Columbia Sanibersittp
in tfje Citp of iSehj gorfe
LIBRARY
GIVEN BY
HISTORY
OF THE
INQUISITION.
THE
HISTORY
OF THE
INQUISITION,
AS IT HAS SUBSISTED IN
FRANCE, ITALY, SPAIN, PORTUGAL, VENICE, SICILY,
SARDINIA, MILAN, POLAND, FLANDERS, &c. &c.
With a particular Description of its
Secret ^ti^on&y
MODES OF TORTUPF, STYLE OF aCLVSATION, TRIAL,
Abridged
FROM THE r,''.lBO::JATE WOKK OF
PHILIP LIMB OUCH,
Professor of Divinity at Amsterdam.
INTRODUCED BY AN HISTORICAL SURVEY OF THE
And illustrated by Extracts from various Writers, and original Manuscript.
Tnteresting Particulars of
PERSONS WHO HAVE SUFFERED
THE TERRORS OF THAT DARK AND SANGUINARY TRIBUNAL,
And
POLITICAL REFLECTIONS ON ITS REVIVAL IN SPAIN,
By the Decree of Fer dinand VII.
LONDOS:
PRINTED FOR W. SIMPKIN AND R. MARSHALL,
STATIONERS'-COUKT, LUDGATE-STREET.
1816.
y-^^
.r^\r^^ y
3
:)2>
Plummer and Brewis, Printers, Love-Lane, Eastcheap, Lmdon.
PREFACE.
■•.*/V^*'»'W*/W*
THE learned author of the following work,
Philip Limborch, was born at Amsterdam in 1633,
where he studied with great success, and at the
age of twenty-two entered on the public work of
the ministry, at Haerlem ; his sermons had in them
no affected eloquence, but were peculiarly solid,
methodical and edifying. He was first chosen
minister of Goudja, and afterwards called to
Amsterdam, where he had the professorship of
divinity, in which he acquitted himself with great
reputation, throughout the remainder of a long
andtranquil life; he died in 1712, aged seventy-
nine years.
A 3
Yl PREFACE.
This venerable man, possessed all the qualifi-
cations and virtues, which belong to the character
of a sincere minister, an admirable genius, and a
tenacious memory. He enjoyed the particular inti-
macy of many distinguished individuals, in his own
and in foreign countries, among whom was Mr.
Locke, in whose works some 'of his letters are
preserved. He wrote, " A Complete Body of Di-
vinity, according to the opinions and doctrines of
the Remonstrants," and several smaller works, be-
sides publishing those of Episcopius, who was his
relative.
His greatest undertaking was, " The History of
the Inquisition," in which, with vast labour, he
availed himself of his talents and peculiar local situ-
ation, in gaining access to, and combining the testi-
monies of, numerous authors. The general plan
pursued in the formation of this work, he thus
describes : " I have not through an attachment to
any party, written any thing contrary to truth,
I have made use of Popish authors,* yea, In-
* With the exception of archbishop Usher and R. Gonsalvius.
PREFACE. vil
quisitors themselves, and counsellors of the
Inquisition, who are so far from having written
any thing untrue, out of hatred to the Inquisition,
that they every where extol its sanctity and advan-
tages ; and therefore whatever they write, I assured
myself I might safely relate, without charge of
calumny. The reader niay perhaps wonder at one
thing, that I have always called those who differ
from the church of Rome, Heretics-, he will remem-
ber that is not my sense, and I speak chiefly the
language of Popish writers; but I sincerely believe,
that those whom the church of Rome has con-
demned for Heresy, have died and gloriously en-
dured the punishment of fire, for the testimony
of Jesus Christ, and the maintaining a good con-
science,"
When this work first appeared, it excited great
attention, and had the honour of being condemned
and prohibited by an edict of the cardinals inqui-
sitors at Rome, who forbad the reading of it under
Montanus a protestant, who gathered a church at Seville, about
the death of the Emperor Charles V. which was scattered and de-
stroyed by the Inquisition.
A 4
viii , PREFACE.
the severest penalties. It received however, the
far more positive distinction of John Locke's par-
ticular approbation, " that incomparable judge of
men and books, who gives it the highest character,
commends it for its method and perspicuity, and
pronounces it a work in its kind absolutely perfect.
In a letter addressed to Mr. Limborch, he tells
him, that he had so fully exposed their secret arts
of wickedness and cruelty, that if they had any
remains of humanity in them, they must be asham-
ed of that horrid tribunal, in which every thing
that was just and righteous was so monstrously
perverted ; and that it was fit to be translated into
the vulgar language of every nation, that all
might understand the Ante-Christian practices of
that execrable court."*
, If any apology could be necessary for presenting
a work of this kind (for a long time contemplated) to
the public, at the present moment, it might be found
in the aspect of the times, in which Popery so entirely
* Vide Preface by the translator. Dr. Chandler, who published
this work in English, 2 vols. 4to. 1732, with a long and highly
respectable list of subscribers.
PREFACE. IX
overwhelmed in the apprehension of many, is again
lifting up its head, and resorting to its usual means
of supplying deficiency of argument by force and
violence.
In forming this abridgment of Mr. Limborch's
valuable work, the editor has used his best judg-
ment, in preserving what he considered as most
interesting. The Edicts which are in the original
printed at length and which occupy much space,
he has generally omitted, retaining their spirit;
Wherever it could be done, he has preferred the
language of the author ; but if he has found
it necessary to lessen the number of words, which
relate a circumstance, he has still endeavoured
carefully to preserve the references, which are so
indispensable in the pages of authenticated history.
It appears somewhat remarkable, that few modern
writers have regarded the Inquisition, with that
pointed attention which its magnitude deserves ; the
reader of its history will find it no mean object of
contemplation. The design of affording an authentic
X PREFACE.
view of this powerful coadjutor of Romish doc-
trine, in a portable form, suggested the idea of the
present volume. For the selection of notes, (with
a trifling exception,) the Introductory Survey of the
Christian Church and the two concluding Chapters
the editor is responsible ; and if the combined
effect of his labours should be, that of promoting
just views, respecting the proper boundaries of
civil and ecclesiastical authority, and of inducing
any to believe, from the dire consequences of bigotry
and intolerance, that difference of religious opinion
is not a proper ground for personal hatred, and that
in promoting the happiness of others by every
suitable means, w^e really advance our own ; he
will feel that peculiar pleasure which arises from
the contemplation of exertions, successfully em-
ployed, and in this hope the work is now presented
to the attention of a candid and discerning public.
THE CONTENTS.
HISTORICAL Survey of the Christian Church Page 1
BOOK I.
OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF THE INQUISITION.
Chap. Page.
I The Doctrine of Jesus Christ forbids Persecution on the ac-
count of Religion *.. 59
II. . . » . . . The opinion of the primitive Christians concerning persecu-
tion CI
III The Laws of the Emperors, after the Nicene couuril against
the Arians and other heretics 64
IV The Arian persecutions of the Orthodox 70
V The opinion of some of the Fathers concerning the persecu-
tion of Dissenters 72
VI St. Aiigustine^s opinion concerning the persecution of heretics 75
VII .... The persecutions of the Popes against heretics 79
VIII.. .. Of the Albigcnses and Waldenses *.. . . 81 '
IX Of the persecutions against the Albigenses and Waldenses.. 88
X Of Dorainicus, and the first rise of the Tholouse Inquisition . 92
XI Of tlie wars against Raymond, father and son/ Earls of
Tholouse 98
XII Several councils held, and the Laws of the Emperor Frederic
II., by which the office of the inquisition was greatly pro-
moted ... 107
XIII.... The Inquisition introduced into Arragon, France,>Tholouse,
and Italy 110 -
XIV.. . . Of the first hindrances to the progress of the Inquisition .... 115 *"
XV The more speedy progress of the Inquisition 118 >■
XVI.. .. The Inquisition introduced into several places 124**
XVII... Of the Inquisition at Venice 126
XVIII.. The Inquisition against the Apostolics, Templars, and others. 130
XIX. . . . The Inquisition against the Beguins 133
XX The process against Mathew Galeacius, Viscoimt Milan, and
others 187
XXI. . . . The inquisition introduced into Poland, and restored in France 139
-xXXII. . . Of Wickliff, Huss, and the Inquisition against the Htissites. . 141
■ «XXIII.. Of the Inquisition in Valence, Flanders, and Artois 14S
CONTENTS.
Chap. P^o^'
XXIV.. Of the Spanish Inquisition l^*"**
XXV... Of the Inquisition in Portugal 154
XXVI.. Of the attempt to bring the Inquisition into the kingdom of
Naples 158
XXVII.. Of the Inquisition in Sicily, Sardinia, and Milan 160
XXVllI. The return of the Inquisition into Germany and France at the
time of the Reformation *61
XXIX. . Six Cardinals appointed at Rome Inquisitors General 164
XXX... Of the Inquisition in Spain against heretics 165
XXXI . Of the Inquisition in the Low Countries 172
BOOK II.
OF THE MINISTERS OF THE OFFICE OF THE INaUISITION.
Cmap. Pace.
I O F the Ministers of the Inquisition in general 17^1*
II. Of the Inquisitors. 177H
III ... . Of the Vicars and Assistants of the Inquisition 186
IV Of Assessors and Counsellors necessary to the office of the In-
quisition 9 1*^
V Of the Promoter Fiscal 191
VI ... . Of the Notaries of the Inquisition 19*
VII. . . Of the Judge and Receiver of the confiscated effects 196
VIII. . Of the Executor and Official of the Inquisition 199
IX. . . . Of the Familiars or Attendants 202
X Of the Cross Bearers 204
X.I Of the Visitors of the Inquisitors 207
XII ... Of the duty or power of every Magistrate 208
XIII.. Of the privileges of the Inquisitors c 21K
XIV. . . Of the amplitude of the Jurisdiction of the Inquisitors 218
XV.... Of the power of the Inquisitors 224\
XVI. . . Of the povver of the Inquisitors in prohibiting books ; 22»\
XVII.. What the Inquisitors can do themselves, and what in conjunc
tion with the Ordinaries > • • • • • • 23^
XVIIl . Of the jail of the Inquisitors, and Keepers of the jail 236
XIX.. . Of the expences requisite in the administration of the Inquisi-
tion, and confiscation of effects applied to this use 259^
XX. ... Of the salaries of the Inquisitors and other officers 264\
BOOK III.
CRIMES BELONGING TO THE TRIBUNAL OF THE INaUISITION.
Chap. Vkgz,
I OF Heretics, and their ecclesiastical puaishraents. • • • • • 26»n^
II Of thecivil punishments of Heretics ••• . 279»-^
CONTENTS.
Chap. Page.
Ill Of epen and secret Heretics >. 293**
IV. . . . Of affirmative and negative Heretics 294^
V Of Heretics impenitent and penitent SOCT*
VI.... Of Arch Heretics 30S
VH. . . Of the Believers of Heretics, and of Schismatics 304
VHI.. Of the Receivers and Defenders of Heretics 306****
IX.... Of the Favourers of Heretics 307 *
X Of the Hinderers of the Office of the Inquisition 310
XI.. .. Of Persons suspected of Heresy 314'**
XII... Of Persons defamed for Heresy 3lf^
XIII.. Of Persons relapsed 318
XIV. . Of such who read and keep prohibited Books 319*
XV. . . Of Polygamists 322
XVI.. Of those who celebrate and administer the Sacrament of Pe-
nance, not being priests 32ft
XVII.. Of soliciting Confessors 327
XVIII. Of one that is insordescent in Excommunication 331
XIX.. Of Blaspliemers 33S
XX. . . Of Diviners, Fortune-Tellers, and Astrologers 335
XXI.. OfWilches > 337
XXII . Of Jews, and such as return to Jewish rites 341 #
BOOK IV.
OF THE MANNER OF PROCEEDING BEFORE THE TRIBUNAL
OF THE INQUISITION.
Chap. Page.
I HOW the Inquisitor begins his office 349*^
II Of the promulgation of an Edict of Faith 353
III Of the obligation to denounce every Heretic to the Inqui-
sition 355
IV Of such who voluntarily appear, and the grace shewn them 358
V Of the three methods of beginning the process before th«
Tribunal of the Inquisition 359
VI How the Process begins by way of Inquisition 361
VII. How the process begins by accusation 364
VIII How the process begins by denunciation ... 366
IX Of the witnesses, and who are admitted as witnesses before
the Tribunal of the Inquisition 368
X Of the number of the witnesses » 370
XI Of the examination of the witnesses 372
XII How the criminals when informed against are sent to jail 374 ^
XIII Of the exammatiou of the prisoners 377
XIV What arts the Inquisitors iise to draw a confession from the
prisoners 379
XV.,.*t«» How the prisunera are allowed an advocate^ procurator
and guardian «.»•# t •# f t i.t t •••• 38t *"
CONTENTS.
Chap, Page.
XVI How the prisoners are interrogated by the Inquisitor, whe-
» tlier they allow the witnesses to be rightly examined^and
re heard 384
XVII .... How the piomoUr Fiscal txhibits tlic Bill of accusation.. 386
XVIlf.... How the interrogatories t?iveii in by the Ciiniinals are
torraed and exhibited 387
XIX Of the re-examining the Witritsses, and the pnni.>hiuent of
false Witnesses 389
XX How the Prisoner hath a copy of the evidence, withunt the
names of the "'^'itnesses 390
XXI How the articUs and witnesses for the Criminal are pro-
duced and examined 394
XX J I .... Cf the defence of the Criminals , 395
XXI f I.... How the Inquisitor may be rejected 396
XX » v.... Or the appeal from the Inquisitor •• 397
XXV How they pro<'eed ugainst such wJ.o make their escape. . . 399
XXVI.. . . How the p)ocess is ended in the lnquJs.Uion 400
XXVIl How the process is ended by absolution •• 403
XXVIII. .. How the process against a person defamed for heresy is
ei-ded by canonical pixgation 405
XXIX • • . . How the process is ended by torture 407
XXX How the process is ei.dcd agf.inst a person of heresy, as
also against one both suspected and defamed i..<> 426
XXXI- . . . How the process against an licretic confessed and penitent
endii, and first of abjuration 431
XXXII... Of the punishment and wholesome penances injoined such
as abjure 433
XXXIII.. When and how far any one is to be admitted to penance.. . 439
XXXIV •• How the process ends against a relapsed penitent 443
^XXV... How the process ends against an impenitent Heretic and
impenitent relapse • 446
XXXVI... How the process ends against a negative Heretic convicted 450
XXXVII. . How the process ends against a fugitive Heretic 452
XXX VIII. Of the method of proceeding against the dead***. 455
XXXIX.. . Of the manner of proceeding against houses 457
XL How the sentences are pronoimced, and the condemned
persons delivered over to the secular arm 458
XLI Of an act of Faith. 463
XLII. . • . Memoirs of Persons who have suffered the terrors of Inqui-
sitorial Persecution 493
XLIII.... On the re-establishment of the Inquisition in Spain, by the
decree of Ferdinand VII . • • • • 630
%/W%V%'V«.X^^/«.
Directions to the Binder.
The Standard of the Inquisition to face the Title.
The Table of the Inquisition to face Page 246.
The Procession of the Inquisition for the burning of Heretics to face Page 472.
J Catalogue of the Axdliors out of whose writings the history
of the INQUISITION is principally drawn.
DIRECTORIUM Inquisitorum Fr. Nicolai Eymerici Ord- Praed.
cum Commenlariis Francisci Pcgnae J V. D. Romance in aedibus populi
Romani, 1535, fol. Eymericus was born at Girona in Catalonia, was a
Predicant Monk, and flourished in the papacy of Urban V and Gregory
XL and in the reign of Peter IV. King of Aragon. He was made In-
quisitor General about the year 1358, and succeeded Nicholas Rosell^
He was made a Cardinal, An. 1356- He died Jan. 4, 1393, having
executed the ofiice of the Holy Inquisition for forty-four years
together.
Pegna was a Spaniard, of the Kingdom of Aragon, made Auditor of
the Roman Rota, in the room of Christopher Robusterius,Oct 14, 1588.
He was advanced to the Deanery of the same court, June 9, 1604, in
the room of Cardinal Jerom Pamphilii, and died in that Deanery, Aag.
21, 1612.
Francisci Pegnae Instructio, seu Praxis Inquisitorum, cum annotatio-
nibus Caesaris Carense. Lugduni 1669, post Carenas tractatum de Offi-
cio SS- Inquisitionis. fol.
Guidonis Fulcodii, qucestiones quindecim ad Inquisitores; cum anno*
tationibus Caesaris Carens, ibid. Fulcodius was a Cardinal, and after-
wards Pope, by the name of Clement IV.
Lucerna Inpuisitorum Fr. Bernardi Comensis, cum annot. Francisci
Pegnae, impressa Romas cum licentia Superiorum, ex officina Bartholo-
maei Grassi, 158 1,
Jacobus Simancas de Catholicis Inslitutionibus. Simancas was Bishop
of Badajoz in the kingdom of Portugal, and province of Estremadura.
Joannes a Royas, de haereticis corumque impia intentione et credu-
litate. Royas was a Licentiate of the Canon and Civil Law, Inquisitor
of heretical pravity at.Valence in Spain.
Zenchini Ugolini tractatus de haereticis : cum additionibus Fr. Gamilli
Campegii. Z. Ugolinus was a law) er of Rimini in Italy.
C. Campegius was a Predicant Friar, and Inquisitor General in all
the territories of Ferrara.
ConradusBrunus de haereticis and schismaticis, lib. 6.
Forma procedendi contra haereticos, seu inquisitor de haeresi, ct in
causa hajresis. Autor crcditur Joannes Calderinus.
Hi quinque autores exstant in Parte IL Tom. XI. tractatum ill ustrium
Juris consuUorum, quaeagit, de judiciis criminalibus S. Inquisitionis.
Xvi A CATALOGUE OF AUTHORS, &C.
Ludovicus a Paramo, de Origine et Progressu Officii Sanctas Inqui-
sitionis, ej usque dignilate et utilitate. Madriti,ex Typographia Regia,
CIO ID xciix. fol. Ludovicus a Paramo was archdeacon and canon of
Leon, a city in Spain, and inquisitor of the kingdom of Sicily.
Antonii de Sousa, Aphorismi Inquisitorum. Lugduni, apud Anisson.
1069, 8vo. Sousa was a Portuguese of Lisbon, a Predicant Friar, Mas-
ter of Divinity, and counsellor to the King and the tribunal of the su-
preme Inquisition.
Caesaris Carenae, tractatus de Office Sanctissimae Inquisitionis, etmodo
procedendi in causis fidei. Lugdoni apud Anisson, 1669, fol. Carena,
D. D. was auditor of Cardinal Comporeus, Judge Conservator, Counsel-
lor, and Advocate Fiscal of the Holy Office.
Reignaldi Gonsalvi Montani Sanctas Inquisitionis Hispanicae artes
aliquot detectae ac palam traductae. Heidelbergae 1597, 8vo.
Pauli Servitae Historia Inquisitionis, prassertim prout in Dominio
Veneto observatur.
Relation de I'lnquisition de Goa, 12mo. a Paris, 1687.
I Memoires de la Cour d'Espagne, 12mo. a la Haye, 1691.
Abraham! Bzovii Annalium Ecclesiasticorum Baronii Continuatio,
Antwerpiae, 1617.
Annales Ecclesia^tici ex Tomis octo ad unum pluribus auctum rc-
dacti; Autore Odorico Raynaldo. Romae ex Typographia Varesii,
1657. Raynaldus was of Treviso, Presbyter of the Congregation of the
Oratory.
Compendium Bullarii Flavii Cherubini. Lugdini apud Laurentium
Durand, 1624, 4to.
Lucae Wadding! Annales Miaorum, in quibus res onines trium Ordi-
num Franciscanorum tractanur. Lugduni, 1625, fol.
Jacobi Augusti Thuani Historia sui temporis.
Jacobus Usserius Archiepiscopus Armachanus de Successione Eccle-
siarum in Occidentis praesertim partibus-
Giber Sententiarum InpuisitionisTholosana.
Liber Catenatus, MS. inter archiva Capituli S. Salvatoris, Trajecti
ad Rhenum.
Glossariura ad Scriptores mediae et insimse Latinitatis Carol! du
Fresne Domini du Cange. Lutet. Paris, 1678, fol.
Domini Maori Hierolexicon. Romac, 1677, fol.
HISTORICAL SURVEY
OF
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH,
The history of that Ecclesiastical Court, denominated by a
strange and imposing perversion, The Holy Inquisition, the
very name of which has excited the terror of thousands and tens
of thousands, and whose existence leaves a lasting stain upon the
annals of mankind, so naturally connects itself with the history
of the church, from whose corruptions this prodigious evil
grew, that it may be proper to take a rapid survey of the progress
and corruption of Christian doctrine during the early ages, in
order more correctly to exhibit the gradual advances of that
ecclesiastical domination, which at length assumed an universal
sway ; impiouslv affecting to dispose of heaven and earth, and
in its rage and cruelty adopting, in the most sanguinary of
tribunals, a system of despotism, the most horrible that has
ever afflicted the imagination or wrung the hearts of human
kind — whose records ought never to be forgotten, but be trans-
mitted from generation to generation, as a perpetual warning
to governments and people, when surrendering those rights
which are inseparable from the well-being of man, either as an
individual, or as connected in the bonds of friendship and
society.
That gracious dispensation of mercy wliich the sacred scrip-
tures have denominated " The glorious gospel of the blessed
God,"* whilst it has claims of eternal obhgation upon tlie mind
■ 1 Tim. i, 11.
5 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF
of man, being accompanied by an evidence and influence pecu-
liarly its own, having been prefigured by ancient ceremonies,
foretold by prophets, introduced by miracles, sealed by sacred
blood, and secured by the oath of an unchanging God — has
by its promulgation, gathered in the present world a church out
of every nation, " kindred, tongue, and people," ^ against
which " the gates of hell shall not prevail;"' a church which
has continued, and will continue, to the end of time, under the
guardian eye of him who will at length "present it to himself
a glorious church, not having spot, or wrinkle, or any such
thing,''** to abide in his presence and go no more out for ever.<=
This gospel of the grace of God, so universal in its applica-
tion, commanding, yea, entreating " all men every where to
repent"^ and "be reconciled to God,"? is in its preaching
compared unto a net cast into the sea, •» and gathering
thereout a promiscuous multitude of every sort both bad and
good. The church of Christ, therefore, in an extended sense,
comprehends all those who are thus gathered from the world,
to an external profession of its doctrines — in a restricted import
it admits only those who appear to be influenced by divine
precepts. The term is here employed in its greatest latitude,
whilst the History of the Christian Church, according to ex-
ternal profession, is briefly considered.
The history of the Christian church during the apostolic age
is happily so much within the reach of every reader, as to ren-
der it unnecessary to advert to its infant state, or to dwell at
- large upon its most early progress ; a remark or two will there-
fore suffice in rapidly passing over that instructive period which
is embraced by the sacred records.
When the divine Author of the Christian faith had accom-
plished the gracious designs of his mission on the earth, and
was about to ascend up into heaven, he commanded his disci-
ples to promulgate his doctrine in the following words : " Go
ye into all the world, and preach the gospel to every creok-
iurer^
,* Rev. V, 0. ^ Matt, xvi, 18. * Ephes. ▼, 27. « Rev. iii, 12.
' Act* xvii, 20. 6 2 Cor. v, 20. "» Matt, xiii, 47,
' Mark xvi, 15.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 8
Before, however, they proceeded to the execution of this
high command, the Saviour instructed his disciples to wait
certain days at Jerusalem, that they might receive the commu-
nication of "power from on high;"^ and when the day of
Penteco§t was fully come, he displayed upon them that trans-
cendant miracle The Gift of Tongues, a gift which, whilst
it filled the gazing multitude with wonder, enabled " Par-
thians and Medes, and Elamites, and the dwellers in Mesopo-
tamia, and in Judea and Cappadocia, in Pontus and Asia,
Phrygia and Pamphylia, in Egypt, and in the parts of Lybia,
about Cyrene, and strangers at Rome, Jews and proselytes,
Cretes and Arabians, to hear them speak, in their own tongue,
the wonderful works of God." ^
This gift of the Holy Spirit, besides the communication of
language, was also productive of other great effects on the
minds of the disciples.
In consequence of that darkness which sin has introduced
into the moral world, they were Hable to mistake the nature
of their embassy, and even did enquire of the Messiah after he
had risen, if he would now restore again the Jewish poHty; "
but his answer referred them to this great event, the enlighten-
ing of this Holy Spirit — the promise of the Father — the Guide
into all Truth.
The disciples of Jesus Christ, after he had accomplished the
period of his ministry on earth, were to be deprived of his
personal protection, of his counsels, and his visible presence;
and in the view of this he consoled them in the most tender
language," whilst he assured them they should receive this
sacred Spirit, the comforter to abide with them for ever. The
disciples were also subject lo human fears, and often felt a dis-
position to compromise somewhat for their personal safety.
Hence, when the Saviour spake of his death, Peter replied," Be
it far from thee. Lord."" ° When his enemies actually laid their
hands on him, notwithstanding they had seen him walk upon
the sea, still with a word the raging storm, and raise the dead,
we behold them deserting him in his greatest danger; and
* Luke xxiv, 49, ' Acts ii. 9. "* Acts i, 6. " John xiv.
• Matt, xvi, 22.
B g
4 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF
Peter, regardless of the strong assurances he had given to his
divine Master of attachment, even thrice denied the knowledge
of his person. ? But what a change is observable in their his-
tory when they are influenced by the Holy Spirit. Now, in-
stead of flying from personal danger, they can use this language
to a threatening judicature, " Whether it be right in the sight
of God to hearken unto you more than unto God judge ye :
for we cannot but speak the things which we have seen and
heard." ^ Now they rejoice when counted worthy to sufi*er
for his name who endured for them the "contradiction of
sinners against himself" ■■ No longer expecting an earthly
kingdom, and a heaven below, they glory in tribulation, and
fix their eyes on an immortal crown.
As there may probably be occasion to advert to such a topic,
it may not be amiss here to enquire a httle into the manner
in which the Redeemer qualified his disciples for the exercise
of the ministry ; because it is fairly to be presumed, that only
those who follow in their footsteps can lay claim to a similarity
of character, for " by their fruits ye shall know them." In
their conduct before the world then the Saviour appears in the
whole tenour of his doctrine, as well as by his own bright ex-
ample, to have taught them to be inoffensive ; — this appears to
have been his greatest lesson — to suffer, but to do no wrong,
*« Love," said he " your enemies, bless them that curse you,
do good to them that hate you, and pray for them which des-
pitefully use you and persecute you."* " Behold I send you
forth as sheep in the midst of wolves ; be ye, therefore, wise as
serpents, and harmless as doves." * Far from being authorised
to make use of fleshly weapons in their spiritual warfare, they
were for warned " that all they that take the sword shall
perish with the sword," " and instead of indulging in furi-
ous anger against those who did not receive the doctrines they
advanced, the most serious step enjoined was, an act of the
most significant yet affectionate separation, " Go your ways
out into the streets and say. Even the very dust of your city,
which cleaveth on us, we do wipe off against you ; notwith-
• Luke xxii, 57. ^ Acts iv, 19. ' Heb. xii, .3. • Mat. v, 44.
* Mat. X, 16. • Mat. xxTJ, 62.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 5
Standing, be ye sure of this, that the kingdom of God is come
nigh unto you"'
If these then were the instructions which proceeded from the
lips of Jesus Christ, relative to the spirit and temper in which
he would have the ministry of his word exercised ; by what
strange concurrence and perversion could it arise, that persecU"
tion should be adopted in the propagation of the gospel. To
employ external violence, in order to produce conviction of die
mind, must be considered an absurdity of the grossest kind : and
to assert that a religion introduced to the world by the angehc
song of, " peace on earth, good-will towards men," sanctions
the use of fire and sword for its promotion, involves a contradic-
tion as glaring as to affirm, that the sun can cause darkness, or
the showers of heaven drought : it cannot be — it is not in the
gospel of Christ, that a sanction can be found for such a prac-
tice. Every species of persecution, as well as " all the wars and
massacres, which have usually been styled religious, and with
the entire guilt of which Christianity has been very unjustly
loaded, have been altogether owing to causesof a very different
nature — to the ambition, the resentment, the avarice, the rapa-
city of princes and conquerors (or of lesser tyrants) who assum-
ed the mask of religion, in order to veil then* real purposes, and
who pretended to fight (or persecute) in the cause of God and his
church, when they had in reahty, nothing else in view, than to
advance their power and authority, or extend their dominion." ^
But to return.
The scriptures take up the history of the church and carry
it on directly or indirectly, to about the year QQ^ at which pe-
riod the doctrines of the gospel had been taught and received in
a large portion of the then known world : according to credible
records, it appears to have been preached in Idumea, Syria,
and Mesopotamia, by Jude ; in Egypt, Mamorica, Mauritania,
and other parts of Africa, by Mark, Simeon and Jude; in
Ethiopia, by the Eunuch and Matthias ; in Pontus, Galatia,
and the neighbouring parts of Asia, by Peter ; in the territories
of the seven Asiatic Churches, by John ; in Parthia, by Mat-
thew ; in Scy thia, by Philip and Andrew ; in the northern
" Luke X. 11. f Poiteus' Lectures, vol. 1. 375.
6 HISTORICAL SPRVEY OF
and western parts of Asia, by Bartholomew ; in Persia, bj
Simeon and Jude; in Media, Carmania, &c. by Thomas;
from Jerusalem and round about unto Illyricum, by Paul ; as
also in Italy, and probably in Spain, Gaul, and Britain, and we
are told, that the disciples, upon the persecution which arose
about Stephen were scattered abroad, and " went every where
preaching the word/'*
This extension of doctrine, however, was unattended by
•popularity, by the applause, or even the approbation of the
world ; the profession of Christianity, at this early period, being
pure and scriptural, caused, as it will ever do, offence; the
Christians were, in consequence, a sect every where spoken
against, and the time also soon arrived, when, according to their
Lord's prediction, those who killed them thought that they did
God service*. The Apostle Paul viewed the approach of this
event, in reference to hunself, with that steady confidence which
truth alone can inspire, when, addressing his son Timothy, he
said, " I am now ready to be offered, and the time of my
departure is at hand ; I have fought a good fight, I have finish-
ed my course, I have kept the faith ; henceforth there is laid up
for me a crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous
judge shall give me at that day, and not to me only, but unto
all them also that love his appearing^. The apostle's death
took place, according to the most credible records, shortly after;
he having been condemned in the 12th year of the reign of
Nero, the same year in which Peter, according to Jerome,
was sacrificed.
In the year 64, Nero, whose infamous conduct was too gross
here to admit of a description, and who had exhausted all
the sources of criminal pleasure, at length sought his gratifi-
cation in the sufferings of others, and let loose his fury upon
the Christians. Tacitus acquaints us with the pretended causes
of the hatred which he displayed against them, and which
produced the first general persecution. — That inhuman empe-
ror, having, as was supposed, set fire to the city of Rome ; to
avoid the imputation of this wickedness, transferred it to the
' AcU viii, 4. * John xvi, 2. ► 2 Tim. iv, 6.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. (
Ciiristians ; and after informing us that they were ah-eady and
justly abhorred on account of their " many and enormous
crimes,'' «= Tacitus thus proceeds. " The author of this name
(Christians) was Christ, who in the reign of Tiberius, was exe-
cuted under Pontius Pilate procurator of Judea. The pestilent
superstition was for a while suppressed, but it revived again and
spread not only over Judea, where this evil was first broached, but
reached Rome, whither from every quarter of the earth is con-
stantly flowing whatever is hideous and abominable amongst
men, which is there readily embraced ^nd practised. First, there-
fore, Mere apprehended such as openly avowed themselves to be
of that sect; then by themAvere discovered an immense multitude,
and all were convicted, not of the crime of burning Rome, but
of hatred and enmity to mankind. Their death and tortures
were aggravated by cruel derision and sport ; for they were
either covered with the skins of wild beasts, and torn in pieces
by devouring dogs, or fastened to crosses, or wrapped up in
combustible garments, that when the day light failed, they
might, hke torches, serve to dispel the darkness of the night.
Hence towards the miserable sufferers, however guilty and
deserving the most exemplary punishment, compassion arose,
seeing they were doomed to perish, not with a view to the pub-
lic good, but to gratify the cruelty of one man."'^ Shortly
after, however, the period we are now contemplating, the wretch-
ed emperor Nero, unable to bear the load of disgrace which
popular opinion heaped on his existence, destroyed himself,
* How frequently has this early pattern of ignorant intolerance, been
imitated by those who sustain a far different character, and how often has
an nndiscriminating zeal represented as odious those opinions which a
little attention would have shewn in a very different point of light ;
enquiring a little further into these heavy charges, we find these " many and
enormous crimes," consisted in their being called Christians and refusing to
offer sacrifice to idols.
* Learned men are not altogether agreed concerning the persecution of
Nero, some confining it to the city of Rome, while others represent it as hav-
ing raged throughout the whole empire. The latter opinion, which is also
the most ancient, is undoubtedly to be preferred, as it is certain that the
laws enacted against the Christians, were enacted against the whole body,
and not against particular churches
B 4
S HISTORICAL SURVEY OF
A. D. 68, — which put an . end to this horrid and destructive
butchery.
In the mean time, the Jews at Jerusalem were filling up the
measure of their iniquities, and preparing themselves for that
heavy vengeance which fell on them, in the utter destruction of
their city and temple, and the slaughter and dispersion of their
nation, described at large, by Josephus, when nearly one million
and a half of that devoted people, perished by famine and the
sword.
The persecution of Nero was succeeded by another under
Domitian, when the apostle John was banished to Patmos,
where he wrote the book called his Revelation, A. D. 96.
During this century of the church, though doubtless the most
pure, several corruptions of doctrine were introduced, the
principal of which was that of those Judaising teachers, who,
desirous of uniting the Jewish with the Christian dispensation,
asserted that unless the believers in Jesus were circumcised,
and observed the law of Moses, they could not be saved. These
notions, so entirely subversive of the very basis of the Gospel,
received the pointed attention of the apostles, and on another
occasion drew forth the invaluable epistle of Paul to the
Galatian churches. Some misguided persons also were desirous
of uniting the eastern philosophy with the gospel; whilst
many, in a spirit of pride and vain glory, endeavoured to ele-
vate themselves even above the apostles^ as alluded to in the
epistles of Paul and of John; and from hence arose the
several sects of the Gnostics, Cerinthians, Nicolaitans, Naza-
renes, Ebeonites, &c. to the disturbance of the church and its
unity. With regard to modes of worship and ceremonies,
during this century, it is impossible to speak with certainty :
the Scriptures alone are the authentic record.
The second century commences with the third year of the
emperor Trajan. He ascended the throne of the Caesars in
the year 98, and conferred the government of the province of
Bithynia upon Pliny, whose character has been styled one of
the most amiable in all pagan antiquity. The persecuting
laws against the Christians were still in force ; but Phny hesi-
tated in applying them, until he had consulted Trajan on the
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 9
subject, which he did by a letter' written about the year
106 or 107. This letter, is a very valuable fragment of anti-
quity, because it affords authentic information respecting the
conduct of the early Chiistians and their judges. It is as fol-
lows:
C Pliny to the Emperor Trajan, wishes health.
Sire, It is customary with me to consult you upon
every doubtful occasion; for where my own judgment hesitates,
who is more competent to direct me than yourself, or to in-
struct me where uninformed? I never had occasion to be
present at any examination of the Christians before I came
into this province : I am therefore ignorant to what extent it
is usual to inflict punishment, or urge prosecution. I have
also hesitated whether there should not be some distinction
made between the young and the old, the tender and the
robust; whether pardon should not be offered to penitence, or
whether the guilt of an avowed profession of Christianity can
be expiated by the most unequivocal retraction; whether the
profession itself is to be regarded as a crime, however innocent in
other respects the professor may be ; or whether the crimes
attached to name must be proved, before they are made liable
to punishment.
In the mean tmie, the method I have hitherto observed with
the Christians, who have been accused as such, has been as
follows. I interrogated them — Are you Christians.-^ If they
avowed it, I put the same question a second and a third time,
threatening them with the punishment decreed by the law ;
if they stiU persisted, / ordered them to be immediately exe-
cuted; for of this I had no doubt, whatever was the nature
of their religion, that such perverseness and inflexible obsti-
nacy certainly deserved punishment. Some that were infected
with this madness, on account of their privilege as Roman
citizens, I reserved to be sent to Rome, to be referred to your
tribunal.
In the discussioa*? of this matter, accusations multiplying, a
diversity of cases occurred. A schedule of names was sent
10 ^ HISTORICAL SURVEY OF
me, by an unknown accuser ; but when I cited the persons
before me, many denied the fact, that they were or ever had
been Christians, and they repeated after me an invocation of
the Gods, and of your image, which for this purpose 1 had
ordered to be brought, with the statues of the other deities.
They performed sacred rites with wine and frankincense, and
execrated Christ; none of which things, I am assured, a real
Christian can ever be compelled to do. These, therefore, I
thought proper to discharge. Others named by an informer, at
first acknowledged themselves Christians, and then denied ic ;
declaring that though they had been Christians, they had re-
nounced their profession, some years ago, others still longer,
and some even twenty years ago- All these worshipped your
imao-e, and the statues of the Gods, and at the same time
execrated Christ.
And this was the account which they gave me of the na-
ture of the religion they once had professed, whether it
deserves the name of crime or error ; namely, that they were
accustomed, on a stated day, to assemble before sun-rise, and
to join together in singing hymns to Christ as to a Deity,
binding themselves as v/ith a solemn oath, not to commit any
kind of wickedness, to be guilty neither of theft, robbery, nor
adultery ; never to break a promise, or to keep back a deposit
when called upon. Their ^ worship being concluded, it was
their custom to separate, and meet together again for a repast,
promiscuous indeed, mthout any distinction of rank or sex,
but perfectly harmless ; and even from this they desisted, since
the publication of my edict, in which, agreeably to your orders,
I forbad any societies of that sort.
For further information, I diought it necessary, in order to
come at the truth, to put to the torture two females who were
called deaconesses. But 1 could extort from them nothing,
except the acknowledgement of an excessive and depraved
superstition, and therefore, desisting from further investigation,
I determined to consult you, for the number of culprits is so
great, as to call for the most serious deliberation. Informations
are pouring in against multitudes of every age, of all orders,
and of both sexes ; and more will be impeached, for the con-
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 11
tagion of this superstition hath spread, not only through cities,
but villao-es also, and even reached the farm-houses.
I am of opinion, nevertheless, that it may be checked, and
the success of my endeavours hitherto forbids despondency ;
for the temples, once almost desolate, begin to be again fre-
quented; the sacred solemnities, which had for some time
been intermitted, are now attended afresh ; and the sacrificial
victims, which once could scarcely find a purchaser, now ob-
tain a brisk sale. Whence I infer, that many might be re-
claimed, were the hope of pardon on their repentance abso-
lutely confirmed."
Trajan to Pliny.
" My dear Pliny,
" You have done perfectly right in managing as you
have the matters which relate to the impeachment of the
Christians. No one general rule can be laid down, which will
apply to all cases; these people are not to be hunted up by
informers; but if accused and convicted let them be exe-
cuted: yet with this restriction, that if any renounce the pro-
fession of Christianity, and give proof of it, by offering sup-
phcations to our Gods, however suspicious their past conduct
may have been, they shall be pardoned on their repentance.
\But anonymous accusations should never be attended to,
since it would be establishing a precedent of the worst kind,
and altogether inconsistent with the maxims of mj govern-
These letters, whilst they afford a very pleasing view of
the exemplary conduct displayed by the first Christians, at the
same time shew the futihty of mere human accomplishments,
when a chief magistrate, an emperor, of a refined people, could
establish, as an act of justice, the taking away of hfe
for the profession of a name unconnected with any personal
impropriety.
Before proceeding further in this part of the subject, a
rery ivatursj curiosity demands, how it happened that the
12 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF
Romans, who were troublesome to no nation on account of
their rrligion, and who suffered even the Jews to hve un-
der their own method of worship, treated the Christians alone
with such severity? This important question seems still more
difficult to be solved when re is considered, that the excel-
lent nature of the Christian religion, and its admirable
tendency to promote the public welfare of the state, from the
private fehcity of the individual, entitled it in a singular man-
ner to the favour and protection of the reigning powers. One of
the principal reasons of the severity with which the Romans
persecuted the Christians, notwithstanding these considerations,
seems to have been the abhorrence and contempt with which
the latter regarded the religion of the empire; which was so
intimately connected with the form, and indeed with the very
essence of its political constitution. For though the Romans
gave an unlimited toleration to all religions, which had nothing
in their tenets dangerous to the commonwealth, yet they
would not permit that of their ancestors, which was estabhshed
by the laws of the state, to be turned into derision, nor the
people to be drawn away from their attachment to it. ® In
the doctrines of the gospel, the axe was laid to the root of
the tree, and the» destruction of every false way was both
unavoidably and intentionally the consequence. Besides,
whilst the introduction of the Gospel had this effect, it supplied
no gaudy objects in the service it enjoined ; its followers were
instructed to worship the one supreme God of heaven, distin-
guished from idols, in spirit and in truth; to be ready to the
endurance of any temporal evil; to maintain a constant war-
fare with unholy and corrupt propensities; and to fix their
final hopes in steady confidence beyond the grave. Such a
religion was as httle attractive to the hcentious Roman as it
was to the Jew, involved in misunderstood ceremonies, and
therefore both its professors and its teachers were alike the
objects of disgust to each; and hence it is no wonder that
they loaded them with the grossest imputations, which
were too readily received by the unthinking multitude. They
.* Mosheim's Eccles. Hist. vol. i. 74. '
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 1$
even ciiarged them with Atheism, and asserted that all the
wars, tempests, and diseases which the nation suffered, were
judgments from the angry Gods upon them, because they
permitted the Christians to live. Hence under one reign,
upon being proved Christians, or confessing themselves such,
they were immediately dragged away to execution; unless
they gave up their profession, execrated the sacred name of
Chi'ist, and fell down to stocks and stones, to which they
were also instigated by inliuman tortures.
Among the persons who suffered under Trajan, was Igna-
tius, pastor of the church at Antioch. Trajan, making a short
stay at that place, and about to enter on the Parthian war,
the occurrence of an earthquake, which then took place, and
which was very destructive in its consequences, appears to have
roused his hatred against the Christians, and he ordered Igna-
tius to be seized, and sent to Rome, where he was exposed in
the theatre, and devoured by mid beasts.
The persecution under Trajan, commonly called the third,
appears to have continued during his whole reign, and to have
been temiinated only by his death, an event which took
place, A. D. 117.
Adrian, who succeeded Trajan, manifested a degree of
mildness compared with what his predecessors had done ; and,
in consequence, the church enjoyed a sort of interval in suffer-
ing: yet, notwithstanding, there did continue a persecution
denominated the fourth. After a reign of twenty-one years,
Adi-ian was succeeded by x\ntoninus Pius and Marcus Aurehus
Antoninus; the former of whom denounced capital punish-
raent against those who should in future accuse the Christians
without being able to prove them guilty of any crime; but
the latter issued edicts, in consequence of which the vilest
rabble were allowed to be adduced as evidence against the
followers of Jesus ; and the Christians were put to the most
barbarous tortures, and condemned to meet death in the most
cruel forms, notwithstanding their perfect innocence and per-
severing solenm denial of those horrid crimes laid to their
chai'ge. ' This, which is called the fifth persecution, induced
f Mosheim Ecc. Hist. vol.«i. ICO-l.
14 HISTORrcAL SURVEY 6T
Justin Martyr to write his first Apology, which he presented
to the emperor.
That distinguished man, Poly carp, bishop of Smyrna, whom
Usher has laboured to shew, was the angel of the church of
Smyrna, addressed by Jesus Christ, Rev. ii. 8. was martyred
in, or about the year 167. The account of his death is pre-
served by Eusebius, and, omitting some extravagancies, is in
substance as follows. The popular fury which never stays to en-
quire or to discriminate, imputed to the Christians the crime of
Atheism, because they refused to worship and sacrifice to idols.
Hence the usual cry among the disorderly multitude became,
" take away the Atheists," and after the destruction of many
lesser persons, to this was joined, *' let Polycarp be sought
for." Polycarp, far from imitating the rashness of those who
threw themselves into the hands of their persecutors, took every
lawful means for his personal safety, and retired, first to one
village, and from thence unto another ; but the place of his
retreat having been obtained by torture, from one of his
domestics, he was taken. Eusebius relates that he might even
then have escaped but he would not, saying, " the will of the
Lord be done." Hearing that the officers were come to seize
him, he came down from his chamber and conversed w^ith them,
and all present admired his firmness, some saying, " is it worth
while to apprehend so aged a person .?" Polycarp immediately
ordered meat and drink to be set before the officers, as much as
they pleased,. and having obtained one uninterrupted hour for
prayer ; he mentioned and commended all whom he had ever
known to God ; he was then set on an ass and led unto the
City.— The Irenarch Herod and his father Nifcetes, meeting him,
took him up into their chariot, and began to advise him, saying,
" what harm is it to cry. Lord Caesar ! and to sacrifice and be
safe ?" Polycarp was at first silent, but when they pressed him,
he said, "I v'ill not follow your advice .?" finding, therefore,
that they could not persuade him, they abused him, and thrust
him out of the chariot, so that in faUing he bruised his thigh.
But he still unmoved, went on cheerfully under the conduct of
his guards to the stadium.
When he was brought to the tribunal there was a great
THE CHRISTIAK CHURCH. 15
tumult, as soon as it was generally understood that Polycarp
was apprehended. The proconsul asked hhn if lie was Poly-
cai-p, to which he assented. The former then began to exhort
him. " Have pity on thy own great age !— Swear by the
fortune of Caesar !— repent!— say. Take away the Atheists !" —
Polycarp, with a grave aspect, beholding all the multitude,
waving his hands to them, and looking up to heaven, said,
" Take away the Atheists.'' The proconsul urging him, and
saying, " Swear, and I will release thee J'— reproach Christ!"
Polyciu-p said, *' Eighty and six years have I served him, and
he hath never wronged me ; and how can I blaspheme my king
who hath saved me? The proconsul still urging him, he
declared himself a Christian, and ready to instruct the pro-
consul, if he would hear. The proconsul then said, " I have
wild beasts, and will expose you to them, unless you repent.*"
" Call them !" said Polycarp, " our minds are not to be
changed." " I will tame your spirit by fire," said the former,
" since you despise the fury of beasts.'' Polycarp rephed,
" you threaten me Avith fire, which burns but for a moment,
but are ignorant of that eternal fire which is reserved for the
ungodly. But why do you delay .? — Do what you please."
The proconsul was visibly embarrassed ; he sent, however,
the herald to proclaim thrice in the vast assembly, " Polycarp
hath professed himself a Christian!" upon which all the multi-
tude, both Jews and Gentiles, demanded his blood. They im-
mediately gathered fuel from the workshops and baths, and
the fire being prepared, Polycarp laid aside his clothes, and
said to those who would have secured him in the usual
manner, " Let me remain as I am ; for he who giveth me
strength to sustain the fire, will enable me to remain unmoved."
After this, being put in the place appointed, he uttered a
prayer, and remaining sometime alive in the midst of tlie
flames, the confector was ordered to approach, and plunge
his sword through his body. «
The year 180 closed this persecution; for in the reign
of Commodus, who succeeded, and of Pertinax, who fol-
'« Blilner's Cli. Hist. vol. i. 209.
16 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF
lowed in the government, a considerable degree of mildness
prevailed. Pertinax, however, having been basely assassinated,
was succeeded by Severus, who soon pursued the Christians
with the same malignity as some of his predecessors had done,
which caused great bloodshed in Asia, Eg)rpt, and the other
provinces, as related by TertuUian and others, to the close of
this century.
The corruption introduced in the first, continued and in-
creased during the second century. A great and unwarranta-
ble stress was laid on ceremonies, in order to gratify the mul-
titude; but as in every age, to the injury of truth, by with-
drawing the mind from an attentive observance of the pre-
cepts of the Gospel, under a vain idea, that the observance of
the former could supply the place of the latter. In addition to
this, there appears to have been a great account of mysteries; by
which it was insinuated, that the forms of worship had a hidden
and peculiar power, considered in themselves, and apart from
their apparent meaning ; a doctrine well calculated to inspire an
ignorant veneration for forms as well as ministers, and which evi-
dently might contribute to render Christianity, if not accepta-
ble, at least not so disgusting, to the heathen, whose religion,
if it may be so called, consisted in a multitude of mysterious
observances. By means such as these, the Christian Pastors
gradually obtained a power, which, as it may be supposed,
they did not always rightly employ: hence arose dictation
of creeds on one hand, and blind obedience on the other.
While some, who acted in the character of ministers, suc-
ceeded in persuading the people that the Christians had suc-
ceeded to the rights and immunities of the Jewish priesthood,
and that Christian bishops should be regarded as the high
priests of that dispensation, as well as others in inferior grada-
tions of authority ; a notion which produced for them both ho-
nour and profit.
In this century also, the form of church government was
adopted, which appeared to give a regularity and dependance
to the whole body. Before this period, every church had its
officers, and considered itself bound to no other, except by the
ties of aifection ; but it was now established, that distinction
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 17
in dignity and authority was to be maintained ; and all the
churches in a district or province, were to be confederated and
assembled at intenals, to discuss the concerns of the whole;
an arrangement which conveyed a large increase of power to
the clergy, which, although it did not instantly, yet finally,
produced immense mischiefs ; as in process of time, they lost
sight of their original designation, and no longer considering
themselves the delegates of the churches, asserted an authority
to prescribe laws and issue commands. Ecclesiastical councils
had, besides, the effect of destroying the equality of the
churches, and their Bishops or Pastors ; and whilst in these
public assemblies, degrees in dignity began to be observed,
a spirit of domination was gradually introduced; a new order
of Ecclesiastics, invented under the title of Patriarchs ; and
finally, when ambition and the love of power had gained its
height, the catalogue was rendered complete, by investing the
bishop of Rome with supreme dignity, in the denomination of
the Prince of the Patriarchs.
Of the peculiarities of doctrine in the second century,
the tenets of the Ascetics form the distinguishing feature. —
The doctrines of this sect consisted principally in austerities,
which, in some cases, went near to the extinction of life ; for
they considered themselves bound to practise fastings, watch-
ings, labour, and self-denial, even to the exclusion of the most
necessary comforts, and, by a perv^ersion the most destructive,
sought happiness in solitary meditation, which, if it promoted
in them the love of God, and that may be fairly doubted,
can hardly be supposed conducive to the love of man, which
is only to be expressed in a state of society, not of solitude.
Hence arose, in after times, a multitude of puerile observ-
ances, which first beclouded, and afterwards almost extin-
guished, every Christian doctrine, among the diversified orders
of Monks, Nuns, &c. &c.
The reign of Severus terminated in the early part of the
third century. He was succeeded by his son Caracalla ; who,
during his government, which lasted six years, exercised great
lenity towards the Christians: a feeling which appears to have
existed until the government devolved on Maximin, who
18 ^HISTORICAL SURVEY OF
commenced the seventh persecution, and whose cruelty was of
the darkest land. But he reigned only three years, and from
h\s death to the succession of Decius, the church enjoyed com-
parative quietness ; though in that outward peace she lost much
of her internal purity, and exhibited tokens of degeneracy both
in faith and practice. No sooner, however, had Decius as-
cended the throne, than he caused persecution to fall on them
with redoubled fury. He issued edicts, commanding the prae-
tors, on pain of death, either to extirpate the whole of the
Christians, or to compel them, by torment, to renounce their
rehgion, and return to the pagan worship; and, in consequence,
during the space of two years, multitudes of Christians were
put to death in all the provinces. The eighth and ninth per-
secutions bring down the history of the church to the close of
the third century ; during which many of its brightest oma-
naments sealed its doctrines with their blood.
In those intervals of peace which the church enjoyed in the
course of this centmy, large additions were made to the number
of converts, though, as has been already hinted with little ad-
vantage to her purity, for an increase of ceremonies prevailed ;
alterations were made in the manner of celebrating the Lord's
Supper, by the introduction of a great degree of external ap-
pearance and of splendour. Vessels of gold and of silver being
used, whilst it was in itself considered so essential to salvation
as even to be administered to infants. The doctrine of posses-
sion by evil spirits was also maintained, and they were supposed
to be expelled by baptism, on which account persons baptized
were arrayed in white. Fasting also attained a particular credit
in this period, and the sign of the cross in token of protection.
At the commencement of the fourth century, the church en-
joyed toleration, but the Pagan priests, foreseeing probably the
destruction of their emoluments, instigated Dioclesian and Ga-
lerius Cassar, by whom a sanguinary persecution was begun in
303, which lasted eight years ; at length, however, Galerius
being afflicted with a di'eadful disease, ordered these severities
to cease, which closed the tenth persecution. The period now
approaches when the civil authority united with the church
under Constantine, and when matters of faith became the object
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 19
of civil government ; how far such an alliance comports with
the declaration of Jesus Christ, respecting the nature of his
kingdom,'' the reader may determine for himself; but its ill
effects on the rights and habits of men, will, be amply apparent
in the following pages.
When Constantine ascended the throne, he not only relieved
the Christians from the anxieties of suffering, but he afterwards
turned the stream of persecution, and issued edicts, forbidding
every religion but the Christian.
- The first effect, resulting from the union of the church and
the state under Constantine, appears to have been, that of
producing a great degree of pride among the Clergy, who
noAV knew no bounds to theii' ambition. Thus exhibiting the
striking difference Avhich exists between a rehgion every where
spoken against ; a profession of which must be made at the
hazard of hfe, and one patronised by the civil power, and con-
nected wdth fixed emoluments and splendid dignity. For ex-
perience ever shews, that Christians become corrupt, in pro-
portion as they become secular, and wherever the apostohcal
inj unction i is exceeded, and the spirit of the world admitted in
an eager pursuit of present objects, all the graces which adorn
the Christian character become proportionally sullied.
The bishop of Rome, the superior city, soon began, by a
very natural consequence, to claim ecclesiastical pre-eminence,
and, as external authority had now become the adjunct of
spiritual power, he exceeded all others in the splendour of the
church over which he presided ; in the riches of his revenue and
possessions ; in the number and variety of his ministers ; in
his credit with the people, and in his sumptuous and splendid
manner of living; and therefore when a vacancy occurred in this
office it became the object of contention, and frequently of dis-
turbance, in the city of Rome; a remarkable instance of which
occurred in the year 366, when upon the death of Liberius,
an election took place, and when two persons were chosen by
opposite parties to the same office, a choice which each endea-
voured to enforce by open violence, and the most hateful
means. The splendour, which at this period attended the
* John x\iii. 36. ' I Tim. vi. 8
c a
20 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF
bishop of Rome, therefore, was considerable, though nothing
in compai'ison of that which belonged to the office in after times;
for though they claimed, they liad not actually attained, supre-
macy.
The arrangements made by Constantine respecting the civil
and ecclesiastical government were of the following kind. To
the four bishops of Rome, Constantinople, Antioch, and Alex-
andria was given a pre-eminence, probably under the title 'patri-
arch ; answering to these in the civil government, he created
four praetorian prefects ; next to these in dignity were the exarchs;
then followed the metropolitans, having authority over a single
province, after these were the archbishops, and beneath these
the bishops : to these latter were at first added the cJiorepiscopi,
or superintendants of country churches, an order however, soon
after discontinued by the bishops, who found it to infringe on
their power and authority. Constantine divided the adminis-
tration into external and internal, — the internal relating to
the forms of worship, the offices of priests, the conduct of the
ecclesiastics, &c. he committed to the esclesiastical officers be-
fore enumerated, and the decision of counsels, — the external
administration embracing whatever related to the outward state
of the church, he reserved to himself — In consequence of this
arrangem-ent Constantine and his successors, convened councils
in which they presided, appointed the judges in religious contro-
versies, decided on the differences which arose between ministers
and people, arranged the extent of ecclesiastical possessions, and
punished crimes against the civil laws, by the ordinary judges.
It is not intended here to enter on the wide question of
national estabhshments ; if it were, the present period would
afford a powerful argument, on the impolicy and impiety of at-
tempting to blend those things, which are ordained to be kept
asunder; iron and clay, though they may be mingled, they can-
not be united. Every thing is beautiful in its own order. If
the civil magistrate bear rule without intrusion, he will protect
those whom he governs, 'n\ the quiet enjoyment of then- rights,
as men ; taking proper care for the punishment of such " evil
doers" as infringe on those rights, according to the provisions of
civil law. Like a wise physician, he will consider at large tlie
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 21
political body, and from time to time, apply those remedies which
incidental derangements require. If he be himself a Christian,
lie will rejoice in the privilege, and exhibit as an individual in
his exalted station, the influence of Christian principles ; in the
wisdom of his decisions, and the brightness of his example.
From consistent views, studiously avoiding the assumption of
an authority not his own, he will fear to touch the conscience,
knowing that it is sacred, and accountable to one Being only
in the universe, whose prerogative alone it is, " to search the
heart and ti-y the reins of the children of men."
Constantine who probably had no apprehension of the irre-
concileable nature of spiritual and temporal power, found how-
ever the difficulty of drawing the line of separation, so that
both in the fourth and fifth centuries, there are frequent instances
of the emperors determining matters purely ecclesiastical, and
likewise of bishops and councils, determining matters which re-
late to civil government.
The emperor having now established his mixed government,
soon felt his own dignity connected with that of the superior
ecclesiastical officers, and having removed the seat of empire to
Constantinople, a city which he had named after himself, and
which he intended should become a second Rome ; permitted
the bishop of Constantinople to advance in precedence, and in a
council held at that city in 381, his pretensions were estabhshed,
and he was placed by the third canon of that council, in the first
rank after the bishop of Rome, a preference which not only
occasioned the bitter hatred of the bishops of Alexandria, but at
length produced those contentions between the bishops of Rome
and Constantinople, which being carried on for many ages,
ended at length in the separation of the Greek and Latin
churches.
Wealth and power present the same strong temptations in
every age. — If the way to these at one period lie through the
field of war, we read of heroes and conquerors. If at another,
through the shady paths of intellect, scholastic speculations
become the subject of history ; but if only through the sacred
portal of religion, the most disgusting objects are presented to
our view, the pure principles of truth, are either distorted or
22 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF
suppressed, and the temple of God becomes a den of thieves.
As long, indeed, as man continues what he is, a compound of
flesh and spirit, lie will always be subject to an overweening at-
tachment to the things of the present life ; this is an infirmity
which attends the Christian in every age. But there is a
striking difference between a man who, from the operation of
heavenly principles, keeps the world beneath him, using but not
abusing it, and he who makes it the object of his worship.
When by the union now contemplated, religion became the high
road to state favour and worldly grandeur; the votaries of
these began to crowd the court, and to study, with all their
efforts, the external appearances of sanctity. Religion be-
came the fashionable pursuit ; and all the powers of invention
were soon pressed into service. Hence under one period one,
and under another, a new species of puerility became substituted
in the room of solid virtue : not indeed entirely to the exclusion
of every good, because under the most utter wretchedness and
debasiement God hath ever taken care to preserve unto him-
self a seed to serve him.
After Constantine had arranged his state officers and church
officers, a task of easy accomplishment among men accustomed
to feel the terrors of heathen government, and who were elated
with the hope of better times, he soon found a difficulty arise,
for v/hich he had omitted to provide, and which has attended
every similar institution; namely, that of producing Uniform-
ity of Faith. "In an assembly of the Presbyters of Alex-
andria, the bishop of that city, whose name was Alexander,
expressing his sentiments respecting the nature of Jesus Christ,
maintained, among other things, that he was not only of the
same nature and dignity, but also of the same essence with
the Father. This assertion was opposed by Arius, one of
the Presbyters, a man of a subtle turn, and remarkable for
his eloquence ; whether his zeal for his own opinions, or per-
sonal resentment against his bishop, was the motive that influ-
enced him is not very certain ; be this as it will, he first treated
as false the assertion of Alexander, on account of its affinity
to the Sabellian errors which had been condemned by the churchy
and then running himself into the opposite extreme, he main-
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 23
tained that the Son was totally and essentially distinct from
the Fatlier, — that he was the first and noblest of these beings,
whom God the Father had created out of nothing, the instru-
ment by whose subordinate operation the Almighty Father
formed the universe, and therefore inferior to the Father both in
nature aud dignity.''"^ These opinions, by the talent with
which their author supported them, soon gained a number of
adherents and produced a separation between Arius and Alex-
ander. Constantine, who beheld the growing evil with anxious
solicitude, finding the breach become wider and wider, he himself
interposed, in the hope of re-uniting the dispXitants, and addres-
sed letters to them at Alexaudria, exhorting them to lay aside
their differences and be reconciled to each other; he declared,
that after having examined the rise and progress of the dispute,
he found that the differences between them, were not by any
means such, as to justify furious contention ; he tells Alexander,
that he had required a declaration of their sentiments respecting
a silly empty question; — and Arius, that he had imprudently
uttered what he should not even have thought of, or what at
least, he should have kept secret in his own bosom, — that
questions about such things ought not to have been asked ; if
asked, should not have been answered: that they proceeded
from an idle fondness for disputation, and were in themselves of
so high and difficult a nature as that they could not be exactly
comprehended, or suitably explained : and that to insist on such
points before the people, could produce no other effect, than to
make some of them talk blasphemy, and others turn schismatics.
These efforts of the Emperor, however prudently directed, fail-
ed of their desired effect; he found the evil too deeply rooted
to be eradicated, and therefore, determined on calling in the
assistance of the bishops in assembly ; — accordingly he issued
letters to the bishops of all the provinces, and assembled the
first general council of Nice, in Bithynia, A. D. 325 ; ' the
total number of persons who sat in this council was about two
thousand and fifty, tluree hundred and eighteen of whom were
bishops ; — on the day appointed, this assembly met in a large
^ Mosheira Ecc. Hist. vol. i. 412.
' Euscbius Life of Con»tantiue, B. i. Ch 63. in Jones's Walden»e».
^M HISTORICAL SURVEY OF
room of the palace. The bishops ai\d clergy having taken then
places, they remained standing, waiting the arrival of the em-
peror. At length Constantine appeared, surrounded by his
friends, (says Eusebius), like an angel of God, exceeding all
his attendants, in size, gracefulness, and strength, dazzling all
eyes with the splendour of his dress, but shewing the greatest
humility in his manner of walking, gesture and behaviour, and
having placed himself in the midst of the upper part of the
loom near a low chair, covered with gold, did not sit down, till
desired to do so by the fatliers. — When the assembly had taken
their seats, Eustathius, patriarch of Antioch, rose and addres-
sed the emperor, giving thanks to God on his account, and
congratulating the church, on the prosperity brought about
through him, and particularly on the subversion of the heathen
worship. — The emperor then rose, and addressed the assembly
in Latin, expressing his happiness at seeing them all met on so
glorious an occasion, as that of amicably settHng their differences,
which he said, had given him more concern than all his wars ;
but having ended these, he desired nothing more than the
setthng the peace of the church, and concluded, by recommend-
ing it to them, to remove every cause of future distention.
That which now followed, however, could not have been
very consonant to the pacific views of Constantine, for some of
the bishops present, thinking this a favourable opportunity for
promoting their separate interests, delivered into his hands
letters of complaint against each other ; — these complaints were
at first made by word, personally : but Constantine, requested
they would put them into writing, and when they delivered
them to him, he put the whole of them unopened into the fire,
telling them, that it did not belong to him to decide on the dif-
ferences of Christian bishops, and that the hearing of them,
must be deferred until the day of judgment. Having thus
been softened, in regard to their personal animosities, the
assembly began to turn their attention to the object of their
meeting together, and after a deliberation of more than two
months, agreed upon a summary of matters to be believed, and
which was thence denominated the Nicene Creed. As soon as
this formulary had been assented to, it was transmitted to Rome,
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 25
>vhere it was confirmed in a council of two hundred and seventy-
five bishops, in these words : "We confirm with oui* mouth, that
whicli has been decreed at Nice, a city of Bithynia, by the
three hundred and eighteen holy bishops, for tlie good of the ,
CuthoUc and Apostolic church, mother of the faithful; we
anathematize all those, who shall dare to contradict the
decrees of the great and holy council, which was assembled at
Nice, in the presence of that most pious and venerable prince,
the emperor Constantine :"" — to this all the bishops answered,
" We consent to it." Thus was the authority of councils
exalted above that of him from whom it was profissedly
derived, a foundation laid for the unbounded influence of the
clergy, the riglit of private judgment violated, and the world
at large commanded to believe any thing, and at any time
which the church ordained should be believed, a doctrine, it is
true, without which no union of spiritual and temporal power
can be supposed to exist, but which, when once established
and FULLY acted upon, could not possibly fail to produce all
that superstition, idolatry, grossness of mind, and cruelty,
which characterizes so large a portion of ecclesiastical history,
until the man of sin became fully revealed, exalting himself
above all that is called God, or that is worshipped, so that at
length he, as God, sat in the temple of God. ^
When Constantine and his clergy had, according to their
own ideas, overcome this radical difficulty in their mixed go-
vernment, by the formation of a creed, which should produce
unifonnity in this new and complex body, the next step before
them was to procure its universal reception, and as argument
cannot be supposed to have any place with dictation, the most
obvious, and indeed the only method by which this end could
be obtained was that of civil penalty, that those who refused
to believe might be compelled to suffer. Constantine at first
wrote letters enjoining the people to believe the creed now
established, which he asserted was by the command of God,
and framed by the inspiration of the Holy Spirit. These let-
ters were mild and gentle at the first ; but he was soon per-
suaded by the bishops to exhibit great zeal for the extinction
•• 2 Tim. iii.
Og HISTORICAL SURVEY OF
of heresy, and issued edicts against those whom they repre-
sented as its abettors, denominating them " enemies of truth,
destructive counsellors, Sec." forbidding their public meetmgs,
and giving their places of assembly to the church. He banished
Arius, and decreed that his books should be burnt; and that if
any should dare to keep any one of them, as soon as this was
proved he should suifer death !
Such were the difficulties, and such the conduct, of the first
ruler who governed under the profession of Christianity,
Constantine the Great ; " "a prince, whose character,'' says Gib-
bon, " has fixed the attention and divided the opinions of
mankind : his person as well as mind had been enriched by
nature with her choicest endowments. His stature was lofty,
his countenance majestic, his deportment graceful: in the
dispatch of business his diligence was indefatigable ; and the
active powers of liis mind were almost continually exercised in
reading, writing, or meditating, in giving audience to ambassa-
dors, or in examining the complaints of his subjects. The
general peace which he maintained during the last foui'teen
years of his life, was a period of apparent splendour rather
than of real prosperity, and the old age of Constantine was
sullied by the opposite yet reconcileable vices of rapaciousness
and prodigality."^
l^he History of what is called the Chiistian Church from this
time forward becomes a pretty uniform record of superstition,
ambition, and fanaticism. After the time of Constantine many
additions were made by the emperors and others, to the wealth
and honours of the clergy ; and these additions were followed
by a proportional increase of their vices and luxury, particu-
larly among those who lived in great and opulent cities. The
bishops opposing each other in the most disgraceful manner re-
" Constantine was chosen to the government, whilst in England with the
Roman army. — It appears, he entertained a favourable opinion of Christia-
nity, whether from a sincere conviction of its truth, or from political motives
is doubtful.
The authenticity of the story of his conversion, by the vision of a lumi-
nous cross appearing in the firmament bearing the inscription, *' In this
conquer," has been much controverted and much doubted.
* Gibbon's Rome, chap, xviii.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 27
specting the extent of their jurisdictions ; at the same time dis-
regarding the rights of their inferiors, and imitating, in their
manners and luxurious mode of hfe, the quahty of magistrates
and princes. This conduct of the higher clergy soon infected
the inferior classes ; and the ^mters of this period repeatedly
censure and complain of the effeminacy of the deacons. The
Presbyters and Deacons of the first orders began to aim at
superior honours, and were offended at being on a level with
others ; hence arose the invention of the titles Arch-Preshyter
and Arch-Deacon.
The rivalry introduced between the bishops of Rome and
Constantinople, in consequence of the attachment of the Emperor
Constantine to the latter, has been before alluded to. In the
5th century the bishops of Constantinople having extended
their authority over all the provinces of Asia, endeavoured to
obtain still further dignities ; and in the council held at Chal-
cedon, a. d. 451, it was resolved. That the same rights and
honours conferred on the bishop of Rome were due to the
bishop of Constantinople, on account of the equal dignity of
the cities in which they presided ; and at the same time they con-
firmed to the bishop of Constantinople the j urisdiction of the
Asiatic provinces which he had assumed. These decisions
considerably alarmed the bishop of Rome, who used every
effort to establish his supremacy. The royal influence, how-
ever, preponderated against him, and the bishops of Rome and
Constantinople were declared equals.
Whilst the principal persons among the clergy were thus
contending in the spirit of proud ambition, veiled indeed by the
appearances of sanctity, the inferior orders did not fail to follow
their example; and as religion now became the popular pursuit,
a spirit of envy and emulation soon prevailed, which incUned
men to endeavour to outrun each other in zeal and pious prac-
tices ; hence inventions and austerities were introduced, which
were well calculated to excite that vacant feeling in all ages,
predominating in the multitude, which produces veneration
in proportion as it ridicules the intellect. The most striking
and the most lasting of these, or rather the vortex of all others.
28 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF
is that which, about this period, made rapid progress in tlic
monastic life, a style of existence disgraceful to religion and
destructive to man.
" In the reign of Constantine, the Ascetics fled from a profana
and degenerate world, to perpetual solitude or religious society,
they resigned the use or the property of their temporal pos-
sessions, established regular communities of the same sex and
a similar disposition, and assumed the names of Hermits,
Monhs, and Jfwhorites, expressive of their lonely retreat in a
natural or artificial desert. They soon acquired the respect
of the world which they despised, and the loudest applause was
bestowed on this Divine Philosophy, which surpassed, with-
out the aid of science or reason, the laborious virtues of the
Grecian schools. The monks might indeed contend with the
Stoics, in the contempt of fortune, of pain, and of death. The
Pythagorean silence and submission were revived in their ser-
vile discipline, and they disdained, as firmly as the Cynics
themselves, all the forms and. decencies of civil society. The
lives of the primitive monks were consumed in penance and
solitude, undisturbed by the various occupations which fill the
time, and exercise the faculties of reasonable, active, and social
beings ; whenever they were permitted to step beyond the pre-
cincts of the monastery, two jealous companions were the mutual
guards and spies of each other's actions ; and after their return
they were condemned to forget, or at least to suppress whatever
they had seen or heard in the world : strangers who professed
the orthodox faith were hospitably entertained in a separate
apartment; but their dangerous conversation was restricted
to some chosen elders of approved discretion and fidelity.
Except in their presence the monastic slave might not receive
the visits of his friends or kindred ; and it was deemed highly
meritorious if he afflicted a tender sister by the obstinate refu-
sal of a word or look. The monks themselves passed their
lives without personal attachments, among a crowd which had
been formed by accident, and was detained in the same prison
by force or prejudice : a special licence of the abbot regulated
the time and duration of their familiar visits ; and at their
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 39
silent meals they were enveloped in their cowls, inaccessible and
almost invisible to each other. According to their faith and zeal
they might employ the day which they passed in their cells,
either in vocal or mental prayer , they assembled in the evening,
and they were awakened in the night for the public worship of
the monastery : the precise moment was determined by the
stars, which are seldom clouded in the serene sky of Egypt,
and a rustic horn or trumpet the signal of devotion, twice in-
terrupted the vast silence of the desert.
The most devout or the most ambitious of the spiritual bre-
thren renounced the convent as they had renounced the world.
The fervent monasteries of Egypt, Palestine, and Syria, were sur-
rounded by a Laura^ a distant circle of solitary cells ; and the
extravagant penance of the Hermits was stimulated by applause
and emulation. They sunk under the painful weight of crosses
and chains, and their emaciated hmbs were confined by collars,
bracelets, gauntlets, and greaves, of massy and rigid iron : all
superfluous encumbrance of dress they contemptuously cast
away, and some savage saints of both sexes have been admired,
whose naked bodies were only covered by their long hair.
Tliey aspired to reduce themselves to the rude and miserable
state in which the human brute is scarcely distingi'fshed above
his kindred animals, and a numerous sect of Anchorites,
derived their name from their humble practice of grazing in
the fields of Mesopotamia with the common herd. They often
usurped the den of some wild beasts, whom they aifected to
resemble; they buried themselves in some gloomy cavern,
which ai't or nature had scooped out of the rock, and the
marble quarries of Thebais are still inscribed with the monu-
ments of their penance. The mostjperfect hermits are supposed
to have passed many days without food, many nights without
sleep, and many years without speaking ; and glorious was he
who contrived any cell or seat of a pecuhar construction which
might expose him in the most inconvenient posture to the
inclemency of the seasons. Among these heroes of the mo-
nastic life the name and genius of Simeon Stylites have been
immortalized by the singular invention of an aerial penance.
30 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF
At the age of thirteen the young Syrian deserted the profes-
sion of a shepherd, and threw himself into an austere monas-
tery. After a long and painful noviciate, in which Simeon was
repeatedly saved from pious suicide, he established his residence
on a mountain, about thirty or forty miles to the east of
Antioch. Within the space of a mandin or circle of stones, to
which he had attached himself by a ponderous cliain, he
ascended a column, which was successively raised from the
height of nine to that of sixty feet from the ground. In this
last and lofty station the Syrian anchorite resisted the heat of
thirty summers, and the cold of as many winters. Habit and
exercise instructed him to maintain his dangerous situation
without fear or giddiness, and successively to assume the dif-
ferent postures of devotion. He sometimes prayed in an erect
attitude, with his outstretched arms in the figure of a cross,
but his most familiar practice was, that of bending his meagre
skeleton from the forehead to the feet; and a curious spectator
after numbering twelve hundred and forty-four repetitions at
length desisted from the endless count. The progress of an
ulcer in his thigh might shorten, but it could not disturb, this
celestial life ; and the patient hermit expired without descend-
ing froiTi 1 's column.
A prince who should capriciously inflict such tortures would
be deemed a tyrant ; but it would surpass the power of a tyrant
to impose a long and miserable existence on the reluctant
victims of his cruelty. This voluntary martyrdom must have
gradually destroyed the sensibihty, both of mind and body;
nor can it be presumed, that the fanatics who torment them-
selves are sensible of any lively affection for the rest of man-
kind. A cruel unfeeling temper has distinguished the monks
of every age and country ; their stern indifference, which is
seldom mollified by personal friendship, is inflamed by reli-
gious hatred and their merciless zeal, has strenuously admi-
nistered the Holy Office of the Inquisition.
The monastic saints were respected and ahnost adored by
the pnnce and people. Successive crowds of pilgrims from
Gaul and India saluted the divine pillar of Simeon : the tribes
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 31
of Sai-acens disputed in arms the honour of his benediction ;
the queens of Arabia and Persia confessed his supernatural
virtue, and the angchc hermit was consulted by the younger
Theodosius in the most miportant concerns of the church and
state. His remains were transported from the mountain of
Telenissa, by a solemn procession of the patriarch, the master-
general of the east, six bishops, twenty- one counts or tribunes,
and six thousand soldiers ; and Antioch revered his bones as
her glorious ornament and impregnable defence. The fame of
the apostles and martyrs was gradually eclipsed by these recent
and popular anchorites. The Christian world fell prostrate
before their shrines, and the miracles ascribed to their relics
exceeded, at least in number and duration, the spiritual ex-
ploits of their lives. But the golden legend of their lives was
embellished by the artful credulity of their interested brethren,
and a believing age was easily persuaded, that the slightest
caprice of an Egyptian or a Syrian monk had been sufficient to
interrupt the eternal laws of the universe. The favourites of
heaven were accustomed to cure inveterate diseases with a
touch, a word, or a distant message, and to expel the most
obstinate daemons from the souls or bodies which tliey possessed.
They familiarly accosted oj: imperiously commanded the . Jons
and serpents of the desert, infused vegetation into a sapless
trunk, suspended iron on the surface of the water, passed the
Nile on the back of a crocodile, and refreshed themselves in a
fiery furnace. These extravagant tales which display the
faction without the genius of poetry, seriously affected the
reason, the faith, and the morals of the people. Their credu-
lity debased and vitiated the faculties of the mind, they cor-
rupted the evidence of history and superstition, gradually ex-
tinguished the hostile light of philosophy and science, p
The increase of the monks soon became prodigions to the
south of Alexandria; the mountain and adjacent desert of
Nitria were peopled by five thousand anchorites, and the tra-
veller may still investigate the ruins of fifty monasteries, which
were planted in that barren soil. In the Upper Theba is the
* Gibbon's Decline and Fall, chap. 27.
32 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF
vacant island of Tabenne was occupied by Pachomius and four-
teen hundred of liis brethren. That holy abbot successively
founded nine monasteries of men, and one of women, and the
festival of Easter sometimes collected fifty thousand religious
persons, who followed his angelic rule of discipline. The
stately and populous city of Oxyrinchus, the seat of Christian
orthodoxy had devoted the temples, the public edifices, and
even the ramparts, to pious and charitable uses, and the
bishop who might preach in twelve churches, computed ten
thousand females and twenty thousand males of the monastic
profcssicni.
The Egyptians who gloried in this marvellous revolution,
were disposed to hope and to believe, that the number of the
monks was equal to the remainder of the people. Athanasius^
introduced into Rome, the knowledge and practice of the mo-
nastic life, and a school of this new philosophy, was opened by
the disciples of Antony, a Syrian youth, whose name was Hila-
rion, and who fixed his dreary abode on a sandy beach, bet wen
the sea and a morass, about seven miles from Gaza. The
austere penance, in which he persisted forty eight years, diffused
a similar enthusiasm, and he was followed by a train of two or
\hrnQ thousand Anchorets, whenever he visited the innumer-
able monasteries of Palestine. The fame of Basil was celebrated
in the East, and of Martin of Tours, in the West ; the former,
having estabhshed monasteries along the borders of the black
sea, and the latter in Gaul, two thousand of whose followers,
attended his body to the grave. Every province, and at last
every city,*^ was filled by these ignorant devotees, whose
absurdities are scarcely to be equalled in the records of the
grossest idolaters. — The admiration v/hich attended these de
luded and deluding misanthropes, ended not with their extenu-
ated existence ; — the multitude who gazed in silent wonder at
their federal automaton, whilst in motion, felt this awe increased
toward^t, when it had ceased to act; and hence, by means of
the infatuated, or the designing, the relics of the saints attained
enormous popularity.
Hence daily miracles were attributed to these Jioly reliqueSy
•J Gibbon's Decline and Fall, ch, 37.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 33
and all the powers of eloquence resorted to, to shew the vast
advantages of attending at their sepulchres. " With ardour,"
says Chrysostom, " let us fall down before their rehques, let
us embrace their coffins — for these may have some power,
since their bones have so great an one : and not only on their
festivals, but on other days also, let us fix ourselves, as it were,
to them, and intreat them to be our patrons.'' Again, " Let
us dwell in their sepulchres, and fix ourselves to their coffins ;
for not only their bones, but theii* tombs and their urns overflow
with blessings." Basil also asserts, " That all who were
pressed with any difficulty or distress, were wont to fly to the
tombs of the martyrs, and whosoever did but touch their re-
liques, acquii'ed some share of their sanctity." The connection
between this veneration of sainted dust, and the emoluments
of the church, was too obvious to escape regard. One hun-
dred and fifty years after the glorious deaths of St. Peter and
St. Paul, the Vatican and the Ostian road were distinguished by
their tombs, or rather by their trophies.
In the age which followed the conversion of Constantine, the
emperor, the consuls and the generals of armies, devoutly
visited the sepulchres of a tent-maker and a fisherman, and
their venerable bones were deposited under the altars of
Christ, on which the bishops of the royal city continually of-
fered the unbloody sacrifice. The new capital of the eastern
world, unable to produce any ancient and domestic trophies,
was enriched by the spoils of dependent provinces. The bodies
of St. Andrew, St. Luke, and St. Timothy, had reposed near
three hundred years, in the obscure graves from whence they
were transported, in solemn pomp, to the church of the apostles,
which the magnificence of Constantine had founded on the
banks of the Thracian Bosphorus. About fifty years after-
wards, the same banks \tere honoured by the presence of
Samuel, the judge and prophet of the people of Israel. His
ashes, deposited in a golden vase, and covered with a silken
veil, were delivered by the bishops into each others hands. The
reliques of Samuel were received by the people, with the
same joy and reverence which they would have shewn to the
living prophet. The highways from Palestine to the gates of
o
54 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF
Constantinople, were filled with an uninterrupted procession,
and tlie emperor Arcadius himself, at the head of the most il-
lustrious members of the clergy and senate, advanced to meet
his extraordinary guest, who had always deserved and claimed
the homage of kings. The example of Rome and Constanti-
nople confirmed the faith and discipline of the catholic world.
The honours of the saints and martyrs, after a feeble and inef-
fectual murmur of profane reason, were universally established ;
and in the age of Ambrose and Jerome, something was still
deemed wanting to the sanctity of a Christian church, till it
had been consecrated by some portion of holy reliques, which
fixed and inflamed the devotion of the faithful.
In the long period of twelve hundred years, which elapsed
between the reign of Constantine and the reformation of Lu-
es
ther, the worship of saints and reliques corrupted the pure
and perfect simphcity of the Christian model, and some symp-
toms of degeneracy may be observed even in the first genera-
tion, which adopted and cherished this pernicious innovation. ''
In external government, Rome, who had sat mistress of the
world, at length exhibited the symptoms of decay. Her em-
perors had degenerated ; and the event declared, that a domi-
nion obtained by the cruelties of the sword, was not to be upheld
among a warlike people, by the trifling puerilities of superstition.
An inscrutable Providence had permitted a few victorious men
to satiate their ambition by the conquest of the world ; an event
by which the whole was, in some degree, reduced to an ac-
quaintance with the Greek and Roman tongues, and so pre-
pared to understand a revelation, which was not to be made
known by immediate communications among the separate na-
tions severally, but through one people, by the ordinary mode
of human language. Hence the decline of the Roman em-
pire has been dated from the introduction of Christianity;
for thus it was, and ever will be, that men, whether in
defiance of the natural laws of society, by invasion and
slaughter, or by the guileful insinuations of superstitious trea-
chery, they depopulate the world, they are still subject to the
' Gibbon's Decliue and Fall, 27 Ch.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 35
controul of him wlio wliilst lie preserveth, in every nation, those
who are actuated by his fear, causeth the wrath of man to
praise him.
In the beginning of the fifth century, Rome was itself be-
sieged by the Goths, who obtained possession of that centre of
refinement ; overthrowing its stately edifices, and with a savage
fury destroying those monuments of genius, the very wreck of
which has been the admiration of posterity. This event took
place during the reign of Honorius, who governed, at that time,
the western part of the divided empire, and whose subjects, after
a series of ineffectual contests, had the mortification to see
nearly stript of his territories, and continuing the title, without
the power of royalty. The capital was taken by the Goths. —
The Huns were possessed of Pannonia ; the Alamani, Suevi,
and Vandals were established in Spain ; and the Burgundians
settled in Gaul. The feeble powers of Valentinian the Third,
the successor of Honorius, were not calculated to restore to the
Roman monarchs the empire they had lost. Eudocia, his wi-
dow, and the daughter of Theodosius, married Maximus,
and soon discovered that the present partner of her throne and
bed, was the brutal murderer of the last. Incensed at his per-
fidy, and resolved to revenge the death of Valentinian and lier
own dishonour, she implored assistance from Genseric, king of
the Vandals in Africa, who entered Rome, and plundered the
whole of the city, except three churches. After the rapid
and turbulent reigns of several of the emperors of the West,
that part of the empire was finally subjugated in the year 476, by
the abdication of Augustulus. The name of emperor sunk
with the ruin of the em.pire; for the conquering Odoacer,
general of the Heruli, assumed only the title of king of Italy.
The calamities, which in this century arose from the intolerant
zeal of ecclesiastics were not less severe than the persecuting
terrors of heathen idolaters ; and the sincere professors of the
gospel were hence induced to look back, almost with regret, to
a season, which, however unfavourable and perilous, found
them united in one common cause, generally understood, in-
stead of being divided into factions, disagreeing about points
36 HISTORICAL SUETEr OF
difficult to be conceived, and respecting which the difference
frequently consisted not in the circumstance itseli', but in the
terms used to define it. Alarmed at the ecclesiastical censure?
which assailed all that presumed to differ in opinion, or even
in expression, from the leaders of the church, the timid Christ-
iaT» must have been afraid of conversing upon the subject of
his faith; and the edict obtained from Honorius, by four bi-
shops, deputed from Carthage, in 410, which doomed to death
whoever differed from the Catholic faith, must have closed, in
terror and silence, the trembling hps. During this century, the
authority of the bishops of Rome made some remarkable pro-
gress, and tlie appointment of their legates doubtless originated
from motives extremely opposite from those wliich were avowed,
the faith and peace of the church.*
An increasing reneration for the Virgin Mary, had taken
place in the preceding century, and very early in this, an
opinion was industriously propagated, that she had mani-
fested herself to several persons, and had wrought consider-
able miracles. Images, bearing her name, holding in her arms
another, denominated the Infant Jesus, together with many
others, were placed in a distinguished situation in the church,
and, in many places, invoked with a pecuhar species of wor-
ship, which was supposed to draw down into the images,
the propitious presence of the persons whom they were de-
signed to represent. A superstitious respect began also to
take place, with respect to the bread consecrated at the Lord's
Supper. Its efficacy was supposed to extend to the body, as
well as to the soul; and it was apphed as a medicine in sick-
ness, and as a preservative against every danger in travelling,
either 1^ land or by sea. Private confession to a priest alone,
was substituted in the room of pubhc penance. The method
of singing anthems, one part of which was performed by the
clergy, and the other by the congregation, which had been in-
troduced into the churches of Antioch in the preceding century,
was in this practised at Rome ; and in many churches it was
the custom to perform these responses night and day, with-
• Gregory's Ch. Hist. toI. i. 2S4, 236,251.
THE CHRISTIAN' CHTECH. 37
out any interruption: different choirs of singers continually
relieving each other.
Every splendid appendage, which had graced the heathen
ceremonies, was now interwoven into the fabric of public wcx--
ship. During the extended period of Paganism, superstition
had entirely exhausted her talents for invention ; so that, when
the same spirit pervaded the minds of Christian professtM^
they were necessarily compelled to adopt the practices of theai
predecessors, and to imitate their idolatry. That which had
been formerly the test of Christianity, and the practice of
which, when avoided, exposed the primitive believer to the
utmost vengeance of his enemies, was now imposed as a
Christian rite; and incense, no longer considered an abomi-
nation, smoked upon every altar. The services of religkai
were even in the day-time, performed by the light of tapers
and flambeaux, and the most eminent fathers of the church,
were not ashamed to propagate anv idle miraculous story, in
their endeavours to estabhsh the faith of the multitude.
During the sixth century, the bishops of Rome, who had
so often used the most strenuous efforts for pre-eminence, be-
gan boldly to advance the claim of supremacy. They now
insisted upon superiority, as a divine right attached to their
see, which had been founded by St. Peter; and this doctrine,
which had appeared to influence the conduct of some of the
Romish bishops of the preceding century, was no longer con-
cealed, or cautiously promulgated by those who possessed the
see during the present period; and such was the extensive
influence of their intrigues, that there were few among the
potentates of the western empire, who were not, before the close
of the succeeding centurv, subjected to the authority of the
bishops of Rome.
The corrupted doctrines of religion received, if no improve-
ment, no very considerable alteration in the sixth century.—
The torments of an intermediate state were, indeed, loudly in-
sisted on, to the ignorant multitude at this time, by the su-
perstitious Gregorv, whom the Romish church has chosen to
distinguish bv the appellation of Great. This prelate is sup-
posed by some to have laid the foundation of the modem doc-
D 8
58 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF
trine of purgatory. The folly and fanaticism of Monkeiy
reigned unabated ; the account of which would be tedious and
unprofitable. A monk, in imitation of Symeon Stylites, lived
sixty -eight years upon different pillars; and a number of the
austere penitents, whose madness had probably occasioned their
severities, and whose fanaticism in return heightened their men-
tal imbecility, obtained a safe retreat from the world, in an hos-
pital, estabhshed in the neighbourhood of Jerusalem, for the
reception of those monks who Avere supposed to have lost their
reason in the pursuit, of this pharisaical frenzy.
The Roman Mass-book, or Missal, was composed by Gre-
gory the Great, the steady friend and patron of superstition;
he strongl}^ insisted on the efficacy of relics, and encouraged the
use of pictures and images in the churches. Vigilius ordered
that those who celebrated mass, should direct their faces to
the east. The Lord's Supper was also at this period held in
such dread and reverence, as to be in danger of total disconti-
nuance. The use of salt and water for sprinkhng those who
entered or departed from the church, was established by an
edict of Vigilius, in 538; a custom, hke many others, adopted
from the heathen worship.
When once men lose sight of the principal end and design of
sacred truth, there is no folly too gross for them to adopt. In
this century violent disputes took place among the priests, re-
lative to the shaving of the head; and the question agitated
was, whether the hair of the priests and monks should be sha-
ven on the fore part of the head, from ear to ear, or on the top
of the head, in the form of a circle, as an emblem of the crown
of thorns, worn by Jesus Christ. In the serAaces of the church
a greater degree of splendour was continually introduced; and
as this increased, men wandered farther and farther from the
semblance of Christianity. The dreary night of ignorance began
to gloom, and the road to truth, no longer pleasant and cheerful,
was pursued only thi'ough dismal and inextricable labyrinths."
In the seventh century, the bishops of Rome succeeded in
greatly extending their authority. *' The most learned writers,
" Gregory's Ch, Hist. vol. i.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 89
and those who are most remarkable for their knowledge of an-
tiquity, are generally agreed thai Boniface III. engaged Pho-
cas, that abominable tyrant, who waded to the imperial crown,
through the blood of the emperor Mauritius, to take from the
bishop of Constantinople, the title o^ (Ecumenical^ or Universal
Bishop, and to confer it upon the Roman pontiff;^ and the title
of Pope, by way of eminence, was first also in this century,
appUed to the bishop of Rome ; a title which, meaning merely
Father, had been hitherto used to the principal bishops in
common. The bishops of Rome, having obtained the long
contested pre-eminence, and having set their eyes on no-
thing short of universal sway, now laid claim to infallibility,
and accordingly Agatho asserted, that the church of Rome
never had erred, nor could err, in any point; and that all its
constitutions ought to be as implicitly received, as if they had
been delivered by the divine voice of St. Peter.*
The progress of vice among the subordinate rulers and mi-
nisters of the church, was, at this time, truly deplorable; dis-
sensions, fraud, pride, and domination, appeared on every
hand; and it is highl)^ probable, that the Waldenses, or Vaudois,
had already, in this century, retired into the vallies of Piedmont,
that they might be more at liberty to oppose the tyranny of
imperious prelates. The monks were held in great estimation ;
and by making common cause with the bishops of Rome, the
hands of each were materially strengthened. The bishops of
Rome commended the rules of monastic life; and the monks,
in their turn, extolled the Pope of Rome, whom they repre-
sented as a sort of Deity. Hence it became common for the
heads of families to dedicate their children to the monastic life,
by shutting them up in convents ; devoting them to a sohtary
life, which they looked upon as the highest felicity : at the
same time conveying to the convents large portions of worldly
treasure. And numerous are the instances in which the most
profligate and abandoned persons were comforted, in the pros-
pect of death, by the delusive hope, that in bequeathing a
w Moslieim's Eccles. Hist. vol. ii.
" Hist, of Popery, vol. ii. p. 5.
D 4
40 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF
large portion of property to some monastic order, they should
make atonement for a mis-spent hfe.
If the inhabitants of the western world were thus miserably
ingulphed in ignorance, it can scarcely be a matter of surprise,
that those of the eastern world, under very inferior circumstances,
should become the easy prey of imposture, and the dupes of
creduhty.
In every age, such is the hbel we are compelled to suffer
on our species, the applauses and concurrence of the multitude
are more certainly obtained by audacity than by prudence ; and
those notions which possess no title to respect, unless it be for
their absurdity , have ever succeeded in proportion to the impunity
by which they have been advanced and defended. The present
century gave birth to those doctrines of Mahomet, which have
since become the faith of so large a portion of the eastern world.
Descended from the most illustrious tribe of the Arabians,
and from the most illustrious family of that tribe, Mahomet was,
notwithstanding, reduced, by the early death of his father, to
the poor inheritance of five camels, and an Ethiopian maid ser-
vant. In his 25th year, he entered into the service of Cadijah,
an opulent widow of Mecca, his native city. By selling her
merchandise in the countries of Syria, Egypt, and Palestine,
Mahomet acquired a considerable part of that knowledge of
the world, which facihtated his imposture and his conquests,
and at length the gratitude or affection of Cadijah, which re-
stored him to the station of his ancestors, by bestowing upon
him her hand and her fortune. Having thus acquired advan-
tages unkno^vn to his early years, in the spirit of that ambition
which filled the western world, he resolved to become a public
teacher; and to this end gave out, that he had been visited by
the angel Gabriel, and was appointed the Prophet and Apostle of
God. In a cave, to which he was accustomed to retire, he pro-
fessed to have received, at successive intei-vals, the doctrines
which he taught ; the nature of which were always suited to
the convenience of his own conduct, and had this accommodating
authority, that no present revelation could be affected by those
which were previous : and hence, when he chose to transgress,
he soon after asserted, he had received a revelation, which
sanctioned the practice himself had adopted.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 41
The progress of die doctrines of Mahomet were at the first
slow. Cadi) ah was the first whom he entrusted with the secret
of liis mission, who received tlie intelhgence with great joy,
and expressed her expectation, that he would become the pro-
phet of his nation. After this he resorted to other branches of
his family, and his friends, from whom also he met a favourable
reception. These first steps were taken in his fortieth year. —
The sun had, nevertheless, thrice performed liis annual circuit,
without material addition to the followers of iVIahomet. At
length, however, he determined to become the public champion
of his doctrines, and "began to try the strength of his adhe-
rents; and having endured many difficulties, and surmounted
many obstacles, he succeeded, at the point of the sword, in es-
tabHshing his doctrines throughout the greater part of Arabia ;
and dying at the age of sixty- three^ was interred in that simple
tomb, which misguided multitudes still continue to visit with
profound reverence.
In the formation of his doctrines, he is supposed to have been
assisted by the Jew, the Persian, and the Syrian monks, who
are said to have lent secret aid to the composition of the Koran;
An opinion, which the heterogeneous contents of that volume
appears to justify. The faith which, under the name of Islaiiiy
he preached to his family and nation, is compounded of an
eternal truth, and a necessary fiction. That there is only one
God^ and that Mahomet is the Apostle of God J
The doctrines of Mahomet were artfully adapted to the
prejudices of the Jew^s, the several heresies of the eastern
church, and the pagan rites of the Arabs. To a large pro-
portion of mankind, also, they were rendered still more agreea-
ble, by the full permission of sensual gratifications, both in this
life and in that of the paradise he describes. Of the issue of
his twelve wives, one daughter alone survived; and his sceptre
was transferred to the hand of his friend Abubekir.
During this century, but few alterations were made in the
doctrines of the church. In the fourth council of Toledo, held
in the year 633, an alteration was made in the creed, asserting
tliat the Holy Ghost proceeded from the Father and the Son ;
' Gibbon's' l^ecline and Fall.
42 IIISTOillCAL SURVEY OF
an opinion long maintained by the Qreeks, and during this
age introduced into the West. This Creed which has been
distinguished by the appellation of the Nicene, is that which is
used in the English Liturgy, but is in fact, the confession of
faith drawn up at Constantinople. ^
In the eighth century, the power of the bishop of Rome and
the clergy was much increased, either by secret intrigue, or
open violence ; for though the persons who succeeded to that
office differed in name, they were animated by one spirit, and
therefore, each adopted the conduct of his predecessor in the
one design of obtaining, under the specious garb of Christian
professions, a larger extension of temporal authority. A very
principal occurrence, which now favoiu'ed them in their views
of advancement, arose from the dissentions which subsisted
between the European princes, together with the blind submis-
sion of the barbarous nations, who had assumed the profession
of Christianity. — The sovereigns of Europe, had introduced
the practice of distributing large possessions to those persons,
who, from their talents or situation, might contribute to the
stability of the empire, and as the clergy had attained, by the
seductive arts of superstitious folly, a great degree of rever-
ence among the people, the princes bestowed on them those
honours and rewards, which had usually devolved on the mi-
htary ; — this no doubt might be considered an act of temporary
prudence, but it was unaccompanied by judicious foresight,
for in the end, the power, thus conferred on the ecclesiastical au-
thorities, was turned against that from whence it had originated.
The barbarous 'nations, who embraced the profession of the
reigning faith, which had now become so transformed by human
inventions, as to have nearly lost all resemblance to that whose
name it bore ; dazzled by the splendour of its services, and the
apparent sanctity of its ministers, very naturally transferred the
veneration they had been accustomed to feel for their native in-
stitutions, to those of the Roman church ; and filled with the
most profound reverence, they considered the bishops of Rome
in the same light in which they had been accustomed to view
their dxuidical high priest ; — ^lience they had a supreme dread
* Bingham Ecc. Aiitiq, B. x. C. 4.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 43
of their displeasure, and reckoned excommunication the greatest
evil that could befal them. — The bishops of Rome, who assidu-
ously embraced every means in their power for aggrandizement,
soon seized those which the present opportunity afforded : and
hence they propagated the adopted opinion, that excommunica-
tion not only deprived the individual of his claims, and advan-
tages in the church, but also of his civil rights, and even of the
common benefits of humanity ; a doctrine the most horrible in
its consequences, and well calculated to introduce tliat pre-
ponderance which soon arose, between the prostituted spiritual,
and the temporal authority. Persons excommunicated, were
henceforward considered the most miserable of men ; their con
nections were released from the obligations of humanity towards
them; and those unhappy individuals, were regarded only,
as objects of the hatred, both of God and man.
The history of France, at this period, furnishes a remarkable
example of the power of the Roman pontiff. Pepin, who was
mayor of the palace to Childeric III. king of France, and who
in the exercise of that high office, really possessed the royal
authority, aspired also to the titles of the sovereign, and having
ascertained the friendship of the states, he assembled them in
751, for the advancement of his views of dethroning the sove-
reign. — The states delivered the opinion, that it should be
enquired at the Roman see if such a deed would receive its sanc-
tion, and ambassadors were in consequence dispatched by Pepin
to Zachary the reigning pontiff, with the following question,
" whether the divine law did not permit a valiant and warlike
people, to dethrone a pusillanimous and indolent prince, who
was incapable of discharging any of the functions of royalty,
and to substitute in his place, one more worthy to rule, and who
had already rendered most important services to the state?*"
Zachary, who wanted the assistance of France, against the
Greeks and Lombards, gladly availed himself of the opportunity,
and returned a reply, confirming the validity of such a proceed-
ing. — The pontifical decision removed every difficulty, and the
unhappy Childeric was compelled to yield, without resistance,
liis throne and government.
In those days of vassalage, the custom of kissing the feet of
tlie popc; was quite established ; a practice derived from the
44 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF
sovereigns of Rome, in whose dignities they claimed a succesiion,
which practice appears to have been first introduced by the
emperor CaUgula, from the vanity of exhibiting his golden
slipper studded with precious stones; — in addition to this, the
bishop of Rome Avas to be approached only, with the reverence
and adulation common to the most potent monarchs.
Looking around at this period, what a mass of confusion
does the world appear ; from the effects of the spirit
of antichrist, all things seem out of place, and the va-
pours of desolation darken and confound every object; —
doctrines take the place of duties, and duties that of doctrines :
here appears nothing but aspiring ambition, deprived by a
superstitious alliance of its natural grandeur, and there nothing
but tame obedience, rendered worthless by a gross ignorance.
In the gloom of this cloudy day, religion and absui'dity, truth
and falsehood, became entirely amalgamated ; and such was the
triumph of monastic folly, over the plainest dictates of the
understanding, that it was found necessary, in the council of
Frankfort, to restrain the exercise of cruelty in the guardians
of those miserable devotees, who had embraced that order, and
the abbots were prohibited from putting out the eyes, or cutting
off the limbs of their inferior brethren.
The nintfi century, presents a continuation of the efforts used
by the bishops of Rome, for establishing their dominion.
Having obtained in the last the grant of the Grecian territories
in Italy, as their patrimony ,'^they had the audacity to assert, that
the bishop of Rome was constituted and appointed by Jesus
Christ, supreme legislator and judge of the universal church,
and that, therefore, the bishops derived all their authority from
the Roman pontiff; nor could the councils determine any thing
without his permission and consent. These pretensions were
not without their effect, for if it was not at this period thought
absolutely necessary, it was considered extremely proper, that
the acts of bishops and councils, should be confirmed by the
Roman pontiff. In this century, the question of authority,
between tlie bishops of Rome and Constantinople, was finally
decided, after a furious contest, by a separation. — The worship
of images, and the doctrine of the real presence in the eucharist,
now also obtained gTeat attention. The worship of saints
THE CHUISTIAN CHURCH. 45
acquired considerable popularity, and such was the rage among
the vulgar for this delusion, that it was found necessary to limit
their number, by ordaining, that no departed Christian should be
considered as a member of the order of Saints^ until the bishop
had, in a provincial council, and in presence of the people,
pronounce J. him worthy of that distinguished honour.
The impiety and licentiousness of the greatest part of the
clergy arose, at this time, to an enormous height, and stand
upvin record in the unanimous complaints of the most candid
and impartial writers of this century. In the east, tumult, dis-
cord, conspiracies, and treason, reigned uncontrolled, and all
things were carried by violence and force. These abuses ap-
peared in many things, but particularly in the election of the
patriarchs of Constantinople. The favour of the court was be-
come the only step to that high and important situation, and, as
the patriarch's continuance, in that eminent post, depended upon
such an uncertain and precarious foundation, nothing was
more usual than to see a prelate pulled down, from his episcopal
throne, by an imperial decree. In the western provinces the
bishops were become voluptuous, and effeminate, to a very high
degree ; they passed their lives amidst the splendour of courts,
and the pleasures of a luxurious indolence, which corrupted their
taste, extinguished their zeal, and rendered them incapable of
performing the solemn duties of their function; while the in-
ferior clergy, who were sunk in licentiousness, minded nothing
but sensual gratifications, and infected with the most heinous
vices, the flock whom it was the very business of their ministry
to preserve, or to deliver from the contagion of iniquity. Be-
sides, the ignorance of the sacred order was in many places so
deplorable, that few of them could either read or write ! and
still fewer were capable of expressing their wretched notions,
with any degree of method or perspicuity. Hence it happened,
that when letters were to be penned, or any matter of conse-
quence was to be committed to writing, they had commonly
recourse to some person who was supposed to be endowed with
superior abihties. *
• Mosheini Ecc. Hist. Cent. 9. p. J.
46 HISTOmCAL SURVEY OF
In the tenth century, the night of ignorance, wliich had been
so long advancing, totally enveloped mankind. The only
emulation which appears to have existed, was that of increasing
members to the Catholic faith, and the work of conversion, such
as it was, brought into that profession the Norwegians, Poles,
Russians, Hungarians, Danes, Swedes, and Normans, some of
whom, so very imperfectly understood the nature of their pro-
fession, that they continued to sacrifice according to their
ancient idolatry.
The conduct of the clergy at this period became grossly vile.
We may form some idea of the Grecian patriarchs, from the
single example of Theophylact, who, according to the testimony
of the most respectable writers, made the most impious traffic of
ecclesiastical promotions ; and expressed no sort of care about
any thing, but his dogs and horses. Degenerate and licen-
tious, however, as these patriarchs might be, they were, ge-
nerally speaking, less profligate and indecent than the Roman
pontiffs.
The history of the Roman pontiffs, (says Dr. Mosheim,) in
this century, is a history of so many monsters, and not of men ;
and exhibits a most horrible series of the most flagitious,'^tremen-
dous, and complicated crimes, as all writers, even those of the
Romish communion, unanimously confess. A slight glance at
some of the characters who now filled that office, will amply
prove, that intrigue and villainy, were the surest requisites for
attaining that appointment.— In the year 903, Benedict IV.
was raised to the pontificate, which he enjoyed no longer than
forty days, being dethroned by Christopher, and cast into
prison ; Christopher, in his turn, was deprived of the pontifical
dignity the year following, by Sergius III., a Roman Presbyter,
seconded by the protection and influence of Adalbert, a most
powerful Tuscan prince, who had a supreme and unlimited
direction, in all the affairs that were transacted at Rome.
Anastatius III. and Lando, who upon the death of Sargius m
the year 911, were raised successively to the papal dignity,
enjoyed it but for a short time; after the death of Lando 914,
Alberic, marquis, or count of Tuscany, whose opulence was
prodigious, and whose authority in Rome was despotic and
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 47
unlimited, obtained the pontificate for John X., archbishop of
Ilavenna, in comphance with the sohcitation of Theodora, his
mother-in-law, whose licentiousness was the principle that
interested her in this promotion. The laws of Rome were at
this time absolutely silent. — The dictates of justice and equity
were overpowered and suspended, and all things were carried
on by interest or corruption, by violence or fraud. ^
Pope John X., though in other respects a scandalous example
of iniquity and licentiousness, acquired a certain degree of
reputation, by his campaign against the Saracens, whom he
expelled from their settlements upon the banks of the Garig-
nialo; he did not, however, long enjoy his elevation, the enmity
of Marozia, daughter of Theodora, and wife of Albert, proved
fatal to him. That intriguing woman, having espoused Guy,
Marquis of Tuscany, engaged him to seize the licentious pon-
tiff, who was her mother's lover, and to put him to death. To
John X. succeeded Leo VI. who presided but seven months in
the apostolic chair, which was filled after him by Stephen VII.
The death of the latter -(931) presented, to the ambition of
Marozia, an object worthy of its attention ; and accordingly
she raised to the papal dignity, John XI. who was the fruit
of her lawless amours, with one of the pretended successors of
St. Peter, Sergius III. whose adulterous commerce with that
infamous woman, gave an infallible guide to the Roman church.
John XT. who was placed at the head of the church, by the
credit and influence of his mother, was precipitated from the
summit of spiritual grandeur 933, by Alberic, his half brother,
who had conceived the utmost aversion against him. Upon
the death of her husband, Marozia, by her splendid offers,
induced Hugo, king of Italy, to accept her hand. But the
unhappy monarch did not long enjoy the promised honour of
being made master of Rome ; Alberic, his son-in-law, stimulat-
ed by an affront which he had received from him, excited the
Romans to revolt, and expelled from the city, not only the
offending king, but his mother Marozia, and her son, the reign-
ing pontiff, all of whom he confined in prison, where John
* Mosheim Ecc. Hist. Cent. 10.
48 - HISTORICAL SURVEY OF
ended his days 936. — The four pontiffs who succeeded, were
somewhat superior, at least their government was not attended
with those tumults, which had become so frequent, from con-
tention for the priestly dignity. Upon the death of Agupet the
last of these, Alberic II. who to the dignity of Roman consul,
joined a degree of authority and opulence which nothing
could resist, raised to the pontificate Octavius, who was yet in
the early bloom of youth, and destitute of every quality which
might be supposed requisite for the discharge of that office.
This pontiff* took the name of John XII. and thus introduced
the custom, which has since been adopted by all his successors,
of assuming a new appellation upon their accession to the pon-
tificate.
The death of John XII. was as unhappy as his promotion
had been scandalous. Unable to bear the oppressive yoke of
Berenger II. king of Italy, he betrayed the city of Rome to
Otho, to whom he also* swore allegiance ; he soon, however,
repented of the step he had taken, and, revolting from him,
joined Adelbert. This revolt was not left unpunished, for
Otho returned to Rome, charging him with his flagitious
crimes, and degraded him from his office. As soon as Otho
had again quitted Rome, John returned, and soon after died,
in consequence of a blow on the temples. Inflicted hy the hand
of a gentleman whose wife he had seduced. Of the manners
of this age it is difficult to form a competent idea ; they appear
to have been a compound of the grossest . voluptuousness, and
the most abject superstition. The power which the clergy
had attained was prodigious ; they were considered as possess-
ing the keys of purgatory at least, if not of hell — the dying
profligate considered no price too dear for the redemption of his
soul ; and thus to use the expression of an ingenious writer —
" having found what Archimedes wanted, another world to
rest on, they moved this world as they pleased.'' «
The eleventh century witnessed the continued increase of
Papal power. All the records of this century loudly complain
of the vices that reigned among the rulers of the church, and
* Gregory's Ch. Hist. Cent. x.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 49
in general among all the clergy. No sooner had the western
bishops obtained elevation than they gave themselves up en-
tirely to the dominion of pleasure and ambition. The inferior
orders of the clergy were also licentious in their own way ; few
among them preserved any remains of piety and virtue, or
even of decency and discretion. While their rulers were wal-
lowing in luxury, and basking in the beams of worldly pomp
and splendour, they were indulging themselves, without the
least sense of shame, in fraudulent practices, in impure and
lascivious gratifications, and even in the commission of the
most flagitious crimes.
The authority and lustre of the Latin church, or to speak
more properly, the power and dominion of the Roman pontiffs,
arose in this century to the highest pitch, though they arose
by degrees, and had much opposition and many difficulties
to conquer. In the preceding age the pontiffs had acquired a
great degree of authority in religious matters, and in every
thing that related to the government of the church; and
then- credit and influence increased prodigiously towards the
commencement of this century. For then they received the
pompous titles q£ Masters of the World and Popes^ i. e. UnU
versal Fathers^ Hitherto the struggle between temporal and
the prostituted spiritual power had been clandestine. The
popes indeed had often shewn their inclination to seize the reigns
of civil government, a disposition which roused the opposition
of princes, and particularly of WiUiam the Conqueror, now
seated on the throne of England, the boldest assertor of the
rights of royalty against the popish claims. The contentions
and tumults also, which Avere usual in obtaining the papal
chair were continued in a manner equally remarkable and
disgi-acefid ; and at this period the world witnessed two popes
elected by opposite factions, contending for the mastery. —
Hence an alteration was effected, confining the election for the
papal dignity to the Cardinals, a title conferred on a number
of the superior clergy.
The popes now not only aspired td the character of supreme
legislators in the church, to an unlimited jurisdiction over all
" Moshcim Ecc. Hist. Cent, xi,
E
50 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF
synods and councils, and to the sole distribution of all ecclesias-
tical honours, as divinely authorised and appointed for that pur-
pose, but they carried their pretensions so far as to give themselves
out for lords of the universe, arbiters of the fate of kingdoms and
empires, and supreme rulers over the kings and princes of the
earth. Nothing can be more insolent than the language in which
Hildibrand, Pope Gregory VII. addressed himself to Philip I.
kino- of France, to whom he recommends an humble and
obHging carriage, from this consideration, that hoth his Jcing-
dam and Ids soul were under the dominion of St. Peter (i. e.
his vicar, the Roman pontiiF) who had the 'power to hind and
to loose him, hoth in heaven and upon earth. Nothing escaped
the all-grasping ambition of Gregory, — he pretended that
Saxony was a feudal tenure, held in subjection to the see of
Rome, to which it had been formerly yielded by Charlemagne,
as a pious oiTering to St. Peter. He extended also his preten-
sions to the kingdom of Spain, maintaining that it was the
'property of the apostolic see from the earhest times of the
church ; these usurping assertions prevailed so far in Spain as
to procure for the pope the acknowledgment of an annual
tribute ; but in England, when Gregory wrote to William the
Conqueror, demanaing the an-ears of the Peter Pence (a penny
from every house) and requiring him to do homage for the
kingdom of England, as a fiief of the apostolic see, William
granted the former, but refused the latter, with a noble obsti-
nacy, declaring, that lie held the kingdom from God only,
and by his own sword.*
Gregory, hov/ever, succeeded by his familiarity with Ma-
tilda, the daughter of Boniface, duke of Tuscany, and the
most powerful and opulent princess in that country, who
settled all her possessions in Italy and elsewhere upon the
church of Rome, and the successors of St. Peter.
In the year 1074, it was decreed in a council held at' Rome,
that the sacerdotal order should abstain from njarriage, and
that such of them as had already wives or concubines should
immediately dismiss them, or quit the priestly office, a decree
which was enforced in the most rigid manner.
The eleventh century, although remarkable for the exten-
• Moshcim Ecc. Hist. Cent, xi.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 51
sion of pontifical authority, is also more nobly so on account
of the dawnings of truth, and the revival of learning. The
close of this century witnessed the novelty of an army march-
mg under the banner of the cross, in a war against the Holy
Land, thence denominated the first Crusade. The land of
Palestine had become the object of veneration, both to the Ma-
hometan and Christian professors. The popes had for a long
time viewed it with an anxious eye ; and Gregory VII. actu-
ally resolved to undertake in person a holy war, and instigated
upwards of fifty thousand men to embark in the design, but
his quarrels and other occurrences frustrated his views.
The project, however, was renewed towards tlie close of tliis
century, by the enthusiastic zeal of an inhabitant of Amiens,
called Peter the Hermit, who having visited Palestine, displayed,
in the most affecting manner, the sufferings of the natives and
pilgi'ims. — Peter supphed the deficiency of reason by loud and
frequent appeals to Christ and his mother, to the saints and
angels of paradise, with whom he had personally conversed,
and, it is said, carried about with him a letter which, he
affirmed, was written in heaven, addressed to all true Chris-
tians, to animate their zeal for the dehverance of their brethren,
who groaned under the burthen of a Mahometan yoke.^ So
flattering an opportunity as this for exhibiting the pious zeal
of the faithful was not to be lightly regarded, and therefore
Pope Urban assembled a council at Placentia and at Cler-
mont ; at the latter of which his eloquence prevailed ; and an
incredible number devoted themselves to the service of the
cross, which was made the symbol of the expedition, and
which, worked in red worsted, was worn on the breasts or
shoulders of the adventurers. The court of Rome used every
exertion to encrease the number of these devotees, and pro-
claimed a plenaiy indulgence to those who should enlist under
the cross, and a full absolution of all their sins.
The 15th of August, 1096, had been fixed in the council of
Clermont, for the departure of the pilgrims, but tlie day was
anticipated by a thoughtless and needy crowd of ]>Iebeians.
Early in the spring, from tlie confines of France and Lor-
* Gibbon's Decline and Fall, cLap. 27,
E 9,
52 HISTORICAL SURVEY OF
raine, above sixty tliousand of the populace of both sexeS
flocked round the missionary of the crusade, and pressed him
with clamorous importunity to lead them to the holy sepulchre.
The Hermit obeyed, and led forward the motley group, which
was soon followed by fifteen or twenty thousand from Germany,
whose rear was again pressed by an herd of two hundred thou-
sand, the most stupid and savage refuse of the people, who
mingled with their de^'otion a brutal licence of rapine, prosti-
tution, and ch'unkenness. Some counts and gentlemen, at the
head of three thousand horse, attended the motions of the
multitude to partake in the spoil, but their genuine leaders
(may we credit such folly ?) were a goose and a goat, who
were carried in the front, and to whom was ascribed, by the
ignorant multitude, an infusion of the Divine Spirit.? This
rabble, after being wasted by the Hungarians, and the natural
evils attending their disorderly progress, were overwhelmed in
the plains of Nice, by the Turkish arrows ; and from the be-
ginning to the end of this expedition 300,000 perished before a
single city was rescued from the infidels, and before their
graver and more noble brethren had completed their prepara-
tions. The regular armies which embarked in this undertaking
proceeded in due order: that commanded by Godfrey of
Bouillon, Duke of Lorraine, was composed of eighty thousand
well chosen troops, horse and foot, and directed its march
through Germany and Hungary. Another which was headed
by Raymond, Earl of Toulouse, passed through the Sclavonian
territories. Robert, Earl of Flanders, Robert, Duke of Nor-
mandy, Hugo, brother to Philip I., King of France, embarked
their respective forces in a fleet ; and these armies were follow-
ed by Boemond, Duke of Apulia and Calabria, at the head of a
chosen and numerous body of valiant Normans.
This army was the greatest, and, in outward appearance, the
most formidable that had been known in the memory of man.
It obtained the possession of the city of Nice, in Bithynia, 1097,
and after a siege of five weeks, that of Jerusalem, the cro^v^l-
ing point of their ambition; at the head of which was placed the
celebrated Godfrey, whom the army saluted King of Jerusa-
s Gibbon's Decline and Fall, ch. 37.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
lem, with an unanimous voice, and leaving a small foiv
his support, returned each to his njitive territory.
This lioli) war, as it was stiled, proved highly productive to
the Romish church, since those who embarked in it disposed
of their property as if they had died, and made large donations
to the papal power ; and this circumstance, with those before
enumerated, gave to the church a title to earthly possessions
and temporal government.
In the commencement of the twelfth century, Boleslaus,
Duke of Poland, having conquered the Pomeranians, offered
them peace upon condition that they would receive the Chris-
tian teachers, and permit them to exercise their ministry among
them, a condition which they accepted, and by which the pro-
fession of Christianity was established among them. Hence
it became allowable to make war on nations, for no other reason
than because they adhered to their antient superstitions in
preference to those of the Romish people ; and the most horri-
ble scenes of cruelty and bloodshed were carried on against
the Livonians in a holy war, for then* conversion.
In 1146, a second crusade was undertaken, rendered necessary
by the hostile measures adopted by the Mahometans, who obtain-
ed possession of Edessa, and threatened Antioch. The second
crusade was followed by a third, which obtained support from
Richard I. King of England, and which exhausted the armies
of England, France, and Germany. At this period were in-
troduced several orders, designed to confer honour on the
adventurers — as the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem, the
Knights of Malta, and the Knights Templars, from a palace
appropriated to them adjoining the temple at Jerusalem.
This century also witnessed a contention between Pope Pascal
and Henry IV., in which the former, after exhausting the
force of excommunications, finally obtained victory through the
rebellion of an unnatural son, afterwards Henry V., who seized
upon his father, and compelled him to abdicate his throne.
The dormant struggle for power between the popes and
emperors, was revived diu'ing the pontificate of Alexander III,
who attained the papal chair 1169. The elevation of this
prelate was warmly opposed by several of the cardinals, who
E 3
illSTORICAL SURVEY OF
^^idther of their body, under the name of Victor III.,
^k^c\\ they obtained the sanction and assistance of the Em-
peror Frederick I. The terrified pontiff fled precipitately into
Sicily, whence he procured a passage into France ; and such
was the pitch which superstitious folly had attained, that the
Kings of France and England, led the horse of this pretended
successor of St. Peter, themselves on foot holding his horse''s
bridle. After a series of contentions during eighteen years,
tranquillity was once more restored by the submission of the
emperor, who condescended to prostrate himself at the feet
of the haughty pontiff, in the great church of St. Mark, at
Venice, and to receive from him the Kiss of Peace.
In this century also the celebrated Thomas a Becket, of
sainted memory, was assassinated. This haughty prelate,
who was Archbishop of Canterbury, by his zeal in behalf of
the court of Rome, gave great offence to his sovereign,
Hem-y II. of England, the consequences of which at length
proved fatal. After repeated affronts, the king one day, in
an unguarded moment, when particularly exasperated, ex-
pressed himself thus ; " Am I not unhappy, that among the
numbers who are attached to my interests, and employed
in my service, there is none possessed of spirit enough to
resent the 'affronts, which I am constantly receiving from a
miserable priest .^" These words were indeed not pronounced
in vain— four gentlemen of the court immediately set forward
to Canterbury, where they found Becket in his chapel, per-
forming the evening service, and slew him. Henry reflecting
on his words, and having reason to suspect their design, dis-
patched a messenger after them, charging them to attempt no-
thing against the person of the primate. But these orders
arrived too late> Such, however, was the power of the reign-
ing superstition, that the reluctant Henry was compelled to do
severe penance, as the instigator, whilst the prelate was enrolled
among the saints and martyrs, and such miracles attributed to
his bones as obtained whole hosts of pilgrims from most parts
of the world, and a shrine of immense value.
Pope Alexander III., who, hke most of his predecessors,
*• Hume's England, Vol. I. 394.
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
55
knew much more of secular policy than of religion, enacted, in
tlie third council of the Lateran, tliat the persson, in whose
favour two-thirds of the college of cardinals voted, should be
the duly elected pope ; a law which will probably last as long
as popery, because it excludes the people, and even the inferior
clergy, from any share in the choice of their holy father. In
this council also a spiritual war was declared against heretics.
The appearance of some champions of truth in the last century
has been before alluded to, and if great attention has not been
paid to them, it is because the subject leads m the rugged
steps of haughty prelates and aspiring pontiffs, gradually
ascending to the very pinnacle of power, until the deluded
world fell down beneath them, a mighty ruin. In this place,
however, let those exalted worthies receive homage, who,
from age to age, kept up the dying embers of expiring truth,
until at length it poured its sacred rays in a full tide on the
benighted world.
The increase of opposition which the Popish faith expe-
rienced, and the fact that some were to be found who would
dare to think, though it should cost their blood, determined
the project of a spiritual war; a very natural precursor to
that crying abomination, the Holy Liquisitio7i, at once the
scourge, disgrace, and terror, of the human race.
This century is also remarkable for the sale of indulgences,
by which the church was supposed to forego its power of
punishing offenders, in consequence of a certain fine. In
these times of dotage every sort of mummery was accounted
holy, and the monks introduced the practice of carrying the
dead bodies of their saints in solemn procession through the
land, which the abject multitude were permitted to approach,
to touch, or to embrace, at certain established prices. The
inferior clergy had accustomed the people to the purchasing
of pardons, and the popes, considering the value of the appen-
dage, laid claim to the benefit, and annexed the sale of indul-
gences to the prerogatives of the holy see. It is not, how-
ever, designed to extend this rapid Survey of Ecclesiasti-
cal History beyond the close of this twelfth century. The
E-4
56 HISTOEICAL SURVEY OF
History of the Inquisition naturally, in some degree resuming,
or alluding to that subject.
In conclusion, therefore, what an argument does the vast
period, now hastily glanced over, afford, on the mischievous ef-
fects of error and of superstition. The world has been con-
quered by force of arms, but her inhabitants were held in sub-
jection, by the continued efforts of that power, which first re-
duced them. Superstition obtains a victory, and maintains a
conquest, by a far different operation — she gains possession of
the heart. Warriors have indeed prevailed over physical force,
but they could never controul the will. Superstition has done
this; — she has seated herself in the throne of judgment, and
commanded all human affections. Reviewing the past, may it
not then be said, what a deadly poison is that which she instills !
Sufficiently allied to truth to obtain its sacred sanction, and yet
so contaminated by error, as wholly to destroy the efficacy of
that alliance ; her influence descends upon the mind of man like
an overshadowing cloud, which, from a transparent vapour,
becomes a solid gloom, leaving the wretched wanderer in the
mazes of the grossest darkness. Superstition, indeed, appears to
be the human mind^s most natural disease, in its present fallen
state; cut off by transgression from that love and contempla-
iton of the Divine excellency, for which it was originally
created, the soul betrays its sacred instinct, by an awful and
perverted action ; for when men knew God from the displays
of his eternal power in the visible world, they glorified him
not as God, but became vain in their imagination, and their
foolish hearts were darkened. Hence the histories of all na-
tions abound with the records of idol worship, but whilst the
abominations of a system professedly established on Christian
principles are in view, it is unnecessary to turn for scenes of
horror to the plains of Juggernaut.
It is truth, scriptural truth alone which can emancipate the
soul — not by assisting men''s natural notions, but by dictating
evejy idea, which is proper or even allowable in the service of
God : where this is the case, there the kingdom of God is
estabhshed in the heart of man ; where it is not, but where
the scriptures are either partially or wholly laid aside— where
THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 57
men reject the commandments of God, that they may keep
their own traditions, all things are out of place, there is con-
fusion, and more or less every evil work. Hence the great
enemy of man and his emissaries, have either forbad the read-
ing of the scriptures, or sophistically perverted their ail-iiupor-
tant declarations. They have however been confounded
whenever and by whomsoever the sacred volume has been
duly honoured — taught by its prophetic voice, and assured of
final victory. Christians have in every age been animated to use
this weapon alone, in the face of every danger, whilst in the
same loving spirit which it breathes— (not by fire and sword)
they have endeavoured to persuade all human kind to love the
sacred Author of their being in the way his wisdom and
mercy have appointed.
HISTORY
OF THE
Itnt^tl^lMuM^
CHAP. I.
The Doctrine of Jesus Christ forbids Persecution on the
Account of Religion.
Although the inquisition was not so much as
heard of m the Christian church before the thirteenth cen-
tury, yet since it has spread itself ahnost throughout the whole
world and become every where notorious, it is not to be won-
dered at, that there should be a general curiosity in marikind
of more thoroughly understanding it, and knowing by what
laws it is conducted, and what are the methods of proceeding
therein. The doctors of the Romish church give it the highest
commendations, as the only and most certain means of extir-
pating heresies, and an impregnable support of the faith ; not
invented by human wisdom and council, but given to men by
the immediate influence of heaven, whose tribunal breathes
nothing but holiness, and to which they give such titles, as
denote the most perfect sanctity. The Inquisition itself is called
the Holy Office, the prison of the Inquisition the Holy House;
so that the very name confers upon it respect and veneration: yea,
they go so far as to compare it with the sun, and affirm, that
as it would be accounted ridiculous to commend and extol the
sun, it would be equally so to pretend to praise the Inquisition.
60 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITIOy.
The Protestants, on the other hand, represent it, not only as
a cruel and bloody, but most unjust tribunal ; where, as the
laws by which other tribunals are governed are disregarded, so
many things which every where else would be esteemed un-
righteous, are commended as holy. And they are so far from
thinking that it is a proper means of restraining or punishing
the guilty (which is the principal thing to be aimed at by every
tribunal) that, on the contrary, they believe it was invented for
the oppression of truth, and the defence of superstition and
tyranny : where persons, let their innocency appear as bright as
the sun at noon-day, are treated as the most vile and perfidious
wretches, and cruelly put to death by the severest tortures.
I therefore thought it might be of service to the world, to de-
scribe the origin of this tribunal; and against whom, and by
what methods, they generally proceed in it. In order to this,
it is necessary to look back, and deduce this whole affair from
its very origin.
The Christian religion, taught by the Apostles, made its
progress in the world, and shewed itself to be of divine original,
by the holiness of its precepts, the exceeding gi'eatness of its
promises, and the many miracles, wrought in confirmation of
it ; and, at last, brought the whole world into its obedience,
without the assistance of carnal weapons, or temporal power.
Our Saviour sent his disciples into the world, as a blessing :
they were to preach the Gospel to every creature — to publish
those glad tidings of gTeat joy, which concern all people— to
proclaim his character and office, according to that prophecy,
which he himself adopted as his own, in the synagogue at
Nazareth, and by which he is declared, anointed to preach
the gospel to the poor — sent to heal the broken-hearted —
to preach dehverance to the captives — recovering of sight to
the bhnd — and to set at hberty the bruised.
A character like this, stands at an infinite distance from
cruelty of every kind. Its perfection consists in being Iholy^
harmless^ and undefiled ; it never sanctioned the doing of evil
that good may come. Nor will any act of such a kind fail to
meet with disapproval in that day, when God shall judge the
secrets of men by his well-beloved Son, the Author and the Fi-
nisher of Faith.
HISTORY OF THE IN^QUISITION. 61
CHAP. II.
The opinion of the Primitive Christians concerning Perse-
cution.
THE primitive Christians opposed with the greatest vigour,
all cruelty and persecution for the sake of religion. It is true,
indeed, that^they condemned the Heathen for their barbarities;
and argued wholly for this, that Christians should have the free
exercise of their rehgion granted them; but they used such
arguments, and topics of reasoning, and even sometimes when
treating of different subjects, expressed themselves in such a
manner, as plainly declares that they do equally condemn all
sort of violence for the sake of rehgion, against all persons what-
soever. Thus Tertullian, in his Apology, * says : " Take
heed that this be not made use of to the praise of impiety, viz.
to take away from men the liberty of religion, and forbid them
the choice of their deity ; so that it should be criminal for them
to worship whom they would, and they should be compelled to
worship whom they would not ; no one would accept of an
involuntary service, no not a man.*" And again, J " It
plainly appears unjust, that men possessed of liberty and
choice, should be compelled against their will to sacrifice. For
in other cases a willing mind is required in the performance of
divine worship; and it may justly be accounted ridiculous to
force any person to honour the Gods, whom he ought wiUingly
for his own sake to endeavour to appease." And again, in his
book to Scapula. ^ " Every one hath a natural right and
power to worship according to his persuasion, for no man's reli-
gion can be either hurtful or profitable to his neighbour : nor
can it be a part of religion to compel men to religion, which
ought to be voluntarily embraced, and not through constraint ;
since 'tis expected, that even your sacrifices should be offered
with a willing mind ; so that if you compel us to sacrifice, think
not to please your Gods ; for unless they dehght in strife, they
will not desire unwilling sacrifices: but God is not a lover of
contention."" Cyprian also agrees with Tertullian his master,
in liis 62d letter to Pomponius, concerning virgins, where,
! Cap. 21. j Cap. 28. ^ Cap, 2.
(Ja HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
treating of the excommunication of offenders, he thus speaks :
*' God commanded, that those who would not obey his priests,
and those judges, which time after time he appointed, should be
slain. Such were cut off with the sword during the dispensa-
tion of the circumcision in the flesh. But now, since the spiritual
circumcision takes place in all the faithful servants of God, the
proud and obstinate are to be slain with the sphitual sword, by
being cast out of the church.'' The Apostle, in his Epistle to
the Corintliians, says. That in a large house there are not only
vessels of gold and silver, but of wood and earth, some to honour,
and some to dishonour. '' Let us endeavour, as much as we
can, to be found amongst those of gold and silver. 'Tis the
sole prerogative of the Lord to break the earthen ones, to whom
the iron rod is committed. The servant cannot be greater than
his Lord ; nor should any one arrogate to himself what the
Father hath committed to the Son only, viz. to winnow and
purge the flour, and separate, by any human judgment, the
chaff from the wheat." And in his 55th to Cornelius : " Nor
let any one wonder that some should forsake tlie serv^ant ap-
pointed over them, when the disciples left the Lord himself,
though he wrought the greatest signs and wonders ; and proved
by the testimony of his works, that he acted by the power of his
Father. And yet he did not reproach or grievously threaten
them when they forsook him, but gently turned to his A|X)stles
and said, What, will you forsake me also ? Observing that
sacred law, of every one's being left to his own liberty and will,
and making for himself his own choice, whether of life or death."'
Now since from these passages, it plainly appears, that Cyprian
taught, that all force in matters of religion, is contrary to the
nature of Christianity, I cannot but take notice of the disho-
nesty of Bellarmine,^ who in his 3d book of Controversies,*"
brings in Cyprian as a defender of the murder of Heretics ;
who having in his book concerning martyrdom, cited that
passage out of Deut. xiii. " That the false prophet shall be
slain, adds. If this was to be done under the Old Testament,
much more under the New." But if we look to the words
immediately following, we shall find that Cyprian's opinion was
1 De Laicig. "" cap. 21.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 6S
quite the reverse : for these are the words of Cyprian : "If
before the coming of Christ, the commands of worshipping God,
and forsaking idols, were to be observed, how much rather are
they to be observed since his appearance ? who not only exhort-
ed us by words, but by his own actions ; and who, after having
endured all manner of injuries and reproaches, was crucified,
that he might leave us an example how to suffer and die. So
that he hath no excuse who will not suffer on his own account ;
for as he suffered for the sins of all, how much more ought
every one to suffer for his own sins ?" If this passage be read
entire, it will appear, how^ very falsly Bellarmine hath applied it
to the defence of the murder of Heretics, which was only
intended as an exhortation to the patient suffering of mar-
tyrdom.
Lactantius defends the same doctrine in a nobler and plainer
manner," " There is no need of compulsion and violence,
because religion cannot be forced, and men must be made
■willing, not by stripes, but arguments. Let them draw
the sword of their reason ; if their reasons are good, let them
produce them ; we are ready to hear, if they can teach ; if they
are silent, we cannot believe them : if they pretend to force us,
we cannot yield to them: let them imitate us, or fairly debate
the case with us. It is not our manner, as they object, to entice
men; we teach, prove, and demonstrate; no one is kept
amongst us against his will ; and he must be unacceptable to
God, who wants devotion and faith ; and yet none forsake us,
being preserved by the sole evidence and force of truth." And
a little after : " Let them leai'n from this what difference there
is between truth and falsehood ; in that they, though boasting
of their eloquence, cannot persuade; yet Christians, though
unskilful and ignorant, can ; for the thing itself, and truth
pleads in their behalf To what purpose then is their rage,
but to expose more that folly which they strive to conceal ?
Slaughter and piety ai'e quite opposite to each other; nor can
truth consist witli violence, or justice Avith cruelty." And a
httle after: " They are convinced that there is nothing more
excellent than religion, and therefore think that it ought to be
defended with force ; but they are mistaken both in the nature
° Lib. 5. c. 20.
64 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
of religion, and in the proper methods to support it; for
rehgion is to be defended, not by murder, but persuasion ; not
by cruelty, but patience; not by wickedness, but faith.
Those are the metliods of bad men, these of good ; and 'tis
necessary that a religious man should be good, and not evil ;
for if 3^ou attempt to defend religion by blood, and torments,
and evil, this is not to defend but to violate and pollute it:
for there is nothing should be more free than the choice of our
religion, in which, if the consent of the worshipper be wanting,
it becomes entirely void and ineffectual. The true way there-
fore of defending religion is by faith, a patient suffering, and
dying for it : this renders it acceptable to God, and strengthens
its authority and influence." This was that most harmless
persuasion of the Primitive Chi'istians, before the world had
yet entered into the church, and by its pomp and pride had
perverted the minds, and corrupted the manners of professors.
CHAP. III.
The Laws of the Emperors, after the Nicene Council, against
the Arians and other Heretics.
AFTER the conversion of Constantine to the Christian
religion, the civil power became vested in the hands of Chris-
tians. This change in their circumstances produced as great a
change in their doctrine and manners ; and they introduced
into the church methods of cruelty, not only equal to those of
the Heathen, but even greater than were ever practised by
them. What gave thc^ first rise to it was, the dispute between
Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, and Arius, a Presbyter of
the same cliurch : when the news of this was brought to Con-
stantine, he first by letter sharply reproved them. But after-
wards, witli the persuasion of the bisliops, or out of some
political view, he called the Nicene coic7icil, that by their
authority the opinions of Arius might be condemned. Euse-
bius, who was present at that council, was able to give the
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 65
best account of it; but he chose rather that their actions
should be for ever forgotten, and contented himself in a very
few words to declare the issue of it: and if we add to the
account given by him, the somewhat larger one given by
Socrates, it appears plain, that all who would not subscribe to
their decrees, were condemned to banishment, and there is no
room to doubt, such are the frailties of human nature, but that
many through fear were compelled to subscribe. Some few
indeed there were, who not at all terrified with the fear of
banishment, went into exile with Arius, whom the Synod had
condemned, because they would not consent to his condemna-
tion. The emperor himself put forth an edict, by which he
ordained, that all the books written by Arius should be burnt,
" condemning to death every one that should conceal any of
Arius's books, and not commit them to the flames.'' » He
afterwards put forth a fresh law against the Recusants, by
wliich he took from them their places of worship, and prohi-
bited their meeting not only in public, but even in any private
houses whatsoever.''
After they had thus proceeded to methods of severity, and
civil punishments were decreed against those, whose opinions
the council were pleased to condemn, whom they exposed
under the infamous name of Heretics, and rendered odious to
the people, their cruelty was not satisfied with one degree of
punishment only ; they went from one to another, that so the
doctrine condemned by the council might find none that should
dare to defend it, and might at last be totally extirpated.
From pecuniary mulcts, they proceeded to the forfeiture of
goods, banishment, and at length to slaughter and blood;
for such is the nature of cruelty, that it seldom confines itself
to the first beginnings, but when it is once let loose, like an
impetuous torrent, it spreads itself every where, and from every
occasion grows more outrageous and furious. This will
appear most plainly in the account I am now giving of the
methods for the restraining and punishment of Heretics.
For in the first place, laws were made against Heretics,
whereby they were prohibited from having churches, holding
* Socrat. 1, I. r. 9. ♦• Eiiseb. Life of Coustan. I. 3. c 65.
66 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
assemblies, the enjoying any ecclesiastical preferments, the
consecration of bishops, the ordination of priests, the making
of wills, the succeeding to inheritances, the sharing in any
charities, the advancement to public offices, and ordaining
severe punishments against those who did not observe these
prescriptions.
And first, it was determined who should be accounted
Heretics. " They are comprehended under the name of
Heretics, and are adjudged to the punishments pronounced
against such, who shall be discovered to differ, even in the
least point, from the judgment and practice of the Catholic
rehgion."^ By the same law it is ordained, " That no one
should dare, either to teach or learn those things that shall
have been decreed to be profane.""'* By the law following,
their churches are taken from them, and they are prohibited
from performing holy offices, either in private houses or churches,
under the forfeiture of one hundred pounds of gold upon
all contraveners. '^ The following law is yet more severe,
which takes from them the power of giving, buying, selling,
making contracts or wills, or inheriting their parents estates,
unless they renounce their heretical pravity. There are many
laws extant concerning the banishment of Heretics. Theodo-
sius II. and Valentinian III. counting up thirty-two sects, and
their followers, decree, " let not these and the Manicheans,
who are arisen to the height of impiety, have the hberty of
dwelling any where within the dominions of the Roman empire :
let the Manicheans be expelled from every city, and punished
^vith death; for they are not to be suffered to have any dwelling
on the earth, lest they should infect the very elements them-
selves.'' '^
See also L. Quicunque, where -the foremen tioned penalties
are not only repeated, but other kinds of punishments ordained
against them ; which are all extant in the law of the emperor
Martian, who renews the punishments ordained by the preced-
ing emperors, against the Eutichians, and which is recorded at
the end of the council of Chalcedon, and which will suffice in-
* L. Omnes, c. de Hafriet. *> Cuncti. ^ Manichaeoi.
J L. Ariani, c. de Haeret.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 67
Stead of all other instances. By this law the emperor ordained,
" That they should not have power of disposing of their estates,
and making a will, nor of inheriting what others should leave
them by will. Neither let them receive advantage by any deed
of gift, but let whatsoever is given them, either by the bounty
of the living, or the will of the dead, be immediately forfeited
to our treasury ; nor let them have the power, by any title or
deed of gift, to transfer any part of their own estates to others.
Neither shall it be lawful for them to have or ordain bishops or
presbyters, or any other of the clergy whatsoever ; as knowing
that the Eutichians and Apolhnarists, who shall presume to confer
the names of bishop or presbyter, or any other sacred office upon
any one, as well as those who shall dare to retain them, shall be
condemned to banishment, and the forfeiture of theu' goods.
And as to those who have been formerly ministers in the Catho-
lic church, or monks of the orthodox faith, and forsaking the
true and orthodox worship of the Almighty God, have, or shall
embrace, the heresies and abominable opinions of ApoUinarius,
or Eutyches^ let them be subject to all the penalties ordained
by this, or any foregoing laws whatsoever, against hereticks, and
banished from the Roman dominions, according as former laws
have decreed against the Manicheans. Farther, let not any of
the Apolhnarists, or Eutychians, build churches or monasteries,
or have assemblies and conventicles, either by day or night ;
nor let the followers of this accursed sect meet in any one's
house or tenement, or in a monastery, nor in any other place
whatsoever : but if they do, and it shall appear to be with the
consent of the owners of such places, after a due examination,
let such place or tenement in which they meet, be immediately
forfeited to us ; or if it be a monastery, let it be given to the
orthodox church of that city in whose territory it is. But if
so be, they hold these unlawful assemblies and conventicles,
without the knowledge 6f the owner, but with the privity of
him who receives the rents of it, the tenant, agent, or steward
of the estate, let such tenant, agent, or steward, or whoever
shall receive them into any house or tenement, or monastery,
and suffer them to hold such unlawful assemblies and conven-
ticles, if he be of low and mean condition, be publicly bastina-
F 2
68 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION.
doed, as a punishment to himself, and as a warning to others;
but if they are persons of repute, let them forfeit ten pounds
of gold to our treasury. Farther, let no ApolUnarist or Euty-
chian ever hope for any miUtary preferment, except to be listed
in the foot soldiers, or garrisons : but if any of them shall be
found in any other military service, let them be immediately
broke, and forbid all access to the palace, and not suffered to
dwell in any other city, town, or country, but that wherein they
were born.
" But if any of them are born in this august city, let them be
banished from this most sacred society, and from every metro-
politan city of our provinces. Farther, let no ApoUinarist. or
Eutychian, have the power of calling assembhes, public or pri-
vate, or gathering together any companies, or disputing in any
heretical manner; or of defending their perverse aud wicked
opinions ; nor let it be lawful for any one to speak or write,
or pubhsh any thing of their own, or the writings of any others,
contrary to the decrees of the venerable synod of Chalcedon. —
Let no one have any such books, nor dare to keep any of the
impious performances of such writers. And if any are found
guilty of these crimes, let them be condemned to perpetual ba-
nishment ; and as for those, who, through a desire of learning,
shall hear others disputing of this wi'etched heresy, it is our
pleasure, that they forfeit ten pounds of gold to our treasury,
and let the teacher of these unlawful tenets be punished with
death. Let all such books and papers, as contain any of the
damnable opinions of Eutyches or Apollinarius, be burnt, that
all the remains of their impious perverseness may perish with
the flames ; for it is but just, that there should be a proportion-
able punishment, to deter men from these most outrageous im-
pieties. And let all the governors of our provinces, and their
deputies, and the magistrates of our cities, know, that if, through
neglect or presumption, they shall suffer any part of this most
religious edict to be violated, they shall be condemned to a fine
of ten pounds of gold, to be paid into our treasury ; and shall
incur the further penalty of being declared infamous.
" Given at Constantinople, in the Ides
" of August, and the Consulate of
" Constantius and Rufus."
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 69
At the same time that they pubhshed these cruel laws, the
authors of them would fain be thought, to offer no violence to
conscience. This same emperor Martian, in another epistle to
the Archimandrites of Jerusalem, at the end of the acts of the
synod of Chalcedon, says, " Such, therefore, is our clemency,
that we use no force with any one, to compel him to subscribe
or agree with us, if he be unwilling : for we would not, by
terrors and violence, drive men even into the paths of truth."
Who would not wonder that they should thus seek to colour
over their cruelties ? A doctrine is forbidden to be learnt or
taught, under the severest penalties, which those ought to think
themselves obliged to profess, who are persuaded of the truth
of it ; and those who do profess it, are, for that reason, exposed
to many punishments ; and yet the authors of such punish-
ments would still be thought to offer no violence to conscience.
But I would • fain know, for what end are all these penalties
against heretics ordained ? For no other surely, but that men
may be deterred, by the fear of them, from meeting together,
and openly professing themselves, or teaching others those doc-
trines, which they think themselves obliged, in conscience, both
to profess and propagate; and that, being at length quite
tired out by these evils, they may join themselves to the esta-
blished churches, and at least profess to believe their received
opinions. But this is to offer violence to conscience, or to force
men, by the fear of punishments, not to profess what they be-
lieve, or to pretend to belieye what they do not; neither of which
can be done, but in opposition to the voice and dictates of
conscience.
r The constitution of Theodosius was in rnuch severer terms,
which is extant in the code of Theodosius,* in which we
read thus: " Farther, we ordain, that whosoever shall
persuade or force a slave, or freeman, to forsake the
worship of the Christian religion, and join himself to
any accursed sect or rite, let him. be punished with loss
of fortune and life." And a little after, " Let him first
incur the forfeiture of his goods, and afterwards be condemned
* Tit. de Judaeis, 1. 1. and lib. 16. tit. 6. 1. 75.
70 HISTORY OF THE IXaUISITIOX.
to the loss of life, who, by false doctrine, shall pervert any one
from the faith/'^
This law so pleases Simanca, that he congratulates himself
on its being made by an emperor that was a Spaniard ; for,
after having recited it, he adds : " A law truly worthy of an
emperor that was a Spaniard V as though it was the glory of
Spain to exceed all nations in cruelty; audits honour, even in
former ages, to have been as remarkable for using severer me-
thods of punishments in this world to miserable heretics than
others, as they have been since for the barbarities practiced by ^
the bloody tribunal of the Inquisition. The emperors Honorius
and Theodosius also,^ '' If any one shall be discovered to have
rebaptized any of the ministers of the Catholic party, let him
be put to death ; both the person guilty of this execrable im-
piety, (if he be of an age capable of guilt) and the party se-
duced by liim.""
It is true, these were laws made by the civil magistrate, but
that they were pubhshed with the approbation, and at the insti-
gation of the bishops, no one can doubt, who compares our
times with the ancient. The bishops could not bear that their
decrees and anathemas should be slighted as insignificant and
harmless flashes. They would fain have all condemned by
their sentence, appear to be justly condemned ; and ea'gerly
thirsted after the mitres and churches of those whose doctrines
they were pleased to anathematize.
•V«%/WVV^V%'V«>
CHAP. IV.
The AniAN Persecutions of the Orthodox.
BUT neither did the Arians, when they had an emperor of
their own party, refrain from any sort of cruelty, but persecuted
* Simanc. Tit. 46, $ 48. ^ Cod. de Sanct. Baptisma iteratur, 1. 2.
HISTOKY OF THE INQUISITION. 71
those, by whom they had been deprived, with a more implaca-
ble and bloody hatred. The persecutions against Athanasius,
their principal adversary, are notorious to all. Athanasius him-
self, in his letter to the hermits, gives us many instances of their
cruelty, wliich is the burthen of his epistle; and aggravated,
as far as words can do it, viz. that they scourged the bishops
in Egypt, and bound them \nth cruel chains ; that they sent
Sarapammo into banishment, and beat Potammo in so barba-
rous a manner on his back, that he was left for dead, and died
soon after of his bruises and pain;* that they would not suflPer
a dead woman to be buried;^ that they ejected many bishops
from their sees, and sent them into banishment ; and that they
obtained an edict from the emperor, that the bishops should
not only be banished from the cities and churches, but even
punished wdth death wherever they could be found. And he
adds: " That so dreadfully were men terrified by them, that
some pretended to beUeve their heresies; and others, t|irough
fear, chose rather to fly into de^i'ts than fall into their hands.''^
In another place he says : " How many bishops were brought
before governors and kings, and heard this sentence from their
judges, ' Either subscribe, or depart from your churches ^ —
for the emperor hath commanded you shall be banished from
your churches.' How many, in every city, scattered themselves
up and down, for fear of being accused as the bishop's friends/
For the magistrates were written to, and commanded, upon
penalty of a fine, to compel the bishops of their respective cities
to subscribe. In fine, all places and cities were filled with ter-
rors and tumults; for violence was offered to the bishops, and
the judges saw the mournings and sighs of the people." And
at length, after a tragical account of the various cruelties and
persecutions of the Arians, he adds: " That they would not
suffer the friends of those they had slain, to bury their dead
bodies, but hid them in private places, that thereby they might
conceal their murders.''^ There are other passages to the same
purpose, in the same epistle.
« Simanca, tit. 49. $ 14- p. 814. " Ibid, p. 821. ^ Ibid, p. 829.
" Ibid, p. 859.
F 4
72 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
Victor also relates several kinds of cruelty practised by Hu-
nerick, the Arian king of the Vandals, in Africa ; but it would
be too tedious to recount them all. It is enough to add, that
some had their tongues cut out, others their hands, others their
feet chopt off, others their eyes dug out, and others were mise-
rably slain through the extremity of their tortures ;» and Am-
mianus MarcelHnus, an heathen writer, describing those times,
relates of Juhan the emperor,^ " That he ordered the Christian
bishops and people that were at variance with each other, to
come into his palace, and there admonished them, that they
should every one profess his own religion, without hindrance or
fear, whilst they did not disturb the public peace by their di-
visions; which he did for this reason, because as he knew their
liberty would increase their divisions, he might now have
nothing to fear from their being an united people; having
found by experience, that even beasts are not so cruel to men,
as the generality of Cliristians are to each other.
CHAP. V.
Tlie Opinion of some of the Fathers concerning the Persecu-
tion o^ Dissenters.
WHAT the opinions of those ancient doctors of the church,
called Fathers, was, we may learn from their writings.
Athanasius, in his epistle to the hermits, speaks in this manner
of the Arians, and thus points out their persecutions against
the orthodox -." " That Jewish heresy hath not only learnt to
deny Christ, but also to dehght in slaughters. But even this
was not sufficient to satisfy them. For as the father of their
heresy goes about as a roaring hon, seeking whom to devour,
so these, having liberty to go up and down, run about, and
whomsoever they happen to meet with, who either blame their
• See also Hist. Tripart. b. 6. c 32, and b. 4. c. 39.
b B. 22. *= Hist. Eccles. 1. 7. c 2. p. 821.
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 73
flight, or abhor their heresy, inhumanly tear them with scourges,
or bind them with chains, or banish them from their native
country.""
In this and the Uke manner, Athanasius, whilst persecuted
by the Arians, largely and pathetically argues, condemning
persecution of every sort, upon the score of religion, and freely
pronouncing it the invention of the devil. And yet we do not
find, that this same Athanasius made the least intercession with
the emperor Con stan tine, when the Nicene Synod was ended, to
prevent the banishment of Arius and his followers; no, nor one
single word to shew that he even disapproved of Arius's banish-
ment; through a too common weakness of mind, whereby men ai*e
apt to think, that the same thing done to them by others would
be most unjust, that would not be unjust in them to do to
others.
Hilarius, against Auxentius the Arian, shews, with equal
eloquence, his detestation of cruelty towards men differing in
their religious sentiments. " And first, I cannot help pitying
the misfortune of our age, and lamenting the absurd opinions
of the present times ; according to which, human arts must
support the cause of God, and the church of Christ be defended
by methods of secular ambition. I beseech you, O ye bishops,
who believe yourselves to be such, what helps did the apostles
make use of in propagating the gospel ? What powers assisted
them ir preaching Christ, and converting all nations from idols
to Goc,!.^ Had they any of the nobles from the palaces joined
\rith jthem, when they sang hymns to God in prison and in
chain^u and after they had been cruelly scourged.? Did Paul
gathe I the church of Christ by virtue of the royal edict, when
he [. Ipself was made a spectacle in the public theatre ? Was
the;f i^jlcaching of the divine truth protected by Nero, Vespa-
^He lab* Decius, which flourished by means of their very hatred
t*favoi^"S.?^'
not ho\^^^^^ ^^s^ taught the same doctrine. " The apostles are
nations ^^^^^^^<^ to take rods in their hands, as Matthew writes,
atrainst^ a rod', but an ensign of power, and an instrument of
the inwH^ ^^ instrument of vengeance, to inflict pain ? And,
t, the disciples of an humble master, I say of an humble
[for in his humility/ his Judgment was taken from him^
74 HISTORY OF THE INaUlSITION.
can only perform the duty he hath enjoined them by offices of
humility : for he sent persons forth to sow the faith, who should
not force men but teach them; not exercise power, but exalt
the doctrine of humility.""^ And a little after he adds : " When
the apostles would have had fire from heaven, to consume the
Samaritans, who would not receive our Lord Jesus into their
city, he turned about and rebuked them, saying, ' Ye know
not what spirit ye are of; for the son of man is not come to
destroy men's hves, but to save them.' "
Gregory Narianzen evidently shews himself to be of the same
sentiment, although he hath not handled this argument pro-
fessedly : for having observed, that men were not easily and at
once, but slowly and gradually, brought off from idolatry to the
law, and from the law to the gospel ; and having considered
the reason of it, he thus speaks : " And why is it thus ? Be-
cause we are to know, that men are not to be driven by force, but
to be drawn by persuasion. For that which is forced is not last-
ing; this even the waves teach us, when they are repelled by vio-
lence; and the very plants, when bent contrary to their na-
ture. That which is voluntary is both more lasting and safe.
This is agreeable to the divine equity ; the other an in&tance of
tyranny." So that he did not think it just even to do good to
men against their will, or without their consent.
Optatus Milevitanus, writing against Parmenianus, th»e Dona-
tist, vindicates the church from the charge of persecut/ing dis-
senters from it. \
What was Chrysostom's sentiment in this affair, he iVimself
sufficiently declares in his sermon about excommunicatiorJSvhere
he thus inveighs against those, who pronounced otg^^^s ac-
cursed : — " I see men, who understand not the geni^j^^^ense,
nor indeed any thing of the sacred writings, who,, p/^^ by
other things, I am not ashamed to own, are furi^^ ^i^ ^"^:;rs,
quarrelsome, who know not what they say, nor ;ward ^^"^y
affirm; bold and peremptory in this one thing, ev Am^ ^"^'"^^
articles of faith, and declaring accursed, diings inot coj^' ^". ^
not. Upon this account we have become the What ij ^
mies of our faith, who look upon us as perso power, J
regard to virtue, and never learnt to do good tlierefoj
* Comment, in Luc. 1. 7^ in c. 10 ^^^
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 75
flicted and grieved for these things!" And afterwards, citing
that place of St. Paul, *' The servant of the Lord must not strive,
but be gentle,"'' &c. he goes on : " Entice him with the bait of
compassion, and thus endeavour to draw him out from destruc-
tion, that being thus delivered from the infection of his former
eiTor, he may live, and thou mayest delivei' thy soul. But if
he obstinately refuses to hear, witness against him, lest thou be-
come guilty; only let it be with long-suffering and gentleness,
lest the Judge require his soul at thy hand. Let him not be
hated, shunned, or persecuted, but exercise towards him a
sincere and fervent cliarity."
St Jerome is of the same mind, who, in his sixty-second letter
to Theophilus, against John of Jerusalem, thus speaks :— " The
church of Christ was founded on the bloody sufferings and pa-
tience of its first professors, and not on their abusing and injur-
ing others ; it grew by persecutions, and triumphed by martyr-
doms."
■v^w^^^^-wv^
CHAP. VI.
St. Augustine's Opinion concerning the Persecution of
Heretics.
AUGUSTINE, in his former writings, condemned all vio-
lence upon the account of rehgion; for, writing against the
fundamental epistle of Manichaeus, he begins with this address
to the Manichaeans: — " The servant of the Lord ought not to
strive, &c. It is, therefore, our business willingly to act this
part. God gives that which is good to those who willingly ask
it of him. They only rage against you, who know nothing of
the labour that is necessary to find out truth, or the difficulty
of avoiding errors. It is they who rage against you, whg know
not how uncommon and difficult it is to overcome carnal imagi-
nations by the calmness of a pious mind. It is they who rage
against you, who are ignorant hoAv liard it is to heal the eye of
the inward man, so that it can behold its Sun ; not that sun whose
a 2 Tim. it. 24,25, 20.
76 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
celestial body you Avorship, and which iiTadiates the fleshly
eyes of men and beasts, but that of which the prophet writes,
* The sun of righteousness is risen on me ;' and of which we
read in the Evangehst, * He was the true light which enlightens
every man that cometh into the world.' Th.ey rage against
you, who know not that it is by many sighs and groans we must
attain to a small portion of the knowledge of God. Lastly,
they rage against you, who are not deceived with that error,
into which they see you are fallen. But as for myself, I, who
after long and great fluctuation, can at last perceive, what is
that sincerity which is free from all mixture of vain fable,
cannot by any means rage against you, whom I ought to bear
with, as I was once borne with myself, and to treat you with
the same patience that my friends exercised tow^ards me, when
I was a zealous and bhnd espouser of your error.
But afterwards, upon his sharp and long disputes with the
Donatists; such is the fluctuation of the human mind, and
with so much inconstancy, sometimes have the best feelings
been associated, that he &o far altered his opinion, as that he
did not disapprove of, but was actually for inflicting all punish-
ments, which did not cut off the hopes of repentance, i. e. all
manner, death only excepted; that being terrified by them,
they mjght be compelled to embrace the orthodox faith ; which
he hath shewn in a few words, in his second book of Retrac-
tations.^ " I have two books entitled, Against the Donatists :
In the first I declared, that I did not approve that schismatical
persons should be compelled to communion by any secular
power. The reason was, because I had not then experienced
what great mischief would ai'ise from their impunity, or how
much good disciphne would conduce to their conversion.
From some further passages it appears clear, that Austin
approved of the punishment ordained by civil laws against the
erroneous, as that they ought not to make wills, nor buy and
seE, nor receive legacies, but that they should be sent into
banishment. And to shew that he thought this punishment
just upon the Donatists and Rogatians, he adds : " The terror
of temporal powers, when it opposes the truth, is a glorious
» Cap. 5.
HISTORY OF THE IXaUISITION. 77
trial to the good and resolute, but a dangerous temptation to
the weak. But when it inculcates tlie truth upon the errone-
ous and schismatical, to ingenuous minds it is an useful admo-
nition, but to the foolish it proves an unprofitable affliction."
There is no power but what is of God, and he that resisteHi
the power, resisteth the ordinance of God : for princes are not
a terror to them that do well, but to those who do ill. Wilt
thou not therefore fear the power ? Do well, and thou shalt
have praise from it, " For if the power favouring the truth
corrects any one, he w^ho is made better by it hath praise
from it: or if, in opposition to the truth, it rages against
any one, he who is crowned conqueror hath praise from it.
But as for thee, thou dost not well that thou shouldest not fear
the power." And to make this appear, he largely refutes theii*
opinions, and then thinks he hath evinced the justice of the per-
secution raised against them.
The only punishment he would have Heretics exempted
from is death. Hence in his epistle to Cresconius the Gram-
marian,^ he saith: '' No good men in the Catholic church are
pleased, that any one, even an Heretic, should be punished
with death." But as to all other methods of persecution,
Austin is so far from being against them, that he recommends
them, as a remedy proper for the extirpation of Heresies,
Hence in his first book agahist Gaudentius,^ he says : " G^ for-
bid that this should be called persecuting men, when it is only
a persecuting their vices, in order to dehver them from the power
of them; just as the physician treats his distempered patient.
This then is the so much admired clemency of Austin, that
he interceded with the proconsuls, that the Donatists should
not be punished with death ; whilst at the same time he not
only approved of all other penalties except deatli, such as
banishment, the denying them power to make wills, to in-
herit their patrimony, or to receive what was left them by
others, of making contracts, buyhig and seUing, and the
like ; but he himself accused them to the proconsuls, that if
they persisted in these opinions, they might suffer these pu-
nishments.
• B. 3 cap. 50. *• Cup. s.
78 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION.
If any one will compare these things with the former opinion
of Austin, he may justly cry out, Oh how much is Austin
changed from himself, who mindful of his own former error,
from which he was not recovered, but by the great patience of
his friends, was against using methods of cruelty, even towards
the Manichaeans. But now he approves of all punishments
against the Donatists, death only excepted, that they may be
compelled into the Catholic church, even against their wills,
under a pretence that at last they may voluntarily remain in
her communion.
And indeed, all who since Austin have taught that Heretics
are to be persecuted, and even punished with death, have made
use of no authority more than Austin's; and to shew how
highly they esteem his authority, they use his argmnents as
the very strongest, though in themselves absurd, and mani-
festly contrary to Scripture, to defend a doctrine so absolutely
repugnant to the nature of Christianitv\ From him they have
borrowed the distinction, that it is unlawful for Heretics to
persecute the church, but the duty of the church to persecute
Heretics. This is now become the common exception of all
the murderers of Heretics, with which every one armed with
the secular power, under a specious pretence, persecutes and
oppresses those who differ from him: this is the principal
argument by which the Papists defend themselves, when they
would justify their own persecution of Heretics, and condemn
all others that persecute them.
Thus we see, that Christians by this idle doctrine, have
departed from their original simplicity and meekness ; and that
in the room of mutual love, by which all the faithful were of
one heart and one soul, there have succeeded in the church of
Christ, not only discords, contentions, hatreds and enmities, but
slaughters, and the worst of cruel butcheries.
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 79
CHAP. VII.
The Persecutions of the Popes against Heretics.
IN the following ages the affairs of the church were so
managed under the government of the Popes, and all persons
so strictly curbed by the severity of the laws, that they durst
not even so much as whisper against the received opinions of
the church. Besides this, so deep was the ignorance that
had spread itself over the world, that men, Avithout the least
regard to knowledge and learning, received with a blind obe-
dience every thing that the ecclesiastics ordered them, however
stupid and superstitious, without any examination ; and if any
one dared in the least to contradict them, he was sure immedi-
ately to be punished ; whereby the most absurd opinions came
to be established by the violence of the Popes. It was at this
time that the doctrine of transubstantiation was introduced into
the church, now, in every thmg, subject to the Pope's controul ;
and how dangerous it was to oppose it, we may learn from the
instance of Berengarius of Tours, archdeacon of Angiers, who,
teaching that the bread and wine in the supper, was only the
figure of the body and blood of the Lord, was condemned as an
Heretic, by Leo IX. in a synod at Rome and Vercellae, in the
year 1050, and five years after, viz. 1055, was forced to recant,
and to subscribe with his own hand to the faith of the Roman
church, and confirm it with an oath, by Victor II. in the council
of Tours. But as Berengarius's recantation was forced ; and
as he afterwards defended that opinion, which in his heart he
believed, Nicolaus II. called a council at the Lateran, A. D.
1059, and there again condemned Berengarius, and compelled
him to make "a solemn abjuration, which Berengarius publicly
read, and signed with his own hand. This was the famous ab-
juration, which begins, " Ego Berengarius.'" Thus was the
truth suppressed by the papal violence. In the East also, A. D.
1118, one Basilius, the author of the sect of the Bongomili, was
publicly burnt for Heresy by the command of Alexius Com-
tienus the emperor, as Baronius relates, A. D. 1118.='
* Sec. 27.
80 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
In the mean time the power of the Roman pontiff grew to a
prodigious height, and began to be very troublesome, even to
the emperors themselves , for not content with the ecclesiastical
power, they clai)ned also the subjection of the seculai'. But in
the midst of this thick darkness, some glimmerings of light
broke forth through the great mercy of God.
For after the year of Christ, 1100, there arose various dis-
putes between the emperors and popes, about the Papal power
in secular affairs, which, as they were managed with great
warmth, gave occasion to many more strictly to examine that
unbounded power which the popes of Rome claimed to them-
selves. Some of the emperors bravely maintained their rights
against the Papal encroachments, and were supported, not
only by the arms and forces of generals and princes, but by
bishops and divines, who strenuously wrote in their defence.
This encouraged many others to oppose that unbounded au-
thority, which the popes assumed in matters of faith, who not
only argued that they were capable of erring, as well as the
other bishops, but actually pointed out and censured their
many errors and abuses of their unhmited power: all these
the court of Rome branded with the infamous name of Here-
tics, and would have sacrificed to the public hatred.
They appeared first in some parts of Italy, but principally
in Milan and Lombardy: and because they dwelt in dif-
ferent cities, and had their particular instructors, the Papists,
to render them the more odious, have represented them as
different sects, and ascribed to them as different opinions,
though others affirm they all held the same opinions, and were
entirely of the same sect. The truth is, that from the oldest
accounts of them we shall find, that they did not all hold the
same tenets, and were not of the same sect ; though neither
their opinions nor sects were so many and different as the
Papists represent. The principal of them were Tanchelinus,
Petrus de Bruis, Petrus Abailardus, Amaldus Brixianus,
whose opinion Earonius calls the heresy of the pohticians, Hen-
dricus, and others, who preached partly in Italy, and partly in
France, about the country of Thoulouse ; and because after-
Wards the greater number of them propagated their opinions
HISTORY OF TIJE INQUISITION. 81
in the province of Albigeois, in Langiiedoc, and gathered
there large and numerous churches, who openly professed their
faith ; they were stiled Albigenses.
CHAP. VIII.
Of the Albigenses and Waldenses.
ABOUT the same time the Waldenses,^ or the poor men
of Lyons,^ appeared at Lyons, whose original hath been
largely shewn by the most reverend and learned Usher,
Archbishop of Armagh, in his book De Successione, &c. I
shall therefore only enquire, whether the Waldenses and Al-
bigenses were the same people, according to the common
opinion of Protestants, or different from one another. It can-
not be doubted but that they had some opinions in common.
But there is nothing more evident, than that there was amongst
them a great variety of doctrines, and difference of rites and
customs, as appears from the book of the sentences of the In-
quisition at Tholouse, which I have published, in which are
to be found many of the sentences pronounced against the
Albigenses and Waldenses, which discover some very curious
and uncommon things, concerning their doctrines and rites ;
and which are such evident proofs of their difference in opi-
nions and customs, that from the reading of a few lines, one
may easily know whether the sentence pronounced was against
the Albigenses or Waldenses ; which manifest difference hath
induced me to believe that they were two distinct sects ; though
I have hitherto been in the common opinion, that they were
but one.
However, it is not to be doubted, but that oftentimes then-
enemies gave very vile and odious accounts of the doctrines
they held; as will appear by comparing the several places in
a An ecclesiastical term, signifying the iohabitants of the vallies.
b Being stripped of all their property, and reduced by persecution, to ex-
treme poverty.
82 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
wliicli they describe them. For the same opinion, which in
one place appears extremely erroneous ; in another, when it is
more fully explained, and Avithout spite, is harmless enough ;
of which the single instance of the resurrection of the dead is
full proof For sometimes the Albigenses are accused, that
" they deny the resurrection of human bodies ;" as though they
quite denied the resurrection of the dead ; which yet in another
place is more distinctly explained thus, that " the dead shall
rise with spiritual bodies.'' And that their opinions have
been misrepresented elsewhere, there can be no doubt, and it
will appear upon a comparison of the several places, wherein
they are recorded. But that the opinions of the Albigenses
and Waldenses were very different, cannot be denied. For if
they had held the same, no reason can be assigned, why differ-
ent ones should have been ascribed to them. One would
rather be inchned to believe, that as their persecutors greedily
sought after every occasion to punish them, they would have
fastened on every one of them all the heretical opinions of the
Waldenses and Albigenses; that so, being burdened with
numerous crimes, the inquisitors might seem to have the more
just pretence for condemning them.
The popish writers, indeed, charge these people with many
of the grossest crimes. It may however, be justly con-
cluded, that many of those impious tenets that are ascribed
by Baronius, Bzovius, and others, to the Albigenses and
Waldenses, were invented out of mere hatred to them, and
to render them detestable to the people; especially that im-
pious opinion, which Eymericus^ imputes to the Waldenses :
" That it is better to satisfy a man's lust by any act of
uncleanness whatsoever, than to be perpetually burning;
and that (as they say and practice) it is lawful in the
dark for men and women to lie promiscuously with one an-
other, whensoever, and as often as they have the inclination
and desire." ^ For if this had been their tenet, would there
* Direct. Inqnis. par. 2 quaes. 14.
b The extreme injustice of this imputation is evident from the apology of
those oppressed people, in which they deliver their sentiments on this subject
in the following striking words : " It was this vice that led David to procure the
death of his faithful servant, that he might enjoy his wife j — and Amnon to
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 83
not have been one of that vast number of prisoners, that they
condemned to such various punishments, to be found, that
was infected with it ? Or, if it could have been proved upon
them, was the equity, Iiumanity, and compassion of the inqui-
sitors so very great, as to have concealed a crime, that would
have been condemned by the common voice of mankind, and
exposed those that were guilty of it to the most severe punish-
ment and death ? Would they, by such a method of acting,
have given the world occasion to censure them for persecuting,
and cruelly punishing men merely for the sake of holding
opinions different from the Roman faith, though consistent with
a due regard to a good conscience, when at the same time they
might have accused them of so horrid an impiety ? If they had
been really such execrable persons, their crimes ought to have
been publicly exposed ; and thus they themselves would have
sunk under the weight of infamy, and their prosecutors would
liave been so far from being charged as bloody inquisitors, that
they would have deserved universal applause.
Hence we may learn what credit is to be given to popish
writers, when they give us an account of the opinions and
practices of those they call Heretics. It is then- way to charge
all that separate from their communion with impurity and lust,
as though the only cause of their leaving the communion of the
church of Rome, \)vas a dishonourable and vile love of women ;
and they have most impudently dared to reproach with this vice,
persons who have been remarkable for their chastity and conti-
nence. In the mean while, nothing is more notorious, than that
their monks and priests, who are forjbid the remedy of a chaste
and honourable matrimony, abandon themselves without shame
to the most impure embraces, and infamously wallow in carnal
defile his sister Tamar. This vice consumes the estates of many, as it is
said of the prodigal son, \vho wasted his substance in riotous living. Balaam
made choice of this vice to provoke the children of Israel tosiu, which occa-
sioned the death of twenty-four thousand persons. This sin was the occasion
of Samson's losing his sight — it perverted Solomon, — and many havr pewshed
through tlio beauty of a woman. The remedies for tliis sin are fasting,
prayer, and keeping at a distance from it; otlier vices may be subdued by
fighting, in this we conquer by flight, of wiiicli vre have an example in Jo-
seph.— Perrins Hist. Ch. IV. in Jones's Waldcnscs.
Q 2
84 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION.
pleasures. Erasmus,* says ; " There is a certain German
bishop, who declared publicly at a feast, that in one year he
had brought to him 11000 priests that openly kept women:"
for they pay annually a certain sum to the bishop. This was
one of the hundred grievances that the German nation proposed
to the Pope's nuncio at the convention at Nuremberg, in the
years 15^2 and 1523. Grievance 91. " That the bishops in
most places, and their officials, not only suffer the priests to
keep women, so they pay a certain sum of money, but even
force the chaster priests, who live without women, to pay the
price of those that keep them; alledging, that the bishop wants
money, and that those priests who pay it may either remain
single, or keep women as they please. How wicked a thing
this is, every one understands."/ The same Erasmus, in his
account of the errors of Bedda, ^ hath the following passage ;
" What wonder if some nuns in the age of St. Austin are said
to have married, when in this age, there are said to be so many
monasteries that are nothing better than public stews, and more
that are private ones. Even in those where the rules are more
strict, there are many instances of impurity. This I re-
late with grief, and I wish it was not true." And a Httle
after; " I know some, that have buried in the monasteries
the girls they have seduced, that the affair might be
hushed up. And= Bedda," says he, " cries out gloriously,
God forbid, God forbid, that any man should be admitted to
the dignity of the priesthood, who doth not wholly deny him-
self carnal embraces, though at this day there are some to be
found who keep fifty women, not to add any thing worse."
And** concerning the prohibition of flesh: " amongst the priests,
how scarce is the number that live chaste ? I speak of those
who keep pubhcly at home their women, instead of wives ; for
I will not mention the mysteries of their more secret crimes: I
speak of those things only that are well known to every one."
But the instance he gives,"^ is yet more execrable : That a cer-
tain Dominican professor of divinity, whose name was John,
* Tom. 9. page 401.
•^^Toni. 9. page 484. " Page 569. " Page 985. ' Page 1380.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 85
mentioned to him at Antwerp, in the house of Nicholas of
Middlebourge, a physician, a divine of Lovain, who told him,
that he refused to give absolution to a certain confessor of the
Nuns, because he had acknowledged he had had criminal
famiharity with 200 of them. But what need is there of pro- .
ducing testimonies out of particular authors ? The very laws
of the Inquisition, which ordain punishments for those priests,
who solicit not only women, but, what is much more horrid
ble, even boys, in the sacrament of confession, are an unc deni-
able proof that these crimes are too frequent and common in
that state of impure celibacy.^ So that, having theii' own
minds insnared with the lusts of the flesh, and their eyes,
a If those who prescribe celibacy mean to consider that as chastity which
consists merely in not supporting a wife, and not contributing to the popula-
tion of the state, by becoming fathers and instructors of children; if they
call that chastity, which has prescribed celibacy to them, in order that they
may be free from the troubles and cares of a family, which impel most men
to greater assiduity and economy in their domestic affairs, and, of course,
constitntes a kind of life more active, regular, and virtuous, we may, in
these cases, certainly allow that they practise chastity. But if we are to
understand the word chastity in the same sense as the ecclesiastics consider
it in their pulpits, then the justice of their claim to chastity may very easily
be decided, by the experience and knowledge almost every one must have of
ecclesiastical virtues. I should be ashamed to relate the proofs which I could
produce from history, on this point, without going further than the lives of
the popes, who, it might be presumed, should have been equally exalted in
virtue as in dignity. Alexander VI. alone would furnihh me with supera-
bundant particulars.
But least it might be said, that the corruption of the ecclesiastics in our
times has nothing to do with the purity of those fathers who established the
celibacy of the clergy, it will be proper to observe, that when the general
council of Constance was celebrated, in 1444, no picture of the virtuous pa-
radise of Jesus Christ was to be observed in that city ; on the contrary, the
city of Constance presented a perfect image of Mahomet's paradise. Spa-
nenberg says,* that the city of Constance was then honoured by the presence
of 34^ aichbishops and bishops, 564 abbots and doctors, and 7000 prosti-
tutes ! who followed the fathers of the council ; without reckoning the con-
cubines, whom the same holy fathers had about their persons. It is clear,
that if these tenacious defenders of celibacy had been married, these prosti-
tutes would not have followed them. But— oh inconsistency '.—in this very
council the cehbacy of the clergy was definitively decreed.
Da Costa's Narrative, v. i. 116.
♦ Epist. ad. Cor. p. 252.
«3
86 HISTORY 6r THE INaUISITION.
as the scripture expresses it, fidl of adultery^ like the gene-
rality of mankind, they judge of others by tliemselves, and
insinuate that the only, at least the chief cause of forsak-
ing the church of Rome, is the immoderate love of women :
whereas, if they were not actuated by the principles of a good
conscience, but from impure inclination, they might with much
more safety abide in the communion of the church of Rome,
where they have daily occasions offered to them of fulfilling
the lusts of the flesh : and where they have nothing to fear,
even from the bloody tribunals of the Inquisition. This
for once to refute the calumnies of the Papists, who, when-
ever they are giving an account of the rise of any of those they
call Heretics, are perpetually repeating this chai-ge against
them. But to return to our purpose :
As to the question whether the Albigenses and Waldenses,
were one or two different sects. To speak my own mind
freely, they appear to me to have been two distinct ones ;
and that they were entirely ignorant of many tenets, that are
now ascribed to them. Particularly the Waldenses* seem to
* Omitting the fables of the Popish writers respecting this, persecuted
people, it may be acceptable to extract a confession of their faith, from a
late publication, intitled, " The History of the Waldenses," by W. Jones, — a
work of much curious research, and well worthy the attention of the reader. —
This confession is better than a thousand arguments, and whilst it proves
that God has his jewels in every age of the world, shews, with the evidence
of a sun beam, that the Inquisition, whatever its pretences, persecuted
nothing so cruelly, as that which most resembled true religion ; it reads
thus:
1. We believe and firmly maintain all that is contained in the twelve
articles of the symbol, commonly called the apostles' creed, and we regard
as heretical whatever is inconsistent with the said twelve articles.
2. We believe that there is one God,— Father, Son, and Holy Spirit.
3 We acknowledge for sacred canonical scriptures the books of the holy
Bible. QHere follows the title of each, exactly conformable to onr received
canon, but which it is deemed, on that account, unnecessary to parti-
cularize.)
4. The books above mentioned teach us— That there is one God, almighty,
unbounded in wisdom, and infiuite in goodness, and who, in his goodness,
has made all things. For he created Adam after his own image and
likeness. But through the enmity of the devil and his own disobedience,
Adam fell, sin entered into the world, and we became transgressors in and
by Adam. ^
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 87
have been plain men, of mean capacities, unskilful and unex-
perienced; and if their opinions and customs were to be
examined without prejudice, it would appear, that amongst all
5. That Christ had been promised to the fathers who received the law,
to the end, that, knowing their sin by the law, and their nnrigliteousness,
and insufficiency, they might desire the coming of Christ to make satisfac-
tion for their sins, and to accomplish the law by himself.
C. That at the time appointed of the Father, Christ was born — a time
when iniquity every where abounded, to make it manifest that it was not for
the sake of any good in ourselves, for all were sinners, but that He, who is
true, might display his grace and mercy towards us.
7. That Christ is our life, and truth, and peace, and righteousness — our
shepherd and advocate, our sacrifice and priest, who died for the salvation
of all who should believe, and rose again for our justification.
8. And we also firmly believe, that there is no other mediator, or advo-
cate with God the Father, but Jesus Christ. And as to the virgin Mary,
she was holy, humble, and full of grace ; and this we also believe concern-
ing all other saints, namely, that they are waiting in heaven for the resur-
rection of their bodies at the day of judgment,
9. We also believe, that, after this life, there are but two places — one for
those that are saved, the other for the damned, which [two] we call paradise
and hell, wholly denying that imaginary purgatory o/" antichrist, invented in
opposition to the truth.
10. iMoreover, we have ever regarded all the inventions of men (in the
affairs of religion) as an unspeakable abomination before God; such a« the
festival days and vigils of saints, and what is called holy-water, the abstain-
ing from flesh on certain days, and such like things, but above all, the
masses.
11 • We hold in abhorrence all human inventions as proceeding from
antichrist, which produce distress,* and are prejudicial to the liberty of the
mind.
12. We consider the sacraments as signs of holy tilings, or as the visible
emblems of invisible blessings. We regard it as proper and even necessary
that believers use these symbols or visible forms when it can be done
Notwithstanding which, we maintain that believers may be saved without
these signs, when they have neither place nor opportunity of observing
them.
13. We acknowledge no sacraments (as of divuie appointment) but
baptism and the Lord's supper.
14|. We honour the secular powers, with subjection, obedience, prompti-
tude, and payment, t
' Alluding probably to the voluntary penances and mortifications imposed
by the catholics on themselves.
t Perrin, Hist, des Vaudois, chap. xii. in Jones's Waldenses, second edit.
V. 2. 46.
C4 •
88 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
the modern sects of Christians, they bare the greatest resem
blance to that of the Memnonites.
CHAP. IX.
Of the Persecutions against the Albigenses ^wcZWaldenses.
IT was the entire study and endeavour of the popes, to crush,
in its infancy, every doctrine that any way opposed their exor-
bitant power." In the year 1163, at the synod of Tours, all
the bishops and priests in the country of Tholouse, were com-
manded " to take care, and to forbid, under the pain of excom-
munication, every person from presuming to give reception, or
the least assistance to the followers of this heresy, which first
began in the country of Tholouse^ whenever they shall be dis-
covered. Neither were they to have any dealings with them in
buying or selling ; that by being thus deprived of the common
assistances of life, they might be compelled to repent of the
evil of their way. Whosoever shall dare to contravene this
order, let them be excommunicated, as a partner with them in
their guilt. As many of them as can be found, let them be im-
prisoned by the Catholic princes, and punished with the forfei-
ture of all their substance.""
Some of the Waldenses, coming into the neighbouring king-
dom of Arragon, king Ildefonsus, in the year 1194, put forth,
against them, a very severe and bloody edict, by which " he ba-
nished them from his kingdom, and all his dominions, as ene-
mies of the cross of Christ, prophaners of the Christian religion,
and pubhc enemies to himself and kingdom.'"* He adds : " if
any, from this day forwards, shall presume to receive into their
houses, the aforesaid Waldenses and Inzabbatati, or other here-
tics, of whatsoever profession they be, or to hear, in any place,
their abominable preachings, or to give them food, or to do
» Baron, sec. 18. N. 4.
* PegDa iu Eymeric. p. 2. com. 39. Bzovius, a. 1199. sec* 38.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 89
them any kind office wliatsoever; let him know, that he shall
incur the indignation of Almighty God and ours ; that he shall
forfeit all his goods, without the benefit of appeal, and be
pun?.shed as though guilty of high treason, &c. Let it be
farther observed, that if any person, of high or low condition,
shall find any of the before-mentioned accursed wretches, in
any part of our dominions, who hath had three days notice of
this our edict, and who either intends not to depart at all, or
not immediately, but who contumaciously stays, or travels
about ; every evil, disgrace, and suffering that he shall inflict
on such person, except death or maiming, will be very grateful
and acceptable to us; and he shall be so far from incurring any
punishment upon this account, that he shall be rather entitled
to our favour. However, we give these wicked wretches hberty
till the day after All Saints (though it may seem contrary to
justice and reason) by which they must be either gone from our
dominions, or upon their depariure out of them : but afterwards
they shall be plundered, whipped, and beat, and treated with
all manner of disgrace and severity.'"
Nor did they act with less severity against heretics in Orvieto.
Peter Parentius, the prefect, declared, and that pubhcly, to a
large assembly,^ " That whosoever, within an appointed day,
would come back to the church, which never shuts her bosom
to those Avho return, and obey the commands of the bishops,
should obtain pardon and favour ; but that whosoever should
refuse to return by the appointed day, should be subject to the
punishment enacted by the laws and canons." But what
this favour was, is described in the pubhc records of that
church, in these words : *' But the bishop, inflamed against
the Manichaeans, received, with a pastoral concern, the confes-
sion of the heretics, returning from their heresy to the Catho-
lic unity, and presented them to the praefect. Some of these
he bound in ii-on chains, others he caused to be publicly whip-
ped, others he miserably banished out of the city, others he
fined, who were true penitents on account of the money they
lost ; from others he took large securities, and pulled down the
' Raynald. a. 1199, sec, 23. 24.
90 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
houses of many more : so that the governor of the city, walking
after the royal pattern, turned aside neither to the left hand
nor to the right." To this account Raynaldus adds : " These
things did this new Phineas, burning with an holy zeal, for the '
Catholic faith, this year in the time of Lent."^ But he was
a little after killed by the heretics.
About the year ISOO, Pope Innocent III. wrote to several
archbishops and bishops in Guienne, and other provinces of
France, that they should banish the Waldenses, Puritans, and
Paterines,'' from their territories ; and sent thither the friars
Reyner and Guido, the founder of the order of Hospitallers, to
convert heretics; commanding the bishops, that those who
would not be converted, should be banished ; that they should
humbly receive, and inviolably observe, whatever friar Reyner
should ordain against hereticks, their favourers and defenders.'^
He commanded also the princes, earls, &c. that those heretics,
who should be excommunicated as impenitent, by friar Reyner,
should be adjudged to forfeiture of their estates, and banish-
ment ; that if, after this interdict, they should be found in
their dominions, they should proceed more severely against
them, as became Christian princes. He gave, moreover, full
power to Reyner, to compel the princes to this work, under
pain of excommunication, and interdict of their dominions,
without appeal; and commanded him not to delay to publish the
sentence of excommunication against the receivers of excommu-
nicated heretics. And to conclude, he exhorts the people to
give all assistance, when required, against heretics, to the friars
Reyner and Guido, and grants to all who should stand by
them faithfully and zealously, the same indulgence of sins,
which is used to be granted to those who visited the threshold
of St. Peter or St. James. The next year following, he com-
manded the archbishops of Aix and Metz, and others, with some
abbots, that they should examine the poor men of Lyons, and
a Raynald. a. 1199, sec. 23.
* Some of the sectaries of the Waldenses ; they called themselves PaterineSf
after the example of the martyrs, who suffered martyrdom for the Catholic .
Faitb J because they, like them, were expositos passionibus, exposed to suifer-
ings. Du Fresne Glossar. Med. ct inf. Lat, in voce.
« Bzovius, a, 1198. sec. 6. Raynald. sec. 37.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 91
others, concerning the orthodox faith ;' and as they found the
matter, should give him full information by messenger or let-
ters, that being thus more fully informed by them, he might
know the better how to proceed against them. He made also
the most severe laws for the extirpation of heresy,^ which are
contained in his letters to the citizens of Viterbo, some of whom
had been infected with heresy.*^
a Bzovius, 1199, sec. 21. b Raynald. a. 1199, sec. 27.
This oppressed and iinofFending people were continually the objects of
papal cruelty, The following affecting account of the persecution in 1655, is
one out of many instances which might be adduced j it is from the pen of
the sufferers, addressed to their Christian friends.
Brethren and Fathers,
OUR tears are no more tears of water but of blood, which not only
obscure our sight, but oppress our very hearts. Our pen is guided by a
trembling hand, and our minds distracted by such unexpected alarms, that
we are incapable of framing a letter which shall correspond with our wishes,
or the strangeness of our desolations. In this respect, therefore, we plead
your excuse, and that you would endeavour to collect our meaning from what
we would impart to you.
Whatever reports may have been circulated concerning our obstinacy, in
refusing to have recourse to his royal highness for a redress of our heavy
grievances and molestations, you cannot but know that we have never de-
sisted from writing supplicatory letters, or presenting our humble requests,
by the hands of our deputies, and that they were sent and referred, some-
times to the council de propaganda fide^ at other times to the Marquis de Pio-
nessa; and that the three last times they were positively rejected, and re-
fused so much as an audience, under the pretext, that they had no creden-
tials nor instructions which should authorise them to promise or accept, on
the behalf of their respective churches, whatever it might please his highness
to grant or bestow upon them. And by the instigation and contrivance of
the Roman clergy, there was secretly placed in ambush an army of six thou-
sand men, who, animated and encouraged thereto, by the personal presence
and active exertions of the IMarquis of Pionessa, fell suddenly, and in the
most violent manner, upon the inhabitants of S. Giovanni and La Torre.
This army having once entered and got a footing, was soon augmented by
a multitude of the neighbouring inhabitants throughout all Piedmont, who,
hearing that we were given up as a prey to the plunderers, fell upon the poor
people with impetuous fury. To all those were added, an incalculable num-
ber of persons that bad been outlawed, prisoners, and other oflfenders, who
expected thereby to have saved their souls and filled their purses. And the
better to effect their purposes, the inhabitants were compelled to receive^re
•r six regiments of the French armyy besides some Irish, to whom, it is reported,
92 HISTORY OF THfi INQUISITION.
CHAP. X.
(yDoMiNicus, ajid the first Rise of the Thoulouse iNauisiTiON.
THE office of proceeding against heretics, was at first
committed to the bishops, to whom the government and
care of the chiu'ches was entrusted, according to the received
our country was promised, with several troops of vagabond persons, under
the pretext of coming into the vallies for fresh quarters.
The great multitude, by virtue of a license from the Marquis of Pionessa,
instigated by the monks, and enticed and conducted by our wicked and un-
natural neighbours, attacked us with such violence on every side, especially
in Angrofrne, Villaro, and Bobio ; and in a manner so horribly treacherous,
that in an instant all was one entire scene of confusion, and the inhabitants,
after a fruitless skirmish to defend themselves, were compelled to fl«-e for
their lives, with their wives and children ; and that not merely the inhabi-
tants of the plain, but those of the mountains also. Nor was all their dili-
gence sufficient to prevent the destruction of a very considerable number of
them. For, in many places, such as Villaro and Bobio, they were so hemmed
in on every side, the army having seized on the fort of Mareburg, and by
that means blocked up the avenue, that there remained no possibility of es-
cape, and nothing remained for them but to be massacred and put to death.
In one place, they mercilessly tortured not less than an hundred and fifty
women and their children, chopping off the heads of some, and dashing the
brains of others against the rocks. And in regard to those whom they took
prisoners, from fifteen years old and upwards, who refused to go to mass,
they hanged some, and nailed others to the trees by the feet, with their heads
downwards. It is reported, that they carried some persons of note prisoners
to Turin, viz. our poor brother and pastor, Mr. Gros, with some part of his
family. In short, there is neither cattle nor provisions of any kind left in
the valley of Lucerne \ — it is but too evident that all is lost, since there are
some whole districts, especially S. Giovanni and La Torre, where the busi-
ness of setting fire to our houses and churches was so dexterously managed,
by a Franciscan friar and a certain priest, that they left not so much as
one of either unburnt. In these desolations, the mother has been bereft of
her dear child — the husband of his affectionate wife ! Those who were once
the richest amongst us, are reduced to the necessity of begging their bread ;
while others still remain weltering in their own blood, and deprived of all the
comforts of life. And as to the churches of S. Martino and other places
who, on all foimer occasions, have been a sanctuary to the persecuted, they
have thtmselves now been summoned to quit their dwellings, and every soul
of them to depart, and that instantaneously, and without respite, under pain
of being put to death. Nor is there any mercy to be expected by any of
them, who are found wlthiu the dominions of his royal highness.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITIOIN. 93
decrees of the church of Rome. But inasmuch as their
number did not seem sufficient to that court, or because
they were too neghgent in the affair, and did not proceed
with that fury against heretics as the pope would have had
them; therefore, that he might put a stop to the increasing
progress of heresies, and more effectually extinguish them, about
the year of our Lord, 1200, he founded the order of the Domi-
nicans and Franciscans, that they might preach against heresies.
Dominic and his followers were to this end sent into the country
of Tholouse, where he preached, with great vehemence, against
the heretics that were arisen there ; from whence his order hath
obtained the name of preachers, or predicants. Father Francis,
with his disciples, battled it with the heretics of Italy. They
were both commanded by the pope, to excite the Catholic
princes and people to extirpate heretics ; and in all places to
inquire out their number and quality, and also the zeal of the
Catholics and bishops in their extirpation ; and to transmit a
The pretext which is alleged for justifying these horrid proceedings is,
that we are rebels against the orders of his highness, for not having brought
the whole city of Geneva within the walls of Mary Magdalene church ; or
in plainer terms, for not having performed an utter impovssibility, in depart-
ing, in a moment, from our houses and homes in Bubbiana, Lucerne, Fenile,
Bricheras, La Torre, S- Giovanni, and S Seeondo j and also, for having re-
newed our repeated supplications to his royal highness, to coramisserate our
situation, who, while on the one hand he promised us permission to depart
peaceably out of his dominions, which we have often entreated him for, in
case he would not allow us to continue and enjoy the liberty of our con-
sciences, as his predecessors had always done. True it is, that the Marquis
of Pionessa adduced another reason, and we have the original copy of his
writing in our possession, which is, that it was his royal highness's pleasure
to abase us and humble our pride, for endeavouring to shroud ourselves,
and take sanctuary, under the protection of foreign princes and states.
To conclude, our beautiful and flourishing churches are utterly lost, and
that without remedy, unless our God work miracles for us. Their time is
come, and our measure is full ? O have pity upon the desolations of Jerusa-
lem, and be grieved for the afflictions of Joseph! Shew forth your compas-
sions, and let your bowels yearn in behalf of so many thousands of poor
souls, who are reduced to a morsel of bread, for following the Lamb whi-
thersoever be goeth. We recommend our pastors, with their scattered and
dispersed flocks, to your fervent christian prayers, and rest in haste,
Your brethreo in the Lord.
Jpril 27, 1655. •
Jonea's Waldenses, vol. 2. 127.
94 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
faithful account to Rome. Hence they were called Inqui
sitors.
It is evident that the first Inquisitors were Dominican friars,
or of the order of Predicants ; but it is not so certain what
year the Inquisition itself was first introduced. Dominic, as
hath been said, was sent into the country of Tholouse, or
Gallia Narbonensis;^ he, as Bertrand relates,^ in his account
of the affairs of Tholouse, whom Usher cites, first lodged in the
house of a certain nobleman, to whom belonged the house of
the Inquisition at Tholouse, near the castle of Narbonne ; and
finding him sadly infested with heresy. Father Dominic, In-
quisitor of the Faith, reduced him to the path of truth ; upon
which, he devoted himself and his house, to St Dominic and
his order : which house hath ever since belonged to the In-
quisition, md the Dominican order. From hence we may ga
ther, that Dominic was the first Inquisitor; and that the
Inquisition was first introduced into Tholouse: but as to the
year when, writers differ; some referring it to the year of
Christ, 1212, others to 1208, and others to 1215. This is
certain, and agreed to by all, that it began under the papacy of
Innocent III. and that Dominic was appointed the first In-
quisitor in Gallia Narbonensis : but whether he received his
office of Inquisitor from Arnaldus, abbot of Cisteaux, legate
of the apostolic see, in France, or immediately from the pope,
is disputed by the popish writers. Those who endeavour to
reconcile the difference say, that Dominic was first appointed
Inquisitor by the legate, and afterwards confirmed by the pope
himself Ludovicus a Paramo*^ seems to be of the same opinion ;
for he says, that father Dominic first discoursed of his design,
to introduce the Inquisition, to the abbot of Cisteaux, at that
time apostohc legate in France ; and that the abbot appointed
him Inquisitor, at the same time referring the affair to the pope.
After this he was confirmed in the office by a cardinal legate in
* De Sncces. Eccles. in Occidente, cap. 9. sec 9.
to That part of France, which anciently contained the provinces of Savoy,
Dauphine, Province, and Languedoc.
«= De Succes. Ecclee. in Occidente, lib. 2. tit. 1. cap. 1, n. 13.
\
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 95
that kingdom ; and at length, after the conclusion of the Late-
ran council, Ann. 1216, he was made Inquisitor by authority
of the pope's letters, a copy of which some authors affirm they
have actually seen.
" When Dominic had received these letters,* upon a certain
day, in the midst of a great concourse of people, he declared
openly in his sermon, in the church of St. Prullian, that he
was raised to a new office by the pope ; adding, that he was
resolved to defend, with his utmost vigour, the doctrines of the
faith ; and that if the spiritual and ecclesiastical arms were not
sufficient for this end, it was his fixed purpose to call in the
assistance of the secular arm, to excite and compel the catholic
princes to take arms against heretics, that the very memory of
them might be entirely destroyed." It evidently appears that
Dominic was a bloody and cruel man. This is more than
obscurely intimated by the Dominican, Camillus Campegius,
Inquisitor General of Ferrara, who, after having recited the
letters of Dominic, in which he declares the penances he en-
joined to Pontius Rogerii, adds : " I have the more willingly
annexed to this treatise of punishments these letters of St.
Dominic our father, who first exercised the office of inquisitor,
that all may be able to make a comparison between the ancient
severity made use of to stop the progress of these crimes, and
the present moderation and tenderness of this holy tribunal."
These letters he wrote, as Ludovicus a Paramo observes, whea
as yet he acted as inquisitor only by the authority of the abbot
of Cisteaux, and these letters Paramus produces to prove,
that Dominic assumed this office, from a resolution to punish
heretics with such severity, as that, by the fear of punishment,
he might deter others from the like wickedness. He was
born in Spain in the village Calaroga, in the diocese of Osma.
His mother, before she conceived him, is said to have dreamed,
that she was with child of a whelp, carrying in his mouth a
lighted torch ; and that after he was bom, he put the world
in an uproar by his fierce barkings, and set it on fire by the
b Ibid. cap. 2. n. 4.
a De Succes. Eccles. in Occidente, lib. lib. 2. tit. 1. cap. 2w.
*> Zanchini. « Ibid. lib. 2. tit. 1. cap. 2. n, 5.
96 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
torch that he carried in his mouth. His followers interpret
this dream of his doctrine, by which he enhghtened the whole
world; whereas others, if dreams presage any thing, think
that the torch was an emblem of that fire and faggot, by
which an infinite multitude of men were burnt to ashes.
In the beginning the inquisitors had no proper tribunal ;
they only enquired after heretics, theii* number, strength, and
riches. After they had detected them, they informed the
bishops, who then had the sole power of judging in ecclesias-
tical affairs, and sometimes urged them, that they should
anathematize, and otherwise punish the heretics they had
discovered to them. Sometimes they stirred up princes to
take arms against heretics; sometimes the people. Such of
them as engaged in this work they signed with the cross, and
encouraged them in their expeditions against heretics. Far-
ther than this, Dominic, who was of a bloody fierce temper,
that he might the more effectually extirpate all heresy, invent-
ed a method, how, under the appearance of mercy and ten-
derness, he might exercise the most outrageous cruelty, viz.
the laying some certain punishments, by way of wholesome
penance, upon such as were converted to the Roman faith,
that being thus converted, they might be freed from excom-
munication.* For what could carry a greater appearance of
a The following is a curious specimen of this priestly domination.
Brothei- Doiiiii.ic, the least cf preaohers to nil Christ's faithful people,
to whom these presents shall come, f.reeting, in the Lord :
By the authority of the Cistertian abbot, who liath appointed us this
office, vre have reconcilod the bearer of these presents, Pontius Rogerius,
conrerted by God's blessing from his heretical sect, charging and requiring
him, by the cat)» which he hath taken, that three Sundays, or three festival
days, he be led by a priest, naked from his shoulders down to his drawers,
from the coming into the town unto the church doors, being whipt all the
way. We iiiso enjoin him, that he abstain at all times from meat, eggs,
cheese, and all things that proceed from flesh, except on the days of Easter,
Whitsuntide, and Christmas, on which days we command him t© eat flesh
for a denial of his foimev error. We will thai he keep three lents in one
year, abstaining even from fibh : and that he fast hree days every week
always, refraining from fish, oil, and wine, except bodily infirmity, or hard
labour in harvest time require a dispensation. We will have him wear
friar's coats, with two small crosses sewn on his two breasts. Let him
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 97
mercy, than to absolve and receive into communion, those
heretics that returned to the church, and voluntarily subjected
themselves to a wholesome penance ? But the truth is, that
this was the height of cruelty: for they submitted to such
penances, not from, conviction and choice, but for fear of
a more terrible punishment. For the fire and faggot and
other punishments were ready prepared for such as were not
converted ; and all that refused to submit to these penances,
were pronounced excommunicate, convict, and obstinate he-
retics, and as such turned over to be punished by the secular
court. Besides, these wholesome penances were attended with
the greatest miseries to the penitents ; for either they were
condemned to perpetual imprisonment, there to wear out a
wretched life with the bread and water of affliction, or were
marked on theu- back and breast with crosses, that by these
signs of infamy, they might be exposed to the reproaches and
abuses c»f all men ; and were withal pubhcly whipped before
the people, either in the open street, or in the church, and
commanded many other things, under the specious name of
penance ; that by this severity, which the penitents were
forced voluntarily to submit to, there might be an appearance
of mercy in their case, and that all others might be deterred
from heresy.
every day hear mass if opportuuity may serve, and on all holidays let him
go to vespers to church. He shall observe all the other canoDical hours by
day and by night, wherever he be, and shall then say his orisons, that is,
seven times a day he shall say ten paternosters together, and twenty at
midnight. Let him altogether abstain from bis wife, and every first day of
the month let liim shew these our letters to the curate of the town of Cer-
vium, whom we command diligently to observe what kind of life this bearer
leads; whom, if he should neglect to observe these our injunctions, we
declare to be perjured and cxcommuoicaited, and w^l have him taken for
such.
HISTORY OF THE IlNaUISITION.
CHAP. XI.
Of the Wars against the Raymonds, Father and Son^ Earls of
Tholouse.
IN the mean while the pope, being intent on the extirpation
of heretics, excited all the princes, that they should not yield
them any refuge in their dominions, but oppress them with all
their force. His principal care was to expel them from the
country of Tholouse, where the Albigenses were very numer-
ous. He was perpetually pressing Raymond, Earl of Tholouse,
to banish them from his dominions ; and when he could not
prevail with him, either to drive out so large a number of men,
or to persecute them, he ordered him to be excommunicated
as a favourer of heretics. He also sent his legate, with letters
to many of the prelates, commanding them to make inquisi-
tion against the heretical Albigenses in France, and to destroy
them, and convert their favourers. He also wrote to Philip,
king of France, commanding him to take arms against them,
and use his utmost efforts to suppi-ess them, that by his obe-
dience he might prove, that he himself was not l^inted by
their errors.
With the pope^s legate there came also twelve abbots of the
Cistercean order, preaching the cross against the Albigenses,
and promising, by the authority of Innocent, a plenary re-
mission of all sins, to those who took on them the crusade.
These abbots were joined by Dominic.
But because even these cross-bearers did not fight against
the heretics with that continued zeal and fury, that the pope
and Dominic woidd have had them, the Dominicans excited
larger numbers to engage in this warfare, by the hopes of a
plenary indulgence. The text which their preachers used to
choose for this purpose, was from Psal. xciv. 16.* " Who
will rise up for me against the evil doers.? Or, who will stand
up for me against the workers of iniquity ?" And as they
* Usser. de Sue. cap. 9, § 5.
HISTORY OF THE IXQUISITION. 99
directed their whole sermons to their own cruel purpose, they
generally thus concluded : " You see, most dear brethren,
how great the wickedness of the heretics is, and how much
mischief they do in the world. You see also how tenderly,
and hy how many pious methods the church labours to reclaim
them. But with them they all prove ineffectual, and they fly
to the secular power for their defence. Therefore our holy
mother the church, though with reluctance and grief, calls
together against them the Christian army. If then you have
any zeal for the faith, if you are touched with any concern for
the honour of God, if you would reap the benefit of this great
indulgence, come and receive the sign of the cross, and join
yourselves to the army of 'the crucified Saviour." There was
indeed this difference between those who took up the cross
against the Saracens, and those who did it against the heretics,
that the former wore it on their backs, and the latter on their
breasts. And that their zeal might by no means grow cool,
there were certain Synodical decrees made by the authority
of the pope, by which the presbyters were enjoined continually
to excite and warm it.^ " Let the presbyters continually and
affectionately exhort their parishioners that they arm them-
selves against the heretical Albigenses. Let them also enjoin,
under the pain of excommunication, those who have taken the
cross, and not prosecuted their vow, that they retake the cross
and wear it."
Raymond, Earl of Tholouse,^ not being in the least diverted
from his purpose by the sentence of the legate, who having
consulted ^vith Dominic, had forbid him," as a favourer of
heretics, the communion of holy things, and of the faithful,
was excommunicated by a bull of Innocent himself, as a de-
fender of heretics, and all his subjects absolved from their
oath of allegiance ; "and power was given to any catholic man,
though without prejudice to the right of the supreme lord,
not only to act against his person, but to seize and detain his
country ; under this pretence chiefly, that it might be effec-
tually purged from heresy by the prudence of the one, as it
i* Usser. ibid. cap. 10. § 23-
b Raynold, A. 1208. § 15, itc. c Bzovius, A. 1208. ^ », 4
H 2
100 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
had been grievously wounded and defiled by the wickedness
of the other.
The earlj'J frightened by this sentence, and especially by the
terrible expedition of the cross bearers against him, promised
obedience, and sought to be reconciled to the church ; but
could not obtain it without delivering up to the legate seven
castles in his territories for security of performance, and unless
the magistrates of Avignon, Nismes, and Agde, had interceded
for him, and bound themselves by an oath, that if the earl
should disobey the commands of the legate, they would re-
nounce their allegiance to him. It was farther added, that
the country ot Venaiscin should return to the obedience of the
church of Rome.^ The manner of the reconciliation of the
Earl of Tholouse, was, according to Bzovius, thus: ''The
earl was brought before the gates of the church of St. Agde,
m the town of that name. There were present more than
twenty archbishops and bishops, who were met for this pur-
pose. The earl swore upon the holy body of our Lord Jesus
Christ, and the relics of the saints, which were exposed with
great reverence before the gates of the church, and held by
several prelates, that he would obey the commands of the holy
Roman church. When he had thus bound himself by an
oath, the legate ordered one of the sacred vestments to be
thrown over his neck, and drawing him thereby, brought him
into the church, and having scourged him with a whip, ab-
solved him. Nor must it be omitted, that when the said earl
was brought into the church, and received his absolution as he
was scourging, he was so grievously torn by the stripes, that
he could not go out by the same place through which he en-
tered, but was forced to pass quite naked as he was through
the lower gate of the church. He was also served in the
same manner at the sepulchre of Peter the martyr at New
Castres, whom the earl had caused to be slain."
However, the vast army of the cross-bearers was not idle
after the reconciliation of the Earl of Tholouse, but every
where attacked the Heretics, took their cities, filled all places
with slaughter and blood, and burnt many whom they had
* Bzovius, A. 1208. § 95. ^ Ibid. § 6.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 101
taken captives. For in the year 1209-^ Biterre was taken by
them, and all, without any regard uF age, cruelly put to the
sword, and the city itself destroyed by the flames. ^ Caesarius
tells us, that when the city was taken, the cross-bearers knew
there were several Catholics mixed with the Heretics; and
when they were in doubt how to act, lest the Catholics should
be slain, or the Heretics feign themselves Catliolics, Arnold
Abbot of Cisteaux made answer, " slay them all, for the Lord
knows who are his;'"* whereupon the soldiers slew them all
without exception.
Carcassone also was destroyed, and by the common consent
of the prelates and barons,' Simon Earl of Montfort, of the
bastard race of Robert king of France, (whom Petavius in his
Ration. Temp, calls a man as truly religious as valiant,) was
made governor of the whole country, both of what was already
conquered, and what was to be conquered for the future. The
same year he took several cities, and reduced them to his own
obedience. He cruelly treated his captive Heretics, and put
them to death by the most horrible punishments.** " In the
city Castres two were condemned to the flames, and when a
certain person declared he would abjure his heresy, the cross-
bearers were divided amongst themselves. Some contended
that he ought not to be put to death ; others said it was plain
he had been an Heretic, and that his abjuration was not sincere,
but proceeded only from his fear of immediate death. Earl
Montfort, however, consented that he should be burnt ; alledging,
that if his conversion was real, the fire would expiate his sins ; if
otherwise, that he would receive a just reward of his perfidious-
ness. " ^ In other places also they raged with the like cruelty. One
Robert, who had been of the sect of the Albigenses, and after-
wards joined himself to the Dominicans, supported by the
authority of the princes and magistrates, burnt all who persist-
ed in their heresy; so that within two or three months he
caused fifty persons, without distinction of sex, either to be
buried alive or burnt ; from whence he gained the name of the
* Bzovius, A. 1209. sect. 1. '' Kaynaldus, A. 120U. sect, 22.
\ Ibid. seel. 23, 24. - Ibid, sect, 25.
' Ibid. A. 1207. sect. 3.
u 3
102 HISTORY OF THE IVaUlSITION.
hammer of the Heretics. Raynold affirms, that it ought not to
be doubted but that Pope Innocent appointed him to this
officee.^ At Paris, one Bernard, with nine others, of whom
four were priests, the followers of Almeric, were apprehended ; ^
and being all had into a field, were degraded before the
whole clergy and people, and burnt in the presence of the
king.*^
The year following there was undertaken a new expedition
of the cross-bearers against the Albigenses. They seized on
Alby, and there put many to death. They took la Vaur by
force, and burnt in it great numbers of the Albigenses. They
hanged Aymeric the governor of the city, who was of a very
noble family. They beheaded eighty of lesser degree, and did
not spare the very women. They threw Girarda, Aymeric's
sister, and the chief lady of that people, into an open pit, and
covered her with stones. Afterv/ards they conquered Carcum,
and put to death sixty men. They also seized on Pulchra
ValHs, a large city near Tholouse, and burnt in it 400 Albi-
genses, and hanged 50 more. They took Castris de Termis,
and in it Raymond de Termis, whom they put in prison, where
he died, and burnt in one large fire his wife, sister, and virgin
daughter, with some other noble ladies, when they could not
persuade them, by promises or threats, to embrace the faith of
the church of Rome.
The Earl of Tholouse, terrified with these successes of Simon
Montfort, and fearing for himself and country, raised a great
army, and had forces sent him from the kings of England and
Aragon, to whom he was related. For he married Joan, sister
of the king of England, who had been formerly queen of Sicily,
and had by her a son nsumed Raymond. After her death he
married Eleanor, the sister of Peter king of Aragon. But this
army was defeated with a great slaughter by the cross-bearers
under the command of Earl Montfort, and the Earl of Tho-
louse driven from his dominions. About the beginning of the
year 1215, in a council of certain archbishops and bishops near
Montpellier, held by the Pope's legate, Montfort was declared
» Raynaldus, A. 1210. sect. 10. *> Bzovius, A. 1209. sect. 11.
' Ibid. A. 1211. sect. 9.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 103
lord of all the countries he had conquered, and the archbishop of
Ambrun was sent to the Pope, to get him to ratify the council's
sentence, and Lewis, eldest son of Philip the French king, con-
firmed him in the loossession.
During these transactions Pope Innocent III. in the year of
our Lord 1215, called the famous Lateran council, where Do-
minic was present, in which there were many decrees against
Heretics, which were afterwards inserted in the decretals of
Gregory.* To this council fled the Earl of Tholouse, with his
son Raymond, being dispossessed of his dominions by Montfort.
Guido, the brother of Earl Montfort, appeared against him,
and after many debates, Earl Raymond was declared, " to be
for ever excluded from his dominions, which he had governed
ill, and commanded to remain in some convenient place out of his
own lands, in order to his giving suitable proofs of his repent-
ance. Four hundred marks of silver were assigned him yearly
out of his revenues, as long as he behaved himself with an hum-
ble obedience. But as all bore testimony to his wife, that she
was a good CathoHc lady, she was left in possession of the lands
of her dowry, provided she caused the commands of the church
to be observed, and suffered none to disturb the affairs of peace
or faith." However, all that the cross-bearers had taken was
adjudged to Montfort; "and as to the rest, which they had
not seized on, the church decreed it should be kept by proper
persons, to preserve the peace, and the faith, that there might
be some provision for the only son of the Earl of Tholouse,
according as he should deserve it in part or whole, after his
coming to age.
Upon this decree of the synod Raymond went into Spain,
and his son Raymond into Provence, where, with the help of
many auxiliary forces, he made war on Montfort. He recover-
ed some part of his dominions, and even the city of Tholouse
itself. Whilst Montfort was endeavouring to retake it with a
large army, he was killed by the blow of a stone, and thereby
the city delivered from the siege. Thus Raymond recovered
by arms his father's Earldom, who died in the year 1221, and
» Tit. de Haeret. cap. 13.
H 4
104 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
was succeeded by this his son, who could not obtain, with all
his endeavours, a Christian burial for his father.
As things thus took a different turn, sometimes according to
the Pope'*s wish, at other times contrary to it, he pressed the
Inquisition as the most effectual remedy for the extirpation of
Heretics. Bzovius* relates, that at this time many Heretics
were burnt in Germany, France, and Italy, and that in this
year no less than 80 persons were apprehended at once in the
city of Strasbourg, of whom but a very few were declared inno-
cent. " If any of these denied their heresy, Friar Conrade of
Marpug, an Apostolical Inquisitor of the order of Predicants,
put them to the trial of the Fire Ordeal, and as many of them
as were burnt by the iron, he delivered over to the secular
power to be burnt as Heretics ; so that all who were accused,
and put to this trial, a few excepted, were condemned to the
flames.
About that time Pope Honorius sent a rescript to the bishop
of Boulogne,^ anathematizing all Heretics, and violaters of the
ecclesiastical immunity, in these words : " we excommunicate
all Heretics of both sexes, of whatsoever sect, with their
favourers, receivers, and defenders ; and moreover, all those
who cause any edicts or customs, contrary to the liberty of the
church, to be observed, unless they remove them from their
public records within two months after the publication of this
sentence. Also we excommunicate the makers, and the writers
of those statutes, and moreover all governors, consuls, rulers,
and counsellors of places, where such statutes and customs shall
be published or kept, and all those who shall presume to pass
judgment, or to publish such judgments, as shall be made ac-
cording to them.*=
In the mean while, after Raymond had recovered his father's
dominions, the Inquisition was banished from the country of
Tholouse. But Pope Honorius III. left no stone unturned to
render the Earl obnoxious. He took care to let him know by
his legate, that he should be stripped of his dominions as his
father was, unless he returned to his duty ; and by letters
a Bzovius, A. 1215. sect. 7. ^ Ibid. A. 1218. sect. 11.
« Raynald. A. 1221. sect. 41.
HISTORY OF THE IXaUISITION. 105
bearing date the 8th of the calends of November, he confirmed
the sentence of the Ic^i^ate, by wliich lie deprived him of all his
right in every country that had ever been subject to his father ;■
and to give this sentence its full force, he commanded the Do-
minicans, and gave them full power to proclaim an holy war, to
be called thc^ Penance war, against the Heretics. A vast
number met together at the sound of this horrid trumpet, and
entered into this holy society, as they believed it, wearing over
a white garment a black cloak, and receiving the sacrament for
the defence of the Cathohc faith.
And that tlie Pope might more efTectually subdue the Earl
of Tholouse, he sent his letters to king Louis, who had suc-
ceeded his father Philip, in which he exhorts him to take arms
against the Albigenses in this manner.*^ " It is the command
of God, ' If thou shall hear say in one of thy cities, which the
Lord thy God hath given thee to dwell there, saying. Let us
go and serve other Gods, which ye have not known, thou shalt
smite the inhabitants of that city with the edge of the sword,
and shalt burn with fire the city.' Although you are under
many obligations already to God, for the great benefits received
from him, from whom comes every good gift, and every perfect
gift, yet you ought to reckon yourself more especially obHged
courageously to exert yourself for him against the subverters of
the faith, by whom he is blasphemed, and manfully to defend
the Catholic puritv, which many in those parts, adliering to the
doctrine of devils, are known to have thrown out.*^
The affairs of the Albigenses also engaged the attention of
a synod, which was held at Paris, by the Pope's command, where
Amalric son of Simon Montfort, demanded the restitution of
the lands of Raymond. Raymond endeavoured to defend
himself against the threatening danger, by declaring the purity
of his faith, and offering to yield to any enquiry, for the satisfac-
tion of the holy church.
But this the legate contemned, nor could the Catholic Earl
(they are the words of IVIatthew Paris) find any favour, unless
he would abjure his patrimony, and renounce it for himself and
a Bzovius, A. 1221. sect. 8. b De pocuitentia. c Raynald. A. 1223. sect. 41.
d Usser. de succes. c. 10. sect. 46. and seq.
106 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
his heirs. So that anoJier oxpedi'iDn of tiie cross-bearers was
resolved on against Ectri Ra3-Tjond.
In pursuance of this resciji ion, the Pope sent to the king of
England, commanding him not to saccour Raymond, and to
the king of France, requiving ihe assistance of his forces.
Louis accordingly uViderrook the ia.>.k of subduing Raymond,
and with a large army sat down first bciore Avi.rnon. — The
city was valiantly defended, by which the besiegers suffered
gi-eat losses ; but the greatest disaster the French encountered
was the Dysentery^, a disease which prevailed so far as to
destroy a considerable part of tlie ai-my, as well as the king
himself. This together with the determined br?very of the
besieged, alarmed the Popes legate, who, finding '^orce of so
little avail, and dreading the disgrace of abandoning the design,
scrupled not to adopt the vilest treachery and to practice the
basest hypocrisy. — He offered to suspend hostilities, and to
pave the way for peace, if the besieged would admit a few
priests, only to enquire concerning the faith of the inhabitants:
and these tenns being agreed upon and sealed by mutual oaths;
the priests entered, but in direct violation of their solemn en-
gagement, brought the French army with them, who thus
fraudulently triumphed over the unexpecting citizens; they
plundered the city, killed or bound in chains the inhabitants,
and overthrowing the towers and walls, passed on to the siege
of Tholouse.
The city of Tholouse^ sustained a long siege, and Raymond
omitted no means of defence ; he was at length, however, over-
come, and compelled, in order to reconciliation with the church,
to resign the far greater part of his dominions : and in the pre-
sence of two cardinals of the church of Rome, was led to the
high altar in a linen garment, with naked feet, and absolved
from the sentence of excommunication.
' Raynald. A. 1228. sect. 3. Bzovius, sect. 28.
HISTOKY OF THE INatTISITION. 107
CHAP. XII.
Several Councils held, and Laws enacted hy the Empei'or
Frederick II. bi/ which the Office of the Inquisition was
greatly promoted,
THE Earl of Tholouse being thus subdued, severer laws were
enacted against heretics.^ Raymond himself made many laws
against them ; ordered all the heretics in his country to be ap-
prehended ; and that the inhabitants of every city or castle
should pay one mark for every heretic, to the person who took
him. Louis also, the Erench king, put forth a constitution
against heretics, in which he commands the immediate punish-
ment of all who should be adjudged heretics by the bishop, or
any other ecclesiastical person. He deprives all their favourers
of the benefit of the laws; commands their goods to be con-
fiscated, and never to be restored to them or their posterity ;
and that the Ballive should pay two marks of silver to any one
that apprehended an heretic.
And now the pope laboured, with all his might, to confer a
greater power on the inquisitors, and to estabhsh for them a
tribunal, in which they might sit, and pronounce sentence of
heresy and heretics, as judges delegated from himself, and re-
presenting his person. But to this there were in the begin-
ning great obstacles, the people not easily admitting that new
tribunal, rightly judging that great numbers would be destroyed
by the informations of the inquisitors. So that they were very
ill looked on by all, even before they had obtained the power
of judging: for the magistrates and wiser part of the people,
foresaw wliat must happen, upon their being invested with
such an authority ; and were far from thinking it safe, that
then- fortunes and lives, and those of their fellow citizens, should
be exposed to the pleasure of the pope's emissaries, and that
tiiey should be made entirely obnoxious to their tyranny.
* Bzovius, a, 1228, sec. 6.
108 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION.
But upon the conquest of the Albigenses, and the taking their
countries and cities, the pope caused the inquisition to proceed
with greater success. For in France, as Pegna observes, in
John Calderin's treatise about the form of proceeding against
heretics — " There were held several councils, at divers times
and places, of the French archbishops, about the method of
proceeding against and punishing heretics. In the year of our
Lord, 1229, there was a council at T'holouse, where many sta-
tutes were made; which were published there by Romanus,
cardinal deacon of St. Angelus, legate of the apostolic see. In
the year 1235, another council was held at Narbonne, of the
French prelates, in which this affair was more fully discussed
than at Tholouse. Afterwards* there was another provincial
council at Biterre, when these things were more particularly
settled than in the two former. The acts of these councils
were not discovered for a long while, but found, some time
since, in the Vatican Library, and in an old MSS. parchment,
which was brought to Rome from the inquisition of Florence.*'
Pegna adds, that he would soon pubhsh these councils, with his
comments on them ; and says they are very useful, and suited
to the office of the inquisitors of heretical pravity. But I could
never yet learn whether they have seen the light.
These were the transactions in France. In Rome, about
the year 1230, Raymand of Pegnaforte, who was a Dominican,
compiled, by the command of Pope Gregory IX. the books of
Decretals, into which he collected all the laws of the councils
and popes against heretics. Afterwards Boniface VIII. ordered
a sixth book of the Decretals to be wrote. After this were
added the Clementines and the Extravagantes, made on various
occasions, that the inquisitors might want nothing for the full
exercise of their office : and as the Waldenses had -stolen into
Arragon and Navarre, chiefly from the neighbouring Langue-
doc, there was a synod held at Tarracona, about the year 1240^^
in which there Avere many things enacted concerning heretics,
and their punishments.
Even the emperor Frederick II. himself, put forth many
laws against heretics, their accompKces and favourers, at Padua,
a Anno. 1246.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 109
by which he greatly promoted the inquisition. In the first,
which begins Commissi nobis, he ordains, that those heretics,
who were committed by the church to the secular court, should
be put to death without mercy : that converts through fear of
death, should be imprisoned : that heretics, with their abettors,
wherever they were found, should be kept in custody till they
were punished according to the sentence of the church: that
persons convicted of heresy, who had fled to other places,
should be taken up ; that such as were relapsed, should be
punished with death: that heretics and their favourers,
should be deprived of the benefit of appeal ; that their poste-
rity, to the second generations, should be incapable of all bene-
fices and offices ; but that their heirs should be indemnified if
they discovered their parent's wickedness. And lastly, he takes
under his imperial and special protection, the predicant friars,
deputed for the faith against heretics, in all the parts of the
empire, and all others who were sent for, and should come for
the judgment of heretics, commanding the magistrates severely
to punish all convicted heretics, after condemnation, by the
ecclesiastical sentence. In his second edict, which begins. In-
consutilem tunicam, after expressing great abhorrence of the
crime of heresy, he commands all impenitent heretics to be
burned with fire, and the favourers of the Paterenes to be ba-
nished. In his third, beginning Patarenorum receptatores, he
deprives the children of heretics of their honours, unless any
of them should discover one of tlie sect of the Paterenes ; and
put heretics themselves under the ban, confiscating their estates.
In his fourth, beginning Catharos, he condemns all suspected
persons as heretics, if they do not purge themselves within a
year; commands his officials to exterminate heretics from all
places subject to them; orders that the lands of the barons shall
be seized by the Catholics, if they do not purge them from hej
retics, within a year after proper admonition, and ordains many
punishments against the favourers of heretics, and the most se-
vere ones against all who apostatise from the faith.
Paulus Servita teUs us, in his history of the Venetian Inqui-
sition, that these laws were made in the year of our Lord 1244,
Bzovious and Raynald refer them to the year 1225. But
110 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION.
whatever was the year of their publication, it is certain that
the Inquisition was greatly promoted by them ; and that they
were approved and confirmed by some of the pope's bulls, in
which they were inserted.
CHAP. XIII.
The iNaursiTioN introduced into Arragon, France, Tholouse,
and Italy.
IN the year of our Lord 1231/ in the month of February,
some of the Paterenes were discovered in the city of Rome :
some of them who were impenitent were burnt alive ; others
were sent to the church of Monte Casino, and to Cava, to be
there kept till they recanted. The pope and Roman senate
made also severe laws against heretics ; and because the Mi-
laneze were most infected with heresy, Frederick, by an impe-
rial edict, commanded " all convicted of that crime to be deli-
vered over to the flames, or their blasphemous tongues to be
cutout, if the keeping them alive would prove a terror to
others;'' which Raynald affirms '' tobe a severe, but most just
edict."
This very year Pope Gregory IX. gave a famous instance
of his tyranny and injustice. Ezehnus, Lord of Padua, and
vassal of the emperor Frederick, constantly adhered to his mas-
ter, and faithfully took the emperor's part against the faction of
the pope. On this the pope endeavoured to render him infa-
mous by the charge of heresy; that under this specious pre-
tence he might expel him his dominions : but as he failed in
this, he stirred up his children against him this very year, that
being delivered by them into his poAver, he might punish him
as he pleased. In order to this, he sent letters to Ezeline, be-
seeching him to take better measures, and admonished him to
renounce his errors.^ A copy of these letters he sent to his two
» Raynald, a. 1231, sec. 13, 14, 15, 16.
»> Ibid. sec. 20, &c.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. Ill
sons, young Ezeline and Alteric, who pretended to abhor their
father's wickedness, and promised Gregory, of their own ac-
cord, as, RaynakI relates, that they would deliver their mise-
rable father into the hands of the censors of the faith, if he per-
sisted obstinately in his wickedness, that they might not lose
the inheritance of their ancestors. Upon this, the pope gave
them to understand, that he had deferred coming to extremities
against their father for their sake, whom he believed still to
continue in the true worship of God, that they might not be
involved in his misfortune ; " for,'" says he, " the crime of he-
resy, like that of high treason, disinherits the children." Then
he beseeches and commands them, that they would use all pos-
sible means to deter their father from heresy, and the protection
of heretics, and that if he despised their admonitions, they
would consult their own safety, by sending him, as they had
promised, before the pope's tribunal. " Nor is it to be won-
dered at,"" adds Raynald, " that this advice should be given
to the sons against their own father, since the cause of the di-
vine Being, of whom all paternity is named, is to be preferred
to all human affections."
The year following, 1232, the Inquisition was brought into
Aragon.^ The bishop of Hyesca, in Aragon, was reported to
err in matters of faith. Upon this Gregory committed the of-
fice of making Inquisition against him to friar Peter Caderite,
of tlie Predicant order, and commanded James, king of the
Aragons, that he should not suffer him, or those whose advice
or counsel he should think fit to make use of, to be injured by
any means whatsoever. And that he might entirely extirpate
heresy out of the province of Tarracon, he gave commission,
by a bull, to the archbishop of Tarracon and his suffragans, to
constitute inquisitors against heretical pravity, of the order of
Predicants.^
a Bzovius, a. 1232, sect. 8, 9.
b The bulls read thus:—" Since the evening of the world is now declining,
&c. we admonish and beseech your brotherhood, and strictly command you
by our written apostolic words, as you regard the divine judgment, that with
diligent care you make enquiry against heretics, and render tliem infamous,
by the assistance of the friars Predicants, and others, whom you shall judge
At for this business ; aod that you proceed against all who are culpable and
112 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
Amongst the inquisitors appointed by them, friar Raymond
Peciafortius Barninonensis was particularly famous ; who wrote
a formulary of the manner of proceeding against heretics, be-
ginning, " I believe that heretics,*' &c. which was of so great
authority, that Gregory enjoined William, archbishop elect of
Tarracon, to follow it in every thing. Bzovius gives us this
formulary entire, in his annals, under the year 1235, sec. 5.
In France there was not wanting some, who stirred up the
remains of the Albigenscs;' " so that,"' as Bzovius says, ^' they
very grievously oppressed the inquisitors and other persons,
appointed by the apostolic see, for the direction and defence of
the Catholic faith.*"^ Gregory IX. excited Louis, the king,
against them, and advised him to join with the archbishop of
Vienne, some person famous for his wisdom and justice, who
might know what pertained to the ecclesiastical right, what to
the royal, and what to the rights of others. He also exhorted
Blanche, the queen, to persuade her son to perfect so righteous
a work. The same author tells us,*^ that the same year, after
great struggling, the Inquisition was brought into Tholouse,
upon the first day of the festival of Dominic, but not without a
great tumult of the people, raised by a seditious sermon of a
silly monk, upon occasion of the death of a certain matron of
Tholouse, who lived near the convent of the Predicants, and
had been hereticated before she died. *^
infamons, according to our statutes lately published, against heretics, unless
they will from the heart absolutely obey the commands of the church ; which
Statutes we send you inclosed in our bull; and that ye also proceed against
the receivers, abettors, and favourers of heretics, according to the same sta-
tutes. But if any will quite abjure the heretical plague, aud return to th«
ecclesiastical unity, grant them the benefit of absolution, according to the
form of the church, and enjoin thera the usual penance."
^ Bzovius, a. 1234, sect 8.
to i. e. Perhaps they strove to prevent so intolerable a yoke being put on
their necks.
c Bzovius, a. 1234, sect. 24.
«* ** When this came to be public, friar William Arnaldi, an inquisitor, con-
demned her for an heretic, and left her to the secular court. After this, the
prior of the friars Predicants, Fu Pontus, of Agde, explaining those words
of Ecclesiastic, xlviii, * Elias the prophet rose as fire, and his sword burnt
like a torch," to a vast company that had met together about nine, and,
adapting his words to the festival and the present business, turned himself
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 113
However, the inquisitors were the year following ejected
from Tholouse. But that they were restored there again, we
learn from Luke Wadding,* who, in his History of the Friars
Minors, relates, tliat in the year 1238, there were at Tholouse,
Friar William Arnaldi, of the Predicant Order, and Seraphinus
de S. Tiberio, of the Minors, inquisitors of heretics. The
same author gives us also the Epistle of Gregory IX. to the
Deacon of the Order of Friars Minors, in Navarre, and to
Master Peter de Leedegaria, a predicant friar, living at Pam-
pilona.^
It cannot be doubted that the office of the delegated inqui-
sition was in these times introduced into Italy,<= because the
inhabitants of Placentia drove out from their city Friar Row-
land,'* the inquisitor, in the year 1234. The year following the
pope committed the office of the inquisition to the prior of
St. Mary ad Gradus, and to Friar Radulph, a predicant at
s
to the east and west, to the north and south, and cried out towards every
part iu as loud a voice as he could, repeating it oftentimes, * In the name of
God, and his servant St. Dominic, I do from tliis hour renounce all faith
with heretics, their favourers, and believers.' Then be bawled out again,—
* I adjure the Catholics, in the name of God, that laying aside all fear, they
would give their testimony to the truth :' and thus left off. About seven
days after this meeting many came in, by whose means the inquisitors found
out a way to the recesses of darkness. Many of them abjured their heresy,
some discovered others, and promised that, at a proper opportunity, they
would detect more.
* Bzovius, A. 1235. § 4.
b It begins Rumor, Ac. in which, amongst other things, there is this : " Since
therefore, according to the office enjoined us, we are bound to root out all
ofFencea from the khigdom of God, and as much as in us lies to oppose auch
beasts, we deliver into your hands the sword of the word of God, which, ac-
cording to the words of the prophet,' ye ought not to keep back from
blood ; but, inspired with a zeal for the Catholic faith, IHte Phineas.f make
diligent inquisition concerning these pestilent wretches, their believers, re-
ceivers, and abettors, and proceed against those who, by such inquisition,
shall be found guilty, according to the canonical sanctions, and our statutes,
which we have lately published to confound heretical pravity, calling in
against them, if need be, the assistance of the secular arm. — Given at the
Lateran, 8 Cal. Maii, An. 12.
' Ibid. A. 1234. §25. " Ibid. 1285. § 2
* Jer. xlviii. 10. f Exod. xxxii. 33.
114 HISTOllY OF THE INaUISITIOK.
Viterbo, commissioning them to enquire out all heretics com-
ing from other cities, and to absolve from censures such who
abjured their heresy, and reconciled themselves to the church.
Upon this affair iie gave letters to both of them at Perouse,
the second of the ides of August, and ninth year of his pontifi-
cate. But two years after,* and the eleventh of his pontificate,
at Viterbo, he sent letters to the provincial of Lombardy, a
predicant, by which he invested him with the power of making
inquisitors. The letters begin thus: Ille humani, &c. and
very distinctly represent the office given to the inquisitors.'*
s 13 Cal. of June.
•» After the nsual complaint of the rise of heresy, he enjoins the inquisitors
their office in these words : *' Wc, therefore, being willing to prevent the dan-
ger of so many souls, entreat, admonish, and beseech your wisdom, and strictly
command you by these apostolic writings, us you have any regard for the
Divine judgment, that you appoint some of the brethren committed to your
care, men learned in the law of the Lord, and such as you know to be fit
for this purpose, according to the limitations of your order, to be preachers
general to the clergy and people assembled, where they can conveniently
do it 5 and in order the more effectually to execute their office, let them take
into their assistance some discreet person?, and carefully enquire out here-
tics, and such as are defamed for heresy. And if they find out either any
really culpable, or such who are defamed, let them proceed against them ac-
cording to our statutes, lately published against heretics, unless upon exami-
nation they will absolutely obey the commands of the church. Let them
also proceed against the receivers, defenders, and abettors of heretics, ac-
cording to the same statutes. But if any will abjure their heretical defile-
ment, and return to the ecclesiastical unity, let them have the favour of
absolution according to the form of the church, and be enjoined the usual pe-
nance. But let them be more especially careful, that such who appear to
return, do not commit impiety under the specious pretence of piety, and the
angel of Satan thus transform himself into an angel of Light. Therefore let
them peruse the statutes which we have thought fit to publish concerning
this affair, that they may beware of their subtlety, according to the discre-
tion given them of the Lord. And that they may more freely and effectually
execute the office committed to them in all the premises, we, confiding in
the mercy of Almighty God, and the authority of the blessed apostles, Peter
and Paul, remit for three years the penance enjoined them, to all who shall
attend their preaching for twenty days in their several stations, and likewise
to those who shall give them assistance, counsel or favour, in their endea-
vours to subdue heretics, their abettors, receivers, and defenders, in their
fortified places and castles. And as for those who shall happen to die in the
prosecution of this affair, wc grant a plenary pardon of all their sins for
which they are contrite in their hearts, and which they confess with their
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 115
In the same year 1235,* Pope Gregory commanded the
bishop of Huesca, the prior of Barcelona, and Friar WiUiam
Barbarano, a predicant, that they should not suffer the office
by any means to relax, but should make inquisition against
heretics in the province of Tarracon, and proceed according to
the canons. He also appointed Friar Robert, a predicant,
inquisitor-general against heretics in the whole kingdom of
France, and commanded him so to proceed in the causes com-
mitted to liim, as that the innocent should not perish, and
that iniquity should not remain unpunished. The bull of this
commission is extant, dated at Perousc,^ and ninth year of his
pontificate; in which he prescribed the form of penance to
such as abjured their heresy, and ordained many other things
against heretics, and commanded the provincial of the Teuto-
nic Order of Predicants, that he should chuse fit persons out
of all Germany, to preach in every place the word of the cross
against the heretics and Saracens.
■V«.*^'V\-V^'WV^
CHAP. XIV.
Concerning the first Hindrances to the Progress of the
IxauisiTioN.
ALTHOUGH the pope perpetually pressed the inquisition
it was not every where received, the struggles and jealousies
which are always apparent between civil and ecclesiastical au-
moBths. And that nothing may be wanting to the said friars in their pro-
secutLng the foresaid business, we grant them, by the tenour of these pie
sents, full power of involving, under the ecclesiastical censure, all who con-
tradict and rebel against them. We also grant them the power to restrain,
under the same censure, from the office of preaching, which by uo means
belong to them, the questuary predicants, whose busijicss it is simply to ask
only charitable supports, and to sell an indulgence, if they should happ^-n to
have one." •
- 17 Cal. of June. b 10 Cal. of September
• Bzovius, A. 1235. sect. 8.
1 ^
116 HISTOUY OF THE INaUISITION.
thority engendered animosities ; nor could the former permit
the latter so far to domineer as to extinguish its most essential
functions.
Among others Louis, king of France, made a law, for-
bidding the appearance of his subjects before the ecclesiastica>
tribunals, and inflicting punishment on those who should com-
pel them. This law drew forth the remonstrances of the pope,
who endeavoured to win over the king, by the splendid and
pious examples of Charles the Great, Theodosius and Valen-
tine, nor did he fail to hint at anathemas as the reward of ob-
stinacy. Louis, who was then soliciting the title of the obe-
dient son of the church, thought it prudent to yield to the
papal severity ; he was also entreated by Gregory to compel
Earl Raymond to perform his vows made on his reconciliation,
namely, to destroy all heretics, and lead an army into the Holy
Land ; this request was made in consequence of a tumult
among the people, at Tholouse, opposing the inquisitors.
The inquisition was indeed not only hateful to the people
on account of its novelty, but from its excessive cruelty. The
conduct of the inquisitors was of the most sanguinary kind.
Among these one Friar Robert was not the least ; he was sur-
named Bulgarius, because he had cruelly persecuted and deli-
vered over to the flames the Waldenses, then called Bulgarians,
or according to others because he himself had formerly pro-
fessed himself to be one of their sect. This man's furious and
bloody conduct was so terrific that even the pope could not
sanction his injustice, but was compelled to deprive him of his
office, and shut him up in perpetual imprisonment.
The excesses of Robert and of Fulio, who scattered death
and terror in Languedoc, induced in 1301 an inquiry into
abuses, when it was ordered, that in future persons charged
with heresy should not be detained by a single inquisitor, but
be transferred to the royal prisons at Tholouse ; and to mo-
derate the fury of the Dominicans, in order to preserve appear-
ances with the exasperated people, some friars minors were
added to the predicants, whose gentleness might be supposed
to check their ardour.
The tribunal of the inquisition was found a very convenient
HIStORY OF THE INQUISITIOlSl. 117
mode of revenging any real or supposed injury, since it was
only necessary to the destruction of an individual, that he
should be charged with heresy : it is not surprising, tlierefore,
that ihii Emperor Frederic urged by personal hatred procured
the death of a great number of individuals, who were notwith-
standing known to be rigid catholics. Gregory admonished
Frederic on this subject, thougli no conduct of Frederic's
could equal that of the Roman pontiff's, either for ambition or
cruelty. For although Frederic had materially assisted the
inquisition, made very severe laws against heresy, and branded
several on the face with red hot irons, yet he could not escape
tlie papal thunder ; for, in the year 1239, Pope Gregory ex-
communicated him, and absolved his subjects from their oaths
of allegiance. Frederic gave an abundant answer, and cleared
himself of the crimes charged upon him ; but the pope sent
letters to all the prelates, Christian kings, and princes, charging
him with heresy, and with having asserted, that the power of
binding and loosing was not in the church deUvered by our
Lord to Peter and his successors. Formally deprived by Inno-
cent of his empire, Frederic was compelled to take arms ; but
the papal power prevailed, by its instigation of others, and
Frederic, as a last resort, was compelled to seek reconciliation
with the church, which he was required to do without the
noise and terror of arms — attended only by a small retinue,
under the promise, that proper security should be given, that
no injury should be done to him or his.
After the imperial power had been thus insulted, it is no
wonder that the same process should be carried on against
Ezeline, Lord of Padua, who was zealously attached to the
emperor. Ezeline was accordingly charged with heresy : and
a day being appointed for him to clear himself, and he not
appearing, the pope, in 1251, appointed the bishop of Treviso
to let him know, that unless he came forward it should be pub
hcly declared, that he was infected with heresy— to be avoided
of all, that his body might be seized on, his goods plundered,
and that an army of cross-bearers should be sent against him
and his adherents. In the year 1254, these sentences were,
I 3
118 HISTORY or THE INQUISITION.
after long delay, published against Ezeline, whereby he is
charged with the most horrid crimes.
Raymond also, Earl of Tholouse, oppressed by the dis-
asters already related, submitted his neck to the papal yoke ;
and signified to the pope, that he desired that heretical pravity
might be wholly extirpated out of his dominions, upon which
the pope, to oblige him, as he says, and in approbation of his
pious zeal, sent the bishop of Agen, to make inquisition in
Tholouse ; and Raymond- ordered eighty persons to be burnt
with fire in the city of Agen, who either confessed or were
convicted. But he did not himself long survive — dying in the
year 1249, and was the last Earl of Tholouse in that line,
that earldom devolving to the Earl of Poictiers, his son-in-law,
and from him to the kings of France.
The office of the inquisition was introduced into Burgundy
1223— into Aragon 1232 — into ?Lombardy 1247, chiefly on
account of the spreading of the Waldensian doctrines, whose
poor faithful professors sustained tremendous cruelties.
<*'W%*%-»/WV»'«.
CHAP. XV.
The more speedy Progress of the Inquisition,
THUS far the pope had laboured hard in promoting the
aifair of the inquisition. But as there were perpetual quarrels
between the popes and the emperor, the pope's success was
not answerable to his wishes, as being more intent upon pro-
moting war, than enquiring into, and judging of heresies.
But after the death of the Emperor Frederic, the affairs of
Germany being in great disorder, and Italy without any prince ;
Pope Innocent IV. seeing all things become subject to his
power, in Milan and other parts of Italy, determined to
extirpate all heresies, which had greatly increased in the pre-
ceding w ar : and because the Dominican and Franciscan friars
had greatly assisted the pope against heretics, and were aui-
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 119
mated with a iiery zeal, he committed this affair to them,
rather than to any others whatsoever. He therefore erected a
tribunal, solely for the business of the faith ; and gave to the
inquisitors perpetual power to administer judgment in his
name in this cause.
His first and principal care was to purge Italy from heresy,
which was nearest to himself, and mostly subject^ to his power ;
and therefore he erected several tribunals of the inquisition
therein. In the year 1251, he created Vivianus Bergomensis,
and Peter of Verona, both friars predicant, inquisitors of the
faith in Milan, and gave them letters, in which he taxes even
the Emperor Frederic as a favourer of heresy.*
This Peter of Verona appointed, that amongst other statutes
of the republic of Milan,'' many also should be made and ob-
served against heretical pravity. But as he was going from
Como to Milan, A. D. 1252, to extirpate heresy, a certain
believer of heretics attacked him in his journey, and dis-
patched him with many wounds. He was canonized after his
death by Alexander IV., and is worshipped as a martyr by
* " Innocent, &c. Whilst that perfidious tyrant lived, we could not so freely
proceed against this plague, especially in Italy, through his opposition; wlio,
instead of putting any check to it, rather encouraged it. When he became
evidently suspected of this, he was condemned by us in the council of Lyons,
as well as on account of his many other enormous excesses : and, therefore,
we strictly commaMd and enjoin your discretion, by these our apostolic writ-
ings, as you expect the remission of your sins, that ye prosecute this affair
of the faith, which lies principally upon our heart, with all your powers and
with fervent minds; and that ye go personally to Cremona ; since we have
thought proper to depute for the same business other discreet persons in the
other cities and places of Lombardy j and that after having called a council
in that diocese, ye do carefully and effectually labour to extirpate heretical
pravity out of that city and its district; and that if you find any persons
culpable upon this account, or infected, or defamed, unless upon exaraina'
tion they will absolutely obey the commands of the church, yo proceed
against them, their receivers, abettors and favourers, by the apostolic au-
thority, according to the canonical sanctions, laying aside all fear of men;
and that if tliere be need, ye call into your assistance the secular arm." * —
Dated the Ides of June, and 8th Year ot our Pontificate.
b Pegna in Eymeric. p. 2. com. 38.
• Raynald. A. 1251. sect. 34, S.-j.
I 4
120 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
the Dominicans, whom, next to Dominic, they esteem as the
patron dnd prince of the holy office of the inquisition ; since
he was the first who consecrated it by his biood. The minis-
ters also of the inquisition, which they call in Italy, Cross-
Bearers, are from him called Co-Brothers of Peter the Martyr ;
and in the very ensigns of this office he is painted as a martyr,
and protector ©f this sacred tribunal, with a silken cross, of a
red colour, interwoven with gold, as the emblem of his mar-
tyrdom.
But le^st the pope should seem wholly to deprive the bishops
of the power of judging, concerning the faith^ which hitherto
had been wholly lodged with them, he appointed that a bishop,
with the inquisitor, should be judges in this tribunal : but the
bishop was admitted only for form's sake. The whole power
of judging lay wholly in the inquisitor. And that there might
be some shew of authority left to the civil magistrates, who,
by the last laws of Frederic, had the power of pronouncing
sentence upon heretics, he allowed them to appoint ministers
of the inquisition, but such only as were nominated by the
inquisitors; and to depute one of their number, nominated
also by the inquisitor, to visit with him the territory commit-
ted to him ; and of claiming the third part of the confiscated
goods ; together witb some other things of the like nature, by
which the secular magistrate seemed indeed to be admitted as
a companion of the inquisitors, but was in reality rendered
their slave and tool : for he was obhged, at the command of
the inquisitor, to apprehend any one, and to imprison him,
wherever the inquisitors pleased. He was also under an oath
to expel from his family, and not to admit into any office, any
that should be adjudged heretics by the inquisitor's sentence;
and if any of his number assisted the inquisitors, they were
put under an oath of secrecy. From all which it is manifest,
that the magistrates were not the companions of the inquisitors
in that tribunal, but only their slaves and tools. The pope also
ordained, that all persons should pay towards the charges of
the goals, imprisonments, and support of those who were
confined.
By this means the office of making inquisition against here-
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 121
tics,* was in divers places of Italy committed both to the minors
and predicant friars. But lefst their mutual power, and the
neighbouring jurisdiction of the places should create confusion,
or raise disputes about their respective bounds, the pope re-
called all the commissions that liad bean granted in the affair
of the faith ; and divided, in an exact proportion, to each order,
the several parts of Italy. The friars minors he appointed in
the city of Rome, throughout Tuscany, in the patrimony of
St. Peter, the duchy of Spoletto, Campania, -Maretamo and
Romania. To the predicants he assigned Lombardy, Roma-
niola, the marquisate of Tarvisino, and Genova. The bull in
which he commits the office of the inquisition to the predicants,
is in Bzovius, A. D. 1254,^ and that to the minors, in Luke
Wadding, A. D. 1254.'^ After this, the pope prescribed thirty-
one articles to the magistrates, judges, and people of the three
countries, which he had subjected to the jurisdiction of the
predicants, which he commanded to be exactly observed, and
registered amongst the public records ; and gave power to the
inquisitors to put under excommunication and interdict, all
who refused to observe them. Armed with this power, they
sometimes very insolently abused it, and attempted to intro-
duce into other countries what the pope had ordered only for
those that he had put under their pai'ticular jurisdiction.
Upon this account, in the year 1255,** there was a great quarrel
between Anselm, a predicant friar in Milan and the ma-
gistrate of Genova. The friar endeavoured, that some con-
stitutions made against heretics, both by the apostolic see, and
the imperial power, should be published, and reposited amongst
the laws of the city. But Philip Turrianus, prefect of the
city, refused it, either because he favoured heretics, or despised
the commands of the inquisitor. Upon this the friar, support-
ed by the apostolic authority, proceeded against Philip as sus-
pected of heresy ; and because he refused to obey and appeal',
excommunicated him, and all his companions in the government,
as accomplices in the crime ; and interdicted the city from all
holy services. Phihp, under that censure, appealed to the
« Wadding, A. 1254. sect. 7.
* Sect. 4. c Sect. 7. " Bzoviiis, A. 1256. sect. 7.
122 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
apostolic see ; and sent ambassadors to the pope, to entreat a
suspension of the censures, and lb wait for the determination
of the whole affair. The pope suspended the curses Anselm
had pronounced to a certain day ; * but before that day came,
Philip obeyed the commands of Anselm, registered according
to his order all those constitutions amongst the city laws, and
proceeded as they directed against all contraveners.
Thus the civil magistrate was sometime forced to yield to
the papal authority : and this undoubtedly was the reason, that
the laws of Frederic against heretics, were, as friar Bernard of
Como relates, in his Light-of the Inquisitors, printed at Rome,
A. D. 1584, registered in the records of the city Como, and
accepted by the whole council of that city.^ Nevertheless,
upon account of the excessive Cruelty of the inquisitors, and
the greatness of the expence, the people were violently set
against this tribunal ; and some of the popes could scarce ex-
tricate themselves out of these difficulties, till at length the
people admitted it more easily, being eased of the expenses
they had born^ to support the inquisition, and because the epis-
copal authority in that tribunal was greatly enlarged.
Sometimes however they broke out into open violence, which
was with great difficulty appeased. Thus it happened in the
country of Parma, as Honorius IV.*^ relates it, in his letter to
the bishop of that city,"^ extant in Bzovius. These difficulties
were indeed overcome by the authority of the pope, and rigour
of punishments; but contrary to the inclinations and endea-
vours of the people, who cursed the cruelty of the inquisitors.
From some countries where the inquisition had been brought
in, it was driven out again ; ^ because it assumed the cognizance
of those affairs which did not belong to it ; so that the people
could no longer bear the intolerable yoke. In these latter
ages, viz. A. D. 1518, the most violent tumvilts were raised in
Brescia, against the inquisitors, who exercised the most outra-
geous cruelties against some persons accused of magic, which
were with great difficulty appeased, and not till the ecclesiastical
tribunal and processes were abolished, and other judges ap-
* Hist. Concil. Trid. p. 485.
b Sept. 10, 1255. *= Hist. Concil. Trid. A. 1285. sect. 12.
* See Hist. Inquisit. book iii, cap. 10. * Ibid. Venet. cap. 8.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 123
pointed in their room. Upon the death of Paul IV. the prisons
of the inquisition were broke open by the mob at Rome ; and
the whole building, with all its records, burnt to the ground.
At Mantua, A. D. 1568, there was, on the same account, a
violent sedition, which brought the city itself into the greatest
danger.
As there occurred to these new judges man 3^ cases, not de-
termined by the laws, so that sometimes they were in doubt
how to proceed ; they referred them to the pope, by whom
they were deputed, who by his rescripts, gave them proper di-
rections, and declared how they were to pronounce in like
cases. There are extant many such answers of Innocent IV.,
Alexander IV., Urban IV., and Clement IV., to the inquisi-
tors, instructing them in the affair of their office against here-
tics. And although these rescripts were sent only to the Ita-
lian inquisitors, yet we must not think, as Pegna remarks,
that these decrees were to be observed in Italy only : * " For the
Roman pontiffs transmitted their rescripts to the inquisitors of
Italy ; because at that time there were many of them against
the prevailing heresies of the Patarenes, Puritans, Leonists,
and other heretics, who chiefly infected the parts of Italy ; the
heresies of the Waldenses, or poor men of Lyons, being almost
buried and extinguished, the apostolic see having a little before
suppressed them in Languedoc, Dauphiny, and Provence, by
the preaching of many famous men, and especially of St. Do-
minic. And therefore the rescripts sent by the popes to those
inquisitors, they ordered to be observed by the inquisitors of
other provinces, where there were any. They were sent first
to those of Italy, because they especially needed that provision,
and those constitutions."" One may also read in the bulls the
same laws often repeated, ^vithout any alteration, by different
popes. For, as the same Pegna observes,** " it seems to have
been an nntient custom, when the matter required it, that every
pope, in the beginning of his pontificate, should publish laws re-
lating to heretics, and rebels against the church, to deter them
from sogi-eat a crime by the severity of punishments and penalties,
^ In Eymer. Direct. Inq. p. 3. com. 158.
^ Direct. In^uii. Par. 2. Comment. 22.
124 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
and thus reduce them to the bosom of the church. Some-
times they published the laws received by their predecessors,
without altering a word, unless the occasion required other-
wise.'"'
This tribunal was purely ecclesiastical, the civil magistrate
having no share in the judgment. The inquisitor, with the
bishop, pronounced sentence of heresy against the person appre-
hended. They appointed wholesome penances to the penitent,
and delivered over the impenitent and obstinate to the secular
court, who without any farther deliberation condemned them to
the fire.
CHAP. XVI.
The Inquisition introduced into several Places,
AFTER this manner, tribunals of the Inquisition were
erected in other places besides Itctly. First in the country
of Tholouse.'* For Innocent IV. commanded the provincial of
the Predicant order in Provence, to endeavour, with all his
might, to extirpate heretics from that country, and the country
of Poicteau, and gave him plenary power to excommunicate,
absolve, and reconcile.
In the year 1255, Alexander IV, at the request of Louis,
appointed inquisitors of the faith in France,'' and constituted
the prior of the Predicant friars at Paris, inquisitor over all
that kingdom, and county of Tholouse, with the most ample
powers, and exhorted him to advise with grave and prudent
men in pronouncing sentences.
When the Inquisition was once brought into France, the
pope carefully endeavoured to cherish and enlarge it, and
many, who had excited the fury of the inquisitiors, having fled
to the churches, for the benefit of ecclesiastical immunity. The
a Bzovius, a. 1251, sect. 8. n. 9.
^ Raynald. a. 1255, sect. 33. 34. Bzovius, a. 1255, sect. 8. n. 15.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 125
pope abolished that privilege; and as the increase of the Wal-
dehses became alarming, he republished the seven laws of the
emperor Frederick, empowering the magistrates and prefects
to proceed against heretics.
About this time, also, the office of the Inquisition was
brought into the kingdoms of Castile and Leon.
The pope also commanded,^ that the minister of Provence
should, by the apostolic authority, appoint one of his brethren,
a wise and learned man, inquisitor in the county of Vespasin,
in Dauphiny.
In the year 1290, the Inquisition was erected in Syria and
Palestine ; because some heretics and Jews had crept in there,
promising themselves security on account of the wars.
In the year 1291, the Inquisition was brought into Servia,
when the pope wrote letters to Stephen, king of that country.
The following year, 1292, the Inquisition was erected in the
cities of Vienne and Albona,"^ after the same manner as it had
been appointed in those of Aries, Aix, and Ambrun. The same
year, James, king of Aragon, greatly promoted the Inquisition
in all his kingdoms. For by a law, made the 10th of the
cal. of May, he commands all the officials of all his kingdoms,
already made, or hereafter to be made, that at the notification
of or injunction of the friars Predicants, who now are, or here-
after shall be, inquisitors of heretical pravity, they do fulfil,
and execute, whatsoever they shall command to be done, by
themselves or their deputies, on the part of the pope, or the
king himself, whether it be to apprehend, or imprison men's
persons, or any other thing relating to the affair of the Inqui-
sition. And he commands them to do this as often as,
and wheresoever they shall be, required by them, or any one
of them.
And that there might be no place of refuge left for here-
tics, tribunals of the Inquisition were erected up and down in
various countries; in Germany, Austria, Hungary, Poland,
Dalmatia, Bosnia, Ragusia, Croatia, Istria, Walachia in Lower
Germany, and other places, to which the power of the pope
. An. 1288.
^ Wadding, a. 1292, sect. 3. Bzovins, a. 1292, sect. 5.
126 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
could extend itself. The Austrian Inquisition was at first very
terrible; for Paramus relates from Trithernius, that in the city
of Crema, many thousand heretics were apprehended and
burnt by the inquisitors.'
CHAP. XVII.
Of the Inquisition at Venice.
THE Inquisition at Venice was under a different manage-
ment. The greatest part of the Christian world being in arms,
upon account of the fierce contentions between the pope and
Frederick the emperor, Lombardy being torn in pieces by its
own quarrels, and the marquisate of Treviso and Romaniola
divided between the followers of the pope and emperor, there
arose amongst them various opinions, different from the Roman
faith. And because ^nany persons had fled to Venice, to live
there securely and quietly, the magistrates of that city, to pre-
vent it from being polluted with foreign doctrines, as many
cities of Italy were, chose certain men, honest, prudent, and
zealous for the Catholic faith, who should observe and enquire
out heretics. FuU power was also given to the patriarch of
Grado, and other Venetian bishops, to judge of those opinions;
and it was decreed, that whosoever was pronounced an heretic,
by any one of the bishops, should be condemned to the fire,
by the duke and senators, or at least the major part of them.**
And leS^st there should be any hindrance to this affair, by the
death of a single bishop, it was afterwards decreed, that such
also should be condemned to the fire, who were pronounced
heretics by the bishop's vicars, upon the decease of the bishop. *=
In this process, the secular judges, appointed by the common -
.wealth, made Inquisition against heretics. The bishop judged
concerning their faith, whether it was agreeable to the Roman
a Bzovins, a, 1292. sect. 5. 1. 2. t. 3. c. 4. n. 17.
b This happened A. D. 1249, Father Paul Hist. Inqais.
«= A. D. 1275. Ibid.
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITIOX. 127
faith, or heretical. Then the duke and senators pronounced
sentence, not as mere executors of the bishop's, but as judges,
properly so called : but Nicholas IV. a minor friar, being ex-
alted to the pontificate, in order to execute the purposes of his
predecessors, and exalt the friars of his own order, did not
ceast his endeavours, till he got the office of tlie Inquisition re-
ceived by a public decree at Venice ; but under this limita-
tion, to prevent scandal, that the Duke alone should have
power to assist the inquisitors in the execution of their office ;
that a treasury should be appointed, and an administrator set
over it, who should disburse the necessary sums for the office,
and should receive and keep all the profits accruing from it,
to the treasury. This was done in the year 1289. The pope
acquiesced in this decree; and thus the office of the Inquisition
at Venice consisted of secular and ecclesiastical persons, and
doth to* this day; three inquisitors assisting at it in the name
of the prince. The ecclesiastics have been, indeed, endeavour-
ing to bring it entirely into their own hands, but could never
prevail with the Venetian senate to agree to it. In the year
1301, friar Anthony, an inquisitor, would fain have persuaded
duke Peter Gradengo, to have bound himself by an oath, to
observe the pontifical and imperial laws against heretics. But
the Duke answered, by a public rescript, that he was no ways
obliged to take a new oath ; because, when he was raised to the
high office of Duke, he confirmed, by an oath, the Concordate
with Nicholas IV. and therefore insisted that he was no ways
bound, by any pontifical, or imperial laws, not agreeing \nth
this concordate. Upon this answer, the inquisitor desisted from
his attempt.
From these things, it is evident, that the Venetian Inquisition
is very different from what it is in other countries, where eccle-
siastics, entirely devoted to the pope at Rome, have the whole
management of it. For whereas, in other places, the cogni-
zance of heresy belongs only to the ecclesiastics; and whereas,
all who bear any part in that judgment, as assessors, counsel-
lors, notaries, or witnesses, take an oath of secrecy to the in-
quisitors, whereby the magistrate is no more than the bhnd ex-
ecutor of the inquisitor's sentence ; the Venetian senate, by a
128 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION.
wise distinction, considers three things separately in this affair :
— the judgment concerning the doctrine for which any person
is to be pronounced an heretic ; — the judgment of the fact,
viz. who embraces and professes the doctrine ! — and, lastly,
the pronouncing that sentence. The first is acknowledged to be-
long to the ecclesiastical court; the two latter, they contend,
belong to the secular, and was always formerly administered by-
seculars, during the Roman empire. And though sometimes,
by the indulgence of princes, the two last were allowed to the
ecclesiastics, yet the senate of Venice never gave up that autho-
rity, but always ordered their deputies, and in other cities of
their territories, the magistrate, to be present at all actions of
the inquisitors. And so great is their caution, that if any one
hath any commerce with the court of Rome, he cannot assist at
forming the processes. The proper business of these assistants
is, only to be present; and if any thing doubtful occurs, to in-
form the prince ; and therefore they make no promise of secrecy
to the inquisitors, but are obliged to let the prince know what
is done in the Inquisition. Yea, although one of the clergy,
of the same order with the inquisitor himself, be accused before
the inquisition, the civil magistrate must be present, nor suffer
the inquisitor to proceed, unless he be with him, even after the
injunction made. And although the inquisitor will communi-
cate the ^hole process to him, he must nevertheless be present
at it: and if the ecclesiastics should form the process whilst the
civil magistrate is absent, he will command it to be resumed
before him, even although the process be carried on without
the Venetian territories. The senate hath especially taken care
that neither the process, nor the persons taken up, shall be sent
out of their dominions, unless by the advice and consent of
the prince. That this method is observed in the Inquisition at
Venice, Father Paul proves, by a plain example, in his history
of the Venetian Inquisition, A. D. 1596. One Lewis Petruccius
Senensis, was thrown into prison at Padua. And whereas, ac-
cording to the usual custom of the Inquisition, the Roman in-
quisitor ought to have sent to Padua, the facts and proofs which
he had against him, he, on the contrary, demanded that the pri-
soner should be sent to him, and urged this matter at Rome to the
HISTORY OF THE IXaUISITION. 129
Venetian ambassador, and at Venice to the pope's nuncio : but
the senate made answer, that it was not proper that that lauda-
ble institution of the republic should be altered, which orders
the prisoners to be tried in those places where they are taken
up and confined; but that it was just, and agreeable to the
received custom, that whatever crimes the prisoner was accused
of, should be transmitted to the inquisitor at Padua, that so he
might suffer the just punishment of his crime. And they
thought this so evident and manifest a piece of justice, that no
body could oppose it. This affair was controverted on both
sides, by many, letters, for five whole years, Petruccius being all
the while kept in prison. But at length the Romans, finding
they could not get the prisoner into their possession, wrote
(A. D. 1601,) to the inquisitor at Padua, to dismiss his prisoner
Petruccius; which created no small suspicion what sort of
crime it must be, which they had rather should go unpunished
than discover it to the inquisitor at Padua.
The Venetian senate hath also been particularly careful that
the Inquisitors shall not have the power of prohibiting books,
because they may easily abuse it to the detriment of the com-
monwealth ; for they oftentimes forbid, or adulterate good
books, and useful to the public ; sometimes they prohibit books
which have no relation to their affairs; and sometimes because
they arrogate to themselves the censure of all books, they hin-
der the civil magistrate from prohibiting and condemning books
highly injurious to the government.
From these things and others, which might be mentioned
from father Paul, but which for brevity I omit, it is evident
that the Venetian Inquisition is not so absolutely subject to the
Pope as the other Itahan Inquisitions are ; and that it is not
entirely committed to ecclesiastics, but that the civil magistrate
hath a principal share in the management of it.
130 HISTOEY OF THE INQUISITION.
CHAP. XVIII.
Tlic iNauisiTioN against the Apostolics, Templars, and
others, ^-c.
ABOUT the year of our Lord 1300, there was great cruelty
exercised upon certain persons called apostolics, in Italy. They
seem to have been the offspring of the Albigenses : their rise is
thus described by Eymericus.^ In the times of Honorius IV.
Boniface VIII. Nicholas IV. and Clement V. about the year of
our Lord 1260, there appeared Geraldus Sagarelli, in the
bishopric of Parma, and Dulcinus in that of Novara. They
gathered a congregration, which they called apostles, who lived
in subjection to none ; but affirmed that they pecuharly imitat
ed the apostles, and took on them a certain new habit of reli-
gion, A. D. 1285,^ they were condemned by the letters patent
of Honorius IV. beginning, " Olim felicis recordationis," and
afterwards by Nicholas IV. A. D. 1290.
At length, after their doctrine had prevailed near forty years
in Lombardy, Sagarelli was condemned as an arch-heretic by
the bishop of Parma, and Friar Manfred the Inquisitor, a
predicant, in the time of Boniface VIII. and burnt July the
18th, A. D. 1300. Dulcinus, with six thousand of his fol-
lowers of both sexes, inhabited the Alps, w ho run into all man-
ner of luxury, as Pegna sa}^,*^ and gained many proselytes for
the space of two or three 3'ears ; and that with such success, as
determined Clement V. to send amongst them inquisitors of the
predicant order, to put a stop to so great an evil, either by
recovering Dulcinus and his accomplices from their error, or by
acquainting liim whether these things were so or not, as he had
been credibly informed, after they had made a strict and
dUigent enquiry. Upon their return they reported to the
pontiff what they had seen and heard, who upon being acquaint-
ed with their horrid wickednesses and impurities, pubhshed a
'=* Direct. Inqiiis. p. 2, qu. 12. ^ March, Ides. 5.
c Direct, p. 2. Comm. 37.
HISTORY OF THE IXQUISITION. 131
crusado against so heinous an impiety, and promised large and
liberal indulgences to all who should engage in so pious a war
against such wicked men. An army was accordingly gathered,
and sent against them with an apostolic legate ; who coming
into the places where these false apostles dwelt, and unexpect-
edly attacking them, they were wholly oppressed by this
Catholic army of cross-bearers, partly by hunger and cold, and
partly by arms. Dulcinus himself was taken, and eight years
after the punishment of Geraldus, was, as an arch-heretic, with
Margaret his heretical wife, his partner in wickedness and
error, publicly torn in pieces, and afterwards burnt. The
opinions which Eymeric attributes to them agree for the most
part with those which are ascribed to Peter Lucensis, a
Spaniard, excepting that abominable principle of promiscuous
lust, of which there is not the least mention in the sentence of
the said Peter. From whence we may certainly conclude, that
this is a mere calumny upon these apostolics, as well as upon
the Waldenses.
In the mean while, the Inquisition raged with no less cruelty
against the Albigenses and Waldenses, in France, especially in
the county of Tholouse. The most severe methods were
employed, in order to bring them back into the church of Rome,
those who were not to be prevailed upon, by suifering to
renounce their tenets, were burnt without mercy, — and those
who from the extremity of torture, were induced to yield, were
condemned either to wear crosses, or to perpetual imprison-
ment.
At the same time the order of the templars was suppressed,
by the command of Clement V.
Philip of France, had accused the order of heresies and
wickedness, whether on sufficient grounds, or because he envied
them their immense riches, it may not be easy to determine.
After several councils held on the subject, they were formally
condemned in that at Vienna, for their abominable crimes, and
all who were in France of that order were seized, as it were by
one signal. Most of them either from a love of life, or con-
sciousness of guilt, confessed the crimes they were charged
with. Many were condemned and burnt alive, among whom
K 2
132 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
was John Mola, a Burgundian, chief master of the order, who
was barbarously executed, notwithstanding the most pathetic
declaration of his own and his order's innocence.
The fury of the Inquisition against the templars, beginning
in France, was afterwards extended to all Christian provinces,
and after much debate, they were finally condemned, suppres-
sed and dissolved, by an apostohc ordination, and the disposal
of their whole property vested in the Roman see. — In conse-
quence of this decree, their effects were every where seized, and
they themselves severely punished.
In the same council large power was given to the inquisitors
of heretical pravity and the bishops, of proceeding against
heretics.* One Walter, a Lollard in the city of Crema, and
dutchy of Austria, had many followers, who, according to some,
had their rise from Dulcinus, who at the command of pope
Clement were burnt by the inquisitors, in that city and other
places. Their number was large in Bohemia, Austria, and the
neighbouring countries. Some affirm they were 80,000. Many
of them were burnt in several places of Austria, who all of
them persevered in their opinions with great cheerfulness to
their death. And therefore, to extinguish both the old here-
tics, and the new ones that might possibly arise, ample power
was given by the Vienna council to the inquisitors and bishops,
to proceed against those who were defiled with that impu-
rity, and prisons were ordered to be built to secure them in
chains.''
In Bohemia the office of the Inquisition was committed to
Peregrine Oppohensis and Nicholas Hippodines, predicants ;
and to Coldas and Herman, minorites; who were commanded
to manifest an holy ardour against the guilty. The pope
exhorted John king of Bohemia, Uladislaus duke of Cracow,
Boleslaus duke of Wratislaw, and the marquis of 'Misnia, that
they should not suffer reUgion to decay and be obscured by new
errors, but that they should assist the censors of the holy faith.
Fourteen men and women were burnt in Bohemia. Walter,
a Raynald. A. 1812, sect. 21. Bzoviui, A. 1307, sect. 9. A. 1315. sect. 11
•• Raynald. A. 131». seel. 43. Bzovius, A. 1317. sect. 37.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 133
the principal of the sect of the Lollards, was burnt at Colonne,
A. D. 1322.^
About the same time Pope John, by a letter, No. 190,
renewed the constitutions of Clement IV. and other his prede-
cessors, against the Jews, and confirmed by several laws the
power given to the inquisitors against them, and commanded
the book of the Talmud to be burnt, and such who were con-
victed of their execrable blasphemies to be punished.''
Nor did he shew less severity against the Waldenses, reviving
about that time in France : for he ordered that many of them,
who were convicted of errors by the inquisitors, who were pre-
dicant friars, should be delivered to the princes to be punished
according to the ecclesiastical law. There is extant in the
Vatican library a large volume of the transactions of these pre-
dicant friars against heretics in the kingdom of France, this
year of our Lord 1319.
■V-W%V^'V^-fc-»-W
CHAP. XIX.
The Inquisition against ^^^.Beguin^.
THE same John XXII. condemned the Beguins of heresy,
and commanded the inquisitors of heretical pravity to proceed
against them, and to deliver over to the secular court all who
continued obstinate in their error, to be punished with death.
These Beguins were monks of the order of St. Francis. They
are several times called of the thii'd rule of St. Francis. His
rule was, that the friars of his order should have no particular
property erf their own, neither house, nor place, nor any thing,
but should live by begging : this he called evangelic poverty.
I'his rule was confirmed and approved by several popes. But
as many believed the obseiTance of it to be above all human
strength, many doubts arose concerning it ; some contending
that they were to renounce the property of all things in particu-
lar, but not in common, and that it was no ways contrary to the
» Bzovius, A. 1319, sect. 9. " Ibid. sect. 10.
K 3
134 HISTORY OF THE INQ,UISITION.
Franciscan poverty to have the possession of things in common,
so that they possessed nothing in particular. But Nicholas III.
condemned this opinion by a constitution, beginning, " Exiit
qui seminat.^'* However, though all property was taken from
these friars, as well in common as in special, yet were they not
deprived of the use of what they had. For Martin IV. pub-
lished a bull,^ by which he ordained that the property, the right
and dominion of every thing which the friars had by donation
or legacy, should be in the church of Rome ; but that the friars
should have the use. He also allowed the ministers and keepers
of the order, the faculty of naming administrators, stewards,
syndics, who in the name of the church of RomCj and for the
advantage of the friars, may receive and demand aims and
legacies, and sue for the recovery and preservation of them.
Clement V. confirmed the same in the council of Vienna, by a
constitution, beginning, " Exivi de paradizo,"' extant among
the Clementines. However, Clement allowed, that when it
appeared very likely, even from experience, that they could
not otherwise secure the necessaries of life, they might have
granaries or storehouses, in which they might reposit and keep
whatever they could get by begging. He left, indeed, the
ministers and keepers to judge of such necessity, and gave it in
special charge to their consciences.
Against this, those who were called Beguins protested,
declaring they were of the third rule of St. Francis. They
contended that the Franciscans ought in no case to have grana-
ries or storehouses, because this was contrary to the perfection
of the Franciscan poverty ; that the Pope had not authority to
dispense with the rule of Francis, and that if he did, his decrees
were of no force, and might justly be disregarded. One of
them who lived at this time, Peter John Olivus, who wrote a
postill on the Apocalypse, applied to the Pope and church of
Rome the things spoken of the beast, and the whore of Ba-
bylon, of which frequent mention is made in the collection of
the sentences of the Tholouse Inquisition.
John XXII. succeeded Clement, who, by several constitu-
tions, condemned the tenet of the Beguins, and allowed the
» Sext. Decrel. de verb. sign. cap. 3. »• Feb. Cal. 10. 1282.
HISTOllY OF THE INQUISITION.
135
Franciscans, that by the judgment of the heads of the order
they might lay up and preserve corn, bread and wine in grana-
ries and storehouses. The Beguins beheved that such a con-
cession derogated from the subhmity and perfection of their
rule and poverty, and therefore warmly opposed it; and in
order to defend their own rule, dared to deny the authority of
the Pope : upon this account they were declared heretics, and
commanthiient was given to the inquisitors of heretical pravity,
to bring them before their tribunal, and to proceed against
them as heretics.
This decree was dated from Avignon.^ Soon after four
friars minors,'' about the year 1318, were condemned and burnt
as heretics at Marseilles by the inquisitor of heretical pravity,
who was himself a friar minor, because, as they say, they werfe
resolved to adhere and keep to the purity, truth and poverty
of the rule of St. Francis, and because they would not consent
to make the rule less strict, nor receive the dispensation of the
lord Pope John XXII. made concerning it, nor obey him nor
others in this affair. Others of the same order assert, that these
four were unjustly condemned, and affirm them to be glorious
martyrs, and that the Pope, if he consented to their condemna-
tion, was an heretic, and forfeited his power. Upon this, the
three next years, viz. from the year 1318, or thereabouts, they
were all condemned for heretics by the judgment of the prelates
and inquisitors of heretical pravity in the province of Narbonne,
Beziers, Lodun in the diocese of Agde, and at Lunelle, and
the diocese of Magalone, who believed that the aforesaid four
friars minors were holy martyrs, and who believed and held
and thought as they did concerning evangelical poverty, and
the power of the Pope, viz. that he l9st it, aiid was become an
heretic. Many however privately gathered up the burnt
bones and ashes of these four friars, who had been condemned
as heretics, and kept them for reliques, and kissed and wor-
shipped them as the reliques of saints; yea, some marked
their names and the days in which they suffered in the ca-
lendars.
a Feb. Cal. 10. 1318. ^ Eymer. Direct. Iiiq. Par. 2. Qiiffist. 15.
k4
136 HISTORY or THE INaUlSITtOK.
Thus, from a controversy originally of no moment, rose up
at length, through the warmth of men's minds, a dismal tra-
gedy ; and after the Pope's authority began to be called in
question, a severe persecution was raised against the Beguins.
In the book of sentences of the Tholouse Inquisition there are
several sentences pronounced against the Beguins, by wliich
they are declared heretics, and delivered over as such to the
secular court.
But the affair did not end here, friar Berengarius, in a coun-
cil of many divines and lawyers, summoned by the bishops and
inquisitors of Narbonne, defended the cause of the Beguins. —
This conduct of Berengarius was considered heretical, and
occasioned a controversy, in which all the academies and
learned men throughout the world, were commanded to take
part, in the discussion of this question. — Whether it was not to
be esteemed heretical to affirm, that our Lord Jesus Christ and
Tiis Apostles, had nothing in special or in common. — At
Perouse this was declared to be lawful and not heretical.
When this opinion was given, the Pope published an edict
concerning the use of things distinct from property ; — but
when the procurator of the order, dissatisfied with this edict,
protested against it. — They were pronounced heretical, and
some of their favourers, among whom was William Ockam an
Englishman, were in the year 1329 pronounced heretics, arch-
heretics and schismatics, incapable of any ecclesiastical office or
privilege, and subject to all the punishments, spiritual and
temporal which are due to such.
Cassenas, general of the order, was not however, terrified by
these denunciations : he hved in safety under the protection of
Louis of Bavaria, — upon which the Pope renewed the curses
he had pronounced against them, and enjoined that his sen-
tences against them should be repeated, every week, in every
convent on pain of excommunication.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 187
CHAP. XX.
The Process against Matthew Galeacius, Viscount Milan, and
others.
■ DURING this quarrel with the Beguins, sentence of excom-
munication was pronounced against Matthew Galeacius, vis-
count Milan, and against his sons and followers.^ Hereby all
the cities and lands, subject to their government (as is declared
in the sentence against Castruccius Gerius) and of his party
were put under an ecclesiastical interdict,^ and many heavy
sentences published against all persons who adhered to them,
favoured, obeyed or assisted them ; and that solemn indulgence,
which was always granted to those who assisted in the recovery
of the holy land, was openly preached against them. The city
itself was deprived of its charter and all its privileges and
immunities whatsoever; and all the citizens and inhabitants
favouring the said condemned Matthew, given up to be seized
by the faithful, to be made their slaves by full right, their
effects granted to any one that could lay hold of them, and
their debtors upon any account freed from all their debts,
whatever instrument or oath they were bound by. Farther,
all who sent or bought, or carried provisions, or any other
things useful in life, to the city of Milan, or who received pay
from them, were sententially excommunicated. Matthew de-
spised these papal censures, and continued more than three
years under excommunication. To revenge this contempt of
his censures, John XXII. prosecuted him for heresy, as con-
temning the audiority of the church, and her sacred rites ; and
commanded Aycard, archbishop of Milan, and the inquisitors
of heretical pravity in Lombardy, to proceed with all vigour
upon the said crime of heresy ; who after several citations, at
last pronounced the definitive sentence against him.
The Pope also commanded the archbishop and inquisitors,
a Raynald, A. 1320. sect. 13.-«-A 1322. sect. 5, &c.
138 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
that they should proceed against all who adhered to viscount
Matthew and his sons, as against favourers of heretics con-
demned by the church, and punish according to the ecclesiasti-
cal law, all who were convicted of being of his party, and of
the other crimes. The bishop of Parma and two abbots
published these sentences, and commanded the Anathemas to
be every where proclaimed ; and ordered Raymond Cardonus
to gather an army to chastise the rebels. Several cities were
taken, and the viscount routed. The senate and people of
Milan not enduring thus every day to be condemned, and
forbid divine services, sent twelve men to the legate, to beg
peace and absolution. Matthew quite broke by these evils
and others that threatened him, resigned the principality to his
son Galeacius, and ordered himself to be carried into the prin-
cipal church, where he complained that he v/as unjustly
accused of heresy; and protesting by an oath that he was
without any crime deprived of divine services, he appealed to
God, the righteous judge, that he was condemned most
unrighteously by the factious legate, and forced to abandon his
country. Thus departing from the city, and making the same
profession the day after in the church of St. John Baptist at
Monza, he fell into a fever, and died some days after with grief
and sorrow. His sons buried him in a private mean place,
conceahng for some time his death, least his body should have
been burned, according to the order of the cardinal legate and
inquisitors, October 30. ' They used the most exquisite dili-
gence to find it out, but could not discover it, though they
pronounced many anathemas against those who knew where it
was laid, and would not reveal it.^
The like sentence was pronounced not many years after by
the same Pope, against Marsilius Paduanus, and John Jandu-
nus, assertors of the imperial authority against the unjust
usurpations of the Pope, who pronounced them heretics, and
manifest arch-heretics, and commanded all who followed their
doctrine, to be universally accounted as heretics. He farther
enjoined all the faithful that they should not presume to
a Bzovius, A. 1327. sect. 7.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 139
receive, defend, maintain, or afford, by themselves, or any
other or others, publicly or privately, directly or indirectly,
any assistance, counsel or favour to them, or any of them, but
that they should rather avoid them as manifest heretics.
Finally, he orders the, faithful to seize on them, that they
might prosecute them with a zeal becoming the faith ; and to
take them wherever they could find them; and when taken, to
dehver them to the church, that they might undergo the
deserved punishment.
CHAP. XXI.
The Inquisition introduced into Poland, and restored in
France.
AS nothing was more serviceable to enlarge the papal
jurisdiction than the office of the Inquisition, the popes were
continually endeavouring to promote it ; and to estabhsh it in
those kingdoms and countries, that hitherto had been free from
so grievous a yoke, that there miglit not be any place of shelter
or refuge in the whole Christian world to such as should in the
least contradict their decrees.^ A. D. 1327. Pope John XXII.
by letters to the king and prelates of Poland, and to the pro\dn-
cial of the predicant friars of the same kingdom, appointed the
Inquisition in Poland, which in the year following, 1436,
Uladislaus Jagello, king of Poland, confirmed and enlarged, by
a royal edict, granting them the most ample power, and com-
manding all tlie magistrates to give them all manner of assistance
in the execution of their office.^
At this time the Inquisition began to decline in France;
but as there was a pretty large number of the Waldenses
remaining in Dauphiny, and their religion began to spread
wider, Gregory applied himself to Charles king of France,
* Bzoviiis, A. 1327. sect. 18, &c.
b Raynald, A. 1375. sect. 2G, 27.
140 HISTORY OF THE IXaUISITION.
He put him in mind of the examples of his predecessors in de*
stroying heretics, and admonished him to suppress the nobles
of Dauphiny, who took the heretics under their protection ;
and that he should support the authority of the inquisitors, not
only by severe edicts, but by sending some royal officer to their
assistance. King Charles yielded to the Pope's desires ; and
after the manner of his ancestors, by a royal edict, commanded
that heretics should suffer the severest punishments ; and that
the magistrates in Dauphiny should assist and aid the officers
of the Holy Inquisition. Antonius Massanus, apostolic inter-
nuncio, acted in this affair with such zeal, that the prisons were
scarce sufficient to hold the criminals ; nor was their provision
enough for their support. Gregory having been consulted in
this matter, ordered, that as the great number of heretics was
owing to the negligence of the prelates, the revenues of the
churches should be applied to that use ; and commanded new
and stronger jails to be built at Aries, Ambrune, Vienne, and
Avignon, and granted indulgences to the faithful who should
contribute to the work.
From France, those who were called^ Turelupini, weilt into
Savoy : and therefore the Pope commanded Amedaeus, count
of Savoy, to condemn them to the flames, and assist the inquisi-
tors. Bzovius adds,^ " It came to pass, that this savage and
brutal sect was condemned, burned, and wholly extirpated this
year." And again : " many of these heretics were burned in
France at the Pope's command. ' But this horrid cruelty could
not last long, and proved at last fatal to the judges themselves.
For in Savoy the inquisitors were killed, by those unquestion-
ably who were afraid that the like cruelty would be practised
towards themselves; which when the Pope heard of, he endea-
voured to render the murderers hateful to count Amedaeus,
putting him in mind, that he had given a most excellent example
of defending the faith by his victories over the Turks, and
recovering Callipoli from them ; and that therefore he hoped
' Some of the followers of the Waldenses ; so called, according to Popish
writers, because they inhabited only those places which were exposed to
wolves. Da Fresne in Voce.
b Bzovius, A. 1372. sect. 7. Raynald. A. 1375. sect. 27.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 141
he would not suffer the blood of those orthodox prelates, who
were slain out of a real hatred to piety, to be shed with
impunity.
CHAP. XXII.
Qf WiCKLiFF, Huss, and the iNauisiTiON against the
Hussites.
ABOUT this time John Wickhff arose in England, and
not only opposed the eiTors but the power of the Roman
pontiffs.
His conduct aroused the Papal anger, and the Pope addres-
sed letters to the university of Oxford, requiring them to
suppress his doctrines, and send him in custody to the arch-
bishop of Canterbury or bishop of London. — He then addres-
sed those prelates, requiring them to have Wickliff apprehended
and put in irons till they received his further orders. — The
Pope also wrote to Edward king of England, requiring him to
aid the bishops in the execution of his commands.
After the death of Wickliff, king Richard commanded all
his writings to be burned, and urged on by the Pope, sanction-
ed the proceedings of a synod, held in London by the Pope's
legate, in which were condemned eighteen articles from his
writings, and by which many were condemned to the flames.—
The archbishop of Canterbury also appointed this penance to
those who abjured. That in the time of public prayer in the
open market, they should go in procession only with their
shoes on them, carrying in one hand a burning taper, and in
the other a crucifix, and that they should fall thrice on their
knees, and each time devoutly kiss it.
Soon after arose John Huss, in Bohemia, and began pub-
licly to reprove the dissolute lives of all the orders.
Whilst he enveighed only against the seculars, all the divines
applauded him ; but when once he began openly to reproach
142 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION.
them for their corrupt manners and vices, they abhorred and
detested him, and used their utmost endeavours to destroy
him.
At that time, A. D. 1400, Jerome of Prague returned from
England, and brought with him WickhfF's writings, which
Huss approved. Hence the articles of WicklifF found many
adlierents, and were again examined and condemned by the
papal partizans, and above ^00 volumes fairly written out and
adorned in curious bindings were burned.
Not long after this, Huss offered certain things to be disput-
ed publicly, in which he opposed the granting of indulgences. —
Jerome of Prague also shewed their vanity. — At length after
many processes, the council of Constance was assembled, at
which Huss was ordered to appear and give account of his
doctrines ; and that Huss might not be in fear for his personal
safety, the emperor Sigismund pledged himself for his protec-
tion. The result of the deliberations in this council, was
that 45 articles in AVicklifF, and 30 in Huss, were declared
heretical. The books of Wickliff were condemned, and his
bones if they could be found, were ordered to be burnt.
But this holy synod did not stop here, for notwithstanding
the safe conduct of Sigismund, they violated that solemn
pledge to John Huss ; and not satisfied with condemning his
doctrines, they laid their hands upon his person and burned
him ahve; an act, which the wretched emperor Sigismund
could sanction^ on the plea that he had promised, what it was
not in his power to perform, because as dutiful children of the
church, emperors and kings must give way to her authority,
and because it is unlawful to maintain, good faith with
heretics.
Afterwards Jerome of Prague, terrified with the dreadful
fate of Huss, renounced through human infirmity these doc-
trines; but soon recovering his courage, he boldly asserted
and defended them before the whole council, and was in con-
sequence condemned as a relapsed heretic and burned.
Wickhff, Huss, and Jerome, with their doctrines, being
thus condemned, the same punishments were, by the Ltters of
Martin V., extended to all their followers; by these letters it
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 143
was enjoined, that aH wlio approved their doctrines, and were
their abettors, should be' deHvered over to the secular power ;
by his decrees the inquisition was restored and established in
the kingdom of Bohemia, whereby many were condemned of
heresy and put to death, by various punishments some being
burned alive, others thrown into the river tied hands and feet
and so drowned, and others destroyed by different methods of
cruelty.
CHAP. XXIII.
Of the iNauisiTiON in Valence, Flandeks, and Artois.
HITHERTO the kingdom of Valence had no particular
inquisitor of the faith.'* The inquisitor at Roses in Catalonia
exercised the holy office in that kingdom by his vicars and
commissaries, so that they could not make so large a progress
in converting the Jews and Moors, of whom great numbers
li\'ed there. And therefore Pope Martin, at the request of
King Alphonsus, by letters dated at Florence,^ decreed, that
the office of the inquisition in the kingdom of Valence, should,
for the future, be governed and administered, without any
impediment, not by commissaries and vicars, but by an inqui-
sitor deputed by the prior, to whom that affair belongs, who is
to reside there personally himself, and act as principal.
About the year 1460, the inquisition raged cruelly in Flan-
ders and Artois,^ against certain persons, who were falsely ac-
cused of magic, and being in league with the devil, who, to
render the \^^aldenses odious, were called Waldenses, and the
place in which they were said to have their nightly meetings,
AValdesia. At Do way. Arras, and other places, many of them
were thrown into prison at several times, at the demand of
Peter Brussard, inquisitor, where being overcome with tor-
* Bzovius, A. 1419. sect. 20. b April Cal. C, 1419.
<• Boxhorm. Hist. Bcls:. p. 42, Ac. J. Le (it re Dom. de Beauvoir,
144 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITIOX.
ments, they confessed every thing they were charged with, and,
amongst other things, that they had given themselves to the
devil, adored him, and known him carnally, and other incredi-
ble things of the same kind. When they were condemned to
the fire, they protested themselves innocent, and publicly de-
clared with a loud voice that they never were in Waldesia, as
they called the place of this nightly meeting of witches and
devils ; but that they were deceived by their judges, who by
fair promises of saving their lives and estates, if they would
confess the crimes objected to them, drew from them a false
confession of crimes they were never guilty of Others said,
that they extorted a false confession from them by torments,
finally beseeching the by-standers to pray for them to God, to
whom they committed their souls in the midst of the flames.
But their innocence afterwards appeared ; for in the year 1491,
these miserable creatures, with others thrown into prison on
the same account, were declared innocent by the sentence of
the parliament of Paris, and had their effects restored to them,
and their unrighteous judges were severely fined.
CHAP. XXIV.
Of the Spanish Inquisition.
IN the preceding chapters we have seen how the inquisition
was brought into several parts of Spain, but as yet it had not
been estabhshed in Castile and Leon. But after Ferdinand
and Isabel had united their several kingdoms by their mar-
riage, and had subjected the Moors, they ordered tribunals of
the inquisition to be erected throughout their dominions.
The motives which they avowed for these measures were,
that the promiscuous intercourse of Moors, Jews, and Chris-
tians, rendered it needful to watch over the faith.* It is highly
probable, however, that they were not ignorant of the support
a Bzovius, A. 14T8. sect. 14.
HISTORY OF THE INQUTSITION. 145
which their government might derive from this court, besides
which they had views towards obtaining the sovereignty of
Europe, which rendered the favour of the popes very im-
portant.
Seville obtained the credit of being most infected with heresy,
and here many were tortured and destroyed. A maa named
Gusman,^ who had imbibed the spirit of Hojeda, prior of the
convent of St. Paul, and a furious zealot, contrived to secrete
himself in the house of a Jew, where several Jews had accus-
tomed themselves to assemble for the practice of religious
ceremonies; Gusman having placed himself so as to be an
eye-witness of these things, immediately communicated the
account to the prior, who represented it to the king and queen,
and having obtained command to proceed against them, put
six persons in irons ; and afterwards added many more, some
of whom, after long imprisonment and torture, were con-
demned to the flames; others had their estates confiscated,
and were condemned to eternal darkness and chains, while
the families of others were branded with infemy. Human
nature could not but revolt a httle, notwithstanding the
power of superstition, at such outrages. Many of the pro-
vincials were staggered when they saw children suffering for
the crimes of the parents, and the accused condemned at the
suggestion of any private enemy, without being confronted with
the accuser.
But most of all the inquisition was feared on account of its
spies, who were scattered in all the cities, towns, and villages,
and thus created perpetual alarm. However, the iron hand of
power soon silenced all objections, and the tribunal of the
inquisition obtained a most complete establishment all over
Spain.
Ferdinand and Elizabeth, out of their pious zeal, besought
the pope to confer on them the power of creating inquisitors
in the kingdom of Castile and Leon, a favour which the pope
granted, as applied to Seville, and by which vigorous mea-
sures were adopted.
« Piram. 1. 2. ti c. 3. n> 2.
^4^6 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
Within the time limited for persons voluntarily to confess
their sins, with the hope of pardon, about 17,000 of both
sexes appeared. Many who refused were afterwards compelled,
by the violence of their torments, to confess, and were thrown
into the iire. Some were condemned to perpetual imprison-
ment, some to wear crosses ; the bones of others were taken
from the graves— burnt to ashes, their property confiscated,
and their children deprived of their honours and offices. In
consequence of these proceedings an immense spoil fell into
the hands of the persecutors ; for most of the Jews fled, upon
the whole of whose property their Catholic majesties laid
hands, and employed it for the purposes of the war against
the Moors.
In Andalusia and Granada alone, those who fled with their
wives and children, left five thousand empty houses : and in
the city and diocese of Seville, there were above one hundred
thousand persons, alive or dead, present or absent, who were
either condemned or reconciled to the church.
Different opinions have existed respecting the time when
the inquisition was introduced into Spain; the most agreed
place this event in the year 1483 or 1484, when the supreme
council was arranged, and the first inquisitor-general chosen.
The mode of proceeding, with regard to the Spanish inqui-
sition, is as follows : the King, chooses the first, or Supreme
Inquisitor, whom the pope confirms ; this inquisitor is invested
with full power in all cases of heresy, and is chief of the inqui-
sition in the whole kingdom. He appoints the subordinate
inquisitors (subject to the king's approval) deputes visitors to
the different provinces, and grants dispensations to penitents.
In the royal city the king appoints the supreme council of
the inquisition, over which the supreme inquisitor of the king-
dom presides. He hath joined with him five counsellors, who
have the title of Apostolical Inquisitors, who are chosen by the
inquisitor-general upon the king'*s nomination. One of these
must always be a Dominican,* according to the constitution of
* Carena, tit. 3.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 147
Philip III.* Besides these, there is an advocate fiscal, two
secretaries, and one of the king's, one receiver, two relators,
several qualificators, and counsellors. There are also officials
deputed by the president, with the king's advice. The su-
preme authority is in this council of the inquisition. They
deliberate upon all affairs w^th the inquisitor-general, deter-
mine the greater cases, make new laws according to the exi-
gency of affairs, determine differences amongst particular in-
quisitors, punish the offences of the servants, receive appeals
from inferior tribunals, and from them there is no appeal but
to the king. In other tribunals there are two or three inquisi-
tors : they have particular places assigned them, Toledo, Cu-
enca, Valladolid, Calahorre, Seville, Cordoue, Granada,
EUerena, and in the Aragons, Valencia, Saragossa, and Bar-
celona.
These are called Provincial Inquisitors.'' They cannot im-
prison any priest, knight, or nobleman, nor hold any public
acts of faith, without consulting the supreme council of the in-
quisition. Sometimes this supreme council deputes one of
their own counsellors to them, in order to give the greater
solemnity to the acts of faith.
These provincial inquisitors give all of them an account of
their provincial tribunal, once every year, to the supreme
council ; and especially of the causes that have been determined
within that year, and of the state and number of their prisoners
in actual custod}^ They give also, every month, an account
of all monies which they have received, either from the reve-
nues of the holy office, or pecuniary punishments and fines.
This council meets every day, except holy days, in the palace
royal, on Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays, in the morning,
and on Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Saturdays, after vespers : in
these three last days, two counsellors of the supreme council of
Castile meet with them, who are also counsellors of the supreme
council of the Inquisition.
This tribunal is now arisen to such a height in Spain,^ that
» Dated Dec. 16, 1C18. ^ Caiena, tit. 3. sect. 8, &c.
= Carena, tit. 3. sect. 12.
L 2
14S HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION.
the king of Castile, before his coronation, subjects himself and
all his dominions, by a special oath, to the most holy tribunal
of this most severe Inquisition.
This office is not, as formerly, committed to the Predicant or
' Dominican friars.* They began to employ in it the secular
clergy, who were skilful in the decrees and laws, till at last the
whole power gradually devolved on them, so that now the Do-
minican friars have no part in it; though the inquisitors often-
times use their assistance, in judging of propositions, and they
are employed as counsellors in the holy office.
The first inquisitor general in the kingdoms of Spain, was
friar Thomas Turrecremata, a Predicant, prior of the monastery
of the Holy Cross at Segovia, who was in high esteem with
their majesties, as having often expiated their sins by penance.
Paramus relates, that he was created inquisitor general of the
kingdoms of Castile and Leon, by Sixtus IV> A.D, 1483, and
that the pope gave him power, by his letters, of making such
inquisitors as he thought proper, and of recalling those who
had been inquisitors there before ; and ordered him to make
use of the new method appointed in managing causes of the
faith, which was much more proper than the old one. After-
wards, the same pope made the provinces of Aragon, Valencia,
Catalonia, and Sicily, subject to the supreme inquisitor of Cas-
tile and Leon, by his bull, expedited the same year, 148S.—
This bull Innocent VIII. who succeeded Sixtus in the pontifi-
cate, confirmed, as far as it related to Castile and Leon, A. D.
1485, and the next year, as it related to Aragon, Valencia, and
Catalonia. Alexander VI. did the same.
In the year 1485, the Inquisitors acted with great seve-
rity in the town of Guadaloupe. They held several acts
in a pulpit, and on a scaffiold erected in the church-yard. Here
friar Dedachus Marchena, an heretical monk, and fifty -two for
judaizing, of both sexes, were delivered over to the fire ; forty-
six bodies of heretics were dug out of their graves, and ad-
judged to the flames ; the images of twenty-five absent persons
* Pegna in Direct, par. 3. coram. 32.
HISTORY OF THE IINQUISITION. 149
burnt; sixteen condemned to perpetual punishment; besides
an immense number sentenced to the gaUies, and others con-
demned to wear consecrated coarse garments, as a mark of per-
petual penance and infamy. And when the Fathers, inquisi-
tors, were leaving Guadaloupe, they published an order, re-
quiring, that all Jews, of every age, should quit that place
within one month, on pain of death.
Though many miracles were reported to have been wrought
by the Virgin IVIary, in confirmation of the holy office, such
were its tremendous effects, tliat the people dreaded its intro-
duction; and upon its extension to Castile, Aragon, Catalonia,
Valencia, and Sicily, it experienced great opposition. In Ara-
gon, powerful arguments were employed, in addition to which,
large sums of money were sent to the pope, and to the king ;
which producing nothing, the people broke into open tumult,"
and killed Peter Arbuesius, the inquisitor at Saragossa, as he
was saying his prayers, before the high altar. The principal
persons, however, were soon taken, and suffered the most dread-
ful punishments; whilst the Inquisition triumphed under the
fostering care of Ferdinand and Isabel, who gave the royal
palace at Saragossa to the judges of the faith.
The Inquisition had always a firm friend in Ferdinand, who,
after he had conquered the Moors,^ introduced this tribunal
into the city of Granada, for the purpose of exterminating the
Jews.
These unhappy persons were allowed four years, within
which they were either to embrace the Catholic faith, or de-
part the kingdom ; and after that time, all others were forbid
intercourse with them^ or to afford them any assistance or pro-
visions, under a severe penalty.
Thus circumstanced, the oppressed Jews sought, by the pay-
ment of a large sum, to avert the pending calauiity ; but being
defeated in their object, by the zeal of Thomas Turrecremata,^
the inquisitor general, who rudely entered the presence of the
king and queen, and compared such a deed to that of Judas.
The laws were enforced, and the Jews expelled.
* Rayualdus, A. 1485. sect. 21. 22. " Sinianc. tit. 35, sect. 7.
•^ Bzovius, A. 1494. sect. 39.
L 3
15$ HISTORY OF THE INatJISITION.
The number of those who were banished from Spain were,
according to some, four hundred thousand. Mariana says, it
is not easy to reduce them to any certain number : but most
writers affirm, there were 170,000 famiHes^ that departed, and
a few who staid behind were sold for slaves; it was further
also provided, that in future, no Jew should ever again enter
Spain, on pain of death and confiscation.
The Jews being thus driven from Spain,^ fled into Portu-
gal, and obtained from king John, under certain conditions,
that they might live there for a season. The conditions were
chiefly, that every one should pay to the king, eight pieces of
gold, and leave Portugal within a limited time ; forfeiting their
liberty if they exceeded it ; they were promised free liberty to
sail away ; but the extortion and horrible abuses, which they
experienced from the captains and others of the ships, struck
them with such terror, that they preferred incurring the pe-
nalty of over-staying their time, to getting into their power.
Thus they lost their liberty ; and it became usual for any who
wanted a Jew servant, to beg him of the king. On the death
of king John, however, his successor, Emanuel,^ granted them
their liberty ; but was some time after advised, by the king
and queen of Castile, not to suffer that wicked nation, hated of
God and man, to abide in Portugal. After mature delibera-
tion, he commanded all the Jews and Moors in Portugal, who
would not profess the Cathohc faith, to depart by a certain
day, or lose theu- liberty.''
The Moors immediately obeyed the king's decree, and passed
over into Africa.^ But as the Jews were preparing to do so,
the king commanded, that all their children, who were not
more than fourteen years old, should be taken from their pa-
rents, and educated in the Christian religion. It was a most
afflicting thing to see children snatched from the embraces of
their mothers, and fathers embracing their children, torn
from them, and even beat with clubs ; to hear the dreadful
cries they made, and every place filled with the lamentations
» Raynaldus, A. 1492. sect. 7. 8. '' Bzovius, A. 1496. sect. 15. 16.
« Raynald. A. 1496. sect. 26, &c. * Ibid.
^ Brovius, A. 1497, sect. 27.
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 151
and yells of women. INlany, through indignation, threw their
sons into pits, and others killed them with their own hands. —
Oppressed in this way on one hand, and by the difficulty of ob-
taining shipping on the other, many cliose rather to make pro-
fession of Christianity, than live in such misery, and being bap-
tized, recovered their rights and privileges.
In the year 1500, Francis Ximenes, archbishop of Toledo,^
by the pope's persuasion, took great pains to convert the Moors-
of Granada to the Christian faith. He first of all gained over
their chief priests, which they call Alfaquins, by gifts and fa-
vours. A great number followed their example. However,
others vigorously opposed Ximenes, and endeavoured to deter
the Moors from Christianity. Ximenes ordered these to be
put in irons in prison, and to be very cruelly used. Of this
number was one Zegri, who was the most powerful amongst
them, upon account of the nobility of his birth, and his excel-
lent qualifications of mind and body. Ximenes, laying aside
almost all humanity, determined to punish him most severely.
He dehvered him to one Peter Lyon, his chaplain, a man of a
truly lionJike mind, who soon brought him to Ximenes's
beck, and made him in a few days desire to be carried before
the Alfaquin of the Christians. Bound and dirty as he was,
he came before Ximenes, and declared he would be a Christian,
for that he had had a vision from Ala (as the Moors caU God)
that night, admonishing him to it. " But truly," says he, laugh-
ing, " I am a fool to seek for arguments any where- else, but
from thy fierce Lyon, to whose keeping, if any of us are com-
mitted, they will immediately become Christians." Upon this
he declared himself a Christian, and was baptized, and expe-
rienced Ximene's bounty. He was afterwards of great service,
not only in promoting Christianity amongst his countrymen, but
to the commonwealth. Ximenes, glorying in this success, com-
manded all the'Alcorans, and all other books whatsoever, that
had any thing in them of the Mahometan superstition, to be
brought publicly together. There were about 5000 volumes,
which were all openly burnt in one heap to a single book, ex-
» Bzovius, A, 1600, sect. 16.
L 4
15^ HISTORY OP THE INaUISITIOK.
cept some few relating to medicine, which, for the honour of
SO useful an art, were saved from the flames, and laid up in
the Complutensian library.^
One of Ximenes''s family, called Salzedus, came with two
servants to the Albaizinum. This is a place in the city of
Granada, craggy, and hanging over the rest of the city, and
separated from it by its own walls. When they were come
here, first there arose reproachful words between them and the
inhabitants, at last they came to blows, and the two companions
of Salzedus were killed by the multitude. Salzedus fled for
it, and with great difficulty escaped. However, the tumult in-
creased, so that the whole city was in an uproar. Their design
was to pull down the house of Ximenes. The tumult lasted
ten days, and was at last suppressed by the garrison. The
Albaizinenses were condemned for high treason, and had the
choice given them of death or baptism, upon which, to a man,
they embraced Christianity. The Archbishop of Granada took
care to have them daily instructed in the Christian mysteries.
He also ordered some lessons out of the Old and New Testa-
ment to be read to the new converts, in the Moorish language,
a^ad permitted the printing of some books, in which some^parts
of the service of the mass, and some passages of the gospel,
were translated into Arabic. But Ximenes would not suffer
it, saying, " it was a sin to throw pearl before swine." He al-
lowed, indeed, the use of some books written by pious men in
the vulgar tongue ; but said, " That the Old and New Testa-
ment, in which there were many things that required a learned
* Bzovius adds :—" There were, however, many who thought it unjust,
and altogether contrary to the nature of Christianity, to compel any one by
force, and suchlike arts, to profess the faith of Christ, the entire tendency of
which is gentleness, and which requires especially a ready and sincere mind. -
Besides that in the councils of Toledo, which are reckoned sacred by all
Christians, it is determined, in the most solemn manner, that no one should
be forced to believe in Christ. But he followed his own judgment, and in
the midst of danger, shewed the constancy of his mind, and declared in this
important case the invincible resolution of his soul. For in all human affairs
every great undertaking is sure to raise envy, which oftentimes overthrows
the noblest designs, and, by a thousand difficulties, renders them impractica-
ble."
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION- 158
and attentive reader, and a chaste and pious mind, should be
kept in those three languages only, which God, not without
the greatest mystery, ordered to be placed over his dear Son's
head, when he suffered the death of the cross ;" and affirm-
ed, " That then Christianity would suffer the greatest mis-
chief, when the Bible should be translated into the vulgar
tongues/''
This tumult spread beyond the kingdom of Granada. Xi-
menes, by the permission of the inquisitors, endeavoured to
force certain Moors, called Elches, who had embraced Christ-
ianity, and afterwards rejected it, to become Chnstians again,
and commanded their children to be violently taken from them,
and baptized. This was the beginning of troubles, which af-
terwards grew to such an height, that the Moors formed a con-
spiracy, and rebelled in many places. But as their forces were
inferior to the Spaniards, they were subdued, and compelled to
turn Christians. The king granted, that as many as would,
should go over to Africa, and provided them with ships to
transport them at the port of Astopa, demanding from every
one that went over, ten pieces of gold only, as the price of
their liberty. They who would not leave their country, he
ordered to become sincere Christians. 1 his agreement being
made, many went into Africa, though most of them remained
in Spain, pretending themselves to be Christians, but not a jot
the better than those who left it, being of a very obstinate and
wicked disposition.
A. D. 1501, Ferdinand, king of Castile, at the instigation of
Pope Alexander, took great pains in catechising the IMoors,
and preventing their apostacy. He published an edict in Cas-
tile, against the Moors in that province, and especially against
those of Andalusia, Granada, and Aragon, commonly called
Mudegiares, who lived and traded promiscuously with the
pious,°that unless they would become Christians, they should
depart his dominions within a certain day.
Upon the death of Ferdinand, Charles succeeded him.^ The
new converts offered him 800,000 pieces of gold, if he would
a Bzovius, A. 1501, sect. 13.
154 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
command, that the witnesses at tlie tribunal of the inquisition
should be always made pubhc. The young king, who was
about eighteen yeais old, had a great mind to the money.
But Cardinal Ximenes, inquisitor-general, shewed Jiim the
great danger of such a method, and that the church would re-
ceive great injury by it, and by putting him in mind of his
grandfather Ferdinand, prevailed with the king to refuse the
offer.
•V».'»'».*^'V«-»/*%^
CHAP. XXV.
Of the Inquisition m Portugal.
WE have related in the former chapter, how that the Jews
being driven out of Spain, were received under certain condi-
tions by the king of Portugal. However, not many years
after, he erected the tribunal of the inquisition in his kingdom,
after the model of that in Spain. Bzovius speaks of this affair,
describing the death of King John 1 11.^ "How great his
zeal was to maintain the faith in its ancient splendour, his in-
troducing the sacred tribunal of the inquivsitors of heresy into
Portugal, is an abundant proof, bravely overcoming those dif-
ficulties and obstructions, which the devil had cunningly raised
in the city, to prevent or retard his majesty"'s endeavours.
For he learned experience from others, and grew wise by the
misfortunes of many kingdoms, which, from the most flourish-
ing state, were brought to ruin and destruction by monstrous
and deadly heresies. And it is very worthy observation, that
the year in which the tribunal of the holy inquisition against
heretical pravity was brought into Portugal, the kingdom la-
boured under the most dreadful barrenness and famine. But
when the tribunal was once erected, the follov/ing year was re-
*Ibid. A. 1557. sect. 56,57.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 155
markable for an incredible plenty, conimonly called The Year
of St. Blase, because, before his festival, which was on the
3d of the Nones of February, the seed could not be sown in
the ground for want of rain, whereas afterwards provision was
so very cheap, that a bushel of corn sold for two- pence."
Tribunals of the inquisition were erected in the several cities
of the kingdom of Portugal. The inquisition at Evora was
erected by Didacus de Silva, first inquisitor general, A. D. 1537,
of which the first inquisitor was John de Mello, doctor of the
Papal law, and afterwards bishop of Algarva, and at last arch-
bishop of Evora, appointed by Didacus, the former year one
of the four counsellors of the supreme general inquisition.
The Lisbon inquisition was erected by Cardinal Henry, second
inquisitor-general, A. D. 1539, over which he appointed for
first inquisitor, John de Mello, who had been made first in-
quisitor at Evora, by Didacus de Sylva. The same cardinal
also fixed the inquisition at Coimbra, A. D 1541, and placed
in it two commissary inquisitors, viz. Friar Bernard of the
cross, a predicant, bishop of St. Thomas, and rector of the
university of Coimbra, and Gomezius Alphonsus, batchelor of
the canon law, and prior of the collegiate church of Aveiro.
And finally, the inquisition was set up at Goa, in the Indies.
Francis Xaverius, signified by letters to King John III.*
" That the Jewish wickedness spread every day more and
more in the parts of the East Indies, subject to the kingdom
of Portugal; and therefore he earnestly besought the said
king, that to cure so great an evil he would take care to send
the office of the inquisition into those countries. Upon this
Cardinal Henry, then inquisitor-general in the kingdom of
Portugal, erected the tribunal of the holy inquisition in the
city of Goa, the metropolis of that province, and sent into
those parts inquisitors, officials, and other necessary ministers,
who should take diligent care of the affairs of the faith. The
first inquisitor was Alexius Diaz Falcano, sent by Cardinal
Henry,^ who came to Goa the end of that year, and began to
execute the office of inquisitor.'^
a November 10, 1545. ^ March 15, A. 1560.
' [John Peter Maffeius, Hist, Indie. I. 10. p. 758, 759, gives a more dis-
156 HISTORY OF THE INGIUISITIOX.
After the inquisition had been introduced into Portugal,*
three general indulgences were granted to the whole nation of
the descendants from the Hebrew converts, in the whole
kingdom and dominions, subject to it, and which were pub-
lished all over the kingdom. The first was granted by Cle-
ment VII.,^ by a bull, which had not its effect. Afterwards
Paul III., who succeeded Clement in the popedom, confirmed
the general indulgence which he had given, and granted it
anew,= and afterwards, A. D. 1536, sent letters to erect the
holy tribunal of the inquisition. The second was given by
the same Paul III.'* For whereas the inquisitors, as they
say, had before proceeded with great moderation in favour of
the new converts, the good of the church required that they
should proceed against Judaisers, according to the rigour of
the law. And therefore the pope reduced the method of pro-
cess in the inquisition, according to the form of law. But
least the new converts and their children should become sub-
. ject to a rigorous inquisition for their past errors, he granted a
tinct account of the original of tlse inquisition at Goa. About the same time
there was an horrible wickedness committed at Lorinum. In the principal
church of that city, there was put up a chest, to receive the charity of pious
persons: they who had the keeping of it, found in it some vile papers, con-
taining horrible curses aud reproaches against Christ, the Author of the sal-
vation of mankind. Besides, Consalvus Sylveria, a Jesuit, a man noble by
his birth, but much nobler for his virtue and learning, who then preached
in the same city, and afterwards was slain for the cause of Christ, at Mono-
motapa in jEthiopia, was reviled. This most impious, wicked, and auda-
cious crime was suspected by many plain tokens, to be committed by the
false brethren of the circumcision, of which dregs several from Europe were
by stealth admitted for money, by the wardens of the ports, or masters of
ships, and brought into the Indies, under the disguise of merchants. There
they conspired the prejudice and destruction of the Christian name, with the
Jigyptians who were generally Jews^ and of whom there was a great num-
ber in those places, and with persons of other nations and sects. Upon this
occasion tlie king began to introduce the sacred inquisition into those coun-
tries, which is there exercised to this day at Goa, by proper and approved
persons, skilful in the Divine law, to the great advantage of the Christian
religion. All these things are taken word for word out of Maffeius, by
Paramus, 1. 2. t. 2. c. xviii.]
* Sousa, Aphor. Inquis. I. 4. cap. 16. *• Expedited April 7, A. 1533.
^ October 12, 1535. > ^ May 11, 1547.
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 157
general pardon.^ The third was granted by Clement VIII.'*
The causes of it, as we may gather from the bull itself, were
three. First, That the inquisitors ordered the punishments
against heretics to be executed without remission. Secondly,
Least the descendants of the Hebrews, finding themselves pre-
cluded from obtaining pardon, should grow worse, and add sins
to sins. Thirdly, Because upon the grant of such a general par-
don, it was undoubtedly to be hoped, that in a little while,
they who had departed the kingdom, would return to it, and
retain the Cathohc worship and faith under obedience to King
Philip, who, as Sousa says, greatly desu-es it, and earnestly
seeks it.
Besides these three, no other indulgences have been granted
to the Jewish converts, or new Christians in Portugal, and the
Portuguese divines use many arguments to prove that no other
ought liereafter to be given them.
Sebastian, king of Portugal,'^ upon occasion of his unfortu-
nate and fatal expedition into Africa, granted to the descen-
dants of the Jews, for a large sum of money, that theii'
effects should not be confiscated for ten years, much against
the advice of his uncle, Philip II. king of Spain : this in-
dulgence he granted them by the authority of Gregory
XI 11.'^ But afterwards upon the rout of the king's army
by the Saracens, Cardinal Henry, the king's great uncle, suc-
ceeded him in the royal dignity, who immediately,* in the
same year, recalled the said grant, with the pope's consent,
alledging this reason in the decree of revocation, " That after
the most mature consultation of learned men, they all agreed
that he was bound to make such revocation, because the good
of the faith greatly required it." After Philip, king of Portu-
gal, obtained the crown, the new Christians offered him a large
sum of money, and besought him, that he would procure in
their favour a general indulgence from the pope. But he con-
demned their prayers, though he was at that time at war with
a This was published June 10, 1518.
»> Aaguat 23, 1C04. and published in Fortugul Jan. 16, 1605,
c Aphor. Inquis. cap. 22. n. 4, 5.
i By hii bull expedited October 6, 1579. * December Itt.
158 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION.
France and England, his divines suggesting to him, " That
God was greatly offended with such money, and that he could
expect no prosperous success from it."
The following years the new Christians in Portugal endea-
voured by many entreaties to procure the abolition, or a't least
mitigation of the inquisition.
But they were only deluded with empty words and flattering
promises : for they still groan as before, under the cruel yoke
of the inquisition, without any mitigation of their punishments ;
and to this day are liable to all the penalties ordained against
heretics.
CHAP. XXVI.
Of the Attempt to bring the Inquisition into the Kingdom
of Naples.
AFTER Ferdinand and Elizabeth had brought the inqui-
sition into all the kingdoms of Spain,* they would fain have
introduced it into others, that were under their dominion.
For as many of the Jewish race had fled out of Spain for fear
of the inquisition, into the kingdom of Naples, and as that
kingdom had been again brought into subjection to Ferdinand,
Didacus Deza, at that time general-inquisitor of Spain, sent
thither in the year 1504, Peter Balforatus, archbishop of
Messina, v/ith the power of inquisitor. Ferdinand gave him
letters to the governor, nobles, and university of Naples, that
they should give him all assistance and favour. He tells them
that a great number of heretics, having fled from the kingdoms
of Spain, through fear of the holy oflSce of the inquisition, had
sheltered themselves there as in a place of safety, who had been
burned in effigy because of their absence ; and that therefore,
to purge that kingdom from the crime of heresy, he had ap-
pointed Peter Balforatus, inquisitor of heretical pravity: he
» Param. 1. 2. tit. 2, cap. 10.
HISTORY OF THE IXaUISITIOX. 159
therefore commands them to receive him as such, to give him
in all things the assistance of the secular arm, and not to suffer
him, or any of his family to be molested. But as there arose
many difficulties and discouragements, he could not finish
his undertaking.
In the year 1547, Charles V., being emperor, Peter of To-
ledo, viceroy of Naples, endeavoured to introduce the inquisi-
tion there, by the command of Cliarles. But as he apprehend-
ed this would be a difficult thing, he put those into the pubhc
offices, who he thought would be most forward to promote it.
After this he publicly declared,* that it would greatly tend to
the establishment of divine worship, would be serviceable to
the commonwealth, and be highly grateful to the en:peror ; if
after the example of the Spaniards and Sicilians they would
receive the holy office.*' But the Neapolitans were so moved
with the novelty of the thing, that they publicly declared that
they would rather lose their lives than submit to the Inquisi-
tion ; and cried out, that the extirpation of heresies belonged
to the pope and the ecclesiastical judges, and not to the tem-
poral prince. When Pope Paul III. understood this, he
declared by his apostolic bull, that the Inquisition against
heretics belonged to him and his judges, and not to any other.
The king indeed would have had the Inquisition at Naples
to be subject to the supreme council of the Spanish In-
quisition, as were those of Sicily, Sardinia, and the Indies ;
whereas the court of Rome would have had it subject to them,
because not only the ecclesiastical but secular government of
the kingdom of Naples is under the Pope. However the
Viceroy, that he might not seem to yield to popular fury,
appointed inquisitors and officials of the holy office; with
which the Neapolitans were so enraged, that on a certain day,
when two persons were leading to prison, and crying out they
were taken up by the Inquisition, they broke into open sedi-
tion, ran immediately to arms, and bound themselves by
mutual oaths, insomuch that there was a civil war, between the
citizens of Naples, and the Spanish garrison, in which many on
* Hist. Cod. Trid. 1. 3, p. .113, 314. »> Thuan. Hist, lib. J.
160 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
both sides were slain. At length the Spaniards, who held the
fortresses, prevaihng, and beating down their houses with their
great guns, the tumult was appeased, and the principal were
punished, part ^vith death, and part with banishment. How-
ever,* the Viceroy gave over the attempt of introducing the
Inquisition, not so much for fear of a new tumult, as at the
intercession of the Pope and Cardinals, who opposed the In-
quisition, as not being subject to their court. And because the
Spaniards have been determined to bring in the Inquisition to
Naples subject to their supreme council, and the court of Rome
equally determined to oppose these attempts of the Spaniards;
hence it is that the kingdom of Naples is to this day free from
this intolerable yoke : and therefore, if any matters of faith are
to be judged there, it is done either by the bishop, or some
other prelate appointed by the court of Rome, who neverthe-
less dares not begin the affair without leave first obtained from
the Viceroy.
^-^V^V^'WW^^
CHAP. XXVII.
Of the Inciuisition in Sicily, Sardinia and Milan.
THE Inquisition had been long before brought into Sicily.*
Paramus gives us a privilege of king Alphonsus, in the year
1452, in which mention is made of Friar Henry Lugardi, a
predicant of Palermo, and inquisitor of heretical pravity in
that kingdom ; by which he confirmed the privilege given to
him by the aforesaid inquisitor, which Frederic the emperor had
granted to the Inquisition in Sicily, at Palermo, in the year
1224. By this privilege Frederic is said to have ordained,
'' That one third part only of the confiscated goods should be
appropriated to the treasury ; a third part reserved to the
apostolic see, and the other third, without any contradiction,
assigned to the inquisitors, that the spiritual husbandman may
* Paulus Serv. de Inquis. Venet. '' Lib. 2. t. 2. cap. 11. n= 8
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 161
not be defrauded of his reward, nor so wholesome an Inquisi-'
tion come to nothing through want of necessaries to support it.
This privilege v.as afterwards confirmed by Ferdinand and
Elizabeth, A. D. 1477, at Seville, wlio took the title of king
and queen of Sicily, though John, king of Aragon, and father
of Ferdinand, was yet alive. This Inquisition the emperor
Charles V. favoured with many privileges; the patents for
which, Paramus gives us in a long catalogue.
The Inquisition was much opposed in its first introduction,
as at the town of St. Mark, and at Palermo, where it was
resisted by force and tumult. At length however, it prevailed
so far, that the most noble persons considered it an honour
to execute its office ; and it was introduced into Majorca, Mi-
norca, Sardinia, and Milan, where its power surmounted the
strenuous opposition of the oppressed inhabitants.
CHAP. XXVIII.
The return of the Inquisition into Germany and France, at the
time of the Reformation.
WHEN Luther courageously attempted the reformation of
the church, and severely censured the various and intolerable
abuses of the church of Rome, persevering with great constancy
in the work he had undertaken, in spite of threatnings, anathe-
ma''s, and the papal thunders ; and when Zuinglius Oecolam-
padius, and others in Switserland, and elsewhere, opposed the
growing superstition, and propagated the reformation with
great success in many places and countries ; the Pope, to put a
stop to the course of their preaching did not only continually
stir up the emperor, the kings and princes against Luther, and
all who opposed the doctrines of the church of Rome, but
restored also the Inquisition in many places, which had grown
into decay in several countries, either through the cruelty of
the inquisitors, or the want of heretics to proceed against, and
commanded it to proceed with great severity and rigour against
162 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
what they called the new heresies. So that now the authority
of the inquisitors was increased in Germany, and many were
condemned for heresy by the sentence of that holy tribunal,
and being delivered over to the secular magistrate, were burned
to death.*
From Germany that bloody tribunal was soon brought into
the neighbouring kingdom of France, where it had dropped of
itself, for want of heresies to proceed against. Antonius a
Prato, Presbyter cardinal, by the title of St. Anastasia, arch-
bishop of Sens, primate and chancellor of France, held a pro-
vincial council,'' in which, after he had condemned the doctrine
of Luther, Melancthon, Zuinglius, Oecolampadius and their
followers, he published a general decree, by which he declares
and renews all the ancient canons of the Lateran council
against heretics, their favourers and defenders, persons sus-
pected of heresy, and relapsed, as they are extant in the
decretals, and sometimes guards them by annexing a punish-
ment.
The laws used in the tribunal of the Inquisition were now
renewed ; and it appears that about this time the Inquisition was
again brought into France. For Francis I. chose inquisitors
of the faith from the Predicant friars. For in the orders of
that prince, *= there is a writ bearing date May 30, 1536, by
which he appoints Matthew Orry, D. D. a Predicant friar,
inquisitor of the faith.*^ Ribadineira also relates in the Hfe of
Ignatius Loyola,* and John Peter Maffeius, in his hfe of the
same Loyola, ^ that about this time he was accused before
a The emperor Charles V. pablished an edict, in which all the penalties of
high treason were pronounced against those, who should be found guilty of
holding any of Luther's tenets, or of republishing, or vending any books
written by him or his followers. In the execution of this edict, which
Charles from time to time renewed, all the fury of persecution was exercised,
and it is affirmed by several contemporary historians, that during the reign
of Charles, fifty thousand persons were put to death on account of their reli-
gious principles j these principles however, far from being extirpated, were
more and more diffused, in the midst of those severities which were employ-
ed to suppress them. — Watson's Philip ii. v. i. 101.
^ February, 1528. Bzovius, A. 1528. sect. 41. « Fol. 408.
* Du Caoge in voce Inquisitio. * Book ii. chap. ii. and xiv-
' L. 1. cap. 20. p. 315.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 168
Michael Orry, a Dominican divine, and inquisitor of the faith at
Paris, and by him acquitted. There is also extant in the second
volume a like writ of king Francis,^ by which authority is granted
to Josepli Corregie, a doctor of the same order, to execute the
office of inquisitor of the faith throughout the whole kingdom.
In the third volume,*" there is a royal statute, bearing date July
23, 1543, by which power is granted to the ecclesiastical judges
and inquisitors of the faith, to make Inquisition against luthe-
rans and heretics, provided that Laics, and such who had not
received holy orders, should be referred to the ordinary judges.
There is also another statute of Henry II. dated at St. Ger-
main en Laye,*= by which the edict of Francis I. is recalled, and
Matthew Orry, inquisitor of the faith, delivered from the trou-
ble of communicating to the supreme courts, the Baillives and
Seneschals, such actions as he brought against heretics, provided
he communicated them to the ordinary diocesans or their vicars.
At the same time that power was confirmed to him, by which
he was authorised to recover to a sound mind, either by instruc-
tion or admonition, such as erred from the faith, of granting
pardon and mercy to the penitent, and of punishing and cor-
recting the obstinate. This statute was inserted into the acts
of parliament, with this condition added, that the said Inquisi-
tors, in all privileged cases, should share the process with the
royal judges. (Father Paul, in his history of the council of
Trent,'' mentions Anthony Demohares, inquisitor of the faith ;*
speaks of other inquisitors in France. And Thuanus, in his
history,^ says, that in the year 1551,^ there was a royal law
rehearsed in the senate, concerning the power and office of
Matthew Orry, inquisitor of heretical pravity.)
How long the Inquisition continued in France, and how and
when it ended, I cannot exactly affirm. I am apt to think,
that when liberty of religion was granted by the royal edicts to
dissenters from the church of Rome, that tribunal immediately
ceased of itself.
* Fol. 247. dated April 10, 1540. ^ tol 482. -^ June 22, 1550.
• B. 5. p. 484, and 487. * And p. 494. * B. 8. p. 377
« 19ih Cal. Fcbr.
M ^
164 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
CHAP. XXIX.
Six Cardinals appointed at Rome Inquisitors GeneraL
IN the early periods of the Inquisition it had been usual to
refer difficulties to the Pope himself; in order to avoid the
inconvenience resulting from this, Urban IV. in the year 1265,
created Ursarius inquisitor general ; this office was continued
with some accidental intermission, till the ever memorable days
of Luther.
The doctrines taught by that enlightened man, were so
rapidly disseminated in Italy, as well as Germany, as to cause
considerable alarm at Rome. Clement VII. ordered that the
utmost rigour should be used against persons who professed
those doctrines ; but as their numbers continued to increase,
and as the conduct of the Lutherans exhibited a remarkable
degree of constancy, of patience and of determined courage,
Paul III. was prevailed on in 1542, to appoint six cardinals,
with full powers, inquisitors general.
Pius V. in order to establish the power of these inquisitors
general, and that neither prince nor people might be able to
resist their authority, commanded in a constitution 1566, that
the princes, judges, and ministers of justice, should at all times
submit and yield obedience to their commands.
To these cardinals, for the furtherance of their office, was
added a commissary general, who must always be a Dominican
and an assessor general, besides whom the master of the sacred
palace attends their dehberations.
This officer has the power of prohibiting books, and posses-
ses the following privileges ; to reside in the apostolic palace
on a salary from the pope ; to sit in the chapel near his holi-
ness* feet ; to examine, prohibit, or approve all books intended
to be printed ; or sermons to be preached before the Pope ; to
attend aU the sittings of the cardinals inquisitors;* to pronounce
a sentence from which there shall be no appeal, and to receive
the title of most reverend.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 165
The supreme inquisitors are also attended by an advocate,
Fiscal and several counsellors, prelates and regulars.
There are three congregations of these inquisitors general
of the holy office in every week. The first on Monday at the
Inquisition house, which is attended by all the officers, who
take their places with scrupulous attention to precedency.
The second congregation on Wednesday, and the third on
Thursday, in the presence of the Pope, when he decides on, or
confirms the votes of the counsellors or cardinals. It is
customary for the pope to use a prayer at this assembly, a ser-
vice performed at the ordinary congregations by the oldest
inquisitor, and during the stay of his holiness, none are per-
mitted to it beside the cardinals.
CHAP. XXX.
Of the Inquisition in Spain against Heretics.
THE tribunal of the Inquisition in Spain, at first erected to
discover Jews and Moors, now began to proceed against heretics,
and exercised the same cruelty against these, as they had
hitherto against the others. Charles V. ^ king of Spain, who with
* Worn out by the cares, the activity, and the turbulence of an aspiring
reign, Charles resigned in 1555-6 his crown to Philip, and sought, in the se-
clusion of a monastry, that happiness, which, if his pursuits had ever afford-
ed, they had nov/ ceased to yield. In his retirement, however, it was not
his to enjoy tlie tender reciprocities of filial and parental ati'ection, for he was
stung by the ingratitude of the son, on whom he had bestowed his possessions
and his government, v\ho treated liim with cold neglect, and even suffered
the payment of his pension to be interrupted. This, together with the
infirmities of a worn out body, contributed to heighten the natural antipathies
of age, and if the recollection of the sufferings he had causf d on the score of
religion did ^?ot embitter his declining hours, he was at least compelled to
acknowledge the impolicy of his former actions. Having amused himself
with the construction of clocks and watches, he thence remarked how impos-
sible it was, that he, who never could frame two machines that would go
exactly alike, could ever be able to make all mankind concur in the same
belief and opinion. Having buried in the seclusion of this convent all his
m3
166 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
great difficulty had brought the Inquisition into the Nether-
lands against the Lutherans and Reformed, recommended it to
liis son Philip in his will. We have the clause of the will given
us by Caesar Carena, from Lewis Paramus, in his treatise of the
schemes of glory and ambition, he seldom enquired, or even snfFered his do-
mestics to inform him, concerning what was passing in the world. In this
retreat his occupations were wholly of a domestic kind, wliilst disencumbered
of the weight, as well as of the ceremonies of royalty, he endeavoured to
taste the sweets of social iuterconrse. Here it was, that he who through
life had exhibited his fondness for superstitious follies, performed an act
which justly claims pre-eminence. ** He resolved to celoijiate his own
obsequies before his death. He ordered his tomb to be erected in the chapel
of the monastery; his domestics marched thither in funeral procession, with
black tapers in their hands; he himself followed in his shroud; he was laid
in his coffin with much solemnity ; the service for the dead was chanted, and
Charles joined in the prayers that were offered up for the rest of his soul,
mingling his tears with those which his attendants shed, as if they had been
celebrating a real funeral; the ceremony closed with sprinkling holy water
on the coffin in the usual form, and all the assistants retiring, the doors of the
chapel were shut. Then Charles rose out of the coffin, and withdrew to his
apartment, full of those awful sentiments, which such a singular solemnity
was calculated to inspire -, but either the fatiguing length of the ceremony,
or the impression which the image of death left on his mind, affected him so
much, that next day he was seized with a fever ; his feeble frame could not
long resist its violence, and he expired on the twenty first of September, after
a life of fifty eight year, six months and twenty five days." " Charles had,
very early in the beginning of his reign, found the difficulty of governing
such distant dominions, and he had made his brother Ferdinand be elected
king of the Romans, with a view to his inheriting the imperial dignity, as
well as his German dominions. Bat having afterwards enlarged his scheme!),
and formed plans of aggrandizing his family, he regretted that he must dis-
member such considerable states, and he endeavoured to engage Ferdinand
by the most tempting offers and most earnest solicitations, to yield up his
pretensions in favour of Philip. Finding his attempts fruitless, he had
resigned the imperial crown with his other dignities, and Ferdinand accord-
ing to common form, applied to the Pope for his coronation. The arrogant
pontiff refused the demand and pretended, that though on the death of an
emperor he was obliged to crown the prince elected, yet, in the case of a re-
signation the right devolved to the holy see, and it belonged to the Pope
alone to appoint an emperor. The conduct of Paul was in every thing con-
formable to these lofty pretensions. He thundered always in the ears of all
ambassadors, that he stood in no need of the assistance of any prince, that he
Vf&s above all potentates of the earth, that he>ould not accustom monarchs
to pretend to a familiarity, or equality with him, that it belonged to him to
•Iter and regulate kingdoms, that he was successor of those who had deposed
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 167
office of the most holy Inquisition,* in which the emperor thus
speaks : " Out of regard to my duty to Almighty God, and
from my great affection to the most serene prince Phihp II. my
dearest son, and from the strong and earnest desire I have, that
he may be safe under the protection of virtue, rather than the
greatness of his riches, I charge him with the greatest affection
of soul, that he take especial care of all things relating to the
honour and glory of God, as becomes the most Cartholic king,
and a prince zealous for the divine commands ; and that he be
always obedient to the commands of our holy mother the
church. And, amongst other things, this 1 principally and
most ardently recommend to him, highly to honour and con-
stantly support the office of the holy Inquisition, as constituted
by God against heretical pravity, with its ministers and officials,
because by this single remedy the most grievous offences against
God can be remedied. Also I command him, that he would
be careful to preserve to all churches and ecclesiastical persons
their immunities.*' And again in his codicil to his will he thus
enjoins his son. "I ardently desire, and with the greatest pos-
sible earnestness beseech him, and command him by his regards
to me his most affectionate father, that in this matter, in which
the welfare of all Spain is concerned, he be most zealously care-
ful, to punish all infected with heresy with the severity due to
their crimes, and that to this intent, he confer the greatest ho-
nours on the office of the holy Inquisition, by the care of which
the Catholic faith will be encreased in his kingdoms, and the
Christian religion preserved."
Philip gave full proof of his zeal to execute his father's
commands. •» For as Famianus Strada testifies of him, when he
kini^s and emperors, and that rather than suhniit to any thing ijelow his dig-
nity, he wonld set fire to the four corners of the world ; he went so far, as at
table in the presence of many persons, and even openly, in a public consis-
tory to say, that he would not admit any kings for his companions, they were
all his subjects, and he wonld hold them tinder tliese feet, so savin;;:, he stamp-
ed on the ground with his old and infirm limbs, for he was now past fourscore
years of age."— Vide Watson's Philip II. vol. i. 24 aiid 101. Robertson'*
Charles V. vol. iv. 254. Hume's England, vol. iv. 426.
a Praelud. sect. 62. , b De Bel. Dec. 1. 1. 3.
168 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
was solicited to grant religious liberty to the low countries, he'
prostrated himself before a crucifix, and uttered these words :
" I beseech the Divine Majesty, that I may never suffer myself
to be, or to be called, the lord of those any where who deny
thee the Lord !"
In pursuance of these pious intentions, he gave some horrid
specimens of cruelty, in the year 1559. Before this it had been
usual, as Thaunus relates, to dehver one or more convicted of
heresy to death, but now a collection was made of those unhappy
persons, when they were brought forth before Philip in great
pomp for punishment.
The first act of faith was at Seville, on the 8th of October; in
which John Pontius of Leon, son of Roderic Pontius, Earl of
Villalon, was led before the others, as in triumph, and burned
for an obstinate heretical Lutheran. John Consalvus, a
preacher, as he had been his companion in life, was forced to
bear him company in his death ; after whom followed Isabella
Vaenia, Maria Viroesia, Cornelia, and Bohorquia ; a spectacle
full of pity and indignation, which was increased, because Bo-
horquia, the youngest of all of them, being scarce twenty, suf-
fered death with the greatest constancy. And because the he-
retical assemblies had prayed in the house of Vaenia, it was in-
cluded in her sentence, and ordered to be levelled with the
ground. After these came forth Ferdinand a Fano Johannis,
and Julian Ferdinand, commonly called the Little, from his
small stature, and John of Leon, who had been a shoemaker at
Mexico, in New Spain, and was afterwards admitted into the
college of St. Isadore, in which his companions studied, as they
boasted, the > purer doctrine privately. Their number was in-
creased by Frances Chavesia, a nun of the convent of St. Eliza-
beth, who had been instructed by John ^gidius, a preacher at
Seville, and suffered death with great constancy. From the
same school came out Christopher Losada, a physician, and
Christopher Aurellianus, a monk of St. Isidore, and Garsias
Alias, who first kindled those sparks of the same religion
amongst the friars of St. Isidore, by his constant admonitions
and sermons, by which the great pile was afterwards set on fire,
and the convent itself, and good part of that most opulent city.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 169
was also consumed. He was a man of uncommon learning,
but of an inconstant wavering temper ; and being exceeding
subtle in disputing, he refuted the very doc trines he had per-
suaded his followers to receive, though he brought them into
danger on that account from the inquisitors. Having by these
arts exposed many, whom he had deceived, to evident hazard,
and rendered himself guilty of the detestable crime of breach
of faith ; he was admonished by John ^Egidius, Constan-
tine Pontius, and Varquius, that he had not dealt sincerely
with his friends, and those who were in the same sentiments
\nth himself; to which he rephed, that he foresaw, that in a
httle time, they would be forced to behold the bulls brought
forth for a lofty spectacle ; meaning thereby the theatre of the
inquisitors. Constantine answer'd, " You, if it please God,
shall not behold the games from on high, but be yourself
among; the combatants. Nor was Constantine deceived in his
prediction. For afterwards Arias was called on ; and whether
age had made him bolder, or whether, by a sudden alteration,
his timorousness changed into courage, he severely rebuked the
assessors of the inquisitory tribunal, affirming they were more
fit for the vile office of mule-keepers, than impudently to take
upon themselves to judge concerning the faith, which they
were scandalously ignorant of."' He farther declared, that he
bitterly repented, that he had knowingly and willingly opposed,
in theur presence, that truth he now maintained, against the
pious defenders of it, and that from his soul he should repent
of it whilst he lived. So at last, being led in triumph, he was
burned ahve, and confirmed Constantine's prophecy. There
remained JEgidius and Constantine, who closed the scene, but
death prevented their being alive at the shew. iEgidius having
been designed by the emperor, Philip's father, for bishop of
Drossen, upon the fame and piety of his learning, being sum-
moned, publicly recanted his error, wTOught on either by craft,
or the persuasion of Sotus, a Dominican ; and hereupon was
suspended for a while from preaching, and the sacred office, and
died some time before this act. The inquisitors thought he
had been too gently dealt with, and therefore proceeded against
his body, and condemned him dead to deaths and placed his
170 HTSTOIiY OF THE INQUISITION.
effigy in straw on liigh for a spectacle. Constantine, who
had been a long while the emperor's confessor, and had always
accompanied him in his retirement, after his abdication from
his empire and kingdoms, and was present with him at his
death, was brought before this tribunal, and died a Uttle before
the act, in a filthy prison. But that the theatre might not want
him, his effigy was carried about in a preaching posture. —
And thus this shew, terrible in itself, which drew tears from
most who were present, when these images were brought on the
scene, excited laughter in many, and at length indignation. —
They proceeded with the same severity, the following October,
at ValladoHd, against others condemned for the same crime,
where king Philip himself being present, twenty-eight of the
chief nobihty of the country were tied to stakes and burned.
Bartholomew Caranza, archbishop of Toledo, was also ac-
cused ; who, for his learning, probity of life, and most holy
conversation was highly worthy of that dignity, and cast into
prison, and stripped of all his large revenues. His cause was
brought before Pius V. at Rome, and Gregory XIII. pro-
nounced sentence in it.^
Philip,'' not content to exercise this cruelty by land, esta-
a Bzovius, A. 1559, sect. 85.
*• A single instance of this monarch's domestic conduct, prevents surprise
at any of his public acts. His son, Don Carlos, had early discovered a de-
sire to govern, and had exhibited an intemperate ambition to be admiitcd fo
a share in his father's administration. Philip, whether from jealousy, or a
conviction of his son's unfitness for any important trust, refused to grant him
the object of his wishes. Hence Don Carlos conceived a strong aversion
against those who enjoyed bis father's confidence and their measures, and at
length formed the design of retiring to tlie Netherlands. Intelligence of this
was, by some courtiers, carried to the king, who, after having consulted with
the inquisitors of Miidiid, which he Jisu^ily did on matters of great import-
ance and difficulty, resolved to prevent the prince from putting his scheme in
execution, by depriving him of liberty. For this purpose he went into his
chamber in the middle of the night, attended by some of his privy counsellors
and guards; and, after reproaching him with his undutiful behaviour, told
hira that he had come to exercise his paternal correction and chastisement.
Then, having dismissed all his attendants, he commanded him to be clothed
in a dark coloured mourning dress, and appointed guards to watch over him,
and to confine him to his chamber. The high spirited young prince was ex-
tremely shocked at such unworthy treatment, and prayed his father and his
HISTORY OF THE IXQUISITIOX. 171
biished the Inquisition also in the ships.* For in the year 1571,
a large fleet was drawn together under the command of John
of Austria, and manned with soldiers listed out of various na-
tions. King Philip, to prevent any corruption of the faith, by
such a mixture of various nations and religrions, after having
consulted pope Pius V. deputed one of the inquisitors of Spain,
fixed on by the inquisitor-general, to discharge the office of in-
quisitor ; giving him power to preside in all tribunals, and to
celebrate acts of faith, in all places and cities they sailed to.
This erection of the Inquisition by sea, Pius V. confirmed by
a bull sent to the general inquisitor of Spain, beoqnning, " Our
late most dear son in Christ. '^ Jerome Manrique exercised the
jurisdiction granted him, and held a public act of faith in the
cit}^ of Messina, in which many underwent divers punish-
ments.
Philip also established the inquisition beyond Europe, not only
in the Canary Islands, but in the new world of America ; con-
stituting two tribunals, one in the city of Lima, in the province of
Peru, the other in the province and city of Mexico. The In-
quisition at Mexico was erected in the year 1571,** and in a
short space gave large proofs of its cruelty. Paramus relates,
that in the year 1574, the third after its erection, the first act
of faith was celebrated with a new and admirable pomp, in the
marquis's market-place, where they built a large theatre, which
covered almost the whole area of the market-place, and was
close to the great chiu'ch, where were present the viceroy, the
senate, the chapter, and the religious. The viceroy, the senate,
and a vast number of others, went with a large guard, in solemn
attendants, to put animmrdiate end to his life. Animated by the most mise-
rable rage and despair, he endeavoured to procure death himself, i)y falling
on the fire, abstaining; from food, or sw illowing it nnbroken, with the design
of suffocation. Several princes interctded for his release, as did many of
the principal Spdnisli noblfs. But the father was relentless and inexorable.
After six month's imprisonment, he ransed tlie Inquisition of Madrid to pass
sentence against his sDn ; and under the rover of that sentence, ordered
poison to be given to him, wliirh in a few hours, put a period to his misera-
ble Hfe, at the age of twenty-thne. Watson's Philip II. v. i. 306.
• Param. 1. 2. tit. 2. cap. 14. '^ Ibid. cap. il.
172 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
procession, to the market-place, where were about eighty peni-
tents ; and the act lasted from six in the morning, to five in the
evening. Two heretics, one an Englishman, the other a
Frenchman, were released. Some for Judaising, some for po-
lygamy, and others for sorceries, were reconciled. The solem-
nity of this act was such, that they who had seen that stately
one at Valladohd, held in the year 1559, declared that this was
nothing inferior to it in majesty, excepting only that they
wanted those royal personage^ here, which were present there.
From this time, they celebrated yearly solemn acts of the faith,
where they brought Portuguese Jews, persons guilty of inces-
tuous and wicked marriages, and many convicted of sorcery
and witchcraft.
CHAP. XXXI.
Of the Inquisition in the Low Countries.
THE Inquisition was introduced into the Low Countries in
the year 1522, and Francis Hulstus, and Nicolas Egmondanus,
a Carmelite friar, were appointed inquisitors, of whom Eras-
mus thus writes* to John Carondilet, archbishop of Palermo, in
the year 1524 : — " And now the sword is given to two vio-
lent haters of good learning, Hulstus and Egmondanus, &c.
If they have a spite against any man, they throw him into
prison ; here the matter is transacted between a few, and the
innocent suffers barbarous usage, that they may not lose any
thing of their authority ; and when they find they have done
entirely wrong, they cry out, ' We must take care of the faith.' *"
In the same year he writes to Bilibaldus Pirkheimerus : ^ —
" There (viz. in the country of Erasmus) reigns Egmondanus,
a furious person, armed with the sword, who hates me twice
more than he doth Luther. His colleague is Francis Hulst, a
great enemy of learning. They first throw men into prison^
• Epist. lib. 21. *> Epist. lib. 30.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 173
and then seek out for crimes to accuse them of. I'hese things
the emperor is ignorant of, though it would be worth his while
to know them."' A great many were miserably used, and bar-
barously slain thrpugh their cruelty.
But in the year 1549, Charles, created emperor, endeavoured
to bring the Inquisition more openly into the Netherlands, after
the manner of that in Spain, by an edict against heresy and
heretics ; in which he commands all who had the adininistra-
tion of justice, and their officials^ when required by the inqui-
sitors, and at the joint request of the ordinaries or bishops, to
proceed against any one in the affair of heresy, to give them
their utmost assistance and countenance, and to help them in
the execution of their office, and in apprehending and detaining
those whom they should discover to be infected with heretical
pravity, according to the instructions which the aforesaid in-
quisitors had received from him. In the conclusion it is added,
that they should proceed against transgressors by execution,
whatever privileges had been before granted contrary td this
decree. This edict occasioned great disturbances, especially at
Antwerp, where, when it was known for certain, and that it was
soon to be published, a great number of merchants determined
to go into other places.^ As this would occasion great loss to
the city, and ruin their trade, the magistrates called together
the chief merchants, and citizens, and enquired what loss the
city had already sustained through fear of the Inquisition, and
what farther damage it might suffer, if the Inquisition should
be actually introduced. This was fairly drawn out in writing ;
and the magistrates presented it to Queen J\Iary, sister of
Charles V. then governess of the Netherlands; and largely
shewed, by many arguments taken from the edict, the instruc-
tions of the inquisitors, and the privileges of Brabant, how
many evils threatened the city and the whole country ; and
besought her that she would intercede with the emperor, her
brother, that so rich and flourishing a city might not be ruined
by the Inquisition, from which, as Avell as from all ecclesiasti-
cal jurisdiction, it had hitlierto been free, and ought ever to
» Weseubec. dc stat.rel. iu Belg. p. 20.
174 HrSTORY OF THE INaUISITION.
remain so, according to their privileges. The several orders
of Brabant joined themselves to those of Antwerp, and by their
reasons and prayers, the queen was so moved, that she went
to her brother at Augsburg, and obtained another edict, allow-
ing the ecclesiastical judges a power of demanding some person
from the supreme courts of the emperor, to be joined with
them, when they proceeded against any one for the crime of
heresy. As to the rest of the former decree, there was no
abatement. It was received with great difficulty and reluct-
ance, and pubhshed at Antwerp with this protestation, that
this edict should derogate nothing from their privileges and
statutes.
But notwithstanding this declaration of the magistrates, the
inhabitants could not be at ease, such was their dread of the
cruelty of the inquisitors; especially because they saw, that
those who were privately commissioned by the pope and the
emperor to be inquisitors, acted as such themselves, as well as
by their commissaries, in several provinces and cities. For se-
veral were condemned for heresy ^by them, in many cities, and
beheaded, hanged, or burned, or tied up in sacks and drowned.
The states, in vain, humbly besought the king to be deUvered
from so grievous a bondage. He was deaf to all their prayers,
and determined to lose his dominions, rather than suffer them
to be infected with heresy. This occasioned still greater dis-
turbances ; and as the cruelty of the inquisitors every day in-
creased, they broke out at length into an open revolt. The
common people threw down the images from the temples, and
committed other violences ; on which the king, that he might
have some shew of justice to conquer the Low Countries, and
make laws according to his absolute will, demanded the judg-
ment of the supreme office of the Inquisition in Spain, con-
cerning these revolters. After they had seen the several in-
formations and proofs, transmitted to them by the inferior
inquisitors, they declared all the inhabitants of the Low Coun-
tries, those only excepted whose names were sent to them,
heretics and favourers of heretics, and guilty of high treason,
either for what they had done, or omitted to do. The king
having received this answer, sent the Duke of Alva, with a
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 175
great army, into the Netherlands ; who, as he was a cruel and
bloody man, entered the country \\dth his forces, and meeting
no resistance, acted every where with the most outrageous fury.
One might have seen throughout all their cities, old men and
young, women and girls, without any distinction of dignity,
age or sex, suffering by the sword, gallows, fire, and other
punishments; till at length the miserable nation, warmed with
the remembrance of their former freedom, took courage and
arms ; and after they had recovered their liberty, drove out
the Inquisition from the whole country.
END OF BOOK 1.
HISTORY
OF THE
fc^ttt^Mtoui
BOOK II.
CHAP. I.
Of the Ministers of the iNauisiTioN in General.
J. HITS far we have described the origin of the Inquisition,
and its introduction into several kingdoms and countries.
There are three things yet remaining to be treated of. First,
The ministers of the inquisition, as well the inquisitors them-
selves, as others who serve them in the holy office, together
with their duties and offices. Secondly, The crimes subject
to the cognizance <A this tribunal ; by what ways guilt may
be contracted ; and what punishments are annexed to the se-
veral offi^nces. Thirdly, What is the manner of process ob-
served before the tribunal of the inquisition. These shall be
considered in three several books.
As to the first of these we need not repeat what hath been
already said in the former book concerning the cardinals, in-
quisitors general in all Christian countries, and of the supreme
council of the inquisition in the kingdoms of Spain and Portu-
gal. I shall speak only of the inquisitors and those who serve
them. For although the erection of those councils liath intro-
duced no small change in the office of the inquisition, yet it
respects rather the manner of process, than the officers of the
inquisition ; which therefore I shall afterwards endeavour to
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 177
explain according to the best assistance I can gather from those
authors who have written on the subject.
The offices in the Spanish and Portuguese inquisition are
somewhat different from what they were anciently, and from
those of the Italian inquisition to this day. And because these
two inquisitions are now the principal and most famous ones,
wherein they differ from other inquisitions, I shall carefully de-
scribe, and give an account of the several offices in them, as
they are delivered by the Spanish doctors.
Simancas gives us this account of the ministers of the Spanish
inquisition.* " In every province of Spain there ought to be
two or three inquisitors, one judge of the forfeited effects, one
executor, three notaries, two for secrecy, and the third for se-
questrations, one keeper of the prison, one messenger, one
door-keeper, and one physician. Besides these, assessors, skil-
ful counsellors, familiars and others are necessary." In Italy
they call them cross-bearers, of pretty near the same office with
the Spanish familiars. Besides these, there is a promoter fiscal,
a receiver of the forfeited effects ; and finally, visitors of the
inquisitors. Of these in their order.
fc'»^W%'»^
CHAP. II.
Of the Inquisitors.
IN the church of Rome there are two sorts of judges in the
affair of the faith : the ordinaries, such as the pope, and bishops
of places, who, when ordained or consecrated, are beheved to
receive, by divine right, power and jurisdiction over heretics: ^
and delegates, to whom the office of judging heretics is parti-
cularly given by the pope, who are called inquisitors by the
laws. Apostolic inquisitors are therefore judges delegated by
the pope, who is believed to be the supreme judge of the faith,
» De Cathol. Inst tit. 41. sect. 3. l» Eymeric. Diittt p. 3. q. 1.
178 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
who grants them full jurisdiction against all heretics and apos-
tates. And they are delegated for all causes.
No one can be thus deputed to this office who is not forty
yeai*s old. " We ordain by the approbation of this holy
council, that no person under forty years old, shall from this
time be admitted to the office of the inquisition." ^ But because
knowledge and prudence sometimes supply the defect of age,
it is determined by a general decree of the pope, that a person
of thirty years old may be apostolic inquisitor in Spain and
Portugal.*' Even in this age the congregation of cardinals
created Baptist a Martinengo, inquisitor at Cremona, who was
very little above thirty. It is also the custom to choose inqui-
sitors for cities, not out of the citizens, but from foreigners.
These inquisitors'^ receive power to execute this office from
the pope, who sometimes immediately appoints them by word
of mouth, sometimes by his apostolic letters. Thus in the
letters of Clement, beginning, " Licet ex omnibus mundi par-
tibus,**' >vritten to the inquisitors ; we read, " That the office
of the inquisition against heretics may be more eiFectually dis-
charged, we command your discretion by our apostolic writ-
ings, enjoining you, by the remission of your sins, to execute
the aforesaid office, which we commit to you by our apostolic
authority, in the love of God, and without any fears of men,
» Clement, cap. Nolentes. de haeret. b Carena, p- 1. tit. 5. n. 18. q. 3.
c Each of the inquisitors hath the title of Lord, and are a great terror to
the neighbouring peasants ; certain it is, that by this means the people
of Spain are so kept' under that they dare not hearken after any other
religion than what their priests and friars shall be pleased to teach them, or
entertain the truth if it comes amongst thetn, or call in question any of those
palpable and gross impostures which every day are put upon them, for by
this means the people of this kingdom have been, and still are punctual fol-
lowers, of the church of Rome, and that too in the very errors and corrup-
tions of it, taking up their religion on the pope's authority, and therein so
tenacious or pertenacious that the king doth suffer none to live in his domi-
nions which profess not the Roman catholic religion, of which they have
been since the time of Luther such avowed patrons, that one of the late
popes being sick, and hearing divers persons bemoan his approaching end,
uttered words to this effect ; *' My life can nothing benefit the church, but
pray for the prosperity of the king of Spain as its chief support."— Dugdale'ft
Spanish Inquisition, 1680.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 179
putting on the spirit of strength from on high." Sometimes he
commits it to a cardinal or legate.
Heretofore the pope ordinarily granted it to the master, and
provincial priors of the predicants ; to the general and provin-
cials of the Minorites, that they should take care to provide in
quisitors of the friars of their order, for the places assigned to
them, as we find it in their privileges, and as appears from
many rescripts of the popes, particularly Innocent, Clement,
and Alexander IV., which begin, " Licet ex omnibus." We
firmly charge and command your discretion, by these apostblic
writings, that with the advice of some discreet friars of your
order, you choose eight of the said order, fit for your province,
to perform this work of the Lord ; and that you strictly charge
them, in virtue of their holy obedience, by the apostolic au-
thority ^ that they execute the office of the inquisition, &c."
And they give this reason, because they are presumed to have
greater knowledge of their owti friars, and can therefore more
easily judge who are the most proper to be advanced to so high
an office. But at this time the apostolic inquisitors throughout
Italy are not chosen by the prelates of the aforesaid orders, but
either immediately by the pope, or by a brief, as the inquisitor
at Milan and Grenoa are chosen ; or by letters patents from
the cardinals, inquisitors general over the whole Christian
world. In Spain the president of the inquisition appoints the
inquisitors.
And as the power of the inquisitor depends on the pope,^ so
no one can be removed from this office, but by the pope alone,
and those to whom his holiness commits this power. Formerly
he granted the power to the general and provincial masters of
the orders, as appears from these letters of Innocent.
" Innocent,^ bishop, servant of the servants of God, to our
venerable brother John, bishop, formerly master of Bosmo,
and to our beloved sons, the friars of the Order of Predicants,
health and apostolic benediction. Being continuaUy refreshed
with the sweet savour of your order, we deservedly bear an
especial favour towards it, with full desire wishing its advance-
- Carei.a, p. I. tit. 5. q. 9. b Bzovius, A- 15Mj. sect. 12. n. 10.
N 2
ISO HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION.
merit, and endeavouring with our most diligent care to pro-
cure for it peace and other blessings, by which it may obtain
through the Lord the desired increase. For this reason we
have yielded to your request, that you, brother John, bishop
and master, and your successors, the friars of your order, who
are or shall be deputed by the apostolic see to preach the cross,
or to enquire against heretical pravity, or any other such affairs,
may lawfully and freely set aside, or recal, quite remove and
enjoin them to forbear, and substitute others in their room, as
shall seem expedient to you, and exercise the ecclesiastical cen-
sure against all contraveners. And by authority of these pre-
sent, we grant, that every provincial prior of the same order
may act in like manner in his province, as to the friars of the
said order, to whom this affair may happen to be committed by
the same see.''— Dated at Lyons, June Id. 5. and 3d of our
Pontificate.
But now the cardinals, inquisitors general in Christendom,
remove and change, and translate them from one place to an-
other, as they think convenient.
The popes were greatly desirous that this office should be
free from all obstruction ;^ and, therefore, as one very obvious
difficulty might arise from the prelates of the several orders,
if such as were created regular inquisitors should be forced to
obey their prelates in their office, therefore the popes exempted
them as to this affair from their jurisdiction, as appears from a
bull of Clement IV. beginning " Catholicae Fidei." Although
the master and minister generals, and other priors and provin-
cials, and the keepers or guardians of any places of your orders,
under pretence of any privileges or indulgences of the same
see, granted, or hereafter to be granted to the said orders, shall
enjoin, or any ways command you, or any one or more of you,
to supersede this affair for a time, or as to any certain articles
or persons ; we strictly prohibit all and singular of you, by our
apostolic authority, from presuming to obey, or in any manner
to regard them in this matter. For by the tenour of these
present, we recal all such privileges and indulgences relating
to this article, and decree that all sentences of excommunication,
* Eymer. Direct. Par. 6. Qu. 11.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 181
interdict, and suspension, that may be pronounced against you,
or any of you upon this occasion, shall be altogether null and
void." So that in the office of the inquisition they are by no
means subject to their superiors,* but only to the pope ; inso-
much that if an inquisitor should unjustly prosecute any one
for heresy, the person apprehended cannot appeal to the supe-
rior of that order, but only to the pope. Nor is the inqui-
sitor in any manner bound to obey the superior of his order,
interrogating him on any affairs relating to his office, but the
pope alone, whom he immediately represents.
And least the superiors of orders should claim to themselves
any power over the inquisitors, by reason of their inquisitorial
office. Urban IV. wrote to the inquisitors in privilege of the
Catholic faith. " For if the aforesaid see hath sometimes com-
mitted by their letters, under a certain form, to some prelates
of your order, a power to choose certain friars of their orders,
to exercise the office of the inquisition against heretical pravity,
and to remove and substitute others in their room, as they
should think convenient ; as this was granted them only, be-
cause it was presumed that they had a fuller knowledge of the
fitness of such friars, so hereby no faculty, jurisdiction, or
power, is given them over any such affair committed, and to be
committed to you immediately by the aforesaid see."
This is in force only when the inquisitors are of any parti-
cular order, whether predicants or friars minor. It is now of
no use in Spain ; for, as Simancas tells us, it is found by ex-
perience, that it is much more useful and proper, that the
inquisitors should be layers, and not divines.^
In like manner the Popes ordered, that in favour of the faith
the office of the inquisitors should be perpetual, so that it was
not to cease at the death of the Pope who conferred it, although
the jurisdiction delegated to them might not have been made
use of. Thus it is ordained by Clement IV. and is to be found
in the Sext. Decret. " Least any person should be in doubt,
whether the office of the Inquisition of heretical pravity, com-
mitted by the apostolic sec under certain limitations to your
care, expires at the death of the Pope who granted it, we by
a Eynier. Direct. Part 5. qu. 12. »» Ibid. tit. 41. sect. 3.
182 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION.
this present edict declare^ tliat the said office shall last, in favour
of the faith, after the decease of him who conferred it, not only
with respect to affairs begun during the Hfe of the granter, but
as to those which are untouched, and not begun, and what is
more, even as to such as may not arise till afterwards."* For
this reason the office of particular inquisitors continues in Spain,
after the death of the inquisitor general, although they should
be delegated by him ; and the rather, because they are chosen
under this forai : "we constitute you our vicegerents till we
shall specially recall tlie commission."" In which case the juris-
diction of the delegated judge continues after the demise of him
who deputed him.**
This office is accounted of so great dignity in the church of
Rome, that the title of most reverend is given to the inquisitors
equally as to bishops, and because they are delegated by the
Pope to their jurisdiction, they are advanced to the principal
part of the episcopal office, and are therefore thought to deserve
the honour of an equal title of dignity with the bishops them-
selves.*^ From whence also they infer, that the inquisitors
ought to take place of the vicar general of the bisliop, not only
in causes of heresy, but in other acts and causes that do not be-
long to the holy office.
In Spain'' oftentimes several inquisitors are deputed together,
and whenever this happens, they take care not to create two
who are akin, in the same province, nor suffer them to have any
official for their servant, or of their household.
" If any thing hard or difficult happens in any province, the
inquisitors must refer it to the council.*
" The inquisitors sit on their tribunal six hours every day,^
and if any thing comes before them that belongs to the inquisi-
tors of another province, they refer it to them, and the messen-
gers are to be paid the expences of the journey by the inquisitors
to whom they are sent.«
a Simanc. de Catliol. Instit. tit. 34, sect. 14.
b Cap. Si delegatus, de Offic deleg. 1. 6. c Caren. p. 1. t. 5. n. 57.
; " Simanc. tit. 34, sect. 21. * Ibid. sect. 15. ^ Ibid. sect. 16.
« 4 Instruct. Tolet. cap. 28, and 3 Instruct. ValdoUt. cap. 9.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
183
" Farther,* the inquisitors are diligently to read those books
in which the testimonies against heretics are contained, that
from hence they may know tlie names and offences of the guilty
persons, and understand distinctly their several crimes. And
of this matter the visitors are particularly to enquire, and re-
port it to the inquisitor general, if the inquisitors should happen
to be negligent herein.**
" The inquisitoi-s must take special care to agree with and be
friendly to each other.^ If any difference should rise against
them, they must conceal it, and refer it to the inquisitor gene-
ral, that after he understands the matter he may compromise it,
and judge between them."'*
The office of the Inquisition ceases upon the inquisitors ad-
vancement to any dignity.' If the inquisitor, for instance, is
made a bishop, these dignities are incompatible, because both
require personal residence, and therefore the office of the inqui-
sitor ceases.
[If the inquisitors are negligent or remiss in their office, ^
the synod of Sinigagha, held A. D. 1423, hath decreed, that
they shall hereby incur the penalty of suspension from entering
into the church for the space of four years. The same synod
commands, " that in provincial or synodical councils, a proper
remedy shall be provided, besides the forementioned penalty,
against such negligent persons, according to the degree of such
fault or negligence; all privileges, exemptions, customs and sta-
tutes whatsoever to the contrary notwithstanding."" But I am
persuaded that few offend against this decree, or incur the
penaly of suspension by neghgence or lenity ; since all compas-
sion is banished from this tribunal, and since all who are
promoted to this office of inquisitor immediately divest them-
selves, I will not say of all pity only, but even of humanity
itself]
If the inquisitors offend,^ by unjustly extorting money, it
» Simanc. tit. 34, sect. 17. " 5 Instruct. Hispal. cap. 3.
« Simanc. tit. 34, sect. 18. ^ Instruct. Hispal. cap. 26.
e Carena, p. 1. t. 5. n. 102.
f Richer. Hist. Con. I. 3. c. 1. scet. 1. p. 9.
g Pcgna, io part. 3. Direct. Com. 61.
X 4i
184. HISTORY OF THE I:NQUISITI0N.
was anciently provided," that they should be punished by the
prelates of their order. " Which said prelates are bound to
remove from their offices such inquisitors and commissaries as
are found guilty, and when removed, otherwise to punish and
correct them according to their desert."" But now as the pre-
lates of the several orders neither appoint or remove inquisitors,
so neither do they punish them ; but the affair is referred to
the cardinals inquisitors general in Christendom. In Spain
the president of the Inquisition, whom they call inquisitor
major, punishes the delinquent inquisitors, which was expressly
granted him by a bull of Leo X. But however notwithstand-
ing this, the Pope can, as often as he pleases, call, cite, and
punish the inquisitors of all kingdoms at the court of Rome ;
for he is the judge of aU, and the inquisitors are delegated by
him, and because it appertains to him to take cognizance of
their causes, and punish their offences. And if any others take
cognizance of these affairs, they do it by a power derived from
the Pope, which he can resume as often as he thinks fit, and
bring the w^hole affair before himself.
When any inquisitor is to be punished for his offence, they
take care not to lessen men's opinion of the dignity and autho-
rity of the holy office by his condemnation or punishment,
which they say is more dangerous than to suffer an offender to
go unpunished ; unless it be such an offence as gives scandal,
and therefore must not be passed over with impunity. And
they alledge this reason ; that the apostolic inquisitors are both
dreaded and hated by many, and especially by wicked men ;
and therefore if they should be easily or publicly punished, the
foolish and mad people would soon be drawn by their crimes to
hate and dishonour the holy office. So that when there is a ne-
cessity to punish the inquisitors, it must be done with caution,
to prevent greater inconveniences.
However, from these laws it is very plain, that the tribunal
of the Inquisition is not so very holy and blameless, as they
would have them believe in Spain and Portugal; but the
inquisitors punish innocent men sometimes very unjustly,
throwing them into prison, and treating them in a very barbar-
& Clement, dc haeret. cap. Nolentes.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 185
pus and unworthy manner.^ Of this we have a fresh instance
in the Inquisition at Goa, in relation to Father Ephraim, a
Capuchine, whom out of mere hatred and revenge thoy seized,
by craft and subtlety, and carried away to Goa, and there shut
him up in the prison of the inquisition. The story is this :
Father Ephraim having had an invitation from some English
merchants, built a church in the city of Madrespatan, which
was near to the city of St. Thomas. To this place several of
the Portuguese came from St. Thomas's, to have the benefit of
Ephraim'^s instruction. By this he incurred the hatred of the
Portuguese; and upon some disturbance that was raised.
Father Ephraim was called to St. Thomas to appease it, where
he was seized by the officers of the Inquisition, and carried to
Goa, bound hands and feet, and at night coming from on board
the ship, hurried into the prison of the Inquisition. All men
wondered that this Capuchine should be brought prisoner before
the tribunal of the Inquisition as an heretic, who was known to
be a person of great probity and zeal for the Roman religion.
Many were concerned for his delivery, and especially Friar
Zenon of the same order, who tried every method to effect it.
When the news of his imprisonment came to Europe, persons
were very differently affected. His brother the lord Chateau
des Bois, solicited the Portugal ambassador at Paris, till he
prevailed with him to send letters to his Portuguese majesty, to
desire his preremptory orders to the inquisitors at Goa, to
dismiss Ephraim from his prison. The Pope also himself sent
letters to Goa, commanding him to be set free, under the
penalty of excommunication. The king also of Golconda, who
had a friendship for him, because he had given him some
knowledge of the mathematics, commanded the city of St.
Thomas to be besieged, and to be put to fire and sword, unless
Ephraim was immediately restored to his liberty. The inqui-
sitors not being able to surmount all these difficulties, sent him
word that the prison gates were open, and that he might have
his liberty when he pleased. But he would not leave his jail,
till he was brought out by a solenm procession of the ecclesiastics
• Taviii). Travel^, b. 1. c U.
186 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
of Goa. And although there are many instances of the Uke
injustice, yet they very seldom publicly punished the injustice
and cruelty of the inquisitors, lest their authority, which
they would have always accounted sacred, should be con-
temned.
CHAP. III.
Of the Vic Alts and Assistants of the iNauisiTioN.
WHEN the Inquisition was first appointed and delegated,*
there were no cardinals inquisitors general over Christendom,
whom they could consult by letter, and from whom receive an
answer in cases of difficulty,*' after their having first advised
with the Pope. And therefore particular inquisitors were often
forced to go to Rome, during whose absence the affairs of the
faith were at a stand.^ To prevent this inconvenience, the
inquisitor may in such a case appoint a vicar general over the
whole province, with a power of proceeding to the definitive
sentences of the impenitent and relapsed. Urban IV. in order
to remove this difficulty, A. D. 1263, created by a rescript,
beginning, Cupientes, the cardinal of St. Nicholas in carcere
Tulliano, inquisitor general, or, as it were, protector of the
inquisitors, whom particular inquisitors might consult, either
in person, or by proposing their doubts to him by letters. But
now all these inconveniences are over, since the appointment of
the cardinals inquisitors general over Christendom, whom they
may consult by letters, and to whom all princes are subject in
this affair. This is plain from the bull of Pius V. published
1566. In Spain the inquisitors of particular cities consult the
inquisitor general of those kingdoms, or president of the Inqui-
sition ; and he with those of other provinces advises with the
cardinals inquisitors general.
» Eymer. 41. ^ Ibid. 43.
* Pegiia, in Eymer. p. 486,
HISTOEY OP THE INftUISITION. 187
It is however, now the constant daily practice of all inquisi-
tors to have their vicars general, who, in their absence, may
manage the affairs of the Inquisition. These are ouiinarily
appointed by the inquisitors themselves; for the inquisitor
hath power of constituting his \Ticar or commissary, by the bull
of Clement VII. sent to Paidus Bugitella," which begins. Cum
sicut, in which we read : " Moreover we decree that you may
have authority to appoint your vicars or commissaries, persons
whom you shall judge to be circumspect, fit, and proper, pro-
vided they are full thirty years of age."
This power doth not only extend to the appointing one or
two vicars or commissaries, but several, if the diocese or pro-
vince be large, and contains several cities.'' For as the inqui-
sitor cannot be personally present at all of them, it is necessary
he should appoint commissaries in them. He must create at
least in every city one, a man prudent and learned, an old
Christian, pious, and fit for business, a rehgious peison of his
own, or some other order, or a secular clergyman, viz. one pos-
sessed of some preferment in the principal church of that city,
or a canonist, whom he verily beheves will take care of the
matters of the faith dihgently, and according to the canonical
sanctions.
This vicar general may be constituted with such full powers
by the inquisitor,^ as to be able to receive denunciations, in-
formations, or accusations, from and against any persons what-
soever, and of proceeding, and of citing, arresting, and putting
In irons, as well the witnesses as the guilty, of receiving their
confessions or depositions, and of proving them, of examining
and compelling to give evidence, and of putting to the question
and torture to force the truth from them, jointly with the lord
bishop or his vicar ; as also of imprisoning them, by way of
punishment rather than safety, of calling together and advising
with skilful men at his pleasure; and, in general, of doing every
thing which the inquisitor himself, if present, could do. Only
the inquisitor usually reserves to himself the definitive sentence
» Pcgaa, in Eymer. Qn 13. * Pcgna, Com. 63.
c Eymer. p. 3. 17.
188 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION.
of all impenitents and relapsed, although he may also commit
even this to his vicar.
The power of pronouncing sentence, however, is seldom
given to the commissary or vicar, without first consulting the
inquisitor, who in decency, is bound to defend the conduct of
his commissary. The inquisitor, however, cannot endow the
commissary with power to employ a deputy, though they some-
times appoint two commissaries to act conjointly. The vicars
can only be deprived of their authority by the inquisitor, from
whom it was received.
CHAP. IV.
(y Assessors and Counsellors necessary to tJie Office of the
Inquisition.
THE inquisitors were originally religious friars, skilful only
in divinity, but ignorant of the laws.* And, therefore, because
they might be easily deceived in a judiciary process, and so ab-
solve such as should be condemned, and condemn such as should
be absolved, they were commanded to call in skilful persons,
such as divines, canonists, and layers, to consult them, and if
there was need, to compel them to give their advice in virtue
of their obedience ; as we find it, cap. Ut commissi, sect. Ad-
vocandi. de hccret. lib. 6. " That you also call in as occasion
requires, any skilful persons to assist you, and give you pro-
per advice in passing such sentences, and enjoin them by virtue
of their obedience, that in this matter they humbly obey you."
And thus we often find it in the book of the Tholouse Inquisi-
tion, in the sentences pronounced, " We, the aforesaid bishop
and inquisitor, with the advice and counsel of many good men,
skilful as well in the canon as civil law, and of many prudent
Religious persons," &c. I do not find that their number is
a Eymer. p. 3. qu. 77. Pegna, com. 126.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 189
precisely determined by any certain law. Carena says, » that
in the congregation at Cremona, there are regularly present,
four regular divines, four secular clergymen, canonists, and
four lay counsellors; and because the inquisitor there is always
a master in divinity, they do not need so many quahficators, as
the inquisitors of Spain do, who are layers.'*
It is to be wondered at, that the office of making inquisition
against heretics, and of judging them, should be committed to
persons entirely ignorant of the law. But if we consider the
modern inquisitors, and compare them with the more ancient
ones, and judge of their ignorance by what we find of the ig-
norance of the other, it must be owned that they know nothing
either of law, or of divinity, or of any theological points. The
author of the history of the Inquisition at Goa,'' was in doubt,
whether the baptism of the breath'^ could be reconciled with
those words of our Lord,'^ " Except a man be born again of
the water and the spirit, he cannot enter into the kingdom of
heaven." The inquisitor who examined him as to his faith,
was astonished at the citing of this place, and asked where the
passage was to be found. He was equally ignorant of the ca-
non of the council of Trent, about the worship of images.*' So
that he concludes, that the ignorance of the inquisitors, in
matters of faith, exceeds all belief Father Ephraim also af-
firmed, that nothing was so troublesome to him in the prison of
the Inquisition, as the ignorance of the inquisitor and his asses-
sors, when they examined him, which was so very great, as
» P. I. tit. 8. n. 12. b Ibid. n. 35. c a. 22.
ti Baptismus flaminis is the baptism of the Holy Ghost, foiiuded on Acts i,
i. and, I suppose, so called from John xx. 22. " He breathed ou them, and
saith unto them, Receive ye the Holy Ghost,"
*= Dr.Geddes gives us a worse account of their stupidity and ignorance. The
writer of the Repertorium, printed at Venice, A. D. 1588, to shew his critical
learning, saith, the word Hareticus, according to some, is compounded oimo
and recto, because an heretic errs from what is right. According to oihers,
it is derived from eiciscor, which signifies to divide; and according to some,
it comes from adhcereo, because it is one's adhering obstinately to an error
that makes him an heretic. And with the same stock of learning it was
that another inquisitor proved, from St. Paul's words, U<ereticum decita, that
Christians were commanded to deprive heretics of their lives.
Geddea's Tracts, vol, i. p. 425.
190 HISTORY OF THE INatllSlTION.
that he verily believed not one of them had ever read the holy
scriptures. And, therefore, as the inquisitors are thus ignorant
themselves, they greatly want the advice, not only of persons
skilful in both laws, or as diey call them, of canonists and
layers, but of divines also. Such are generally called assessors
and counseDors.
They have their distinct parts. They are not all indifferently
consulted in all affairs, but each of them as to those which they
are presumed to understand. The divines are called in to
examine propositions, and explain their quahty. The layers
are consulted about the punishment or absolution of offenders,
and other merits of causes. The inquisitors generally consult
and deliberate with these skilful persons together, and not apart*
as is provided in certain letters of the Spanish counsel.
When, therefore, any question happens in the cognizance of
the causes of heresy, at the tribunal of the faith, relating to
the quality of propositions, spoken by heretics, or persons sus-
pected of heresy, the decision of that affair belongs to the di-
vines, from whence they are called Qualificators.
The inquisitors are, nevertheless, not bound to follow the
advice of the counsellors ; but after they have heard their opi-
nion, they are free to determine what they think proper : even
though it should be contrary to, or different from, the advice
so given.
In this particular, however, there is some diversity in differ-
ent countries. There is a letter of the council,* in possession
of the inquisitors of Corduba, by which this method is autho-
rized. But in the Inquisition of Valladohd, it is necessary to
refer to a council, unless a majority agree in one sentence. In
Portugal, the counsellors have a decisive vote, and are chosen
under the same conditions as the inquisitors.^
The counsellors are sworn to secresy,^ because they say se-
cresy is the principal nerve of the holy office. And if they
should at any time speak, write, or debate, of any matters affect^
ing any cause treated of by the holy office, they would thereby
» Sinianc. tit. 41. sect. 14.
^ Souza, !• 1. c. 1. sect. 14- Pegna, part 3. com. 128.
« Carena, p. 1. 1. 8. d. 65.
HISTOEY OF THE INaUISlTION. 191
incur excommunication; from which none but the cardinars
inquisitors could release them ; and if they should maliciously
reveal such things, they maybe proceeded against, as obstruc-
tors of the holy office.
It is unlawful to choose two persons to this office who are
related, as father and son, in order to prevent partiaUty or pre-
judice.
The proper place of congregation is the hall of the holy
office. Carena says, he heard from some worthy persons, that
there are letters of the inquisitors general upon this affair, com-
manding the congregation, when held before the bishop, to be
at his palace. But when the bishop will not, or cannot, be pre-
sent, they shall meet in the holy office. And that the vicar
general of the bishop must be there. And though he himself
did not see these letters, he says, this is exactly the method of
the Inquisition at Cremona.
At Rome it was the usual custom for the junior counsellors
to vote first, that the example of the elders might not mislead
him : but at Cremona this order was reversed.
*^-W»^ VV*'* 1
CHAP. V.
Oftlie PROMOTOR Fiscal.
" They usually call that officer of the Inquisition the promo-
tor fiscal, * who acts the part of the accuser. He must be an
honest, diligent, and industrious person, skilful in the law. —
He is prohibited from exercising this fiscal office in the pro-
vince where he was born, that he may not be thought to act
out of favour or hatred.
" It belongs to this office to examine the depositions of the
witnesses,^ to give information of criminals to the inquisitors, or
notice of them to the judges, and to demand their apprehen-
sion and imprisonment; £yid finally, when apprehended and
• Simanc. tit. 53, sect. 1.2. fc Ibid. sect. 3, &c.
192 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITIO:i^.
admonished, to accuse them."* In the holy offioe in Spain,
the fiscals do not form their accusation against the criminal,
till the way is clear for the inquisitors to proceed against him.
" And although the criminals, upon admonition, should confess
all their heresies, yet the promotor fiscal must accuse them of
the same things, that judgment may be formed from the ac-
cuser, criminal, and judge. The charge is to be drawn up
and presented to the judges by the promotor, to which he is to
add an oath, that none of the heads of it proceed from a ma-
licious design ; but only that he may the better prosecute his
suit, and that he intends to prove them all.
" If the judges shall allow any time to receive the proofs,^
he must produce the witnesses against the criminal, and demand
their examination ; and that their depositions be allowed and
published. If after this, other witnesses shall appear to prove
other heresies, this also shall be added to the accusation, and
the promoter fiscal shall accuse the criminal of these. He must
also take particular care to observe all the confessions, sayings,
and answers, of the criminals, that he may be able to gather
what relates particularly to their case, and what to other here-
tics.^ And when the depositions of the witnesses are written
down and allowed ; and when the judges and counsellors de-
bate about the sentence to be passed, the promotor fiscal must
be absent. But he may be present when the process of the
cause is reported, and from fact or law alledge what he thinks
convenient.'' In the Cremona Inquisition the fiscal is not pre-
sent at the examination of the witnesses, unless the inquisitor
calls for him.*^ He is, however, present at the examination of
the witnesses, by way of defence ; and at the rehearing of the
witnesses, and must be present in the congregations when they
vote in the cause, and always at the torture, together with the
inquisitor, who sits between the vicar general on the right, and
the advocate fiscal on the left.
" Heretofore the promotor fiscal was bound to defend the
cause of the treasury before the judge of the forfeited effects,^
a Carena,p. 1. t. 9. n. 15. ^ Ibid. sect. 7. <= Sect; 10.
•i Ibid. 1. 1, t, 9, u, 41, « Ibid, sect, 11,
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 193
which is to this day in use in some provinces. But generally
speaking, this affair belongs now to tlie advocate of the trea-
sury.
" Besides this, in Spain, they choose a person for procurator
general of the holy inquisition there,* that he may manage the
affair of this most holy office at the court of Rome, who is to
have a proper salary paid him out of the forfeited effects. Into
tliis office a skilful and honest man must be chosen.*''
♦^•'W^V^V^*^
CHAP. VI.
Of the Notaries of the Inquisition.
THE office of the registers, whom they also call Notaries
and Secretaries, is to ^vrite down the injunctions, accusations,
and all the pleadings of the causes.^ The judge ought not
only to take care that the notary writes down the depositions of
the witnesses, or the answers of the criminals, but also that he
diligently explains, and particularly remarks, during the pro-
cess, the several circumstances relating to the witness, the in-
former, and the person against whom inquisition is made, viz.
Whether the colour of his face changes ; whether he trembles
or hesitates in speaking ; whether he frequently endeavours to
interrupt the interrogatories, by hawking or spitting ; or whe-
ther his voice trembles, and the hke. All these circumstances
the judge ought to take care to have particularly specified in
the process, that it may not be said, that the person inquired
against is put to the torture without proofs.
Whatsoever the notary writes down from the mouth of the
criminals, or witnesses, must be in the same language in which
the witness or criminal speaks, without altering, adding, or
diminishing, transposing or inverting any of the words. = If
a Carena, tit. 52. sect. 6. 2 Instruct. Hispal. cap. 2.
^ Siraaoc. tit. 41. sect. 7. Cainpeg. in Zancli. cap. 9-
' Pegnaeprax. Inq. !. 2. rap. 20. u, 12, &c.
194 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION.
the mminal or witness doth not understand Latin ; and if the
notary or inquisitor doth not understand the language of the
one or other, the inquisitor must have a skilful interpreter.
For it may happen, that a Frenchman, a Spaniard, an English-
man, or a German, may be examined before an Italian inqui-
sitor. The depositions of the witnesses and the confessions of
the criminals, are to be written down by the notaries, in the
same words in which they are delivered. And when there are
several witnesses, it is not sufficient that the notary, when he
hath particularly wrote down the depositions of the first wit-
ness, says, that the second or third says entirely the same as
tlie first ; but he must write down the particular words of the
several witnesses, because oftentimes the case before this tribu-
nal is the proof of formal heresy. Clement VIII., in a general
congregation of the inquisition,^ hath particularly commanded
the inquisition not to omit any of the interrogatories which are
made by the judge, in the examination of the witnesses and
criminals, but to write them down at large. Yea, so favour-
able are they to this affair of the faith, that though the notaries
should make one false libel, yet all their others are vaHd,
whilst they are kept in ofiice ; ^ although when the author is
condemned, the book is commonly condemned too.
" These notaries are to be chosen of the laity ; but in causes
of heresy, the clergy and monks, and also others in holy orders
may discharge this office. And although in Spain they usually
take them from amongst the laity, yet Simancas says,^ that
possibly it would be better, that they shovild be chosen from
the clergy, because they would want less than those who have
wives and children ; for the salary is scarce sufficient for one.
They are also obliged to register in a certain book, all the com-
mands of the inquisitors, given to the executors and receivers,
against heretics, and their effects ; that if any question should
arise concerning these things, they may be able, from those
registers, to detemiine it. Besides, they must be content with
their salary, and receive nothing for their writing, except the
* November 9, 1600. ^ Ex Gloss, in cap. Fraternitatus,
c Ibid. tit. 41. sect. 7, j*
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 1^5
notary of the forfeited effects, who may demand his lawful
dues, because he hath no salary. They must also travel at
their own expences within their proper province, to ratify the
depositions of the witnesses, the proof of the defences, and the
exceptions against the witnesses, as it is contained in a certain
decree of the council.'"* *
In the early periods of the inquisition, the appointment of
notaries was lodged with the bishop, and the inquisitors could
not appoint them. But by a rescript^ of Pius IV., beginning
Pastorahs Officii Cura, given A. D. 1561, Cal. 6th September,
it is provided that the inquisitors may, when they think it ne-
cessary by the apostolic authority, choose, assume, and create
notaries, one or more, either all clergymen or regulars of any
order.
When they are first chosen, they take an oath to act faith-
fully, and at every trial they are sworn to faithfulness and
secresy.
The writings of the holy inquisition are commanded to be
kept under three keys, which are to be in the hands of the
promoter fiscal and notaries, nor must they be read or she^vn
to any one, but in the presence of all, on pain of removal with-
out hope of pardon.
The notaries must attend the tribunal of the inquisition,
six hours every day. And if any one offends in his office, he
may be punished by fine, suspension of office, deprivation, or
banishment.'^
a C. ut Officium. sect, ad conscribenduna. de Laeret. lib. 6. 2 Instruct
Hispal. c. 13. and 4 Instruct. Tolet. c. 18.
b Pegna Com. ©7.
c Epist. dat. Granat. September 4, 1499, and 4 Instruct. Tolet. cap. 28
and 13.
O 2
196 HISTORY OF THE IXQUISITION.
CHAP. VII,
Of the Judge and Receiver ofilie confiscated Effects.
" HE who is chosen judge of the confiscated effects, must
be an honest man, and skilful in the law, not of Jewish ex-
tract, nor of the Mahometan, nor of an heretical one, but one
who may be capable of discharging the office of assessor. =* His
office is, to judge between the treasury and private persons, in
causes relating to the effects of heretics. But he may also take
cognizance between private persons, when theii cause hath any
connection with the other. An appeal lies from his sentence to
the senate, but not to any other judges. But if the dispute is
between the treasury and the church defendant, or between
ecclesiastical persons, or concerning the revenues of benefices,
the inquisitors are to take cognizance of it, as is more fully con-
tained in one of the resolutions of the senate. The inquisitor
general, by advice of the senate, chooses this judge and all the
other ministers.
" He is generally called in Spain the Receiver, whom in
Italy they call the Treasurer of the Holy Office.'" He receives
the confiscated effects, and by command of the king is procura-
tor of the treasury, demands, defends, and sells the confiscated
goods, and pays the salaries and other expences of the holy
office. He who is chosen to the office, must be an honest and
wealthy person, capable of making up and reporting his ac-
counts, and must give proper sureties to pay all his deficiences.
He is to be chosen by the inquisitors, according to Carena.*^
" It belongs to the office of the receiver to be present at the
sequestration of goods, which cannot be done but by the pre-
vious command of the inquisitors. It must be performed by
the executor, in presence of the receiver, and notary of the
sequestrations, and some other notary ; and all the goods of the
criminals, which are found in their possession, or are in the
» Simanc. tit. 41. sect. 4. * Ibid. tit. 43. sect. 1, A:c.
c p. 1 t. 13. n. 1.
HISTORY OF THE IXaUISITION. 197
hands of others, are to be written down severaDy in a catalogue
or inventory, two copies of which are to be made out, each
notary to have one.* All the effects are to be delivered to the
sequestrator, with an inventory subscribed by the executor,
and the said sequestrator and the notaries, one copy of which
is to be kept by the notary of the sequestrations. The seques-
trator is to be chosen by the executor and receiver, who must
be a sufficient citizen, not of kin to the heretic, nor of an evil
race. But when the process is formed against any person dead,
his effects must not be dehvered to the sequestrator, but taken
an account of, and sealed up, and left with the possessors under
good securities. If any other person's effects are with those of
the heretics, they must be immediately delivered to the owners.
Debts also must be paid out of the eflPects delivered in to the
sequestrator, without waiting for the issue of the whole cause.
Finally, If the criminal be absolved, all his effects must be im-
mediately dehvered to him.'' As to perishable effects, and
which may grow worse by keeping, and such also as are too
chargeable to keep, viz. Cattle and slaves, the receiver must sell
them by command of the inquisitors, without whose permission
nothing can be done.
" When the necessary expences are deducted, the surplus
money which remains out of the sale of the effects, is to be de-
posited with the sequestrator, of which the receiver must touch
nothing till the criminal is condemned. As to other things
which may be kept, they are to be hired out at reasonable
prices by the receiver and sequestrator. But these and other
the confiscated effects, must not be sold but by auction, and then
go to the best bidder. The same is to be observed as to the
effects which are hired out. ^ In these sales the receiver must
use great fidelity and diligence, and though he promises after
the rate of two or three per cent, for the recovery of any
effects, yet when they are recovered, he must allow only one.
" When the heretic is condemned, the sequestrator must
immediately deliver all the effects to the receiver before two
» 2 Instruct. Hispal. cap. 8. ^4 lustnrct, Tolet. cap. 22.
c 2 Instruct. Hispal. cap. 9.
o 3
198 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION.
notaries, nor can he receive or sell any thing but in their
presence. But the judge of the confiscated effects may at the
instances of the receiver give notice by the criers of the future
auction. If any one thinks himself to be concerned in it, he
may, when he knows the effects are to be sold, come to the
judge and demand his own, and sue for his right. If no one
comes, the immoveable effects are to be sold, and to be put up
to sale by auction the thirtieth day, after the pubhc notices, and
other customary things of the city, before the receiver and other
parties concerned.^
" As to those effects which are disputed, they must not be
sold by the receiver, till the suit is finished. As to effects
that are pawned, the receivers may sell them, not so as to
prejudice the right of the creditors ; but if the effects amount
to more than the debt, they must be sold, and the former
creditors first paid, and the remainder carried into the trea-
sury.^ However, the sale of the forfeited effects is not to be
deferred upon account of actions, that do not appear to have
any just foundation, but such effects are to be sold, and such
a sum must be deposited in the sequestrator's hands, that is
equal to the value of the debt sued for, and the charges of the
suit. Farther, if there be any effects which are to be in
common between the treasury and others, they must be divid-
ed, if it can be done conveniently : if it cannot, and it appears
better to sell them entire and without division, the treasury
hath the privilege to order ail of them to be sold by the
receiver, although the least part belongs to it, but must receive
no more than its proper debt, and pay the remainder to the
other creditors.^
" The receivers must omit none of these things ; if they do,
they incur the sentence of excommunication, and are to be
fined 100 pieces of gold, and make good all losses to the trea-
sury.*'
^' The receivers of one province must not seize on the effects
©f heretics which belong to other receivers, but give them
a 4 Instruct. Tolet. cap. 24. ^ Ibid. cap. 23. « Ibid»
d eod, cap. 23.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 199
more certain notice of sucli effects; otherwise they are deprived
of their office, and pay the loss, and double more. '
" All the monies received by the sequestrator, and the money
that arises from the sale of the effects, the receivers must de-
posit within three days after into the public chest, which must
be locked up with three keys, which the holy senate hath
ordered under excommunication, and a fine.
" The receivers of the treasury cannot forgive any monies
to debtors, and if any are forgiven by them, they are re-
claimed ; nor can they make any bargain or composition with
them,''
CHAP. VIII.
' Of the Executor and Officials of the Inquisition.
" THE executor is he who executes the commands of the
inquisitors.*^ His office is principally to apprehend and keep
in custody, criminals, whom he is obliged to pursue, if they
are at a distance, and to put in irons, and to be content with his
appointed salary. But if it be needful for the familiars to at-
tend him, they must have a salary appointed by the inquisitors,
to be paid by the receiver out of the treasury. And as he is
a mere executor of a command, he must carefully keep within
his bounds, and punctually execute the order of the judges.—
These they also call apparitors and pursevants.''''
Their office is the same with theirs who are otherwise called
officials, concerning whom Innocent IV.*" hath ordained these
things, by a constitution, beginning. Ad extirpanda, as they are
all placed in order, in a book, entitled, " The Manner of pro-
ceeding against heretics, ascribed to John Calderine.''
*' Let the governor or ruler be obliged, within three days
a 2 Instruct, cap. 2. ''4 Instruct, cap. 23.
c Simanca, tit. 41. sect. 5. «* 4 Instruct. Tolet. cap. 26.
« Bzovius, A. 1252, sect. 3.
o 4t
SOO HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
after his entrance into his government, to appoint twelve ho-
nest and Catholic men, and two notaries, and two servitors, or
as many as shall be necessary, whom the diocesan, if present,
and willing to be concerned, and two friars predicants, and two
minorites, deputed to this service by their priors, if there should
be there convents of the said order, shall think proper to be
chosen. Such persons, when appointed and chosen, may and
ought to take up heretical men and women, to seize on their
effects, and to cause them to be seized on by others, and to
cause that these things be fully done, as well in the city, as in
his whole jurisdiction and district, and to bring them, and cause
them to be brought, into the power of the diocesan or his
vicars.
*' Let their office continue only during six months, after
which let the governor be obhged to substitute so many other
officials, according to the prescribed form, who may execute
the aforesaid office, according to the said form, for the six
months next following.
" But let them not be compelled to any other office or em-
ployment, that doth, or may in any manner, hinder the said
office, nor let any statute made, or to be made, hinder, by any
means, their office.
" Let full credit be given to these aforesaid officials, con-,
cerning all things which are known to belong to their office,
without requiring from them any special oath, or admitting any
proof to the contrary, when two or more of them shall be pre-
sent. Farther, when these officials are chosen, let them swear
to execute all these things faithfully, and according to their
power, and to speak nothing but the truth concerning all these
things, so that they may be more fully obeyed in all things ap-
pertahiing to their office, and let the said twelve and their ser-
vitors, and the before appointed notai'ies, together or separate-
ly, have full power of commanding, upon pain of punishment
and the ban, (or curse) all things appertaining to their office, and
let the governor or ruler, be obliged to confirm and ratify, all
their commands which they shall give relating to their office,
and punish those who do not observe them.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. SOI
" Farther, let the governor be obUged to send with their
officials, one of his soldiers, or some otlier assistant, if the dio-
cesan, or his vicar, or the inquisitors deputed by the apostolic
see, or the said officials shall demand it ; and let such soldier
faithfidly execute his office with them. Let every one also,
if he be present, or required, whether in the city jurisdiction
or district, be obliged to grant to these officials or their com-
panions, counsel and assistance, when they will apprehend,
seize the effiscts of, or make enquiry concerning any heretical
man or woman, or enter into any house or place, or passage,
to take heretics, under the punishment of twenty-five imperial
pounds, or the ban. Let every corporate town be obliged to
it, under the penalty of an hundred pounds and ban, and a
village under the penalty of fifty, to be paid every time in
ready money."
Alexander IV. A. D. 1255, wrote to the inquisitors of Ligu-
ria,* and Insubria,** " That the aforesaid officials may command
any city, borough, or village, under the penalty and ban of
1200 marks of silver and more, at the pleasure of the governor
of such place, that they shall present, within a competent time
fixed, to the governor, or diocesan, or his vicar, or the inqui-
sitors of heretics, all heretical men and women, which the said
officials shall signify to them. And the governor of such place
shall be obliged to exact this punishment from all who do not
observe this order.""
Innocent IV. adds in the same bull, " That if any loss shall at
any time happen to the said officials, in their persons and ef-
fects, in executing their office, they shall be indemnified with
full restitution by such city, or place, and that the said officials,
or their heirs, shall not at any time, be sued for any thing they
have done, or belonging to their office, any farther than as the
said diocesan and friars think fit.
" And if the aforesaid diocesan or friars shall think fit to re-
move any one of the said officials, for being unskilful or impro-
per, or for any engagement, or excess, the governor or chief
» Containing the towns of Geneva, Nina, Vintimilia, Albenga, Polenza,
AWiTi, Aste, Aich, Tbrtona, nnil Voghcra.
^ Containiny Milau, Lcdi, ('!ema> ao'l Mons'n.
202 HISTORY OF THE IINQUISITION.
officer shall be obliged to remove him at their command and
appointment, and to substitute another in his place, according
to the prescribed form.
'' But if any one of them shall, contrary to his oath, or duty
of his office, be found to have favoured heresy; besides the
mark of perpetual infamy which he shall incur, a^ a favourer
of heretics, let him be punished by the governor or chief offi-
cer, at the pleasure of the Diocesan of the place and the said
friars."
CHAP. IX.
Of the Familiars or Attendants.
INNOCENT III. granted large indulgences and privileges
to those, who should accompany or assist the inquisitor, in his
making inquisition against and punishing heretics, that this
newly appointed office might have the more happy success. —
Hence the soldiers, who were assistants and helpers to the in-
quisitor, were commonly called familiars,* as belonging to the
inquisitor's family. In some provinces of Italy they are called
cross-bearers, and in others, the scholars of St. Peter the ]\Iar-
tyr, and they wear a cross before them upon the outside gar-
ment.
Anciently certain persons were appointed,^ whose office it
was to use all diligence in searching out heretics/ and to this
a The familiars are the bailiflfs of the Inquisition, which, though a vile of-
fice in all other criminal courts, is esteemed so honourable in this of the In-
quisition, that there is not a nobleman in the kingdom of Portugal that is not
in it, and such are commonly employed by the inquisitors to apprehend peo-
ple. Neither is it any wonder that persons of the highest quality desire to
be thus employed, since the same plenary indulgence is granted by the pope
to every single exercise of this office, as was granted by the Lateran council
to those who succoured the holy land.
Dr. Geddes's Tracts, vol. i. p. 425, 426.
b Pegna, Prox. Inq. cap. 5. sect. 3.
a When the familiar is sent for to apprehend any person, he hath the fol-
.lowing order put into his hand : — *' By the command of the reverend father
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 203
purpose they applied the decree of the council of Biterre, cap.
34. " In all parishes, as well within cities as without them,
let one priest, or two or three of the laity of good reputation,
or more if need be, be bound by oath to remove and change,
as often as it shall seem good to you (the inquisitors) who dih-
gently, faithfully, and frequently may search out heretics in vil-
lages, and find them when out of their houses, their subterraneous
shelters, huts, and fastnesses, and all other their liiding places,
all which let them cause to be stopped up or destroyed.'*—
" "Tlie familiars or cross-bearers ai'e now in their room : and
they are then especially in service, when the bishops or inqui-
sitors have dioceses bordering upon, and near to, the lands of
heretics, or persons suspected of heresy, so that a mutual com-
merce can scarce be avoided amongst them. For as then thev
may more reasonably be afraid, lest those who are subject to
them, and belong to their jurisdiction, should be infected and
corrupted by heretics, they ought to use the strictest dihgence
to know with whom heretics lodge, and into whose houses they
are received ; and whether any subject to them go to the neigh-
bouring towns of heretics, and for what cause, and whether
they have brought from thence the poison of heretical pravity,
by doctrines they have heard or read." So careful are they,
upon every occasion, that there shall not be the least dispute
about any of the doctrines of their church.
But now the familiars always accompany the inquisitors in
Spain, even though they are free from the danger which Pegna**
was so very sohcitous about. Simancas describes to us their
office and immunities.
N. an inquisitor of heretical pravity, let N. be apprehended and committed
to the prisons of this holy office, and not be released out of them, but by the
express order of the said reverend inquisitor." And if several persons are
to be taken up at the same time, the familiars are commanded so to order
things, that they may know nothing of one another's being apprehended.
And at this the familiars are so expert, that a father, and his three sons, and
three daughters, who lived together in the same house, were all carried pri-
soners to the Inquisition, without knowing any thing of one another's being
there until seven years afterwards, when they that were alive came forth in
an Ad of Faith. Geddes, vol. i. p. 429.
a Pegna, Prox. Inq. cap. 5, sect. 4, 5. ^ Tit. 11. sect. 15.
204 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION.
" The familiars or attendants are necessary to accompany
the inquisitors, and to defend them, if need be, from the insults
of heretics ; and to follow the executor when going to appre-
hend criminals ; and to do other things which the judges shall
think proper to fulfil the duty of the holy office of the Inquisi-
tion. The familiars are allowed to use arms, but must not
abuse them. Such as are to be chosen, must be good, peace-
able, and married men, as it is provided by a certain letter of
the council ; and no more must be admitted but what the
necessity of the office requires. *
*' The famiUars have no salaries, but are endowed with certain
privileges, their number is limited ; in the city of Toledo fifty ;
in Seville fifty ; in Grenada fifty ; — forty in Corduba, Cuence
and Valladolid ; at Calaborre and Irena twenty-five; in the city
of Murcia thirty. In every town of 300 burgesses six; in
those of 500 four, and in lesser towns two. But in every sea-
port or frontier town four.
'« The magistrates and governors must have a Hst of the fami-
liars, that they may know them, and in all ci\al causes they
may be cited before them, as if they were not famihars, though
in criminal causes, they cannot be punished by any but the
inquisitors, except for treason, rebellion, &c. ; and if any
difference should arise between the inquisitors and magistrates,
on this subject, the cause is to be referred to the king, when it
shall be dehvered over to those judges to whom it belongs,
without noise, or form of judgment.''
CHAP. X.
Of the Cross-Bearers.
BESIDES these familiars, there is another sort of them,
called cross-bearers, instituted by Dominic,** to whom he gave
• Clement. 2. sect. ult. de hseret.
b Carapcg. ID Zanch. cap. 9. f. 241. cap. 1.
HISTORY OF THE IXQUISITION. 205
such constitutions and laws for their direction, as obhges them
vio-orously to prosecute heretics, and when there is need, to
endeavour, witli the greatest violence, their destruction.
" They make a vow between the hands of the inquisitors to
defend the Cathohc faith, though with the loss of fortune and
life ; and may be compelled to perform their vow. The Popes
have honoured this fraternity with many graces, indulgences
and favours,'^ which may be seen at large in Campegius. Ber-
nai-d Comnensis gives us the main of them in his light of the
inquisitors.
" Their indulgence is," (1.) Their having a plenary remis-
sion of all their sins. This was granted by Alexander IV. in a
privilege beginning, Prcecunctis, and by Gregory IX. and
Clement IV. and also by the Extravagants.** But upon this
condition, that they vigorously prosecute their vow in aid of
the Inquisition, even to death. (2.) Every such cross-bearer
may be absolved by the Inquisition, from every sentence of
excommunication, suspension and interdict of a canon; and
from those especially which he may have incurred for the
burning of churches, or laying violent hands on ecclesiastical
persons, and from all other sentences generally promulgated by
the apostolic see. (3.) The Inquisition may dispense with these
cross-bearers, if of the clergy, for all irregularities they may
have contracted by celebrating divine service, when under any
canonical sentence. (4.) All their vows may be commuted for
by the inquisitors ; those only excepted of the holy land, and
which are perpetual. (5.) The inquisitors may allow them to
be present at divine services, and to receive the ecclesiastical
sacraments in such places where, by the apostolic indulgence,
they are allowed to be administered, in the time of a general
interdict. All these things appear by a privilege granted by
Innocent IV. which begins, Malitia, hujus temporis.'' These
privileges were confirmed by Pius V. by his constitution, begin-
nino". Sacrosandce Romance and universali Ecclesia^,'^ so
a In voce Indulgenlia cruce signatorum.
b De haeret. cap. exconimun. sect. Catholici vero.
• Dated October 13, 1.-570.
g06 HISTORY OF THE INaUISlTION.
far as they are not repugnant to the decrees of the council of
Trent.
From these privilege-s it appears,* that when the faithful are
to take the cross, their vow must be made only before the
inquisitors or their vicars ; and that tliey receive no advantage
from them, unless they have the inquisitors leave. These
things and the like, Campegius thinks, should be preached to
the cross-bearers, least they should pretend ignorance. For he
saith, " that he discovered many errors and abuses of these
cross-bearers, in a city, within his province of the Inquisition ;
for he found a large number of them, who did not enter into
this warfare by the door, nor receive the cross from any inquisi-
tor or vicar ; but that the very laics, the ministers of this same
fraternity, whom they call officials or massaries, wrote the
names of others that came to them in the book of the cross-
bearers ; and thus unjustly invaded the province of the Inqui-
sition." He adds moreover, " not being able to bear this, I
made a sermon on the cross, in the cathedral, according to the
ancient stile of the inquisitors, granting the usual indulgence to
the auditors ; and publicly admonished them of their public
error, and particularly explained what they ought hereafter to
do ; who upon discovery of the truth, submitted, after many
disputes, and the advice of advocates. For they would have
had, even against my will, that some of these should have
assisted at the examinations, as though it belonged to them of
right. Whereas I declared, that the inquisitor was the head
and captain of the cross-bearers, and therefore would not have
them preside over the inquisitors, but according to equity be
subject to it.
" The office of those cross-bearers is to provide the inquisi-
tors with necessaries ; ^ so that they are excommunicated if they
refuse to give money to the inquisitor, when he asks and wants
it for the service of the office of the Inquisition ; because
private persons, who have bound themselves by oath or vow,
are even by omission said to be favourers, viz. if they do not
manifest, or perform what they have promised by vow. '
* Campeg. cap. 37. fol. 267. verso.
^ Lucerna Iiiquis.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 207
These cross-bearers were heretofore of great use to the inqui-
tors.^ But in process of time, as there was no n6ed of arms to
subdue heretics, the name of this warfare grew into disuse ;
and with the change of some of their constitutions, they were
called, of the penance of St. Dominic, in honour of .their foun-
der. This rehgious order is the third of those instituted by
Dominic, the constitutions of which have been confirmed by the
Roman pontiffs.
CHAP. XI.
Of the Visitors of the iNauisiTORs.
'*' AS the office of the inquisitors and other ministers were
perpetual,^ it was necessary, that sometimes they should give
an account of their behaviour. Therefore there was a magis-
trate created to visit the inquisitors, and all the other minis-
ters, who was called the visitor. His office was to visit all the
provinces of the inquisitors, and report to the inquisitor general
and council whatever was proper to be amended. He was
strictly to keep to his instructions, not to be the guest of those
he visited, nor to receive any thing from them himself, or by
others. If one was not sufficient they might chuse more."
Simancas adds, that his great uncle, Francis Simancas, arch-
deacon of Cordova, enjoyed this office without any colleague.
But now they appoint visitors privately, as often as it is any
where necessary.*^
" All the ministers of the holy Inquisition are obliged to
swear before the inquisitors and bishops, or his vicar, that they
will faithfully discharge the trust committed to them. The
inquisitors, counsellors, and others also swear, that they will
faithfully conceal all secrets, which if any one dares to discover,
" Param. I. 2. t 3. c. 3. n. 7. b Simanc. tit. 41. sect. 27, 28.
c 4 Instruct. Tolet. r. 3. sect. 80, 31.
208 HISTORY OF THE INaUISITIOK.
he is to be deprived of his office, and to suffer other punishments,
according to the nature of his crime.
" It is also part of their instructions,* that the inquisitors,
and all other ministers, shall serve in the offices, by themselves,
and not by their substitutes ; the ministers are not to absent
themselves without leave of the inquisitors, which must not
extend to above twenty days. If any one is longer absent, or
goes without leave, he must be deprived of his salary, his
absence is to be noted, and his salary not paid by the receiver,
without first inspecting the book of defaults, according to seve-
ral letters of the council.
" Farther,'' no one must be a minister of this holy office in any
province where the inquisitor is either kin to him, or his Lord.
It is also prohibited for any minister to intermeddle in any
negociation, either by himself or others. He w^ho contravenes
this order is to be deprived of his office, and fined 20000 pieces.
He who doth not discover this is to be excommunicated.'^
'• If any lesser crime be committed by those ministers,"^ they
may be punished by the inquisitors. If their offence be more
grievous, it must be reported to the inquisitor general and coun-
cil, that if the case requires it,*^ they may be deprived of their
office/ It is also proliibited by the same instructions for any
one to be in two offices, or enjoy two salaries."?
CHAP. XII.
Ccyncerning the Duty or powei' of every Magistrate.
THUS far we have treated of the ministers which belong
to the Inquisition of heretics. The civil magistrate hath no
a 4 Instruct, To'.et.'c 3. sect. 35, 36. b Ibid. sect. 38.
c 4 Instruct. Tolet. cap. 13. fol. 21. And at the end of all the written
and printed instructions.
d 4 Instruct. Tolet. c. 3. sect. 39. ^ ibid. sect. 40.
f 1 Instruct. Hispal. c. 27. g 4 Instruct. Tolet. cap. 18-
HISTORY OF THE IXaUISITIOX. 209
part in this affair; for he is entirely excluded from all cogniz-
ance of the crime of heresy. Thus Simancas* teaches : " the
cognizance of heresy solely belongs to the ecclesiastical judge,
because this is a crime committed against the faith and religion ;
for as to those crimes which the secular administration knows
nothing of, and which are declared such by the Christian reli-
gion, such as heresy, schism, and others of the like sort, the
ecclesiastical judge only hath cognizance of them. And
therefore to whatsoever branch of the secular judgment the
cognizance of such crimes may at any time happen, it must be
immediately referred to the ecclesiastical judges.
" It is more largely forbidden by the royal laws at this day
in Spain,^ that no one of the sectilar judges, of whatsoever
dignity and power, shall by any means presume to take cogniz-
ance even of those civil or criminal causes which belong to the
inquisitors, and the judges of forfeited effects ; no not under
pretence of relieving persons oppressed by violence, which, in
other cases would be a most wholesome and present remedy to
redress the grievances of the ecclesiastical judges. However,
if any will appeal in the before-mentioned causes, they must
apply to the council of the holy general Inquisition. This
royal command was dated at Burgos, March 7, 1508, and
renewed 1553.""
However, they stand in need of the arms and power of the
magistrate, for the punishment of heretics, and that they may
execute the sentences pronounced against them. For it is not
lawful for ecclesiastical persons to kill any one. Therefore they
desire to have all magistrates obedient to their commands, and
to have no liberty of conscience granted by them to heretics,
but insist on their being ready and prepared to draw their
swords against heretics at the Pope's command.*^ This is the
doctrine of Maldonet, explaining the parable of the tares sown
amongst the wheat. For after he hath said that the Calvinists
and Lutherans are to be cut off as manifest heretics, he adds
these things ; " Not that I speak thus, as though I had not
' Tit. 86. sect. 1. b Ibid. sect. 2.
'- Comment, in Mat xiii. 26
P
210 HISTOUY OF THE IXaUISITIOK.
rather liave them converted than put to death. All that I
intend is to admonish princes, or because princes may not read
tliese things, those who can advise them, that it is not lawful
for them to grant heretics those liberties of conscience, as they
are called, too much in use, in our days, unless first of all the
church, or the Roman pontiff, who is the head of the church,
the person of Christ, and as it were the father of the family,
shall judge, that the tares cannot be plucked up unless the
wheat also be destroyed ; and that it is for the advantage of
the church to permit both to grow together till the harvest.
In this matter princes, who are but the servants of the father
of the family, are not to judge, but the father of the family
himself, i. e. the governor of the church. Nor should princes
ask the father of the family, that he would suffer both to grow
till the harvest, but whether it be his pleasure that they should
go and pluck up the tares. They ought to be so affected and
prepared, as to need rather to be restrained than incited by the
father of the family.""
But because there is but seldom such a readiness in kings
and princes to extirpate heretics, the ecclesiastics are incessantly
urging them on till they have prevailed on them to yield to
them all things. Farther, they affirm that this is the duty of
the Pope and the other bishops, as we read in Gonrad Brunus,*
in his book of heretics and schismatics.^
a L. 3. c 8. sect. 1.
b It belongs to the duty of the Roman pontiff and the other bishops, dili-
gently to admonish the emperor, and other kings and princes, under whose
government there arise heresies and schisms, as often as tliere is need •, first,
that they preserve the true and Catholic religion and faith, and observe the
commands of God ; and secondly, that they every where suppress and extin-
guish heretical impicfy, by the discipline and rigour of the secular power,
which the sacerdotal office cannot do by their doctrine and ecclesiastical
censures. Thus Pope Leo implored the assistance of the emperor against
heretics, in his 55tli letter to the emperor Martian, and 36th to the empress
Pulcheria, and 23rd to the emperor Theodosius II. It belongs also to the
care and concern of the Pope, to take certain good and faithful men in the
court of every prince, who may enquire out heretics, and every thing that
belongs to the defence of the Catholic faith, and the preservation of unity }
and put the prince in mind of whatsoever is necessary to peace, and inform
the Pope of all such transactions whatsoever; as we find it in the 34th and
HISTORY OF THE INaUISITION. 211
But not content with this, the Popes, by their decrees, bulls
and rescripts, command all magistrates whatsoever, to yield all
assistance to the inquisitors, severely threatening them with the
most grievous punishments, if they are wanting to their duty.
All wnich things are laid together in the book concerning the
form of proceeding against heretics, generally ascribed to John
Calderine.
These constitutions wholly subject the secular magistrate to
the inquisitors, who bid them draw their sword at their plea-
sure, and readily execute their commands with a blind obe-
dience.
CHAP. XIII.
Of the Privileges of the iNauisiTORS.
AS we have briefly described the offices of all the ministers
of the Inquisition, it remains now that we treat more fully
and distinctly of the inquisitors, who are the chief of all
We will therefore give an account of their privileges and
power.
The privileges of the inquisitors are many and great, which
the popes of Rome have granted them with a hberal hand, that
they may more cheerfully perform their duty, and vigorously
execute the laws made against heretics.
Urban IV.^ by a bull, beginning, Ne Inquisitionis negotium,
oi-ants the inquisitors, " that no delegate of the apostolic see,
or sub-delegate under him, no conservator, or executor deput-
ed by the said apostolic see, or hereafter to be deputed, shall
be able to publish the sentence of excommunication, suspension
or interdict against them, or their four notaries or wi'iters faith-
fully obeying them in these matters, whilst they shall be
80th letters of Leo to bishop Julian, the 55th to thcemperoi Martian, and 73d
to the emperor Leo.
a Eymer. p. 3. Q. 21.
212 HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION.
engaged in the prosecution of this affair, without the special
command of the aforesaid see, making full and express mention
of this indulgence ; and he decrees every things done contrary
hereto to be null and void." This privilege is granted them,
that the causes of religion may not be forsaken or hindered by
the excommunication of the inquisitors, and other ministers of
the office, and heretics in the mean while go unpunished by such
hindrances of their judges.
He hath granted the same also by a special privilege to the
inquisitors of the orders of predicants and minors, that they
may not be hindered by their superiors in the causes of
faith.*
It is also granted to the inquisitors in favour of the faith,^
that when they cannot, without loss of time, and danger to the
affair, have recourse to their superiors, who, in such places
may laAvfully execute justice, they may require the temporal
lords, and their officials, though excommunicated, to afford
them their assistance and favour, according to theu' office,
without incurring themselves the penalty of excommunica-
* If it should so happen that the master and minister general, and other
priors and ministers provincial, and keepers and guardians of other places of
3^ our order, shall, under pretence of certain privileges or indulgences of the
same apostolic see granted to the said orders, or hereafter to be granted,
enjoin, or in any manner command you, or any one or more of you, that you
supersede this affair for a time, or as to certain articles, or certain persons;
we by our apostolic authority do strictly prohibit you, and all and singular
of yon, that ye do not presume in this, or by any means whatsoever, to obey
and submit to them. For we, by the tenor of these present, do revoke all
such privileges or indulgences, as far as relates to this article, and do wholly
pronounce null and void all sentences of excommunication, interdict and
suspension, if it shall so happen that they have been pronounced against
you, or any of you, upon this occasion. For if the aforesaid see doth some-
times give commission, under a certain form, by its letters to any prelates of
your orders, that they shall be able to take certain friars of their orders to
execute the office of the Inquisition against heretical pravity, and to remove
them when they think expedient, and to substitute others, yet by this there
is no faculty, jurisdiction or power granted them in this affair, immediately
committed, or to be committed to you by the aforesaid see, because the
•nly reason why such commission in such part is granted them is, that they
are presumed to have a more full knowledge of the fitness of the friars of
their own order.
»' Eymer. p. 3. Q. 22.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 213
tion:* "though they require such excommunicated persons,
they shall not therefore incur the sentence of excommuni-
cation.'' Agreeable to this, although tlie acts of tyrants are in
law void and null, yet in favour of the faith, if a ^tyrant, or any
other unjust lord, by command of the inquisitors, doth any thing
against heretics, it is valid.
Tlie inquisitors only, and not the ordinaries, can publish
edicts against heretics, l^hus a certain edict, pubhshed by
command of the ordinary, during the time of Lent, was
' revoked. ^
Likewise the inquisitors only, and no others, can absolve
from excommunication for heresy contracted, by virtue of a
jubilee, or letters of the apostolic see,'^ and even from the sen-
tence of excommunication, which the Pope himself pronounces
against them at the festival of the sacrament.
The inquisitors can excommunicate, suspend, and interdict.^
They can also command any presbyter with cure or without,
to publish monitory letters made by him, and denounce before
the people the persons excommunicated by them. And if he
refuses to do it, they may punish such Presbyter, not only with
a censure, but with some other punishment.
Persons under excommunication or interdict by the inquisi-
tor, cannot be absolved by the ordinary, or any other person,
without the command of the Pope, except in the article of
death.
The inquisitors may apprehend hereties,^ though they fly to
churches ; nor can the bishops hinder them from this under
any pretence. As John XXII. hath decreed by a constitution,
beginning, Ex parte vestra.
The inquisitor may prohibit the secular judge from proceed-
ing against any person upon account of any processes made by
the inquisitor himself,^ or upon occasion of any confession made
before such inquisitor.^
a Per cap. Piasidentes de haeret. 1. 6. , " Pegna, co/n. 71.
c Royas, p. 2. sect. 425. " Ibid. sect. 416.
• Pegna, Lucern. Inq. in voce Excommunira. Lucern. in voce Inq. liaerpiav.
f Ibid, in voce Excommunicatus.
6 Careua, p. 1. t. 5. n. 90. Lucern, in voce Index.
^ See cap. Tuam. de ordi. cogni.
p3
^14 HISTORY OF THE INatJiSlTlON.
Whosoever by himself or other shall kill, or beat, or strike
any of the inquisitors or officials of the holy office,* he is to be
dehvered over to the secular court without any charge of
irregularity, according to the grant of Pope Leo X.'' The
aforesaid grant is now extended to those who damage the
effects of the inquisitors, or officials, by the proper motion of
Pius V.=
Likewise the inquisitors receive the entire fruits of their
benefices,'' together with the daily distributions, when ab-
sent; as appears in the letters of Paul III. and Pius V. which
are in the first volume of the letters of the Inquisition in
Valentia.^
The pensions reserved by the apostolic authority to the holy
office, *^ are free from the payment of the fifteenth, as the su-
preme congregation of the holy office hath declared,^ for the
inquisitor at Pavia against the chapter of the metropolitan
church at Milan. The Pope hath also often declared that
the benefices united to the Inquisitions are free from payment
of the tenths.
They are also free from all real and personal offices,* and
even fi:om the law of the generality, by a special royal privilege,
which is also extended to some of the oflicials, as is more fully
contained in the said first volume.*
Lodgings, provisions, and other necessaries,'^ are to be pro-
vided for the inquisitors and their officials at a just price, accord-
ing to the tenor of the privilege of queen Joan.
The inquisitors may make statutes against heretics,^ and en-
crease tbe punishments against them.
They may also carry witnesses above two days journey.
Farther, Urban IV.'" hath granted another privilege to the
inquisitors, that they may absolve themselves and their assis-
tants, and dispense with themselves as to their irregularity.
a Royas, p 2. sect. 419. ^ Daled at Florence, Jan. 28, 1515.
«= Dated at Rome, 1569. *! Ibid. sect. 420. ^ Fol. 308.
f Carena, p. 1. t. 5. n. 97. g Jan. 4. 1622. l^ Ibid sect. 421.
' Fol. 288. •= Carena, p. 1. t. 5 n. 424, ' Ibid. 440.
"* Eymer. p. 3. qu. l3
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 215
** That you may more freely promote the affair of the faith,
we grant you by the authority of these present, that if it should
happen that you, and the friars of your order, your assistants,
should in any cases, by human frailty, incur the sentence of
excommunication and irregularity, or remember that you have
incurred it ; since you cannot easily, on this account, have
recourse to your priors, because of the office enjoined you, you
may mutually absolve one another upon these accounts,
according to the form of the church, and by our authority
may dispense with yourselves, in cases in which the said priors
can do it by grant of the apostolic see." They can likewise
absolve their servants and familiars from excommunication
for apprehending any one upon account of their office, as
Innocent IV. says in a bull, beginning, Devotionis vestroe.
But there are three cases in which the inquisitors cannot
mutually absolve themselves. The first is, when they have
omitted to proceed against any one they ought to have pro-
ceeded against. The second, when they have falsely charged
any one with heresy, or said that they have hindered the holy
office, who in reality have not.^ But the inquisitors are not
^ But because it is very heinous not to aet for the extirpation of tlie afore-
said pravity, when such infectious wickedness requires it, it is also very hei-
nous, and most worthy of condemnation, maliciously to charge innocent per-
sons with such pravity. We therefore command the aforesaid bishop and
inquisitor, and others substituted by them to execute the said office, in virtue
of their holy obedience, and under the thrcatning of eternal damnation, that
they proceed so discreetly and readily against persons suspected or defamed
for such pravity, that they do not maliciously or fraudulently, falsely charge
any one with so great a crime, or with hindering them in the execution of the
office of the Inquisition. But if through hatred, favour, or love, or with a
view of any temporal gain or profit, the bishop or superior shall omit to pro-
ceed against any one, contrary to justice and their conscience, when they
ought to proceed upon such pravity ; or with the same view shall charge any
one with such pravity, or hindering the office, and upon this account shall by
any means presume to trouble him, besides other punishments to be inflicted
on tliem, according to the quality of the fault, such bislioj) or superior shall
liereby incur the sentence of suspension from his office for three years, and
others the sentence of excommunication. From which sentence of excommu-
nication, those who incur it shall not obtain the benefit of absolution from
any one but the pope himself, except in the article of death, and not then
without satisfaction made, any privilege whatsoever to the contrary notwith-
standing. Clement, de hajret. cap. multorum. sect, vernmquia.
P 4
216 HISTORY OF THE Il^aUISITION.
subject to this penalty, if they omit to proceed through igno-
rance, but only when they know they ought to have proceeded,
and have then omitted to proceed through hatred, favour, love,
money, or entreaty, contrary to justice and their own conscience ;
or, on the other hand, have proceeded when they ought not.
The third case is, when they have unlawfully extorted money,
under pretence of their office, or have confiscated the effects
of the church for the offences of the clergy.^
Amongst the privileges of the inquisitors it is not the least,**
that the inquisitor hath power of granting an indulgence of
twenty or forty days, as he shall see fit, to all that are truly
penitent, and confessed, and who attend on his sermon made
for the faith, according to the rescript of Innocent, Clement,
Alexander, and Urban IV. pras cunctis. They can also release
from the penances enjoined them, for three years, all the com-
panions and friars of the inquisitor, and also his notaries, who
have laboured together with them in the prosecution of this
affair, and who have, from their hearts, personally afforded as-
sistance, counsel, and favour, against heretics, their favourers,
receivers, and defenders. And if any of them should happen
to die in the prosecution of this business, they grant them full
pardon of all their sins, for which they are contrite in heart,
and confess with their mouth.*^ Pegna tells us, that the cross-
• a Clement de liaeret. rap. nolentes. We also do more strictly enjoin all
their commissaries whatsoever, as well as those of bishops and chapters,
during the vacancy of the see, deputed for this affair, that they shall not ex-
tort money from any persons by any unlawful means whatsoever, under pre-
tence of the office of the Inquisition ; and that they shall not knowingly at-
tempt to confiscate to the rhurch the church's eJBfects, for any offence of the
clergy. And if any act contrary to these things, or any one of them, we
decree that they shall be actually excommunicated, from which they shall not
be absolved, unless in the article of death, till they have made full satisfaction
to those from whom they have extorted money : all privileges, agreements, or
remissions whatsoever to the contrary notwithstanding.
b Eymer, 3. part, qu, 127, com. 176
' c Thus Gregory IX. in his rescript, beginning, Ille humani generis : "Add
to these things, in order to their more freely and effectually executing the
office committed to them in all the premises, we, confiding in the mercy of
Almighty God, and in the authority of the blessed Peter and Paul, his apos-
tles, do release for three years from the penance enjoined them, all who shall
HISTORY OF THE I^JQUISITION. 217
bearers enjoy this privilege to this day, and they are the same
with the famihars in Spain, who are at the command of the
inquisitors, and execute all things they order them, to promote
this holy office, the propagation of the faith, and the extirpa-
tion of heretical pravity. But as there are extant, "" the bulls
of five popes, who every one of them grant these tliree years
of indulgences, some infer from hence, that these three years
of indulgences are to be added together, and therefore that
indulgences of fifteen years are granted to all who promote the
office of the Inquisition, for every time and instance. And
Pegna, who believed once that the indulgences of tlie former
popes were only confirmed by the bulls of the latter, says there
is reason to add them to one another.
But to the inquisitors themselves, is granted a plenary indul-
gence in life and death, by a rescript of Alexander IV. be-
ginning, Firmissime teneat.^
attend on their (_tlie i.iquisitors) preaching, twenty days in their several sta-
tions ; and all those who shall, from their heart, afford assistance, counsel,
and favour to the subduing of heretics, and their favourers, receivers, and
defenders, in their fortified places aud castles, or any other that rebel against
the church. And if any such should happen to die in the prosecution of this
affair, we grant them full pardon of all their sins, for which they are contrite
in their heart, and which they confess with their mouths.''
Eymer. 3 part. qu. 127. com. 178. . i
a Lucern. Inq. in voc. Induigentia eorumqui.
b It reads thus : — " By the mercy of Almighty God, and confiding in the
authority of his blessed Apostles, Peter and Paul, we grant unto you, being
truly penitent, and confessed, full pardon of your sins." And by a rescript
of Urban IV. and Clement IV. beginning, Prae cunctus : — " And to you who
labour ,in this affair, we grant you that pardon of sins, which was granted in
a general council, to those who succour the holy land." Tiiis indulgence
was granted by Innocent III. in the Lateran council at Rome, Anno 1215,
and runs thus: — "In order to recover the holy land, &c. we, trusting in
the mercy of Almighty God, and in the authority of the blessed apostles,
Peter and Paul, by that power of binding and loosing, which God hath con-
ferred upon ns, though unworthy, do grant to all who undertake this labour
in their own persons, and at their own proper expence, full pardon of all
their sins, for which they shall be duly contrite in heart, and confess with
their moutiis, and do promise them an increase of eternal salvation, at the
letribution of the just. And as to those who shall not go thither in their own
persons, but only shall appoint proper persons, according to their ability and
faculty, maintaining them at their own expences ; and as to those also who
go thit'ier in dieit own persons, though at the expence of others, we grant
218 HISTORY or THE INQUISITIO.V.
This plenary indulgence the repertory of the Inquisition ex-
tends so far,^ as that the inquisitors shall not only obtain it
once in their lives, but by all perfect acts whatsoever, that are
celebrated against heretics, in favour and to the praise of the
faith.
CHAP. XIV.
Of the Amplitude o/^^/i^ Jurisdiction o/* //if iNauisiTORs.
BECAUSE the inquisitors are judges delegated by the pope
in the cause of faith, that all heresy may be wholly extirpated
according to the pope's pleasure, power is given them in favour
of the faith, of proceeding against all sorts of persons whatso-
ever. Few only are excepted. The inquisitor cannot proceed
against the officials and legates of the apostolic see, nor against
bishops ; but he may give notice of their crimes to the aposto-
hc see.** John XXII. ordained the same, when Matthew de
Pontiniano, a predicant, inquisitor of heretical pravity, in the
kingdom of Sicily, pronounced sentence of excommunication
against G. de Bale to, archdeacon of Forli, and chaplain to the
pope.* But Pius IV. by an Extravagant beginning, Romanus
Pontvfex, in the year 1563, ordained, that the cardinals inqui-
sitors general over all Christendom, might proceed against bi-
shops, and all other prelates whatsoever, and admonish and
cite them, and require their personal attendance within a cer-
tain term, and that under grievous penalties ; that so, when
tliem full pardon of all their sins. We also will and grant, that all shall be
partakers of the same remission, according to the nature of their assistance,
and the affection of theii devotion, who shall agreeably minister of their sub-
stance towards the relief of the said holy land, or shall give proper counsel
or advice in the aforesaid matters. The holy and universal synod also doth
unanimously bestow the assistance of their prayers and blessings upon all in
common, who piously proceed in this work, that it may worthily profit thera
to salvation.''
a Jn verb. Indulg, sect. Item. Inquisitores.
b Extrav. de haeret. c. 3. and cap. Inquisitores. de haeret. lib. 6
*= Bzoviu«, A. 1326, sect. 9.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 219
the process is formed, it may be reported to the most holy
lord, and that the deserved and just punishment may be pub-
hshed against tliem.
As to such rehgious as were exempt, there was formerly
a great variety about the power of proceeding against tliem.*
For Alexander IV. by a certain rescript, beginning, Ne com-
misoe vohis, Anno 12G0, ordained, that the inquisitors should
proceed, without distinction, against all manner of religious
and exempt persons whatsoever. The same also was ordained
by others. But Pius II. about the year 1460, granted to the
vicar of the order of the friars minors, that he should make
inquisition, and punish his own friars, suspected concerning the
faith, or of heresy. A few years after, Sixtus ordained by a
golden bull, beginning. Sacri Prcedicatorum ; which may be
seen in the book of the privileges of the predicant order, fol.
163, that the "predicants shall not proceed against the friars
minors, nor the minors against the predicants, in those places
where they exercise the office of the Inquisition. A few years
after this, Innocent VIII. forbad all the inquisitors to proceed
in any manner, or make inquisition against the friars minors, as
appears from the apostolic letters written about this affair, con-
tained in a book entitled, " Fundamentum trium Ordinum
beati Francisci.''
But whereas these immunities were sometimes manifestly
dangerous to the faith, the latter pope subjected all religious
or otherwise exempted persons, in the cause of faith, as formerly,
to the iniquisitors of heretical pravity. Thus Clement VII. by
a rescript, beginning. Cum siciit ; and Pius IV. by another,
beginning, Pastoi'is cenibits :^ for which reason it was declared,
by Charles V. emperor in Spain, that the soldiers of St. James,
if they should. happen to be heretics, are not exempted from
the ordinary jurisdiction, nor from that of the inquisitors. The
same rule also is entirely to be observed as to the soldiers of
St. John, and as to all others whatsoever.
• In some particular religions, the order is prescribed, whicli
must be observed in denouncing heretical or suspected friars;
a Diiect. par. 3. qu 28. com. 77. ^ Simanr. lit. 31. sect. 32.
220 HISTORY OF THE INaUlSITION.
whereby the prior of the convent must make the denunciation
to the provincial, the provincial to the general, and the general
to the office of the Inquisition. But that this circuitous
way may be avoided, when this method cannot be so conve-
niently observed, the prior alone may make the denunciation,
or other in his room upon his absence, that the cause of faith
may not be delayed.
But although the inquisitors may thus proceed against all
rehgious and exempt persons, yet there are some rehgious
against whom private inquisitors are not easily allowed to pro-
ceed, because of the prerogative of their dignity. Such are
the masters general of orders, of the predicants, minors, and
the like ; and also the masters general of the military religions.
When such are to be proceeded against, the proper way is,
first to inform the inquisitors general, who, upon taking cog-
nizance of the cause, must decree what is necessary to be done,
unless the criminal attempts to escape, and there appears dan-
ger in delay.
Farther, the inquisitor hath power to proceed against priests.*
^' Moreover, the priests and others of the clergy, who shall be
found to hinder the office of the inquisition, either by instruct-
ing heretics and their believers, when cited, to conceal the
truth, or speak falsehood, or by endeavouring unlawfully to
deliver them, may in such cases, since it is certain they act in
favour of heretical pravity, be restrained by the inquisitors, and
chastised with deserved punishment, either by seizing their
persons, or otherwise, as the fault of the criminal shall re-
quire.'*'
And finally. They may proceed against all kicks whatsoever,
without distinction, infected, suspected, or defamed of heresy,
of every condition, not excepting princes and kings. In the
latter case they think it safer, when they proceed against princes
and nobles that are heretics, or suspected of heresy, to consult
the pope, according to whose will, and manner prescribed by
him, they must proceed against them : not for that they think
any deference is due to nobility, which is forfeited by heresy,
" Direct. Par. 3. Qu* 29. per cap. Accusatus. sect. Sacerdotes, Extra, de
haeret. qu. ',M.
HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION. 221
but to prevent scandal. For 
