3rd  instant,  enclosing 
a proclamation  to  be  issued  to  the  landholders, 
chiefs,  and  inhabitants  of  Oude,  upon  the  fall  of  the 
capital. 

“2.  In  this  proclamation  an  hereditary  title  in  their 
estates  is  promised  to  such  landholders  as  have  been 
steadfast  in  their  allegiance,  and,  with  these  excep- 
tions, the  proprietary  right  in  the  soil  of  the  province 
is  confiscated. 

“ 3.  The  chief-commissioner  desires  me  to  observe 
that,  in  his  belief,  there  are  not  a dozen  landowners 
in  the  province  who  have  not  themselves  borne  arms 
against  us,  or  sent  a representative  to  the  durbar,  or 
assisted  the  rebel  government  with  men  or  money. 
The  effect  of  the  proclamation,  therefore,  will  be  to 
confiscate  the  entire  proprietary  right  in  the  soil ; 
and  this  being  the  case,  it  is,  of  course,  hopeless  to 
attempt  to  enlist  the  landowners  on  the  side  of  order; 
on  the  contrary,  it  is  the  chief  commissioner’s  firm 
conviction  that  as  soon  as  the  chiefs  and  talookdars 
become  acquainted  with  the  determination  of  the 
government  to  confiscate  their  rights,  they  will  be- 
take themselves  at  once  to  their  domains,  and  pre- 
pare for  a desperate  and  prolonged  resistance. 

“ 4.  The  chief  commissioner  deems  this  matter  of 
such  vital  importance,  that,  at  the  risk  of  being 
deemed  importunate,  he  ventures  to  submit  his  views 
once  more,  in  the  hope  that  the  right  hon.  the  gov- 
ernor-general may  yet  be  induced  to  reconsider  the 
subject. 

“ 5.  He  is  of  opinion  that  the  landholders  were 
most  unjustly  treated  under  our  settlement  opera- 
tions, and  even  had  they  not  been  so,  that  it  would 
have  required  a degree  of  fidelity  on  their  part  quite 
foreign  to  the  usual  character  of  an  Asiatic,  to  have 
remained  faithful  to  our  government  under  the 
shocks  to  which  it  was  exposed  in  Oude.  In  fact, 
it  was  not  until  our  rule  was  virtually  at  an  end,  the 
whole  country  overrun,  and  the  capital  in  the  hands 
of  the  rebel  soldiery,  that  the  talookdars,  smarting 
as  they  were  under  the  loss  of  their  lands,  sided 
278 


against  us.  The  chief  commissioner  thinks,  there- 
fore, that  they  ought  hardly  to  be  considered  as 
rebels,  but  rather  as  honourable  enemies,  to  whom 
terms,  such  as  they  could  without  loss  of  dignity 
accept,  should  be  offered  at  the  termination  of  the  > 
campaign.  \ 

If  these  men  be  given  back  their  lands,  they  \ 
will  at  once  aid  us  in  restoring  order;  and  a police  ! 
will  soon  be  organised  with  their  co-operation,  j 
which  will  render  unnecessary  the  presence  of  our 
enormous  army  to  re-establish  tranquillity  and  con- 
fidence. j 

“ But,  if  their  life  and  freedom  from  imprisonment  ' 
only  be  offered,  they  will  resist ; and  the  chief  com. 
missioner  foresees  that  we  are  only  at  the  commence- 
ment of  a guerilla  war  for  the  extirpation,  root  and 
branch,  of  this  class  of  men,  which  will  involve  the 
loss  of  thousands  of  Europeans  by  battle,  disease,  and 
exposure.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  this  species 
of  warfare  has  always  been  peculiarly  harassing  to  our 
Indian  forces,  and  will  be  far  more  so  at  present,  when 
we  are  without  a native  army. 

“ 6.  For  the  above  reasons,  the  chief  commissioner 
earnestly  requests  that  such  landholders  and  chiefs 
as  have  not  been  accomplices  in  the  cold-blooded 
murder  of  Europeans  may  be  enlisted  on  our  side  by 
the  restoration  of  their  ancient  possessions,  subject 
to  such  restrictions  as  will  protect  their  dependents 
from  oppression.  If  his  lordship  agree  to  this  pro- 
position, it  will  not  yet  be  too  late  to  communicate 
his  assent  by  electric  telegraph  before  the  fall  of  the 
city,  which  will  probably  not  take  place  for  some 
days.  Should  no  such  communication  be  received, 
the  chief  commissioner  will  act  upon  his  present 
instructions,  satisfied  that  he  has  done  all  in  his 
power  to  convince  his  lordship  that  they  will  be  in- 
effectual to  re-establish  our  rule  on  a firm  basis  in  : 
Oude. — I have,  &c., 

(Signed)  “ G.  CouPER, 

“ Secretary  to  Chief  Commissioner.’i 

The  objections  thus  urged  were  replied 
to  by  the  following  letter  from  the  secre- 
tary to  the  governor-general : — 

“ Allahabad,  March  10th,  1858. 

“ Sir, — Your  secretary’s  letter  of  the  8th  instant 
w’as  delivered  to  me  at  an  early  hour  this  morning, 
by  Captain  F.  Birch,  and  it  will  receive  a detailed 
reply  in  due  course. 

“ Meanwhile,  I am  desired  by  the  right  hon.  the 
governor-general  to  subjoin  a clause  which  may  be 
inserted  in  the  proclamation  (forwarded  with  my 
letter.  No.  191,  of  the  3rd  instant),  after  the  para- 
graph which  ends  with  the  words  ‘justice  and  mercy 
of  the  British  government.’ 

“ ‘To  those  amongst  them  who  shall  promptly  come 
forward,  and  give  to  the  chief  commissioner  their 
support  in  the  restoration  of  peace  and  order,  this 
indulgence  will  be  large,  and  the  governor-general 
will  be  ready  to  view  liberally  the  claims  which  they 
may  thus  acquire  to  a restitution  of  their  former 
rights.” 

“ 2.  This  clause  will  add  little  or  nothing  to  your 
discretionary  power,  but  it  may  serve  to  indicate 
more  clearly  to  the  talookdars  the  liberal  spirit  in 
which  the  governor-general  is  prepared  to  review  and 
reciprocate  any  advances  on  their  part. 

“ 3.  It  is  expected  that  you  will  find  means  to 
translate  this  additional  clause  into  the  vernacular  | 
languages,  and  that  you  will  be  able  to  have  copies  | 


A.D.  1858.]  INDIAN 


of  the  proclamation,  ro  amended,  prepared  in  suffi- 
cient numbers  for  immediate  use.  If  more  should 
be  required,  the  magistrate  of  Cawnpore  will  litho- 
graph them  on  your  requisition. 

“4.  It  is  very  important,  as  you  will  readily  see, 
that  every  copy  of  the  vernacular  version  of  the  pro- 
clamation sent  to  you,  with  my  letter  of  the  3rd  inst., 
should  be  carefully  destroyed. — I have,  &c., 

(Signed)  “G.  F.  Edmonstone, 

'•  Secretary,  Government  of  India,  with  the 
Governor-general.” 

Some  unexpected  delay  occurred  in  tlie 
transmission  of  the  detailed  reply,  which 
did  not  reach  the  chief  commissioner  until 
the  beginning  of  April ; and  during  the 
interval  between  that  time  and  the  begin- 
ning of  the  previous  month,  the  people  of 
Oude  remained  wholly  ignorant  of  the 
terms  upon  which  their  very  existence  de- 
pended. It,  however,  at  length  reached  its 
destination,  and  was  as  follows  : — 

“Allahabad,  March  31st,  1858. 

• “ Sir, — In  replying  at  once  on  the  10th  instant  to 
your  secretary’s  letter  of  the  8th,  in  which  you  urged 
reasons  against  the  issue  of  the  proclamation  to  the 
talookdars  and  landholders  of  Oude,  which  had 
been  transmitted  to  you  by  the  right  honourable  the 
governor-general,  my  answer  was  confined  to  com- 
municating to  you  the  addition  which  his  lordship 
was  willing  to  make  to  that  proclamation  without 
entering  into  the  general  questions  raised  in  your 
letter.  The  governor-general  desires  me  to  e.vpress 
his  hope  that  you  will  not  have  supposed  that  the 
arguments  adduced  by  you  were  not  fully  weighed 
by  him,  or  that  your  opinion  upon  a subject  on  which 
you  are  so  well  entitled  to  offer  one,  has  not  been 
received  with  sincere  respect,  although  he  was  unable 
to  concur  in  it. 

“ 2.  I am  now  directed  by  his  lordship  to  explain 
the  grounds  upon  which  the  course  advocated  in 
your  letter — namely,  that  such  landholders  and  chiefs 
as  have  not  been  accomplices  in  the  cold-blooded 
murder  of  Europeans  should  be  enlisted  on  our  side 
by  the  restoration  of  their  ancient  possessions,  sub- 
ject to  such  restrictions  as  will  protect  their  depen- 
dents from  oppression — is,  in  the  opinion  of  the 
governor-general,  inadmissible. 

“ 3.  The  governor-general  entirely  agrees  with 
you  in  viewing  the  talookdars  and  landholders  of 
Oude  in  a very  different  light  from  that  in  which 
rebels  in  our  old  provinces  are  to  be  regarded.  The 
people  of  Oude  had  been  subjects  of  the  British 
government  for  little  more  than  one  year  when  the 
mutinies  broke  out ; they  had  become  so  by  no  act 
of  their  own.  By  the  introduction  of  our  rule 
many  of  the  chiefs  had  suffered  a loss  of  property, 
and  all  had  experienced  a diminution  of  the  im- 
portance and  arbitrary  power  which  they  had  hitherto 
enjoyed;  and  it  is  no  marvel  that  those  amongst 
them  who  had  thus  been  losers  should,  when  they 
saw  our  authority  dissolved,  have  hastened  to  shake 
off  their  new  allegiance. 

“ 4.  The  governor-general  views  these  circum- 
stances as  a palliation  of  acts  of  rebellion,  even 
where  hostility  has  been  most  active  and  systematic. 
Accordingly,  punishment  by  death  or  imprisonment 
is  at  once  put  aside  by  the  proclamation  in  the  case 
of  all  who  shall  submit  themselves  to  the  govern- 


MTJTINY.  [explanations. 


ment,  and  who  are  not  murderers ; and  whilst  con- 
fiscation of  proprietary  rights  in  the  land  is  de- 
clared to  be  the  general  penalty,  the  means  of 
obtaining  more  or  less  of  exemption  from  it,  and 
of  establishing  a claim  to  restitution  of  rights,  have 
been  pointed  out,  and  are  within  the  reach  of  all 
without  injury  to  their  honour.  Nothing  more  is 
required  for  this  than  that  they  should  promptly 
tender  their  adhesion,  and  help  to  maintain  peace 
and  order. 

“ 5.  The  governor-general  considers  that  the 
course  thus  taken  is  one  consistent  with  the  dig- 
nity of  the  government,  and  abundantly  lenient. 
To  have  followed  that  which  is  suggested  in  your 
secretary’s  letter  would,  in  his  lordship’s  opinion, 
have  been  to  treat  the  rebels  not  only  as  honourable 
enemies,  but  as  enemies  who  had  won  the  day. 

“ In  the  course  of  the  rebellion,  most  of  the 
leaders  in  it,  probably  all,  have  retaken  to  them- 
selves the  lands  and  villages  of  which  they  were 
deprived,  by  the  summary  settlement  which  fol- 
lowed the  establishment  of  our  government  in 
Oude.  If,  upon  the  capture  of  Lucknow  by  the 
commander-in-chief,  before  our  strength  had  been 
seen  or  felt  in  the  distant  districts,  and  before  any 
submission  had  been  received  or  invited  from  them, 
the  rights  of  the  rebel  chiefs  to  all  their  ancient 
possessions  had  been  recognised  by  the  government, 
it  is  not  possible  that  the  act  would  not  have  been 
viewed  as  dictated  by  fear  or  weakness.  It  would 
have  led  the  people  of  Oude,  and  all  who  are  watch- 
ing the  course  of  events  in  that  province,  to  the 
conclusion  that  rebellion  against  the  British  govern- 
ment cannot  be  a losing  game ; and  although  it 
might  have  purchased  an  immediate  return  to  order, 
it  would  not  assuredly  have  placed  the  future  peace 
of  the  province  upon  a secure  foundation. 

“ 6.  You  observe,  indeed,  that  the  landholders 
were  most  unjustly  treated  under  our  settlement. 
The  governor-general  desires  me  to  observe,  that  if 
this  were  unreservedly  the  case,  or  if  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  commissioners  by  which  many  of  the 
talookdars  were  deprived  of  portions  of  their  posses- 
sions had  been  generally  unjust,  he  would  gladly 
have  concurred  in  your  recommendation,  and  w'ould 
have  been  ready,  at  the  risk  of  any  misinterpreta- 
tion of  the  motives  of  the  government,  to  reinstate 
the  talookdars  at  once  in  their  old  possessions. 
But  it  is  not  so.  As  a question  of  policy,  indeed, 
the  governor-general  considers  that  it  may  well  be 
doubted  whether  the  attempt  to  introduce  into 
Oude  a system  of  village  settlement  in  place  of  the 
old  settlement  under  talookdars  was  a wise  one ; but 
this  is  a point  which  need  not  be  discussed  here.  As 
a question  of  justice,  it  is  certain  that  the  land  and 
villages  taken  from  the  talookdars  had,  for  the  most 
part,  been  usurped  by  them  through  fraud  or  violence. 

“7.  That  unjust  decisions  were  come  to  by  some 
of  our  local  officers  in  investigating  and  judging  the 
titles  of  the  landowners  is,  the  governor-general 
fears,  too  true  ; but  the  proper  way  of  rectifying 
such  injustice  is  by  a rehearing  where  complaint  is 
made.  This,  you  are  aware,  is  the  course  which  the 
governor-general  is  prepared  to  adopt,  and  to  carry 
out  in  a liberal  and  conciliatory  spirit.  It  is  a very 
different  one  from  proclaiming  that  indiscriminate 
restitution  of  all  their  ancient  possessions  is  at  once 
to  be  yielded  to  the  landowners. 

“ 8.  That  the  hostility  of  the  talookdars  of  Oude 
who  have  been  most  active  against  the  British  gov- 
ernment has  been  provoked,  or  is  excused,  by  the 

279 


LIJCKIsOW — ORDER  RESTORED.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


injustice  with  which  they  have  been  treated,  would 
seem  to  be  your  opinion. 

“ But  I am  to  observe,  that  there  are  some  facts 
which  deserve  to  be  weighed  before  pronouncing 
j 1 that  this  is  the  case. 

I ' “9.  Xo  chiefs  have  been  more  open  in  their  re- 

j 1 bellion  than  the  rajahs  of  Churda,  Bhinga,  and 
1 I Gonda.  The  governor-general  believes  that  the 
I first,  of  these  did  not  lose  a single  village  by  the 
I summary  settlement,  and  certainly  his  assessment 
I was  materially  reduced.  The  second  was  dealt  with 
j in  a like  liberal  manner.  The  rajah  of  Gonda  lost 
I about  thirty  villages  out  of  400 ; but  his  assessment 
! was  lowered  by  some  10,000  rupees. 

I “ 10.  Xo  one  was  more  benefited  by  the  change 
J of  government  than  the  young  rajah  of  Xaupara. 
His  estates  had  been  the  object  of  a civil  war  with  a 
rival  claimant  for  three  years,  and  of  these  he  was 
at  once  recognised  as  sole  proprietor  by  the  British 
government,  losing  only  six  villages  out  of  more 
j than  a thousand.  His  mother  was  appointed  guar- 
j dian,  but  her  troops  have  been  fighting  against  us 
j at  Lucknow  from  the  beginning. 

I i “11.  The  rajah  of  Dhowrera,  also  a minor,  was 
treated  with  equal  liberality.  Every  village  was 
j settled  with  his  family ; yet  these  people  turned 
I upon  Captain  Hearsay  and  his  party,  refused  them 
j shelter,  pursued  them,  captured  the  ladies,  and  sent 
i them  into  Lucknow. 

' “ 12.  Ushruf  Bux  Khan,  a large  talookdar  in 

I Gonda,  who  had  long  been  an  object  of  persecution 
! ' by  the  late  government,  was  established  in  the  pos- 
j , session  of  all  his  property  by  us ; yet  he  has  been 
I strongly  hostile. 

I “ 13.  It  is  clear  that  injustice  at  the  hands  of  the 
British  government  has  not  been  the  cause  of  the 
hostility  which,  in  these  instances  at  least,  has  been 
' displayed  towards  our  rule. 

“ 14.  The  moving  spirit  of  these  men  and  of 
I others  amongst  the  chiefs  of  Oude  must  be  looked 
for  elsewhere  ; and,  in  the  opinion  of  the  governor- 
general,  it  is  to  be  found  mainly  in  the  repugnance 
which  they  feel  to  suffer  any  restraint  of  their 
I hitherto  arbitrary  powers  over  those  about  them,  to 
a diminution  of  their  importance  by  being  brought 
. under  equal  laws,  and  to  the  obligation  of  disband- 
! ing  their  armed  followers,  and  of  living  a peaceful 
j and  orderly  life. 

[ “ The  penalty  of  confiscation  of  property  is  no 

j more  than  a just  one  in  such  cases  as  have  been 
I above  recited ; and  although  considerations  of 
policy  and  mercy,  and  the  newness  of  our  rule,  pre- 
' scribe  a relaxation  of  the  sentence  more  or  less  large 
according  to  the  features  of  each  case,  this  relaxation 
must  be  preceded  by  submission  ; and  the  governor- 
general  cannot  consent  to  offer  all,  without  distinc- 
tion, an  entire  exemption  from  penalty,  and  the 
restoration  of  all  former  possessions,  even  though 
they  should  not  have  been  guilty  of  the  murder  of 
Europeans. — I have,  &c., 

(Signed)  “ G.  F.  Edmoxstoxe, 
“ Secretary  to  the  Government  of  India, 

I with  the  Governor-general.” 

j By  tlie  middle  of  April,  the  proclamation, 
aided  by  the  judicious  but  stringent  regula- 
tions of  the  authorities,  began  to  produce  a 
beneficial  effect  upon  the  city,  into  which 
the  fugitive  inhabitants  were  daily  return- 
j ing;  and  such  of  them  of  importance  as 
1 280 


[.\.D.  1858. 

had  remained  concealed  upon  the  entry  of 
the  English  troops,  now  came  from  their 
hiding-places,  to  offer  homage  and  seek  for 
pardon.  The  civil  power,  efficiently  repre- 
sented, had  resumed  its  authority,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  restore  law  and  order,  and  police, 
and  a system  of  rewards  and  punish- 
ments. Police  were  enrolled,  and  than- 
nahs  or  stations  were  established  ; crimi- 
nals were  handed  over  to  the  judge  or  to 
the  triangles : but  it  could  not  be  expected 
that  after  so  violent  a convulsion,  the  ele- 
ments of  order  could  instantly  subside  into 
a perfect  calm,  or  that  confidence  could  be 
universally  restored.  The  whole  city  had 
been  a chaos — a place  of  terror  and  inde- 
scribable confusion  ; and  the  license  inevi-  , 
table  after  the  storm  of  a large  city,  had  i 
been  magnified  even  beyond  its  actual  I 
limits.  Thousands  of  the  citizens  returned  I 
to  their  homes,  or  to  the  wrecks  of  them; 
but  tens  of  thousands  would  never  return 
to  Lucknow,  for  the  court,  and  the  nawabs 
and  rajahs  who  once  maintained  them, 
were  gone  for  ever,  and  their  palaces  were 
desolate. 

Simultaneously  with  the  restoration  of 
something  like  order  in  the  government  of 
the  city,  arrangements  were  made  for  its 
future  occupancy;  and  the  chief  engineer, 
Brigadier  Napier,  B.E.,  submitted  to  the 
chief  commissioner  and  commander-in-chief 
a report  on  the  most  practical  method  of 
clearing  away  the  obstructions  to  military 
operations,  so  that  the  troops  might  act 
efficiently  in  case  of  a future  sudden  out- 
break of  the  inhabitants.  By  his  plan,  the 
Muchee  Bowun,  between  the  old  residency 
compound  and  the  Great  Imaumbarra, 
which  Avas  situated  upon  an  elevated  por- 
tion of  the  plain  in  which  the  city  stands, 
was  selected  as  the  key  of  the  British  posi-  ! 
tion,  diverging  from  Avhich,  wide  streets 
Avere  to  be  cleared  through  the  Avinding 
lanes  and  masses  of  houses  that  inteiwened 
betAveen  it  and  the  various  strategic  points, 
such  streets  forming  military  roads  con- 
necting the  several  points  Avith  each  other 
and  Avith  the  Muchee  Bowun.  On  the 
north  side,  the  Badshabagh  (or  King’s  Gar- 
den) was  to  be  held  as  an  outpost,  and  the  i 
suburbs  ou  the  same  side,  betAveen  it  anti 
the  bridges  over  the  Goomtee,  Avere  to  be 
entirely  swept  away,  and  the  area  cleared 
— the  desolation  thus  rendered  necessary 
being  looked  upon  as  a just  and  natural 
consequence  of  rebellion. 

No  sooner  was  the  city  of  LucknoAV 


A.D.  1858.]  INDIAN 

clearly  and  unequivocally  again  iu  the  hands 
of  the  English  civil  authorities,  than  Sir 
Colin  Campbell  completely  broke  up  the 
army  of  Oude.  The  troops  had  nothing 
more  to  do  at  that  spot,  while  their  services 
were  urgently  needed  elsewhere.  The  re- 
giments were  reorganised  into  brigades  and 
divisions ; new  officers  were  appointed  in 
lieu  of  all  absent  on  sick  leave;  and  the 
dispersion  of  the  army  commenced. 

Of  the  troops  which  remained  at  Luck- 
now after  the  departure  of  many  of  the 
brigades,  few  escaped  the  inconveniences 
attending  the  heat  of  an  Indian  equino.x, 
so  severely  felt  by  Eui’opeans.  The  re- 
action upon  the  system  produced  by  a 
forced  calm  after  a lengthened  period  of 
almost  maddening  excitement,  also  con- 
tributed to  furnish  its  quota  to  the  military 
hospitals ; and  many  brave  soldiers  who 
had  passed  scatheless  through  the  perils  of 
unnumbered  fights,  were  prostrated  by  the 
less  glorious,  but  not  less  deadly  alterna- 
tive of  sickness.  The  regimental  hospitals 
were  most  efficient  and  creditable  to  the 
medical  department  of  the  service — stores, 
medicine,  attendance,  were  all  in  abun- 
dance ; and  for  every  wounded  or  sick 
man  there  was  an  attendant  to  brush  away 
the  flies*  with  a hand  punkah,  aud  to  fan  his 
face.  The  food  and  stores  of  all  kinds, 
supplied  to  the  army,  were  acknowledged  to 
be  of  excellent  quality,  aud  furnished  most 
satisfactory  tests  of  the  ability  and  energy 
of  the  Indian  commissariat. 

The  escape  of  the  rebel  forces  from 
Lucknow,  at  the  close  of  the  siege,  was 
numerically  far  more  extensive  and  serious 
than  had  been  expected  or  wished  for  by 
those  who  looked  forward  to  a speedy 
pacification  of  India.  How  far  the  result 
disappointed  those  immediately  responsible 
for  the  fact,  themselves  only  knew;  but 
whether  it  had  been  foreseen  or  not,  the 

* An  assistant-surgeon  in  the  division  under 
Brigadier  Franks,  thus  described  the  torments  to 
which  every  one  in  camp  was  exposed  from  these 
annoying  insects  : — “ I write  this  in  my  tent  in 
camp  (the  thermometer  is  at  100°),  not  a breath  of 
wind,  and  the  flies — I can  pity  the  Egyptians  now 
— the  tent  is  filled  with  them,  and  everything  edible 
covered  with  them.  We  drink  and  eat  flies;  and, 
in  our  turn,  are  eaten  by  them.  They  nestle  in 
your  hair,  and  commit  the  most  decided  suicides  in 
your  tea  or  soup.  Old-fashioned,  looking  crickets 
come  out  of  holes  and  stare  at  you ; lizards  run 
wildly  across  the  tent ; and  ants,  by  the  thousands, 
ply  their  wonted  avocations,  utterly  unmindful  of 
your  presence.  AVhen  night  arrives,  it  becomes  a 
little  cooler,  the  candles  are  lit,  all  the  flies  except 
the  suicides  have  gone  to  roost  upon  the  tent  poles, 

VOL.  II.  2 o 


MUTINY.  [the  ar.my  of  oude. 

immediate  dispersion  of  large  bodies  of 
armed  troops  over  the  adjacent  districts 
could  not  but  be  productive  of  renewed 
anxiety  and  trouble.  From  information 
which  reached  the  commauder-iu- chief 
towards  the  end  of  March,  it  appeared  that 
Nana  Sahib  was  then  at  Bareilly  with 
Khan  Bahadoor  Khan,  and  2,000  men ; 
that  the  Begum  of  Oude  was  at  Khyrabad 
with  10,000  more ; that  other  2,000  were 
intrenched  at  Shahjehanpore ; and  that 
Khan  Bahadoor  and  the  Nana  were  ar- 
ranging a scheme  of  operations  that  should 
have  for  its  theatre  the  vast  province  of 
Rohilcund,  the  greater  part  of  which  still 
continued,  as  it  had  been  for  the  previous 
nine  months,  iu  the  hands  of  the  rebels, 
whose  numbers  were  now  augmented  by 
some  of  the  mutinous  regiments  that 
managed  to  escape  from  Lucknow. 

On  the  20th  of  March,  the  commander- 
in-chief  issued  a general  order,  prescribing 
to  the  several  columns  or  divisions  of  the 
army  that  had  been  engaged  in  the  opera- 
tions at  Lucknow,  the  duties  to  which  they 
were  to  be  thenceforth  devoted.  The  5th 
and  78th  regiments  were  removed  from  the 
Aluinbagh  to  Cawnpore ; the  artillery  in 
park  at  the  former  place  was  to  be  divided 
— some  to  join  the  camp  at  Lucknow,  the 
remainder  to  move  with  the  head-quarters 
of  the  5th  regiment.  The  troops  left  at 
Lucknow,  consisting  of  the  20th,  28th, 
33rd,  53rd,  90th,  and  part  of  the  93rd, 
British  regiments,  ■ndth  the  2nd  dragoon 
guards,  three  Punjab  regiments  of  horse, 
aud  various  detachments  of  artillery  and 
engineers,  were  formed  into  a division  under 
Sir  Hope  Grant,  who  had  with  him  Bri- 
gadiers W.  Campbell  and  Barker,  as  sub- 
ordinate commanders.  Sir  Edward  Lugard 
was  directed  to  form  and  command  a divi- 
sion, to  be  called  the  “ Azimgurh  field 
force,”  to  consist  of  her  majesty’s  10th 

and  you  fancy  that  your  troubles  are  over.  Vain 
hope ! The  tent  doors  are  open,  in  flies  a locust, 
hops  into  some  dish,  kicks  himself  out  again,  hitting 
you  in  the  face,  and  finally  bolts  out  at  the  opposite 
door.  Then  comes  a flock  of  moths,  all  sizes  and 
shapes,  which  dart  madly  at  the  lights.  At  last  you 
put  out  your  candle,  and  get  into  bed,  when  a new 
sound  commences — hum-hum,  something  soft  and 
light  settles  on  your  face  and  hands,  a sensation  of 
red-hot  needles  intimates  that  the  mosquitoes  are 
upon  you.  The  domestic  flea  and  bug  also  abound, 
their  appetites  quite  unimpaired  by  the  climate. 
Jackals  and  pariah  dogs  yell  and  howl  all  night. 
Day  dawns  and  you  have  your  flies  down  upon 
you  as  lively  as  ever.  One  needs  be  tired,  to  sleep 
with  such  tent  comforts,  and  such  pertinacious 
visitors.” 

281 


KOHILCUND  FIELD  FORCE.] 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  1858. 


regiment,  detacliments  of  cavalry, 

artillery,  and  engineers,  and  whatever  other 
troops  might  at  the  time  be  in  the  Azim- 
gurh  district.  Another  division,  for  service 
in  Rohilcund,  comprising  the  42nd,  79th, 
and  part  of  the  93rd  infantry,  two  bat- 
talions of  the  rifle  brigade,  the  1st  Bengal 
Europeans,  two  regiments  of  native  in- 
fantry, the  7th  hussars  and  9th  lancers, 
three  regiments  of  Punjab  cavalry,  with  the 
naval  brigade  belonging  to  her  majesty’s 
steam-frigate  Shannon,  and  detachments  of 
artillery  and  engineers,  were  placed  under 
the  command  of  General  Walpole.  For 
each  of  these  grand  divisions  of  the  army 
of  Oude,  a campaign  of  extraordinary  diffi- 
culty presented  itself,  whether  as  regarded 
the  harassing  and  desultory  nature  of  the 
operations  which  the  peculiar  tactics  of  the 
rebel  commanders  rendered  compulsory,  or 
the  heat  of  the  weather,  which  had  now 
become  intense,  and  materially  impaired 
the  energetic  action  of  European  troops. 

But  whatever  were  the  difficulties  to  be 
yet  encountered,  the  gratifying  fact  re- 
mained, that  the  important  city  of  Luck- 
now, with  its  palaces  and  fortifications,  and 
garrisoned  by  a force  at  least  four  times 
exceeding  the  number  of  its  assailants,  had 
bowed  to  the  valour  of  British  arms,  and 
was  now  at  the  mercy  of  its  captors.  Twice 
had  the  vast  and  exulting  host  of  insur- 
gents that  had  converted  it  into  a san- 
guinary battle-ground,  seen  the  English 
columns  retire  but  half  victorious  from  the 
walls ; and  it  may  have  been,  that,  in  spite 
of  the  loss  by  ■which  the  temporary  respite 
from  final  defeat  was  obtained,  the  rebels 
yet  hoped  that  mere  numbers,  aided  by  the 
courage  of  despair,  would  obtain  for  them  a 
similar  result  when  the  next  struggle 
should  occur,  and  that  the  survivors  of 
their  forces  would  see  the  English  flag  a 
third  time  borne  backward  from  their  city. 
They  knew,  indeed,  that  the  besieging 
army  had  been  swelled  by  thousands  of 
men  fresh  from  Europe ; but  they  had  also 
seen  their  own  ranks  for  many  weeks  con- 
tinually augmented  by  fugitive  bands  from 
all  parts  of  India.  If,  therefore,  numbers 
could  avail,  they  had  reason  for  hope.  But 
whatever  their  ground  of  confidence,  it 
must  have  been  dissipated  in  a moment, 
when  the  tremendous  power  of  such  an 
artillery  as  Sir  Colin  Campbell  had  col- 
lected were  directed  against  their  walls. 
Before  that  fire,  no  native  force  of  India 
could  stand;  and  thus  the  myriads  who 
282 


garrisoned  Lucknow  were  driven  from 
stronghold  to  stronghold,  and  from  palace 
to  palace,  until  nothing  remained  for  them 
but  lives  preserved  to  them  by  precipitate 
and  inglorious  flight. 

On  the  part  of  the  English,  the  %dctory 
was  assuredly  great;  and  its  importance 
was  not  confined  to  the  mere  fact  of  the 
recovery  of  Lucknow — but  it  was  not  with- 
out its  alloy.  Amongst  the  noble  blood 
poured  out  amidst  the  streets  and  palaces 
of  the  city,  was  some  which  flowed  through 
the  veins  of  men  whose  names  belong  to 
history,  and  whose  loss  to  their  country 
Avas  poorly  compensated  by  the  capture  of 
a rebellious  city,  and  the  dispersion  of  its 
ignoble  garrison. 

Public  opinion  in  India,  as  represented 
by  the  press  of  the  three  presidencies,  was 
decidedly  adverse  to  the  idea  that  all  had 
been  done  which  might  have  been  accom- 
plished by  the  magnificent  army  under  the 
orders  of  Sir  Colin  Campbell.  While  that 
imposing  array  of  veteran  soldiers,  with  its 
Ghoorka  and  other  allies,  was  surrounding 
LucknoAV,  India  stood  at  gaze,  and  ex- 
pected, as  the  consummation  of  the  grand 
struggle,  a carnage  in  which  the  revolted 
army  of  Bengal  would  be  utterly  extin- 
guished ; but  a road  of  escape — whether 
through  inability  to  close  it,  or  at  the  bid- 
ding of  a dangerous  compassion — was  left 
open,  and  through  it  the  greater  portion  of 
the  vast  garrison  of  Lucknow  was  per- 
mitted to  retire  unscathed  into  the  more 
difficult  region  of  Rohilcund,  According 
to  the  estimate  of  the  Calcutta  papers, 
3,000  rebels  perished  in  the  last  struggle  at 
Lucknow ; a loss  which  was  immediately 
replaced  by  the  junction  of  the  remainder 
with  the  forces  of  Khan  Bahadoor,  and 
other  chiefs  in  arras.  The  capital  had 
indeed  fallen ; but  Oude  still  remained  un- 
subdued, and  anarchy  reigned  in  all  its 
provinces.  The  feelings  of  the  people  were 
bitterly  hostile  to  the  English  rule,  and 
all  eftorts  to  conciliate  them  were  for  a 
long  time  unavailing.  The  country  people 
around  Lucknow,  upon  Avhom  much  de- 
pended for  the  sustenance  of  the  English 
garrison,  would  neither  bring  provisions 
into  the  city,  nor  supply  the  troops  with 
them ; and  to  such  an  extent  was  their 
vindictiveness  carried,  that  the  men  in 
search  of  food  dared  not  wander  from  the 
main  body.  The  proclamation  of  the  gov- 
ernor-general, to  which  reference  has  been 
already  made,*  was,  for  a time,  supposed  to 
• See  ante,  p.  276. 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


A.D.  1858.] 


[renewed  operations. 


have  strengthened  this  ill-feeling.  “It 
makes,”  said  a writer  in  the  Friend  of 
India,  “ every  man  in  Oude  a declared 
! enemy,  and  does  not  exhibit  any  means  by 
which  such  enmity  can  be  coerced.  As  an 
amnesty,  the  boon  conferred  is  ridiculous ; 
for  what  power  have  we  to  put  to  death 
I five  millions  of  human  beings?  The  Bri- 
tish government  will  be  held  up  as  both 
weak  and  rapacious.  As  weak,  in  offei’iug 
the  life  it  has  not  the  power  to  take ; as 
' rapacious,  in  seizing  estates  to  which  it  has 
j no  right.” 

I At  the  end  of  April,  there  had  been  little 
1 change  in  the  aspect  of  rebel  affairs  through- 
out Oude.  The  begum  had  strengthened 


herself  in  a fortress  on  the  Gogra;  the 
moiilvie  was  at  Sundeela,  thirty  miles 
north-west  of  Lucknow;  and  the  prin- 
cipal zemindars  still  held  aloof.  On  the 
British  side.  General  Outram  had  given 
over  charge  of  the  chief  coramissioner.ship 
of  Oude  to  Mr.  Montgomery,  who  had 
already  distinguished  himself  b}''  his  able 
administration  in  the  Punjab ; and  a new 
staff  of  commissioners  and  their  subordi- 
nates was  appointed,  to  conduct  the  civil 
government  of  the  country  as  it  should 
progressively  fall  into  their  hands  through 
the  exertions  of  the  military  force,  or  by 
the  as  yet  uncertain,  unconditional  submis- 
sion of  the  zemindars. 


CHAPTER  X. 


PROPOSED  OPERATIONS  OF  THE  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF ; KOER  SING;  MOVEMENTS  OF  SIR  E.  LUGARD ; 
ATROWLIA  ; AZIMGURH  SEIZED  BY  THE  REBELS  ; ADVANCE  OF  BRITISH  TROOPS  FOR  ITS  RECAPTURE  ; 
REPULSE  OF  COLONEL  MILMAN  ; ARRIVAL  OF  REINFORCEMENTS  ; EVACUATION  OF  THE  CITY  BY  THE 
REBELS  ; PURSUIT  OF  KOER  SING,  AND  REAVARD  FOR  HIS  CAPTURE  ; JUGDESPORE ; ARRAH  ; DEATH  OF 
CAPTAIN  LE  GRAND  ; CORRESPONDENCE  OF  SIR  HUGH  ROSE  ; ADA’ANCE  ON  JHANSIE  ; OVERTURES  FROM  THE 
RANEE  REJECTED  ; BOMBARDMENT  OF  THE  CITY ; ARRIVAL  OF  REBEL  FORCE  UNDER  TANTIA  TOPEE  ; 
BATTLE  BEFORE  JHANSIE  ; DEFEAT  OF  THE  REBELS  ; ASSAULT  AND  CAPTURE  OF  THE  TOWN  AND  FORT  ; 
FLIGHT  OF  THE  RANEE  TO  CALPEE  ; CORRESPONDENCE;  THE  MASSACRE  OF  JUNE,  1857;  PURSUIT  BY  SIR 
HUGH  ROSE;  REBELS  DEFEATED  AT  POONCH;  BATTLE  OF  KONCH  ; ADVANCE  TO  CALPEE;  FIGHT  AND 
FLIGHT  OF  THE  REBELS ; ESCAPE  OF  THE  RANEE  TOWARDS  GWALIOR  ; KOTAH  ; ADVANCE  OF  GENERAL 
ROBERTS  ; BOMBARDMENT  OF  THE  TOWN  ; ASSAULT  AND  CAPTURE  ; FLIGHT  OF  THE  GARRISON  ; DISTRI- 
BUTION OF  THE  RAJPOOTAN.A  FIELD  FORCE. 


1 


1 


I 


I 


In  the  first  glow  of  satisfaction  induced  by  ' 
the  triumph  achieved  at  Lucknow,  the  an-  '\ 
ticipatious  of  its  results  were  much  too  san-  I 
guine.  The  enemy  had  certainly  been 
driven  from  their  great  stronghold ; but 
they  were  only  scattered  abroad  to  wage  a 
fresh  and  harassing  war  against  European 
troops,  the  greater  part  of  whom  ivere 
scarcely  yet  acclimated,  in  numerous  de- 
tached bodies,  and  under  circumstances  in 
which  all  the  advantage  was  jn  their  side. 
Under  any  conditions,  a guerilla  war  was 
undesirable ; but  with  the  circumstances 
that  then  existed,  its  necessity  was  inevi- 
table; and,  unfortunately,  its  duration  ap- 
peared likely  to  be  interminable.  The  hot 
weather  was  just  setting  in;  and  during 
the  five  succeeding  months,  in  a climate 
where  exposure  to  the  sun  is  ordinarily 
deemed  fatal,  the  English  troops  had  the 
combined  adverse  influences  of  the  season. 


and  of  a desultory  and  harassing  campaign, 
to  contend  with.  The  province  of  Rohil- 
cund,  which  was  now  regarded  as  the 
battle-field  of  the  insurrection,  was  so  situ- 
ated with  regard  to  the  British  possessions 
in  India,  that  from  thence  strong  attacks 
might  be  continually  organised,  and  simul- 
taneously made,  upon  our  most  important 
posts,  by  which  on  all  sides  it  was  sur- 
rounded. The  policy  of  the  commander- 
in-chief,  which  admitted  of  the  possibility 
of  the  enemy^s  escape  from  Lucknow  into 
E/Ohilcund,  still  continued  to  be  largely 
and  widely  discussed.  By  many,  it  was 
deemed  to  be  a mistake  on  the  part  of  Sir 
Colin;  some,  more  generous,  attributed  the 
fact  to  circumstances  beyond  his  control ; 
while  others  averred  that  the  evacuation  of 
Oude  by  the  rebels,  and  their  temporary 
establishment  in  Rohilcund,  was  in  accor- 
‘ dance  with  the  concerted  plans  of  the  chief, 

283 


ROHILCUND.] 

and  was  precisely  the  movement  he  desired. 
Whatever  may  have  been  his  intentions,  it 
is  for  us,  in  these  pages,  to  deal  only  with 
his  acts. 

In  order  to  trace  his  operations,  it  may 
be  necessary  to  recall  to  memory  the  gen- 
eral position  of  aftairs  at  the  time  of  Sir 
Colin  Campbell’s  victorious  advance  upon 
the  capital  of  Oude.  There  were  then  four 
places,  and  four  only,  where  any  consider- 
able bod}'^  of  rebels  maintained  themselves 
in  attitudes  of  resolute  defiance,  and  with 
marked  ascendancy  over  the  adjacent  dis- 
tricts. Lucknow,  of  course,  was  the  centre 
and  stronghold  of  the  insurrection,  its  gar- 
rison representing  nothing  less  than  the 
mass  of  mutineers  escaped  from  Delhi. 
But  besides  Lncknow',  the  fort  and  town  of 
Kotah,  in  Kajpootana,  and  of  Jhausie,  in 
Bundlecnnd,  had  remained,  from  an  early 
period  of  the  revolt,  in  the  possession  of 
strong  bodies  of  the  insurgents,  nor  could 
those  provinces  be  effectually  pacified  until 
the  garrisons  in  question  had  been  sub- 
dued. Lastly,  the  nucleus  of  the  old 
Gwalior  contingent,  strengthened,  no  doubt, 
by  large  accessions  of  malcontents  and 
marauders,  had  taken  post  at  Calpee,  from 
which  position  it  advanced  at  intervals 
against  the  European  troops  in  its  vicinity. 
The  places  thus  indicated  were  all,  on  the 
Indian  scale  of  reckoning,  within  short  dis- 
tances of  each  other;  and  the  chief  part  of 
the  British  forces  had  been  for  some  time 
distributed  over  the  same  parts  of  the 
country.  It  was  the  poliejq  however,  of 
the  commanders  to  concentrate  their  efforts 
on  the  one  particular  operation  which  was 
recommended  by  the  greatest  urgency,  or 
promised  the  most  important  results;  and 
Delhi  and  Lucknow  consequently  monopo- 
lised, in  succession,  all  the  anxieties  of  the 
commander-in-chief  for  the  time  being. 
Thus  Calpee  was  disregarded,  though  Sir 
Colin  Campbell,  with  an  overpowering 
force,  lay  for  some  time  wdthin  fifty  miles 
of  it,  and  its  mutinous  garrison  was  simply 
held  in  check  by  a small  corps  of  observa- 
tion stationed  at  Cawnpore;  Kotah  and 
Jhansie  were  left  to  the  operations  re- 
spectively of  Generals  Roberts  and  Rose, 
who  were  advancing  with  columns  of  suc- 
cour from  the  Bombay  presidency;  and  it 
was  reasonably  anticipated,  that  if  the  main 
force  of  the  rebels  could  be  crushed  at 
Lucknow,  the  smaller  bodies  of  insurgents 
might  be  dealt  with  at  discretion.  Such 
were  the  anticipations  entertained  prior  to 
284 


[a.d.  1858. 

the  reoccupation  of  Lucknow.  The  escape  of 
the  greater  portion  of  the  rebel  troops  from 
that  place  into  Rohilcund,  opened  a new 
! field  for  exertion,  and  materially  inter- 
fered with  the  realisation  of  the  original 
design. 

We  shall  now  resume  the  narrative  of 
active  operations  in  the  field  during  the  hot 
weather  campaign  of  1 858. 

On  the  10th  of  April,  General  Walpole’s 
division,  destined  for  action  in  Rohilcund, 
broke  up  from  Lucknow,  and  commenced 
the  march,  of  about  150  miles,  towards 
Bareilly,  then  the  principal  rendezvous  of 
the  insurgent  chiefs  of  the  north-west — 
namely,  the  Nana  Sahib,  Khan  Bahadoor, 
the  Naw'ab  of  Futteghur,  and  others.  At 
the  same  time  Coke’s  brigade,  leaving  its 
position  at  Roorkee,  crossed  the  Ganges, 
and  entered  the  rebellious  province  from 
above.  The  commander-in-chief  also  ordered 
his  staff  down  to  Cawnpore,  intending,  with 
the  portion  of  the  army  under  General 
Walpole’s  command,  to  proceed  up  the 
right,  or  Doab  side  of  the  Ganges,  to  Fut- 
teghur;  and  thence  begin  the  Rohilcund 
campaign. 

But  it  was  not  only  in  a north-westerly 
direction  from  his  head-quarters  at  Luck- 
now that  Sir  Colin  Campbell  had  to  look 
for  rebels  to  chastise.  Fyzabad,  on  the 
eastern  border  of  Oude,  was  occupied  by 
an  insurgent  force,  against  which  a column, 
under  Sir  Hope  Grant,  was  put  in  motion 
on  the  11th  of  JMarch;  while  further  away, 
in  a south-easterly  direction,  the  important 
town  of  Azimgurh,  only  fifty-six  miles 
N.  by  E.  of  Benares,  was  closely  beleaguered 
by  the  rebels,  under  Koer  Sing,  who  had 
rendered  himself  conspicuous  among  the 
leaders  of  the  insurrectionary  movement,  by 
his  conduct  at  Ai’rah  in  the  previous  July.* 
Against  this  chief  a brigade  under  the 
command  of  Sir  Edward  Lugard,  was 
dispatched  from  Lucknow  on  the  20th 
March,  and  the  district  consigned  to  its 
protection,  embraced  a wide  field  for  opera- 
tions in  the  territory  between  Goruckpore 
and  Benares,  which  had  been  reduced  to 
order  by  the  advance  of  the  Nepaulese  force, 
and  the  energetic  movements  of  a column 
under  Brigadier  Franks.  Subsequently, 
however,  as  the  district  became  drained  of 
troops  by  the  concentration  of  the  array 
round  Lueknow,  the  insurgents  and  muti- 
neers again  appeared  in  arms,  and  having 
received  an  accession  of  strength  from  the 
* See  ante,  p.  104. 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


INDIAN  MUTINY.  [affair  at  azimgtjrh. 


A.u.  1858.] 

rebel  fugitives  of  Lucknow,  they  had  reoc- 
cupied Goruckpore,  and  marched  down  to 
attack  Azimgurh.  Colonel  Milman,  com- 
manding a wing  of  the  37th  regiment, 
quartered  in  the  station,  upon  receiving  in- 
telligence of  their  intention,  on  the  20th  of 
the  mouth,  marched  out  to  oppose  their 
advance,  taking  with  him,  besides  his  own 
men,  a detachment  of  the  4th  Madras 
cavahy  and  two  guns.  In  his  anxiety  to 
encounter  the  rebels,  he  continued  to  march 
forward  until,  at  the  village  of  Atrowlia, 
about  twenty  miles  from  the  town,  he  came 
upon  the  advanced  guard  of  their  force, 
which  he  immediately  attacked  and  routed, 
but  the  main  body  coming  up  in  over- 
whelming numbers,  the  colonel  was  forced 
to  make  a precipitate  retreat,  leaving  behind 
him  his  guns  and  baggage.  He,  however, 
succeeded  in  reaching  the  intrenchments 
near  Azimgurh  without  any  more  serious 
loss.  The  rebels,  numbering  4,000  men, 
with  four  guns,  then  advanced  and  took 
possession  of  the  town  without  opposition 
on  the  26th  of  March ; but  on  the  following 
day,  a force,  consisting  of  200  men  of  her 
majesty^s  37th  regiment,  two  guns,  and  the 
head-quarters  division  of  the  4th  Madras 
cavalry,  under  Colonel  Dames  of  the  37th, 
made  a sortie  from  the  intrenchment,  driv- 
ing the  enemy  before  them  with  ease,  in 
the  open  country,  but,  unfortunately,  ven- 
turing to  attack  the  town,  they  were  re- 
pulsed, with  the  loss  of  Captaiu  Bedford  of 
the  37th  regiment,  who  was  killed  in  the 
action,  and  of  eleven  of  the  men,  who  were 
also  killed  or  disabled.  Colonel  Dames 
then  retired  to  the  intrenchment,  covered 
by  his  guns  and  cavalry,  and  there  awaited 
the  arrival  of  reinforcements. 

The  following  extract  from  a letter,  dated 
Ghazeepore,  April  4th,  affords  an  interior 
view  of  the  doings  of  the  rebel  chief : — 

“ Koer  Sing  has  taken  possession  of 
Azimgurh.  He  got  hold  of  the  gomasta  of 
the  opium  agency,  and  wanted  him  to  pay 
down  5,000  rupees.  Of  course,  he  could 
not  give  this  large  sum,  so  he  tied  him  to  a 
gun  to  blow  the  poor  fellow  off.  Just  at  that 
moment  our  soldiers  that  were  in  the  fort 
came  out,  at  the  time  his  men  were  cooking 
their  dinner,  and  killed  about  forty,  and  in 
the  hurry  and  confusion,  a sepoy  that  knew 
him  cut  the  rope  with  which  the  gomasta 
was  bound,  and  he  made  his  escape  to 
Ghazeepore.  Before  this  man  was  tied  to 
the  gun,  Koer  Sing  asked  him  how  many 
soldiers  were  in  the  Ghazeepore  fort,  and 


about  the  arrival  of  the  treasure.  The  man 
said  he  did  not  know.  He  was  then  asked, 
whether  there  were  any  steamers  lying  at 
the  ghat,  on  which  point  he  could  give  no 
information.  The  chief  laughed,  and  said, 
‘Oh!  you  want  to  hide  everything  from  me; 
I know  very  well,  there  are  only  thirty-six 
soldiers  in  the  fort,  and  six  lacs  of  treasure 
kept  in  the  cutcherry  near  the  western  gate 
— what  you  call  Suddur  gate.’  So  you  see, 
the  fellow  gets  all  the  news  of  every  place. 
The  Madras  cavalry  that  were  at  Aziraghur 
would  not  fight.  Those  sent  here  were  all 
Mussulmen  — suspicious  - looking  fellows. 
One  day  a washerman  was  washing  our 
clothes,  when  one  of  them  asked,  ‘ Whose 
clothes  are  you  washing?’  The  answer 
being,  ‘ Sahib  loges,’  the  fellow  said, ‘Wash 
on  for  a few  days  more,  and  then  we  will 
see  how  you  will  again  wash  Sahib  loges’ 
clothes.’  Thank  God  they  have  gone  back 
to  Azimgurh.  hour  of  them  wanted  to 
come  inside  the  factory  to  see  the  place, 
but  I would  not  allow  them  in.  I am 
living  in  the  factory.  Do  not  be  alarmed 
for  me.  All  will  be  well,  by  the  interposi- 
tion of  Almighty  God  in  behalf  of  his 
people.” 

Sir  Edward  Lugard  marched  from  Luck- 
now, as  before  stated,  in  the  last  week  of 
March,  for  the  purpose  of  relieving  Azim- 
gurh ; but  found  his  passage  obstructed  by 
the  destruction  of  a bridge  over  the  Goomtee 
at  Sultanpore,  a town  thirty-four  miles 
south  of  Oude,  on  the  road  to  Azimgurh. 
The  consequence  was  of  necessity  a change 
of  route,  which  was  notified  to  the  secretary 
of  the  governor-general  at  Allahabad,  in 
the  following  telegram  from  Sir  Edward 
Lugard : — 

“ Sultanpore  Cantonments,  April  5th,  1858. 

“ Be  so  good  as  to  tell  his  excellency  that  I 
arrived  here  this  morning  all  right,  but  owing  to  the 
bridge  having  been  destroyed  by  fire,  and  there 
being  no  boats,  I could  not  effect  a crossing  under 
a week ; I therefore  proceeded  down  the  right  bank 
towards  Jaunpore.” 

Pursuing  this  route,  Sir  Edward  reached 
the  last  named  place  on  the  9th  of  the 
month ; from  whence,  on  the  evening  of  the 
following  day,  he  marched  to  encounter  a 
rebel  chuckledar  named  Gholaum  Hussein  ; 
but  the  enemy  had  no  stomach  for  the 
fight,  and  prudently  retired  with  all  possible 
celerity;  but  not  without  serious  loss  of  men 
and  guns  : the  fact  was  announced  by  Briga- 
dier-general Lugard,  in  the  following  tele- 
gram ; — 

285 


AZIMGrRH — AN  ATTACK.] 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.u.  1858. 


Camp  Pigree,  April,  1858. 

“ I marched  to  this  place  yesterday,  expecting  to 
find  the  force  under  Gholaum  Hussein,  which  had 
plundered  and  burnt  the  village  of  Selmedapore,  the 
previous  day,  and  had  actually  threatened  Jaunpore. 
On  arriving,  found  that  the  rebels  to  the  number 
of  3,000  with  two  guns  were  about  five  or  six  miles 
distant.  My  troops  were  too  exhausted  from  the 
excessive  heat,  and  a sixteen  miles  march  to  pro- 
ceed ; but  in  the  evening  on  hearing  that  there  was 
a movement  amongst  the  enemy,  I pursued  with 
three  horse  artillery  guns  and  cavalry,  came  up 
with  him,  killed  about  eighty,  dispersed  the  re- 
mainder, and  captured  their  two  guns,  which  are 
now  in  my  camp.  One  officer,  Lieutenant  Charles 
Havelock*  killed,  and  six  sowars  wounded.” 

The  detour  rendered  necessary  by  the 
destruction  of  the  bridge  at  Sultanpore, 

I materially  retarded  the  advance  of  Lugard^s 
I corps  upon  Azimgurh,  which  he  did  not 

j reach  until  the  15th  of  April ; but  in  the 

meantime,  events  of  importance  were  in 
progress  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood 
' of  that  town,  consequent  upon  the  repulse 
! of  the  troops  under  Colonel  Milman,  and 
the  rapid  advance  of  a rebel  force  under 
Koer  Sing. 

As  soon  as  intelligence  of  the  unsuccess- 
j full  effort  of  Colonel  Milman  had  reached 
! Benares,  coupled  with  a rumour  that  the 
i enemy  had  actually  taken  possession  of 
Azimgurh,  a force  consisting  of  450  men  of 
; her  majesty’s  13th  regiment,  and  forty-six 
of  the  Madras  rifles,  were  at  once  dispatched 
I under  Lord  Mark  Kerr,  to  the  aid  of  the 
j Enghsh  commanders.  The  reinforcement 
i j also  took  under  its  charge  a train  of  300 
j bullock  carts,  conveying  ammunition  and 
I stores  for  the  troops  in  the  intrenchment. 

Notwithstanding  the  hea\y  impediment  to 
i rapid  movement  presented  by  this  large 
j convoy,  the  troops  marched  with  such 

I celerity,  as  to  arrive  within  ten  miles  of  the 

i station  on  the  third  day  after  quitting 
I Benares.  On  the  following  morning  (April 
6th)  the  force  reached  Azimgurh,  where  it 
was  confronted  by  the  enemy,  who  occupied 
a position  of  great  strength  on  both  sides  of 
the  main  road;  their  right  resting  on  a 
strong  walled  village,  and  their  left  being 
protected  by  a ditch  and  embankment ; they 
had  also  partly  destroyed  a bridge  in  their 

• This  officer  was  a nephew  of  the  general  whose 
name  is  intimately  connected  with  the  series  of 
brilliant  triumphs,  crowned  by  the  timely  relief  of 
i Lucknow  (see  p.  41).  The  lieutenant,  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  mutiny,  was  adjutant  of  the  12th 
I Bengal  native  irregular  cavalry,  and  was  thrown  out 
; of  the  regular  service  by  the  revolt  of  that  regiment. 
\ He  afterwards  joined  his  uncle  as  a volunteer,  and 
for  nine  months  was  more  or  less  actively  emploj’ed 
286 


rear,  to  assist  them  in  their  retreat  into  the 
town,  if  necessary.  The  attack  was  com- 
menced with  great  spirit  by  the  rebels, 
whose  fire  was  very  severe ; but  the  Euro- 
peans  maintained  their  claim  to  victory,  by 
driving  the  enemy  back  into  the  town' with 
considerable  loss.  On  the  British  side,  one 
officer  (Captain  Jones)  was  killed,  and 
another  wounded,  and  twenty-five  men  were 
numbered  among  the  casualties  of  the  day. 

The  position  of  the  convoy  was,  at  oiie 
period  of  the  struggle,  extremely  critical ; as, 
while  Lord  Mark  Kerr  was  arduously  en-  | 
gaged  with  the  enemy  immediately  in  front  i 
of  him,  a large  body  of  the  rebel  horse 
moved  round  to  the  rear,  and  made  a furi- 
ous onslaught  upon  the  handful  of  troops 
left  for  the  protection  of  the  convoy.  The 
attempt  to  cut  off  the  latter,  was,  however, 
frustrated  by  the  gallantry  of  the  escort,  the 
officer  in  charge  of  which  (Captain  Jones) 
was  killed  in  the  encounter.  After  this 
narrow  escape  from  numbers  that  should 
have  been  overpowering  and  resistless.  Lord 
Mark  Kerr  succeeded  in  reaching  the  in- 
trenchment with  his  charge,  where  he  re- 
mained watching  the  enemy  until  the  arri- 
val of  the  larger  force  under  Sir  Edward  | 
Lugard,  enabled  him  to  quit  the  position  for 
active  service.  The  rebel  chief  did  not,  how- 
ever, wait  for  an  encounter  with  that  general; 
but  after  a few  days  of  indecision,  the  13th 
of  April  was  reported  as  auspicious  for  the 
movement  of  the  force;  and  on  that  day, 
Koer  Sing  and  part  of  his  followers  quietly 
evacuated  the  town;  the  remainder  of  his 
men  and  guns  marching  on  the  14th, 
General  Lugard  being  then  within  seven 
miles  of  Azimgurh,  which  was  still  occupied 
by  a strong  body  of  insurgents  belonging  to 
the  place,  and  several  hundred  sepoys  of  the 
mutinied  regiments. 

The  retirement  of  the  force  under  Koer 
Sing  was  reported  to  the  government  by  a 
telegram  from  the  officer  commanding  at 
Benares,  as  follows  : — 

“April  16th,  1858. 

“ By  express  dated  this  morning  the  magistrate  of 
Azimgurh  reported  that  a large  body  of  the  rebels  of 
that  place  with  two  horse  artillery  guns  had  marched 
off,  it  was  supposed  towards  Ghazeepore.  It  being 

in  and  around  Lucknow.  When  General  Lugard 
left  the  army  in  Oude,  with  the  column  he  now  com- 
manded, Lieutenant  Havelock  accompanied  him, 
holding  a command  in  a Ghoorka  battalion.  In  the 
skirmish  near  Jaunpore,  a lurking  scoundrel  fired  at 
him  from  a hut  window  as  he  passed,  and  the  shot  I 
took  effect  in  his  face.  He  survived  the  injury  but  | 
a few  hours,  and  his  loss  was  a cause  of  deep  regret  i 
to  all  that  knew  him. 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


A.D.  1858.] 

uncertain  whether  any  troops  can  be  spared  from 
Azimgurh  for  the  protection  of  Ghazeepore,  and  as 
the  safety  of  that  place  is  too  important  to  be  left  to 
chance,  the  two  companies  of  her  majesty’s  o4th 
have  been  ordered  to  reach  Ghazeepore  in  two 
marches,  and  that  the  soldiers  may  not  be  over- 
fatigued, I have  arranged  that  one-half  of  them 
shall  ride  on  elephants  or  ekahs.” 

On  the  15th  of  April,  as  before  mentioned, 
the  division  under  Sir  Edward  Lugard,  came 
within  sight  of  Azimgurli ; and  upon  his 
! arrival  at  the  bridge  of  boats  which  crossed 
I the  river  Tonse  at  that  place,  he  encountered 
j a portion  of  the  rebel  force,  which  had  been 
I left  to  cover  the  retreat  of  Koer  Sing.  The 
men  fought  well,  and  with  more  determina- 
tion than  usual;  and  it  was  not  without  a 
severe  struggle,  that  they  were  defeated  and 
expelled  the  city.  They  retired  in  good  order, 
and  were  pursued  for  about  a dozen  miles. 
In  the  action  and  pursuit,  three  of  their 
guns  were  captured,  and  a few  men  killed 
and  wounded.  On  the  side  of  the  British, 
twenty-five  were  wounded,  among  whom 
were  Lieutenant  Hamilton,  of  the  3rd 
Sikhs,  and  a civilian  named  Venables,  who 
had  rendered  important  service  in  the  early 
days  of  the  revolt ; but  one  only  was  killed. 
As  the  retreat  of  the  enemy  was  in  the  di- 
rection of  Goruckpore,  and  likely  to  cause 
serious  ’embarrassment  in  that  quarter.  Sir 
Edward  Lugard  dispatched  Brigadier  Doug- 
las, with  the  37th  and  84th  regiments,  and 
some  cavalry  and  guns  in  pursuit  of  them ; 
himself,  with  the  greater  part  of  his  force, 
remaining  at  Azimgurh,  where,  by  the 
authority  of  government,  a proclamation 
was  issued,  offering  25,000  rupees  and  a 
free  pardon  to  any  rebel,  or  other  person, 
who  should  apprehend  and  deliver  to  the 
British  authorities  the  person  of  Koer  Sing, 
Avho,  it  was  supposed,  would  endeavour  to 
get  into  the  Behar  districts  with  his  follow- 
ers, most  of  whom  were  Bhojepore  sepoys. 

The  troops  under  Brigadier  Douglas 
started  in  pursuit  of  the  rebel  chief,  and 
moved  with  such  celerity  as  to  accomplish  a 
distance  of  a hundred  miles  in  five  days, 
ultimately  overtaking  the  fugitive  and  his 
host  on  the  21st  of  April,  at  a place  named 
Bausdeh,  a town  on  the  north  bank  of  the 
Ganges,  equidistant  from  Ghazeepore  on 
the  west,  and  Chuprah  on  the  east.  After 
a sharp  encounter,  in  which  Koer  Sing 
himself  was  wounded,  the  enemy  was  routed, 
with  the  loss  of  a gun  and  four  elephants. 
A marked  instance  of  native  hostility  to  the 
English  rule  was  exhibited  in  this  district  by 
the  inhabitants  of  the  villages,  who  rendered 


[JUGDESPORE. 

prompt  assistance  to  the  rebel  chief  in 
crossing  the  Ganges  to  his  hereditary  state 
of  Jugdespore,  and  furnished  him  with 
information  that  enabled  him  to  escape  j 
from  a body  of  Madras  cavalry  under  Colonel  ' 
Cumberlege,  which  had  been  dispatched  to 
intercept  his  flight.  Upon  his  arrival  at  j 
J ugdespore,  Koer  Sing,  who  it  was  reported  | 
had  lost  an  arm,  and  been  wounded  in  | 

the  thigh  in  the  recent  encounter,  was  i 

joined  by  several  thousand  armed  villagers  ! 
collected  by  his  brother,  Uraer  Sing.  These  | 
men  were  posted  in  the  jungles  which,  on  a | 
former  occasion,  had  witnessed  the  disaster 
of  the  troops  near  Arrah.  j 

This  latter  place  was  at  the  time  occupied  ! 
by  a British  force,  consisting  of  150  men  of  ! 
her  majesty’s  35th  regiment,  50  seamen  of 
the  naval  brigade,  and  150  of  Rattray’s  ; 
Sikhs,  the  whole  under  the  command  of  Cap- 
tain Le  Grand.  This  officer,  hearing  of  the  I 
arrival  of  Koer  Sing  and  his  followers  at 

O I 

J ugdespore,  determined  to  attack  the  rebels, 
and  marched  for  that  purpose  with  his  i 
whole  force  of  350  men,  and  two  12-pounder 
howitzers,  to  encounter  not  only  fearful  | 
odds  in  point  of  numbers,  but  also  a diffi-  j 

culty  he  ought  prudently  to  have  been  cog-  I 

nisant  of.  In  approaching  the  stronghold 
of  the  rebel  chief  the  path  for  the  troops  lay 
through  a jungle  which  swarmed  with  the 
concealed  enemy.  The  troops  were  there 
taken  by  surprise  and  shot  down  almost  ^ 
without  a possibility  of  resistance.  After 
some  ineffectual  firing  of  the  howitzers  a 
bugler  sounded  the  retreat,  and  a panic  1 
seemed  instantaneously  to  have  seized  the 
whole  force,  which  was  thrown  into  confu-  j 
sion  and  took  to  flight,  abandoning  guns 
and  elephants,  on  their  way  to  Arrah,  whi-  | 
ther,  to  within  two  miles,  they  were  pursued 
by  the  exultant  enemy,  who  shot  and  cut 
down  the  English  soldiers  without  mercy. 
The  men  of  the  35th  regiment  suffered  most  j 
severely  in  this  disastrous  affair,  more  than 
two-thirds  of  their  whole  number  being  j 
killed  or  wounded.  Among  the  former  were  | 
the  unfortunate  commander  of  the  little  | 
force.  Captain  Le  Grand,Lieutenant  Massey, 
and  Dr.  Clarke.  This  mortifying  calamity, 
in  which  the  unfortunate  commander  ap- 
peared in  the  heat  of  military  ardour  to  have  | 
disobeyed  the  instructions  given  to  him  by 
the  superior  authority  in  the  district,  occa- 
sioned much  angry  comment ; and  the  result  | 
was  by  no  means  favourable  to  the  profes- 
sional reputation  of  the  officer  in  command 
of  the  ill-fated  men  who  were  sent  into  the 

287 


JUGDESPORE— A DEFEAT.]  HISTOHY  OF  THE  [a.d.  1858. 


jungle — as  cattle  are  seat  into  the  slaughter- 
house— to  die. 

The  following  letter  supplies  a full  report 
of  this  disastrous  affair.  It  is  dated  from 
Fort  Arrah,  April  2Gth  : — “ On  the  evening 
of  the  22nd  instant,  a detachment,  under 
the  command  of  Captain  Le  Grand,  marched 
out  with  a view  of  looking  up  the  mutineers 
at  Judgespore.  AVe  marched  till  half-past 
twelve  o’clock,  when  the  detachment  was 
halted  for  refreshment  and  rest ; and,  at  five 
the  folloAving  morning,  we  again  started, 
but  had  not  proceeded  far,  Avhen  the  enemy 
were  observed  in  a village  tAvo  miles  from 
Judgespore,  busily  employed  in  throwing  up 
a breastwork,  which  pursuit  we  quickly 
compelled  them  to  abandon.  A couple  of 
hoAvitzers  Avere  moved  up,  and  some  shells 
Avere  thrown  into  the  village ; and  the  7th 
company  of  the  35th  deployed  into  hne, 
while  the  Sikhs  and  sailors  advanced  in 
quarter  distance  column,  Avith  the  5th 
company  thrown  out,  under  Lieutenants 
Ross  and  Parsons  as  skirmishers.  Upon 
arriving  at  the  village  we  found  it  deserted, 
so  Ave  pushed  on  Avhere  the  road  led  through 
a grove  of  mangoes.  The  skirmishers  on 
the  right,  observing  the  enemy  in  great 
numbers  flocking  into  a formidable  position, 
opened  fire  on  them,  which  was  taken  up 
by  the  Avhole  line.  The  column  Avas  then 
halted,  and  ordered  to  form  in  line ; but  the 
men  were  so  impatient,  so  eager  to  take 
revenge,  that  they  paid  no  attention  to  the 
order ! A few  seconds  after  a cheer  was 
given  by  the  skirmishers,  Avho  perceiA'ing  the 
enemy  pushing  on  in  dense  masses,  Avere 
preparing  to  give  them  a taste  of  the  bayonet, 
Avhen  the  bugle  sounded  for  them  to  fall 
back : this  Avas  a fatal  error,  it  quite  dis- 
heartened the  men ; and  the  enemy,  who  had 
AvaA'ered  at  the  cheer  and  bold  front  of  our 
men,  noAv  grew  valiant  as  they  advanced 
unmolested,  and  took  a position  behind 
trees,  brushwood,  &c. ; and  opened  a galling 
fire  from  two  guns,  which  Avas  soon  re- 
sponded to  by  our  artillery  and  infantry, 
and  the  action  then  became  general.  After 
an  hour’s  fighting  they  outflanked  us  on 
the  right  and  left,  and  their  cavalry  made 
an  attempt  to  get  in  our  rear  and  cut  off  our 
retreat.  The  order  was  now  given  to  retire 
— that  order  Avhich  no  English  soldier  likes 
to  hear,  but  it  Avas  obeyed;  our  tAvo  guns 
being  necessarily  left  behind,  as  the  horses 
that  dragged  them  to  the  place  were  not 
uoAV  to  be  found.  They  were  first  spiked  in 
the  face  of  the  enemv  by  Sergeant  Howleben 
288 


and  gunners  Heytroy  and  AVatson  of  the 
ai-tillery,  who  nobly  fell  in  the  act  of  duty. 

“ I have  proceeded  thus  far,  hut  I am 
really  ashamed  to  write  further : hoAvever, 
as  I have  begun  I will  end  it.  AVe  began 
our  retreat  in  a most  orderly  manner  out  of 
the  jungle,  driving  the  enemy  back  where- 
ever  they  approached  too  near,  till  Ave 
reached  a tank  in  the  open  plain,  where 
soldiers,  sailors,  Sikhs  and  folloAvers  began 
swallowing  stagnant  water,  as  they  could 
get  no  better,  and  Avere  fainting  Avith  thirst, 
Avhen  a cry  was  raised  that  the  cavalry  Avas 
thundering  down  on  us ; but  no  one  Avould 
rise  till  Dr.  Clarke,  running  forAvard,  drew 
his  sword,  and  called  on  the  men  to  form  a 
square  round  him.  A sort  of  one  Avas 
formed,  and  a volley  discharged  into  the 
approaching  horsemen,  which  soon  made  the 
blood-thirsty  villains  turn  about  and  be  off. 
After  this  the  retreat  Avas  disgraceful ; every 
man  had  his  own  way ; no  commands  Avere 
listened  to ; the  men  Avere  raving  wild ; and 
Avhen  Ave  gained  the  main  road,  a more 
dreadful  scene  never  before  was  beheld. 
The  European  portion  of  the  force  were 
falling  from  apoplexy  by  sections,  and  no 
aid  could  be  administered,  as  the  medical 
stores  were  captured  by  the  enemy;  the 
dhooly-bearers  having  fled,  notwithstand- 
ing the  utmost  exertions  of  the  medical 
officers  to  keep  them  to  their  post.  AA’hat 
was  to  be  done?  AVhat  aid  could  be  given 
them?  Nothing.  There  were  sixteen  ele- 
phants, but  they  carried  the  wounded ; so 
the  poor  unfortunate  beings  Avere  left  be- 
hind, to  be  cut  to  pieces.  The  buglers 
would  sound  the  halt,  the  greatest  portion 
of  the  Europeans,  with  about  twenty  or 
thirty  brave  Sikhs,  stood;  but  where  was 
the  main  body? — advancing  on,  regardless 
of  their  comrades. 

“About  tAvo  miles  from  the  village,  on 
the  retreat.  Captain  Le  Grand  Avas  shot 
through  the  breast,  and  died ; Lieutenant 
Massey  and  poor  Dr.  Clarke,  both  of  the 
35th,  fell  from  apoplexy  on  the  road,  and 
Avere  left  to  the  mercy  of  the  enemy.  AA’hen 
Ave  had  got  five  or  six  miles  on  the  road, 
the  soldiers  and  sailors  were  unable  to  load 
and  fire  their  pieces  through  exhaustion ; 
Avhile  the  main  body  of  the  Sikhs,  Avho  were 
accustomed  to  marching  under  a burning 
sun,  kept  a-head  with  the  elephants  instead 
of  covering  our  retreat,  and  the  only  time 
they  did  so  Avas  about  three  miles  from  this 
(Arrah),  when  there  were  only  about  eighty 
Europeans  left  from  199.  They  got  ofl’  the 


A.D.  1858.]  INDIAN  : 

road  near  a lar^e  house,  and  ■\vlien  the 
enemy  approached  nearenongli  they  brought 
tliem  down  very  thickly.  The  Dinapore 
folks  have  it  that  the  35th  ran  away  from 
: their  officers,  and  left  them  to  be  cut  up. 

; This  is  a disgraceful  calumny,  and  I am 
[ happy  to  have  it  in  my  power  to  contradict 
it.  Had  the  men  been  handled  at  the  outset 
as  Neille  handled  his  fistful  of  men,  they 
would  have  gone  through  fire  and  beaten 
the  rebels,  though  they  were  twenty  times 
their  number.  Our  loss  is  immense. 

In  consequence  of  this  unfortunate  mis- 
hap near  Jugdespore,  a new  series  of  opera- 
tions became  necessary;  and  Brigadier 
Douglas,  crossed  the  Ganges  at  Seena  ghat 
' on  the  25th  of  the  month,  with  a strong 
j detachment  of  the  84th  foot  and  two  guns, 
for  the  purpose  of  clearing  the  jungle, 

I that  had  been  so  fatal  to  our  troops.  This, 
j however,  was  a work  of  time ; and  it  was 
not  until  the  middle  of  May  that  the  rebel 
haunt  was  effectually  broken  up. 

I While  the  commander-in-chief  was  ar- 
i ranging,  and  his  lieutenants,  diverging  from 
Oude  in  various  directions,  were  carrying 
his  well-concerted  plans  into  operation,  the 
! progress  of  the  war  continued  active  in 
! all  parts  of  the  revolted  provinces ; and 
although  success,  as  usual,  crowned  the 
efforts  of  British  prowess,  triumph  in  one 
quarter  was  but  a prelude  to  renewed 
j struggles  in  another.  The  whole  country 
j was  in  a blaze  of  insurrection  ; and  the  fires 
were  no  sooner  trampled  out  in  the  east, 

, than  they  broke  out  with  renewed  intensity 
I in  the  west,  and  spread  north  and  south  in 
their  devastating  flight.  The  region  south- 
I west  of  the  Jumna,  comprising  Bundle- 
j cund.  Central  India,  and  Rajpootana,  was 
j thus  specially  afflicted. 

I Among  the  commanders  who  eminently 
1 distinguished  themselves  at  this  period,  were 
! General  Sir  Hugh  Rose,  commanding  the 
] Central  India  field  force,  and  Major 
Roberts,  who  had  under  him  the  division 
of  the  army  known  as  the  Rajpootana  field 
, force,  both  of  whom  were  now  to  add  to 
! the  triumphs  of  the  British  army  in  India. 

! The  former  commander,  after  a succession 
I of  brilliant  operations,  in  various  parts  of 
j the  vast  region  through  which  he  led  his 
troops  from  January  to  March,  at  length, 
by  press  of  circumstances,  found  it  neces- 
I sary  to  direct  his  attention  to  the  town  and 
fort  of  Jhansie,  then  held  by  a strong  force 
of  the  insurgents,  under  the  ranee  iu  per- 
son. This  extraordinary  woman  was  the 
VOL.  II.  2 P 


MUTINY.  [the  kaxee  of  jhahsie. 

wife  or  mother  of  the  last  rajah,  and  who 
appears  to  have  united  the  martial  spirit  of 
her  race  with  extraordinaiy  ability  and 
aptitude  for  command,  had  determined 
upon  a formidable  resistance  to  the  English 
troops;  and,  having  a force  of  near  12,000 
men,  and  a strongly  fortified  position  in 
which  to  meet  an  attack,  the  attempt  to 
subjugate  her  was  one  of  no  small  difficulty. 
It,  however,  had  to  be  done;  and  it  was 
accomplished. 

On  the  20th  of  March,  Sir  Hugh  Rose, 
after  disposing  of  a number  of  captured 
forts  in  his  way,  arrived  before  Jhansie 
with  the  first  division  of  his  force,  consist- 
ing of  horse  artillery  and  cavalry,  and  at 
once  proceeded  to  invest  the  place.  The 
two  following  days  brought  with  them  suc- 
cessively the  two  remaining  divisions  of  his 
army ; and,  as  far  as  was  practicable,  a cor- 
don was  drawn  around  the  city.  For  want 
of  a plan  of  the  town,  repeated  reconnais- 
sances were  necessary,  and  consequent  de- 
lay; but  on  the  23rd,  a fire,  both  vertical 
and  horizontal,  was  opened  from  a flanking 
battery  in  an  excellent  position,  which  told 
well  upon  the  fortifications  of  the  town, 
then  defended  by  some  1,500  sepoys,  10,000 
Bundelars,  and  about  500  sowars.  The 
position  was  strong,  the  town  having  a 
good  wall,  mounted  by  many  guns  ; — above 
the  town,  and  constituting  a separate  and 
very  formidable  point  of  defence,  frowned 
the  huge  castellated  palace  of  the  former 
rajahs;  and  thither,  from  her  palace  in  the 
town,  the  ranee  repaired  upon  the  invest- 
ment of  the  latter  by  the  British  troops. 
The  qualifications  of  this  lady  for  command 
at  this  crisis,  were  exhibited  in  two  direc- 
tions— first,  by  extreme  cunning,  and 
secondly,  by  an  indomitable  spirit.  At 
first,  with  a view  of  feeling  her  way,  the 
ranee  assumed  a condescending  and  even 
friendly  tone  to  the  British  commander, 
and  attempted  to  open  a correspondence 
with  him,  in  which  she  expressed  a desire 
to  visit  his  camp,  for  the  purpose  of  an 
amicable  arrangement  of  the  existing  diffi- 
culty. Sir  Hugh  Rose,  however,  knew  the 
cruel  and  treacherous  character  of  the  art- 
ful woman,  and  was  probably  aware  of  her 
real  design  in  this  proposition,  and  he  at 
once  put  an  end  to  further  overtures  of  the 
kind  by  informing  the  messenger,  that  if 
his  mistress  should  presume  to  enter  the 
British  lines,  upon  any  pretext,  she  would, 
although  a woman  and  a princess,  most 
assuredly  be  hanged,  in  just  retribution  for 

289 


JHANSIE — SIEGE  OPERATIONS.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


the  murders  committed  by  her  orders. 
This,  of  course,  stopped  further  negotia- 
tion of  auy  kind,  and  the  ranee  bravely 
determined  to  defend  herself  to  the  last; 
nor  Avas  there  at  any  time  during  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  siege  any  symptoms  of 
weakness  or  vacillation  on  her  part,  or  that 
of  her  personal  adherents. 

A letter  from  the  camp  before  Jhansie, 
dated  March  26th,  says — “ The  enemy  are 
returning  shot  for  shot,  and  their  guns  are 
admirably  managed  by  a Bengal  artillery- 
man, who  has  been  distinctly  seen,  through 
a telescope,  laying  them  so  as  to  make 
them  bear  on  our  positions.  We  have  four 
batteries  round  the  fort  and  town,  and  keep 
peppering  away  day  and  night.  A party  of 
the  3rd  Europeans  is  posted  under  cover  of 
a mound  near  the  fort,  and  they,  Avith  their 
Enfields,  topple  over  any  of  the  enemy  who 
show  their  heads  about  the  walls.  There 
were  nine  mutineers  hung  on  the  24th,  and 
yesterday  evening  twenty-eight  were  shot 
to  death  by  musketry.  A tehseeldar,  Avho 
formerly  belonged  to  our  service,  but  Avho 
had  been  seen  Avith  the  enemy  at  Chun- 
derie,  leading  or  encouraging  them  on, 
came  in  a few  days  ago,  with  the  face  of 
brass,  to  pay  his  respects  to  Sir  Robert 
Hamilton.  Sir  Robert  desired  him  to  be 
seated,  went  over  to  the  generaFs  tent,  and 
in  less  than  five  minutes  the  said  tehseeldar 
was  seen  hanging  in  silks  in  a prominent 
position  in  front  of  the  enemy,  Avho  fired 
on  our  people  Avhile  the  execution  was 
being  performed.  We  have  a fakir  pri- 
soner, who  Avas  present  in  Jhansie  when 
the  massacre  of  our  countrywomen  and 
men  took  place : his  life  was  spared  on 
condition  that  he  Avould  point  out  Avhere 
the  magazine  of  the  rebels  was  situated — 
and  I am  glad  to  say  his  information  has 
proved  of  some  service  already ; for  yester- 
day, our  batteries  were  pouring  red-hot 
balls  and  live  carcases  into  the  fort  and 
tOAvn,  and  set  the  latter  on  fire  in  several 
places.  The  magazine,  has,  hoAvever,  as 
yet  escaped.  The  1st  brigade  joined  us 
yesterday  morning;  and  Avhen  their  siege 
train  begins  to  play,  we  may  soon  expect 
the  fort  to  be  breached.  We  moved  ground 
this  morning  to  the  right  of  the  fort,  and 
the  other  brigade  took  up  a position  to  the 
left.” 

By  the  28th  of  the  month,  two  24- 
! pounders,  tAvo  18-pounders,  tAVO  10-inch 
and  six  8-inch  mortars  with  some  light 
; field  pieces,  were  pouring  their  iron  mes- 
I 290 


[a.d.  1858. 

sengers  of  death  and  devastation  upon  the 
toAvn.  The  fire  of  the  enemy  in  return  was 
vigorously  sustained,  and  so  well  directed, 
that  the  officers  Avere  confirmed  in  their 
opinion  that  some  European  or  Avell  trained 
native  golandauze,  commanded  their  ar- 
tillery. While  this  interchange  of  mischief 
Avas  carried  on  with  untiring  spirit  by  both 
parties,  intelligence  reached  Sir  Hugh  Rose 
that  a large  rebel  force  commanded  by 
Tantia  Topee,  a relative  of  Nana  Sahib, 
and  his  principal  agent  in  seducing  the 
Gwalior  contingent  from  its  fealty,  Avas  on 
the  Avay  to  relieve  the  city.  This  neces- 
sitated the  division  of  Sir  Hugh’s  army  into 
tAvo  parts,  one  to  continue  the  siege,  the 
other  to  meet  the  advancing  enemy  in  the 
field,  who  numbered  from  twenty  to  twenty- 
five  thousand  men.  On  the  morning  of  the 
1st  of  April,  the  two  forces  joined  battle ; 
but  as  General  Rose  was  determined  not  to 
cease  or  slacken  the  fire  of  his  batteries 
upon  the  toAvn,  or  discontinue  the  invest- 
ment of  it,  he  had  but  a small  portion  of 
his  troops  to  oppose  to  the  immensely 
numerical  superiority  of  the  enemy ; this 
portion  he,  however,  manoeuvred  with  the  eye 
of  one  familiar  with  the  battle-field,  and  it  ac- 
complished gloriously  the  task  assigned  to  it. 
Dividing  his  small  force  into  three  divisions, 
one  of  which  remained  to  carry  on  the 
bombardment  of  the  town,  he,  with  the 
other  two,  proceeded  to  attack  the  advancing 
enemy  in  front  and  flank.  After  a cati- 
nonade,  which  the  rebels  contrary  to  their 
custom  bore  for  some  time  Avithout  falling 
into  confusion,  the  cavalry  Avere  ordered  to 
charge.  For  the  first  time  in  the  sepoy 
AA'ar,  the  rebels  formed  squares,  received  the 
charge  with  the  bayonet  and  twice  repulsed 
the  horsemen.  The  third  time  the  latter 
came  on  in  front  and  flank  at  the  same 
time,  the  square  Avas  broken  and  the  enemy, 
throAvn  into  confusion,  began  to  retreat. 
They  were,  hoAvever,  rallied  and  again  at- 
tempted to  hold  their  ground,  but  a fourth 
charge  utterly  routed  them,  and  they  fled 
precipitately  towards  the  river  BetAva,  in 
Avhich  hundreds  avIio  had  escaped  the  sword 
met  Avith  a miserable  death.  The  rear 
brigade  of  the  enemy,  in  Avhich  Avere  two 
regiments  of  the  Gwalior  contingent,  Avas  at 
the  same  time  cut  up  and  dispersed  by  the 
second  division  of  the  British  force,  alter  a 
short  but  desperate  resistance,  in  Avhich 
they  exhibited  e.\traordinary  resolution,  and 
many  instances  of  individual  bravery,  that 
Avould  have  been  honourable  had  their  arms 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


A.D.  1858.] 


[the  storm  of  jhansie. 


been  otherwise  directed.  The  routed  sepoys 
in  vain  sought  by  flight  to  reach  a ford  of 
the  river  Betwa,up  to  which  point  the  cavalry 
and  horse  artillery  followed  in  pursuit, 
through  the  blazing  jungle,  which  had  been 
fired  by  the  enemy  to  cover  their  retreat. 
The  whole  line  of  flight  was  strewed  with 
dead  bodies,  chiefly  those  of  sepoys,  and  it 
was  estimated  that  the  sanguinary  result  of 
that  day  showed  a loss  to  the  enemy  of  at 
least  1,500  men,  besides  the  whole  of  their 
guns,  eighteen  in  number,  and  a large 
quantity  of  ammunition. 

The  following  telegram  from  Sir  Hugh 
Rose,  announced  to  the  government  the 
victory  of  the  1st  of  April : — 

“ This  morning  at  daybreak,  the  force,  under  my 
orders,  fought  a general  action  with  the  so-called 
Peishwa’s  army,  and  by  the  blessing  of  God  gained 
a complete  victory.  The  rebels  are  stated  to  have 
numbered  from  20,000  to  25,000  men ; they  were 
under  Tantia  Topee,  Nana  Sahib’s  relative,  and 
their  object  was  to  relieve  Jhansie.  I did  not  dis- 
continue the  siege  nor  investment  of  Jhansie,  conse- 
quently the  force  with  which  I fought  was  extremely 
weak.  The  rebels,  amongst  whom  were  the  grenadier 
regiment,  and  another  regiment  of  the  Gwalior  con- 
tingent fought,  except  the  cavalry,  desperately ; but  I 
turned  their  left  flank  with  artillery  and  cavalry,  and 
after  making  two  stands  they  broke  and  fled,  de- 
fending themselves  individually  to  the  last.  I pur- 
sued them  to  the  river  Betwa,  taking  all  their  guns, 
eighteen  in  number,  and  an  English  18-pounder  of 
the  Gwalior  contingent,  drawn  by  two  elephants,  an 
8-inch  mortar,  and  quantities  of  ammunition,  in- 
cluding shells,  18-pounder  shot,  ordnance  park,  and 
two  more  elephants.  Two  standards  were  also 
taken  ; the  enemy  tried  to  stop  our  pursuit  by  set- 
ting the  jungle  on  fire,  but  nothing  could  check  the 
ardour  of  the  artillery  and  cavalry,  who  gallopped 
in  pursuit  across  the  country  in  flames.  I cannot 
calculate  at  present  the  enemy’s  loss  in  killed,  but 
it  must  have  been  very  great,  as  the  country  is 
sti-ewed  with  dead  bodies,  chiefly  those  of  sepoys. 
As  I now  shall  be  free  from  the  attacks  of  a nume- 
rous attacking  army,  I hope  to  conclude  speedily  the 
siege  of  Jhansie.” 

Relieved  by  tbis  brilliant  action,  which 
did  not  cost  the  life  of  a single  officer,  nor 
apparently  of  many  men,  from  any  danger 
of  further  interruption  to  his  operations 
before  Jhansie,  Sir  Hugh  steadily  continued 
to  keep  up  the  fire  of  his  batteries  upon  the 
city  walls,  and  prepared  for  the  assault 
which  was  to  give  the  place  into  his  hands. 
The  defeat  of  Tantia  Topee,  was  pro- 
ductive of  results  more  favourable  to  the 
designs  of  the  English  general  then  he  had 
ventured  to  anticipate.  The  ranee,  shut 
up  within  the  place,  well  knew  that  the 
rebel  chief  was  hastening  to  her  assistance, 
and  from  his  overwhelming  superiority  of 


force,  she  calculated  that  be  would  be  able 
to  defeat  and  drive  away  the  besiegers ; but 
the,  to  her,  disastrous  termination  of  the 
struggle  on  the  1st  of  April,  entirely  thwarted 
all  her  arrangements,  and  utterly  dismayed 
the  tiger-hearted  woman  who  was  thus  left 
to  her  own  resources. 

The  2nd  of  April  was  passed  over  without 
any  active  operations,  that  the  troops  might 
recover  from  the  fatigue  of  the  preceding 
days ; but,  at  daybreak,  on  the  3rd,  an 
order  was  issued  for  the  assault.  Three 
guns,  fired  in  succession  from  the  18- 
pounders,  in  the  breaching  battery,  gave 
the  signal,  and  the  columns  rushed  forward. 
A tremendous  fire  was  immediately  opened 
upon  them  from  the  walls,  and  the  resistance 
at  each  of  the  four  points  of  attack  was 
most  desperate.  On  the  right,  the  first  at- 
tempt to  escalade  was  unsuccessful.  The 
ladders  broke  behind  the  three  men  who 
first  mounted  (two  officers  and  a private  of 
the  Bombay  engineers),  and  they  were  cut 
to  pieces  upon  the  wall.  At  another  point 
a young  officer.  Lieutenant  Dartnell,  of  the 
86th  regiment,  had  mounted  the  ladder 
before  him,  which  also  broke,  and  feel- 
ing that  it  was  giving  way  the  young 
hero  sprang  at  the  battlement,  and  having 
clutched  it,  obtained  a footing  on  the 
wall.  There,  attacked  by  a dozen  sepoys, 
he  stood  at  bay,  cutting  down  every  man 
who  approached,  till  some  men,  furious 
at  the  sight  of  his  peril,  serambled  up  the 
remains  of  the  ladder,  and  cleared  away  his 
assailants  by  the  bayonet.  On  the  left  of 
the  attack  the  86th  and  25th  native  in- 
fantry had  made  their  way  good  through  a 
breach,  and  had  escaladed  the  neighbouring 
curtain ; and  the  ladders  on  the  right  having 
been  again  placed,  the  wall  was  rapidly 
surmounted  by  the  3rd  Europeans  and  the 
Hyderabad  infantry;  and  the  four  columns, 
driving  before  them  the  stoutly-resisting 
enemy,  converged  upon  the  ranee’s  palace, 
which  had  been  appointed  as  the  ren- 
dezvous, and  was  defended  by  3,000  men. 
Here  the  last  stand  was  made,  and  when 
the  huge  building  was  at  length  carried, 
all  resistance  ceased,  and  the  city  lay  at  the 
mercy  of  its  captors;  but  the  ranee,  who 
had  removed  previously,  from  the  palace  to 
the  fortress  without  the  city,  had  fled  during 
the  previous  night,  with  2,000  of  her  ad- 
herents, towards  Jaloun.  A lamentable 
catastrophe  marred  the  satisfaction  that 
would  have  ensued  from  this  success.  As 
the  enemv  retired,  pursued  bv  the  British, 

291 


JIL‘  IE — FATAL  EXPLOSION.]  HISTORY  OF  THE  [a.t>.  1858. 

a fr'  .ful  explosion  sent  conquerors  and  ] 
com  ed,  masonry,  dead  bodies,  and  living 

mer  iuto  the  air  together.  The  sepoys 

had  wn  up  the  magazine ; and,  by  this 

des^  :e  act,  nine  ofl&cers  and  200  men 

■were  killed  and  wounded.  Not  an  oflBcer 
of  the  86th  regiment  escaped  without  injury. 
It  was  now  discovered  that  the  ranee  had 
fled,  with  such  of  her  troops  as  could  break 
through  the  cordon  which  Sir  Hugh  had 
endeavoured  to  draw  round  the  place.  In 
the  endeavour  of  the  rest  of  the  garrison  to 
escape,  the  slaughter  was  terrible,  insomuch 
that,  dui’ing  the  storming  of  the  fort,  and 
pursuit  of  the  garrison,  more  than  3,000  of 
the  rebels  were  laid  low,  besides  the  1,500 
slain  during  the  battle.  Much  of  this 
slaughter  was  within  the  city  itself,  for  it 
was  believed  by  the  soldiers  that  the  towns- 
people had  favoured  the  rebels,  and  coun- 
tenanced the  atrocities  perpetrated  by  them 
upon  the  unfortunate  Europeans  who  were 
murdered  in  the  previous  June;*  and  the 
men  took  severe  vengeance  before  their 
oflScers  could  check  the  waste  of  life.  Of 
course,  all  this  desperate  work  could  not  be 
carried  on  without  some  loss  on  the  part  of 
the  British  troops  also,  and  many  brave  but 
impetuous  men  fell  in  the  murderous  con- 
flict that  for  some  hours  raged  throughout 
the  streets  of  the  city.  Fortunately  the 
sudden  evacuation  of  the  fort  lessened  the 
chance  of  serious  loss  in  that  quarter,  for  it 
was  capable  of  holdii.g  out  against  attack 
for  a long  period,  had  tl.e  nerve  of  the  rebels 
been  equal  to  the  trial.  In  a telegram  from 
Sir  Hugh  Rose  to  the  governor-general,  the 
former  observes — “ Jhansie  is  not  a fort,  but 
its  strength  makes  it  a 'brtress;  it  could 
not  have  been  breacher  and  could  only 
have  been  taken  by  mini  and  blowing  up 

one  bastion  after  anothe  The  following 

details  of  this  spirited  ac  ;ment  are  col- 
lected from  various  source  d as  they  are 

evidently  the  results  of  p.  al  acquaint- 
ance with  the  subject,  ma)  be  deemed 

uninteresting.  The  first  c<  nication  is 

from  a correspondent  of  tl  nbay  Tele- 

graph, who  writes  thus  : — 

“ The  town  of  Jhansie  was.  oi_'^d  on  the 
3rd  instant,  by  the  first  brigade  on  the  left, 
and  by  the  second  brigade  on  the  right. 
The  signal  was  three  guns,  just  as  day 
dawned.  The  arrangements  appeared  to  be 
exceedingly  good.  The  first  brigade  •were 
told-ofif  in  two  storming  parties  of  the  86th 
regiment  and  25th  native  infantry,  each 
* See  vol.  i.,  p.  273. 

292 

with  their  supports  and  reserves  of  the  same 
corps ; one  to  enter  the  breach  on  the  mound, 
under  Colonel  Lowth  of  the  86th  regiment, 
the  other  to  escalade  the  wall  between  that 
and  the  fort,  under  the  command  of  Major 
Stuart  of  the  86th.  When  the  signal  was 
given.  Major  Stuart  moved  off  from  behind 
the  battery,  where  all  had  been  lying  down ; 
Lieutenant  Edwards,  R.E.,  with  his  ladders, 
with  a firing  and  covering  party  of  the  86th 
regiment  in  front.  The  ladders  were  put 
to  the  wall  beautifully,  and  Lieutenant 
Hartnell  of  the  86th,  ivith  some  men,  got 
on  the  top  at  once,  where  the  resistance  for 
a short  wdiile  was  desperate — stones,  stink- 
pots, grenades,  rockets,  and  every  conceiv- 
able missile  being  hurled  at  the  assailants. 
Unfortunately,  two  or  three  of  the  cross-bars 
of  the  ladders  broke,  which  prevented  Lieu- 
tenant Hartnell  from  being  supported  for  a 
few  seconds,  and  during  that  time  he  was 
nearly  cut  to  pieces;  but  the  men  poured 
over  the  wall,  the  enemy  gave  way,  and  were 
closely  followed  through  the  streets  below. 
The  resistance  at  the  breach  was  not  so 
great ; and  one-half  the  party  moved  to  the 
right  to  clear  the  inside  of  the  walls  in  the 
direction  of  the  right  attack ; the  remainder 
moved  to  their  front,  clearing  the  houses  as 
they  went  along,  until  they  came  to  an  open 
space  below  the  fort-gate.  Here  they  killed 
numbers  of  men  wlio  were  making  their 
way  to  the  fort,  and  in  their  ardour  made  a 
rush  at  the  gate,  from  which  a murderous 
fire  was  poured  ou  them,  and  the  men  were 
dropping  fast.  One  of  the  men  fell  at  the 
very  gateway.  As  there  were  no  supports 
up,  it  was  deemed  expedient  to  sound  the 
‘ retire and,  taking  their  dead  and  wounded 
with  them,  they  fell  back  a couple  of  hun- 
dred yards  under  cover.  That  was  a fatal 
rush  for  the  86th,  as  two  officers  and  up- 
wards of  twenty  men  were  wounded,  besides 
three  killed.  The  fighting  was  desperate, 
and  the  fire  from  the  fort  came  from  up- 
wards of  2,000  men.  At  the  same  time  a 
cross-fire  from  the  palace  and  the  adjacent 
buildings  was  kept  up.  Hr.  Cruiksliank 
was  wounded  in  the  back  while  dressing  a 
wounded  man,  by  someone  from  a window 
behind  him ; and  Hr.  Stack  of  the  86th  was 
shot  dead  from  the  fort  while  performing 
the  same  office.  The  royal  sappers  were 
indefatigable,  and  pulled  down  walls  and 
made  loopholes  for  the  rifles  in  all  di- 
rections. Huring  the  whole  of  this  time 
General  Rose  was  walking  about  among 
the  men  as  cool  and  unconcerned  as  if 

A.D.  1858.]  INDIAN  MUTINY.  [c:)rrespondence. 

notliing  was  taking  place.  While  the  left 
attack  had  made  such  progress,  the  right 
had  altogether  failed;  their  ladders  were  too 
short,  except  one, and  up  that  one  Lieutenant 
Micklejohn  and  a man  of  the  3rd  regiment 
had  got,  when  it  broke,  and  these  tw'o  were 
literally  cut  to  pieces.  The  walls  swarmed 
with  the  enemy,  and  they  kept  up  a heavy 
fire  on  those  below.  Lieutenant  Fo.x, 
[Madras  sappers,  had  got  to  the  top  of  a 
ladder,  but  was  cut  down ; and  six  sappers 
were  killed  at  the  same  time.  There  was 
some  mismanagement  about  these  ladders 
whieh  has  not  yet  been  explained.  The 
party  of  the  86th  regiment,  who  had  moved 
to  their  right  from  the  breach,  now  came 
up  inside,  and  made  short  work  of  the 
rebels.  Thence  they  moved  on  the  palace  ; 
the  fighting  there  was  hand-to-hand,  inch 
by  inch  being  disputed  by  dismounted 
sowars,  who  cut  with  their  tulwars  in  the 
' most  determined  manner.  It  was  here 
poor  Colonel  Turnbull,  of  the  artillery,  re- 
ceived his  mortal  wound,  while  giving  some 
directions  as  to  the  breaking  open  of  some 
of  the  doors — a shot  from  a window  above 
entered  his  left  hip.  He  was  taken  to  his 
tent,  and  died  at  three  o’clock  the  follow- 
ing morning.  The  palace  was  at  last 
broken  into,  and  in  the  inner  court  another 
struggle  took  place,  the  rebels  fighting  to 
the  last.  A few  of  the  86th  followed  into  a 
low  room  on  the  left,  and  in  an  instant  the 
whole  were  blown  up.  Another  party 
went  to  the  stable-yard,  and  there  never 
was  more  desperate  fighting  seen.  This 
place  was  filled  with  sowars,  who  fought  to 
the  death.  Many  men  of  the  86th  were 
cut  down  in  attempting  to  go  into  the 
stable  after  them,  and  seeing  their  com- 
panions fall  drove  the  others  desperate. 
The  general  coming  up,  ordered  the  place 
to  be  set  on  fire,  when  the  rebels  charged 
out,  but  were  shot  down  at  once ; one  or 
two,  however,  preferred  dying  in  the  flames. 
About  thirty  horses  were  taken  out  of  the 
adjoining  stables  and  stowed  away.  A 
chain  of  pickets  was  now  thrown  across  the 
town  from  the  palace  to  the  wall  on  the 
north  side,  thus  securing  to  us  one-half  of 
it ; but  in  this  half  there  were  many  fight- 
ing-men concealed ; and  fighting  continued 
throughout  the  whole  night.  While  all 
this  was  going  on  in  the  town,  they  were 
not  idle  in  the  camp.  The  whole  of  the 
cavalry  were  in  their  saddles,  and  the  artil- 
lery also  were  ready  to  move  at  a moment’s 
notice ; and  the  left  attack  kept  up  a heavy 

shelling  on  the  fort.  Some  500  or  600  of 
the  rebels  got  over  the  walls,  and  made  for 
a rocky  eminence  about  two  miles  distant, 
our  cavalry  pickets  keeping  them  in  on 
every  side.  While  the  Bombay  artillery 
were  being  sent  for,  up  comes  Woolcorabe 
with  his  battery,  aud  the  execution  he  did 
was  frightful.  Here  were  some  500  men 
on  a small  hillock,  and  six  guns  blazing 
shrapnel  into  them.  They  fell  not  by  twos 
and  threes,  but  by  dozens,  and  at  last  im- 
plored for  mercy;  but  Woolcombe  was  as 
deaf  to  them  as  they  were  to  the  cries  of 
the  Europeans  at  the  ‘ Jakenbagh’  less  than 
a year  ago;  and  when  darkness  compelled 
him  to  desist,  nearly  500  human  beings  lay 
dead,  aud  the  few  that  did  leave  were  cut 
up  by  the  pickets.  When  the  4th  dawned 
on  the  city,  one-half  of  it  was  in  ashes; 
but  still  the  report  of  musketry  was  heard 
from  different  quarters.  From  the  position 
held  by  the  3rd  regiment  (the  extreme 
right  of  the  line  of  pickets),  could  be  seen 
the  sentries  of  the  enemy  on  the  town  wall, 
about  a mile  distant ; but  they  did  not  stay 
long.  The  general,  with  the  24th  native 
infantry,  two  guns,  and  some  of  the  3rd 
regiment,  moved  on  them  along  the  walls 
outside;  and  Brigadier  Stuart,  with  a small 
party  of  the  86th,  crossed  that  part  of  the 
town  of  which  we  had  not  taken  possession; 
but  the  rebels  did  not  stand — numbers  of 
them  were  cut  up  by  the  3rd  regiment  and 
the  24th  native  infantry,  the  remainder 
ran,  and  were  cut  up  by  the  pickets.  In 
this  manner  fell  the  town  of  Jhansie. 
That  night  there  was  a good  deal  of  firing 
at  the  cavalry  pickets  outside ; but  alto- 
gether the  place  was  quieter  than  on  the 
night  before.  At  dawn  on  the  morning  of 
the  5th,  it  was  reported  that  the  fort  was 
evacuated.  Brigadier  Stuart,  his  staff,  and 
Colonel  Lowth,  with  some  thirty  men  of 
the  86th  regiment,  the  adjutant  of  that 
corps  carrying  the  union-jack,  left  the 
palace  and  marched  through  the  gates  of 
the  fort.  They  then  planted  the  colours  in 
the  queen’s  name,  with  three  times  three, 
on  the  square  tower.  So  much  for  the  last 
stronghold  of  the  mutineers.  The  ranee 
made  her  escape  at  nine  o’clock  the  night 
before  on  horseback,  with  a very  small 
escort.  It  happened  to  be  the  first  really 
dark  night  since  our  arrival;  but  still  it  is 
a marvel  how  she  got  past  the  pickets.  She 
has  gone  to  Calpee,  and  there  we  hope  to 
come  in  contact  with  her.  From  the  time 
this  little  army  arrived  at  Jhansie,  the  25th 

293 

JIIAXSIU — COHRESPOXDEXCE.]  IIISTOIIY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  1858. 


of  March,  not  less  than  5,000  men  have 
fallen ; but  we  also  have  suffered  a great 
deal.  There  are  five  officers  killed  and 
twenty-five  wounded ; 200  European  sol- 
diers killed  and  wounded ; and  a hundred 
natives.  The  86th  and  14th  dragoons  have 
been  the  principal  sufferers ; the  former 
corps  alone  having  had  one  officer  killed 
and  five  wounded.  Search  has  been  made 
for  the  bodies  of  the  Europeans  who  were 
murdered,  and  they  have  been  found  ex- 
actly in  the  place  pointed  out.  A mutineer 
who  was  present  gives  a description  of  how 
they  met  their  death.  It  is  much  the  same 
as  we  at  first  heard,  except  that  Captain 
Skene  did  not  shoot  his  wife  and  himself. 
The  quantity  of  loot  in  the  fort  and  town  is 
immense ; already  upwards  of  fifty  lacs 
have  been  found.” 

The  following  extract  vividly  describes 
the  assault  and  capture  of  the  town: — “At 
two  oYlock  A.M.,  on  the  3rd,  one  was  awoke 
with  the  words  ‘ assault  immediately.'  We 
were  to  storm  in  three  places.  At  the  right 
attack  by  the  3rd  Europeans  with  scaling- 
ladders  ; at  the  left  attack  a party  was  to 
storm  the  breach,  and  350  men  of  the  88th 
and  25th  native  infantry,  under  Major 
Stuart,  of  the  former,  to  escalade  at  another 
part  of  the  town.  The  light  company  of 
the  88th  went  first,  then  a hundred  of  the 
25th  native  infantry,  under  Lieutenant 
Fenwick,  and  then  two  reserves  of  seventy- 
five  men  from  each  regiment.  This  party 
got  quietly  within  350  yards  of  the  wall, 
which  is  about  twenty -three  feet  high,  just 
before  daylight;  and  on  the  signal  being 
given,  away  they  went.  We  advanced 
steadily  until  about  150  3^ards  of  the  town, 
when  Major  Stuart  roared  out,  ‘Now,  lads, 
for  an  Irish  yell and  a yell  was  given  that 
might  frighten  Beelzebub  himself.  A ter- 
rible fire  was  instantly  opened  upon  us,  and 
when  ,we  got  close  to  the  wall,  stinkpots, 
rockets,  and  red-hot  balls  came  down  upon 
us  in  showers,  and  a good  many  casualties 
took  place.  We,  however,  managed  to  place 
the  ladders,  and  up  them  rushed  Dartnell, 
86th;  Fowler,  86th;  Sewell,  86th;  Webber, 
B.E. ; and  Stuart,  86th ; followed  by  the 
1 men.  Dartnell  was  the  first  man  up,  and 
received  four  severe  sword-cuts.  Fowler 
shot  one  or  two  of  his  opponents,  and  saved 
i his  life ; but  he  will  lose  the  use  of  his  left 
hand.  After  some  hard  fighting,  we  gained 
I the  wall;  the  party  attacking  at  the  breach 
; having  got  in  there  without  much  resistance, 
i came  to  help  us.  We  then  all  went  on 
1 294 


together  clearing  the  town,  when  we  sud- 
denly got  under  fire  from  the  fort,  from 
which  we  quickly  retired,  but  not  before 
losing  three  men  killed,  and  Darby,  Sewell, 
and  Holroyd,  all  of  the  86th,  with  many  of 
their  men  severely  wounded.  Sewell  was 
badly  hit;  but  young  Jerome,  and  a man 
names  Burues,  of  the  88th,  carried  him  off 
at  the  risk  of  their  lives.  We  then  managed 
to  take  up  a position  in  a street,  and  here 
poor  dear  Stack  was  killed,  tending  a 
wounded  man.  Meantime  old  Lowth,  as 
brave  a man  as  ever  lived,  had  attacked  and 
gained  the  palace.  Here  Turnbull,  of  the 
artillery,  was  killed,  and  a number  of  our 
meu  blown  up  by  a magazine.  I went  with 
a hundred  men  to  clear  out  a part  of  the 
town.  This  house-fighting  was  no  joke; 
but  we  killed  more  than  200  of  the  enemy. 
All  are  full  of  the  praise  of  the  86th,  and 
richly  they  deserve  it;  for  no  men  could 
have  behaved  better.  They  have  lost  one 
officer,  and  twelve  men  killed,  and  six  offi- 
cers and  eighty  men  wounded,  all  but  seven 
most  severely.  To  our  great  delight,  on 
the  morning  of  the  5th,  we  found  the  enemy 
had  left  the  fort;  for  had  they  not  done  so, 
we  would  not  have  got  in  for  ten  years, 
Dartnell  deserves  the  Victoria  Cross,  and  we 
all  hope  he  will  get  it.” 

Another  sharer  in  the  struggle  says — 
“On  the  3rd  of  April,  about  two  in  the 
morning,  we  were  all  roused  from  our  beds 
without  a bugle  sounding,  and  were  told 
that  Jhausie  was  going  to  be  taken,  which  is 
very  large,  and  lies  to  the  left  of  the  fort. 
The  cavalry  and  artillery  in  both  camps 
were  to  surround  the  camp  side  of  the  fort, 
and  it  was,  of  course,  necessarily  all  infantry 
work.  There  were  to  be  four  separate 
attacks,  and  the  cavalry  on  the  opposite 
side  were  to  make  a false  attack,  to  with- 
draw the  enemy.  At  daybreak  in  went  the 
infantry  on  all  sides,  and  the  most  furious 
fire  of  musketry  commenced  : we  could  see 
nothing,  of  course,  with  the  exception  of 
fires  breaking  out  here  and  there,  then  an 
explosion,  then  you  heard  a distant  yell  and 
hurrah,  and  I declare  the  excitement  was  so 
great,  we  could  not  remain  in  our  saddles. 
Soon,  however,  our  excitement  was  changed, 
for  the  dhoolies  came  pouring  in,  and  we 
soon  saw  that  much  had  happened  which 
was  not  expected — first,  the  ladders  had 
almost  all  broken  on  being  mounted;  four 
out  of  five  with  the  3rd  Europeans,  and  one 
with  the  86th,  connected  Avith  which  there 
is  a fine  story.  The  young  officer,  only 


A.D.  1858.]  MUTI^s Y.  [correspondence. 


nineteen,  who  was  leading,  feeling  tlie 
ladder  break,  gave  a spring  into  the  centre 
of  the  enemy,  and  there  stood  his  ground 
most  splendidly ; but  not,  however,  without 
getting  tremendously  cut  and  shot  in  the 
body,  for  it  was  almost  a minute  before  the 
brave  86th  could  get  to  his  rescue : but  to 
hear  the  fellows  speak  of  him,  hardly  one 
could  mention  him  without  turning  away. 
His  life  was  saved  by  his  wearing  a leather 
helmet,  which  was  cut  all  over.  The  other 
ladders  were  not  so  fortunate,  for  the  sap- 
pers who  led  got  in  before  they  broke,  and 
it  was  long  before  the  3rd  Europeans  could 
get  them  up,  as  the  brutes  were  throwing 
stones  and  firing  heavily  upon  them.  In 
the  meantime,  three  engineer  officers  were 
killed — no,  two  killed,  and  one  almost  dying 
now.  So  fearfully  hacked,  not  a vestige 
hardly  left  of  them — both  young  fellows, 
Dick  and  Micklejohn.  Well,  when  our 
fellows  did  at  last  gain  an  entrance,  they 
were  met  on  all  sides  by  overwhelming 
numbers — but  what  cannot  British  pluck 
do?  Nothing,  from  all  accounts,  could 
exceed  the  gallantry  shown  by  every  officer 
and  man,  and  with  fearful  odds — only  one 
officer  escaped  being  wounded  out  of  all  the 
86th.  Well,  our  object  was  the  palace ; and 
at  last,  after  tremendous  fighting,  they 
reached  it,  and  found  3,000  men  defending 
it.  A tremendous  rush  was  made,  and  it 
was  carried ; but  in  the  middle  the  villains 
blew  up  the  magazine,  killing  themselves 
and  many  of  the  86th.  I can  give  you  but 
a very  poor  idea  of  the  affair,  but  you  can 
guess  what  it  was  when  there  was  hand-to- 
hand  fighting  for  four  hours,  and  then 
killing  the  rest  of  the  day;  they  say  there 
could  not  have  been  less  than  2,000  to  3,000 
killed ; they  are  lying  in  heaps  of  from  50 
to  60.  We  have  suffered  severely;  but  the 
loot  is  immense.  Six  elephants,  a great  num- 
ber of  horses,  the  whole  of  the  ranee’s  jewels 
(300  pieces),  aud  loads  of  every  description 
i of  merchandise,  they  say,  already  amount- 
ing to  some  twenty  lacs,  and  the  fort  is  not 
yet  taken.  Well,  in  the  meantime  the 
fellows  began  to  escape,  and  we  heard  the 
outposts  were  cutting  up  a great  number, 
and  of  course  were  anxious  to  be  off  our- 
selves. At  last  a report  came  that  some 
hundreds  were  escaping  not  far  from  us. 
We  immediately  went  off  at  a canter,  with 
j three  guns  and  some  infantry,  and  found  the 
1 irregulars  had  killed  about  fifty,  and  driven 
[ the  rest  up  into  a hill  which  they  had  sur- 
I rounded.  You  never  saw  fellows  in  such  a 


trap  in  your  life ; and  there  was  no  possi- 
bility  of  escape : there  they  were,  ■waving 
flags  and  so  on.  We  wanted  them  to  come 
down,  and  some  did,  but  the  others  hoped 
it  would  be  dark  before  we  could  finish  them 
off,  and  that  then  some  of  them  might 
escape.  We  shelled  them,  sent  round  shot, 
canister,  and  ever}’-  conceivable  thing  into 
the  midst  of  them,  killing  numbers;  the 
infantry  then  went  up  (only  native),  and 
we  could  not  get  them  up  without  much 
persuasion ; but  at  last  they  reached  the  top 
aud  swept  steadily  along;  as  fast  as  they 
sent  them  to  our  end,  we  killed  them.  At 
the  end  there  was  a sort  of  cave  place,  which 
the  infantry  could  not  at  first  get  at ; and 
there  only  seven  were  afterwards  found,  all 
the  rest  having  been  killed.  We  did  not 
know  what  to  do,  as  the  infantry  did  not  like 
facing  it;  and  the  sun  was  just  setting,  when 
up  galloped  some  messengers,  calling  out 
that  the  2nd  brigade  camp  was  attacked,  and 
that  the  artillery  and  cavalry  were  to  move 
up  as  fast  as  possible.  Imagine  the  feeling 
after  having  been  in  our  saddles  since  three 
in  the  morning  ! Away  we  galloped  as  fast 
as  we  could  go ; and  on  reaching  the  camp 
found  that  4,000  men,  with  two  guns,  had 
really  approached  it,  but  that  they  were 
the  force  of  the  Jeri  rajah,  who  was  favour- 
able to  us,  and  was  coming  to  our  aid. 
We  were  not  sorry  to  find  such  was  the 
case ; and  so  leaving  the  fellows  in  the  cave 
to  the  24th  native  infantry,  we  returned  to 
our  own  camp,  where  I can  tell  you  I slept 
last  night  as  soundly  as  any  man  could 
sleep  in  any  place  whatever.  We  shall 
have  very  hard  fighting  yet,  but  a man 
must  be  blind  indeed  not  to  see  that 
there  is  an  overruling  Providence  over  us. 
You  see  men  having  such  wonderful  es- 
capes, and  indeed  the  whole  force  brought 
out  of  difficulties  almost  insuperable.  May 
we  be  truly  thankful  for  these  mercies,  aud 
may  these  fearful  scenes  work  in  us  that  for 
which  they  are  intended.  I speak  from 
sad  experience,  that  they  tend  much  to 
harden  the  heart.  I cannot  describe  to  you 
the  scenes  of  bloodshed  around  me.  I have 
seen  death  in  every  form.  Yesterday,  the 
poor  fellows  who  were  blown  up  were  a 
most  frightful  sight,  hardly  a bit  of  skin 
left ; and  suffering  such  agonies  ! A sol- 
dier’s life  on  service,  though  exciting,  is  a 
painful  one;  but  we  have  here  the  satisfaction 
of  knowing  that  what  is  now  inflicted  by  us  is 
no  more  than  well  deserved  punishment.” 
In  addition  to  the  above  the  following 

295 


JHANSIE — THE  MASSACRE.] 


HISTOEY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  1858. 


account  of  the  conduct  of  the  European 
soldiers,  -when  once  within  the  place,  de- 
serves preservation  in  a history  of  the  sepoy 
war.  It  is  given  upon  the  authority  of  a 
correspondent  of  the  Bombay  Standard. 

“ When  the  town  Avas  captured,  and  the 
actual  fight  was  over,  a great  many  of  the 
inhabitants  were  found  to  be  in  a state  of 
complete  destitution.  Both  those  reputed 
wealthy,  and  the  very  poor  Avere  all  suffer- 
ing alike,  and  it  was  strange  to  see  our 
men  serving  out  food  for  mothers  and  their 
children  by  the  light  of  their  blazing  houses, 
and  frequently  beside  the  bodies  of  their 
slaughtered  husbands  or  parents.  Yet  such 
assuredly  was  the  case.” 

We  shall  close  these  interesting  extracts, 
with  the  following  passages  from  a report  of 
Captain  Pinkney,  superintendent  of  the 
Jhansie  district,  relative  to  the  barbarities 
practised  near  the  town  in  June,  1857 : — 

I am  now  at  Jhansie,  and  I have  made 
searching  inqniries  to  ascertain  what  really 
took  place  at  the  massacre  in  question,  and 
I find  that  the  circumstances  attending  it 
were  as  follows : — On  the  officers  and  others 
who  were  in  the  fort  with  their  families, 
being  unable  to  hold  out  longer  on  account 
of  want  of  food,  they  surrendered  to  the 
mutineers  and  rebels,  the  latter  swearing 
that  they  would  spare  the  lives  of  all  women 
and  children.  No  sooner,  however,  were 
the  fort  gates  opened,  than  the  mutineers 
entered,  and  proceeded  to  bind  the  men, 
whom,  with  the  women  and  children,  they 
immediately  took  to  a place  outside  the 
town  Avail,  called  the  Jokunbagh.  There 
they  separated  the  men  from  the  others — 
the  women  and  children  being  yet  unbound. 
The  mutineer  cavalry  and  infantry  with 
the  police  and  some  armed  servants  of  the 
ranee  then  surrounded  their  male  prisoners, 
and  a scoundrel,  named  Backshish  Ali,  the 
gaol  darogah,  commenced  the  work  of 
slaughter  by  cutting  down  Captain  Skene, 
as  he  stood  bound  and  defenceless  before 
him.  This  was  the  signal  for  the  rest,  and 
the  whole  of  the  gentlemen  were  immedi- 
I ately  slaughtered.  The  Avomen  and  chil- 
1 dren  were  next  turned  upon,  and  the  swords 
and  spears  of  the  coAvardly  rufl&ans  quickly 
put  an  end  to  their  existence.  When  the 
atrocity  had  been  thus  far  perpetrated,  the 
dying  and  the  dead  Avere  indiscriminately 
stripped,  and  the  bodies  were  then  left  in 
the  Jokunbagh,  until  the  third  day  after 
the  massacre,  Avhen  they  were  thrown  into 
two  pits  near  a nullah  which  ran  by  the 
296 


place.  The  females  were  not  taken  before 
the  ranee,  nor  were  their  faces  blackened, 
nor  were  the\’’  dishonoured  as  it  has  been 
erroneouslj'’  reported.”  This  statement  is 
valuable,  as  corroborating  in  all  mate- 
rial points  the  original  statement  in  these 
pages.*  The  total  number  of  Europeans 
murdered  upon  this  occasion  was  sixty- 
seven,  of  whom  one  half  were  women  and 
children.  Shortly  after  the  reoccupation 
of  Jhansie  by  the  British  troops.  Sir  Robert 
Hamilton  caused  the  ground  around  the 
place  of  interment  to  be  cleared,  and  a wall 
was  built  to  inclose  it,  after  Avhich,  himself 
and  the  whole  staff  of  officials  at  the  station 
on  an  appointed  day  attended  an  impressive 
funeral  service  over  the  remains  of  the 
victims  of  treachery  and  coAvardice. 

Continuing  the  record  of  the  movements, 
and  operations  of  the  rebels,  it  was  found 
that  on  the  9th  of  April,  the  fugitive  r.anee 
of  Jhansie  had  arrived  at  Calpee  Avith  about 
2,000  men ; and  at  the  same  time,  it  Avas 
reported  that  the  fort  at  that  place  was  oc- 
cupied by  an  entire  regiment  of  the  Gwa- 
lior coutingent,  and  that  between  the  fort 
and  town,  half  another  regiment  of  the 
contingent,  and  a new  levy  of  the  same 
strength,  with  six  guns,  Avere  in  a strong 
position.  Further  down  the  banks  of  the 
Jumna,  the  bridge  over  which  had  been  de- 
stroyed, there  were  in  position  350  men,  of 
a regiment  called  Godfrey’s  regiment,  the 
remainder  of  which  was  stationed  at  a point 
called  Indur  Chowi-assie.  Outside  the  city 
were  500  Willayatees,  and  1,000  ncAvly- 
raised  horse,  and  inside  were  350  hlewatties, 
and  two  parties  of  the  same,  numbering 
150  each,  under  the  command  of  the  rajah 
of  Kurrukpore  and  another.  Twelve  ele- 
phants were  with  the  force  which  was 
under  the  supreme  command  of  Rao  Sahib, 
nephcAV  of  the  Nana,  during  the  absence  of 
Tantia  Topee.  The  chief  authority  in  the 
city  was  held  by  a pundit,  named  Dada 
Sahib.  The  force  of  the  ranee  of  Jhansie 
was  stationed  Avith  its  two  guns  at  Mur- 
gaon,  a short  distance  from  Calpee,  on  the 
Jhansie  road,  Avhere  it  threw  up  entrench- 
ments, and  aAvaited  the  expected  approach 
of  Sir  Hugh  Rose,  Avhose  movements  are 
explained  in  the  following  telegrams  from 
that  officer : — 

“ Poonah,  6th  ISIay. 

“As  soon  as  Jhansie,  and  my  sick  and  wounded, 
whom  I leave  there,  and  the  road  from  Jhansie  to 
Goonah  Avere  secured  from  the  advance  of  the 

• See  vol.  i.,  pp.  272,  273. 


A.D.  1858.]  INDIAN  MUTINY.  [konch  and  oraia. 


Kotah  rebels,  and  the  late  garrison  of  Chundeeree 
which  made  incursions  on  the  road  after  the  capture 
of  Jhansie,  I marched  with  the  first  brigade  from 
Jhansie  to  Poonch  on  Calpee.  I had  previously,  on 
the  21st  ultimo,  sent  Major  Gall  with  two  squadrons 
of  the  14th  dragoons,  and  three  nine-pounders,  on 
the  road  to  Calpee  to  watch  the  movements  of  the 
enemy,  and  to  support  Major  Orr,  whom  I had  sent 
from  Jhansie  across  the  Jletwa  to  Mhow,  to  clear 
that  part  of  the  country  of  rebels,  and  with  orders 
to  rejoin  me  on  the  road  to  Calpee.  Major  Orr 
found  no  rebels.  My  second  brigade,  with  the 
exception  of  the  portion  left  for  the  protection  of 
Jhansie,  having  joined  me  to-day,  I march  to-morrow 
against  Konch,  where  Tantia  Topee  and  the  ranee 
of  Jhansie,  have  concentrated  a considerable  force 
of  sepoys,  for  the  purpose  of  opposing  my  advance 
to  Calpee.  Sir  Robert  Hamilton,  at  my  request, 
has  written  to  General  Whitlock  to  move  on.” 

The  advauce  upon  Konch  took  place  as 
intended,  on  the  following  day.  The  rebels 
had  thrown  up  strong  entrenchments  for 
protecting  the  town  from  the  Aile  and 
Jhansie  roads  by  which  Sir  Hugh  was 
marching  on  it.  These,  however,  were 
carried  by  a flank  movement,  and  the  attack 
upon  the  town,  and  its  results  are  described 
in  the  following  telegram,  dated  ; — 

“ Konch,  May  8th. 

“After  having  driven  the  enemy’s  infantry  and 
cavalry  out  of  the  woods  into  the  town,  with  artillery 
fire,  I stormed  the  town  with  my  first  brigade  in 
skirmishing  order,  covered  on  each  flank  by  cavalry 
and  artillery;  my  second  brigade,  and  Major  Orr 
supporting.  The  Calpee  sepoys,  seeing  they  were 
on  the  point  of  being  cut  off  from  Calpee,  returned 
in  a mass  in  that  direction,  and  the  town  was  in  our 
hands  in  less  than  an  hour. 

“I  pursued  the  enemy  with  horse  artillery  and 
cavalry  for  more  than  eight  miles,  the  former  firing 
into  them,  the  latter  charging  them.  The  artillery 
and  cavalry  were  so  completely  exhausted  by  the 
long  day’s  march,  the  intense  heat  and  the  day’s 
operations,  that  they  could  go  no  further.  We  took 
eight  guns  and  quantities  of  ammunition  and  tents. 
I had  few  killed  or  w'ounded,  but  some  Europeans 
were  among  the  former,  and  others  as  well  as  officers 
were  struck  down  by  the  sun,  which  was  115 
degrees  in  the  shade.  I march  on  Calpee  to-mor- 
row.” 

A subsequent  telegram,  dated  Oraia,  May 
tbe  10th,  states: — 

“ Four  more  guns  abandoned  by  the  enemy  have 
been  taken.  The  inhabitants  of  this  place  report 
that  the  sepoys,  after  their  defeat  at  Konch,  passed 
through  there  with  numerous  wounded  in  a state  of 
despair,  declaring  that  an  entire  battalion,  the  32nd 
Bengal  native  infantry,  had  been  destroyed,  and  now 
they  had  no  refuge  but  the  Jumna.  The  enemy’s 
at  Konch,  according  to  to-day’s  account,  was  700 
killed  besides  their  wounded.  We  would  have 
destroyed  nearly  the  whole  of  them,  only  that  the 
intense  heat,  and  the  great  fatigue,  paralysed  the 
strength  of  both  men  and  horses.” 

An  officer  in  tbe  brigade  describes  tbe 
affair  at  this  place,  as  follows : — 

VOL.  II.  2 Q 


“ Koucb,  May  7tb. 

“On  tbe  evening  of  the  5tb,  at  camp 
Pooncb,  ou  tbe  Calpee-road,  tbe  2nd  brigade, 
with  the  addition  of  400  men  of  tbe  71st 
regiment,  joined  us.  In  tbe  evening  orders 
were  issued  for  tbe  1st  brigade  (accompa- 
nied by  tbe  division  bead-quarters)  to  marcb 
for  tbe  village  of  Lahorrie,  tbe  road  to 
wbicli  strikes  off  to  tbe  left,  and  at  nearly 
right  angles  with  the  Calpee-road.  At  La- 
horrie we  passed  tbe  6tb ; and  ou  that 
evening  orders  were  issued  to  marcb  on 
Konch,  about  nine  miles ; and  it  was  only 
then  we  guessed  why  we  bad  left  tbe  direct 
road  to  Calpee ; it  was  a flank  movement, 
caused  by  information  having  been  received 
that  there  were  at  Konch  2,000  infantry 
and  cavalry  (mutineers)  with  the  ranee, 
Tantia  Topee,  and  several  others  of  note, 
eleven  guns,  and  some  of  heavy  calibre. 
As  it  turned  out,  the  plans  seem  to  have 
been  that  tbe  1st  brigade  turned  the  flank 
of  the  enemy’s  position  to  the  left;  the  2nd 
marched  on  the  direct  road  to  it,  and  Major 
Orr,  who  was  already  on  his  right  flank, 
closed  in,  and  the  position  was  attacked  at 
the  three  points  at  once.  This  morning  our 
advance  guard  was  stronger  than  usual,  and 
was  composed  of  one  troop  of  the  14th 
dragoons,  a hundred  Hyderabad  cavalry, 
two  companies  of  the  86th,  and  one  com- 
pany of  the  25th  regiment,  besides  a com- 
pany of  sappers,  and  two  guns  horse  artil- 
lery. At  dawn  on  the  7th  we  arrived  at  a 
tope  about  a mile  and  a-half  from  Konch ; 
and  halting  there,  had  grog,  biscuit,  and 
two  hours’  rest.  The  country  about  was 
beautiful ; a dead  level,  and  every  yard 
turned  up  for  cultivation.  The  town  of 
Konch  stretching  for  about  a mile,  and 
nearly  hidden  by  trees,  lay  on  our  right, 
and  from  the  centre  rose  the  ruins  of  a fort 
with  a flag  flying  from  a height.  At  a 
ruined  village  close  to  where  we  rested  were 
seen,  in  front  of  the  trees,  bodies  of  the 
enemy’s  cavalry,  with  their  sabres  glistening 
in  the  morning  sun,  and  our  advanced 
guard,  as  it  were,  covered  the  whole  of  tbe 
front  between  us  and  the  town,  both  parties 
intently  looking  out  for  a movement  from 
the  other.  The  morning  was  pleasantly 
cool,  and  every  one  in  excellent  spirits. 
About  eight  o’clock  a stir  w'as  seen  in  our 
advance  guard,  and  sundry  horsemen  gallop- 
ing to  and  fro.  Presently  the  order  came 
for  the  main  body  to  move  to  the  front. 
Two  troops  of  the  14th  led;  the  86th,  battery 
of  royal  artillery,  Woolcombe’s  battery,  and 

297 


KOXCH — AN  ATTACK.]  HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.p.  1858. 


I 


I 


I 


^ 25th  regiment  with  siege  train  followed, 

; under  the  immediate  command  of  Brigadier 
I Stuart.  We  did  not  move  directly  on  the 
town,  but  parallel  to  it,  and  the  advance 
guard  stretched  out  iu  the  same  wa}’’,  the 
guns  leading,  and  with  them  the  general  in 
I front.  As  u’e  then  moved,  there  was  a vil- 
lage with  a tope  of  trees  to  its  left.  In  the 
former  was  a body  of  the  enemy’s  cavalry, 
and  in  the  latter  some  infantry;  and  had 
we  formed  line  facing  the  town,  they  would 
have  been  on  our  left  flank.  Instead  of  that, 
the  line  was  formed  facing  them,  our  right 
flank  covered  by  the  advanced  guard.  We 
thus  formed  two  lines  at  right  angles 
with  each  other.  We  advanced  towards 
the  village,  but  did  not  get  a chance  of 
' a shot,  as  both  parties  scampered  ofl’  as 
I we  advanced.  Our  infantry  now  wheeled 
by  sections  to  the  right,  and  advanced  on 
the  town.  We  had  advanced  so  far  iu  line 
that  we  put  a small  village  between  us 
and  the  town,  and  up  to  the  right  of  the 
village  the  battery  of  royal  artillery  moved 
and  opened  with  shrapnel  on  the  enemy’s 
advanced  cavalry.  The  first  shot  knocked 
over  a horse,  and  instantly  they  opened  out 
and  bolted  at  a gallop.  The  infantry 
formed  in  quarter  distance,  and  took  shade 
under  some  trees  at  the  village.  The  whole 
of  the  artillery  then  moved  to  the  front, 
and  opened  a brisk  fire  at  300  yards.  Im- 
mediately afterwards,  on  Major  Orr  open- 
ing upon  the  right,  he  was  answered 
smartly;  but  the  delay  in  answering  us, 
and  the  bad  practice  when  they  did  answer, 
clearly  showed  that  we  had  turned  their 
guns.  This  went  on  for  upwards  of  an 
hour;  in  the  meantime.  Major  Gall  (14th 
dragoons)  galloped  towards  the  town,  and 
so  close,  that  we  at  the  guns  thought  he 
was  at  the  trees.  All  eyes  were  intently 
watching  him.  Presently,  out  comes  a 
cavalry  man  at  a gallop,  making  a great 
splutter,  as  these  native  fellows  do;  but  he 
pulled  up  sharp  when  he  found  the  major 
did  not  run  from  him.  Out  came  several 
others,  but  they  were  allowed  to  come  close 
up  before  Gall  wheeled  round  and  came 
galloping  back  for  a troop  which  was  with 
him.  At  once  he  had  taken  a complete 
survey  of  the  position  of  the  enemy’s 
cavalry,  and  well  they  knew  it;  for  no 
sooner  did  they  see  him  coming  with  his 
troop,  than  they  took  to  their  heels  and 
have  never  been  seen  since — so  much  for 
native  cavalry.  These  liad  all  been  regu- 
lars, and  many  of  them  had  their  uniform 


on,  and  nearly  all  had  the  regulation  sabre. 
The  fire  of  the  enemy  having  now  been 
drawn,  and  the  position  of  their  guns 
known,  four  companies  of  the  86th  were 
ordered  to  advance  on  the  town,  of  which 
they  took  possession  without  much  opposi- 
tion ; the  two  guns  that  had  been  firing  on 
us  were  withdrawn  before  there  Avas  a 
chance  of  charging  them : the  fire  con- 
tinued heavy  on  the  right,  the  mutineers 
firing  shot  for  shot.  The  general,  with 
horse  artillery  battery,  R.A.,  14th  dragoons, 
and  part  of  the  86th,  went  aeross  the  town, 
and,  on  emerging  from  the  other  side, 
found  how  matters  stood — the  men  who 
opposed  us  at  the  town  were  merely  the 
rear-guard  of  the  army,  Avhich  had  left  in 
the  direction  of  Calpee  the  moment  we 
opened  fire,  and  were  by  this  time  two 
miles  off ; the  rear-guard  moved  off  uoav, 
and  a hot  chase  ensued.  The  whole  of  the 
infantry  halted  in  a tope,  and  the  cavalry, 
horse  artillery,  and  battery,  R. A.,  pursued; 
but  this  time  they  had  an  enemy  of  Avell- 
trained  soldiers  to  fight  against,  and  men 
who  cared  little  for  their  lives.  They  fired 
and  retired  in  perfect  order ; and  at  the 
first  charge  of  the  14th,  coolly  knelt  down 
and  delivered  their  fire  at  ten  yards.  Of 
course  the  whole  of  that  line  was  cut  up. 
It  was  a succession  of  shrapnel  from  the 
artillery,  and  charges  by  the  14th,  for  eight 
miles,  and  that  was  only  given  up  as  night 
came  on.  The  horses  were  quite  done  up, 
the  Avhole  of  the  ground  they  passed  over 
being  ploughed ; the  plain  was  strewn 
AA’ith  the  dead  of  the  enemy,  and  all  in  uni- 
form, the  numbers  of  different  corps  show- 
ing how  widely  the  mutineers  have  been 
scattered  since  they  first  broke  out.  Up- 
Avards  of  400  bodies  were  counted  on  the 
plain.  After  dark,  the  pursuers  came  to 
the  new  camp,  jaded  and  Aveary;  and  before 
that  time  the  folloAving  day,  some  twelve 
horses  had  died  of  fatigue.  The  Hydera- 
bad contingent  had  thirty  casualties,  killed 
and  wounded  of  all  arms ; the  14th  dra- 
goons tAventy-three  killed  and  wounded ; 
the  86th  one  Avounded  and  three  died  of 
sun-stroke;  the  71st  seven  of  sun-stroke; 
besides  these,  numbers  went  to  hospital 
from  the  heat,  which  was  dreadful,  the 
men  had  also  been  on  foot  since  two 
in  the  morning,  and  had  marched  nine 
miles.  I should  have  mentioned,  that 
during  the  pursuit,  a woman  Avas  killed, 
her  horse  had  been  killed  by  the  artil- 
lery, and  it  is  supposed  she  was  shot  by 


A.D.  185S.] 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


[thk  kepui.se. 


! some  of  her  own  people,  perhaps  to  pre- 
vent lier  falling  into  our  hands;  at  all 
events,  her  own  people  looted  her,  as  she 
Avas  naked  when  we  came  up  to  her.  She 
was  stout,  fair-skinned,  and  apparently  very 
handsome;  tlie  only  wound  she  had  was  on 
the  head.  Slie  is  supposed  to  have  been 
one  of  the  attendants  of  the  ‘ranee.”’ 

The  following  extracts  also  furnish  details 
of  the  affair  at  Konch,  Avhich  will  be  read 
with  interest : — 

“ Camp  Konch,  en  route  to  Calpee,  8th  May. 

“ Here  Ave  are  up  to  our  necks,  or  knees 
rather,  in  blood  and  Avarfare.  Yesterday’s 
battle  Avas  a more  brilliant  one  for  our  arms 
than  that  of  the  1st  ultimo.  This  is  a 
lovely  spot,  and  so  thickly  clustered  are  the 
trees,  that  the  enemy  had  a decided  advan- 
tage over  ns.  We  reached  the  gronnd  at 
eight  in  the  morning,  and  the  general  not 
kuoAving  exactly  the  position  the  enemy 
held,  threw  his  cavalry  and  artillery  out  in 
skirmishing  order.  However,  Ave  met  some 
villagers  Avho  informed  us  of  the  locality ; 
this  having  been  ascertained,  he  ordered 
grog  and  biscuit  to  be  issued,  and  alloAved 
the  troops  to  rest  under  the  shade  of  the 
trees,  Avhile  he  Avent  off  himself  as  usual 
with  some  cavalry  to  reconnoitre,  and  then 
formed  his  plan  of  attack;  the  movement 
Avas  a magnificent  one,  and  looked  so  in 
the  distance.  The  infantry,  of  course,  kept 
up  a continual  file  firing,  to  hunt  out  the 
brutes  concealed  behind  the  trees,  &c.  The 
enemy  consisted  of  six  regiments  of  the 
line,  many  of  the  men  still  Avearing  their 
old  uniforms,  and  the  cavalry  and  artillery 
Avere  also  numerous.  The  felloAvs  met  us 
outside  the  toAvn  and  fort,  and  resisted 
desperately, but  after  six  hours’  hard  fighting, 
they  had  to  retire  into  the  toAvn,  and  then 
made  up  their  minds  to  bolt.  The  86th 
and  71st  then  stormed  the  place,  and  shot 
or  bayoneted  all  the  males  they  found  in 
it.  The  Calpee  road  is  described  as  being 
covered  with  the  bodies  of  such  as  attempted 
to  escape.  The  baneful  heat  of  the  sun 
killed  more  of  our  men  than  the  bullet  or 
steel  of  the  enemy.  Eight  cases  of  coup 
de  soleil  in  the  86th,  and  more  than  twice 
that  number  in  the  71st.  We  march  at 
one  to-morrow  morning  for  Calpee,  and 
expect  to  have  to  fight  every  inch  of  the 
ground ; an  attack  from  Maun  Sing  is 
I also  reported  as  probable.  There  is  a great 
paucity  of  medical  Avarrant  officers  Avith 
the  force,  and  the  consequence  is,  some  of 
I them  are  precious  hard  worked,  and  Avhat’s 


more,  some  of  their  superiors  in  the  de- 
partment may  frequently  be  seen  taking  it  1 
easy  in  the  dhoolies  themselves,  but  if  a 
poor  sub  should  happen  to  be  caught  doing 
likcAvisc,  he  is  pitched  into  ‘ like  old  goose- 
berry.’ I must  not  omit  to  mention  a 
little  affair  that  came  off  two  or  three  days 
ago.  Hearing  that  the  enemy  held  a fort 
at  lloharee  near  our  last  camping  ground, 
the  general  sent  out  a force  under  Major 
Gall  of  the  14th  dragoons,  to  dislodge  them. 
The  enemy  had  only  one  gun  for  the 
defence  of  the  place,  and  that  was  soon 
taken,  and  the  infantry  prepared  to  storm 
Avhile  the  cavalry  formed  a line  round  it,  to 
prevent  the  escape  of  the  garrison.  The 
major  Avished  to  lead  the  men  into  the  fort, 
but  Avas  pulled  back  by  some  of  the  3rd 
regiment,  having  first  received  some  ugly 
blows  on  the  head  Avith  stones.  Upon  en- 
tering every  male  Avas  put  to  death,  one 
fellow  Avho  attempted  to  effect  an  escape 
Avith  his  Avife,  finding  it  impossible  to  do  so, 
severed  the  Avornan’s  head  at  a blow,  and 
then  cut  his  own  throat.  This  is  desperate 
Avork,  and  something  more  than  fighting.” 
After  a necessary  but  short  delay  to  re- 
cruit the  exhausted  energies  of  the  troops. 
Sir  Hugh  Rose  put  his  division  again  in 
motion  for  Calpee,  and,  on  the  16th  of  the 
month,  arrived  before  that  place.  Here  he 
joined  Brigadier  Maxwell,  Avhose  column 
already  occupied  a position  on  the  left  bank 
of  the  Jumna,  from  whence  a heavy  fire 
was  opened  upon  the  toAvn  on  the  22nd  of 
May.  The  fire  Avas  to  be  kept  up  until  8 
A.M.  of  the  23rd,  after  Avhich  the  assault 
Avas  to  be  made ; but  in  the  course  of  the 
22nd,  the  rebels,  at  bay,  desperately  attacked 
the  front  and  right  Aving  of  Sir  Hugh’s 
camp,  and  the  latter  arm  being  hard  pressed, 
the  camel  corps  Avas  brought  up,  and  the 
enemy  being  charged  with  the  baj'onet  took 
to  flight.  The  English  line  then  moved  for- 
Avard,  and  the  rout  became  general.  Calpee 
being  the  last  retreat  of  the  rebels  in  that 
part  of  the  country,  they  had  sworn  to  de- 
stroy the  European  force,  but  after  firing  a 
feAV  shots  they  fled,  leaving  the  town  and 
fort  in  the  hands  of  Sir  Hugh  and  his  vic- 
torious troops.  The  cavalry  and  horse  artil- 
lery were  forthwith  dispatched  in  pursuit, 
and  coming  up  Avith  the  fugitives  destroyed 
a great  number  of  them,  and  took  all  their 
guns  and  ammunition.  In  the  town  and 
fort,  foundries  and  manufactories  of  cannon 
and  small  arms  were  found  undamaged,  with 
several  brass  guns,  and  in  the  fort  a subter-  , 

299  I 


CALPEE  AND  KOTAH.] 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.d.  1858. 


raneous  magazine  was  discovered,  containing 
4,000  barrels  of  gunpowder,  and  an  immense 
quantity  of  ordnance  stores. 

The  subjoined  telegram  from  General  Sir 
Hugh  Rose  reported  the  result  of  the  attack 
on  Cal  pee,  and  the  dispersion  of  the  rebel 
garrison : — 

“ Calpee,  June  1st,  1858. 

“ The  troops  sent  by  me  in  pursuit  of  the  Calpee 
sepoys  and  rebels  took  eight  guns;  of  which  two 
are  English  9-pounders  of  the  Gwalior  contingent, 
and  two  others,  horse-artillery  guns  of  the  rebels. 
Fifty  guns  were  kept  in  the  fort,  of  which  one  was 
an  18-pounder  of  the  Gwalior  contingent;  and  two 
are  mortars  made  by  the  rebels.  Twenty-four 
standards  were  taken  ; one  of  which  is  the  colour 
of  the  Kotah  contingent ; and  another  a Velaitee 
standard,  most  of  the  rest  are  the  colours  of  the 
different  regiments  of  the  Gwalior  contingent.  The 
subterranean  magazine  contains  ten  thousand  pounds 
of  English  powder  in  barrels  ; nine  thousand  pounds 
of  shot  and  empty  shells.  A quantity  of  eight-inch 
shot  filled  with  shrapnel ; a case  of  shot,  siege  and 
ball  ammunition  for  small  arms ; entrenching  tools 
of  all  kinds,  tents,  new  and  old,  boxes  of  muskets 
quite  new,  flint  and  percussion,  all  sorts  of  ordnance 
stores  in  great  quantities.  The  contents  of  this 
magazine  we  supposed  to  be  worth  two  or  three 
lacs.  There  are  three  or  four  foundries  for  cannon 
in  the  town  ; with  all  the  requisites  of  a wheel  and 
gun  manufactory.  A box  has  been  found  contain- 
ing most  important  correspondence  belonging  to 
the  ranee  of  Jhansie,  which  throws  great  light  on 
the  revolt  and  its  principal  authors.  Everything 
proves  that  the  rebels  considered  Calpee  and  arsenal 
a point  of  great  importance,  which  they  intended  to 
keep  to  the  last;  and  that  they  now  only  abandon 
it  in  consequence  of  the  severe  defeat  w'hich  they 
sustained  at  Galowlee,  on  the  20th  of  May  ; and  the 
panic  caused  by  the  unexpected  appearance  of  my 
force  before  Calpee  on  the  following  morning.  Five 
or  six  hundred  sepoys  were  killed  in  the  pursuit, 
which  was  checked  as  usual  by  the  intense  heat  of 
the  sun,  which  knocked  up  men  and  horses.  The 
sepoys  are  quite  disheartened  and  disorganised. 
They  throw  away  their  arms,  have  left  their  red 
iackets,  and  disguised  themselves  in  order  not  to  be 
known  as  sepoys.” 

After  the  severe  punishment  inflicted  upon 
the  insurgent  forces  by  General  Sir  Hugh 
Rose  at  Calpee,  the  fugitive  rebels,  with  the 
I ranee  of  Jhansie,  her  general,  Tantia  Topee, 

I and  the  nawab  of  Banda,  at  their  head,  fled 
to  Indoorkee,  on  the  road  to  Gwalior,  where 
they  were  joined  by  Rahim  Ali  and  Koogar 
Danlap  Sing,  who  brought  with  them  about 
1,500  men,  and  a few  light  guns ; and  here 
measures  were  concerted  for  an  attack  upon 
Scindia  in  his  capital,  in  revenge  for  the 
fidelity  he  had  preserved  tow'ards  the  English 
government.  This  movement  of  the  rebels 
will  be  hereafter  described.  Meanwhile,  it 
is  necessary  here  to  trace  the  proceedings 
connected  with  the  assault  and  capture  of 
300 


Kotah*  by  the  Rajpootana  field  force,  under 
General  Roberts,  wdiich  was  effected  almost 
simultaneously  with  the  reduction  of  Jhansie 
by  Sir  H.  Rose,  and  the  details  of  which 
brilliant  affair  are  as  follow: — The  force 
under  General  Roberts  left  Nusseerabad  in 
two  brigades,  which  were  united  at  the  city 
of  Boondie,  where  a visit  of  ceremony  was 
paid  by  the  rajah,  and  returned  by  the  gen- 
eral. Leaving  this  place,  the  force  advanced 
towards  Kotah,  the  neighbourhood  of  which 
was  reached  early  on  the  morning  of  the 
22nd  of  March,  the  encampment  being 
formed  on  the  north-western  side  of  the 
river  Chumbul,  which  lay  between  it  and 
the  city.  A portion  of  the  force  detailed  for 
this  expedition,  consistiug  of  the  8th  hus- 
sars, which  had  been  dispatched  from  Bom- 
hay  on  their  arrival  from  England  in 
December,  had  not  up  to  this  time  over- 
taken the  column,  and  other  portions  of  the 
cavalry  arm,  and  of  the  artillery,  were  yet 
several  marches  behind  the  main  body  when 
it  reached  its  camping  ground.  The  general 
did  not,  however,  delay  operations  on  that 
account,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  24th, 
the  bombardment  of  the  city  commenced. 
The  enemy  replied  with  a rapidity  and  pre- 
cision that  showed  they  had  trained  artil- 
lerymen amongst  their  ranks,  and  no  sooner 
Avas  one  of  their  guns  disabled  than  another 
was  placed  iu  its  stead.  For  three  days  the 
fire  continued  unremittingly,  and  though 
the  shells  Avere  obviously  occasioning  great 
havoc,  the  breaching  guns  produced  no 
effect  whatever,  nor  did  the  enemy  at  all 
slacken  their  fire.  The  fort,  a strong  build- 
ing without  the  walls,  on  the  north  side  of 
the  towu,  was  still  in  the  possession  of  the 
rajah,  who  continued  to  hold  allegiance  to 
the  English  government,  and  was  desirous 
of  being  released  from  the  thraldom  in 
which  for  several  months  he  had  been  kept 
by  his  rebellious  subjects.  He  had  sent 
frequent  messages  explanatory  of  his  situa- 
tion, and  of  his  desire  for  emancipation,  but 
for  various  sufficient  reasons,  these  had  not 
hitherto  been  noticed.  At  length,  on  the 
arrival  of  the  force,  the  maharajah  came  out 
of  his  palace  fort  to  meet  the  general,  again 
protesting  fidelity  to  his  engagements,  in- 
viting the  former  to  occupy  the  fort,  and 
beseeching  him  to  bombard  the  city  from 
that  point,  as  likely  to  be  most  destructive. 
On  the  27th  of  March,  therefore,  the  whole 
of  the  British  artillery  crossed  the  Chumbul, 
and  were  received  into  the  fort  surrounding 
* See  ante,  p.  159. 


INDIAN  MUTINY. 


A.n.  1858. 


the  palace,  which  was  included  within  the 
enceinte  of  the  town,  being  divided  from 
the  other  buildings  merely  by  a rampart 
with  towers.  From  this  position  the  verti- 
cal fire  of  the  besiegers  became  terrific. 
Many  parts  of  the  town  were  in  flames  at 
the  same  time,  wdiile  explosion  followed  ex- 
plosion in  quick  succession,  and  by  the  30th 
it  was  considered  practicable  to  storm  the 
place.  Three  columns  of  attack  w ere  ac- 
cordingly detailed;  the  right,  commanded 
by  Colonel  Parke,  consisted  of  250  of  the 
72nd  highlanders,  and  the  like  number  of 
the  12th  native  infantry ; the  second  column, 
led  hy  Colonel  Holmes,  embraced  corre- 
sponding numbers  of  her  majesty's  83rd 
regiment  and  the  12th  native  infantry;  and 
the  third  column  of  equal  strength,  selected 
from  her  majesty's  95th  regiment  and  the 
10th  native  infantry,  was  under  the  com- 
mand of  Colonel  Baines.  The  reserve, 
under  Brigadier  Macan,  consisted  of  200  of 
the  83rd,  100  of  the  95th,  and  250  of  the 
13th  native  infantry — each  of  the  three 
columns  were  provided  with  engineer  offi- 
cers. Sappers  and  European  pioneers,  and 
all  were  supplied  with  one  day's  provisions 
and  120  rounds  of  ammunition  for  each 
man.  Thus  prepared,  shortly  after  mid- 
night of  the  30th  of  March,  the  first  column 
began  to  cross  the  river  in  boats,  and  on 
rafts  entering  the  fort  from  the  rajah’s 
palace.  At  daybreak  the  whole  of  the  guns 
and  mortars,  and  every  piece  of  ordnance 
that  could  be  made  available,  opened  upon 
the  town,  and  kept  up  an  unceasing  can- 
nonade until  nine  o’clock.  It  had  been 
designed  that  a breach  of  forty  feet  should 
be  established  in  the  wall  dividing  the  palace 
from  the  town,  through  which  the  first  and 
second  columns  were  to  pass ; the  third 
column  and  the  reserve  entering  the  town 
by  a gate  which  was  to  be  blown  open.  The 
strength  of  the  wall  was,  however,  so  great 
that  time  could  not  be  spared  to  efFect  the 
desired  breach,  and  the  entire  force  was 
ordered  to  force  admission  by  the  gate.  The 
sappers  executed  the  orders  given  to  them 
with  admirable  precision,  and  at  noon  an 
explosion  at  the  Canton  gate  announced 
that  the  object  had  been  attained.  The 
troops,  with  a deafening  cheer,  rushed 
through  the  smoking  ruins,  trampling  down 
every  obstacle  in  their  way.  The  entrance 
being  thus  effected,  the  first  and  second 
columns  pushed  on  to  the  right,  and  the 
third  to  the  left,  the  reserve  remaining  near 
the  gate.  In  consequence  of  timely  infor- 


[assault on  kotaii. 

mation,  the  main  street  of  the  city,  leading 
from  the  gate  through  its  centre,  was  fortu- 
nately avoided,  as  formidable  preparations 
had  been  made  to  receive  the  troops  by 
mining  it,  and  by  placing  at  every  conve- 
nient angle  groups  of  loaded  gun  barrels, 
mounted  in  frames,  and  ready  to  be  dis- 
charged when  the  troops  were  close  to  them. 
Nearly  every  street  was  doubly  barricaded 
with  cannon  in  position,  to  sweep  the  space 
before  them  with  grape.  Had  not  the 
warning  been  given,  the  destruction  of  the 
larger  portion  of  the  troops  must  have  been 
inevitable.  As  the  columns  pressed  on 
and  occupied  the  bastions,  the  enemy  found 
themselves  taken  in  the  rear,  and  seeing 
the  tactics  on  which  they  had  depended 
entirely  frustrated,  they  ceased  to  offer  re- 
sistance, and  fled  in  all  directions.  A mass 
of  them,  who  were  not  yet  aware  of  their 
dangerous  proximity  to  the  third  column, 
retreated  by  a route  which  brought  them 
within  a quarter  of  a mile  of  it,  and  suffered 
severely  from  the  rifles.  A great  number 
of  the  fugitives  managed  to  get  out  of  the 
city  by  lowering  themselves  from  the  w'alls 
by  ropes’  that  had  been  evidently  kept  iu 
readiness  for  the  emergency.  As  soon  as 
the  whole  of  the  bastions  were  occupied  the 
troops  had  the  complete  command  of  the 
tow’ll,  and  proceeded  to  clear  the  houses  of 
the  armed  men  concealed  in  them.  In  one 
of  these  ten  men  had  fortified  themselves, 
and  seemed  determined  to  hold  their  posi- 
tion; and  as  there  appeared  to  be  no  other 
way  of  dislodging  them,  the  building  was 
mined,  and  blown  up  with  all  it  contained. 
When  at  length  the  carnage  ceased,  for 
want  of  men  to  be  shot  down,  or  blown  into 
the  air,  it  was  computed  that  not  more  than 
100  of  the  enemy  had  fallen,  there  having 
been  a humane  exception  to  the  rules  of 
war  with  the  sepoys,  as  show'n  by  the  fact 
that  500  rebel  prisoners  w’ere  among  the 
trophies  of  the  day ; fifty-seven  pieces  of 
cannon,  most  of  them  of  brass  and  of  large 
calibre,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors, 
whose  loss  consisted  of  one  officer,  (Lieu- 
tenant Hancock,  of  the  engineers,)  and  six 
sappers,  who  were  blown  up  by  the  explo- 
sion at  the  Canton-gate,  and  fourteen  others 
killed,  and  about  forty  wounded  in  the 
assault.  The  cavalry  brigade,  which  had 
joined  the  force  on  the  night  of  the  29th, 
with  some  Goojerat  irregular  horse,  alto- 
gether numbering  about  1,200  sabres,  and 
a troop  of  horse  artillery,  with  sixteen  guns, 
was  ordered,  on  the  30th,  to  cross  the  river 

301 


HISTORY  OF  THE  [a.d.  1858. 


KOTAH — AN  EXPLOSION.] 

at  a ford  about  six  miles  down  the  river, 
and  there  await  orders,  the  general  having 
been  induced  to  believe  that  the  fugitive 
rebels  would  attempt  to  cross  at  the  ford 
and  nowhere  else.  The  enemy,  however, 
appeared  to  have  no  intention  to  cross  at 
any  given  point,  as  they  left  the  town  by 
the  side  furthest  from  the  river,  and  were 
enabled  to  pursue  their  course  undisturbed 
over  a vast  unbroken  plain,  some  fifteen  or 
twenty  miles  in  extent,  where  not  a man 
could  have  escaped  the  swords  and  lances 
of  the  cavalry.  The  town  was  completely 
evacuated  four  hours  before  sunset,  and  the 
enemy,  to  the  number  of  6,000,  who  had 
with  them  their  wives  and  children,  with 
some  millions-worth  of  property,  and  ten 
guns,  might  easily  have  been  overtaken, 
i had  the  cavalry  been  at  once  moved  from 
j its  distant  and  useless  position;  but  it  was 
, not  until  forty-eight  hours  had  elapsed  after 
their  flight,  that  the  cavalry  received  orders 
to  follow;  and  they  were  then,  as  might 
have  been  expected,  useless  for  the  purpose 
of  interception,  although  they  recovered  six 
of  the  ten  guns  carried  ofi"  by  the  fugitives. 

The  victorious  troops  bivouacked,  on  the 
night  of  the  1st  of  April,  in  the  streets  of 
Kotah,  throwing  out  the  necessary  pickets, 
and  manning  the  bastions,  and  plundering 
was  strictly  repressed.  Shortly  after  the 
capture  of  the  town.  Captain  Bazalgette,  of 
the  95th,  was  dispatched  with  a column  to 
occupy  an  intrenched  camp  of  the  enemy 
to  the  south-eastward  of  the  place ; and, 
during  the  same  afternoon,  he  was  joined 
by  Captain  Bainbrigge,  brigade-major,  for 
the  purpose  of  reporting  the  quantity  of 
ammunition  in  camp.  On  examining  one 
of  the  buildings  a terrific  explosion  occurred, 
and  the  two  officers,  with  several  of  their 
men,  were  blown  up,  their  mangled  bodies 
not  being  recovered  till  the  following  day. 
Immediately  after  this  occurrence  two  na- 
tives were  cut  down  by  some  officers  of  the 
95th,  as  they  were  endeavouring  to  make 
their  escape  with  lighted  fusees  in  their 
hands,  and  there  was  little  reason  to  doubt 
that  the  explosion  had  been  the  result  of  de- 
sign. A brigade  was  now  encamped  on  each 
side  of  the  river,  and  the  troops  within  the 
town  were  speedily  established  in  quarters, 
and  then  a commission  was  appointed  to  in- 
vestigate the  conduct  of  the  rajah,  on  the 
occasion  of  the  murder  of  Major  Burton,  the 
political  agent,  and  his  sons,  in  the  previous 
October.*  The  residency  buildings,  occu- 
* See  ante,  p.  159. 

302 


pied  by  the  ill-fated  gentleman,  almost  ad- 
joined the  walls  of  the  fort,  within  which 
the  palace  of  the  rajah  was  situated,  and  the 
shouts  and  firing  of  the  tumultuous  rabhle, 
and  the  mutineers  of  the  contingent,  while 
engaged  in  their  murderous  exploit,  must 
have  been  heard  within  the  royal  resi- 
dence, but  no  succour  was  afforded  or  inter- 
ference attempted.  The  rajah  now  declared 
that  he  was  unable  to  protect  the  victims  in 
consequence  of  the  outrageous  insubordina- 
tion of  his  troops,  and  the  violence  of  the 
townspeople  who  had  conceived  a deadly 
animosity  to  the  resident  and  his  family. 
He  averred  that  he  would  gladly  have  given 
assistance  personally  to  defend  the  unfor- 
tunate gentlemen,  but  was  restrained  from 
doing  so.  No  proof  to  the  contrary  could 
be  obtained,  and  one  statement  of  his  high- 
ness was  clearly  verified,  namely,  that  after 
the  murder  he  had  given  decent  interment 
to  the  remains  of  the  deceased  within  the 
burial-ground  of  the  residency;  for,  upon 
the  graves  being  opened  for  verification, 
this  proved  to  have  been  the  case.  The 
rajah  was,  consequently,  acquitted  of  the 
charge  of  complicity  in  the  murders,  for 
want  of  evidence. 

The  following  account  of  the  capture  of 
Kotah,  was  furnished  by  an  officer  of  rank 
in  the  attacking  column  : — 

“ On  the  afternoon  of  the  29th  of  April, 
orders  were  issued  for  the  attack  and 
assault  on  the  next  day  ; and  the  following 
arrangements  were  made  for  the  different 
columns : — 

‘'Right  column,  under  the  command  of 
Lieutenant-colonel  Park,  H.M.'s  72nd; 
250  of  H.M.^s  72nd  highlanders,  and  250 
of  the  12th  native  infantry. 

“ Second  column,  commanded  hy  Lieu- 
tenant-colonel Holmes,  12th  native  in- 
fantry; 250  of  H.M.’s  83rd  regiment,  and 
250  of  the  12th  native  infantry. 

“ Third  column,  under  the  command  of 
Lieutenant-colonel  Raines,  H.M.^s  95th; 
250  of  H.M.’s  95th  regiment,  and  250  of 
the  10th  native  infantry. 

“ Reserve,  uuder  the  command  of  Bri-  ; 
gadier  Macan ; 200  of  H.M.^s  83rd  regi- 
ment, 100  of  H.M.^s  95th  regiment,  and 
250  of  the  13th  native  infantry. 

“ Each  of  the  columns  had  two  engineer 
officers,  with  a portion  of  sappers,  a supply 
of  tools,  powder-bags,  with  the  pioneers  of 
the  European  regiment  with  it ; and  two 
mountain-train  howitzers  brought  up  the 
rear  of  each  attacking  column.  The  im- 


INDIAN  JIUTINY. 


[details  of  the  capture. 


j A.D.  1858.] 

I 

I pressiou  was,  that  the  enemy  M’ould  show 
j hard  fighting ; consequently,  each  man  had 
j one  day’s  provisions,  and  130  rounds  of 
I ammunition  with  him.  At  one  o’clock  in 
j the  night  of  the  29th,  or  morning  of  the 
I 30th,  the  first  column  commenced  to  cross 
I over  to  the  rajah’s  right  bank,  and  take  up 
positions  in  that  part  of  the  town,  and  by 
seven  o’clock,  the  whole  of  the  3rd  column 
and  the  13th  native  infantry — which  had 
to  join  the  reserve,  the  83rd  and  95th  form- 
ing part  of  it,  having  already  been  in  the 
I town  some  three  or  four  days  before — were 
safely  landed  without  an  accident  of  any 
1 kind.  The  troops  crossed  in  boats  belong- 
ing to  the  rajah,  and  on  rafts,  each  holding 
about  forty  men,  made  by  the  engineers 
with  arrack  barrels,  brought  with  us  from 
Ajmere,  the  enemy  only  firing  two  shots 
soon  after  daylight  at  the  95th’s  parties  as 
they  crossed  the  river,  but  happily  without 
effect.  The  plan  of  attack  was,  that  the 
artillery  should  commence  firing  at  day- 
light from  every  piece  available,  both  of 
ours  and  the  rajah’s,  and  continue  the 
bombardment  as  quick  as  possible  till  9 
o’clock  A.M.,  or  until  the  order  for  the 
assault  was  given.  It  was  intended  that 
the  first  column  should  pass  out  of  the 
rajah’s  portion  of  the  town  to  the  attack. 
A breach  of  forty  feet  in  the  wall  of  the 
works  was  to  be  made  by  three  mines  by 
our  engineers;  the  second  column  was  also 
to  make  its  exit  by  the  same  means ; the 
third  column  by  the  Khetonepole  - gate, 
which  had  also  to  be  blown  out,  and  the 
reserve  to  follow ; but  the  engineers  having 
discovered  that  the  wall  near  the  first 
column  was  so  thick  it  would  take  a con- 
siderable time  to  excavate  the  mines  suffi- 
ciently deep  to  crumble  it,  it  was  deter- 
mined to  abandon  this  design,  and  that  all 
the  columns  should  pass  out  of  the  Khe- 
tonepole. At  about  twelve  o’clock  the 
powder-bags  were  placed,  the  fuse  lighted, 
and  soon  after  rockets  flew  into  the  air  as  a 
signal,  followed  by  an  explosion — the  gate 
was  clear.  Out  our  men  poured  in  quick 
succession,  though  with  the  utmost  steadi- 
; ness,  each  brigadier  at  the  head  of  his 
j column,  sword  in  hand,  the  first  and  second 
; leading  to  the  right,  the  third  to  the  left, 

I while  the  fourth  remained  in  reserve.  In 
I one  half  hour  afterwards,  the  whole  of  the 
j town  immediately  in  front  of  the  attacking 
i party  was  in  our  possession.  The  first 
column,  having  routed  the  enemy  from 
their  bastions,  occupied  the  Soorujpoie-gate,  I 


thus  taking  the  rebels  quite  in  rear,  who, 
not  being  aware  that  the  third  column  was 
to  the  left,  crossed  its  front  at  400  yards, 
when  a great  number  were  killed  by  the 
Enfield  rifles  of  the  95th.  Others  seeing 
that  they  would  have  to  run  the  gauntlet, 
made  for  the  bastions,  and  effected  their 
escape  over  the  walls  by  ropes,  which  had 
apparently  been  in  readiness  for  this  pur- 
pose; and  one  man,  who  was  mounted  (I 
was  told  by  an  officer  who  saw  him),  in  a 
paroxysm  of  frenzy,  spurred  his  horse  to 
the  rampart,  and  jumped  clear  over,  a fall 
of  fifty  feet.  Both  horse  and  rider  I saw 
afterwards  at  the  foot  of  it  outside,  killed. 
After  occupying  the  bastions  and  com- 
manding houses,  we  proceeded  to  clear 
the  latter;  and  in  one,  some  eight  or 
ten  men  were  found  fully  armed  and 
prepared  to  fight,  and  as  they  could  not 
be  dislodged.  Colonel  Parke  desired  the 
sappers  to  mine  the  angles  {it  was  here 
that  the  72nd  lost  two  men  in  the  attempt), 
which  being  done,  the  party  were  blown  up, 
as  it  was  quite  impossible  to  leave  them  in 
our  rear.  It  was  afterwards  discovered  that 
Lalla  Sing  (brother  of  Hera  Sing,  the  com- 
mander of  the  rebels)  was  among  the  num- 
ber in  that  house ; it  was  his  head-quarters. 
Nearly  in  every  street  was  a gun  in  position 
to  sweep  it,  with,  in  many  instances,  double 
barricades  in  front ; and  here  and  there,  by 
the  guns,  infernal  machines,  with  fifty 
barrels  each,  loaded  half  way  up,  and  duly 
primed.  The  first  division  captured  sixteen  ' 
guns,  the  second  eight,  the  third  fourteen; 
in  all,  fifty-seven  guns  (two-thirds  of  which 
are  brass  of  the  heaviest  metal)  have  been 
taken.  Some  of  the  iron  ones,  mounted  in 
commanding  positions  at  the  angles  of  the 
walls  on  high  bastions,  are  of  the  largest 
calibre  and  size,  throwing  heavier  shot  than 
our  68’s.  We  took  upwards  of  500  pri- 
soners, all  of  whom  have  been  handed  over 
to  the  political  agent;  some  of  them  are 
recognised  as  condemned  convicts,  who  have 
been  freed  by  the  rebels  to  work  the  guns. 
That  night  the  columns  bivouacked  in  the 
town,  throwing  out  pickets  and  occupying  . 
the  bastions,  and  a harder  day’s  work  we  j 
never  had.  The  number  of  our  killed  and 
wounded  has  not,  happily,  been  many,  but  ! 
I am  unable  to  give  the  exact  numbers. 
Poor  Hancock,  of  the  engineers,  and  some 
five  or  six  European  sappers,  were  blown  up 
at  one  of  the  gates;  four  of  the  latter,  be- 
longing to  Captain  Cumberland’s  11th 
companv,  royal  engineers,  were  killed,  and  i 

303  I 


BOmLCUND.] 


HISTORY  OF  THE 


[a.3.  1858. 


Hancock,  though  much  burnt,  is,  I am  glad 
to  say,  doing  well.  All  our  soldiers,  both 
European  and  native,  were  prevented  loot- 
ing, while  the  rajah’s  people  were  allowed  to 
take  what  they  pleased,  even  to  drive  off 
through  the  gates  the  finest  oxen  past  our 
guards.  On  the  morning  of  the  30th  nearly 
all  the  cavalry  of  Captain  Petrie’s  troop  of 
horse  artillery  were  sent  to  cross  the  ford 
some  six  miles  lower  down  the  river,  and 
take  up  a position.  They  mustered  nearly 
1,000  strong,  with  six  guns ; and,  I believe, 
received  instructions  to  intercept  the  enemy 
when  retreating;  but  strange  to  say,  they 
were  in  the  same  place  forty-eight  hours 
after  the  enemy  had  fled  from  the  town  and 
evacuated  his  intrenched  camp  on  the  other 
side  of  it,  still  inactive;  and  it  was  not  till 
fifty-two  hours  had  elapsed  that  they  com- 
menced to  pursue  them.  We  have  heard 
that  their  inaetivity  arose  from  the  want  of 
suflBciently  distinct  orders  from  the  major- 
general,  as  I know  that  the  8th  hussars, 
Scinde  horse,  and  irregular  beloochees  were 
most  anxious  for  the  chase.  The  rebels  are 
said  to  be  still  4,000  infantry,  with  1,000 
cavalry,  and  ten  guns  strong.  They  are  re- 
ported to  be  much  hampered  with  loot,  and 
are  said  to  have  six  crores  of  rupees  with 
them.  It  is  believed  the  general  has  re- 
ceived intelligence  that  they  are  marching 
on  Salumba,  an  impregnable  hill-fort  cut 
out  of  the  solid  rock ; but  whether  we  shall 
go  after  them  or  not  is  unknown.  Major 
the  honourable  A.  IMassey,  95th  regiment, 
has  been  appointed  commandant  in  the 
town,  and  I believe  that  the  rajah  has  been 


required  to  pay  twenty-five  lacs  for  its  re- 
demption ; if  he  fails,  it  is  said  then  we  shall 
annex  it.  I have  now  to  tell  you  of  a most 
melancholy  event  which  happened  on  the 
afternoon  of  the  1st.  Captain  Bazalgette,  of 
the  95th  regiment,  had  been  sent  with  his 
company  on  the  previous  morning  to  occupy 
the  enemy’s  camp  on  the  south-east  side  of 
the  town.  On  the  afternoon  of  the  1st, 
Captain  Bainbrigge,  the  brigade-major  1st 
brigade,  visited  Captain  Bazalgette,  for  the 
purpose  of  reporting  to  Brigadier  iMacan  the 
quantities  of  ammunition  in  the  enemy’s 
camp.  Both  officers  left  together  to  examine 
the  houses,  when,  soon  after  entering  one  of 
them  a cracking  noise  was  heard,  and  a 
terrific  explosion  took  place.  There  is  too 
much  reason  to  suppose  that  the  house  was 
fired  on  purpose,  as  two  men  were  killed  by 
one  of  the  95th  as  they  were  escaping  with 
burning  fuses  in  their  hands.  The  remains 
of  the  two  officers,  whose  bodies  were  so  burnt 
that  they  could  scarcely  be  recognised,  were 
only  found  yesterday  morning  among  the 
ruins.  They  were  buried  together  in  one 
coffin  in  the  afternoon,  followed  by  all  the 
officers  of  the  1st  brigade,  with  the  band  of  the 
10th,  and  a firing  party  of  130  rank  and  file 
from  the  95th  regiment,  in  the  consecrated 
Christian  burial-ground  near  the  residency.” 
On  the  morning  of  the  10th  of  April  the 
column  began  to  break  up ; some  of  the 
siege  guns  were  conducted  to  Nusseerabad 
under  escort,  and  preparations  were  made 
for  distributing  the  force,  with  the  exception 
of  the  92nd  and  95th  regiments,  which  were 
to  be  left  to  garrison  Kotah. 


CH.^PTER  XL 

MOVEMENTS  OF  SIR  COLIN  CAMPBELL ; SIR  JAMES  OUTRAN  AND  THE  CHIEF  COMMISSIONERSHIP  OF  OUDE  ; 
THE  BRITISH  FORCE  AT  LUCKNOW ; ITS  ARRANGEMENT  ; GENERAL  WALPOLE  AND  THE  ROHILCUND  FIELD 
FORCE;  GENERAL  SIR  HOPE  GRANT’S  COLUMN  ; THE  MOULVIE  OF  FYZABAD  ; PLAN  OF  THE  ROHILCUND 
CAMPAIGN ; THE  ROORKEE  FIELD  FORCE ; MOORADABAD ; ARREST  OF  REBEL  CHIEFS  BY  BRIG.ADIER 
JONES ; MILITARY  DESPATCHES  ; ADVANCE  OF  GENERAL  WALPOLE  ; THE  FORT  OF  ROODAMOW  ; DEATH 
OF  BRIGADIER  ADRIAN  HOPE  ; GENERAL  WALPOLE’S  DESPATCH  ; CORRESPONDENCE  ; AFFAIR  WITH  REBEL 
FORCE  AT  SIRSA  ; PASSAGE  OF  THE  RAMGUNGA  AT  ALLYGUNGE  ; THE  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  IN  ROHIL- 
CUND ; ADVANCE  TO  SHAHJEHANPORE  AND  BAREILLY  ; DEATH  OF  GENERAL  PENNY  AND  SIR  WILLIAM 
PEEL;  MOHUMDEE;  FUTTEGHUR  ; CLOSE  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  ; CONGRATULATORY  ADDRESS  TO  THE  ARMY. 

In  order  satisfactorily  to  trace  the  opera-  I the  commander-in-chief  personally,  it  will 
tions  which,  after  the  reduction  of  Luck-  be  expedient  to  revert  briefly  to  the  cir- 
now,  came  directly  under  the  supervision  of  I cumstances  which  occurred  at  the  head- 
304 


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