HISTORY OF CHIOS
THE LIBRARY
OF
THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA
PRESENTED BY
PROF. CHARLES A. KOFOID AND
MRS. PRUDENCE W. KOFOID
A HISTORY OF THE ISLAND OF CHIOS
A.D. 70-1822
CHIOS
Stanford's Geqgl Estadi, London.
A HISTORY OF THE
ISLAND OF CHIOS
A.D. 70-1822
TRANSLATED FROM THE SECOND PART OF
Dr. ALEXANDER M. VLASTO'S
WORK ENTITLED
XIAKA,
OR
"The History of the Island of Chios from the earliest
TIMES down to ITS DESTRUCTION BY THE TURKS IN 1822 "
LONDON
PRIVATELY PRINTED BY J. DAVY AND SONS AT THE
DRYDEN PRESS 8-9 FRITH STREET SOHO SQUARE
1913
CsVs-s
TRANSLATOR'S NOTE.
DR. VLASTO'S work, entitled " XIAKA," or " The History of
the Island of Chios from its earliest times down to its des-
truction, by the Turks in 1822," is divided into two parts.
Of these, the first deals with the history of the island from
the earliest times down to the year a.d. 70, the date of its incor-
poration in the Roman Empire ; the second commences with that
date, and carries the history of the island down to the year of its
destruction by the Turks in 1822.
The first part consists mainly of a narrative of the share taken by
the inhabitants of the island in the events of the Persian and
Peloponnesian Wars, and the Macedonian and Roman conquests.
As these events are fully related in the histories of Greece and
Rome, it has not been thought necessary to undertake the transla-
tion of this part of the work. But it is otherwise with regard to the
events related in the second part. Of these there is no other con-
nected narrative known to the translator, and it is for those, who,
though desirous of learning something of the later history of the
island, do not possess a knowledge of modern Greek sufficient to
enable them to read the original text, that this translation has been
undertaken.
Except for some small omissions, in no way affecting the con-
tinuity of the narrative, this translation is an unabridged rendering
of the original text. The last three chapters of the original work
have been divided into five in this translation. Neither the views of
Chios, nor the map, form part of the original work. The views are
reproductions of those in Prince Demetrius Rodocanachi's work,
"Justinianis — Chios." Syra, 1900.
A. P. Ralli.
London, 1913.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
A.D. 70-1171.
PAGE
Chios under the Romans — Lives in darkness for many
centuries — Passes under the Byzantine Emperors — Is
captured by Tzachas and retaken — Disputes between the
Emperor and the Venetians — Taken by the Venetians and
abandoned by them 1
CHAPTER II.
A.D. 1171-1329.
Fourth Crusade — State of the Byzantine Empire — The Latins
take Byzantium — Chios allotted to Peter Justiniani —
Chios retaken by the Byzantine Emperor and leased to
Zaccaria — Andronicus declares war against Benedetto's
successors — Expedition to Chios — Zaccaria rejects terms
offered by Andronicus, and dies after an unsuccessful
attempt on the Island 11
CHAPTER III.
A.D. 1329-1352.
The Genoese arm twenty-nine ships. Delfini arrives in
Genoa. Vignoso comes to Chios. Takes the citadel.
The Emperor demands the Island back from the Genoese.
Zyvos fails in his expedition to Chios. The Island is
besieged by the Venetian Pisani (1352) . . . .20
CHAPTER IV.
A.D. 1352-1414.
Institution of the Maona — The Justinianis acquire the sove-
reignty of the Island — Political system of the Justinianis
— Barbarous methods of punishment — Conspiracy of the
Chians against the Justinianis — Sovereignty of the Justinianis
acknowledged by John Palaeologus — Fresh disturbances in
Chios — Proselytism by Mahomedan Heresiarchs . . 27
Viii CONTENTS
CHAPTER V.
A.D. 1414-1453.
The Justinianis accorded many privileges by Mahomet I — The
Venetians besiege Chios — Wealth of the Justinianis —
Resources of the Island — Coins of the Justinianis — Chian
customs under the Justinianis 36
CHAPTER VI.
A.D. 1453-1477.
Fall of Constantinople — The Chians send assistance — The
Justinianis submit to the Sultan — The Turkish fleet at Chios
— Mahomet declares war against the Chians — The Justinianis
ask the Pope for help — The Papal fleet fails in rousing the
Chians to revolt — The Justinianis helped by Genoa . . 48
CHAPTER VII.
A.D. 1477-1566.
Position of Europe — Chios taken by Piali Pasha — Condition
of the Justinianis after the capture of Chios — Martyrdom
of the eighteen Latin children 55
CHAPTER VIII.
Eminent men of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries . . 63
CHAPTER IX.
A.D. 1566-1657.
The Florentines attack Chios — Privileges enjoyed by the
Chians under the Turks — Eminent orthodox Chians
(1500-1680) 66
CHAPTER X.
A.D. 1657-1694.
Relations between the Greeks and Latins in Chios — Eccle-
siastical position — Disputes between the Greeks and
Latins as to possession of churches . . . .73
CHAPTER XI.
A.D. 1694-1695.
The Venetians attack Chios — Having conquered the Island,
they oppress the Greeks — They are driven out of the
Island by the Turks 84
CHAPTER XII.
A.D. 1695-1821.
Eminent Scholars and Divines of the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries 93
CONTENTS IX
CHAPTER XIII.
A.D. 1695-1821.
Prosperity and character of the Chians — Schools, Libraries,
Hospitals, Public Health, Lepers, Illegitimates, Prisoners
(1700-1820) 96
CHAPTER XIV.
A.D. 1695-1821.
The Great Public School— The Public Library— The Hospital
— Plague Hospital — Precautions against the Plague —
Home for Lepers — Foundhngs — Prisoners . . . 102
CHAPTER XV.
A.D. 1695-1821.
Clergy — Churches — The Three Brotherhoods — Monasteries
Nea Mone — Turkish Authorities — The Demogeronts . 114
CHAPTER XVI.
A.D. 1695-1821.
Commercial Court — Maritime Court — Notaries Public —
Arbitrators — Administration of Villages, and of the Mastic
District — Law of Inheritance — Intestacy — Childless Mar-
riages— Dowries — Mortgages — Betrothals — Leases of Land
— Trustees — Wills — Contracts of Sale and Purchase — Capi-
tation Tax — Death Dues — Wine and Spirit Tax — Salaries
— Assessment for Taxation — Rural Taxation — Customs
Dues — Industries 128
CHAPTER XVII.
Concerning the Women of Chios 140
CHAPTER XVIII.
A.D. 1821-1822.
The Greek War of Independence — Tombazi arrives in Chios —
Fears of the Turks — They take Hostages into the Fort —
Outrages by Turkish Irregulars — The Samians come to
attack the Island — Lycurgus arrives in Chios — Behaviour
of the Samians — Lycurgus usurps the Government —
Anarchy in Chios — Arrival of the Turkish Fleet — General
Massacre by the Turks 144
Page
ERRATA.
4, note 5
for Zonoras read Zonaras.
20, heading of chapter
„ 1346
, 1329.
43, line 13 from top
„ Lazurus
, Lazarus.
49, „ 22 „ „
„ Bosphorous
, Bosphorus.
74, „ 3 from bottom
„ Georgian
, Gregorian.
83, „ 7 of note .
. a//er Catholics
, of Chios.
43, „ 13 from top
„ leur
, a.
XIAKA.
CHAPTER I.
A.D. 70-1171.
Chios under the Romans — Lives in darkness for many
centuries — Passes under the Byzantine Emperors — Is
captured by Tzachas and retaken — Disputes between the
Emperor and the Venetians — Taken by the Venetians
and abandoned by them.
A
FTER the incorporation of Chios into the Roman
Empire (a.d. 70), the Romans, in order to requite
•^ -*- its inhabitants, and compensate them for all they
had suffered as their allies in the war with Mithridates,
allowed them to retain their assemblies, and to live ac-
cording to their own laws and customs. No Roman
Proconsul or other officer was sent to exercise authority
over them, and Roman citizens living in the island
were bound to conform to its laws. But not long after
(a.d. 90), the Emperor Vespasian deprived them of these
privileges, and a Roman Prasfect, or sometimes a Greek
acting under him, was appointed to govern the island.
But such was the state of debasement of all the Greeks
of this period, and so utterly insensible were they to
the example of ancient virtue (they even obliterated the
names from the monuments erected to the glory of
their ancestors, and replaced them with the names of
powerful Romans), that it seemed as though the only
ambition left to them, was the wish to surpass each
other in the servility of the adulation they offered to the
Romans.^ This conduct not only earned them the scorn
1 Pausanias, I, 18,
I B
2 CHIOS
of their masters, but served to intensify the despotism
of their domination. Wherever a Roman Praefect, or
other officer, was sent to govern a province, his rule
was that of an autocrat, because whenever anyone made
complaint to the Roman Senate, or to the Emperor, the
Roman officer would always find supporters amongst
the leading Greeks of his province. Again, in the coun-
tries where the Romans allowed the natives to govern
themselves, their endless disputes compelled them to
have almost daily recourse to the Romans, and the
Roman Courts, for the settlement of differences, which
they were both capable, and empowered, to settle among
themselves. Nor did the Chians escape the general cor-
ruption; for, on the suggestion of a Roman General in
Chios, they seized the occasion of the visit to the island
of that utterly depraved Emperor, Lucius Aurelius (co-
occupant of the imperial throne with the philosophic
Marcus Aurelius), to erect a public monument in his
honour. What happened in Chios after these times we
do not know ; but of all that which the mind of man, and
the experience of ages, had taken such numberless years
to perfect, of all these monuments to ability, intellect
and virtue, there now only remained the lamentable
ruins. History only tells us this, that in the reign of
the Emperor Decius (a.d. 253), St. Isidore of Alexandria
suffered mart3n:dom in Chios ;^ that towards the end of
1 This Isidore was a soldier, but a firm believer in Christ. Whilst
travelling by ship to Chios, he was denounced by the Centurion
Julius for not worshipping the gods, and for practising the Christian
religion. Numerius, who was in command of the ships, tried to
convert him, but failing, had him decapitated, and his body thrown
on to a rock to be devoured by the birds. But a certain Myrope
from Ephesus, who, flying from the persecution of the Christians,
happened to be in Chios at the time, removed the body and buried
it honourably. But when the governor of the island threatened to
put the guards to death unless they replaced the body, Myrope had
pity on them, and confessed, and was put to death herself. (Baillet,
"Vie de St. Isidore de Chio, Vies des Saints," Paris, 1703).
CHIOS 3
the fourth century (a.d. 360), there flourished a certain
Chian doctor called ^schines, whom Eunapius repre-
sents, whether justly or unjustly, to have been more of
an agitator than a doctor, although he admits that he
was cured by him when grievously sick in Athens.^ Nor
must we be surprised at knowing so little about Chios
at this period, when we consider the lamentable con-
dition of the Byzantine Empire, and the darkness which
brooded over these parts up to the time of the first
appearance there of the Crusaders. From the time
when Byzantium was made the capital of the Empire,
right down into the sixth century, there was never a
moment but what, either Goth, Hun or Alanus was
assailing the Empire, if not actually threatening the
capital itself. The occupation of the country by the
barbarians would often interpose a barrier between its
people and their ruler, and it is not impossible that
Chios may have been left to govern itself during the
fourth century. Besides the ravages of the barbarians,
the Empire was continuously embroiled, by theological
strife, and by the heresies of the Themistians, Mono-
physites, Eutychians, Monotheletes, and of many other
sects with designations equally uncouth. With few
exceptions, all the occupants of the throne proved them-
selves both incapable and unworthy. Of historians,
except Agathius and Procopius, contemporaries of
Justinian, there were none. Even the teaching of the
native philosophers was forbidden by a decree of the
Emperor Justinian ! When the state of the whole
country was such as we have described it, there is no
cause for us to wonder that no mention is made of
Chios. It was not included among the islands which
sent Bishops to attend the CEcumenical Council of the
1 Eunapius, "Lives of Philosophers," etc., vol. I, p. 76 (edn.
Boissonade).
b2
4 CHIOS
three hundred and eighteen Theophori Fathers held at
Nicaea.^ When did it embrace Christianity ? and did
it suffer much from the persecution of the Christians
under Decius and Diocletian ? Was it visited by the
terrible plague that invaded Greece in the year 558 ?^
Was it molested by the Arabs when they conquered
Rhodes and all the Cyclades islands^ in 653 ? Did
Robert Guiscard, when making war on the Emperor
Alexius Comnenos, ravage the islands of the -^gean
Sea ? — are all questions to which we cannot reply.*
The mediaeval history of Chios really begins with the
last years of the eleventh century. At that moment the
Emperor Alexius I, being occupied with the war against
the Scythians and Patzinaks, a certain Tzachas,^ a Turkish
adventurer, having collected 40 ships manned with expert
sailors, had made himself master of Phocaea, Clazomenae,
Mitylene, and Chios, A.D. 1093. The Emperor, hearing
of his exploits, sent a considerable fleet, under his general
Niketas Kastamonites, who, meeting Tzachas in battle,
was defeated by him with the loss of many ships. The
Emperor, on the receipt of the news of the defeat of
Kastamonites, forthwith fitted out a second fleet, the com-
mand of which he entrusted to Constantine Dalassenos, a
most capable warrior and a kinsman of his mother. The
new general, having arrived in Chios, laid his plans to
master the citadel before the return of Tzachas, then away
in Smyrna. By means of numerous siege and stone
discharging engines, he destroyed the wall between the
two towers, and caused immense consternation among
the Turks, who, losing hope, began to implore his mercy.
1 Caccini, " Storia Eccles. del primo Concilio Niceno," 1637, 4to,
p. 154.
2 Agathias, " Hist.," p. 297 (edn. Niebuhr).
3 Rampoldi, "Annali Musulmani."
* Gibbon, " Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire."
5 Zonoras calls him " Zachates," and Glycas " Tsachatsan."
CHIOS 5
But Dalassenos, in order to prevent the pillaging of the
island by his insubordinate soldiery, let the day pass,
forgetful that the first duty of a conqueror in battle is to
avoid delay, and to reap the harvest of his victory. The
Turks meanwhile, taking advantage of the unpardonable
inaction of the enemy, rebuilt the wall, and, covering it
with hides and other resisting materials, broke the force
of the stones that were discharged against it, and awaited
the succour of Tzachas, who, having equipped his fleet,
and embarked 8,000 Turks, proceeded to their assistance.
As soon as this came to the knowledge of Dalassenos, he
immediately ordered his admiral Opos to sail out and
engage the Turks. But the latter, meeting the enemy at
about midnight, was so disconcerted by the novel tactics
of the enemy's fleet (because Tzachas had fastened all
his ships together with an enormous chain, so that no
ship could run away or break the line of battle) that he
returned to Chios, followed by Tzachas, and cast anchor
in the harbour of Chios, which had by now fallen into
the hands of Dalassenos. Tzachas sailed round and,
landing his forces the following day, took stock of the
position. Meanwhile Dalassenos placed his soldiers in
a fortified post near the harbour, which he protected by a,
trench. The next day both sides prepared for battle.
The Greeks stood still in obedience to the orders of their
general to keep their ranks closed up, whilst Tzachas
commanded the Turks and a small number of horsemen
to charge. Upon this the Latins, who formed part of the
Greek army, advanced to meet them. But the Turks,
discharging their missiles, not at the men, but at the
horses, killed so many of these that the riders were driven
back to the trench, whence they made their way to the
ships as best they could. The Greeks, dismayed at the
defeat of their allies,^ retreated behind their fortifications.
1 Anna Comnena, to whom we are indebted for this account of
Tzachas' expedition, is always anxious to attribute the reverses of the
6 CHIOS
Tzachas, meeting with no opposition, approached the
harbour and made himself master of some of the ships,
and would have taken them all, had not the captains by
slipping their cables managed to get clear of the shore.
He also sent men to Dalassenos asking him for a parley
for the negotiation of a peace, because he saw (as Anna
Comnena explains) how great would be his difficulty to
overcome so brave an adversary ! The Greek general
consenting, a meeting took place the following morning
at the agreed spot. Tzachas then spoke first as follows : —
" Know that I am that stripling who, after much raiding
" in Asia and brave fighting, fell through inexperience
" and by guile into the hands of Kavalika Alexander, and
" being taken before the Emperor Niketas Botaneiates,
" was honoured with the title of Nobilissimus, and en-
" dowed with great gifts, and so promised him allegiance.
" But when the government passed into the hands of
" Alexius Comnenos, all this was taken from me, and
'* that is why I am at enmity with the Greeks. Let the
" Emperor be informed that, if he wishes the enmity
" between us to cease, he must return to me all my former
" honours. And if thou thinkest that this treaty should
" extend to our descendants, let it be set down in writing
" as is usual between ye Greeks and us Barbarians. After
" all this has been carried out I will return to thee, for
" the Emperor, all the islands I have seized, and will go
" home to my native country."
Dalassenos, rightly surmising that the words of Tzachas
were only pretexts, boldly answered him as follows : —
^* Neither dost thou, notwithstanding thy words, really
" intend surrendering the islands to me, nor am I able
" to consent to thy proposals without the orders of my
" master, but as the Grand Duke John, the Emperor's
Greeks to the shortcomings of the foreigners. Alexias, pp. 205-250
(Paris edn. 1651). " Chronicle of Zonaras," book III, p. 298, vol. II.
CHIOS 7
" brother-in-law, is soon expected to arrive here with a
" large force of men and ships, let him listen to thy
*' words. In this way thou canst be assured that, by his
*' mediation, peace will be arranged between thee and the
'* Emperor." And the words of Dalassenos were true,
because the Emperor, knowing John's tried ability, had
sent him to drive the Turks out of the island. The crafty
Tzachas, taking advantage of a favourable wind, sailed
the next day for Smyrna to collect fresh forces. Dalass-
enos, however, this time did not sit down in idleness,
but, collecting a large force, engaged and defeated the
Turks in battle, and also captured the citadel while
Tzachas was still away. He then sailed away to Mitylene,
securing the safety of Chios by leaving a strong garrison
there. Tzachas, accepting an invitation from the Sultan
Kilidji Arslan to a banquet, was put to death, after
having for long harried the Greek Empire.
Hardly had peace been restored in Chios when the
wars of the Crusaders again subjected it to the greatest
misfortunes. The Venetians, who had been living in the
greatest harmony with the Byzantine Emperors, enjoying
special privileges and commercial benefits in the -^gean,
and who were also on friendly terms with the Asiatic
Ottomans (to avoid any breach of their commercial
relations with them), becoming envious of the Genoese
and Pisans for the wealth they had acquired in Syria,
determined to also take part in the wars of the Crusaders.
After putting to flight the Genoese whom they met at
sea, and taking from them the Turkish booty with which
their ships were laden, they defeated the Saracens, entered
the harbour of Ptolemais, and captured Tyre after a
five months' siege.^ These victories filled them with un-
bridled arrogance and insolence. Although strangers
1 Michaud, " Hist, des Croisades," vol. II, p. 80, and vol. Ill,
p. 101.
8 CHIOS
themselves, they treated the native Greeks with the greatest
contempt, violating their local laws and insulting their
religion and local customs. Being extremely fanatical,
they tried to convert the Greeks to Papacy, and whenever
the authorities attempted to restrain their abuses, they
spilt the blood of those of whom they called themselves
the deliverers and saviours.^ The Emperor, John II
(Comnenos), one of the bravest and most virtuous of the
Emperors who mounted the Byzantine throne, learning
of the victories and abuses of the Venetians, and fearing
their permanent establishment in Palestine, gave orders
for the detention of all Venetian ships met at sea, until
such time as Venice should justify the conduct of her
citizens. Thereupon the admiral of the Venetian Fleet,
Domenico Micheli, returning from his conquest of Tyre,
seized all the Cyclades Islands (a.d. 1124) including
Chios, enslaved all the men and women, and devastated
the country with fire and sword. After remaining there
a good part of the winter, he returned to Venice.^ It
was at this time that the body of St. Isidore, except
the head, was carried off and deposited in the Church of
St. Mark.^ Some five hundred years later (1622) a cer-
tain Greek stole the head and carried it to Venice, for
which deed both he and his children were richly
rewarded.
These victories of the Venetians so alarmed the Em-
peror Manuel I (Comnenos), that he granted them
privileges even greater than those they enjoyed under
Alexius I,* and induced them to enter into an alliance
with him against Roger King of Sicily. After they had
1 For a description of the character of the Venetians see Cinamos,
" Byz. Hist.," p. 164.
2 Cinnamos, " Byz. Hist.-Sabellicus, hist. Venet. decad. Daru,
hist, de la repub. de Venise," vol. I, p. 104.
3 M. Giustiniani, " Scio Sacra," p. 195.
* Heeren, " Essai sur I'influence des Croisades," p. 335.
CHIOS 9
ravaged Sicily, Roger, granting the Venetians many
privileges, made peace with them. Manuel, wishing to
destroy these States by setting one against the other, first
attempted to incite Roger's heir, William, against the
Venetians, promising him his daughter in marriage. Fail-
ing in his object, he sent ambassadors to the Venetians,
asking them to join him in an alliance against the King
of Sicily. The Venetians, rejecting his proposals, and
foreseeing the evils that would befall their merchants
and ships lying in Greek harbours, ordered them forth-
with to leave the Greek kingdom. Making use of this
as a pretext, the Emperor seized Corcyra and three
Dalmatian towns, though professing himself ever ready
to make friends with the Republic. The Venetians,
fearing the losses consequent upon the cessation of
commerce, and listening to the complaints of their
merchants, recalled their orders, and allowed their
subjects to visit the Greek harbours again. As soon,
however, as these had arrived, Manuel immediately
made them prisoners, and confiscated their property.
The Venetians, enraged at this treacherous breach of
treaty (which can never be justified, although Niketas ^
attempts to do so by attributing it to scandalous conduct
on the part of the Venetians) set sail with 120 ships
commanded by the unfortunate Doge Micheli II, to
revenge themselves on the Greeks.
The Doge, having besieged all the places that had
been conquered by Manuel, arrived in Euboea. From
here, deceived by the specious and treacherous pro-
fessions of the Governor of this island, with regard to
a treaty of peace and friendship, he sent ambassadors,
well acquainted with the Greek language, to Byzantium
to treat, and, having taken the island of Chios, decided
to winter there and await their return.
1 Choniates, '' Byz. Hist.," p. 112.
10 CHIOS
The ambassadors arrived in Byzantium, where the
Emperor received them with kindness, but brought
forward all sorts of difficulties in order to delay matters
and gain time. The ambassadors, realising his tactics,
departed. On their arrival in Chios they found a plague
pitilessly mowing down the army, so much so, that they
suspected the Greeks of having poisoned the wells. So
many died, that the Venetians, not having sailors enough
to man their ships, burnt them to prevent their falling
into the hands of the Greeks.^ At last, owing to the
increasing virulence of the disease, they were obliged to
sail away to Venice with only 17 ships, abandoning all
hope of revenge (a.d. 1171).
1 Sabellicus, " Hist, rerum Venet. decad. lib. VII," p. 111.
CHAPTER II.
A.D. 1171-1329.
Fourth Crusade — State of the Byzantine Empire — The
Latins take Byzantium — Chios allotted to Peter Justiniani
— Chios retaken by the Byzantine Emperor and leased to
Zaccaria — Andronicus declares war against Benedetto's
successors — Expedition to Chios — Zaccaria rejects terms
offered by Andronicus and dies after an unsuccessful
attempt on the island.
MEANWHILE the fourth Crusade, which may more
rightly be designated as a war against the Greeks,
was being prepared. Omitting an account of this
war, and of the incidents that supervened among the
Crusaders on their march, ^ as being irrelevant to the
matter in hand, let us shortly consider the conditions
ruling in the Byzantine Empire. There is no need for a
lengthy description of the corruption, and petty intrigues
prevailing in the Byzantine Court, to enable us to realise
the depths of degradation reached at this moment by the
Byzantine Empire. All that need be said is, that it had
neither army, fleet, money nor virtue of any kind what-
soever. Ravaged by continuous civil war, it had reached
such an abyss of apathy, that it had even lost all interest
in theological contention. Commerce with foreign
countries was neglected, and limited to petty local
trafficking, as calling for less enterprise. Their only
aspirations were towards luxury, and self-indulgence. ^
1 Villeharduin, " Hist, de I'Emp. de Constantinople."
2 Sismondi, " hist, des repub. ital. du moyen-age."
12 CHIOS
Such was their moral condition. The political commo-
tions of the Court were even more terrible. Andronicus I,
having blinded the nine year old son of the infamous
Manuel I, seized the reins of government, which indeed
(according to Choniates) he handled with prudence and
skill. Dethroned, and put to death, after three days
of terrible torture, by Isaac II, the latter was, in turn,
dethroned by his own brother, Alexius, blinded and
thrown into prison. Isaac's son Alexius (who bore the
same name as his uncle) escaping from the prison, where
he and his father were confined, appealed to all the
Christian monarchs for assistance. Failing here, he
addressed himself to the Crusaders and Venetians,
promising them, if they would help him, to pay them
200,000 silver marks, to feed their armies for a whole
year, to share their labours and dangers for the redemp-
tion of Jerusalem, and finally to subject the Eastern
Church to that of the Westerns. The Venetians, tempted
by the hope of immense profit, and lured by the far-
reaching possibilities of the scheme, though hating the
Greeks as enemies of the Westerns, and resenting the
preference shown by Alexius for an alliance with the
Pisans and Genoese, disregarded the threats of the Pope,
Innocent III, and promised Alexius their assistance (1 199).
Although no mention of the fact is made in history,
there can be little doubt that the Crusaders must have on
several occasions set foot in Chios. What happened after
the conquest of Byzantium by the Latins, the crimes they
committed in their lust for blood and appetite for plunder,
how many masterpieces of the Greeks they either des-
troyed or carried away, all this is set out at length in the
writings of the Byzantine authors^ and in the works of
the late renowned historian Michaud.^ We mav here
1 Geo. Acropol., " Byz. Hist.," Niketas, " Byz. Hist."
2 Michaud, " Hist, des Croisades," vol. Ill, pp. 187, 239, 257, 351.
CHIOS 13
incidentally mention, that it was at this time, that were
carried off the famous four horses of bronze, which now
adorn the Church of St. Mark in Venice. After the
taking of Constantinople by the Latins in 1204, twelve
Venetian Patricians, and an equal number of Prankish
Knights, assembled in conclave, divided the conquered
kingdom amongst themselves. To the Franks were
allotted Bithynia, Thrace, the whole of Greece from
Thermopylae to the Promontory of Sunium, and the
larger islands of the ^gean Sea.^ To the Venetians fell
Chios, nearly all the Cyclades and Sporades, the coast
of Propontis and of the Euxine Sea, and many other
countries. But the Republic being unable to administer
such distant countries (extending to nearly 8,000 square
leagues and containing a population of about 8,000,000
souls) authorised any Venetian, who should equip ships
and conquer, at his own expense, any of the islands of
the ^gean Sea, to constitute himself Ruler of the same.
In this way Marino Dandolo got possession of Andros,
Peter Justiniani of Chios, ^ and others of other islands.
But it is ever the fate of spots beautiful, but lacking in
natural defence, not to remain long under the rule of
one and the same dynasty. The Latins having divided
up the Greek kingdom, which, in spite of the then pre-
vailing illiteracy, still by far surpassed its conquerors in
civilisation, began to be threatened by the Greeks, who
hated them as men of a different race, of a different
religion, and most of all on account of their persistent
plotting to force the Eastern Church into submitting to
that of the West. When a whole nation has been humbled
by a few thousand, and these foreigners, there comes a
moment when the hatred it nourishes against their masters
overcomes the fear of the past, and calls for revenge.
1 Villeharduin, " Hist., etc., Constantinople," p. 5.
2 " Annali Musulmani di Rampoldi," vol. VIII, p. 505, note 38 ;
but compare Daru, " Hist, de la Repub. de Venise," vol. I, p. 313.
14 CHIOS
Theodore I (Lascaris) was the first, by his ability, to
re-conquer the greater number of the Greek towns.
After him John III (Duka Vatatses) within a very short
time was able to confine the Latins to the city of Byzan-
tium, and sending a fleet conquered Chios, Lesbos, and
other islands of the ^gean.^ It was only his death that
postponed the complete destruction of the Latin power
to the moment when Michael Palaeologue, with the
assistance of the Genoese, drove the Venetians, in dis-
orderly flight, out of the capital, and ascended the throne.
Thus it was that the sceptre of the East was wrested from
the grasp of the Franks, fifty-seven years three months
and eleven days from the time when they had first laid
hold of it. As, however, many towns and islands of the
-^gean were still in the possession of Venetian and
Prankish families, the Emperor, in fulfilment of a treaty
with the Genoese, made a joint proclamation with that
Republic, to the effect, that any Greek or Genoese that
should conquer these places, should hold them of him as
fiefs. In response to this proclamation many families
from Genoa, joining forces, conquered Lemnos, Mitylene
and other islands, and as the Greeks had contributed
considerable assistance in enabling these captures to be
made, the Emperor annexed two-thirds of the conquered
countries to the Empire, and divided the remaining third
among different leaders. Amongst these was a certain
Benedetto Zaccaria, who, as indemnity for the outlay
on his adventure, received Chios, together with the titles
of High Admiral and High Constable,^ upon the following
conditions : He was to rule the island for ten years
without paying tribute ; the island was to be recognised
as the property of the Emperor. The Imperial standard
was to float over its walls. At the end of ten years the
1 Nicephor. Gregor., " Byz. Hist." vol. I, p. 16.
2 Serra, "Storia della Antica Liguria," vol. II, pp. 117-129.
CHIOS 15
island was to be delivered up to the Emperor.^ It was
during the rule of Zaccaria that Chios was subjected to
two piratical expeditions, the first, in 1302, of Catalans; ^
the second, in 1307, and by far the most disastrous,
composed of Ottomans. These after completely defeating
the Greek army under Muzalona, near Nicomedia, sent
thirty ships to ravage Chios. ^ Every inhabitant unable
to reach the protection of the citadel was put to death.
Four hundred of them having placed their women and
children on board of forty ships, together with such
property as they could save, were — a culmination of
misfortune — shipwrecked off the island of Skyros.^
Upon the death of Michael VIII, in 1282, his unworthy
son, Andronicus II, succeeded him. Zaccaria, seeing
that owing to the frequent incursions of the Persians the
Emperor was not in a position to injure him, began to
fortify the town of Chios, rebuilding and raising its walls
so that it might be ready for siege. Waiting, however,
for a more convenient moment, he, at the end of the
term of ten years, sent envoys to the Emperor Androni-
cus III, requesting him to extend this period to another
ten years. This the Emperor granted, on account of the
difficulty of reducing so well fortified an island. Mean-
while Zaccaria died, and his sons, Beneto and Martino,
having inherited not only the country but also the crafti-
ness of their father, continued his deceitful attitude
towards the Emperor, and kept on obtaining fresh terms
of years before the expiry of the then current ones. In
this way, though professing that the island was the
property of the Emperor, they continued in full enjoy-
ment of its resources. Upon the approach of the date
1 Cantacuzene, " Byz. Hist." book II, p. 227.
2 Pachymeri, " Hist. Andronicus," vol. II, pp. 302-365.
3 Michael Ducas, " Byz. Hist." p. 24 (Paris edn.)
* Pachym., " Hist. Andronicus."
16 CHIOS
on which they were to quit the island, a certain Kalo-
thetos, one of the richest and most influential of the
inhabitants of Chios, and bosom friend of the Mega
Domesticus, going to visit the latter's mother, then resid-
ing at Didymotychus, related to her the wrongful acts
and injustices of the Latins, pointed out to her that
Chios was not a possession to be despised, as it had a
yearly income of 120,000 pieces of gold, and said that, if
the Emperor were willing to send a fleet to help, he
would, with the assistance of his many relations and
friends in Chios, be able to regain possession of the
island. But such assistance, he added, must indeed be
adequate, because should the attempt fail he would, when
the Latins discovered that he was the instigator of the
plot, be most certainly a lost man. The mother of the
Mega Domesticus approving the plans of Kalothetos,
persuaded the Emperor to send him to Chios to prepare
the ground for the attempt. Simultaneously, upon the
advice of the Mega Domesticus, letters were sent to
Martino, telling him that, unless he desisted from the
erection of further fortifications and personally presented
himself in Byzantium to arrange the terms of a fresh
lease of the island, an expedition would be sent against
him. Martino, an able and crafty man, who by his
forceful character had instilled such fear amongst the
neighbouring countries that they paid him tribute, not
only treated the letter with contempt,^ but hurried on
with the w^ork of fortification. Beneto having quarrelled
w^ith his brother, who had deprived him of 6,000 pieces
of gold, his share of the revenues of the island, fled to
the Emperor asking for assistance against his unjust
brother, and this was promised him.^
As soon as the fleet was ready — the preparation of
1 Niceph. Gregor., " Byz. Hist." p. 269.
2 Cantacuzene, ''Byz. Hist." pp. 227-239.
CHIOS 17
which had been attended with all the pomp and splend-
our due to its size — it consisted of 105 large ships —
Andronicus sailed for Chios in the autumn of 1329.
Martino, collecting 800 soldiers, shut himself up behind
the walls, after sinking three ships that were at anchor
in the harbour to prevent their falling into the hands
of the Greeks. But seeing how well equipped the Em-
peror was with engines for battering down his walls,
he became alarmed, and fearing to find himself com-
pletely denuded (the more so as Beneto had obtained
possession for the enemy of a tower only a stone's
throw distant) sent envoys to treat. Failing in this, he
and his army surrendered to the Emperor uncondition-
ally. As soon as the Chians saw him a prisoner, they
rushed upon him, and would have killed him in the very
presence of the Emperor, had not the Mega Domesticus
prevented them. The Emperor having reprimanded
Martino for his folly, ordered him to be thrown into
prison, but gave his wife, children and maidservants
permission to go whithersoever they wished,^ taking
with them, as many of their valuables and effects as they
could carry, and as much furniture, coverings and
bedding as their menservants could remove. He told
the 800 soldiers of Martino, that such of them as did
. not wish to come into his pay, were free to depart, but
most remained. He richly rewarded Kalothetos, and
freed the Chians from many taxes that pressed heavily
upon them. When all these affairs had been settled, the
Emperor sent for Beneto, and told him, that wishing to
reward him for the good services he had rendered him,
he would make him Governor of the island. That out
of its revenue of 120,000 gold pieces, he should apply as
much as was required for the protection of the country,
1 Later, in 1338, Martino was released on the intercession of
Pope Benedict XII, and of the French King, Philippe de Valois.
(" Hist, de Constantinople sous les Emp. Francs.")
c
18 CHIOS
and divide the surplus, equally between himself, and the
Emperor. But that, owing to the uncertainty of human
life, he wished the garrison to be Greek, so that the
Greeks might not, in the event of the death of their
Governor, be deprived of the island, surrounded as it
was by enemies far and near. Everyone marvelled at
the Emperor's munificent liberality, but Beneto replied,
that he must either be made absolute master of the
island, or otherwise be rewarded in a manner not
beneath his dignity. In vain the Emperor sought to
persuade him to accept the terms, giving him a week to
think the matter over. Beneto persisted in his unreason-
able demands, derided by all as a fool and madman.
The Mega Domesticus then advised the Emperor to call
together an assembly, to which should be invited all the
Latin notables, their Bishop, the Latin merchants in the
island, and Nicolas Sanuto, Governor of the Cyclades,
(who had come to Chios to do homage to the
Emperor), and there make his offer publicly to Beneto.
Then, should it be accepted by Beneto, well and good ;
if not, then would all those present be witnesses to the
world, of the Emperor's generosity, and of the folly of
Beneto's unreasonable pretensions. The Emperor lis-
tened to this advice and called the notables together. But
Beneto still persisted in his demands. Then everybody
began to laugh at him and doubt his sanity. But the
Emperor made him further offers, of houses in Byzan-
tium, of Senatorial rank, of all the privileges enjoyed by
Greek nobles, and finally of an annual payment, for his
own use of 20,000 gold pieces out of the revenues of
Chios. But Beneto now losing all self-control, raging
and cursing, demanded three of the Imperial ships to
convey him and his family to Galata. These were given
him, and he was landed there with all his property.
The Emperor having further strengthened the defences
of the island, and arranged matters there, sailed away to
CHIOS 19
Phocaea, and thence later proceeded to Adrianople.
But Beneto did not remain quiet. Wishing to revenge
himself, he induced the captains of eight ships coming
from Genoa, by means of gifts of money, to join him in
an attack on the island, hoping to make himself master
of it without difficulty in the absence of the Greek fleet.
But, as soon as they had landed, his men were engaged
by the Chians, and completely defeated, with a loss of
300. The remainder made their escape in sorry plight.
Beneto died six days later, from the effects of an
epileptic attack.
c2
CHAPTER III.
A.D. 1346-1352.
The Genoese arm twenty-nine ships. Delfini arrives in
Genoa. Vignoso comes to Chios. Takes the citadel.
The Emperor demands the island back from the Genoese.
Zyvos fails in his expedition to Chios. The island is
besieged by the Venetian Pisani (1352).
A FEW years after the settlement of affairs in Chios,
Genoa, hitherto, for many years, unceasingly
harassed by civil troubles and foreign warfare,
began to breathe more freely, and to seek means for
enforcing her authority over the noble family of
Grimaldi, who intrenched at Monaco and Roccabruna
menaced the safety of their mother country, Genoa
itself. Assembled in Council, the richest nobles and
commoners decided, in the interest of their common
safety, to arm a fleet of twenty-nine triremes at their
private cost (the public treasury of Genoa was empty)
and after furnishing it with many engines of war, and
the necessary armament, to hand the command to Simon
Vignoso, a brave and popular man. At the same time
there had arrived in Genoa, a certain Ingibert, or
Humbert Delfini, with five Venetian ships, who gave
out that his mission was the relief of a regiment he had
stationed for the protection of Our Saviour's tomb.
Later, however, it appeared, that this was not his real
object, but that, moved by the knightly spirit of adven-
ture then prevalent, his somewhat extravagant idea was
the conquest of the lesser countries of the then enfeebled
CHIOS 21
Greeks and Turks. His main objective was, however,
the island of Chios. The Venetians, too, had long had
their eyes fixed upon this island, wishing to possess it,
on account of its commercial value, and on account of
their fear of its acquisition by the Genoese.^ The
Genoese moreover both wanted the island, and revenge
against the Emperor, for having assisted the Venetians in
taking Tenedos. So the Republic, being now free from
internal trouble, (binding itself to repay to each
contributor of funds the amount of his contribution,
together with interest, at some future date) gave Vignoso
orders to go and secure the island.^ Delfini sailed
away at the same time and meeting Vignoso off Euboea ^
endeavoured to bribe him to take another direction
with his fleet, offering him a present of 10,000 florins for
himself, and 30,000 gold scudi for the owners of the
ships, either in ready money, land or precious stones,
Vignoso, scorning his offers, anchored off Chios on
the 14th of June, 1346, and forthwith sent a messenger
to the authorities of the island with the following
message : " The Venetians are hatching treachery
*' against Chios but, hindered by their treaties with the
" Greeks, have sent Delfini to conquer the island,
" concealing their perfidious and traitorous action under
" the agency of another. I have been sent by Genoa to
" protect and save the island, which the Emperor
" formerly granted to us, for our great and many services,
*' from this outrage. 1 am ready to send and obtain the
" Empress's consent ; be not afraid to let me land my
" forces in peace. But should you refuse I will destroy
*^ you with fire and sword." The commander of the fort.
1 Carlo Varese, " Storia della Rep. di Genova," vol. II, pp. 54,
250.
2 Chalcocondylas, " Byz. Hist."
3 Foglietta, "degli uomini chiari della Liguria" (Genova, 1579),
p. 23.
22 CHIOS
and the notables, directed the messenger to return to his
master, and tell him that they wanted no assistance, but
requested him to leave the island immediately, and that
he had better make his charitable offers to people in
need of charity, but not to the Greeks.i This answer
was worthy of the ancient heroes of Greece, but hardly
judicious, having regard to the resources of Chios.
Vignoso, enraged, landed his men the following day and,
having erected his engines and undermined the walls,
delivered his assault. But the Chians, fighting bravely,
repulsed him with a loss of 500 men. After their failure
here, the Genoese turned their attention to the interior of
the island, and having, in four days, made themselves
masters of the remaining four small forts, returned to the
attack of the city ; but, seeing that they could not take it
by assault, they built up a wall higher than the city wall,
and by means of rows of piles, driven in from the
Church of St. Isidore, down to the mouth of the harbour,
surrounded it with water. The Greeks, being closed in
on all sides, were now no longer able to obtain food,
and, seeing no prospect of relief, surrendered on the
13th of September, upon the following terms : —
(a) That they should receive all the rights of
Genoese citizenship.
(6) Taxation, the appointment of officers, and the
administration of the island, to be in the
hands of the Republic.
(c) The supreme authority to reside in the
Emperor.2
Vignoso, having left a sufficient garrison, sailed with
fourteen ships to conquer Mitylene and Phocaea, but
was, on account of the desertions of his disobedient and
1 C. Varese, " Storia della Repub. di Geneva."
2 Niceph. Gregor., p. 480. Cantacuz, p. 681. " Muratori, Annali
d'ltalia," vol. VIII, p. 192.
CHIOS 23
mutinous soldiery, obliged to return to Chios. The
soldiery now commenced to pillage the properties of the
Chians. Vignoso, anxious to suppress a spirit of
lawlessness, so pregnant with danger in the case of a
newly acquired country, made proclamation that, if any
man were to steal but one grape berry, he should be
flogged like a slave unable to control his passions. All,
fearing the justice and severity of their leader, obeyed.
Only Vignoso's son, in a spirit of childish opposition,
not seeing why a Genoese should not be permitted to do,
in Chios, that which would be permissible for a Chian
to do in Genoa, cut a bunch of ripe grapes, and
proceeded to walk about among the soldiery, picking and
eating the berries.^ As soon as this came to the ears of
his father, he at once, refusing to listen to the prayers of
both Genoese and Greeks, ordered his son to be bound,
and slowly marched through the town, receiving a
stroke at each step. And a crier walked in front, calling
out " This is the punishment of those who steal from a
friendly people." Moreover, not satisfied with this
mark of justice, and the vindication of the law in the
person of his own son, he appointed 500 ducats to be
applied, after his death, to provide dowries for poor
Chian girls, by way of atonement for the robberies that
had taken place. Having thus settled matters in the
island, he sailed for Genoa, where on his arrival, in the
beginning of November, he received a triumphant
reception.
The news of the taking of Chios, by Vignoso, caused
an insurrection in Byzantium. Anne of Savoy, who
was ruling the Empire during the infancy of the
Emperor John V, sent envoys to Genoa to demand the
return of the island from the Senate, in accordance with
1 Foglietta, " Delia Rep. di Genova," p. 23. Serra, " Storia della
antica Liguria," vol. II, p. 307.
24 CHIOS
the treaties and solemn engagements entered into with
the Emperor of Byzantium. The Senate craftily replied
that the Emperor was only demanding what was just,
but that the island was not being held by the will, or
wish of the Senate ; that certain nobles had, of their own
initiative and at their own expense, sent a fleet and taken
the island ; that they were unable to assert their
authority immediately, except at great expense, and
after much preparation, and that they would, in good
time, undertake that the island should be returned to the
Emperor. And to further reassure the Emperor, they
sent to him, Jacob Herminius and Antaro Pineli as
ambassadors. The Emperor, however, insisted upon a
fixed date for the return of the island, or upon a
recognition of his right to retake it by force without
breach of treaty. After much wrangling the Emperor,
actuated by the knowledge of his inability to accomplish
anything by force, agreed to the following terms : —
(1) The conquerors of the island to hold the city,
receiving its revenue, but paying 20,000
florins a year to the Emperor. The Imperial
standard to float over the city.
(2) The consecration of the Archbishop to be vested
in the Church in Constantinople. The Im-
perial House to be lauded in the churches
on Saturdays as before, and the offering of
prayers on their behalf by the priests, when
officiating, to be freely permitted.
(3) The remainder of the island, the forts and
villages, and the Greeks living in the city,
to be under the jurisdiction of the Emperor,
who should send an eparch from Constanti-
nople to represent him.
(4) The whole island to be returned at the end of
ten years.
(5) Disputes between Greek and Greek to be tried
CHIOS 25
by the Greek Archbishop. Differences be-
tween Greek and Latin, or Latin and Greek,
to be entertained, and decided, by the two
governors, acting conjointly.^
These terms which, having regard to the position of
the Emperor, were honourable enough, were openly
opposed by Vignoso, and the other Genoese conquerors,
instigated thereto by the Senate, which, though it publicly
disavowed the expedition in order to deceive the Em-
peror, as it succeeded in doing, had secretly approved of
it. Things being in this position, the imperial ambas-
sadors still remaining on in Genoa, a certain Zyvos, the
most powerful of the Chians, who had fled to Phocaea on
the taking of their country, wrote to the Emperor, asking
forgiveness for having surrendered the city, and begging
him not to abandon the island, but to send some small
assistance to enable the island to be recovered. The
Emperor commended him for his zeal, but ordered him
to postpone action until the return of the ambassadors
from Genoa, considering it disloyal to commence hos-
tilities whilst his ambassadors were still negotiating for
peace. But Zyvos, without waiting for assistance, having
collected as many Greeks as he was able, sailed to Chios,
and, having joined battle with the Genoese, defeated
them, killing many and wounding their general, and shut
them up in the town. It so happened, however, that at
this moment, two Genoese ships, under the command of
Andrea Petrili, were sailing past Chios on their way to
Constantinople. Hearing of the siege of his compatriots
by Zyvos, Petrili landed his forces, and went to their
assistance. A second battle was fought, in which Zyvos,
though again victorious, fighting bravely, but too reck-
lessly, was struck by an arrow and killed. Upon this the
Phocaens, who had accompanied him, returned to their
1 Cantacuz, " Byz. Hist.," pp. 748-750.
26 CHIOS
country. Thus the Genoese remained masters of the
island, and were now in a position to disregard the
limitations sought to be imposed on their sovereignty by
the Emperor.
But not many years had passed, when the Venetians,
the implacable enemies of the Genoese, seeing that their
rivals monopolised nearly the whole of the commerce of
the Euxine Sea, having Colonies in Chios, and in other
places beyond Constantinople, decided to strike at them
through their Colonies^ and sent Nicolas Pisani, with
twenty ships, to besiege Chios. The Genoese, who,
having now long been free from all internal trouble,
were at this moment at the zenith of their power, sent
Paganini Doria with sixty-four ships to attack the Vene-
tian besiegers. In the battle that ensued, Pisani was so
badly beaten that it was with difficulty that he reached
the haven of Euboea. Before the winter was over, the
Genoese, having fought a naval battle with the united
Venetian and Catalan fleets, reinforced by ten Greek
ships, completely defeated them with the loss of thirty-
six ships. After this defeat of the Venetians, the Greeks,
being unable to withstand so formidable a foe, were
compelled to accept a most dishonouring treaty (May
6th, 1352), by virtue of which the conquerors acquired
a monopoly of commerce, and for their colony in Pera
the exclusive right of trading in the Euxine Sea.^
1 At the same time, 1352, or a little earlier, a naval engagement
took place between the Venetians and Genoese, in which the latter,
out of fourteen ships loaded with merchandise, under the command
of Nicolas Magneri, lost ten, the other four getting safely to Chios.
The then Governor of Chios, Philippo Doria, in revenge, attacked
and took Euboea, then owned by the Venetians. (Hist., " Const.
Emp. Francs.")
2 Cantacuz, p. 667. Rampoldi, " Annah Musul.," vol. X, p. 62,
and note, p. 383. Sismondi, " Hist, des republ. italiennes du moyen-
age," vol. IV, pp. 318-320.
CHAPTER IV.
A.D. 1352-1414.
Institution of the Maona — The Justinianis acquire the
sovereignty of the island — PoHtical system of the Justinianis
— Barbarous methods of punishment — Conspiracy of the
Chians against the Justinianis — Sovereignty of the Justinianis
acknowledged by John Palseologus — Fresh disturbances in
Chios — Proselytism by Mahomedan Heresiarchs.
ON the return of Vignoso, the owners of the ships
appHed to the Repubhc for a refund of the expenses
of the expedition. The Repubhc not being in a
position to meet these claims, the following arrangement
was come to, that is to say : That the owners should be
paid a sum of 300,004 scudi,^ at some time before the
expiration of the next twenty-nine years, and that they
should, if such payment be not punctually made, become
entitled to the usufruct and administration of the island,
subject however, to an acknowledgment of the suzerainty
of the Republic, and an undertaking to observe the civic
obligations implied by such relationship. This body of
creditors received the name of ^^ Maona," either from the
Greek word "mowos," "single," as designating several
persons forming together one single body, or from the
Genoese word *'mona," signifying the conjunction of
many, for the realisation of a purpose common to all.
The numerous families of which this Maona was
1 Trans. Note. But according to Finlay " Hist, of Greece," vol. V,
p. 71, and other writers, the sum was 203,000 Genoese livres, and the
term, 20 years.
27
28 CHIOS
composed, agreed to establish themselves into a single
association, or firm, under the title of ** Hostel of the
Justinianis " (Albergo degli Jiistiniani)} They were led
to do so, by the nearness of the relationships subsisting
between these families, and by common interest. Later,
many other families, leaving their native country, came
to the island, and were admitted into the Maona. In the
meantime, the date fixed for payment by the Republic
having lapsed, and the treasury being still depleted, the
island was ceded to the creditors, in accordance with the
terms of the compact.^ The Justinianis had, however,
by this time, partly by purchase, partly by inheritance or
other lawful means, obtained a monopoly of influence in
the island. Such being the position of affairs, all the
Justiniani families living in Genoa (with the exception of
two, the Negri and Unghetti) about a hundred souls in
all, transferred themselves to Chios. As they were very
wealthy, and much appreciated the beautiful climate of
the island, they built themselves luxurious mansions,
both inside the town and out, and enriched the country
with many factories, and other institutions of public
benefit, (of these more detailed mention will be made
later on). But, so that they should not become completely
estranged from their mother country, they paid frequent
visits to Genoa, and not only took part in its public
1 These Justinianis were, according to some, the descendants of
the Emperor Justinian. When Tiberius ascended the throne (a.d.
720) three brothers, called Angelino, Marco, and Petro Justiniani,
were expelled by him, and fled, the first to Venice, the second to
Genoa, and the third to Florence. The Justinianis in Venice multi-
plied, but as they all but one died of the plague in Chios (a.d. 1171),
all having taken part in the expedition to Chios (Sabellicus, " Hist.
Venet. decad.), the Pope Alexander, so that the family should not
become extinct, gave the monk Nicolas Justiniani permission to
marry. The conquerors of Chios were his descendants. Nothing
further is known of the one who fled to Florence. (Hieronymus,
" Hist, of Chios.")
2 Trans. Note. For a more detailed description of the " Maona,"
the reader is referred to Findlay's " Hist, of Greece," vol. V, pp. 70-80.
CHIOS 29
affairs, but also concluded marriages with the resident
nobility, and bought estates there, so that should they, at
any time, be driven out of Chios, their descendants
might find a home awaiting them.
The Maonenses first divided Chios into twelve no-
marchies, and sent twelve nomarchs to govern them, who
were called " Logariasts " (accountants) as it was their
business to collect the revenues of these districts. But
prompted, either by feelings of patriotism, or motives
of political prudence, fearing to become estranged from
Genoa, they always accepted the Governor (Hypatos) sent
from Genoa to preside over the nomarchs. This recog-
nition of her domination, more apparent than real, was
gratifying to Genoa, inasmuch as it assured her a harbour
in the ^gean to serve as a safe stepping-stone for her
trade with the East. The Governor had wider powers
than the twelve nomarchs, but might not decide weighty
matters without consulting them. His authority lasted
three years, and sometimes more, and he was often
elected by vote from among the Justiniani family itself.
The jurisdiction of the Twelve, in civil and criminal
matters, was not subject to appeal, except in the case of
great crimes, which had to be considered conjointly with
the Governor. The nomarchs were changed every three
months. Four of them met the Governor monthly in
consultation, and it was only on very important occasions
that the whole twelve attended the Council. Matters
having still wider importance were decided by the vote
of forty members of the Maona (called ^^ Quarantina ")
elected for the purpose by lot. The nomarchs had local
officers, called ^^ Despots" in some places, ^^ Protogeronts"
in others. The people subject to their jurisdiction were
called " Paroeki " (Feudal serfs). The police, public
institutions, the protection of the harbour and the main-
tenance of public order, were confided to the Justinianis,
who, now consisting of 120 families, were able to provide
30 CHIOS
300 men-at-arms for the defence of the island. The
Court of Justice was in front of the fort, near the harbour,
and was called ^^ Dikaiotato " {^^ most just"). The prison
for offenders in the country was called " Sklavia "
(" Slaveries ") and possibly the village owes its name to
that fact. The laws were most harsh, and bore with
special severity on the Paroeki, who were not only
liable to unlimited forced labour at the hands of the
Justinianis, but also had to provide three days' work in
each year for their nomarch, besides one day's beating
when the partridges were being hunted.^ None of them
might leave the island without the express consent of the
Justinianis, whose object it was, not only to know who
left the island, but also to prevent its revenue from
diminishing. A humorous reference to this is made by
Hieronymus, in his description of the island.^ Many
Paroekiy he says, when caught secretly trying to escape,
sought to avoid the consequences, by denying that they
were Chians ; so the Judge, in order to arrive at a satis-
factory conclusion, used to order them to utter the word
*'fragela " (a kind of bread), but as the Chians were
unable to pronounce it otherwise than **frangela/' they
stood detected. No citizen might sell an article of food,
at a price higher than that fixed by the authorities, and
woe unto anyone who dared to transgress. Their punish-
ments, which were carried out at the so-called " Pillar of
Justice," were most barbarous; and hardly credible, were
they not vouched for by the great encomiast of the
Justinianis, Hieronymus^ (himself a Justiniani). They
would drive a red-hot iron into the forehead of the victim,
or cut off his nose, or, the commonest form of punishment,
1 This was the manner of hunting the birds. The Paroeki were
sent to surround a hill frequented by the partridges. They then
shouted loudly, and the birds would fall to the ground in their
fright.
2 H. Justiniani, " Description de I'isle de Scio." 3 ibid.
CHIOS 31
beat him unmercifully with a heavy whip. And if
the man being so beaten should from his pain forget to
count out loud the number of blows he was receiving, or
make a mistake, he was beaten again, until he counted
correctly, and for each blow that he had received he had
further to pay a coin equivalent to ten denaria of the
then Chian money.
Such a despotic system of Government could not but
be repugnant to the Greeks ; and although the Justinianis
seemed to be willing to go some way towards Graecising
themselves, using Greek words and giving Greek titles to
their officials, they entirely failed in gaining the affection
of the Greeks. These, accustomed to the greater freedom
they had enjoyed under the emperors, could not reconcile
themselves to this exclusion from public life, and to this
novel system of government, and began seeking a means
of escape from its tyranny. The Metropolitan of the
Greeks, inviting the boldest, and most disaffected among
them to the Church of St. George " of the Cataract "
(afterwards called '^ of the Betrayer ") formed a conspiracy
to kill all the Justinianis, on Easter Sunday. As to whether
the Metropolitan was induced to form the conspiracy
out of feelings of patriotism, or whether it was the fear of
being deprived of his see, and its revenue by the Latin
Bishop (as suggested by Hieronymus),^ we are not in
a position to decide. Whilst the preparations were being
made for the day of action, some of the conspirators,
becoming conscience-stricken, betrayed the plot to the
Justinianis (according to an old tradition, however, it
was divulged by a girl anxious to save the life of her
Justiniani lover). The conspirators being arrested in the
garden of the Church, were tried, convicted, and hanged
from the city walls. The betrayers were rewarded with
a portion of the property of the conspirators, and freed
1 H. Justiniani, " Description de I'isle de Scio."
32 CHIOS
from liability to forced labour. The rest of the con-
spirators' property was confiscated. The Metropolitan,
the prime mover in the conspiracy, was banished, and, to
avoid future trouble, the Genoese refused to accept a
successor, only consenting to receive a subordinate,
called '^ Dikaios " elected by themselves, and subsequently
confirmed by the Patriarch in Constantinople. The con-
fiscated property became the cause of great dissension
among the Justinianis, as we shall hereafter see.
An unsuccessful conspiracy always strengthens the
hands of those against whom it is directed. The
Justinianis, seeing the desperate condition of the Empire,
and that no one thought of troubling them, had for
long considered it unnecessary to acknowledge its autho-
rity. When, however, some years later (during the
reign of Manuel II), Byzantium being besieged, and in
danger of being captured by the terrible Bayezid, was
saved by Timour, the Genoese began to fear that the
Emperor and his successors, becoming powerful again,
might entertain the conquest of Chios. Being anxious
to retain the island, and to be permitted to trade freely
w4th all parts of the Empire, they sent to the Emperor,
John V, three experienced negotiators, J. Olivari, P.
Forneti, and P. Justiniani, to respectfully advocate their
claim to the sovereignty of the island, and to ask for a
renewal of friendly relations, they undertaking to provide
all the assistance in their power towards the defence of
the Empire. The Emperor, absorbed by pleasure, influ-
enced rather by the fear of fresh trouble than by a
feeling of gratitude towards the Genoese for the assist-
ance they had given him in his struggle for the throne
with Cantacuzene, gave them a golden bulla, by which
he granted the island to them and their successors,
upon an immediate payment of 350,000 hyperpera ^
1 But the historian, Hieronymus, does not tell us whether these
CHIOS 33
and a further yearly payment of 500 to his Protovestia-
rius. He also granted them the right to coin gold pieces
(a.d. 1363). These rights were confirmed about fifty
years later (A.D. 1412) by John's son and successor,
Manuel II.
About thirty years later (a.d. 1391) fresh events came to
disturb the peace of Chios. Bayezid (Ilderim, "thunder-
bolt") having ascended the throne, and conquered the
Greeks in Asia, turned his eyes to the -^gean. Not
satisfied with starving the islands of Lemnos, Lesbos and
Chios, by forbidding the export of corn from Asia, he
sent sixty ships and devastated all the villages of the last-
mentioned island, only just then recovering from their
destruction, eighty-four years before, by his own ancestors
the Turks.i A little later (in 1408) Genoa was itself
taken by Charles VI, and the Viceroy Boucicault, on the
establishment of French government in that place, sent a
regiment to Chios for its protection. But the Justinianis
and Borghese, wishing to rid themselves from the French
yoke, rose, and with cries of ^^ Zeto St. George," '^ Zefo the
people," got possession of the fort and treasury, and
began to rule themselves again.^ Hearing the news,
Boucicault next year sent six ships against the Maonenses,
under Conrad Doria. In the meantime he also im-
prisoned all the relatives in Genoa of those revolting in
Chios. Doria arriving on 14th June, 1409, made himself
master of the villages within four days, but the town
armed itself, and prepared to resist. Realising, however,
that the blood about to be shed would be that of fellow-
countrymen, the Justinianis surrendered to Doria, who,
having prudently settled affairs in the island, sailed away
hyperpera were gold or silver ones. The silver ones were equal to
about a half-franc of our time, and the gold were worth from eight
to ten francs.
1 Hammer, " Storia del Impero Osman," vol. II, p. 428.
2 Uberto Foghetta, " Delia Repub. di Genova." (Roma), p. 29.
D
34 CHIOS
in triumph to Genoa.^ A little later the Genoese revolted,
and drove the French from Genoa, and the Justinianis
regained the sovereignty of the island. Almost at the
same moment, during the reign of Mahomet I, there
originated a remarkable religious movement amongst the
Ottomans. A short account of this movement we con-
sider necessary, as the Chians were drawn into it.
There flourished in 1413 a learned teacher of laws
and great theologian, called Bedredin Simanavoglu.
This man, being much honoured by Timour, came to
Chios, on the invitation of the Governor, whom, as it
had been shown to him in a dream, he succeeded in
converting to Mohammedanism.^ He lived at Nicaea,
but, in order to accomplish his ambitious designs, he left
secretly, and finding a Turk, called Perilitzia Mustaphay
selected him as his representative and apostle of his new
teaching. These new heresiarchs were joined by a
Jew, called Kemalihoudhimy who, accompanied by many
dervishes, went about trying to make proselytes. The
doctrines of this heresy were : equality — no private
property — common ownership of all things, except
women. But having as their object the conquest of all
Asia and Europe, they sought to draw the Greeks to-
wards them by declaring all those irreligious, who should
say, that the Christians neither knew nor worshipped the
true God. Mustapha repeatedly sent apostles to the chief
ecclesiastics of the island, hoping to gain followers
amongst them. Two of these messengers, with bare
feet, and wearing one only garment, presented them-
selves to a certain aged Cretan ascetic, who lived at the
Monastery of Turloti, and said : " We are ascetics like
thyself, we worship the same God as thou dost, and we
come to thee by night, having crossed the sea without
1 Uberto Foglietta, " Delia Repub. di Geneva." (Roma), p. 29.
2 We follow the account given by Ducas.
CHIOS 35
wetting our feet." The Cretan, believing them, began
himself to think and talk in an insensate fashion ; but so
impressionable is human nature that he secured numerous
followers, and became the cause of many disturbances in
Chios. Fortunately the timely arrival of Murad, sent by
his father Mahomed I, put a stop to the activity of these
heresiarchs, and peace reigned again.^
1 Ducas, " Byz. Hist." Rampoldi (" Annali Musulmani," vol. IX,
p. 115), says that this heresy still survives, and that the re-appear-
ance of Mustapha is still awaited.
d2
CHAPTER V.
A.D. 1414-1453.
The Justinianis accorded many privileges by Mahomed I —
The Venetians besiege Chios — Wealth of the Justinianis —
Resources of the island — Coins of the Justinianis — Chian
customs under the Justinianis.
THE Justinianis, noting the victorious career of the
fierce Timour, hastened to send him ambassadors
and presents, so that he should at least not be their
enemy. To such a state had this fearless conqueror
reduced the Turks, that if, on his return to Samarcand
(due to lack of ships to proceed westward,^ and to
reports of disturbances in that town), the Greeks had
taken advantage of the desperate condition of the Turks,
the Ottoman dynasty would certainly never, with its
scattered forces, have been able to reconquer the coun-
tries it had lost. At this time, Mahomet I had ascended
the throne. Fortunately for the Christians, he proved
himself their loyal friend. He not only became, and
remained, a faithful ally of their Emperor, Manuel II,
but gave them many proofs of his kindly disposition.
Thus, whilst staying in Smyrna, he was approached by
the Christian Princes of the neighbouring islands and
countries of Asia Minor. They came, attracted by the
kindliness of his disposition, with the hope of securing
his friendship, and assistance against Djouneid, whose
piratical depredations were now becoming intolerable to
1 Michael Ducas, " Byz. Hist.," p. 36.
36
CHIOS 37
them. Mahomet received them with great friendliness,
inviting them daily to sit at his table (according to the
historian Ducas)/ and dismissed them with the as-
surance, that he wished to be both the friend and the
father of all the Christians. Following their example,
the Justinianis sent ambassadors, begging him to allow
them to retain the sovereignty of the island, and to
guarantee them immunity from Turkish attack, for all
ships sailing to Chios for the purposes of trade.
Mahomet was satisfied with the promise of a yearly
tribute of 3000 ducats, and granted them the island,
also liberty to trade with every part of his kingdom.
Further, he agreed to Chios being a safe place of refuge
for all, including his own enemies, and swore to assist
the Maonenses against attack from any quarter, and
declared that this treaty should be binding on his suc-
cessors (a.d. 1414). But as the Turks were never very
scrupulous in the observance of the treaties made by
themselves or their predecessors, the Justinianis always
sought to be accommodating, even in the case of the
most extravagant demands. Thus it was that Murad II,
besieging the Porte which was being held against him
by the rebel Djouneid (a.d. 1424), finding he would
not be able to reduce it without naval help, sent orders
to the Eparch of New Phocaea, Percibalo Palavicini, to
undertake the siege from the sea. The Justinianis not
only obeyed, sending three large ships from Chios for
the siege, but, on the defeat of Djouneid, sent am-
bassadors to Murad to thank him — for what ? — for
having sent ships at their own expense, and against
their wish 1 ^
Seven years later, in 1431,^ the Venetians, elated by
1 Michael Ducas, " Byz. Hist.," p. 58.
2 Michael Ducas, " Byz. Hist.," p. 108.
3 But both Hieronymus (" Hist, de Scio," book XI, chap, i) and
the Genoese manuscript (kindly lent me by Leonardo Justiniani, a
38 CHIOS
their victories over the Genoese, decided to inflict still
greater injuries upon their enemies, by attacking their
possessions in the ^gean, where they well knew that
the islands were but weakly fortified. They fitted out
twenty-eight ships, large and small, with incredible
rapidity, and giving out that they were sailing elsewhere,
proceeded to Chios. They arrived there in November,
with only 700 soldiers. Scaramouchia Pabesi was their
general, and Andrea Mocenigo High Admiral. Being
taken by surprise, the Maonenses elected as their general
Rafaelo, the son of Leonardo Montaldo, only at the
very moment that the Venetians were landing their
forces, and considering the best point for attack. The
new general lost no time in garrisoning the towers,
and providing men and weapons for the defence of
the walls. The third day after landing, the Venetians
levelled a portion of the wall by means of various
projectiles, and the opposed forces found themselves
exchanging arrows and other missiles in the open.
Darkness put an end to the combat, victory being still
in the scale. One night, however, some small vessels
of the Venetians, having entered the harbour unper-
ceived, so alarmed the guards of the two towers at
the harbour mouth, and the crews of two large ships,
loaded with merchandise, that happened to be inside
the harbour, that both guards and crew, the latter after
blowing up their ships with gunpowder, took refuge
inside the walls. This addition to their number gave
encouragement to the Chians. But the Venetians,
capturing the two towers, and getting command of
the harbour, now approached the town from the sea.
descendant of the Chian Justinianis), entitled " istoria della nobile
Famiglia Giustiniani di Genova," which appears to have been written
about 1700, as the writer says he was present in Chios when it was
taken by the Venetians in 1694, place this siege of Chios in the
year 1416.
CHIOS 39
whilst still threatening attack from the land side, to
divert the attention of the Justinianis. In order the
better to attack the town, the Venetians rigged up
platforms on their ships, higher than the city walls,
and from these discharged such a shower of missiles
on to the defenders, that it made it impossible for
them to prevent climbing ladders being placed against
the wall. The brave Montaldo, seeing the immediate
danger, directed the gates to be opened, and com-
manded his men to take the Venetians in the rear,
and cut down the ladders. His orders were carried
out successfully, but Scaramouchia, not losing hope,
ordered his men to undermine the walls, in order to
further harass the defenders. Whilst superintending
these operations, he fell mortally wounded,^ The Vene-
tians, not losing confidence, continued the siege with
persistence, and would have succeeded, had not a
certain noble-minded youth, named Damiano Gryllo,
hearing in Constantinople of what was happening in
Chios, armed some small vessels, with about seventy
young men, and come to the help of Chios, sailing in
right through the Venetian fleet. This event much
raised the spirits of the besieged, who, becoming bolder,
made daily sorties against the Venetians, until the latter,
giving up all hope of reducing the town, sailed away
on the 14th of January, leaving two large ships, and a
great number of wounded, in Rhodes.^ In this instance
1 Hieronymus, in his " History of Chios," says : " Whilst the
fortress was being besieged, the Venetian general, in order to mock
the Justinianis, sat down to be shaved opposite the main gate of the
town. The besieged, in order to avenge this insult, killed him with
an arrow on the day of St. Antonio. The Justinianis, in com-
memoration of the event, used to present the church of that Saint,
every year, with a red velvet flag with a cross, which the Governor
and nomarchs carried there, in great state, on the point of an
arrow."
2 Foglietta, " degH uomini chiari della Liguria," p. 56. " Republica
di Geneva," of the same author, p. 34.
40 CHIOS
the Genoese did not remain passive spectators, but
sent five ships to the assistance of the island; but,
although these made all haste to reach the island,
they did not succeed in arriving there until the 25th
of March, by which time the Venetians had already
departed.
A little later, after things had settled, the Justinianis
rebuilt the walls at a cost of 400,000 scudi, having
previously agreed with the Republic, that should it, or
any other State, at any time, take over the island, Genoa
should be bound to repay them, not only the original
300,004 scudi contributed in 1346 for the conquest of
Chios, but also the cost of repairing and rebuilding the
walls: that is to say, 700,004 scudi in all. They also
placed their coat of arms on the fort, and on many
other parts of the town, several of which may be seen
there to this day. They surrounded the harbour, in
1440, with walls, and in order to prevent its being choked
up by the dirt washed down by the Kaloplytus, and the
other torrents that ran out into the sea, dug a deep tank
to intercept it. They built towers on all the hills along
the coast, where watchers, by lighting fires, should warn
the city of the approach of ships. They raised redoubt-
able walls,^ on high and precipitous rocks near some of
the villages, and towers in others, to protect the inhabi-
tants from piratical attacks.^ They erected fine marble
palaces, and magnificent churches,^ founded monasteries,
schools, a shipyard, a paper factory, built splendid
aqueducts,* provided hospitals and houses for lepers, and
1 These were at Volisso, and Harmolia. Only the ruins now
remain, 1839.
2 The largest of these are in the villages of Siderounta, Pyrgi,
and Nenita.
3 The finest of these were : St. Dominico, inside the fort, St.
Francisco, Madonna di nostra Donna, and St. Antonio.
* These aqueducts still exist, and one of them is even now in use.
CHIOS 41
formed a fleet of their own, consisting of thirty ships.
Such expenditure could only be met by rich men, and
those possessed of great revenues. That the Justinianis
were, owing to the greatness of the commerce of the
island, enormously wealthy, is testified to by Chalcocon-
dylas, who speaks of it with wonder, and attributes it to
the enormous concourse of merchants. And in fact,
merchants finding in Chios a population of 100,000
inhabitants, and a spot both safe, and convenient for the
transfer of their wares to Asia Minor, congregated there,
from all parts of the world, even before the times of the
Justinianis,^ and the accumulation of merchandise there
was so great that Chios had become almost the sole
place for trading in those parts.^ Goods were landed on
a bridge of planks, resting on marble supports, purposely
placed close to the harbour gate of the fort, on account
of its nearness to the Custom House. One may judge
of the wealth of the Chian merchants, even at that time,
from the following incident. When the French and
Hungarian armies were defeated by Bayezid I. near
Nicopolis (1396), many notable generals, as well as their
Commander-in-chief Boucicault, w^ere taken prisoners.
The King of France, Charles VI., in order to propitiate
the Sultan, sent him many valuable gifts, and promised
him 200,000 ducats as ransom for the prisoners. But
Bayezid, not trusting the king's word, was only satisfied
when, through the intervention of a banker in Paris, the
king had obtained the consent of a Chian merchant,
Bartholomew Pelegrini,^ residing in the island, to stand
security.
In order that the reader may form some idea of the
economic position of the island, we set out here a rough
1 Cantacuz, " Byz. Hist.," p. 239.
2 Sabellicus, " Hist. Venet. decad.," Ill, liber IX, p. 561.
3 Michaud, " Hist, des Croisades," vol. V., p. 283. Daru, " Hist.
Rep. de Venise," vol. II, p. 108.
42 CHIOS
summary of its yearly receipts, and outgoings, as given
by Hieronymus.
RECEIPTS. GOLDEN
DUCATS.
Collected from the people by the twelve
Nomarchs, and the Governor, 2,000
golden ducats each ... ... ... 26,000
Three hundred cases of gum mastic (of
320 lbs. each) at 100 ducats the case^ ... 30,000
From the Customs 30,000
86,000
The receipts from Customs alone, had at one time
(before the increase of the Turkish power) reached the
annual sum of 300,000 golden ducats !
OUTGOINGS. GOLDEN
DUCATS.
Paid to the Governor and Nomarchs ... 26,000
Capitation Tax paid to the Sultan (towards
the end of the Genoese occupation) ... 14,000
Payment of interest on War Loans, and on
cost of rebuilding walls ... ... 20,000
Yearly cost of presents to the Sultan, his
Pashas, the High Admiral (whenever he
anchored off Chios) and expenses of
Ambassadors, salaries of Public Officials
60,000
The surplus of receipts over outgoings was shared by
the Maonenses, in the proportion of the contributions
made by them for the conquest of the island in 1346.
1 The Maonenses, when there was a superabundance of mastic,
preferred to burn it rather than allow the price to fall. " Lettere
memorabili di M. Giustiniani" (Roma, 1517, vol. I, p. 15). (Lettera
sul Mastice).
CHIOS 43
Before the occupation of Chios by the Justinianis, the
coins in use were, of course, those of the Byzantine
Empire, but when the Maonenses had taken possession,
they struck coins of gold, silver and bronze. On
one side of the coin was a cross, and round it the follow-
ing letters in Latin : CONRADUS rex romanorum.^ On
the reverse were the arms of the Justinianis (which they
had received from Sigismund, Emperor of Hungary, for
services rendered) ; that is to say, a fortress of three
towers, surmounted by a large black eagle with out-
spread wings, crowned with a diadem ; and round it
were the words CiviTAS CHii, and the initials of the for
the time being Governor, e.^., L. i. (Lazurus Justiniani),
V. I. (Vincentio Justiniani) and the date of its striking.
According to Thevetus,^ the Chians, prior to the time
of the Justinianis, had another coin. On one side of it
was the upper half of a dragon's body and the head of a
beautiful girl, lettered round MONETA MACRI CHIO ; on
the other a finely-executed portrait of Draco, the husband
of Eumorphia,^ daughter of Sclerion. The Justinianis
also struck Venetian ducats, because these commanded a
premium on account of the purity of their gold, and
because scudi, not being current in those parts, all
1 Serra " Storia della Liguria," p. 331.
2 Hiero. Justin., " Description de Scio," p. 122.
3 This Eumorphia was the famous '^ Kori" (girl) from whom the
bridge of Kori, which forms one of the spans of the aqueduct, as
also the tower of Kori, near the Varvasi river, derive their name.
This is the story of Eumorphia told us by Hieronymus, which,
though possibly based upon some forgotten tradition, we consider to
be only a myth. We have arrived at this conclusion partly because
of the oddity of the incidents and names, partly because Hieronymus
does not mention the source from which he derives his story, and
lastly because no other author mentions it. A hundred years (he
says) before the Trojan War, Sclerion, King of Chios, wished to consult
the oracle of Delphi, to know what the end of his life would be ; but
as he was afraid that his daughter (who was very young and very beau-
tiful, and had as suitors Draco, King of Armenia, Agapetus, Tyrant of
Doris, and Anastenion, Prince of Tarsus, might get carried off), he
shut her up in a tower and placed a guard to keep watch over her
44 CHIOS
accounts had to be liquidated by conversion into Vene-
tian ducats. A large profit was made by the Chian mint
in this way.
There existed, in the time of the Justinianis, many
customs in Chios, of which we proceed to give a de-
scription, not only on account of their peculiarity, but to
enable the reader to realise the state of slavery in which
the Greeks, both laity and clergy, were then living.
Further, because they serve as illustrations of an ever-
existent strain of eccentricity in the character of the
Chians, and because many of them survive, in their
ancient form, even down to the present day.
On the great holidays of the year. New Year's Day,
Easter Sunday, Christmas and Epiphany, the palace of
the governor was decorated with branches of myrtle and
orange. The houses of the Greeks, both of the clergy
and laity, were similarly decorated, and as a mark of
respect to the Justinianis they also hung out from their
houses the arms of Genoa and of the Maona. The
Governor, attended by the twelve nomarchs, then pro-
ceeded from the palace to the church in great pomp,
followed by all the officials, preceded by a rod-bearer.
After vespers they returned to the palace, and went out
until his return. Draco marching against Chios, sent ambassadors
to Sclerion asking for the hand of his daughter Eumorphia. But
her father, fearing the enmity of the other suitors, answered that he
intended going to ask the opinion of the Oracle, and begged Draco
to await his return. Then Draco brought his army, and sat down by
the town, as the inhabitants were in his favour. But the other two
suitors also brought their armies to attack Draco. The Chians, fear-
ing the destruction of their town, sent messengers to the King, and
begged him to set his daughter free from the tower, and let her
marry the suitor of his preference. Sclerion told them to recognise
Eumorphia as their Queen, and to marry her to one of the suitors.
In this way she was married to Draco, who became King of Chios.
Sclerion shut himself up in the Temple of Apollo, there to spend the
rest of his life, and died there. Hieronymus adds, that Alexander
the Great, coming to Chios, visited the tomb of Sclerion in the
Temple of Apollo, and begged the Priest to present him with the
arms of Sclerion, and these were given to him !
CHIOS 45
on to the top of a lofty, carpet hung tower, that all the
people might see them. In front of this tower was the
market square, in which were gathered, besides a great
crowd of other people, all the members of the Greek
clergy, consisting of seventy ecclesiastics, headed by the
chief officer of the palace carrying a sceptre, with the
arms of the Justinianis. When all had taken their places,
the public herald, ascending a high stone-built erection
(behind which were drums and trumpets) made the
following proclamation or invocation : —
" In the name of Christ, of the Holy Trinity" (here
there was a roll of drums) ^^ and of our most glorious
Lady " (drums again) ^^ and of the Holy Martyr St. John
the Baptist" (here the trumpets were blown) ^^ may there
be granted long life, honour and glory unto our most
blessed Pope" (naming him) (drums again). The Greek
clergy here cried out, *^ May his years be many." The
herald then continued : " And unto our ever victorious
Emperor" (of the Ottomans), and the Greek clergy re-
peated the words, " May his years be many," the herald
urging them to call out louder by saying : " Loudly, ye
priests!" ^^And unto our most Serene Republic of
Genoa " (again cries from the clergy) " and unto our
most noble and illustrious family of Justinianis, may God
confirm and preserve them." And then, not only the
clergy, but all the people, to the ringing of bells and the
boom of cannons, cried out : ^^ May their years be many ! "
Meanwhile the herald, raising his sceptre again, called
out : ^' Loudly, ye priests ! ", and exhorted them to
'^ Praise God, love their princes, and remember them in
their prayers." They then lowered the flag, with the red
cross of St. George, which had been flying from the high
tower, and carried it to another tower near the palace of
the arsenal.^ After this the authorities returned to the
1 It was the duty of the Jews to make a new flag every year, at
46 ' CHIOS
palace, accompanied by large crowds of hurrying people.
The butchers (who were under this obligation)^ then
appeared, dragging along the trunk of a large tree and
four fierce bulls. The tree trunk was laid down in front
of the palace windows, but the bulls were let loose,
spreading alarm and consternation amongst the crowd,
who made their escape as best they could. At a given
signal the trunk was set fire to, and to the sound of the guns
of the fort, and of the ships in the harbour, four of
the nomarchs and the Governor, each of them from the
window, threw a phial on to the blazing wood. These
phials, pursuant to some allegorical religious custom, the
fishermen standing round the blazing log tried to catch
in their nets. After this ceremony a laudatory prayer,
appropriate to the day, was recited aloud, and the Twelve,
accompanied by the Palace Guards, returned to their
homes, and rewarded the latter (if it happened to be
Christmas Day) with what were called *' Christmassings."
All that night it was the custom for friends and relations
to visit each other's houses, and to serenade them with
drums and singing. The following day the Twelve again
accompanied the Governor to church, but returned to
dine, each to his own house, as it was thought unlucky
to dine out that day. After dinner they again escorted
the Governor to vespers, and, later, again proceeded to
the square in front of the palace. Thither, slowly walk-
ing to the sound of trumpets, came the Greek clergy and
their own expense, and to fix it up on the eve of Christmas Day.
They were also compelled to wear yellow hats, until the conquest
of Chios by the Turks, when they were freed from this indignity.
But the Jews were always looked upon as repugnant beings (as is
still the case) by the people. So great was the hatred for them that
the Justinianis had forbidden them to leave their houses from Thurs-
day in Holy Week until after Easter Sunday to prevent their being
torn to pieces by the mob, anxious in this way to avenge the Cruci-
fixion of Our Saviour ! Well might one say, " The fathers' have
eaten sour grapes, and the children's teeth are set on edge."
1 It was also the duty of the butchers to present the authorities
with calves on the great Holy Days.
CHIOS 47
notable Greeks.^ The former, bare-headed and on bended
knee before the nomarchs, called out : " Many years to
you, 0 masters ! " but the latter, on account of their
services to the country, were exempt from this humilia-
ting form of salutation, as well as free from all liability
to forced labour. The Jews were also compelled to come
forward and bow their heads ; but fearing ill-usage at
the hands of the young men, who pelted them with
lemons, tried to shelter themselves as much as possible
by slipping in and mingling with the Greeks. The three
keys of the '' Casa delle Sorti/' ''House of Lots" (the
building in which the election of the ambassadors for
Constantinople took place by lot) were then carried in
procession. Of these keys, one was kept by the chan-
cellor, another by the Latin bishop, and the third by the
priests of that church. It was also the custom, on the
1st of May, to hang myrtle branches and various kinds of
flowers from the windows, and to burn them in a big
bonfire on the eve of St. John the Baptist.
The Chians were always fond of music and dancing,
and used from the oldest times to gather together on the
banks of the stream Skaramangou by the Palaeokastron,
and divert themselves decently and innocently. With
regard to the customs of the Chians of the present day
we will speak elsewhere.
1 H. Justiniani, " Description de I'islede Chios," book VI, pp. 71-
77. " Apres eux suivoient les gentilshommes grecs, lesquels pour
leur merite avoient ce privilege de ne se trouver en ceste ceremonie,
ny ne point rendre d'hommage."
CHAPTER VI.
A.D. 1453-1477.
Fall of Constantinople — The Chians send assistance — The
Justinianis submit to the Sultan — The Turkish fleet at Chios
— Mahomet declares war against the Chians — The Justinianis
ask the Pope for help — The Papal fleet fails in rousing the
Chians to revolt — The Justinianis helped by Genoa.
ALREADY was the Byzantine Empire rapidly nearing
the brink of annihilation. The city of the great
Constantine was in daily danger of falling into the
hands of the terrible Mahomet. In vain did the Emperor
Constantine XI, from his tottering throne, send ambassa-
dors to the Sultan asking for a renewal of ancient friend-
ship ; in vain did he implore the Western Monarchs to
come and save him, even promising them the submission
of the orthodox church to the Pope.^ Their own political
differences, their great religious hatred for the Greeks,
and the overwhelming power of Mahomet, had one and
all served to tie their hands, and blunt their perception.
At this critical moment, only the Latins and Greeks of
Chios hurried to the assistance of Byzantium, although
indeed not at their own expense. By their daring, they
succeeded in accomplishing a feat, far above the flight of
poetic fancy, indeed, incredible were it not vouched for
1 The year before the fall of Constantinople, there had arrived in
Chios the Cardinal Isidore Rutheni, sent by the Pope Nicholas V to
try and effect the union of the two churches. He was well received
by the Maonenses, and took with him Leonardo the Chian and about
fifty Western Chians (" Sacra Scio," p. 46.)
48
CHIOS 49
by history. Whilst the Turks were besieging Con-
stantinople, the Chians, then under the governorship of
Maurice Cataneo, loaded up four — according to Gibbon
five — ships, that had already been chartered by the
Emperor, with flour, corn, oil, and wine, and further
embarked a number of most excellent soldiers and sailors.
A strong north wind held them up in the harbour of
Chios for a considerable time. The wind having come
round, they sailed through the Hellespont into the Pro-
pontis, but found there, three hundred Turkish ships
blocking their further progress. The Christians, not-
withstanding, sailed on like eagles on the wing, whilst
the shores of Asia and Europe, and the walls of Byzan-
tium, were covered with spectators awaiting to see the
result. Twice they repulsed the barbarians, killing
countless numbers. Mahomet on horseback exhorted
his soldiers, alternately shouting promises and threats,
straining with excitement as he followed the movements
of the combatants, even spurring his horse into the water,
as though to threaten the wild sea itself I But all in
vain ! Twelve thousand Turkish corpses (if Franzi is to
be believed) floated on the waves of the Bosphorous, the
Ottoman line of ships was broken, the iron chain was
lowered, and the Chian ships, safely and triumphantly,
sailed up the Golden Horn.^
But this assistance was too small to avert that sorrow-
ful day, the 29th of May 1453, which witnessed, not only
the conversion of the capital into an arena for the display
of the bestial fury of the conquering Turk, but also the
end of the Byzantine Empire. So terrified were the
Justinianis on hearing of the fall of Constantinople that,
fearing to lose the sovereignty of the island, they sent
ambassadors to Mahomet, who, in consideration of a
1 Ducas, "Byz. Hist." Sabellicus, "Venet. decad." Gibbon,
" Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire." Serra, " Storia della
Liguria."
50 CHIOS
yearly tribute of 6,000 ducats, consented to leave them
in the enjoyment of their former privileges.^ Owing to
the favour shown to the Justinianis, some of the other
islands in the vicinity, Samos, Psara,^ Icaria, were left
untouched. But as their inhabitants were exposed to
almost daily incursions of pirates, the Justinianis per-
suaded them to leave their homes, and come and live in
Chios. Thus it was that these islands became deserted.
But the peace of Chios did not last long, owing to the
action of the Rhodians. These had sent ambassadors
and rich gifts to Mahomet, then living in Adrianople,
seeking to make a treaty with him. But as Mahomet
required them to pay tribute, as was done by Chios,
Lesbos, and the other islands, they refused, alleging that
the Pope had not only ordered them to refuse to pay
tribute to strangers in religion, but even to their co-
religionist Christians. Enraged, Mahomet declared war
against them and, having prepared a fleet of 130 ships,
appointed Chamza Admiral. The latter, having first
anchored off Lesbos, received many gifts from Ducas
(the historian) on behalf of the Genoese Duke of the
island, Gatelusi, and sailed to Chios. Arriving there, he
dropped anchor opposite the Church of St. Isidore. But
the Chians refused him both gifts and honours, being
indignant with the Sultan, who was again asking for
payment of a sum of 40,000 ducats, which he had before
1 Ducas, " Byz. Hist."
2 This island of Psara was despised by the ancients, on account
of its small size and unfruitful soil, although it produced an excellent
wine. But the inhabitants of this insignificant island have glorified
it by exploits worthy of Salamis. How often did they not, in our
times, defeat the Turks at sea, or burn their ships, both before and
after the destruction of our island ? Not a little does Greece owe to
Psara, and the Psarians, for the success of the War of Independence ;
and the names of the fearless Papa Nicoli, Canaris, and Nicolas
Apostoli, together with those of many others, have long since been
graved, in immortal characters, on the heroic tablets of Greek
history.
CHIOS 51
demanded, on behalf of Francesco Draperio of Galata,
as due to the latter for the purchase of alum by the
island. Chamza read the Sultan's commands to the
Chians. These ordered the payment of the sum in
question, on pain of having their island destroyed. But
the Chians, resenting, refused to obey. The Turkish
Admiral, not being able to injure the harbour, as it was
defended by 20 ships, nor in a position to attack the fort,
on account of the protection it was afforded by a double
moat and a strong garrison, only succeeded in devastating
some gardens and vineyards. He then suggested to the
Chians that they should send two of their most prominent
citizens to talk the matter over personally with Draperio,
who was on board one of the ships. The Chians sent
two men, one a young one, the other an old one, both of
the family of Cyrico Justiniani. But as they were going
along, suspecting a trap, they tried to return, but were
prevented by the Turks, who were scattered about in the
gardens, and on setting foot on board the Admiral's ship,
were at once thrown into chains. After this treacherous
act Chamza sailed to Rhodes ; but not being able to do
anything there, on account of the strength of its defences,
went back to Chios. He again sends messengers to the
Chians, and persuades them (it is not difficult to persuade
those that are the weaker) to send envoys to the Sultan,
among them Cyrico, to go into the question of the
disputed claim. But whilst they were getting ready to
start, an unforeseen incident threw the whole city into
commotion. Some drunken Turks, disobeying the orders
of the Admiral not to land, swam ashore. One of them,
climbing on to a church, began throwing the tiles down.
Upon this, the enraged Latins and Greeks attacked the
Turks with knives and bludgeons and, following them as
they were getting on board their ship, they so over-
weighted it on the side, that it capsized and sank, taking
down both Christians and Turks. The authorities of the
e2
52 CHIOS
island appeased Chamza by giving him double the value
of the ship and its contents. But when Mahomet heard
of the sinking of his ship, he became furious, sent Chamza
away to a distant governorship, by way of punishment,
ordered war to be relentlessly pressed against the Chians
(14th August, 1455) and, turning to Draperio, said :
" I will take over the collection of thy debt of 40,000
ducats, but will exact it two-fold as compensation for the
drowning of my Turks." ^
The Justinianis, anticipating the evils that would befall
them, wrote (14th August, 1455) a letter to the Pope
Callixtus III, in w^hich they implored his assistance, and
begged him to declare a crusade against the enemies of
the Cross. At the end of the letter, they said that, if
their prayers remained unanswered, calling upon the
Supreme Judge to witness their abandonment, they
would fight for their faith, up to their last breath.^ The
Doge of Genoa, Peter Fregoso, sent two ships and 500
men to their assistance, as well as corn, and a good
supply of other munitions of war (1456).^ But the
Justinianis seeing, on one side, the terrible dissensions
between Genoa and Alfonso King of Sicily, on the
other, that Mahomet, having conquered Enos and the
neighbouring islands of Thasos and Samothrace, was
preparing to march against Chios in the spring, again
sent him ambassadors, to try and divert the now close
approaching storm. Mahomet, being satisfied with the
payment of 30,000 ducats for the sunken ship, and a
tribute of 10,000 florins, turned his arms against Lemnos,
which he took, and postponed the conquest of Chios and
Lesbos to some future time.* Next year, some months
1 Ducas, " Byz. Hist."
2 " Sacra Scio," p. 49.
3 Sismondi, " hist, des rep. italiennes du moyen-age," vol. X,
pp. 67-72.
* Ducas, " Byz. Hist."
CHIOS 53
after the Crusaders, led by the ever victorious Hunyadi,
had defeated Mahomet at Belgrade, sixteen Papal ships,
commanded by the Cardinal Ludovic Scarampa, appeared
in the ^gean, coming to the assistance of the more
important islands. Dropping anchor off Chios, the
Cardinal urged the Chian authorities to refuse payment
of the tribute to the Sultan (1457) ; but they, fearing the
vengeance of the Turks, after the departure of the Papal
fleet, refused to listen.^ (Who could have foreseen that
after a lapse of 364 years this situation would be repeated ?)
Time showed that their fears were well grounded, for the
Sultan, leaving them unmolested, sent his fleet to
Lemnos, and punished it for having listened to the
advice of Scarampa. The Justinianis, however, seeing
that Mahomet had conquered Lesbos, fearing the same
fate, and no longer being able to expect help from
Genoa, on account of her own troubles, appealed to the
Pope, Pius 11.^ They also began further fortifying their
city, to enable it to offer the longest possible resistance
to the great forces of their oppressor. The Pope, being
without money, had to have recourse to his spiritual
treasury, and promised indulgences to all who should go
to the assistance of Chios 1 The Chians, however,
hampered both by civil dissension^ and lack of money
1 Ducas, " Byz. Hist."
2 The Pope was so zealous in his desire to free the Christians
from their slavery under the Turks, that he even conceived the
extraordinary idea of writing a letter to the Sultan Mahomet
himself, trying to convert him to Christianity by force of argument.
In order to convince him, he not only quoted arguments from the
Apostles and Fathers of the Church, but even resorted to the
profane faith of Solon and Lycurgus; and, in order to rouse his
ambition, quoted Constantine the Great, who after being baptised
and armed with the symbol of the Cross, became ever victorious
and Ruler of the whole inhabited world. (Mich. " Hist. Crois,"
vol. Vni, p. 375).
3 These dissensions between the Maonenses and the Latin Bishop,
Hieronymus Camolli, arose over the confiscated ecclesiastical
property of the Greek conspirators, (of which we have made
54 CHIOS
for their work of fortification, again sent envoys to
Genoa, praying for help. The Genoese, who had then
just lost their rich colony of Kaffa on the Tauric
Chersonese (1474), fearing to lose Chios also, ordered
four ships (two of which belonged to the Justinianis, and
the other two to Negri and Spinola, rich citizens of
Genoa) to go to the help of Chios. Three years later,
too, they sent Francesco Sofia, Professor of Law, to ask
the Pope, Sixtus IV, for pecuniary assistance, and
received 5,000 scudi^ (1477). That the sovereignty of
the island was considered a valuable asset to Genoa, was
shown some sixteen years later. Hearing from the
Genoese, in Galata, that the Turks were preparing a
formidable fleet to conquer the island, they called a
council, in which it was decided to arm five large ships,
to send 5,000 men, in addition to sailors, and to give the
command to Thomas Justiniani Forneti. But Thomas,
arriving in Chios, found quiet and peace reigning there,
because the Turks, altering their plans, had again
deferred their expedition against Chios to a more
favourable occasion, as we shall hereafter see.
At this time it is possible that, then serving as a simple
sailor, Christopher Columbus may have set his foot in
Chios.2
mention earlier). Eventually they referred the matter to the Pope,
Sixtus IV., who decided (1473) that the Maonenses should retain
possession of the property, but pay the Bishop a perpetual annual
sum of 400 ducats, and a further single sum of 100 ducats, for the
restoration of the Episcopal Church.
1 " Sacra Scio," p. 53. Serra, " Istoria," etc., p. 236.
2 Humboldt, " examen critique de I'hist. de la geographic du
nouveau continent," in the newspaper " Presse." 11th April, 1839.
CHAPTER VII.
A.D. 1477-1566.
Position of Europe — Chios taken by Piali Pasha — Condition
of the Justinianis after the capture of Chios — Martyrdom
of the eighteen Latin children.
EUROPE meanwhile, though terrified by the prepara-
tions of Mahomet for the invasion of Germany and
Italy, seemed incapable of being roused from out
of a state of lethargic insensibility. Much as Pius II and
his successor, Paul II, might try to incite the Christians
against the Ottomans, their exhortations remained fruit-
less and unheeded. Mahomet, taking advantage of the
general inaction of Europe, having conquered Euboea,
carried his victories into Cranolia and Croatia. At last
Sixtus IV succeeded in uniting some of the Christians,
and sent fifteen ships under Cardinal Carafa. These,
joining the Venetian and Neapolitan fleets, carried terror
into Ionia and Pamphylia, as well as all the sea-coast
towns of the Turkish Empire.^ But the Christians,
instead of taking advantage of these victories, though
small, commenced quarrelling among themselves to such
an extent that even the Pope himself ceased to think of
the " Holy War." The Venetians, deserted by the rest,
not being by themselves alone in a position to carry on
the struggle with the Turks, made peace. Meanwhile the
power of Mahomet was increasing daily. The Genoese,
as we have seen, had lost Kaffa, the Venetians all their
1 Michaud, " Hist, des Croisades," vol. V, pp. 394-430.
55
56 CHIOS
territories in the JEge2in and Greece. Of all the countries
conquered by the Crusaders, there were now left only
Cyprus and Rhodes. Whilst Mahomet, having devastated
Hungary, and completely destroyed Otranto, was pre-
paring to inflict even severer injuries upon Italy, his
sudden death put an end to these schemes, and saved
Europe from imminent danger. Later, from time to
time, both Pope Alexander IV and Pius III, and espe-
cially Leon V, tried to rouse the Christians into under-
taking another crusade. But the Christian States turned
a deaf ear to their exhortations. Not only were many
of them fully occupied with internal trouble, but the
discovery of America, and the circumnavigation of the
Cape, had pre-occupied the minds of all with thoughts of
further discoveries and aggrandisement. Selim's suc-
cessor, that fearless conqueror Suleiman I, taking advan-
tage of this indifference on the part of the Christians,
seized Belgrade and Rhodes, the headquarters of the
Knights of St. John in the Mediterranean, and succeeded
in carrying his banners up to the very walls of Austria's
capital, Vienna itself. But such was the policy of the
Christian princes of that period, and so many the
interests and enmities that engrossed and divided them,
that the then three contemporary monarchs, Henry VIII,
Francis I and Charles V, not only refused to unite in
humbling the Ottoman, but even allied themselves with
that power in their wars with each other ! It is known
to history that the Turkish fleet under Barbarossa, joining
the French fleet at Marseilles, assisted in besieging Nice
(A.D. 1543). Nine years later (a.d. 1552) the French
fleet of twenty-four ships, under the Prince of Luxem-
burg and the Baron de la Garde, spent eight months in
the harbour of Chios, awaiting the arrival of the Sultan.
Suleiman, not satisfied with his laurels, was anxious to
destroy the then famous island of Malta, which was a
harbour of refuge for Christian ships. With this object
CHIOS 57
in view, he appointed Mustapha and Dragouti to be
generals, and Piali Pasha (a Hungarian by descent, but
deadly enemy of the Christians) to be admiral. He
himself again marched against Hungary, but died there,
before the news of the failure of the siege could have
reached him.
Piali, before leaving for the siege of Malta, had been
ordered, after taking that island, to take Chios also
(Suleiman's ambitious pride could not brook the sight
of its prosperity in foreign hands) and to send all the
most prominent Justinianis to Constantinople in chains.
The Sultan was particularly enraged with the Justinianis,
because they gave asylum to the Christian prisoners of
the Turks who escaped to the island, and also because
they kept up a correspondence with Genoa. About 1,000
fugitives came to Chios every year, and the Justinianis
had appointed an official, whose special duty it was to
receive them, feed them, and, as opportunity offered, to
place them on board of Christian ships for transport to
Europe. This charitable conduct could not be concealed
from the Turks. The Justinianis had, however, hitherto
been able, by means of gifts, to appease the anger of the
Turks. But now the failure to take Malta made them
quite intractable. Piali, burning to redeem his military
prestige, reaches Chios during Holy Week with three
hundred ships, having with him as prisoner the Justinianis'
ambassador to Constantinople. The Justinianis hastened
to send twelve envoys to Piali with many gifts, but they
are immediately made prisoners. Then did they appre-
ciate the value of the advice given them by Vincentio
Justiniani on his departure from Constantinople for
France. He had warned them of the Sultan's intention
against the island. Without losing time, Piali enters the
harbour on the 17th of April, 1566, and, neglecting the
usual salute to the fort, lands with a large number of
soldiers (a most unusual thing, because, as a rule, the High
58 CHIOS
Admiral either did not land at all, or, if he did, only took
a very small number of men with him) with their weapons
concealed under their clothes, so as not to arouse
suspicion, and proceeds to the palace.^ Having col-
lected the Maonenses there, he made them a long speech,
in which he reproached them : Firstly y because they were
in secret communication with the King of Spain and
Malta, and had not only warned them of the Turkish
preparations against them, but had also afforded assist-
ance during the siege. Secondlyf because they had given
asylum to Christian prisoners of the Turks escaping from
that country, as well as to pirates. Thirdly, because they
betrayed the intentions of the Sublime Porte, ferreting
them out by means of their ambassador in Constanti-
nople ; and fourthly, because they had not paid their
tribute punctually. Having discoursed upon these
matters, and preferred further charges, he proceeded
to read to a thunder-stricken audience the commands of
the Sultan. These were : Absolute obedience to the
orders of his servant Piali, or the total destruction of the
island ; and, whilst the admiral was still reading, his
soldiers, to further intimidate the bystanders, gradually
allowed their concealed weapons to be seen. The
Maonenses replied : That they had always entertained the
greatest respect for the power of the Porte, and that the
charges brought against them were the slanders of their
enemies. They then endeavoured to satisfy Piali's
insatiable appetite by the promise of large sums of
money .^ But he, turning a deaf ear to their piteous
appeals, swept away the standard of the Justinianis from
the walls, and with it the freedom of Chios 1
After this, having desecrated the churches and
1 Leunclavius, " Supplement Annalium Turcicarum," p. 356.
2 Everyone, men and women, contributed, some, selling their
precious stones, others their silver plate, and others their golden
necklaces.
CHIOS 59
monasteries, and robbed them of an immense quantity of
valuables/ (leaving five hundred soldiers and ten ships to
protect the island from piratical attacks) Piali returned
to Constantinople, to Suleiman's son and successor,
Selim II. Most unaccountably he left the fortress in the
hands of the Justinianis, a thing incredible but for the
testimony of travellers,^ and the evidence of subsequent
events. Thus was the power of the Justinianis in Chios
destroyed after a sovereignty of 220 years. It is said
that, for a period of forty days preceding the taking of the
island, it had been shaken by such violent and quick
following earthquakes, that the people leaving the town
were living in tents, and that, by way of climax to their
misfortunes, a deadly plague springing up, carried them
off in numbers. Whatever, if any, bearing these events
had upon the loss of the island, it cannot be denied, that
it was solely owing to their own ability, and political tact,
that the Justinianis had been able to maintain their
sovereignty over it for so long a period. Remote from
distant Genoa, surrounded by what was first the Greek,
and then the Turkish Empire, not only were they able to
escape all foreign domination, but also, in addition to
glory and power, to achieve a degree of civilization
exceptional in their days and in those parts. We have
already seen how great was their wealth, and how
extensive their commerce. All the small islands, such as
Psara and the CEnussae, as well as the larger ones, such
as Samos, Patmos, Tenedos, Icaria, part of Euboea, and
both Old and New Phocaea, had fallen under their
dominion. They sent an ambassador every year to
1 M. Justiniani ("Sacra Scio," p. 12) says that the ship, which
carried the stolen Holy vessels, went to the bottom in a dead calm,
by a miracle !
2 Pococke, " Description of the East," p. 2. Stochove, " Voyage
du Levant," (Brussels, 1662, p. 201). Anonymous, "Voyage du
Levant, fait par le commandement du Roi en I'annee 1621," par le
Sr. D. C. (Paris, 1632, p. 346).
60 CHIOS
Constantinople, to look after the interests of their
country, who enjoyed such consideration, that he was
often more honoured than the ministers of the great
Christian States : nor did the Turks neglect to render to
the Justinianis (at least in form) such marks of considera-
tion as occasion might invite.^ Thus, when Bayezid
conquered Corone, Methone, and Naupactus, among
others, he sent letters to the Chians announcing these
victories. When they had become wealthy, they so
embellished the town, and so raised the standard of
living, sharing this benefit with the Greeks, that
Bellonius^ (who was travelling about in 1546-1549) says,
that in no part of Turkey had he found a place more
agreeable to live in than Chios. But when Piali had
conquered the island, the Maonenses were dispersed,
going here and there. Some with their wives and
children were taken prisoners to Constantinople, and
from there sent to Kaffa ; some fled to their mother
country, others to Sicily or Rome, or Italy, or to the
Indies, for the sake of commerce. Others, by the
payment of large sums to the destroyer of the island,
were allowed to remain there. Of these were the
families Unghetti, Recanelli, Forneti, Garibaldi, and
others, of whom a certain number selected Volisso as
their residence : others such as the Grimaldi and Rocca,
the villages of Pyrgi, and Katarrakti. Fortunately for
the Justinianis, their deadly enemy Suleiman was dead,
and, as we have already mentioned, had been succeeded
by Selim II. The new Sultan, fearing lest the island
should become completely deserted, gave orders (through
the mediation of Vincentio Justiniani, then ambassador
of Charles IX in Constantinople) that all the Justinianis
who had been banished to Kaffa, where they had been
1 Hammer, " Storia del impero Osman," vol. VII, p. 130.
2 Bellonius, " Plurimar, singular," etc., p. 107.
CHIOS 61
living for three years as prisoners, should be set free
(1569). Returning to Constantinople, the Justinianis
prayed Selim to do them justice, and return them their
country, which had been unjustly taken, inasmuch as his
predecessors had always recognised their independence.
Selim referred the matter to the Mufti, but, although the
latter expressed a favourable opinion, answered them
autocratically, that it was impossible for him to create a
precedent of relinquishing a country that he had taken
by arms. So they had to bend their necks to the
Turkish yoke, but received considerable privileges, as
well as absolute liberty in the exercise of their religious
rites. This latter privilege they, in great measure, owed
to the prayers addressed to Selim by the Chian Bishop
Timotheos Justiniani, and by Vicentio Justiniani Gari-
baldi, whom Genoa had sent to the Porte in the name of
the Chian Justinianis.^
Before the Justinianis were taken as prisoners to
Theodosia, the Sultan ordered twenty-one boys, the
brightest and handsomest, to be kept in his palace, under
the supervision of Skander Pasha. These boys, of whom
the names of only fourteen have been preserved,^ were
about ten years of age. At first the Turks promised
them great honours and rewards if they would renounce
their faith, but seeing later that, like the Maccabees, they
preferred to die rather than deny Jesus Christ, they
circumcised them by force and, torturing them in many
ways, told them to hold up their forefinger as a signal of
submission. But these, looking up to Heaven, only
1 "Sacra Scio," p. 12. Tournefort ("Voyage du Levant") says
that, with the exception of belfries, the Latins enjoyed so much
Hberty under the Turks, in the exercise of their rehgion, that Chios
was called by the Turks, " Little Rome."
2 These were : — Antonio, Bartholomew, Brutus, Hercules, Hip-
polytus, John, Cornelius, Paul, Pascal the first, Pascal the second,
Raphael, Scipio, Philip and Francis (M. Justiniani, " La gloriosa
morte dei 21 fanciuUi ").
62 CHIOS
clasped their hands the tighter, until they received the
glorious death of martyrdom.^ Bossius relates, that the
Turks, having beaten one of these boys most unmerci-
fully, tried to separate his fingers by force, but this they
were unable to do, neither whilst he was alive, nor after
his death. Allatius, referring to this story, expresses his
astonishment.^ Three only of the boys, unable to face
the tortures on account of their youth, turned Turks, but
these, too, shortly after escaped to Italy, where they died
Catholics.
1 " Historia Hierosolymit." Religion. Part III, liber XXV.
Allatius " de Ecc. Occident, et Orient, perpet. consens." Colon.
Agrippin, 1643, p. 985.
2 But this need not surprise the reader unversed in medicine,
because such violent contractions of the muscles are not uncommon.
See Garmanos, " de Miraculis mortuorum," p. 430.
CHAPTER VIII.
Eminent men of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.
HAVING related the rise and fall of the power of the
Justinianis in Chios, it is now our duty to render
a tribute of honour to those amongst them who,
in the various walks of life, most distinguished themselves.
We proceed, therefore, to give a very incomplete account
of their lives (history not affording material for a fuller)
taking them in chronological order, as closely as we have
been able to place them.
Andreolo Justiniani. Born in Chios, 1400. Com-
posed a poem describing the brave resistance by the
Justinianis to the unexpected attack of the Venetians
in 1431.1
Leonardo Justiniani. Bishop of Mitylene, 1452. He
was the first to describe the taking of Constantinople
by the Turks. He wrote the description in Chios,
seventy-nine days after the event, 16th August, 1453.
The title of this very rare work is: ^' Historia C. P,
a Turco Expugnatce." Nuremberg, 1544.^
John Justiniani. Fought bravely on the side of the
Greeks during the siege of Constantinople by the
Turks. Being wounded, he died shortly after.^*°*^*
IIM. Justiniani, " Scrittori Liguri," vol. I, p. 63.
2 Gibbon, "Decline, etc. Rom. Emp." vol. XIII, p. 54.
3 Gibbon, " Decline, etc., Rom. Emp.," vol. XIII, p. 102. " Sacra
Scio," p. 48. Crucius Turcograecia, " Pol. Hist. Constan.," p. 10.
* Michaud, " Hist, des Croisades," vol. V, p. 337 (de vera nobilitate).
63
64 CHIOS
Ansaldo Justiniani. Born in Chios 1502. Studied
law in Padua, was sent as Genoese Ambassador to
the Emperor Charles V. Died in Genoa 1596.
TiMOTHEUS Justiniani. Bishop of Chios. Was sent
to Constantinople to intercede for the Justinianis
imprisoned there after the taking of Chios, 1566.^
Alexander Justiniani. Born 1515. Studied medicine
and wrote medical treatises.^ *"*^^
Vincentio Justiniani. Born 1519. Was made Cardinal
in 1570. Died in 1582.
Angelo Justiniani. Theological writer, died in Genoa
in 1599.
Vincentio Justiniani. A very influential personage in
Constantinople, where he was successful in obtaining
the release of the Justinianis imprisoned there after
the taking of Chios. Died 1570.
Hieronymus Justiniani. Son of the above. Born in
Chios 1544. Wrote the history of Chios, first in
Greek, then in Italian and Latin, and lastly in French,
in which language it was first printed in Paris, 1606.
Michael Justiniani. Author of many works, including
La gloriosa morte dei i8 fanciulli Giustiniani Patrizi
Genovesi dei Signori di Scio, i8° Avellino, i6^6,
Antonio Justiniani. Became Archbishop of Naxos.
Benedeto Justiniani. Born 1554. Cardinal 1586.
George Justiniani. Born 1569. Author of Operette
Spiritiiali,
Jacob Pal^ologus. Flourished 1570. Theological
writer. Persecuted for unorthodoxy by the Pope.
Francesco Justiniani. Born in Chios 1570. Wrote
mathematical treatises, none of which remain.*
1 Moreri, " Grand Diction." (under Justiniani).
2 Vanderlinden, " De scriptis medicis," p. 16.
3 M. Giustiniani, " Scrittori Liguri," p. 41.
* " Scrittori Liguri," p. 26.
CHIOS 65
Joseph Justiniani. Theological writer. Flourished in
1585. Died 1658.
John Mastroleonardo. A wonderful gunner. Killed
the Turkish Commander at the siege of Malta, 1566,
with a shot directed by his own hand.
Leon Allatius. This eminent man was not only the
most learned of all the Chian Latins, but also one
of the most famous authors of the XVIIth century.
He was born in Chios in 1586, of Graeco-Latin
parents, and went to Calabria at the age of nine.
There, under the protection of the powerful Spineli
family, he received his first teaching. In 1660 he
went to Rome, where, having completed his studies
in Theology, Philosophy and Letters, he was ap-
pointed to many posts. Coming to Chios later, he
was not satisfied, and returned to Rome and studied
medicine. In 1622 he was sent by the Pope Gregory
to Heidelberg, to remove to Rome the library pre-
sented to the Pope by the Elector of Bavaria. Later
he became librarian to various nobles, and finally,
in 1661, was appointed to the post of librarian to
the Vatican Library. He died in Chios in 1669, in
his 83rd year, leaving behind him descendants of
both the Greek and Latin faiths. He was the mortal
foe of the Orthodox Church. He was a voluminous
writer. The most important of his works consist of
attacks upon that Church. Before his death he
founded a school in Chios.^
Velastes. Author of an excellent treatise on the pro-
nunciation of the Greek language, by which he
proves the correctness of the pronunciation now in
use among the Greeks. De literarum Grcecarum
pronuntiatione. Romce, 1751, and Prague, 1770.
1 This school is still [1840] in existence, and is under the manage-
ment of the Latins who call it the " Great School." A few Latin
children are taught there, but it is in deplorable condition.
F
CHAPTER IX.
A.D. 1566-1657.
The Florentines attack Chios — Privileges enjoyed by the
Chians under the Turks — Eminent orthodox Chians (1500
-1680).
HAVING now referred to the more particularly
distinguished men among the Latin Chians, we
return to our narrative. It will be remembered
how, after the capture of the island by Piali, the ]us-
tinianis were allowed to retain possession of the fortress.
But after the Florentine invasion, which we are now
about to relate, they were deprived by the Turks of not
only this last emblem of their former sovereignty, but also
of every remaining shred of authority. Indeed, but for
the mediation of the French Ambassador in Constanti-
nople, Breves, all their churches would have been pulled
down and all their property confiscated. Following the
example set by the Knights of Malta, the Florentines
had sent a fleet to keep the sea clear of Turkish pirates,
and ensure the safety of Christian traffic. But the
Knights of St. Stefano, to whom this duty had been
confided by Ferdinand de Medici, grossly abused their
trust, and seized Christian ships, alleging that their
cargoes were the property of Turks. They also visited
towns in Turkey solely inhabited by Christians, and not
only plundered them, but also exposed the inhabitants to
great ill-usage at the hands of the Turks, who thought that
they had invited the invaders. Following the example of
these and of others, Virginius Orsini, Duke of Brassano,
66
CHIOS 67
nephew of the Duke of Tuscany, started off with five
ships to attack Chios. Taking advantage of the darkness
of night, he was successful in landing, unperceived, 400
Florentines (1599). These, having come upon the Turks
in their sleep, killed the sentries, seized a gun that com-
manded the harbour, and, under the guidance of a
peasant, made their way into the town.^ The Turks,
thinking that the besiegers had come in great force, shut
themselves up in the fort. The Florentines marched
through the town in disorder, and, behaving more like
brigands than soldiers, pillaged some houses belonging
to Christians. These, becoming exasperated, joined the
Turks and, being about 10,000 altogether, surrounded
the invaders. The Florentines divided into two bands.
The less bold made for the harbour of Delphinium
hoping to gain the refuge of their ships, but, as their
fleet had put out to sea on being fired at by the fort,
they failed in their object, and were cut down to the last
man. The others, the bolder ones, entered some houses
and defended themselves for some hours, but, seeing they
could not resist for long, offered to surrender if their
lives were spared for a money payment. But the Turks,
coming up in numbers, refused their offers, and setting
fire to the houses destroyed all the men in them. But
1 " Memorie Historiche de' Monarch! Ottomani di G. Sagreda "
(Venetia, 1679), p. 522. Dapper says (" Description des iles de
I'Archipel.," p. 224) that the Florentines made themselves masters of
the fort, but that a great storm arose and scattered their ships, and
the Turks then regained the fort, and killed all the Florentines and
fixed their heads on the walls, where they still remained in his time
(1680). The same writer says (p. 214) that the Christians (1601)
again attacked the fort, and put up monuments in honour of those
who had been killed, but he does not say whether the attack was
successful or not. But how can this be reconciled with what we have
written above ? If the Justinianis were in possession of the fort, as
so many testify, how were the Turks able to shut themselves up in
it ? Why did not the Justinianis welcome the Florentines ? Could
there have been a second fort ? Whose is the correct account ?
Dapper's and Sagreda' s, or Pococke's ?
f2
68 CHIOS
this invasion was the cause of much trouble to the
Christians, as they were suspected of having invited the
Florentines. Even those who had assisted the Turks
did not completely escape, because they were compelled,
in buying back their plundered property, to pay 100
ducats for a thing that was only worth ten. The Chris-
tians sent two of their most prominent citizens to pray
for the mercy of the Sultan, but they were immediately
handed over to the high admiral, Tsikal Pasha, a man
notorious for his ferocity. Coming to Chios, Tsikal
killed and hanged a large number of persons, and com-
pelled the greater number of the Catholic Chians to
leave the island, selling their houses for next to nothing.
He announced that the object of his great severity was
to set Christians against Christians, and to teach the
Franks that, whenever they attacked the Sultan's domi-
nions, they would be inflicting more injury on the
Christians than on the Turks themselves. Having taken
possession of the fort he strengthened it, and left a
garrison of 4,000 men in it.
Let us now examine the position of the Greeks in
Chios, with regard to their civilisation and learning, the
privileges they enjoyed, and their mode of self-govern-
ment.
From the moment when the Turks had become
undisputed masters of the island, they showed a dis-
position to treat it with particular favour.^ The in-
habitants received many privileges from the Sultan,
although these, for the continuance of their validity,
required the confirmation of each new occupant of the
throne. They were given perfect freedom to build and
consecrate churches (but without belfries)^ ; to carry the
1 Chandler, "Travels in Asia Minor," etc., vol. I, p. 35: "For-
tune will seem to have concurred with the partiality of nature, and
to have distinguished this as a favourite island."
2 Leonardus Justiniani, " De vera Nobilitate," p. 10 (" Excepto
CHIOS 69
Cross and Icons in procession through the streets, and
to celebrate all their religious services. There were to
be no mosques except inside the fort. The Turks were
forbidden to make converts, except when a man spon-
taneously came forward and expressed a wish to renounce
his Christianity, and did so in the presence of the
Christian authorities. They were given permission to
govern the island through five ^^ deputati," three Greek
and two Latins, whose decisions in respect of all Chris-
tian differences were not to be subject to appeal to the
local Turkish courts. Their houses were to be free from
taxes. They were only to pay the Capitation Tax and
5,000 piastres Tree Tax. They were to dress as they
pleased, and might wear spurs when on horseback. They
further obtained the privilege of not paying any duty on
goods arriving from Tchesme (the coast of Asia Minor
opposite) if they could prove that duty had already been
paid there ; and the commerce of the island was to pass
duty free through all the Custom Houses of the Black
Sea.i
Aided by these privileges, the Chians, emerging
from the fog of barbarism then enveloping all the
enslaved Greeks, soon began to acquire both civilisation
and wealth. No doubt their success was in some
measure due to the presence among them, for so many
years, of the more civilised Genoese; but the main factor
of the elevation of the Greeks was, undoubtedly, their
industry, as certainly as the chief cause of the degrada-
tion of the Latins was their indolence. Whereas the
Greeks were always actively engaged in commerce,
Campanarum.") Villemain, " Essai hist, suf I'etat des Grecs," p. 213.
Only the inhabitants of the Mastic districts were allowed to have
belfries.
1 All these privileges were set out in a decree (Hatti) bearing the
Sultan's sign manual. This document (written 145 years before)
was, with many others, preserved in the Public Muniment Chest of
Chios up to the date of the late destruction of the island.
70 CHIOS
trading with countries near and far,^ the Latins, who
were unable to forget their ancient nobility, and who
were never brought up to habits of industry, never
condescended to work, and were never able to rise
from poverty. The Chians, too, had not neglected to
found a school for the teaching of the sciences, as far
back as the 15th century.^ Thence many, after having
thoroughly prepared the ground, passed over to Italy,
and there, in the 16th century, attained the highest
standard of culture. There, too, they imbibed the
knowledge brought over to Europe some fifty years
earlier by learned Byzantine fugitives.
We will now mention the names of Chians remarkable
for their learning or other qualities. They are few in
number compared to the Westerns, but sufficient to lead
us to imagine that there must have been others, not less
worthy, of whom we should have heard, had not the sole
concern of the Latin writers of Chios, Hieronymus,
Michael Justiniani, and Leon Allatius, been the glorifica-
tion of the men of their own faith. About these they
wrote special treatises, whereas when they mention the
others, it is only incidentally, and generally in terms
of disparagement !
IsiDORUS. Great ecclesiastical lawyer.^
Johannes. Taught Euclid in Messina.*
Neilos. Metropolitan of Rhodes.^
NicoLAOS NisiOTis. A poet.^
Michael Sophiano. Learned Scholar and Poet."^
1 Bellonius, ** Plurimar," etc., p. 130. Dapper, "description des
lies," etc., p. 224.
2 Crusius, " Turcograecia," p. 513.
3 Ducange, in " Corais, Atakta," vol. V, p. 243.
* Crusius, " Turcograecia," p. 525.
5 Allatius, " de Eccles. Occid. atque Orient.," etc., p. 874.
6 Hodius, " de Graecis illustribus," p. 324.
7 Ibid., pp. 309-311.
CHIOS 71
George Koresios. Learned Philosopher. Author of
many theological and philological works.^
Gregory Protosyngelos. Pupil of George Koresios,
with whom he collaborated in the preparation of
some of the latter's works.^
Andreas. Suffered martyrdom in Constantinople, 1465.^
Apollonius. a famous doctor.*
Paisios Ligaridis. Writer on Theology.^
Cyrillos. Priest and Abbot.^
Kalogeraki. Teacher of the Greek language."^
Christopher Kampanas. Student of Theology.
George Protosyngelos. Learned in Greek and Holy
Scripture.^
Alexander Mavrocordato. Son of the Chian, Panteli
Mavrocordato, and of the one-eyed Loxandra,
daughter of Scarlato^ of Constantinople; was born
in Chios, in 1637. Studied medicine in various
Italian Universities. Wrote a treatise on the circu-
lation of the blood (1664). Later he went to
Constantinople. Here he practised as a doctor and
lecturer. He spoke Greek, Slavonian, Latin, Italian,
1 " Lettres Anecdotes de Cyrillo Lucar," pp. 70-85. Morery,
•' Dictionnaire," Paris, 1744, vol. Ill, p. 488. " De rebus Eccles.
Graecorum," p. 3 and 335. AUat., "de Eccles. Occid. Orient,
perpet. consensione," p. 997. Arnauld, "perpetuite de la foi,"
vol. IV, p. 382, and vol. V, p. 27. Meletios, "Eccles. Hist.,"
vol. Ill, p. 488.
2 Arnauld, "perpetuite de la foi," vol. IV, p. 388. Simon,
" Histoire critique de la Creance," etc., p. 45.
3Allat., "de Eccles. Occid. Orient.," p. 980. Hodius, " de
Graecis illustribus," pp. 107-117.
* Allat., " de Eccles. Occid. Orient," p. 1074.
5 Meletios, " Eccles. Hist.," vol. Ill, p. 472.
6 Fabricius, " Bibliotheca Graeca," p. 602.
7 " Histoire de Scio," book II, chap. i.
8 Meletios, " Eccles. Hist.," vol. Ill, p. 418.
9 Cantemir, " Histoire de 1' Empire Ottoman," vol. II, p. 192.
72 CHIOS
French, Turkish, Persian and Arabic. Later he
was appointed Chief Dragoman (1681).^ Falling
into disfavour he was dismissed, but being re-
instated (in 1685) he served the Ottoman Empire
for many years, dying in 1719. He was succeeded
in his post by his son Nicolas.
Ignatius Mindonios. A monk. Much appreciated by
the Sultan, who frequently employed him in settling
disputes among his subjects.^
John Choniates.
John Coresio.
Leonardo Mindonio.
George Papalas.
Panteli Papalas.
Hermodoros Lestarios.
Demetrius Papanos.
Andreas Epiphanios.
Sgoutas. Two brothers, learned doctors.
1 Tournefort, " Voyage du Levant," vol. II, p. 12.
2 AUatius, " de Eccles. Occid.," etc., p. 990.
G^
CHAPTER X.
A.D. 1657-1694.
Relations between the Greeks and Latins in Chios —
Ecclesiastical position — Disputes between the Greeks and
Latins as to possession of churches.
BEYOND the exchange of a few shots between the
Venetians and Turks in the harbour of Chios, during
their fight for Crete, and some successes obtained
by Lazarus Mocenigo, and Morosini, off Chios, in 1657-
1664,^ there are no events at this period to chronicle.
Let us then, as far as the silence of historians will permit,
proceed to an examination of the relations, social and
religious, subsisting between the Latins and Greeks of
the island.
It was of course only natural that the Greeks should
feel little love for the Latins, who were both foreign
conquerors and aliens in faith, and although they had
adopted most of their customs, even their mode of dress,^
they still always nursed a secret antipathy to them. So
steadfast was the fidelity of the Greeks to the teaching
of their fathers, and so fanatical, at that time, the
faith of the Latins, that no bridge could span the chasm of
religious animosity that lay between them. In vain does
1 Nani, " dell istoria Veneta." Vol. II, pp. 82, 112, 325. Daru,
" histoire de Venise." Pieces Justificat., p. 237.
2 Licet que graeca insula sit, magna tamen ex parte Franco more,
hoc est, Latino vivitur . . . Vestium autem forma, et victus ratio
Genuensium est. (Bellonius, "plurim. observat," p. 197).
73
74 CHIOS
the venomous enemy of the Greeks, Leon Allatius, try to
prove that there did exist a bond of friendship between
the Latins and Greeks, telling us that the Greeks inter-
married with the Latins, that they attended their churches
to hear the Holy Word, and that they confided their
children to them, for the fashioning of their moral and
spiritual characters, thereby showing their respect for the
faith held by the Pontiff of Rome. " 1 saw," he says,
" Marco Justiniani officiating in the Nea Mone, in Latin,
*' in the presence of the whole of the Greek clergy, and
" after they had eaten together, they begged the Bishop
"to recommend the Mon^ to the Pope (16C3). Why
" did they not, being Greeks, address themselves to their
" own Patriarch ? Because," he continues, ** they were
" afraid of the malediction of the Supreme Pontiff." ^
That the Latins did sometimes officiate in the N6a
Mone, and in some of the other Greek churches, is
testified to by other writers,^ but it was no doubt due to
the supremacy of the Latins, both as regards social
position and ecclesiastical power of which they often
made abuse ; or perhaps it is attributable to some custom
then prevailing, but which was later discontinued, on
account of its pernicious consequences, and the disputes
it gave rise to. We also admit that a certain amount of
intermarriage did take place between the Greeks and
Latins, down to the end of last century ; but these
marriages, though quite unrestricted, were rare. It is
also a fact that the Latins and Greeks used the same
calendar, the Julian, and not the Georgian.^ But that
they recommended the Nea Mone to the Pope, because
they were afraid of his spiritual anathema, and not
1 Allatius, " de Eccles. Occident. Orient.," etc., pp. 979-1059.
2 " Sacra Scio," p. 188. " Lettere al Vescovo di Mariana," F.
Justiniani (lettere memorabile M. Justiniani), vol. I, p. 521.
Toumefort, " Voyage du Levant," p. 141.
3 Saint Sauveur, " Voyage hist, et litter.," etc., vol. I, pp. 334-335.
CHIOS 75
because they were in need of his poHtical protection,
no one can possibly believe. Although Bellonius,^ and
other writers, explicitly speak of the steadfastness of
the Orthodox Chians to their faith, and although, when
a Calvinist, resident in Chios in 1579,^ on attempting
to teach his doctrines, only narrowly escaped being
torn to pieces by the people, and although not a single
one of the peoples of Greece, however low they had
been brought by poverty and slavery, ever gave heed to
heterodox teaching, yet AUatius has the efiFronter\' to
maintain that ^^No one in his senses" can believe that
the Greeks feel any abhorrence for the Latin dogma,
because they send their children to Rome, to be edu-
cated, and be taught " the true teaching" and when
they return they are honoured by all.^ We do not
deny that among the Greeks who were educated at the
Theological College of St. Athanasius in Rome in 1557,
there were some who became converts from the Greek
to the Latin Church, and that among these some were
Chians.* But these were few in number, and w^ere not
held in honour on their return, but were despised by
all, as unworthy children of their church and their
country. Further evidence of this abhorrence of the
Greeks for the Catholic dogma is not only afforded by
the traditional antipathy which sur\'ives to this day.
1 " Adeo suae religionis observ'^ntes sunt " (Bellonius). Pococke,
"A Description of the East," vol. II, part ii, p. 10.
2 Allatius, " de Eccles. Occid. Orient.," etc., p. 1059.
3 " Et insaniunt omnino qui Graecos ipsos omnes a Latinorum
doctrinis abhorrere, eos qui odio plus quam Vatiniano prosequi
criminantur. Quotidie cernimus eosdem Graecos filios suos Romam
et in alias Latinorum provincias non sine sumptu mittere, tantum ut
litteris imbuantur, et doctrinam veram hauriant ; qui postea perdocti
etiam Graeciam reversi, maxima apud omnes sunt in aestimatione."
(Leon Allatius, ibid., p. 985).
* Among these were Karj'ophyllos, Papadopoulos, Tj'paldos,
Kalekas, Kydonas, Pantoleon Ligaridis, Michael Neuridis, and a
very few other Chians.
76 CHIOS
but by the following incident. When the Jesuits, sent
to Constantinople by Cardinal Bandini, were summarily
ejected from that town (thanks to the sleepless vigilance
of the Patriarch Cyrillus), those of them that went to
Naxos found themselves in sympathy with the local
leaders, whilst those who went to Chios, not only failed
in gaining proselytes, but w^ere made prisoners, and
only succeeded in making their escape to Italy ^ with
difficulty. And how could it be otherwise, when the
hatred of the Latins so clouded their reason, that they
went about saying that the plague spared their co-
religionists in Chios, and only carried off Turks and
Schismatics ! ^
Language, too, was another barrier. The Latins, in
speaking Greek, not only mutilated it, but pronounced it
in a manner peculiar to Latins in all parts of Turkey. A
language one in expression and one in sound, common
to peoples, is the greatest preservative of a sense of their
common nationality.^ Further, when we compare the
wealth and political power which the Greeks enjoyed,
after the Turkish conquest, with the poverty and degra-
dation of the Catholics, can anyone doubt that envy,
common to mankind in such circumstances, was not a
further barrier to any feelings of real affection and sincere
friendship ?
What I have said is further corroborated by the religious
commotions which took place in Chios from time to time,
and later by the quarrel between the Latins and Greeks
1 " Lettres anecdotes de Cyrille Lucar " (Amst., 1718), pp. 201-236.
Meletios, " Eccles. Hist.," vol. Ill, p. 447. Hammer, "Storia del
impero osmano," vol. XVII, p. 160.
2 Guy, "Voyage litteraire de la Grece," vol. II, p. 81. Paul Lucas,
"Voyage dans la Grece" (Paris, 1712), vol. I, p. 299.
3 The learned Velastes, speaking of Chios, says : " that a certain
Greek Bishop, coming to Chios, condemned the Latin priests, not
because they acknowledged and revered the Pope, but because they
did not perform their services in Greek." (Guy, " Voyage litteraire
de la Grece," p. 205).
CHIOS 11
for the possession of certain churches. One of these
commotions occurred in Chios in about 1600^ on the
arrival there of the learned Patriarch of Alexandra,
Meletios (the writer of some admirable letters concerning
the Mysteries — directed against the Latins — as well as of
others addressed to devout Greeks and Russians in Chios
and Poland). Men and women (says Allatius) young
and old, Greeks and Latins, all flocked to listen to the
eloquence of the Patriarch. He scoffed at the Latins,
and at the authority of the Pope, and his listeners began
to murmur (no doubt the Latins), but he, waxing bolder
and becoming more impassioned, challenged any man to
argue with him. At last the Greeks (it is still Allatius
speaking) and the Latins, to put a stop to the commotion,
ordered him to leave the island at once — as a disturber
of its peace — and forbade him ever to return. They also
bribed the Turks to hasten his departure.
We will give an account of the dispute as to the pos-
session of certain churches, after having first examined
the ecclesiastical position of the rival Greek and Latin
churches.
We have already said that, at first, Chios was under a
Metropolitan chosen by the Patriarch of Constantinople,
but that, when his conspiracy was discovered, he was sent
away by the Justinianis, who refused to receive a second
Metropolitan, but allowed an official called ^^Dikaios " to
reside in the island and watch over the orthodox flock.
But later, when the power of the Maonenses was on the
wane. Metropolitans were again appointed by the Patriarch,
generally in accordance with the choice of the leading
citizens of Chios.^ The influence (which still survives)
of the Chians, in Church matters, is clearly indicated in
a letter which they wrote to the Patriarch Metrophanes
1 Allatius, " De Eccles. Occid. Orient.," etc., p. 995. Meletios,
" Eccles. Hist.," vol. V, p. 424.
2 Meletios " Geograph.," vol. Ill, p. 214 (edn. A. Gazi.)
78 • CHIOS
(1590).^ This letter, in which they beg him to send
them a MetropoHtan, both virtuous and worthy of
shepherding the souls of Christians, is couched in terms
not only of becoming humility, but also of polite inde-
pendence. And whenever abuses occurred they resorted
to the Patriarch for their redress, as may be gathered from
a letter, written to him by the Monks of the N6a Mone.
This letter, which is not free from barbarisms, is set out
by Crusius, in his '* Turcograecia."^ The Greek clergy
had fine churches, some of which they shared with the
Latins ; that is to say, that the services in them were
sometimes conducted by the Greeks, and sometimes by
the Latins. The Metropolis of the Greek Metropolitan
was, originally, the Church of Campana, later the Church
of St. Nicolas, in the Aplotaria district, formerly called
the Church of Basilikari, because it had been built by
one of the Byzantine Emperors, whose name, however,
had been lost.
The date of the appointment of the first Western
Bishop of Chios is unknown. It is probable that he
came there immediately after the taking of Constantinople
by the Latins. Innocent III, in his letter to Thomas
Morosini, first Western Patriarch of Constantinople, bids
him, in the countries where there were only Greeks, to
appoint Greeks, but in the countries where there were
both Greeks and Latins, Latins, and to give them the
preference over Greeks.^ As on the taking of Constan-
tinople by the Franks, Chios fell into the hands of the
Venetians, it is most probable that they sent a Bishop
there, and Cantacuzene, in his description of the taking
of Chios by Andronicus in 1328, says, that there was a
Latin prelate there, who had received his Bishopric from
the Pope. History has only preserved the names and
dates of the following : —
1 Crusius, " Turcograecia," book III, p. 285.
2 Ibid., book III, p. 303. 3 m. Giustiniani, " Sacra Scio," p. 12.
CHIOS
79
Manfredo
• • •
... 1363
Giovanni Bapitio
... 1391
Carlo Giustiniani
... 1394
TOMASO PALAVICCINI
... 1400
Leonardo Palaviccini
... 1409
Antonio Palaviccini
... 1421
LUDOVICO
... 1423
Antonio
GiROLAMO
Date unknown
GiROLAMO CAMOGLI
... 1469
Giustiniani Paolo Moneglia
... 1499
Benedetto Giustiniani
... 1502
Giovanni Vigerio
... 1534
Paolo Fiesco
... 1550
TiMOTEO Giustiniani
... 1564
Benedetto Garetto
... 1579
GiROLAMO Giustiniani
... 1597
Marco Giustiniani
... 1603
Andrea Soffiano
... 1641
The Western Bishop of Chios had his MetropoHs
inside the fort. He received a yearly stipend of 200
scudi from Rome, and was entitled to officiate in ten or
twelve of the Greek churches.^ Both he and the Greek
Metropolitan required the Sultan's permission, called
*^ Beraf," to entitle them to perform their duties. After
the taking of Constantinople by the Turks, the Western
clergy lost most of their influence, and the little that
remained was completely effaced as the consequence of
their quarrels with the Greeks. We will now give an
account of the events that led to this result.
1 M. Giustiniani (Lettere memorabile) " Lettera al Vescovo di
Mariana," vol. I, p. 522.
80 CHIOS
The Metropolitan of Chios, Ignatius Neochoris, an
intelligent and enterprising man — although accused of
avarice and pride by his enemies — had made it his aim
to completely destroy all power of the Westerns in the
island. With this object in view, he represented to the
Turks that they ought to keep a careful watch over men
who were both in close relationship with the Genoese,
and who kept up a correspondence with all the enemies
of the Empire. His hope was to either compel the
Westerns to submit to the Eastern Church, or cause the
confiscation of their property, and their dismissal from
the island. In order to further his object, he invited the
co-operation of a priest, an able man, and well versed in
the Turkish language, and the local laws. This priest,
for the above reasons, and on account of his intimacy
with the Turkish dignitaries, was jeeringly called " Papa
Mustapha" by the Latins. At this juncture, an event in
itself quite independent, furnished the Metropolitan with
the means of accomplishing his object. The Greek clergy
were at that time in debt to some Turkish functionaries.
This debt Neochoris promised to pay if the Turks would
bring about the amalgamation of the revenues of the two
churches. The Turks, more concerned for the payment
of the money owing them than the justice of the scheme,
made use of their influence, and handed Neochori a
decree of the Sultan to the following effect : —
(1) That the Latin Bishop should no longer exercise
any judicial authority over the Latins, and that
the same should be transferred to the Metro-
politan.
(2) That no marriage should take place, and no
religious ceremony be held without the
Metropolitan's consent.
(3) That most of the Churches then in the hands
of the Latins should be handed over to the
Greeks.
CHIOS 81
(4) That no Latin priests should be ordained with-
out the consent of the MetropoHtan.
(5) That the Latin Bishop should give an account
of all the revenues of the Diocese to the
Metropolitan, and an assurance of the good
behaviour of all the Latins who might intend
remaining in Chios, and then himself quit
the island.^
This startling decree so provoked the Latins, that,
laying aside all prudence, they determined to risk every-
thing rather than accept such humiliating conditions, and
submit to an alien church. So their bishop, Andrea
Sofifiano, a man of seventy, burning with resentment
against the Greeks, and with him ten coadjutors, left for
Constantinople to take counsel with their co-religionists
there, and to try and sound the rnind of the Patriarch. But
meanwhile Neochoris, who well knew that with the
Turks it was always those who were first in the field who
got the best attention, hurried to Adrianople, reaching it
in the shortest of time. There, taking advantage of the
absence of the Latins, he represented them as the irre-
concilable enemies of the Porte, as the secret correspon-
dents of the Pope and the Venetians, and as schemers for
the latinization of all the Chians. That, taking advantage
of the poverty of the Greeks, they had, by means of
subscriptions from many parts of Europe, succeeded in
getting possession of many churches which had been the
property of the Greeks for many years, some even for
many ages (1665-1666). The Turks, whose habit it was
to take advantage of the disputes among Christians,
welcomed the words of the Metropolitan. This was
particularly the case with the Kaimakan Mustapha Pasha.
With the object of making a profit out of the transaction,
1 Ricaut (Chevalier), " Hist, de I'Eglise Grecque et Armenienne
traduite de I'Anglais," par M. de Rosemond (Seconde edit.,
Amsterdam, 1710), pp. 339-347.
G
82 CHIOS
he ordered the Latins to be arrested on a charge of high
treason. Soffiano, hearing the news on his way, hurried
on, but was obliged to travel by side roads to avoid fall-
ing into the hands of the Turks. As soon, however, as
he had arrived in Adrianople, he and those with him were
thrown into prison. After remaining there fifteen days,
they were released on the intercession of the English and
Venetian Ambassadors. This severity on the part of the
Kaimakan was due to his wish to extort a heavy price for
their release, and for his consent to their trial being
removed to the ordinary court. And in this he was
successful, because he got 7,000 scudi from them, and
besides received a sum of 4,000 more from the Greeks in
exchange for a promise to decide the matter of the
churches in their favour. Later, wishing to make a show
of impartiality, he fixed a day for an enquiry into the
matter. On the arrival of that day, Neochoris, in the
presence of all the judges, preferred his charges against
the Latins, whilst they opposed their defence. The
Kaimakan, under the influence of the double bribe,
allotted some of the churches to the Latins, but, on the
alleged ground of insufficiency of evidence, remitted the
decision of the remainder of the question to the Pasha
and Cadi of Chios. At the same time he handed the
Greeks a secret judgment, ordering the authorities in
Chios to hand over to them all the churches of the
Latins which had been in the possession of the latter for
less than sixty years. In this way, although the Latins had
expected to come back and triumph over the Greeks,
they lost sixty churches, of which the chief were their
Metropolis, the Church and College of the Jesuits and
Capucines, as well as others. From this time onwards
the power of the Latins steadily decreased, and upon the
termination of the Venetian occupation in 1695 (which
we are about to relate) they became entirely dependent
upon the mercy of the Greeks. Indeed it was with the
CHIOS 83
greatest difficulty that, in 1700, they succeeded in buying
off an Imperial Decree obtained by the Greeks, which
ordered the complete abolition of their religion from the
island.^ Into what an abyss of unreasoning fanaticism
are nations plunged when they forget the most intrinsic
principles of Christianity, and only look at the outward
form of religion I
About the same time, 1665, there were further dis-
turbances in Chios caused by great abuses on the part
of the Pasha. But these were compounded for by the
payment of 1600 piastres.^
And now, after mentioning that the French admiral
Duchesne burnt a Tripolitan fleet in the very harbour of
Chios^ (1691), we proceed to an account of the Venetian
expedition.
1 Paul Lucas, "Voyage dans la Grece," vol. I, pp. 299-300.
Trans. Note. Finlay, " History of Greece," vol. V, p. 239 : " But
the Chiots cannot be expected to have been free from the social
errors of the age in which they lived. Religious sincerity was then
too closely united with bigotry for any Greeks to have learned that
toleration was a Christian virtue. In religious bigotry neither the
Orthodox nor the Catholics yielded to other Greeks, and their mutual
animosity was repeatedly shown in violent and unjust proceedings
towards one another. But the fact that this bigotry was cherished
and aggravated by foreign interference must not be overlooked.
The Greek clergy were continually alarmed by the attempts of the
.French ambassador at Constantinople to extend the authority of the
CathoHcs, and to obtain for them a superiority over the Greeks."
2 Hammer, " Storia dell' Impero Osmano," vol. XXI, p. 260.
3 Guy, " Voyage litteraire de la Grece," vol. Ill, p. 352.
q2
CHAPTER XI.
A.D. 1694-1695.
The Venetians attack Chios — Having conquered the island,
they oppress the Greeks — They are driven out of the island
by the Turks.
AFTER the brilliant victories of Morosini in the
Peloponnese and at Athens, and his death at
Nauplia, the Venetian Republic appointed Antonio
Zeno to the post of commander-in-chief, and made
Petro Querini and Carolo Pisani commissioners of the
fleet. They also appointed Henrico Stenon general, and,
supplying him with money, men and ships, ordered him
to go and join Zeno. When they had all met they
called a council of war, to decide upon their plan of
campaign. Some were for consolidating their victories
in the Peloponnese, others for an attack upon Euboea.
Others again were for directing their operations against
Chios, laying stress on the strength of its position and its
wealth, and pointing out that its loss would deprive the
Turkish ships of a safe haven of refuge. As a further
inducement they spoke of the hatred of the inhabitants
for the Turks, and of their longing to be freed from
them. Whilst these consultations were still going on,
the Catholics of Chios, thinking that an opportune
moment had arrived for the recovery of the sovereignty
of the island, suggested to the Greeks that they should
join in an invitation to the Venetians to come and
liberate them. But the Greeks, foreseeing that such a
84
15
!1
CHIOS 85
scheme would be certain to bring misfortune on the
island, secretly informed the Turkish admiral, Houssein
Pasha, of the designs of the Catholics, telling him, too,
that they preferred to remain faithful to the Turks.
This treacherous act of the Greeks compelled the Catho-
lics to send a ship in all haste to the Venetians, saying
that ^^ Our plans have been betrayed, and woe unto us if
you do not come here in time to save us ! " Thereupon
the Venetians, embarking 10,000 infantry and 400 horse-
men, started for Chios on August the 3rd, 1694. They
only reached it, however, on the 7th of September,
having been held up in Andros by continuous bad
weather. The commander of Chios, Silachdar Hassan
Nasas, who was guarding the fort with 800 men, alarmed
at the approach of the Venetian fleet, sent to Constanti-
nople to ask for speedy help. The Venetians landed,
under Cape St. Eleni, on the 8th of September, and shut
the Turks up in the fort whilst the Greeks sought refuge
in the mountains. Zeno then sent Nani and Gradenigo
with some ships to cruise round the (Enussae islands.
They, having chased four small Turkish vessels sailing by
Tchesme, captured them, together with 1 50 of their crew.
On the invitation of the Venetians, the Greeks who had
fled to the mountains came down, and gave their assist-
ance in many ways to the besiegers of the fort. Both
the Greek and Latin bishops and all the leading men
came and made their submission to the commander-in-
chief. He, realising their usefulness to him, received
them most favourably, telling them that the Republic
would afford them every protection. Meanwhile, the
Venetians continued their bombardment of the fort, and
demolished a great part of its walls. Then they decided
to send Contarini and Priuli to block the harbour, and
prevent any assistance reaching the Turks in that direc-
tion. In order to enable them to carry out this object,
it was necessary for them to first capture a small fort that
86 CHIOS
commanded the harbour mouth. This they succeeded in
doing, and also captured three ships of the Bey of
Rhodes, which had come to Chios, under the command
of the famous Matsamama, just before the arrival of the
Venetian fleet. Later, Zeno hearing that a large number
of Turks were collecting at Tchesme, to come to the
relief of Chios, and that the Turkish fleet was preparing
to sail through the Hellespont, sent and demanded the
surrender of the fort. Hassan, having consulted a certain
Mufti, residing in exile in Chios, as to whether he could,
under the circumstances, with honour consent to capitu-
late, received an affirmative answer, and agreed to
surrender on the following conditions ; —
(1) That the garrison be at liberty to leave the fort
on the third day after the signing of the
capitulation, taking with them all their arms
and munitions.
(2) That all Moorish slaves, Jews and Christian
renegades, and Christian prisoners, should
be given their liberty.
(3) That the Turks should give up all their ships,
guns, and munitions of war, and be conveyed
by the Venetians to any point on the oppo-
site coast of Tchesme, they might select.
On the 18th, 6,000 Turks, of whom 3,000 were capable
of bearing arms, crossed over to Asia. Among the prin-
cipal Turks were Kousaim Pasha, the Mufti of Constanti-
nople, Bekir Pasha, and Matsamama. Seven hundred
Christians were set free. The victors, in addition to 200
soldiers killed, lost Kalergi and two Knights of Malta.
The losses of the Turks were much greater, because,
besides having 500 men killed and wounded, they left
212 guns, most of them of bronze,^ and a large quantity
1 Muratori (" Annali d'ltalia," vol. IX, p. 318) says that they only
found 100 guns of bronze.
CHIOS 87
of munitions of war, and other weapons, in the hands of
the Venetians. Zeno appointed Vincent Bragadino and
Justin Riva governors of the city, and gave them a strong
garrison. He rebuilt the walls of the fort, introduced
many improvements, and formed the so-called Vounakiy^
pulling down all the houses that lay near the fort.
There were great rejoicings among the Christians.
Dances and banquets were given to the commanders and
officers of the fleet, who were hailed as liberators of the
island, and everything was done to make the stay of the
Venetians pleasant and gratifying. But how great was
the delusion of the hapless Greeks ! No sooner had the
Venetians made themselves masters of the island, than
they closed all the Greek churches, forbade the holding
of services in Greek, confiscated the property of many,
trampled upon their rights, and did all they could to
force them into becoming Catholics. The Greeks were
only allowed to receive Holy Communion from the
hands of Catholic priests, and even at the supreme
moment of death, it was to these they had to resort for
the last ministrations of the church. It was to them,
too, that they had to take their new-born children for
baptism. In short, so unjust and oppressive was the
conduct of the Venetians, that the Greeks suffered more
imder their domination than they did under the Turks,
when the latter shortly after reconquered the island ! ^
The Venetians, hearing of the surrender of the fort of
Chios, through the shipowner Manzini (sent as a special
messenger), raised Zeno to the rank of knight, and pre-
sented Stenon with a jewelled sword. To assure the
1 After the expedition against Chios of 1827, the Turks pulled
down all the houses in front of the fort, so that they might not be
fired at from them, and to-day (1840) the Vounaki is a somewhat
wide plain.
2 Cantemir, " Hist, de I'Emp. Ottom." (traduction de Joncquieres),
vol. II, p. 222.
88 CHIOS
conquest of the island, they sent Rouzini there with a
large amount of munitions of war, and directed Zeno to
strengthen the fortifications. Rouzini, having met with
terrible weather, went near to losing the whole of his
ships, which were driven in all directions, and only just
succeeded in reaching Otranto. The Senate, thinking
that the expedition would now arrive too late to be of
service, recalled Rouzini to Venice, and blaming him for
the delay, imprisoned him on his arrival. He succeeded,
however, in exonerating himself and was acquitted.
Whilst the fort of Chios was being handed over to the
Venetians, the Turkish Fleet, consisting of fifty ships of
various sizes, under Hassan Mezzomorto, was sighted in
the distance. Zeno had received warning of its approach
from Contarini, who had been cruising about the OEnussae
Islands, and immediately sailed out to meet the Turks.
Priuli and Contarini pressed him to strike at once, and,
taking advantage of the enemy being becalmed, deal
them a crushing blow. But Zeno, unable to make up
his mind, lost so much time in holding councils of war
with the junior officers, that Mezzomorto was able to sail
away and reach the harbour of Smyrna in safety. Zeno,
having at last come to a decision, started off in pursuit,
but was unable to catch up the enemy. Contarini was
anxious to attack the Turkish fleet in the harbour of
Smyrna, but Zeno would not permit it, more particularly
because the French, Dutch and English Consuls had
represented to him that, as there were many merchant
ships belonging to their countrymen in the harbour, their
respective sovereigns would be much offended if any
attack were made upon it, Zeno then ordered his ships
back to Chios. In this way, through indecision, he
missed an exceptional opportunity of completely destroy-
ing the Turkish fleet, which was almost in the hollow of
his hand, and, as one might say, gave such offence to
Dame Fortune, for the neglect of her gift, that she
CHIOS 89
revenged herself by thenceforth siding with his enemies !
So panic-stricken were the Turks that, after anchoring,
fearing that the Venetians would set fire to their ships
(which the Count Sanfelice had offered to accomplish)
they deserted them, and landed their guns, and turned
them on their ships.
When the Sultan Achmet heard of the surrender of
the fort of Chios, he was so enraged, that he gave orders
for the decapitation of the Capitan Pasha, and for the
collection of forces from all parts, for the re-conquest of
the island. He also ordered the Seraskier of Greece to
invade the Peloponnese, so as to compel the Venetians
to divide their forces, and directed Mezzomorto to make
himself master of Chios as quickly as possible, and to
destroy all the Catholics there whom he should consider
to have been particularly guilty of having encouraged the
Venetians. Thereupon the Commander-in-Chief, Misse-
roglu Pasha, Mustapha Pasha and Mezzomorto sailed out
of the Hellespont with forty-four ships, on each of which
there were 500 sailors and soldiers, and on the flagship 700.
On their arrival in Smyrna, they gave orders for further
troops to assemble at Tchesme, from other places in the
East. The Venetians being informed of what was taking
place, by a French ship, came out to meet the enemy's
fleet, but waited forty days in vain. Then seeing that
winter had come on they returned to Chios. Leaving
three ships at different points of the CEnussae to keep
watch, they took no further steps for carrying on the war,
but gave themselves up to pleasure. Suddenly on the
8th February, 1695, some Turkish ships appeared off
Cape Sigeion. The Venetians, being unprepared, were
not able to put out to sea until ten o'clock at night,
before which hour Mezzomorto had already started a
battle off the CEnussae. A terrific engagement ensued,^ in
1 All the inhabitants of the island had gone on to the roofs of their
houses to watch this agonising struggle.
90 CHIOS
which the Venetians lost 2,000 men, and the Turks as
many, and about an equal number of ships were burnt
or destroyed on either side. Among the leaders, on both
sides, there fell Hassan Pasha, Priuli, Bragadino and
Pisamano. Eventually, after a combat which lasted
until the evening of the 10th Februar}^, the contending
fleets drew apart, without either side being entitled to
claim a victory. The Turks withdrew to the coast of
Asia, to leave their wounded and fetch fresh soldiers, the
Venetians to the CEnussae, whence, after ten days, they
again sailed out to meet the enemy. On the 19th another
engagement took place, which lasted five hours, and in
which the leading part was taken by the brave Contarini.
After considerable losses on both sides, the Turks with-
drew to the east, and the Venetians to Chios. There
Zeno convoked a council of war to consider whether,
after the losses they had sustained, they ought to remain
or abandon the island. Querini and Pisani were for
leaving the island, but Stenon and Mocenigo refused to
admit that matters were hopeless enough to justify the
abandonment of so valuable an island, maintained that
they were still in a position to defend it, and finally
declared that, even if the others left, they proposed
remaining to defend the island with Justin Riva, who
was of their opinion. After both sides had been heard,
the question was put to the vote, and abandonment was
decided upon. So great was the fear of the Venetians,
that they left the next night, February 21st, leaving
behind them forty cannons^ on the walls, and several
small vessels, loaded with munitions, in the harbour.
They found time, however, before leaving to strip all
the Greek churches of their most valuable plate. The
1 These guns still remain (1840) on the battlements of the fort.
They are long, but of small bore, and bear a coat-of-arms and the
name of the founder, and the date of their manufacture. They are
in a very dilapidated condition.
CHIOS 91
Catholic inhabitants fled too, dreading the vengeance of
the Turks, among them being the Bishop, Ludovicus
Balsarini, and more than sixty families, who went with
the Venetians to the Peloponnese, so that very few
remained behind in Chios.
On the departure of the Venetians, the Greek notables
of Chios lost no time in informing Mezzomorto (they did
so that very night) that the invaders of the island had left,
and that, there being no authority in Chios, they would
welcome the return of their former masters, the Turks.
But the Turks, suspecting a trap, did not believe their
words, and sent some small vessels over to assure them-
selves that the Venetians had really left. Being convinced
of that fact, but fearing that the Venetians had laid mines
under the walls of the fort before leaving, they only
entered the harbour two days later. Mezzomorto, having
landed, immediately hanged Peter Justiniani, Francesco
Draco Borghesi, Domcnico Stella, and John Castelli
Borghese. He converted the Catholic churches into
mosques (except the small one in the French Consulate),
gave permission to his soldiers to loot the houses of all
the Catholics, abolished the Genoese dress, forbade them
to wear hats, ordered them to dismount whenever they
entered the town or met a Turk, however humble, imposed
a capitation tax upon their clergy, and would have ended
in throwing them all into prison had not the French
Ambassador in Constantinople interceded for them.^ But
even the Greeks did not entirely escape. There is a
Turkish law which enacts that, whenever a town has
remained in the hands of an enemy for three hours, it
becomes, being regarded as spoil of war, ipso factOy con-
fiscated for the benefit of the Sultan's treasury, unless the
inhabitants redeem it at the value fixed upon it. On this
1 Tournefort, "Voyage du Levant," p. 141. Cantemir, " Emp.
Ottom.," vol. II, p. 232. Chandler, " Travels in Asia Minor," vol. I,
p. 55.
92 CHIOS
occasion Chios was valued at 1,500 purses. Thereupon
the Chians made representations to the Sultan, and
reminding him of their former fidelity, laid all blame for
what had happened on the Latins. Being befriended by
the then newly appointed Grand Vizier, Houssein Pasha,
and the powerful Chief Dragoman, Alexander Mavrocor-
dato, they succeeded, on the payment of only 500 purses,
in getting restored to them, by the Sultan Achmet, all
the privileges they had been granted by Suleiman, in
the year 1566. Mezzomorto leaving Miscoroli to guard
Chios, returned to Constantinople, and there received
great commendation for the success of his expedition.
On the other hand, the Venetian Senate, smarting under
the indignity of defeat, imprisoned Zeno, Pisani and
Querini, on a charge of having neglected their military
duty. Zeno and Querini died in prison, within the next
two years, but Pisani was able to justify his conduct, and
obtain his acquittal.^
Such was the profitless ending of an expedition in
which the indecision of their leader, at an exceptionally
favourable moment, not only saved the sea power of the
Turk from certain annihilation, but also caused the loss
to Venice of one of her most valuable conquests in the
.^gean Sea.^
1 I have taken this detailed account of the Venetian expedition
from the history of K. Contarini, "istoria della guerra de principi
coUegati contro il Turco dall anno 1683, sino alia pace " (Venezia,
1710), vol. II, pp. 432-483, who was an eye-witness of these events,
and took part in the naval engagement.
2 Some historians say that the Turkish fleet was beaten in this
engagement, but Sandi (" Storia civile Veneta," book XII, chap, iv)
says that the Venetians lost the battle "sconfitta 1' armata veneta
navale." Besides, if victorious, why should the Venetians have
abandoned the island so hurriedly ?
CHAPTER XII.
A.D. 1695-1820.
Eminent Scholars and Divines of the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries.
IF we except two disquieting incidents which occurred,
the one in 1718 and the other in 1770, Chios
remained in peace from the time of the expulsion of
the Venetians up to the outbreak of the Greek War of
Independence. The first of these incidents arose out of
the opposition offered by the Deputati to the Pasha,
when he attempted to violate a local custom which had
the sanction of privilege. This opposition so angered
the Pasha that he sent the Deputati to Constantinople in
chains, and they would have certainly been put to death
there but for the intercession of the Sultan's chief
physician, Karaoglani, uncle of the Notary, Demetrios
Panefi, of Palaeokastron. From that time forward the
name of Deputati was altered to '^ Demogeronts." The
second incident arose out of the burning of the Turkish
fleet by Orloff off Tchesme.^ The Turks, suspecting the
Chians of having abetted him, compelled them to provide
hostages. As we have no further historical events con-
nected with this period (1700-1820) to relate, let us,
rather than leave a blank, review the names of the
Chians of those times who were distinguished for their
learning.
1 Muller, " Hist, universelle," vol. IV, p. 305.
93
94 CHIOS
Daniel. Patriarch of Antioch.^
Samuel. Patriarch of Alexandria.^
Klimis. Learned in Holy Scripture and in the Greek
language. Became Metropolitan of Jannina.^
EusTRATios Argentis. Doctor. A very devout man,
and great philosopher. Studied medicine in Saxony.
Was very proficient in Greek, Latin and Arabic.
Travelled (1719) in Italy, Germany and Egypt.
Whilst there he was appointed by the Patriarch of
Alexandria to champion the orthodox dogmas
against the attacks being made against them by two
emissaries of the Pope. These he so discomfited
that the one died of grief and the other left the
country.*
Savas Sekiaris. Author of a poem (1695) in which he
laments the then capture of Chios by the Venetians.
The manuscript of this poem was preserved up to
1822 in the Church of St. George, '' Sekiari."
Antonio Korais. Doctor, poet and philosopher. Great-
grandfather of Adamantius Korais.^
Demetrios Ammirallus. Studied Medicine in Paris.
Translated The Anatomy of Bourdon,^
KONSTANTINE GORDATUS. Also called LiLAS. Learned
astronomer, published a work concerning The Use of
the Globes. Venice 1710.^
KONSTANTiNE Rhodocanacis. Writer of Constantini
1 Meletios, " Eccles. Hist.," vol. IV, p. 196.
2 Ibid., p. 196.
3 Ibid., p. 484.
* Ibid., p. 222.
5 But the father of Pericles Adamantius Corai was a Chian, and
was called John Corai.
6 Tournefort, " Voyage en Levant," p. 146. Hasselquist, " Travels
in the Levant," p. 51.
7 Meletios, " Eccles. Hist.," vol. IV, p. 224.
CHIOS 95
Rhodocanacidis Chiensis tractatus de resolufione
verborum. Also Tractatus alter de articulis. Nothing
further is known about him.^
Nathaniel. MetropoHtan, first of Anchialus, later of
Ephesus.^
NiCEPHOROS HiEROMONACHOS. Composer of religious
services, hymns and epitaphs.
Johannes Tselepes. Great mathematician. Teacher
of pure mathematics in Chios, 1799-1822. Trans-
lated the works of his teacher Depaolo, and the
Cours complet des Mathematiques pureSy of Francoeur.
Murdered by the Turks in the massacre of 1822.
DOROTHEOS Proios. Mathematician. Taught in Chios,
1798 ; later (1803) in Wallachia. Was hanged with
the Patriarch Gregory in Constantinople, the 10th of
April, 1821.
1 Scrivelius, "Lexicon Manuale graeco-latinum " (Patav. 1769),
p. 614-619.
2 " Constantinias ancient," etc. (Venice, 1824), p. 113. Meletios,
" Eccles. Hist.," vol. IV, p. 224.
CHAPTER XIII.
Prosperity and character of the Chians — Schools, Libraries,
Hospitals, Pubhc Health, Lepers, Illegitimates, Prisoners
(1700-1820).
LET us now, so that we may be able to judge of their
influence upon the character of the Chians, consider
the social conditions, and the peculiar form of self-
government, under which they had been living for close
upon two centuries.
After Constantinople and Smyrna, Chios was the most
prosperous, and the most civilised city in the whole of
the Turkish Empire. For this prosperity she was in-
debted, almost entirely, to her commerce — an occupation
imposed upon its inhabitants by an unfertile and moun-
tainous country — which so kept pace with the increase of
her population,^ that one might say that commercial apti-
tude was the common birthgift of all her children. Even
in olden times, Chios was reckoned one of the greatest
and wealthiest of all Ionian cities, and, next after Lace-
daemon, the richest in slaves, a clear indication of an
extensive demand for labour, which could only have been
employed in commercial activity. We have already seen
how great was the volume of her trade in the middle
1 According to the enumeration of the inhabitants, made shortly
before the massacre, by direction of the Metropolitan Plato — who
himself perished in it — they did not exceed 80,000 all told. Of these
about 24,000 inhabited the town (20,000 Greeks, 1,500 Latins, and
2,500 Turks), 50,000 the villages, and 4,000 the garden district,
partly Greeks and partly Latins. Consequently Sismondi is mis-
taken ("hist, des repub. du moyen-age," vol. H, p. 364) when he
puts the number of the inhabitants of Chios at 150,000.
96
CHIOS 97
ages, and how wide its ramification. Later, the island,
profiting by the protection afforded it by its then all-
powerful countryman, Alexander Mavrocordato, and of
other influential Turkish Officers of State, and favoured
by its natural position, was enabled to still further increase
its commerce ; and its people, who seemed to be born
with a natural aptitude for trade, became the most com-
mercial community among the Greeks. There being no
serious occupation open to the Chians for the employ-
ment of their energies, other than the furtherance of
business, they naturally gave the whole of their attention
to the god of Commerce,^ and he, in return for their
devotion, rewarded them quickly and generously. Thus
it was that, within a very short time, they were able to
establish houses of commerce in Amsterdam, Leghorn,
Marseilles, Trieste, Malta, Alexandria, Moscow, Taganrog,
Odessa, Vienna, Constantinople, Smyrna, Thrace, Syria,
and other parts of Asia. In Smyrna, all the shops that
sold cloth belonged to Chians. To them also (with the
exception of a few owned by Armenians) belonged the
shops where every variety of silk and gold embroidered
garments were sold. But even those whose business
took them to Europe never settled there. When they
had enriched themselves, or become old, they either gave
up their business and returned to their own country,
there to enjoy the remainder of their lives in the midst of
their family, or sent their sons to replace them. Although
the good fortune which attended them in foreign countries
must no doubt have tended to make their sojourn there
a pleasant one, yet were they always anxious to return to
Chios, which offered them all the advantages of autono-
mous government, European civilisation, immunity from
Turkish oppression, and a climate both temperate and
healthy. Thither they all flocked, and the wealth they
1 Hermes Empolaios.
98 CHIOS
brought back contributed not a little to the prosperity of
the country. The inhabitants of Chios were divided into
five classes : — Merchants, Artisans, Shopkeepers, Sailors
and Farmers. Although the internal trade of the island
was small, every man was more or less prosperous, both
on account of its numerous manufacturing industries and
because of the thrifty character of a people, who never
spent the whole of their earnings. The commerce of
Chios was greatly assisted, too, by the Psariots and
Hydriots. Being most experienced and daring sailors,
they were hired by the Chian merchants to make long
voyages, and run corn and other provisions into blockaded
ports — this was particularly the case during the wars that
followed the French Revolution — and from these trans-
actions there resulted enormous gains for all concerned.
This, and the fear of political consequences, was the
reason why the Chian merchants, although they could
command the services of skilful shipbuilders (like those
at Vrontado, who could build ships equal to those of any
European country) and possessed a sufficiency of timber,
did not own a fleet of their own. Resourceful enough
in his industry to be able to earn money under almost
any circumstances,^ honest and trustworthy, economical
and frugal, eager for learning and the acquisition of
practical knowledge, ever marching forward along the
road of civilisation, peace-loving and the enemy of strife
and disturbance, cheerful and humorous,^ the Chian
presents the philosophical enquirer with an illustration
of the enormous influence, exerted by laws and political
surroundings, in differentiating the morality and character
1 This was clearly proved after the destruction of Chios. Nearly
all the rich families, then ruined and reduced to penury, have since
been able to rebuild their fortunes.
2 The humorous and jocular character of the Chian has led to
their having been called " Gascons du Levant," and given rise to the
saying, " Ides Chioti phronimon, ides prasin' alogon." (" When you
have seen a sensible Chian, you have seen a green horse.")
CHIOS 99
of people practising the same religion, living under the
same sky, and standing, one might almost say, upon the
same patch of ground. " Apres avoir franchi," (says
Olivier) ^' un petit bras de mer je me suis cru transporte
" dans une autre region, sous un autre climat ; j'avais vu
"le grec courbe sous le joug du plus affreux despotisme,
" il etait fourbe, grossier, timide, ignorant, superstitieux et
" pauvre (il y'a quelques exemptions a faire a la capitale)
"il jouit ici d'une ombre de liberte, il est probre, civil,
*'hardi, industrieux, spirituel, instruit et riche." And
thus it was that foreign influence, and national morality
— which constitutes the true wealth of a nation — the
prevalence of order — indispensable to successful com-
merce— the peaceful disposition, the wholesome morality,
and the great love of work which distinguished the Chian,
and a temperate climate, all combined in rendering the
island both prosperous and beautiful, and caused it to
be looked upon by all Greeks, and the foreign travellers
who visited it, as one of this earth's most favoured
spots.^
When the Chians had become rich, they so em-
bellished their country, that the Europeans, seeing their
fine houses, their beautiful gardens, and their sumptu-
ously decorated churches, could think themselves back
again in their own countries.
But the chief glory of the island, and a splendid
monument to the love and learning so dear to the
Chians — might it not be, that just as the first torch of
learning was carried from Ionia to Greece, so was it
destined, too, that from Ionia again should first be seen
the gleam of an awakening fire ? — was the magnificent
public school. With a description of this school, which
occupied a position in the centre of the town, we will
1 "Je ne connais rien en Europe qui presente I'aspect d'une plus
grande richesse que Scio ; c'est un jardin de 60 lieues de tour."
Lamartine, " Voyage en Orient," p. 207.
h2
100 CHIOS
commence our account of the public institutions of
Chios.i
1 Trans. Note. Finlay, in his " History of Greece," vol. V, chap, v,
p. 230, describes the character of the Chians in the following words : —
"The island of Chios had always retained the social superiority
which it possessed under the prudent administration of the mer-
cantile company of the Giustiniani. . . . Still the inhabitants were
the portion of the Greek people which suffered the fewest evils
from the Othoman domination during the eighteenth century. The
causes of their happiness and prosperity during a long period, while
the rest of their countrymen were poor and discontented, deserve
to be examined with attention. The first fact to be observed is,
that they were more honest and industrious than the other Greeks.
It was their moral and social superiority which enabled them to
secure to themselves the enjoyment of the fruits of their industry.
"... The superior moral character of the Chiots was acknow-
ledged throughout the Levant. They were alike destitute of the
insolence and rapacity of the Phanariots, and of the meanness and
fraudulency of the trading Greeks of the Continent. The marked
difference which existed between them and the rest of their country-
men was observed by every traveller and foreign merchant. It was
generally attributed to the great privileges they possessed. This
explanation was suggested, by the other Greeks, as an excuse for
their own vices and dishonesty, and it was adopted by strangers
without sufficient examination. It was said that Suleiman the Great,
or rather his son Selim II, after the island had been subjected to
the Othoman administration by Piali Pasha in 1566, had granted a
charter to the Chiots, by which their previous local usages were
confirmed. But this does not appear to have been the case. The
supposed charter was nothing more than the toleration of the fiscal
system of the Giustiniani, obt^ned by the payment of an augmented
tribute.
" The true explanation of the moral superiority of the Chiots must
be sought in their family education. . . .
" The prosperity of Chios, under Othoman domination, must con-
sequently be considered as entirely due to the excellent education
the inhabitants received for many generations in the bosoms of
their families, and not to any extraordinary fiscal privileges and im-
munities the island enjoyed, nor to any peculiar favour with which
it was treated by the sultans. Had the Chiots displayed the same
spirit of envy and dissension, and followed the same course of selfish
intrigues as the greater part of the Greeks, their peculiar privileges
would only have become an additional incitement to dispute, and
would have entailed greater misery on them than the direct operation
of Turkish oppression. It was by union in their municipality, and
good faith in their private dealings, that the Chiots rendered their
ancient usages a blessing to their island, and their fiscal system an
advantage to the people, instead of converting them into a means
of gratifying the ambition of the wealthy archonts, and of enriching
a few primates, as was the case in most other Greek communities.
CHIOS 101
Among the Chiots industry was honoured, and the honest and active
citizen, whose personal exertions had gained him the respect of his
fellow-countrymen, was selected to conduct the municipal affairs
and to fill the local magistracies. Idleness was so universally
despised, that in Chios alone, of all the Greek cities, there was no
class of young archonts who considered it ignoble to be usefully
employed, and who spent their time in soliciting from the Turks
the post of tax-collectors, or in intriguing to be named primates by
the influence of a pasha, in order to obtain the means of enriching
themselves by acting as instruments of fiscal extortion. The superior
morality of the Chiots in all relations of life, their truth and honesty,
rendered their island for several centuries the most flourishing and
the happiest portion of Greece, ahke under the Othoman as under
the Genoese domination."
CHAPTER XIV.
The Great Public School— The Public Library— The
Hospital — Plague Hospital — Precautions against the
Plague — Home for Lepers — Foundlings — Prisoners.
THE PUBLIC SCHOOL.
CHIOS possessed three public schools, one in each
quarter of the town. About the year 1792 the
richer citizens combined, and by means of volun-
tary subscriptions purchased a spacious house, with a
garden and large courtyard. They rebuilt the house at
great cost (the building of the library and the making of
the well alone cost 80,000 piastres of that period), and in
it established the public school which was to become so
famous later on. Amongst those who gave instruction
there in the ancient Greek language, and in the sciences,
were (at various times) Adamantius Rosios, Athanasius of
Poros,^ Vardalochos, John Tselepe, Dorotheus Proi'os,
and the learned Neophytus Bamba. Besides these, there
were fourteen junior teachers. The additional subjects
taught in the school, each by a specially qualified teacher,
were the French and Turkish languages, drawing and
modern church music. The excellent method of its
teaching, and the rapid progress made by its pupils, so
spread its fame throughout Greece that students flocked
to it from all parts. In recent times the number of
pupils had reached 700, of whom 200 were strangers.
These latter, before being admitted, were bound to furnish
1 " Saturday Magazine," 1836, vol. VHI, p. 67.
I02
CHIOS 103
evidence of good morals and orderly behaviour. No
one, either stranger or native, paid any fees, nor were the
teachers allowed to accept the smallest gift. It was the
custom, on the 15th of May in every year, for three of
the junior teachers of the Greek language and one
teacher of elementary mathematics, to move into the
country (to a large house situated in the centre of the
garden district called ** Campos "), and there give instruc-
tion to the children of the families that resided in that
district, and remain there until the 1st of November.
The classes of the senior teachers, and those in which
foreign languages were taught, had two months' vacation
in the year. The junior classes continued throughout
the year, except on Sundays and the great Holy Days.
The senior teachers gave no instruction on Saturdays, on
which day it was their duty to examine the junior classes.
It was the duty of the headmaster, not only to examine
the pupils in the city on Saturdays, but also those in the
school in the country, and to make all the arrangements
he might consider desirable. Order was kept by four
monitors, who walked about the junior class-rooms and
punished the disorderly, and, if disobeyed, reported to
the ephors. If the delinquent, after being duly ad-
monished by the ephors, did not mend his ways, he was
expelled. The public examinations began on the 7th of
January and lasted ten days, and were held in the
presence of the Demogeronts, the Archbishop, the
epitropi, and the ephors. The proceedings com-
menced with a prayer from the Archbishop, followed
by speeches by the Archbishop and headmaster, in
which the pupils were encouraged to persevere in the
path of learning. Two or three of the pupils then
recited passages they had prepared ; prizes were dis-
tributed to those who had deserved them, and those who
had particularly distinguished themselves were sent to
Paris or Germany to perfect their knowledge at the public
104 CHIOS
expense, on the understanding that they would return to
teach in the school.
The School of Chios possessed a fine chemical labo-
ratory and a chair of chemistry, which was occupied by
N. Bamba ; also a splendid printing press, which had
been brought from Paris, at great expense and with much
care, by the late Corai, and placed under the superinten-
dence of Bayrhoffer, a German from Frankfort.^ Four
trustees and four ephors (managers), carefully chosen
from among the most esteemed men in the island,
managed the school, and provided for all its require-
ments. The revenue of the school was derived partly
from dedications of the wealthy, to take effect on their
death ; partly from donations received from time to
time from Greeks of other parts,* and partly from the
subscriptions of Chian merchants in all parts of Europe
and Turkey, who paid a certain amount over to trustees
appointed by themselves for that particular purpose.
Another 10,000 piastreswere collected yearly by the public
and paid over to the school. As it had been the custom
to provide very sumptuous wedding banquets, the cost of
which pressed very heavily on the parents of the bride on
account of the very large number of guests they were
expected to invite, it was decided, in order to relieve the
parents, and to lighten the burden of the school, that in
future only very near relations and intimate friends from
abroad, who might happen to be staying in Chios, should
be invited, and that the bride's father should pay over
one per cent, of his daughter's dowry to the school ; and
the Archbishop was forbidden to grant a marriage licence
except on the presentation of a certificate showing that
the amount due to the school had been duly paid. The
yearly expenses of the school amounted to 50,000 piastres,
1 Mention of this press, and of the excellence of the school, is
made in " The Revue Encyclopedique," May 1819, p. 384.
2 The late Varvakis alone contributed 125,000 piastres.
CHIOS 105
but the expenditure never exceeded the income, owing
to the inexhaustible generosity of the Chians in provi-
ding whatever sum might be required. There was
a law which directed that the anniversary day of the
Three Hierarchs (the 30th of January) should be pubHcly
observed ; that the Archbishop should on that day
officiate in the Church of the Brotherhood of the Holy
Anargyri, and that the names of those who had helped
the school should be commemorated. The service
ended with the preaching of God's Word from the
pulpit.
The school authorities made it a rule to succour all
past teachers whose means were insufficient to provide
them with the necessaries of life; and when a teacher
could satisfy them that his salary (these were all paid
quarterly) was not sufficient to enable him to meet his
proper needs, the trustees and the ephors would come to
his assistance. It is, however, worthy of remark that, in
spite of all these excellent arrangements, very few Chian
children received an adequate education, and that the
pupils who did were either strangers, or, with few
exceptions, not the children of the wealthy classes. The
reason of this was that the Chian parents were so solici-
tous to foster a spirit of commercialism in their children,
that, unfortunately for them, as soon as they had attained
the age of thirteen, and were just beginning to reach the
fringe of learning, they would be sent off to Smyrna or to
Constantinople, insufficiently educated, and almost igno-
rant of their mother tongue I
THE PUBLIC LIBRARY.
This was added to the school buildings in the year
1817. It was of noble proportions, and capable of
holding a large number of books. In it were deposited,
in conformity with a decree of the people, all the books
belonging to the three ^^Brotherhoods " of the island, and
106 CHIOS
the libraries of the existing public schools. These
together amounted to about 12,000 volumes in all. The
Library was further enriched, from day to day, by the
purchase of newly published works (out of a yearly sum
of 3,000 piastres appropriated to that purpose) and through
the benevolence of Philhellene European scholars, who,
on the invitation of Corai, would gratuitously present
copies of their valuable works to Chios. Further the
Chians entrusted that same renowned Teacher of Helle-
nism (whose bust adorned the Library), with a yearly sum
of 15,000 piastres for the production of the works of
Greek authors. The Library was open to all between
fixed hours. There the student would find paper, pen
and ink for his notes, and could obtain the book he
wanted from the Librarian. It was only the school
teachers who were allowed to take books home with
them.
THE PUBLIC HOSPITAL.
The Public Hospital was situated near the Church of
the Blessed Virgin, in the southern quarter of the town,
in the part called the ^^Kdto ^gialos" (^^the lower strand").
This building was commenced in 1750, under the super-
vision of Dr. Petro Skylitsis, and was modelled after the
one in Florence. It was completed in 1780.^ Its dis-
position was good, and it could accommodate 200
patients, although the number never exceeded 130, and
was generally from 70 to 80. It also gave shelter to
about 30 old men, and 10 insane persons, who lived on
1 Dr. J. Vouros, in his treatise on Hospitals (to which we are in-
debted for many of the above details), says, on p. 50, that, before
the building of this hospital, there had stood on the same spot
a small hospital, built in 1640. Perhaps that was the hospital
referred to in my Genoese manuscript, and by Dapper when he
says : " II y a dans la ville (de Chio) une certaine place comme un
bajert, ou tous les pauvres et voyageurs Chretiens sont regus et traites
charitablement pendant trois jours et trois nuits." (Description
exacte de I'Archipel, p. 214.)
CHIOS 107
the basement floor, the whole of the upper floor (the
only other) being reserved for the sick. The building
was capacious, and divided up by several courtyards, and
possessed a garden, a plentiful supply of water, a mill
for grinding corn, and an oven to bake bread in. The
hospital of Chios resembled the public hospitals of the
ancient Christians, because not only was it open to all
sick people (except lepers) but also to all poor persons
and strangers, who received there, gratis, the medical
treatment required by their malady. The hospital would
only accept voluntary payments from v^ell-to-do strangers,
who were given separate rooms. Neither the Turkish
Governor, nor the Cadi, were entitled to any fees for
strangers who died in the hospital, nor had the trustees
of the hospital to ask permission from the Turkish
authorities before taking in strangers ; and if any patient
happened to die in the hospital, and should direct in his
will that any money he might have on him should be
given to his heirs, the trustees would send them notice
to come and take it. No doctor was specially attached
to the hospital, but each of the doctors practicing in the
town was engaged in turn to visit the patients twice
a day, for a period of three months, and was paid for
his services. The Demogeronts used to confine in the
hospital any girls that might have fallen in love with
Turks, so that they might learn prudence, and any young
men they might suspect of leanings towards Mahome-
danism. And for these reasons the doorkeeper was
forbidden to allow anyone to enter the hospital without
the permission of the trustees.
The hospital was managed by three trustees, per-
manently resident in the island, chosen amongst the most
trustworthy and eminent of the inhabitants. It was the
duty of the trustees to visit the hospital twice a day, to
collect the revenue (its treasurer was the trustee who
represented the Aplotaria quarter of the town), to provide
108 CHIOS
the food, and attend to every other matter that concerned
the internal management of the hospital. Four widow
ladies of the leading families superintended the interior
economy of the hospital. The term of their office was
two years, but some of them, out of philanthropy, served
for ten, and each took it in turn to attend for a week at
a time. They slept in the hospital, fed themselves at
their own expense, washed the sick, combed the women's
hair, attended to all who had need of their services,
watched over the distribution of food and medicine, sent
to the houses of the rich the material given them by the
trustees, to be there made up, gratuitously, into clothes
for the patients. All food required, was bought in large
quantities and kept in store rooms, under the control of
these ladies, who gave it out as it was required, and
had to account for it to the trustees once a week.
The income of the hospital was about 6,000 to 7,000
piastres per annum, the expenses about 20,000. Now
although the hospital had many endowments, and
received many gifts and legacies,^ as well as a share of
the Sunday collections of all the churches, yet there
would be occasions when (owing to want of fresh funds,
or to an unusual amount of sickness) it would not be in
a position to meet the difference between receipts and
expenditure. When this occurred the Chians would call
a meeting, and at it all those, whose taxation was assessed
at over 50 piastres, would join in contributing, each
according to his means, the amount required to balance
the hospital accounts.
THE PLAGUE HOSPITAL.
This most beneficent institution was situate about
fifteen minutes' walk from the town, to the North, on an
1 Shortly before the Greek War of Independence, Varvaki sent a
sum of 20,000 piastres to the Public of Chios, to be invested, and
the income paid to the Hospital.
CHIOS 109
isolated piece of ground by the sea, and was surrounded
with a high wall. Its main gate opened towards the sea,
and on passing through one entered a wide court paved
with variegated stones, around which were the doors of
the bedrooms, each one separate from its neighbour.
The upper floor was reserved for women, the lower for
men. It had a considerable amount of grounds, and
a tower (where the officials resided, and the food was
kept), and a church called St. Nicolas, in which an
annual memorial service was conducted by the Arch-
bishop in remembrance of those who died of the plague,
as was also done on the second Sunday in Lent at the
Church of Campana. Attendants, male and female, and
two priests lived in the building, the former to minister
to the sick, the latter for the benefit of their spiritual
health. There were also three health officers (called
Officia) appointed for the island, whose duty it was, in
case of notice of plague, to isolate the suspected part.
In such cases no sick person was allowed to call in
a doctor, unless he had been first visited by the three
health officers, who, though experts themselves, would
by way of extra precaution sometimes take persons with
them who were specially familiar with the symptoms of
this disease. Then, if they detected any suspicious
symptoms, they would close the sick man's house,
isolate him from his relations, and, if he were a poor
man, take him to a bedroom in the hospital. The next
day all his clothing was taken and subjected to disin-
fection for forty days, and the infected house fumigated.
The inhabitants were then allowed to return to it, and
take possession of their property. If the sick man was
rich, he was allowed to remain at home, and those who
had been exposed to infection were isolated elsewhere.
If he died, he was carried to the hospital and buried
there, and it was the duty of his relatives to disinfect the
house, and the furniture in it.
110 CHIOS
The Chians, in order to ensure the efBciency of these
provisions, represented to the Governor, who was also at
the head of the Customs, that he ought to be a vigilant
guardian of the island's health, because, when the plague
was rife, the Custom House was closed, and the payment
of duties arrested. Consequently a rule was made, that
when any ship, or smaller vessel, sailed into the harbour,
not only should no Customs officer go on board,
but no one be allowed to land from it without the per-
mission of the health officer. Every year a man was
appointed to watch the harbour, and prevent infringe-
ments of this regulation. Besides this man, there were
three inspectors, whose duty it was, accompanied by a
doctor, to inspect all ships both coming in and going
out. When a ship arrived from a place where the plague
was prevailing, it was put into quarantine for six days
only ; but if a sick man was found on board, he was taken
to the Plague Hospital, and the ship compelled to go
outside the harbour, and remain there until the nature
of the sufferer's illness was diagnosed. All ships, on
their arrival, had to produce a certificate, showing they
had come from a healthy port.^ Unfortunately, notwith-
standing all these well-considered precautions, it happened
sometimes that the plague did find its way into the
island, and decimate the inhabitants. This was mostly
due to the number of small Turkish vessels which
brought food over from Asia, and to the crews of
Turkish men-of-war, who would land without under-
going examination. Thus, in the visitation of the
epidemic in 1788, nearly 14,000 of the inhabitants
perished, and 5000 in that of 1814. The hospital
owned a certain amount of property. The income of
this, and the legacies it received from time to time
1 This was a very ancient ordinance dating from the fifteenth
century. (Nicolo Nicolaide, " Navigation e Viaggi fatti nella Tur-
chia," etc., Venet., 1580, p. 42).
CHIOS 111
were, except in cases of abnormal sickness, sufficient to
meet its expenditure. When its funds were insufficient,
the public would come forward and supplement them.
The trustees of the hospital were only changed during
particularly severe visitations of the disease, when the
shops, too, were closed.
THE HOME FOR LEPERS.
This home for lepers, which was also called the Leper
Village (and by the inhabitants of the part in which it
was situated. Holy Hypakoe, after the church there),
lay one hour's walk from the town, to the N.W., in a
somewhat narrow, but, with its many fruit trees, and
running streams of pure water,^ most pleasant valley.
This institution, which, as we have already mentioned,
w^as founded by the Justinianis, was thereafter main-
tained by contributions from Christians.^ A little later,
a certain Panagias Mouzala (according to others, Cal-
vocoressi), a Chian, built a church there, and to this
were added some small habitations, as the number of
lepers had increased. Later again, the public further
added to the number of these habitations, so that they
could accommodate 150 sufferers. There were now
thirty little separate houses (with as many small gardens,
which the lepers could cultivate for their amusement),
of which eighteen were reserved for men, and the rest
for women. The home had another church, called
St. Lazarus,^ in imitation of the early hospitals in
Palestine, which were dedicated to the Saint of that
name, and under the protection of the Order of St.
1 This place had been waterless, but a monk built an aqueduct,
at great expense, and brought the water down to it.
2 H. Justiniani, "Description de Scio," book III. "Sacra Scio,"
p. 22.
3 This church originally belonged to the Latins, but was exchanged
by them for another close by called " Alitsaio," near which were
some small houses where plague-infected persons were confined.
112 CHIOS
Lazarus. To this home came, besides the few Chian
lepers, a great many strangers, especially from Mitylene,
who, although they had an asylum in their own country,
preferred the one in Chios, as it was cleaner and better
managed. There was no doctor attached to the home,
because the Chians, as well as all the other islanders,
believing that the disease was, alas I incurable, thought it
useless to have one there. But, when any fell sick
with other illnesses, the trustees sent a doctor to attend
to them. Four trustees directed the home. Of these
two were changed every two years, and the other two
every fourth year. Its yearly expenditure amounted to
about 17,000 piastres, and was met by donations, and
other offerings of the Christians, and payments made by
the inmates when they happened to be in a position to
afford them. It was the custom for one of the lepers to
go round the houses every Monday, and on all public
holidays, and to be given a large loaf, of about six to
seven pounds. When a person was unwilling to give a
loaf, he gave the equivalent in money.
FOUNDLINGS.
There was no special place for foundlings, but, when
illegitimate children were born, their parents, wrapping
them up securely and warmly, would take them at night
and hang them on the handle of any door they might
select. If the child had already been baptised, its name
was fixed on to its clothes ; if not, those who took it in
would have it christened, and then hand it on to the
three trustees appointed by the Demogeronts for the
purpose. The trustees found nurses for the babes, paid
for their nursing and their necessary clothes. The
nurses had to bring the children twice a month to the
trustees, so that they might assure themselves of their
health. On growing up the children were put out to
service, and looked upon the trustees as their fathers.
CHIOS 113
The trustees then had them taught a trade, saw to their
getting married, and attended their weddings. Many
were adopted by childless women; but, if any of them
died before they had legitimate children of their own,
their property went to the trustees. These children
were maintained by sums dedicated for the purpose by
Christians, and when they were in need of money the
public would lend it to them, without charging any
interest.
PRISONERS.
Three trustees, elected to serve two years, visited those
in prison twice a day, and gave them every morning and
evening a sufficiency of food and lights. If any stranger
was imprisoned for not paying his Capitation tax, they
paid it for him and released him. Also, in the case of
Chians too poor to pay the tax, they would ask the
Governor for an account of the sum due from them, and
when an agreement as to their number had been reached,
they paid for them. This institution also had its income,
which was supplemented by generous contributions from
the public when its expenses exceeded its receipts. The
trustees had to give an account of receipts and expenditure
to incoming trustees.
CHAPTER XV.
Clergy — Churches — The Three Brotherhoods — Monasteries
Nea Mone — Turkish Authorities — The Demogeronts.
THE Clergy of Chios were controlled by an Arch-
bishop appointed for life by the Patriarch of Con-
stantinople. He had no authority over lay matters,
and in these was bound to obey the Demogeronts without
question. Nor had he any authority over any of the
churches in the town or the country. His authority was
merely disciplinary over the members of the clergy, in
respect of their spiritual misdeeds, and for these he might
arrest and confine them in his Metropolis. It was not
the custom for him to visit at the houses, or to walk about
the town. He had his winter residence near the Church
of St. Nicolas, and his summer one out in the garden
district. Besides the 5,000 piastres he received from the
Public Treasury, he had other regular sources of income,
and these, with the sums he received on the occasion of
weddings, memorial services, funerals, and other
functions, were enough to enable him to meet his
obligations to the Great Church, and to leave him a
sufficiency for his own use. He had no power to
increase his income, nor did he dare to introduce in-
novations, because, if the public were dissatisfied with
him, it could obtain his removal by the Great Church,
as indeed once happened.
There were sixty-six churches in the town, and if to
these you add those all over the island, about 600.^ The
1 This habit of building superfluous churches and chapels still
114
CHIOS 115
number of the clergy was proportionately great, and as
it increased from day to day, the public was compelled
to request the Archbishop to ordain no more priests or
deacons without their consent. Altogether there were
100 priests and 20 deacons in the town, and in the
country sufficient to serve all the churches. When a
priest died, the first on the list of deacons was ordained
to the vacancy and the second took his place. The
priest before being ordained had to be at least twenty-five
years of age, and was required to have good manners, a
good moral character, and learning ; and the preference
was always given to the pupils of the Great School. His
conduct in everyday life was first examined by the
Demogeronts, and other leading persons, who, in the
case of his having been a pupil of the Great School,
would apply to the teachers for information as to the
extent of his acquirements. If satisfied, the Demogeronts
would propose him to the Archbishop for ordination,
and the latter would decide upon his worthiness from the
spiritual point of view. From among the most gifted
of the priests, the Metropolitan would, with the appro-
bation of the Demogeronts, select three to preach the
Holy Gospel from the pulpit on the Fast Sundays of
Lent, and on Christmas Day. All the above-mentioned
churches, with the exception of a few, the property of
private owners, who had built and maintained them,
belonged to the Public. But should a private owner
neglect his church, the Public would take it under its
protection. Special trustees kept the accounts of the
Public-owned churches, and if any of these got into debt,
it would be assisted. But as these Church trustees
would sometimes spend more on the upkeep of the
Churches than was necessary, three ephors were appointed,
prevails in Chios. In Volisso alone, which has only 300 inhabitants,
and within a quarter of an hour's walk of it, we counted 40 newly-
built chapels.
I2
116 CHIOS
and without their consent not even the smallest outlay
was permissible.
In the town of Chios there were three large and
beautifully decorated churches, that of the Holy Victors
in the Aplotaria quarter, that of the Holy Anargyri in the
Engkremo quarter, and that of the Holy Apostles in the
Palaeokastron quarter. During Lent the churches were
open from early morning, and on every Sunday a sermon
was preached in each. For the support of these churches
** Brotherhoods" were formed from amongst the in-
habitants of the particular district in which the church
was situated, and the members of these Brotherhoods
each subscribed such sum as he might wish. When any
member died, it was the duty of his Brotherhood to carry
his bier, and provide candles and the other usual
requisites of a funeral. But if the deceased had been
a member of the other two Brotherhoods as well, which
was generally the case, then they too were bound to send
representatives to the funeral. The Brotherhood of
Palaeokastron led the procession, that of Engkremo came
second, and that of Aplotaria third. If the deceased had
not already sent in his subscription, a small fee was due
to his Brotherhood, but if he had there was no further
payment to be made, except for the cost of the grave.
When the funeral was ^^ without invitation," as it was
called, all the priests and deacons of the island would
assemble at the church of the quarter in which the
deceased had lived, and be presented with two small
tapers, of which they would light the one and carry it,
walking along slowly two abreast. These funerals took
place with befitting display. When the deceased was a
wealthy man, the Archbishop took part in the procession,
wearing his archiepiscopal robes, whilst the priests wore
white, and the deacons their gold embroidered garments.
The choir chanted aloud as they marched along amidst
a multitude of uplifted crosses and lighted candles, and
CHIOS 117
behind came the relations, followed by the crowd. The
Brotherhoods possessed some property, but depended upon
the contributions of their members. If, at any time,
extraordinary expenditure had to be met, the wealthier
members would come forward and assist according to
their means.^
There were seven monasteries in Chios, and two
convents. The monasteries were: that of the Dievthdn,
that of the Reston in the north of the island, that of the
Holy Anargyroriy that of H agios Minus near the Kampos,
that of the Vreton, that of Sterbn in the south, that of the
Nea Mone in the west. The convents were those of
Chaldndri and Kalimasia. Of the monasteries, six were
small and inhabited only by a few monks, who had
churches with belfries, and lived by farming their land
with their own labour. The income of the convents
was small, and the nuns, about 250 in number, who
nearly all belonged to honourable and leading families,
were maintained by the work and help of Christians,
though some were provided for by their own parents and
relations. Three trustees, elected for two years, protected
their interests. But the most important of all these
institutions, and famed in all parts of Greece, was the
Monastery of Nea Mone, and this we consider worthy of
a more detailed description.
The Nea Mone lies about two hours journey south-
west from the town, on a hill surrounded by mountains.
It covers a large amount of ground, and in the middle of
it stands a church of moderate size, built in the form of a
cross. The interior walls of the church are overlaid with
slabs of porphyry, skilfully worked. The lofty dome
contains representations, in mosaics (still in fair preserva-
1 Of all these churches the catholics of Chios were in later times
only able to retain four, one in the city, St. Nicolas ; a deserted one
near St. Hypakoe called Alitsaio (perhaps EUisaio); one in the
Campos, and one in the village of Sklavia.
118 CHIOS
tion), of the Omnipotent, the Twelve Apostles, the Four
Evangelists, and the Hosts of the Angels. Close to the
church stands a high bell tower with a peal of four large
bells, and a clock, whose striking can be heard at a
great distance. Opposite the bell tower there used to be
a table of porphyry, and a large water tank covered with
a dome, supported by eight pillars. And this is how it is
said that the Nea Mone came to be built. During the
reign of Michael IV and Michael V (about the year
1030 A.D.) there dwelt in a cave at the foot of Mount
Provato, where the N^a Monfe now stands, three old
men who led the lives of anchorites. Their names were
Niketas, Joseph, and John. One night they found the
whole of the wood on the lower slope of the mountain
in a blaze, and only one single myrtle tree left unburnt,
and on its trunk there hung the Icon of the Virgin. They
built a small chapel on the spot in memory of the miracle.
It so happened that at that moment Constantine Mono-
machos was living in Lesbos in exile. The three an-
chorites, having sailed to Lesbos, told him that he was
destined to become Emperor. They received in return a
promise that, if their prediction proved true, he would give
them whatsoever they wished. Not long after, the Empress
Zoe, having ascended the throne, recalled Monomachos
and invited him to share her state. Then the anchorites
came and stood before him, and begged him to give effect
to his promise by building a church in commemoration
of the miracle wrought by the Virgin. Monomachos,
jealous of his royal word, forthwith commenced the
building, which was completed after his death by Zoe's
cousin Theodora. The monastery was subsequently
granted absolute autonomy and many privileges, and
these were, from time to time, confirmed by the Golden
Bullae of the Emperors Isaac I, Constantine X,
Romanus IV, Michael VII, Nicephorus III, and their
successors.
CHIOS 119
The Nea Mone was inhabited by about 400 monks, ^
who by their labour had converted the surrounding
forest into a beautiful garden. Although the Turks had
deprived the monastery of the income it used to receive
from the Customs, it had, owing to the many gifts from
Christians, to the continual purchases of land, and the
obligation of the monks to bequeath all their property to
its use, become so rich that the Public had been com-
pelled to pass a law forbidding further purchase of lands on
its behalf. It is said that it owned one-sixth of the whole
of the land of the island. Trustees from among the most
respected persons in the island were appointed to watch
over the interests of all the monasteries, but in the case
of the Nea Mone, in order to protect its wealth from
Turkish aggression, the trustees were the Demogeronts
themselves. The monks paid neither tithe nor taxes, but
only a small sum into the public treasury. The monastery
was ruled by a Hegoumenos, who was changed every
two years, and who was obliged to render an annual
account of his expenditure to the Demogeronts. Neither
the Governor nor the Cadi had authority to punish a
monk for civil default, but when complaint was made,
the accused was reported to the Demogeronts. The
Hegoumenos was then invited to sit with them and the
charge gone into, in the presence of the accused, and
decided in accordance with justice. If convicted of
misconduct, or immorality, the delinquent was exiled to
the Holy Mountain. By this prudent course the scandal
of Turkish interference with the clergy was avoided.
The monastery was also the owner of many houses and
churches in the town, and sent curates to them. When
anyone of these died he was taken back to be buried in the
cemetery of the monastery, and no fees whatever were
payable to the Governor or the Cadi. It cannot be
1 In the days of Tournefort (1700) there were 200 monks in Nea
Mone, now there are only 80.
120 CHIOS
doubted that the successful administration of all these
philanthropic institutions, and the beneficial operation of
all these public arrangements, were due to the blended
aristo-democratic character of the Chian system of
government, and to the privileges enjoyed by the island,
as we have shown, since the fifteenth century. For thus
it was, that in spite of the curtailment of these privileges
after the Venetian expedition, and the increase of tax-
ation then imposed, and in spite of the paralysing and
demoralising influence of a Turkish atmosphere, the
Chians, by a judicious application of their wealth, were
able to keep the goodwill of the most powerful members
of the Divan, propitiate their tyrants, win new privileges,
retain old ones, preserve the integrity of their religion,
maintain the authority of their Demogeronts, and obtain
almost any favour they might ask for. All those advan-
tages they owed to the soundness of their judgment, to
their love of country, to their assiduity, and to their pre-
disposition towards all that is good, qualities which have
ever characterised them. And this is why they of all the
Greeks, who from the freedom of democratic government
passed under the yoke, in turn, of the Macedonian, the
Roman, the Genoese, and finally the Turk, I boldly
venture to assert, were the least downtrodden, the least
wretched and the least degenerate ! ^
Two Turks from Constantinople, the Governor and
the Cadi (Judge), governed the island, in form; but
they knew before their arrival that they would possess
no effective authority over the island, but would have to
respect the decisions of the Demogeronts. The Gover-
nor would purchase from the Turkish Government the
usufruct of the island (this included the Customs, the
Capitation tax, the slaughter house dues of the Mole
and the Kokkala, the so-called " Tachreli," the weighing
1 Corai, " Memoire sur I'etat actuel de la civilisation dans la
Grece," p. 39.
CHIOS 121
dues, and the ^^ Gemikliki") for about 400,000 piastres. The
Governor was changed every two years, and had about
twenty soldiers under him to maintain order. So that
there might be no opportunity for bribery, no one, either
rich or poor, was allowed to visit him ; and, when invited
by him, no one might go without the permission of the
Demogeronts, and on his return was bound to explain
the reason of his visit. Only the Demogeronts (and
then not the one from Palaeokastron, or the Prankish
ones, except in the case of great urgency), and the Pro-
tomastors, were entitled to visit him freely. The Cadi
entertained the concerns of the Turks, and might decide
differences between Christians; but these, with the ex-
ception of a few among the lowest class, preferred to
have recourse to the Demogeronts. He was changed
once a year, sometimes twice. To him, and the Gover-
nor, were addressed the Imperial Decrees, and when
these were of local application, the Demogeronts would
be invited to hear them read. We shall see what the
Cadi's remuneration was when we come to speak of
the taxation of the island. The Fort was entrusted to
the most prominent Turkish inhabitants of the island,
and was provided with a Turkish guard. It was only
in time of war that it received a regular garrison.
But the mainspring of the political life of the country,
the mechanism upon which depended the effective work-
ing of all its laws and institutions, was undoubtedly the
authority vested in the Demogeronts. These were elected,
annually, from such of the leading merchants as were
more particularly fitted to fill the post, by reason of their
experience, age and honourability. Three of them were
Orthodox, and two Catholics. Amongst the Orthodox,
the first represented the Aplotaria, the second the Eng-
kremo, the third the Palaeokastron quarter.^ As the
1 The town is divided into three quarters or districts, called
Aplotaria, Engkrerao, and Palaeokastron.
122 CHIOS
first two named quarters were inhabited by the leading
famiHes, it was always easy to find persons eligible for
each fresh year, and it was the rule that no one of them
should be elected a second time. It was only the in-
habitants of Palaeokastron, and the Catholics, as being
few in number, who were elected oftener; and even in
their case no one might be re-elected, except after an
interval of some years. It was only the Demogeronts
of Aplotaria, and Engkremo, who possessed any real
influence. The office of Demogeront was considered
a very high and honourable one, and those who filled
it aspired to prove themselves worthy of public esteem,
and, in order to retain the goodwill of the people, their
ambition was always to prove themselves patterns of jus-
tice, philanthropy, firmness, incorruptibility and, above
all, of impartiality, even when their nearest friends were
concerned. On account of the very great responsibility
attached to the office, no one ever wished to serve a
second time, even although it was considered the most
honourable of all positions.
The mode of the election of the Demogeronts was
as follows. On the 3rd of February an invitation was
issued to about forty of the most prominent citizens,
inviting them to come to the Church of St. Photios.
The Demogeronts, after asking for the forgiveness of
anyone they might have injured, wittingly or unwittingly,
requested to be replaced. The members of the meeting
then expressed their thanks to the outgoing Demogeronts
for their excellent administration. After this, all, except
those who had at some time served as Demogeronts, left
the room. It was requisite that there should remain
twenty qualified persons, eight from Aplotaria, eight
from Engkremo, two from Palaeokastron, and two Catho-
lics. The Demogeront from Aplotaria would then hand
a closed envelope to each of the eight representatives of
his quarter, and the same course would be followed by
CHIOS 123
the Demogeront from Engkremo. Then the sixteen en-
velopes were opened, and twelve would be blank, and
the four would contain the word ** Remain ! " Those
who received blanks would then depart. There then
remained in the Church the four who had received the
envelopes with '' Remain I " : the five outgoing Demo-
geronts, the two representatives from Palaeokastron,
and the two Catholics, thirteen persons in all. The
Demogeront from Aplotaria then read a list of names,
and marked three, and the one from Engkremo did the
same. Out of these six names, after lengthy delibera-
tion, five were agreed upon. The Demogeront from
Engkremo would then take the names of those decided
upon to the Cadi, whose chief secretary would have
the order of appointment *'Hontseti" already written
out with blanks for the names. When the names had
been filled in, the Demogeront would take the appoint-
ment back to the church, where the others were waiting
for him. Then the doors of the church were opened,
and the names of the newly appointed magistrates
announced to the expectant crowd. And thus was
employed that notable day of February the third. The
following morning the new Demogeronts came, by in-
vitation of the old ones, to the Christian House of
Justice, called ^* Mezas." ^ There they received the
congratulations and good wishes of the outgoing Demo-
geronts, and, following them, were presented to the
Governor, the Cadi, the Commander of the Fort, and,
lastly, to the Metropolitan Archbishop, who read prayers
on behalf of both the outgoing and incoming magis-
trates, and dismissed them with many expressions of
goodwill. On coming away from the Archbishop, the
new Demogeronts walked in front, and the outgoing
1 According to Corai (" Atakta," vol. V, p. 202), Mezas is derived
from Mesi, a Graeco- Roman word signifying a place where justice
is dispensed.
124 CHIOS
ones behind, and these, on arriving back at the MezUy
handed over to the newcomers the conduct of affairs.
There was a law which forbade any of the electors
to leave the country at any time during the two
months that preceded the election of Demogeronts.
Strict orders were given to the Custom House officials
to prevent evasions, and if anyone was caught whilst
attempting to escape, he was interdicted by the Arch-
bishop, and was bound to appear on the morrow and
publicly ask for forgiveness. Should he neglect to appear
within three days, more severe punishment was meted out
to him. But this seldom happened, because rich and poor,
priests and laymen of all degrees, even the Archbishop
himself, regarded the Mezas with reverence and holy fear.
The first and most sacred duty of the Demogeronts was
the safeguarding of all the inhabitants of the island.
They attended the Mezas daily, and listened to the com-
plaints of the people ; and the press of business was often
so great that they could find no time to go home for their
meals. They visited the Governor every day. They
inspected the prisoners and enquired into the causes of
their detention ; talked the cases over with the officer of
public order and, if the offence was a small one, settled
the penalty, generally a light one, as the prisoners were
for the most part people of the poorer classes. If the
offence was a serious one, they referred the matter to the
Governor, and settled it with him. If a man was im-
prisoned for debt, they tried to arrange matters between
him and his creditor, and if they discovered that the
debtor was really unable to pay, and the creditor proved
obdurate, the Demogeronts would release the prisoner,
and recommend his creditor to exercise a little patience.
And if the debtor was unable to pay even the Governor's
perquisite, of 10 per cent, of the debt, the Demogeronts
would induce the Governor to accept a reduction, and
pay the difference out of their own pockets.
CHIOS 125
It was also the duty of the Demogeronts, whenever
a Christian of whatsoever class was threatened or beaten
by a Turk, to report to the officers of the Fort, and they,
in order to remain in favour, would punish the offender
according to his offence. If the crime was a serious one,
or had been committed by a Turk of rank, and these
officers hesitated to take upon themselves the respon-
sibility of punishing the offender, the Demogeronts would
refer the matter to Constantinople. There the three
Representatives of the public of Chios, who enjoyed
the purchased friendship of the Turkish dignitaries,
would obtain the equitable punishment of the criminal. ^
There were many such cases, so the Turks having
them before their eyes, realized that it was necessary
for them to behave peaceably towards the Christians,
to avoid the slightest infringement of the local cus-
toms, and to be circumspect in their dealings with the
inhabitants.
It was also the duty of the Demogeronts to see that the
island was always well supplied with food, and when
there was a shortage to call a meeting, report the fact,
and appoint honest men to act as purveyors. Another
of their duties was to preserve the integrity of the local
customs, just as the censors of ancient Rome were wont
to enforce the strict observance of similar usages. ^^ II y
" a d'exemples " (says Montesquieu) " pires que les
" crimes, et plus d'etats ont peris parce qu'on a viole les
*^ moeurs, que parce qu'on a viole les lois." In order to
restrict luxury — the result of inequality of fortune which
enervates the rich, and increases the sufferings of the
poor — and to avoid rousing the cupidity of the
1 We owe it to the memory of Demetrius Skanavi, banker to the
Sultana Asma, mother of the Sultan Selim, to record the services
rendered by him to the island. The dismissal of a guard of 300
Janissaries, who had been oppressing the inhabitants, was due to his
intercession. He was an intimate friend of the Sultana's, and on her
death was killed in Constantinople.
126 CHIOS
Turks/ the introduction of expensive foreign clothing
into Chios was forbidden, as was also the wearing of
embroideries, cashmeres, and diamonds. Only diamond
rings and pearl earrings were permitted. The prohibi-
tion of expensive foreign apparel was promulgated in an
archiepiscopal letter. This letter was read aloud in the
churches, and in it the Archbishop stated that the pro-
hibition was dictated by the Demogeronts. Ten leading
personages were appointed to see that these orders were
strictly obeyed, and to report transgressions. On any
such breach of the law being reported, the Demogeronts
would call a council, and it would decide the manner of
punishment. If the offence was slight, the delinquent
was handed over for ecclesiastical punishment. If serious
he was either imprisoned or whipped by the Turks on
the order of the Demogeronts, without any interference
whatsoever from the Governor. These were the duties
and obligations of the Demogeronts. We will now con-
sider the extent of their authority, and how far it was
restricted by the Councils.
The Demogeronts possessed great power, because they
judged, decided, and punished as they thought fit. They
commanded the respect of all, high and low. They had
the first places in the churches. In the Brotherhoods they
sat in specially constructed seats. They had precedence
everywhere, and when passing were saluted by everyone.
Yet their rule was not absolute, even apart from the limit
imposed upon it by the Councils. For had one of them
infringed a local custom, or shown partiality in his
judgments, or misapplied public money, in short, had
failed in his duty to the public, he would have been
removed from office by the leading citizens. But such
an occasion never arose, because the Demogeronts were
1 After the fall of the Justinianis, the Catholics, fearing the Turks,
obtained an order from the Pope forbidding the wearing of ex-
pensive apparel.
CHIOS 127
always anxious to avoid public censure and loss of public
esteem, and ever careful not to give cause for criticism
at the Councils. There were two Councils, the Great and
the Small. The first consisted of from 40 to 50 of the
leading men of the island, and was convoked when
questions of great importance required consideration.
This Council decided, in the case of shortage of provisions
in the town, the amount of fresh supplies required, and
appointed men to watch the sales and purchases of the
market. If when the fresh supplies had arrived, it was
found that the island had no immediate necessity for
them, they would reserve them until the fear of shortage
was past. Should these provisions threaten to perish in
the meantime, they would be apportioned amongst the
wealthy taxpayers, according to their assessments, and the
public incurred no loss. The Great Council decided
about the checking of abuses, the helping of public in-
stitutions in need of money, the punishment for infringe-
ments of customs, the planning of new municipal schemes,
and generally about all other matters that concerned the
welfare of the town. The Small Council consisted of 8,
or sometimes 15, of the most distinguished men in the
island, mostly past Demogeronts. It was convoked
oftener than the Great Council, and decided differences
where arbitration had failed, and gave the benefit of their
experience to the Demogeronts in all matters, and on all
occasions, when the latter were in doubt as to the course
they should pursue. In these councils the Demogeronts
had no predominance, but they alone introduced business,
and the Council decided upon it. The decisions of the
Council were irrevocable, as were also those of the Demo-
geronts. It was in this way that the Councils were able
to limit the authority of the Demogeronts, and complete
the aristo-democratic system of government of the island
of Chios.
CHAPTER XVI.
Commercial Court — Maritime Court — Notaries Public —
Arbitrators — Administration of Villages, and of the Mastic
District — Law of Inheritance — Intestacy — Childless Mar-
riages— Dowries — Mortgages — Betrothals — Leases of Land
— Trustees — Wills — Contracts of Sale and Purchase — Capi-
tation Tax — Death Dues — Wine and Spirit Tax — Salaries
— Assessment for Taxation — Rural Taxation — Customs
Dues — Industries.
THE island possessed two mercantile Courts of Law,
the Commercial, and the Maritime.
The Commercial Court. When the commerce
of the island only consisted of a trade in silks and gold
embroidered fabrics of local manufacture, and the chief
merchants were the shopkeepers of Constantinople and
Smyrna, this Court was entrusted to the members of that
class. But when the number of articles dealt in increased,
and the area of trade expanded, five judges, called
" ProtomastorSf" were elected to transact the business of
the court ; one from among the shopkeepers of Con-
stantinople, a second from those in Smyrna, a third from
thC>se who traded with Europe, and the remaining two
from among the merchants in the island. It was the
duty of these judges to consider all questions arising out
of mercantile dealings, to settle, in conjunction with the
chief of Customs, the Tariff of import duties, to take
cognisance of bills of exchange which the Mezas refused
to entertain for want of formality, and to enquire into
bankruptcies. When a man failed, he would send his
accounts to the Protomastors, with a statement of assets
and liabilities. The judges would then call the creditors,
128
CHIOS 129
and enquire into the causes of the failure, so as to see
whether it was an honest one or fraudulent. If the
failure was honest, the judges would accept the debtor's
statement and give him a certificate which protected him
from molestation by his creditors ; and the amount to be
paid by the debtor, and the date of its payment, would
be arranged. If the bankruptcy was fraudulent, the
debtor's statement was not accepted, and he could be
prosecuted and imprisoned by his creditors. The Pro-
tomastors had powers of punishment similar to those
exercised by the Demogeronts. In important cases they
convoked meetings, and called in the members of the
Councils, and the Demogeronts, to assist them.
The Maritime Court. This court was established
in 1805, to relieve the other courts, and was presided
over by three citizens, called ^^ Deputati/' elected by the
Demogeronts. They had jurisdiction in all disputes
relating to shipping matters.
The Notaries Public. There were two Notarial
Offices in Chios, one in the Aplotaria, and the other in
the Palaeokastron quarter. There were four Notaries in
the first, and two in the second, but they all had equal
powers. They were elected by the Demogeronts. These
Notaries were the general depositaries of the money of
the inhabitants. They entered a record of all their
transactions in a book called '^ Mdna." They kept all
original documents, and only issued copies. They were
forbidden to draw deeds for persons personally unknown
to them. They were not eligible as arbitrators. They
might not charge more than the legal tariff. No
mortgage was valid unless executed in the presence of a
Notary.
Arbitrators. We have said that the Demogeronts
judged and decided in almost all matters. But in cases
of disputed inheritances, party walls, drains, watercourses,
boundaries, or other similar matters, that required
130 CHIOS
personal enquiry or inspection, the Demogeronts would
direct the disputants to elect Arbitrators. When these
had come to a decision they handed their award to the
Demogeronts. The Demogeronts then read it out to the
parties concerned, and it became binding upon them.
Let us now see how the villages and Mastic Districts
were administered.
Villages and Mastic Districts. Out of the 66
villages of Chios, 42 were under the administration of
the town. Of these, 36 were to the north of the town,
and the remaining 6 near the Kampos. Each village
elected two " Geronts " who remained in office for a year.
The Demogeronts took no part in their election, unless
there was difference of opinion. The more important
villages also possessed a Notary Public, who was often
the Priest. The Geronts of each village entertained the
differences of the Christians, but the parties had the right
to refer the case to the Demogeronts. The Demo-
geronts, however, always supported the judgments of
the Geronts when they had decided justly. If a Turk
oppressed a village, the Demogeronts protected it to the
best of their ability, and when the Governor would write
to the Geronts, requiring the delivery up of a villager for
punishment, they would make pretence of looking for
him, and would, in the meantime, write to the Demo-
geronts, and these would get the matter settled.
The Mastic villages, of which there were 21, belonged
to important Turks of the Empire, and were under the
management of one of them, who sent a special agent to
collect the mastic, and administer the district. The
Mastic villages also had their Geronts, There were two
of them, and they exercised jurisdiction over all the
villages of the district, and were called ** Epitropi." Only
these had right of access to the Governor. Three other
villages, Daphnon, Vasilioniki, and Caryae, which were
under obligation to provide unpaid labour for the main-
CHIOS 131
tenance of the water supply of the town, had their own
special Turkish Governor, called ** Neroulas," and their
own Geronts, who were independent of the town authori-
ties. There were brotherhoods in all these villages. They
enjoyed unrestricted religious liberty, and their churches
had belfries.
The Chians had no written laws ^ but were governed
in accordance with the Turkish Code, and the ancient
customs of the island, even when these conflicted with
the Turkish laws. These customs depended upon
tradition, but were in fact practically all defined in the
Manual of Armenopoulo.^ These customs were most
religiously observed by the Chians, and had the force
of laws, and, if the Turkish Government attempted to
override them in any way, the Public would do its
utmost, by gifts and other measures, to prevent the
slightest encroachment. Among these customs the chief
were : —
Law of Inheritance. When a man died intestate,
any sums he might have dedicated to rehgious and
philanthropic institutions were first deducted, and the
residue was then divided equally among his children,
males taking double shares. The reason for this appor-
tionment, which would appear contrary to natural justice,
were as follows : —
Firstly y because when a man fell into reduced circum-
stances in his old age, his sons were obliged to support
him.
Secondlyy because if a man left debts, his sons were
obliged to pay them, without being able to have recourse
to their sisters' shares.
1 The ancient Athenians had no written laws. Matters were
settled according to traditional custom. Muller, " Hist Univ.,"
vol. I, p. 78.
2 This is the well known Codex of Laws, in sir Books, of
Constantino Armenopoulo (1587, apud Guillelmiam Laemarium).
jl2
132 CHIOS
Thirdly, because the sons in case of necessity were
obliged to pay for the bringing up of their needy sisters,
and provide them with dowries.
Fourthly, because where the inheritance was small, and
would, if divided up in the usual manner, have been in-
sufficient to provide the daughters with dowries, the sons
were in the habit of renouncing their interests.
Fifthly, because it was in accordance with Turkish
law.
Intestacy. When a man died intestate his children
and relatives inherited. If he left no descendants the
inheritance went to his next of kin in direct line, and to
collaterals. If there were no next of kin at all, it would
go to the Turkish Government. But as the Ephors of
the different public institutions generally persuaded
heirless persons to leave their property to these institu-
tions, the Turkish Government seldom profited by an
intestacy.
Childless Marriage. Where a husband or wife
died childless, the survivor would take half of the
property of the deceased, and the other half would go to
the next of kin. This of course only applied where the
deceased died intestate.
Dowries. A married woman could, on the death of
a relative, claim her share of the property ; but any sum
she had received as a dowry had to be deducted, and in
such cases the whole property was shared in the manner
we have first indicated. But, if the property was not
sufficient to enable males to receive double of what the
females had received as dowries, the females were not
bound to return their dowries. The dowry was con-
sidered the inalienable property of the husband and
children of the marriage. If a man failed in business,
the whole of his property, both personal and real, was
presumed to be subject to a tacit, but enforceable, lien in
favour of his wife's dowry.
CHIOS 133
Mortgages. All mortgages required to be executed
in the presence of a Notary, and had to be registered in
the notarial books for the protection of creditors.
Betrothals. The first requisite of a Contract of
Betrothal (which had to be prepared by a Notary) was
the consent of the parties, if they had attained their
majority, and the consent of their relatives if they had
not. The second was the fixing of the amount of the
dowry, generally done by a third party. But among the
leading families the verbal promise of the parents was
considered sufficient. If the betrothal was repudiated by
the man, without the woman's consent, he was incapaci-
tated from marrying any Chian woman. But the woman,
and her relations, were always at liberty to cancel the
contract, in which case all presents from the man were
returned to him.
Leases of Land. All public lands were leased for
one, two, or three generations, at a fixed yearly rent.
All damage, unless due to unforeseen circumstances, or
pure accident, had to be borne by the lessee.
Trustees. Trustees were under great responsibility,
especially in the case of the property of minors. They
were generally selected among the relatives of the minor,
but, when there were no relatives, the Demogeronts ap-
pointed persons of wealth and proved honesty.
Wills. Everyone owed implicit obedience to the
dispositions contained in a will. No one might con-
test them.
Sales and Purchases. Sales of land had to be
effected in the presence of a Notary, and recorded in
his books. But sales, even though not so recorded,
were valid when they were attested by trustworthy wit-
nesses.
Leases of houses and lands were governed by customary
conditions as defined in the Codex of Armenopoulo.
Capitation Tax. Except for a few duties, the Chians
134 CHIOS
paid no tax, except the Capitation Tax ** HaratchJ*
This was divided into three categories. The first, of
11 piastres, was paid by persons of position; the second,
of 5i piastres, by the middle class; and the third, of
3 piastres, by children who had attained their twelfth
year. The whole amounted to about 90,000 piastres
a year.^
The duties payable by the inhabitants to the Turks
were the following: —
Death Duties. These were paid to the Cadi, who
was entitled to claim 2^ per cent, of the deceased's
estate, according to Turkish law, but the Demogeronts
made an ordinance by which this percentage was limited
to estates exceeding 20,000 piastres. Even if the estate
was greater, the Cadi was still only entitled to 500
piastres, but the next of kin paid a further sum of
166 piastres to the officials of his Court. In the case
of small estates the Cadi received 30 paras from each
child. When a woman died, a small duty was paid in
respect of her dowry. To give effect to these arrange-
ments, when a man died his name was inscribed in
the Metropolitan Church, and the Archbishop sent a
monthly list of these names to the Demogeronts. These
examined the list, and with the assistance of persons
acquainted with the deceased's financial position, fixed
the amount payable to the Cadi, who was bound by
their decision. The Cadi was further remunerated by
fees for documents required in dealings with Turks.
Property Tax. This was paid by the Demogeronts
1 The amount of yearly tax paid by Chios to the Sultans varied
from time to time. In the days of the Justinianis it was first 4,000,
then 10,000 ducats, 5,000 of which were paid in mastic (Bellonius,
" Plurimar. Observat.," etc., p. 198). In 1700, it was 18,000 risdalia,
according to Dapper (" Description des iles de I'Archipel," etc., p. 17),
or, according to Wheler, 18,000 piastres, who also says that when a
man died his heirs had to go on paying his quotum for three years
(Spon Wheler, "Voyage d'ltalie, de Dalmat.," etc., Lyon, 1678, vol. I,
p. 198).
CHIOS 135
to the Governor, and amounted to 4,500 piastres. This
insignificant tax, called *^Tachrili/' was contributed by
the owners of property.
Wine and Spirit Tax. This amounted to 17,500
piastres, and was paid by the sellers of wine and arrack.
Salaries. The island paid the Captain Pasha an
annual salary of 25,000 piastres. In addition to this,
it paid the costs of entertaining him and his suite when
visiting the island.^
Assessment for Taxation. To meet all these
demands, the Public levied taxes on the property of
the rich. The amount of tax payable by each in-
dividual was fixed by twelve Valuers elected for six
years, four from Engkremo, two from Palaeokastron,
and two from among the Catholics. Having met, and
taken an oath of good faith and secrecy, they proceeded
to a valuation of all the property, real and personal, of
each citizen. These valuations were so accurate as
even to surprise the owners. The Valuers were most
careful not to overburden persons of the third and
fourth classes; for when one of these might have been
reasonably assessed at 100 piastres, they would put him
down for only half that sum. When all the town, vil-
lages, and monasteries had been assessed and inscribed,
the Valuation book was sealed up, and handed to the
Demogeronts. They then, with the assistance of four
reliable persons, proceeded to value the property of the
Valuers themselves. When this was done, the book was
opened and the assessments made public. Every man
was liable to pay two per thousand on the value of his
personal property, and one per thousand on his real
estate, less a deduction of 25 per cent, on the combined
value of the two, e.g. : —
1 According to Spon ("Voyage d'ltalie," etc., p. 496), the Chians
were, at one time, bound to supply the Sultan with two ships at
their own expense.
136 CHIOS
PIASTRES
say Personal Property 30,000
Real Estate (50 per cent, of gross value) 15,000
45,000
Deduct ith 11,000
34,000
that is to say, at 2 per thousand = 68 piastres. Fresh
assessments were made every five years. If a man failed
meanwhile, his assessment was lowered to meet the case.
Originally the Tax collectors were changed every fifteen
days, but later only every two years, and they were re-
quired to pay the sums collected into the Public Treasury.
The Treasurer was appointed by the Demogeronts and
the Small Council, and no one might refuse the post.
There was also a tax of ^th per cent., payable by a
husband on his wife's dowry.
Such were the fixed taxes. But when the Public was
in need of extra funds the Demogeronts would call a
meeting, and slightly raise the percentage of taxation.
If the Public was in want of money in the meantime,
it would borrow it at the rate of 8 per cent., and repay
it out of the extra taxation. In this way the Public debt
never became burdensome.^
Rural Taxation. The Taxes paid by the villages
were the Tachrili, and Capitation Tax ; the latter being
assessed by agreement with the Governor at a fixed
amount. The town Valuers also acted for the villages,
and the Geronts collected the taxes.
The mastic villages, whose inhabitants were under a
special Governor " Aga," paid a total Capitation Tax of
1 The credit of the Public of Chios enabled it to borrow at 6^ per
cent. It also held a small amount of money belonging to widows,
orphans, and maidservants, upon which it paid 8 per cent, in order
to help them.
CHIOS 137
3,000 piastres, and were not liable to the town taxes.
But owing to bad management they were more heavily
taxed than the townspeople. They also paid heavily in
the matter of mastic. Of this the State appropriated
21,000 okes;^ the remainder was taken by the Gover-
nor at 2^ piastres the oke and sold by him at from
8 to 30 p. the oke. The Governor had the right to
heavily punish all smugglers of mastic, both villagers
and townspeople. When the collection of mastic was
going on, the two roads leading to the district were
strictly guarded, and no one was allowed to take any of
the gum away. There is no doubt, however, that some
did get smuggled through. Every villager knew the
amount of his yearly contribution, which was fixed, and
if his crop was short, would buy from his neighbours to
make it up. Those of the mastic owners who lived in
the town paid 1 per thousand on their property to the
Public Treasury.
All Catholics, and all the Greek clergy, except the
Metropolitan, were subject to taxation, but taxes were
not paid by the teachers of the school, by Demogeronts
in office, by the three villages, Vasilioniki, Daphnon and
Cary^e^ (to compensate them for bringing the water
down to the town), by the Turks, as being both poor and
few in number, and by foreigners.^ But that which made
the island both contented and peaceful was the fact that
the poor paid no taxes, and thus, enjoying safety, liberty
and protection without payment, considered it their
sacred duty to yield implicit obedience to those in
1 In the time of Pococke (1740) they only paid 5,020 okes.
(" Description of the East," p. 2.)
2 We have already mentioned the aqueduct maintained by the
villagers of Vasilioniki and Daphnon. The villagers of Caryag main-
tained the water supply of the *' Old Spring," and also that of
Astradona (a corruption of Nostra Donna). This water, known as
the " Water of Koukia" was the best in the island.
3 But if they purchased real estate they paid the same as the natives.
138 CHIOS
authority, and realised that their own prosperity was
bound up with the successful administration of the island.
Custom Dues. Import duties. These were 3 per
cent, for Europeans, 4 per cent, for Turks, 5 per cent,
for Greeks, Armenians and Jews. Export duties. These
were 6 aspra, per ell, for all gold and silver woven
fabrics, and 2 aspra, per ell, for silks manufactured in
the island.
Industries. Nearly all the arts (even sculpture) and
trades were practised in Chios ; but the only manufac-
tures exported to other parts of the empire were silks
plain and woven, ganzes, knitted purses, and cotton
cloths. The silks were manufactured in the Palaeo-
kastron and Prankish quarters. The village women
spun the cotton, made linen for their own clothes, also
heavy cloth for sails, sheets, socks, caps, twills (the best
came from Kalimasia) and other similar articles. Twelve
hundred silk factories had already been in existence for
seventy years, and their manufactures were sent to all
parts of Turkey, and were considered superior to those
of Damascus and Aleppo, and almost equal to those of
Lyons.^ But when, owing to the fraudulent use of in-
ferior material, this trade began to decline, the Public in
1805 started an Association to which anyone might
belong by buying shares at 500 piastres each. When 150
of these had been sold, eight inspectors were appointed
to supervise the manufacture of the fabrics, and im-
portation of similar articles from abroad was forbidden.
Success attended the scheme, but being abolished two
years later, owing to the opposition of the other manu-
facturers, the trade again began to languish, and finally
died out.
Many of the women employed themselves, at home,
with the manufacture of sweetmeats, biscuits, rusks, and
1 Olivier, "Voyage dans I'Emp. Ottoman." p. 138.
CHIOS 139
such like, and preserved fruits and flowers, such as the
confection known as *' Rose sugar." The villagers occu-
pied themselves with husbandry, and such of them as
had no land worked as stone-hewers and stone-breakers.
The village of Didymi supplied white stone, that of
Latomion red porphyry. The inhabitants of Erytho,
Vrontado and Livadeia were shipbuilders and sailors,
those of Harmolia made quantities of earthen vessels out
of the local clay. But the greatest of all the products of
Chios, and a speciality of the island, was the gum mastic.
This only grew in twenty-one villages, called *' Mastico-
choria." ^ The annual crop exceeded 44,000 okes.
Another product of the island was turpentine, but the
annual crop of this product was only about 250 okes.
Although a good amount of cotton was grown in the
island, it was insufficient to meet the wants of the manu-
facturers, and it had to be supplemented from Thrace.
Nor was the silk produced in the island (although it ex-
ceeded 20,000 okes a year) sufficient for the factories,
and more had to be imported from Syria, Adrianople and
Broussa.
Oranges, lemons and citrons grew in profusion ^ and
were exported. Besides these, the island produced sweet
lemons, almonds, figs, called '' Kavouria" (the best of
which came from Kalimasia), oil, wine, honey, wool,
arrack, wax, and partridges in great quantities.
1 If these mastic trees are transplanted to other parts of the island,
they either wither, or do not produce resin, as one can see for one-
self in many places in Chios. The trees in the south of France
produce little, and the leaves are smaller than those of the Chian
trees. The inhabitants of Chios believe, according to old tradition,
(a belief shared by AUatius) that the mastic district owes its virtue
to the fact that St. Isidore suffered martyrdom in that neighbour-
hood ! The manner in which this resin is collected, and its
varieties, are fully described by many travellers, especially by
Tournefort, Olivier, and Gouffier, to whose works the reader is
referred.
2 The scent of the blossom in Chios could be distinguished two
leagues out to sea.
CHAPTER XVII.
Concerning the Women of Chios.
WE have spoken elsewhere about the character and
upbringing of the Chians ; but as women con-
stitute a considerable portion of our social life,
and as we are very greatly dependent upon their quali-
ties, good or bad, for the joys of life, and the formation
of our moral character, we owe it to them to say a few
words about the women of Chios. The Chian women
were, almost invariably, charming, witty, virtuous and
beautiful ; ^ but their tasteless and cumbersome mode of
dress disfigured their bodies, and the excessive use of in-
jurious cosmetics soon impressed their faces with the
appearance of age. Nor, as was generally the case with
all the Greeks of that period, had they much education,
but were considered quite sufficiently taught when they
could read and write. On the other hand, they were
most excellent housewives, ministers of peace in their
homes, content to live frugally and modestly, and con-
sidered their husbands' happiness their greatest joy. It
w^as indeed a pleasing sight to watch the girls as they sat
for amusement outside their houses in the evening, ex-
changing jokes with the young men standing round.
The consciousness of their own innocence and their
innate bent for mockery incited them to exchange jests
even with people whom they did not know, and more
particularly with European strangers visiting the country.
1 Tournef ort, " Voyage au Levant," pp. 142, 147. Chandler,
"Travels in Asia Minor," p. 56. Hasselqnist, "Travels in the
Levant," pp. 17, 20.
140
CHIOS 141
They allowed no passer-by to go without a word, but
chewing mastic, or cracking nuts, would fearlessly fire
some witty comicality at him, and receive a congenial
retort. One might imagine that a considerable amount
of irregularity would follow upon such freedom, but this
was rarely the case. And even the few that did stray, did
not openly parade their shame, but sought to cover it
with the cloak of secrecy. And this is why no visitor to
the island ever failed to modify any unfavourable opinion
he might have first formed with regard to the freedom of
manner permitted themselves by the Chian women.^ Of
an equally innocent character was their gaiety on the
banks of the smooth running stream of Parthenis, where,
assembling on holidays and during carnival time, they sat
and ate, and listened to the simple tunes played by the
local musicians. There, too, they danced with the young
men of good family, who would either ride, or walk out,
in numbers from all parts of the island. There, with
sweet-scented flowers in their hair, they displayed a
joyous temperament that harmonised with the flower-
bedecked gardens around them, and the genial sky
above.2
1 Nicolas Nicolaide, " Navigation e Viaggi," etc. Murhard,
" Gemahldc des Griechischen Archipelagus," p. 352.
2 Trans. Note. The character, personal appearance and dress
of the Chian women is very fully described in the following
extracts from various French authors, whose visits to the island
covered a period of 275 years (1546-1821), as transcribed by Prince
D. Rhodocanachis in his " Justiniani-Chios." Syra 1900.
Petros Belon, who visited Chios in 1546, writes : —
"II n'est autre ville ou les gens soyent plus courtois, qu'ils sont
a Chio. Aussi est ce le lieu de la meilleure demeure que scachions
a nostre gre, et ou les femmes sont plus courtoises et belles. EUes
rendent un infallible tesmoinage de leur antique beaute : car comme
une nymphe en I'isle de Chio surpassant la neige en blancheur, fut
appellee de nom grec Chione, c'est a dire neige, tout ainsi I'isle
prenant le nom de la nymphe fut surnommee Chio. Les hommes
aussi y sont fort amiables. Et combien qu'elle soit isle Grecque,
toutesfois pour la plus part Ion y vit a la Franke, c'est a dire a la
fagon Latine. Neantmoins plusieurs d'eux sont Grecs, et veulent
142 CHIOS
vivre a la Grecque, tellement qu'il est loisible a un chacun de
choisir et eslire telle maniere de vivre qu'il voudra."
" Les observations de plusieurs singularitez et choses memorables
trouvees en Grece," etc. "A Paris, chez H. Marnef." 1588, 4to,
p. 186.
Julian Bordier, who visited Chios in 1604, writes :—
" Certes en ceste assemblee, donnee par le Sieur Nicolo Misaguy,
I'un des principaux habitants de la ville de Scio, se pouvoit dire
estre la fleur des femmes et fiUes de toute la Grece. Car il est in-
dubitable que, de toutes les parties du Levant, les Scioyses, d'un
commun jugemant, sont estimees les plus accomplies, gracieuses,
belles et accostables femmes et lilies de tout le Levant en general,
et qui le moins s'adonnent au vice. La forme ou fa^on de leurs
vestemants de corps est estrangemant disconvenable a leur maintien
et gravite, bien qu'ils soient tres riches et somptueux, comme nous
vismes en ce bal et ailleurs de toutes qualites de femmes qui fussent
en I'isle. Celles de qualite portent robes de velours plain ou figure,
satin, damas a grands feuillages, broquats ou autres estophes de
prix, dont la plus part se faict sur le lieu ; qui rend toutes ces
etophes communes."
" Ambassade en Turquic de Jean de Gontaut Biron," etc., 1605 a
1610. " Voyage a Constantinople," etc., par le Comte Theodore de
Gontaut Biron., a Paris, 1888. 8vo, pp. 39, 42.
Melchior Thevenot, who visited the island in 1656, writes : —
" Pour les femmes de Chio elles sont tres-belles, et de taille
avantageuse, elles ont le visage blanc comme le plus beau jasmin,
qu'elles portent ordinairement a leur tetty et je n'ai vu aucun pais
dont les femmes aient au visage tant de beaute et tant d'agremens.
. . . Leur habit sert encore beaucoup a les faire paroitre si
agreables, car elles sont toujours fort proprement vetues, et coiffees
d'un linge fort blanc, fait en forme d'un petit capuchon rabattu par
le bout ; outre tous ces agremens, un autre plus solide est qu'elles
ont toutes de I'esprit, mais un esprit enjoue et gaillard, qui les rend
les plus agreables personnes de la terre."
"Voyages en Europe, Asie," etc. "Voyage du Levant," vol. I,
pp. 318. 319.
Antonio Des Barres, who visited the island in 1673, writes : —
" Mais les femmes de Chio sont belles, de taille avantageuse, le
visage fort blanc, le teint bien uny. Elles en rehaussent 1' eclat avec
un beau vermilion qu'elles font d'une composition particuliere, et
que rend leur visage semblable au jasmin d'Espagne, dont elles
ornent leur teste en profusion. Elles ont les mains belles, et le bras
bien taille, mais elles ne prenent pas tant de peine a conserver leur
gorge. Elles la laissent toujours decouverte et exposee a I'air, aussi
la pluspart I'ont elles toute brulee et toute noire. Pour de I'esprit
elles en ont assurement et du plaisant et de I'enjoiie. Elles sont
agreables en conversation mais un peu trop farouches a I'abord, et
trop pleines de vanite dans la suitte."
" L'estat present de I'Archipcl." A Paris, 1678. 12mo, pp. 89, 91.
PiTTON DE Tournefort, who visited the island in 1701, writes : —
" Au reste le sejour de Scio est fort agreable, et les femmes y ont
CHIOS 143
plus de politesse que dans les autres villes du Levant. Quoique
leur habit paroisse fort extraordinaire aux etrangers, leur proprete
les distingue des Greques des autres isles."
" Relation d"un voyage du Levant," etc. A Paris, 1717. 4to.
Vol. I, p. 386.
Count Choiseul Gouffier, who visited the island in 1776,
writes : —
" Malgre le sejour d'un grand nombre de Turcs dans la ville de
Scio, les femmes y jouissent de la plus grande liberte. Elles sont
gaies, vives et piquantes. A cet agrement elles joindroient I'avantage
reel de la beaute, si elles ne se defiguroient par Thabillement le plus
deraisonnable et en meme tems le plus incommode. On est desole
de voir cet acharnement a perdre tous les avantages que leur
donnes la nature, tandis que les grecques de Smyrne et celles de
quelques isles de I'Archipel, plus eclairees sur leurs interets, savent
encore aj outer a leurs charmes I'attrait de I'exterieur le plus volup-
tueux. Les habitantes de Scio sont toujours comme ces femmes
auxquelles une toilette etudiee sied moins que leur simple neglige.
Elles forment un spectacle charmant, lorsqu' assises en foule sur les
portes de leurs maisons elles travaillent en chantant. Leur gaiete
naturelle et le desir de vendre leurs ouvrages, les rendent famiheres
avec les etrangers qu' elles appellent a I'envi, comme nos Marchandes
du Palais, et qu' elles viennent prendre par la main pour les forcer
d'entrer chez elles. On pourroit les soupgonner d'abord de pousser
peut-etre un peu loin leur affabilite ; mais on auroit tort : nulle part
les femmes ne sont si libres et si sages."
"Voyage pittoresque de la Grece. Avec figures." Paris, 1782.
Vol. I, p. 93.
The Count Mario de Marcellus, who visited the island in 1822,
shortly before the destruction of the island by the Turks, writes : —
" Ces jolies insulaires sont toujours aussi jalouses de leur reputation
de sagesse. Leur toilette, fort lourde et peu gracieuse a I'epoque
. du voyage de Tournefort, qui nous en a transmis un dessin inelegant,
a regu du temps et de la mode quelques changements heureux. Elles
ont retranche cette espece de coussin matelasse qu' elles portaient
sur le dos, et aujourd'hui une sorte de spencer, qu' elles nomment
libade, serre leurs taille, et tient lieu de corset. Elles ont des robes
roses, vertes, et blanches, pour la plupart fort courtes, des bas blancs,
ou bleus, et des petits souHers rouges brodes comme les pantoufles
des sultanes : leurs longs cheveux tombent sur leurs epaules, d'ou
elles les relevent pour les rattacher sur leurs tetes avec des epingles
d'or. Elles peignent leurs sourcils, mais jamais leurs joues, et elles
machent presques toujours le mastic que Ton recueille dans la partie
meridionale de I'isle. Ces jeunes filles ont une certaine hardiesse,
et cependant une grande naivete; elles sont innocentes sans etre
modestes ; et si I'education ne leur a pas donne une reserve, et une
gravite etudiees, elle n'a rien ote du moins a leur simplicite et a leur
enjouement naturels. . . . Pauvres jeunes filles de la plus belle ile
de la mer, qu'etes-vous devenues ? "
" Souvenirs de I'Orient." Paris, 1839. 8vo. Vol. I, pp. 203-204.
CHAPTER XVIII.
1821-1822.
The Greek War of Independence — Tombazi arrives in
Chios — Fears of the Turks — They take Hostages into the
Fort — Outrages by Turkish Irregulars — The Samians come
to attack the Island — Lycurgus arrives in Chios — Behaviour
of the Samians — Lycurgus usurps the Government —
Anarchy in Chios — Arrival of the Turkish Fleet — General
Massacre by the Turks.
SUCH were the public and charitable institutions of
Chios, such its customs, its political constitution,
and its social condition ; and such had been the
storms of trouble and misfortune it had passed through,
before reaching the peaceful haven of its later days.
But, alas ! this happy state was not destined to endure.
The glorious trumpet of the Greek Revolution has
sounded; Moldavia and Wallachia are stirring; the Pelo-
ponnese, Thessaly, Epirus and the islands are rising;
Psara is solemnly raising the cross of Greek liberty;
Hydra and Spetzae are busy fitting out the fireships that
will strike terror into the heart of the Turk and boldly
burn his proudest ships ; Christians are slaughtered in
Constantinople and other parts ; representatives of the
leading families, eminent clerics, archbishops, priests,
even the President of the Holy Synod, the Patriarch
Gregorius of Blessed Memory, have been hanged. And
now the whole of the Greek nation has cast off the chains
of servitude and drawn the sword to fight a fight of
life and death for liberty, a struggle that will command
the wonder of the world. Of the famous Hetairia, and
144
CHIOS 145
of its plans, nothing had reached Chios, except that
vague and mysterious whisper which precedes great
events. Nor did the Turks entertain any suspicion
about the Christians of the island. But on the 23rd
of April, 1821, there suddenly appeared before Chios
twenty-five Greek ships. On the breaking out of the
Greek Revolution, the Hydriot fleet, under James
Tombazi, had been sent to raise the islands, par-
ticularly Chios, on the urgent representations of Nicolas
Bamba, then staying in Hydra. On his arrival in Psara,
Tombazi was met by some of the leading men of Chios,
who tried to dissuade him from his projected expedition
to their island, but he refused to obey, and, urged by
some other Chians who happened to be there, decided
to sail for Chios. The Psarians contributed another ten
ships, under Nicolas Apostoli, and the two captains,
taking the twenty-five ships, sailed away, and anchored
before the so-called " Well of the Pasha/' in the north
of the island. The same day they sent a stimulating
proclamation of the Greek People to the Demogeronts,
urging the Chians not to remain passive spectators of
the great struggle. But the Demogeronts replied, that
it was impossible for the inhabitants to take up arms,
and implored the invaders to quit immediately, and not
bring destruction down upon the island. Then the
Greek fleet, seeing that the inhabitants were flying to
the mountains whenever a Greek ship approached, and
learning that the Turks had taken hostages into the fort
by way of precaution, sailed away after six days. Before
doing so, they exchanged a few shots with the fort, and
overpowered some small vessels sailing along the coast.
Many have accused the Chians of cowardice, selfish-
ness and want of patriotism, and of having considered
only their own interests, and of having shown unwilling-
ness to take a share in the struggle for liberty of the rest
of the Greeks. Let us examine these charges, and see
L
146 CHIOS
whether they are well founded or not. Chios lived by
commerce, which naturally induces a peaceable dis-
position.^ Nearly all the inhabitants had commercial
establishments, either in Smyrna, Constantinople, or
other parts of Asia and European Turkey. The children
of the well-to-do Chians, as soon as they had reached
the age of fifteen, were sent to Turkey to learn business,
and a great many of the villagers earned their living by
carrying the produce of the island to Constantinople,
or were employed to work in the gardens of the Turkish
grandees. Under such conditions, the Chians were
naturally more concerned with their business, than
with thoughts about guns, of which there were hardly
enough in the island for those who went partridge-
shooting. Hence an alliance with the other Greeks
was not possible. For would not this have exposed to
the most obvious danger, we do not say their property,
but the lives of their children in Turkey ? And how
would the sacrifice of these lives have benefited the
cause ? They themselves were not in a position to
send, either money, ships, or trained men. Moreover,
the island, besides being entirely dependent on Asia for
its food supply, was only separated from the mainland
by a narrow strait, and exposed to annihilation by
the Turks, long before any help could reach it from
Greece. Nor did the Chians even know whence came
the authority for revolution. Can one then wonder
that they were anxious to wait for a more favourable
opportunity for taking a useful part in the struggle,
and that they hoped, in the meantime, by gifts of money
and the sacrifice of the few, to avoid the general des-
truction of their homes and country ? That this was
the manner of thinking of the Chians was clearly proved,
both on the occasion of the unfortunately unsuccessful
1 Montesquieu, " Esprit des Lois," p. 349 (Paris edn., " CEuvres
Completes.")
CHIOS 147
attempt of Fabier in 1827, and on the destruction of the
Turkish fleet in Navarino Bay, when the Chians, all over
Greece and Europe, contributed eagerly, generously, and
to the best of their ability. They have, therefore, been
unjustly condemned by those who have accused them
of egoism, and of base indifference to the sacred duty
owed to their country. Unjustly, too, have they been
accused of want of patriotism, in that they failed to
take up arms for the liberty of the Greek nation. The
disposition and the circumstances of nations are not
easily changed; nor can one justly demand of a people
that which does not lie within the sphere of its possi-
bilities.^
When the Greek fleet appeared before Chios, the
Demogeronts in office were Michael Vlasto, John Patri-
kousi, and Hantsi Polychrones. As soon as the Turks
had seen the Greek ships, they called the Demogeronts
to the house of the Governor. On arriving, they found
the Mufti, the Mullah and an exiled Pasha seated, sur-
rounded by armed men. The Turks, after first asking
them if they knew anything of the object for which the
ships had come, told them to call the leading inhabitants
of the town, so that they might talk over the interests of
the country. Shortly after, although they suspected the
object for which they had been invited, to avoid giving
cause for suspicion to the Turks, about thirty of the
leading men came and were ordered to follow the Turks,
whilst the Demogeronts were told to wait. But, at the
request of the others, the Demogeronts also followed,
and thus they arrived at the fort. Shortly after, again,
the Turks took the Metropolitan Plato into the fort, and
also one of his deacons, and gave their prisoners only
one wretched little room for them all. The day follow-
ing passed without their receiving any message from the
1 Blaquieres, " Hist, de la Revolution de la Grece," p. 209. Rizo,
" Hist, de la Grece." Pouqueville, " Hist, de la Grece."
l2
148 CHIOS
Turks. The third day, Vlasto, going to the Mufti, asked
what they intended doing with them. Then the Mufti
said that it had been decided that all of them should
remain as hostages, so that the people should be kept
quiet and under restraint. The unfortunate prisoners
then realised that they had been cunningly trapped, but
were obliged to obey. They asked for better accommo-
dation, and were allowed, after much difficulty, to hire
a small coffee house with a garden, inside the fort, for
50 piastres a month. Here they slept and ate together,
receiving what they required from their friends outside.
After a few days, those in the fort asked to be ex-
changed, in accordance with the promise given them, but
the Turks, ever faithless to their word, not only refused,
but added fresh hostages, so that now (beside twelve
they had brought from the Mastic District) they had
forty-six from the town. Further, they refused to allow
any of these hostages, except the five Demogeronts and
the Protomastors, to go into the town, even in daytime,
to attend to their affairs, and they all had to be back
in the fort again by nightfall. Notwithstanding all these
precautions, the Turks were still so apprehensive, that
they ordered the inhabitants to hand in, on pain of death,
the few guns they had, and wrote off to Constantinople
asking for troops and munitions. Soon after there
arrived, from different parts of Asia, about 1,000 Turks.
A certain Elezoglu, a good-natured and kindly man, was
to have come as their commander, and bring another
1,000 men with him, but unfortunately, on arriving at
Tchesme, had received orders to collect troops, and go
to the assault of the island of Samos; and so the 1,000
Asiatics were left in Chios without a commander.
From the time when the Greek fleet first appeared
before Chios, to the ill-fated moment, when the Samians
first set their foot on the island, the Chians never ceased
passing through alternate phases of hope and despair.
CHIOS 149
But now, when the leaderless Turks, sent for their pro-
tection, had landed, not a day passed without murders,
robberies, assaults, and other vile and nameless outrages.
Both in the town and the Campos everyone went in fear,
no one dared show themselves in the market or streets,
or even appear at their windows, because the strolling
Turks never hesitated to discharge their pistols at such as
did. So many fled to seek safety in the most inaccessible
parts of the mountains. The worst devils were 200
Cretans, so many wild beasts, and some brigands who
had been landed from a Turkish frigate. Neither Im-
perial Decrees, nor the daily threats of the Capitan Pasha,
availed to restrain these unruly scoundrels, who com-
pelled the Public to pay them two piastres a day each.
The Demogeronts complained to the Authorities, but they,
fearing for their own lives, dared not say a word. Only
the son of the Capitan Pasha went about fearlessly, day
and night, to prevent such outrages as he might. The
shops had closed, the boats had ceased to bring pro-
visions from Asia, and the people were beginning to
murmur. In this threatening state of affairs, not un-
common during war, it was only the prudent and
resourceful conduct of the Demogeronts, who distributed
food and other necessaries among the poorest of the
people, that averted a dangerous tumult in the town. At
last, after much petitioning of the Divan by the Chian
Representatives in Constantinople, Bachet Pasha ^ was
sent to the island, with 100 bombadiers, and furnished
with plenary power for its protection. But as the Turks
in Chios did not consider their forces sufficient, Elezoglu,
with 1,000 soldiers, was sent there too. The Cretans
and leaderless Asiatics were now driven away, outrages
1 This man's personal appearance, which was as repulsive as his
character, has been vividly depicted by the English traveller Swan
("Journal of a Voyage in the Mediterranean," etc., by Ch. Swan,
vol. I, p. 162.)
150 CHIOS
ceased, men and women moved about freely, boats and
food came from Asia, the first lot of hostages, except the
Metropolitan Plato, were released, and forty new ones,
who were to be changed monthly, took their place ; the
Turkish fleet sailed out from Constantinople to guard the
seas, and all the people began to breathe freely again.
But this state of affairs and feeling of security did not
last long. The Pasha demanded a monthly sum of
15,000 piastres from the Public Treasury, and Elezoglu
10,000, besides which the Public had to pay for other of
their expenses. The Turks also took about 8,000 kilos of
corn from the Public reserves, and all the provisions they
found in the market, without paying a single penny.
The Agas, taking advantage of the helplessness of the
Chians, borrowed large sums of money from them,
showing their gratitude later on, by steeping their hands
in the blood of their creditors. The rapacious Bachet,
not satisfied with what he received from the Public, im-
posed further taxes, cut down the large trees in the
gardens of the Christians to make gun carriages, exacted
forced labour from carpenters, builders and other ar-
tisans, for the construction of barracks and warehouses,
and the reparation and strengthening of the fortress walls,
and not only did he not pay them a penny for their
labour, but made them provide the necessary material.
The Public, in order to lighten the burdens of the poor,
ceased collecting taxes from the smaller classes and
villagers, and ordered the Maritime Court not to enforce
the payment of their debts by sailors, artisans and small
traders. All the taxes and forced loans were shared by
the rich. Amongst other things, the Pasha decided to
deepen the moat, and for this he compelled over 500
villagers to bring their animals, and dig, and carry away
the earth, working holy days and all, beat them in-
humanly to stimulate their activity, and even killed more
than one without the slightest justification. He put to
CHIOS 151
death, not only those he thought accessories to the Greek
invasion, but entirely innocent persons, to serve as a
warning to such of the infidels as might have warlike
propensities. So many signs of submission did he see,
and yet believed not. '* An evil and adulterous generU'
Hon seeketh after a sign ! " Thus he put to death some
Samians, who had landed in all innocence, and some
harmless fishermen, whom he had captured sailing from
Mitylene to Tchesm^. The Public, in order to alleviate
the burden of the villagers and inhabitants of the
Campos, ordered those who had paid servants for their
gardens, to send 250 of them every day to work in the
moat ; but there are maladies for which there is no
remedy !
But there was more evil to come. In the month of
January, 1822, an Imperial Decree arrived ordering the
removal to Constantinople, as hostages, of three of the
most prominent men of the island. Those selected were
Pandeli Rodocanachi, Michael Schilizzi, and Theodore
Ralli. On arriving in Constantinople by land — the
Turks were afraid to send them by sea for fear of the
Greek ships — they were thrown into the Bostansibashi
prison. The Turks in Chios again commenced to pillage,
and the bombardiers drove the sellers from their stalls
in the market, and took possession of them. The Pasha
forbade the sailing away of any ships, on the plea that
they might be captured by the Greeks, and the people
began to find themselves straitened. But if the Christians
outside were suffering, were not the brave martyrs inside
the fort enduring still greater evils ? Not only were they
not allowed to converse with those dearest to them, but
even those who had fallen ill, through hardship, were not
permitted to go out for the attention they required. The
Turks disbelieved their word, and turned a deaf ear to
the pitiful tears and entreaties of their wives. Thus died
Matthew Psiachi and Theodore Petrocochino — blessed
152 CHIOS
at least, in that they did not live to see the enslavement
of their country !
This lamentable state of affairs was suddenly aggra-
vated by a report, that the Samians were assembling and
meditating an expedition for the liberation of Chios. As
similar reports had often been heard in Chios before, the
Chians did not believe them now, feeling convinced that
it was incredible that the Samians should have decided
upon such a senseless undertaking, and also feeling
certain that, if it were really the case, the Chians in Psara
and the other islands would have informed their relatives
in Chios. But as the report of the Samian expedition
gained strength, both the Archbishop and the Demo-
geronts sent messengers and preachers, to all the villages
of the island, to urge the people to remain quiet and
loyal, and with the consent of the Pasha, sent envoys to
Samos to make enquiries as to the rumoured expedition,
and to prevent it if it were really intended. But as soon
as these envoys had started, the recently appointed De-
mogeronts^ learnt that eighteen Samians had landed at
the village of Perama, in the northern part of the island.
They at once informed the Pasha, who sent soldiers to
capture the invaders. But as the Samians had hidden
themselves in caves, the soldiers returned empty-handed.
Then the Pasha, calling the Demogeronts and twenty of
the hostages, told them that it was absolutely necessary
that these men should be found. The Public then
directed Alexander Parodi, Paraskeva Sechiari, and
Hantsi Polychrones Diamantari, to go to those parts.
On arriving at Erythae, they took fifteen chosen men of
that village, and moved on to the village of Volisso.
There they learnt that the eighteen Samians were hiding
in a cave. But before arriving at Volisso, the envoys
received a message from the Demogeronts, telling them
1 These were George Frangias, Thomas Tsiropinas and Panteli
Manouso.
CHIOS 153
that a number of Samian ships (March 10th) had been
sighted ; also orders to do their utmost to suppress any
attempt at rising on the part of the villagers. The Pasha,
being told that the ships were heading for Chios, called
in the forty hostages, whose turn it was to be at large,
and shut them up in the fort. On Saturday morning,
March 1 1th, the Greek fleet, consisting of a number of
small vessels, dropped anchor off the shore of Kontari,
and, after the exchange of a few shots at long range,
about 2,000 soldiers landed under the leadership of
Lycurgus Logothetis.
Before we proceed any further, let us see what induced
Lycurgus to come to Chios. A certain Chian, called
Antonio Bournias, a native of the village of Parparia,
who had served under Napoleon in the African cam-
paign, seeing that all the rest of the islands had raised
the flag of liberty, and that only Chios remained in-
active, inspired rather by vain-glory than genuine
patriotism, conceived the idea of effecting its liberation.
Going to Tripolitsa, in November, he tried to persuade
and obtain the support of Demetrius Ypsilanti, but failed
and, being dismissed as an intriguer,^ fled to Samos.
There he found four other Chian adventurers, Klimi
from the village of Caryae, Ntara from Elata, Panteli
Sikotaki (all these had failed in business in Smyrna and
were hiding from their creditors in Samos), and Vin-
centio, the son of the infamous John Katarni. It was
with men such as these that Bournias sat down to plan a
scheme for revolutionising his country ! At this time the
Samians, in agreement with the Psarians, were preparing
an expedition against Carysto. But the words of these
five unprincipled Chians, and a letter to Lycurgus from
one of the Epitropi of the Mastic District, inviting him
to hurry to the rescue of Chios, were sufficient to induce
1 Raybaud, " Memoire sur la Grece," vol. I, p. 505. Rizo
Neroulo, " Hist, de la Grece," p. 406.
154 CHIOS
this inconsiderate leader to give up the expedition
against Carysto, and undertake one against Chios.^ He
1 Trans^ Note. Tticoapis, '* Hist of the Greek Revolution/'
VOL II. ppi 394-6:—
* It is still a moot point in Greece* wlitflm Lyiaagus made the
o^editioB to Chios ia oheditnce to^ or contrary to, the orders o£
Ypsilanli, Lymigas persistentfy imintained, op to his dying day,
flBt he was nctiag nnder orders. This is the tnitii. John Lorenzo
B^B, a Chian and Bcabcr of the Secret Society of the Philiki, was
liing in Odessa when the reiobrtioa tvoke out. Having at heart
Ak Iberatioa of his ooantrr, he went to Tticorpha in May, 1821,
awl being iMniibal by Tpsibnti with the nroessary anthority , went
to Shbos to *™^"*^ soldKrs. By tiie eipress command of Ypsilanti
he invitBd LfuatgiB (then possessed of ^eat influence in his
r) to Iwrcoir his *wnfiitr and partkapator, in the proposed
to Chios. Bnt shortly after, becoming convinced that
opportone, he wrote to Ypsilanti telling him
that the albir shook! be postponed to a
on to ndeve him from his post as
and b^ged him to prevent Lycnrgos frcnn pro-
the raprditinn. Ypsilanti acted accordingly, and
ohrdimrri, as is iiiefutaMy proved by two
letters whidi have been prcMited by John Loroizo Ralli of Syra,
and which show that Lycnrgns started on the e]q>edition in defiance
of orders and conventions.''
"Most Patriotic Mr. J. L. Raffi,
"I have received joor letter of Nov. 28th at tiie hands of yonr
Gafati, and Mr. Avierino. I ^yprove of yonr
sir ^ffjulncAS far the liberation of yonr country, but
do not permit o£ the cxpeditinn, yon have
done wcfl to <lef er it to a more favoorafaie moment, soch as wiU
certainty arise npon a Russian declaration of war, or upon the
fmtiier advaute of the National movement which will follow the
flKetingof the National Assembly, already in coarse of convocation.
Go then to some island, and keep quiet until tihe desired moment
has comt tor ffna^ efixt to your patriotic widies ; tiben write me,
and I wiO send you fibe necessary letters. I hope that I too may by
■d a better opportonity for rendering your country practical
I am sorry that, so far, tibe discord and greed of the Greek
obstructed the splendid progress
if these defects had been absent, particularly
and Crete afford si^emfid examples, irhen
Ae proper ieefing exists, of iriiat the Greeks can do when they
"WotemeanyflMi^ note wur thy you naj hear about our people.
" Wnhi^ yon health, and a succeaful isme to
"Yonr countryman,
"DemetrinsYi
"CafmOi, 21st Dec, 1S21.''
CHIOS 155
decided upon this course, in spite of the opposition of
the Psarians, without proper preparation, and criminally
regardless of the terrible consequences to the island that
might, and did, ensue upon a failure ! Let us return to
our narrative.
The Demogeronts' emissaries, who were distributed
about in the villages to supply information as to what
was happening, seeing the Samians land, sent word to
the Pasha. The Pasha enquired whether the villagers
had joined the Samians, and being told that they were
flying to the mountains, sent Elezoglu and about 600
men to attack the invaders. At the same time he called
the Demogeronts and M. Vlasto, who happened to be with
them, and ordered them to go out and exhort and tran-
quillise the people. As they were going along, preceded
by the Turkish escort, given them by the Pasha for their
protection, they were told of the arrival of the Samians,
and decided to turn back, go home and await events.
Meanwhile the Samians, having ambushed the soldiers
sent against them, killed some and drove the rest back to
the fort. About forty were unable to reach it, and took
" To the Most High, etc., Prince, etc., Demetrius Ypsilanti.
♦' Most High Sir,
" According to the Worshipful commands of your lately received
letter, I have postponed the expedition to Chios to a more favour-
able opportunity, although some Chian patriots, who have been
here for some time, have not failed to try and induce me to make it.
I hope, however, that circumstances will, in the course of a short
time, enable me to undertake (with God's help) the accomplishment
of that, which is both my bounden duty, and my heart's desire.
Mr. Ralh, in obedience to your commands concerning the expedi-
tion, has withdrawn from the matter until time shows us what to
do, and is coming to you to present his homage.
" His conduct, during his stay here, has been both honourable and
noble. His only preoccupation has been the holy and noble desire
to liberate his dear country. And this is why I commend him.
All this I say respectfully,
"And I remain, etc., your obedient servant,
"The Commander-in-Chief in Samos,
" Lycurgus Logothetis."
156 CHIOS
refuge in the so-called ^^ Burnt Tower/' 2ind in some Turkish
houses, where they were captured, and held prisoners.
Another body of about 300 Turks were guarding the hill
of Turloti, from which the fort could easily be bom-
barded, but no sooner had 50 Samians made their
appearance than they too fled to the fort. The Samians
entering the town found all the inhabitants shut up in
their houses, in ignorance of what had occurred ; in fact,
the Samians had killed the head man of the village of
Thymiana for refusing to acknowledge their authority.
They had hardly arrived, when they showed that they
had come more intent on plundering than fighting.
After burning some Turkish coffee houses, and the
custom office, and desecrating and unroofing two lead-
covered mosques, they starting breaking into the Chris-
tian shops and, stealing the contents, kept sending them
off to Samos during the whole of their nineteen days' stay
in the island. The same evening some of the villagers
from the Mastic district came down to the town and
joined in the pillage. The next day, Sunday, a large
number of villagers came in, and forced the people of
the town to join them. No one had proper weapons ;
one man might be seen carrying a piece of wood,
another a cudgel, another a meat skewer, another a fork
fastened to a stick. Priests came down too, in their
robes, and carried crosses through the town, and stood
about the square, swinging censers, and singing psalms
and hymns of liberty, so that the square presented the
appearance of a surging sea of closely packed humanity.
Indeed a pitiful sight, but not entirely without its comic
side. Such was the timidity and want of cohesion in
the crowd that, time after time, the mere report that the
gates of the fort were opening was enough to send them
flying in all directions to seek shelter in the houses
round. Such were the warriors from whom the salva-
tion of unhappy Chios was to come !
CHIOS 157
On the morrow of the arrival of the Samians, Lycurgus
came ashore, and with him Bournias. They took up
quarters in the MetropoHtan's Palace, and, calling the
Demogeronts and some of the leading men, proclaimed
the deposition of the Demogeronts, and the installation
of an Ephory of six members. These were, Cosi Vouro,
Panteli Zervudachi, Nicolas Frangopulo, Frangouli Pal-
laki, Polychrones Diamantari, and Stephen Gianoutso.
The wretched Chians, foreseeing the inevitable conse-
quences of the raid, were reduced to despafr, the more
so when they learnt from Lycurgus that the whole of
his munitions consisted of only six small cannon, two
barrels of gunpowder, and as many cartridges as each
soldier had on him. But the evil was done, and it was
necessary to take every possible measure to meet the
danger. So they sent Doctor Glaraki and Rapho to
the Greek Assembly in Corinth, to ask for munitions
of war, and a provisional Governor. The Psarians, in
exchange for heavy payment, sent twenty barrels of
powder, and two cannon, but no shot, because they
were short themselves; also six ships, under Nicolas
Kara Konstanzi, to prevent any Turkish vessels from
entering the harbour. Further, the Greek Government
gave the envoys five siege guns, and ordered many
Philhellene officers^— among them Gubernati, Bernardo,
Raymond, Mari — to return with the envoys, and direct
operations. Unfortunately, thirteen days passed before
these preparations were completed, and when, after eight
days' sail, the expedition arrived at Psara, Chios no
longer existed. The Samians, meantime, placed their
guns on the hill of Asomaton, on the lower -^gialo,
and on Turloti, and began firing on the fort. But
their shot, hardly weighing 5 lbs., barely grazed the
walls; whilst the Turks, throwing shells into the town,
1 Raybaud, " Memoire sur la Grece," vol. II, p. 210.
158 CHIOS
damaged the buildings and killed the inhabitants, so
that many, getting alarmed, fled to their country houses.
It appears extraordinary that the Turks should not have
shown more boldness, and sallied out to attack the
besiegers; the more so as the Catholics had informed
them of the miserably deficient armament of the Greek
forces. The Samians, from want of shot, were reduced
to picking up and using those that had been fired at
them by the enemy. Remembering that a Turkish ship,
laden with ammunition, had once sunk between Chios
and Tchesme, they sent divers to get up as many shot
as they could. But of these, some were too large and
some too small, for their cannon, and the few that
might have served were carried off to Samos. The
powder, too, was being stolen by the Samians and,
although they assured the Ephors that it was being
properly used, no firing could be heard.
The ne\vs of the Samian invasion had now reached
Constantinople. Immediately orders were sent to the
Governors of Asia Minor to join forces at Tchesme and
proceed to Chios. ^^ Kill," said the Sultan, like another
bloodstained Saul, " Kill all males over twelve, all
women over forty, all the two-year-old children, and
make the rest prisoners." He had spoken, and the wealth
of the island, the beauty of its women, and easy victory,
attracted daily increasing hordes of lawless men, eager
for spoil and the flesh of Christians. Nearly all the
leading Chians in Constantinople were thrown into
prison, and impaled, or hanged; among the latter the
three hostages sent from Chios.
Whilst the Porte was wallowing in this bloodshed,
and preparing further onslaughts, complete anarchy pre-
vailed in Chios, and no fear of God, no law of man,
sufficed to restrain the general lawlessness. Dissension
had arisen between Lycurgus, who wished to rule as
absolute master, and Bournia. Lycurgus sat in the
CHIOS 159
Metropolitan Palace, holding out his hand to be kissed
by all who came into his presence, abused the Ephors
and his officers in the coarsest of language, never visited
the trenches, demanded sums of money, ranging from
500,000 to 700,000 piastres, as expenses of the expedi-
tion. Bournia, as a Chian, was by no means disposed
to submit, and, relying upon a letter of recommendation
he had brought from Ypsilanti to Lycurgus, considered
himself commander-in-chief and, backed by some of the
Chians, openly opposed and defied his rival. Munitions
were being used up, besides being stolen. The Samians,
now that there was nothing left to steal, were beginning
to desert, and return to their homes. The trenches were
left without defenders, so that the Turks were able to
sally out, and spike one of the guns; houses were
openly broken into and robbed. No one took the
slightest interest in the siege. The Psarians came over
in small boats, and imitated the Samians, and the Chians
of the lower classes follow^ed suit. Then, too, in Chios,
as in every country where the law has lost its power,
all the vile passions of humanity, freed from restraint,
forced their way to the surface. Thus many Chians,
some even of good family, putting aside all sentiment
of shame, joined the Samians in threatening and order-
ing about their fellow-citizens. Matters having reached
this pass, some of the leading people began to consider
the advisability of leaving the island. Bournia, on
hearing that some had left one night, being anxious
to prevent others from following, wrote a threatening
letter to the Ephors, in which he ordered them to keep
careful watch, and prevent further departures. Fearing
that this might not be enough, he imprisoned all the
prominent men of the leading families who had re-
mained outside the fort, and some of their wives. But,
on consideration, he released the women, as he knew
they could not leave alone. Those around him, in
160 CHIOS
imitation, made their way at night, with shouts and
cries, into the houses of any they thought might be
meditating flight. The Ephors did their best to put a
stop to these abuses, having recourse to both prayers
and bribes. Meanwhile, pending the arrival of the help
promised by the Greek Government, the Ephors busied
themselves in procuring stores and arms, enrolling
soldiers, and arranging some system of government.
Whilst in the midst of these labours, there arrived that
terrible day, March the 30th, 1822, Thursday in Holy
Week, on which all their plans were frustrated, and
Chios and its people destroyed.
The Turkish fleet, consisting of six three-decked ships,
twenty-six frigates and corvettes, and a number of trans-
ports, under Capitan Pasha Dulcinioti, drops anchor in
the harbour, and at once starts firing on the town.
What words could worthily depict, what pen could ade-
quately describe, the confusion, terror and helplessness of
the inhabitants ! The ill-omened liberators of Chios fly
in all directions, making for their boats. Parents are
collecting their children, to save them from the sword
they already see uplifted. Some hurry to the European
Consulates ; numbers, not knowing where to turn, start
off for the mountains. Children are crying, mothers
with their babes in their arms are wailing with terror.
People are asking each other where to go for safety, but
they get carried away by the rising tide of fugitives, and
are driven in all directions. The Turks, having landed,
start desecrating, plundering and burning the churches.
They kill all whom they meet, sparing neither quality,
nor age, not even the lepers in the lazaretto. They open
graves, to seek hidden treasures, and throw the putre-
fying dead on top of the still breathing bodies of their
victims. They desecrate the Holy Elements, and the
relics of the Holy Saints. They burn the School and
Library, and run along howling Hke wild beasts.
CHIOS 161
Meanwhile numbers of small boats keep arriving from
the Asiatic coast, loaded with Turks hurrying to plunder
and try the edge of their swords on the bodies of
Christians. And those who had found refuge in the
Consulates, what terrors did they not go through 1 For
days they lived in fear of death, for the Turks threatened
to attack the Consulates, and would certainly have done
so, had not the Pasha prevented them. Others too,
hidden in dark and damp cellars all day, so that they
might not be seen even by the Turkish soldiers who
were guarding the Consulates and betrayed, only dared
come out at night to get a breath of air. Every day
were heard the lamentations of girls and women being
carried away into captivity, invoking the pity of God
and men, in vain. The writer of this history still
remembers the painful days, when relations in the Con-
sulates saw those dear to them being dragged away into
captivity, without being able to render them the slightest
assistance.
But let us leave these scenes, and pass to others, even
more tragic, and describe the miseries of those who had
fled to the country. These, on reaching the moun-
tains, at once made for the sea, hoping to find boats to
take them away to Psara. Boats there were. But who
would believe it ?, the owners wanted to profit by the
misfortunes of their countrymen, and remained looking
on in safety, whilst their brothers were being slaughtered
by the Turks I The Psarians, hearing of the arrival of
the Turkish fleet in Chios, sent 250 soldiers, under
three delegates, also six ships and two fireships, to help
the Chians in offering some resistance to the Turks.
But on their arrival, finding that the Samians were in
flight, and the Chians only seeking to escape, they aban-
doned their first idea, that of forcing the Chians to fight
by refusing to take them on board, and sent eight ships
to bring away the fugitives, without charge. In this way
162 CHIOS
many got away.^ But others, being separated from their
people, refused to leave, and these, and some who vainly
hoped for indulgence from the Turks, were all killed, or
made captives. The fugitives to the mountains, climbed
up to high and steep places, half naked, footsore, alter-
nately scorched by the sun and numbed by frost, or wet
to the bone. Some hid in villages, some in thickets,
pits, or cellars, and were often betrayed by the villagers.
Hunger and thirst now began to add to their sufferings.
They would creep out at night to try and find food for
their children crying with hunger, lucky if they could
bring back a few herbs, berries or roots, and a little
muddy water. But even greater evils than these befell
the Chians. The Turks, two days after the arrival of the
fleet, when they had finished burning the churches and
houses, and had killed, or made prisoners all the in-
habitants of the town, still thirsting for Christian blood,
turned their steps to the mountains. Again everywhere
blood, everywhere murder, everywhere droves of women
and children being dragged into captivity. They kill or
burn 3,000 Christians, who had shut themselves up in
the Monasteries of Nea Mone and Agios Minas ; ^ they
dishonour the nuns of Chalandra and Kalimasia, and
carry them off. Howling curses, they heap up Christian
bodies at each step. Having exterminated the inhabi-
tants of St. George and Anavato, they proceed to the
highest parts, in search of further victims. And, oh,
horrible sight ! Here you see men and boys being
killed and mutilated in the presence of their wives and
mothers ; there you hear the piteous cries of women
1 Many fugitives were saved, too, by the Philhellene Frenchman,
Jourdain, who landed in the island with his sailors.
2 Even to-day (1840) after a lapse of 18 years, one can still see
the bones of the victims piled up in pits in the forecourt of the
Monastery of Agios Minas, a sight which fills the spectator with
mingled feelings of horror and pity. The bloodstains on the
marbles of the inside walls of the church are also still visible.
CHIOS 163
being dragged away into captivity ; elsewhere you see
troops of young girls being driven along, to be sold like
cattle. Here again you see innocently smiling babes
being stabbed in the very arms of their mothers, or torn
from them, and thrown over the cliffs, or dashed against
the rocks, and women maddened with horror, tearing
their clothes in anticipation of death. There stands a
crowd of women and children, being sold at low prices,
to Turkish, Moorish and Jewish slave-dealers. Else-
where again, maidens and young matrons are being
publicly dishonoured in the presence of their parents
and husbands, who will afterwards be killed. Innocent
children are forced to abjure their pure religion. The
flames of burning houses light up the darkness of night,
and add to the horror. Men and women, despairing of
escape, hopelessly await their death. Elsewhere ....
Now everything has been destroyed, and lies in ruins.
But still the bloodthirsty Pasha has not had his fill. So
that even those of the Christians who had fled to the
most inaccessible parts should not escape, he, in concert
with Bachet, devised a plan for trapping them through
the instrumentality of the European Consuls. Having
invited the Consuls, he bids them tell the Christians
that, if they submitted and returned to their homes, the
Porte would forgive them readily. In order to convince
the Consuls of his good faith, he hands them a decree
of the Sultan promising their lives to all Chians who
should lay down their arms, together with a proclama-
tion of the Metropolitan, and a circular letter signed by
the hostages in the fort. These, having been deceived
by the Turks, had signed a letter urging their fellow-
countrymen to lay down their arms, and trust to the
clemency of the Sultan. The Consuls, putting full faith
in the word of the Turks, sent (Monday, April 27th)
Z. Cappari, Th. Amiro, the dragoman of the Austrian
Consul Stipovich and an official from the French
M 2
164 CHIOS
Consulate to make a general proclamation of forgiveness
and amnesty. The unfortunate Chians, relying on the
assurances of the Consular Envoys, gave up what few
weapons they had, and sent a deputation of seventy men,
to thank the Pasha for his benevolence. People began
to return to their homes, and others who had been medi-
tating flight, decided to remain. But many, knowing
the value of Turkish promises, kept away. That very
night, the Turkish Admiral hanged the seventy members
of the deputation to the yards of his ships. The
following day, they hanged all the long-suffering hos-
tages in the fort, and by way of crowning indignity,
placed a turban upon the head of the Metropolitan, and
exhibited it amongst the prisoners. The bodies were
then handed to the Jews, to be thrown into the sea.
Whilst these things were going on in Chios, about sixty
Chian merchants were executed in Constantinople, only
because they were Chians. Of those who returned from
hiding, relying on the promised amnesty, nearly all were
killed, or made prisoners. Even the people of the
Mastic district, who, owing to the special protection they
enjoyed, had not so far been molested, were afterwards
partly destroyed, when the news arrived that the fearless
Canaris had burnt the Turkish flagship, together with
the Capitan Pasha, in the very harbour of Chios, and
sent 2,000 Turks to Hell (June 19th, 1822).
It is difficult to tell exactly how many were killed, or
carried into captivity. There were certainly more than
30,000 ! The captive women were passed from hand
to hand, like animals, in the markets of Smyrna, Con-
stantinople, and Asia Minor. Some were lucky enough
to be bought back by their relatives in Europe, others
were taken into the depths of Asia and Mesopotamia,
and, giving up all hope of being restored, lived with
Turks. Many young children accepted Mahomedanism,
either willingly on account of their age, or forced to by
CHIOS 165
the Turks. Those who escaped to Psara, about 20,000,
hungry and naked, were compelled to leave that island
by the inhabitants (who otherwise received them with
kindness, and who tended 150 wounded Chians in the
hospital) because they had consumed all the food. So
they left, and became scattered like the Jewish people.
Some remained in Tenos, Syra, and other islands of the
iEgean, others went to the Peloponnese and Athens,
which place had fortunately just been delivered up to
the Greeks. But such a sad sight were these fugitive
families ! Women, who had hitherto lived surrounded
with wealth and plenty, whose eyes had never been
dimned by the tears of misfortune, were now, house-
less, widowed, ill and helpless, entirely dependent upon
Christian charity. Six thousand went to Trieste, where
many found their relations. Hardly 10,000 inhabitants
remained in Chios, and these mostly villagers. The
Chians who had found safety in the Consulates-also
left after a time, but not before they had satisfied the
greed of their protectors with many and valuable gifts.
This is the tale of the destruction of Chios, of the
island so poetically described by Economos,^ ^^ happy
ChioSj island rich in beauty, wealth and men, shining
in the Grecian sea as in the blue sky the morning star,
favoured home of commerce , industry and art," We
have now followed its fortunes from the beginning of
its existence^ down to the time of its final destruction.
We have seen to what a pitch of commercial prosperity
it had risen in the days of its autonomy, and how many
eminent men it gave birth to. We have seen how it
distinguished itself in the Persian Wars, how it struggled
for liberty, how much it suffered from the Athenians,
when it threw off their yoke. We have seen how, torn
1 K. Economos, " Discourse on Prayer " (" Collection of Theolog.
Discourses," p. 132).
2 Trans. Note. See Part I of the original work.
166 CHIOS
by civil dissension and party strife, it fell under the in-
fluence of the Lacedaemonians, and later into the power
of the Macedonians. We have seen the terrible evils
it suffered in the time of Mithridates, when taken by
Zenobius. We have seen how, after its subjection to
Rome, it lost all its old glory, and disappeared into
darkness for over ten centuries. We have seen how,
in the twelfth century, it fell into the hands of the
Venetians, and how it came back to the Byzantine Em-
peror. We have seen how strangely it was captured by
the Genoese, and the influence of their sovereignty of
over two hundred years. We have seen the evils it
suffered when attacked by the Turks in 1307 and 1391.
We have seen how it continued to prosper, even after
the fall of the Byzantine Empire, and how it then ex-
celled in civilisation the islands and countries round.
We have seen how it was captured by the Turks in
1566, and how its inhabitants were oppressed by
the Venetians during their occupation of 1694-1695,
and how it was again retaken by the Turks. We
have seen how, already in the fifteenth century, its
commerce had begun to flourish, and how it increased
in later times. We have seen how many institutions
for the Public benefit it had founded, and how,
gradually progressing, it began to reap the fruits of its
zeal for learning, prosper under its almost autonomous
form of government, and attain to all the benefits of
civilisation; and, lastly, we have seen how the destruc-
tion of 1822 changed this beautiful island into a scene
of desolate ruin, and scattered its people, here and there,
wherever they might escape the sword and slavery of the
conqueror !
When we ponder over all the vicissitudes and mis-
fortunes of this island, all its changes of masters, the
wonderful perseverance of its people in their efforts to
attain both material and moral betterment in the face
CHIOS 167
of numberless difficulties, and the condition of present
Chios, as compared with the Chios of former days, we
may come to the conclusion that the rise and fall and
prosperity of a nation are attributable to its political
system and its instinctive moral inclination ; subject how-
ever, to some inexplicable law, which, ruling the fortunes
and durations of all kingdoms, says " thus far and no
further ! " That Unseen Hand which establishes king-
doms, abases nations, crumbles mountains, dries up
rivers, divides seas, and destroys the monuments set
up by the pride of man; that Power, too, wrecked the
prosperity of Chios, to multiply its lessons to mankind,
and show how unstable and small are the things of this
life, and how shortlived is happiness in this world 1
For our consolation, judging from the past — which
teaches us that no misfortune or destruction, however
complete, was ever able to kill the seed of the future
prosperity and regeneration of Chios — we may con-
fidently hope that we, or at least our children, will
live to see the return of happy and glorious times for
our country. The only way to hasten the attainment
of this object would be for the Chians — remembering
that they are living expatriated, and subject, both them-
selves and their children, to the evil consequences of
remaining divided and scattered all over Europe — to
go and colonise some part of free Greece (this need not
entail the abandonment of their foreign trade) and there
remain concentrated, to await the favourable moment
for freeing their country.
Lastly, the destruction of Chios, and the resurrection
of Greece, impress upon us once more, this bitter but
historic truth — that the emergence of new nations out
of revolution is almost invariably preceded by great
misfortunes.
LIST OF HOSTAGES.
Those marked with + were hanged by the Turks. The others
being outside the Fort escaped that fate, but many of them were
subsequently massacred.
THE METROPOLITAN PLATO
THE DEACON MAKARIOS
THE DEACON GREGORIOS
AGGERETO, MANOLIS
MARK
ARGENTI, NICOLAS PANDELI
LEONTIUS PANDELI.
AVIERINO, GEORGE
CAPARI, MICHAEL
CAZANOVA, GEORGE
DIAMANTARI, POLYCHRONIS (killed at Turloti)
DROMOCAITIS, JAMES
FRANGIA, GEORGE
GALATI, CONSTANTINE ...
DIMITRIUS
GEORGE
SERGIUS
GIANOUTSO, STEPHEN ...
GLYCA, PARASKEVAS
KALARONI, ANTONIO
KO KALIS, ANTONIO (killed in the Fort)
KOKKOS, ANDREAS
MALIAS, MANOLIS
GEORGE
MAMOUKAS, ANDREAS ...
JOHN
MAVROGORDATO, ALEXANDER.
EUSTRATIOS...
NICOLAS
NEGREPONTE, CONSTANTINE LUCAS
NIOTIS NICOLAS
169
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
170 UST OF HOSTAGES
NICOLAS, son in fatw of BUMORPHOPULO
PALLAKI. FRAKXIS
PAREMPLI, JOHN +
PARODI. ALEXANDER
^ASPATI. JOHN +
PATRIKDSI. JOHN +
PETRCOCHINO, ANDREAS +
DIMITRIUS +
JOHN ALEXANDER +
JOHN EUSTRATIO +
MANOLI DIMITRI
NICOLAS DIMITRI +
» THEODORE EUSTRATIO +
THEODORE (died in the Fort)
POURPOURA, MATTHEW
PSIACHI. MATTHEW
PSICHA, JOHN +
RALU, ALEXANDER ANTONIO 1 +
CONSTANTINE AMBROSE « +
DEMETRIUS* +
STEPHEN EUSTRATIO* +
THEODORE EUSTRATIO (hanged in Constanti-
iiopfe)^
THEODORE ANTONIO* +
RODOCANACHI, MANOLI DIMITRI +
MICHAEL MATTHEW
» PAN DELI (hanged in Constantinople)
PAUL GEORGE
PETER PAUL +
ROIDI, NICOLAS
SCARAMANGA, EUSTRATIO COCO +
NICOLAS LORENZO +
. PETER LUCAS +
PETER LORENZO +
SECHIARI, PARASKEVA
SCHIUZZI. LEONTIUS +
LORENZO +
^ LORENZO HANTSI +
» MICHAEL (banged in Constantinople)
^ STAMATIS
iPitsis. s Cha:«ians, Chattas. s^>ecfalis.
« Cba:vians, Pittas, s Oiaviaras, Pittas. •Pitsis.
LIST OF HOSTAGES
171
SEVASTOPULO, ALEXANDER HANTSI
ALEXANDER
DIMITRIUS
SIDERIKUDI, NICOLAS
SKOURO, JOHN
SYPSIMO, GEORGE ...
TAMVACO, GEORGE
TANGALAKI, GEORGE
TSIROPINA, THOMAS
VLASTO, LUCAS
MICHAEL ...
VOURO, COSI
ZIZINIA, MENI
+
+
+
+
BATETI, FRANCIS
BRAGIOTI
COSEO, COSI
FURNETI, FRANCIS
MARCOPULO, FRANCIS
NATSIS
The last six named were Latins.
INDEX.
Alexius, I ... 4
Allatius, Leon . . .65
Andronicus III . . 15
Aplotaria, the . . .116
Apostoli, Nicolas . . 145
Argenti, Eustratio . . 94
Armenopoulo, Manual of
Law of. . . . 131
Bachet Pasha . . . 149
Bamba, Neophytus . . 102
Bayezid, I. Ilderim . . 33
Bishops, Latin, of Chios . 79
Boucicault, Marshal . .33
Bournia, Antonio . . .153
Bragadino, Vincent . . 87
Brassano, Orsini Duke of . 66
Calvocoressi, Mouzala .111
Campos, the . . . 103
Canaris .... 164
Carafa, Cardinal . . 55
Chamza, Admiral . . 50
Charles VI of France . 33
Chios, Brotherhoods of .116
Churches of . .114
Clergy of . . 114
Courts of Law of . 128
Customary Law of . 131
Leper Hospital of . Ill
Plague Hospital of. 108
Public Hospital of. 106
Chios, Library of . . 105
Magistrates of .121
Monasteries of .117
Notaries Public of . 129
School of . . 102
Taxation of . .133
Turkish Authorities
of 120
Church of the Betrayer . 31
Coins of Chios . . .43
Columbus, Christopher . 54
Comnena, Anna . . 5
Conspiracy of the Metro-
politan . . . .31
Contarini . . . .85
Corai, Adamantius . .106
Crusade, the Fourth. . 11
Customs, ancient, of Chios 44
Dalassenos, Constantine . 4
Delfini, Humbert . . 20
Demogeronts, the . .121
Deputati . . . .69
Diamantari, Polychronis . 147
Dikaios, the . . .32
Dikaiotato, the . . .30
Djouneid . . . .36
Doria, Paganini . . 26
Conrad . . .33
Draco . . . .43
Draperio of Galata . .51
Dulcinioti Pasha . .160
73
174
INDEX
Elezoglu
148
Mastic District, the .
. 130
Engkremo, the.
116
Matsamama
. 86
Eumorphia
43
Mavrocordato, Alexander
. 71
Meletios, Patriarch of Alex
.
Florentines in Chios
67
andria .
. 77
Forneti, Thomas
54
Metrophanes, Patriarch
. n
Frangopulo, Nicolas .
157
Mezzomorto, Hassan
. 88
Fragela and Frangela
30
Micheli, Domenico .
. 8
MicheH II, the Doge
. 9
Genoese, first mention of
14
Misseroglu Pasha
. 89
authorities in Chios
29
Mocenigo, Andrea .
. 38
Geronts, the
130
Lazarus .
. 73
Gianoutso, Stephen .
157
Montaldo, Leonardo
. 38
Gradenigo
85
Morosini .
. 80
Gregorios, the Patriarch .
128
Mustapha Papa
. 80
Gryllo, Damiano
39
Pasha
81
Heresiarchs, Mahomedan
34
Nani
85
Hostages, Hst of
169
Nea Mone
. 117
Hypatos, the .
29
Neochoris, Ignatius .
80
Hyperpera
32
Nomarchs
29
Industries of Chios.
138
Opos . . . .
5
Isidore, Saint .
2
Orloff . . . .
93
Jews ....
45
Pabesi, Scaramouchia
38
Justice, Pillar of
30
Palaeokastron, the .
116
Justiniani, Albergo .
28
Palaki, Frangouli
157
Hieronymus
64
Parodi, Alexander .
152
Vincentio .
64
Paroeki, the
29
Patrikousi, John
147
Kalothetos .
16
Pelegrini, Bartholomew .
41
Kastamonitis .
4
Petrili, Andrea .
25
Kori, Bridge and Legend
Petrocochino, Theodore .
151
of
43
Piali Pasha
57
Pisani, Carolo .
84
LOGARIASTS
29
Conrad .
26
Logothetis, Lycurgus
153
Plato, the Metropolitan .
147
PriuU . . . .
85
Mahomet II . . .
48
Products of Chios .
139
Malta, Siege of.
56
Protomastors, the .
128
Maona, institution of
27
Psarians, the, in Chios
157
Martyrs, boy .
61
Psiachi, Matthew
151
INDEX
175
QUARANTINA, Council of
. 29
ToMBASi, James
145
Querini, Petro .
. 84
Tselepi, John .
95
Tsichal Pasha .
68
Ralli, John Lorenzo
. 154
Turks, first mention of
4
Theodore .
. 151
Tzachas .
4
Rodocanachi, Constantine 94
Pandeli
Riva, Justin
Rouzini .
. 151
. 87
. 88
Ypsilanti, Prince Demet
rius
. 154
Samians, the, in Chios
Scarampa, Cardinal .
Sclerion . .
Schilizzi, Michael
Sechiari, Paraskeva .
Selim, II .
. 152
. 53
. 43
. 151
. 152
. 59
Venetians, first mention of 7
Vignoso, Simon . . 20
Vlasto, Michael . . 147
Vounaki, the . . . 87
Vouro, Cosi . . .157
Sklavia, Village of .
. 30
Silachdar Hassan Nasas
. 85
Zaccaria, Benedetto
. 14
Silk factories of Chios
. 138
Beneto
. 15
Soffiano, Andrea
. 81
Martino .
. 15
Stenon, Henrico
. 84
Zeno, Antonio .
. 84
Stipovich .
. 163
Zervudachi, Pandeli.
. 157
Suleiman, I
. 56
Zyvos
. 25
Drydcn PrcssJ: J. Davy & Sons, 8-9, Frith-street, Soho-squarc, W.
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