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History of Kentucky 


Editor ^ 


Author of "Eastern Kentucky Papers" 


E. M. COULTER, Ph. D. 
Department of History, University of Georgia 





TO HRW Yorv 





The present work is the result of consultation and cooperation. Those 
engaged in its composition have had but one purpose, and that was to give 
to the people of Kentucky a social and political account of their state, 
based on contemporaneous history, as nearly as the accomplishment of 
such an undertaking were possible. It has not been the purpose of those 
who have labored in concert to follow any line of precedent. While 
omitting no important event in the history of the state, there has been a 
decided inclination to rather stress those events that have not hitherto 
engaged the attention of other writers and historians, than to indulge 
in a mere repetition of that which is common knowledge. How far they 
have succeeded in this purpose a critical public must determine. 

When its editor consented to join in the undertaking it was expressly 
stipulated that it was to be a real history of Kentucky, and not a mere 
chronological citation of events. Between him and the publishers there 
was an express stipulation that one who could catch the spirit of the 
Kentucky viewpoint and could bring to the undertaking a sympathetic 
interest in recording the story of as great a race of home-builders and 
state-builders as had ever marked Anglo-Saxon progress, should be 
engaged to write the text. After several months of delay the justly 
merited historian of experience and established reputation, himself a 
Kentuckian by birth, Mr. William E. Connelley, of Topeka. Kansas, was 
introduced to the editor as one capable and willing to join in the under- 
taking. At a general consultation between them it was discovered that 
there was perfect harmony in the conception each entertained concerning 
the character of history that should be written. The contract for writ- 
ing the present history was thereupon given to Mr. Connelley. It was 
early discovered that the character of history contemplated could not be 
prepared within a designated time without other assistance, and there- 
upon, at the instance of Mr. Connelley, Prof. E. M. Coulter, of the Uni- 
versity of Georgia, an author of experience and ability, was added to the 
staff of Mr. Connelley. From the outset Professor Coulter manifested 
a desire to enter into the work with energy and will. He spent three 
months in the Library of Congress at Washington, examining all the 
manuscripts in that institution bearing on Kentucky history — those which 
had hitherto attracted attention, as well as those which had not. When 
he had completed his labors in Washington he went to Kentucky, where 
he spent many weeks in not only examining all the manuscript materia! 
that was available, but examined with care and minuteness early news- 
paper files, especially those of the Kentucky Gazette, Niles Register and 
the Observer and Reporter. A like labor was performed in Frankfort. 
Louisville was also visited, and all the material there available was care- 
fully examined and copious citations made therefrom. Chicago was next 
visited, and all the deported manuscripts and pamphlets bearing on the 
early settlement of the state were examined with like care and attention. 
A meeting was arranged between himself and Mr. Connelley for a joint 
examination of the vast wealth of material now in the possession of the 
Historical Society of Wisconsin. Here all the material that had been 
gathered by Professor Coulter, together with such additions as were made 
from the Wisconsin archives, were carefully gone over by them and 


iv rRT'FACE 

arranged in the order in which tliey were to be used, having relation to 
tiie snljject under treatment. The work of writing the history did not 
begin until all this preliminary work had been completed. For the in- 
formation of the public it may be said that the following cha])ters have 
been written by Mr. Connelley : 

Origin and Meaning of Names. 

Early Indian Occupancy of the Ohio \'alley. 

Discovery and Exploration by the English of the Ohio Country. 

Indian Title to Kentucky and Its Extinction. 

Ivxijlorations of Dr. Thomas Walker. 

Explorations of Christopher (list. 

Mrs. Mary Ingles. 

The Sandy Creek Voyage. 

Swift's SiKer Mines. 

The l-'ounding of llarman's Station. 

'Ihe Governors of Kentucky and Their P.iographies. 

United States .Senators from Kentucky and Their Biographies. 

The Counties of Kentucky and for Whom Named. 

Officers from Kentucky in the Civil War. 

Alphabetical List of Battles in Kentucky in the Civil War. 

No historian in the United States is better acquainted with Indian 
lore and tradition, or has made a more searching examination into the 
habits aufl customs of the North American Indian than has Mr. Con- 
nelley. His treatise on these subjects, particularly the chapter on names, 
will gi\e a new and eiUirely distinct understanding of that subject and 
serve to dispel many long-existing misconceptions on the subject, par- 
ticularly the origin and meaning of the word Kentucky as it is now 
spelled and pronounced. 

All (Jther chapters except those of a special character, as indicated. 
were written and prepared by Professor Coulter. 

In the ])rogress of the work, all chapters were first sent to Mr. Con- 
nelley at Topeka. There they were carefully revised by him and recopied, 
one copy of which revision was sent to the editor, who likewise made 
such revisions, by way of deletions, additions, phrasing and such other 
changes, as he deemed proper. They were then returned to Mr. Con- 
nelley. by whom they were again exanuiied, recopied and sent to the 
publisher. The [nirpose of these several examinations and reexamina- 
tions was to make the work as nearly historically accurate as care and 
attention could make it. 

Ibis history has been written entirely from original and contem- 
poraneous sources. This is no less an account of the economic develop- 
ment and history of the state than it is of its social and political de\ el- 
opment. It is in many respects the first work of its kind bearing on 
Kentucky. All secondary sources were consulted, but they were followed 
only where supported by available manuscript records and contemporane- 
■ous accounts. It was the desire of its authors from the outset to a\oid 
repeating what had been recorded by former analysts, without adding 
any new facts. The histories of Marshall and Fiutler furnish the greater 
Ijortion of the original material records that we have in the form of 
written histories. Notwithstanding the fact that Marshall could not 
avoid injecting personal aniiuosities into his writings, his history must 
be acce]Jted as one of the most valuable of all the early pioneer writers. 
Mis work is indispensable by reason of the fact that it is a record of 
])crsonal knowledge and the recording of events in which he bore no 
inc<insi)icuous |)art. Where personal knowledge did not supjily material, 
original docnmi-nts. most of which ha\'e been lost. did. The great service 


he rendered the state should atone for his prejudices and controversial 
inclinations. Aside from these, his History of Kentucky is a monument 
that will endure as long as the state to which he made a lasting contribu- 
tion, and in the early foundation of which he bore no inconspicuous part. 

The history of Kentucky by Mann Butler corrected some of the 
errors into which Marshall had fallen, but at that early day the material 
for an accurate and comprehensive history was not accessible. But the 
work of Butler was well done. He was a vigorous thinker and an honest 
and courageous man. His history will ever remain a valuable contribu- 
tion to the annals of his people. 

The most complete collection of material, especially of secondary 
sources, gathered by any Kentucky historian was that of Judge Richard 
H. Collins. His work was based on that of his father, Lewis Collins. 
He succeeded in gathering together a wealth of pioneer incidents that 
must have been lost but for his indefatigable efforts, but he showed little 
or no aptitude for recording the events that determined the various 
phases that arose in the development of the state, either political or 
social. Nor can it be said his "Annals" are free from either error or 
prejudice. An inclination to over-exalt those toward whom he enter- 
tained a personal liking is manifest throughout his writings. 

The value of the work done by the Filson Club is beyond estimation. 
But for it priceless manuscripts and documents must have been lost beyond 
recovery. Its publications are all scholarly and of a character that will 
rank with those of the great universities of the country. To it the peo- 
ple of Kentucky are indebted more than to any other organization that 
has been formed for the purpose of preserving its annals. That the 
state should have suffered its priceless collections to be deported must 
ever remain a matter of profound regret. 

In giving credit to those who have contributed to the work of pre- 
serving the history of the state, the romantic production of John P'ilson 
cannot be omitted. His was the first efTort to portray Kentucky, and 
right well did he do it. His simple narrative has a value far beyond the 
meager record of events which it contains. With a quaintness of style, 
wholly original, it connects the state with the early Colonial days in a 
way that no other writer has done. Over the early days it has cast a 
glamour that will forever remain. In its indefinite and quaint statements 
may be found that material which will enable us to catch a glimpse of 
those events in the early development of the state which must otherwise 
have been left to conjecture. These were emphasized in the origin of 
Kentucky by the isolation caused by the great Appalachian barrier. Cut 
off from civilization and shut out from former home and friends, those 
towering mountains, with their pleasing grandeur, took hold on the imag- 
ination, and the influence which they exerted on those who must needs 
pass through or over them remains upon their descendants to this day. 
To this feature of Kentucky history we are indebted to John Filson solely. 

To the work done in the Library of Congress especial attention is 
directed. The Breckinridge Manuscripts, the Innes Manuscripts and 
other original sources yielded much which puts a new light on many 
important events that transpired in the early periods of the development 
of Kentucky and which will serve to correct many misconceptions con- 
cerning those events that have been the subject of bitter and acrimonious 
discussion since the foundation of the state. It is believed that a care- 
ful study of these papers has resulted in not only correcting many former 
errors, but will lend the additional service of allaying some of the embit- 
terments that have been transmitted from generation to generation. 

The very careful and painstaking examination that was made of the 
Draper Collection in the Historical .Society of Wisconsin, and the Durrett 
Manuscript Collection, the richest and most extensive in existence on 


Kentucky history, will likewise ccirrect many errors that iiave been in- 
dulged in fnr more than a century. The invaluable collection of manu- 
scri])t,s ])e!on<,'in{( to Miss Lucretia liari Clay, of Lexington, for the tirst 
time made accessible to a writer of Kentucky history, has been of incal- 
culable benelit to the writers of this work. l\Iiss Clay is a grand-daugh- 
ter of Henry Clay and of Lucretia Hart, whose father was a director 
in the Transylvania Company, and many of the manuscri])ts bearing 
upon her distinguished ancestors can be found in none of the accessil)le 
sources of Kentucky history. The authors of this work feel especially 
indebted to Miss Clay for this mark of distinction, the wealth of whose 
collections will be best a])preciatcd in the various references in the tc.Kt 
and the f(jotnotes to this source of information. 

.\'() former history of Kentucky has undertaken to deal with the his- 
tory of the eastern part of the state. While this defect has been remedied 
on y to a small extent in the present work, because to do so would be of 
a local rather than a general character, at the same time there are some 
facts connected with that portion of the state that are treated herein at 
greater length than in any previous history of the state. Many very im- 
portant matters, especially those relating to the Civil war, had to be 
omitted, since only a generalization account of that period of the state's 
history was undertaken. It is the hope of the authors and the editor 
that the wealth of material collected on this subject may be utilized by 
them in the not distant future, since this portion of the state must soon 
become the wealthiest section of the nation. In wealth, intelligence and 
political importance it must soon take equal rank with any portion of 
the state. 

Kentuckians may justly be proud of their state. In historical im- 
portance, wealth of natural resources, pride of ancestry, love of state, it 
has no superior. It has been the attempt of those who have labored for 
two years in the preparation of this work to give the people of Kentucky 
a record of their history from the first recorded incident in connection 
with the discovery and settlement of the country to the defeat of the 
"Evolution" bill by the vote of a mountain representative. It is a record 
of which all may be proud. While there may be found in her annals 
mucli that might be the subject of critical observations, no Kentuckian 
need blush for his state. "The past, at least, is secure." A better and a 
fuller knowledge of what her people have done, what they have ac- 
comi)lished. and the position which their state has held in the councils 
of the nation, must .serve to the love and reverence which her 
sons and daughters bear her, under whatsoever sun they may dvyell. 
Pride of state from tiie beginning has been a characteristic of the Ken- 
tuckian. No children ever showed greater parental affection. Among 
Kentuckians, no matter where found, there exists a fellowship to be 
found among no other people. 

Kentucky has not been a silent member of the sisterhood of states. 
The Union owes much to this first born of her daughters, she having 
been formed before the earlier admitted Vermont. George Rogers Clark 
gave to the Union the entire Northwest Territory. But for the action 
taken by Kentucky the purchase of the Louisiana Territory must have 
been doubtful, if not impossible. The so-called Spanish Conspiracies 
never affected the loyalty of the body of her people, and the individuals 
were afTected far less than has been supposed. It has been the endeavor 
of those associated with the preparation of this work to give an impartial 
account of that era in our history and to make any future account un- 
necessary. .\s will be .seen, political rivalry had the effect of not infre- 
(|uently putting loyal acts in a disloyal light. A just estimate of the 
pioneer Kentuckians cannot be given by any historian. Those who would 
have betrayed the state into an allegiance with a foreign monarchy arc 


negligible. When it is considered that all the wealth and diplomatic 
skill, as well as a flood of intrigue, were employed to lead a people who 
occui)ied an isolated and unprotected position from a position of hazard 
into one of apj)arent security and affluence, there is revealed in the failure 
of all these efforts a race that is full worthy of all the praise and admira- 
tion that may be lavished upon it. For strength and character and force 
of will, the Kentuckian of pre-state times may not be compared with any 
of the state-builders that have joined the Union. 

For the Kentucky that is to be, the Kentucky of the past must ever 
be an inspiration. In her ideals she has not soared above the unattain- 
able. Should she ever suffer the misfortune of taking a downward 
course, it will not be because the accomplishments of the past have not 
been an incentive to travel upward. That her glorious past is but an 
earnest of her yet more glorious future is the anticipation of a faith 
too real to be marred by the spectre of doubt. 

Especial acknowledgment is made to those who have contributed to 
this work. The special articles that will be found in the text are among 
the most valuable that appear in the entire collection of historic data. 
Without these contributions the work would be irreparably deficient. 

The Editor. 


Origin and Meaning op Names 1 


Early Indian Occupancy of the Ohio Valley 15 


Discovery and Exploration by the English op the Ohio Country 40 

The INDLA.N Title to Kentucky and Its Extinction 49 


The Exploration op Dr. Thomas Walker 57 


Exploration of Kentucky by Christopher Gist 67 

Mrs. Mary Ingles — The First White Woman in Kentucky 75 

The Sandy Creek Voyage 94 

Swift's Silver Mines 110 


The Founding op Harman 's Station 134 


Transylvania and the First Settlements 160 


Kentucky in the Revolution 173 



After the Revolution — Indian Troubles — Battle of Blue Licks 185 

Stations and Early Settlements in Kentucky 200 

Institutional Devei^opment : Land System, Counties, Towns. . . . 212 


Beginnings in the Movement for Separation from Virginia. . . . 221 

The First Three Conventions 22G 


The Fourth Convention — The and Second Enabling Acts.. 235 


Trade Rkihts Down the Mississippi — The Fifth Convention. . . . 239 

Wilkinson and the Spanish Trade 245 

The Spanish Plot — The Sixth Convention 252 


The Defeat of the Si'anish Conspiracy — The Seventh Conven- 
tion 260 


The Spanish Colonization Scheme — The Eighth and Ninth Con- 
ventions 269 


Constitution and Union 279 


Kentucky, Character and Society at the Beginning of State- 
hood 286 

Material and Intellectual Progress, 1775-1792 297 



Putting the Government into Operation : Executive, Legisla- 
tive AND Judicial Controversies 307 


Democratic Clubs and the French Scheme Against Louisiana. . 318 

George Rogers Clark and the French Enterprise 325 

Governor Shelby and the French Enterprise 336 


Kentucky and the Federal Government on the Opening op the 
Mississippi 346 

Spain and the Genet Episode: Further Spanish Plots 359 


Conquering the Northwest Indians : The Campaigns of Harmar, 
St. Clair, and Wayne 376 

The Second Constitution 390 

Federal Relations: The Resolutions op 1798 and 1799 403 


Kentucky and the Louisiana Purchase 424 

Aaron Burr in Kentucky 434 


The Sequel to the Burr Conspiracy : Kentucky Loyalty to the 
Union 457 


Early Parties and Political Development 469 


Material Development Around 1800 485 


Agricultural and Manufacturing Development Around 1800. . . 499 

Banks and Banking Around 1800 511 

Early Boundary Disputes 516 


Social and Intellectual Progress, 1792-1810 524 

Kentucky in the War of 1812 545 

The Kentucky Character and the War 569 

Slaughter and the Disputed Gubernatorial Succession 580 

Speculation — Bank Mania and Hard Times 592 

Replevin Laws and Relief: The Bank of the Commonwealth. . (iO? 

The Struggle Against the Judiciary — Old Court and New Court 623 


State Rights Versus the United States Bank ani> Courts: The 
Occupying Claimant Laws 650 


The Rise of National Parties in State Politics: Clav and 
Jackson 674 

Democrats and Whigs 692 


The Era of Internal Improvements and the Beginning op Rail- 
roads 721 



Economic Progress During the Middle Period 739 

Educational Advancement During the Middle Period 753 

Social and Intellectual Development During the Middle Period 769 

Slavery 796 


National Problems and the Third Constitution 821 

Breaking the Bonds of the Union 842 


Neutrality and the Union 853 


Commerce and Commercial Restrictions in War Times 868 


Civil and Military Affairs During the War 885 

Effects of the War 906 


Commercial Relations Between the Ohio Valley and the South 

—1865-1872 922 

Recent State History 987 

Geology' op Kentucky 1016 


An Historical Sketch of the Kentucky Geological Survey 

(1838-1922) 1031 


The Adventuees op Colonel Daniel Boone 1035 

Transylvanla University 1049 


The Influence op Henry Clay on Political Opinion in Ken- 
tucky 1061 

Governors of Kentucky 1071 

United States Senators from Kentucky 1082 

The Counties op Kentucky 1099 

Officers from Kentucky in the Civil AVar 1114 


Alphabetical List of Battles and Skirmishes in Kentucky in 

THE Civil War 1155 


The Romance op Tobacco and Its Early Introduction in Ken- 
tucky ' 1162 

The Growth and Culture of Tobacco in Kentucky 1177 


, Early Taverns and Travelers in Central Kentucky 1188 

The Cumberland Gap Region 1197 

List op the Principal Authorities Consulted — General Works..1212 


Ab's Valley, I, 135 

Abbott, Harry W., Ill, 214 

Abolition newspaper, II, 811 

Abolition propaganda, II, 803 

Abolition societies, II, 803 

Abolition Society, II, 810 

Abolitionists, II, 807, 819, 832; Northern, 
II, 802 

Academies, I, 528; decadence of, II, 753 

Ackerman, Edmund R., Ill, 98 

Acree, F. F., IV, 515 

Adair and Jackson controversy, II, 572 

Adair, Belle D., V, 316 

Adair County, II, 1101, 1102 

Adair, Cromwell, IV, 70 

Adair, James, I, 111 

Adair, John, I, 436, 437, 449, 453, 561, 
565; II, 571, 572, 595, 609, 622, 629, 
662. 666, 749, 753, 758, 779, 781, 1071, 
1074, 1082, 1086, 1102 

Adair, Robert, V, 316 

Adair, Robert B., Ill, 586 

Adams, Arch C, V, 573 

Adams, B. E., V, 598 

Adams, Carl L., IV, 507 

Adams, Chester D., IV, 169 

Adams, Drew B., V, 631 

Adams, George, I, 458 

Adams, Green, II, 1206 

Adams, John, I, 167, 528 

Adams, J. Q., II, 686, 687, 787 

Adams, Lon, V, 290 

Adams, Lytle S., IV, 629 

Adams, Roscoe C, IV, 537 

Adams, Samuel, I, 167 

Adams, Silas G., Ill, 190 

Adams, Thomas B., IV, 277 

Adams, Thomas J., Ill, 136 

Adams, William. I, 130 

Adams' Station, I, 200 

Addams, William, IV, 282 

Addis, Francis M., V, 283 

Ades, David, III, 198 

Adkins, John, IV, 371 

Agricultural and manufacturing develop- 
ment around 1800, I, 499 

Agricultural and Mechanical College, II, 

Agricultural fairs, II. 920 

Agricultural production in 1786, I, 245 

Agricultural school, II, 741 

Agricultural societies. II, 740 

Agrictilture, I, 286, 302; II, 592, 739, 1026, 
1177; high prices and hard times, II, 

Agriculture, State Department of, II, 741 

Akers, Matthew L., IV, 13 

Akin, John A., IV, 266 

Albany, II, 899 

Alcorn, Edward, V, 207 

Alcorn, James L., V, 620 

Alexander and Munsell's Line, I, 520 

Alexander, Alexander J. A., Ill, 118 

Alexander, Charlton, IV, 290 

Alexander, Charlton, Sr., IV, 290 

Alexander, Hiram W., IV, 323 

Alexander, L. F., IV, 529 

Alexander, Mary E., IV, 323 

Alexander, Reuben R., IV, 529 

Alexander, Richard, III, 263 

Alexander, Robert, II, 595 

Alexander, R. A., V, 80 

Alexander, Younger, IV, 159 

Algonquin Indians, I, 16 

Alien and Sedition Laws, I, 407; II, 1063 

Aliens, I, 418 

Allan, Frank, V, 330 

Alleghany, origin of name, I, 21 

Alleghany River, I, 48 

Allen, Arthur D., III. 112 

Allen County, II, 746, 1101, 1102 

Allen, Ellis S., V, 186 

■ Allen, Frank S., V, 572 

■ Allen, Grover C, V, 636 
Allen, Henry B., Ill, 179 
Allen, Henry D., Ill, 191 
Allen, James, II, 762 

Allen, James L., II, 752, 789, 792, 995, 

Allen, John, I, 258, 429, 447, 450, 476, 508, 

555, 561; II, 1102 
Allen, John R., Ill, 362 
•Allen, Joseph H., V, 424 
Allen, Mrs. J. K., V, 538 
Allen, Lafon, IV, 35 
Allen, William B., V, 625 
Alley, Robert, I, 130 
Allin, Bush W., II, 1187 
Allison, John, III, 354 
Allison, John W., IV, 142 
AUoway. Fred L., Ill, 384 

Alves, Gaston M., V, 285 ^''- — . — 

Ambrose, Robert S., IV, 52 

American party, II, 845, 849 

American Republic, I, 475 

American System, I, 523; II, 688, 693, 

718. 722, 1069 
American system of coinage, I. 511 
American Tobacco Company, II, 1180 
Amis, Thomas, I, 241 
Ammerman, Daniel, IV, 296 
Ammerman, Jacob H., Ill, 529 
Ammerman, James K.. IV, 242 
Amusements, I, 536; II, 793 
Ancient furnaces, I, 115 
Anderson, Andrew B., III. 256 
Anderson County, II, 1101, 1102 
Anderson, Ernest B., Ill, 297 
Anderson, James B., IV, 205 
Anderson, Judson M., V, 519 
Anderson, Mary H., Ill, 256 
Anderson, Mattie, III, 256 



Anderson, Milton C, V, 478 
Anderson, Richard C, Jr., II, 1102 
Anderson, Richard T. (deceased) III, 178 
Anderson, Richard T., Jr., Ill, 179 
Anderson, Robert, II, 886, 889, 90S; 

V. 624 
Anderson, Samuel A., Ill, 7i 
Anderson, Samuel W., Ill, 296 
Anderson, Sidney J., Ill, 572 
Anderson, Thomas C, V, 519 
Anderson, W. n., IV. 69 
Andrews, Albert K., V, 236 
Andrews. Phil C, V, 459 
-Andrews, Stephen, I, 503 
Anti-bank sentiment. II, 715 
Anti-CiRarette law, II, 992 
.Anti-Relief Parly, II, 630 
Anti-slavery societies, I. 543 
Anti-slavery Society. I, 393 
Apperson. Richard.' I. l.W: III. .531 
.Apperson. Richard. Jr., IV, 615 
Arbitration act. I. 480 
Arbitration boards, I. 480 
.Arbitration clause, I, 401 
Archeology, I, 15 
Archer, Ernest E.. IV, 426 
Ardery, William P,., IV, 311 
.Aristocratic class, 11, 796 
.Aristocracy, cry of, I, 390 
Arlington's Station. I. 200 
Armentrout. L. Vance, III, 403 
.Armories, II, 772 
Armstrong, Elijah H., IV, 94 
Armstrong, John, I, 200 
Armstrong, Walter A., V. 491 
Armstrong's Station, I, 200 
Army bases, II, 877 
.Arnold's Station, I, 200 
Arthur, Cleaton J., Ill, 584 
Arthur, Edward F., V. 489 
Arthur, Gabriel, I, 47 
Arthur. Sidney. V, 249 
Arthur, William E.. V, 249 
Asbury, Bishop, I, 536 
Asbury, Carroll D., II. 1187 
Ashbrook. James N., IV, 244 
Ashby, F. M., V. 247 
Ashcraft, William D.. Ill, 305 
Asher. George M., V, 200 
Asher. Hugh IL, V. 199 
Asher, Thomas J.. II, 1207; V, 198 
Ashland, I, 525; II, 787 
Ashland District, II. 844 
Ashley, Silas, V, 203 
Ashlock. James H., Ill, 301 
Ashlock. John R., III. 347 
Ashton's Station, 1. 200 
Association for marketing Burley to- 
bacco, II, 1184 
Atchison, David R., II. 1059 
Atherton, John M.. IV. 65 
Athcrton, Peter L., IV, 65 
Atkinson, Charles T., IV. 411 
Atkinson. Hughes, IV, 634 
Atkinson, Robert A.. V. 16 
Attkisson. Eugene R., IV, 91 
Aud, William E., Ill, 52 
Augusta College, 11, 756 
Augusta County, Virginia, I, 216; II, 1099 
Auxier, Andrew E., IV, 484 
Averett, William P., IV, 191 

Habb, Harvey A., IV. 597 

Bach, Bert C, V, 558 

Bach, Grannis, IV, 623. 

Bach, John J. C, IV. 623 

Bach, Wilgus. IV, 615 

Back, Madison T., IV, 609 

Back, Miles, IV, 613 

Back, William D., IV, 633 

Backus, James J., V. 399 

Bacon. B. R., V, 186 

Bacon Creek. 11. 899 

Bacon, Horace S., IV. 579. 

Bagby, C. C, IV. 428 

Bagby, Enimett W.. V, 347 

Bagbv, Eugene R.. V, 466 

Bailey, Jacob N., V. 325 

Bailey. Henry, III, 455 

Bailey, James F., IV, 553 

Bailey, James G., II. 1008 

Bailey. Nancy T., Ill, 455 

Bailey, William L.. III. 603 

Bailey's Station. I. 200 

Bain, George W., V, 45 

Baird, James, I, 234 

P.aker, Allan W., Ill, 240 

Baker, Charles A.. IV. 245 

Baker, Francis M., V, 194 

Baker, Guerney C, V, 615 

Baker, Herschel C, V. 577 

Baker, Tohn .M., \'. 614 

Baker, R. A., V, 457 

Baker. R. T., IT, 917 

Baker, Rachel T., IV, 573 

Baker, W. J., Ill, 204 

Baker, W. M., V, 346 

Bales, George W., IV, 167 

Balclutha, I, 148 

Ball, William S.. III. 306 

Ballad Literature. II, 1208 

liallard, Bland W., II, 1102 

r.allard County, II, 1102 

Ballard. J. Hogan. III. 142 

Ballard's Station. I. 200 

Ballengall, David, I, 547 

Ballot box and the negroes, II, 918 

Balsly, Thomas W., V, 234 

Banfield, Allen P., V, 476 

Banking, II, 1069 

Banking laws, II, 605 

Bank mania. II, 592 

Bank notes, beginning of, II, 617 

Bank of Kentucky, I, 513; II, 595, 596, 
606, 610, 618, 710. 753; charter repealed, 
II, 613 

Bank of Louisville, II, 866 

Bank of the Commonwealth, II, 607, 609, 
613, 615, 618, 623; Supreme Court deci- 
sion on. II, 619 

Bank of the United States, II, 1068 
Bank of the United States vs. Norvell, 11, 

Bank tyranny, II, 651 

Banks and banking around 18U0, I, 511 
Banks, I, 299; II, 601, 605, 607, 650, 695, 
709, 715, 718, 720, 752, 794, 987, 1185; 
in 1817, II, 595; in 1818, II, 596; in- 
dependent. II, 597. 603. 606 
Baptist Church, I, 158, 288, 534; II, 783, 

Baptist Valley, I, 138 
Baptists and slavery, I, 283, 542; II, 799 



Bar, pioneer, I, 214, 293, 479 

Barbecues, II, 774; of 1842, II, 823 

Barbee, Thomas, I, 300 

Barber, Ira Z., V, 55 

Barber, John R., V, 72 

Barber, Mary A., V, 72 

Barber,. William, I, 399 

Barbour, James, I, 216 

Barbour, James F., Ill, 587 

Barbour, Phillip, I, 234 

Barbourville, I, 61; II, 899, 1199, 1206 

Barbourville Baptist Institute, V, 426 

Bardstovvn, I, 200, 296. 306, 532, 533, 535; 

II, 892, 893, 929, 1075 
Bargain and corruption, II, 678, 682, 686, 

Barker, Edwin, IV, 162 
Barker, Henry S., IV, 61 
Barker, Milton W., IV, 286 
Barker, Ralph M., II, 1183, 1184, 1186; 

V. 241 
Barkley, Alben W., V, 269 
Barkley, Archibald H., IV, 161 
Barkley, William L., IV, 38 
Barnes, Henry M., V, 527 
Barnes, Sidney M., II, 914, 916 
Barnett, Joseph, I, 200 
Barnett, Tyler, V, 191 
Harnett's Station, I. 200 
Barney, John D., IV, 558 
Barr, Edward, III, 306 
Barren County, II, 1101, 1102 
Barrens, II, 1024 
Barret, Alexander G., Ill, 370 
Barret, Henry P., Ill, 216 
Barret, James R., Ill, 219 
Barrett, William W., V, 58 
Barrow, A. C, V, 310 
Barrow, David, V, 310 
Barry, William T., I, 561; II, 583, 587, 

622, 631, 683, 689, 692. 755, 758, 1052, 

1059, 1067. 1083, 1086 
Barter, I, 299 
Bartol, Alexander, I, 126 
Barton, John. I. 204; III. 204 
Barton, John E., II, 1034 
Barton, R. H., IV, 584 
Barton, Will, V, 245 

Bascom, Henry B.. 11. 763, 1058; V, 623 
Basham, A. A., Ill, 477 
Basham, James T., V, 443 
Basham, Paul M., V, 61 
Bassett, Frank H., V, 127 
Bassett, George O., Ill, 460 
Bassett, J. Edward, Jr., IV, 253 
Bassett, Robert J., IV, 533 
Bates, David A., V, 531 
Bates, Jeremiah, I, 126 
Bath County, II. 745. 1031. 1101, 1103 
Batson, Homer W., IV, 67 
Batterton, George B., IV, 126 
Battle Monument, I, 193 
Battle of Blue Licks, I, 185 
Battle of Fallen Timbers, I, 388 
Battle of Lake Erie, I, 560, 576 
Battle of New Orleans, I, 565; II, 569, 

Battle of the Thames, I, 561; II, 713 
Battle of Wild Cat Mountain, II, 887 
Battles and Skirmishes in Kentucky in the 

Civil war, list of, II, 1155 
Battles of the Civil war, II, 899 

Batts, Thomas, I, 43 

Bauer, William, IV, 306 

Baxter, Andrew A.. IV, 81 

Baynham, Ritchie G., Ill, 32 

Beach, George J., Ill, 121 

Bealer, George C, V, 234 

Beall Brothers, IV, 21 

Beall, Huston, IV, 21 

Beall, Milton P., IV, 21 

Beall. T. S., IV, 21 

Bean's Station, I, 114, 121 

Beard, Arthur T., Ill, 385 

Beard, Eugene F., V, 192 

Beard, Lucy M., Ill, 348 

Beard, Marvin D., V, 124 

Beard, Taylor, III, 348 

Beatty, Erkuries, I. 294 

Beatty, John B., III. 482 

Beatty, Robert E., II, 1184 

Beauchamp, Frances E., Ill, 138 

Beauchamp, Runey N., V, 248 

Beck. James B., II, 976, 977, 1059, 1085, 

Beckham. J. Crepps W., II, 1010, 1011, 
1014, 1015, 1072, 1080, 1087 

Bedford, Silas E., IV, 215 

Bedinger, George M., I, 194 

Beecher, Lyman, II, IdZ 

Beginnings in the movement for separa- 
tion from Virginia, I, 221 

Begley, W. E., IV, 247 

Belknan. William B., IV, 29 

Belknap, William R., IV, 28 

Bell County, I, 55, US, 489; II, 1102 

Bell, Horace V., IV, 499 

Bell, James H., IV, 58 

Bell, John, II, 852 

Bell, Joshua F., II, 850, 897, 1103; V, 620 

Bell, Mabel V., V, 452 

Bell, William, IV, 58 

Bell. William V., IV, 639 

Bell's Station, I, 200 

Benjamin, Judah P., II, 872 

Bennett, Jacob, L., IV, 297 

Bennett, James W., V, 228 

Bennett, Reginald V., V, 378 

Bennett, Trice C, V, 368 

Bennett, Wallace T., III. 347 

Bensinger, Arthur B., Ill, j^) 

Bentle, Henry A. W., IV, 296 

Benton, James M., IV, 185 

Benton, Otis A., V, 203 

Berea, II, 819 

Bernheim, Isaac W., IV, 30 

Berkshire, Park, L, III, 331 

Berry, Bailey D., IV, 338 

Berry, Gary A.. III., 399 

Berry Family, IV, 328 

Berry, Henry S., Ill, 228 

Berry, James M., V, 19 

Berry, John J., V, 341 

Berry, Leonard C, IV, 152 

Berry, Samuel B., Ill, 229 

Berry, W. A., V, 347 

Berryman, Brownelf, IV. 176 

Berryman, Charles H., IV, 175 

Bertram, Elza, III, 520 

Bertram, Oscar B., V, 431 

Beshear, Fred, V, 491 

Bethel Academy, I, 528 

Bethel College, III, 526 

Bethel Woman's College, IV, 93 


Bethurum, B. J., Ill, 488 

Bethurum, Leonard W., Ill, 89 

Bibb, George M.. II, 587, 622, 6J7, 646. 

647, 659, 663, 676, 696, 712, 1059, 1082, 

1083, 1088 
Bibb, Jesse W., V, 252 
Bibb, John B., II, 828 
Bibb, Richard, II, 799 
Bibliography, II, 1212 
Biddle, Nicholas, II, 694 
Bienville, Ccloron de, expedition, I, 48 
Big Bone Lick, I, 72, 84, 160, 532 
Big Paint Creek, I, 64, 147, 156 
Big Sandy River, I, 9, 129, 516 
Big Sandy Valley, I, 135, 136, 158, 161 
Bigstaflf, Thomas J., Ill, 574 
Big Sycamore Creek, I, 59 
B4llings, Benjamin J., V, 159 
Bi-metalism, II, 1006 
Bingham, Robert W., II, 1183, 1186, 1187; 

IV, 16 
Bingham, William, II, 1200 
Bird, Henry, I, 183 
Bird, R. Lee, IV, 479 
BirdwhistcII, James M. B., V, 174 
Birkhead, Herman A., IV, 171 
Birkhead, Thomas F., Ill, 316 
Birney, James G., II, 800, 801 
Birthplace of Uaniel Boone (view I, II, 

Black, James D.. II, 1072. 1081, 1207; 

IV, 3 
Black Republicans, II, 850 
Black. Robert, L., V, 323 
Black's Station, I, 200 
Blackburn, H. M., V, 246 
Blackburn, Luke P., II, 994, 1002, 1072, 

Blackburn, Joseph C. S., II, 1007, 1085, 

Blackburn, Samuel, I, 126 
Blackburn, William, I, 458, 464 
Blackford, Dennis I?., IV, 59 
Blackwell, Clorc H., Ill, 40 
Blackwell, James B., Ill, 119 
Blackwell, Marlin L., Hi, 163 
Blaine, Alexander D., V, 173 
Blair, Francis P., I, 68; II, 610, 636, 641, 

643, 646, 692 
Blair, Frederick K., IV, 592 
Blair, Montgomery, I, 68 
Blair, Robert D., IV, 341 
Blair, Roger P., IV, 394 
Blake, lid ward H., V, 369 
Blake, Stanley, III, 59 
Blakely, Stephens L., Ill, 225 
Bland, Ballard, V, 621 
Bland, Thomas K., V, 166 
Bland, Willard C. V, 284 
Blastock, Alfred 11., IV, 155 
Blastock Brothers, IV, 155 
Blastock, Robert S., IV, 155 
Bledsher, Abraham, I, 96 
Bledsoe, Jesse, I, 6H; II. 587, 637, 755, 

1056, 1083, 1088 
Blennerhassett, Herman, I, 435, 453, 455 
Blennerhassett's Island, I, 440 
Blevins, A. F., IV, 619 
Blockade of the South, II. 868 
Blockhouse Bottom, I, 159 
Bloom, Isadore M., IV, 47 
Bloomfield, Vic, III, 341 

Blount, William, I, 374 

Blue, Bartlett W., Ill, 184 

Blue Grass region, I, 245, 288, 295, 493, 
524, 538; II, 593, 740, 821, 929, 940, 
%(>. W4. 1III9. ll.Sd; exports, II, 742, 
freight rates, II, 932 

Blue-Jacket, Charles, I, 128 

Blue-Jacket Family, I, 119 

Blue Lick Springs, II, 792 

Blue Licks. I. 13. 180. 185; II, 1041 

Blue Licks, Battle of, I, 188, 191; II, 1046 

Blue Licks, Upper, I, 20O 

Blue Ridge, I, 43 

Blythe, James, I, 528; II, 1052, 1053 

Board of Education of Campbcllsville, V, 

Board, Milton, III, 112 

Board of Health, II, 993 

Board of War, I, 384 

Boardman, J. Elmer, IV, 483 

Boards of Trade, military, II, 879 

Boat building, I, 490 

Bodley, Thomas, I, 314, 320 

Bodlev vs. Gaither. II. 67(1 

Bogaert, Edwin, III, 392 

BofTardus, O. A., IV, 434 

Boggess, Walter F.. IV, 230 

Boggs, Joseph S., Ill, 468 

Bohan, Michael, V, 39 

Bohannan, Thomas, III, 398 

Bohmer, Charles, II, 1181 

Bohmcr, C. W., Ill, 84 

Boiling Springs. I. 165, 201 

Boland, B. J., V, 279 

Boling, James P., V, 103 

Bonar, Douglas S., IV, 235 

Bond, Bolivar, V, 489 

Bond, James R., V, 632 

Bond, W. W., V, 545 

Bondurant, Joe S., V, 338 

Bonta Brothers, IV, 256 

Bonta, J. C. B., IV, 256 

Book-shops, I, 531 

Booles, William W., V, 171 

Boone County, I, 85; II, 1100, 1103 
Boone, Daniel, I, 10, 13, 62, 74, 114, 149, 
160, 162, 175, 180, 185, 186, 188, 190, 194, 
196, 200, 201, 214, 292, 293, 490; II, 656, 
657, 746, 1021, 1035, 1103, 1197, 1205; 
birthplace of, view, II, 1037; portrait 
of, II, 771, 1045 
Boone, Israel, I, 193, 194 
Boonesborough, I, 164, 165, 167, 175, 180, 
201, 216, 219, 289, 297; II, 657, 771, 
1040, 1043, 1169 
Boone's Cave, I, 201 
Boone's Monjment, I. 491; 11. BUS 
Boone's Station, I, 201 
Boone's Trail, I, 164 
Border Slave State Convention. II. 854, 

Border w.irfare. II. 8')4 
Borders, Joe H., 1, 129 
Borders, John, I, 134, 141, 152 
Hosier. William \.. IV, 648 
Bosley, Joseph G., Ill, 263 
Bosley's Station. I, 201 
Bosse, Herman B., Ill, 115 
Boston, John B., Ill, 565 
Boston, William A., IV, 135 
Bosworth, Joe F., V, 84 
Bosworth, Nathaniel 1.., 1\', l-'4 



Botetourt County, II, 1099 

Botts, Laurel W., Ill, 176 

Boughner, G. F., V, 500 

Boundary Commission of 1820, I, 520 

Boundary disputes, I, 516 

Boundary questions, II, 1000 

Bounties, I, 507 

Bourbon County, I, 194, 202, 281, 291, 301, 
502, 539; II, 685, 762, 1103 

Botirbon County Agricultural and Me- 
chanical Association, II, 741 

Bourland, William E., Ill, 168 

Bourne, Edgar D., V, 167 

Bourne, H. K., II, 1186 

Bowles, Colbert C, IV, 380 

Bowles, I. N., V, 530 

Bowling Green, II, 611, 731, 880, 888, 900, 

Bowling, T. H., Ill, 416 

Bowling, Wiley, IV, 546 

Bowling, William K., II, 767 

Bowman, Abram, I, 201 

Bowman, Anna Belle, V, 59 

Bowman Family, V, 59 

Bowman, Henry C, Jr., V, 59 

Bowman, John, I, 173, 175, 181 

Bowman, John B., II, 992, 1058 

Bowman, Joseph, I, 177 

Bowman, Sally, V, 59 

Bowman, Squire P., Ill, 34 

Bowman, William R., Ill, 314 

Bowman's Station, I, 201 

Boxley, Hart M., V, 28 

Boyd County, II, 1102, 1103 

Boyd, Frank P., V, 557 

Boyd, Linn, II, 1103 

Boyd, Lynn, II, 831 

Boyd, Morgan C, III, 178 

Boyle County, I, 203; II, 976, 1102, 1103 

Boyle, Jerry T., II, 878, 889, 905 

Boyle, John, II, 646, 775, 1103; V, 623 

Bracken County, II, 819, 1100, 1103 

Bracken Station, I, 201 

Bracken, William, II, 1103 

Braddock, defeat of, I, 94 

Braddock Trail, I, 126 

Braden, John T., Ill, 35 

Bradford, Daniel, I, 532, 534 

Bradford, Fielding, I, 532 

Bradford, James M., I, 432 

Bradford, John, I, 243, 299, 306, 307, 320, 
330, 399. 532: portrait, I, 533; II, ITS, 
1051, 1052; V, 625 

Bradford, Laban J., II, 1173 

Bradley, Alfred, V, 20 

Bradley, Ernest B., Ill, 298 

Bradley, Robert L., V, 187 

Bradley, William O., II, 1002, 1007, 1014, 
1072, 1080, 1086, 1088, 1207 

Bradner, James W., IV, 591 

Bradshaw, Beverly L., V, 526 

Bradshaw, W. F., IV, 390 

Bradshaw, W. F., Jr., IV, 390 

Brady, John H., IV, 324 

Bragg, John R., IV, 537 

Bragg's invasion, II, 881, 892 

Bramblett, Covington U., V, IS 

Bramlctte, Thomas E., II. 864, 874, 879, 
894, 897, 903, 907, 910, 960, 1072, 1077 

Brandeis, Alfred, IV, 68 

Brandeis, Louis, D., IV, 69 

Brandon, George I., V, 389 

Vol. 1—2 

Brandon, Robert W„ V, 390 

Branham, Noah, I, 128 

Brashear's Station, I, 201 

Brasher. Richard F., IV, 44 

Braswell, Tilford A., V, 634 

Bratcher, Andrew J., Ill, 492 

Braun, Harry A., IV, 218 

Breathitt County, II, 992, 993, 1101, 1103. 

Breathitt, James, IV, 102 

Breathitt, John, II, 690, 701, 707, 712, 762, 

763, 770, 843, 1071, 1074, 1103; V, 623 
Breck, Daniel, II, 763; III, 438 
Breck, Robert L., Ill, 438 
Breckinridge, Alexander, I, 215 
Breckinridge, Clifton R., Ill, 20 
Breckinridge County, I, 204; II, 1101, 1103 
Breckinridge, Desha, III, 18 
Breckinridge Family, I, 98; III, 14 
Breckinridge, Henry, III, 20 
Breckinridge, James D., II, 646 
Breckinridge, John, I, 214, 242, 313, 316, 
320, 330, 339, 350, 352, 354, 391, 397, 
401, 414, 417, 421, 428, 429. 431, 437, 
473; II, 1051, 1063, 1082, 1089, 1103, law 
office of, at Cabell's Dale (view), I, 
Breckinridge, Hon. John, III, 14 
Breckinridge, Rev. John, III, 16 

Breckinridge, John C, II, 843, 844, 849, 
852, 889, 903, 962, 1001, 1053, 1060, 1063, 
1065, 1084, 1089, 1144; portrait, II, 851; 
III, 15 

Breckinridge, Joseph C, II, 586, 587, 1054 

Breckinridge, Hon., Joseph C, III, 15 

Breckinridge, Major Joseph C, III, 20 

Breckinridge, Madeline McD., Ill, 19 

Breckinridge, Robert, I, 95, 253, 307, 342, 

Breckinridge, Robert J., II, 637, 737, 764, 
766, 795, 800, 814, 818, 835, 844, 847, 
855, 877, 897, 903, 920, 1067 

Breckinridge, Judge Robert J., Ill, 18 

Breckinridge, Rev. Robert J., Ill, 16 

Breckinridge, William L., II, 814; III, 17 

Breckinridge, W. C. P., II, 1060; III, 18 

Brennan, Harry M., Ill, 103 

Brennan, Thomas, III, 103 

Brewer, Floyd, V, 595^ 

Bridge across Ohio River, II, 966 

Bridges, William W., V, 525 

Briggs, Annie L., IV, 433 

Briggs, Benjamin F., V, 270 

Briggs, George L., IV, 432 

Briggs, Guy H., Ill, 403 

Briggs, J. B.. IV, 433 

Bright, Betty F., Ill, 291 

Bright, Mary E., Ill, 291 

Briscoe, John, II, 619 

Bristow, Benjamin H., V, 620 

British influence on frontier, I, 359 

Broaddus, William W., V, 64 

Brock, Remus N., Ill, 598 

Brock, William B., Ill, 299 

Brodhead, Lucas, III, 437 

Brooks, Basil M., V, 391 

Brooks, David F., IV, 345 

Brooks, Ebenezer, I, 234, 258, 261, 303 

Brooks, Frank D., Ill, 324 

Brooks, Jared, I, 497 

Brooks, Osie H., IV, 392 

Brooks, Samuel C, IV, 117 

Browder, Joe, V, 261 



Brower, Charles F., III. 335 

Brown, Augustus, III, 329 

Brown, Benjamin Gratz, I, 6S; II, 1059 

Brown, Charles A., I V, 61 1 

Brown, Charles C, III, 33 

Brown, Ellen, III, 338 

Brown, Eli H., Jr., Ill, 169 

Brown, Henry R., Ill, 337 

Brown, James, I, 333, 343, 429, 469; II, 

755, 1052 
Brown. James B., II. 1185; IV, 54 
Brown, James G., Ill, 146 
Brown. John, I, 242, 252, 254, 258, 264, 

270. 273, 277. 279. 285, 298, 300, 303, 

316, .124. 338. 357. 377, 436, 438, 469; 

II, 1055. 11)82. 1089 
Brown, John. III. 75 
Brown. John. IV. 379 
Brown. John, raid. II. 852 
Brown, John M., II. 903. 905 
Brown, John S., IV, 364 
Brown, John T., IV, 217 
Brown, John Y., II, 1006, 1009, 1072, 1080 
Brown, J. Sam, V, 311 
Brown, Joseph L., V, 275 
Brown, Martin J., Ill, 127 
Brown, Robert B., V, 286 
Brown, Robert 11., IV, 483 
Brown, Robinson S.. V, 63 
Brown, Samuel, II, 1052 
Brown, Samuel H., V, 532 
Brown, Scott, V, 176 
Brown, Wallace, V, 289 
Brown, Williain, IV, 255 
Brown, William N.. Jr., V, 143 
Browning Brothers, IV, 150 
Browning, James H., IV, 133 
Browning, John W., IV, 150 
Browning, Kenaz A., IV, 150 
Brownsville, II, 899 
Bruce, Edwin T., IV, 333 
Bruce, Helm, IV, 75 
Bruce, Horatio W., V, 625 
Bruce, Sanders, 11, 905 
Brumlcy, Merritt C, IV, 509 
Bruner, B. L., II, 1015 
Brush, George W., II, 764 
Bryan, Albert G., Ill, 350 
Bryan, Clarence 1'".. III. 527 
Bryan, John, II, 762 
Bryan, Joseph, I, 201 
Bryan, William J.. II, 993 
Bryant, Ethel G., V, 422 
Bryant, Jesse T., V, 628 
Bryant, Raleigh D., Ill, 87 
Bryant. Shephard H.. V. 421 
Bryant's Station. I, 183, 185, 195, 201, 216, 

397; view, 1, 201; II, 1046 
Buchanan. James, II. 847 
Buchanan, John, I, 11 
Buchanan's Station, I, 201 
Buckingham, Claude, IV, 482 
Buckingham, John E., IV, 588 
Buckley, John L., Ill, 97 
Buckner, Montgomery G., Ill, 323 
Buckner, Richard A., II, 647 
Buckner, R. A., II, 699, 702 
Buckner, Simon B., II, 880, 885, 887, 1001, 

1(102. liid.K. 1(172, 1078, 1144; portrait, 

II, 1003; III, 23 
Buckner, William T., V, 320 
Buel, Don Carlos, II, 885, 889, 892, 899 

Buena Vista, battle of, II, 826 

Buffalo, I, 149 

Buford, Abe, II, 1144 

Buford's Division, II, 1153 

Bulger, Edward, I, 193 

Bulger, John, I, 193 

Bullitt, Alexander S., I, 257, 270, 284, 307, 
400; II, 1103 

Bullitt County, I. 201; II, 1100, 1103 

Bullitt Familv. III. 26 

Bullitt, Joshua F., II, 916 

Bullitt. Thomas, I, 162, 202. 206, 217, 218 

Bullitt, Thomas W., Ill, 27 

Bullitt, William M., Ill, 27 

Bullitt's Lick, I, 202 

Bullock. Edmond. II, 1055 

Bullock, Edward T., V, 35 

Bullock, Franklin A., Ill, 359 

Bullock, Joseph J., II, 764 

Bullock, Rice, I, 253 

Bullock, Robert S., Ill, 359 

Bullock, Waller O., IV, 192 

"Bunting," III, 81 

Burberry, George R., IV, 212 

Burbridge, S. G., II, 90S 

Burchett, Drury J., Ill, 554 

Burdon, Edward O.. V. 436 

Burge, Joseph, III, 270 

Burgess, Thomas D.. V, 554 

Burgoyne, Harry, IV, 177 

Burk, Alamander, IV, 616 

Burk, Millard, V, 319 

Burke, William B., IV, 339 

Burksville, II, 901 

Burley Belt, II, 1180 

Burley Cooperative Association, II, 1184 

Burley Tobacco, II, 1179 

Burley Tobacco District, II, 1019 

Burley Tobacco growers, II, 1170 

Burley Tobacco Growers Association, II, 

Burley Tobacco Growers Cooperative As- 
sociation, officers and directors, II, 1186 

Burnam. C. F., V, 621 

Burnam, Thompson S., II, 1187 

Burnet, Jacob, II, 790 

Burnett, Clyde, IV, 396 

Burnett, Henry, IV, 68 

Burns, Frank N.. V, 602_ 

Hurnside, General, II, 874 

Burnt Station, I, 202 

Burpo. Howard L., V, 32 

Burr, Aaron, I, 438, 528; in Kentucky, I, 
434; indictment sought in l-"rankfort, I, 
444; trial at Frankfort. I, 447; Daviess' 
indictment of, I, 452; II, 1191, 

Burr conspiracy, failure of, I, 453; sequel 
to, I, 457 

Burris, M. T., I, 134, 135 

r.iirni-.s. lacnb. IV. 272 

Burt. Charles W., V, 585 

Burton, Charles H., V, 551 

Burton, George M., IV, 583 

Burton, Lewis W., Ill, 335 

Busby, Elbridge L., IV, 247 

Bush, Enoch R., V, 215 

lUish, James R., Ill, 355 

Bush, Samuel S., Ill, 374 

Bush. Valentine W., V, 315 

Bush, William A., IV, 76 

Bush's Station, I, 202 

Bushong, George W., V, 125 



Buster, John S., IV, 260 

Butcher, John K., IV, 571 

Butler, II, 629 

Butler County, II, 1101, 1103 

Butler, Henry C, V, 314 

Butler, Mann, II, 770 

Butler, Richard, II, 1103 

Butler, William O., II, 824, 826, 831 

Bvbee, James A., V, 538 

Byington, Walter M., IV, 587 

Byland, Robert M., IV, 346 

Bvne's Station, I, 202 

Byrd, Anderson F., Ill, 277 

Byrd, John, I, 11 

Byrd, Roy, III, 560 

Byrd, William, I, 218 

Byron, Arthur T., V, 571 

Byron, William A., V, 148 

Caddell, Marshall C, V, 153 
Cahokia, I, 178 
Cain, C. E., Ill, 515 
Calaway, Colonel, II, 1040 
Caldwell County, II, 1101, 1103 
Caldwell, Isaac, II, 963 
Caldwell, John, II, 1103 
Caldwell, John W., V, 619 
Caldwell, Major, I, 561 
Caldwell, Robert, I, 270 
Caldwell, Samuel D., IV, 520 
Caldwell, William L., Jr., IV, 325 
Calhoun, 11, 899 
Calhoun, George W., V, 68 
Calhoun, John C, II, 923, 950; III, 276 
Call, John W., V, 353 
Callahan, Patrick H., IV, 99 
Callahan, Robert E., V, 416 
Callihan, William R., Ill, 558 
Callis, T. B., V, 609 
^Calloway County, II, 593, 1014, 1101, 1103 
Calloway, William, I, 58 
Calvin, James M., Ill, 453 
Cambron, Charles Z., Ill, 151 
Camden, Johnson N., II, 1015, 1086, 

1089; III, 66 
Campaign of 1824, II, 676 
Campaign of 1836, II, 712 
Campbell, Adam, V, 595 
Campbell, Arthur, II, 1207 
Campbell, Charles, I, 78 
Campbell, Charles D., V, 528 
Campbell County, II, 1100, 1103 
Campbell, Edgar E., Ill, 523 
Campbell, Fallen, IV, 620 
Campbell, Isaac, I, 126 
Campbell, James. II, 1207 
Campbell, John, I, 218, 242; II, 110,^ 
Campbell, John B., II, 1207 
Campbell, John M., V, 432 
Campbell, Joseph B., V, 422 
Campbell, William B., IV, 180 
Campbell, William R., Ill, 191 
Campbell's Station, I, 202 
Camp Boone, II, 887 
Camp Dick Robinson, II, 886, 899 
Camp Goggin, II, 899 
Camp Jo Holt, II, 886 
Camp Knox, I, 202 
Camp-meeting, I, 538; II, 793 
Camp Underwood, II, 899 
Camp Wildcat, II, 899 

Canada, desire to annex, annexation of, 

I, 549, 567 
Canada, James F., Ill, 431 
Canal, around Falls of Ohio at Louisville, 

I, 494 
Canal at Lotjisville, II, 945 
Canals, I. 436: II, 695. 721, 722, 726 
Candler, Charles B., V, 211 
Candler, W. H., IV, 456 
Caneer, Milton L., V, 320 
Cane Ridge Presbyterian Church, I, 539 
Cane Run, I, 202 
Cannaday, James C, III, 126 
Cannon, William L., V, 28 
Caperton, Hugh J., V, 21 
Caperton, John, V, 21 
Caperton, John H., V, 21 
Caperton, Virginia S., V, 21 
Capital, permanent, I, 308 
Capital punishment. I, 313 
Capitol burned, I, 309; permanent, I, 309; 

seat of, II, 1006 
Capitol, Hallway of Old (view), I, 405 
Capitol, Old (view), I, 404 
Capitol Log, I. 307 
Card, Andrew H., V, 503 
Cardin, A. H., II, 1002 
Carey, George B., IV, 112 
Carlisle County, II, 1102, 1103 
Carlisle, John G., II, 980, 982, 1006, 1085, 

1090, 1103 
Carman, Jesse B., Ill, 271 
Carnal, George T., Ill, 131 
Carnegie Public Library of Paducah, V, 

Carolina, Clinchfield & Ohio R. R., II, 

Carothers, Thomas P., Ill, 423 
Carpenter, Frank C, III, 70 
Carpenter, Joseph, I, 534 
Carpenter's Station, I, 202 
Carr, Frank B., Ill, 185 
Carr, John T. M., IV, 134 
Carr, J. D., IV, 37 
Carr, T. B., IV, 37 
Carr, William H., IV, 305 
Carroll, Charles, II, 1103 
Carroll Countv, II, 1101, 1103 
Carroll, John D., IV, 589 
Carroll, Tarlton C, IV, 554 
Carrollton, I, 208 
Carter, Allen R., Ill, 145 
Carter County, I, 117; II, 746, 1101, 1103 
Carter, Ellerbe W., IV, 18 
Carter, Herman T., V, 109 
Carter, James, I, 234 
Carter, James C, V, 300 
Carter, James L., Ill, 47 
Carter, John B., V, 519 
Carter, John H., Ill, 193 
Carter, John H., Jr., Ill, 194 
Carter, John W., III. 220 
Carter, Joseph C, V, 39 
Carter, Lillard H., V. 174 
Carter, Robert, I, 67 
Carter, William F., IV, 236 
Carter, William G., II, 1103 
Cartwright, Peter, I, 538 
Cartwright's Station, I, 202 
Caruthers, A. O., Ill, 435 
Carver, Charles J. P., V, 308 



Cary, Glover H., IV, 222 

Gary, Graddy, IV, 55 

Cary, Kemus G., IV, 222 

Cary, Sydney S., Ill, 201 

Casebolt, Solomon B., V, 31 

Casey County, II, lUtl, 1103 

Casey, William, II, 1103 

Casey's Station. I, 2i^2 

Cason, Albert, IV, 283 

Cassell, GcofRe K., IV, 194 

Cassell. Robert L., Ill, 299 

Cassell, William IL, IV, 193 

Cassidy, Clifton \V., IV, 515 

Cassidy, J. Ernest, IV, 132 

Cassidy, Massillon A., IV, 329 

Cassidy, Michael, I, 202 

Cassidy, Thomas D., Ill, 152 

Cassidv's Station. I, 202 

Casteei, Abram, III. 518 

Castlcman, John B., V, 24 

Cate, James H., IV, 85 

Cathoh'c Chnrch, I, 535 

Catholic Parish at Henderson, V, 279 

Catlett, Colonel, I, 42 

Catlett, Robert E., V, 572 

CatlettsburK. II, 7M 

Cato, Charles F., V, 545 

Catron, William M., IV, 449 

Cattle, in Bliie Grass region, II, 740 

Cattle shows, II, 740 

Cave, Edward A., IV, 415 

Cave Gap, I, 62 

Caves of Kentucky, II, 1023 

Cawcin, Madison, IV, 643 

Cawood, Stephen M., V, 517 

Cawood, William P., IV, 388 

Caylor, Will H., Ill, 515 

Cecil, Charles L., V, 67 

Centner, Joseph A., IV, 481 

Central Kentucky, I, 288. 298; II, 958, 
965. 969. 982; an ally of Cincinnati, II, 
951; early taverns and travelers in. II, 

Centre College, II, 755, 802 

Chalmers' Division, II, 1153 

C^hambers, Dawson, II, 1187 

Chambers, Hugh, III, 552 

Chambers, John M., IV, 437 

Champlin, Green H., V, 261) 

Chandler, Frank, IV, 440 

Chandler, John H., V, 009 

Chandler, V. O.. V, 372 

Chancy, Robert J., Ill, 259 

(hapman. Nathaniel. I. 67 

Chapman. Virgil M.. IV, .1^1 

Chap|)ell, John S., Ill, 442 

(iharitable institutions, II, 779 

(barters, II, 982 

Chatteroi, I, 11 

Chanmiere, I, 524 

Chenault, Christopher D., Ill, 75 

Chenault, Sarah G. H., Ill, 74 

Chenault, Mrs. Christopher D., Ill, 74 

Chenoweth, James S., IV, 30 

Cherokee Indians, I, 3, 21, 52, 94, 111, 
128, l.-i9; treaty of 177(1, I, 54; treaty 
of 1805, I, 55; treaty of 1775, I, 163 

Cherokee River, I, 12 

Chesapeake & Ohio Railroad, II. 7?,3, 

Chew, Colby, I, 58, 97 

Chickasaw, treaty of 1805, I, 55 

Chickasaws, II, 592 

Chief Charles Blue-Jacket, I, 120 

Childers, Joel E., V, 187 

Childress, Flemmon, III, 480 

Childress, William J., V, 208 

Child labor, II, 993 

Chiles, Lanilon T.. IV, 601 

Chilton, John B., Ill, 417 

Chinn, Asa C, III, 175 

Chipman, Noah B., V, 219 

Choctaw Academy, II, 783 

Cholera, II, "SO. 752, 769, 1078 

Christian Church, I, 540 

Christian County, II, 1100, 1103 

Christian, George, IV, 20 

Christian, James W., Ill, 260 

Christian, Mary K., Ill, 262 

Christian, William, II, 1103 

Churches, I, 526, 534; after Great Re- 
vival, 1. 54(1; and slavery, I, 542; II, 

Church schisms, I, 539 

Church schools, II, 755 

Churchill, James H., V, 108 

Cincinnati and the Southern Trade, II, 
937; during Civil War, II, 939; bond 
issue for building railroad at, II, 955 

Cincinnati & Chattanooga Railroad, II, 

Cincinnati, Lexington & East Tennessee 
Railroad, II, 952 

Cincinnati Short Line, II, 943 

Cincinnati Southern Railroad, II, 734, 
738, 919, 948, 998; rights-of-way. II, 
960; resolutions for, II, 971; in Con- 
gress, II, 973; construction of, II, 983 

Cincinnati Southern Railroad bill, II, 
962; vote on (schedule), II, 974; bill 
passed, II, 982 

Circuit Courts, I, 480 

City Bonds for Railroad building, II, 954 

City Library, Lexington (view), II, 994; 
city schools of Dawson Springs, V, 

Civic Pride, I, 527 

Civil Liberty, II, 1061 

Civil Rights Bill, II, 912 

Civil War period, II, 853; commerce of 
Kentucky during, II, 868; Kentucky's 
geographic position in, II, 864; divi- 
sion of sympathy in Kentucky, II, 874; 
military measures, II, 88.S; Union 
camps, II, 886; battles in Kentucky, II, 
888; arrests for disloyalty, II, 889; 
local disorders, II, 895; military move- 
ments in Kentucky, II, 899; Confed- 
erate organizations and guerillas, II, 
903; effects of, II, 906; eflect on trade 
relations, II, 923; list of battles in Ken- 
tucky, II, 1155; officers from Kentucky 
in, II, 1114 

Claggett, Charles E., Ill, 441 

Claiborne, James J., IV, 45 

Clark, Champ, II, 894. 1059 

Clark County, I, 74, 408; II, 1021, 1100, 

1105, 1169 
Clark, Daniel, I, 437 
Clark, Edsell, IV. 477 
Clark, Edward, III, ISO 
Clark, Francis, 1, 535 
Clark, Frank S., Ill, 58 
Clark, George M., Ill, 391 



Clark, George Rogers, I, 34, 169, 170, 
173, 175, 182, 185, 193, 215. 218, 222, 
276, 277, 292, 323, 324, 333, 342, 559; 
campaign of 1778-79, I. 176; and the 
French Enterprise, I, 325; (portrait) I, 
326; expedition against Spain, I, 336; 
and Louisiana Expedition, I, 361; II, 
1044, 1050, 1105; V, 626 

Clark, George T., V, 254 

Clark, James, II, 623, 712, 763, 803, 1071, 

Clark, James, Jr., IV, 61 

Clark, James B., V. 596 

Clark, John, Cabin (view) I, 313 

Clark, John W., V, 137 

Clark, Reuben M., IV, 165 

Clark, Robert L., Ill, 98 

Clarke Roy P., V, 34 

Clark, Thomas L., Ill, 594 

Clark, William, I, 387 

Clark, William C, V, 156 

Clark, William E., Ill, 325 

Clark, William F., IV, 223 

Clark's Station, I, 202 

Clarke, Beverly L., II, 846 

Clarke, Ernest S., Ill, 465 

Clarke, Frank H., Ill, 203 

Clarke, Marcus J., IV, 361 

Clarke, Robert, I, 234 

Clay, Cassitis M., II, 810, 812, 813, 819, 
826, 843, 1006, 1059; V, 276 

Clay, Cassius M., Jr., II, 1005 

Clay, Charles D., Ill, 10 

Clay, Charlton A., V, 274 

Clay County, II, 746, 1101, 1105 

Clay, Ezekiel F., Ill, 56 

Clay Family, III, 4 

Clay, George H., Ill, 10 

Clay, Green, I, 270, 558, 559; II, 1105; 
V, 626 

Clay, Henry I, 214, 430, 438, 447, 455, 461, 
463, 476, 478, 512, 523, 542, 547, 549, 
553, 566, 568; II, 580, 583, 587, 615, 620, 
629, 650, 660, 663, 664, 674, 677, 698, 
718, 722, 730. 732, 755, 796, 803, 814. 
823, 828, 830, 839, 843, 1053, 1082, 1090, 
1190; on slavery, I, 394; on Federal 
affairs I, 410; Kentucky's favorite son, 
II, 676; secures election of J. Q. 
Adams, II, 678; return to Kentucky, 
II, 680; and Adams party, II, 683; in 
campaign of 1828, II, 684; tariff cham- 
pion, II, 693; election to Senate, II, 
701; and the Whig Party, II, 717; and 
Tyler. II, 718; letter to Richard Pin- 
dell, II, 813. 814; attitude on the Texas 
question. II. 824; death of, II, 841; 
influence on political opinion in Ken- 
tucky, II, 1061; (portraits), II. 1062; 
home of (view). II, 1064; defense of 
Jefferson, II, 1065; III, 4 

Clay, Henry ("Harry"), III, 8 

Clay (The Henry) Fire Insurance Com- 
pany, IV, 204 

Clay, James B., II, 811, 889; III, 6 

Clay, Capt. James B., Ill, 8 

Clay, John M., Ill, 314 

Clay, Lucretia H., Ill, 5 

Clay, Miss Lucretia H., Ill, 9 

Clay, Mrs. Henry, I, 68 

Clay, Mrs. John M., IV, 314 

Clay Monument (Henry), (view), II, 

Clay, Samuel, II, 1186 
Clay, Susan M. J., III. 7 
Clay. Thomas J.. III. 10 
Clay, William R.. V. 296 
Claypool. Roy. V. 474 
Clayton, Alexander A., IV, 512 
Clear's Station, I, 202 
Cleaver. Thomas F.. V, 119 
Clements, Gerald S., IV, 248 
Clements, LaVega, IV, 248 
Clements, Martin J., Ill, 187 
Clemmons, Rankin. IV, 124 
Cleveland, Fannie, III, 189 
Cleveland, George, III, 339 
Cleveland, Horace W., Ill, 189 
Clinch River, I, 6. 59, 95 
Cline, Harry E., Ill, 284 
Cline, Henry, IV, 177 
Cline, H. M., Ill, 524 
Cline, John S., V, 36 
Clines, Thomas D., IV, 19 
Clinton County. I. 55; II, 1101, 1105 
Clinton, DeWitt, II, 1105 
Cloud, H. D., Ill, 173 
Clutts, George A., V, 527 
Coal, I, 63, 74, 96; II. 746, 920, 924, 997 
Coal Field, Eastern, II, 1025; Western, 

II, 1022, 1028 
Coal mines, II, 999 
Coal mining, II, 998 
Coals River. I, 48 
Coates, Thomas J., Ill, 246 
Cobb, Irvin S., IV, 496 
Cobb, Richard, IV, 427 
Coburn, John, I, 234 
Cochran, Andrew M. J., Ill, 590 
Cochran, Horace J.. III. 584 
Cochran. Raymond A., III. 214 
Cochran. Robert A., III. 590 
Cochran. Robert A.. Sr.. Ill, 588 
Cochran, Sam P., IV, 624 
Cochran, Thomas H., Ill, 482 
Cochran, William D., Ill, 607 
Cockrell, Laban B., IV, 292 
Code Duello, I, 478 
Code, penal, I, 314 
Coffman, Edward F., V, 512 
Coffman, Edward K., Ill, 148 
Cognets, Louis des, IV, 127 
Coil. Thomas L., V, 494 
Coil, \V. D., IV, 621 
Coit, Thomas W., II, 1058 
Colbert, Richard J., IV, 170 
Cole, Andrew E., V, 154 
Cole, Charles D., V, 501 
Cole, Jack, V, 154 
Cole, James O., IV, 504 
Coleman, Clarence T., V, 184 
Coleman, John, Sr., IV, 357 
Coleman, Robert M., Ill, 353 
Coleman, Thomas C. V, 154 
Coleman, Thomas H., V, 295 
Coleman, William H., IV, 357 
Coleman, W. L., V, 581 
Collier, D. Grant, III, 241 
Collings, John H., V, 412 
Collins, Harry M., Ill, 470 
Collins, John T., II, 1184 
Collins, J. Walter, V, 485 



Collins, Lewis, II, 770; V, 625 

Collins, Marshall M., IV, 595 

Collins, Richard H., II, 770; V, 625 

Collins, Robert L., IV, 515 

Collins' Station, I, 202 

Colson, D. G., II, 1207 

Columbus, II, 874, 875, 887, 899; seized 
by Confederates, II, 858 

Colville, Hugh P., IV, 470 

Combs, Ballard F., IV, 463 

Combs, James F., IV, 554 

Combs, John C. B., IV, 164 

Combs, Leslie, 11, 730, 751, 822, 829, 843, 
852; III, 20 

Combs, M. E., Ill, 522 

Combs, Stephen, Jr., V, 553 

Combs, Thomas A., IV, 199 

Combs, Waller G., Ill, 259 

Commerce with New Orleans, I, 246 

Commerce with outside regions, I, 301; 
in 1800, I, 499; of state, direction of, 
II, 743; in slaves, II, 797; and com- 
mercial restrictions in war times, II, 

Commercial conventions, II, 925 

Commercial relations between the Ohio 
Valley and the South, II, 922 

Commercial traveler, II, 924 

Commes (Mrs.) William, I, 304 

Common schools, I, 529; II, 753, 757, 
761, 989 

Common school system, beginning of, 
II, 766 

Communication, I, 297 

Compromise of 1850, II, 839, 842, 844 

Compromise tariff, II, 705 

Compulsory Education Law, II, 989 

Comstock, L. E., Ill, 606 

Concord Presbyterian Church, I, 539 

Conestoga wagons, II, 1190 

Confederate Army, general officers in, 
from Kentucky, II, 1144 

Confederate camps and recruiting sta- 
tions, II, 887; element, II, 1001; forces 
in Kentucky, II, 901 

Confederate General and stafT officers 
appointed from Kentucky, II, 1145 

Confederate Kentucky, II, 888 

Confederate script, II, 877 

Confederate States Army, Kentucky, II, 

Confederate soldiers after the war, II, 

Confederate sympathizers, II, 874 

Confederate trade policy, II, 871 

Confederates, former, return to leader- 
ship, II, 910 

Congleton, Conley, IV, 25 

Conglcton, Lee, IV, 25 

Congleton, W. T., V, 290 

Conley, Constantine, Jr., Ill, 50 

Conley, Henry C. H., IV, 566 

Conley, Milton F., IV, 579 

Conly, I'rank J., V, 402 

Connelly, Harmon, I, 149 

Connelly, Henry, III, 49 

Connelly, Capt. Henry, III, 49 

Connelly, Thomas, III, 49 

Connelly, Thomas (2), III, 49 

Connelley, William E„ III, 48 

Connolly, Frank A., IV, 447 

Connolly, John, I, 162, 218, 271 

Connolly, William H., IV, 446 
Connolly, Winston M., IV, 446 
Connor, Charles W., V, 433 
Consensus of opinion, I, 227 
Constitution and The Union, I, 279 
Constitution, First, I, 282; makers of, I, 
284; put into operation, I, 307; Second, 

I, 390; supremacy of, II, 635; Third, 

II, 821; new, II, 842; Fourth, II. 1004 
Constitution of 1849 on Slavery, II, 817 
Constitution of 1850, II, 1004 
Constitutional Convention, I, 278, 280, 

4tK); II, 767, 813, 832, 1004; vote on, 

I, 394 
Constitutional reform, I, 399 
Constitutional Union party, II, 852 
Conventions of 1785, members of, I, 234; 

of 1788, I, 256; of November, 1788, I, 

264; Eighth, I, 274; Ninth, I, 278; for 

separate state, I, 226; Statehood, 

Eighth and Ninth, I, 269 
Conway, John W., Ill, 195 
Conway, Robert H., V, 612 
Conway, Will F., IV, 301 
Conycrs, Ottis, V, 229 
Cook, G. M., V, 604 
Cook, John M., V, 556 
Cook, Robert A., IV, 110 
Cook, William I., IV, 100 
Cook, William N., IV, 495 
Cooke, Isaac B., IV, 571 
Cool, William, II, 1035 
Coolcy, Harry N., IV, 464 
Coombs, Samuel, V, 394 
Coons, Elijah, IV, 579 
Cooper, Damon M., IV, 240 
c:ooper, James H., Ill, 302 
Cooper, M. Lindsey, IV, 342 
Cooper, Mrs. Wallace, III, 294 
Cooper's Station, I, 202 
Cooperative tobacco marketing, II, 1171, 

Coppin, William, III, 99 
Corbin, Abraham F"., Jr., IV, 199 
Corbin, Joshua M., IV, 197 
Cord, R. I., Ill, 427 
Cornett, Arthur B., V, 227 
Cornctt, William M., V, 307 
Corn Island, I, 202; (view), I, 203 
Cornstalk, I, 118 
Corum, George T., IV, 236 
Corwin, Thomas, I, 296 
Corwin, Tom, II, 845 
Cosby, George B., II, 1144 
Cottingham, Carl P., Ill, 152 
Cotton, II, 922 
Cotton factory, I, 501 
Cotton, machine for spinning, I, 503 
Cottrell, Guy J., IV, 482 
Coulter, Donald L., V, 271 
Coulter, Ellis M., Ill, 606 
Counties of Western Virginia, I, 216 
Counties, named for Virginians, I, 294; 

new, I, 290; at statehood, I, 292; in 

1800, I, 489; organized, II, 1099; for 

whom named, II, 1102 
Country party, I, 261 
Country schools, I, 530; II, 756 
Counts, John W., IV, 598 
County Board of Education of Harlan 

County, V, 517 
County Court, I, 216 



County Court Day, II, 75*1 

County of Kentucky, I, 171 

County organization unit of local gov- 
ernment courts, I, 216 

County roads, I, 492 

Courier-Journal, II, 917 

Court of Appeals, I, 310, 400, 458, 480, 
626, 628, 642; impeachment of, I, 311; 
attacks on, I, 482; bill to abolish, II, 
631; reorganization act, II, 631, 646, 
()52. 670, 836, l(l05, 1010 

Court Party, I, 261 

Court procedure, I, 479 

Court question settled, II, 647 

Court of Land Claims, I, 215 

Court of Oyer and Terminer, I. 311 

Court of Quarter Sessions, I, 216 

Courtney, William H., Ill, 197 

Courts, I, 547; II, 615, 623; unpopularity 
of, I, 480; effort to control, II, 628; 
and state rights, II, 650; under Third 
Constitution, II, 836; negro testimony 
in, II, 913 

Courts of Freedman's Bureau, II, 913 

Covington, II, 734, 745, 944, 975 

Cowan, Andrew, IV, 105 

Cowan, Gilbert S., IV, 106 

Cowan, John, II, 1050 

Cowand, Henry D., V, 391 

Cox, Attilla, Jr., Ill, 379 

Cox, Attilla, Sr., Ill, 378 

Cox, Harry L., IV, 636 

Cox, Harry S., Ill, 140 

Cox, Henry M., IV, 448 

Cox, Hugh R., IV, 417 

Cox, Isaac, I, 234 

Cox, Jacob L., V, 352 

Cox, Leonard G., IV, 184 

Cox, Leonard M., Ill, 379 

Cox, Robert L., IV, 431 

Cox, Samuel A., IV, 408 

Cox's Station, I, 202 

Coyle, Maurice D., Ill, 419 

Cozine, Benjamin B., V, 25 

Cozine, John P., V, 25 

Crab Orchard, I, 184, 203, 298, 490; II, 

Crabbe, J. G., II, 990 

Craddock, J. D., II, 1187 

Craddock, John D., IV, 518 

Craft, B. Martin, IV, 402 

Crafton, Robert F., Ill, 269 

Craig, A. W., IV, 224 

Craig, Con W., Ill, 504 

Craig, Elijah, I, 306, 493 

Craig, Frank B., V, 140 

Craig, Jerry, I, 195 

Craig, John, I, 234 

Craig, Lewis, I, 289 

Craig's Station, I, 203 

Craik, Henry N., Ill, 462 

Grain, Charles M., IV, 640 

Cramer, Harry C, III, 172 

Cramer, Willard S., IV, 160 

Crammond, William D., IV, 304 

Crane, George W., V, 149 

Cravens, Timoleon B., V, 128 

Crawford, Hugh, I, 72 

Crawford, John F., Ill, 110 

Crawford, William W., IV, 11 

Craycraft, Fred, IV, 216 

Creal, Charles F., Ill, 318 

Creal, Edward W., Ill, 374 

Creighton, George R., Ill, 221 

Crenshaw, Annie, III, 386 

Crenshaw, Burnie F., Ill, 386 

Crenshaw, John W., V, 51 

Crenshaw, Robert, V, 386 

Cresap, Thomas, I, 67, 69 

Cress, John M., IV, 423 

Cress, William R., Ill, 477 

Crew's Station, I, 203 

Crick, William W., V, 376 

Crim, Frank, V, 8 

Crim, Mary H., V, 8 

Crime, II, 994 

Criminal code, II, 782 

Criminal code, new, I, 314 

Criminal laws, I, 312 

Crimm, Benjamin F., IV, 131 

Crittenden County, II, 1102, 1105 

Crittenden, George B., II, 1144, 1202 

Crittenden, John J., I, 520, 561; II, 587, 

610, 622, 637, 711, 712, 717, 732, 762, 

771, 823, 828, 831, 833, 838, 854, 1050, 

1071, 1076, 1083, 1091, 1105 
Crittenden, William L., II, 786 
Crockett, Joseph, I, 261, 264, 303 
Croghan, George, I, 51, 69, 559 
Crooks, Samuel O., V, 643 
Crosby, Benjamin G., V, 630 
Crosby, David A., IV, 289 
Cross, Dara E., Ill, 140 
Cross, Henry C, V, 506 
Cross Keys Inn, near Shelbyville (view), 

II, 1195 
Crosthwait, William T., IV, 408 
Crouch, Samuel E., V, 515 
Crow, Aubrey F., V, 445 
Crowdus, A. S., Ill, 514 
Crowe, John M., IV, 327 
Crow's Station, I, 203 
Cruse, George C, IV, 431 
Crutcher, Mary, V, 287 
Cuba, II, 785 

Cuban Independence, II, 786 
Culver, J. M., V, 279 
Cumberland College, II, 756 
Cumberland County, I, 55; II, 746, 1100, 

Cumberland Ford, I, 60 
Cumberland Gap, I, 7, 60, 160, 161, 288, 

379; II, 708, 726. 742, 1203; (view), II, 

1198; in the Civil War, II, 1201 
Cumberland Gap Region, manners and 

customs of the people, II, 1197 
Cumberland Gap Road, I, 489, 490, 492 
Cumberland, Maryland, I, 67 
Cumberland Mountain, I, 7, 115 
Cumberland Road, II, 696 
Cumberland Presbyterian branch, I, 540 
Cumberland River, I, 7; II, 868, 876, 1039 
Cummings, James F., V, 370 
Cummins, Thomas W., Ill, 405 
Cunagim, William, III, 242 
Cundifif, Lewis W., V, 300 
Curd, John C, III, 388 
Curlin, Charles W., Ill, 489 
Currency, I, 511 
Curry, Lathey E., V, 426 
Curry, Nathaniel L., V, 349 
Curtis, Henry E., IV, 150 
Curtis, William T., V, 484 
Curtis' Station, I, 203 



Cuttawa River, I, 73 

Cynthiana, II, 734, 745, 746, 893, 903, 1194 

Dabney, James P., Ill, 423 

Dabney, Thomas C, V. 388 

Dabolt, Fred P., Ill, 85 

Daily, Henry J., V. 561 

Daingerfield, Bessie P., V, 27 

Daingerdold, Elizabeth, V, 26 

Daingerticid, Foxhall A., V, 26 

Dale, George L., IV, 109 

Dale, William P., IV, 24 

Dalton, Wesley P., IV, 108 

Damon, C. C, IV, 544 

Damon, William F., IV, 507 

Danforth, George L., IV, 5 

Daniel I'.oone ^lonumcnt (view), I, 491; 

II. 11145 
Daniel, Dewey, IV, 592 
Daniel, Green V., IV, 436 
Danville, I, 203, 227, 289, 296, 298, 309, 

501, 533, 535; II, 734, 755, 781, 901, 918, 

Danville Academy, II, 755 
Danville convention, address to people, 

I, 229 

Danville conventions, I, 227 

Danville, Fourth convention, I, 237 

Danville Political Club, I, 254, 280, 284, 
303, 378; II, 635 

"Dark and Bloody Ground," I, 1 

Darnall, Paul D., Ill, 590 

Dartmouth College case, I, 512 

Darwinian theory, II, 993 

Dasher, George F., Ill, 525 

Daugherty, Charles G., V, 171 

Daugherty, Frank E., IV, 498 

Davenport, Edward, III, 408 

Davidge, Raziri, II, 646 

Davidge, R. H., II, 631 

Davidson, Harry A., IV, 234 

Davidson, Robert, II, 1058 

Daviess County, I, 455; II, 746, 1101, 

Daviess, Joseph H., I, 443, 444, 446, 447, 
45S, 473, 548; career after Burr trial, 
1 455; II, 1061, 1105 

laviess' Station, I, 203 

I^avis, Aniplias W., V, 306 

Davis, Briuton B., IV, 26 

Davis, C. T., Ill, 217 

Davis, E. O., V, 327 

Davis, Garrett, II, 817, 823, 837, 856, 914, 
970, 975, 977, 978, 1084, 1091 

Davis, George R., IV, 215 

Davis, George W., IV, 215 

Davis, Guy, V, 439 

Davis, James S., II, 819 

Davis, Jefferson, II, 656, 1059; (por- 
traits), II, 857; birthplace of (view), 

II, 886 

Davis, John B., IV, 144 
Davis, John D., V, 232 
Davis, John W., IV, 404 
Davis, Luther II., IV, 11 
Davis, Martha R., IV, 329 
Davis, Morris M., Ill, 135 
Davis Station, I, 203 
Davis, William L., IV, 10 
Davis, Wniiam T., V, 499 
Dawson, Charles I., IV, 328 
Dawson, George W., IV, 213 

Dawson, Joseph R., V, 559 

Dawson, William D., Ill, 431 

Day, Douglas I., V, 636 

Day, Isaac N., V, 492 

Day, James E., V, 495 

Day, Meizi M., V, 495 

Dean, John A., Ill, 315 

Dean, Silas, I, 167 

Deboe, William J., II, 1007, 1085, 1091 

DeBord, James T. S., V, 274 

DeBord, Samuel J., V, 500 

DcBord, W'illiam M., V, 507 

Debt, imprisonment for, II, 614 

Debtors, relief laws, II, 608 

Debts, postponement of, II, 609 

Degeneracy, II, 1022 

Dcglow, Adolphus A., IV, 308 

Deibel, Henry, V, 528 

De Jarnette, A. G., V, 222 

Delaney, Ida M., IV, 472 

Delany's Ferry, I, 309 

Delaware Indians, I, 17; history of, I, 

Democratic clubs, I, 318 
Democratic party, in the West, I, 472; 

triumphs of 1856, II, 849 
Democratic societies, I, 346 
Democratic Society at Lexington, I, 330 
Democratic Society of Bourbon County, 

I, 391 

Democratic Society of Kentucky, I, 321, 

Democratic Union Conservatives, II, 915, 

Democrats, II, 692, 716, 908, 1000, 1014; 

in control in 1865, II, 909 
Democrats State Convention of 1830, II, 

Democracy of the frontier, I, 315 
Dempsey, Lewis, V, 568 
Denham, Benjamin F"., V, 119 
Denhardt, William J., IV, 634 
Dennert, Henry, V, 384 
Denney, J. C, V, 431 
Denny, Coleman P., IV, 506 
Denominational schools, II, 756 
Denton, Albert S., Ill, 120 
Denton, Dudley E., V, 192 
Denton, Harry M., Ill, 73 
Denton, J. Frank, III, 463 
Denton, John T., Ill, 397 
Department of Geology and Forestry, II, 

De Pauw, Charles, I, 329 
Depp, Candor G., IV, 603 
Desha, Joseph, I, 561; II, 622, 629, 630, 

655, 670, 722, 760, 112, 887, 1071, 1074 
Development, by pioneers, I, 212; of 1775- 

1792, I, 297; during the Middle Period, 

II. 7.W; .ilfetted by slavery, II, 796 
Devcnny, Thomas, V, 298 

Dicken, William A., IV, 503 
Dickens, Charles, II, 791 
Dickenson, Luther T., IV, 569 
Dickson, Emmett M., IV, 41 
Dickson, Henry, I, 128, 148 
Dillard, Ryland T., II, 764 
Dineen, Mary, IV, 369 
Dineen, Michael, IV, 368 
Dingiis, William, V, 448 
Dinwiddie, Robert, I, 67 
Disasters, II, 993 



Discovery and exploration of the Ohio 

country, I, 40 
Discriminations in rate-makings, II, 934 
Disease, II, 750, 993 
Dishman, S. B., V, 423 
Disloyal element, II, 898 
Distillery business, II, 988 
Distilling, I, 503 
District courts, I, 311 
District of Kentucky, I, 216, 226, 252 
Divorce bills, II, 834 
Divorces, II, 836 
Dixon, Archibald, II, 735, 842, 844, 1082, 

1091; V, 362 
Dixon, Archibald, M. D., V, 364 
Dixon, H. E., IV, 572 
Dixon, Lee O., V, 479 
Dixon, Robert, V, 575 
Dixon, Robert W., Ill, 351 
Dixon, Wiley L., V, 447 
Doak, Edward H., IV, 119 
Dobbs, Arthur, I, 67 
Dodge, David M., IV, 289 
Dodge, James L., IV, 289 
Dodge, Le Vant, III, 253 
Dodson, Alma, III, 585 
Dodson, Ernest U., Ill, 407 
Dodson, George A., Ill, 585 
Dodson, George, Sr., Ill, 585 
Dodson, Marcus A., V, 11 
Dodson, Omar, III, 584 
Dodson, Walter C., IV, 130 
Dolan, John, IV, 196 
Donelson, John, I, 54 
Doniphan, Joseph, I, 304 
Donnelly, Thomas P., Ill, 132 
Dooley, Eli B., V, 315 
Doom, Ben W., V, 439 
Dorsey, John L., Ill, 266 
Dorsey, William I., Ill, 598 
Dossett, James A., V, 322 
Dougherty's Station, I, 203 
Douglas, Jessamine, II, 1107 
Douglas, Stephen A., II, 844, 852 
Doup, Daniel, V, 628 
Douthitt, Joseph, III, 333 
Dover Station, I, 203 
Dowdall's Station, I, 203 
Dowdy, Charles L., Ill, 430 
Downey, Jesse B., V, 265 
Downing, Joseph M., Ill, 293 
Downing's Station, I, 203 
Doyle, Arthur L., Ill, 469 
Drake, Daniel, II, 1053, 1056 
Drake, Ernest B., Ill, 450 
Drake, Frank P., IV, 116 
Drake, John E., V, 215 
Drake, William D., IV, 118 
Drane, Merritt, IV, 6 
Draper Collection, I, 98 
Draper Pamily, I, 75 
Draper, George, I, 75 
Draper, John, I, 78, 91 
Draper, Mary, I, 58, 78, 92 
Draper's Meadows settlement, I, 57, 75, 

n, 94 

Dred Scott Decision, II, 852 
Drennon's Lick, I, 203 
Drennon Springs, II, 792 
Dreville, Jules M., IV, 428 
Drinking, I, 536; II, 788 
Drummond, Edwin M., IV, 211 

Drury, George L., Ill, 187 

Drury, William T., Ill, 160 

Ducker, Howard E., V, 220 

Duckworth, Alvin p., V, 142 

Dudley, Ambrose, II, 1051 

Dudley, Benjamin W., II, 751, 1051, 
10^3, 1056. 1059; V. 627 

Dudley, Robert L., V, 541 

Dueling, I, 478, 536; II, 774, 836, 1054 

Duffield, Will W., IV, 158 

Duffin, James R., IV, 35 

Duke, Basil W., II, 960, 965, 1144; (por- 
trait), II, 1149; V, 623 

Duke, John W., V, 612 

Dulin, Martin V., V, 141 

Dunbar, Adelma, III, 460 

Dunbar, William H., V, 55 

Duncan, Henry T„ IV, 209 

Duncan, Howard L., IV, 209 

Duncan, Stuart E., V, 562 

Dunkards, I, 58 

Dunkie, Joseph B., Ill, 212 

Dunlap, Ernest, III, 566 

Dunlap, Woodford G.. Ill, 223 

Dunmore's War, I, 162 

Dunn, Isaac, I, 272 

Durbin, A. M., IV, 164 

Durham, Benjamin J., IV, 265 

Durham, James E., V, 72 

Durham, John H., Ill, 596 

Durham, William A., IV, 286 

Dnrrett Collection, II, 770 

Durrett, Reuben T., II, 889 

Dutch Station, I, 203 

Dutton, J. Prank, IV, 455 

Duval, Alvin, II, 911 

Duval, B. H., II, 821 

Du Vail, William N., V, 263 

Duvall, William P., I, 552, 553 

Dycus, Walter G., Ill, 599 

Eades, Nathan W., Ill, 439 

Eads, John B., Ill, 78 

Eagles, William B., IV, 33 

Eals, Charles T., IV, 306 

Earle, Dudley H., V, 509 

Earley, H. Lee, II, 1186 

Early homes, I, 295 

Early, James L., Ill, 349 

Early settlements, I, 200; II, 1040 

Eastern Kentucky coal field, II, 1025 

Eastern Kentucky, extinction of Indian 
title, I, 54; first settlers in, I, 148; first 
settlement, I, 154; timber resources, 
II, 747; invaded in 1861, II, 858; lands 
and people, II, 1026; politics, II, 1027; 
Union sentiment, II, 1204; settlers of, 

II, 1205; prominent men of, II, 1206 
Eastern Kentucky State Normal School, 

III, 247 

Eastern limits of Kentucky, I, 516 
Eastham, Paul H., Ill, 577 
Eastwood, Roscoe, V, 376 
Eblen, Marvin D., Ill, 268 
Eckler, C. A., V, 233 
Eckler, Charles M., V, 399 
Economic conditions, I, 245; II, 859 
Economic development, I, 424; during 

economic progress, II, 995; during 

Middle Period, II, 739 
Economic system after Civil war, II, 924 
Edelen, Allen S., V, 325 


Edelen, Thomas L., V, 160 

Edge, Joseph A., Ill, 384_ 

Editors' Convfiitioii, I!, 773 

Edmonson County, II, 1024, 1101, 1105 

Edmondson, John, II, 1105 

Edmunds, John T., IV, 364 

Education, I, 174, 303, 528; higher, I, 
304; classical, I, 531; II, 920, 989, 1049; 
free, II, 584; sectarian, II, 755; of the 
masses, 11, 756, 784, 834; Federal aid 
to, 11, 759 

Educational advancement during Middle 
Period, II, 753 

Educational awakening, II, 990 

Educational conditions in 1830, II, 761 

Educational fund, II, 837, 989 

Educational System of 1838, II, 764 

Edwards, Augustus G., Ill, 426 

Edwards, Ben F., Ill, 245 

Edwards, Don C, V, 298 

Edwards, George W., IV, 264 

Edwards, John, 1, 234, 349; II, 1082, 1092 

Edwards, John E., Ill, 258 

Edwards, O. M., Jr., IV, 176 

Eaton, William, I, 440 

Egelston, Benjamin F., V, 242 

Eighteenth Amendment, II, 992 

Eighteenth Regiment Infantry Officers, 

Eighth Regiment Cavalry officers, II, 

Eighth Regiment Infantry officers, II, 

Elam, Shelby S., IV, 553 

Election, corruption, I, 274 

Election law, II, 1008 

Elections, property and religious qualifi- 
cations in, I, 280; balloting in, I, 477; 
of 1812, I, 552; of 1813, I, 562; of 
1820. II, 629; of 1824, II, 629; of 1825, 
II, 639; of 1826, II, 644; of 1828, II, 
682; of 1832, II, 701; of 1834. II, 712; 
of 1837, II, 716; of 1838, II, 716; of 
1841), II, 716; betting on, II, 778; of 
1844, II, 823; of 1848, II, 831; re- 
form of, II, 834, 837; of 1851, II, 842; 
of 1852, II, 844; of 1855, II, 847; of 
1856, II, 849; of 1857, II, 849; of 1859, 
II, 850; of 1860, II, 852; of 1861, II, 
858; in war times, II, 890, 896; of 1861, 
II, 887; of 1863, II, 897; of 1864, II, 
897; of 1865, II, 908; of 1866, II, 911, 
914; of 1867^ II, 914; of 1868, II, 916; 
of 1869, II, 917; of 1870, II, 918; of 
1871, II,- 919, 980; of 1875, II, 1000; 
in the '808, II, 1002; of 1895, II, 1006; 
of 1896. II, 1008; of 1899, II, 1009; of 
1900, II, 1012; recent, II, 1015; of 
1828, II, 1067; of 1831, II, 10<.7 

Elephant in Lexington, I, 532 

Eleventh Regiment Cavalry officers, II. 

Eleventh Regiment Infantry officers, II, 

Elijah Craig's Station, I, 203 

Elizabethtown, II, 893 

Elk, I, 63 

Elk Ford of Red River, I, 203 

Elkhorn Baptist Association, I, 540 

Elkhorn District, II, 1020 

Ellicott, Andrew, I, 369 

Elliott, Chilton W., V, 7 

Elliott County, II, 1102, 1105 

Elliott, Elmer C, IV, 305 

Elliott, James N., IV, 199 

Elliott, John B., Ill, 181 

Elliott, John M., II, 1105 

Elliott, Richard G., Ill, 288 

Ellis, Charles I!., Ill, 142 

Ellis, Ernest B., Ill, 153 

Ellis, James W., Ill, 306 

Ellis, Louis, IV, 49 

Ellis, Nicholas II., V, 224 

Ellis, O. C, II, 1186 

Ellis, P. v., V, 65 

Ellis' Station, I, 203 

Ellis, 'I'homas M., V, 247 

Ellis, William, I, 289 

Ellis, William T., Ill, 316 

Ellison, E. T., Ill, 545 

Elscy, Charles W., Ill, 68 

Elswick, Landen A., IV, 406 

Elswick, Sam, V, 444 

Ely, Joe, V, 46 

Emancipation, I, 394; II, 798, 800, 802 

Emancipation convention, II, 814 

Emancipation movement, climax, II, 813 

Emancipation party, II, 818 

Einanciiiation Proclamation, II, 906 

Emancipation society, II, 810 

Emancipation ticket, II, 843 

Emancipationists, II, 833 

EmI)argo.Act, I, 405, 545; II, f06S 

Embry, Foster II., Ill, 156 

Enibry, George E., Ill, 491 

Embry, Nannie J., Ill, 605 

Emert, Gustavus, V, 583 

Emer,v, Lorenzo W., IV, 499 

Emigration from Kentucky, II, 671 

Emigration societies, I, 486 

Emigrants to Texas, II, 821 

Emmart, Joseph M., V, 619 

Employers' Liability Act, II, 999 

Enabling act, third, I, 273; fourth, I, 274, 

Enfranchisement of negroes, II, 917 
England, hatred of, in Kentucky, I, 358; 

dislike of, II, 1064 
Engle, William, V, 590 
English common law, I, 229 
English, John M., Ill, 343 
English-made goods, II, 594 
English's Station, I, 203 
Enlow, Louise, IV, 149 
Ennis, William F., V, 474 
Epidemics, 11. 749, 769 
Episcopal Church, I, 535; (view), II, 793 
Equality and democracy, I, 280 
Era of Good Feeling, II, 581, 674 
Erie Canal, II, 922 
Ermert, Carl, IV, 219 
Ernst, Richard P., II, 1015, 1086, 1092 
Eskridge, Jesse R., Ill, 350 
Estill County, II, 1101, 1105 
Estill, defeat of, I, 184 
Estill. James, I, 184; II, 1105 
Estill. William R., IV, 95 
Estiil, William W., IV, 190 
Estill's Station, I, 203 
Eubank, James B., Ill, 356 
Eubank, Roderick M., Ill, 400 
Eubank, William Z., V, 303 
Evans, Byrne A., Ill, 540 
Evans, Charles O., Ill, 54 
Evans, Clarence G., IV, 371 



Evans, Cornelius L., IV, 430 

Evans, Dorothy, IV, 279 

Evans, Frank R., Ill, 108 

Evans, James O., V, 420 

Evans, James R., IV, 278 

Evans, L. S., IV, 450 

Evans, Thomas D., V, 2S0 

Evans, Walter, II, 1002 

Evclcth, Charles E., IV, 140 

Evening school, I, 531 

Evcrly, George L., V, 635 

Evcrsole, Farmer J., IV, 522 

Eversole, Henry C., IV, 441 

Eversole, John C, V, 632 

Eversole, William C.^ IV, 510 

Evolution, II, 993 

Ewalt, Joseph H., Ill, 487 

Ewen. William R., Ill, 313 

Ewing, Benjamin F., Ill, 71 

Ewing, John H., V, 583 

Ewing, Samuel R., IV, 130 

Ewing, William M., V, 560 

Ewing, Young, II, 642 

Excise taxes, I, 405 

Expatriation Act, II, 909, 910 

Expatriation law, II, 890 

Expedition of 1650, I, 41 

Exploration by Christopher Gist, I, 67 

Exploration of Dr. Thomas Walker, I, 

Ezzell, William E., V, 614 

Factories in 1810, I, 505 

Fairchild, Enoch, I, 128 

Fairchild, John R., V, 576 

Fairleigh, T. B., II. 905 

Fairs, II, 740, 791 

Fallam, Robert, I, 44 

Fallen Timbers, I, 354 

Falls City, II, 926 

Falls of the Ohio, I, 49, 177, 178, 182, 
203, 217 

Falmouth, II, 611 

Falwell, Reuben H., V, 87 

Family celebrations, I, 527 

Fannin, Bryant B., Ill, 446 

Fannin, Charles V., Ill, 447 

Farbach, Henry J., Ill, 143 

Faris, Alexander A., IV, 398 

Farley, Joseph I., Ill, 31 

Farm products, II, 594, 987 

Farmer, Henry H., IV, 254 

Farmer, James T., Ill, 353 

Farmer, L. Irvin, V, 209 

Farmer, William S„ IV, 370 

Farmers, II, 920 

Farmers and Federal armies, II, 878 

Farmers organizations, II, 741 

Farnsley, Burrel H., Ill, 370 

Faull, William J., V, 497 

Faurest, Louis A., Ill, 345 

Fayette County, I, 74, 186, 201, 237, 263, 
290, 395, 562; II, 816, 844, 1099, 1105 

Fayette County Agricultural and Me- 
chanical Association, II, 741 

Feagans' Station, I, 203 

Feather, Harry, V, 292 

Featherston, Milo G., Ill, 400 

Featherston, Steve B., Ill, 298 

Federal Banks, II, 650 

Federal Courts, II, 651 

I'ederal government, western discontent 

with, I, 348 
l'"edcral interference in Kentucky, II, 

Federal occupation, II, 888 
Federal relations of 1798-99, I, 403; II, 

Federal taxation, I, 318 
Federalist party, I, 261, 473; discredited, 

I, 422; grievances against, I, 470; II, 
674, 1064 

Federalists, II, 1061 

Fee, John G., II, 814, 819 

I-'eeback, Green, V, 14 

Feese, R. M., V, 193 

Fegenbush, Edward J., IV, 336 

Feix, Joseph, IV, 304 

Felix, Alma L., IV, 347 

Felix, Camilla H., Ill, 247 

Felix, John I., IV, 346 

Felix, William H., Ill, 247 

Feltner, James M., Ill, 506 

Felts, Ernest J., V, 257 

Fenley, Oscar, IV, 55 

Ferguson, Charles, IV, 559 

Ferguson, Edward A., II, 953 

Ferguson, F". W., V, 366 

Ferguson, John K., V, 333 

Ferguson, Robert H., Ill, 287 

Ferguson, Will B., IV, 597 

Fessenden, William P., II, 788 

Fetter, George G., IV, 34 

Feuds, II, 1013, 1027, 1204 

Ficklin, Joseph, II, 762 

Field, Charles W., II, 1144 

Field, John H., Ill, 375 

Field, William, I, 194 

Fields, David D., Ill, 583 

Fields, Felix G., Ill, 604 

Fields, R. Monroe, V, 558 

Fields, L. Wilson, III, 83 

Fields' Station, I, 203 

Fifteenth Amendment, II, 916, 968 

Fifteenth Regiment Cavalry officers, II, 

Fifteenth Regiment Infantry officers, II, 

Fifth convention, I, 239, 243 
Fifth Regiment Cavalry officers, II, 1137 
Fifth Regiment Infantry officers, II, 1119 
Fifty-fifth Regiment Infantry officers, II, 

"Fifty-four Forty or Fight," II, 823 
Fifty-fourth Regiment Infantry officers, 

II, 1134 

Fifty-second Regiment Infantry officers, 
II, 1134 

Fifty-third Regiment Infantry officers, 
II, 1134 

Figg, Lee G. R., Ill, 369 

Fillmore, Millard, II, 847 

Filson Club, The, V, 615 

Filson, John, I, 34, 287, 305; (portrait), I, 

Finances, I, 298, 511; II, 595, 921; at be- 
ginning of Civil War, II, 866 

Fincastle County, II, 1099 

Findlay, John, I, 160, 161 

Fink, Albert, II, 929 

Finley, John, I, 200; II, 1035 

Finley, Samuel, I, 306 



Finn's Station, I, 203 

First agricultural associations, II, 740 

First and Second Enabling acts, I, 235 

First bank, I, 299, 513 

First Bessemer Iron, II, 746 

First boat-load of coal, II, 746 

l~irst book on Kentucky, I, 287 

First Hourbon whiskey, I, 504 

F'irst brick house built in Kentucky, I, 

First Burley pool, II, 1181 
First Census, I, 292, 485 
First church congregation in Kentucky, 

I. 534 
First company for rendering a stream 

navigable, I, 494 
l-'irstt Constitution of Kentucky, II, 1052 
First court held in Kentucky, I, 217 
First crop of Burley in the Blue Grass 

country, II, 1182 
First educational requirement for office, 

I, 400 

First Enabling Act, I, 236 

First Episcopal Church in Kentucky, II, 

First European visitors, I, 160 
First tire ordinance, I, 295 
I'"irst fort in Kentucky, I, 210 
I-'irst general tobacco inspection law in 

Kentucky, II, 1165 
First geological survey, II, 747 
F'irst Governor, I, 307 
First gubernatorial election under negro 

sutTrage, II, 919 
First Indian depredation west of the 

Alleghany, I, 78 
First institution of higher learning west 

of the Alleghanies, II, 1049 
First Kentucky Brigade, commanding 

officers of, II, 1144 
First land oflice, I, 167 
First leaf tobacco fair, II, 1172 
First legislation on slaves, I, 541 
First Legislature, I, 308 
First log cabin in Louisville (view), I, 

First loose-leaf sales warehouse, II, 1181 
First manufacturing, I, 301 
First marriage in Mississippi Valley, I, 

First merchandise stores, II, 1172 
First Methodist Episcopal Church build- 
ing in Kentucky, I, 207 
First occupying claimant law, II, 659 
First orchards, II, 1172 
First person to shut store on the Sab- 
bath Day, I, 294 
First pioneer government beyond the 

Alleghanies, I, 165 
First popular contest in a Presidential 

election. 11, 689 
First popular election of United States 

Senators, II, 1015 
First Presbyterian minister, II, 1050 
First President from Kentucky, II, 831 
First professor of medicine in the West, 

II, 1052 

F'irst race course, I, 295 
First railroad, II, 730 
First Regiment Cavalry Officers, II, 1135 
First Regiment Infantry officers, II, 

First regular general camp-meeting, I, 

l'"irst regular post road, I, 490 
i'irst Republican daily newspaper, II, 919 
First Republican governor, II, 1007 
First revenue bill, I, 308 
First schools, I, 304 
First settled place, I, 113 
F'irst settlement in Eastern Kentucky, 1, 

136, 154 
First settlements made in Big Sandy 

Valley, I, 148 
First settlers, in Eastern Kentucky, I, 

I'irst state convention, II, 685 
l'"irst state courts, I, 310 
I'irst state to care for insane, II, 781 
First steamboats, I, 501; II, 721 
First stores in Kentucky, I, 302 
First superintendent of schools, II, 764 
First Supreme Court of Kentucky, I, 217 
First surveys, I, 212 
First three conventions, I, 226 
First tobacco exports, II, 1172 
First towns, I, 217 
First watermill in America, I, 10 
First water-works, I, 527 
First white woman in Kentucky, I, 75 
Fish, Carlos A., Ill, 461 
Fish, Egbert T., IV, 275 
Fishback, James, II, 1053 
Fishback, John J., Ill, 336 
Fisher, Charles G., IV, 229 
-Fisher, Darwin E., IV, 244 
Fisher, Frank M., V, 158 
Fisher, Henry W., Ill, 580 
Fisher, Jack E., V, 83 
Fisher's Garrison, I, 203 
Fisk, John F., II, 891 
Fister, John P., IV, 125 
Fister, William M., IV, 128 
Fitch, H. D., V, 263 
Fitch, John, I, 500 
Fitzgerald, Edward S., Ill, 280 
Fitzgerald, John J., Ill, 399 
Fitzpatrick, John D., IV, 635 
Flanagan, William G. D., V, 436 
Flatboating, I, 500 
Flatboats, II, 723 
Flat Gap, I, 147 
Flat Rock ford, I, 148 
Fleming County, I, 203; II, 750, 1100, 

Fleming, John, II, 1105 
Fleming, William, I, 216 
Flemingsburg, II, 611 
Fleming's Station, I, 203 
Flesher, William J., IV, 318 
Fletcher, Moses, I, 126 
Flint, Abram, I, 126 
Flint, Timothy, I, 219; II, 739, 788 
Flora Mountain, II, 1025 
Florence, Horton D., IV, 242 
Florer's Station, I, 203 
Flournoy, I-'rancis, I, 431 
Flournoy, Landon C, III, 159 
Flournoy, Matthew, II, 712 
Flowers, James A., IV, 511 
Flowers, John W., Ill, 402 
Flowers, Woodruff J., Ill, 402 
Floyd, I, 184, 112; II, 1101, 1105 
Floyd, David, I, 454 



Floyd, Davis, I, 448 

Floyd, John, I, 162, 187, 217; 11, 1049, 

1105; V, 627 
Floyd's Station, I, 203 
Flutmus, Herbert K., Ill, 209 
Flynn, Ewing A., IV, 308 
Foley, Jacob S., IV, 134 
Foley, Philip N., IV, 429 
Foley, Sanford, IV, 134 
Fontainbleau, I, 203 
Forbes, Theodore B., V, 237 
Forbes, William H., Ill, 182 
Forcebill, II, 70S 
Forcht, Fred, IV, 55 
Ford, Ezra W., Ill, 489 
Ford, Robert L., Ill, 284 
Ford, Wood H., V, 611 
Foreign immigrants, II, 995 
Forests, II, 997 
Forks of Dick's River, I, 203 
Forks of Elkhorn Settlement, I, 203 
Forman, Thomas T., Ill, 382 
Forrest's Cavalry Command, II, 1153 
Forrest's raiders, II, 880 
Forsythe, Fred A., Ill, 377 
Fort Boonesborough, II, 1040 
Fort Defiance, I, 388 
Fort Donelson, II, 869, 888, 899, 900 
F'ort Finney, I, 203 
Fort Greenville, I, 389 
Fort Henry, II, 869, 888 
Fort Henry, Petersburg, Virginia, I, 43 
Fort Jefferson, I, 182, 290 
Fort Meigs, I, 558 
Fort Nelson, I, 184, 186, 208 
Fort of Harman's Colony, I, 154 
Fort Recovery, I, 388 
Fort Stanwix, council of 1768, I, 51; 

treaty of, I, 163, 168 
Fort Stephenson, I, 559 
Fortieth Regiment Infantry officers, II, 

Forts in Revolutionary war, I, 174 
F"orty-eighth Regiment Infantry officers, 

II, 1133 
Forty-fifth Regiment Infantry officers, 

II, 1133 
Forty-ninth Regiment Infantry officers, 

II, 1133 
Forty-seventh Regiment Infantry offi- 
cers, II, 1133 
Forty Thieves, II, 598 
Forwood, William S., Ill, 268 
Foster, Alexander C, IV, 271 
Foster, Elizabeth D. G.. IV, 377 
Foster, Harrison G., IV, 377 
Foster, Lloyd E., V, 133 
Fourteenth Amendment, II, 915, 916 
Fourteenth colony, I, 164, 169 
Fourteenth Regiment Cavalry officers, 

II, 1141 
Fourteenth Regiment Infantry officers, 

II, 1123 
F'ourth Convention, I, 235 
Fourth of July, I, 526 
Fourth Regiment Cavalry officers, II, 

Fourth Regiment Infantry officers, II, 

Fowler, Earl L., Ill, 153 
Fowler, Joshua, I, 270 
Fowler, William, III, 415 

Fox, Arthur, I, 210 

Fox, David C, IV, 639 

Fox, F. T., II, 1002 

Fox, Henry I., IV, 9 

Fox, James E., V, 104 

Fox, John, Jr., II, 1059 

Fox, Letcher R., V, 375 

Fox's Station, I, 203 

Foy, William S., V, 278 

Fraim, C. H., IV, 601 

France, II, 1064 

Franchise, I, 280 

Francis, Ira J., V, 633 

Francis, William, V, 111 

Frankfort, I, 73, 309, 457, 488, 492, 514, 
527. 532. 550, 556; II, 610, 676, 722, 745, 
786, 892, 1006, 1009, 1189, 1196 

Frankfort Academy, II, 754 

F"ranklin Academy, I, 528 

Franklin, Charles G., V, 394 

Franklin County, II, 844, 1100, 1106 

Franklin County Agricultural Society, II, 

Franks, Edward T., Ill, 323 

Eraser, Vert C, IV, 416 

Frazer, T. Atchison, V, 373 

Frazer, Will E., IV, 405 

Free coinage, II, 987 

Free coinage of silver, II, 1006 

Free negroes, I, 541; II, 798 

Free silver, II, 1008 

Free silver question, II, 1007 

Freedman's Bureau, II, 912, 913, 920 

Freeman, W. B., IV, 238 

Freight embargoes, II, 947 

Freight rates, II, 933, 964 

Freis, John, IV, 228 

Fremont, John C, II, 847 

French Broad, I, 6 

French enterprise, I, 336 

French Family, III, 290 

French, Tames B., Ill, 100 

French Lick, I, 277 

French Lick Springs, II, 1022 

French, Lydia B. I., Ill, 100 

French Party, I, 363 

I<"rench Revolution, I, 319 

French, Richard, II, 717 

French scheme against Louisiana, I, 318 

French traders, I, 160 

Frenchtown, battle of, I, 555 

Friends of Humanity, I, 543 

Fritz, Conrad, III, 60 

Froman, Hiram M., IV, 204 

Frontier Conditions, II, 789 

Frontier democracy, I, 479 

Frontier life and customs, I, 174 

Frontier of 1768, I, 54 

Frontier, passing of, I, 524 

Frontier protection, I, 377 

Frost, Margaret R., IV, 596 

Fruit, Samuel T., IV, 49 

Fry, Joshua, I, 306 

Fry, S. S., II, 905 

Fryer, Louis P., V, 221 

Fugazzi School of Business, III, 344 

Fugitive Slave Law, II, 800 

Fugitive slaves, II, 804, 807 

Fuller, George T., V, 225 

Fulton County, II, 1102, 1106 

Fulton, Gavin, III, 377 

Fulton, Samuel, I, 329, 334 



Fuqua, Lindsay H., V, 161 
Furber, Charles S., IV, 537 
1-iirnaces, ancient, I, 115 
Furnish, Lewis B., IV, 297 
I'ur trade, I, 160 
Fiison, Henry H., IV, 95 

Gabhart, Winfield S., V, 574 

Gaddie, William H., Ill, 512 

Gaffin, Lewis M., IV, 609 

Gaines, Jno. B., V, 462 

Gaines. lolin \V., 1 lojikin^ville, IV, 93 

Gaines, John W., V. 309 

Gaines, P. B., II, 1186 

Gaitskill, M. A., Ill, 531 

Gallatin County, 11, 1100, 1106 

Gait House, II, 791 

Ganibill, Edward L., V, 630 

Gamblin, Theodore L., V, 276 

Gamblin, Theophilus H., Ill, 536 

Gambling, I. 536; II, 778 

Ganficld, William A., Ill, 413 

Gannon, Paul P., III. 440 

Gardner, Bunk, V, 261 

Gardner, Ed, V, 260 

Gardner, Francis N., V, 408 

Gardner, John B., V, 97 

Gardner, Thomas R., IV, 123 

Gardner. William E., Ill, 166 

Gardner, William K., V, 409 

Garfield, James A., II, 977 

Garnctt, James, III, 371 

Garnett, Larkin, IV, 283 

Garnett. May, IV, 299 

Garr, Charles C, III, 387 

Garrard County, I, 200, 203; II, 1100, 

Garrard, James, I, 234, 270, 284, 303, 316, 

412, 415, 500, 540; II, 582, 1052, 1071, 

1073, 1106 
Garrard, James H., II, 849 
Garrard, T. T.. II, 1206 
Garrard's Station, I, 203 
Garrcd, Arnoldus J., Ill, 572 
Garrett, H. Green, IV, 210 
Garrison. Sherwood P., IV, 489 
Gartrell, Ethelbert H., Ill, 580 
Garth, G. E., V, 9 
Gary, Claudy E., V, 429 
Gasper Kiver Church, I, 538 
Gasser, Joseph, IV, 294 
Gatewood, Lawless D., IV. 611 
Gatcwood, Robert C, V, 32 
Gatlin, David W.. IV, 627 
Gatton, R. Harper, V, 493 
Gay. James L., III. So5 
(iay, John II., Ill, 559 
Gay, John L., Ill, 254 
Gay, John T., Ill, 570 
Gay, Robert H., Ill, 571 
Gayle, James, V, 150 
Gayle, John W., IV, 372 
Geary, John A., IV, 172 
Geisen, J. Robert, IV, 224 
Genet, I, 319, 322, 325 
^-Geological survey, II. 741, 747, 995, 997 
Geology of Eastern Kentucky, I, 115 
Geology of Kentucky, II, 1017 
Georgetown, I, 204, 207, 301, 320, 488, 504. 

534; II. 745. 822 
Georgetown College. II, 756 
Gerteiscn, Joseph M., Ill, 73 

Gess, Isaac, IV, 32 

Gess, Mary C, IV, 32 

Gibbons, James, IV, 272 

Gibbons, Kate, IV, 272 

Gibney, Virgil P., II, 1059 

Gibson, Duncan, IV, 376 

Gibson family, II, 1199 

Gibson, Finley F., Ill, 147 

Gibson, James J., V, 600 

Gibson. John, I, 17 

Gibson, Timothy T., IV, 451 

GifTord, Morris B., Ill, 139 

Gilbert, Abijah B., V, 168 

Gilbert, E. A., II, 896 

Gilbert, Harry T., V, 631 

Gilbert, Howard S., V, 319 

Gilbert, James M., V, 231 

Gilbert, John W., V, 170 

Gilbert, Jonas S., IV, 253 

Gilbert, Maurice E., V, 339 

Gilbert's Creek, I, 534 

Giles Jacob, L 67 

Gill, Ben F., Ill, 513 

Gill, Coleman E., IV, 565 

Gilliam, John H., Ill, 470 

Gilliam, William B., IV, 564 

Gilliland, B. F., Ill, 433 

Gilmer's Lick, I, 204 

Gilmore's Station, I, 204 

Gilson, Ewing P., Ill, 431 

Gilson, Edward P., Ill, 431 

Gingles, Charles O., Ill, 508 

Ginocchio, Frank S., Ill, 269 

Ginseng, I, 500 

Giovannoli, Harry, III, 352 

Girty, Simon. I, 184 

Gist, Christopher, I, 68, 91, 137; II, 1169 

Givens, Henry, III, 123 

Givens' Station, I, 204 

Glasgow, II, 893 

Glasgow Times, III, 547 

Glass, Seth A., Ill, 141 

Glasscock, James H., V, 69 

Cleaves, James W., V, 317 

Glenn, John S., Sr., Ill, 113 

Glover, James W., V, 155 

Glover's Station, I, 204 

Goad, William B., Ill, 203 

Goar's Station, I, 204 

Goble, Elizabeth, V, 336 

Goble, James, V, 336 

Goble, Monte J., II, 1185; V, 618 

Godbey, Duke M., Ill, 499 

Godson. Richard, V, 599 

Goebel, William, II, 1008. 1009, 1072, 

1080; assassination of, II, 1010 
Goebel Flection Law. II. 10()8, 1012 
Goebel Staluc, II, 1012 
Goff, Strauder D.. IV, 179 
Cioldbcrg, Aaron, IV, 279 
Goldberg, Moses, V, 194 
Gold Standard Democrats, II, 1007 
Good Templars. II, 992 
Goode, John M., Ill, 94 
Goodpaster, Joseph B.. V, 563 
Goodpastcr. Sherman, V, 179 
Goodson, Joseph A., IV, 159 
Goodwin, Asa F., V, 368 
Goodwin, Benjamin B., IV, 9 
Goodwin, Milton J., Ill, 559 
Goodwin. Thomas C, IV, 9 
Goodwin's Station, I, 204 



Gordon, John, I, 193 

Gordon, Mitchell, IV, 300 

Gordon, William T., IV, 400 

Gordon's Station, I, 204 

Gore, Benjamin E., IV, 407 

Gorham, Boswell, IV, 208 

Gosnell, George W., V, 27 

Gosney, Edward H., IV, 490 

Gossett, William L., Ill, S21 

Gouging, I, 295 

Gourlay, John, III, 176 

Governor, I, 282, 390, 400; office of, I, 
315; election of 1816, II, 582; succes- 
sion to office, II, 586; term of office, 
II, 836 

Governors of Kentucky, II, 1071; Biog- 
raphies of, II, 1072 

Gowdy, Edwin L., V, 102 

Graddy Family, III, 607 

Graddy William L., Ill, 326 

Graddy, W. Henry, III, 607 

Grady, James N., V, 143 

Gragg, Charles L., V, 210 

Graham, Christopher, I, 113 

Graham, C. E., V, 50 

Graham, Edward, I, 532 

Graham, Hubert D., V, 471 

Graham, James, I, 194 

Graham, J. H., IV, 381 

Graham, John L., Ill, 60 

Grand Ball of 1834. II, 1193 

Grange, The, II, 987 

Grant, John, I, 204 

Grant, John D., IV, 638 

Grant, Samuel, II, 1106 

Grant County, 1, 201; II, 11(11, 1106 

Grant's Lick, I, 204 

Grant's Station, I, 204 

Grape-growing, I, 499 

Grassham, K. O.. V, 360 

Gratz, Benjamin, I, 68; II, 829 

Gratz, Bernard, V, 629 

Gratz, Michael B., V. 630 

Gravely, William E., Ill, 35 

Graves, Benjamin, II, 1106 

Graves County, II, 593, 1101, 1106 

Graves, Edward G., IV, 637 

Graves, George K., Ill, 355 

Graves, George O., Ill, 483 

Graves, Jack C, III, 576 

Graves, Jacob H., Ill, 216 

Graves, Jacob H., Jr., Ill, 217, 342 

Graves, Pellie G., IV, 494 

Gray, Elmer T., Ill, 215 

Gray, James L., Ill, 64 

Gray, John I., IV, 303 

Gray, M. A., IV, 459 

Gray, Thomas P., Ill, 36 

Gray, William W., IV, 353 

Grayson County, II, 1101, 1106 

Grayson, Frederick W. S.. II, 646 

Grayson, William, II, 1106 

Great Cave, I, 128 

Great Commoner, II, 841 

Great Crossings Station, I, 204 

Great Pacificator, II, 839 

Great Revival, I, 536, 539 

Great Sandy Creek, I, 127 

Great War, II, 1015 

Greathouse, William W., IV, 34 

Green County, I. 489; II, 1100, 1106 

Green, George C, III, 267 

Green, John, II, 800 

Green Lewis W., II, 771 

Green River, I, 494, 523, 596, 887 

Green River country, I, 488; II, 722 

Green River Debt, I, 489 

Green River District, II, 1178 

Green River Island, II, 1000 

Green River Knob, II, 1028 

Green River lands, II, 658 

Green River Lock, II, 899 

Green River region, I, 537; II, 690 

Green, Willis, I, 234 

Green vs. Biddle, II, 661, 664 

Green-backs, II, 987 

Greenbrier River, I, 65 

Greene, Lucien D., Ill, 72 

Greensburg, I, 204; II, 611 

Greenup, Christopher, I. 234, 254, 264, 

300, 303, 311, 385, 431, 483, 494, 553; II, 

1050, 1071, 1073, 1106 
Greenup County, II, 745, 1101, 1106 
Greenup, George W., IV, 605 
Greer, Creed C, IV, 607 
Greer, George W., V, 41 
Greer, Marquis de L., V, 583 
Greer, Paul A., Ill, 542 
Gregory, Joseph R., Ill, 508 
Gregory, William V., Ill, 368 
Grehan, Enoch, IV, 106 
Griffin, Michael F., IV, 324 
Griffith, Clinton, III, 280 
Griffith, Daniel M., Ill, 40 
Griffith, Dr. Daniel M., Ill, 297 
Griffith, David W., V, 638 
Griffith, Hubbard F., Ill, 68 
Griffith, Jacob W., V, 639 
Griffith, Josh T., Ill, 41 
Griffith, William R., Ill, 229 
Griffiths, Maurice, I, 36 
Grigsby, William F., V, 191 
Grimes, John H., IV, 396 
Grimes, J. Frank, IV, 530 
Grinstead, James F., Ill, 143 
Grizzell, Raymond F., Ill, 407 
Gronnerud, Paul, IV, 610 
Grooms, Hugh L., IV, 496 
Gross, Amerida M., V, 587 
Grubbs, Chades S., IV, 50 
Grubbs, Edward L., V, 455 
Grubbs, Rodman, IV, 51 
Grubb's Station, I, 204 
Grundy, Andrew J., V, 66 
Grundy, Felix, I, 459, 480, 520, 549 
Grizzell, Raymond F.. Ill, 407 
(Gubernatorial election, new, II, 590 
Gubernatorial succession, II, 580 
Guenther, John E., IV, 298 
Guerilla depredations, II, 880, 894 
Guerilla warfare, II, 893, 903 
Guerillas, II, 898 
Guess, Learner E., IV, 394 
Gufify, A. C, III, 550 
Gimther, Ferdinand T., Ill, 283 
Gunther, Sophia S., Ill, 283 
Guthrie, James, II, 707, 712, 736, 762, 817, 
835, 844, 909, 916, 937, 941, 1084, 1092; 
V, 20 
Guthrie, James G., II, 1092 
Guthrie, Robert R., V, 348 
Guyandotte River, I, 13 . 

Gwin, Earl S., IV. 63 


Habeas corpus, II, 896, 906. 

Iladden, Sally A., IV, 21 

Haehnle, Charles, III, 120 

Hagan, Edward L., Ill, 319 

Hagaii, Robert M., Ill, 65 

Hagan, Sylvester, III, 65 

Hagan, William B., V, 534 

llagcr. Lawrence W., Ill, 311 

Hager, Samuel W., Ill, 311 

Haggan, Henry C, IV, 432 

Haggard, Audley, V, 330 

Haggard, Basil, V, 534 

Haggard, Clay F., Ill, 42 

Haggard, Edward W., IV, 85 

Haggard, Frank H., Ill, 307 

Haggard, Jeptha J., V, 263 

Haggard, John R., IV, 80 

Haggin, James, II, 631 

Haggin, James B. A., IV, 569 

Haggin, John, I, 210 

Haggin's Station, I, 204 

Hagins, J. Wise, III. 611 

Hagyard, Edward W., IV, 85 

Hagyard, John R., IV, 80 

Haldeman, Annie B., Ill, 12 

Haldeman, John A., Ill, 12 

Haldeman, Walter N., Ill, 2 

Haldeman, William B., Ill, 12 

Hale, Ben G., Jr., Ill, 450 

Hale, Ben G., Sr., Ill, 449 

Hale, H. S., IV, 117 

Hale, Jerome S., Ill, 227 

Hale, Richard L., V, 13 

Hale, William L., IV, 392 

Haley, Jesse J., IV, 239 

Haley, William W., IV, 214 

Hall, A. D., IV, 545 

Hall, A. L., Ill, 167 

Hall, Asa M., IV, 169 

Hall. Benjamin W., IV, 632 

Hall, James, I, 534 

Hall, Lafayette B., Ill, 167 

Hall, Malone, III, 602 

Hall, W. P., IV, 393 

Hall, Whitsitt, V, 255 

Hall, William K., V, 289 

Hallev, Henry S., II, 1172 

Halle'v, John, II, 1171 

Halley, John, Journal of, II, 1173 

Hallcy. Samuel II., 11, 1162, 1172, 1183, 

11.%; Ill, 571 
llalmhubcr, George, III, 455 
Ham, William P., V, 608 
Hambv, Frazier L., IV, 81 
Hammond, A. B., V, 361 
Hammond, Earl A., Ill, 451 
Hammond, William R., V, 213 
Hamilton, Henry W., V, 79 
Hamilton, Joseph, I, 443 
Hamilton, Thomas P., V, 78 
Hampton, Jesse B., Ill, 601 
Hanbury, Capcl, I, 67 
Hanbury, John, I, 67 
Hancock, Arthur B., IV, 290 
Hancock County, II, 971, 1101, 1106 
Hancock, Nannie, V, 328 
Handley, LeBlonde, III, 318 
Hanes, Lon D., V, 472 
Hank, Gus E., V, 338 
Hankins, Thomas M., Ill, 136 
llankins, William B., IV, 475 
Hankla. Lamont, III, 516 

Hanks. John, I, 155 

Hanly, John H., Ill, 159 

Hanna, William C, IV, 350 

Hanses, Alfred, V, 520 

Hanson, Charles IL, II, 905 

Hanson, Charles S., II, 903 

Hanson, Roger W., II, 1144 

Harbeson, Matthew L., Ill, 101 

Harbeson's Station, I, 204 

Harbison, Shelby T., Ill, 133 

Hardesty, Frank J., V, 380 

Hardesty, George L., Ill, 264 

Hardesty, T. H., V, 76 

Hardin, Benjamin, II, 593, 622, 637, 771, 

1076; V, 620- 
Hardin County, I, 489; II, 656, 1100, 

Hardin, John, I, 376, 382, 386; II. 1075, 

Hardin, Louisa L., II, 995 
Hardin, Martin D., I, 552, 583; II, 1083, 

Hardin, P. W., II, 1006, 1009 
Hardinsburg, I, 204 
Hardin's Station, I, 204 
Hard times, II, 592, 718, 987; relief laws 

in, II, 607 
Hargan, Roy R., IV, 9 
Harget, Peter, I, 194 
Harkins, Joseph D., IV, 613 
Harkins, Josephine D., IV, 613 
Harkins, Reca B., IV, 613 
Harkins, Walter S., IV, 612 
Harl, Tandy L., Ill, 287 
Harlan, II, 1200 
Harlan County, II, 1101, 1106 
Harlan, James I., V, 136 
Harlan, John M., II, 901, 917, 919, 1001, 

1059; V, 619 
Harlan, Silas, I, 193; II, 1106 
Harlan's Station, I, 204 
Harlison, Thomas H., IV, 354 
Harman, Aquilla, I, 138 
Harman, Daniel, I, 138, 153, 159 
Harman, Henry, I, 138, 153 
Harman, Matthias, I, 135, 136, 141, 148, 

152, 154, 159 
Harman, Thomas H., IV, 354 
Harman's Station, I, 134, 152, 154, 200, 

204; second blockhouse at, I, 159 
Harmar, expedition under, I, 381 
Harmar's campaign, I, 382 
Harmon, Adam, I, 78, 90, 153 
Harmon, Eugene, V, 151 
Harmon, John L., V, 618 
Harper, James D., Ill, 165 
llarralson, George G., Ill, 436 
Ilarrcl, Zephaiiiali, IV, 626 
Harris, Brig H., IV, 588 
Harris, Martin L., II, 1187 
Harris, Samuel J., IV, 184 
Harris, William H., IV, 26 
Harrison, Ba.xter, III, 408 
Harrison, Benjamin, II, 1106 
Harrison County, I, 194, 204; II, 887, 

1100, 1106 
Harrison, Cuthbert, I, 284 
Harrison, Erbie L., Ill, 303 
Harrison, Fred A., V, 226 
Harrison, Joe P., V, 431 
Harrison, John L., IV, 252 
Harrison, Joseph H., Ill, 333 



Harrison, William H., I, 548, 555; II, 714, 

Harrison's Station, I, 204 
Harrod, I, 184 
Harrod, James, I, 113, 162, 165, 204, 212; 

V, 628 
Harrod, Samuel, I, 114 
Harrod, William, I, 177 
Harrodsburg, I, 113, 165, 173, 183, 198, 

201, 219, 499; II, 611, 735, 745, 771, 

1058, 1194; convention of 1776, I, 169; 

attack of 1777, I, 175 
Harrodsburg Springs, II, 792 
Harrod's fort, II, 1041 
Harrod's Station, I, 204, 535 
Harrodstown, I, 205, 216, 304 
Hart, Albert S., IV, 633 
Hart County, II, 1101, 1107 
Hart, Joel T., V, 621 
Hart, Nathaniel, I, 68, 204 
Hart, Nathaniel G. T., II, 1107 
Hart, Robert S., IV, 600 
Hart, Thomas, I, 504, 525 
Hart's Station, I, 204 
Hartford, II, 611 
Hartford Station, I, 204 
Harting, Rudolph R., Ill, 199 
Harvey, James B., Ill, 546 
Harvie, Lewis E., V, 551 
Hasten, Fred D., IV, 257 
Haswell, John P., Ill, 67 
Hatcher, Ferdinand T., V, 33 
Hatcher, George E., V, 393 
Hatcher, James, IV, 358 
"Hat Manufactury," I, 301 
Hatter, David H., V, 264 
Hatterick, Henry G., IV, 298 
Hausberger, Emil, IV, 294 
Haw, James, I, 535 
Hawes, J. M., II, 1144 
Hawes, John C, IV, 347 
Hawes, Robert, I, 138, 153; II, 892 
Hawkins, Martin, I, 493 
Hay, Charles W., Ill, 464 
Haycraft, Samuel, I, 205 
Hayden, Benjamin, I, 194 
Hayden, Charles S., Ill, 61 
Hayden, John L., IV, 351 
Hayden, John V., IV, 350 
Haydon, William C, IV, 458 
Hayes, Edward, IV, 271 
Hayes, J. E., IV, 574 
Hayes, Mary, IV, 271 
Hayes, Nick, IV, 271 
Havnes, Chastain W., V, 371 
Haynes, Elizabeth F., Ill, 293 
Haynes, Frank L., IV, 567 
Haynes, Oliver C, III, 296 
Haynes, Warner E., V, 617 
Haynes, William L., Ill, 273 
Hays, David, V, 564 
Hays, Fountain S., IV, 327 
Hays, James R., IV, 312 
Hays, Joseph S., IV, 178 
Hays, Lewis, Jr., Ill, 395 
Hays, Lowell K., V, 159 
Hays, W. M., V, 37 
Hays, W. O., IV, 405 
Haywood, John, I, 115, 116 
Hazard, Samuel, I, 162 
Hazel Patch, I, 204 
Hazelrigg, Albert A., Ill, 562 

Vol. I--3 

Hazelrigg, James H., IV, 340 

Hazlitt, Henry, I, 126 

Head, Jesse, V, 607 

Headley, Alice W., Ill, 189 

Headley, Hal Price, III, 82 

Headley, Hal Petit, IV, 230 

Headley, Oscar F., IV, 141 

Head right system, II, 658 

Heady, J. Felix, IV, 112 

Health, II, 749 

Hearin, C. E., Ill, 111 

Heathman, William F., IV, 213 

Hedges, Florence A., V, 316 

Hedges, Ollie C, V, 316 

Heflin, William R., V, 150 

Hehr, Chris, V, 154 

Helm, B. H., II, 1144 

Helm, James P., IV, 73 

Helm, John B., II, 716 

Helm, John L., II, 767, 830, 837, 916. 

1071, 1076 
Helm, Leonard, I, 177 
Helm, Nannie C, IV, 325 
Helm, Thomas, I, 205 
Helm, Thomas K., IV, 74 
Helm, Thomas O., Sr., V, 258 
Helm's Station, I, 205 
Hemp, I, SCO, 506; machine for cleaning, 

I, 503; manufactures, I, 504; II, 592, 

Hemphill, Charles R., Ill, 66 
Hemphill, Ebenezer B., V, 61 
Hemphill, Fred W., Ill, 93 
Henderson, I, 500 
Henderson and Nashville Railroad, II, 

Henderson County, II, 1101, 1107 
Henderson District, II, 1178 
Henderson Grant, I, 213 
Henderson, Llewellyn M., IV, 385 
Henderson Purchase, I, 55 
Henderson, Richard, I, 12, 54, 137, 162. 

165, 172, 201, 212, 517; II, 1049, 1107; 

V, 627 
Henderson, Robert L., IV, 21 
Henderson, R. W., Ill, 524 
Hendren, Oliver J., IV, 426 
Hendrick, John K., V, 616 
Henry, Albert M., Ill, 474 
Henry Clay Monument (view), II, 840 
Henry County, II, 1100, 1107 
Henry, Jefiferson, V. 75 
Henry, Patrick, I, 162, 163, 168, 170, 252; 

II, 1107 

Henry, Robert P., II, 646 
Henry, T. J., II, 1002 
Henry, Winston B., V, 178 
Herald, Louisville, IV, 87 
Herberth, Louis, III, 104 
Hermann, Edward, V, 210 
Hermann, George J., IV, 425 
Hermann, Joseph G., V, 210 
Herndon, A. M., Ill, 525 
Herndon, William, III, 255 
Herold, Matt, V., 209 
Hert, Alvin T., IV, 23 
Hester, E. H., IV, 57 
Hester, James H., IV, 8 
Heuer, George H., III. 226 
Heyburn, William, III, 267 
Hickman, II, 874, 887; seized by Con- 
federates, II, 858 



Hickman County, II, 593, 1101, 1107 

Hickman, L. K., V, 48 

Hickman, Paschal, II, 1107 

Hickman, K., II, 582 

Hickman, Richard B., IV, 40 

Hickman, VVilham, I, 534 

Hickcy, William F., Ill, 225 

Hicks, Charles R., V, 487 

Hicks, Edna, IV, 534 

Hicks, Edward L., Ill, 490 

Hicks, Elmer H., V, 560 

Hicks, Harry, V, 203 

Hieatt, Clarence C, IV, 226 

Hieatt, William R, IV, 132 

Hiestand, Clement V., V, 85 

Higdon, James R., III. 328 

HiKKin, Henry, III, 206 

Higgins' Blockhouse, I, 20S 

Higgins Family, IV, 202 

Higgins, John M., Ill, 327 

Higgins, Sallic Ann, I, 11 

Higher education, I, 528; II, 992 

Highland, Jesse P., Ill, 558 

High schools, II, 991 

Highways of wihlerness, I, 26 

Hilburn, Tibbis C, III, 497 

Hildreth, Charles L., Ill, 218 

Hiles, John B., V, 253 

Hill, Ed, IV, 470 

Hill, Edward G., Ill, 77 

Hill, Fred P., V, 354 

Hill, G. W., V, 480 

Hill, Thomas P., V, 581 

Hill, William A., V, 139 

Hill, Will B., V, 465 

Hillenmeyer, Ernest B., IV, 36 

Hillenmeyer, Hector F., IV, 146 

Hillenmeyer, Herbert F., Ill, 226 

Hillenmeyer, Louis E., IV, 111 

Hillenmeyer, Walter W., V, 119 

Milliard, Edward H., Ill, 611 

Hilliard, John J. B., Ill, 611 

Hindman, Leslie L., V, 38 

Hindman Settlement School, IV, 647 

Hines, Lafayette J., IV, 541 

Hines, Thomas H. (portrait), II, 1146; 

V, 625 
Hinkston, John, I, 209 
Hinkston's Station, I, 205 
Hinton, John T., V, 613 
Hiuton, O. P., V, 613 
Hinton, Toy F., V, 539 
Hise, Elijah, II, 712 
Hisgen, C. W., IV, 88 
Historical celebrations, II, 771 
Historical documents, II, 770 
Historians of Kentucky, II, 770 
Hite, Abraham, I, 167 
Hobbs, William C. G., Ill, 386 
Hobday, Charles B., Ill, 57 
Hobson, E. H., H, 901. 905, 911 
Hobson, Robert P., Ill, 76 
Hobson, William, V, 406 
Hobson's Choice, I, 205 
Hockcr, Richard M., V, 411 
Hodge, Edwin, IV, 198 
Hodge, George B., II, 1144 
Hodge, John H., Ill, 211 
Hodge, William, I, 537 
Hodges, Eli P., IV, 403 
Hodgkin Grocery Company, III, 356 
Ilodgkin, Henry C, III, 53 

Hodgkin, James K., Ill, 366 

Hodgkin, Jesse N., IV, 326 

Hodgkin, John I\I., IV, 186 

Hodgkin, RifTe, III, 356 

Hodgkin, Samuel P., Ill, 356 

Hodgkin, Samuel P., Winchester, III, 

Hoeing, Joseph B., II. 997, 1033 
Hoeing Survey, II, 1034 
HofTman, Harry G., V.. 552 
Hogaland's Station, I, 205 
Hogard, William F., Ill, 440 
Hog cholera, II, 769 
Hoge, Eugene E., V, 211 
Hoge, Myrvin E., IV, 548 
Hoge, Percy E., IV, 592 
Hoge, Stephen F., Ill, 418 
Hoge, William H., V, 182 
Hog frauds, II, 878 
Hogg, James, I, 167 
Hogg, Peter, I, 95 
Hog orders, II, 878 
Hogshead markets, II, 1180 
Hogsheads, tobacco, II, 1168 
Holbert, George K., Ill, 303 
Hold, Joseph, II, 858 
Holden, Joseph, II, 1035 
Holder's Station, I. 205 
Holeman, Neville L., V, 498 
Holifield, Marvin B., V, 277 
Holladay, Bruce. III. 394 
Holladay, John B., Ill, 393 
Holladay, Mayme. III. 394 
Holland, George A., IV, 66 
Holland, Leander P., V, 415 
Holland, Reuben M., Ill, 298 
Holland, Richard H., IV, 58 
Holland, Simon K., Ill, 129 
Holley, Horace, II, 754, 787, 1054, 1057 
HoUiday, Malcolm H., IV, 607 
Hollingsworth, Lyman D., V, 145 
Holloway, E. T., II, 1187 
Ilolman, Paul W'., Ill, 596 
Ilolman, Rov, V, 532 
Holmes, Andrew, I, 309, 330 
Holmes, Luther B., Ill, 584 
Holston River, I, 5, 58, 95 
Holston settlements, I, 175, 177 
Holston, Stephen, I, 5 
Holt, Chief Justice, II, 1005 
Holt, Edward W.. V, 397 
Holton. Milton D., V, 93 
Holy Cross Church, III, 114 
Holy Cross School, III, 115 
Home Guards, 11, S8S, 889 
Homecoming celebration, II, 995 
Home industries, I, 502 
Home manufactories, II, 617 
Homemade products, I, 505 
Homestead Act, II. 913 
Homestead exemption, II, 834 
Homestead law, II, 719 
Hon, George, III, 34 
Honaker, Harry P., Ill, 22 
Honest living, I, 524 
Hood. Thomas J., II, 767 
Hood's Station, I, 205 
Hoover, John F., V, 386 
Hopewell treaty, I, 55 
Hopkins, Alice G., V, 579 
Hopkins County, II, 1028, 1101, 1107 
Hopkins, Francis A., V, 578 



Hopkins, John C, V, 579 

Hopkins, Samuel, I, 399, 420, 447, 552, 

553; II, 1107 
Hopkinsville, II, 781, 1013 
Hopkinsville District, II, 1178 
Hopkinsville High School, IV, 82 
Horn, George T., IV, 490 
Horine, Irving, III, 528 
Horse racing, I, 295, 525; II, 740 
Horses, I, 490, 525 
Hoskins, J. W., V, 207 
Hoskins, Leonard D., Ill, 441 
Hoskins, W. A., II, 901 
Hospital for insane, private, II, 779 
House, Leslie L., Ill, 521 
Houston, Edward B., IV, 362 
Hoiiston, John D., V, 113 
Hovermale, L. T., IV, 619 
Howard, Albert, IV, 157 
Howard, Benjamin, I, 466; II, 1086 
Howard, Charles E., Ill, 486 
Howard, H. Clay, V, 446 
Howard, John, IV, 453 
Howard, John A., IV, 382 
Howard, Moses W., V, 351 
Howe, John, I, 149 
Howe, John J., V, 238 
Howe, R. Emmet, IV, 343 
Howell, Elsey W., IV, 357 
Howell, James R., Ill, 80 
Howes, Frederick, IV, 560 
Howes, Harry C, III, 483 
Howes, Henry S., IV, 459 
Howk, George, IV, 302 
Hoy's Station, I, 205 
Hubbard, Eugene, III, 297 
Hubbard, James M., V, 523 
Huddleston, A., V, 291 
Huey, Oscar M., Ill, 155 
Huff, John W., IV, 558 
Huffman Brothers, IV, 177 
Huffman, James H., IV, 177 
Huffman, L. R., IV, 177 
Huffman, Robert, III, 395 
Huffman, William T., IV, 349 
Huggins, Clement W., V, 635 
Hughes, Alexander, III, 172 
H-ughes, D. L., IV, 536 
Hughes, Gabriel H., V, 258 
Hughes, James T., IV, 493 
Hughes, John, I, 58 
Hughes, John W., V, 608 
Hughes, W. R., IV, 469 
Hulett, James A., IV, 154 
Hume, Benjamin T., Ill, 189 
Hume, N. S., V, 486 
Hume, Omer P., Ill, 321 
Hummel, Harold R., V, 607 
Humphrey, John R., Ill, 326 
Humphreys, Charles, II, 1055 
Humphreys, Joseph A., V, 463 
Humphreys, Sarah G., V, 463 
Humphries, John C, V, 503 
Hunt, Clay R., Ill, 78 
Hunt, G. A., V, 444 
Hunt, George R., Ill, 359 
Hunt, James H., IV, 593 
Hunt, James W., IV, 422 
Hunt, Katherine, IV, 423 
Hunter, David, I, 207 
Hunter, David C, IV, 139 
Hunter, John A., Ill, 555 

Hunter, R. Dillard, III, 338 
Hunter, W. G., II, 1007 
Hunter, William, I, 457, 534 
Hunter, William E., Ill, IDS 
Hunters of Kentucky, II, 689, 822 
Huntsman, Htimphrey C, III, 469 
Huntsman, Rory O., IV, 473 
Hurst, C. Hardin, IV, 622 
Hurst, Henry C. IV, 618 
Hurst, Taylor, IV, 187 
Hurt, Elizabeth, V, 524 
Hurt, Harvey, V, 524 
Hurt, J. Smith, V, 524 
Hurt, Lester E., V., 460 
Hurt, Rollin, V, 359 
Huston's Station, I, 205 
Hutcheson, Robert R., IV, 233 
Hutchings, Eusebius T., Ill, 164 
Hutchinson, E. L., Ill, 83 
Hyatt, Meredith W., V, 59 
Hynes, Andrew, I, 205, 234 

Igleheart, Louis I., V, 276 

Illinois Central Railroad, II, 735, 923 

Illiteracy, II, 989 

Imlay, Gilbert, I, 296 

Immigration, promotion of, II, 995 

Imprisonment for debt, II, 615 

Indian attack on Drapers Meadows, I, 

Indian attack on Walker's Creek settle- 
ment, I, 140 

Indian campaigns of Harmar, St. Clair 
and Wayne, I, 376 

Indian expedition of 1791, I, 384 

Indian hieroglyphics, I, 147 

Indian Mounds, I, 148 

Indian Old Fields, II, 1169 

Indian occupancy, I, IS 

Indian remains, II, 1200 

Indian school, II, 783 

Indian title to Kentucky, I, 49 

Indian trail, I, 143 

Indiana Company, I, 162 

Indians, atrocities, I, 25; in Kentucky, I, 
31; land cessions of, I, 54; of the Ohio 
Valley, I, 94; as British allies, I, 173; 
campaign of 1780, 1^184; troubles after 
Revolution, I, 185; campaign of 1782, I, 
186; means of defense against, I, 227; 
depredations, I, 237; wars, I, 296; cam- 
paign in Northwest, I, 353; policy of 
treaty-making, I, 377; losses in Ken- 
tucky, I, 379; depredations in Ohio 
Valley, I, 380; Northwest Confederacy, 
r, 547; campaign of 1812, I, 553; power 
in Northwest broken,. I, 561; Boone's 
adventure with, II, 1037 

Individualism, I, 480 

Industrial activity, II, 592 

Industrial convention, II, 999 

Industries, I, 501; II, 996 

Industry, Kentucky's chief, II, 1177 

Ingles Family, I, 75 

Ingles Ferry, I, 58, 132 

Ingles, Mary, I, 71, 75; at the Shawnee 
villages, I, 83 

Ingles, Thomas, I, 92 

Ingles, William, I, 40, 58, 75, 91, 94; 
house (view), I, 76 

Ingram, William M., Ill, 173 

Inheritance tax, II, 989 



Inncs, Harry, I, 217. 2.U, 239, 242, 251, 
252, 254, 257, 264, 270, 271, 279, 283, 
285, 300, 303. 310, 365, 371, 377, 406, 
431, 444. 462, 4(f): refuses warrant for 
Hurr. I, 446; connection with Spanish 
plots, I, 461; inquiry ordered by legis- 
lature. I. 464; investigation, I, 465; 
compromise with Marshall, I. 468; II, 

Innes, James, I, 354 

Insane Asylum, II, 781 

Insane, state care of, II. 779 

Institution for the Deaf and Dumb, 11, 

Institutional development. I, 212 

Insurance business, I, 512 
r Insurance companies, II. 993 

Intellectual development. II. 769 

Intellectual progress. I. 303 

Internal development. I. 490 

Internal improvements. II, 584, 693, 695 
710, 715, 1066. 1069; era of, II, 721 
board of, II, 725; state aid to, II, 727 
cost of, II, 729 

Interstate Canal, II, 726 

Interstate highway, II. 724 

Inventions, new, I, 503 

Ireland, Henry C. IV. 341 

Ireland, James, I, 126 

Ireland. J. W., IV, 335 

Ireland, Marguerite, IV. 342 

Ireson. Ernest D., V, 261 

Irish, II. 785 

Irish Station. I. 205 

Iron furnaces. II. 745 

Iron industry. II, 746 

Iron ores. II. 745. 997. 1031 

Iron smelting. II. 1022 

Iroquois clans, I, 24 

Iroquois Indians, I, 1, 16, 23 

Irvan, Patrick C, V. 108 

Irvine. I. 74 

Irvine, Christopher. I. 205. 234 

Irvine. Estill County. I. 63, 112 

Irvine'. William, I, 205 

Irvine's Station. I, 205 

Irwin. John L., III. 72 

Isaacs. John E., III. 471 

Isenbcrg. Ewen D.. V. 351 

Ison, Charles S., V. 140 

Ison. Gideon D., Ill, 603 

Ison, Jeft. V, 565 

Ivy Mountain, II, 899 

Jackson. Andrew, I, 55. 437; II. 569. 570, 
581. 592. 676, 682. 1107; people's presi- 
dent, II. 692; administration con- 
demned. II. 703 

Jackson County. II. 1102, 1107 

Jackson, Dave, III, 374 

Jackson Democrats, II, 698 

Jackson. E. O.. V. 541 

Jackson, Francis I^I., V, 511 

Jackson, George, III, 149 

Jackson, Hcrmon, V, 424 

Jackson, James M., V, 126 

Jackson, James S., V, 621 

Jackson, J. T., IV, 39 

Jackson, Otis W, V, 266 

Jackson party, II, 574. 683, 704 

Jackson Purchase, I, 52, 56, 519; II, 592, 
658, 690, 702, 1029 

Jackson, Robert L., Ill, 33 

Jackson, William Z., II, 1192; V, 475 

Jacksonian Democrats. II, 682 

Jacob, Charles D., IV. 630 

Jacob. Richard T.. II. 897, 1002 

Jacobs, George II., IV, 400 

Jacoby, Jacob W., IV, 309 

Jacoby. James S.. III. 556 

Jacoby, Milton R.. Ill, 557 

Jaggers, Woodford K., IV, 524 

James, B. M., V, 219 

lames, David II.. III. 394 

James. Edward II., V, 508 

James, Hobson L., Ill, 302 

James, John G., Ill, 394 

James, J. W., V, 475 

James, Ollie M., II, 1015, 1092 

Janiieson, D. Marry, IV, 390 

Jansen, Henry, III, 124 

January, Andrew M., Ill, 588 

January, E. B., IV, 114 

January's tavern, II, 1191 

Jarvis, Arthur B., Ill, 224 

Jarvis, R. N., IV, 499 

Jasper, Henry C, III, 250 

Jasper, Robert P., Ill, 425 

Jay, John, I, 356 

Jay, John, Treaty, I, 240, 242, 357, 373, 

403, 471; II. 1064 
Jeffers. John W., Ill, 466 
JefTerson County, I, 200, 290; II, 834, 

1099. 1107 
Jefferson. Shadrach. I, 126 
JeiYerson, Thomas. I. 167, 176, 323. 423, 

524; election of, I, 474; II, 633, 1063 
Jeffersonian principles. II. 674 
Jeffries, James H., Ill, 445 
Jenkins, .Arthur, V, 516 
Jenkins. Judson C. V. 510 
Jenkins. Thomas E.. III. 163 
Jennie's Creek. I. 144. 156 
lennings, C. E.. V, 343 
Jessamine County, I, 209, 528; II, 1101, 


Jessamine Dome, II, 1017 
esse, William A., Ill, 352 
Jett, Garrett, III, 406 
Jett, George A., V, 270 
Jett, Nelson A.. Ill, 108 
Jewell. Carlos L.. IV. 518 
Jillson. Willard R., II, 749, 997,- 1031, 

1034; V. 14 
Jochum. George E.. Ill, 283 
Jochum. John, III. 282 
Jochum. Louis, III, 282 
iohns. Albert. IV, 11 
Johns, Charles A.. IV. 10 
John's Creek. I, 136, 153, 154 
lohnson. Andrew J., V. 420 
Johnson. A. R.. II. 904 
Johnson County, I, 118, 140, 147, 158; 

II. 1102. 1107 
Johnson. Curtis B., V, 641 
Johnson, Ella, III, 569 
Johnson, Frank L.. III. 385 
Johnson. Gabriel. I. 303 
Johnson. George D., Ill, 610 
Johnson. George I'".. IV. 637 
Johnson, George W.. II. 811, 872, 887 
Johnson, Goalder. IV, 386 
Johnson, Green L., IV, 261 
Johnson, Guy, I, 51 



lohnson, Jack S., V, 259 

Johnson, James, II, 582, 689 

Johnson, James B., Ill, 268 

Johnson, James M., V, 92 

Johnson, James W., Ill, 88 

Johnson, Jesse M., IV, 343 

Johnson, Jesse R., V, 272 

Johnson, John M., V, 349 

Johnson, John T., II, 646 

Johnson, J. Keller, IV, 586 

Johnson, Lemuel, I, 127 

Johnson, Lewis Y., IV, 63 

Johnson, Lonie W., V, 548 

Johnson, Madison C, II. 755; V, 626 

Johnson, Marion E., V, 268 

Johnson, Oscar M., V, 580 

Johnson, Otto E., V, 129 

Johnson, Richard M., I, 467, 546, 549, 

552, 557, 560, 561; II, 701, 713, 730, 732, 

783, 792, 831, 1059, 1068, 1083, 1093, 

Johnson, Robert, I, 214 
Johnson, Samuel, I, 194 
Johnson, Sir William, I, 50 
Johnson, Uncle Barney, I, 127 
Johnson's Station, I, 205 
Johnston, Albert S., II, 887; birthplace 

of (view), II, 1203 
Johnston, John P., Ill, 354 
Johnston, J. Stoddard, II, 1053; III, 110 
Johnston, J. Stoddard, Jr., Ill, 111 
Johnston, Philip P., Ill, 354 
Johnston, Philip P., Jr., IV, 148 
Johnston, Robert, I, 270 
Johnstone, Arthur W., V, 115 
Johnstone, Alice, V, 116 
Johnstone, Lucy A., V, 463 
Jones, Abner C., V, 517 
Jones, Beverly P., V, 420 
Jones, Edward S., V, 25 
Jones, Fred A., V, 188 
Jones, Gabriel John, I, 170, 174 
Jones, George F., Ill, 216 
Jones, George K., Ill, 493 
Jones, Gorman, III, 235 
Jones, Guy M., V, 153 
Jones, John, V, 509 
Jones, John R., V, 385 
Jones, Joseph F., V, 446 
Jones, Joseph R., IV, 280 
Jones, Julia E. H., IV, 488 
Jones, J. Everett, V, 588 
Jones, J. R., II, 1187 
Jones, Kate, IV, 272 
Jones, Marcus A., Ill, 186 
Jones, Mary L. (Eubanks), V, 153 
Jones, Patrick M., Ill, 586 
Jones, R. M., V, 107 
Jones, Samuel E., Ill, 543 
Jones, Thomas L., II, 849 
Jones, Thomas J., IV, 610 
Jones, Thomas R., V, 235 
Jones, T. C, II, 1000 
Jones, Veachel Holman, IV, 501 
Jones, Walter M., IV, 232 
Jones, William Holman, IV, 217 
Jones, William Henry, IV, 443 
Jones, William M., Sunny Valley Farm, 

IV, 147 
Jones, William M., V, 447 
Jones, William W., V, 11 
Jones, W. B., Ill, 177 

Jordan, Charles R., IV, 321 

Jouett, Edward S., Ill, 157 

Judge, Robert C., IV, 106 

Judges, under first constitution, I, 283; 
new, II, 636 

Judicial District of Kentucky, I, 290 

Judicial salaries, I, 483 

Judicial system, I, 399, 480 

Judicial tyranny, II, 627 

Judiciary, state, I, 310, 400; reorganiza- 
tion of, I, 311; struggle against, II, 
623; Federal, II, 654; on slavery, II, 
833; under Third Constitution, II, 836 

Judy, William D., V, 287 

Justice, M. C, V, 345 

Justice, Robert B., V, 548 

Justice, W. H., V, 548 

Kagin, Carl, V, 164 

Kanawha River, I, 48 

Kane, Edward, IV, 153 

Kane, Elizabeth M., IV, 153 

Kane, John E., III. 530 

Kansas-Nebraska bill. II, 844 

Karnes, Ernest, IV, 391 

Karsner, Albert C, IV, 201 

Kasey, Arthur R., IV, 413 

Kash, William L., IV, 622 

Kaskaskia, I, 177 

Katterjohn, Charles A., IV, 301 

Kaufman, Moses, III, 351 

Kaufmann, Robert J., III. 410 

Kavanaugh, Hubbard H., II, 764 

Kearns, B. F., IV, 280 

Keeley, James E., V, 524 

Keen, Edward J., Ill, 514 

Keen, George R., V, 416 

Keen, Sanford, II, 1192 

Keen, William C, V, 489 

Keene, John, III, 486 

Keenc, Robert P., Ill, 328 

Keeney, Jacob H., V, 266 

Kehoe, J. N., II, 1184, 1186 

Keith, Lula D., Ill, 122 

Keith, Pendleton F. D., Ill, 122 

Kellar's Bridge, II, 903 

Kellar's Station, I, 205 

Kellenaers, Theophilus, III, 203 

Keller, David A., IV, 145 

Keller, Ferdinand, III, 184 

Keller, John A., Ill, 184 

Kelley, Elihu, IV, 505 

Kelley, John S., V, 293 

Kelley, H. Lee, V, 250 

Kelley, Manford F., Ill, 526 

Kelley, J. Robert, IV, 102 

Kelly, Benjamin F., V, 206 

Kelly, Edward P., Ill, 331 

Kelly, Griffin, III, 109 

Kelly, Martin T., IV, 123 

Kemp, William C, III, 174 

Kemper, Maury, IV, 197 

Kendall, Amos, I, 533; II, 580, 621, 622, 

686, 690, 692, 757 
Kendrick, Tobias J., V, 265 
Kennedy, John, I, 194 
Kennedy, John F., IV, 303 
Kennedy, Thomas, I, 284; V, 566 
Kennedy, William, I, 234 
Kennedy's Station, I, 205 
Kennett, William L., Ill, 72 



Kenney, Andrew, III, 197 

Kenney, William, IV, 291 

Kenton, I, 178, 184 

Kenton County, II, 1101, 1107 

Kenton, Joe VV., V. 580 

Kenton, John T., IV, 280 

Kenton, Simon, I, 149, 173, 177, 205, 210, 
292; II, 746, 1107; (portrait), 1108 

Kenton's Station, I, 205 

Kentuc riverman, I, 294 

Kentucke, I, 243 

Kentuckians, cradled in war, I, 296; hos- 
tile to Indians, I, 378; oppose war with 
France, I, 411; threat of war on New 
Orleans, I, 428; foreign sympathies of, 

I, 472; and free trade, I, 505; in battle 
of Tippecanoe, I, 548; comprise Harri- 
son's army, I, 561; in battle of New 
Orleans, I, 565; at battle of New Or- 
leans, II, 569; sympathy for Ireland, 

II, 785; and Creek War for independ- 
ence, II, 785; character of, II, 788; 
characteristics. II, 790; convivial na- 
ture of, II, 791; opposed to immediate 
emancipation, II, 801; in the Texas 
Revolution, II, 821; at home and 
abroad, II, 995; individualists, II, 1061; 
ancestry of, II, 1205 

Kentucky, meaning of, I, 1; factors in 
settlement, I, 161; land companies, I, 
162; first civil government, I, 166; and 
the Revolutionary war, I, 167; at- 
tempts at independent government, I, 
169; county of, I, 171; a state-maker, 
I, 172; in the Revolution, I, 173; saved 
by Clark's campaign, I, 180; in 1779-80, 
I, 182; after the Revolution, I, 185: 
honored dead of, I, 193; early settle- 
ments in. I. 200; land titles, I, 212; 
separation from Virginia, I, 221; bar, 
I, 214: statehood conventions in, I, 
226; democratic usages in, I, 228; se- 
cession from the Confederation, I, 236; 
Spanish intrigues in, I, 239: absolute 
independence for, I, 239; trade down 
the Mississippi, I, 240; international 
situation of, I, 245; attitude to Federal 
Constitution, I, 253; shades of opinion 
in 1788, I, 260; leading men in 1789, 
I, 270; a living democracy, I, 280; sep- 
aration movement in, I, 272; first con- 
stitution of, I, 279; plan of first state 
government, 1. 282; admitted to Union, 
/ I, 285; settlement of, I, 287; sources 
I of early population, I, 289; character 
' and society at the beginning of state- 
hood, I, 286; population at statehood, 
I, 292; attraction for young lawyers, 
I, 293; frontier life, I. 294; edition de- 
luxe of Virginia, I, 294; progress in, 
1775-1792, I, 297; and the French Revo- 
lution, I, 319; the French enterprise in, 
I, 325; Volunteers for Louisiana Cam- 
paign, I, 330; interest in expedition 
against Louisiana, I, 341; and the 
I'ederal government on the opening of 
the Mississippi, I, 346; volunteers for 
Wayne's Indian campaign, I, 354; in- 
dignation over Jay Treaty, I, 357; 
second separation movement, I, 364; 
separation from the Union, plans for. 

I, 370; tires of Spanish plots, I, 373; 
pivot of Spanish plots, I, 375; cam- 
paigns against Indians, I, 376; troops 
for Wayne's Indian campaign, I, 387; 
part in the development and defense of 
the West, I, 389; second constitution 
of, I, 390; Federal relations of, I, 403; 
alien and sedition law in, I, 408; 
resentment toward New England 
States, I, 422; and the Louisiana Pur- 
chase, I, 424; troops to take posses- 
sion of Louisiana, I, 430; security due 
to Louisiana purchase, I, 431; and the 
Aaron Burr conspiracy, I, 434; loyalty 
to the Union, I, 457; political parties, 
I, 469; at beginning of 19th century, 

I, 485; agriculture, I, 499; manufactur- 
ing, I, 501; domestic and foreign man- 
ufactures, I, 506; banking, I, 511; 
boundary disputes, I, 516; character, 
distinct from old states, I, 524; social 
and intellectual progress, I, 524; in the 
War of 1812, I, 545; volunteers in War 
of 1812, I, 553, 556; militia in battle 
of Lake Erie, I, 560; attitude toward 
peace in 1814, I, 563; character and the 
War of 1812, II, 569; leading power 
in West, II, 574; patriotism. II, 577; 
decade following War of 1812, II, 647; 
land office warrants, II, 658; conflict 
with United States Supreme Court, II, 
666; a border state, II. 697; pivotal 
state, II, 702; and nullification, II, 
705; reply to nullification, II, 708; re- 
lations with Southern States, II, 708; 
opposed to political tyranny, II, 784; 
interest in Cuban liberation, II, 785; 
slavery in, II. 796; common interest 
with slave holding states, II, 804; in 
national affairs, II, 820; in Mexican 
W^ar, II, 826; devoted to the Union, 

II, 838; a democratic state, II. 849; and 
secession. II, 853; neutral at beginning 
of Civil War. II, 855; declares for the 
Union, II, 858; trade relations with 
North and South, II, 859; geographic 
position, II, 864; final position in the 
Civil War, II, 866; commerce in war 
times, II, 868; a difficult problem to 
Federal government, II, 873; Confed- 
erate trade in, II, 875; supplies for 
Northern and Southern armies, II, 

877; a conquered province, II, 878; 
commercial relations during the war, 
II, 883; anomalous position in war 
times, II, 884: civil and military affairs 
during Civil War, II, 885; battlefield 
between the sections, II, 887; loyal 
government of, II, 888; reorganized 
war government, II, 891; Morgan's 
raids in, II, 892; freed from Confed- 
erate occupation, II, 893; guerrilla war- 
fare in, II, 894; under martial law, II, 
897; military measures in 1864, II, 
898; Civil war battles in, II, 899; Union 
officers in, II, 905; effects of the Civil 
War, II, 906; opposed to Northern 
radicalism, II, 912; in hands of the 
rebels, II, 915; rivalry between Louis- 
ville and Cincinnati, II, 926; commerce 
centers at Louisville, II, 931; situation 



for river or railway traffic, II, 985; 
since the Civil War, II, 987; char- 
acter of, II, 99S; geology, II, 1016; 
list of governors, II, 1U71; secession 
and Clay, II, 1U69; U. S. Senators in, 
II, 1082; county names and divisions, 
II, 1U99; officers in Civil War, II, 
1114; battles of Civil War in, II, I1S5; 
history of tobacco, II, 927, 1162; pro- 
duction of tobacco in, II, 1173; tobacco 
industry, II, 1177 
Kentucky and Great Eastern Railroad, 

II, 734 
Kentucky Abolition Society, I, 543; II, 

798, 799, 801 
Kentucky Academy, I, 528; II, 1051 
Kentucky boat, I, 380, 490 
Kentucky Branch of Tammany, II, 675 
Kentucky Central Railroad, II, 734, 940, 

942, 951, 955, 969 
Kentucky code, I, 541 
Kentucky Colonization Society, II, 798 
Kentucky Common School Society, II, 

Kentucky County, I, 216, 290; II, 1099 
Kentucky courts, II, 965 
Kentucky delegates, opposed to Federal 

Constitution, I, 253 
Kentucky Democratic Society, I, 351, 356 
Kentucky Democracy, I, 474 
Kentucky District, commercial interests 

of, I, 226 
Kentucky Educational Society, II, 762 
Kentucky Federalists, I, 475 
Kentucky Female Orphan School, III, 

Kentucky Gazette, I, 229, 243, 306, 532 
Kentucky Geological Survey, historical 

sketch of, II, 1031, 1033 
Kentucky Herald, I, 532 
Kentucky Historical Society, II, 771- 

library of, II, "m 
Kentucky Insurance Company, I. 444 

511, 513; II, 599 
Kentucky journalism, II, 774 
Kentucky Light Artillery, batteries and 

officers, II, 1142 
Kentucky Manufacturing Society, I, 300 
Kentucky mountaineer, II, 1207 
Kentucky Regiments, Confederate, names 

of field officers, II, llSl 
Kentucky Reporter, II, 573 
Kentucky Resolutions, II, 1063 
Kentucky resolutions against Great Bri- 
tain, I, 550 
Kentucky Resolutions of 1798, ' I, 416; 
foundation and inspiration of the doc- 
trine of state rights, I, 420 
Kentucky River, I, 12, 54, 137, 160, 164, 
289, 493; commerce stopped at New 
Orleans, I, 426; II, 725, 740, 746, 931, 
940, 999, 1037; (view), II. 748 
Kentucky River Company, I, 494 
Kentucky salt, II, 746 
Kentucky School for the Deaf (views). 

II. 780, 782 
Kentucky Society for Promoting Useful 

Knowledge, I, 303 
Kentucky Society for the Encourage- 
ment of Domestic Manufacture, II, 600 
Kentucky Society for the Relief of the 
State from Slavery, II, 800 

Kentucky State Agricultural Society. II 

Kentucky State Capitol (view), II, 986 
Kentucky Teachers' Association, II, 768 
Kentucky telegraph, I, 532 
Kentucky Temperance Society, II, 795 
Kentucky tobacco, II, 927, 1112, 1173 

Kentucky University, II, 1058; (view). 

II, 991 
Kentucky vs. Dennison, II, 808 
Kentucky Wesleyan College, IV, 180 
Kerkow, Paul E., V, 235 
Kerr, Charles, II, 1070; V, 646 
Kerr, J. W., V, 106 
Kerr, Roscoe I., V, 413 
Kerr, Victor, II, 786 
Kessinger, Benjamin L., IV, 525 
Kessinger, Robert, IV, 534 
Keune, Fred, Sr., V, 539 
Keys, Ben B., IV, 363 
Kidd, James S., IV, 295 
Kilgore's Station, I, 205 
Kimbrough, Daniel R., IV, 283 
Kimbrough, William L., V, 459 
Kincheloe, Allen L., Ill, 51 
Kincheloe, Allen R., Ill, 331 
Kincheloe, John E., III. 273 
Kincheloe, William P., IV, 53 
Kincheloe's Station, I, 205 
King, B. B., V, 205 
King, J. D., and Son, III, 531 
King, O. F., Ill, 531 
King, Sam F., Ill, 373 
King Solomon, II, 752 
King, Thomas E., V, 61 
King, W. N., IV, 11 
Kington, W. W., V, 172 
Kinkead, William B., II, 811, 914 
Kinnaird, James B., Ill, 257 
Kinne, William A., V, 440 
Kirby, Samuel B., IV, 11 
Kirk, Andrew J., V, 574 
Kirk, Aretaeus, III, 64 
Kirk, McClellan C, V, 577 
Kirkland, Robert R., V, 328 
Kirkpatrick, M. L., II, 1187 
Kirksey, John F., V, 544 
Klair, William F.. IV, 171 
Kloecker, John, III, 174 
Kitchen cabinet, II, 692 
Knight, Carrie C, III, 342 
Knight, James, III, 341 
Knob Lick, I, 205 
Knobs Region, II, 1021 
Knott County, II, 1102, 1107 
Knott, J. Proctor, II, 988, 1002, 1072, 

1079, 1107 
Knox, A. T., V, 312 
Knox County, I, 489; II, 1101, 1107 
Knox, James, I, 202 
Knox, James H., Ill, 59 
Knox, John W., V, 20 
Know-Nothing Convention, II, 846 
Know-Nothing party, II, 845, 848 
Koett, Albert B., IV, 54 
Korb, Shelby M., Ill, 106 
Krock, Arthur, II, 1183; IV, 42 
Ku Klux Klan, II, 913, 1001 
Kumbrough, John T., V, 559 
Kuykendahl's Station I, 205 
Kyle, Andrew G., IV, 258 



Labor conditions. II, 599, 906 

Labor shortage, II, 594 

Labor situation in 1800, I, 503; after the 
Civil War, II, 920, 995 

Laboring class, II, 999 

Lackey, \V. H., V, 318 

Lacy, Daniel G., IV, 631 

Lacy, James A., Ill, 610 

Lacy, Minnie W., Ill, 610 

Lafayette, General, II, 786, 1192 

Lafayette Academy, II, 787 

Laflcrty, William T., IV, 121 

Lafferty, Mrs. W. T., I, 219; II, 1188 

Lair, Frank, III, 55 

Lamar, Edmund N., Ill, 332 

Lancaster, Joe, V, 92 

Lancaster Exporting Company, 11, 603 

Land, Charles, III, 397 

Land Claim Court, I, 215 

Land claims, three classes of, I, 212, 310 

Land, George, III, 149 

Land grants, II, 724 

Land, Headley, III, 149 

Land laws of 1779, 1. 212, 293; inherited 
from Virginia, II, 658; Supreme 
Court's decision, II, 661 

Land litigations, II, 656 

Land of Tomorrow, I, 56 

Land office, first, I, 167 

Land policy of Virginia, I, 171 

Land prices, II, 593 

Land problems, cause for separation 
from Virginia, I, 223 

Land speculation, I, 214, 276, 487 

Land system, I, 212, 486, 488 

Land tenure, after Supreme Court's de- 
cision, II, 671 

Land tenure laws, II, 655 

Land titles, confusion of, I, 214; uncer- 
tainty of, II, 656; in general, II, 1026 

Land warrants, I, 213, 299, 511 

Lands, I, 499 

Lane, Joseph H., IV, 37 

Lang, James M., V, 339 

Lang, Martin, IV, 295 

Langan, John J., Ill, 258 

Larkin, John C, IV, 125 

Larkin, Prestley, I, 128 

Larkin, William R., IV, 130 

Larue County, II, 1102, 1109 

Larue, John, II, 1109 

La Rue, John F., IV, 562 

Laslev, John B., V, 458 

Laslie, Theophilus A. H., Ill, 490 

Laswell, Floyd J.. IV, 262 

I.aswell, William D., V, 64 

Laughlin, Samuel D., Ill, 414 

Laurel Bridge, II, 899 

Laurel County, I, 117; 11, 996, 1101, 1109 

Lavin, W. J., IV, 16 

Law, occupying claimant, II, 659 

Law school, II, 1053 

Law School of Transylvania College, II, 

Law suits, I, 480, 525 

Lawless, Henry, I, 58 

Lawless, Lee A., Ill, 533 

Lawlessness, II, 1012 

Lawrence County, II, 1101, 1109 

Lawrence, Henry R., IV, 462 

Laws, criminal, I, 312; reform in, I, 
479; for relief of settlers, I, 489; Eng- 

lish precedents forbidden, I, 547; regu- 
lating elections, II, 778; for fugitive 
slaves, II, 805; against Confederate 
sympathizers, II, 890 

Lawyer, every man his own, I, 479 

Lay, Lewis P., III. 232 

Layman, J. R., IV, 614 

Layman, Reason T., Ill, 321 

Layne, Will H., IV, 468 

Lazarus, Joseph, IV, 62 

Leach, Ambrose D., V, 62 

Leach, George T., IV, 409 

Leach, Jesse A., V, 132 

Leach, Joseph L., V, 524 

Leach's Station, I, 205 

Leachman, George C, IV, 5 

Lead mines, I, 150 

Le Bus, Clarence, IV, 107 

Le Bus, Frank, V, 182 

Le B-us. Joseph F., V, 180 

Lebanon, II, 893, 903, 929 

LeCompte, Joseph, IV, 188 

LeCompte, Louis, V, 165 

Lederer, John, I, 42 

Lee County, II, 1102, 1109 

Lee, Charles H., V, 213 

Lee, D. Collins, IV, 218 

Lee, E. S., V, 294 

Lee, Hancock, I, 206 

Lee, Harrison, V, 138 

Lee, Henry, I, 206, 270 

Lee, Miles E., V, 366 

Lee, Richard, I, 67 

Lee, Richard H., I, 289 

Lee, Robert E., II, 1109 

Lee, Thomas, I, 67 

Leek, John W., IV, 300 

Leestown, I, 206, 309 

Lee's Station, I, 206 

Legerwood's Bend, I, 309 

Legislation, special, II, 954; local option, 
II, 992 

Legislative bills, II, 834 

Legislative department, under Third 
Constitution, II, 835 

Legislative power, division of, I, 281 

Legislative representation of Kentucky 
County, I, 216 

Legislature and the Federal authorities, 
II, 889 

Legislature, composition of, I, 282; first 
state, I, 307; salaries, I, 315; on Mis- 
sissippi River Navigation, I, 353; of 
1817, II, 589; resolutions of 1819, II, 
605; of 1819, II, 60S; inipoachniont of 
Tudge Clark, II, 624; resolution of 1821, 
il, 662; of 1842, II, 720; general ability 
of, II, 779; right of, to borrow, II, 
834; powers of, II, 836; session of 
1860-61, II, 854; special session of 
1862, II, 891; of 1867, II, 916; of 1871, 
II, 981; contest of 1900, II, 1010 

Lchr, Rorgias, V, 237 

Leitch, David, I, 206 

Lcitch's Station, I, 206 

Lemon, Clay G., IV, 320 

Lemon, James R., IV, 319 

Lenton, Matthew A„ IV, 362 

Leopold, Lawrence S., IV, 33 

Leslie County, II, 1102, 1109 

Leslie, G. W., IV, 620 

Leslie, John E., V, 130 



Leslie, Preston H., II, 919, 980, 1072, 
1078, 1109 

Letcher County, II, 1102, 1109 

Letcher, Robert P., II, 714, 717, 729, 
730, 844, 1071, 1075, 1109 

Letterle, John L., Ill, 163 

Letton, John Will, IV, 284 

Letton, John W., V, 17 

Letton, Lo-u P., IV, 284 

Le Vesque, Henry C, IV, 299 

Le Vesque, May, IV, 299 

Levi, Clyde R., V, 595 

Levick, H. R., Jr., Ill, 169 

Levisa, I, 12, 137 

Lewis, Andrew, I, 95 

Lewis County, II, 1101, 1109 

Lewis, George, I, 207 

Lewis, Henry H., IV, 8 

Lewis, Isaac N., V, 575 

Lewis, James, V, 628 

Lewis, James P.. IV, 340 

Lewis, James W., Ill, 305 

Lewis, Joseph H., II, 1144 

Lewis, Meriwether, II, 1109 

Lewis, Preston O., V, 521 

Lewis, Samuel D., Ill, 44 

Lewis, Thomas, I, 135, 284 

Lewis, William, I, 555; III, 504 

Lewis' Station, I, 206 

Lexington, I, 162, 194, 206, 207, 219, 243, 
280, 289, 291, 295, 296, 303, 305, 307, 
309, 310, 320, 356, 398, 405, 438, 453, 
488, 499, 504, 508, 532, 535, 551; manu- 
facturing, I, 503; original court house 
at, I, 308; social center, I, 524; in 1817, 

I, 525; II, 580, 592, 593, 595, 600, 611, 
630, 651, 680, 695, 704, 710, 715, 721, 
723, 727, 728, 730, 732, 733, 740, 741, 
763, 7S7, 797, 821, 841, 877, 881, 887, 
918, 970, 976, 982, 992, 1058, 1167, 1181, 
1191; social and intellectual center, II, 
743; view of, II, 744; during cholera 
epidemic, II, 750; C. M. Clay case, II, 

Lexington & East Tennessee Railroad, 

II, 950 

Lexington and Frankfort Railroad, II, 

Lexington and Ohio Railroad, II, 731 

Lexington Daily Leader, The, III, 352 

Lexington Dry Goods Company, III, 148 

Lexington Emigration Society, I, 486 

Lexington Granite Company, III, 173 

Lexington Herald, I, 357 

Lexington Hospital, II, 781 

Lexington Library, I, 531 

Lexington Society, II, 789 

Lexington Utilities Company, III, 97 

Liberty Fort, I, 206 

Libraries, II, 772 

Licking Associating of Particular Bap- 
tists, I, 543 

Licking River, I, 13, 186, 493; II, 726 

Licking Station, I, 206, 293 

Lieutenant governor, I, 282, 400 

Light, W. T., IV, 288 

Lightning-rod agents, II, 993 

Ligon, Moses E., Ill, 199 

Lile, Arthur, IV, 568 

Liles, Erwin B., IV, 113 

LiUard, Charles K., V, 282 

Lilly, Grant E., Ill, 314 

Limestone, I, 297, 379 

Limestone Creek, I, 173, 184 

Limestone formations, I, 288 

Lincoln, Abraham, II, 656, 852, 856; 

(portrait), 861; II, 863, 879; vote for, in 

1864, II, 898; birthplace of (view), II, 

Lincoln, Benjamin, II, 1109 
Lincoln County, I, 202, 203, 290, 301; II, 

1099, 1109 
Lincoln guns, II, 886 
Lincoln Memorial (view), II, 1104 
Lincoln, Walter P., IV, 56 
Lindsay, G. W., IV, 547 
Lindsay, Horace C, IV, 478 
Lindsay, Joseph, I, 193 
Lindsay, William, II, 1085, 1093 
Lindsay, William O., IV, 227 
Lindsay's Station, I, 206 
Lindsey, John B., Sr., IV, 315 
Lindsey, John B., Jr., IV, 318 
Lindsley, Philip, II, 1054 
Linen manufacture, I, 506 
Link, William F., IV, 115 
Linn, Cyrus H., V, 504 
Linnemann, J. B., IV, 241 
Linn's Station, I, 206 
Lisanby, Rufus W., Ill, 429 
Lisle, Rufus, III, 243 
Lisle, Virginia, III, 244 
Lisman, Marion R., IV, 321 
Literary culture, I, 531 
Literary fund, II, 759 
Literature, II, 995, 1208 
Littell's Station, I, 206 
Little, Lucius F., Ill, 274 
Little, Lucius P., Ill, 274 
Little, Luther C, III, 230 
Little Fort, I, 206 
Little Mudlick Creek, I, 149 
Littlepage, William, I, 77 
Live stock, II, 740 
Livestock business, II, 920 
Livestock export, II, 742 
Livestock trade with South, II, 708 
Livingston, Allen, IV, 500 
Livingston, Ova B., V, 176 
Livingston County, II, 1100, 1109 
Lloyd, Arthur L., V, 144 
Lloyd, Robert E., Ill, 535 
Lockhart, Charles J., Ill, 61 
Lockhart, George C., Ill, 57 
Loftus, M. E., IV, 600 
Locust Thicket Fort, I, 206 
Logan, I, 184 
Logan, Benjamin, I, 187, 193, 206, 227, 

234. 270, 315, 328, 382; II, 629, 1050, 

Logan College for Young Women IV, 

Logan County, I, 489, 537; II, 1100, 1109 
Logan, James L., IV, 289 
Logan, John, I, 264, 376, 469 
Logan, John A., II, 786; V, 437 
Logan, Leslie, III, 457 
Logan, Marvel M., IV, 28 
Logan, Thomas L., V, 385 
Logan, William, I, 494; II, 1083, 1094 
Logan's Fort, I, 175, 206; II. 1041 
Logsdon, William J., Ill, 239 
Logging Scene, Lee County (view), II, 




London, seat of government, II, 1010 

London, Willis, III, 557 

Long, Carl L.. V, 23 

Long, Charles R., Jr., Ill, 146 

Long, Edward H., Ill, 153 

Long, George, IV, 36V 

Long, George C, IV, 104 

Long Hunters, expedition, I, 160 

Long, Nimrod, IV, 433 

Long, W. A., IV, 60 

Looniis, Arthur, IV. 23 

Loomis, Ezra E., Ill, 383 

Looney, James T., IV, 96 

Looney's Gap, I, 59 

Looseleaf markets, II, 1179 

Lopez expeditions, II, 785 

Lottery, I, 494, 529; II, 724, 764, 1005, 

Loudon's Station, I, 206 

Louisa, I, 86, 98 

Louisa Company, I, 162, 163 

Louisa Fork, I, 12, 127 

Louisa River, I, 64, 137, 145, 148, 153 

Louisiana, French scheme for tlie con- 
quest of, I, 325 

Louisiana cession, I, 429 

Louisiana Purchase, I, 424 

Louisiana territory, I, 373 

Louisville, I, 162, 177, 182, 184, 185, 203, 
206, 216, 218, 219, 289, 296, 297, 299, 
302, 309, 488, 533; II, 593, 611, 651, 
676, 695, 702, 709, 721, 722, 727, 728, 
740, 781, 786, 834, 845, 848, 862, 883, 
892, 899, 913, 924, 926, 958, 962, 966, 
972, 984, 996, 1009, 1172, 1180; city 
currency, II, 616; opposition to rail- 
roads, II, 731; commercial center of 
state, II, 743; during Civil War, II, 
881; wholesale and manufacturing, II, 
927; burden of railroad building, II, 
931; a Southern city, II, 935; commer- 
cial position threatened, II, 959; first 
legislative victory against Cincinnati, 
II, 969; boycott by Central Kentucky, 
II, 970 

Louisville aid to railroad building, II, 

Louisville and Cincinnati, rivalry of, II, 

Louisville & Chattanooga Grand Trunk 
Railroad, II, 960 

Louisville & Frankfort Railroad Com- 
pany, II, 732 

Louisville & Nashville Railroad, II, 734, 
736, 738, 863, 868, 880, 887, 923, 928, 
932, 937, 943, 947, 965, 970, 985, 998 

Louisville & Portland Canal Company, 
II, 727, 945 

I-ouisville & Portland Railroad Com- 
pany, II, 732 

Louisville I'-ank of Kentucky, 11, 710 
v-imjisville banks, II, 1185 

Louisville canal, II, 697 

Louisville, Cincinnati & Lexington Rail- 
road, II, 929 

Louisville Commercial, II, 919 

Louisville Commercial Bank, II, 603 

Louisville Courier, II, 911 

Louisville Gazette, I, 533 

Louisville Herald, IV, 84 

Louisville Journal, II, 911 

Louisville Legion, II, 826 

Louisville Legion in New York, 1889 

(view), II, 827 
Louisville Railroad connections, II, 926 
Louisville Road, II, 928 
Louisville, Short Line Railroad, II, 944 
Louisville society and sports, I, 295 
Lovell, Aden G., Ill, 36 
Lovett, Henry H., IV, 476 
Lovett, John G., IV, 425 
Loving, William V., II, 846 
ttjbow Dutch Reformed believers, I, 214 
Lower Blue Licks, I, 206 
Loyal Land Company, I, 57 
Loyalty, oaths of, II, 890 
Luckey, William A., Ill, 55 
I.uigart, Flora, III, 185 
Luigart, George, III, 185 
Luker, Charles R., IV, 250 
Lumber, II, 747 
Lusk, Absalom, I, 153 
Luten, Horace, V, 288 
Luxon, William E., Ill, 246 
Lydon, William, V, 343 
Lyie, Robert B., V, 78 
Lynch, John F., IV, 4 
Lynch, Richard J., Ill, 481 
Lynch's Station, I, 206 
Lynchings, II, 1014 
Lyne, Edmund, I, 216 
Lync, Sandford C, IV, 148 
Lynn, James F., Ill, 195 
Lyon, Albert P., IV, 492 
Lyon County, II, 746, 1102, 1109 
Lyon, Dandridge H., Ill, 522 
Lvon, H. B., II, 1144 
Lyon, Matthew. I, 435; II, 585, 1109 
Lyons, G. R., IV, 334 
Lyons, Henry, V, 146 
Lyons, Samuel, V, 147 
Lyons, William L., Jr., IV, 141 
Lyttle, C. B., V, 451 

Macartney, T. B., II, 1059 
MacCrcady, Walter C, V, 608 
Macey, Gus, IV, 146 
Macdonald, James W., Ill, 125 
Machcn, Willis B., II, 987, 1000, 1085, 

Macht, James C, IV, 420 
Mackoy, Harry B., Ill, 222 
Mackoy, William H., Ill, 222 
Madden, John E., Ill, 81 
Maddux, Connell R., V, 537 
Madison County, I, 164, 200, 201, 291, 

490; II, 886, 1100, 1110 
Madison, George, II, 582, 1071, 1073 
Madison, James, I, 252 
MalTett, Logan H., IV, 286 
Maggard, Elijah H., V, .586 
Maggard, Samuel D., Ill, 537 
Magoffin, Bcriah, II, 850, 853, 854, 885, 

890, 891, 1072, 1077, 1110 
Magoffin County, I, 63; II, 1102, 1110 
Magraw, Norris C, V, 397 
Magraw, Richard A., V, 380 
Mahan, John B., II, 805 
Mahon, James C'., Ill, 173 
Mahurin, Cumpton 1., V, 38 
Maloney, Richard, HI, 284 
Mail connections, I, 490 
Mammoth Cave, II, 1023 
Manchester, I, 206 




Mandan Indians, I, 36 
Mann, Edward G. B., IV, 92 
Mann, Fletcher, IV, 126 
Mann, Harry F., V, 228 
Mann, James H., Jr., Ill, 541 
Mann's Lick, I, 206 
Manning, Joseph A., Ill, 310 
Manning, Lewis, V, 223 
IVianning, Peter F., IV, 337 
Mansfield, Alderson D., V, 533 
Mansfield, E. Morris, V, 241 
Mansker, Gasper, I, 160 
Manor, Jesse B., V, 244 
Man o' War, V, 27 
iManson, Lewis L., Ill, 134 
Mantle, Irving W., Ill, 353 
Mantz, Corydon F., V, 65 
Manufactures, I, 300, 488, 526; salt, I, 
300; II. 593, 743; iron, II, 745; tobacco, 

II, 1172 

Manufacturing, II, 600, 739, 920 

Manufacturing at Lexington, I, 503 

Manufacturing industry in 1810, I, 504 

Marble Creek Station, I, 207 

Marcum, Cornelius, III, 257 

Marcum, John R., Ill, 318 

Marcum, Thomas D., IV, 181 

Maret, James, IV, 195 

Marion County, II, 1101, 1110 

Mark, John F., V, 555 

Markey, James B., IV, 491 

Markey, Mrs. James N., Ill, 486 

Marks, Samuel B., Ill, 390 

Marrs, William, IV, 151 

Marsee, Tackson. IV. 253 

Marsee, Noah, IV, 253 

Marsee, William R., V, 417 

Marsh, Augustus F., IV, 303 

Marsh John D., IV, 416 

Marshall, Albert R., Ill, 185 

Marshall County, II, 1102, 1110 

Marshall, Humphrey, I, 253, 270, 303, 
343, 354, 357, 363, 411, 448, 450, 453, 
458, 462, 465, 468, 470, 471, 473, 475, 
478, 505; II, 674, 754, 770. 826, 889, 
892, 1061, 1065, 1082, 1094, 1144 

Marshall, James P., Ill, 585 

Marshall. John, I, 512; views on separa- 
tion. I. 238; II, 659, 1010 

Marshall, John J., II, 622, 647 

Marshall, Louis, V, 292 

Marshall, Martin P., II, 645 

Marshall, Robert, II, 1052 

Marshall, Thomas, I, 261, 262, 264, 270, 
272, 279; II, 763, 1050; V, 620 

Marshall, Thomas A., II, 755, 1058 

Marshall. Thomas F., II, 811, 835, 837 

Marshall, Thomas J.. V, 43 

Marshall, T. A., II, 730 

Martial law. II. 895; in July, 1863, II, 881 

Martin, Cambridge F., V, 566 

Martin County, II, 1102, 1110 

Martin, Elijah L., IV, 197 

Martin, Felix J., V, 94 

Martin, Flavious B., Ill, 578 

Martin. George B., II, 1015, 1086, 1095; 

III, 560 

Brown, George Burncy, III, 266 
Martin, George C, V, 195 
Martin, W., V, 94 
Martin, Mrs. George W., V, 94 
Martin, Harry H., Ill, 123 

Martin, Henry H., Ill, 317 

Martin, Henry L., Ill, 566 

Martin, Henry L., Jr., Ill, 595 

Martin, James H., V, 635 

Martin, Jesse E., IV, 498 

Martin, John, I, 207, 234 

Martin, John, V, 135 

Martin, John P., II, 1110 

Martin, Leek, V, 542 

Martin, Leslie, V, 429 

Martin, Sue R., V, 94 

Martin, Walter V., IV, 261 

Martin, William C, IV, 485 

Martin's Station, I, 183, 194, 207 

Martinsburg, I, 488 

Marvin, Charles E., V, 469 

Maschinot, Raymond W. J., IV, 481 

Mason, Brockman, III, 466 

Mason County, I, 73, 115, 201, 202, 206, 
210, 292; II, 812, 1100, 1110, 1172 

Mason, Elijah F., IV, 280 

Mason, George, I, 67, 176, 292; II, 1110 

Mason, Robert M., V, 112 

Mason, R. S., IV, 409 

Mason, Silas B., Ill, 392 

Mason, William H., V, 105 

Massey, George T., IV, 594 

Massey, Lewis D., V, 332 

Massie, Robert E., Ill, 281 

Massie, Robert K., IV, 84 

Masterson's Station, I, 207 

Material and intellectual progress, I, 297 

Material development, I, 523 

Matheny, John K., V, 99 

Mather, Otis M., Ill, 318 

Mather, William W., II, 747, 1031 

Matlock, F. v., IV, 375 

Mathews, Letcher, V, 262 

Matthews, John D., II, 764 

Matthews, Thomas H., Ill, 72 

Mattingly, George, V, 17 

Mattingly, Joseph M., V, 76 

Mattison, Joseph E., V, 314 

Maulding's Station, I, 207 

Mauntel, Robert B.. IV, 474 

Maurer, John J., Ill, 412 

Maxwell. Cicero, II, 905 

Maxey, Sam, IV, 563 

Maxwell Spring, I, 527, 563 

May, Andrew J., Ill, 578 

May, G. C, III, 421 

May, William H., Ill, 129 

May, Woodson, V, 190 

Mayer, Jake, IV, 634 

Mayes, Fred O.. Ill, 561 

Mayes, Mary W., Ill, 561 

Mayfield, II, 875 

Mayhugh, Elbert N., Ill, 497 

Maynard, Hayes, IV, 374 

May's Lick settlement, I, 207 

Maysville, I, 193, 200, 205, 207, 219, 289, 
292, 297, 486, 490; II, 680, 696, 715, 
721, 722, 723, 727, 728, 750, 1181, 1191 

Maysville & Lexington Railroad, II, 734 

Maysville Road, II, 696, 697 

McAdams, Charles C, III, 334 

Mc Adams, George W., II, 828 

McAdams, Harry K., IV, 174 

McAdoo, Samuel, I, 537 

McAfee brothers, I, 161 

McAfee, Clinton F., V, 71 



McAfee, Robert B.. II, 643, 692 
McAfee's Station, I, 184, 206, 304 
McAllister, J. Gray, III, 67 
McBride, William, I, 193 
McCabe, Eugene, IV, 534 
McCabe, John W., Ill, 195 
McCaffrey, Thomas J., IV, 4/0 
McCall, David H., Ill, 497 
McCampbcll, Amos G., V, 157 
McCarroll, Joe, Jr., IV, 87 
McCary, Hugh, I, 196 
McCauley, Harry S., IV, 278 
McChord, Charles H., IV, 165 
McChord, William C, V. 73 
McClaid, Benjamin F., IV, 91 
McCIain, William P., Ill, 219 
MeClanahan, Perry, III, 599 
McClarty, Clinton, II, 852 
McClary, Herbert B., V, 457 
McClean, Oscar R., Ill, 532 
McClelland, Byron, III, 375 
^McClelland, Frances, III, 375 
McClelland, Wallace, IV, 16 
McClelland's Fort, I, 174, 207 
McClintock, James D., V, 53 
McClintock, Joshua, I, 126 
McClintock, William G., IV, 98 
McClung, John A., I, 188 
McClurc, Daniel E., Ill, 346 
McClure, John E., V, 204 
McClure, William B., Ill, 392 
McComas, Less, V, 484 
McConathy Family, IV, 329 
McConathy, Martha, IV, 329 
McConnell, Andrew, I, 194 
McConnell's Station, I, 207 
McCorklc, James, I, 11 
McCorkle, William 11., IV, 192 
McCorniack, Joseph N., IV, 454 
McCormick Brothers, III, 38 
.McCormick, Charlie T.. Ill, 530 
McCormick, Clifford, III, 38 
.McCormick, Harry T., Ill, 38 
McCormick, John T., Ill, 38 
McCormick, Samuel E., Ill, 38 
McCormick, Samuel T.j III, 38 
McCormick, William H., Ill, 38 
McCormick's Station, I, 207 
McCoun, Thomas B., V, 163 
McCoy, G. R., IV, 544 
McCoy, James L., V, 567 
McCov, John W., V, 230 
McCo'y, William R., V, 602 
McCracken County, II, 593, 737, 1101, 

McCracken, Cyrus, I, 206 
McCracken, Virgil, II, 1109 
McCreary County, I, 55; II, 1102, 1109 
McCrearv, James B., II, 981, 991, 1001, 

11115, 1022. 1078, 11186, 1094, 1109 
McCrcerv, Thomas C, II, 916, 1084, 

1094; in, 413 
McCubbing, Isabelle, IV, 277 
McCubbing, James, IV, 277 
McCubbing, Margaret, IV, 277 
McCulloch versus Maryland, II, 652 
McCullough, James, I, 194 
McDaniel, Levit H., IV, 388 
McDermott, Edward J., Ill, 144 
McDonald, Donald, III, 380 
McDonald, Donald, Jr., IV, 216 

McDonald, James L. (Lexington), III, 

McDonald, James L. (Cynthiana), IV, 

McDonald, John W., IV, 395 
McDonald, V. C, IV, 334 
McDonald, William IL, III, 145 
McDowell, Colonel, I, 561 
McDowell, Carter L., V, 82 
McDowell, Goodloe, IV, 188 
McDowell, Mrs. Henry Clay, IV, 183 
McDowell, John, I, 397 
McDowell, Robinson A., IV, 200 
McDowell, Samuel, I, 217, 227, 234, 254, 

256, 264, 300, 303, 311, 428, 499, 511; 

II, 1050, 1052 
McDowell, Thomas C, III, 3 
McDowell, William, I, 303, 313 
McDowell, William A., IV, 182 
McDowell, W. C, II, 1186 
McDyer, William L., IV, 604 
McElroy, H. A., V, 464 
McElroy, Lee D., IV, 412 
McFaddcn's Station, I, 207 
McFarland, James E., IV, 200 
McFee's (James) Station, I, 206 
McFerron, Robert L., Ill, 32 
McGarry's Station, I, 175, 207 
McGary, Hugh, I, 185, 189, 191, 194 
McGary, Joseph R., Ill, 312 
McGavock, James, I, 77 
McGee, John. I, 538 
McGee, L. W., V, 482 
McGee, William, I, 538 
McGee's Station, I, 207 
McGeough, Thomas A., Ill, 209 
McGrath, Frank R., V, 177 
McGready, James, I, 537 
McGregor, Thomas B., V, 360 
McGuire, Henry S., IV, 276 
McGuire's Station, I, 207 
Mcllenry, John H., II, 900 
Mclntire, Ben, IV, 641 
Mclntvre, Malcolm W., IV, 225 
McKce Brothers, IV, 147 
McKee, Charles F., IV, 86 
McKee, Frank, IV, 147 
McKee, Henry C, IV, 585 
McKee, James, IV, 147 
McKee, John R., IV, 168 
McKee, Lewis W., V, 172 
McKee, Miles S., IV, 243 
.\IcKce Nannie L., IV, 243 
McKee, Rob C, 11, 833 
McKee, Samuel, I, 438, 553 
McKee William R., II, 826 
McKenzie, James A., IV, 71 
McKenney, John O., IV, 625 
McKinley, Dixie, V, 127 
.McKinley's iilockhouse, I, 207 
Mc Kinney, May .\I. Paris, IV, 398 
iMcKinncy, Roy W., IV, 398 
.McKinney, Walter, III, 5.34 
McKinney's Station, I, 207 
McLane, Fred L., IV, 479 
McLean, Alney, II, 1110 
McLean County, II, 1102, lllll 
.McLemore, James, I, 130 
McLeod, James (Paris), IV, 308 
McLeod, James (Lexington), I V^ 323 
Mc.Mahan, Edgar T., V, 171 



McMeekin, Charles F., IV, 133 

McMillan, Charles A., IV, 114 

McMillan, Mrs. Charles S., IV, 567 

McMillan, Mary C, IV, 568 

McMillin, Benton, II, 1059 

McMillin's Fort, I, 207 

McMurtry, George E., Ill, 302 

McMurtry, John, I, 193 

McNeill, Dee L., V, 280 

McPherson, J. E., IV, 111 

McVey, Frank L., II, 992 

Meacham, Charles M., Ill, 307 

Meade County, II, 1101, 1110 

Meade, David, I, 524 

Meade. Fred. V, 456 

Meade, James, II, 1110 

Meade, Lloyd G., IV, 555 

Meadow Creek, I, 61 

Means, Harry L., Ill, 71 

Medekle, Pylap, IV, 440 

Medical department of Transylvania 

University, II, 1053 
Medical Institute of Louisville, II, 1058 
Medical profession, II, 769 
Medical school, II, 754 
Medley, Charles L., Ill, 96 
Meece, Leonard E., IV, 447 
Meek, James N., IV, 561 
Meek, Zephaniah, I, 137 
Meek's Station, I, 207 
Mefiford's Station, I, 207 
Meisburg, Clarence T., IV, 264 
Melton, Tony J.. Ill, 37 
Mcmminger, C. G., II, 716 
Menageries. II, 793 
Menaugli, Thomas L., IV, 261 
Menefee. Richard H., IV, 26 
Meng, Charles H., IV, 577 
Mcngel, Charles C. IV, 48 
Menifee County, II, 1102, 1110 
Menifee, Richard H.. II, 1060, 1110 
Mennc, Frank A., Ill, 78 
Menzies, John W., Jr., Ill, 100 
Mercer, Claude, III, 271 
Mercer County. I, 113, 201, 204, 206, 291, 

540; II, 1100, 1110 
Mercer, John, I, 67 
Mercer Society for the Encouragement 

of Agriculture, I, 499 
Merchants, II, 594; in Civil War time, 

II, 881 
Meredith, Thomas O., V, 326 
Merideth, Eugene L., IV, 526 
Meriwether, David. II, 1084, 1095 
Merkle. Carl J., V, 252 
Merriman, W. M., V, 69 
Merritt. Montgomery, III. 211 
Meshew, Joshua W., V, 54 
Messenger. Clarence O.. V, 417 
Metcalfe County II, n02. 1110 
Metcalfe. Thomas. II. 647, 686. 689, 690. 

692. 705. 724. 730. 732. 752. 812, 1060, 

1071, 1074, 1084, 1095, 1110 
Meteer. Robert. IV. 166 
Methodist Church. I, 535 
Methodists. II, 794 
Mexican war, II, 752. 825, 838 
Mevering. Aloysius G., iV, 104 
Michaux, Andre, I. 296. 325. 328. 333; 

mission to Kentucky. I. 323 
Michaux, Francois. I, 214. 485. 525 
Michler Brothers Company, V, 617 

Michler, L. A., V, 618 

Middelton, Anthony, V, 27 

Middle Creek, II, 899 

Middle Station. I, 207 

Middlesboro, II, 1199, 1207 

Middleton, Charles G., IV, 11 

Middleton, William A., V, 335 

Milam, James C, IV, 80 

Milam, John W., V, 174 

Milby & Henderson, IV, 385 

Milby, Walter F., IV, 385 

Miles, Ezra L., Ill, 91 

Miles, Leon L., V, 17 

Milford, I, 490 

Military Board, II, 885, 888 

Military control of elections, II, 896 

Military interference with ballot box, II, 

Military monument. II, 771, 772 
Military preparations for War of 1812, 

I, 551 
Military prowess of Kentuckians, II, 575 
Military records, II, 1114 
Military regime after the war, II, 906 
Military service, I, 400 
Military surveys, I, 161 
Militia, I, 557; II, 584, 918 
Militia laws, II, 772, 885, 891 
Milius, William, III, 208 
Milk sickness, II, 769 
Millard, Frederick A., Ill, 573 
Miller, Allen R„ III, 282 
Miller, Arthur H., II, 1016 
Miller, Arthur M., Ill, 201 
Miller, C. B., Ill, 425 
Miller, Elizabeth B., V, 19 
Miller, Emmett H., Ill, 176 
Miller, Floyd E., Ill, 38 
Miller, Harry B., IV, 162 
Miller, James, V, 19 
Miller, loe H.. III. 264 
Miller. Matthias. Ill, 349 
Miller, Nathaniel W., V, 125 
Miller. Oliver, IV, 136 
Miller. Perry B., IV, 27 
Miller, Philmore J., Ill, 45 
Miller, Reuben A., IV, 281 
Miller, Robert H., III. 39 
Miller, Samuel, II. 1206 
Miller. Thomas A., V, 304 
Miller. Thomas M.. III. 348 
Miller. Wilbur K., IV, 281 
Miller. William E., V. 485 
Miller, William J., Ill, 438 
Miller's Station, I, 207 
Mills, I, 503 

Mills, Benjamin, II, 762 
Mills, John C, III, 212 
Mills. Mile S.. V. 217 
Mills. Vaught. IV, 488 
Mill-dams, I. 493 
Mill Spring. II, 888. 899 
Mills' Station, I, 207 
Milne, William B., III. 453 
Milner, Charles W.. IV, 18 
Milton, Bushrod J., III. 381 
Milward. William R., Ill, 178 
Mimms. Frank W., IV, 20 
Mims, Blanch, IV, 182 
Mineral Springs, II, 792 
Mineral waters, II, 1022 
Mineral wealth, II, 749, 920 



Mines. II, 998 

Mingo Chief Pluggy, I, 174 
Mingo Indians, I, 32 
Minor, Claude D., IV, 403 
Minor, Henry B., IV, 418 

Minor, Spcnce, IV, 326 

Minter, Hampton F., Ill, 231 

Mirror. The, I, 4S6. 532 

Mississippi River, origin of word, I, 3, 
240; navigation of, I, 265, 297, 300, 320, 
346, 354, 355, 366, 568; closed to Ken- 
tucky trade, I, 426; 11, 859, 925; Hal- 
ley's expedition of 1791, II, 1174 

Mississippi River Question, I, 269, 322 

Missouri, name of, I, 13 

Missouri Compromise, II, 804 

Mitchell, Albert L., Ill, 560 

Mitchell, Blaney C, III, 404 

Mitchell, Granderson E., Ill, 272 

Moberley, Thomas J., V, 553 

Mobile & Ohio Railroad, II, 735, 923 

Mobley, James C, III, 343 

Moflett, Homer S., IV, 444 

Monay, James, II, 1035 

Money, I, 298; in pioneer times, I, 298; 
scarcity of, I, 502; II, 593, 987 

Money mania, II, 602 

Moneyhon, Jacob A., Ill, 405 

Monicd monopoly, II, 60S 

Monroe County, II, 892, 1101, 1110 

Monroe, James, I, 235: II, 1192 

Montgomery, Bradley B., III. 422 

Montgomery, Charles F., V, 197 

Montgomery County, I, 203; II, 1100, 

Montgomery, Edwin W., Ill, 304 

Montgomery Family, I, 98 

Montgomery, George, V, 242 

Montgomery, Hugh, III, 493 

Montgomery, John, I, 77. 95, 177, 334 
Montgomery, John M., IV, 557 
Montgomery, Seth, I, 126 
Montgomery, Thomas, I, 553 
Montgomery. William, I, 207 
Montgomery's Station, I, 207 
Montour, Andrew, I, 69 
Monument erected to Boone, I, 491; II, 

Moody, William B., IV, 454 
Moonlight schools, II, 991 
Moonshining, II, 1026 
Moore, Bacon R., IV, 593 
Moore, B. H.. Ill, 472 
Moore, Carter P., V. 233 
Moore, Charles W., IV. 36 
Moore, Daniel L.. V. 331 
Moore Family, IV, 517 
Moore, Francis M., V, 644 
Moore, James. II, 1051. 1052 
Moore, John W.. V, 454 
Moore, L. M.. III. 332 
Moore, Randolph G.. IV. 440 
Moore, Samuel J., III. 313 
Moore, Thomas F., Ill, 450 
Moore, Thomas P., II. 692. 714 
Moore, William L., Ill, 444 
Moore, William M., IV, 281 
Moorman, Charles H., Ill, 65 
Moorman, William R., Ill, 330 
Moores. llarrv. III. 2.'?0 
VIoral reform, II, 794 

Morehead, Charles S., II, 712, 725, 734 
762, 846, 889, 1060, 1072. 1076 

Morehead, James T., I, 191; II, 762, 763, 
771, 806, 822, 1071. 1074, 1083, 1095 

Moreland, R. E., Ill, 144 

Morell, James M., V, 95 

Morgan County, II, 1101, 1111 

Morgan, George, I, 276 

Morgan, James, I, 194 

Morgan, Jesse, IV, 649 

Morgan, John, II, 877, 887, 889, 901, 90(), 
1144; raids into Kentucky, II, 880, 892; 
capture of, II, 893 

Morgan, John H. (portrait), II, 902 

Morgan's Station, I, 207 

Morgantown. II, 899 

Morris, Jackson, III, 478 

Morris, James M., V, 167 

Morris, John H., IV, 293 

Morris, John M., IV, 139 

Morris, John T., II, 1055 

Morris, Leslie W., V, 74 

Morris, Thomas T., Ill, 125 

Morris, Thomas W., IV, 97 

Morris, William C, V, 257 

Morrison College. II, 1058 

Morrison, Isaac, I, 234 

Morrison, James, II, 1055, 1056, 1064; V, 

Morrow, Kduin P., II, 1015, 1072, 1081, 

1207; III, 31 
Morrow, Thomas Z., II, 1002 
Morton, Frank A., V, 251 
Morton, Jeremiah R., Ill, ISO 
Morton, Mary C. G., Ill, 151 
Morton, Tin. mas, diary, I, 107 
Morton. William (residence), III, 355 
Mosby. William L., V, 41 
Moscley, Charles J., Ill, 503 
Moseley, George H., V, 469 
Moseley, John C, III, 219 
Moser, George, Jr., IV, 464 
Moss, Aaron G., V, 77 
Moss, Edwin S., Ill, 501 
Moss, James L., V, 36 
Moss, Marcellus J., Sr., Ill, 444 
Mossing place, I, 63 
Mound-builders. I, 16, 148 
Mountaineers, II, 1026 
Mountain people of Kentucky, II, 1204, 

1206; ballad literatiire, II. 1208 
Mountain region of Kentucky, II, 1025 
Mount Sterling, I, 184; II, 611 
Motts, John, I, 126 
Moxley, Dclozier, III, 76 
Mud Garrison, I, 208 
Muddy River Licks, I. 208 
Mudlick creek, I. 147 
Muhlenburg County, II, 999, 1028, 1101, 


Muir, Elizabeth A., Ill, 357 
Muir, Mrs. H. Chrisman, III, 357 
Muir, Wallace, III, 206 
Muir, William T., IV, 19 
Muldrow's Hill. II, 1021 
Mullen, Junry D.. IV, 235 
Mulligan, James H., IV, 268 
Mulligan, Kathleen, IV, 270 
Mullins, Cam, III. 57 
Mullins, E. Y., Ill, 155 
Munday, Jonathan, I, 126 




Mundy, Marc, II, 905 

Munfordsville, II, 8g8 

Municipal Improvement, I, 527 

Munroe, James, II, 1053 

Murphy, Griffin, V, 598 

Murphy, Robert E. L., Ill, 389 

Murphy, William T., V, 204 

Murphy, W. F., IV, 523 

Murray, Eli H., II, 905 

Murray, Tames A., V, 322 

Murray, Thomas A., Ill, 302 

Murray, Thomas D., Ill, 97 

Murray, William, I, 416 

Museum of Natural History, I, 532 

Muter, George, I, 217, 234, 242, 254, 256, 
261, 262, 270. 303, 310, 311, 471, 469, 482 

Muter's Letter, I, 263 

Mutual Fire Insurance Company of Cov- 
ington, IV, 466 

Myers, Ben, III, 95 

Myers, Ernest L., Ill, 543 

Myers, George C., Ill, 593 

Myers, Hubert P., V, 18 

Myers, Jacob, II, 745 

Myers, James W., IV, 643 

Myers, W. R., V, 355 

Nagel, Wilhelm R., IV, 359 

Nail cutting machine, I, 503 

Names, origin and meaning of, I, 1 

Names of Kentucky Officers in Civil 
war, II, 1114 

Napier, Calloway, V, 641 

Napier, Mitchell C, V, 586 

Napper, William S., V. 410 

Narrows, The, II, 1199 

Nash, J. B., Ill, 459 

Nashville Convention of 1850, II, 839 

Natchez Trace, I, 298 

National Bank of Kentucky, II, 1185 

National problems, II, 821 

National Republican party, II, 699 

National Road, II, 696 

National Tobacco Fair, II, 1173 

National Union, II, 852 

Natural resources, II, 745, 920 

Natural Rights, II, 1063 

Natural wealth, II, 747 

Navigation by steamboat, I, 501 

Navigation, free, of Mississippi, II, 859 

Neal, William J., Ill, 122 

Neblett, J. M., IV, 70 

Needham, James, I, 47 

Neet, John D., Ill, 502 

Negroes, civil rights to, II, 913; en- 
franchisement of, II, 917; education of, 
II. 990; and crime, II. 994 

Negro question, II. 912 

Negro regiments. II. 907 

Negro Suffrage, II, 916 

Negro vote. II, 1000 

Nelson, C. J., V, 430 

Nelson County. I, 200, 202, 291, 487; II, 
1022, 1100, 1111 

Nelson, Jack W., Ill, 509 

Nelson, Robert W., IV, 221 

Nelson, William. II, 886, 905 

Nemicolon's Path. I, 126 

Nesbit, Joe K., V, 245 

Netherland, Benjamin, I, 194 

"Neutral" trade through Kentucky, II. 

Neutrality and the Union, II, 853; policy 

on. II. 855 
Neutrality Laws, I, 345; 11, 821 
Neville, John C, V, 513 
Nevitt, Charles A., IV. 125 
New court, II, 632; bill to repeal, II, 

New Court party, II, 638, 644, 677 
New Holland, I, 208 
New Orleans, I, 425; II, 922, 924 
New River, I, 40, 58, 134; discovery of, 

I, 45 

Newell, Charles D., IV, 319 

Newland, M. C, IV, 331 

Newspaper, second west of the AUe- 

ghanies, I, 229 
Newman, James H., V, 131 
Newman, John W., II, 1183 
Newport, II, 737. 745 
Newspapers, I, 532; II, 773; abolition, II, 

Newton, Ernest, V, 48 
Niceley, Thomas J., Ill, 52 
Nicholas County, I, 200, 203; II, 764 
Nicholas, George, I, 270, 284, 300, 308, 

328, 372, 401, 410, 412, 474; II, 755, 

1052, 1063, nil; V, 627 
Nicholas, W. C, I, 414 
Nic'holasviUe, II, 918, 955 
Nichols, Alfred S., V, 157 
Nichols, Arthur L.. V, 428 
Nichols, George, I, 253 
Nichols, Henry L., V, 147 
Nichols, Homer W., Ill, 417 
Nichols, Jess F., IV, 514 
Nichols, Washington F., IV, 519 
Nichols, William E., IV, 335 
Nicholson, George W., V, 590 
Nicholson, Thomas E., Ill, 248 
Nickell, Asa B., Ill, 592 
Nickell, Asa W., IV, 86 
Nickell, H. Volney, III, 592 
Niehaus, George, III, 11 
Night riding, II, 1013 
Niles, Charles A., V, 499 
Niles, Hezekiah, II, 603, 609, 611, 645, 

Nineteenth Amendment, II, 992 
Nineteenth Century in Kentucky, I, 424 
Nineteenth Regiment Infantry officers, 

II. 1126 

Ninth Regiment Cavalry officers, II, 

Ninth Regiment Infantry officers, II. 

Nisbet. Benjamin L.. V, 375 
Noe, William B.. Ill, 348 
Noland, John, III, 249 
Nollau. Charles L.. Ill, 267 
Nolte, Charles, III, 117 
Non-intercourse Act, I, 545 
Non-intercourse law, I, 506 
Nonsense Fort, I. 208 
Noonan, Joseph P., Ill, 465 
Norfleet, Carl, V, 269 
Normal schools, II, 768, 992 
Norman, Jonathan V., Ill, 139 
North, Edward A., IV, 222 
Northcutt, John K.. IV, 287 
Northcutt, Robert L., Ill, 361 
Northern Bank of Kentucky, II, 710, 826 
Northrup, William, IV, 623 



Northwest Indians, conquest of, I, 376 

Norvell, Joshua, II, 653 

Norwood, Charles J., II, 999, 1033; IV 

Norwood, Richard D., Ill, 88 
Norwood Survey, II, 1034 
Nosworthy, Charles F., Ill, 422 
Nuckols, O. P., V, 183 
Nullification, doctrine of, I, 420, 421; II, 

673, 705 
Nunn, Clement S., Ill, 473 
Nunn, Frederick W., V, 373 
Nunn, William H., Ill, 192 
Nunn. \V. H., V, 435 
Nuiinclley, Frank Y., II, 1186 
Nuniiclly, Spencer C, III, 251 
Nusz, Herbert K., Ill, 321 
Nutini, Louis, III, 213 
Nutter, Leslie, IV, 210 
Nutter, Sallic, IV, 210 

Oath of alU-Kianre, II, 910 

Obcrst, Albert B., IV, 123 

(Obligation of contract, II, 623 

CrBricn, James J., Ill, 186 

O'Bryan, George J., IV, 181 

Occupying Claimant Laws, II, 650, 655; 
constitutionality of, II, 661 

O'Conncll, Cornelius J., Ill, 290 

O'Donnell, William F., V, 238 

O'Fallon, James, I, 276 

Office holders appointed, II, 834 

Offices, practice of selling, II, 111, 834 

Offutt, Cordelia, IV, 309 

Offutt, Webb, II, 1182^ 

Ogden, Benjamin, I, 535 

Ogden, Charles F., IV, 78 

Ogden, Edward F., Ill, 133 

Ogilvie, Richard W., Ill, 428 

O'llara, Theodore, II, 785 

Ohio, origin of name, I, 2 

Ohio & Cumberland Railroad, II, 960 

Ohio Canal Company, I, 494 

Ohio Company, I, 67 

Ohio country, discovery and exploration, 
I, 40 

Ohio County, 1. 200; II. 1101, 1111 

Ohio River, I, 288, 297, 485, 489; II, 862; 
new era on, II, 727 

Ohio River commerce, II, 923 

Ohio River bridges, II. 943 

Ohio Valley, rights of the English to, I, 
45; French claim to, I. 47; first visitors, 
I, 160; conditions in, II, 922; commer- 
cial history after Civil war, II, 926 

Ohio Valley District. II, 1178 

Oil, II, 746, 920. 997 

Oil Carpets. I. 504 

Old court and new court, II, 623; con- 
troversy, II, 623, 636 

Old court judges, II, 640 

Old courthouse at Washington, I, 312 

Old Court party. II, 632, 644. 681 

Old Field schools. I. 530, 753 

Old Fort at Boonesborough (view), II, 

Oldham County, I, 203; II, 1101, 1111 

Oldham, M. Kate, IV, 14 

Oldham, Ronald C, III, 252 

Oldham, William, I, 376; 11, 692, 1111 

Oldham, William E.. IV. 14 

Oliver, Andrew J., Ill, 4% 

Oliver, W. Mike, IV, 638 
Old Line Whigs, II, 848 
Old Station Farm, I, 63 
Oldtown, I, 204 
Old trails, I, 126 
Olympian Springs, II, 792 
O'Neal, John B., Ill, 101 
"One Sucker," II, 1178 
O'Rcar, E. C, 11, 1015 
Oregon question, II, 823 
Orman, Mary R. L., IV, 427 
Orme, James H., V, 372 
Orr, Claude A., IV, 395 
Orton, Alpheus E., V, 383 
Osborn, Charles G., Ill, 540 
Osburn, Charles O.. V,.514 
Osburn, George. Ill, 130 
Osburn, Roy, III, 130 
O'Sullivan, Hugh, III, 50 
O'Sullivan, Michael, V, 549 
Ottenhcim, 11, 1022 
Overbey, Bob C, V, 221 
Overton, Clough, I, 194 
Overton Family, I, 98 
Overton, James, II, 1053 
Overton, Samuel, I, 95 
Overstreet, Jesse W., V, 148 
Overstrcet, Mary F. B., V, 149 
Overstreet, Otie, V, 324 
Owen, Abraham, II, 1111 
Owen County, II. 941. 1111 
Owen, Dale, II, 749 
Owen, David D.. I. 115; II. 1021, 1031 
Owen, Ethelbert D.. IV. 46 
Owen Survey, II, 1032, 1034 
Owen, Thomas, IV, 46 
Owens, A. D., IV, 485 
Owens, Edward B., Ill, 41 
C-Owensboro, II, 746, 875, 899 
Owen's Station, I, 208 
Owings, Rezin G., V, 570 
Owing's Station, I, 208 
Owsley County, II, 1102, 1111 
Owslev, Thomas M., IV, 137 
Owsley. William. II, 762, 766. 824. 825, 

826. 1071. 1075, 1111 
Owsley, William F., V, 7 

Pace, Claude C, V, 348 

Pace, Daisy D., V, 442 

Pack-Horses, I, 127 

Paducah, II. 735. 765, 862, 875, 880, 887, 

893, 899 
Paducah District, II, 1178 
Page, \\. M., Ill, 106 
Page, William A., V, 214 
Paine, F. A., II. 880 
Paine, Thomas. I. 223, 325 
Paint Lick, I, 148 
Paint Lick Station. I. 208 
Painted Stone. I, 208 
Painted trees, I, 137, 147 
Paintsville, I, 64, 119, 148; II, 899 
Palladium. The. I, 532 
Palmer. John M., II, 899. 905, 907, 908, 

Panic of 1819, II, 599 
Panic of 1837, II, 713, 715 
Panic of 1857, II, 736 
Panic of 1873. II, 987 
Panic of 1893, II, 988 
Panics, II, 752 



Paper currency, I, 511 

Paper-making, I, 301 

Paper money, I, 298; II, 593, 597, 616 

Paper town, I, 487 

Pardue, William A., IV, 527 

Park, Anderson D., V, 637 

Park, Robert B., Ill, 345 

Parker, Bessie, V, 27 

Parker, John, V, 419 

Paris, I, 205, 208, 320, 488; II, 745 

Paris, James L. F., V, 370 

Parraut, Lewis, III, 63 

Parrigin, Perry, V, 273 

Parrish, Isaac W., Ill, 567 

Parrish, James W., IV, 565 

Parrish, Jeff D., IV, 100 

Parrott, R. L., V, 521 

Parties, ReHef and Anti-Relief, II, 622; 

rise of national, II, 674 
Party names, II, 704 
Party newspapers, II, 773 
Party politics, I, 469; II, 692 
Party spirit, II, 584 
Paschall, Jesse B., V, 299 
Patrick, Ashland T., V, 453 
Patrick, Charles C, IV, 29 
Patrick, Robert A., IV, 549 
Patrick, Urey W., V, 44 
Patterson, Frank Y., Jr., V, 256 
Patterson, J. K., II, 1059; III, 27 
Patterson, Robert, I, 194, 196, 206, 219, 

220, 234, 330; (portrait), I. 233 
Patterson, Walter K., Ill, 29 
Patton, B, W.. II, 631 
Patton, James, I, 11 
Paxton, John R., V, 173 
Payne, A. G., Ill, 182 
Payne, Alexander P., Ill, 90 
Payne, C. R., V, 488 
Payne, Cora S., V, 488 
Payne, Edward, I, 234 
Payne, George F., Ill, 197 
Payne, George W., IV, 324 
Payne, Henry C, III, 396 
Payne, James A., Ill, 346 
Payne, James H., V, 513 
Payne, John H., V, 279 
Payne, J. Walter, IV, 291 
Payne, Mathew H., IV, 430 
Payne, Robert D., Ill, 325 
Paynter, Thomas H., II, 1086, 1096 
Peace Democrats, II, 896 
Peace, Shelby L., IV, 72 
Peak, J. Hunter, III, 358 
Pearce, Lewis E., Ill, 126 
Pearis, Richard, I, 94 
Pearson, E. Clarence, IV, 219 
Peavyhouse, William W., Ill, 471 
Peddicord, F. L,, V, 89 
Peebles, W. F., V, iZ 
Peers, Benjamin O., II, 761, 763, 1058 
Pendleton County, II, 1100, 1111 
Pendleton, George H., II, 966, 967, 968 
Penitentiary, II, 782, 994 
Pennebaker, William F., V, 262 
Pennington, Monroe, III, 50 
Pentecost, Fielding J., IV, 191 
Pepper, Elizabeth, V, 642 
Pepper, Robert P., V, 642 "\ 

Pepper, Thomas, III, 555 
Perceute, I, 44 
Perkins, Harry S., Ill, 156 

Vol. 1-4 

Perkins, J. E., Ill, 519 

Perkins, Logan, III, 519 

Perkins, William L., IV, 589 

Perkins, Zachary T., Ill, 93 

Perry County, II, 1101, 1111 

Perry, Edmund B., V, 637 

Perry, John R., IV, 365 

Perry, John T., IV, 196 

Perry, Ollie P., IV, 542 

Perry, William A., Ill, 71 ' 

Perryvillfi, Battle of, II, 892, 1202 

Pestilences, II, 749 

Peter, Alfred M., IV, 14 

Peter, Arthur, III, 379 

Peter, Charles R., Ill, 163 

Peter, Robert, II, 1032; IV, 11 

Peters, Charles W., Ill, 571 

Peters, Richard F., IV, 245 

Petersburg, I, 209, 309 

Petitions for separation from Virginia, I, 

Petrey, Asbel S., V, 589 
Petroleum, II, 998, 1031 
Pettit, Thomas S., Ill, 157 
Pettit's Station, I, 208 
Petty, Bailey B., IV, 297 
Petty, Ludlow F., Ill, 157 
Petty, William L., Ill, 180 
Peyton, Warren, V, 642 
Pfeffer, James W., Ill, 177 
Pflueger, Edward W., Ill, 107 
Pharis, Jolly B., V, 114 
Phelon, Joseph S., Ill, 310 
Phelps, J. A., IV, 646 > 

Phillips, Charles M., IV, 52 '^ 
Phillips, Edward P., V, 98 
Phillips' Fort, I, 208 
Phillips, James S., Ill, 411' I 
Phillips, Jesse, IV, 417 
Phillips, Robert M., IV, 312 
Phillips, Thomas J., V, 531 
Phillips, Thomas L., Ill, 611 
Phoenix Hotel, II, 1191 
Piatt, Thomas, IV, 32 
Pickett, Thomas C, II, 692 
Picklesimer, Edward J., IV, 354 
Pieratt, Steve, IV, 606 
Pike County, I, 517; II, 746, 1101, 1111 
Pike, Sylvester, V, 406 
Pinckley, Andrew C, V, 120 
Pincville. I, 60; II. 1199; (view), II, 1200 
Pinson, Marion, IV, 352 
Pioneer furniture, I, 295 
Pioneer life during the Revolution, I, 

Pioneer life in Louisville, I, 294 
Pioneer Postal service, I, 298 
"Pioneer Railway of the West," II, 1193 
Pioneer religion in Kentucky, I, 534 
Pioneer travel, I, 127 
Pioneer schools and teachers, I, 530 
Pioneers, I, 212; classes of, I, 292; of 

Southeastern Kentucky, II, 1207 
Pirkey, Russell J., Ill, 159 
Pirtle, Alfred, III, 289 
Pirtle, John B., IV, 551 
Pirtle, John C, III, 303 
Pisgah, I, 528; II, 1051 
Pitchford, Roy R., IV, 486 
-Pittman, Henry M., IV, 568 
Pittman's Station, I, 208 
Pittsburgh, I, 69 



Pittsburg Landing, II, 899 

I'laguc of 18.«, II, 750 

riain, Benjamin M.. V, 396 

Plan of Lonisvilk- (map), I. 171 

Planters' Protective Association, II, 1013 

Pleasant Hill, I, 540 

Pleune, Peter H., V, 400 

Plimcll, George W.. V, 54 

Pocahontas, II, 1164 

Point Pleasant, I, 98; battle of, I, 162 

Polin & Polin, V, 83 

Polin, John O., V. 83 

Polin, Joseph O., V, 83 

Political beginnings of Kentucky, I, 217 

Political campaign of 1896. II, 1008 

I'olitiral development, I, 469 

Political history of Eastern Kentucky, 

II, 1027 
Political Liberty, II, 1063 
Political organizations, national, II, 690 
Political parties, II, 845; in Civil war, 

II, 896 
Political sentiment in railroad building, 

II. 962 
Political and social conditions after the 

Civil war, II, 908 
Politics, personal phase. I, 477; II. 692. 
776. 916. 1000; after War of 1812, 11, 
580; state and national, II, 681; and the 
press, II, 774; corrupt practises, II, 
777; campaign of 1844, II, 823; cam- 
paign of 1848, II, 828: in 1851 cam- 
paign, II, 842; geological distribution 
of, II. 1027; influence of Henry Clay in, 
II, 1061 
Polk, James K., II, 823 
Polk, Leonidas, II, 872, 1201 
Pollard. Edwin T.. Ill, 529 
Pond Station. I. 208 
Pool. R. M., V, 312 
"Poor Whites," II, 796 
Pope, Curran, IV, 309 
Pope, Forrest A., Ill, 115 
Pope. George L., Ill, 183 
Pope, George R., V, 518 
Pope, John. I. 421. 459. 551; II, 583. 587, 
622, 650. 667, 675, 755, 758, 1053, 1055, 
1061, 1082. 1096 
Popham, Austin E., Ill, 68 
Popplcwell, J. C. Ill, 459 
Popular celebrations, I, 527 
Popular interest in politics, II, 776 
Poplar Level, I, 208 
Popular Sovereignty, II, 844 
Population, I, 286, 289, 296, 390, 485, 489; 
three general classes, I, 292; II, 719, 
926: negro. II. 996: sources of, II, 1205 
Populist party, II, 1006 
Pork, I. .500 

Pork packing, II, 882, 927 
Port William, I, 208 
Porter, John W., IV, 101 
Porter, Joseph W., IV, 24 
Porter, William H., Ill, 175 
Posey, Thomas, I, 447 
Posey, William H., V, 180 
Post, Edmund M., V, 342 
Post, Mrs. Edmund M., V, .342 
Post, Josephine P., V, 342 
Post Roads, I. 298 
Postage, II, 616 
Postal service, I, 490 

Postlethwaite, John, II, 1192 

Potter. J. Whit. V. 473 

Pound Gap. I, 74, 128; II, 899 

Pound, Jacob. IV, 344 

Powder-making, I, 504 

Powder manufacture, II, 592, 1023 

Powell, Ambrose, I, 6, 58, 61; II, 741 
Powell, Bernard iM., IV, 134 

Powell, Clarence E., IV, 435 

Powell County, II, 1102, 1111 

Powell, Edward L., Ill, 114 

Powell, George B., IV, 50 

Powell, Hugh B., Ill, 211 

Powell, Lazarus W., II, 831, 842, 849, 
914, 1031, 1071, 1076, 1084, 1096, 1111 

Powell, Levi W.. III. 243 

Powell, Lloyd IL, III, 304 

Powell, Otho B., V, 306 

Powell's River, I, 60 

Powell's Valley, I, 6, 172; II, 1U39 

Power, Thomas, I, 367, 369 

Powers, Caleb, II, 1011 

Powers, Joshua D., IV, 21 

Poynter, John M., V, 230 

Poynter, William H., Ill, 420 

Prather, Gayle. V. 550 

Prather, Hugh E., V, 47 

Prather, James T., V, 72 

Prather, Rov M., V, 321 

Prather, Thomas B., V, 200 

I'ratt. Lawrence W.. V. 515 

Prentice, George D., II, 774, 834, 907; 
(portrait). 11, 775 

Prcsbvtcrian Church, I, 535 

Presbyterians. I, 528. 755, 794. 802, 818 

Presbytery of Transylvania, I, 535 

Preservation of game, I, 166 

Press. I. 3(16. 457, 526, 532; freedom of, 
I, 274; II, m 

Preston Family, I, 98 

Preston, Francis, I, 242 

Preston, George W., IV, 576 

Preston. James C. V, 36 

Preston, John, I, 148 

Preston, John H., IV, 555 

Preston, William, I, 77, 80, 95, 218; jour- 
nal of, I, 98; (portrait), I, 99; II, 692, 
826, 1144 

Preston, William. IV, 244 

Preston. William (deceased), V, 597 

Prestonshurg, 1. 9, 148; II, 724 

Prewitt, Ed R.. V. 599 

Prewitt. William G., Ill, 484 

Price. Dillard S.. V, 522 

Price. lohn E.. IV, 32 

Price, John W., IV, 90 

Price, Leonard C, V, 161 

Price. Leonard C, Jr., V, 161 

Price, S. S. <S; Company, IV, 32 

Price, Sterling S., IV, 178 

I'rice, Vernon L., IV, 563 

Price. William. I, 527 

Price, William J., Ill, 507 

Price, W. K.. Ill, 248 

Prices in 1820, II, 599 

Prichard, Leonidas M., HI, 564 

Priestlv. James. I, 306 

Prince. Walter L., V, 646 

Princeton, II, 611 

Printer and Booksellers Association, I, 

I'riiiling press, I, 231, 243 



Prison reform, II, 781, 994 

Private banking, II, 595; prohibited, I, 

Proctor, John R., II, 1032 
Proctor, Edwin T., V. 324 
Proctor, J. R., II, 997 
Proctor, Larkin J., II, 767 
Proctor Survey, II, 1033, 1034 
Proclamation Line, I, 162 
Prohibition movement, II, 920 
Prohibition party, II, 1002 
Property assessment and taxation, II, 988 
Protection of American industries, II, 

Protective tarifT, I, 506, 523; II, 693, 1069 
Provisional Government of Kentucky, II, 

Pryor, James, III, 92 
Pryor, John R., V, 273 
Pryor, William S., IV, 273 
Public Lands, II, 713, 763 
Public-offices, II, m 
Pugh, Benjamin F., Ill, 131 
Pugh, Clifford W., Ill, 131 
Pulaski County, II, 746, 951, 1100, 1111 
Pulliam, Arch H., V, 407 
Punch, Richard E., Ill, 563 
Punch, William T., Ill, 147 
Purcell, Clyde E., V, 438 
Purcell, Jefferson D., IV, 149 
Purcell, Martha G.. V, 438 
Purchase Region, II, 1016 
Pursifull, Paschal Y., V, 557 
Pursifull, W. M., V, 634 
Puryear, John G., V, 267 
Puryear, Leslie A., V, 547 
Putnam, Donald H., Ill, 577 

Quantdll. in Kentucky, II, 898 
Queen City of the West, II, 937 
Quertermous, John, IV, 356 
Quin, Huston, III, 488 
Q-uin, Sherman T., Ill, 556 
Quisenberry, Hunt, III, 370 
Quit-rents, I, 167 

Race segregation, II, 996 

Racing, II, 788 

Radcliffe, Troilus M.. V, 52 

Rader, Roy E., V, 70 

Radical party, II, 917 

Rafferty, Walter A., Ill, 385 

Rahnesque, Constantine S., II, 1031, 1056 

Rag money. II, 616 

Railcy, Lawrence A., Ill, 568 

Railroad awakening of the '50s. II, 736 

Railroad bridge across Ohio River, II, 

Railroad building after Civil war, II, 929 

Railroad commission. II, 998 

Railroad convention. II, 970 

Railroad rates, II, 932 

Railroad strike in 1877, II, 999 

Railroads, II, 906, 921, 998, 1026: begin- 
ning of, II, 721; first in Kentucky, II, 
730; state aid to, II, lil; bond issues, 
II, 737; changes caused by, II, 924; 
in 1871 (map), II, 938; earlv charters, 
II, 950; and the courts, II, 965; build- 
ing of Cincinnati Southern, II, 984 

Rail traffic. II, 940 

Railsback, Daniel T., Ill, 413 

Kains, John, I, 160 Re 

Ralston, Hardin D.. IV, 523 

Ramcy, Albinus C, III, 409 

Ramey, Harry H., IV, 559 

Ramey, James F., IV, 414 

Ramey, Jesse B., Ill, 557 

Ramsey, J. Basil, V, 179 

Ramsey, David F., V, 400 

Ramsey, Joseph >I., V, 466 

Ramsey, Tilman, V, 291 

Randolph, Edmund, I, 239, 376 

Randolph, L. H., V, 217 

Rankin, Emma L., IV, 243 

Rankin, James W., V, 599 

Rankin, Oscar R., V, 643 

Rankin, Robert W., IV, 270 

Rankins, Grover C, IV, 353 

Ransler, C. W., V, 206 

Rapier, James L., Ill, 346 

Rapier, William F., Ill, 346 

Rardin, Weslev M., V, 378 

Rash Family, V, 286 

Rash, Thomas, V, 286 

Rash, William S., V, 286 

Rate-making, II, 964 

RatlifT, Albert S., IV, 374 

Ratliff, John E., V, 340 

Ratlifif, Richard H., IV, 358 

Ratliff, Richard X., V, 288 

Ratliff, Silas W., Ill, 527 

Rawlings. John W., V, 502 

Rawls, Nora J., Ill, 452 

Rawls, Wylie B., Ill, 452 

Ray, James, I, 113 

Ray, Leslie G., V, 382 

Rayburn, Lee R., Ill, 485 

Raymond, Oliver P., Ill, 62 

Read, John B., Ill, 121 

Reagan, Jeremiah J., IV, 168 

Reager, Allen M., Ill, 376 

Reams, Benjamin G., IV, 249 

Reams, William J., I, 122 

Reasonover, Doris G., V, 156 

Rebel Democracy, II, 915 

Rebel element, I'l, 912 

Reconstruction Acts for Kentucky, II, 

Record, James F., IV, 349 
Rector, William Q.. IV, 566 
Redd, Richard M., IV, 27 
Redd. Ruth M., IV, 28 
Redmon, Lee C, IV, 528 
Redmon, Thomas J., IV, 407 
Redstone Fort. I, 208 
Reed, Cecil, V, 313 
Reed. James H., IV, 209 
Reed. Roscoe, III, 69 
Reed, Shelton, IV, 285 
Reed, Stanley F., V, 31 
Reed, William M., Ill, 68 
Reed's Station, I, 208 
Reckers, Fred H., IV, 231 
Reeves, E. W., V, 153 
Reeves, Robert L., V, 302 
Referendum, II, 637 
Reger, Ambrose, III, 238 
Regnat, Ulrich, III, 337 
Regulators, II, 913 
Reid. Rodney C, IV, 625 
Rcid, Sam. Ill, 498 
Rcinhardt, John, III, 326 
Reister, Joseph H., IV, 288 
Reiter, John B., Ill, 114 
lief laws, I, 489; II, 607, 626, 654 



Relief methods. II. 752 

Relief party, II. h22. 6>. O.10. 632. 681 

Relief system. II, 617 

Religion. I. 534; II, 794 

ReliKi"""!! and education, II. 755 

ReliRiouN controversies, II, 1056 
. IWisious denominations, I, 534; on slav- 
^"^ery. I. 393 

Religious education. I, 528 

Religious enthusiasm, outburst of, I, 536 

Religious liberty, II, 1063 
i_Ji«lii;ious statistics, I, 540 

Religious test for ofiicc holding. I. 2S2 

Remonstrance of 1H24. II. 66K 

Renaker. K. K,. I\'. .102 

Renaker. John A.. Ill, 59 

Renaker. John F... IV. 301 

Renaker. John G.. V, 232 

Renaker. J. G.. III. 218 

Render. William F... III. 284 

Renfro. Joseph. I. 121 

Renick. Abram. V, 116 

Rcnick. Abram. Jr.. V. 117 

Renick. Harry P.. IV, 17 

Renick, James L., IV, 543 

Renick. James S.. IV, 17 

Reno. Lawson, III. 281 

Replevin laws. II. 612. 619, 621, 779; of 
1820. II. 608; and relief, II. 607; abol- 
ished, II, 622; outside criticism, II, 649 

Representation, I, 282 

Republican party, II. 845. 980. 1001; in 
Kentucky. II. 897. 917; in 1871. II. 919 

Republicans. II. 1(114 

Republicans of 1856. II, 848 

Reiuiblican vote, results of negro suf- 
frage. II, 919 

Repudiation. II. 719 

Resolutions of Danville conventions, I, 
227; of 1798 and 1799, I, 403; of 1799, 

I. 421; on the Mississippi River ques- 
tion, I. 426; of loyaltv, I. 4^i0; of 1817, 

II, 581; of 1798 and 1799. II, 706 
Resorts, social, II. 792 

Respess, William B., IV, 144 
Reubelt. Henry X., IV, 344 
Rexischer. Louis. IV. 223 
Revolutionary soldiers. II. 772 
Revolutionary War, I. 173, 286; greatest 

battle in Kentucky, I, 185 
Reyn<5lds, Aaron, I, 194 
Reynolds, Benjamin F.. IV, 642 
Reynolds. John 1... III. 143 
Reynolds. J. Owen. III. 381 
Reynolds. William A., IV, 422 
Rhea. Albert G.. V, 2.S4 
Rhoades. Lorenzo S.. IV. 460 
Rhodes. Henry C"., V. .121 
Kirr, David. I. 283. 302, 528, 535, 542; 

II, 1050 
Rice, Edward X., Ill, 124 
Rice, Gordon, V, 543 
Rice, Harvey B.. IV, 465 
Rice, H. Edward, IV, 455 
Rice, John W.. IV, 287 
Rice, Wilford M., V, 69 
Rich, John 11., IV, 398 
Richardson, Charles F., Ill, 195 
Richardson, John M., Ill, 291 
Richardson, John W., Ill, 196 
Richardson, J. R.. III. 547 
Richardson. Robert. II. 764 
Richardson. William H., II, 1053 

Richardson, William K., V, 131 

Richart. Richard O.,^ I\', 641 

Richie, Fevton, \', 594 

Richmond. I. 205, 534; II, 877, 892, 929, 

951. 992 
Richmond. James IL, III, 384 
Richmond, Isaac, IV, 402 
Richmond. William W.. IV, 575 
Rider, David W., Ill, 345 
Rider, George M., Ill, 347 
Rider, Robert E. L., III. .120 
Ridgely. Frederick, II, 1052 
Ridgway. .Samuel IL, I\', 550 
Ridkv. James U., Ill, 215 
Rieckel, Charles. IV, 244 
Riffe. James P.. Ill, 221 
Rilev, Edgar T., V, 610 
Riney, William G., Ill, 226 
Ringo. Benjamin D., III. 286 
Rivard, Emile R.. III. 426 
River commerce. II, 923 
River improvements, II, 725 
River navigation. I. 493; II. 999 
River patrol of gun-boats. II, 880 
River Raisin, expedition to, I, 557 
River towns, II, 824 
River trade, free of military restrictions, 

II, 883 
River tratTic, I. 297. 485. 500; IT, 940 
River transportation. II, 721 
Rivers. Horace _T., Ill, 443 
Rives, I'rank. \'. 137 
Rives. Robert C. Ill, 389 
Road across the C'umberlands, I, 2?i6 
Ivoad companies, II, 723 
Roads. I. 485, 490; II, 695, 721. 989; 

maintaining of. 1. 492; Federal- aid to, 

II. 696; in 1844. II, 728 
Robb. Henry D.. IV, 348 
Robl.ins. C. C V, 133 
Roberts, Anna T., Ill, 238 
Roberts, Anthony R.. V, 430 
Roberts, George M., V, 552 
Roberts, Hilerv B., III. 551 
Roberts. JohnG., V. 17 
Roberts, Lida F., Ill, 288 
Roberts, Rankin, Sr., IV, 8 
Roberts, Samuel J., Ill, 236 
Roberts, Sam J., V, 396 
Roberts. William R.. IV. 7 
Robertson C'ountv, II. 1102. 1111 
Robertson. George. I. 214; II. 587. 588, 

623, 627, 632. 638, 641. 647. 7^7, 755, 758, 

823, 829, 1058, 1111; V, 597 
Robertson, Thomas S., V, 580 
Robinson, Benjamin F., Ill, 252 
Rdbinson. Cieorge. II, 622 
Robinson, Henry S., V. 91 
Robinson. James F.. II, 891, 1072, 1077 
Robinson, J. W., Ill, 4.30 
Robinson. John C. IV, 424 
Robinson, Samuel B., V, 412 
Robinson, .Samuel G., V, 118 
Robinson, Stuart, II, 814; (portrait), II, 

Robinson, William F., Ill, 95 
Robv, Ora L., V, 4fl3 
Roby. William J.. IV. 424 
Roche. David. Ill, 288 
Roche, James M., IV, 175 
Rochester, II, 899 
Rockcastle County, IT. 1101, 1111 
Kockhouse, I, 142 



Rockhouse Fork, I, 65 

Rocks and Soils, II, 1017 

Roder, Max H., V, 549 

Rodes, Joseph W., Ill, 363 

Rodes, .Marv F. Higgins, IV, 202 

Rodes, Wilfiam, IV, 201 

Rodman, Charles D., IV, 7 

Rodman, John J., Ill, 317 

Roebuck, John S., Jr., V, 374 

Roeniele, Eugen C., IV, 486 

Rogers, James, I, 234 

Rogers, James R., Ill, 474 

Rogers, Nathaniel L., V, 477 

Rogers, Paul, V, 411 

Rogers, Ray R.. IV, 447 

Rogers' Station, I, 209 

Rohs, Hermann A., IV, 299 

Roland, Walter L., V, 218 

Rollings, J. D., V, 546 

Roney, J. W., Ill, 454 

Roosevelt, Nicholas, II, 721 

Root, Ira, II, 767 

Rose, Leander C, V, 316 

Rose, Lewis, I, 193 

Rose, Richard S., V, 536 

Roseberry, Hiram M., IV, 463 

Rosel, Charley, V, 152 

Ross, Charles I., V, 60 

Ross, John, I, 160 

Ross. Lafayette W., V, 170 

Rousseau, Lovell H., II, 899, 909 

Rosson, William S., IV, 330 

Roszell,, Calvert T., Ill, 380 

Rothert, Otto A., V, 573 

Rounds, Charles R., IV, 219 

Rounsavall, Robert W., Ill, 360 

Rountree, Bert T., IV, 583 

Rouse, Albert M., V, 334 

Rouse, Julius E., Ill, 569 

Rouse, J. Howard, III, 569 

Routt, Grover C, III, 500 

Rowan County. II, 991, 1111 

Rowan, John, I, 449, 465, 520, 548; II, 

622, 664, 667, 696, 771, 1059, 1083, 1111; 

IV. 596 
Rowe, Ernest P., Ill, 80 
Rowe, Jacob E., Ill, 312 
Rowe, Richard P., Ill, 79 
Rowlett Station, II, 899 
Rowley, James, V, 176 
Royster, George M., Ill, 223 
Royster, S. B., Ill, 148 
Rubv, W. J., V, 514 
Rudd, Robert T., V, 284 
Ruddle, Isaac, I, 205 
Ruddle's Station, I, 183, 194, 209 
Rudv, James H., Ill, 462 
Rudy, J. A., Ill, 462 
Ruff, Rudolph C, III, 203 
Rule's Mill, I, 118, 128 
Rumsey, James, I, 501 
Rupert, Joseph, V, 186 
Rush, William M., IV, 348 
Russell, Arthur G., IV, 531 
Russell, Bailey, IV, 97 
Russell County, II, 1101, 1111 
Russell, C. M., V, 353 
Russell. Jesse L., V, 461 
Russell, John E., IV, 505 
Russell, Rodman, IV, 116 
Russell, William, II, 1111 
RussellviUe, I, 209, 533; II, 745, 887 

Ryley, Claude L., IV, 163 
Ryan, James A., IV, 472 

Sacramento, II, 899 

St. Asaph, I. 165, 206, 209 

St. Clair, Arthur, I, 272, 380; campaign 
of, I, 385; defeat of, I, 386 

St. Joseph's Church, III, 337 

St. Joseph College, II, 756 

Salary Grab, II, 993 

Salaries in tobacco, II, 1167 

Salaries of state ofliicials, I, 315 

Salem Academy, I, 306 

Salisbury, William, III, 581 

Salley. John Peter, journey of, I, 48 

Salmon. John G.. IV, 389 

Salmons, Lee, V, 454 

Salt. I, 202; manufacture, I, 300; produc- 
tion of, II, 746 

Saltpetre, I, 504 

Salt River Garrison, I, 209 

Salt Springs, I, 148 

Salyersville, I, 63, 127, 130, 206 

Sanchez, Milton, IV, 96 

Sanders, Cortez, V, 355 

Sanders, H. R., V, 101 

Sanders, James R., V, 88 

Sanders, John, I, 299 

Sanders, Perry C, V, 502 

Sandlin. J. Claude, V, 645 

Sandusky, C. H., V, 540 

Sandusky, James, I, 209 

Sandusky's Station, I, 209 

Sandy Creek Voyage, I, 10, 91, 94; re- 
sults of, I, 97 

Sandy Island, I, 32 

Sandys, George, I, 10 

Sandys, Sir Edwin, I, 10 

Sartin, Avery, III, 475 

Saunders, Miranda D., Ill, 182 

Saunders, Ulysses G., Ill, 181 

Sayre, David, II, 751 

Savre, David A., III. 200 

Sayre. Ephraim D., Ill, 201 

Scaggs, Henry. I. 160 

Scaling system, II, 616 

Scheifers, William R., Sr., IV, 461 

Schild, William F., IV, 467 

Schmitz, Frederick W., Ill, 118 

Schmitz. Hubert, V, 389 

Schnaufer, William T., IV, 602 

Schneider, William J., V, 228 

Scholes, Walter S., IV, 368 

Scholl, William, V, 309 

School fund, II, 765, 767, 834 

School funds, II, 759. 763 

School house of pioneer times, I, 531 

School legislation, I, 529 

School statistics, II, 762; in 1840. II, 765 

Schools, superintendents of, II, 764 

School system for negroes, II, 990 

Schools (see Education), I, 304, 528; II, 
590, 723, 753, 758, 768, 784, 920; in 1853, 
II, 767; for Indians, II, 784 

Schreiber, Frank, IV, 232 

Schroeder, Ralph L., IV, 242 

SchTilte, H. B., Ill, 255 

Schulte, John H., Ill, 128 

Schultz. Jacob, V, 239 

Schuylkill Bank Fraud, II, 720 

Science, II, 769 

Scobee, Rezin McK., Ill, 98 



Scotch-Irish, II, 1205 

Scott, Charles, I, 303, 354. 381, 384, 387. 

476, 483, S47; II. 787, 1071, 1073, 1112 
Scutt, James, I, 67 
Scott, James A., V, 362 
Scott, James L., IV, 307 
Scott, John M., I, 462 
Scott County, I, 203; II, 783, 1100, 1112 
Scott, Will P., V, 495 
Scott's Station, I, 209 
Scrivncr's Station, I, 209 
ScruKKs, Albert R, IV, 254 
Sea, Andrew M., Ill, 165 
Searcy, Cheslcy II., IV, 71 
Seaton, Wayne C, V, 345 
Seay, B. C, V, 302 
Sebastian. Benjamin, I, 217, 242, 234, 254, 

264, 270, 284, 285, 310, 366, 367, 368, 

370, 371, 458, 460, 469, 482; resignation 

of, I, 459 
Sebastian, J. H., IV, 618 
Secession, I, 420; II. 838, 852 
Secessionists, II, 858 
Second Bank of the United States, II, 

Second Regiment Cavalry officers, II, 

Second Regiment Infantry officers, II, 

Sectionalism, II, 821, 852 
Sedition law, I, 417 
See, Frederick O., V, 56 
See, Ira W., Ill, 576 
Seelbach. Louis. IV. 51 
Sceley, Orland C. V, 409 
Segner. Charles A., IV, 84 
Seiler, G. A., Ill, 128 
Sellards, Uezckiah, I, 134 
Sellards, Jennie, I, 135 
Self-government, I, 290; in Kentucky 

County. I. 217 
Sclligman, Alfred. III. 369 
Selligman. Joseph. Ill, 369 
Seminary claims, 11, 658 
Semplc. Charles B., Ill, 165 
Semple, Charles II., Ill, 147 
Semple, Ellen, II, 1028 
Semple, Ellen C, II, 1206 
Senate, I. 390, 400 
Senour, Otis E., V, 326 
Serpen, John A., IV, 79 
Settle, Robert E., Ill, 319 
Settle, Robert R.. V. 179 
Settle. Warner E., Ill, 455 
Settlement of the State, I, 489 
Seven years' limitation law, II, 672 
Seventeenth Regiment Cavalry officers, 

II, 1142 
Seventeenth Regiment Infantry officers, 

II, 1125 
Seventh Convention. I. 260 
Seventh of March Speech, II, 839 
Seventh Regiment Cavalry officers, II, 

Seventh Regiment Infantry officers, II, 

Sewell, Leo M., V, 401 
Shaber, George H., V, 225 
Shackelford, J. M., II, 900 
Shackelford, Samuel J.. II, 1008 
Shackelford. W. Rodes, III, 250 
Shaikktl. Thomas C, II, 1077 
Shackleltc, Warner J., Ill, 301 

Shaffer, J. II., I\', 475 

Shakers, I. 54U 

Shaler. Nathaniel S., II, 997, 1027, 1032 

Shaler Survey. II. 1032, 1034 

Shallow-Ford Station, I, 209 

Shanks, William IL, II, 1187 

Shannon, Frederick F., Ill, 608 

Shannon, John B., Ill, 384 

Sharp. G. Elgin. V, 494 

Sharp, Llewellyn, IV, 15 

Sharp, Mettie E., V, 494 

Sharp, Samuel L., IV, 437 

Sharp, Solomon P., II, 622, 642, 676 

Sharp, Waller. Sr., Ill, 552; V, 494 

Sharp, Waller, Jr., Ill, 552 

Sharp, William A., IV, 263 

Shaut, Theodore J., Ill, 579 

Shavers, II. 598 

Shaw, Emison, III, 109 

Shaw, Xewton S., V, 442 

Shawnees, I, 49, 128, 162; expedition 
against, I, 91; relations to silver mines, 
I, 118 

Shearer, John H., III. 476 

Shearer, W. C, V, 283 

Shearer, W. Logan, IV, 43 

Shcehan, John J., Ill, 362 

Shelbournc, Rov M., V, 42 

Shclburne, Silas', III, 90 

Shelby, Benjamin, II, Hi 

Shelby County, I, 200; II, 735, 801, 930, 
1100, 1112 

Shelby, Isaac, I, 55, 162, 205, 216, 248, 
270, 284, 303, 307, 315, 352 358, 363, 
382, 405, 469, 494, 552, 553. 560; official 
attitude to l''rench enterprise. I. 336; 
and the Genet Mission. I. 342; II, 575, 
578. 581, 592. 621, 636, 721, 741, 1050, 
1064. 1066, 1071, 1072. 1112. 1170. 1199; 
house of (view), II, 1073; IV, 433 

Shelby, Isaac F., IV, 423 

Shelby, John T.. V, 3 

Shelbvville, I, 533; II. 786 

Shepherd, Robert Y., V, 84 

Shepherdsville. I, li, 208 

Shepperd, Charles E., IV, 442 

Sheriffs, II, 777 

Sherman. William T., II, 889 

Shields, Benjamin F., V, 167 

Shiloh, battle of. II. 899. 900 

Shindler, George B., V, 168 

Shinnick, William C, V. 166 

Shively, Omar II., V, 86 

Shore, Worley A.. III. 141 

Short, Peyton, I. 248 

Shouse. Leonard B., Ill, 351 

Shouse. Lucian D.. IV, 220 

Showaltcr, John H., V, 367 

Shrewsbury, Elza T.. IV, 535 

Shropshire. Mrs. Isaac C, IV, 288 

Sidebottom, Ben W.. IV, 513 

Sidle, James R.. V, 630 

Sights. 11. Preston. V. 350 

Sigler, John R., Ill, 198 

Siler, Adam T., Ill, 233 

Siler, L. Steely, III, 236 

Siler, T. Scott, III, 234 

Silver, I, 127 

Silver mines, I, 110 

Silver money, II, 987 

.Simmons, George D., Ill, 249 

Simmons, Willie A.. V, 478 

Simms. Lucy. IV, 211 



Simms, William E., 11, 1184 

Simms, William E. (Paris), IV, 211 

Simpson County, II, 1101, 1112 

Simpson, James W., V, 434 

Simpson, John, I, 552; II, 1112 

Simpson, Lucretia C, IV, 313 

Simpson, Minor Y., IV, 313 

Simpson, R. D., V, 90 

Simpson, William, III, 340 

Sims, James C, IV, 532 

Sims, John T., V, 18 

Sinecure offices, II, 778 

Singleton, Garland, V, 189 

Singleton, Lewis G., V, 471 

Sinking fund, II, 836 

Sinking Fund Commissioners, II, 988 

Sinking Springs Meeting House, I, 281 

Sinton, David, II, 955 

Sipple, John D., IV, 270 

Sixteenth Regiment Infantry officers, II, 

Sixth Convention, I, 252 

Sixth Regiment Cavalry officers, II, 1137 

Sixth Regiment Infantry officers, II, 

Sizemore, John, IV, 461 

Skaggs, Boyce H., IV, 421 

Skaggs, Henry, I, 137, 149, 153, 157, 159 

Skaggs, James, I, 138, 149, 153, 159 

Skaggs, Romulus, V, 81 

Skaggs' Station, I, 209 

Skain, John, IV, 157 

Skinner, James L., V, 537 

Skinner, Phineas L., V, 537 

Slack, Robert W., Ill, 285 

Slate Blockhouse, I, 209 

Slaughter, Gabriel, I, 494, 582; II, 588, 
608, 667, 722, 753, 756, 111, 782, 1071, 

Slave laws, II, 805, 809 

Slavery, I, 283, 302, 315, 392, 401; opposi- 
tion to, I, 540; II, 601, 739, 796, 833, 849, 
865, 906, 1004, 1067, 1204; Constitu- 
tional Convention of 1849, II, 813; in 
the new constitution, II, 817; statis- 
tics, II, 819; in the territories, II, 838 

Slaves, run-away, I, 302; flogging of, I, 
526; state laws regarding, I, 541; prices 
of, II, 599; lot of, II, 797; run-away, 
II, 804; exodus after the war, II, 908 

Sledge, Garland D., IV, 548 

Sloan, John A., IV, 501 

Sloan, John G., IV, 509 

Sloan, Preston L., Ill, 193 

Slone, William H., V, 410 

Smith, Benjamin D., II, 764 

Smith, Bishop, II, 751 

Smith, Charles Morehead, III, 169 

Smith, Charles M., IV, 294 

Smith, David D., V, 185 

Smith, Edward S., V, 613 

Smith, E. Kirby, II, 892 

Smith, George R., IV, 39 

Smith, Granby C, V, 591 

Smith, Gustavus W., II, 1144 

Smith, Hillard H., V, 29 

Smith, Ira D., IV, 46 

Smith, James Breckinridge, III, 292 

Smith, James B., Ill, 167 

Smith, James B. (McKinney), V, 196 

Smith, John, I, 95, 194 

Smith, John D., Ill, 492 

Smith, John H., IV, 239 

Smith, John S., II, 806 

Smith, Joseph H., IV, 16 

Smith, J. Lawrence, V, 22 

Smith, J. R., Ill, 179 

Smith, Kirby, II, 877, 1204 

Smith, Lorenzo O., IV, 383 

Smith, Milton H., Ill, 80 

Smith, Napoleon B., IV, 397 

Smith, Oscar M., IV, 437 

Smith, Robert, I, 72 

Smith, Roger H., IV, 153 

Smith, Samuel, I, 67 

Smith, Sawyer A., V, 72 

Smith, Silas A., IV, 270 

Smith, S. G., IV, 512 

Smith, Thomas p., IV, 83 

Smith, William B., V, 534 

Smith, William H., V, 141 

Smith, William T., IV, 143 

Smith, Winfield S., IV, 401 

Smith, Zachary P., II, 920, 989 

Smith's Station, I, 209 

Smithtield, II, 862 

Smock, Napoleon M., Ill, 448 

Snedaker, Morris, IV, 321 

Sneed,>chilles, II, 633, 636 

Snodgrass, James T., Ill, 548 

Snodgrass, James W., IV, 279 

Snook, Sidney J., V, 336 

Snow, John C, III. 120 

Snow, William B., IV, 307 

Snyder, Augustus, IV, 581 

Snyder, Claude P., Ill, 270 

Snyder, George R., IV, 606 

Snyder, Roy C, V, 90 

Snyder, Thomas J., Ill, 597 

Soaper, Richard H., IV, 209 

Soaper, William H., Ill, 159 

Social and intellectual development dur- 
ing Middle Period, II, 769 

Social and economic development after 
Civil war, II, 920 

Social and intellectual progress, 1792- 
1810, I, 524 

Social classes, II, 796 

Social conditions, II, 788; and character, 
II, 791 

Social reforms, II, 992 

Soldiers' land grants, I, 161 

Soldiers, old, II, 112 

Solomon, King, II, 752 

Somerset, II, 611 

Sommers, Henry A., Ill, 320 

Sons of Temperance, II, 847 

Sousley, J. H., II, 1187 

Southard, Daniel B., V, 189 

South Carolina's nullification ordinance, 
II, 704 

Southeastern Kentucky, I, 55; II, 873 

Southern Commercial Congress, II, 936 

Southern, L. P., Ill, 344 

Southern markets, II, 922 

Southern trade to Louisville, II, 935 

Southwestern Agricultural and Mechan- 
ical Association, II, 741 

Southwestern Kentucky, II, 874, 876, 
879; during Civil War, II. 872 

South Western Rail Road Bank, II, 715 

Sovereign Convention, II, 887, 1004 

Sowards, Henry G., IV, 556 

Sowards. Richard H., V, 19 

Soyars, William O., V, 67 

Spain and the Genet episode, I, 359 



Spalding, Ignatius A., Ill, 181 

Spalding, Richard M., Ill, 582 

Spalding, Victor L., Ill, 187 

Spanish advances to Kentucky, I, 256 

Spanish colonization scheme, I, 269, 275 

Spanish conspiracy, I, 245, 457, 461; de- 
feat of, I, 260; English influences, I, 
270; II, 1061, 1064 

Spanish Party, I, 363 

Spanish plots, I, 252, 359, 406 

Spanish territory, plot against, I, 322 

Spears, Claude W.. IV, 237 

Spears, Joseph M., Ill, 566 

Spears, S. Winstead, IV, 194 

Spears. William R., IV, 194 

Special legislation, II. 1005 

Special session of 1S62, II, 891 

Speck, Frederick, III, 456 

Speck, Roy B., V, 134 

Speculation, I, 488; in western settle- 
ment, I, 162; II, 592, 651 

Speed, James, I, 225, 2.34. 426; II. 1059 

Speed, James B. W., III. 99 

Speed. Joshua F.. II, 858 

Speed. Thomas. I, 303 

Speed, William S., Ill, 99 

Spencer County, II, 1101, 1112 

Spencer, Frank H., Ill, 173 

Spencer, Isaac J., IV, 88 

Spencer, Spear, II, 1112 

Spencer, William, III. 179 

Speyer, Jacob, IV, 145 

Sphar, Asa R., IV, 474 

Spicer, Woodson W., Ill, 264 

Spilman, James, V, 145 

Spilman, Lucy L. M., V, 144 

Spillman, Porter B., IV, 528 

Spoils system, II, 699 

Spoonamore, Morris D., IV, 266 

Sprague, George P., IV, 156 

Spratt, John B., Ill, 562 

Spring Station, I, 209 

Spurlock, Beriah M., IV, 457 

Spurr, Levi P., Ill, 210 

Squatter Sovereignty, II, 844 

Squires, Richard M., IV, 165 

Stacey, S. Windom, IV, 366 

Stafford, John, I, 128 

StafTord, Ralph. IV, 471 

Stage coach, II, 1190 

Stahr, Elvis J., Ill, 493 

Stair, William C, IV, 451 

Staley, Harmon, I, 126 

Stallins, John, IV, 372 

Stalnaker, Samuel, I, 58 

Stambaugh, Harry G., V, 303 

Standiford, Elisha D., V, 23 

Stanlcr, E., Ill, 92 

Stanley, Augustus O., II, 1015, 1072, 
1081, 1086, 1096 

Stanley, John B., Ill, 432 

Stanley, Ossc W., V, 406 

Stanley, Rcdford E., V, 259 

Stansifer, Benjamin F., IV, 444 

Stanton, Richard H., V, 620 

Staples, J. Harry, III, 206 

Stapp, Darwin M., Ill, 207 

Starkey, Nody, V, 588 

Starkey, Stella W., V. 589 

Starks & Company, IV, 534 

Starks, Lconos C, V, 110 

Starks, Richard S., IV, 534 

Starling, Edmund L., Ill, 265 

Starling, Edmund L., Jr., Ill, 266 

State bank, II, 719 

State bank notes, II, 620, 866 

State banks, II, 710 

State courts, II, 658 

State election of 1828, II, 689 

State finances, I, 515; II, 599, 648, 715, 
752, 988 

State funds, II, 993 

State geologist, II, 749 

State government, first, I, 307 

State guards, II, 885, 887, 894 

State hospitality of, II, 786 

State Illiteracy Commission, II, 991 

State institutions, II, 779 

State laws, revisal of, II, 778 

State Library, II, 772 

State parties, II, 682 

State politics, II, 674 

State power to legislate, II, 668 

State rights, I, 420; II, 976, 1063 

State Rights versus the United States 
Bank, II, 650 

State Road Fork, I, 64 

State resources, II, 997 

State sovereignty, I, 345 

State Tobacco Fair, II, 1173 

State University, II, 760 

Statehood, I, 279; Sixth Convention, I, 
252; Seventh Convention, I, 260: Eighth 
and Ninth conventions, I, 273; Third 
enabling act, I, 273 

Statehood conventions, I, 226, 235, 252, 
260, 273 

Statehood movement, I, 221 

Statehood parties, I, 261 

Statehouse, temporary, I, 309 

Statewide prohibition, II. 992 

Station Camp Creek, I, 208 

Stations and early settlements in Ken- 
tucky, I, 200 

Stations on Beargrass Creek, I, 209 

Staton, Willis, V, 123 

Steamboats, I, 500; II, 592, 721, 927 

Steamboat lines, II, 923 

Steamboat traffic, II, 743 

Steele, Andrew, II, 1051; III, 62 

Steele, Augustus R., V, ill 

Steele, James R., IV, 429 

Steele, Richard, I, 234 

Steele, Richard D., Ill, 363 

Steele, Susan, III, 363 

Steele, William A., Ill, 308 

Steele, William K., IV, 380 

Steele, William, Sr. Ill, 62 

Steele, W. II., IV, 251 

Stfincr, Michael (Stoner), I, 135 

Steltenkamp, J. Al, III, 500 

Stcmbridgc, Stanley D., V, 162 

Stemming District, II, 1178 

Stepban, Leon B.. V, 551 

Stephens, Dock B., V, 28 

Stephens, Edward L., IV, 445 

Stephens, Howard, IV, 446 

Stephens, John E., Ill, 516 

Stephens, William C, III, 519 

Stephenson, Charles G., IV, 187 

Stephenson, Elmer D., V, 123 ' 

Stephenson, John W., II, 1078; III, 512 

Stephenson, Martha. V, 605 

Stephenson, Mary, II, 1194; V, 605 

Stephenson, Samuel F., IV, 502 

Sti|)henson, William W., V, 604 

Step Lightly, V, 26 



Stetter, George, IV, 233 

Stevens, E. A., V, 497 

Stevens, Hubbard L., IV, 434 

Stevens, John H., IV, IS 

Stevens, Lillie S., IV, 16 

Stevenson, James M., Ill, 406 

Stevenson, John M., IV, 60S 

Stevenson, John W., II, 914, 916, 917, 

987, 1072, 108S, 1096 
Stevenson, Nellie T., V, 114 
Stevenson, Walter W., IV, 590 
Stevenson, William S., IV, 228 
Stevenson's Station, I, 209 
Stevie, George E., Ill, 205 
Steward, Cora W., II, 991 
Stewart, Charles I., IV, 40 
Stewart, John, II, 1035, 1038 
Stewart, R. Lee, V, 52 
Stewart, V. H., IV, 516 
Stewart, William, I, 194 
Stewart, W. K., IV, 623 
Stewart, Zebulon A., Ill, 295 
Stice, William N., V, 392 
Stilz, Fred G., Ill, 90 
Stites, Henry J., Ill, 70 
Stites, John, IV, 90 
Stites, William H., Ill, 208 
Stitt, John W., Ill, 511 
Stivers, Luther, IV, 189 
Stivers, Walter p., V, 268 
Stock-raising, I, 302 
Stockton's Station, I, 209 
Stokes, Hannah M., Ill, 283 
Stokes, S. J., Ill, 283 
Stoll, Charles C, IV, 42 
StoII, John W., Ill, 359 
Stoll, Richard C, V, 571 
Stoll, Richard P., V, 570 
Stone, Barton W., I. 540 
Stone, Fred, V, 296 
Stone, C, II, 1184, 1186; III, 86 
Stone, J. Boyle, V, 203 
Stone, Lonie V., Ill, 34 
Stone, May, IV, 648 
Stone, Sam H., Ill, 295 
Stone, Uriah, I, 160 
Stone, William J., II, 1009; V, 358 
Stone, William R., IV, 109 
Stone, William S., IV, 355 
Stoner, Michael, I, 114, 162; II. 1039 
Stout, John B., IV, 428 
Stout, Robert L., Ill, 424 
Strange, Finis A., Ill, 538 
Strange, William, IV, 156 
Stratton, Pemberton B., IV, 379 
Strausburg, Robert H., IV, 477 
Street, George P., IV, 508 
Street, John O., IV, 508 
Street, Joseph M., I, 457, 475, 476 
Strickler, Frank P., Ill, 343 
Strikes, II, 999 
Strodes Station, I, 194, 209 
Strode, William D., Ill, 43 
Strother, Charles, V, 143 
Strother, John C, III, 372 
Strother, William H., Ill, 286 
Stroud's Station, I, 209 
Stroud, Thomas J., V, 44 
Struve, Felix K., IV, 285 
Stuart, James, III, 287 
Stuart, Robert, II, 1052, 1054 
Stuart, R. M., Ill, 287 
Stuck, W. G.. Ill, 95 

Stucker, Jacob, I, 195 

Stucky, Joseph A., IV, 88 

Stucky, William S., Ill, 295 

Stults, Thomas R., V, 295 

Stumbo Brothers, IV, 467 

Stumbo, Edward, IV, 468 

Stumbo, Oliver H., IV, 457 

Stumbo, Walker L., IV, 468 

Stump, O. A., IV, 369 

Stump, Sidney, III, 54 

Sturgeon, J. L., IV, 608 

Sturgus' Station, I, 200, 209 

Sublette, Samuel O., IV, 584 

Suffrage, I, 282 

Sullivan, Allen D., Ill, 104 

Sullivan, Garrett D., V, 556 

Sullivan, James A., V, 183 

Sullivan, Jere P., IV, 43 

Sullivan's Old Station, I, 209 

Sullivan's Station, I, 209 

Summe & Ratermann Company, III, 106 

Summe, Frank B., Ill, 106 

Summe, J. Herman, III, 106 

Sumner, Charles, II, 915 

Summit Station. I, 209 

Sunday, mails on, II, 794 

Superintendent of Education, II, 767 

Superintendent of Schools, II, 759 

Supreme Court, I, 217, 400 

Swearingen, Embry L., IV, 322 

Sweeney, E. B., Ill, 87 ^ 

Sweeney, James J., IV, 336 ^i^'' 

Sweeny, Joseph A., Ill, 398 

Sweets, Henry H., Ill, 162 

Swift, John, I, 110, 121, 126; and his men, 

I. 123; Journal of, I, 129 
Swift's silver mines, I, 110 
^,&«!iss immigrants, II, 996 ' 
Swope, John W., V, 272 
Swope, Thomas M., Ill, 338 
Swope, William M., Ill, 358 
Sycamore Shoals, I, 163 
Sycamore Shoals treaty, I, 54 
Symonds, H. C, II, 878 

Tabeling, William H., Ill, 121 

Tachau, Emil S., Ill, 378 

Talbert, W. B., Ill, 149 

Talbot, Isham, II, 1083, 1097 

Talbot, John G., V, 483 

Talbott, Robert C, III, 361 

Taliaferro, Francis M., IV, 517 

Tammany Society of Lexington, 11, 804 

Tan yard, I, 301 

Taney, Roger B., II, 709 

Tanner, E. J., V, 280 

Tanner, Kirby L., Ill, 117 

Tanner's Station, I, 209 

Tariff, II, 693 

Tariff Act of 1816, II, 600 

Tariff of abominations, II, 693, 704 

Tariff of 1832, II, 694 

Tariff of 1833, II, 705 

Tariff Protection, I, 507; II, 1066 

Tariffs, American system of, II, 689 

Tarter, Add, V, 481 

Tarter, James B., V, 434 

Tarvin, James P., Ill, 447 

Tarvin, Pryor C, III, 134 

Tate, Earl R., Ill, 537 

Tate, James W., II, 917, 993 

Tate, Robert L., V, 334 

Tate, Samuel G., V, 640 


Tavern laws in 1793, II, 1189 

Tavern of pioneer days, II, 1188 

Taxation, I, 216. 286 

Taxation of banks, II, 651 

Taxes on liquors, I, 405 

Tax Exemptions, II, 999 

Taylor, Asa P., Ill, 291 

Taylor, Basil M., V, 80 

Taylor, Coleman, V, 251 

Taylor County, II. 1102, 1112 

Taylor, Eda, III, 592 

Taylor. Edmund H., Jr., V, 592 

Taylor, Jacob S., V, 594 

Taylor, James, V, 134 

Taylor, James D., V, 202 

Taylor, Jobn, I, 67 

Taylor, John D., II, 767 

Taylor, John F., IV, 136 

Taylor, Jonathan G., Ill, 70 

Taylor, J. H., Ill, 135 

Taylor, Lillie M. M., IV, 418 

Taylor, Martin S., IIi; 174 

Taylor, Nathan P., Ill, 205 

Taylor, Pigman, III, 135 

Taylor, Powell, V, 165 

Taylor, Richard, I, 234, 270 

Taylor, Robert, II, 762 

Taylor, Robert P., II, 1187 

Taylor, Robert S., IV, 166 

Taylor, Samuel, I, 270 

Taylor, Vardy, IV, 267 

Taylor, Wallis B., V, 49 

Taylor, William A., Ill, 264 

Taylor, William C, III, 47 

Taylor, William S., II, 1009, 1072, 1080 

Taylor, William Spencer, IV, 478 

Taylor, William Sherman, V, 490 

Taylor, Zachary, II, 826, 1112; (portrait), 

II, 830 
Taylor's Creek Station, I, 209 
Teachers meeting in 1833, II, 763 
Tecumseh, I, 211, 547, 560, 561 
Teed, E. J., Ill, 194 _ 
Telegraph lines, II, 773 
Tellico lands, II, 658 
Temperance movement, I, 540; II, 794, 

847, 992, 1002 
Temperance party, II, 848 
Tennessee, name, I, 4 
Tennessee boundary line, I, 517 
Tennessee River, I, 3, 522; II, 876 
Tenth Regiment Cavalry officers, II, 

Tenth Regiment Infantry officers, II, 

Terrell, Richard, I, 234 
Terrill, Edward B., Ill, 204 
Terry, Newton S., IV, 284 
Terry, Thomas, V, 16 
Texan question, II, 820, 821 
Texan Revolution, II, 821 
Texas, annexation of, II, 825 
Thames River battle, I, 561 
Thatcher, Anthony, III, 549 
Thatcher, Maurice II., IV, 63 
Theatre, 11, 793 
"The Roughs," I, 98 
Third convention in Danville, I, 231 
Third Regiment Cavalry officers, II, 

Third Regiment Infantry officers, II, 

Thirteenth Amendment, II, 906, 908, 912 

Thirteenth Regiment Cavalry officers, II, 

Thirteenth Regiment Infantry officers, 
II, 1123 

Thirtieth Regiment Infantry officers, II, 

Thirty-fourth Regiment Infantry officers, 
II, 1131 

Thirty-fifth Regiment Infantry officers, 
II, 1130 

Thirty-ninth Regiment Infantry officers, 
II, 1132 

Thirty-second Regiment Infantry officers, 
II, 1131 

Thirty-seventh Regiment Infantry offi- 
cers, II, 1132 

Thomas, Charles T., Ill, 567 

Thomas, Cleo, V, 196 

Thomas, George H., II, 1202 

Thomas, John, I, 565 

Thomas, Robert P., V, 243 

Thomas, William H., IV, 609 

Thomason, Andrew B., Ill, 383 

Thomason, William A., Ill, 496 

Thomasson, Edward F., Ill, 283 

Thompson, Alexander B., V, 121 ^ 

Thompson, Andrew J., V, 356 

Thompson, Charles R., IV, 84 

Thompson, Columbus M., V, 195 

Thompson, Grover C, iV, 39 

Thompson, John B., II, 1084, 1097 

Thompson, J. Mack, III, 168 

Thompson, Linzy O., IV, 144 

Thompson, William R., V, 644 

Thompson, W. Lois, IV, 607 

Thompson, Zachariah A., IV, 373 

Thompson's Station, I, 209 

Thomson, John W., V, 381 

Thomson, Patrick H., V, 114 

Thornbury, Hiram W., IV, 525 

Thome, William P., V, 631 

Thornton, Prestly, I, 67 

Thorpe, James H., IV, 195 

Threlkel, Christopher C. Ill, 510 

Thrclkcld, William L., Ill, 308 

Throckmorton, John W., Ill, 192 

Thruston, Buckner, II. 1082, 1097 

Thruston, Rogers C. B., IV, 78 

Thurman, Everett D., IV, 491 

Thurman, I. H., II, 1187 

Thurman, Isaac H., V, 437 

Thwaites, R. G., I, 114 

Tichenor, John M., Ill, 510 

Tileston, Harry B., IV, 142 

Tilghman, Lloyd, II, 1144 

Tiltoii, Arthur B., Ill, 593 

Tilton, John W., Ill, 505 

Timber, II, 1020 

Timber resources, II, 747 

Timber supply, II, 998 

Timmons, James D., Ill, 462 

Timnions, Henry L., Ill, 196 

Timmons, Homer D., IV, 550 

Tippecanoe, battle of, I, 548 

Tippecanoe and Tyler Too, II, 717 

Tiiisley, Thomas D., V, 425 

Tobacco, I, 286, 500; II, 592, 739, 927, 
992; business, II, 996; pooling of, II, 
1014; romance of and early use, II, 
1162; inspection of, II, 1165; as medium 
of exchange, II, 1167; industry statis- 
tics, II, 1168; varieties of, II, 1168; 
early production in Kentucky, II, 1169; 



manufacture, II, 1172; growth and cul- 
ture of, in Kentucky, II, 1177; dark, IT, 
1178; losses to growers, II, 1182 

Tobacco factory, I, 301 

Tobacco, field of (view), II, 1180 

Tobacco market towns, II, 1181 

Tobacco trusts. II, 1013 

Tobacco war, II, 1013, 1181 

Tobacco warehouses, II, 1167 

Tobacco warehouse receipts, I, 299 

Todd, Charles S., II, 583 

Todd County. II, 1101, 1112 

Todd, John. I, 174, 182, 186, 188, 191, 195, 
198, 304, 305; !I, 1049, 1112 

Todd, Levi, I. 188, 194, 195, 210, 234, 303, 
33(1; 11, 1050, 1052 

Todd. Robert, I, 234, 376, 399 

Todd, Thomas, I, 227, 254, 303, 316, 320, 
330, 400, 455, 482, 494, 553 

Todd, Thomas B., II, 1058 

Todd's Station, I, 209 

Toll roads, I, 492; II, 729; raids against, 
II, 1012 

Tolliver, James, V, 562 

Tolliver, Sampson H., IV, 138 

Tomlinson, George E., IV, 138 

Tonilinson, William, I, 58 

Toof, Franklin P., V, 329 

Topography, II, 1017; relation to human 
progress, II, 1026 

Tories, I, 293 

Totero Indians, I, 11, 149 

Totero town, I, 44 

Toulmin, Harry, II, 1051 

Towles, Robert H., Ill, 429 

Town booms, I, 487 

Town development, I, 488 

Towns, beijinning of, I, 217; in 1790, I, 

Townsend, Robert P., IV, 448 

Townsend, William II., iV, 211 

Townsend, W. H., II, 1060 

Trabue, Edmund F., IV, 64 

Trabue, Eugene McD., Ill, 412 

Trade, lines of, II, 922 

Trade relations, II, 859 

Trade rights down the Mississippi, I, 

Trading companies, I, 160 

Traflic, river, I, 485 

Transportation, I, 489; cost of, II, 721; 
early, II. 922 

Transylvania, and the first settlements, 

I, 160; Virginia, petition to, I, 168; 
death knell of, I, 171 

Transylvania College, II, 754, 1059; 

(view), II, 1050; graduates and former 

students, II. 1059 
Transylvania Company, I, 137, 162, 163, 

172, 212, 218 
Transylvania government, I, 165 
Transylvania Law department, II, 1058 
Transylvania Seminary, I, 304, 305; II, 

Transvlvania, University, I, 526, 528; II, 

758,' 759, 760, 768, 787, 1049, 1052; 

golden era of, II, 1054; faculty in 1821, 

II, 1056 

Trapp, Claude W.. Ill, 87 

Trappist Monks. II, 1022 

Travel and transportation, I, 297; facili- 
ties for, I. 48,^; in pioneer times, II, 

Traveling church, I. 288, 534 

Travis, William C, V, 60 

Trawick, John D., Ill, 162 

Treacy, Barney J., Ill, 300 

Treacy, Bernard J., Ill, 300 

Treacy, William J., IV, 190 

Treaty of 1819, I, 55 

Treaty of Ghent, I, 566 

Treaty of Greenville, I, 389 

Treaty of San Ildefonso, I, 425 

Treaty of San Lorenzo, I, 355, 369 

Tree growth, II, 1020 

Trevathan, Ben L., V, 216 

Trevathan, L. C, IV, 406 

Trigg County, II, 1101, 1112 ,o , 

Trigg, Stephen, I, 11, 185, 188, 191, 193, '"' ^ 

198, 210, 216; II, 1049, 1112 
Trigg's Station, I, 210 
Trimble County, II, 1101, 1112 
Trimble, John, II, 631, 646 
Trimble, Robert, I, 522; II, 1055, 1112 
Triplett, George V., Ill, 280 
Trivette, Emory E., IV, 366 
Trosper, William M., IV, 421 
Trotter, G. J., II, 701 
Trotter, James, I, 234, 561 
Trout, Anna, III, 238 
True American, II, 810, 813 
True South, The, II, 819 
Tuck, Alfred H., Ill, 499 
Tucker, Charles C, III, 177 
Tucker, Lenox M., IV, 135 
Tucker, M. W., V, 98 
Tudor, James, V, 122 
Tug Fork, I, 12, 65 
Tug River, I, 96, 98, 143, 154 
TuniI)Ier's Run, I, 63 
Turk. Alice B., V, 107 
Turk Family, V, 106 
Turk, John W., V, 106 
Turk, J. W., V, 106 
Turk, William L., V, 139 
Turkey, Thomas J., Ill, 322 
Turlington, William (William Spurlock), 

I, 130 

Turnbull, Lennox B., Jr., V, 591 

Turner, Annie, IV, 542 

Turner, Edmond D., IV, 521 

Turner, James M., V, 398 

Turner, James W., IV, 617 

Turner, J. K. Polk, IV, 629 

Turner, Squire, III, 553 

Turner, Thomas O., V, 395 

Turner, William C, V, 522 

Turner, William T., Ill, 568 

Turnpikes. II, 696. 721, 722, 920 

Turnpike legislation, II, 723 

Turnpike system, II, 727 

Tuttle, John W., Ill, 533 

Tuttle, Ronald S., V, 162 

Twelfth Regiment Cavalry officers, II, 

Twelfth Regiment Infantry officers, II, 

Twentieth Regiment Infantry officers, 

II, 1127 

Twenty-eighth Regiment Infantry offi- 
cers, II, 1130 

Twenty-first Regiment Infantry officers, 
II, 1127 

Twenty-fifth Regiment Infantry officers, 
II, 1129 



Twcnty-fourtli Kegimi-nt Infantry ofti- 
cers, II, 1128 

Twenty-ninth Regiment Infantry offi- 
cers, II, 1130 

Twenty-second Regiment Infantry offi- 
cers, II, 1128 

Twenty-seventh Regiment Infantry offi- 
cers, II, 1129 

Twenty-sixth Regiment Infantry officers, 
II, 1129 

Twentv-lhiril Regiment Infantry ofTicers, 
II, 1128 

Twetty's Fort, I, 210 

Twyman, Iverson W., I v', 149 

Twyinan, Louise, I\', 149 

Twyman, Judge, I, 194 

Tye, John G., V, 414 

Tyler, John E., V, 467 

Tyler, William L., Ill, 79 

Tyler's Station, I, 210 

Underground railways, II, 806, 807 
Underwood, Joseph R., II, 647, 825, 1084, 

Underwood, John R., II, 814 
Underwood, Thomas C, IV, 458 
Underwood, W. L., IT, 866 
Uniform roads, system of, I, 492 
Union Agricultural and Mechanical Asso- 
ciation, II, 741 
Union, breaking the bonds of, II, 842 
Union County, II, 999, 1101, 1112 
Union Democrats, II, 896, 897, 914 
Union forces, arms for, II, 886 
Union Freight Association, II, 936 
Union Labor party, II, 1002 
Union meeting, Louisville, 11, 707 
Union military autliorities, spoliation by, 

II. 878 
Union party, II, 843, 858, 908 
Union restoration policy, II, 911 
Union sentiment in Kentucky, I, 440, 

457; II, 838 
Union sympathizers, II, 874 
Union troops and munitions, II, 885 
Unionists, II, 858 

United States Army, olTicers from Ken- 
tucky in Civil war, II, 1114 
United States bank, I, 511; II, 606, 608, 
615, 650, 693, 709, 717; stockholders of, 
II, 672 
United States Senators, list of, II, 1082; 

biographies of, II, 1086 
University of Kentucky, II, 992; women 

admitted to, II, 1059 
Universal suffrage, I, 280 
Upington, Fred W., IV, 266 
Upington, John V., IV, 266 
Upper I'.lue Licks, I, 210 
Upton Hill, II, 899 
Urmston, 'I'luimas D., Ill, 410 
Usher, Luke, II, 1194 
Utley, Xewton W., V, 507 
Uttcrback, James C, V, 337 

Vaccination, II, 1052 
Van Arsdall, Rufus M., IV, 259 
Van H\iren, Martin, II, 714 
Vance, Chester M., V, 305 
Vance, Eugene C, III, 272 
Vance, Leslie M., V, 404 
Vance, Robert D., Ill, 228 
Vance, Samuel B., Ill, 228 

Xance's Station, 1, 210 

\'ancouver, Charles, I, 155 

\'ancouvcr's Fort, I, 210 

\'ancouver's settlement, I, 155 

\'andalia project, I, 162 

\au Deren, Edward F., Ill, 55 

\an l.iew. John K., IV, 337 

\;an Meter, Benjamin F., Ill, 390 

X'anmeter's Fort, I, 210 

X'anover, Roscoe, IV, 367 

X'astine, Benjamin M., Ill, 103 

\augban, Fred A., Ill, 467 

X'aughan, James M., Ill, 63 

\aughan, John M., Ill, 541 

Vaughn, J. M., IV, 194 

Van Zandt, John, II, 808 

Veal, Marvin S., Ill, 433 

Veech, Bethel B., IV, 60 

Venable, Charles L., V, 543 

Venters, A. Ray, IV, 430 

Versailles, II, 745, 787, 822, 970, 1078 

Vest, George G., II, 1059 

\'ick, William S., IV, 48 

N'icksburg, fall of, II, 883 

\ ielc, Arnold, I, 160 

X'ienna Station, I, 210 

\'igo, Francis, I, 179 

\'iley, Breckinridge, V, 57 

\inccnnes, I, 178, 179 

Vine culture, I, 499 

\'iney Grove, I, 210 

X'inson, Frederick M., Ill, 563 

\inson, George R., Ill, 573 

\inson, Robert L., Ill, 580 

N'irginia, western land claims, I, 223; 
attitude toward Kentucky statehood, I, 
235; relations with, I, 273; debt of, I, 
274; mother of Kentucky statesmen, I, 

^'irginia Compact, I, 274, 516 

Virginia criminal code, I, 312 

Virginia Military Lands. I, 213 

\ital statistics, II, 993 

\'iva Voce voting, 1, 477, 478; II, 837 

Volstead act, II, 1027 

X'ohinteers for War, of 1812, I, 552 

Voorhies, Charles H., Ill, 221 

Votes for women, II, 992 

\'oting, property cjualilication for, I, 401; 
written ballot in, I, 477; measures 
against negroes, II, 918 

Waddcll, Roy, IV, 346 
Waddle, Robert B., V. 190 
Wade, John W., V, 111 
Wagers, James W., III. 245 
Waggcncr, James II., IV, 260 
Wagner, Charles K., IV, 441 
Wagoner, John W., Ill, 583 
Wahle, Augustus J., V, 299 
Wake, Frank G., V, 493 
Wake, Hugh, V, 505 
Walam Olum, I, 22 
Walden, W. B., IV, 387 
Walker, Charles A. J., IV, 466 
Walker, Claude L., V, 535 
Walker, Daniel, 1, 217 
Walker, George, II, 1082, 1098 
Walker, George C, III, 518 
Walker, II. Swayne, III, 434 
Walker, John W., IV, 241 
Walker, Joseph IL, IV, 452 
Walker, Lewis L., IV, 246 



Walker, Murray II.. Ill, 296 

Walker, St. Clair, V, 601 

Walker, Thomas, I, 7, 51, 57, 11, 137, 517; 

II. 1031, 1198 
Walker's Creek settlement, I, 134 
Walker's line, I, 517 
Wallace. Caleb, I, 234, 270, 284, 285, 303, 

310, 529; II, 1050, 1052, 1064 
Wallace, David M., Ill, 94 
Wallace, James A., V, 610 
Wallace, James B., IV, 441 
Wallace, J. Franklin, III, 329 
Wallace, Tracy, III, 96 
Waller, Edward, I. 207 
Waller, Tesse C, IV, 82 
Waller, Frank F., Ill, 294 
Waller, John, I, 207 
Waller, Thomas S., Jr., Ill, 177 
Walnut Hall Stock Farm, IV, 176 
Walsh, John J., Ill, 552 
Walter, Anton, IV, 220 
Walters. Charles. Ill, 339 
Walters, Clifford L., II, 1186 
Walters, Edford L., V, 550 
Walters, Henry N., Ill, 602 
Walton, Edwin C, V, 183 
Walton, Maud, IV, 182 
Walton, Alatt S., Ill, 382 
Walton, Matthew, I, 234 
Walton, Samuel B., IV. 143 
Wanner, John L., V, 319 
War Hawks, I, 549 
War legislation repealed, II, 910 
War of 1812, I, 545: II, 1065; effects on 

tobacco planters, II, 1168 
War spirit prior to 1812, I, 546 
War taxes, II, 880 
War with France, I, 403 
War with Mexico, II, 825 
Ward, Andrew H., IV, 121 
Ward, Cora J., Ill, 313 
Ward. James A., Ill, 313 
Ward, Jav Q., III. 64 
Ward. John H., II, 905 
Ward, J. Miller, IV, 359 
Ward, Samuel M., V, 587 
Ward, William A., V, 9 
Wardrop, James, I, 67 
Ware, Orie S., V, 56 
Warfield, EHsha, II, 1053 
Warfield, William, I, 392 
Waring, Thomas, I, 209 
Waring's Station, I, 210 
Warner's Station, T, 210 
Warren County, II. 1100, 1112 
Warren County High School, IV, 544 
Warren, Edward Li, III, 285 
Warren, Henry T., IV, 626 
Warren, W. A., V, 603 
Warren's Station, I, 210 
Warring, Thomas, I, 284 
Warrior's Path, I, 60, 62, 69 
Wash. Thomas A., IV, 262 
Washburn, Edgar T., V, 335 
Washington. I, 210, 219, 291, 296, 486, 

488, 533; II, 745, 1191 
Washington, Augustine, I, 67 
Washington County, II, 1100, 1112 
Washington, George, I, 69, 95, 528; II, 

Washington, Lawrence, I, 67 
Washington, Mason Countv, I, 73, 115 
Wason, Robert, IV, 599 

Watauga River, I, 7 

Waters. William A., V, 73 

Wathen, John A., IV, 384 

Wathen, John B., V, 441 

Watkins, James A., Ill, 361 

Watkins, James L., Ill, 529 

Watkins, Mollie G., V, 600 

Watkins, Philip T., IV, 427 

Watterson, Henry, II, 774, 917, 995; III, 

Watson, Edward C, IV, 622 
Watts, Herman, IV, 256 
Watts, William D., IV, 128 
Waugh, John M., V, 482 
Wayne County, I, 55; II, 951, 1031, 1101, 

Wayne, "Mad Anthony," at Fort Massac, 

I, 340; campaign of, I, 353, 387; training 

his army, I, 386 
Wear, Edward W., V, 224 
Wear, William O., V, 89 
Weathers, Edmund P., IV, 399 
Weathers, Garrett D., IV, 129 
Weathers, James M., Ill, 539 
Weaver, George W., V, 427 
Webb, Annie P., IV, 32 
Webb, Dermont G.. Ill, 484 
Webb, George, II, 1179 
Webb, George M., Ill, 283 
Webb, James W., V, 223 
Webb, John, Jr., IV, 32 
Webb, John A., V, 563 
Webb, John B., V, 160 
Webb. Kittie. J., Ill, 288 
Webb, Mary G., IV, 101 
Webb, N. M., V, 565 
Webb, Richard S., IV, 101 
Webb, Richard S., Jr., Ill, 184 
Webb, Robert G., Ill, 43 
Webb, Robert L., V, 226 
Webster Cotmty, II, 1028, 1102, 1113 
Webster. Daniel, II. 787. 839 
Webster, Delia A., II, 807 
Weddle. John M., V, 46 
Weille, Ben, III, 472 
Weille, James, III, 473 
Weir, James, III, 276 
Weir, James (deceased). III, 276 
Weisenberger, Philip J., Ill, 595 
Welch, Charles W., Ill, 166 
Welch, Dan H., Ill, 575 
Welch, James, II, 1052 
Welch, John W., IV, 274 
Welch. M. M., IV, 369 
Weldon, William A.. IV, 604 
Wellman, Harrv G., IV, 137 
Wells, Carl A.," V, 318 
Wells, Clarence W., III. 275 
Wells, Jimison K., IV, 552 
Wells, John R., V, 100 
Wells, Marcus L. K., IV, 438 
Wells, Walter S., V, 10 
Wells' Station, I, 210 
Welsh Indians, I, 34 
Welsh tradition, in early Indian history, 

I, 32 
Welsh, Walter S., Ill, 273 
Wesley, Elbert T., IV, 513 
Wesley, Eli G., V, 202 
Wesley. Isaiah S., V, 201 
West, Edward, I, 501, 503 
West, James O., IV. 590 
West Liberty, II, 899 



Western American, I, 532 

Western migration, I, 288 

Western World, I, 441, 457, 475 

Westfall, John A., Ill, 591 

Wcsterlicid, Aretus A., Ill, 46 

Westerl'ield, Clarence, III, S3 

Wetzels, Joseph, IV, 227 

Whalcy, Clyde H., IV, 59 

Whaley, Rice B., IV, 278 

VVhalcy's Station, I, 210 

Wheat, 11, 739 

Wheat, William H. D., IV, 225 

Wheeldon, Milton E., V, 193 

W heeled vehicles, I, 297 

Wheeler & Wheeler, III, 517 

Wheeler, A. I'., IV, 79 

Wlueler, Blakemore, III, 139 

\\ heeler, Columhns B., V, 100 

Wheeler, John \V., Ill, 517 

Wheeler, Leora O. A., Ill, 545 

Wheeler, M. O., Ill, 517 

Wheeler. Peter T., Ill, 544 

Whclan. James L., Ill, 327 

Whigs, II, 692. 693, 709, 714, 716. 717, 

845; defeat of, 1844, II, 824; in 1848, II, 

Whig party, decay of. II, 843 
Winston, Philip H., Ill, 168 
Whipp. Patrick W., V. 301 
VVhippoorwill Creek, I. 210 
Whisky, manufacture of, I, 503; II, 996 
Wliisky Rebellion, I, 405 
Whisky taxes, I. 319 
Whitaker. Aquilla, I, 210 
Whitaker, Little, IV, 650 
Whitaker's Station, I, 210 
White, Beverly P., Ill, 289 
White, Frank M., V, 13 
White, George W^, III, 112 
White, Henry A., IV, 275 
White, Henry C, III, 116 
White, James A., IV, 412 
White, James W., IV, 597 
W'hite, Jerome B., V, 40 
White, John C. V, 382 
WHiite, John W., IV, 480 
White. Xaret M., V, 453 
White Oak Spring Station, I, 210 
White, Otis, III, 495 
White, S. J., Ill, 523 \ 

White Sulphur Springs, II, 792 ,V 

White. William. Ill, 367 *U ■ 

Whiteakcr, J. D., V, 613 ^ 

Whitehouse. F.dgar, III, 198 
Whitehouse. James U.. IV, 436 
Whitfield, Augustus F., V, 450 
Whitfield. Brvaii W.. V. 450 
Whitfield 1-amilv. V. 440 
Whitley CouMtv, I. 55. 489; II, llnl. 111,1 
Whitley. William, I. 210; II. 1113 
Whitley's Station. 1. 210 
Whitlock Pete S.. Ill, 244 
Whitney, Asa, II, 735 
Whitson, James H., Ill, 1.^2 
Whitt, B. E., IV, 556 
Wicker, Melvin V., V, 297 
Wickliffe, Charles, II, 701, 754 
Wickliffe, Charles A., 11, 673, 712, 732, 

767, 897. 1(171. 1075; V. 624 
WicklilTe. t harks Arthur, V, 341 
Wickliffe, I). C, II, 899 
Wickliffe, George, II, 622 
Wickliffe, Robert, II, .589, 597, 637, 648, 

1.67, 762, 763, 774, 1055 

Wiggins, Arris, V, 581 
\\ iggins, John S., \', 324 
Wiggins, Orville J., V, 324 
\\igles\vorth, James M.. IV, 616 
Wilcoxson. George E., Ill, 548 
Wildcat Mountain, II, 1204 
U ilder, George W.. IV, 360 
Wilder, Jesse F., Ill, 161 
Wilderness explorations. I, 41 
Wilderness Road. I. 60, 211, 235, 376, 

485, 490; II, 723, 1197, 1199 
\\ ilderness trails, I, 126, 288, 289, 297 
W iky, Adam P., I, 134 
Wiley, Harvey W., II, 1206 
Wiky, Mrs., captivity of, I, 142; in the 

Indian camp, I, 150; escape and rescue, 

I, 155; late life of, I, 158 
Wiley, R. L., Ill, 458 
Wiley, Samuel, I, l.-?5 
Wiley, Thomas, I, 135, 139, 140, 152, 158 
Wilhitc, Everett C, V, 584 
\\ ilhoit. James T., IV, 293 
Wilkie, Lonnic H., V, 511 
Wilkins, Charles, I, 458 
Wilkinson, James, I, 231, 2,W, 237, 242, 

246, 256, 257, 275, 279, 309, 362, 364, 

369, 372, 384, 387, 435, 440, 453, 462; 

and the Spanish trade, I, 245; at New 

Orleans, I, 247; II, 592, 746, 1170 
Wilkirson, Snelling, IV, 193 — ~ 
Wiilenborg, Harry J., IV, 221 
Williams, A. Lee, III, 463 
Williams, Casper C, III, 46 
Williams, Charles, III, 305 
Williams, Charles S., IV, 13 
Williams, Claude S., Ill, 550 
Williams, George W., II, 847 
Williams, James T., Ill, 570 
Williams, John A., V, 606 
Williams, lohn N., IV, 454 
Williams, John S., II, 1085, 1098, 1144 
Williams, John W. F., IV, 494 
Williams, J. C, III, 340 
Williams, J. Mott, V, 468 
Williams, Paul M., IV, 127 
Williams, Roger D., IV, 487 
Williams, Robert D., IV, 489 
Williams' Station, I, 211 
Williams, Willie D., III. 82 
Williams. W. R., IV, 208 
Williams, W. W., V, 219 
Williamsburg, I, 61 
Williamson, Cyrus M., V, 406 
W illiamson, George ^I., IV, 581 
Williamson, John H., Ill, 591 
W illiamson, Laurence J., Ill, 404 
\\ illiamson, Thomas J., V, 358 
Williamson, Vincent M., V, 405 
W illiamstown, I, 206 
W illm.ith. Argus D., IV, 19 
U illmott, Curtis S., Ill, 213 
Willoughbv, G. A.; V, 464 
Willis. (;. v.. III. 494 
Willis. James E. H., Ill, 400 
Willis, Luther C, IV, 352 
Willis, L. C, IV, 582 
Willis, N., I, 534 
Willis, Simeon S., Ill, 577 
Wills, Edwin S., IV, .106 
Willson. Augustus E., II, loll, 1014, 1072. 

1(181; III, 24 
Willson, James C, IV, .53 
Wilson, Charles IL, V, 96 
Wilson, Durbin, IV, 272 



Wilson, Edward, V, 165 

Wilson. Garret D., Ill, 288 

Wilson, George, I, 234 

Wilson, George S., Ill, 299 

Wilson, Harry B., IV, 246 

Wilson, Henry, I, 194 

Wilson, John, I, 194 

Wilson, John Edwin, V, 212 

Wilson, John Elmer, V, 220 

Wilson, John R.. Ill, 490 

Wilson, Joseph H., Ill, 594 

Wilson, Joshua, II, 1192 

Wilson, L. B., Ill, 127 

Wilson, Martin G., IV, 43 

Wilson, Ralph R., V, 185 

Wilson, Richard E., IV. 410 

Wilson, Samuel M., Ill, 365 

Wilson, Samuel R., Ill, 364 

Wilson. Sylvanus. V, 480 

Wilson, Thomas H., IV. 309 

Wilson, Walter A., V, 58 

Wilson, William, III, 102 

Wilson, William H., IV, 174 

Wilson, William Henry, IV, 599 

Wilson. Woodrow. I. 531 

Wilson's Station. I, 211 

Wilton, William. 'I. 126 

Winchester. II, 821 

Winchester Sun. V. 133 

Winfrec, William P.. IV, 44 

Winfrey. Mike C. Ill, 481 

Wing. E. R.. II. 917 

Winn. John B.. II, 1186 

Winslow, George B., V, 240 

Winstcad. Frank V., Ill, 172 
Winston, Philip H., Ill, 168 
Winter of 1780. II. 1045 

iVise. Edward A.. III. 152 
Wise. James E.. Ill, 344 
Wise. John F.. III. 570 
Wisehart. James H., V. 357 
Withers. Garrett L.. III. 148 
Withers, William T., Ill, 188 

VVitherspoon. Ambrose H., V, 169 
Witherspoon, Ezra O., IV, 7 
Witherspoon, Lister, IV, 112 
Withrow. James M., V, 403 
Withrnw, Maude D.. V. 404 
Witt. Bernard G.. Ill, 269 
Wolf. Moses J.. IV. 282 
Wolf, Simon, IV, 83 
Wolfe County, I. 112: II, 1102. 1113 
Wolfe Island. II. 1000 
Wolfe. Nathaniel, II. 1113 
Wolford. John A., Ill, 478 
Women as teachers, II. 765 
Woman suflrage. II. 920, 992 

W'ojnen. aid to Volunteers of 1812, I, 
554: exempted from imprisonment for 
debt. II, 614 
Wood. Abraham, I. 43 
Wood. A. T.. II. lO'K'i, 1007 
Wood. A. W., IV, 56 
Wood. C. M., III. 436 
Wood. James. I. 11 
Wood. John, I, 457 
Wood, John K., IV, 546 
Wood. William. I, 210, 270 
Wood. W. Logan, V. 140 
Woodard, Ernest, III, 428 
Woodl)urv. II. 899 
Woodford. Catesby. IV. 254 
Woodford County, I, 74. 291; II, 685, 
807. 1100. 111,3 

Woodford, Maria, IV, 258 
Woodford, Samuel A. B., IV', 257 
Woodrow, William E., V, 433 
Woodruff, Willis B., IV, 361 
Woods, Alva. II, 761, 1057 
Woods' Station, I. 211 
Woodson, Hylan H., V, 281 
Woodson, Obadiah, I. 95 
Woodson, Silas, II, 1206 
Woodson, Urey, V, 456 
Woodv, Albert P.. IV, 338 
Woolcott. Nelson, III, 164 
Wooldridge, Sam L.. V, 569 
Woolev. Aaron K., II, 1058 
Woolfolk. William T., IV, 92 
Wootton. Bailey P., V, 541 
World War. II. 1015; lesults in tobacco 

sections, II. 1182 
Worsham, John C. Ill, 265 
Worsham. Walter H.. IV, 419 
Worthington, Edward, I, 211 
Worthington. Edward L.. V, 585 
Worthington, \\'iniam. IV, 120 
Worthington. William A., V. 413 
Worthington's Station. I, 211 
Wright. Ben F., V, 30 
Wright, Ben T., II. 1187; III. 554 
Wright. Fonse. V. 45 
Wright, Georee, I. 1 
Wrieht. John R., Ill, 265 
Wright, S. Leo, III, 536 
Wright, T. G., V, 520 
Wright. William M., V, 107 
Wright, Walter S., IV, 531 
Wvandots, I. 1 
Wyatt, Charles C, V, 49 
Wyles. John P., IV, 304 
Wvman. Burton E.. V, 33 
Wynns, John G., Ill, 160 
Wythe. George, I. 176 

Yakcl. Ralph. V, 344 

Yancey, Hogan, IV, 207 

Yandell. Lunsford P.. V, 624 

Yantis. Samuel S.. Ill, 320 

Yates, John A., Ill, 480 

Yazoo colonization scheme, I, 276 

Yeager, John R., V, 152 

Yeaman, Malcolm. Ill, 414 

Yellowfever, II, 1078 

Yewell, Algernon S., Ill, 61 

Yewell, Lewis E., Ill, 82 

Yewell. Morgan. Ill, 416 

Yocum. Jesse. I. 193 

York, Leonidas H., V, 529 

Young. Amljrose P., V, 200 

Young. I'rank O., Ill, 170 

Young, James F., V, 432 

Young, John C, II, 763, 802, 814; V, 

Young. John G., V, 401 
Young, Lewis W., IV, 641 
Young, Lucien, III, 171 
Young, Lucy S., Ill, 181 
Young, Milton, III, 180 
Young. Richard B., V, 196 

Zimmerman. James R., IV, 554 
Zinn, Newton G., IV, 226 
Zinszer, Julia E.. III. 319 
Zinszcr. Louis J.. Ill, 319 
ZollicofTer, General. II, 887, 888 

History of Kentucky 


To determine the true origin and meaning of historical and geo- 
graphical names is frequently a difficult matter. Sometimes it is impos- 
sible. It has required many years to work out the origin and meaning 
of some of the important names connected with the history of Ken- 
tucky. It is believed, however, that these points are finally settled here. 

Kentuckv is a beautiful word, derived from the Wyandot dialect of 
the Iroquoian tongue. As a name for the state it is splendid. No other 
state has a name of more beauty, dignity, sublimity. Its significance is 
prophetic of coming greatness, of progress, of leadership in free, inde- 
pendent, and untrammeled government for and by the people under the 
law, of which she was the pioneer in the Mississippi Valley — if, indeed, 
not in all America. 


I'he origins urged for the name of Kentucky are erroneous. "Mead- 
ow-lands," "At the Head of a River," "The Dark and Bloody Ground," 
are all applications of misapprehensions. "The River Red with Blood" 
or "Bloody River," attached to the Ohio River. From this, the name 
"Bloody River" became fixed upon the Kentucky River, and possibly 
other branches of the main stream. This connection is the progenitor 
of the "Dark and Bloody Ground" of Boone and other explorers. 

The Iroquois conquered the Ohio Valley and expelled or extermi- 
nated the Indian tribes living there and with whom they battled. It 
was, no doubt, a bloody conquest. Memory of it remained among the 
victors as well as the defeated tribes, for a fair land was made a soli- 
tude. None dared live there. The conquerors might have done so, but 
the time for their removal thither never came. The land included in 
the State of Ohio was a part of the conquest. In fact, it embraced the 
larger part of the Ohio Valley. 

The Iroquois desired to retain this conquered domain. They set 
the Wyandots (Iroquoian) as over-lords of it to live in it, and to man- 
age it in their name. They had seen the ruin of other Eastern tribes 
and could but believe that they might share the same fate. In that 
case, they too, would take refuge in the West — in the Ohio Valley. 
They saved their possessions there for that purpose. And in speaking of 
their fine holdings in that valley they designated them as "The Land 
of To-morrow" that is, the land in which they intended to live in the 
future if thrown out of their present home. 

Hah-she'-triih, or George Wright, was the sage of the Wyandots. 
He lived to a great age, and died on the Wyandot Reserve, in what is 
now Oklahoma, in 1899. His father was a St. Regis Seneca, and his 
youth was spent among the Iroquois in New York and Canada. He 


Vol. I— 5 


was a mail of great intelligence, and he had the instinct of the historian. 
He belonged by both kinship and adoption to the Wolf Clan of the 
W'yandots, and his name signified "The Foot-print of the Wolf." The 
writer knew him well for a quarter of a century. Much of what is writ- 
ten here under the head of "Kentucky," was acquired from him.' 

And he said more. The word Kah'-ten-tah'-teh is of the Wyandot 
tongue. It means, in the abstract, a day. It may mean a period of time, 
and can be used for past or future time. When shortened to Ken-tah'- 
teh it means "to-morrow," or "the coming day," though it is nt)t the word 
ordinarily used for those terms. But it came to be the word used to apply 
to the Iro([iioian possessions on the CJiiio, and, gradually, to those on the 
south side of the Ohio. That is, these holdings constituted "The Land 
of To-morrow," or "The Land where we will live To-morrow" — "The 
Land where we will live in the future." A good translation of the word 
as it came to a]3])ly to the country of Kentucky is "The Land of To- 

This Wyandot word, like other Indian jjroper names, was corrupted 
by the whites. "Ken-tah'-teh" easily became "Cantocky," "Cantuckee," 
or "Kaintuckee," and, linally, through various changes, assumed its 
present form — Kentucky, "The Land of To-morrow." 

There can be little or no tloubt as to this being the true origin and 
correct significance of the name Kentucky. 


It is strange that students still perpetuate — or attempt to perpetuate 
the errors which have long surrounded the origin of this name. There is 
no doubt but that the I'Yench called the Ohio River "La Belle Riviere" 
or "Beautiful River." lUit they got no such name from the Indians. 
It was their own name for this fine stream. In Colonial times it was 
often spoken of as "The River Red with Blood," or "The Bloody 
River." These allusions later attached to the Kentucky River through 
the misapprehension of the explorers and pioneers. 

The word Ohio means great — not beautiful. It is an Iroquoian word. 
In W'yandcjt it is O-he'-zhu (o-hO'-zhfi). In the Mohawk and Cayuga 
it is O-htV-yo (6-he'y6). In the Oneida it is O-he' (6-Iie'). In the 
Seneca it is the same as in the Wyandot. The Wyandots called the 
river the O-he'-zhu (o-ho'-zhu) — the Great River. All the Iroquois called 
it the Great River. It ran from their western possessions to the gulf — 
the sea. They considered it the main stream. With them it was the 
Ohio to the Gulf of Mexico. 

The State of Ohio got its name from the Ohio River. 2 

1 The author makes apology for speaking here, and at another point in this 
paper, in a personal way. The meaning could be better expressed by doing so, and 
expressed much more briefly. 

^ Ohio is derived from the Iroquois. The original is variously spoken in the 
different dialects. In Wyandot it is 6-hc'-zhu; in Mohawk and Cayuga it is 
n-hc'-yo; in Onondaga and 'luscarora it is 6-hc'-ye; in Oneida it is o-he'; in 
Seneca it is very nearly tlie same as in Wyandot. Darlington, in his Christopher 
Gist's Journals, p. 94, and Morgan in his Li'iKjitc of the Iroquois, say this word means 
"fair," "beautiful." and that the Iroquois called the Ohio the Beautiful River. 
The French so called it CLa Belle Riviere), but there is no evidence that they secured 
the name from any Indian original. 

The word does not mean "fair." neither does it mean "beautiful." It means i/reat. 
The Iro(|uois, therefore, called the Ohio the Great River. The Wyandots called it 
o-he'-zhu Yiin'-da-w.-i'-yi- — (jreat River, .^nd in the various dialects of the 
Iroquois it is so called without exception. Tiiey give the stream that name from 
its source to the Gulf of Mexico; with them it is the main stream and has but 
one name. When I became acquainted with the Wyandots they told me of hunt- 
ing trips to the "Sunken Lands" on the Ohio. "But," I replied, "there are no sunken 
lands on the Ohio." "Yes," they said, "plenty on Ohio ; plenty by New Madrid." 



This name is of Algonquian origin. Sipu in that tongue means river. 
The traditions of the Delawares tell of migration of that people. They 
came to a mighty river, now believed to have been the Mississippi. 
They called it A^aiuaesi-sipu, that is, Fish River. They always spoke of 
it as the Namaesi-sipu. Whether they had in fact crossed this river or 
not, their descendants believed they had and applied to it always the 
name given it by their ancestors in an early age. In its widespread 
usage through the centuries, the name became modified or slightly short- 
ened. But it remains to this day the Macsisipu or Fish River. The name 
of the river gave name to the State of Mississippi. There is no 
significance in the name even approaching "Gathering in all the Waters," 
or "Great Long River," or "Father of Waters," or "Mother of Floods." 
White people may rightly attribute these qualities to the great river, but 
it is erroneous and wrong to contend that the Indian name carried any 
such meaning. For it does not. 

The Tennessee and Tributaries 

On the map of South Carolina and Georgia, 1733, published in Lon- 
don in that year, in a pamphlet supposed to have been written by Gen- 
eral Oglethorpe, the Tennessee River is marked "Cussetaolias Hoche- 
lepe" River. It is there marked down as a long straight river rising 
east of the "Meridian of Charles Town," and flowing west into the 
Ohio. Ramsey says that the Indians called this river Kallamuchee, 
which he believed to be the original name of the stream. He believed 
that the first explorers named it Riviere des Cheraquis, or Cosquinan- 
beaux. If he is correct, the first Europeans to explore and map the Ten- 
nessee River were the French. One of the principal Cherokee towns, in 
1730, was Nequassee, which is located by Adair in the mountains at the 
sources of the Hiwassee River. Here Sir Alexander Gumming held a 
treaty with all the chiefs of the Cherokees in that year. He designated 
a chief named Moytoy, of Telliquo, to be the head chief of the whole 
Cherokee Nation, which consisted at that time of the Lower Town, the 
Middle Towns, the Valley Towns, and the Overhill Towns. Like all 
other kings, Moytoy wanted to take high place among sovereigns. He 
wanted to open an acquaintance or correspondence with the ruler of 
England, so he was sent on an embassy to that august personage. He 
carried the crown of the Cherokees with him. It consisted of five eagle- 
tails, and four scalps of enemies of the Cherokees. The Crown had to 
be brought from the chief town of the Cherokee Nation, which was 
named Tanassee. This town was in the country of the Overhill Chero- 
kees, which seems to have always been the principal community of the 
Cherokee people. Ramsey says that this is the first mention of Tanassee. 
He says the town was on the west bank of the present Little Tennessee 
River, a few miles above the mouth of Tellico, and afterwards gave the 
name to Tennessee River and to the state.' 

In speaking of the Cherokees, in 1702, M. Pericaut mentions the Ten- 
nessee River. He says "ten leagues from the mouth of this river (Ohio) 
another falls into it called Kasquinempas (Tennessee). It takes its 
source from the neighborhood of the Carolinas and passes through the 
village of the Cherokees." * 

"But New Madrid is on the Mississippi," I insisted. "We call him Ohio— all along, 
Ohio; not call him Mississippi any place." The Iroquois must have had at some 
time a name for the Mississippi above the mouth of the Ohio, but those I have 
met do not remember it. — The Heckewelder Narrative, edited by William Elsey 
Connelley, The Burrows Brothers Company, Cleveland, Ohio, pp. 162, 163, note. 

* Ramsey's Annals of Tennessee, 47, note. 

* Fifth Annual Report Bureau of FJhnnlnrjy, 139. 


Bartrani, who traversed the Cherokee Countr)- between 1773 and 1778 
furnishes an enumeration of the village of the Cherokees with their lo- 
cations.* He gives a list of — 

Four towns "On the Tanase east of the Jove Mountains." 
I'^our towns "Inland, on the branches of the Tanase." 
Fight towns "On the Tanase over the Jove Mountains." 
l*"ive towns "Inland towns on the branches of the Tanase and other 
waters over the Jove .Mountains." 

IClcven towns "Ovcrhill towns on the Tanase or Cherokee River." 
In the last enumeration, the "Tanase or Cherokee River" would seem 
to imply that the name Tanase applied to the whole Cherokee River at 
that time. The name first was the name of the river now known to us as 
the Little Tennessee. If the words "Tanase or Cherokee River" is cor- 
rect, then the name Tanase became the name of the whole river from the 
mountains, by way of the I-.ittle Tennessee, to the Ohio before the year, 

On the "l-,arliest Maj) showing the location of the Cherokees, 1597,"" 
the Tennessee Ri\er is laid down but not named. The map was made 
by Coverely W'yttliet from the knowledge of the country obtained by De 
Soto's Expedition." It is correctly divided into two branches or, perhaps, 
valleys, the Little Tennessee and Iliwassee, and the Holston. It is now 
generally believed that De Soto was in East Tennessee, and that the Ten- 
nessee River was first explored, or at least seen by Spaniards. 

Haywood says that the Cherokees have always designated the Ten- 
nessee by the name of the "I'ig River."** 

King's Handbook of the United States says "the name Tennessee is 
a Cherokee word, meaning 'a Curved Spoon,' or 'A Bend in the River.' 
It was derived from Tanassee, the chief village of the Cherokee tribe, 
which stood on the shore of the river. The name was applied (to the 
State) upon motion of Andrew Jackson." 

I'he name could not mean a "curved spoon" unless the Cherokees had 
among them seers or projihets, who were able to look forward some 
hundreds of years, perhaps, and see spoons in the possession of the Euro- . 
pcans who were to visit them after the discovery by Columbus. The 
theory that the word might mean "a bend in the river," or "the river 
with the great bend" might lie plausible if we knew that the name always 
attached to the whole river. The signification of the word Tanase is 
probably lost for all time. Its origin is lost also. We only know when 
it first appeared in the writings of the Europeans and to what it then 
api^lied. We know also that it is an Indian word of great beauty, and 
we can commend the wisdom that selected it as the name for a great 

The French bestowed the name Cherokee on the Tennessee River and 
it was thus known to the earlier settlers and explorers, imtil that name 
was replaced by Tennessee. Haywood says "the river to the south of 
Holston as laid down in the old maps is called the Tanses or Tanasees. 
The Big Tennessee, below that, is called the Hogoiieegee." ^^ Ramsey 
says that it was the Holston which was known as the Hogoheegee." 

' Bartram's Travels in North .■i)iu'rica, 371. 

" Bureau of Ethnology, Fifth Annual Report, 128. 

• Ibid., 135. 136. 

* Haywood's Civil and Political History of Tennessee, 30. 

"Tennessee (Ta-nasi or Tansi). The name of two or more Cherokee settlements 
at an early period. The principal one was on Little Tennessee River, a short distance 
above its junction with the main stream, in East Tennessee. Another was on an 
extreme head branch of Tuckasegce River, above the present Webster, North Caro- 
lina. The name has lost its meaning, all the so-called derivations being fanciful. — 
Handbook of .-Uncrican Indians, Vol, 2. p. 729. 

'" Haywood's Civil and Political History of Tennessee, 39. 

'' Ramsey's Annals of Tennessee, 87. 



The Holstoii River was known to the Enghsh at an early date. It is 
one of the most noted rivers in the annals of the settlement of the coun- 
try west of the Alleghaiiies. A Mr. Vaughan, of Virginia, passed down 
the Holston in 1740, in company with some Virginians who were trading 
with the Cherokees.^- Haywood says that the Holston was known to 
the Cherokees by the name of Watauga, and that this name was lost by 
the settlement upon it of one Stephen Holston some years before I758.i'^ 
Haywood also says that "the Indians called the Holston the Coot-cha." 
But Ramsey points out that it was only that part of the river from the 
mouth of the Little Tennessee to the mouth of the French Broad that 
was known as the Cootcha to the Indians. The Holston was believed 
to be the head or main branch of the Tennessee River by the early ex- 
plorers, and as such was called the Cherokee River." The Holston is 
sometimes called Holstein by early writers, and on Lewis Evans' Map, 
1775, it is marked "Helston R." It is laid down on the Nuremberg 
Map, I75<'i, as "Holston's R." On this map the Tennessee River is 
marked "Hogehege or Cherakees R." On the Little Tennessee, which 
is not named, a town is marked "Tonase." 

The date when Stephen Holston's name attached to this river is not 
known. It seems to have been widely known as Holston River before 
1750. At that time it was not known by any other name. Doctor Draper 
says that prior to 1748, Holston, during a hunt, had discovered this river. 
The river had been known to the whites for many years before this. 
Mr. Vaughan had passed down it and described it in 1740. In view 
of this, it would, in all probability, require more than a mere discovery 
by Holston to fix his name on the river. He must have settled there 
and remained for a sufficient time for it to become known to the traders 
and frontiersmen in order to give his name to the river. And this niust 
have been prior to 1748, as the river was then called Holston. He lived 
in South Carolina in 1753, and after that date, again settled on the Hol- 
ston. Doctor Draper's statements are contradictory on this point. In 
one place he says that the river was known as the Holston, before April, 
1748. In another, he says that Holston's name did not become fixed to 
the noble stream which he had discovered until after his return from 
Natchez, which was later than 1753.'-''' 

12 Haywood's CiViV and Puliticut History of Tciniessee, 40. 

13 Jhid,^ A2. 

1* "In the map accompanying Adair's book, the river from the head of Holston 
to the confluence of the Tennessee and Ohio is called Cherakc. The Cumberland is 
called Old Shawvanon, or river of the Shawnees. Near the source of the latter 
stream, a tributary of the Tennessee takes its rise; it is probably intended for the 
modern Clinch. The Hiwassee is called Euphasee, of which Chestoe is a confluent. 
Tennase is the stream now known as Little Tennessee."— Ramsey's Annals of Tennes- 
see, 80. ■ £ \r 

IS "There were settlers on both New and Holston Rivers prior to 1756— Vause, 
Stalnacker and others on New River; and Stephen Holston, at least, on the 
river bearing his name, which was known as such anterior to April, 1748, when 
Dr. Walker, in his Journal of 1750, refers to it by that designation at that 

"A further notice of Stephen Holston, or Holstcm, seems fitting in this con- 
nection. He was of an adventurous turn, and prior to 1748 had, during a hunt, 
discovered the river named after him. It was after this discovery that he 
settled on the Little Saluda, near Saluda Old Town, in South Carolina, where, 
in the summer of 1753, a party of Cherokees returning from a visit to Gov. 
Glen, at Charleston, behaved so rudely to Mrs. Holston, in her husband's absence, 
as to frighten her and her domestics away, fleeing several miles to the nearest 
settlement, when the house was robbed of utensils and corn, and two valuable 
horses were also taken. Holston and some of his neighbors settled on Holstons 
River, in what subsequently became Botetourt county; soon after this, they 
constructed canoes, and passed down the Holston into the Tennessee River, 
through the Muscle Shoals, and down the Ohio and Mississippi as far as 
Natchez. Returning from this notable adventure, his name became fixed to the 
noble stream wliich he discovered, and upon which he made the primitive 

6 HISTORY oi- KI•:^'TUCK^■ 

Ihc Clinch River was not explored and named until long after the 
ii<jlston was well known. Haywood relates that the Clinch River and 
Clinch Mountain were named from the following circumstance. "An 
Irishman was one of the com]3any ; in crossing the river he fell from the 
raft into it, and cried out, 'Clinch me! Clinch me!' meaning lay hold 
of me. The rest of the company, unused to the phrase, amused them- 
selves at the expense of the poor Irishman, and called the river Clinch." "■ 
This can hardly ha\e heen the origin of the name Clinch, for llic circum- 
stance is descriljcd as having occurred after the year 1761. Doctor 
Walker, in his Journal of 1750. speaks of "a river, which I suppose to he 
that which the hunters call Clinches River from one Clinch a Hunter, 
ulio first found it."''" Doctor Walker's account of how tiic river oh- 
taini d its name is the correct one. 

.Xnihrose Powell was one of Doctor Walker's i)arty in 1750. 1 hm- 
ters and explnrers were much in the habit of cutting their names on the 
smooth hark (jf the great beeches growing in ihe wilderness. There are 
ni:iny references to this practice, in Doctor Walker's Journal, and in 
otiier works. In 1761, a party of hunters, ccjnsisting of nineteen men, 
went into what is now Lee County, Virginia, and established a hunting 
siation on a creek which they named Walden's or Wallen's Creek from 
the fact that Elisha Wallen or Walden was one of the principal men 
of the company. Haywood writes the name IVallcn. Withers and 
Dr. Draper write it Walden, w-hich is probably correct, although the name 
which the creek and mountain retain is IVallcn. This ])arty gave names 
to many creeks, rivers, and mountains in \ irginia; while hunting there 
in 1761. On a birch tree on Powell's River, near the mouth of Wallen's 
Creek, tliey found cut the name "Ambrose Powell." ]''rom this circmn- 
stance they named the river, Powell's j^iver, and from this came the 
names of Powell's Valley and Powell's Mountain. For Wallen, they 
also named Wallen's Ridge, and for other men in the company, they 
named Scaggs' Ridge, and Newm;m's Ridge. They named Copper Creek 
from a yellowish iron ore which they found there.'* 

The following quotation from Ramsey, on the origin of the name 
French ISroad, may be of interest: "V>\ prior discovery, if not by con- 
quest or occupancy, France claimed the whole valley of the Mississippi. 
'Louisiana stretched to the head-springs of the Alleghany and the Monon- 
gahela, of the Kenhawa and the Tennessee. Half a mile from the head 
of the southern branch of the Savannah river is Herbert's Spring, which 
flows to the Mississippi ; strangers who drink of it would say they had 
tasted of French Waters.' This remark of Adair may probably explain 
the English name of 'the princii)al tributary of the Holston. Traders 
and hunters from Carolina, in exploring the country and ])assing from 
the head waters of Broad River, of Carolina, and falling upon those 
of the stream with which they inosculate west of the moimtain, would 
hear of the l'"rench claim, as Adair did, and call it, most naturally, 
French Broad." »» 

settlement. His location on Holston was at the head spring of the Middle Fork ; 
his loR cabin was on the hill side some thirty rods from the spring. In 1774, one 
Davis occupied tlie place, and related that Holston had left .several years before that 
date. On the Ijreaking out of the Indian war in 1754, he seems to have returned 
with his family to Cull)eper county, which was tlien not exempt from Indian 
forays; and Holston, about 1757, was captured by Indians. But in due time he 
returned to the Holston country, served in the battle of Point Pleasant in 1774, 
on Christians's campaif^n afjainst the Cherokecs, in 1776, and was reported in 
service in 1776, or 1777. .'Xs we hear no more of him, he probably did not long 
survive this period." — li'ithcr's Ilorclcr \i\ufarc, SO- Note by Lyman C. Draper. 

'" Haywood's Chit and Poliliail History of Tennessee, 4.S. 

" Dr. Walker's Journal mider date of .April g, 1750. 

'" Haywood's Civil and Political Ilislory of Tennessee, 45, 46. 

'" Ramsey's Annals of Tennessee, 45. 


Watauga River signifies in the Cherokee tongue the River of Islands. 
The name Watauga was once appHed by the Indians to the Holston.^" 
After the Holston was given its present name, its ancient name, in some 
unaccountable manner, was transferred to the stream we now know as 
the Watauga. 

Walker's Creek and Walker's Mountain, both west of the New 
River, in Virginia, were so called in honor of Dr. Thomas Walker, who 
explored to the west in the years 1748, and 1750. 

Cumberland — ^River — — Gap 

Dr. Thomas Walker and his companions discovered the Cumber- 
land River on the 17th day of March, 1730. They had come through 
that pass, which is now known as Cumberland Gap, on the 13th, and 
followed the Great War Road or Warrior's Path leading from the 
countries of the Northern Indian tribes to those of the Southern tribes. 
They had camped on the 14th on the stream now known as Yellow 
Creek. The 15th was Easter Sunday. The company did not usually 
travel on Sunday, but the site of the camp being bad, they moved seven 
miles, following the War Road, and camped on what is now Clear Creek, 
though they named it Clover Creek, finding there an abundance of 
clover and hop vines — later known as pea-vine, and which furnished 
pasturage for cattle equal to that of clover. Because of rain, camp was 
not moved on the i6th. It was still raining on the 17th and the party 
could not travel. But Doctor Walker went hunting down the creek. 
A mile below the camp, at the mouth of Clear Creek, he came to a river, 
which he says in his Journal, "I called Cumberland River." 

So far as has been found, historians have said that Doctor Walker 
gave the name Cumberland to the range now known as Cumberland 
Mountains, and the pass through this range which we know as Cum- 
berland Gap. But Doctor Walker did nothing of the kind. When 
he and his companions arrived at the gap on the 13th it must already 
have had a name — Cave Gap — and this name Doctor Walker used for 
the pass. Later, in his Journal he calls it Cave Gap. He found it Cave 
Gap and left it Cave Gap.-' The Cumberland Mountains Doctor Walker 
named the Steep Ridge. There is no mistaking Doctor Walker's lan- 
guage, nor his intentions in bestowing this name of "Steep Ridge." 
It was the Cumberland Range which he so named. For he put down in 
his Journal a good description of the Cumberlands, and gave the range 
its name from the steep character of it on the north side — "The Moun- 
tain on the North Side of the Gap is very Steep and Rocky," he said.22 

2" Haywood's Civil and Political History of Tennessee, 41, 42. 

=1 See Dr. Walker's Journal. Also see Chapter V "Explorations of Dr. Thomas 
Walker" in this work. 

-- J. Stoddard Johnston, in his First Explorations of Kentucky, a Filson Club 
publication, says, at page 48, in speaking of the Gap, that it was "Named later! 
by Dr. Walker Cumberland Gap." Mr. Johnston would have saved many students 
much valuable time if he had said when he later named it Cumberland Gap, and 
inhere he made any record of having so named it. The ivhen and n'herc have 
not been found. 

As a still further and conclusive evidence that Doctor Walker did not bestow the 
name Cumberland on the mountains and the gap, see An Analysis of a General Map 
of the Middle British Colonies, by Lewis Evans to accompany his map of that date. 
He names the Cumberland Mountains the Ouasioto Mountains, and says he obtained 
his information from Doctor Walker as to names. He says: "As for the Branches 
of Ohio, which head in the New Virginia (so they call, for Distinctionsake, that Part 
of Virginia South East of the Ouasioto Mountains, and on the Branches of Green 
Briar, New River, and Holston River) I am particularly obliged to Dr. Thomas 
Walker, for the Intelligence of what Names they bear, and what Rivers they fall 
into Northward and Westward." 

And this name — Ouasioto — carried with it the proof that the Si.x Nations, or the 
Wyandots for them, named the Cumberland range the Ouasioto Moimtains. "Oua" 


'I'lie Cimiberland .Muiintains and ilie Cuinborland Gap got the name 
Ctunbcrland by indirection. Doctor. Walker's name Cumberland as ap- 
plied to the river stuck. There was never any doubt as to its identity, 
such as gathered about some of the other rivers. It was the Cumber- 
land and nothing else. No other river was the Cumberland. The maps 
were correct as to both name and river. .And from this circumstance 
the jiass and the main mountain range took by usage the name Cumber- 
land. Doctor Walker attached the name to the river. Later the name 
attached itself to the mountain and the remarkable pass through it. 

Some additional information has been compiled and is set out here. 

Haywood in speaking of the hunting party of 1761 which gave names 
to Powell's River and other physical features of Southwestern Virginia 
says : "They then went through Cumberland Gap, and, when there, 
agreed that Wallen should name the mountain. He, having come from 
Cumberland County, \'i\.. gave it the name of Cumberland Mountain. 
They proceeded to the river now called Cumberland, and called it Xorlh 
Cumberland.'' -^ It is somewhat strange that so good a historian as 
Haywood should fall into such an error as this. And it is still more 
strange that Collins should follow him without investigation, and make 
the same mistake. -^ It has been said that Doctor Walker bestowed 
these names in 1748, while on his first exploring expedition. But Hall 
states that he had examined a manuscript affidavit of Doctor Walker 
in which it was stated that in the month of April, 1750, he visited the 
waters of the Cumberland, and gave its present name to that river.-'' 
Ramsey says the Duke of Cumberland was then jirinie minister of 
England. -'' And Shaler in speaking of him says "the very unsavory 
(jeorge, Duke of Cumberland.'' -' 

On the old maps the Cumberland River is laid down and called the 
Shawnee River because the Shawnees dwelt in its galley. Speed, in his 
IVildcruess Koad makes the mistake of calling this the Cherokee River. 2* 
It was never known as the Cherokee River. 

The Indian name of the Cumberland Mountain was Ouasioto,^'' 
Waseoto, or Ono-Sciota.-'" These are only different forms of the same 
name. The name is of Iroquois or Huron origin and signified "the 
mountains where deer are plenty." •" It is to be regretted that the 
beautiful Indian name of this mountain range was supplanted by one 

sioto" is an Iroquoian word — not a Shawnee word. It is derived from skanoto, the 
Wyandot or Iroquoian word for deer. The word is nearly the same in all other 
Iroquoian dialects. This is, too, further evidence of the complete conquest by the Six 
of all the Ohio \'alley south to the Tennessee including the Holston. They imposed 
their name on these mountains, which they could not have done had the country 
containing the mountains hclonged to any other tribe. 

2-' Haywood's Cw'd and Political Ilislory of Tennessee, 46. 

-* Collins, History of Kentucky, Vol. 2, 416, Josh Bell County. 

-° Hall's Romance of Western History, 148. 

2" Ramsey's Annals of Tennessee, 66. 

-' Shaler's Kentucky, 60. 

-" Wilderness Koad, 72. 

-"Gist's Journals, 271, 272. 

■'"Ihid.. 118. 

■'■' ".Scioto, deer. Where deer are |)Ienly. Deer. Scaenoto, Magna, Zeisberger and 
other Moravian Missionaries. The language of the Hurons and Wyandots comes 
near the Magna. John Johnston observes in 'Howe's History of Ohio,' p. 600 that 
'the Sci-on-to River was named by the Wyandots, who formerly resided on it ; signifi- 
cation unknown.' On p. 588 of the same volume he gives specimens of the Wyandot 
language; in the list deer is Ough-Sca-noto. In the Onondaga tongue deer is Skan- 
o-do. The Wyandots or Hurons, and Iroquois or Five Xations. were of the same 
original stock. » ♦ ♦ Tlie name Ona-Sciota, mountains in Southeastern Kentucky, 
on Evans' Map of 17.SS and Hutchins of 1778, doubtless meant mountains where deer 
are plenty." — Gist's Journals, 117, 118. 

Imlay quotes from "Gordon's Journal," as follows: "By reason of the difliculty 
of passing the Ouasioto Mountains, I thought them a very natural boundary between 
Virginia and Ohio in these parts ; and for that rea.son made them the bounds of the 


which is wholly foreign and which has nothing of fitness to recommend 
it. Speed, in his Wilderness Road makes as good a plea for the new 
name as can well he made,^' but nothing which may be said will recom- 
pense for the loss of the musical and appropriate Indian name. 

The Big Sandy River — Louisa — Totero — Shattara — Totteroy 

Where did the name "Sandy," as applied to the Louisa River, origi- 
nate? When did it first come into use? Who first bestowed it? Shaler 
attributes it to Dr. Thomas Walker.'''''* But this is most certainly an 
error. The Earl of Bellomont,^-* in discussing Indian affairs, writes in 
1699 "that the Shateras were supposed to be the Toteros, on Big Sandy 
River, Virginia." '^^ Here we have the name Big Sandy River in use 
in 1699, and later it is mapped down and identified so that there can 
be no mistake about it. Some Totero Indians dwelt on the Big Sandy 
River at that time, and this gave their name to the river.''" Pownall 
in his map of North America, 1776, gives the Totteroy (i. e., Big 
Sandy) Ri\er.''' On Lewis Evans' Map, 1775, it is marked "Tottery 
or Big Sandy C." On the Nuremberg map, 1756, it is marked "Gt. 

If is evident from the foregoing that the early Virginians were much 
better acquainted with the Big Sandy Valley than has been supposed. 
The Earl of Bellomont wrote in 1699, twenty-eight years after the 
discovery of the Great Kanawha by the expedition of Gen. Abraham 
Wood. It is very probable that during this time the Big Sandy River 
was explored and given its present name, but by whom we cannot tell. 
Shaler says that "Raffinesque, in his most untrustworthy annals of 
Kentucky, says that a Captain Bolt came from \'irginia to Kentucky in 
1660." •''*' The first route from Virginia to Kentucky was down the 

different territories, not that there is any difference of right between one side and the 
other. Louisa, New River and Green Briar are fine large branches of Kanhaway, 
which in future time will be of service for the inland Navigation of New Virginia, 
as they interlock with the Monongahela, Potomac, James River, Roanoke, and the 
Cuttawa River." — Imlay's America, London, 1797, p. 118. 

Doctor Walker traced none of the rivers which he discovered to the Ohio, nor to 
their mouths, and did not know the rivers which they emptied. He supposed that 
his Louisa River emptied into Kanawha, and it came to be so marked. It was the 
■West Fork of the Big Sandy River. 

32 "The name Cumberland, however, perpetuated in the everlasting mountain 
range, and in the beautiful river, is one hoary with antiquity. It came down to the 
Duke of Cumberland through the Cumbrians of the British Isles — the Cymry of the 
continent, and tlie Cimmerians about the Black Sea — directly from Corner the son 
of Japhet. The Duke of Cumberland was a distinguished character, when Dr. 
Thomas Walker planted the name imperishably in the West. He was the son of 
George II, and commander in chief of the British armies at the time troops were 
sent over from England under Braddock to aid the colonists in the French and 
Indian wars." — Wilderness Road, 69, 70. 

••^ Shaler, History of Kcntueky, 60. 

■■" Richard, Earl of Bellomont, was appointed governor of New York June 18, 
1697. The correspondence referred to was with Count Frontenac, relative to the ex- 
change of prisoners consequent upon the peace of Ryswick. Bellomont included in 
his demand the Indians detained in captivity in Canada, claiming their liberty as 
British subjects. He was one of the best of New York's governors. He died sud- 
denly on the sth of March, 1701. — Carpenter and Arthur's History of Neiv York, 
130, 134, 136, 

^■' yth Annual Report Bureau Ethnology, 114. 

3" There was memory among the pioneers of the Big Sandy Valley of at least 
two Totero villages there. One was on the Lick Fork of Jennie's Creek at what was 
later known as Hager Hill, Johnson County. The other was on the high view 
river bottom below Prestonsburg, Floyd County, nearly opposite the mouth of the 
stream now known as Abbott's Creek. It was a little below this point and back from 
the river on a farm once owned by the May family, as nearly as it could be located. 
There must have been other towns of the tribe both above and below these. 

•" Ibid. 

3* Shaler, History of Kentucky, 59, note. 


Big Sandy. Virginia sent an army (jf mure than 400 men toward the 
Ohio by the way of the Tug Fork in 1756, on the "Sandy Creek Voy- 
age." Boone tried to reach Kentucky by the way of the Sandy. The 
Big Sandy \'alley may have l)cen the first part of Kentucky to be ex- 
plored by Englishmen. While other western rivers were spoken of by 
vague, indefinite and constantly varying names, tiie liig Sandy was 
definitely located and in possession of the name which it yet retains. 
And the designation, Big, or Great Sandy, would indicate that the 
Little Sandy had also been discovered and named. 

Some have supposed that the name "Sandy" was given because 
of the sand in and along the bed of the stream. But the stream is even 
yet singularly free from large accumulations of sand. In early days, 
before the timber had been cut from its banks, there was almost no 
sand to be found along the bed of the river. .\.fter the people had cut 
the timber from its banks, there was considerable washing away of 
unprotected points, and some accumulation of sand, but not enough 
to make it a noticeable feature of the river. 

In the early settlement of \'irginia there were two persons by the 
name of Sandys famous in the annals of the colony. The first of these 
was .Sir Edwin Sandys. He was a man of great force of character 
and persistency of ])urpose. In 1621 he obtained for the \irginians a 
written charter guaranteeing to them a free government. So zealous 
was he in behalf of the colcjuists that he incurred the displeasure of the 
King. In discussing the matter of a treasurer and suitable persons there- 
for the King said: "Choose the devil if you will, but not Sir Edwin 
Sandys." ■'" His efforts did not cease with obtaining free government 
for the Virginians. He continued to exert himself in their behalf. He 
sent over a shipload of "maids" to become wives of the colonists.'"' 
The settler was to pay for the wife he selected, or that selected him, in 
tobacco. The price was fi.xed at £120 of that plant, amounting to about 
SXo.'" This was a wise provision. The plan of sending maids "voung, 
handsome and chaste" to \'irginia was a success. Il changed the whole 
course of the colony. Most of the settlers had gone to \'irginia for the 
purpose of making a fortune. Their intention was to return to Eng- 
land when this was accomplished. But "soon the wise device of Sir 
Edwin -Sandys bore its fruit. The careless adventurers became '])rovi- 
dent fathers of families, solicitous about the prosperity of a country 
which they now considered as their own.' The colony, under the etTect 
of these virtuous home-ties, grew to be a settled and well ordered 
society." *^ 

George Sandys was a brother of Sir Edwin, lie came to X'irginia in 
1621 with Governor Wyatt. He was a scholar and a famous ])oet. 
He was the treasurer of the colony. His greatest service to X'irginia 
was the introduction of the water-mill. He "introduced llic first icater- 
mill in America." *^ 

The services rendered Virginia by these brothers were of great im- 
])ortance. The people manifested their gratitude in various ways, one of 
which was in giving their name to mountain and stream. Sandys Rivers, 
.Sandys Creeks, and .Sandys Kidges, were all over the colony. .Some 
of these yet remain. Some Virginian milst have explored, or, at least, 

8" "The meeting of the first Assembly in 1619 was followed in ifiji by the formal 
grant to the Virginians of free government by written charter: 'a constitution after 
their heart's desire,' says Beverly. This was the work of Sir Edwin Sandys, the 
head of the Virginia party, of whom James I said, when he was spoken of for 
treasurer, 'Choose the devil if you will hut not Sir Edwin Sandys.' Under his lead- 
ership, the Company persisted in their Hberal policy." — Cooke's Viryinia, 118. 

*» Cooke's Virginia, 119. 

^' Ibid., 120. 

*^ Ibid , 122. 

*^Ibid., 140. 


discovered the Big Sandy River before the year 1699, and remembering 
that his mother or grandmother was one of the maids, "young, hand- 
some and chaste" sent over by Sir Edwin Sandys, in grateful remem- 
brance, gave it the name Sandys River. Or, perhaps, the discoverer 
was a man who appreciated the tirst pact of Virginia, and gave the name 
in his honor. Or he may have been a backwoodsman who remembered 
the rude mill on some sluggish stream in the tidewater region, which 
he or his father had been enabled to build by the aid of the invention of 
George Sandys, and in commemoration of the introduction of that 
useftil and indispensable device, called the stream he had found Sandys 
River. Whatever the circumstances of the discovery and bestowal of 
the name, there is probability that the Big Sandy River was given its 
present name by a Virginian in honor of one of the Sandys brothers. 

The name Chaterawha, or Chatterawah, or Chatteroi, is sometimes 
applied to the Big Sandy River. Shaler seems to imply that this was 
the Indian name of the stream. ■*■* The Bureau of Ethnology says "the 
origin of Chatterawha is not clear. By location it seems to belong with 
Chattahoochi and Chattanooga, but as it contains an r sound it can 
scarcely belong to the Muskhogean language unless the r is really only 
a rough /. Cliattu is the Creek word for 'rock,' but what lawha would 
mean, if anything, might require considerable research." ^^ 

As said before, the Big Sandy River was the dwelling place of a 
tribe of Indians of the Siouan linguistic family. The name of this tribe 
was Totero. From this it was called Totero River or Totero Creek, 
and, later, as we have seen, it was marked down on the maps as "Tot- 
teroy" and "Tottery" River, the river where the Toteros dwelt. The 
name Chatterawha is derived from another name of this same tribe 
of Indians. The usual name of these Indians seems to have been Shat- 
tara. The Earl of Bellomont says that the Shattaras dwelling on the 
Big Sandy River are supposed to be the Totero Indians. Chattarawha 
is only a different form of Shattara, as Totteroy is only a different form 
of Totero. These names were not bestowed upon the river by the In- 
dians, and cannot properly be said to be the Indian names of the river. 
The Indians did not give these names to the river except in an indirect 
manner, by their presence. The names were used by white men to 
denote the .stream upon which the Toteros or Shattaras dwelt. And a 
man used either the name Totero, or Shattara, as he chanced to call this 
tribe the Toteros, or the Shattaras. Totteroy was fomierly the more 
common name, but afterward Chattarawha almost entirely superseded 
it. For the sake of uniformity with Kanawha, this name should be 
written Chatarawha.'**' 

The Miami Indians called the Big Sandy River, the Wepepocone- 
cepewe.*^ [We-pep-o-con-ne-sippi.] 

The Delawares called it Sikea-cepe,** which means .Salt Creek. 

The Shawnees had two names for the Big .Sandy River. They 
must have been bestowed at different times between which a long 
period had elapsed. The older one was Mich-e-cho-be-ka-sepe, which 

■»* Shaler, History of Kentucky, 60. 

<5 Letter to autlior, Dec. 14, 1895. 

•"• "Totteroy falls into the Ohio on the same side (as the Kanawha) and is pass- 
able with boats to the mountains. It is long, and has not many branches, interlocks 
with Red Creek, or Clinch's River (a branch of Cuttawa). It has below the moun- 
tains, especially for 15 miles from the mouth, very good land. And here is a visible 
efifect of the difference of climate from the upper parts of Ohio. Here the long 
reed or Carolina cane grows in plenty, even upon the upland, and the severity of the 
winter does not kill them ; so that travelers this way are not obliged to provide any 
winter support for their horses. And the same holds all the way down Ohio, espe- 
cially on the southeast side to the Falls, and thence on both sides." — hnlay's Awcrka, 
London, 1797, p. 116. 

*'' Thomas Speed, in The Wilderness Road, 71. 

" Ibid. 


means the Big Medicine Kiver, or the River of the Great Mystery. 
Tlic other was Me-tho-to-sepe. tlie river where buffalos are plenty. 
The Shawnees were greatly attached to the Big Sandy Kiver coimtry. 

The Wyandots called the Big Sandy River Sees-ta-ye-an-da-wa, 
the Fire River, from the many burning springs caused by escaping 
natural gas found on its waters. 

These Indian names applied to the whole river without reference 
to any one of its branches. 

The Tug Fork obtained its name from the circumstance of the 
starving soldiers of the expedition of 1756, known as the "Sandy Creek 
X'oyage," cutting butTalo hides into broad tubs and roasting them for 
food over the flames of the Inirning spring opjiosite the town of War- 
lield, to which point some of them must have penetrated. It was 
afterward known as the Tug Fork or the Tug River. There was a 
tradition in the Big Sandy \'alley that it was called Tug River because 
of the hard tug, or pull, or efYort the soldiers of that expedition were 
compelled to make to get back through its valley to Virginia. From 
one of these circumstances, the Tug Fork certainly obtained its name. 

The Louisa Fork ok the Big Sandy River 

The name Louisa was given to this river by Dr. Thomas Walker, 
on Thursday, the 7th day of June, 1750. The entry in Doctor Walker's 
Journal describing this event is as follow's : "June 7th. The Creek 
being fordable, we Crossed it & kept down 12 miles to a River about 
100 yards over. Which We called Louisa River. The Creek is about 
30 yards wide, & part of ye River breaks into ye Creek — making an 
Island on which we Camped." 

In the early days of the settlement of the Big Sandy \'alley this 
stream was universally known as the Louisa River. Up to about 1825 
it was generally called the Louisa Fork. After that time, and to some 
extent before, the name began to be corrupted to that of Levisa. The 
name Levisa is now used almost entirely. It appears that the name 
Louisa once attached to the whole state of Kentucky, but of how wide 
application this name was is not known. It appears too, that as early 
as 1775 the name Louisa was corrupted. Speed, in the IVildcruess Road 
says "that I-'elix Walker, with Captain Tvvetty and six others, left 
Rutherford, North Carolina, in February, 1775 (according to 'Felix 
Walker's narrative), 'to explore the country of Leowvisay, now Ken- 
tucky.' " 

The Kentucky River was sometimes called the Louisa Riser by the 
pioneers and explorers, and it was called, also, the Cherokee River. 
In the deed from the Chcrokees to Richard Henderson and the other 
proprietors of the Transylvania Company, conveying the tract of land 
known as the Great Grant, we tind the description of the land beginning 
as follows: "All that tract, territory, or parcel of land, situated, lying 
and being in North America, on the Ohio River, one of the eastern 
branches of the Mississippi, beginning on the said Ohio, at the mouth 
of Kentucky, Cherokee, or what by the English is called Louisa River." 
This calling of the Kentucky River by the name Louisa was caused by 
a misappreliension. It was not certainly known what river had been 
called Louisa by Doctor Walker as he traced none of the rivers which 
he named, to the Oiiio. But that he did not call the Kentucky River, 
Louisa, is shown by Lewis Evans' Maj), 1775, on which the Louisa River 
is marked as flowing into the Great Kanawha, and the upper course of 
the "Tottery or Big Sandy C." is marked "Frederick R." Frederick's 
River, now the Licking River, was discovered and named by Doctor 
Walker, on the second of June, 1750, five days before he discovered 
and named Louisa River. 



Doctor Walker gave this river the name Louisa in honor of Louisa, 
the sister of the Duke of Cumberland. Louisa is a good old English 
name, coming down from the ancient Germans. It is a name of much 
beauty, and it was in great favor with our forefathers. It should be 
restored to the river on which Doctor Walker bestowed it. The Louisa 
Fork should be called the Louisa River. The Tug Fork should be called 
the Tug River. The river formed by their junction should be called 
the Big Sandy River.-''' 

Licking River — Frederick's River 

The Licking River has a name of beautiful significance. "Licking" 
denotes a country or a land diversified with springs and meadows. The 
Upper and Lower Blue Licks are upon its banks. These Licks were 
discovered by a party of explorers from Pennsylvania, in July, 1773.°'^ 
They at once became famous, and were the principal source of the 
supply of salt for the early settlers in Central Kentucky. Boone was 
captured by Indians near the Lower Blue Lick, where he and others 
had gone to make salt, on February 7, 1778. The beauty and fertility 
of the lands, and the thousands of buffalo, deer, and elk which were 
seen pasturing on the cane in its broad bottoms, caused the early settlers 
to add the old Saxon word ing, meaning "a pasture or meadow, gener- 
ally one lying low, near a river," to the word Lick, thus forming this 
appropriate name. It was at first called Great Salt Lick Creek, and was 
marked on the old maps by that name. 

The Licking River was discovered by Dr. Thomas Walker and his 
party on the 2d of June, 1750, and named Frederick's River. See 
chapter '"Explorations of Dr. Thomas Walker" in this work. 

The Guyandotte River 

The Guyandotte River was one of the first of the smaller rivers or 
tributaries of the Ohio to receive a permanent name. It is marked on 
the Nuremberg map (1756), as flowing into the Ohio almost at the 
mouth of the Great Kanawha, and is called the "Guyendet." On the 
map of Fry and Jefferson (1755), it is laid down as flowing into the 
Ohio near the mouth of the Great Kanawha, and is called "Guyondot 
River." On the map of Lewis Evans (1775), it is laid down as a very 
short stream, and marked "Guyandotte C." 

There is a tradition that the Wyandots had a town or settlement 
near the mouth of this beautiful stream, and that the French called it 
Wyandotte Creek. H. Clay Ragland, in his history of Logan County, 
W. Va., says it "certainly received its name from Henry Guyan, a French 
trader, who established a trading camp at its mouth about 1750, which 
was broken up by the Indians, and he, escaping to Virginia, was with 
Lewis on his Sandy Creek Expedition." The form of the name as 
now written is French, but it was bestowed for the Wyandot Indian 
tribe. Hale says that it was named after a tribe of Indians of the same 
name ( Guyandotte ).''^' But there was no tribe of that name. The 
Miami Indians called it La-ke-we-ke-to Ce-pe-we. The Delawares called 
it Se-co-nee, Narrow Bottom River.^^ 


The State of Missouri has been called the daughter of Kentucky, 
for the people of Kentucky settled there in great numbers. They were 

■*' See Qiapter V, "Explorations of Dr. Thomas Walker," this work. 
60 Collins, History of Kentucky, under head of Nicholas County. 
51 Traiis-Allc(jliciiy Pioneers, 47. 
" Ibid., 47- 


the pioneers of Missouri, many of them passing beyond its western 
bounds and becoming the explorers and pioneers of the mighty West, 
even to shores of tlie Pacific. Doniphan was a Kcntuci-cian, and his men 
in his famous exijedition were largely Kentuckians. Because of the 
close rclali(jns between the two states, it is beiiexed a[)proi)riate to in- 
sert here an account of the origin of the name Missouri. 

The origin and the meaning of this word are both lost. It is prob- 
ably of Algonquian origin. I'eo])le of that stock lived on the east bank 
of the Mississipjji in what is now Illinois. Perhaps they spoke of the 
river and country to the west as the Missouri River and the Missouri 
country. The cause for the use of this name and the circumstances 
under which it came to be applied are no longer known, .\niong the 
people from whom the Towas separated on the Vox River was another 
i)and calling themselves Miutarlii. They, too. wandered in this western 
land through which flows the great river. It may be that on this ac- 
count, their Algonquian neighbors called them Missniiris. At any rate, 
they became known as the Missouri tribe of Indians. They belong to 
the great Siouan family. Members of this tribe are still to be found 
on reservations in Kansas and Nebraska. Their applied name attached 
itself to the great river, and from the river the State of Missouri got 
its name. There is no sufficient evidence that the name has anj' refer- 
ence to the muddy water of the Missouri. If it should turn out that it 
is of Sioux origin, then it certainly has not. The Sinux word for water 
is inc-iic. Mc-nc-so{a, A/r-»c-ai)olis, il/c-nr-haha, are good examples of 
its extensive use for present-day geograi)hical names. It was shortened 
to ne by the Osages, who named the Neosho — iiCj water, and Osho, 
bowl, a river of deep places — bowls or basins. So. Missouri, so far 
as now known, does not mean muddy water. In all probability it has 
no reference to water of anv kind. 


It would be impossible, of course, to ascertain what people first lived 
in any country, for man has been on the earth for ages. Recent dis- 
coveries show that he was here possibly as long as a million years ago. 
There is no record to indicate what his wanderings may have been. The 
most that can be hoped for in any region in North America is that the 
origin and movements of tribes encountered by the first Europeans may 
be traced through migrations back to that curtain of obscurity behind 
which nothing can be seen. There is a common tendency of develop- 
ment in the human race. Tribes of savages on opposite sides of the 
earth have followed identical lines of progress, the best evidence of 
which is found in the implements made of stone and left in the soil. 
To the archffiologist these are books, easily read. They are far better 
than many of the records of this day. The written page may be de- 
ceptive or inadequate, but the wrought instrument of ancient days is 
infallible in revealing the mind and character of its maker. 

When the length of time man has lived in America (North and South 
America) is considered, the same problems arise as when other continents 
are studied. There exist ruins of temples and cities along the Andes of 
which the people found living there by Europeans could tell nothing in 
the matter of construction or history. Hills were scientifically terraced 
there for irrigation and cultivation before the beginning of our Christian 
era. In Mexico and Central America lie buried cities which equaled the 
ancient cities of the old world. The inhabitants of the new world had 
developed Indian corn, tobacco and the potato from original wild progeni- 
tors. That required a very long lime. There must have been culture 
and orderly society and comi)etent government in tropical America as 
early as these institutions appeared on the banks of the Euphrates. And 
the people responsible for these things must have had knowledge of the 
country to the north. But what explorations they made, and what col- 
onies they sent out, if any, may never be known. And if any light is 
ever had on that period, it may be shown that these city-builders went 
down from the North. Who can tell ? For, while it is generally believed 
that man originated in Asia, it might turn out that America is the cradle 
of the human race.^ 

Mention of these matters is made here to show the knowledge of pre- 
historic times is very limited. Remote periods cannot be approached 

1 The following appeared in the daily papers in December, 1921 : 

"London, Dec. 11. — Scientists say the Darwinian theory that Africa may have 
been the original home of the human race received partial corroboration from the 
discovery just made in northern Rhodesia of a fossilized skull which gives a new 
orientation to the early history of primitive man. 

"The skull, which is complete save for the lower jaw, resembles that of the 
ape man (pithecanthropus erectus) discovered in Java in 1892, which has been 
regarded as the most primitive human skull known until now. The Java skull, 
however, lacked a face. In this respect, the Rhodesian fossil reveals a type curiously 
similar to what is known as the Gibraltar skull. 

"Moreover, a collar bone, a leg bone and part of a hip bone believed to belong 
to the skull have also been unearthed, and these may enable anatomists to recon- 
struct the main parts of the whole Rhodesian skeleton." 



with any assurance of accurate treatment. But of tlic inhabitants of the 
Ohio Valley, say 2,000 years ago, it may be possible to discover some- 
thing. Some of tlic American Indians were mound-builders, and they, 
or certain tribes of them, occupied the country drained by the Ohio 
River. It is fully established that the Cherokees erected mounds. The 
North American Indians Ijclongcd to certain well-defined linguistic fam- 
ilies or groups. Among these groups was the Iroquoian linguistic fam- 
ily — many tribes speaking dialects of an older common tongue. The 
people of this group were strong, daring, bold, courageous. When first 
known to white men they occupied the country stretching from Central 
(jeorgia to the Georgian Bay of Lake Huron, though there was not 
entire coiUinuity of territory. Like most other inhabitants of jirimitive 
America, the lro(|uoians had traditions of migration from the West or 
Northwest, where their original habitat had been located, perha])s the 
coimtry about the head of the Mississippi and to the northwestward 

This, the first band to break away from the parent stock and strike 
out to have a country to itself, has been traced through Iowa, Illinois 
(north part) and Indiana, into Ohio and the country immediately to the 
eastward. The people of this migrating band were warlike, and they 
seated themselves firmly in the country embraced in the present State 
of Ohio, .some parts of the country alojig the Detroit River, and along 
the Alleghany River. There they attained to as advanced a social con- 
dition as the North American Indians are Icnown to have achieved. They 
were numerous, and it may be estimated that they numbered at one time 
100.000 souls. They had many extensive towns, and they lived prin- 
cipally by the cultivation of the soil. Indirin corn, beans, jnunpkins and 
tobacco were produced. 

As to why these jjcople did not inhabit the country on the south 
side of the Ohio, now largely embraced in Kentucky, is not certainly 
known. lliU living in a territory stretching from the Tidewater of the 
.\tlantic up and over the .Mleglianies into the \'allcy of Ohio was a virile 
]jeople known now as the Siouan linguistic fanu'ly. \Vhile it has not 
yet been established that the Siouans inhabited most of what is now 
Kentucky, they may, in fact, have been there at that time. It is certain 
that some tribe strong enough to withstand this Iroquoian intrusion 
occupied the country south of the Ohio in that day. For nothing has 
been found to indicate that these invaders ever dwelt to any appreciable 
extent along the south banks of the Ohio.'" 

How long it was after this first Irocjuoian migration to the eastward 
before the remaining |)ortion of their stock began to move in a bodv in 
the same direction cannot now be told. But there came a time when not 
only the Iroquois but other tribes left their original seats in those regions 
to seek a home in the East. This parent body had so far forgotten the 
first band that no atteiupt appears to have been made to establish any 
friendly and helpful relations with its descendants. And the descendants 
of this original colony, having now occupied the land and set up claims 
of possession to a vast territory, seem to have made no offer of a home 
to their kinsmen. Or, matters of state policy might have made it inex- 
pedient or impossible for them to do so, for, with the Indians, as with 
Europeans, kindred people were often at war. W'hen the later migra- 
tion had reached a certain great river they were halted by hostile forces, 
and the eastward advance brought to a complete stop. 

There was living in the far Northwest at that day another linguistic 
family of Indians. This was the Algonquin stock, the most numerous 
and widespread on the continent. Some ]i(irtion of this ])eo])le. includ- 

" See "Early Indian Occupancy of the Great Plains," by William E. Connellcy, 
in Kausas Historical Collections, Vol. 14, pp. 438, el scq. 



ing the progenitors of what became the Delaware or Lenape nation, began 
a migration eastward. When the Algonquins came to this large river 
they found the Iroquois halted there, and they were themselves unable 
to force a passage. Those who dwelt there fought stubbornly and suc- 
cessfully to throw back these invasions. The Delawares have shown an 
inclination to make records of their doings, and it is to this trait that we 
owe any account of these ancient movements and wars. And their tradi- 
tions extend back to those dim and shadowy transactions with some cer- 
tainty and distinctness. That account dealing with their coming to live 
in the East has been preserved by John Heckewelder, who was long a 
Moravian missionary to a sub-tribe of the Delawares. This account is 
as follows : - 

"The Lenni Lenape (according to the traditions handed down to them 
by their ancestors) resided many hundred years ago in a very distant 
country in the western part of the American continent. For some reason, 
which I do not find accounted for, they determined on migrating to the 
eastward, and accordingly set out together in a body. After a very long 
journey and many nights' encampments -^ by the way, they at length 
arrived on the Naniacsis Sipu,^^ where they fell in with the Mengwe,-'' 
who had likewise emigrated from a distant country, and had struck 
upon this river somewhat higher up. Their object was the same with 
that of the Delawares ; they were proceeding on to the eastward, until 
they should find a country that pleased them. The spies which the 
Lenape had sent forward for the purpose of reconnoitering had long 
before their arrival discovered that the country east of the Mississippi 
was inhabited by a very powerful nation, who had many large towns 
built on the great rivers flowing through their land. Those people (as 
I was told) called themselves Talligcu or TalUgenn. Col. John Gibson,-'' 
however, a gentleman who has a thorough knowledge of the Indians and 
speaks several of their languages, is of opinion that they were not called 
Talligezvi, but Alligewi, and it would seem that' he is right, from the 
traces of their name which still remain in the country, the Alleghany 
River and mountains having indubitably been named after them. The 
Delawares still call the former Alligewi Sipit, the River of the Alligewi. 
We have adopted, I know not for what reason, its Iroquois name, Ohio, 
which the French had literally translated into La Belle Riviere ( the Beau- 
tiful River) .2° A branch of it, however, still retains the ancient name 

2 History, Manners, and Customs of the Indian Nations, Heckewelder, 47, 48, 

49. 50. . , , 

-* "Night's encampment" is a halt of one year at a place. 

^^The Mississippi, or River of Fish; Namaes, a Fish; Sipit, a River. 

-<^ The Iroquois, or Five Nations. 

-'■ Col. John Gibson, to whom Mr. Heckewelder frequently alludes, was born at 
Lancaster, Pa., in 1740. At the age of eighteen he made his first campaign under 
Gen. Forbes in the expedition which resulted in the acquisition of Fort De Quesne 
from the French. At the peace of 1763 he settled at that post (Fort Pitt) as a 
trader. Some time after this, on the resumption of hostilities with the savages, 
he was captured by some Indians, among whom he lived several years, and thus 
became familiar with their language, manners, customs and traditions. In the 
expedition against the Shawanese under Lord Dunmore, the last royal governor of 
Virginia, in 1774, Gibson played a conspicuous part. On the breaking out of the 
Revolutionary war he was appointed to the command of one of the Continental 
regiments raised in Virginia, and served with the army at New York and in the 
retreat through New Jersey. He was next employed in the Western department, 
serving under Gen. Mcintosh in 1778, and under Gen. Irvine in 1782. At one time 
he was in command at Pittsburgh. In 1800 Col. Gibson was appointed Secretary 
and acting Governor of the territory of Indiana, a position which he filled for a 
second time between 181 1 and 1813. Subsequently he was Associate Judge of 
Allegheny County, Pa. He died near Pittsburgh in 1822. He was an uncle of 
the late John B. Gibson. Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, be- 
tween 1827 and 1851. 

-" Loskiel's History of the Mission of the United Brethren, Part I, ch. i. 

Vol. 1—6 


"Many wonderful things are told of this famous people. They are 
said to have been remarkably tall and stout, and there is a tradition that 
there were giants among them, people of a much larger size than the 
tallest of the I.enape. It is related that they had built to themselves 
regular fortifications or entrenchments, from whence they would sally 
out, but were generally repulsed. 1 have seen many of the fortifications 
said to have been built by them, two of which in particular were re- 
m.irkable. One of tluni was near the mouth of the River Huron, which 
empties itself into the Lake St. Clair, on the north side of that lake, at 
the distance of about 20 miles \. E. of Detroit. This spot of ground 
was, in the year i/Hf\ owned and occupied by a Mr. Tucker. The other 
works, properly entrenchments, being walls or banks of earth regularly 
thrown up, with a deep ditch on the outside, were on the Huron River, 
east of the Sandusky, about six or eight miles from Lake Erie. Outside 
of the gatewavs of each of these two entrenchments, which lay within 
.•I mile of each other, were a number of large flat mounds in which 
the Indian jiiiot said were buried lumdreds of the slain Talligewi, whom 
I shall hereafter, with Colonel Gibson, call Alligc'^'i. Of these entrench- 
ments, Abraham Steiner, who was with me at the time when I saw 
them, gave a very accurate description which was published at Phila- 
delphia in 1789 or 1790. in some periodical work, the name of which 
I cannot at present remember.-' 

"When the Lenape arrived on the banks of the Mississippi, they sent 
a message to the Alligewi to request permission to settle themselves in 
llieir neighbourhood. This was refused them, but they obtained leave 
to pass through the cotnitry and seek a settlement farther to the eastward. 
They accordingly began to cross the Naniaesi Sipu. when the Alligewi, 
seeing that their numbers were so very great, and in fact they consisted 
of many thousands, made a furious attack on those who had crossed, 
threatening them all with destruction if they dared to persist in coming 
o\pr to their side of the river. Fired at the treachery of these people 
,ind the great loss of men they had sustained and, besides, not being 
jirepared for a conflict, the I,enape consulted on what was to be done; 
whether to retreat in the best manner they could, or try their strength, 
and let the enemy see tliat they were not cowards, but men, and too 
high-minded to suffer themselves to be driven off before they had made 
a trial of their strength and were convinced that the enemy was too 
powerful for them. The Mengwe, who had hitherto been satisfied with 
being spectators from a distance, offered to join them, on condition that, 
after conquering the country, they shoidd be entitled to share it with 
them; their proposal was accepted, and the resolution was taken by the 
two nations to con(|uer or die. 

"Ha\ing thus imited their forces, the Lenape and Mengwe declared 
war against the .Mligewi, and great battles were fought, in which many 
warriors fell on both sides. The enemy fortified their large towns and 
erected fortification, especially on large rivers and near lakes, where 
they were successively attacked and sometimes stormed by the allies. 
An engagement took place in wliich hundreds fell, who were afterwards 
buried in holes or laid together in heaps and covered over with earth. 
No quarter was given, so that the Alligewi at last finding that their 
flcstruction was inevitable if they jiersisted in their obstinacv. abandoned 
the coimtry to the conquerors and fled down the Mississippi River, from 
whence they never returned. The war which was carried on with this 

-'In 1780 Mr. HeckcwclfiiT. accompanied by .Miraham Steiner (.subsequently a 
missionary to tbc Cberokcos of GcorRia), visited tlie mission at New Salem, on 
the Pet(|uottinK (now tbc Huron), in Eric County, Ohio, on business relating to 
the survey of a tract of land on tbc Tuscarawas which Congress had conveyed 
to tlic Moravians in trust for their Indians. This was to indemnif_v them for losses 
incurred at theif sctllcniiiils ihirini; llie liordcr -war of the Revolution. 


nation lasted many years, during which the Lenape lost a great number 
of their warriors, while the Mengwe would always hang back in the rear, 
leaving them to face the enemy. In the end, the conquerors divided 
the coimtry between themselves; the Mengwe made choice of the lands 
in the vicinity of the great lakes and on their tributary streams, and the 
Lenape took possession of the country to the south." 

This tradition is confirmed by the H'alain Oluiii, the historical account 
of the Delawares, that portion describing these events being as follows :^ 

"And said, 'They are many; let us go together to the east, to the 

They separated at Fish River ; the lazy ones remained there. 

Cabin-Man was chief; the Talligewi possessed the east. 

Strong-Friend was chief ; he desired the eastern land. 

-Some passed on east; the Talega ruler killed some of them. 

All say, in unison, 'War, war.' 

The Talamatan, friends from the north, come, and all go together. 

The Sharp-One was chief; he was the pipe-bearer beyond the river. 

They rejoiced greatly that they should fight and slay the Talega towns. 

The Stirrer was chief; the Talega towns were too strong. 

The Fire-Builder was chief; they all gave to him many towns. 

The Breaker-in-Pieces was chief; all the Talega go south. 

He-has-Pleasure was chief; all the people rejoice. 

They stay south of the lakes; the Talamatan friends north of the 

When Long-and-Mild was chief, those who were not his friends con- 

Truthful-Man was chief ; the Talamatans made war. 

Just-and-True was chief; the Talamatans trembled. 

All were peaceful, long ago, there at the Talega land. 

The Pipe-Bearer was chief at the White river. 

White-I.ynx was chief; much corn was planted. 

Good-and-Strong was chief ; the people were many. 

The Recorder was chief; he painted the records. 

Pretty-blue-Bird was chief; there was much fruit. 

Always-There was chief ; the towns were many. 

Paddler-up-Stream was chief; he was much on the rivers. 

Little-Cloud was chief; they departed. 

The Nanticokes and the Shawnees .going to the south. 

Big-Beaver was chief, at the White Salt Lick. 

The Seer, the praised one, went to the west. 

He went to the west, to the southwest, to the western villages. 

The Rich-Down-River-Man was chief, at Talega river. 

The Walker was chief; there was much war. 

Again with the Tawa people, again with the Stone people, again with 
the northern people. 

firandfather-of-Boats was chief; he went to lands in boats. 

Snow-Hunter was chief ; he went to the north land. 

Look-About was chief; he went to the Talega mountains. 

East-Villager was chief; he went east of Talega. 

A great land a wide land was the east land. 

A land without snakes, a rich land, a pleasant land. 

Great Fighter was chief, toward the north. 

At the Stright river, River-Loving was chief. 

Becoming-Fat was chief at Sassafras land. 

All the hunters made wampum again at the great sea. 

Red-Arrow was chief at the stream again. 

The Painted-Man was chief at the Mighty Water. 

3 Brinton, The Lcnaf>c and Their Lcgeuds, 199 ct seq. 


The Easterners and the Wolves go northeast. 

Good-Fighter was chief, and went to the nortli. 

The Mengwe. the Lynxes, all trembled. 

Again an Affable was chief, and made peace with all. 

All were friends, all were united, under this great chief. 

( Ireat-Beavcr was chief, remaining in Sassafras land. 

White-Body was chief on the sea shore. 

I'eace-Maker was chief, friendly to all. 

He- .Makes-Mistakes was chief, hurriedly coming. 

.\t this time whites came on the Eastern sea. 

Much-Honored was chief; he was prosperous. 

W'ell-I'raised was chief; he fought at the south. 

1 le fought in the land of the Talega and Koweta. 

White-Otter was chief; a friend of the 'I'alamatans. 

White-Horn was chief; he went to the Talega, 

To the Hilini, to the Shawnees. to the Kanawhas." 

It is possible at this point to make identifications with some degree 
of certainty. The Mengwe were the ])rogenitars of the Iro(|uois. They 
had not broken yet into the divisions and tribes later known to the whites 
as the Hurons, the Six Nations and others. 

The Tallegewi, Tallegeu, Allighewi or Tallegwi were the ancient 
Cherokees. \\'hen they were conquered by their kinsmen, the Mengwe 
and the I.enape, they were compelled to seek a new country wherein to 
dwell. In this necessity they turned southward. The conflict bad been 
long. Cusic, the Tuscarora historian, says it continued for lOo years. 
The fact that a new home would have to be found may have been 
ap])arent for some years before the war ceased. An accommodation 
may have been reached with the tribes south of the Ohio for ])ermission 
to pass through their country. And, it may be, no agreement could be 
reached. Possibly none was attempted. In any event the Tallegwi 
crossed the river we know as the Ohio and began to move slowly ujj the 
stream known to us as the Kanawha or New River. At the point known 
as Grave Creek they sto]i])ed and erected the Grave Creek mounds. 
Others were built, especially about Charleston, showing that this retreat 
was deliberate and halting, as Indian migrations always were. lUit the 
Tallegwi finally reached the country about the headwaters of the Ten- 
nessee, where they were found by the white people. 

At some period about the time of this conquest of the country north 
of the Ohio by the Lenape and the Mengwe, the Siouan family west of 
the great Ai)palacbian chain began a movement to the westward, finally 
seating themselves in the land of the great herds of buffalo — the Great 
Plains. There are two principal causes for the migrations of primitive 
peoples. The first is war. .Savages make a war of extermination. They 
destroy. To escape such a fate the defeated party moves bodily — aban 
dons com])letely the homeland to seek a new one with safety. The sec- 
ond cause is famine, or any prolonged scarcity of food. Sometimes these 
calamities are combined, when there is a double motive for migration 
No record has been jireserved to tell why the Siouans abandoned the 
country on the south side of the Ohio, but the most probable cause was 
the invasion of the Lena])e and the Mengwe and the consequent disjjlace- 
ment of the Tallegwi. The Siouans may have been severed in twain, 
the western fragments finding their way down the Ohio or northwest 
into the country left by the Lenape and the Mengwe. The Tallegwi may 
have been defending themselves on the north and fighting an ofl'ensive 
war in what is now Kentucky with the western Siouans. This is only 
speculative — a suggestion for future students. But there attached always 
a vague legend to Kentucky of bloody and continuous wars between llie 
savages living in reach of the Ohio \'alley. 


When the matter of proof of the early occupancy of the Ohio Valley 
by the Cherokees and that the ancient Cherokees were the Tallegwi 
much evidence is found available. In his The Cherokees in Pre- 
Columbian Times, Cyrus Thomas, an eminent authority, traces the 
ancient Cherokees from the Northwest, through Iowa, across Illinois 
and Indiana, and into Ohio. There they remained until the coming 
of the Lenape and the Mengwe. \\'hat space of time had elapsed 
from their departure to the arrival of these invaders cannot be exactly 
determined. But it had been sufficient in duration for the immense 
growth of the band, for it had spread over portions of Indiana, 
Michigan, Ohio, Pennsylvania and New York. They had retained their 
original name, which the first annalists wrote Allighezvi, Talligciui, Tal- 
ligeii, and possibly in other forms. They had constructed mounds and 
other earthworks in their country which remain to the present time. 
Some of these show engineering skill, and it would seem to indicate 
that the builders recognized the importance of making their structures 
conform to the lines of the four cardinal points. Some of these were 
houses, some were villages, some were fortifications for defense against 
enemies. Others, as the Great Serpent, must have had a religious sig- 
nificance, though this and other mounds may have been the work of 
an older people who dwelt there. Many of the mounds were the repos- 
itory of the dead. These Allighewi dwelt in great numbers on the 
Alleghany River, for their name attached to the stream in its present 
form of "Alleghany." And the origin of the name "Alleghany" as ap- 
plied to the Alleghany Mountains is the same as that of the river. These 
names would seem to prove that this people had occupied that land from 
a very remote period. 

Thomas sums up the reasons for identifying the ancient Tallegwi 
with the modern Cherokees thus : 

"The reasons for identifying the Tallegwi or Talega of this tradi- 
tion with the Cherokees, which will be more fully referred to hereafter, 
are briefly as follows: ist. The very close agreement in sound between 
Tsalake, the name the Cherokees gave themselves, and Tallegxvi or Talega 
as given in the tradition. [These names are pronounced Tsal'-a-ke, TaV- 
le-gzvi and Tal'-c-ga.] 2d, The fact that the traditions of the Cherokees 
refer to the region of the Upper Ohio as their former home ; 3d, The 
statement of Bishop Ettwein that the last of the Cherokees were driven 
from the Upper Ohio about the year 1700 (see Brinton's 'Lenape and 
Their Legends,' p. 18) ; 4th, The testimony of the mounds; and, 5th, The 
apparent identification of the two peoples in the 'Walam Olum' itself in 
verses 42 and 43, Part V, where it states that 

" 'Well-praised was chief ; he fought at the south. 
He fought in the land of the Talega and Kovveta.' 

"As this part of the record refers to a much later period than that 
heretofore quoted, a date subsequent to the appearance of the whites on 
the continent (verse 40, Part V), there can be no doubt that it alludes 
to the Tallegwi in their southern home, to which, as stated in verse 59, 
Part IV, they had been driven. This supposition is apparently confirmed 
by the fact that it connects with them the Koweta, or Creeks. This, 
together with the statement that the fighting was at the south, would seem 
to imply they were then in their mountain home or historic seat. It is 
probable, as will be shown hereafter, that where it is stated, in verses 
19 and 20, 

" 'Look-About was chief ; he went to the Talega mountains ; 
East- Villager was chief ; he was east of Talega.' 

their position in the Kanawha Valley is referred to, where, as the evi- 
dence indicates, they halted for some time on their way south." 


The best authorii\ (Ui the traditions coiineciiiig the Cherokees with 
the Ohio Valley are mentioned by Judge Haywood in his Natural and 
Aboriginal History of Tennessee. There he records: 

"The Cherokees had an oration in which was contained the history 
of their migrations, which was Lenthy. This related 'that they came 
from the upper ])art of the Ohio, where they erected the moimds on 
( irave Creek, and that they removed hither [East Tennessee] from the 
country where Monticello is situated.' This tradition of their migrations 
was, it seems, preserved and handed down by their ofificial orators, who 
repeated it annually in public at the national festival of the green-corn 
dance. Haywood adds: 'It is now nearly forgotten;' and Dr. D. G. 
Krintim informs us in 'The Lenape and Their Legends' that he has en- 
deavored in vain to recover some fragments of it from the present resi- 
dents of the Cherokee nation." 

In addition to these proofs, Thomas treats at great length the evi- 
dence found in similarity of moimd-relics and contents found from Iowa 
over the route taken by the Cherokees in their migration ending in that 
country about the headwaters of the Tennessee. And it is shown that 
in the last named country mound-building was continued by them. In 
another work. The Problem of the Ohio Mounds, published as Bulletin 
\o. 8, fUireau of Mthnology, the evidence set down in his first work is 
reviewed and further proofs adduced in support of it. 

Quotations have been herein made from the Walam Olum, the Painted 
Record of the Delawarcs. This is one of the most important documents 
pertaining to the aboriginal inhabitants of North America. It is a history 
of the Lenape — or the Delawares — written by themselves. It goes back 
at least 2,000 years, and all the tests applied to historical documents have 
only served the more to prove its accuracy and value. It was obtained in 
1820 by a Doctor Ward, of Cynthiana, Kentucky, from the Delawares 
living on the White River in Indiana. The doctor had effected a cure 
for some sick Delaware, and for that service (or through that service) 
secured this valuable record. Doctor Ward and Constantine Rafinesque, 
then a teacher in the Transylvania University, were friends. Doctor 
Ward is said to have been an enthusiastic student of archaeology, which 
will account for his friendship with Rafinesque, who is known to have 
visited him at Cynthiana. He turned over this Delaware document to 
the Transylvania professor. This included only the painted hieroglyphics. 
Later the "songs" or inscriptions to accompany the pictures were ob- 
tained from another Indian. This was in 1822. Being unable to read 
these "songs," Rafinesque was under the necessity of learning the Del- 
aware language. This was a weary and slow business, but in 1833 he 
was able to translate the "songs" or ex]jlanations of the pictures into 
English. The accuracy of this translation has never been questioned, 
only some minor changes having been found necessary. This was a great 
service to science, and the work thus secured is one of the greatest con- 
tributions to Indian literature ever made. It was not published until 
after Rafinesque's death. E. G. Squier first published it in 18.49, ui the 
(I^'cbruary) Anieriean Review. In 1885 Dr. D. G. Brinton published at 
I'hiladelphia The Lenaf'e and Their Legends, with the Complete Text 
and .'symbols of the Walam ( )limi, making it accessible to all students. 
At page 165 he says: 

"Were I to reconstruct their ancient history from the walam glum 
as I understand it, the result would read as follows: 

"At some remote period their ancestors dwelt far to the northeast, 
on tide- water, probably at Labrador (compare ante, p. 145). They 
journeyed south and west till they reached a broad water, full of islands 
and abuuiiding in tish, perha])s the St. Lawrence about the Thousand 
Isles. They crossed and dwelt for some generations in the pine and 


hemlock regions of New York, fighting more or less with the Snake peo- 
ple and the Talega, agricultural nations living in stationary villages to 
the southeast [southwest] of them, in the area of Ohio and Indiana. 
They drove out the former, hut the latter remained on the upper Ohio 
and its branches. The Lenape now settled on the streams in Indiana 
wished to remove to the East to join the Mohegans and other of their 
kin who had moved there directly from northern New York. They, 
therefore, united with the Hurons (Talamatans) to drive ou the Talega 
(Tsalaki, Cherokees) from the upper Ohio. This they only succeeded 
in accomplishing finally in the historic period (see ante, p. 17). But 
they did clear the road and reached the Delaware valley, though neither 
forgetting nor giving up their claims to their western territories (see 
ante, p. 144). 

"In the sixteenth century the Iroquois tribes seized and occupied the 
whole of the Susquehanna valley, thus cutting off the eastern from the 
western Algonkins, and ended by driving many of the Lenape from the 
west to the east bank of the Delaware (ante, p. 38)." 

The Delawares went on to the eastward and were found by the 
Euro{)eans living in what is now New Jersey and Pennsylvania, prin- 
cipally on the Delaware River. This river had been named for Lord 
Delaware. Found living on this stream, the Lenape were called from 
its name, Delawares, an English appellation and not Indian at all. They 
were forced slowly westward by the white settlements and came again 
into Ohio to live. 

The Mengwe, in the centuries which passed after the conquest of 
the Tallegwi, separated into bands which became tribes. These were 
to be found in the regions of the River St. Lawrence and about the 
Great Lakes. A group of them occupied what is now Central and North- 
ern New York and became known as the Iroquois. The origin of this 
name is not definitely known. One account says it is the French adapta- 
tion of the Iroquois Hiro, used to conclude a speech, and Koiic, an ex- 

This group constituted the Iroquois proper and was composed of the 
following named tribes — Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga and Sen- 
eca. When the white man first came in contact with them they were 
formed into a league or confederacy. They denominated this as the 
League of the Ho-dc'-iw-sau-ncc. They symbolized it by representing 
it as a Long House, the eastern door of which was on the Hudson at 
the mouth of the Mohawk, and the western on Lake Erie. The English 
knew them by the name of Five Nations and after their adoption of the 
Tu.scaroras as the Six Nations. They were always known to the French 
as the Iroquois. From east to west the order of the tribes or nations 
forming the league was : 

1. Mohawk — Ga-ne-a'-ga-o-no, The Possessor of the Flint. 

2. Oneida — O-na-yote'-ka-o-no, The Granite people. 

3. Onondaga — O-nun-da'-ga-o-no, The people of the hills. 

4. Cayuga — Gue'-u-gweh-o-no, The people of the mucky land. 

5. Seneca — Nun-da-wa'-o-no, The great hill people. 

The Tuscaroras were expelled from North Carolina in 1713 and 
journeyed north to their kindred. The tribe was adopted by the Oneidas 
and was admitted into the league as the sixth nation. They were given 
lands and assigned a position between the Oneida and Onondaga tribes. 
As the sixth nation of the league they were : 

6. Tuscarora — Dus-ga-o'-weh-o-no, The shirt-wearing people. 
They had taken this name before their expulsion from North Caro- 
lina but after their intercourse with the whites commenced. 

When this league was formed cannot now be definitely determined. 

.la The 7th Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology, 77. 

24 HISTORY' Ol- Kl•:NTl:CK^• 

All these tril)es were descendants and divisions of a single banil of the 
original Iluron-lroquois family. The period when this separation oc- 
cnrred cannot now be ascertained, nor can it be determined when this 
band migrated from the north, where it had dwelt along the north shore 
of the River St. Lawrence. Tradition informs us that, having ascended- 
the St. Lawrence to Lake Ontario and coasted its eastern shore to the 
mouth of the Oswego Ri\er, they entered through this channel to the 
central parts of New ^'ork. Their first settlements, they believe, were 
located on the Seneca River, where for a time they dwelt together. At 
a subsequent day they divided into bands and spread abroad to found 
new villages. One, crossing over to the Mohawk, established itself be- 
low Utica and afterwards became the Mohawk nation. This village, 
situated on the south side of the Mohawk River in Herkimer County, is 
supposed to have been the oldest settlement of that nation. For some 
years the Oncidas and Onondagas were one nation, but one part of it. 
liaving become established east of the Oneida Lake, in time became inde- 
]x-ndent, while the other, jilanting itself in the Onondaga \'alley and on 
the hills adjacent, became a separate nation. In like manner the Cayugas 
and Senecas were many years united and resided on the Seneca River, 
but one band of them, having located themselves on the east bank of 
the Caytiga Lake, grew in time into a distinct nation, while the residue, 
penetrating into the interior of Western New York, finally settled at the 
head of Canandaigua Lake, and there formed the nucleus of the .Seneca 

It has been the universal law that i)riniiti\e man sejKirated into bands 
in his migrations and wanderings. The Iroquois is a good example of 
this. The division of the original oft'shoot into five tribes did not take 
place until after the adoption of the totemic jjrinciple. This original 
stock or group was divided into eight totems or clans or gens, and each 
of these totems had representation in each of the five tribes. Thus in 
each nation there were eight clans, which were arranged in two divi- 
sions, as follows : 

First Division Second Division 

1. Deer 

2. Snipe 

3. Heron 

4. Hawk 

All the institutions of the Iroquois have regard to the divisions of 
the people into clans. Originally, with reference to marriage, the Wolf, 
Rear, Beaver and Turtle clans, being brothers to one another and the 
women their sisters, were not allowed to intermarry. The four oj)posite 
clans, being also brothers to one another and the women their sisters, 
were not permitted to intermarry. Either of the first four clans could 
intermarry with either of the last four, the relation between them being 
that of cousins. And it is a strange circumstance that at the general 
councils of the league the tribes were divided into two classes which were 
arranged on o])posite sides of the great council fire. On the one side 
stood the Mohawks, Onondagas and Senecas, as nations, brothers to one 
another and fathers to the other nations. On the other side were the 
( )neidas, Cayugas, and at a sul)sec|uent day, the Tuscaroras, who, in like 
manner, were brother tribes or nations, but children of the first three 

This division of the Iroquois into eight clans or gens became the 
means of efTecting the most perfect union of separate natio;is ever devised. 
In effect, the Wolf clan was divided into five parts (six parts after the 
admission of the Tuscarora) and one-fifth of it ])laced in each of the five 
tribes comjiosing the league. The remaining clans were subject to the 
same divisions and distribution. Between those of the same name — or, 










in other words, between the separate parts of each clan — there existed 
a tie of brotherhood, which linked the tribes of the league together with 
indissoluble bonds. The Mohawk of the Wolf clan recognized the Sen- 
eca of the Wolf clan as his brother, and theoretically they were bound 
together by ties of consanguinity, the belief being that they were de- 
scended from a common mother. 

Before the formation of the league of the Hodenosaunee there had 
been no unity of action between the Iroquois after their development 
into nations in their new home. In fact it is probable that there had been 
war, and it is said that the Onondagas had conquered the Cayugas and 
the Senecas. But of this there is only dim tradition. 

The founder of the league was a man of superior mind. He was a 
statesman. He saw that as fragments and separate tribes of a common 
people their interests were the same, if only petty jealousies could be 
overcome and very minor local advantages relinquished. It required 
many years to accomplish the confederation. This savage statesman is 
known by different names, one of which is Hi-a-wat-ha. This is the 
Hiawatha of Longfellow' — an Iroquoian hero for an Algoncjuin story. 
Our poet had not made a careful study of the American Indians evidently. 

The historic seat of this remarkable people was a commanding mil- 
itary position — a strategic point. It commanded the entrance to the 
Great Lakes and the commencement of that great artery of travel and 
Indian commerce, the River St. Lawrence. It was at the head of the 
Hudson and the country of the Senecas reached down to the headwaters 
of the Ohio, which all Iroquoian tribes considered the main stream of the 
Mississippi. These tribes dominated the Ohio Valley from the day of 
the formation of their wonderful league. These great waterways enabled 
the Iroquois to easily reach the Algonquin peoples to the east, the Hurons 
to the north, Siouans to the northwest, and the Algonquins again on the 
west and southwest. They were entirely surrounded by other Indian 
tribes. These and the older portions of their own stock they attacked 
without fear and destroyed without mercy. They were the terror of 
all who knew them. The Mohawk, in their prowlings through dark 
forests, ranged to the shores of the Gulf of St. Lawrence and by the 
year 1600 had made conquest of all New England. The blood-curdling 
war-cry of the Senecas carried consternation to the dwellers at the 
westernmost extremity of Lake Superior. 

The ferocity of the Iroquois is almost beyond belief or comprehension. 
Nation after nation, as populous and as brave as themselves, was at- 
tacked with indescribable fury and destroyed. The destruction of the 
Hurons was completed in 1649, that of the Neutral Nation in 1650-51, 
and that of the Eries in 1655. The annihilation of the Andastes w'as 
delayed a little and was not completely consummated until 1672. 

While engaged in exterminating the tribes of their own blood, the 
Iroquois were also making conquest of the tribes of the Algonquin fam- 
ily. The Delawares were reduced to vassalage and made to put on petti- 
coats and become women — a figure used to show their complete sub- 
jection. The Illinois, the Miamis and other tribes to the southwest were 
conquered and placed under the yoke of the masters of the league. 

The Iroquois made complete conquest of the Ohio Valley as far south 
as the Tennessee River. Only Indian tradition lived to tell of the bloody 
horror of it. To show the reader how the Iroquois made war and what 
this conquest was, some examples will be given. In 1680 La Salle w^as 
descending the Illinois River. The Iroquois had sent a party to make 
war on the Illinois Indians. La Salle found that "The silence of death 
now reigned along the river, whose lonely borders, wrapped in deep 
forests, seemed lifeless as the grave. As they drew near the mouth of 
the stream they saw a meadow on their right and on its farthest verge 


several human figures, erect, yet motionless. They landed and cautiously 
examined the place. The lonjj grass was trampled down, and all around 
were strewn the relics of the hideous orgies which formed the ordinary 
sequel of an Iroquois victory. The figures they had seen were the half- 
consumed bodies of women, still bound to the stakes where they had 
been tortured. Other sights there were too revolting for record." 

Here is another scene enacted at a village of the Illinois. It was also 
in i6So: "Meanwhile a hideous scene was enacted at the ruined vil- 
lage of the Illinois. Their savage foes, balked of a living prey, wreaked 
their fury on the dead. They dug up the graves; they threw down the 
scaffolds. Some of the bodies they burned ; some they threw to the dogs ; 
some, it is affirmed, they ate. Placing the skulls on stakes as trophies, 
they turned to pursue the Illinois." 

An event had occurred immediately before those here recorded:* 

"They embarked again and soon approached the great town of the 
Illinois. The bulTalo were far behind, and once more the canoes glided 
on their way through a voiceless solitude. Xo hunters were seen ; no 
saluting whoop greeted their ears. They passed the cliff afterwards 
called the Rock of St. Louis, where La Salle had ordered Tonty to build 
his stronghold, but, as he scanned its lofty top, he saw no palisades, no 
cabins, no sign of human hand and still its primeval crest of forests 
overhung the gliding river. Now the meadow opened before them 
where the great town had stood. They gazed, astonished and con- 
founded ; all was desolation. The town had vanished and the meadow 
was black with fire. They plied their paddles, hastened to the spot, 
landed, and, as they looked around, their cheeks grew white and the 
blood was frozen in their veins. 

"Before them lay a plain once swarming with wild human life and 
covered with Indian dwellings, now a waste of devastation and death, 
strewn with heaps of ashes and bristling with the charred poles and 
stakes which had formed the framework of the lodges. At the points 
of most of them were stuck human skulls, half picked by birds of prey. 
Near at hand was the burial-ground of the village. The travellers sick- 
ened with horror as they entered its revolting precincts. Wolves in 
multitudes fled at their approach, while clouds of crows or buzzards, 
rising from the hideous repast, wheeled above their heads or settled on 
the naked branches of the neighboring forest. Every grave had been 
rifled and the bodies flung down from the scaffolds, where, after the 
Illinois custom, many of them had been placed. The field was strewn 
with broken bones and torn and mangled corpses. A hyena warfare 
had been waged against the dead. La S;dle knew the handiwork of the 
Iroquois. The threatened blow had fallen, and the wolfish hordes of 
till- five cantons had fleshed their rabid fangs in a new victim.*" 

"Not far distant the conquerors had made a rude fort of trunks, 
boughs and roots of trees laid together to form a circular enclosure, and 
this, too, was garnished with skulls, stuck on the broken branches and 
])rotruding sticks. The caches, or subterranean storehouses of the vil- 
lages, had been broken open and the contents scattered. Ihe corn fields 
were laid waste and much of the corn thrown intn heaps and half burned. 

* La Salic and the Discovery of the IVcsl, 191 el seq. 

<*The above may seem exagRerated ; hut it accords perfectly with what is well 
established concerniiiR the ferocious character of the Iroquois, and the nature of 
their warfare. Many other tribes have frequently made war upon the dead. I 
have myself known an instance in which five corpses of Sioux Indians, placed in 
trees, after the practice of the Western bands of that people, were thrown down 
and kicked into fragments by a war party of the Crows, who then held the muzzles 
of their guns against the skulls, and blew them to pieces. This happened near the 
head of the Platte, in the summer of 1846. Yet the Crows are much less ferocious 
than were the Iroquois in La Salle's time. 


As La Salle surveyed this scene of havoc, one thought engrossed him: 
where were Tonty and his men? He searched the Iroquois fort; there 
were abundant traces of its savage occupants and, among them, a few 
fragments of French clothing. He examined the skulls, but the hair, 
portions of which clung to nearly all of them, was in every case that 
of an Indian. K\cning came on before he had finished the search. The 
sun set, and the wilderness sank to its savage rest. Aight and silence 
brooded over the waste, where, far as the raven cuuld wmg his flight, 
stretched the dark domain of solitude and horror." 

At an earlier day than that in which the foregoing events trans])ired 
the Iroquois had been the scourge of the French. In 1641 this is said of 

"The Confederates at this time were in a flush of unparalleled 
audacity. They despised white men as base poltroons and esteemed 
themselves warriors and heroes, destined to conquer all mankind. The 
fire-arms with which the Dutch had rashly supplied them, joined to their 
united councils, their courage and ferocity, gave them an advantage over 
the surrounding tribes which they fully understood. Their passion rose 
with their sense of power. They boasted that they would wipe the 
Hurons, the Algonquins and the French from the face of the earth." ^ 

The following quotation is selected as giving a more extended account 
of the aggressions of the Iroquois and their manner of conducting their 
wars : ® 

"A band of Algonquins late in the autumn of 1641 set forth from 
Three Rivers on their winter hunt, and, fearful of the Iroquois, made 
their way far northward into the depths of the forests that border the 
Ottawa. Here they thought themselves safe, built their lodges and began 
to hunt the moose and beaver. But a large party of their enemies, with 
a persistent ferocity that is truly astonishing, had penetrated even here, 
found the traces of the snow-shoes, followed up their human prey, and 
hid at nightfall among the rocks and thickets around the encampment. 
At midnight their yells and the blows of their war-clubs awakened their 
sleeping victims. In a few minutes all were in their power. They 
bound the prisoners hand and foot, rekindled the fire, slung the kettles, 
cut the bodies of the slain to pieces, and boiled and devoured them be- 
fore the eyes of the wretched survivors. 'In a word,' says the narrator, 
'they ate men with as much appetite and more pleasure than hunters 
eat a boar or a stag.' *^ 

"Meanwhile they amused themselves with bantering their prisoners. 
'Uncle,' said one of them to an old Algonquin, 'you are a dead man. You 
are going to the land of souls. Tell them to take heart : they will have 
good company soon, for we are going to send all the rest of your nation 
to join them. This will be good news for them.' ^^ 

"This old man, who is described as no less malicious than his captors, 
and even more crafty, soon after escaped and brought tidings of the dis- 
aster to the French. In the following spring two women of the party 
also escaped, after suffering almost incredible hardships, reached Three 
Rivers, torn with briers, nearly naked, and in a deplorable state of bodily 
and mental exhaustion. One of them told her story to Father Buteux, 
who translated it into French, and gave it to Vimont to be printed in the 
Relation of 1642. Revolting as it is, it is necessary to recount it. Suffice 
it to say, that it is sustained by the whole body of contemporary evidence 
in regard to the practices of the Iroquois and some of the neighboring 

" The Jesuits in America, Parkman, 241. 

" The Jesuits in North America, Parkman, 246-256. 

8» Vimont, Relation, 1642, 46. 

0^ Ibid., 45. 


"The conquerors feasted in the Iodide till nearly daybreak, and then, 
after a short rest, began their march homeward with their prisoners. 
Among these were three women, of whom the narrator was one, who had 
each a child of a few weeks or months old. At the first halt, their captors 
took the infants from them, tied them to wooden spits, jjlaced them to die 
slowly before a fire, and feasted on them before the eyes of the agonized 
mothers, whose shrieks, sui)plications, and frantic elTorts to break the 
cords that bound them were met with mockery and laughter. 'They are 
not men, they are wolves !' sobbed the wretched woman, as she told what 
had befallen her to the pitying Jesuit.'"^ At the Fall of the Chaudiere, 
another of the women ended her woes by leaping into the cataract. W'lien 
they ajiproached the first Iroquois town, they were met, at the distance 
of se\eral leagues, by a crowd of the inhabitants, and anujng them a 
troop of women, bringing food to regale the triumphant warriors. Here 
they halted, and passed the night in songs of victory, mingled with the 
dismal chant of the prisoners, who were forced to dance for their enter- 

"On the morrow, they entered the town, leading the captive Algon- 
quins, fast bound, and surrounded by a crowd of men, women, and chil- 
dren, all singing at the top of their throats. 'Jhe largest lodge was ready 
to receive them; and as they entered, the victims read their doom in the 
fires that blazed on the earthen floor, and in the aspect of the attendant 
savages, whom the Jesuit Fatlier calls attendant demons, that waited their 
coming. The torture which ensued was but preliminary, designed to 
cause all possible sufifering without touching life. It consisted in blows 
with sticks and cudgels, gashing their limbs with knives, cutting off their 
fingers with clam-shells, scorching them with firebrands, and other in- 
describable torments. The women were stripped naked, and forced to 
dance to the singing of the male prisoners, amid the applause and 
laughter of the crowd. They then gave them food, to strengthen them 
for further sufifering. 

"On the following morning, they were placed on a large scaffold in 
sight (jf the whole population. It was a gala-day. Some luounted the 
scaffold, and scorched them with torches and firebrands; while the chil- 
dren, standing beneath the bark platform, applied fire to the feet of the 
prisoners between the crevices. The Algonquin women were told to 
burn their husbands and companions; and one of them obeyed, vainly 
trying to appease her tormentors. The stoicism of one of the warriors 
enraged his captors beyond measure. 'Scream! why don't you scream?' 
they cried, thrusting their burning brands at his naked hotly. 'Look at 
me,' he answered; 'you cannot make me wince. If you were in my jjlace, 
you would screech like babies.' At this they fell upon him with re- 
doubled fury, till their knives and firebrands left in him no semblance of 
humanity. He was defiant to the last, and when death came to his relief, 
they tore out his heart and devoured it; then hacked him in pieces, and 
made their feast of triumph on his mangled limbs.'"' 

".'Ml the men and all the old women of the party were jjut to death in 
a similar manner, though but few displayed the same amazing fortitude. 
The younger women, of whom there were about thirty, after ])assing their 
ordeal of torture, were permitted to live ; and, disfigured as they were, 

""Vimonl, Relation, 1642, 46. 

""'The diabolical practices described above were not peculiar to the Iroquois. 
The Neutrals and otlicr kindred tribes were no whit less cruel. It is a remark of 
Mr. Gallatin, and I think a just one, that the Indians west of the Mississippi are 
less ferocious than those east of it. The burning of prisoners is rare among the 
prairie tribes, but is not unknown. An Ogillallah chief, in whose lodge I lived for 
several weeks in 184C1, described to me, with most expressive pantomime, how he 
had captured and burned a warrior of the Snake Tribe in a valley of the Medicine 
Bow mountains, near which we were then encamped. 


were distributed among the several villages, as concubines or slaves to 
the Iroquois warriors. Of this number were the narrator and her com- 
panion, who, being ordered to accompany a war-party and carry their 
provisions, escaped at night into the forest, and reached Three Rivers, 
as we have seen. 

"While the Indian allies of the French were wasting away beneath 
this atrocious warfare, the French themselves, and especially the travel- 
ling Jesuits, had their full share of the infliction. In truth, the puny and 
sickly colony seemed in the gasps of dissolution. The beginning of spring, 
particularly, was a season of terror and suspense ; for with the breaking 
up of the ice, sure as a destiny, came the Iroquois. As soon as a canoe 
could float, they were on the war-path; and with the cry of the returning 
wild-fowl mingled the yell of these human tigers. They did not always 
wait for the breaking ice, but set forth on foot, and, when they came to 
open water, made canoes and embarked. 

"Well might Father Vimont call the Iroquois 'the scourge of this 
infant church.' They burned, hacked, and devoured the neophytes; ex- 
terminated whole villages at once; destroyed the nations whom the 
Fathers hoped to convert; and ruined that sure ally of the missions, the 
fur-trade. Not the most hideous nightmare of a fevered brain could 
transcend in horror the real and waking perils with which they beset the 
path of these intrepid priests. 

"In the spring of 1644, Joseph Bressani, an Italian Jesuit, born in 
Rome, and now for two years past a missionary in Canada, was ordered 
by his Superior to go up to the Hurons. It was so early in the season 
that there seemed hope that he might pass in safety; but as the Fathers 
in that wild mission had received no succor for three years, Bressani 
was charged with letters to them, and such necessaries for their use as 
he was able to carry. With him were six young Hurons, lately converted, 
and a French boy in his service. The party were in three small canoes. 
Before setting out they all confessed and prepared for death. 

"They left Three Rivers on the twenty-seventh of April, and found 
ice still floating in the river, and patches of snow lying in the naked 
forests. On the first day, one of the canoes overset, nearly drowning 
Bressani, who could not swim. On the third day, a snow-storm began, 
and greatly retarded their progress. The young Indians foolishly fired 
their guns at the wild- fowl on the river, and the sound reached the ears 
of a war-party of Iroquois, one of ten that had already set forth for the 
St. Lawrence, the Ottawa, and the Huron towns."" Hence, it befell, that 
as they crossed the mouth of a small stream entering the St. Lawrence, 
twenty-seven Iroquois suddenly issued from behind a point and attacked 
them in canoes. One of the Hurons was killed, and all the rest of the 
party captured without resistance. 

"On the fifteenth of July following Bressani wrote from the Iroquois 
country to the General of the Jesuits at Rome: T do not know if 
your Paternity will recognize the handwriting of one whom you once 
knew \ery well. The letter is soiled and ill-written, because the writer 
has only one finger of his right hand left entire, and cannot prevent the 
blood from his wounds, which are still open, from staining the paper. 
His ink is gunpowder mixed with water, and his table is the earth.' "f 

"Then follows a modest narrative of what he endured at the hands 
of his captors. First they thanked the Sun for their victory; then 

"' Vimont, Relation, 1644, 41. 

"'This letter is printed anonymously in the Second Part, Chap. 11, of Bressani's 
Relation Abreijee. A comparison with Vimont's account, in the Relation of 1644, 
makes its authorship apparent. Vimont's narrative agrees in all essential points. 
His informant was "vne personnc digne de foy, qui a estc tesmoin oculaire de tout 
ce qu'il a souffert pendant sa captiuite." — Vimont, Relation, 1644, 43. 


plundered the canoes ; then cut up, roasted and devoured the slain Huron 
before the eyes of the prisoners. On the next day they crossed to the 
southern shore, and ascended the River Riclielieu as far as the rapids of 
Chanibly, whence they pursued tlieir march on foot among the brambles, 
rocks, and swamps of the trackless forest. When they reached Lake 
C'hamplain, they made new canoes and re-embarked, landed at its southern 
extremity six days afterwards, and thence made for the Upper Hudson. 
Here they found a fishing camp of four hundred Iroquois, and now 
Bressani's torments began in earnest. They split his hand with a knife, 
between the little linger and the ring finger ; then beat him with sticks, 
till he was covered with blood; and afterwards placed him on one of 
llicir torture-scaffolds of bark, as a spectacle to the crowd. Here they 
stri])])ed him, and while he shivered with cold from head to foot, they 
forced him to sing. After about two hours they gave him up to the chil- 
dren, who ordered him to dance, at the same time thrusting sharpened 
sticks into his flesh, and pulling out his hair and beard. 'Sing !' cried one ; 
'Hold your tongue!' screamed another; and if he obeyed the first, the 
second burned him. 'We will burn you to death ; we will eat you.' 'I will 
eat one of your hands.' 'And I will eat one of your feet.' These scenes 
were renewed every night for a week. Every evening a chief cried 
aloud through the camp, 'Come, my children, come and caress our prison- 
ers !' — and the savage crew thronged jubilant to a large hut, where the 
captives lay. They stripped off the torn fragment of a cassock, which 
was the priest's only garment ; burned him with live coals and red-hot 
stones ; forced him to walk on hot cinders ; burned off now a finger-nail 
and now the joint of a finger, — rarely more than one at a time, however, 
for they economized their pleasures, and reserved the rest for another 
day. This torture was protracted till one or two o'clock, after which they 
left him on the ground, fast bound to four stakes, and covered only with 
a scanty fragment of deer-skin."'^ The other prisoners had their share 
of torture; but the worst fell upon the Jesuit, as the chief man of the 
])arty. The unhappy boy who attended him, though only twelve or 
thirteen years old, was tormented before his eyes with a pitiless ferocitv. 

"At length they left this encampment, and, after a march of several 
days, — during which Bressani, in wading a rocky stream, fell from ex- 
haustion and was nearly drowned, — they reached an Iroquois town. It 
is needless to follow the revolting details of the new torments that suc- 
ceeded. They hung him by the feet with chains ; jjjaced food for their 
dogs on his naked body, that they might lacerate him as they ate; and 
at last had reduced his emaciated frame to such a condition, that even 
they themselves stood in horror of him. 'I could not have believed,' he 
writes to his Superior, 'that a man was so hard to kill.' He found among 
them those who, from compassion, or from a refinement of cruelty, fed 
him. for he could not feed himself. They told him jestingly that they 
wished to fatten him before putting him to death. 

"The council that was to decide his fate met on the nineteentii of 
June, when, to the prisoner's amazement, and, as it seenie(l, to their own 
surprise, they resolved to spare his life. He was given with due cere- 
mony, to an old woman, to take the place of a deceased relative ; but, 
since he was as repulsive, in his mangled condition, as, by the Indian 
standard, he was useless, she sent her son with him. to Fort Orange tr, 
sell him to the Dutch. With the same humanity which they had shown 
in the case of Jogues, they gave a generous ransom for him, su])i)lied 
h-m with clothing, kept him till his strength was in some degree recruited. 

'"•' Bressani speaks in anotlier passage of tortures of a nature yet more cxcru- 
ciatinR, They were similar to alluded to by the anonymous auflior of the 
Ri'hilimi of 1660; He adds, that past ages have never heard of such. — Kchitinn, 
1660, 7, 8. 


and then placed him on board a vessel bound for Rochelle. Here he ar- 
rived on the fifteenth of November; and in the following spring, maimed 
and disfigured, but with health restored, embarked to dare again the 
knives and firebrands of the Iroquois." ^^ 

The chronicler, however, sets down that "In justice to the Iroquois, 
that, ferocious and cruel as past all denial they were, they were not so 
bereft of the instincts of humanity as at first sight might appear. An 
inexorable severity towards enemies was a very essential element, in their 
savage conception, of the character of the warrior. Pity was a cowardly 
weakness, at which their pride revolted. This, joined to their thirst for 
applause and their dread of ridicule, made them smother every move- 
ment of compassion, and conspired with their native fierceness to form 
a character of unrelenting cruelty rarely equalled." '' 

The object of these quotations is to show the ordinary reader the 
ferocity with which the Iroquois made war and the great range of terri- 
tory over which they extended their conquests. y\nd, too, they are to 
impress the fact that these fierce warriors had no regard for kindred 
nations. The Hurons, whom they destroyed by the year 1649, were 
closely related. The Neutral Nation and the Eries were related by blood 
and of near degree. But the Iroquois had determined on a complete 
conquest of the Ohio Valley and all the country to the Mississippi. This 
could not be accomplished with the Neutrals and the Eries left living be- 
tween them and the vast territory they coveted and had determined to 
take. So, between 1650 and 1655 the Neutral Nation and the Eries were 
completely destroyed. Memory of even the Indian held nothing concern- 
ing the Eries, and the extermination of the Neutrals was almost as com- 
plete. These tribes out of the way, the Ohio Valley lay at the mercy of 
the Iroquois. There were no Jesuits there to make a record of what 
transpired nor to preserve the date. But knowing the ferocious character 
of Iroquoian wars, what actually took place can be easily imagined. And 
that the conquest was made soon after the destruction of the Neutrals 
and the Eries there can be but little doubt. 

What tribes were then living in what is now Kentucky, it would be 
difficult to say. Some of the Cherokees may have lingered there. The 
Shawnees have traditions that they lived along the Cumberland and the 
upper waters of the Kentucky and Big Sandy rivers. Some of the dis- 
appearing Siouans may yet have tarried about the falls of the Ohio. 
Tribes of the Algonquin stock lived in what are now Indiana, Ohio, 
Illinois, Michigan and Wisconsin, and some of them may have had 
villages on the south side of the Ohio. The Chickasaws had a tradition 
that they once owned the southern part of Illinois and lived there. It is 
known that they successfully maintained their claim to that part of 
Kentucky west of the Tennessee River and sold it in a treaty concluded 
by General Jackson and Isaac Shelby. The people warred on by the 
Iroquois were these or some of them. The particulars of the sanguinary 
conflict are lost, but that it was so bloody that both memory and horror 
of it remained in the Indian mind until long after the white settlers began 
to arrive. No Indian ever again dared set foot on Kentucky soil with 
the design of establishing a tribal home. He might cross over it in his 

^^ Immediately on his return to Canada he was ordered to set out again for the 
Hurons. More fortunate than on his first attempt, he arrived safely, early in the 
autumn of 1645. — Ragueneau, Relation des Hurons, 1646, 73. 

On Bressani, besides the authorities cited, see Du Crettx, Historia Canadensis, 
399-403 ; Juchereau, Histoirc de I' Hotcl-Dicu, 53 ; and Martin, Biographic du P. 
Francois-Joseph Bressani, prefixed to the Relation Abregee. 

He made no converts while a prisoner, but he baptized a Huron catechumen 
at the stake, to the great fury of the surrounding Iroquois. He has left, besides 
his letters, som.e interesting notes on his captivity, preserved in the Relation Abregee. 

' The Jesuits in North America, Parkman, 256. 

32 inSTORV f)l" KI'XTrCKV 

waiuieriiigs or by stealth skulk in its forests and brakes to hunt game, 
but for a home — nevermore. 

The first settlers heard much of this conquest. Sandy Island was 
pointed out to them as the last stand of the native tribes, and the heaps 
of bones disclosed there by receding waters confirmed the tales told by 
Indians, horror-stricken e\en to think of that battle more than a century 
later. So Kentucky was made a solitude by the ferocious Iroquois about 
1660 to 1670. Even the rivers were associated with the bloody scene. 
The Ohio was itself spoken of among Indians as the bloody river. And 
this ajipellation attached to other streams. And the pioneers, not know 
ing what had trans])ired in the former ages, misvnulerstood the vague 
allusions of the Indians and called Kentucky the Dark and Bloody 

'{"lie lrii(|uiiis permitted tlie deiileted tribes dwelling on the north side 
of the ( )liio to remain, but they were in a state of subjection as long as 
their masters found it to their interest to assert their authority. I'y the 
changes which gradually came with the advance and importance of white 
settlement the Iroquois slowly relin(|uished interest there and these 
tribes came to exercise anew their indejxMidence. The broken fragments 
of the Hurons had fled westw-ard along the Great Lakes when ruin fell 
on their country. They wandered near a century in these wastes before 
taking form as a nation, then emerged as the Wyandots. These gathered 
strength and power as they moved southward by way of Detroit. They 
were recognized by the Iroquois and came to rej^rcsent. in a way, their 
ancient antagonists so far as western interests were concerned. They 
were placed at the head of the Western League against the advancing 
whites, known as the Xorlhwestern Confederacy, and which always acted. 
as a body, in favor of the British. 'Jhe Delawares were forced westward, 
and they settled in Ohio along the Muskingum by consent of the Wyan- 
dots. The Shawnees were driven from ]jlace to place and finally by 
consent of the Wyandots began to assemble on the north bank of the 
UpiJer Ohio. The tribes of the Iroquois began to disintegrate to some 
extent, and members of all of them — but more of the Cayugas — formed 
settlements on the- Ohio below b'ort Pitt. These assumed the generic 
name of their people — Mengwe — as one which would embrace them all. 
This name was corrupted by the whites into "Mingo," and these people 
became the Mingos of history.** 

So, it is seen how, naturally, in the changing conditions, and in the 
course of time the Indian tribes which so much troubled the Pioneer 
Kentuckians, came to be seated in and about what became the State of 
Ohio. Lender the sinister intluence of the British and from an inherent 
inclination, they descended from their recently ac(|iiire(! Imnies to war on 
the Kentuckians. 

In early Indian history of Kentucky there is encountered the 
Welsh tradition.'-' Cajjt. John Smith, the hero of early \ irginia, in his 
history of that colony mentions the Welsh colony, as follows: 

"The Chronicles of Wales rejwrt, that Madock, sonne to Owne 
Quineth, Prince of Wales, seeing his twn brethren at debate who sliou'd 

'There was copyrighted in 1921, liv William H. Cobb, a book entitled Monii- 
moi! In <iiid History of Ihe Mingo Indians. It is made ii|) of some addresses, all 
of which labor under the delusion tlial the Mingos were a tribe separate and dis- 
tinct. They must have exercised the functions of a tribe for their local self-gov- 
ernment. But they were a mongrel band of Iroquois and wore later known as a 
band of Sencca.s, though why Senecas is hard to understand, as there was scarcely 
a Seneca among them. Logan, the orator, was a Mingo — llidugli lie was in fact 
a Cayuga. 

"A considerable volume was written and compiled by Col. R. T. Dnrrett, Presi- 
dent of the Filson Club, Louisville, entitled Trnditions of Ihc liaiiii-sl I'isils of 
Foreigners to North America. It was printed as Filson Club Publication No. 2.3, 
and has been frequently consulted in treating this subject. 


inherit prepared certaine Ships, witli men and munition ; and left his 
Country to seeke adventures by Sea; leaving Ireland north he sayled west 
till he came to a land unknowne. Returning home and relating what 
pleasant and fruitful countries he had seen without inhabitants and for 
what barren ground his brethren and kindred did murther one another, 
he provided a number of Ships, and got with him such men and women 
as were desirous to live in quietnesse that arrived with him in this new 
land in the yeare 1170; Left many of his people there and returned for 
more. But where this place was no History can show."' 

Captain Smith was evidently familiar with the account of Caradoc, 
which is set out here : 

"Prince Owen Gwynedd being dead the succession was of right to 
descend to his eldest legitimate son, lorwerth Drwydwn, otherwise called 
Edward with the Broken Nose ; but by reason of that blemish upon his 
face, he was laid aside as unfit to take upon him the government of North 
Wales. Therefore his younger brothers began every one to aspire, in 
hopes of succeeding their father; but Howell, who was of all the eldest, 
but base born begotten of an Irish woman, finding they could not agree, 
stept in himself and took upon him the government. But David, who was 
legitimately born could not brook that a bastard should ascend his father's 
throne, and therefore he made all preparations possible to pull him down. 
Howell, on the other hand, was as resolute to maintain his ground, and 
was not willing so quickly to deliver up, what he had not very long got 
possession of ; and so both brothers meeting together in the field, were 
resolved to try their title by the point of the sword. The battle had not 
lasted long, but Howell was slain; and then David was unanimously pro- 
claimed and saluted Prince of North Wales, which principality he en- 
joyed without molestation, till Llewlyn, lorwerth Drwydwn's son came 
of age, as will hereafter appear. But Madoc, another of Owen 
Gwynedd's sons, finding how his brothers contended for the principality, 
and that his native country was like to be turmoiled in a civil war, did 
think it his better prudence to try his fortune abroad; and therefore leav- 
ing North Wales in a very unsettled condition, sailed with a small fleet 
of ships which he had rigged and manned for that purpose, to the west- 
ward ; and leaving Ireland on the north, he came at length to an unknown 
country, where most things appeared to him new and uncustomary, and 
the manner of the natives far different from what he had seen in Europe. 
This country, says the learned H. Lloyd, must of necessity be some part 
of that vast tract of ground, of which the Spaniards, since Hanno's time, 
boast themselves to be the first discoverers, and which by order of Cos- 
mography, seems to be some part of Nova Hispania, or Florida ; where 
by it is manifested, that this country was discovered by the Britains, long 
before either Columbus or America Vesputius sailed thither. But con- 
cerning Madoc's voyage to this country, and afterwards his return from 
thence, there are many fabulous stories and idle tales invented by the 
vulgar, who are sure never to diininish from what they hear, but will add 
to and increase any fable as far as their invention will prompt them. 
However, says the same author, it is certain that Madoc arrived in this 
country, and after he had viewed the fertility and pleasantness of it, he 
thought it expedient to invite more of his countrymen out of Britain ; and 
therefore leaving most of those he had brought with him already behind. 
he returned for Wales. Being arrived there, he began to acquaint his 
friends with what a fair and extensive land he had met with, void of any 
inhabitants, whilst they employed all their skill to supplant one another, 
only for a ragged portion of rocks and mountains; and therefore he 
would persuade them to change their pre.sent state of danger and (-1.11 
tinual clashings for a more quiet being of ease and enjoyment. And so 
having got a considerable number of Welsh together, he bid adieu to his 
native country, and sailed with ten ships back to them he had left behind. 

Vol. 1-7 

;i4 IllSTCJKV ol' Kl'lXTLCKV 

It is therefore to be supposed, says our author, that Madoc and his people 
inhabited part of that country, since called Florida by reason that it ap- 
pears from I-'rancis Loves, an author of no small re])utation, that in 
Acusanus and other places, the jjeople honoured and worsliipijcd the cross ; 
whence it may be naturally concluded that christians had been there be- 
fore the connii}^ of the Spaniards; and who these christians misilit be. 
unless it were this colony of Madoc's, it cannot be easily imagined. I'.ut 
by reason that the Welsh who came over, were not many, they intermi.xcd 
in a few years with the natives of the country and so following their 
manners and using their language, they became at length undistinguishable 
from ihe barbarians, liut the country which jMadoc landed in, is by the 
learned Dr. i'owell supjiosed to be part of Mexico for which conjecture 
he lays down these following reasons: — first as it is recorded in the 
S})anish chronicles of the conquest of the W'cst Indies the inhabitants 
and natives of that country affirm by tradition, that their rulers descended 
from a strange nation, which came thither from a strange country; as it 
was confessed by King Montezuma, in a speech at his submission to the 
King of Castile, before Hernando Cortez, the Spanish general. And then 
the British words and names of places used in that country, even at this 
day do undoubtedly argue the same; as when they speak and confabulate 
together, they use this British word, Gwarando, which signifies to 
hearken, or listen, and a certain bird with a white head, they call Pen- 
gwyn, which signifies the same in Welsh. I'.ut for a more comjjlete con- 
firmation of this, the island of Corroeso, the cape of Bryton, the river 
of Gwyndor, and the white rock of Pengwyn, which are all British words, 
do manifestly shew, that it w-as that country which Madoc and his peo])le 

John Filson. the first to write a history of Kentucky, brought the 
traclition over the Alleghanies and planted in the fertile soil of the Blue- 
grass. It has flourished apace, and it has been enlarged, buttressed, ex- 
panded, until it has a place in the history of the state. I'ilson visited 
Louisville in search of information concerning the Welsh Indians, for 
by that time the \Velsh descendants of the original c(5lonists were sup- 
posed to have become a tribe of Indians, seated at the Falls of the Ohio, 
now Louisville. Gen. George Rogers Clark spoke in a meeting called to 
consider the matter. He said a Kaskaskia chief had called his attention 
to large and curiously-shaped earthworks on the Kaskaskia River. This 
chief was of lighter complexion than the ordinary Indian, and he said 
this particular earthwork had been erected by his ancestors. Colonel 
.Moore followed (iencral Clark. He said an old Indian had told him that 
there had been a long war of extermination between the Red Indians 
and the White Indians. The final battle between them had been fought 
at the Falls of the Ohio, where the White Indians had been driven upon 
one island and slaughtered. General Clark then said that Chief Tobacco, 
of the Piankashaws, had told him the same thing. Major Harrison 
then called attention to a place on the north side of the Ohio, opposite 
the Falls, where there were thousands of human bones in such confusion 
that they must ha\-e been those of warriors slain in battle. All of which 
:s only the confirmation of the battle there in which the Iroquois com- 
pleted the conquest of the Ohio River country. The stories of those 
Indians were echoes of the fading memory of that awful catastrophe to 
their people. 

At this meeting for the enlightenment of Mr. Filson others were 
heard, though little real information was forthcoming. Filson spoke last. 
He occupied much time, and when he was through, the members present 
were asleep excejit a Doctor Skimier, who, in compliment to Filson, sug- 
gested that his eloquence bad put the club to sleep. In the 1794 edition 
of his History of Kcniiickc, I'^ilson devoted two pages to the Welsh 

John Filson, 1747- 1788. 
(Courtesy of The Filson Club) 


tradition. He gives more than one instance of Indians speaking perfectly 
the Welsh tongue. 

Colonel Durrett gives the main facts of the experiences of one 
Maurice Griffiths, a VVelshman who emigrated to the colony of Virginia 
and settled on the Roanoke River. He was captured by the Shawnees 
about the year 1764. Two or three years later he was taken on a hunting 
and exploring trip up the Missouri River by five Shawnee young men. 
I'"ar U]) the river the entire party was captured by a band of strange 
Indians who lived in that country, and taken by them to their town. 
This was an immense city, if the story of Griffiths is to be depended on. 
They traversed it fifteen miles before reaching the council house. There 
they were condemned to die. But Griffiths had understood what had 
been said by the chiefs in their deliberations, for the Indians were all 
white and spoke the Welsh language perfectly. When he acquainted the 
council with that fact, the death sentence was reversed. The exploring 
party remained eight months with this nation, which contained, as nearly 
as Griffiths could make out, some 50,000 souls — all white — not a dark- 
skinned one among them. They said their fathers had come up the river 
from a far country. They had no books or records. They had no iron 
implements, and used stone tomahawks. 

A Mr. Thomas S. Hinde bears witness that in 1799 "six soldiers' 
skeletons were dug up near Jeffersonville, each skeleton had a breast- 
plate of brass, cast with the Welsh coat-of-arms, the Mermaid and the 
Harp with a Latin inscription, in substance, 'virtuous deeds meet their 
just reward.' One of these plates was left by Cai^tain Jonathan Taylor, 
with the late Mr. Hubbard Taylor, of Clark county, and when called for 
by me in 1814 for the late Dr. John P. Campbell of Chillicothe, Ohio, 
who was preparing notes of the antiquities of the west, by a letter from 
Mr. Hubbard Taylor, Jr. (a relative of mine), now living, 1 was informed 
that the breast plate had been taken to Virginia by a gentleman of that 

Colonel Durrett bewails the fact that these six Welsh skeletons could 
not compete with a Danish skeleton dug up Fall River, which was ana- 
lyzed by a chemist and found to be that of Thorsvald Erickson, the Dane, 
who was killed in America about the beginning of the eleventh century. 
The Colonel thouglit these Falls of the Ohio skeletons should have been 
analyzed by a chemist, when one of them might have been identified as 
Prince Madoc. 

Colonel Durrett cites instances of the destruction of whole tribes of 

"It is therefore well known to us that whole tribes have perished and 
left only a name behind. That the Madocs were one of these extinguished 
tribes we have some Indian traditions in evidence. An old Indian told 
Colonel James F. Moore, of Kentucky, that long ago a war of extermina- 
tion was waged between the Red Indians and the Indians of a lighter 
complexion in Kentucky, and that the last great battle between them 
was fought at the Falls of the Ohio, where the light-colored Indians were 
driven upon Sand Island as the last hope of escape, and there all were 
slaughtered by their pursuers." " 

Here, again, the reversion to the last battle of the Iroquois in the 
conquest of the Ohio X'alley in historic times. 

The Mandan Indians, a Siouan tribe yet living in the Dakotas, is the 
last refuge of the believers in a Welsh or white tribe of Indians. George 
Catlin, the painter, visited the Western tribes and was for a time at the 
Mandan village.' ^ He was familiar with the Welsh tradition, and he 

1" Traditions of the Earliest Americans, 62, 63. 

" Traditions of the Earliest Americans, 68. 

'2 See Catlin's North American Indians, Vol. 2, pp. 781, et seq. 


identified, as he believed, the Maiuians as the Welsli. By mounds he 
traced them, as he supposed, down the Missouri to its mouth and up the 
Ohio. He was of th€ opinion that they had constructed some of the 
mounds now found in Ohio. He records his faith that the ten ships of 
Madoc, or a part of them, at least, ascended the Mississippi and Ohio 
Rivers. There — 

"They cultivated their fields, and established in one of the finest 
countries on earth, a flourishing colony ; but were at length set upon l:)y 
the savages, whom, perhaps, they provoked to warfare, being trespassers 
on their hunting-grounds, and by whom in overpowering hordes, they 
were besieged, until it was necessary to erect there fortifications for their 
defense into which they were at last driven by a confederacy of tribes, 
and there held till their ammunition and provisions gave out, and they 
in the end had all perished except perhaps that portion of them vi'ho might 
have formed alliance by marriage with the Indians, and their offspring, 
who would have been half-breeds, and of course attached to the Indians' 
side ; whose lives have been spared in the general massacre, and at length, 
being despised, as all half-breeds of enemies are, have gathered them- 
selves into a band, and severing from their parent tribe, have moved off, 
and increased in numbers and strength as they have advanced up the 
Missouri river to the place where they have been known for many years 
by the name of Mandans, a corruption or abbreviation, perhaps, of 'Mad- 
awgwys,' the name applied by the Welsh to the followers of Madawc." 

Here again is found the reversion to the last great battle of the con- 
quest of the Ohio Valley by the Iroquois. 

The Mandans can be seen at this day. They are pure Indian. They 
speak a dialect of the Siouan linguistic family. There is not a syllable of 
Welsh in it and never was. They are not lighter than other Indians. 
Here is the account of them as written by the Bureau of Ethnology.^-' 

"Mandan. A Siouan tribe of the northwest. The name, according to 
Maximilian, originally given by the Sioux is believed by Matthews to be 
a corruption of the Dakota Mawatani. Previous to 1830 they called 
themselves simply Numakiki, 'people' (Matthews). Maximilian says 'if 
they wish to particularize their descent they add the name of the village 
whence they came originally.' Hayden gives Miah'tanes, 'people on the 
bank,' as the name they apply to themselves, and draws from this the 
inference that 'they must have resided on the banks of the Missouri at 
a very remote period.' According to Morgan (.Syst. Consang, and Affin.. 
285), the native name of the tribe is Metootahak, 'South villagers.' Their 
relations, so far as known historically and traditionally, have been most 
intimate with the Hidatsa; yet, judged by the linquistic test, their position 
must be nearer the Winnebago. Matthews appears to consider the 
Hidatsa and Mandan descendants from the same immediate stem. Their 
traditions regarding their- early history are scant and almost entirely 
mythological. All that can be gathered from them is the indication that 
at some time they lived in a more easterly locality in the vicinity of a lake. 
This tradition, often repeated by subsequent authors, is given by Lewis 
and Clark, as follows : 'The whole nation resided in one large village 
underground near a subterraneous lake ; a grapevine extended its roots 
down to their habitation and gave them a view of the light; some of the 
most adventurous climbed up the vine and were delighted witii the sight 
of the earth, which they found covered with buffalo and rich with every 
kind of fruits ; returning with the grapes they had gathered, their country- 
men were so pleased with the taste of them that the whole nation resolved 
to leave their dull residence for the charms of the upper region ; men, 
women, and children ascended by means of the vine ; but when about 
half the nation had reached the surface of the earth, a corpulent woman 

^^ Handbook of American Indians, Vol. i, pp. 796, 797. 


who was clambering up the vine broke it with her weight, and closed upon 
herself and the rest of the nation the light of the sun. Those who were 
left on earth made a village below where we saw the nine villages; and 
when the Mandan die they expect to return to the original seats of their 
forefathers, the good reaching the ancient village by means of the lake, 
which the burden of the sins of the wicked will not enable them to 
cross.' Maximilian says : 'They affirm that they descended originally 
from the more eastern nations, near the seacoast.' Their linguistic rela- 
tion to the Winnebago and the fact that their movements in their historic 
era have been westward uj) the Missouri corresjOTnd with their tradition 
of a more easterly origin, and would seemingly locale them in the vicinity 
of the upper lakes. It is possible that the tradition which has long pre- 
vailed in the region of N. W. Wisconsin regarding the so-called 'ground- 
house Indians' who once lived in that section and dwelt in circular earth 
lodges, partly underground, applies to the people of this tribe, although 
other tribes of this general region formerly lived in houses of this 
character. Assuming that the Mandan formerly resided in the vicinity 
of the upi)er Mississijjpi, it is probable that they moved down this stream 
for some distance before passing to the Missouri. The fact that when 
first encountered by the whites they relied to some extent on agriculture 
as a means of subsistence would seem to justify the conclusion that they 
were at some time in the past in a section where agriculture was practised. 
It is possible, as Morgan contends, that they learned agriculture from the 
Hidatsa, but the reverse has more often been maintained. Callin's theory 
that they formerly- lived in Ohio and built mounds, and moved thence to 
the N. VV. is without any basis. The traditions regarding their migra- 
tions, as given by Maximilian, commence with their arrival at the 
Missouri. The point where this stream was first reached was at the 
mouth of White r., S. Dak. From this point they moved up the Missouri 
to Moreau r., where they came in contact with the Cheyenne, and where 
also the formation of 'bands or unions' began. Thence they continued 
up the Missouri to Heart r., N. Dak., where they were residing at the 
time of the first known visit of the whites, but it is probable that trappers 
and traders visited them earlier." 

A Kansas man has evolved an entirely new theory concerning the 
Welsh Indians. Mark E. Zimmerman, of White Cloud, Doniphan 
County, has published an article in which he maintains that the Welsh 
developed into the ancient Tallegwi who lived in what is now Ohio, and 
of whom much has been said herein. ^^ He bases his conclusions mainly 
upon archeological research, though the traditions are not neglected. His 
chief reliance is upon a certain type of grave, which he calls the cyst 
grave or Celtic type of grave. He calls to his aid types of houses, the re- 
mains of which he has found and examined. The cyst graves have been 
found along the Missouri River to and above the mouth of the Kansas."* 
Mr. Gerard Fowke, who made the investigations, attributes these graves 
to the Kansas Indians, or thinks it most probable that they may have 
been constructed by that tribe. They are found in the exact route of the 
Kansas Indians as they migrated into their historic seat. The graves are 
vaults built of thin slabs of native stone and show little or no skill in 
masonry. Whether the Welsh made such graves, or ever did, is not 
shown. It is estimated that the Allegwi or Tallegwi numbered 
According to this theory, that many Welshmen lived in and around the 
present State of Ohio. Having come from Wales at a time when the 
people of that country had a knowledge of smelling iron ore, and of the 
manufacture of irf)n and steel imjjlements, and having seated themselves 

1* See Kansas Historical Collcciions, Vol. 14, pp. 471, cl scq. 
'" See Aniiquities of Central and Southeastern ilissouri, by Gerard Fowke, pub- 
lished as Bulletin No. 37, Bureau of Etlmology. 


in a country here where iron ore abounded in great quantities, together 
with fuel and other means of smelting and working it, it is passing strange 
that in all the country inhabited by them there has never been found an 
iron or steel implement fashioned or used by them. Then, that the 
Tallegwi were descended from any European stock, or any stock what- 
ever but American Indian stock, is preposterous. 

So. the Welsh legend is but a mythic tale. Welshmen may have 
landed on some American coast. Rut they did nothing more than dwindle 
and die there — if they ever reached American shores, of which there is 
little or no evidence. Summing up the whole matter, there is no proof 
of any Welsh or White Indians which any court would admit to a jury. 
It is a fine tradition. Kentuckians are proud to have it connected with 
their state. But it is a myth. No such people ever lived in Kentucky, nor 
in any other part of America."^ 

1" In "The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the 
English Nation," a work compiled and published by Richard Hakhiyt in 1589, the 
year after the Armada, is to be found the following very interesting story. It is 
quoted exactly as it appears in the fifth volume of Everyman's edition of that work: 

"The most ancient Discovery of the West Indies by Madoc the sonne of Owen 
Guyneth Prince of North-wales, in the yeere 1170: taken out of the history of 
Wales by M. David Powel, Doctor of Divinity." 

"After the death of Owen Guyneth, his sonnes fell at debate who should inherit 
after him ; for the eldest sonne borne in matrimony, Edward or Jorwerth Drwydion, 
was counted unmeet to governe, because of the maime upon his face ; and Howell 
that tooke upon him all the rule was a base sonne, begotten upon an Irish woman. 
Therefore David gathered all the power he could, and came against Howell, and 
fighting with him, slew him; and afterwards enjoyed quietly the whole land of 
North-wales, until his brother Jorwerth's sonne came to age. Madoc another of 
Owen Guyneth his sonnes left the land in contention betwixt his brethren, and 
prepared certaine ships, with men and munition, and sought adventures by Seas, 
sailing West, and leaving the coast of Ireland so farre North, that he came unto 
a land unknown, where he saw many Strang things. 

"This land must needs be some part of the Countrey of which the Spanyards 
afiirme themselves to be the first finders since Hannos time. Whereupon it is 
manifest that the countrey was by Britaines discovered long before Columbus led 
any Spanyards thither. 

"Of the voyage and return of this Madoc there be many fables fained, as the 
common people doe use in distance of place and length of time rather to augment 
then to diminish : but sure it is there he was. And after he had returned home, 
and declared the pleasant and fruitfull countreys that he had scene without in- 
habitanta, and upon the contrary part, for what barren and wild ground his brothers 
and nephewes did murther one another, he prepared a number of ships, and got 
with him such men and women as were desirous to live in quietnesse : and taking 
leave of his friends, tooke his journey thitherward againe. Therefore it is to be 
supposed that he and his people inhabited part of those countreys: for it appeareth 
by Francis Lopez de Gomara, that in Acuzamil and other places the people honored 
the crosse. Whereby it may be gathered that Christians had bene there before 
the coming of the Spanyards. But because this people were not many, they fol- 
lowed the manner of the land wliich they came unto, & used the language they 
found there. 

"This Madoc arriving in the Wcsterne countrey, unto the which he came in the 
yere 1 170, left most of his people there and returning backe for more of his owne 
nation, acquaintance and friends to inhabit that faire & large countrey, went thither 
againe with ten sailes, as I find noted by Gutyn Owen. I am of opinion that the 
land whereunto he came was some part of the West Indies." 

"Carmina Meredith filii Rhesi mentionem facicntia de Madoc filio Oweni Guy- 
ncdd, & de sua navigatione in terras incognitas. Vixit hie Meredith circiter annum 
Domini 1477. ' 

(Verses of Meredith, son of Rhesus, making mention of Madoc, son of Owen 
Guyneth and of his voyage in unknown lands. This Meredith lived about the 
year 1477.) 




As early as 1642 the Asseinbl)' of Virginia encouraged exploration 
to the westward of the plantations. In that year an act was passed 
granting trading privileges to Walter Austin, Rice Hoe, Josejjh Johnson 
and Walter Chiles, who had petitioned in 1641 "lor leave and encour- 
agement to undertake the discovery of a new river or unknowne land 
bearing west southerly from Appomattake river." ' So far as is known, 
no exploration was made under this permission. But here is the first 
mention of that nezv rk'er which later became the object of rangers and 
explorers for thirty years. Some mention of such a river may have 
been made by men wdio were infatuated with the .American forests and 
ranged through them from the very first settlement on the Atlantic 

This new river flowed through the untrodden wilderness directly 
across the course of any Western ex])loration from the English settle- 

The sources of the Staunton are in Montgomery County, Virginia. 
From its head waters the New River is distant but a few miles, and 
its valley at that point is narrow. From the sources of the Staunton 
to those of the Holston and the Clinch, with the narrow valley of the 
New Tiiver intervening, the distance is less than fifty miles. The head 
springs of the Great Sandy, a little north of the Clinch, are in close 
])roxiinity. The James River is at no great distance, while the Shenan- 
doah runs down to the Potomac from a jioint but little more distant. 
The New is here a great river, descending through a valley which 
extends far into North Carolina — to the sources of the Catawba and 
the Yadkin. 

Following the general courses of these streams, there converged 
upon the New River Indian trails, great ways, warpaths and trading 
courses from almost every part of the United States east of the Mis- 
sissip]M. Some of these had doubtless been in use for centuries when 
Jamestown was founded. Some of them marked the direction of ancient 
conquest. Along their unending windings had migrated and retreated 
broken, defeated and overthrown ])eoi)les, exiled from homelands which 
they had occupied for ages. And following these came time-worn, 
prehistoric great war roads came the paleface when impelled to the 
conquest of the continent. The first efforts of the English to exjilore 
westward from the seaboard were made in this direction. Had tlie 
exijedition continued to advance, it would have arrived at New River, 
where William Ingles established his historic ferry. The ex])loration 
was under the direction of Ralph Lane, governor of Sir Walter Raleigh's 
colony, and luidertaken in March, I5<S6. The party ascended the river 
to the site of the City of Halifax. They seem, in fact, to have gone on 
a perilous mission. They were reduced to such extremes by Indian 
hostility and consequent hunger that "they ate their two mastiff dog.s 
boiled with sassafras leaves, and were compelled In return." 

1 Henning, Sliihilrs at I avir. Vol. I, page 262. 



After the expedition of Lane, little effort was made for many years 
to explore to the west of the seaboard settlement. Individual hunters 
and traders, or perhaps small parties of these, may have entered the 
mountainous country, then agitated by fierce wars between the native 
Indian tribes, but these parties made no systematic exploration or per- 
manent settlement, and they left no account of their wanderings. 

These wilderness rangers gained some knowledge of western geog- 
raphy and, no doubt, questioned the Indians whom they encountered as 
to what lay beyond the great hills, for in 1648 some such man wrote 
this : 

"And the Indians have of late acquainted our Governour, that within 
five dayes journey to the westward and by South, there is a great high 
mountaine, and at the foot thereof, great Rivers that run into a great 
Sea; and that there are men that come hither in ships (but not the 
same as ours be), they weare apparell and have reed Caps on their 
heads, and ride on Beasts like our Horses, but have much longer cares 
and other circumstances they declare for the certainty of these things. 

"That Sir William was here upon preparing fifty horse and fifty 
Foot, to go and discover this thing himself in person, and take all need- 
ful provision in that case requisite along with him ; he was ready to 
go when these last ships set sail for England in April last ; and we 
hoped to give a good accompt of it by the next ships, God giving a blessing 
to the enterprize, which will mightily advance and enrich this Country ; 
for it must needs prove a passage to the South Sea (as we call it) and 
also some part of China and the East Indies." 

In 1650 the Assembly was petitioned by Edward Blend for permis- 
sion to discover and settle to the southward. This petition was granted. 
On the 27th of August of that year "The Right Honorable Sir W. 
Berkly, Kt. being Governor and Captaine Generall of Virginia, Edw. 
Bland, Merch. Abraham Wood, Capt. Elias Ponnant and Sackford 
Brewster, Gent., foure Men, and one Indian named Pyancha, an Ap- 
pamattuck for our Guide, with two servants, foure Horses and Pro- 
vision, advanced from Fort Henry, lying on Appamattuck River at 
the fals, being a branch of James River, intending a South westerne 
Discovery." They came the same day to a Nottaway town, on Notta- 
way Creek, and at their approach the Indians fled into the woods and 
concealed themselves. Later they were induced to return, "and shewed 
us what curtesie they could." On the way and at the town they had 
found the country "rich levell, well timbered, watered, and very con- 
venient for Hogs and Cattle." The chief of the town was absent, and 
the chief of another town, one Oyeocker. invited them to his village and 
led them there, arriving, it seems, on the 28th. And on the night of 
this day they came to a second town, where they halted. During the night 
the chief of the first town arrived in a very bad humor and intimated 
to the guide that he would soon be killed. He used all his powers to 
prevent a further penetration of the Indian country, representing that 
the dangers they would meet would be serious. Notwithstanding this 
warning, the party continued on its way, coming this day to Maharineck, 
through a pleasing and fertile country. Here the Englishmen were en- 
tertained by Indian dances and ceremonies, and food was provided for 
themselves and their horses. The following day was spent at this town, 
and the Indians revealed that other tribes had prejudiced them against 
the English, and had done the same in still other tribes, especially the 

The Town of Maharineck was two miles from the river of the same 
name, which the English crossed on their departure on the 31st. On a 
stream which they called Woodford River they found land which pro- 
duced two crops of corn every year, and very fine timber. Later in 


the day they jiassed over the "Cliickahamiiie" River, whicli, a htlle be- 
low, was a mile wide. Pine barrens were found there, beyond which 
the site of a battle between some of the tribes of that coimtry was found, 
an account of which battle was given by the guides. They came to a 
river which was named by them Blandina River. Sturgeon were taken 
at the falls of this river. An island in this stream was named Charles 
Island and another was named, by Captain Wood, Berkeley Island. 
The land opposite Charles Island was named Bland's Discovery, and 
that over against Berkeley Island was named Wood's Journey. Pen- 
nant's Bay and Brewster's Point were also discovered and named. The 
Indians told wonderful stories of the up-country, and of heaps of salt 
in the rivers. Copper was seen, silver spoken of, and the probability 
of gold in that country discussed. 

On the 2d of September the English arrived at a town on Wood- 
ford River and tarried for the night. There they had intelligence of 
Indian intrigue and jealousy and opposition to their presence. On the 
3d of September the guide said they might encounter violence from 
the Indians if they should return by the way they had gone out. Fine 
land was passed that day. 

On the 4th of September the explorers got back to F'ort Henry. 
I'.ecause of the attitude of the Indians in the country they had passed 
through they had slept with guards set and arms at hand. The journal 
of the e.xpedition was published under the title of llic Discovery of 
Nczv Brittainc, and addressed or dedicated "To The Honorable Sir 
John Danvers, Knight : Great Favourer of the Westerne Plantations, 
and a Member of the Parliament of England." While in this day this 
exploration woidd be counted of little consequence, in that day it was 
believed to be a notable achievement. The e.xpedition had reached the 
forks of the Roanoke, in Mecklenburg County, Virginia, and no evi- 
dence was found of any former exploration into that region. By fol- 
lowing up the Staunton, the New River would have been discovered. 
While this exploration was in the direction of the waters of the Ohio, 
it stopped short of finding them. Later the Staunton became a much- 
followed stream in reaching the West. 

In the year 1653 the Assembly of Virginia enacted a general law 
conferring authority upon any persons "to discover the Mountains, Pro- 
vided they go with a considerable partie and strength, both of men and 
anuuiition." If any persons availed themselves of the j)rivileges of 
this enactment they have left no record of the fact. Exploration and 
discovery languished. Not until 1669 do we find any explorer with 
sufificient interest in his work to leave a record of his transactions. In 
that year John Lederer, a German surgeon, under a commission from 
(lovernor Berkeley, undertook an expedition of discovery to the west 
of the luiglish settlements, and reached a jioint in the i)resent County 
of Madison. The weather was cold and he encountered nuich snow in 
his ascent of the Blue Ridge. After reaching an elevation from w-hich 
he could see the great ranges to the westward and the Atlantic Ocean 
to the southeastw-ard, he returned to the settlements. 

In the year 1670 Lederer made two journeys of exploration into 
the wilderness. He set out on the first of these on the 20th of May. 
He took with him Maj. William Harris and twenty other white men, 
and five Indians, They were mounted. They reached the vicinity of 
the site of Lynchburg, when they separated, Lederer and one Susque- 
hanna Indian turning south, and the others returning home. Lederer 
crossed the Roanoke and entered the ])resent State of Xorth Carolina, 
after which he returned to his home in Virginia. 

The second expedition of this year was commenced on the 20th of 
August. Colonel Catlett, together with nine whites and five Indians, 
accompanied Lederer. Tlie direction pursued on this journey was more 


to the west than that taken on the two preceding trips. In the present 
County of Rappahannock they reached the Blue Ridge on the 26th of 
August. From the top of the Bhie Ridge at this point they beheld 
the mountain ranges rising rank above rank to the west and towering 
up to the sky. The cold was becoming severe, and the endless chains 
of mountains to be scaled and passed so discouraged the explorers 
that they returned. Little practical benefit was derived from the ex- 
plorations and discoveries of Lederer. They seem to have dispelled the 
idea that it was but a few days' journey from the Atlantic to the Pacific 
Ocean. Up to this time we have no record that any Englishman hafl 
penetrated to the waters of the great valley of the Mississippi. 

In 1645 the Assembly of Virginia provided for the erection of forts 
for the protection of the colony from attacks by the Indians. All the 
\'irginia settlements were yet in the Tidewater region. The rivers of 
Virginia flowing across the Piedmont usually descend to tidewater by 
a fall, or a series of rapids. Of the coimtry beyond the line of these 
falls little was actually known when provision for these forts was made 
The people had seen hordes of Indians come down from the great for- 
ests back of the settlements to make war on them and knew that desola- 
tion lay in their path. In addition to the three forts set up by the act 
of 1645, a fourth was provided in March, 1646. This was to be set 
up at the falls of the Appomattox. It was named Fort Flenry and 
was to be garrisoned by forty-five men. Placed in command there was 
Capt. Abraham Wood. In October, 1646, the Assembly transferred 
the fort to Captain Wood, "unto whome is granted sixe hundred acres 
of land for him and his heirs forever ; with all houses and edifices be- 
longing to the said Forte, with all boats and amunition att present 
belonging to the said Forte, Provided that he the said Capt. Wood do 
maintayne and keepe ten men constantly upon the said place for the 
terme of three yeares." 

This "Fort Henry" remained the property of Wood to his death, 
and in 1748 its site was incorporated as Petersburg, the present Vir- 
ginia city of that name. Nothing is known of the ancestry of Wood. 
It appears that he was twenty-eight years old in 1638. Information 
has been gathered and published covering forty-two years of his life, 
but of his death nothing has been found. Fie secured grants for more 
than 6,000 acres of land and was much engaged in public afTairs. It 
is said of hirn that "He attained eminence as a landowner, politician, 
soldier, trader and explorer. His position in each of these lines of en- 
deavor was as high as the colony afforded, and the first adequate pres- 
entation of his life reveals him as, with the possible exceptions of Bacon 
and Berkeley, the most interesting and commanding figure of con- 
temporary Virginia." - 

Captain Wood was one of the expedition to discover, in 1650, the 
country then named New Brittain, as we have seen. In 1652 he was 
granted by the Assembly of Virginia permission to explore the regions 
where "no English ever have bin and discovered," and he and his asso- 
ciates were to have the profits arising from trade in these new countries 
for fourteen years. ^ No account of activity under this grant has been 

In 1671 Wood was a major-general. In that year he despatched an 
expedition "for the finding out the ebbing and flowing of the Waters on 
the other side of the Mountains in order to the discovery of the South 
Sea." Those who went on this expedition were Thomas Batts, Thomas 

2 The First Explorations of the Trans-Alleg hany Region by Virginians, 1650-1674, 
by C. W. Alvord and Lee Bidgood, page 36. This is by far the best work on this 

3 Ibid., page 102. Honing, Statutes at Large, Vol. I, page 376. 


Woods ami Robert Fallam. Penecute, one of the jjrincipal men of 
the Appomattox Indians and whose name is generally written I'erccute, 
and one Jack Weasim were of the party. \\'iih five horses they left 
the Appomattox town near Fort Henry, on Friday, Sejjteniber i, 1671, 
and on that day traveled, as they supposed, forty miles due west from 
the old trail known as the Okenecche I'ath, They made forty-live miles 
on the second, and camped at sunset, their course having been north 
of west.'* On the third day they changed their course to south of west 
to correct the error of the second, and "traveled forty miles good." At 
three o'clock a large swam]) had been encountered and a river running 
into the Roanoke had been waded twice, the horses being led over. 

On the 4th of .September the party arrived at a village of the Saponi 
Indians, but made no halt there. It must have been the easternmost 
town of this people, for towards night the explorers "came to the 
Soponys west." At that town they were greeted with the firing of guns 
and demonstrations of welcome. Food was furnished, and the night 
was passed there. .\ Soponi was emjiloyed as guide to take them to 
the Totero towns by a way which was shorter than the traxeled trail. 
As the party was ready to mount on the morning of the 5th — about 
seven o'clock — guns were fired on the side of the river o])])osite the 
Indian town. This firing was by a party of seven Ap])omatto.x Indians 
sent on to overtake them by General Wood. A jaded horse belonging 
to Thomas Wood was sent hack from this point "by a Portugal, belong- 
ing to. Major General Wood, whom we found here." Twenty-five miles 
was made this day, which brought them to a "town of the Hanathaskies" 
on an island in the "Sapany River" — the Staunton River. They were 
late getting under way on the 6th, for Thomas Wood was "dangerously 
sick of the Flu.x." He was left at the town, as was the horse he had 
ridden, and which belonged to Major-General Wood. The horse, too, 
was ailing. The party went into camp after making some twenty miles. 
At ten o'clock at night their horses strayed. On the 7th they traveled 
west over hilly and stony ground, and at three o'clock came in sight of 
the mountains. Twenty-five miles were made that day. 

The ex])lorers got under way by sunrise on the 8th and traveled all 
day by a course north of west. A little past noon a tree was found on 
which had been written with a ])iece of charcoal the letters or initials 
— M. A. N. I.''" They reached the foot of the mountains about four 
o'clock and crossed before camping. They were on the .Staunton, which 
they crossed twice that day. On the 9th they were "stirring with the 
Sun," traveled west, striking the Staunton near its head, and crossed a 
second mountain. About three o'clock they reached the Totero town. 
It was a swamp between a small stream and the Staunton, and was 
"circled about with mountains." Perceute, the Appomattox guide, was 
liiere taken sick of a fever and ague, and the ])arty tarried at the Ti)tern 
village until the 12th. They had arrived there Saturday night and 
remained over till Tuesday. They determined to leave their horses 
there and go on foot the remainder of the journey. A Totero guide was 
secured, and one of the Appomattox Indians was left sick at the Totero 
town. On this day, the 12th, they followed the trail west over several 
high mountains and camped near the head of the Staunton, or Roanoke, 
as they called it, "at the foot of a great mountain." Perceute was very 
ill that night, having been "taken with his fit." 

■* These distances were only estimated, and, as such i-stiniatcs arc likely to be, were 
too high. Twenty-five miles was a good day's travel in the wilderness. 

^ This is an incident confirming a former statement that the names of the first 
to iienetratc the wilderness are unknown. They arc lost. These first wilderness- 
breakers were about their own business and made no records which have come down 
to us. It was the merest accident which preserved the memory of John Findlay and 
his journeys to trade in Southeastern Kentucky. If he had not met Boone no 
knowledge would have remained of him. 


It was yet early on the 13th when the travelers again set forth. 
After going three miles they came to the foot of a great mountain, which 
was so steep that it was with difficulty that the ascent was made. Their 
course was north of west, and to the left they could see the immense 
proportions of the great range. They sat down weary at the top, and 
from that point saw the mountain range to both the north and the south. 
The general elevation was increasing, for the descent on the western 
side was much less than the ascent had been. The valleys extended 
west, and it seemed that the moimtains were piled one upon the other, 
"a pleasing tho' dreadful sight." At about 3 o'clock they found two 
trees marked with charcoal — m a n i — and another on which was cut 
M A "and several other scratchments." Further on "we found rich 
ground but having curious rising hills and brave meadows with 
grass about a man's hight." Many streams were observed. They came 
out of the southern hills and flowed a northerly course, as they sup- 
posed, into the Great River. Going forward, they came to the Great 
River — the New River. The path led them to the river three times, 
and at night they waded over it and spent the night on the west side. 

So, on the 13th day of September, 1761, the Englishmen who' had 
been sent out for that very purpose discovered the great river, the new 
river — the New River of all future time, and England stood in the 
Valley of the Ohio — of the Mississippi. 

Before sunrise of the 14th the explorers set forward. The trail led 
them sometimes to the west and occasionally to the south, as they sup- 
posed. It passed over bottom lands and crossed hills. Coming to a 
bold mountain-top, a prospect opened to them to the southwest. It 
was of hills rising one upon another like the waves of the sea stirred 
by a "gentle breese," and "Mr. Batts supposed he saw sayles ; but I 
think them to be white cliffs. " They camped at 3 o'clock, in the hope 
of seeing the river on the morrow. 

The explorers suffered the usual vicissitudes of wilderness-break- 
ers. They were often hungry, and sometimes surfeited. On the 15th 
the hunters could kill no deer, though camp was not broken until i 
o'clock in the afternoon. On the banks of a river they found wild 
gooseberries and some large haws — -their only food this day. They had 
not come again to the great river, but hoped it was not far away. 

On the morning of the i6th it was realized that the Indian guide 
had deserted. He was found at the Totero town as the explorers re- 
turned. This day the Indian hunters made extra effort to kill game. 
They returned from the hunt to tell the explorers that they heard the 
discharge of a gun and the beating of a drum to the northwards. They 
brought in two turkeys and some fine grapes, on which the men feasted. 
Later a deer was killed. A large river was found — "a curious River 
like Apamatack River" — running north about some curious mountains. 
They came to the site of an Indian town where cornstalks were still 
standing in the old fields. This, they supposed, was the site of a 
Mohican village. 

The march of the 17th of September carried the explorers to the 
end of their journey. Indeed, the end had been reached on the i6th, 
for on this morning they set about marking the limits of their penetra- 
tion of the wilderness. For some days they had been descending the 
New River — and the part of it known as the Kanawha. They had 
arrived at the falls. As the transactions of this day involve the formal 
assertion of the rights of the English to the Ohio Valley, the entry is 
set out in full : 

"Sept. 17. Early in the niorning we went to seek some trees to 
mark, our Indians being impatient of longer stay by reason it was like 
to be bad weather, and that it was so difficult to get provisions. We 
found four trees exceeding fit for our purpose that had been half bared 


by our Indians, standing after one the other. We first proclaimed the 
King in these words : 'Long live Charles the Second, by the grace of 
God King of England, Scotland, France, Ireland and Virginia and of 
all the 'territories thereunto belonging, Defender of the faith, etc.,' 
firing some guns and went to the first tree, which we marked thus : 

with a ])air of marking irons for his sacred majesty. 

C R 

"Then the next W'B for the right honourable Governor Sir \\'il- 
liam Berkley ; the third thus AW for the honourable Major General 
Wood. The last thus: TB: RF. P. for Perceute, who said he would 
learn Englishman. And on another tree hard by stand these letters, 
one under another, TT. NP. VE. R. After we had done we went our- 
selves down to the river side ; but not without great difficulty, it being 
a piece of very rich ground on the Moketans had formerly lived, and 
grown up with weeds and small prickly Locusts and Thistles to a very 
great height that it was almost impossible to pass. It cost us hard 
labour to get thro.' When we came to the River side we found it bet- 
ter and broader than expected, much like James River at Col. Stagg's, 
the falls much like these falls. We imagined by the Water marks it 
flows here about three feat. It was ebbing Water when we were here. 
We set up a stick by the Water side but found it ebb very slowly. Our 
Indians kept up such a hollowing that we durst not stay any longer to 
make further tryal. Immediately upon coming to our quarters we re- 
turned homewards and when we were on the top of a Hill we turned 
about and saw over against us, westerly, over a certain delightful hill 
a fog arise and a glimmering light as from water. We sujjposcd there 
to be a great Bay. We came to the Toteras Tuesday night, where we 
found our horses and ourselves wel entertain'd. We immediately had 
the news of Mr. P>yrd and his great company's Discoveries three miles 
from the Tctera's Town. We have found Mohetan Indians who hav- 
ing intelligence of our coming were afraid it had been to figlit them and 
had sent him to the Totera's to inquire. We gave him satisfaction to 
the contrary and that we came as friends, presented him with three 
or four shots of powder. He told us by our Interpreter, that we had 
[been] from the mountains half way to the place they now live at. 
That the next town beyond them lived upon plain level, from whence 
came abundance of salt. That he could inform us no further by reason 
that there were a great companv of Indians that lived upon the great 

They supposed they had reached tidewater in the land beyond the 
great mountains and that shores and bays coming up from the South 
Sea had been discovered. It required half a century to dispel that error. 

These wilderness-breakers continued on their way home. On the 
2ist of September they left the Totero town, and on the 24th came 
again to that of the Ilanahaskies. There they found that Mr. Wood 
had died and had been buried "and his horse likewise dead." They 
reached the Sapony town on the 25th and tarried until the 27th. On 
the 29th arrived at the Appomattox town, "hungry, wet and weary," 
and must have stopped for a short season. The last entry is here set out : 

"Oct. I being Sunday morning we arrived at Fort Henry. God's 
holy name be praised for our preservation." 

This discovery made by these men was an event of the first order. 
Tremendous consequences followed it. 

It was 152 years later than the discovery of the mouth (jf the Mis- 
sissippi by Alonzo de Pineda, who, in 15 19, sailed a short distance up 
the stream and named it Rio del Espiritu Santo. 

It was 143 years later than the discovery of one of the mouths of 
the Mississippi by Cabeza de Vaca, on the 30th of October, 1528. 


It was 130 years later than the discovery of the Mississippi by De 
Soto, April 25, 1541. 

It was two years before the French Jesuits, Marquette and Joliet, 
discovered the Alississippi by descending the Wisconsin; and "France 
and Christianity stood in the Valley of the Mississippi." 

Upon the discovery of the waters of the Ohio by Batts and Fallam 
rests the validity of the title of the English to the Ohio Valley,- the 
country west of the great mountains. It required many years of effort, 
contention, and finally wars, to fully establish this right and wring 
from France an acknowledgment of it. But it was finally accom- 
plished. And rightfully. The English were contending for their own. 
The French claim was based upon the alleged discovery of the Ohio 
River by LaSalle in 1668. If LaSalle had in fact reached the Ohio 
in that year, as claimed by his friends (and later by some very eminent 
historians), the French would have had a prior right. But it is now 
known that he failed to penetrate the Ohio country. His health had 
broken down. The Senecas told him of the Great River which flowed 
from their country to the Sea, for to them the Ohio was the main 
stream. And this is as near a discovery as LaSalle made in that year. 
And it was later than the exploration of Batts and Fallam, by direction 
of Maj.-Gen. Abraham Wood, that the French arrived in the Ohio 

The next exploration to the westward was made by James Needham 
and Gabriel Arthur. They were employed by Maj.-Gen. Abraham Wood, 
and what is known of their route is contained in his letter of August 
22, 1674, to his friend, John Richards, of London, describing in detail 
the events of the journey. Wood, having no personal knowledge of 
the country penetrated and writing evidently without any diary or jour- 
nal before him, has given a confused account of what was accomplished. 
It is impossible to determine with certainty where the explorers went. 
Xeedham was murdered by "Indian John" on the Yadkin River. Arthur 
was made captive and his execution at the stake decided on. As the 
brand was being applied to the wood and brush piled about him, the 
chief came home from a journey. He shot dead the Indian starting 
the torture and released Arthur from the stake, taking him to his own 
lodge. Arthur was made to go with the Indians in a raid against the 
Spanish settlements below the Carolinas. Upon their return they set 
out to visit the Monetons, Indians having a village on the Kanawha 
near the Ohio. The Monetons went on a war expedition, and Arthur 
and his captors went with them. Arthur was wounded and captured. 
His new captors released him when he promised to send English traders 
among them, and he returned to his first master. It is supposed that 
the war party went from the Moneton town against the Shawness at 
the mouth of the Scioto, and that it was from their villages that he 
came back to the Tomahittans, his most direct route having been from 
the Ohio up the Big Sandy and eastward across the Alleghanies and 
the New River. The Tomahittan chief took him on another excursion. 
a sort of hunting trip. This carried them far away and they came 
again to the place where Needham had been murdered. They started 
back to Fort Henry May 10, 1674, but met with mishap at the Oconeechi 
town. The Tomahittans fled, leaving Arthur and a Spanish Indian boy. 
Arthur arrived at the house of Wood at Fort Henry on the i8th of 
June, 1674. The chief of the Tomahittans did not reach Fort Henry 
until the 20th of July, having come by the Totero town. 

° For a discussion of the claims of the English and the French and the dis- 
proval of the French claim, see The First Explorations of the Trans-Alleghany 
Region by the Virginians 1650-1674, by C. W. Alvord and Lee Bidgood. For the 
claims of LaSalle, see pages 24 and 25 of that work. 


The sum of geographic knowledge was not increased by the wander- 
ings of Xeedhani and Arthur, nor (Hd their adventures aid in the per- 
fecting the English title to the Ohio \allcy." 

There are many accounts of the journey of Jolm iVtcr Salley. or 
Sailing. I'.y one account, John Howard and his son, Josiah Howard, 
Charles Sinclair. John I'eter Salley and two other men. a company of 
six, set out from Salley's, at the forks of the James River, to 
exi)lore the country west of the Alleghany Mountains. In order to 
enlist Salley in this enterprise. Howard represented to him that he had 
.some kind of agreement with the authorities by which he was to receive 
for tliis .service i,(xx).(xx) acres of land and that he would share it with 
.Salley and the others if they went with him. ."^alley consented to go, 
and the company left his house on the if)th of M;ircli. 1742. They went 
to the New River, which they descended for some distance in a boat 
made of the hides of live buffaloes which they killed. They left the 
New River because of the falls and rapids and crossed over to Coals 
River, which they named from seeing much bituminous coal on that 
stream. They followed this river to the Kanawha, which they de- 
scended to the C)hio. They went down the Ohio to the Mississi])pi and 
were captured by the French and carried to New Orleans, where thev 
were thrown into jjrison. They were kept in prison a long time, but 
linally Salley escajjed and returned home by the way of Charleston, 
.•^outh Carolina, after an absence of more than three vears. 

In this year |i74';| France sent an expedition into the Ohio X'alley 
lo take anew, formal possession of the country. It was commanded 
by Ccloron de Hienville. and consisted of 14 officers and cadets. 20 sol- 
diers. 180 Canadians, and a band of Indians.* This company descended 
the Alleghany River lo the Ohio. Their formal acts consisted in ])ro- 
clainiing the country a dependency of France and in burying, on the 
banks of the Ohio, leaden plates on which were inscribed the declaration 
that the country of the Ohio Valley was French territory. On the 3d 
of August the first plate was buried at the "Forks of the Monongahela 
and Ohio."" On the i8th the fifth plate was buried on the point at 
the confluence of the Ohio and Great Kanawha rivers. The Great 
Kanawha was called the Chinondaichia River. The party reached the 
mouth of the Scioto on the 22d of August. Some time between these 
two dates they passed the mouth of the Big Sandy, most probably about 
the 20th. The chaplain and mathematician of the expedition was Father 
P.onnecamp, a Jesuit priest. From information recorded by him a map 
of the country traversed was prepared. It shows that observations were 
made and the latitude and longitude ascertained and noted on the Ohio 
side of the Ohio River, just above the mouth of the Big Sandy River 
and on the Kentucky side just below. 

' The letter of General Wood js published in The Fiist EA-florutions of the 
Tntns-Allc{ih(U\y Rct/inii by the Virghuans 16.^0-1674. 

8 Parkman, ^lontcalni and Wolfe. Vol. 2, p. .37. 

^Copy of the I.cndcn Plair Buried at the Porks of Mononqaheln and Ohio by 
Mons Celeron by it'iir of lakinri Po.tsessinii and as a MemoriaJ and Testimony thereof. 

In the year 1749, in the rei^n of Louis XV. Kinp; of France. Ste Celeron, com- 
mandant of a detachment .sent hy the Marquis de la Galissoniere, Commandant in 
Chief of N'evv France, to re-establish peace in certain villaRcs of the Indians of 
tlu-se districts, have buried this plate at the Three Rivers, below Le Bocuf River, 
this third of .AuRust. near the River Oyo. otherwise the Fair River, as a monument 
of the renewal of the possession that wc have taken of the said River Oyo. and of 
all those which fall into it. and of all the lands on both sides to the sources of the 
said rivers, as the precediuR Kines of France have enjoyed or oufiht to have en- 
joyed it: and which they have \ipheld by force of arms and by treaties, especially 
by those of Riswick, Utrecht and .Mx-la-Chapelle. — Gists Journals, 273, 274. 


When the English founded the settlement at Jamestown in 1607, that 
portion of the royal grant which was to become Kentucky was probably 
uninhabited, but remained at the disposition of the Lenape and the 
Mengwe as the result of the conquest they had made of the Alligwi or 
Tallegwi. If any tribes actually dwelt there, their presence was by per- 
mission of the conquerors, who had laid ruthless hands upon it 500' years 
before. In the reconquest of the Ohio country by the Iroquois in 1650 
to 1700, their campaigns had been largely or altogether on the north side 
of the Ohio River. The final battle, the bloody climax of the half-century 
struggle, was at the Falls of the Ohio and on the north bank of the 
stream, one evidence of which being the great quantities of human bones 
there when the whites first came into that region. This was almost an 
extermination, and it extended the Iroquoian empire south to the Ten- 
nessee. This fact was never disputed by the other tribes living west of 
the Appalachian Mountains. The Cherokees specifically acknowledged 
the ownership of the country south of the Ohio to be in the Six Nations 
at the treaty of Fort Stanwix in 1768. On their way to attend the coun- 
cil for making the treaty they killed deer for food. When they arrived 
at Fort Stanwix they immediately tendered the skins of these deer to the 
chiefs of the Six Nations, saying: "They are yours; we killed them 
after we passed the 'Big River,' " the name by which the Cherokees have 
always designated the Tennessee.' 

That the Six Nations had good title to the country south of the Ohio 
River to the Tennessee River by right of conquest there can be no doubt. 
John Lederer set down in 1669 in his General and Brief Account of the 
North American Continent of the Indians inhabiting the western parts 
of Carolina and Virginia that, "The Indians now seated in these parts 
are none of those which the English removed from Virginia, but a peo- 
ple driven by an enemy from the Northwest, and invited to sit down here 
by an oracle about four hundred years since, as they pretend."- These 
were the Cherokees. 

In commenting on the exploration of Batts and Fallam, 1671, John 
Mitchell, M. D., has this to say of the Shawnees : 

"The Indians they mean were the ancient Chawanoes or Choananons. 
who lived to the westward and Northwest of the Place that these Dis- 
coveries were at; and were at this Time, 1671, engaged in a hot and 
bloody war with the Iroquois, in which they were so closely pressed at 
this time that they were entirely extirpated or incorporated wath the 

' Civil and Political History of Tennessee, John Haywood, p. 30. Haywood adds : 
"The Six Nations claimed the soil by conquest, not as the aboriginal owners, and 
this is the traditionary account of their nation. Who were the aborigines, and whether 
they were all destroyed or driven from their possessions, and when these events 
happened, are left unfixed. But in 1750 they rested upon tradition, which at 
that time had lost the circumstantial details which belong to recent transactions. 
Certain it is, the whole country which they claimed was depopulated, and still 
retained the vestiges of an ancient and very numerous population." 

2 The First Exploration of the Trans-Allegheny Region by llie Virginians. C. 
W. Alvord and Lee Bidgood, 142. 


Vol. 1—8 


Iroquois the year following."^ In his Mfinorial to King William, 1699, 
Dr. Daniel Cox recites that : "Mr. Tonty, one of the French King's 
Governours in Canada, owns in his book, printed at Paris, That in the 
year 1679, when he was there, the Irocois were possessed of a Territory 
Extending from the Lower End of the Island of Montreal!, where the 
two great rivers meet which form the St. Lawrence of two hundred 
Leagues Extent, which is to the west end of Lake Erie. And elsewhere, 
that they have conquered the Miamihas and Illinois, Chavanoucs, three 
great Xations as far as the Kivcr Mcchaccbe, And that Northward they 
had con(|uered the Kicapous. Maschoutens. etc: for which and divers 
other ])assages in his liook which seemed to favour the English. * * * 
All these Countryes and all the Peninsula between the Leaks of Ontario, 
Erie and the llwrons a most beautiful and fruitful Country, Conquered 
before by the Irocois, and four great Nations Expelled were sold by 
them to the English Government of New York (which agreement or 
sale is now in the Plantati(jn Office) during the Government of Coll. 
Dungan at the lieginning of King James the 2d's Reign. These Countryes 
reach unto the North bounds of my patent and Mr. DeClerke in his 
Book of the I-'rench (lisco\eryes printed at Paris by order 1691 owns the 
Illinois were driven by the Irocois 1680 out of their Country and went 
to settle among the Ozages, who dwell west forty or tifty miles beyond 
the River Meschacebe." * 

So the evidence of a complete aboriginal title to the land on the south 
side of the Ohio in 17^8 in the Six Nations appears to be indisputable. 
This title covered the land south to the Tennessee River. Even the Chero- 
kees acknowledged that. This title was publicly asserted ; no secret, furtive 
or doubtful feature encumbered it. At the treaty of Lancaster, 1744, the 
Iroquois Chief Tachanoontia. in an oration, boldly proclaimed: "All the 
world knows we conquered the several nations living on Susquehannah, 
Cohongownton [Potomac], and on the back of the great mountains in 
\'irginia. The Conoy-uch-rooch [people], the Coh-no-was-ronaw, feel 
the effects of our conquests, being now a part of our nation and their 
lands at our disposal. As to what lies beyond the mountains, we con- 
quered the nations residing there, and the land, if the Virginians ever 
get a good right to it, it nnist be by us."-'' By the terms of the treaty 
of Lancaster, the luiglish considered the title to the country south of 
the Ohio transferred to the crown and from the crown to the colonies, 
according to the bounds of their charters. The Indians claimed that it 
was not their intention to cede these lands in that treaty. Settlers were 
crowding over the old lines set as the limits of their migration westward. 
])Oth the Indians and the colonies knew they would not be restrained. 
The need for a new treaty and the drawing of a new line to give the 
settlers more room was ap]iarcnt to all. Early in the year 1768 Sir Wil- 
liam Johnson received from the king's ministers instructions to proceed 
with the matter of purchasing from the Indians the lands west of the 
Alleghany Mountains and the Ohio River. The first step was to send 
notice of the action of the crown to the governors of the colonies which 
would be affected by this addition to their territory of Indian-free lands 
of the time and place of the treaty to be held for this purpose. lie then 
informed the Six Nations, the Delawares and other tribes having inter- 
ests or residing on the Ohio that this council or congress would be con- 
vened and held at b'ort Stanwix, in New York, in the following fall. 

' Ibid., p. 199. 

* Ibid., pp. 231, 232, 233, 234, 235. Ill a note on page 234 it is .stated that the 
book referred to was ascribed to Tonty, but denied by him. Its title was Dcrnieres 
dccouvcrtc: dans r.-lmeriquc .■icfloilrionalc dc M. dc la Sallr. It was published 
in 1607, not 1679. •'^'i EnRlish translation was pul)lished at London, i6')8. 

° Sec Chrislnphcr Gist'.': Journals, Darlington, p. 143. References to the Treaty 
of I^ncaster are there given. 


In pursuance of this notice the parties assembled at Fort Stanwix in 
October, 1768. The council was opened on the 24th of October. It was 
presided over by Sir William Johnson, who was the representative of the 
king and superintendent of Indian affairs for all the English colonies. 
George Croghan and Daniel Claus were present as deputy agents, and 
Guy Johnson, also a deputy agent, acted as secretary of the council. New 
Jersey, Virginia and Pennsylvania were represented by accredited dele- 
gates, the commissioner from Virginia being Dr. Thomas Walker. 
Chiefs of each one of the tribes of the Six Nations were present, and two 
Delaware chiefs were present. While the official records fail to show 
them present, it is known that chiefs and principal men of other Indian 
tribes were present — for one, the Cherokees. Andrew Montour was one 
of the interpreters for the crown. Sir William Johnson opened the 
council and addressed the Indians through Abraham, the principal chief 
of the Mohawks. He called attention to the desire of the crown to fix a 
boundary between the colonies and the Indians as much as three years 
before, and recounted the reasons for this desire. The principal reason 
was the encroachment of the white settlers on the Indians lands — a con- 
dition which has not disappeared even down to this day. At the con- 
clusion of his address. Chief Abraham made an address of a few words 
to Sir William, telling him that the matter was a weighty affair, and that 
the chiefs had resolved to retire and consult on a proper answer to all 
he had said. As soon as it had been determined what answer to make, 
notice would be given, so that all might assemble to hear it. 

On the 31st day of October a deputation from the Six Nations waited 
upon Sir William and informed him that a chief and a warrior from 
each nation would attend and deliver their final resolves, to be made 
public on the following day. They said also that, as it was their just 
right, they had determined to begin the line at Cherokee River, as they 
called the Tennessee. The council assembled on the ist day of November 
and the Indians desired to know whether Sir William was prepared to 
hear what they had to say. Being assured that he was, their speaker 
stood up and delivered the result of their deliberations. After recount- 
ing the proceedings theretofore had on the part of both sides, the boun- 
dary agreed to by the Indians in councils among themselves was set out. 
This line was the Ohio River from the mouth of the Tennessee to Fort 
Pitt, thence by other courses to its eastern termination. The deed or 
grant embodying the cession by the Indians was executed on the 5th day 
of November and recited that, "We, the sachems and chiefs of the Six 
Confederate Nations, and of the Shawnesse, Delawares, Mingoes of the 
Ohio, and other dependent tribes, on behalf of ourselves and of the rest 
of our several nations, the chiefs and warriors of whom are now con- 
vened * * * do grant, bargain, sell, release and confirm, unto our 
said sovereign lord King George the Third, all that tract of land situate 
in North America, at the back of the British settlements, bounded by 
a line which we have now agreed upon, and do hereby establish as the 
Boundary between us and the British colonies in America; beginning at 
the mouth of the Cherokee or Hogohege river, where it empties into the 
river Ohio ; and running from thence upwards along the south side of 
the said river to Kitanning. which is above Fort Pitt ; from thence by 
a direct line to the nearest fork of the west branch of Susquehannah ; 
thence through the Alleghany mountains, along the south side of the said 
west branch, till it come opposite to the mouth of a creek called Tiadagh- 
ton; thence across the west branch, and along the south side of that 
creek, and along the north side of Burnet's hills, to a creek called 
Awandae ; thence down the same to the east branch of Susquehannah, 
and across the same, and up the east side of that river to Owegy; from 
thence east to Delaware river, and up that river to opposite to where 

52 IIISIOKV ()[■' Ki:\'TUCKV 

Tianaderha falls into Susquehannah ; thence to Tianaderha, and up the 
west side thereof and the west side of its west branch to the head thereof ; 
and thence by a direct line to Canada creek, where it empties into Wood 
creek, at the west end of the carrying place beyond Fort Stanwix, and 
extending eastward from every part of ihe said line, as far as the lands 
formerly ])urchased, so as to comprehend the whole of the lands between 
the said line and the purchased lands or settlements, except what is 
within the province of Pennsylvania." 

I'rcliminary to the granting clause the grantors, the Indians, declare 
in relation to the land about to be conveyed, and the line bounding it on 
the north : "We have likewise continued it south to the Cherokee River, 
because the same is, and we do declare it to be, our true bounds with the 
southern Indians, and that we have an undoubted right to the country 
as far south as that river." 

Thus was the Indian title extinguished to the land soon to become 
the State of Kentucky, excej^t that portion later known as the Jackson 
Purchase — the territory west of the Tennessee, which was secured from 
the Chickasaws. 

The Cherokees occupied the valleys of the Clinch and the Ilolston 
and other head branches of the Tennessee. It was necessary to deal 
with them in the westward expansion of the English in Virginia to the 
westward. For the protection of the settlers on the extreme frontier 
it became necessary from time to time to fix lines beyond which they 
should not settle. These lines were measures for the prevention of 
Indian forays and reprisals, and the Indians were always consulted. In 
this way the Cherokees began to consider themselves the owners and 
proprietors of lands to which they had no title — among them the lands 
in w-hich was to become Kentucky. Exhaustive research has failed to 
reveal any ownership by the Cherokees to what is now Kentucky, even 
when they were the Tallegwi and seated in Ohio. They did not at that 
time retreat south through Kentucky when expelled by the Iroquois and 
Lenapc, but passed up the Kanawha. So far as revealed by any record 
examined, there is nothing ujjon which the Cherokees could formulate a 
claim to any ])art of Kentucky. There is a contention that the fixing of 
these lines to restrain westward settlement from lime to time forfeited 
the English title and vested it in the Cherokees." 

" R. S. Cotterill, in hi,s article on Transylvania, in liis History of Pioneer Ken- 
tucky. Tlic soundness of the title of the Six Nations is admitted. But, lie says, 
"the title to Kentucky was ceded to the Enylish and not to Virc/inia. Virginia had 
no more riglit to the country than before. England had acquired the right of 
eminent domain." Tlien, it is contended, at tlie treaty of Hard Labor and 
tliat of Lochabar, the Clierokees were confirmed in the possession of all the 
lands west of the lines fixed by these treaties. It is a little difl^icult to 
follcivv this reasoning. It is claimed that Virginia did not own any of this western 
land— that the English Government did own it. By an agreement on a line beyond 
which settlers should not go Virginia established in land she did not own a valid 
title to it in the Cherokees. It is thus made out that the Cherokee title was not 
based on occuiiation, for the Cherokees never occupied the land, but that it is based 
on treaty action by Virginia, who never owned the land — an odd way to secure 
a title to land. Virginia never had ibe remotest intention of alienating her posses- 
sions to the Cherokees. .And here is encountered another contention. The ancient 
boun<ls of Vii'gini.i were JOO miles north and 200 miles south of Old Point 
Comfort, miming from sea to sea — that is from the .Atlantic to the Pacific. The 
History of Pioneer Kentucky holds that the abrogation of the Virginia charter 
in 1624 left Virginia without any bounds whatever. But it is the opinion of Mr. 
Cooke that — "This was the original cliarter under which Virginia held at the time 
of the formation of the Federal Constitution in 1788. — Virginia, by John Esten 
Cooke, in American Commonwealths, p. 15. ".Sir Francis Wyatt was confirmed in 
his office, and himself and council only authorized to govern within the same 
limits as any previous governor." — flistory of Virginia, T. S. Arthur and \V. II. 
Carjienter, p. 149. 

Whatever modification of Ihe original bounds of Virginia were made came 
only after long contention with other colonies. These old bounds were recog- 


The treaty relations of the Cherokees with the colonies began in 1721. 
The French began to exercise an influence over them about that time. 
Governor Nicholson of South Carolina invited the Cherokees to a general 
council. Chiefs and warriors from thirty-seven of the Cherokee towns 
attended. Boundaries were fixed, presents distributed and the Indians 
returned home satisfied. The governor appointed an agent to superin- 
tend the aft'airs of the Cherokees. 

In 1730 the government of North Carolina sent Sir Alexander Cum- 
ming to make a treaty with the Cherokees. The council was held in 
April near the sources of the Hiwassa. Not only did these Indians 
acknowledge the sovereignty of King George, but they sent a delegation 
consisting of six of their warriors to carry the crown of the Cherokee 
Nation to England and there perform an act of homage to the king. In 
addition to the performance of this act of homage, they concluded a 
treaty of peace and commerce at Dover on the 30th of June, in which 
they stipulated: 

1. To submit to the sovereignty of the king and his successors. 

2. Not to trade with any other nation but the English. 

3. Not to permit any but the English to build forts or cabins or plant 
corn among them. 

4. To apprehend and deliver runaway negroes. 

3. To surrender any Indian killing an Englishman. 

In 1755, to prevent an alliance between the Cherokees and the French, 
Governor Glenn of South Carolina held a treaty with the Cherokees. 
They ceded a large tract of land between the Broad and Catawba rivers. 

This treaty was followed by another, which was concluded in 1756 
with South Carolina. This treaty was with both the Cherokees and the 
Catawbas. Pursuant to its temis, Governor Glenn erected a chain of 
forts on his western frontier and erected Fort Loudon on the Tennessee 
River at the mouth of the Tellico. 

Capt. Patrick Jack, of Pennsylvania, purchased from the Cherokees 
a tract of land fifteen miles square, south of the Tennessee. This was 
not confirmed until 1762, when it was agreed to at a council held i\Iay 7 
at Catawba River. 

In 1760 the Cherokees joined the French interest. The French and 
English were at war. It was necessary to lake measures for the defense 
of the colonies, and Governor Littelton of South Carolina invaded their 
country and defeated them. Later in the year he concluded a treaty 
with them. They enlisted in the English interest and agreed to kill or 
imprison all French who should come among them. This treaty they 
did not observe. In 1761 Colonel Grant was sent into the Cherokee 
country with a considerable force. He destroyed fifteen of their towns. 
They then asked for a truce, which was granted. A treaty was made 
with them, at Ashley's Ferry, near Charleston, by which the boundary 
of English settlement was fixed at the headwaters of the streams flowing 
into the Atlantic. 

nized by the United States. Virginia formed counties north of the Ohio by right 
of her bounds as set out in the oldest charter. And it never has been held that 
defining an Indian reservation destroyed the title of the government to the land 
upon which the Indians were permitted to live. Prof. Alvord says, in speaking 
of the treaty of Fort Stanwix, "An examination of the correspondence of the 
period has led one to believe that it was not generally thought, at this time that 
the Indian boundary line marked the western limits of the colonies." — C. W. Alvord 
in article on "The British Ministry and the Treaty of Fort Stanwix, in Proceed- 
ings of the State Historical Society nf JVisconsin. igo8, p. 182. 

The distinction between the ownership of the country by the Crown and the 
colony was emphasized by the earl5' writers. See Appendix to Butler's History 
of Kentucky. But it is was a distinction without a difference. The English gov- 
ernment never insisted on this feature, but labored diligently and frequently to adjust 
boundary disputes between the colonies. 

So, in fact, the Cherokee never had the shadow of title to the soil of Kentucky. 


In 1768 conditions liad so changed that it was necessary to readjust 
the line between the ever-growing western settlements and the Cherokees, 
if an Indian war was to be avoided. Stuart, the superintendent of 
Indian affairs, convened the chiefs and warriors at Hard Labor, South 
CaroHna, and concluded a treaty with them. The line was fixed as 
follows: Beginning on the North Carolina line thirty-six miles east of 
the Long Island in the Holston, thence to Chiswell's lead mines on the 
east bank of the Kanawha River. Thence the line followed the Kanawha 
River to the Ohio. This was the year of the treaty of Fort Stanwix, 
where the Cherokees had admitted the title of the Six Nations to the 
land south to the Tennessee River. 

By the year 1770 there were hundreds of settlers west of the lines 
fixed in 1768. The Cherokees knew as well as did the colonics and their 
western inhabitants that these lines were only for the time being— very 
temporary. Governor Botetourt of Virginia moved for a new line. He 
called on his commissioners to make representations to Stuart, of South 
Carolina, who called a council of the chiefs and warriors of the Chero- 
kees at Lochabar, in his colony. In the treaty concluded there the line 
was fixed to run from a point six miles east of the Long Island in a 
direct course to the mouth of the Kanawha River. This line included a 
very small tract in the extreme east end of Kentucky. Had it ever been 
run it would have entered Kentucky northeast of the "Breaks" and have 
passed out above the mouth of Pigeon Creek, on the Tug Fork. But the 
line was never laid down as provided in the treaty. It was surveyed by 
Col. John Donelson in the fall of 1771. Little Carpenter and other chiefs 
who had aided in negotiating the treaty went with Colonel Donelson to 
locate and mark the line. They urged that the line be run directly to 
the head of the Kentucky River, thence with that stream to the Ohio 
River, and thence up the Ohio to the mouth of the Kanawha. They said 
they preferred natural boundary lines; a line cutting across hills and 
streams was hard to keep in mind, often being violated unintentionally. 
The additional territory secured by Virginia by change in the line to 
the Kentucky River the Cherokees expected pay for, altliough they knew 
they did not own it, having been present at and assenting to its sale at 
Fort Stanwix only three years before. The next year (1772) Virginia 
had the matter under discussion with the Cherokee chiefs, and the line 
as surveyed by Colonel Donelson was allowed to stand as the boundary 
line. It is said, however, that the Cherokees were paid nothing in addi- 
tion for this change, as they should not have been. By this new line 
all that part of Kentucky cast of the Kentucky River, heading near the 
Pound Gap, was again acquired by Virginia from the Indians. The 
Indian title to this part of the state had thus been twice extinguished. 

I" ^77^ (March 17), Col. Richard Henderson, of North Carolina, 
and his eight associates concluded a treaty at Sycamore Shoals, on the 
Watauga, with some of the Cherokee chiefs. This treaty was not author- 
ized by any government, but was made by Henderson and his associates 
in their private capacity and for their private benefit. Two tracts of land 
were secured from the Indians, one in Northeastern Tennessee and 
Southwestern Virginia, and the other in Kentucky and Tennessee. The 
land covered by the grant in Kentucky embraced all that territory west 
of the Donelson line and east of the Cumberland River — that is, between 
the Kentucky River and its North Fork and the Cumberland. It in- 
cluded almost all of Central and Western Kentucky and nuich of North- 
Central Tennessee. All such purchases had been forbidden by the crown. 
Virginia did not recognize the purchase as valid, but, as the Indians had 
received pay for the land, it was regarded as binding as to their interests. 
So the Indian title to this portion of Kentucky was extinguished for the 
second time. Colonel Henderson and his associates were given by Vir- 


ginia a tract of 200,000 acres of land in Kentucky on the Ohio, about 
the mouth of Green River. 

The next treaty with the Cherokees affecting land in Kentucky was 
by the United States at Hopewell. The commissioners on the part of 
the Government made known to the Indians the change which had re- 
sulted by the success of the Revolution, explaining that the Government 
of the United States stood, so far as they were concerned, in the place 
of the crown. They requested the Cherokees to state what lands they 
owned and what they would dispose of. In the map which the chiefs 
submitted to the commissioners the limits of their possessions included 
most of Kentucky and Tennessee and large parts of Georgia, North 
Carolina and South Carolina. Selling land they did not own had proven 
profitable, and they now desired to sell Kentucky a second time. The 
commissioners brought to their attention their sale to Henderson, saying 
that as Colonel Henderson was now dead, that matter could not be 
considered. The chiefs then abandoned their claim to the Henderson 
Purchase. By the treaty concluded they ceded the lands on the south 
water-shed of the Cumberland River. Two tracts in this cession were 
in Kentucky. One was the land on all the waters flowing into the 
Cumberland and on its west side from its mouth south to the state-line. 
The other tract was bounded on the west and north by the Cumberland 
River, on the south by the state-line, and on the east by General Win- 
chester's line. This line is described as follows : 

"From Walton's road to the Fort Blount road, which it crosses near 
the two springs at the 32-mile tree ; crosses Obey's River about 6 or 7 
miles from the mouth ; Achmugh about 2 miles above the Salt Lick ; the 
South Fork of Cumberland, or Flute River, 5 or 6 miles from the mouth 
and struck Cumberland River about a mile above the mouth of Rock 

This tract is mostly in Clinton, Cumberland, Wayne and McCreary 

On the 25th of October, 1805, a treaty was held with the Cherokees 
at Tellico, Tennessee. In this treaty the Cherokees ceded all their lands 
north of a line beginning at the mouth of Duck River and up the main 
stream of the same to the junction of the fork at the head of which 
Fort Nash stood, with the main south fork. Thence a direct course to 
a point on the Tennessee River bank opposite the mouth of Hiwassa 
River. This included all the land remaining as claimed by the Cherokees 
in Southeastern Kentucky. It is largely occupied by Whitley, Bell and 
McCreary counties. If the Cherokees made any claim to any land on 
the Tennessee between that river and the ridge dividing its waters from 
that of the Cumberland, north to the Ohio, this treaty divested them of it. 

In this relation, however, it may be said that the Cherokees never 
positively asserted any claim to the small tract on the east side of the 
Tennessee and up to the main ridge between it and the Cumberland. 
This small tract of Kentucky soil was obtained in a treaty with the 
Chickasaws held on the 23d of July, 1805. Much other land in Ten- 
nessee was ceded at the same time. Thus for the second time was the 
Indian title extinguished to the tract on the east side of the Tennessee, 
west of the dividing ridge separating the waters of the Tennessee from 
those of the Cumberland, and between the Ohio and the south line of 
the state. 

All that remained to the Indians in the State of Kentucky after the 
treaty with the Chickasaws of July 23, 1805, was that portion lying 
west of the Tennessee River. This tract belonged to the Chickasaws. A 
treaty was held with them on the 19th of October, 1819, near Old Town, 
in their country. The commissioners on the part of the United States 
were Isaac Shelby and Andrew Jackson. The Chickasaws ceded to the 


United States a tract ui land hnundcil as follows: "Beginning on the 
Tennessee river, about tliirty-tive miles, by water, below Colonel Cjeorge 
Colberts's ferry, where the thirty-fifth degree of north latitude strikes 
the same ; thence due west, with said degree of north latitude to where 
it cuts the Mississippi river at or near the Chickasaw Bluffs; thence up 
the Mississippi river to the mouth of the Ohio; thence up the Ohio river 
to the mouth of Tennessee river; thence up the Tennessee river to the 
place of beginning." 

This cession completed the extinguishment of the Indian title to the 
soil of Kentucky. 

The land included in this last cession became known as the "Jackson 
Purchase," which designation it bears to this day. 

Considered in the terms, values and conditions of the present time, 
the consideration paid the Indians for their title to the land of Kentucky 
was insigniticant. But it must be remembered that none of these tribes 
dccupicfl these lands. They were non-residents. And the Cherokees 
had no title. There had been a time when the Six Nations considered 
the possibility of settling in Kentucky. Whether they ever seriously 
contemplated this change of residence is not known. But among the 
W'estern tribes this possibility was recognized, and to those of the kindred 
blood of the Iroquois this great unoccupied tract became known as the 
Lami of Tomorroiv — the future — a designation of beauty, of romance, 
of ])rogress. Kentucky has a glorious past. That inspires determination 
for a brilliant future. Her ideals for tomorrow may be unattainable. 
The_\- sliould be. LSut their inspiration produces effort, hope, and a lively 
interest in what that Coming Day may hold." 

'Authorities, not specifically named in this chapter, have mainly been the 
various volumes of treaties with the Indians. For the Cherokees and their ces- 
sions, the Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1SSS-S4, is the best work 


The explorations to the westward from the Virginia settlements 
toward the Ohio country were, down to 1750, for the purpose of dis- 
covery. The English colonists never doubted the validity of the English 
title to any portion of the land embraced in the Virginia grants from 
sea to sea. When a tour of discovery was made, it was to find out the 
nature and possibilities of their own property. 

About the year 1750 the lands on the waters of the Ohio began to 
be considered available for exploitation, with the object of settlement. 
Prior to 1748 Col. James Patton and his associates had secured a grant 
of 120,000 acres situated on and about the watershed of the Staunton. 
Here, on the Great Divide, on land secured from Colonel Patton, the 
Draper's Meadows settlement was established in 1748. Colonel Pat- 
ton must have been pleased with his frontier investment, for in the year 
1748 he went on a tour of inspection into Southwestern Virginia, un- 
doubtedly with the design of finding additional land suitable for col- 
onization. Dr. Thomas Walker, Col. John Buchanan, a Colonel Wood, 
and Maj. Charles Campbell — perhaps others — went with him. They 
followed the Holston down into the Cherokee country. These men 
were Virginians seeking land in Virginia, but, as the line between Vir- 
ginia and North Carolina had not been surveyed at that time, there was 
uncertainty as to the ownership of the lands examined. There has been 
some disposition to attribute to Doctor Walker the exploration of the 
country about the Cumberland Gap on this expedition, but no evidence 
has been found to support this contention. ^ 

The Loyal Land Company was organized in 1749. It secured a 
grant of 800,000 acres of land, to be located in that portion of Virginia 
which became Kentucky. The fame of Doctor Walker as a surveyor, 
examiner and judge of frontier lands brought him to the attention of 
this company. On the 12th of December, 1749, he entered into a con- 
tract with the company to explore the country west of the Cumberlands 
in search of a suitable location upon which to lay the warrant for this 
immense grant.^ 

1 Dr. Thomas Walker was born in King and Queen County, Virginia, January 
25, 1715. He died at his home, Castle Hill, Albemarle County, Virginia, November 
9, 1794. He. was a man of enterprise and public spirit and in his day filled many 
positions of public trust in the Virginia Colony. He became a surveyor and made 
himself familiar with the country to the west of the Virginia settlements of his time. 
His knowledge of the western country was frequently utilized by the Government. 
He was sent as commissioner to negotiate treaties where the interests of Virginia and 
other English colonies required men of the broadest knowledge. One of the most 
important treaties ever concluded with the Indians was that of Fort Stanwix, in New 
York. Here the English secured the Indian title to the lands South of the Ohio, 
including most of what is now Kentucky. In 1750, Doctor Walker and others made 
an extensive exploration in Eastern and Southeastern Kentucky. Many of the 
eminent families of Virginia and Kentucky are descended from Dr. Thomas Walker. 

2 The opening sentence of his Journal says that — "Having, on the 12th of De- 
cember last, been employed for a certain consideration to go to the Westward in 
order to discover a proper Place for a Settlement," etc. See the Journal of Dr. 
Thomas Walker in first Explorations of Kentucky, a Filson Club publication by 
J. Stoddard Johnston. Published in 1898. 



Doctor Walker .set uut uii this tuiir from his home at Castle Hill, 
near Charlottesville, on the 6th day of March, 1750. There went with 
him, in what capacity is not exactly shown, Ambrose Powell, William 
Tomlinson, Colby Chew, Henry Lawless and John Hughes. The com- 
pany was mounted, and there were two pack-horses to carry the baggage. 
That night the party stopped with Colonel Joshua Fry. The 7th proved 
a rainy day and, although the party got under way at eight o'clock, not 
much progress was made. The night was spent with Thomas Joplin, 
on Rocktish River. The weather continued unfavorable and traveling 
was rendered difficult. On the 13th they were at the home of William 
Calloway, where they supj)lied themselves with rum, thread, and other 
articles necessary to wilderness travel. At night they stopped with 
one Adam Beard, a "brutish fellow," who thought to have them arrested 
or "taken up," as the term was then and as it still is in all the country 
of the Appalachians. The Blue Ridge was crossed on the 14th. On 
the 15th corn for their horses was purchased of Michael Campbell, and 
a country noted for wild game was seen and described. They found 
that the buffalo had been killed for wanton sport and that the deer 
and elk had been slain for their hides. On the i6th of March the party 
reached the home of William Ingles, who had married Mary Draper, 
of the Draper Settlement, and whose marriage was the first solemnized 
in the Mississippi Valley between English-speaking people. Ingles had 
a mill on the headwaters of the Staunton. Five years later the Shawnees 
attacked his house and carried away his wife and children.^ 

The New River was crossed on the 17th. On the west bank lived 
a colony of Dunkards, and this colony had built a mill there. The river 
was 400 yards wide, and the explorers were compelled to swim their 
horses over the stream, which was probably done in the Appalachian 
way — the reins held by those standing in a canoe paddled by one sitting 
at the stern, and the horses swimming with the craft and on the lower 
side. William Ingles afterwards established a ferry at this point, which 
later, in the day of westward migration, became famous as Ingles' Ferry. 
His descendants still live there. The explorers found the Dunkards 
very hospitable and, owing to the straying of their horses, they did 
not get away from this point until the 20th. The camp on the 21st was 
on Reedy Creek, a tributary of the New River which heads a little west 
of Wytheville. Doctor Walker stopped at the home of James McCall, 
of whom he purchased a supply of bacon. The Great Divide between 
the waters of the New River and the Holston, one of the main branches 
of the Tennessee — all tributary to the Ohio — was crossed on the 22d of 
March. The camp was made some five miles "below Davises Bottom" 
on the Holston, where there was a large spring. The course on the 23d 
was down the Holston, but only for four or five miles. Doctor Walker 
and Ambrose Powell went from the camp to find one Samuel Stalnaker, 
who had just moved into that wilderness to settle. His camp was found, 
and on the 24111 the party went to his place and helped him to raise 
his house. Stalnaker was a trader to the Cherokee Indians, then living 
on the Tennessee and its branches. Doctor Walker had met him going 
on one of his trading expeditions in 1748 and tried to engage him as 
guide, but Stalnaker could not go with him. No settler's cabin lay 
west of that of Stalnaker. At that day he was the Johnny Groat of 
the Western wilderness. 

From Stalnaker's the explorers turned west. On the 26th, camp was 
made at a large spring on a branch of the North Fork of the Holston. 
It stormed. There was thunder and lightning, and on the morning of 
the 27th snow was falling, and it did not cease until noon. This day 
the mountain-tops to the northwest were covered with snow. On the 

» See Chapter of this work on Mrs. Mary Ingles for an account of this incident. 


28th another stream named Reedy Creek was reached. This stream 
empties into the Holston at the foot of the Long Island. The night of 
the 29th the dogs of the party were excited and uneasy. The cause 
was found the next day, when tracks of some twenty Indians were 
discovered. The Indians had gone up the creek during the night. On 
the 30th two young buffaloes were caught, one of which was killed for 
food and the other permitted to go. At the mouth of Reedy Creek 
a giant elm tree was seen. Three feet above the ground it measured 
twenty-five feet around. The young of the wild duck were seen on 
the 31st. The North Fork was reached at its junction with the main 
stream and ascended a short distance to a ford, where it was crossed. 
On the land in the forks of the Holston five Indian houses built of logs 
and covered with bark were seen. They were abandoned, and pots and 
pans lay scattered about, some broken and some sound and good. Bones 
were abundant. On the west side of the North Fork stood four other 
Indian houses of the same kind. Four miles down the Holston, on the 
east bank, was a large Indian fort, opposite which the party camped 
for the night. The houses and the fort were buildings of the Chero- 
kees, to whom this country belonged. 

The first day of April was the Sabbath. Doctor Walker was a strict 
observer of the day. The party remained in camp, and the doctor cut 
his name and the date on a number of beech trees. Little progress 
was made on the second, one of their horses becoming sick from hav- 
ing eaten too much of the cane from which the pioneers made the stems 
for their pipes. The following day a mountain range rose to vision to 
the westward. Its sides were precipitous, and its top was a wall of 
gleaming white sandstone. It was flanked by out-liers of much inferior 
size. Search for a gap or notch in the range failed to reveal one. 
The party slept under the range on the 4th, riding down its eastern 
flank and keeping close observation, hoping for a gap through which, 
it might be passed. This was found on the 5th about three in the 
afternoon, when the passage was efTected. This was probably through 
Looney's Gap, a breaking down of Clinch Mountain. The camp was 
on a small branch, now called Greasy Creek, and only a mile from the 
top of the mountain. Doctor Walker's riding horse became choked on 
the cane and had to be drenched. On the 6th it rained and camp was 
not broken, and but eight miles was made on the 7th because of the 
snow, which was falling most of the day. The dogs caught a large 
bear, and in the fight one of the dogs was so injured that he could not 
travel, but had to be carried on horseback. It snowed on the 8th, which 
was the Sabbath. On the 9th Clinch River was reached at a point 
near the present Sneedville, Hancock County, Tennessee. Doctor 
Walker notes that this river was well known to the hunters and that 
it had been named for one of them. The river was too deep to be 
forded by the pack-horses, so the baggage was carried over on a raft, 
which they hastily constructed and which failed to float high enough to 
carry articles dry after the first trip. On the loth the remainder of 
the baggage was carried over by the men, who waded the river for 
that purpose. The river was about 130 yards wide. Camp was made 
five miles down, on the west bank. A high mountain was crossed on 
the nth, bringing the party to a stream they called Turkey Creek, now 
Big Sycamore Creek. The creek was descended four miles, and it lay 
between two high mountains. The way on the 12th led still down this 
stream. Two miles brought the party to a large stream coming in 
through the east mountain, making a pass. This branch was followed 
over a large bufifalo road or path, which led the party over the 
mountain, four miles beyond which they found a large stream which 
they called Beargrass River. It was about seventy yards wide. Later 


the Long Hunters named it TuuiH's River, from finding the name 
"A. Powell" cut on a beech tree on its banks. Doctor Walker declares 
tlie water in it was the most transparent he had ever seen. 

On the 13th of April Doctor Walker and his companions came to 
that remarkable depression now known as Cumberland Gap. It either 
already bore the name of Cave Gap or else Doctor Walker then and 
there gave it that name. He describes the physical features surrounding 
this gap with more minuteness than is usual with him. That the gap 
was at that time well known to hunters and explorers was made iilain 
by Doctor Walker. Laurel trees were found marked with crosses, with 
blazed sides, and with other figures. The nuumtain to the north was 
stec]) and was named by the party the "Steei) Ridge."* The party 
I)assed through the gap and to Mat Creek, now Yellow Creek, after 
having traveled thirteen miles. On the bank of Yellow Creek they 
found good coal. The Indian road — the great Warrior's Path — led 
down this creek, and it was followed five miles on the 14th. Although 
the 15th was the Sabbath, they went along the Indian road to Clover 
Creek, seemingly so called because of the abundance of clover which 
they found growing there. It is now Clear Creek. Rain kept them in 
camp on the lOth, which time Doctor Walker improved by making 
himself a pair of moccasins. And as the rain continued on the 17th. 
cam]) was not broken. It was on this day that Doctor Walker went 
bunting and, a mile below the camp, found that Clove (Clear) Creek 
emjitied into a river, which he named Cumberland River — the first men- 
tion of the name "Cumberland" in his Journal. On the i8lh the party 
followed the Indian road down the creek to the river. The W^arrior's 
P^ath was still followed to the point where it crossed the river. This 
was the crossing so long kn(jwn (and yet known) as the Cumberland 
•Ford, one of the historic crossings in America. It is just below the 
Pineville station on the Louisville and Naslnille Railroad and the bridge 
which crosses from it to Pineville. The Warrior's Path crossed there 
— had crossed there for generations. Indian conquest many centuries 
back may have followed down to this most remarkable ford. Battles 
may have been fought then for its possession. There is little doubt 
that defeated and broken tribes were hurled across it by the Irocpiois 
in their conquest of the Ohio V'alley between ir)5o and 1700. The Wil- 
derness Road marked by I'oone in 1775, largely over the Warrior's 
Path, crossed here after coming through the (iap in the Cuniberlaiuls. 
And here crossed those hordes of settlers coming out of the older com- 
munities to find new homes in a new land. And as they passed these 
everlasting gates they became freer men. Their vision broadened, their 
independence hardened. And these bore fruit on the park-like plains 

■* And licrc we come to one of those conunonly accepted statements .so often 
found in history. It has been asserted, and without cliallenge apparently, tliat Doctor 
Walker named this great range of mountains the Cumherland Mountains, and tlie 
gap the Cumberland Ga|). They l)car these names to tliis day. The truth is that 
he did no such tiling. He found the gap named Cave Gap and left it with that name. 
He named Cumherland Mountain Steep Ridge. These facts arc very plainly stated 
in his Journal. And it must be asserted here that Doctor Walker did not bestow 
the name "Cumberland" on either the Cumberland (iap or the Cumberland Moun- 
tains. On the I7tli of April he discovered and named Cumberland Kiver. It is said 
that he bestowed this name in lionor of William Augustus, Duke of Cumberland, 
son of George II and Queen Caroline. He was the "Bloody Duke." Byron called 
him "The Butcher." At the battle of Culloden he defeated the Highlanders who 
favored the Pretender. He spared neither the wounded nor the prisoners. They 
were murdered. William E. ConneMey, the author, had two ancestors in the 
Highlander ranks, both wounded, striiJjied and left for dead on tlie bloody field. 
They revived and finallly got out of Scotland and to North Carolina. 

It may be admitted that Doctor Walker named this gap and this major moun- 
tain range by indirection. His name of the Cumberland River stuck, and from 
it, more than likely, the name "Cumljerland" later attached to Cumberland Gap 
and Cumberland Mountains. 


of what became Kentucky in the development of the first real democ- 
racy the world ever saw. 

The explorers were on the south or west side of the Cumberland. 
On the 19th of Aj^ril thev went seven miles, having left the river, but 
coming to it again in four miles at the mouth of Licking Creek, probably 
the Brushy Creek of this day. In the fork of this creek they found a 
large lick, which was much used by the buffalo, the elk and the deer. 
The roads leading to it were large and evidently well-beaten. In an 
encounter with a bear in the afternoon of this day Ambrose Powell 
was bitten on the knee. On the 20th the party rode down the creek 
two miles to the river, which was not wider than at the mouth of Clear 
Creek (or' Clover Creek, as they had called it), but much deeper. 
Doctor \\'alker thought best to cross the river here and take the north 
bank. He nmst have come to this conclusion when he found that the 
river was turning to the south or southwest. There was no ford, and. 
as the stream was dec]), it was necessary to make a canoe. One could 
be made of bark more quickly than from wood, so bark was the mate- 
rial chosen. It was completed in the morning of the 21st and found 
satisfactory after trial. At noon a thunderstorm broke over the land 
and continued for hours. The 22d was the Sabbath. One of the horses 
was unable to walk. This would detain them for a time, and Doctor 
Walker proposed that he and two members of the party, to be chosen 
by lot, should proceed with the exploration, while the others should 
remain in camp, build a house and plant some peach stones. The lots 
fell upon Ambrose Powell and Colby Chew. 

The baggage was carried over the river in the canoe on Monday, 
the 23d. The horses were made to swim as they had been made to 
swim at the New River. This crossing was made some five or si.x miles 
below the present Town of Pjarbourvilie. jirobably below the bend where 
the river turns to the south. After the crossing was safely made, 
W'alker, Powell and Chew departed. The others were to put up the 
cabin and kill and salt some bears. The three who went on to continue 
the exploration traveled twelve miles and camped on what they named 
Crooked Creek, a stream not now identified. They had passed beyond 
the coal measures and had come into flat poor lands. On the 24th 
eighteen miles were made. Poor land was encountered, and along the 
streams there was much laurel and ivy. No pasturage for the horses 
was found, and a fresh Indian trail was seen and followed for a time. 
The party went to the west on the 25th for a distance of five miles. The 
laurel, or rhododendron, was becoming thicker on the ground, and food 
was running low. Doctor Walker climbed a tree and from the height 
surveyed the country, which did not change in appearance so far as 
he could see. From this point it was determined to return. The track 
was retracerl for a mile, when the party turned south toward the Cum- 
berland, which was reached at the mouth of Rocky Creek, probably now 
Watts Creek, falling into the river below Williamsburg. Whitley County, 
lielow the mouth of the creek was found an ash tree marked T. W., a 
red oak marked A. 1'., a white hickory marked C. C, and a number of 
trees were blazed on diliferent sides, with three chops above each blaze.. 
All showing that English explorers had been there long before them. 
The party went up the river eight miles and camped. In a fight with 
a bear, a dog belonging to Doctor Walker had a foreleg broken. The 
route of the company was along and uj) the river on the 27th. A stream 
called Indian Creek was crossed, and Meadow Creek was descended to 
the river. This may have been the present Meadow Creek, though it 
is not certain. About the mouth of this creek were found several Indian 
cabins grouped about a mound twenty feet high and sixty feet wide at 
the to]). This was probal)ly an abandoned Cherokee town. The coni- 


pany camped on the bank some distance from the old town up the river. 

The party continued up the river on the 28th, arriving at the camp 
where their companions had been left. The lame horse was no better, 
and another horse had been bitten on the nose by a snake. The party 
left behind had built a house, or cabin, rather, 12 by 8 feet. They had 
cleared a patch of land, which they had planted to corn and peach 
stones. They had also killed several bears and dressed and salted the 

Under the date of April jij, Doctor Walker describes a jjond which 
was a mile below the house. It was a quarter of a mile long and 200 
yards wide, and was frequented by wild water-fowl. It is claimed that 
Daniel Boone named this pond "Swan Pond" some years later and that 
it still bears this name, though it is now smaller than it was in Doctor 
Walker's time. On the 30lh the party left this settlement or cabin and 
clearing to continue the exploration. Before leaving. Doctor Walker 
took a last look around, blazing a way from the house to the river. 
I le probably crossed the river, for he describes a large elm there which 
had been cut down and divested of its bark for some twenty feet, most 
likely by hunters to secure material for a canoe. The bark of another 
had been cut around for peeling, but the bark had not been taken off. 
Two hundred yards below a white hickory had been barked, a piece 
fifteen feet long taken from the entire body. A last survey of the river 
showed a depth of seven or eight feet at its lowest and a sandy bottom. 
The current was slow. The banks were high. When the parly started 
away it was without the lame horse ; he was abandoned. Camp was 
made in a valley north of the house. Another horse was bit by a snake 
on this day, the 1st of May. A stream was named Powell's River, for 
Ambrose Powell. The Indians' road, or Warrior's Path, was noted as 
going up a creek where they camped — Doctor Walker thought it the 
same road which passed through Cave Gap — now Cumberland Gap. 
This is another instance in proof that Doctor Walker had not called the 
gap Cumberland Ga]). He wrote it Cave (jap on this day. He found 
it Cave Gap and he left it Cave Gap. 

For the next three weeks the parly followed mainly the direction of 
the Warrior's Path, seeing it occasionally. The course cannot be traced 

° Just where this house was built is not known. Mr. Johnston, in his First 
Explorations, says it was four miles below Barbourville, on tlie land formerly 
owned by George M. Faulkner, and that it was added to and occupied up to 1835. 
It was, he says, identified as to location by the debris of the chimney. This may 
all have been said on the authority of W. S. Hudson, of Barbourville, who, many 
years ago made the same claims in an article published widely in the Kentucky 
press. If the statements concerning the location of the cabin arc as far from the 
actual facts as are many other statements in his article, tlien no dependence can be 
placed on any thing in the publication. Mr. Johnston seems to think the cabin w'as 
to be the future office of the Loyal Land Company. But it was not large 
enough — only twelve by ciglit feet- — not twelve by eighteen feet. And there is no 
probability at all that a chimney was built to it. It was built in four days by three 
men, who had in addition cleared some land and planted it to corn and peach 
stones. It was evidently a very temporary structure, and was intended perhaps 
as an evidence of the location of a tract of land for the Loyal Land Company. On 
the Nuremberg Map, 1756, it is marked as on the Cumberland River and set down 
as "Walkers Settlement 1750." It is interesting to note tliat while the Cumljcrland 
River is shown on this map, evidently from information supplied by Doctor Walker 
there is no Cumljcrland Mountain and no Cumberland Gap. This is additional evi- 
dence that Doctor Walker did not name the mountains nor the gap, as claimed. 
These names came from the river Cumberland. 

This cabin is the first there is any account of having been built in the present 
Kentucky by English-speaking people. The French had erected dwellings for the 
Indians before this opposite the mouth of the Scioto, and on the south side of Big 
Paint Creek, at the Flat Rock, now in Paintsville, before this date; and probably 
at many other places. Just when Matthias 1 larman erected his hunting lodge in the 
Block-house Bottom immediately below the mouth of John's Creek, in Johnson 
County, is not known, but it was before 17.S5. 


exactly. Streams were named for the members of the party. An exam- 
ination of topographical maps of the region traversed will show pos- 
sibilities in various quarters, including the South and Middle forks of 
the Kentucky River. Mr. Johnston is of the opinion that the course 
was more to the west, across the headwaters of Rockcastle River. It 
may have been, though it is difficult to find there streams correspond- 
ing with those described by Doctor Walker. It is not certain that in 
this part of the exploration he held always to a definite swing bearing 
to the eastward. Coal was found, and many features noted which are 
to be encountered even at this time, such as the laurel and ivy and the 

On the 22d of May the party "went down the Branch to Hunting 
Creek & kept it to Milley's River." Milley's River, it is generally agreed, 
is the Kentucky River, and it was struck probably at the mouth of Sta- 
tion Camp Creek, a little above Irvine, Estill County. The river was 
90 to 100 yards wide and very deep, and the country was so difficult 
that they could go neither up nor down. Trees were blazed in the fork 
of the creek and river, and Doctor Walker cut the letters T. W. on a 
sycamore measuring forty feet around. A bark canoe was commenced. 
This craft was completed on the 24th, the river crossed about noon, 
and various trees marked on the north bank. Here a definite turn to 
the eastward began. The dogs roused a large male elk on the 26th, 
and in the chase it killed Ambrose Powell's dog, Tumbler, and the 
stream they were then on was named Tumbler's Run from that circum- 
stance. On the 30th woods freshly burned over were encountered, and 
on the 31st the camp was made by a wolf's den, and the wolves howled 
all night, though they were shot at. Four young wolves were taken 
from the den on the 1st day of June. On the 2d of June the party 
descended a branch to a river seventy yards wide. There can be but 
little doubt that the branch was that now known as Gardner's Branch 
in Magoffin County. This branch falls into the Licking River ijX miles, 
by the present road, below Salyersville. Both the mouth of this stream 
and the ford where the party crossed the river are on the Old Station 
Farm, formerly owned by Benjamin Gardner, now owned by Dr. Walter 
C. Connelley.'' Doctor Walker named this river Frederick's River and 
noted that elk were very plentiful on that stream. The ford where 
the party crossed is still in use, at the foot of Gardner's Hill. Cutting 
across this hill it is but a mile to the center of Salyersville, but going 
around with the river as it then flowed the distance is about what Doctor 
Walker makes it — three miles." Whit Sunday, the 3d of June, was 
spent in the slope in Salyersville on which the court house stands, per- 
haps where William Adams, the pioneer, had his residence. They found 
a mossing place in the bend of the river. This is a place where a num- 
ber of elk got together and spent the winter in company, like domestic 
cattle. In the cold north such gathering places of the moose are called 
"yards." The animals stand close together for warmth in extremely 
cold weather. The elk were believed by the pioneers to have been more 
plentiful on the Upper Licking than at any other place in Kentucky. 
Doctor Walker speaks of the abundance of them there. 

" Son of William E. Connelley, the author. 

' The ford is at the foot of a remarkable hill, near the top of which there is a 
fine spring. The station or fort built there about 1792 by the Praters and other 
pioneers from South Carolina, stood on this hill directly above the ford. There had 
been an Indian town on the flat top of this hill, perhaps more than one, or, more 
properly, the various tribes successively inhabiting that country in previous genera- 
tions, had all maintained a town there. There was another Indian village on the 
opposite side of the river near the present residence of Doctor Connelley. The 
great Indian trail from the Big Sandy passed the sites of these towns going to 
Central Kentucky and the Cumberland Gap. Doctor Walker was following this 
trail when he came down Gardner's Branch. 

64 IIISTORN" n|- K1-:\TL"CKV 

The mossin}^ i)Iacc mentioned by Doctor Walker was in the short 
bend of the I-ickinj;, just below the mouth of the State Road Fork. 
The land was high next to the river, but lower back toward the hills. 
The land in the bend was covered with magnificent trees. Where the 
ground was lower, there was a luxurious growth of the switch cane, 
which remained green all winter and which furnished pasturage for 
the elk, the deer and the buffalu. There were thousands of acres of it 
along that i)art of the Licking. 

'Ihe land across the neck of the band was always overflowed in 
high water and a channel was linally cut there by the current, and the 
river runs permanently there now, eliminating the bend or island where 
Doctor Walker found the stamjiing place of the great herd of elk which 
always wintered there. The buffalo road mentioned by Doctor Walker 
was plain and well defined, for a number of them converged there. The 
I)arty left camj) about lo o'clock, going u]) the State Road Fork. At 
its forks they turned up the main stream, which was named Falling 
Creek, for in early times it was a deep and rapid stream. A 5 o'clock, 
on the ap]iroach of a heavy cloud, they stopjjcd to pitch camp. There 
was rain, hail and violent wind. The large trees were blown down 
in such mmibers that the members of the party fled, running different 
ways to shelter in smaller timber. The tent was blown down, but it 
was found after the storm that little damage had been done. There 
was a heavy rain just before daylight on the 5th. On attempting to 
ascend the creek it was found that the fallen timber made the path 
impassable. 'Jhe highlands were taken to and a ridge was followed to 
the head of the creek, when the party turned down the head stream of 
I-ittle Paint Creek, along the old Indian trail, now the main road from 
I'aintsville to Salyersville. Camp was made early because of the rain. 
( )n the (ith they followed down the branch until it became a large creek. 
They called it Rapid Creek. They continued and e\idently reached the 
main stream — Big I^aint Creek — after traveling, as they believed, eight 
miles. They must have supposed Little Paint Creek to be the main 
stream, which, when it is swollen, it apj^ears to be, though Big Paint 
Creek is formed by the junction of Little Paint and the Open Fork. 
The creek could not be crossed, and camp was made in a bottom. On 
the morning of the 7th it was possible to ford the creek, when it was 
crossed. They kept down it a distance which they called twelve miles, 
coming to a river about 100 yards wide and which they named Louisa 
River. This is the present Levisa or Louisa Fork of the I'.ig Sandy 
River. They named it, it is said, for Louisa, sister to the then Duke 
of Cumberland. In reaching the river they passed over the site of 
the present Town of Paintsville, county seat of Johnson County. The 
courthouse is half a mile from the river up Big Paint Creek. There 
was no island, as Doctor Walker says, but the heavy rains had filled 
the cane-covered low grounds with slowly moving backwater which, 
flowing back of the high land .-it the mouth of the creek, gave it the 
ajipearance of an island which was very real.** In fact, in times of 
freshets, there were sometimes two such islands, one on each side of 
the creek, down to the ])ioneer days of that part of Kentucky, caused 
by the flooding of the lowlands by backwater. On the 8th the river 
was still too high to be forded, and in the afternoon Doctor Walker 
and .\mbrose I'owell went hunting. They must have gone down the 
ri\er, and at a point below where was afterward built the old Concord 
meeting-house they heard the discharge of a gun on the oi)]iosite side 

"If there liad Ixuii les.s liackwater in the cane-covcrcd bottoms. Doctor Walker 
would have found many .signs of Indians on and around the site of Painstville. He 
liad noted "fircat sign of Indians on tliis creek,'' on tlie 6th of June. See Chapter 
on The l-iiiiiidiiuj of Ituniiiiii'x Slnlioii for thc-.o bulian marks and signs. 


of the river. Those who have not heard, in the wilderness, sounds indi- 
cating the presence nearby of fellow-men cannot conceive the joy of it. 
Doctor Walker made efforts to attract the attention of the person who 
had fired the gun. But caution probably prevented the hunter from 
making himself known. He doubtless feared that Doctor Walker and 
his companions were Indians seeking to decoy him to captivity or death. 
So a meeting which would have proven a pleasure to all parties was 
rendered impossible by the conditions under which men were compelled 
to range the mighty forests of the West in those times. 

The flood in the Louisa River was caused by the local rains of the 
past few days, and it subsided ciuickly. P.y the morning of the 9th 
it was possible to ford the ri\er, which the party did at the break at the 
head of a shoal just below the mouth of the Muddy Branch. This break 
is locally known as "Jeffy's Ripple," from Jefferson Preston's residence 
there in pioneer times. The precipitous mountains, above and opposite 
the mouth of Big Paint Creek, coming down to the river made it neces- 
sary for the party to go down the river after crossing it. The party 
went up Greasey Creek, having passed the Buffalo, which was too small 
to promise any opening across the mountains. Camp was made on the 
Rockhouse Fork of Rockcastle River. The loth was Trinity Sunday 
and only a short distance was traveled, and this only to secure better 
camping facilities. The way was choked by the trees which had been 
blown down by the storm of Monday. In the night it rained violently 
and on the morning of the nth it was found impossible to go on because 
of the flood. A tomahawk and a vessel which they called a can was 
lost by the high water. The morning of the 12th found the waters 
much reduced, and they moved down to the mouth of the creek. They 
found many trees torn up by the roots and some barked by the drift- 
wood which had been washed down by the flood waters. The way 
became rough on the 13th, and the streams were abandoned for the 
tops of the ridges. And these proved well nigh impassable. The laurel 
and ivy were so thick that a way had to be cut with their tomahawks. 
This condition continued on the 14th, for they were slowly working 
their way southeastward through that tangle of steep ridges between 
the two forks of the Big Sandy River. They finally emerged from these 
on the 19th of June, when they reached the Tug Fork, which they named 
Laurel Creek. There they were charged by an enraged buffalo bull, 
which they shot before he had injured any of them. They ascended 
the creek six miles to a north fork, which they followed to the head, 
but in attempting to cross a mountain they failed, and they camped on 
the side of it. They were now bearing much to the eastward. On the 
morning of the 20th they succeeded in crossing the mountain which 
had proved too difficult the day before. The stream they descended on 
the other side took them back to Laurel Creek. 

The party continued the journey to the eastward. On the 28th of 
June they reached New River, just below the mouth of the Greenbrier 
River, and crossed it by wading and carrying their baggage on their 
shoulders. They started up the Greenbrier on the 29th. They began 
to meet people on the 7th of July, and were then but eight miles from 
a settlement on Jackson's River. The party arrived at Augusta Court- 
house on the nth. On the 12th Doctor Walker left his company and 
set off for his home, where he arrived about noon of the 13th of July. 
He ends his Journal with this : 

"We killed in the Journey 13 buffaloes, 8 Elks, 53 Bears, 20 Deer, 
4 Wild Geese, about 150 Turkeys, besides small Game. We might have 
killed three times as much meat, if we had wanted it." 

Doctor Walker did not find the fine, rolling, wooded plains of Cen- 
tral Kentucky. He missed them by the journey of only a day or two. 

Vol. 1—9 


But if he had found the now famous Blue Grass lands they could not 
then have been utihzed. The Ohio ^teway had to be first' ojiencd by 
I^unniorc's war; Uraddock must make his unfortunate expedition; the 
I'rench and Indian war had to he fought; I'ontiac had to appear and 
his Conspiracy had to burn down to white ashes; and the final predom- 
inance of luijjland had to be established before Kentucky could be fash- 
ioned from the wilderness and begin that brilliant course which was to 
blaze the way for go\ernmcnt for the people and hv the i)eopIe in 


The Ohio Company was organized in 1748 for the purpose of colo- 
nizing lands on the Ohio belonging to the Colony of Virginia. The 
members of the company were Arthur Dobbs, Esqr., John Hanbury, 
Samuel Smith, James Wardrop. Capel Hanbury, Robert Dinwiddle, 
Esqr., The Exec, of Thomas Lee, late President and Governor of Vir- 
ginia, 2 shares, John Taylor, Esqr., Prestly Thornton, Esqr., Exrs of 
Lawce Washington, Augusne Washington, Richard Lee, Nathel Chap- 
man. Jacob Giles, Thomas Cresap, John Mercer, James Scott, Robert 
Carter, George Mason.^ 

The company was granted 200,000 acres of land. This land was to 
be located on the south side of the Ohio River between Kiskiminitis 
Creek and Buffalo Creek, and on the north side of the Ohio between 
Yellow Creek and Cross Creek. This manner of grant would place an 
English settlement across the Ohio River at that point where the valley 
widens out, and which the Delawares designated as the true head of 
the Ohio Valley. For the land was given with the condition that the 
company should settle 100 families thereon within seven years, and also 
erect and maintain an adequate fort. If these conditions were com- 
plied with, the company was to become entitled to 300,000 acres of addi- 
tional adjoining land. 

In preparation for the compliance with the terms of the grant, the 
company erected a large storehouse, and perhaps other buildings oppo- 
site the mouth of Will's Creek, now the City of Cumberland. Mary- 
land.2 From this point it caused a road to be opened to the Turkey 
Foot, as the point at the three forks of the Youghiogheny was called. 
This road was completed in 175 1. A large quantity of merchandise, suit- 
able for the frontier trade, was sent over from England in 1749-50 and 
placed in the storehouse at the mouth of Will's Creek. 

In the further pursuance of its engagements the company employed 
Christopher Gist to make an exploration of the country in which the opera- 

' John Hanbury and Capel Hanbury were merchants in the City of London. John 
Taylor, Prestly Thornton, Philip Ludwel! Lee, Thomas Lee, Richard Lee, Guwin 
Corbin, John Mercer, George Mason, Lawrence Washington. Augustus Washington, 
Nathaniel Chapman, Esquires, and James Scott Oerk, were all of the Colony of Vir- 
ginia._ James Wardrop, Jacob Giles and Thomas Cresap. Esquires, were of the 
Province of Maryland. All were prominent in the public affairs of their time. 
Christopher Gist's Journals, Darlington, pp. 225, 235. 

- The Ohio Company's storehouse stood on the south bank of the Potomac, 
directly opposite to the present City of Cumberland, Maryland, in Frederick (now 
Hampshire) County, Virginia. It was built in the year 1750, by Hugh Parker, the 
factor of the company, on land purchased for them from Lord Fairfax by Parker 
and Col. Thomas Cresap. The main building was constructed of timber, a double 
house and two stories in height ; it stood on the bank, a short distance east of the 
present residence of Captain Perry, fronting and near the river. The name of 
"Caicutuck or Wills' Creek" first appeared on Fry & Jefferson's Map of Virginia and 
Maryland, 1751. It is accurately laid down, but not named, on Mayo's Map of the 
Survey of the Potomac in 1736. The gap in the Allegheny Mountains is four miles 
west of Cumberland, where the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad crosses the National 
Road at "Braddock's Run," as the southwest fork of Wills' Creek has been called 
since 1755; Braddock's route and the National Road as at first constructed being 
on the same track as that of Gist. Christopher Gist's Joiirnals, Darlington, p. 137. 



tion of its enterprise was to be conducted. Gist was a surveyor, as his 
father, Richard, had been. He was a native of Maryland, "a man of ex- 
cellent character, energetic, fearless and a thorough woodsman." ^ 

The instructions to Gist were brief and of general application, and 
were of the date of September 1 1, 1750. They are here given : 

"You are to go out as soon as possible to the Westward of the great 
Mountains, and carry with you such a Number of Men, as You think 
necessar}', in Order to search out and discover the Lands upon the River 
Ohio, & other adjoining Branches of the Mississippi down as low as 
the great Falls thereof: You are particularly to observe the Ways & 
Passes thro all the Mountains you cross, & take an exact Account 
of the Soil, Quality, & Product of the Land, and the Wideness and 
Deepness of the Rivers, & the several Falls belonging to them, together 
with the Courses & Bearings of the Rivers & Mountains as near as you 
conveniently can : You are also to observe what Nations of Indians in- 
habit there, their Strength & Numbers, who they trade with, & in what 
Commodities they deal. 

When you find a large Quantity of good, level Land, such as you think 
will suit the Company, You are to measure the Breadth of it, in three or 
four different Places, & take the Courses of the River and Mountains on 
which it binds it Order to judge the Quantity: You are to fix the Begin- 
ning & Bounds in such a Manner that they may l>e easily found again 
by your Description ; the nearer in the Land lies, the better, provided it 
be good & level, but we had rather go quite down the Mississippi than take 
mean broken I,and. After finding a large Body of good level Land, you 
are not to stop, but proceed farther, as low as the Falls of the Ohio, that 
We may be informed of that Navigation ; And You are to take an exact 
.Account of all the large Bodies of good level I^and, in the same Manner as 
alx)ve directed, that the Company may the better judge where it will be 
most convenient for them to take their Land. 

You are to note all the Bodies of good Land as you go along, tho 

•^ Gist was living on the Yadkin River, in North Carolina, when employed by 
the Ohio Company to make this exploration. The following skctcli of Clirisfophcr 
Gist was written by Wilham M. Darlington, and is to be found in his edition of 
Christopher Gist's Journals, at pages 88-89: Christopher Gist was of English de- 
scent. His grandfather was Christopher Gist, who died in Baltimore County in 1691. 
His grandmother was Edith Cromwell. They had one child, Richard, who was 
surveyor of the Western Shore and was one of the commissioners for laying off 
the town of Baltimore. In 170.S he married Zipporah Murray, and Christopher was 
one of three sons. He was a resident of North Carolina when first employed by the 
Ohio Company. He married Sarah Howard. He had three sons, Nathaniel, Richard 
and Thomas, and two daughters, Anne and Violette. Nathaniel was the only son 
that married. With his sons, Nathaniel and Thomas, he was with Braddock on his 
fatal field of battle. Urged by bribes and the promise of rewards, two Indians were 
persuaded to go out on a scouting expedition. .'\s soon as they were gone, 
Christopher Gist, the general's^ guide, was dispatched on the same errand. On the 
6th both Indians and Gist rejoined the army, having been within half a mile of the 
fort. Their reports were favorable and the army advanced. After Braddock's defeat 
he raised a company of scouts in Virginia and Maryland and did service on the 
frontier, being then called Captain Gist. 

In 1756 he went to the Carolinas to enli-st Cherokee Indians for the English 
service. For a time he served as Indian agent. He died in the summer of 17.SO, 
of smallpox, in South Carolina or Georgia. Richard Gist was killed in the battle 
of King's Mountain. Thomas lived on the plantation. Anne lived with him until his 
death, when she joined her brother Nathaniel in Kentucky. Nathaniel was a colonel 
in the Virginia Line, during the Revolutionary war, and afterwards removed to 
Kentucky, where he died early in the present century. He left two sons, Henry 
Clay and Thomas Cecil. His eldest daughter, Sarah, married the Hon. Jesse Bledsoe, 
United States senator from Kentucky. His grandson, B. Gratz Brown, was the 
democratic candidate for vice-president in 1872. The second daughter of Colonel 
Gist married Col. Nathaniel Hart, a brother of Mrs. Henry Clay. The third daugh- 
ter married Doctor Boswcll, of Lexington, Kentucky. The fourth married Francis 
P. Blair, and they were the parents of Montgomery Blair and Francis P. Blair. 
The fifth married Benjamin Gratz, of Lexington, Kentucky. 


there is not a sufficient Quantity for the Compaiiy's Grant, but You need 
not be so particular in the Mensuration of that, as in the larger Bodies of 

You are to draw as good a Plan as you can of the Country You pass 
thro : You are to take an exact and particular Journal of all your Proceed- 
ings, and make a true Report thereof to the (Dhio Company." * 

What number of attendants Gist took with him does not precisely 
appear from his Journals. He probably had a light equipment — perhaps 
a packhorse for his baggage and some one to drive and care for it. For 
a time, in what is now Ohio, he had as assistants George Croghan and 
Andrew Montour. He set out from the house of Col. Thomas Cresap 
on the 31st of October, 1750. Col. Thomas Cresap lived at Old Town, a 
former Shawnee Indian village, on the north side of the Potomac, fifteen 
miles southeast of Cumberland, in Allegheny County, Maryland. Gist 
followed "an old Indian Path," and made eleven miles the first day. This 
"old Indian Path" was the Warrior's Path from the east up the Potomac 
to the Ohio Country. It followed the east base of Great Warrior Moun- 
tain. At Bedford, Pennsylvania, it branched into two roads, one leading 
northwest to Venango, and the other to Shannopin's Town, now Pittsburgh. 
The latter was followed by Gist, and he reached Shannopin's Town on the 
19th of November, and of which he recorded " — a small Indian Town 
of the Delawares called Shannopin on the S E Side of the River Ohio, 
where We rested and got Corn for our Horses." 

Gist arrived at Loggs Town (Loggstown) on Sunday, the 25th of 
November. In modern geography, this point is on the north bank of the 
Ohio River and immediately below the present Town of Economy. It is 
eighteen miles below Pittsburgh, and in Beaver County, Pennsylvania. It 
was originally a Shawnee town. The Shawnees left the Upper Potomac 
and Eastern Pennsylvania in 1727 to 1730, settling at this point and 
elsewhere in the Ohio Valley with the consent of the Iroquois and the 
permission of the Wyandots. The French erected for them some forty 
houses at Loggstown. These accommodated about 120 Shawnese fam- 
ilies. It was first visited by whites from the English colonies in 1748. In 
that year Conrad Weiser and William Franklin were there. Capt. Bien- 
ville de Celeron, in command of a French party, was at this town in 1749. 
George Croghan had a Trading House there. Washington and Gist 
stopped there five days in 1753 when they were on the way to the French 
forces at Venango and Le Boeuf. The Shawnees began to desert the town 
before 1750 and move lower down the Ohio. Then came into that part 
of the country those renegade Indians from the Iroquoian tribes of New 
York who found a designation in going back to the generic name of 
Mcngivc, which was corrupted to "Mingo" by the whites. They were 
principally Cayugas, and they lived along this part of the Ohio for many 

Gist was ill received at Loggstown. He found "scarce any Body but 
a parcel of reprobate Indian Traders, the Chiefs of the Indians being out 
a hunting." Gist was told that he would never get safe home again, and 
to protect himself gave it out that he was on the King's business. This 
brought him respect and probably saved his life. He was desirous of 
engaging George Croghan and Andrew Montour to go with him from 
that point, but found that they had gone on west on a mission for the 
Colony of Pennsylvania. On Monday, the 26th, he left Loggstown, pre- 
ferring the woods to such company as he found there. He left the river 
and traveled across the country. Six miles out, at Big Beaver Creek, he 
met Bamey Curran, a trader of the Ohio Company, and they went on to- 
gether. On the 14th of December they arrived at Muskingum, a Wyan- 
dot town of about 100 families. He called the Wyandots the Little Min- 

■• Cliristopliei- Gist's Journals, Darlington, pp. 31, 32. 


goes. The W'yandots were usually in the French interests, but this town 
inclined to the English, and George Croghan had a Trading House there 
over which Gist found floating the English colors. This town stood on 
the Tuscarawas which is a branch of the Muskingum. The W'yandots 
abandoned the town u])()n the fall of I'^ort DeQuesnc, in 1758, or very 
soon thereafter. 

Gist acquainted George Croghan and Andrew Montour with the 
nature of his mission on the i8th, with which they were pleased. It was 
the intention of Gist to read prayers on Qiristmas day, and after some 
delay a number of the inhabitants assembled to hear bim. He delivered 
a brief discourse, which he recorded in bis Journal, and, later, read them 
I robably some service from the Prayer P.ook of the Episco])al Church. 
His iMurse was so ])Ieasing to the Indians that they desired hini to baptize 
their children, thinking him a clergyman. The next day there occurred 
in tl.e village one f)f ttiose instances of Indian ferocity so common in the 
liulian country in pioneer times. A woman was a prisoner to the Wyan- 
dnis, captured many years before. She had not become reconciled to 
savage life and made an attempt to escape. She was recaptured and had 
been brought into the town on Christmas Eve. Christmas passed, they 
turned their attention to her execution. She was taken beyond the town 
and released. When she ran in a new hope of escape she was pursued 
by men set for that purixise. When they came up with her they struck 
her, knocking her down. She fell with her face down, and they then .shot 
her in the back with arrows, or "darts" as (iist has it. These went through 
her lieart. When dead, she was scalped and her head cut olT. All were 
forbidden to touch the body. In the evening Pjarney Curran sought per- 
mission to bury her. This was granted. 1 ler grave was tilled at dusk, and 
her troubles and sufferings as a captive in a barbarous Indian town hapjiily 
at an end. 

At this Wyandot town Gist secured intelligence of general conditions 
in the Indian country north of the Ohio. On the 4th of January one 
Teafe, an Indian trader, came in from the villages on the south shore of 
Lake Erie. He said the Wvandots there advised him to kecj) clear of the 
Ottawas, as they were comjjlctely committed to the I'Vench, who had set 
up claims to all the country drained by the waters flowing into the Great 
Lake and to the Ohio \'alley. The Ottawas said that no English had right 
to come into any part of this country so claimed by the French. The por- 
tion of the Wyandot tribe living on the lake waters would soon join their 
brethren on the Muskingum, where a large town and strong fort would be 
erected. On the <>th two traders came in from the Twigtwee towns and 
told that an English trader had been taken by the French. Three P'rench 
soldiers had deserted to the luiglish at the Pickwaylines town. The In- 
dians desired to put the I'Vench soldiers to death, but were prevented by 
the English, who were sending the prisoners to the Wyandot town on the 
Muskingum. On the nth an Indian came in from the lake towns and 
confirmed what had been told of all these matters. 

Gist began his i)reparations to leave the Wyandot town on the 12th of 
January. He sent his comijany away to the Lower Shawnee towns at the 
month of the .Scioto. He went to a council held at the chief's house, but as 
some of the principal men were absent the council was posljioned. It was 
in session again on the 14th. .Xndrew .Montour acted as interpreter and 
speaker. He informed the council that the King had sent the Indians a 
present of much goods. These goods had arrived safely and the Indians 
were invited to come and see the governor of X'irginia and receive the 
presents. The Indians said they would notify all the nations and that all 
would be present to receive the goods in the spring. After shaking hands 
with the members of the council. Gist took his leave of the Wyandots on 
the Muskingum. He set out for llic .Shawnee towns on the 15th, reaching 
White Woman's Creek, where there was a small town. This creek was so 


named for a white woman who had been captured in New England forty 
years before when she was ten years old. Her name was Mary Harris. 
She had an Indian husband and several children. She remembered that 
the people of New England had been very religious, and she wondered at 
the wickedness of the white men in the forests of the Ohio Country. Gist 
and his company came to a small Delaware town on the east side of the 
Scioto on the 27th. The Delawares were friendly to the English, and the 
chief of this town entertained Gist as best he could. He owned a negro 
man- — a slave — whom he directed to feed the horses of the party well. 
On the 28th a council was held with these Delawares, who were the most 
westerly of their people — no Delawares lived beyond them. The chief said 
he could gather a force of about 500 warriors, all of whom would stand 
by the English. Many Delawares were scattered among the other tribes, 
especially the Six Nations, of whom they had permission to hunt on their 
lands. On the 29th of January, 175 1, Gist reached the Shawnee towns at 
the mouth of the Scioto. Guns were fired to notify the traders of their 
approach and they soon appeared and ferried them over the Scioto, the 
town being on the west side of the river. The town had about 100 houses 
there on the north bank of the Ohio, and about forty houses on the south 
side in what is now Kentucky. There was a council-house about 90 feet 
long, covered with bark. It was into this council-house that Mrs. Mary 
Ingles and other captives were taken on their arrival as prisoners in 1755. 
Gist found the Shawnees friendly to the English who had once protected 
them from the fury of the Iroquois. 

On the 30th of January a council was held with the Shawnees. George 
Croghan delivered sundry speeches sent out by the governor of Pennsyl- 
vania to the chiefs of the Sliawnees. He recounted information received 
at the Wyandot town — that the French would pay a large sum of money 
to any person or party who would bring in himself and Andrew Montour 
as prisoners or who would produce their scalps. He advised the Shawnees 
to keep their warriors at home until it was known what the French would 
do in the spring. Andrew Montour then told the council of the gift of 
goods the King had sent to his children on the Ohio, and invited the 
Shawnees to come and receive their portion. The Shawnee speaker was 
Big Hannaoa, who took Montour's hand and assured him of the friend- 
ship of the Shawnees for the English. He said he hoped that this 
friendship would continue as long as the sun should shine. 

Gist remained in the Shawnee town from January 31 to February 11, 
175 1. On the 1 2th of February he set out for the Tvvigtwee town on the 
Miami. He left his attendant to take care of the horses in his absence, 
secured a fresh horse to ride, and with George Croghan, Andrew Mon- 
tour, Robert Kallandar, and a servant to carry provisions, he rode north- 
west into the Ohio Wilderness. He arrived at the Twigtwee town on the 
17th, computing the distance at 150 miles. The country passed over he 
describes as delightful. It was full of natural meadows covered with 
clover, wild rye, and blue grass. Clear streams were always to be seen. 
The timber was large and composed of ash, walnut, cherry, and sugar- 
trees. Game was plentiful, and bufifalo, elk, deer, and wild turkeys were 
in sight much of the time. 

The town of the Twigtwees was on the west side of the Big Miami, on 
the south side of Laramie's Creek, which empties there. It was in what 
is now Miami County, Ohio, and some two and a half miles north of 
Piqua, Ohio. The Twigtwees, or Miami's as they were called by the 
French, were a part of the confederation known as the Illinois Indians — 
Piankashaws, Weas, Peorias, and other tribes. They were inferior in in- 
telligence and courage to the Iroquois, the Delawares, and the Shawnees. 
They had shared in the common ruin of the Illinois Indians inflicted by 
the Iroquois in 1650-1700, and they were now on the Miami as tenants 
at will of the Six Nations. Gist got an exaggerated and erroneous ini- 


pression of their prowess, numbers and iniiKiriance. He remained at ihe 
Twigtwee town until Saturday, tlie 2d of March, and his accounts of the 
various councils and the daily occurrences of Indian life as he saw it there 
are extremely interesting and valuable. He secured a good knowledge of 
the intrigues of the I'Vench with the savages and of general conditions in 
the Indian country. There was uneasiness and agitation in those wilds 
and war between some of the tribes and between the French and English 
resulted in live years. In this war the FVench were the aggressors, but in 
the end they lost their American possessions to the Enghsh. 

On the 2d of March Gist and his company left the Twigtwee town, 
crossed to the east bank of the river, and traveled some thirty-five miles 
to Mad Creek. Sunday morning, the 3d, the company separated. Gist 
continuing on to the Shawnee town at the mouth of the Scioto, and Cro- 
ghan and the others, for Hockhocking. Gist was alone, and as he had 
been threatened by the I'rench at the Twigtwee village, he turned out of 
the usual path and went down the Little Miami. This increased the dis- 
tance he would have to travel, but he believed it the safer course. After 
a most delightful journey, he reached the Shawnee town on the 8th of 
March. There he was gladly received by both the whites and the Indians. 
His report that his mission to the Twigtwees had been entirely successful 
for the English interest and had defeated the intrigues of the F'rench 
caused rejoicing in the town of the Shawnees. Peace had been secured 
with the Twigtwees and their allies — or, rather, its continuance assured — 
and in honor of this achievement 150 guns were fired. A Mingo chief 
was in the Shawnee town. He had lately returned from the F"alls of the 
Ohio. On the 9th he informed Gist that a party of French Indians were 
there and that if he ventured to go so far down the Ohio he would cer- 
tainly lose his life. But Gist's instructions made it necessary for him to 
go there, and he resolved to make the eflort and go at least as far as 
possible. He got his horses across the Ohio very early on the morning 
of the I2th, and after breakfast he and his boy or attendant were taken 
over in a boat or canoe. He stood there and then for the first time on the 
soil of what was to be Kentucky. He remained in the Shawnee town on 
the Kentucky side, until the 13th, when he started for the Falls of the 
Ohio. He must have followed some well defined road, going down the 
river eight miles then turning south. After making ten miles on this 
latter course he met three men he was expecting to see in that country. 
On the east bank of the Big Miami op]X)site the Twigtwee town, he had 
stopped over night with one Robert Smith, who had given him an order 
on two of his traders for two teeth of the mastodon, the bones of which 
lay alx)Ut the lick later known as the Big Bone Lick in what is now Boone 
County, Kentucky. With these two men was one Hugh Crawford. They 
gave the two teeth to (list as directed, and he delivered one of them to 
the Ohio Comjiany. In his Journal he records what Smith had told him 
of the bones at the lick. .'\s Smith had been at the lick and examined 
the bones, his statement of what he had seen is good evidence, and is 
given here as set down by Gist: 

"Robert Smith informed Me that abnut seven Years agt) these Teeth 
and Bones of three large 1 '.easts (one of which was somewhat smaller than 
the other two) were found in a salt Lick or Spring upon a small Creek 
which runs into the S Side of the Ohio, about 15 M. below the Mouth 
of the great Miamee River, and 20 above the Falls of the Ohio — He as- 
stu-ed Me that the Rib P>ones of the largest of these Beasts were eleven 
b'eet long, ;ind the Skull Bone six feet wide, across the Forehead, & the 
other Bones in BrojOTrtion ; and that there were several Teeth there, some 
of which he called Horns, and said they were upwards of live Feet long, 
and as much as a Man could well carry : that he had hid one in a P.ranch 
at some Distance from the Place, lest the I'-rench Indians should carry 
it away — The Tooth wiiich I brought in for the Ohio Company, was a 


Jaw Tooth of better than four Pounds Weight; it appeared to be the 
furthest Tooth in the Jaw, and looked hke tine Ivory when the outside 
was scraped oflf." 

This same day Gist met four Shawnee Indians coming up the Ohio 
River in canoes. They informed him that about sixty French Indians 
were encamped at the Falls. This was disturbing intelligence, but Gist 
continued in the direction of the Falls until the i8th, when he was on a 
stream he calls Lower Salt Lick Creek (probably Floyd's Fork of Salt 
River j, which had been described to him by Robert Smith at his house 
at the town of the Twigtwees as being about fifteen miles above the 
Falls. He heard several guns fired in the woods, which made him be- 
lieve that the French Indians were hunting in the adjacent forests. He 
saw plainly marked footprints on the ground about him. Newly-set traps 
for the capture of game were also seen by him along the trail. These 
evidences of the presence of hostile Indians in close proximity changed 
his resolution to reach the Falls. He thought to leave his equipment 
and the boy at this point and go privately to the Falls. To this course the 
boy strongly objected, as there was danger of his presence there being 
detected. So, Gist was compelled to change his course and disregard his 
instructions to visit the Falls. It was with much regret that he did this, 
and wrote in his Journal what information he had been able to secure 
concerning this obstruction of the Ohio." 

It is difficult to locate the point which Gist had reached on the i8th 
of March. Johnston, in his edition of Gist's Journals, makes it the Licking 
River. It is quite evident, however, that Gist had already crossed both 
the Licking and the Kentucky rivers. Darlington makes out that Gist 
was at the present site of Washington, Mason County, on the 14th, and 
that he crossed the Licking at the Lower Blue Lick on the 15th. An old 
and well-marked trail — much used at that time — led from the Ohio River 
to the Lower Blue Lick, and Gist had probably followed it. On the 
i6th he reached the Kentucky River near Frankfort. This would have 
taken him through Harrison, Nicholas, Scott, and Franklin counties. The 
Salt Lick which he found on the i8th was that called Bullitt's Lick later, 
on Floyd's Fork of Salt River, in the present Bullitt County, near Shep- 
herdville, and about eighteen miles from Louisville. From this point he 
turned back and began the journey through the Kentucky wilderness to 
his own home on the Yadkin. On the 19th he crossed a number of creeks 
flowing to the southwest, and these are identified as BuUskin Creek, Gist's 
Creek, and other tributaries of Brashear's Creek, in what is now Shelby 
County. He reached the Kentucky River at a point only a little above 
that at which he had crossed it a few days before as he was going West, 
and probably only a little above the present City of Frankfort. He called 
it the Little Cuttawa, and was always under the impression that the 
"Great Cuttawa" River was much more to the west. "Cuttawa" is a 
corruption of the Indian name Catawba, and the river was often so called 
by early explorers for the reason that the Great Warrior's Path from the 
country of the Northern tribes to the country of the Catawbas, in the 
Carolinas, passed up its North Fork. But the name did not prevail. 

^ Of this matter Gist wrote in his Journal: "This Day We heard several Guns 
which made me imagine the French Indians were not moved, but were still hunting, 
and firing thereabouts : We also saw some Traps newly set, and the Footsteps of 
some Indians plain on the Ground as if they had been there the Day before — ■ 
I was now much troubled that I could not comply with my Instructions, & was 
once more resolved to leave the Boy and Horses, and to go privately on Foot to view 
the Falls; but the Boy being a poor Hunter, was afraid he would starve if I was long 
from him, and there was also great Danger lest the French Indians should come 
upon our Horses Tracts, or hear their Bells, and as I had seen good Land enough, 
I thought perhaps I might be blamed for venturing so far, in such dangerous Times, 
so I concluded not to go to the Falls ; but travell'd away to the Southward till We 
were over the little Cuttaway River." Christopher Gist's Journals, Darlington, p. 58. 

74 lllSli <KV ( il- Kl'.X 1 L\ KV 

Some writers have jirofessed to see in the corruption "Cuttawa" the 
original of the name Kentucky — an impossibility. 

After crossing,' the Kentucky at a ]joint where there was a small island. 
Gist pursued a f;iirly direct southeastwardly course to tiie jjresent Pound 
Gap. He recorded that much of the way was extremely rough. And the 
laurel and ivy which had so greatly troubled Dr. Thomas Walker he often 
found an impediment to his progress. He saw evidences of bituminous 
coal all through the coal measures of Kentucky. He passed through 
I'ayette and XVoodford counties. On the 21st of .March, in what is nuw 
I lark County, he found some shining stones which exuded a secretion 
like borax — probably iron jjyrites. This was on the Kentucky River 
about the mouth of Red River, where the counties of Estill, Clark and 
.Madison corner. And Darlington adds that this was the point reached 
by Daniel Boone on his first visit to Kentucky in 1769, eighteen years 
after the exploration of Gist. 

From this point he followed the North Fork of the Kentucky River 
through the territory now embraced in Lee, Perry and I. etcher counties. 
On the first day of .'\pril he crossed through the ga]) now known as 
Pound (Sap and so was out of that delightful land later to be known as 
Kentucky. That he had been mistaken as to the stream which he was 
on and which he called the "Little Cuttawa" was proven by his arriving 
at the I'ound ( iap by it. No stream but tiie North I'ork of the 
Kentucky River would have led him to this gaj). There were many mis- 
ai)])rehensions as to names of rivers, mountains and localities in Gist's 
time and even later. In George Croghan's Journal is this entry: "passed 
the mouth of the river Kentucky or Holsten's River." lie nnist have 
meant the Ilolslon, and he must have su])posed the Holston to be one 
of the head branches of the Kentucky River. 

(iist continued on his way an<l arrived at his home on the Yadkin 
on the i.Sth day of May, 1751. (Jf the location of Gist's home Darlington 
says : "On the north side of the Yadkin Ri\er, and on the west side 
of the stream marked .^aw Mill Creek, near and west of Rcddies River, 
near the present town of Wilkesbarre [Wilkesborro] in Wilkes Country, 
Xorth Carolina," and for confirmation cites Fry & Jefferson's Map of 
X'irginia. 1751-55, and map engraved for Jefferson's "Notes on X'irginia," 
and Price & SlVothers .State Map of Noith Carolina, 1808. 

The line of Gist's exploration crossed that of Dr. Thomas Walker 
at or very near the Town of Irvine, county seat of Estill County, on the 
22(1 day of March, 1751. Doctor Walker had crossed the Kentucky River 
there on the 22d day of -May, 1750, ten months before the coming of Gist. 

Gist's exploration carried him through Greenup, Lewis, Mason, Har- 
rison, Nicholas, liourbon, Scott, Franklin, Shelbj', Woodford, Fayette, 
Instill, Lee. Rreathilt, Perry, Knott and Letcher counties, as now con- 
stituted, in Kentucky. . 

The conditions in the Ohio Valley were unstable and changing rapidly. 
Gist recorded the evidences of these things. The Ohio Company was 
])revented by these uncertainties from realizing its objectives there, for 
liy 1755 the smoldering fires burst into a wilderness of flame, with most 
of the tribes, at the instance of the French, to whom they had turned, 
carrying the torch and the scaljjing-knife into the border settlements of 
the English colonies. 






Little is known of tlic Draper family before its arrival in Virginia. 
The Drapers v^ere of that Scotch-Irish immigration that came to America 
principally by the ways of Charleston and Philadelphia. From these 
two ports this hardy and energetic people pressed into the wilderness 
and met again about the head waters of the New and the Holston. 
Many of them settled in this region. Later, they became pioneers of 
westward exploration, discovery, and settlement. 

George Draper was probably born in County Donegal, Ireland. There 
he was married to hlleanor Hardin. Thousands of their countrymen 
were leaving their native land and seeking broader opportunities for 
themselves and their children in that haven for the persecuted and dis- 
tressed, the British colonies in North America. Actuated by the same 
high motives, George Draper and his young wife embarked for America 
in 1729, and in due time arrived at Philadelphia. 

They lived at the mouth of the Schuylkill for eleven years, and 
were blessed with two children, a son and a daughter, born, John in 
1730. and Mary in 1732. During their residence in Philadeljihia, in- 
formation of the beauty and fertility of the Valley of the Shenandoah 
and the upper \'alley of the James, was spread abroad ; and many of 
the ScotchTrish Presbyterians turned in the direction of these beautiful 
lands. Being moved by hope of still bettering their condition, the Drapers 
joined in the movement to the fertile valleys of Virginia, and settled 
in Pattonsburg in 1740. 

About the year 1745 George Draper and others purchased from Col. 
James Patton and his associates tracts of land on the Great Divide 
between Staunton and New rivers. Draper had become an expert woods- 
man. He was probably the prime mover in this to settle 
the lands about the head of the Roanoke, and the location of the pros- 
pective settlement was called Draper's Meadows. 

But George Draper fell a victim to the irresistible charms of this 
wilderness. In the year I74('i he and a number of others, among whom 
(it is said), were Adam and Jacob Harmon, Kasper Mansker (often 
written Casi)er Mansco), and Michael Steiner or .Sloner, went on a 
hunting and exploring expedition to the head waters of the Clinch and 
Big Sandy rivers. They were attacked by a war-party of Shawnees, 
and George Draper and a young man named McGary were killed. This 
event postponed the removal to Draper's Meadows for two years. 


TiiF. Inclks FA^^l.^• 

William Ingles, who. became the princijjal man of the Draper's 
Meadows settlement, was the son of Thomas Ingles. The following 




account of Thomas Ingles and the Ingles family was written by ])r 
John P. Hale, late of Charleston, West V'irginia. Doctor Hale was 
the great-grandson of William and Mary (Draper) Ingles: 

"Thomas Ingles, according to family tradition, was descended from 
a Scotch family, was born and reared in London, lived about 1730 to 
1740, in Dublin, Ireland, was a large importing wholesale merchant, 
was wealthy, owned his own ships and traded with foreign countries, 
chiefly to the East Indies. 

"Sir Walter Scott st;ites that in the reign of James 1, there was a 
Sir Thomas Inglis who lived and owned baronial estates on the border 

House in Which Wiu.i.\m Inglics Lived .\t Ferry 

Built by Ingles After His Wife's Return from Captivity. [From Kodak View Taken 
by Reuben Gold Thwaites, Secretary Wisconsin State Historical 
Society and Given to William K. Connelley] 

of Fngland and Scotland. He was much annoyed by the raids and 
border forays of those days, and to escape them, exchanged his border 
estates called 'Hran.x-Holm,' with a Sir William Scott, ancestor of 
the late Sir Walter, and of the Dukes of Buckcleu, for his Barony of 
'.Muridestone,' in Lanarkshire, to which he removed for greater peace 
and security. I'ran.x-Ilolm or Iiranksome, in Tiviotdale, on the Scottish 
border is still owned by the Dukes of liuckcleu. From the close similarity 
and possible original identity of the names — both very rare — and now 
only diiTering from i to c in the spelling, Thomas Ingles, of Dublin, may 
have descended from the Sir Thomas of 'Branx-Holm Hall,' but if so, 
the present Ingles family have no record or knowledge of it. They only 


trace their line back to the Thomas Ingles of London, DubHn and 

"There are two families in America who spell their names Inglis. 
The ancestors of one of them emigrated from Selkirk, Scotland, to New 
"^I'ork. Descendants of the first still live in Canada, but while they spell 
their name Inglis, they pronounce it Ingles, and say it has always, within 
their knowledge, been so pronounced. The descendants of the Paisley 
family live in Philadelphia, Baltimore, South Carolina and Florida. 
These two families, descendants of the Ingles who came from London 
and Dublin and settled in Virginia, are the only families in America, so 
far as I know, who spell their names either Inglis or Ingles. 

"In some revolution or political trouble occurring during the time of 
his residence in Dublin, Thomas Ingles took a prominent and active part, 
and happened not to be on the right, or rather, on the winning side, for 
the winning side is not always the right side, nor the right side the win- 
ning side. 

"On the failure of the cause he had espoused, his property was con- 
fiscated, and he was lucky to escape with his life. 

"He, with his three sons, William, Matthew and John — he being 
then a widower — came to America and located for a time in Pennsylvania, 
about Chambersburg. 

"Just when they came and how long they remained there is not now 
accurately known, but in 1744, according to the tradition, Thomas Ingles 
and his eldest son, William, then a youth, made an excursion to the wilds 
of Southwest Virginia, penetrating the wilderness as far as New River. 

"Of the details of this expedition no record has been preserved. On 
this trip they probably mafle the acquaintance of Colonel James Patton. 
* * * It is also probable that the Ingleses, during the trip above 
mentioned, first made the acquaintance of the Drapers, then living at 
Pattonsburg, and whose after-history and fates were so closely connected 
and interblended with their own." 

\\'il]iam Ingles established a ferry at the crossing of tlie New River, 
which Ijecamc famous as the means by which the early settlers going to 
Kentucky by way of the ^Vilderness Road and through the Cumberland 
Ciap crossed that stream. 

When Montgomery County, Virginia, was organized, William Ingles 
was appointed sheriff by the first court ever held in the county, whicii 
was convened at Fort Chiswell on the 7th day of January, 1777. The 
court was organized by Col. William Preston. John Montgomery, Stephen 
Trigg, James McGavock and James McCorkle, justices, John Byrd was 
appointed clerk, and W^illiam Littlepage, deputy clerk. 


Draper's Meadows 

This part of \'irginia contained park-like tracts of land which were 
very beautiful. The Virginians called them glades. The expedition of 
Gen. Abrahame Wood found growing in these glades "grass above a 
man's height." Scattered sparingly over them were clumps of short- 
boled, broad-headed oaks and beeches. On their borders always stood 
an ahnost impenetrable wall of living forest. In that location where the 
head waters of the Roanoke approaches nearest to the New River was 
one of these glades of large size. At this point was founded and estab- 
lished the first settlement of English-speaking folk made in the Ohio 
Valley, the first in the great Valley of the Mississippi. Dr. Thomas 
Walker made his first trip of exploration to the country west of the 
New River in search of lands suitable for settlement, in April, 1748. 
His associates. Col. James Patton, Col. John Buchanan, Col. James Wood 


and Maj. Charles Campbell, were with him. A number of hunters who 
were also seeking location accompanied Doctor Walker's party. 

When these hunters returned to Pattonsburg they brought glowing 
accounts of the country which they had seen. 'I'liey believed there was 
little or no danger to be ap])rehen<led from the Indians. Those owning 
lands at Draper's Meadows preparetl to settle on them at once. Just 
who composed this jjarty of tirst settlers cannot now be certainly deter- 
minefl. The following named persons were members of the ])arty: 

Thomas Ingles, the leader of the ji.irty, 
William Ingles] 
John Ingles } Sons of Thomas Ingles, 

Matthew Ingles) 

Mrs. I-llcanor Draper, widow of (George Draper. 

John Drajjer, son of Cieorge Draper, 

Mary Draper, daughter of fieorge Draper, 

Henry Leonard, 

James I'urke. 

'The buildings erected b)- them "stood ujjon the present sites of the 
\'irginia .Agricultural and Mechanical College, and '.Solitude,' the resi- 
dence of the late Colonel Preston, near Blacksbnrg. now Montgomery 
County, Virginia." ' 

We know but little of the events oi the settlement during the first 
years of its existence. 'The record f)f but one has b.m jircserved : "in 
.\]jril, 1740. the house of Adam Harmon, one of the party, was raided b\' 
the Indians, and his furs and skins stolen. This was the first Indian 
depredation ever committed on the whites (English settlers) west of 
the .'\llegheny. The theft was reported by Henry Leonard to William 
I farbison, a Justice of the Peace for Augusta County."' 

There is another event which in all i)robability occurred in this year 
of 1749, although Doctor Hale places it in 1750. This was the marriage 
of VV'illiani Ingles and Mary Draper. 

Mary Draper was but seventeen at that time, laii she was a well- 
grown girl, of ])erfect health. .She was rather below the average size 
of the frontier women of her day, but still she was tall enough, of a fme 
figure, and she is said to have been possessed of a gracious manner. 
She was quiet and retiring in disposition, but she had that strength of 
character and tenacity of purpose characteristic of the Scotch-Irish. Doc- 
tor Hale says of her: 

"Mary Draper, having no sister, had sjient niiuii of her time in her 
girlhood days with her only brother, in his outdotjr avocations and sports. 
They pla}ed together, walked together, rode together. She could jump 
a fence or a ditch as readily as he ; she could stand and jinnp straight 
up nearly as high as her head; she could stand on the ground beside 
her horse and leap into tjie saddle unaided; could stand on the floor and 
jump over a chair-back. It will soon be seen how invaluable to her such 
physical training was a few years later." 

We cannot determine at this time the names of all those who li\ed 
at Draper's Meadows. Many more settlers were in its vicinity than we 
have record of. The following named jjcrsons probably had houses 
erected in or about the settlement: Col. James Patton. Mrs. George 
Draper, Casper I'arrier, James Cull, Henry Leonard and William Ingles 

ihis was not the home of Colonel Patton, but as he and his asso- 
ciates still owned much land there, he had a house at Draper's Meadows 
and, it seems, was cultivating some of this land. W'illiam Ingles lived 
to the east on the .Staunton, a little way distant, where he had a mill. 
It is perhaps certain that Jubn Diapci' livccl in tlie s;ime Imuse as his 

'See Dr. I laic, in liLiiis-.lllrghriiy Pioneers. 


mother. He had married Elizabeth Robertson in 1745. Not much is 
known of Barrier. Cull or Leonard. 

To William and Mary Ingles had been born two sons. Thomas, four, 
and George, two years of age. Mrs. Ingles was approaching her third 
period of maternity. To John and Elizabeth Draper had recently been 
born a child. 

The Indi.xn Attack 

A change was in progress in the primeval forests of the West. The 
final contest for supremacy in the New World between the Briton and 
the Gaul was at hand. It was already agitating the Indians in every 
lodge and village in the \'alley of the Ohio. But the settlers at Draper's 
Meadows believed themselves out of the direct path uf the impending 
storm. Colonel Patton was an officer of Augusta County. He seems to 
have realized that steps of precaution were necessary, for he had but 
just brought to Draper's Meadows the supply of powder and lead appor- 
tioned by the county for its defense, and was still there when the attack 
was made. 

On Tuesday, the 8th day of July, 1755. the day previous to that upon 
which the disastrous defeat of liraddock occurred, one of those gather- 
ings of the people, so characteristic of frontier society, was in progress 
on the homestead of William Ingles. Most of the men of Draper's 
Meadows were gathered there to assist in harvesting a fine crop of wheat. 
The men carried their guns with them. But the guns were not taken 
to the harvest field; they were left at the Ingles house, and the reapers 
were unarmed. 

While the men were at work in the field, the women were preparing 
a substantial feast for them. In the course of this work Mrs. John 
Draper had occasion to go from the house to the kitchen garden to 
procure some vegetables. There she saw several Indians skulking behind 
the garden fence. She screamed an alarm and, running into the house, 
exclaimed that Indians were about to attack them. She seized her infant 
and fled by the opposite door, hoping to escape ; but there she was dis- 
covered and fired upon and her right arm shattered by a bullet. Her 
babe fell to the ground, but she seized it with her left hand and continued 
her flight. She was soon overtaken by two warriors, one of whom tore 
her child from her arms. She fought as best she could, but was wounded 
in the back with a tomahawk and overpowered. These savages led her 
back to the house, and when they arrived there the one having the child, 
taking hold of its feet, dashed out its brains against the end of one of 
the logs of the cabin and scalped it before her eyes. 

The Indians had followed Mrs. Draper into the house. Before there 
was time to close the door they were yelling the war-whoop and swarm- 
ing in. Colonel Patton had been writing. His broadsword, which he 
always carried, was lying on the table. He seized this and threw him- 
self in front of the women and children, receiving the attack of the 
savages. He killed two of them and wounded others, and was almost 
succeeding in driving them from the house when he was shot and killed 
by some Indians beyond the reach of his sword. Mrs. George Draper 
was shot and Mrs. Ingles expected death. The chief, rather an old man, 
came forward and made her his captive and led her and her children 
from the house, which the savages soon looted and set on fire. 

The men in the fields were startled by the war-cry. Turning in the 
direction whence it proceeded they saw the house of William Ingles in 
flames and surrounded by a band of Indians painted and decorated for 
war. They were about twenty-five in number and were whooping, yelp- 


ing and running swiftly about. As the guns had been left at the house 
and were now in the hands o( ihe savages, the settlers were powerless. 
They could render the helpless women and children no assistance. 

\\'iien William Ingles rcali/ed the deadly peril in which his wife and 
ciiildren stood, he would not be restrained from going to their rescue, 
unarmed though he was. The other men remonstrated with him, and 
endeavored to show him the utter folly and madness of this action, but 
he did not heed theiu. He was near the house before he was seen by 
the Indians. When they discovered him, two of their number were 
directed to capture him. He was obliged to flee. Two of their swiftest 
young men were sent to jnirsue him. When he entered the woods, one 
(if these young warriors ran on each side of his trail, at some distance 
from it. to pre\ent him from turning aside and eluding them. They 
gained rapidly on him, and he was soon convinced that in speed he was 
no match for them. He expected to be overtaken and slain, and a cir- 
cumstance transpired soon after he entered the woods wdiich heightened 
this expectation. He saw before him, and directly in his course, a 
fallen tree-trunk of great size. It was almost concealed by bushes, bram- 
bles and wild vines. He did not discover it until almost upon it, and too 
late to turn aside and avoid it. His only hope of passing it lay in clear- 
ing it at a single bound. This, by a mighty effort, he succeeded in doing, 
but when in the midst of his leap in the air directly over the log, his foot 
caught in a branch or vine, and he was thrown to the ground. He fell 
beside the log, and was so henmied and bound by the thicket that he felt 
that he could not extricate himself before his pursuers would be upon 
him. He resigned himself to his fate and e-\|)ected every moment that 
the Indians would be upon him. I'.ut they did not come. It was soon 
evident that they had not detected his fall. They ran on, and he escaped 
in another direction. 

By this time the conflict was ended. The men left in the harvest 
field had departed for their own homes, fearful lest the Indians had 
visited them also. Other families were attacked by small bands of Indians 
sent out from the main body. Some were killed and others captured 
and carried away. 

William Preston was at this time in Draper's Meadows with his uncle. 
Colonel Patton. The colonel had despatched him on an errand that morn- 
ing, which saved his life. He became one of the foremost men of Vir- 
ginia. In 1761 he married Miss Susanna Smith, of Staimton, the daugh- 
ter of a widow who had at that time accjuired the site of Draper's 
Meadows. From her hands it passed to Colonel Preston, who changed 
its name to Smithfield. 

Colonel Preston's son, James Patton Preston, became governor of 

Journey to the Indi.\n Town.s 

The Indians found the arms of the settlers in the house of William 
Ingles and, learning from their capti\es the facts in relation to the same, 
correctly surmised that the men of the settlement could make no im- 
mediate pursuit. With great deliberation they secured the horses of the 
settlers and packed upon them the household goods plundered from the 
cabins before they set them on fire. They took all the guns belonging 
to the settlers and all the ammunition allotted to Draper's Meadows. 
When the horses had been loacled to their utmost capacity with food 
and the sixiil of the settlement, the Indians set out on their return to the 
Ohio. They kejit to the ridges, and their progress was slow. The pris- 
oners were required to w;dk between guards. Notwithstanding her con- 


dition, Mrs. Ingles was compelled to carry her youngest son. The other 
soon became fatigued and could not keep pace with even the slow march 
then being made by the Indians. Mrs. Ingles greatly feared that the 
savages would put her children to death in order that she might not be 
compelled by their presence to hinder the progress of the march. Mrs. 
Draper, although severely wounded and suffering much pain, took the 
younger child from the arms of Mrs. Ingles and carried him. Mrs. 
Ingles then took the older son upon her back and thus carried him until 
nightfall, when the Indians halted to camp. Here they were joined 
by other bands carrying plunder and prisoners, but they brought no 
children as captives. Hale has preserved the following incidents of the 
march of the first day : 

"About half a mile or a mile to the west on their route they stopped 
at the house of Mr. Phillip Barger, an old and white-haired man, cut his 
head off, put it in a bag, and took it with them to the house of Phillip 
Lybrook, on Sinking Creek, where they left it, telling Mrs. Lybrook to 
look in the bag and she would find an acquaintance. 

"Lybrook and Preston would probably have shared the same fate as 
Barger if they had been found at Lybrook's house, but they had started 
back to Draper's Meadows on foot by a near pathway across the moun- 
tains, and thus missed meeting the Indians and saved their lives." 

The next morning the Indians were on their way before it was light. 
They traveled some miles before a stop was made to prepare a meal. 
Mrs. Ingles realized by the time of this stop that it would be impossible 
for her to longer bear up under the burden of her son, Thomas. The 
wounds of Mrs. Draper were becoming more painful. Mrs. Ingles was 
convinced that if some different arrangement could not be made for the 
conveyance of her children, she would soon see them murdered by the 
Indians. Her good judgment was sharpened in this emergency by her 
anxiety for the safety of her sons. When the halt was made, she set 
about the preparation of the best meal to be made from the material at 
hand. Her success was such that the Indians were pleased. When it was 
finished she assisted them to manage the packs. She went about the 
camp without restraint and, although fearful of violence, she concealed 
her feelings from the Indians. When they were ready to set out again, 
she asked the chief for permission to ride one of the horses. He per- 
mitted her to do so and to take up her children. She requested that 
Mrs. Draper be allowed to ride also, but this was refused and Mrs. 
Draper compelled to continue the march on foot. Mrs. Ingles grew 
in the good favor of the Indians from this time. 

After Mrs. Ingles was permitted to mount the horse in the morning 
there was no further halt made that day. A camping place was selected 
and the camp for the night was made. Mrs. Ingles clambered down 
from her horse. She was so cramped from the position she had been 
compelled to maintain throughout the day without opportunity for change 
or relaxation that she was unable for some minutes to stand. Mrs. 
Draper was suffering much pain from her wounds. She was worn with 
the day's march and nuich fatigued. Indians on the marcli always waded 
across the streams that crossed their path ; these had been many this day. 
The continued marching with wet feet had so scalded and blistered them 
that it was with pain and difficulty that Mrs. Draper could walk. 

It developed on the following morning why the Indians had held to 
the march so steadily on this day. Before it was light they were carrying 
their spoil over the river in a canoe which had belonged to a settler whose 
deserted cabin stood in a small clearing upon the river bank. The captives 
were taken last ; then an Indian mounted one of the horses and rode it 
into the stream. Two Indians drove the other horses into the river, 
where they followed the first horse to the opposite shore. The Indians 
themselves plunged into the stream and swam across. 

Vol. I— 10 


After the crossing, without waiting for orders or even jiemiission 
to do so, Mrs. Ingles began the pre])aration of a meal. She went about 
tile camp witli an air of unconcern. She did nut ])ine nor brood over her 
troubles. She manifested inditTerence concerning her cajitivity. She 
believed such a course would be much more likely to gain the cont'idence 
of the Indians. When the march was commenced she again mounted 
her horse; this she ditl with a conlident manner and as though it had 
been definitely dcieririnid that she was to ride the whole of the journey, 
and the Indians seemed to regard the matter in just this light, for they 
made no objection to her riding that day. 

There was no cheerfulness in the heart of Mrs. Ingles. There w^as 
almost desi)air. She felt that her powers of endurance would soon be 
subjected to trial which she feared she could not survive, .^he knew that 
the hour was approaching — was in fact ujion her. During this, the third 
night of her captivity, she gave birth to an infant ilaughter. Strong and 
hopeful as she w-as, she feared her case was now^ beyond endurance. IIow 
could she go on tomorrow? .\nd if she could not go on, she knew what 
would be the consequences. In such cases the Indians do not wait. For 
their own women it is not necessary, and white women could not have 
more consideration than Indian women. Mrs. Ingles went on. 

The Indian trail on the west side of the Great Kanawha ascended 
I'aint Creek, crossed the (jreen Flat Top Mountain, and descended the 
r.luestone Ri\er to the New River. This route was followed by the 
Shawnees after they had crossed to the west side of the New River. 
When they again arrived at the Great Kanawha they crossed over to 
the east side for the purpose of manufacturing some salt to carry with 
them to their towns. This salt was made at the salt spring immediately 
above the mouth of Cani|)beirs Creek. 

During this halt Mrs. ingles seems to have recovered entirely from 
the effects of her confinement. Mrs. Draper's arm was prevented from 
healing by the hot weather. It became inflamed to a fearful extent. 
At one time it threatened her life. Mrs. Ingles was permitted to go into 
the woods to search for herbs and roots from which to compound rem- 
edies to relieve her. 

In her search for the jjlants she wished to use in her treatment of 
.Mrs. Draper, Mrs. Ingles was compelled to go considerable distances 
into the woods. Her pronijit return from these rambles caused the 
Indians to treat her wMth a greater degree of leniency and more consider- 
ation. Her whole demeanor during her ca])ti\ity had been such as to 
meet with their apjjroval. In a few days she was allowed to go and 
come at will. No day ])assed but that she could have escaped. Long 
and fierce were the struggles in her on this subject. She always 
left the Indian camp with the purpose of effecting her escape firmly 
fi.xed in her mind. But when alone in the woods reflection upon the .sad 
plight of her children so aroused her maternal love that she wavered in 
lier resolution to go away and lea\e them to the fury of the savages. 
\'isions of the horriljle fate that nn'glu befall them always brought her 
back to cam]), .\fterwards, when it was too late she reproached herself 
bitterly for not having availed herself of one of these op])ortunities to 
returned to her home and friends. 

The Indians remained at the salt spring more than two weeks. At 
the end of this jjeriod Mrs. Draper was much improved. The effect of 
the "medicine" upon her had raised Mrs. Ingles still higher in the estima- 
tion of the Indians, ."-^he came to have her own way in all things affect- 
ing herself and her children, .And she was not denied a sort of negative 
authority in other matters. ( )ne instance of this was her putting Mrs. 
Draper on horseback when the march was resumed to the Indian vil- 
lages. The chief did not ccmsent but did not refuse when .Mrs. Ingles 
said to him that Mrs. Dnnicr must ride. 


The Indians crossed the Ohio River at the mouth of the Kanawha. 
They seemed in no haste to get home. They loitered in the woods and 
by the stream. On the twenty-ninth day of the journey the Indians set 
up a horrible yell, the scalp halloo, which announced their arrival at their 
towns at the mouth of the Scioto. 

At the Indian Towns 

The Indian villages stood upon both sides of the < )hio River. They 
were the famous Lower Towns of the Shawnees. On December 29th 
of that year they were visited by Christopher Gist, agent of the Ohio 
Company. He has left us this description of it: 

"The Shannoah Town is situated upon both sides of the River Ohio. 
just below the mouth of Sciodoe Creek, and contains about 300 men. 
There are about 40 houses on the South side of the River and about 
100 on the North side, with a kind of State-House of about 90 feet long 
with a light Cover of bark in which they hold their Councils." 

Their Upper Town was thirty-nine miles above the mouth of the 
Great Kanawha, on the north side of the Ohio River. At that tiine they 
had other towns in what is now the State of Ohio. 

The victorious scalp halloo of the returning warriors was immediately 
answered by a tumultuous uproar in the village. There issued forth to 
greet the victorious warriors and terrified captives a motley throng of 
warriors, squaws, children, and myriads of wolfish dogs. Warriors 
gave cry- to the quavering war-whoop of the Shawnees, which no enemy 
can hear without feeling his flesh creep and his blood run cold. They 
brandished knives and tomahawks and fired their guns. Men too old 
for the chase and the war-path felt again the intoxication of swiftly 
coursing blood. Neglected and withered old hags, more cruel and blood- 
thirsty than the warriors, hideous from the contortions of rage, gave 
utterance to shrieks and howls more ferocious than those of the wolf or 
the panther. 

The captives, helpless and ignorant of the fate which awaited them, 
quailed before this storm of Indian fury. Unaccustomed to such scenes 
and imfaniiliar with such manifestations of anger, they believed the hour 
of death at hand. The fearful apprehensions of Mrs. Ingles were soon 
allayed. The good favor in which she stood with the Indians was her 
shield in this hour of peril. The chief informed her that she and her 
children were safe from present harm and that they would not be re- 
quired to run the gauntlet. But this clemency and exemption extended 
no further. Her request that Mrs. Draper be spared this dangerous and 
cruel ceremony was denied. Mrs. Draper for herself would never have 
made the request. When ordered to begin the race to the council house 
she had recovered from her monientary confusion. Her eyes blazed 
defiance on the murderous rabble. At the word of the chief she sprang 
forward on the course between the lines and was immediately assailed 
by the merciless mob. Wounded as she was she fought fiercely. She 
snatched weapons from her assailants. She overthrew warriors, beat 
down squaws, and brushed aside youths and dogs. How she reached the 
council house she never remembered. When she arrived there she was 
suffering from many additional wounds, and her arm had been again 

On the third day after reaching the Indian towns the chiefs met in 
council to deliberate upon the disposition to be made of the captives. 
It was the policy of the Indian tribes to break family ties when such 
existed between their prisoners. This was the invariable custom of the 
Shawnees. I'Vom the Indian stnnrlpoint this was a wise provision. One 


would sooner become reconciled to Indian life and interested in the wel- 
fare of the tribe when excluded from all but Indian society. In accord- 
ance with this custom, the captives were distributed to the different 
towns of the Shawnces. 

\\'hcn the council was concluded Mrs. Ingles was at once taken away 
from her children, and they were sc])arated from one anotlier. They 
were conveyed to distant towns, and the two younger lived but a short 
time. She became the adopted daughter of the chief. She was in despair 
when her children were carried away. She had clung to the hope that 
she nu'ght be permitted to keep them with her. Their loss was the 
severest blow she could have experienced. She might have reconciled 
herself in some degree to a life of captivity could she have retained her 
children. It was only the hope that she might be allowed to remain 
with them that had prevented her froiu escaping when at the salt spring 
on the Kanawha. After some days of iiopeless despair her strong and 
vigorou.-- mind rose above useless grief and jiiniiig. .She decided to feign 
acquiescence in the decree of the council until the Indians were com- 
pletely deceived, then make her escape. 

The life of Mrs. Ingles was uneventful enough in the Shawnee vil- 
lage. She was required to carry wood from the forests, to cook food, 
and to work in the corn held. .She sometimes went with the Indian 
women across the Ohio River into Kentucky. An event occurred early 
in September which served to break the monotony of the dull and 
slavish routine of her Indian life. 

The Indian traders commenced active operations in their traftlc and 
barter for furs in the month of September. They carried into the wilder- 
ness to their trading stations in the various Indian towns at this period 
of the year supplies of ruin, beads, hatchets, knives, firearms, ammuni- 
tion, gewgaws, gaudily colored cloth, blankets and other articles of 
Indian desire and necessity. The I'^rench traders arrived from Detroit 
with a large cargo of goods for Indian trade about the first of September. 
Among their effects were quantities of the brilliantly colored cloth so 
dear to the Indian heart. Mrs. Ingles procured a few yards of this 
cloth, and from it she made a long shirt or gown for her Indian father. 
The chief was much pleased with this addition to his wardrobe. Fie 
was so delighted with his new shirt that he arrayed himself in it and 
paraded the village to exhibit it. His new costume created a sensation. 
The traders were instantly besieged by the Indian warriors, each of 
whom desired to purchase a shirt similar to that of the chief. The 
Frenchmen could not supj^ly them. They investigated the matter and 
examined the shirt. They at once besought Mrs. Ingles to luake shirts 
to be sold to the Indians. But she did not consent to become the seam- 
stress of the tribe until she was promised a remuneration. 

When Mrs. Ingles completed a shirt for a warrior, one of the French- 
men would hoist it upon a pole and carry it about the village by way 
of ad\ertisement ; he called attention to its beauties and cried aloud 
the accomplishments of the maker. It required about three weeks for 
her to make enough shirts to clothe the warriors of the village. At the 
end of that tiiue she was regarded with something like affection by the 
warriors now clothed and ornamented in glaring and gorgeous shirts 
manufactured by her hand. In after life, when restored to her home 
and friends, she could not repress a sense of anuisement when describ- 
ing a gathering of her partisans arrayed in these shirts, which reached 
to their heels and which were all of the gaudy, discordant and inhar- 
monious hues selected by the French traders to please their barbarous 

About this time it was determined that a party of the Indians should 
go to the Big Hone I.icks in KeiUucky to manufacture salt for their use 


during the winter. The chief decided that Mrs. Ingles should go. She 
vigorously objected to being one of the party, as she was daily looking 
for an opportunity to escape. An old Dutch woman whom the Shawnees 
had in some way obtained from the Wyandots, who had captured her 
in Pennsylvania many years before, was one of the party. 


The Escape 

The Big Bone Licks are in what is now Boone County, Kentucky, on 
Big Bone Creek. They are, by the Ohio River, about one hundred and 
sixty miles below the mouth of the Scioto River. They are some three 
miles from the river. They are so called from the great abundance of 
the bones of the mammoth found about them at the time of the early 
settlement of the country. Hundreds of the skeletons of these extinct 
animals have been taken from this locality. 

Some twenty warriors, three Frenchmen, Mrs. Ingles and the old 
Dutch woman and a number of squaws and children made up the party 
that visited the licks. They went in canoes down the Ohio River, and 
the journey was a pleasant one. The banks of the Ohio were at that 
time tree-covered to the water's edge. The journey was made in the 
first days of October when the early frosts had just touched the forest 
foliage with the delicate tints and gorgeous colorings which can never be 
equaled by the artist's brush. 

Mrs. Ingles had thought to await the return of the Indians to their 
towns at the mouth of the Scioto before attempting escape, but now 
made up her mind to escape at the first opportunity. She decided to 
try to enlist the old Dutch woman in her enterprise ; her first efforts in 
this direction were not successful. She entertained little hope of regain- 
ing her liberty. For some days Mrs. Ingles mistook her apathy for 
indifference or treachery, but it seems she was only deliberating on the 
matter and debating in her mind. Her conclusion finally was to ac- 
company Mrs. Ingles. Within a week she was impatient to set out, and 
the more enthusiastic and sanguine of the two but perhaps much less 
determined than Mrs. Ingles. 

Their distance from the settlements and the difficulties to be en- 
countered on the way to them must have rendered it improbable, in 
the judgment of the Indians, that the women would attempt to escape 
from this point. They were allowed to go and come almost at will ; 
every vestige of restraint had disappeared. 

Mrs. Ingles asked permission from her Indian father, the chief, to 
go in search of wild grapes. This permission was readily granted. The 
only preparation the women made for their journey was to get a blanket, 
a tomahawk and a large knife for each. They carried no food, as they 
feared that would cause suspicion. The tomahawk procured by Mrs. 
Ingles was not to her liking, and as she was starting she exchanged it 
with one of the Frenchmen, who was at the moment seated on a mam- 
moth's skull on which he was cracking walnuts. They left the Licks 
some time in the afternoon determined to perform such a journey as 
has rarely been undertaken by the most experienced and accomplished 
woodsman. For days and weeks they were to be in constant danger 
of meeting roving bands of Indians, which at this season of the year 
filled the woods. Recapture meant death. To reach their friends they 
must pass for hundreds of miles through unbroken forests filled with 
fierce beasts and these savage men. This distance must be traversed 
on foot, and with only such food as could be obtained by the way with- 
out guns to kill game, and with no means of defense from man or beast 
save the knife and tomahawk. Danger and peril beyond comprehension 


at iliis [jrescnt time, l)iii wliith tht-y lliiri ki-viil)- realized, menaced them 
every moment after they left the Indian camp at the Licks. 

When they departed from the Licks, they went at once to the Ohio 
River and followed up that stream. When they came to the large streams 
falling into the Ohio from the south, ha\ing no means of crossing, they 
were compelled to follow up the course of these streams until a point 
was found where they could be crossed by wading. Or, as sometimes 
happened, a crossing could be efFected on the great drift of logs and 
brushwood carried down by the floods and deposited in some sudden 
angle or bend in the river. They made little effort to procure food the 
first few days. The most dangerous jiart of their journey was the first 
200 miles. This distance would carry them well beyond the Indian towns 
at the mouth of the Scioto. Their an.xiety to ])ass this crucial point on 
their way in safety so absorbed their faculties that they did not so much 
realize their want of food. 

On the sixth day of their flight, at nightfall, the women arrived in 
the vicinity of the Indian town on the south bank of the Ohio at the 
mouth of the Scioto River. Here were forty or fifty cabins, but all 
were not occupied by the Shawnees. Some of them had been long aban- 
doned. Some families lived here, but Mrs. Ingles hoped that in this 
season of the year they would be .scattered about the licks and other 
game resorts. She had sometimes crossed the Ohio from the Lower 
Town to visit the corn fields and was familiar with the village and ac- 
quainted with its inhabitants. The women could have evaded the town 
by a detour to the .south, but it was necessary to procure some food, and, 
should the village prove to be deserted, here was the opportunity. They 
dreaded most the Indian dogs. 

When night came on the women investigated the matter as best they 
could and concluded that there were no Indians in the village. They 
advanced from jjoint to j)oint and from cabin to cabin with much fear 
and great caution. After they had visited all tlie cabins and decided that 
the town was deserted, they entered a cabin and slept through the night. 
They had determined that if they were discovered they would say that 
they had become separated from the band at the IJig Bone Licks and, 
not being able to find the camp, had returned home to the Indian towns. 

On the following morning they found a horse near the corn fields 
and after some trouble caught him. This horse wore about his neck, 
fastened with a leather stra]), a large bell. Mrs. Ingles thought it best 
to not remove this bell. They made a halter for him from strips torn 
from their blankets. They tied the corners of their blankets together 
and made two bags, which they filled with the ears of corn. These they 
packed on the horse to carry with them. 

The com which they obtained from the field at the Indian village 
was of great benefit to them. Want of food, their extraordinary exer- 
tions, their apprehension antl anxiety had reduced their strength. The 
corn obtained here partially restored it. They were under the necessity 
of eating it raw, which thc'y did after pounding it and cracking it to a 
kind of coarse hominy with their tomahawks, b'ear of discovery by the 
Indians would have jirevented their building a fire even if they had pos- 
sessed the means to do so. 

When Mrs. Ingles and her companion arrived at the mouth of the 
Big Sandy River they foiind that the streain was too deep to be crossed 
by wading and too deep for the horse to ford. They were compelled to 
turn up the river in search of a crossing place. They followed the west 
bank a i)art of two days. They finally found an immense drift of logs 
and river rubbish in the stream just below the present site of Louisa, 
Kentucky, and just below the forks of the river. It completely choked 
the river for some distance and llie w.ator nowi'd under it. (In ibis drift 


the women crossed with safety, but the horse broke through it and fell 
into the water below. They made every efifort to get him out, but with- 
out success. Seeing that he would have to be abandoned, they set about 
the matter of saving his lading. But they had removed only a part of 
his load of com when the current carried him under the drift. The old 
Dutch woman had, however, removed the bel! from his neck. The women 
spent the night at this point. On the following morning they took upon 
their shoulders what corn they had recovered from the horse and carried 
it with them. As the Ohio River could be their only infallible guide in 
their search for the Kanawha they returned thither. Arriving at the 
Ohio they continued their weary ascent of that stream. They had been 
the greater part of four days on the Big Sandy River. 

When their corn was exhausted their food consisted of wild grapes, 
black walnuts, butternuts, hickory-nuts, pawpaws, beech-nuts, acorns and 
chestnuts. When these could not be obtained, the old Dutch woman, 
who had been long in captivity and had learned from the Indians much 
about living in lean times, hunted in the woods for roots, the names of 
which she did not know, but which she had been taught by her captors 
to find and eat. They were emaciated from their long continued toil and 
from want of food, and their suffering was terrible. The old Dutch 
woman became at times partially insane. She was then possessed of the 
desire to murder Mrs. Ingles, whom she railed upon and regarded as re- 
sponsible for all her misery. It was with great difficulty that Mrs. Ingles 
then soothed, quieted and overcame her. 

The Rescue 

When these lone wanderers arrived at the mou'.h of the Kanawha 
their condition was deplorable indeed. The weather was cold and dis- 
agreeable. Their shoes or moccasins were long worn completely out, 
and their feet were bare. The rough journey through briers, thorns, 
thick bushes and rough shrubs had almost destroyed their clothing and 
had fearfully torn and lacerated their feet and limbs. At times they 
believed it impossible that they could proceed further on their journey. 
Mrs. Ingles became bewildered at these times and reeled and stumbled 
from dizziness and loss of sight which sometimes lasted for hours. 
When she recovered from these attacks she was so weak as to be unable 
for a time to travel. The old Dutch woman was on the verge of mad- 
ness and constantly threatened that she would kill and eat Mrs. Ingles. 
And still the sight of the Kanawha created joy in the heart of Mrs. Ingles. 
She rejoiced that so much of the journey was done. It cheered her to 
see the stream, on the waters of which dwelt her husband and friends. 

The journey up the Kanawha was slow and painful. For some days 
the ground was covered with snow, and this prevented them from getting 
even wild nuts and acorns for food. The sun at length came out from 
beneath the leaden clouds in sufficient strength to melt the snow, but the 
condition of Mrs. Ingles was becoming desperate. It was with the 
greatest difficulty that she prevented the old Dutch woman from taking 
her life. 

When the snow disappeared Mrs. Ingles found that she was making 
better progress than she could have hoped. Her feet and limbs were 
fearfully swollen and very painful by this time. She was sure that 
she was nearing her home, and in her anticipation of soon reaching that 
haven of rest and protection she momentarily became oblivious to the 
danger which was present, imminent and deadly. The old Dutch woman 
was now raving and frantic. She seized Mrs. Ingles and, flourishing her 
long knife aloft, said she must die. Mrs. Ingles expected death, but her 


calmness and presence nt mind did not forsake her. In order to gain 
a few nioincnts' time in which to escape, she induced the old Dutch 
woman to agree to cast lots to determine whicli of tiicni should die to 
save the other. lUit the lot fell upon her, and the old woman, thinking 
her right to Mrs. Ingles' life was now complete, again seized her. A 
desperate struggle ensued. The old woman was much the larger and 
stronger of the two, but Mrs. Ingles was much quicker and more active 
of movement. She finally broke away and fled along the bank of the 
river. She concealed herself, and in a short time had the satisfaction 
of hearing the old woman pass by and continue her course up the river. 
Mrs. Ingles did not emerge from her place of concealment until the 
moon was shining brightly. About ten o'clock at night she came upon 
the site of the camj) made by the Indians wdio had carried her away 
immediately after they had crossed the New Ri\-er. She knew that the 
Indians had left concealed there the canoe in which she had been brought 
over the ri\er. She made search for the canoe and found it drawn 
high upon the bank and full of leaves and water from recent rains and 
melted snows. After her experience with the insane woman on this day 
she wished to be entirely separated from her. She believed that her only 
safety lay in getting the river between herself and her companion. 

I\Irs. Ingles turned the canoe upon its side and quickly cleared it of 
rubbish. She could lind no paddle with which to propel it, but she pro- 
cured as a substitute a broad, thin sijlintcr from a storm-riven tree. 
.Mthough the canoe was a small one. the task of getting it into the water 
was almost too great for the little strength she had remaining. She 
often des])aired of doing so at all, but the thought that her crazed com- 
panion might find her caused her to renew her efforts, which were finally 
rewarded by the canoe's sliding into the river. She was soon upon the 
opposite bank and safe from her crazy companion's fury. 

Mrs. Ingles made her way to the deserted cabin in the little clearing, 
in this she sjient the night. .As soon as it was light on the following 
morning she began a search for something to eat. She found that corn 
had been ])lanted in the field the previous spring, but that buffaloes had 
broken down the inclosures and destroyed the crops. When about to 
give up the search and ])roceed on her way she found growing in a 
fence corner two small turni]5s and a large bunch of kale which had 
escaped the ravages of the wild animals. These furnished her a much 
better breakfast than she had ta.sted for weeks. 

After breakfast Mrs. Ingles returned to the river to continue her 
journey. She was immediately seen from the opjiosite bank of the river 
by the old woman, who begged to be carried over the river also. She 
assured Mrs. Ingles that she would treat her well and not attack her 
again. Mrs. Ingles refused to assist her across and told her to follow 
her up the bank of the river, which she unwillingly did. 

The remainder of the journey of Mrs. Ingles is well told by Doctor 
Hale. Nothing can be added to it, and it is given here entire : 

"From the best reckoning Mrs. Ingles could make, she concluded that 
she must now be within about thirty miles of her home, but much of the 
remainder of the way was extremely rough, the weather was growing 
colder and, worse than all, her ]jhysical exhaustion was now so e.xtreme 
that il seemed impossible that she could continue the struggle much longer. 
She feared that after all she had suffered and borne she would ;it last 
have to succumb to hunger, exposure and fatigue and perish in ilic wilder- 
ness alone. 

"As her physical strength waned, however, her strong will ])(>wt'r Imre 
her uj) and on and ho])e sustained her as wearily and painfully she 
made mile after mile, eating what she could find in the forest, if any- 
thing; sleeping when and wlu-re she could, if .-it all. 


"She had passed up through the 'New River Narrows,' the great 
rift where New River had cut its way through the soUd 'Peter's Moun- 
tain' (so named at the eastern end for Peter Wright, a famous old hunter 
and pioneer, but here named after a pioneer family named Peters). It 
is one of the wildest scenes in the state. She had passed the butte of 
Wolf Mountain and the mouth of Wolf Creek. Near here Peterstown, 
on the east side, had since been built. She had passed near the present 
site of Giles C. H., and nearly under the shadows of the towering 
'Angel's Rest' Mountain, on the west side (so called by General Cloyd), 
4,000 feet high, with its rock-ribbed sides and castellated towers, said 
to strongly resemble Mount Sinai, but it brought no rest nor peace to her. 
"She had passed the cliff near Giles C. H., had crawled around or 
over the huge cliffs just below the mouth of Stony Creek. She had by 
some means gotten beyond that grand wall of cliff jutting into the 
river for two miles, extending from opposite Walker's Creek to Doe 
Creek, and, two miles above this, another seemingly impassable cliff had 
been scaled. She had gotten about two miles beyond these last named 
cliffs and was near the base of the 'Salt Pond Mountain,' with its beautiful 
lake near its summit, 4,000 feet above tide and one of the greatest natural 
curiosities of the state; but her mind was not occupied with the grandeur 
of the scenery nor the beauty of these then nameless localities she was 
passing; she only knew that each one passed put her that much nearer 
home — sweet home. 

"Night was approaching; snow had fallen and it was bitterly cold 
(it was now about the last of November). Just before her she was con- 
fronted by still another gigantic cliff, hundreds of feet high, the base in 
the water and the crown overhanging. At last her progress seemed 
utterly barred ; there were no ledges, no shelving rocks, no footholds of 
any kind to cHmb around on. The only chance left it seemed was to 
wade around the base, as she had done in other cases. This she tried, 
but found that, to her, it was an unfathomable gulf. 

"Her heart sank within her; night was now upon her; cold before, 
she was now wet and colder still. She had nothing to eat ; she could 
find no soft couch of leaves, no friendly cave or hollow log. 

"In despair she threw herself down on the bare ground and rocks, and 
there lay in that pitiable condition, more dead than alive, until next 

"With the dawning of the day there was a feeble revival of hope — for 
while we live we will hope. She thought of the only possible remaining 
way of passing this gigantic barrier; this was to climb over the top of 
it, but in attempting to rise she found that her limbs were so stiff and 
swollen and sore from the wet, cold and exposure that she could scarcely 
stand, much less walk or climb. Still there was no choice ; if she could 
she must, so again she tried. 

"Slowly, as the effort and exercise relieved her somewhat from the 
jsaralyzing chill, she wound her devious, tedious and painful way, hour 
after hour, getting a little higher and a little higher, so feeble and faint 
from hunger, such soreness and pain from her lacerated feet and swollen 
limbs that from time to time she looked down from her dizzy heights 
almost tempted from sheer exhaustion and suffering to let go and tumble 
down to sudden relief and everlasting rest. 

"Climbing and resting, resting and climbing, she at last reached the 
summit, and the day was far spent. 

"While resting here, her thoughts had wandered on up the river to 
her home and friends. She knew that she must now be within twelve 
or fifteen miles of that home. 'So near and yet so far.' If she had 
strength how quickly she would fly to it; but, alas, in her now desperate 
and deplorable condition the chance of reaching it seemed fainter even 


tliaii \\licn .slut k-fi r.i;; I'.uiu- l.ick witli strcnj^th. lujpc and resolution. 
.Now she did not know what hour lier powers might utterly fail; what 
minute nature might yield and she would he lost. 

"As long as she lived. Mrs. Ingles always referred to this as the most 
terrible day of her eventful life. 

"Arousing her.self again to the necessities of the hour, she started on 
her painful and jterilous descent; crawling, falling, slijjping and sliding, 
she at length reached the bottom as the day was about departing. 

"I have talked with a friend of mine, born and reared in this neigh- 
borhood, and who is perfectly familiar with all this part of New' River. 
He tells me that this cliff is 2X0 feet high to the top, measured, the first 
100 feet o\erhanging, and that the water in the pool at the base has 
never been fathomed. He has often tried in his youth with long poles 
and with weighted lines, but never got bottom. There is, he says, a 
whirljiool or sort of maelstrom here, down into which wdien the river is 
high, logs, driftwood, etc., are drawn, coming up again some distance 
below. No wonder Mrs. Ingles could not wade around the cliff; no won- 
der it took her a whole day in her e.xhausted condition to climb over it. 

"The highest point of this front cliff, from some real or fancied re- 
semblance to a huge anvil, is called 'Anvil Rock.' Just across the river, 
in a corresponding cliff — all of the blue limestone — is a natural arch, 
which is called 'Caesar's Arch,' and near it a natural column called 'Pom- 
pey's Pillar.' 

" 'Sinking Creek,' a considerable stream which in low water loses 
itself imderground some miles in the rear, finds its surface in the deep 
pool at the base of Anvil Rock cliff. In freshets the surplus water finds 
its way to the river three-fourths of a mile below." 

After reaching the base of the cliff' Mrs. Ingles was almost unable to 
proceed. She dragged her way along the river bank, and about the set- 
ting of the sun came to a clearing, surrounded by a rail fence, in which 
had been grown a crop of corn that was then standing in the field. She 
was unable to see a building of any description and, lieing loo far spent 
to make search for the people she believed to be living near, she com- 
menced to halloo at the lop of her voice, in the hope of attracting the 
attention of any persons who might be in the vicinity of the clearing 
which, it turned out, was the field of Adam Harman. His son, Adam 
Harman, Jr., a good-sized lad, was high up a steep mountain spur, 
almost directly aliove Mrs. Ingles, returning from hunting. As he 
descended toward the field, the weak and tremulous wail of Mrs. Ingles 
attracted his attention. In the wilderness all sounds and alarms that 
could not be immediately accounted for were at once attributed to 
Indians. In great alarm he came down the mountain to the field where 
his father was gathering corn in a part which was situated in a depres- 
sion and behind a ridge, and which was not within hearing of Mrs. 
Ingles. When his son in formed him that he had heard Indians in the 
woods, Adam Ilaniian seized his gun and set out for his cabin in great 
haste. Coming U]) to the toj) of a ridge near Mrs. Ingles he heard her 
voice. He stopjied a moment to listen and was soon convinced that it 
was not the voice of Indians which had frightened his son. He set oft" 
hurriedly toward the quarter whence came the voice. He found a 
strange-looking figure sealed on a log. Her long hair had not been 
combed for months and was matted in a tangled mass about her head. 
She was almost destitute of clothing. What remained was slit, torn 
and tattered to rags. Adam Harman was well acquainted with Mrs. 
Ingles. She had been his neighbor for years. liut it was haril for him 
to realize that the exhausted, torn, dirt-begrimed, weather-blackened, 
hunger-worn, emaciated figure that he found silting on the moss grown 
log in the woods uttering feeble wails of desjiair was the young and 
accomplished wife of his friend William Ingles. 


Mrs. Ingles was unable to stand unsupported when Harman found 
her. He gave his gun to his son and lifted her in his arms. Her weight 
was little more than that of a child. He carried her to his house. There 
she was taken in charge by his good wife and daughters. They admin- 
istered her a small quantity of brandy and gave her a little food. In 
the course of a few hours she was ravenously hungry ;uk1 cried and 
begged piteously to be allowed to eat as much as she wi-lied. I'oulticcs 
were applied to her torn, frozen and swollen feet and limbs. It retjuired 
half a day for one of Harman's daughters to unlanylc. cleanse and dress 
Mrs. Ingies' long and beautiful hair. 

Mrs. Ingles rapidly regained her strength and reco\ered her heallh 
under the tender care of the Harman household. She was anxious and 
impatient to see her husband. She wanted to proceed on her way home. 
At the end of three days Mr. Harman believed her strong enough to 
stand the journey. She was still too weak to retain her seat on 
back. Mr. Harman placed a pillion behind him on his horse. He placed 
her on this and she rode behind him to the Dunkard's Bottom, where 
nearly all the families of the settlement were gathered in a fort. 



When William Ingles escaped from the Indians on the day of their 
attack uj)on his home and the capture of his family, he urged his friends 
and neighbors to help him rescue his wife and children. In his entreaties 
he was joined by John Draper. Their misfortunes and distress and their 
an.xieties for their families in the hands of the savages rendered them 
desperate and unreasonable. The settlement was in no condition to make 
a successful jnirsuit. The guns and ammunition of the settlers had been 
carried away by the Indians. The settlement's apportionment of powder 
and lead had been delivered to William Ingles before the attack upon his 
home, and it had fallen into the hands of the Shawnees. Realizing at 
length that it was impracticable to make any early attempt to rescue their 
families. Ingles and Draper, together with the other settlers of Draper's 
Meadows, set about enlisting the Government in an expedition to punish 
the Indians and rescue the captives. This they succeeded in inducing 
the authorities to do. The defeat of Braddock had left the frontier 
settlements at the mercy of the Indians on the Ohio. From all along 
the border came importunities for .some action which would hold the 
savages in check. 

In compliance with these demands. Governor Dinwiddle ordered an 
expedition sent against the Shawnees by the way of the Great Sandy 
Creek, as the Big Sandy I-iiver was then known. It was intended that 
the expedition should be under way by October, 1755, but it was found 
impossible to procure a sufficient force of men by that date. Further 
delay ensued. The campaign was on the verge of failure for want of 
troops in force adequate to accomplish its purposes, when the settlers 
about the New River suggested the enlistment of a company of Chero- 
kees. The proposition was received by the authorities with favor, and 
Christopher Gist, William Ingles, John Draper and Matthias Harman 
were sent to the Cherokee towns on the Little Tennessee River on this 
mission. They were successful, and 130 Cherokee warriors went in the 
following February (1756) with the English on the "Sandy Creek Voy- 
age," as the expedition was always called by the frontiersmen. The 
Indians were commanded by Richard Pearis. 

Ingles and his companions returned from the embassy to the Chero- 
kees about the time that Mrs. Ingles arrived. They camped in the woods 
about six miles from the fort in the Dunkard's Bottom the night of Mr. 


Harnian's arrival there with Mrs. Ingles. They came on to the fort on 
the following morning and were astonished beyond measure when in- 
formed of ^Irs. Ingles' return. The meeting of husband and wife was 
a happy one. But their joy was turned to sorrow when they remembered 
their children in savage huts on the banks of the distant Ohio. 

Mr. and Mrs. Ingles remained at the fort until spring, when they 
went to \'aux's h'ort on the Roanoke River. Mrs. Ingles' horror of 
again falling into the hands of the Indians made her fearful of remain- 
ing even there, and they soon afterward removed to Bedford, in Botetourt 
County, east of the Blue Ridge. Their removal thither proved their salva- 
tion. Vaux's Fort was ca])turcd this same year and the families that 
had taken refuge there murdered or carried away captive. 

The other prisoners remained for years with the Shawnees. George 
Ingles and the infant died shortly after their separation from their 
mother. After much difficulty Thomas was ransomed by his father 
thirteen years after his capture. When his father procured his release 
and brought him home he was almost grown, unable to speak English, 
and an entire savage in his manners and habits. He was afterward 
educated at the home of Dr. Thomas Walker in Albemarle County and 
became a man of much worth. Mrs. Draper was released by the Shaw- 
nees at the end of seven years. 

Mrs. Ingles' captivity and escape occupied 5^ months. From the time 
when she left the Big Bone Licks in Kentucky until her arrival at the 
Dunkard's Bottom was a period of more than forty days of such danger, 
toil, fatigue, privation, hardship and suffering as few people have 
been called upon to undergo. When the Shawnees were informed of 
her escape and told that she was still alive, they refused to believe it. 
They did not think it possible. When she and the elder captive failed 
to return to the camp at the Licks, the Indians searched for them in 
all directions, but found no trace of them and concluded that wild 
beasts had devoured them. That two lone women would attempt to 
make their way to Draper's Meadows unarmed and unsupplied with 
food they could not comprehend, and that they had successfully accom- 
plished their rash and reckless undertaking they refused to believe. 

Mrs. Ingles died in 1815, aged eighty-three years. 

The following is Foote's account of the rescue of "the old Dutch 
woman" : 

"While Mrs. Ingles was at Ilarman's lodge she entreated her host to 
go or send for the old woman. He positively refused, both on account 
of her bad treatment of his guest ancl also that he knew that she would 
come to a cabin on her side of the river. To this cabin she came, and 
found in it a kettle nearly full of venison and bear's meat the hunters 
had prepared and just left. She feasted and rested herself a day or 
two, and then dressing herself in some clothing left by the hunters, and 
making a bark bridle for an old horse left there, she mounted him and 
proceeded on her way. When within about fifteen or twenty miles of 
the Dunkard's Bottom she met some men going in search of her. They 
found her riding, carrying the bell she took from the horse left in the 
river and had brought along all through her journey and hallooing at 
short intervals to attract the attention of hunters. Nothing is known of 
her after her arrival at the fort; the only remarkable event in her life 
was her escape with Mrs. Ingles." 

Doctor Hale's account of her rescue: 

"Mrs. Ingles awoke next morning greatly rested and refreshed. She 
called Harnian and told him of her exi)erience with the old woman, her 
companion, and begged him to send his boys back down the river in 
search of lier, but the boys, having heard Mrs. Ingles relate the story 
of her advciilure witli the old woman, and. \'ery naturally, feeling out- 


raged and indignant at her conduct, refused to go, and Harman, sharing 
their feelings, dech'ned to compel them ; so the old woman was left, for 
the present, to make her own way as best she could. 

"After arriving at the fort, Mrs. Ingles again begged Harman, now 
that he had restored her to her friends, to comfort and safety, to go back 
and hunt for the poor old woman and, if still alive, to bring her in. This 
he now consented to do and started promptly down the west bank of 
the river. 

"A few miles after she and Mrs. Ingles had parted company the old 
woman met with a piece of genuine good luck. She came upon a hunt- 
ers' camp just abandoned, apparently precipitately, for what reason she 
could not tell — possibly from an Indian alarm — but they had left on the 
fire a kettle of meat, cooking, to which she addressed herself assiduously. 

"She remained here two or three days, resting, eating and recuperating 
her strength. The hunters had left at the camp an old pair of leather 
breeches ; these the old woman appropriated to her own personal use 
and adornment, being by no means fastidious about the fit or the latest 
style of cut, or fashion, her own clothes being almost entirely gone. 

"An old horse had also been left by the supposed hunters, loose about 
the camp, but no sign of saddle or bridle. 

"The old woman remained at the camp, its sole occupant (no one 
putting in an appearance while she was there) until she had consumed all 
the meat in the pot ; she then made a sort of bridle or halter of leather- 
wood bark, caught the old horse, put on him that same bell which was 
found on the horse captured opposite the Scioto and taken off by the 
practical minded old woman when that horse had been abandoned to 
his fate among the drift logs in Big Sandy and carried through all her 
terrible struggles and sufferings to this place. 

"Having taken the wrapper from around the clapper and so hung 
the bell on the horse's neck that it would tinkle as he went, as, being 
so near the settlement, she now hoped to meet settlers or hunters, she 
mounted him, riding in the style best adapted to her newly acquired dress 
of leather unmentionables, and again started up the river on her way 
to the then frontier settlement. 

"Thus slowly jogging along, hallooing from time to time to attract 
the attention of anyone who might be within hearing, she was met in 
this plight about the 'Horse Shoe,' or mouth of Back Creek, opposite 
'Buchanan's Bottom,' by Adam Harman, in search of her, and taken on 
to the Fort. 

"The meeting between Mrs. Ingles and the old woman was very 

"Their last parting had been in a hand-to-hand struggle for life or 
death — not instigated by malice or vindictiveness, but by that first great 
law of nature, self-preservation, that recognizes no human law; but now 
that they were both saved, this little episode was tacitly considered as 
forgotten. Remembering only the common dangers they had braved and 
the common sufferings they had endured together in the inhospitable wil- 
derness, they fell upon each other's necks and wept, and all was recon- 
ciliation and peace. 

"The old woman remained here for a long time, awaiting an oppor- 
tunity to get to her own home and friends in Pennsylvania. Finding 
before long an opportunity of getting as far as Winchester by wagon, 
she availed herself of it, and from there, with her precious bell, the sole 
trophy of her terrible travels and travails, it was hoped and believed that 
she soon got safely home, though I cannot learn that she was ever after- 
wards heard of in the New River settlement." 


'Jlie defeat of Braddock in July, 1/55, 'eft the frdiiticrs of X'irginia, 
Maryland and Pennsylvania cxjiosed to the attacks of savajje triljes. The 
Western horder, fronting on the Ohio Valley, was hel]jless and well-nigh 
defenseless. 'J'he Indians of that region were left wholly to the inthience 
of the intrigues of the victorious French. The settlements of the English 
were at that time just passing beyond the great Alleghany Divide. The 
inhabitants of this border keenly realized the peril in which the supremacy 
of the French on the Western waters had placed them. And soon red 
murders, ruthless butcheries. Indian cajitivity, torture and death at the 
fiery stake, the lurid flame and black smoke rising at midnight over 
the ruins of farm-house, fort, and settlement were familiar accom- 
j)animents to the savage warfare waged along the border. The Shaw- 
nees, Delawares, W'yandots, Alingoes, and other tribes hung upon the 
outlying settlements of the English. Terror ensued and desolation soon 
marked the frontier line. The trails were thronged with fugitives who 
had been compelled to flee from their homes without proper clothing, 
without subsistence, and sometimes with little hope of succor. 

There had as yet been organized no cami>aign against these Western 
Indians, .'-^uch an expedition would meet with many untoward cir- 
cumstances, for there had been only the unfortunate effort of Braddock 
to furnish experience. All that the border settlers had been able to 
attempt was to pursue singly or in small companies the savages who 
had spread consternation by their brutal massacres. Such pursuit was 
always at the instance of individuals acting on their own initiative. 

The first expedition ever organized by any colony for the purpose 
of invading the Indian country of the Ohio waters was that which 
\'irginia designed to send down the Great Sandy, in the fall of 1755, 
against the .'-lliawnee lower towns, and which was known to the frontiers- 
men as the Sandy Creek Voyage. The settlers about Draper's Meadows 
were the most persistent advocates of such a campaign, and to their 
efforts, largely, was the credit of the expedition due. In the corre- 
spondence of Governor Dinwiddie there are references to the presence 
in the governor's office of William Ingles. Ingles, in fact, acted as the 
governor's messenger and representatixe on more than one occasion in 
the preparations for the voyage. 

The militarv forces of \'irginia were far too meager to a(K'i|iiately 
discharge the responsibilities re([uired of them. No sufficient ninnber 
of trooi)s could be spared for this new enteriirise. Cioxernor Dinwiddie 
might have hesitated but for the suggestion of the pioneers at Draper's 
Meadows. Through their efTorts the Cherokee Indians were enlisted 
in the \'irginia cause. It was not until they had been brought to declare 
against the French and the Shawnees that the demonstration was as- 
sured. Richard I'earis was the principal factor in shaping the policy 
of the t'herokees. Writing to him on the T5th of December. 1755. 
Governor Dinwiddie said: "l am glad you have bro' in 130 of the 
Cherokces and ^"r .Assurance of 50 more coni'g, and of their I'orposal 
for attck'g the Shawneese in their Towns, w'ch I greatly ai)i)rove of.'' 



In his letter of January 2, 1756, to Governor Sharpe, Dinwiddie ex- 
plained how the Cherokees had been won over: '"Since I wrote You, 
four of the Cherokee Warriors came here professing the great F'dship 
their Nat' had to their Bro's the English. I dispatched them with new 
Cloaths and some Presents, and sent a Person with them to persuade 
them to take up the Hatchet ag'st the Fr." On the same day the gov- 
ernor wrote Governor Morris to the same effect. From this letter it 
would appear that the Cherokees themselves suggested the expedition 
to the Shawnee towns, and that they had at first been enlisted to guard 
the border and protect the settlers. ^ 

The Cherokees were commanded by three of their chiefs — Outacite, 
Yellow Bird, and Round O. The last two were commissioned as cap- 
tains of their respective bands in the Virginia service. All the Cherokees 
formed one company, of which Richard Pearis was the captain. Of 
Virginia troops there were seven companies of regulars, and two com- 
panies of volunteers. The seven companies were commanded by Capts. 
Peter Hogg, William Preston, John Smith, Robert Breckenridge, Obadiah 
Woodson, Samuel Overton, and Richard Pearis. It seems that the Cher- 
okees were counted as regulars. The volunteers were commanded by 

Capts. John Montgomery and Dunlap. The whole number 

of men finally assembled is set down as 365. These forces rendezvoused 
at Camp Frederick, in what is now Pulaski County, Virginia. Col. 
George Washington, then in command of the Virginia forces, named 
Maj. Andrew Lewis as the commander of the expedition. Major Lewis 
was at that time the commanding officer of Augusta County. Governor 
Dinwiddie wrote him a letter of instructions of considerable length, 
which has been preserved. It was largely discretional, covering both 
the contingencies of the expedition and the military affairs of Augusta 

There were many delays. It required time to provide horses for the 
campaign. There were no wagons, and no roads over which they could 
have been taken. Ammunition, supplies, and all baggage had to be trans- 
ported by pack-horses. Finally, all was made ready for the advance, 
which began on the i8th of February. The route bore to the west- 
ward over the mountains to Bear Garden. This point was on the north 
fork of the Holston, and was reached on the 23rd. Some of their horses 
were lost at this point. The march on the 24th carried the little army 
over two high ranges. It was a hard day, at the close of which camp 
was made at Burke's Garden, one of the most fertile tracts in Virginia. 
The plantation there was deserted, but plenty of potatoes were found 
and dug by the men. On the 25th men were sent out to kill game. Their 
success was but indifferent. The march was continued on the 26th, 
and it lay over high and rugged hills. The head waters of Clinch River 
were reached at dark. Captain Pearis had been sent to scout the coun- 
try for evidences of any enemy which might be lurking along the line, 

' Tan'y 2iid, I7S6. 
.Sir : 

Some time since the Cherokees sent four of y'r 

Warriors to me assuring me of y'r steady F'dship to y'r Bros., the Eng. I sent 
them from y's witli new Cloaths and some Presents; sent a Person with them, 
and I represented the cruel Barharities committed by the Fr. and Ind's on our 
back Settlem'ts. W'n they were properly convinc'd thereof they took up the 
Hatchet and declar'd War ag'st the Fr. and Shawnesse and sent in to Augusta 
County 130 of y'r Warriors to protect our Front's. These People proposed going 
to attack the Sliawnesse in their Towns, w'ch I approv'd of (and) order'd four 
Companies of our Rangers to join them, and sent up some Guns, Powder, Lead 
and Match Coats, and gave direct's for Provis's. I wish Success may attend it as 
probably it may reclaim some of our f'dly Ind's who have join'd the Fr. and en- 
courage the Twightwees to be our F'ds w'n they find the .So'ern Ind's are in our 


Sir, V"r most h'ble serv't. 


but none was found. Xo game was secured by the hunters. A heavy 
rain jirevented UKivenicnt on the 27th. After it ceased, the hunters went 
out and killed several liears. 

On Saturday, the 2Sth, the army reached the head waters of Sandy 
Creek. This was the Dry Fork of Tug River. There was heavy rain, 
and the small streams were doubtless running bank full. The Dry Fork 
was crossed twenty times that afternoon. Camp was made an hour 
before sunset. The hunters killed three buffaloes and a number of 
deer. On the 29th the creek was crossed sixty-six times in a distance 
of fifteen miles. Some of the ])ack-horses gave out and were left by the 
way. Camp was made in a "Cane Swamp" after a hard day. The 
following day the march led over a high ridge through a gap to another 
branch of the stream. Camp was made at 4 o'clock in a very incon- 
venient place, the stop there being caused by thunder, hail and rain. 
The Indian scouts found signs of enemy Indian camps. Abraham Bled- 
sher was sent out to verify this report, and found a tree cut two days 
before for a bear, also three box irajjs which had been made since 
Christmas. On the 2nd of March Indians were sent out to make further 
discoveries. They rej)orted that they had found a large camp which 
had been occupied about three days before. .Major Lewis took Cap- 
tains Pearis, Breckenridge, and Preston and went on in advance two 
miles to look for signs of Indians. Camp had been set at 2 o'clock on 
the main stream, to which they returned by descending the branch on 
which they had been. Thirty odd men were sent out because of a great 
smoke reported by the Cherokees. The men were on this day put on 
half rations of beef, which was almost exhausted. Evidences of bitu- 
minous coal were seen on every hand, the first to be observed on the 

The road or trail was becoming almost impassable. The country was 
rough and the river, of course, growing in volume as it was descended. 
Rations were reduced to half a pound of flour to the man. There was 
no meat except wdiat the .soldiers might kill. What little beef there 
was left was reserved for future use. Cami)ed on the creek where there 
was no food for the horses, some of which strayed in the night. Thurs- 
day, the 4th, the march began at half eight after search for the 
strayed horses. C.-iptain Preston marched in front. The stream grew 
rapidly larger as the descent continued. Considerable tributaries came 
in on both sides. The valley was narrower, the mountains high and 
steep. The river was waded si.xteen times on this day. Food was about 
exhausted. Only hunger and fatigue were ahead, and there was much 
discouragement. On the 5th fifteen miles were made with great diffi- 
culty. The stream was very deep for wading, and the men suffered 
nuich, for they were himgry. The mouth of the Dry Fork was reached 
and cam]) was made on the ])oint between the rivers. 

Saturday, the 6th, the camp was moved across to the east bank of 
Tug River. Here the stream was large enough for navigation with 
canoes, and the Cherokees proposed making such craft for themsehes. 
Major Lewis set men to work to make a large canoe in which to carry 
down the ammunition and the little remaining flour. The men began 
to murmur and some of the officers feared a mutiny. ( )n the 7th it 
was agreed that Captains Smith, I'.reckenridge, Dunlap and Preston, 
and Lieutenant Morton should go on down the river with their men a 
distance of fifteen miles, and no farther. That night this detachment 
came upon some footmen encam])ed six miles below the forks of the 
river. Here a pound of flour was issued to each of the forty-eight men, 
and this was expected to last them until the main command should come 
up. The men were ready to mutiny and agreed to .set off for home 
the next morning. Captain Preston prevailed on tlieni to make one 


more trial. At 3 o'clock on the morning of the 8th the march down 
the river began. Three miles below, the mountains closed in on the 
river, and the men could not pass. To avoid this, high mountains were 
crossed and a small stream descended to where some of the men had 
killed two elks. But for the meat thus secured it was thought some 
of the men would have died of hunger. "Their cries and complaints 
were pitiful and shocking," wrote Captain Preston. Two buffaloes and 
one elk were killed on the morning of the 9th. It was believed that the 
fifteen miles had been made, and the men refused to go on. Some of 
the young men went on down seven or eight miles. On their return they 
reported that they had viewed the country from a high mountain, and 
the mountains were so much higher in front of them that the rough 
country already passed appeared level in comparison. It was impos- 
sible, they said, to take the horses over such a country. No game had 
been seen. This report caused the men to resolve to set out for home 
the next morning. They still intended to do this the morning of the 
loth, and they were prevailed on to remain until a letter could be sent 
to Major Lewis stating conditions only by the representations of Cap- 
tain Preston that to set off then would cause his character to suffer. 
In the evening Henry Lawless came into camp and reported that the 
canoes had started down that morning. 

It required much persuasion to prevent the men from starting home 
on the morning of the nth. They finally agreed to await the arrival 
of Major Lewis, who was expected at any time. Two Indians came 
down in a canoe and said the other part of the expedition would arrive 
that night. Andrew Lyman and William Hall returned from a fifteen 
mile scout down the river and reported much improvement in the coun- 
try and the promise of much game. The men believed this only a story 
to induce them to continue the expedition, which, they truthfully said, 
they were in no condition to do. It rained most of that night. On 
the morning of the 12th some of them made ready to depart. .\ few 
got under way, but were brought back. Some were disarmed. Captain 
Woodson and some of his men arrived. His canoe had been overturned 
and everything lost. The canoe of Major Lewis had also been wrecked 
and the major compelled to swim for life. Later he arrived at Preston's 
camp and confirmed the account of the disaster. Colby Chew, one of 
the companions of Dr. Thomas Walker in his famous exploration of 
1750, killed a small bear, which was eaten by the major and his mess. 
He spent the 13th trying to hold his men to the expedition. 

The crisis had arrived. "Hunger and want was so much increased 
that any man in the camp would have ventured his life for a supper," 
wrote Captain Preston. Against such a condition even Major Lewis, 
loyal and courageous though he was, could not prevail. His appeals 
were patriotic and earnest, but they fell on deaf ears. -The men knew 
that they could not proceed situated as they were, and they were not 
to be blamed for refusing to go on. To them it seemed certain death 
from starvation. They heard with respect, but set out on their return. 
Captain Montgomery's volunteers left camp first. The companies of 
Preston and Smith soon followed. In the afternoon Captain Dunlap's 
volunteers left. Major Lewis consulted the Man Killer, a Cherokee, 
who said it was w-ith regret that he saw the white men turn back. He 
thought the Cherokees would not continue the expedition alone. The 
officers and a few privates had stepped forward when Major Lewis 
made his last appeal. He saw that nothing further could be done. The 
expedition had failed, but not by any fault of his. The contention of 
the men that in the beginning there had been inadequate preparations 
for so extensive a campaign was right. 

Though the Sandy Creek Voyage failed of its purpose, much good 

Vol. I— 11 


came out of it. Men became familiar with wilderness difficithies and 
were hardened for later work. Major Lewis fought these same Indians 
at Point Pleasant at the mouth of the Kanawha in October, 1774. Man\- 
of these Sandy Creek \'oyagers fought with him there. lie defeated 
them and their confederates, and opened the Ohio River to the settlers 
so soon to come in ever increasing numbers. The Prestons, the Breck- 
enridges, the Overtons, the Montgomerys, and others founded families 
in the West which endure to this time in all honor and achievement. 

Many authorities assert that the Sandy Creek Voyage readied the 
(/)hio. It did not do so. It only came in sight of those nigged moun- 
tains where the Tug River breaks through its last formidable barrier 
on its way to the Ohio, and which are to this day called "The Roughs." 
There is reason to believe, however, that some of the men, on their own 
account, penetrated deeper into this wild land. There may have been 
fifty or even a hundred whose hardihood was not appalled by rough 
hills and swollen streams. It is (hfficult to account for the well defined 
traditions found yet in West X'irginia and Kasteni Kentucky relating 
to this exi)edition on any other theory than that which says some jiart 
of this force reached the jjrcscnt site of Louisa, Kentucky. 

This expedition gave name to the Tug River. The men hung up 
two bufTalo hides near some spring from which the natural gas bubbled 
up in quantity sufficient to burn. On their return in a famished con- 
dition, they cut these buffalo hides into strips or tugs, held them ovei 
this ignited natural gas until the hair was burned ofif, then ate them. 
This incident, taken with the hard tug made by the men to descend the 
river, caused it to lie spoken of on the frontier as the Tug River. The 
name is appropriate. It is one of the roughest streams in all the .Mle- 
ghanies. \\'liile it has a good volume of water, it never was navigable 
for even the smallest steamboats.- 

So little has been accessible on this first Western expedition that 
it is believed to be well, if, indeed, it is not necessary, to set out here 
the journal of Pre.ston and the diary of Morton. For the ordinary 
reader and casual student will never see them until they are pub'ishcd 
in some general history. 

Journal of Col. William Preston Relating to His March to Sandy 
Creek February 9 to March 13, 1756 

Copied from the Draper Mss. Collection in the Library of the 

W^isconsin Historical Society, Madison, Wis. 

Monday 9th day of February 1756 In Pursuance to Orders of Maj. 
Lewis dated the 4th Instant I marched from Fort Prince George wth my 
two Lieutenants Tw^o Sergeants Three Corporals & 25 Private men had 
with me one Waggon Load of Dry Beef the wt sooo'bs we Traveled 15 
Miles the first Day & I,.odged at the House of Francis Cyphers on Roanoke 
& early on Tuesday Morning being the loth we proceeded on our journey 
as far as Richd Halls wdi is abt 15 Miles 

■- Tlic best .lutliorities on the Sandy Creek Voyage .irc tlie letters of Gov- 
ernor Dinwiddie, published in the ytrginia State Papers, and the manuscript 
journal of Colonel William Preston. Also the copy of the diary of Lieutenant 
Thomas Morton. Both of these are preserved in tlie Draper Collection in the 
Library of Wisconsin State Historical Society, Madison. The Thwaites edition 
of IVithers' Chrouicles of Border Warfare contains good material. Withers fell 
into errors which Thwaites points out. Other works on \'irginia have accounts 
of this expedition. This "Voyage" as the backwoodsmen called it, left its impress 
on the memory of the border settlers to a most remarkable degree. Innumerable 
traditions and stories connected with it arc still e.xtant in West Virginia and 
ICastcrn Kentucky. And the writer heard many of them recited by pioneers at 
gatherings, while working in the fields and in the shops, and about open fires 
in winter, in the Big Sandy Valley, from his youth upward. 

Gen. William Prestox, 1806-1887 
(Courtesy of The Filson Club) 



Wednesday i ith We set of [f ] early & Marched briskly to New River 

wch was occasioned by an Information we reed that Capt Hogs Corny 
was but a little behind us. we got safe ovr the River & left a Guard of 
Men wth the Waggon wdi did not reach the camp till late at night. As 
we Marched by the Cherikee Camps we Saluted them by Fireing Guns 
wch they returned wth seeming Joy & Aftersds honoured us wth a War 

Thursday i2th Nothing remarkable this Day only I heard a Sermon 

jireached at Capt Woodstons Camp by the Revd Mr. Browne. 
Friday 13th This Day reed Orders from Maj. Lewis to have my 

Compy in readiness to appear on the Pardae at 12 o'Clock to Pass a 
Review wch Orders was complyd with, the Number Review'd was 
about 340, Indians included being the companies foils. 

Capts Hog, Preston, Smith, Overton, 

Woodston, & Paris wth the Cherikee Indians 

Ix)dged this Night wth the Revd Mr Browne at Mrs Peppers & took a 
good bath in the River. 

N. B. The Revd Mr Craig preached a Military Sermon his text was 
in Deuteronomy Two Caps Commissions was given this Day by Major 
Lewis to two Head Cherikee Warriors named Yellow Bird, Round O 

Saturday 14th Day. This Day came a company of Volunteers under 

Capt Delaps [Dunlap's] Command being 25 in Number. 

Sunday 15th. This Morning abt 10 o'Clock Old Jas Burk brought 

word that Robert Looney was killed nigh Alex. Sawyer's & that he had 
himself Horse shot & ^ takin away by Shanese Indians & that he thought 
by wt Signes he see that it was not above 4 Indians that had done the 
above upon wch there was Immediately a Council of War held & it was 
Concluded to send a Detachment of 60 White Men & 40 Indians out 
to morrow morng [as Scouts] Abt Noon The Revd Mr Browne gave 
us a military Sermon his Text was 2d Bk of Samuel Ch. V. which was 
excellently treated upon. 
& at Night our Indians Danced a Great War Dance. 

Monday 16 
40 Indians & 60 White men under the Commd of Capt. Smith & Wood- 
son marched from Fort in Order to range the woods about Reed Creek 
for the Fnemy they are to march to Burks Garden when they are to 
i)e joined by the Second Division, the Revd Mr Browne took his de- 
parture from the Fort. I conveyd him over the River & there took 
leave of him, Dined with Capt Hog who Entertained the Officers very 

Tuesday 17th 
W'e had Orders this Day to hold our Companies in Readiness to march 
next morning, Mr Paul returned from the horse Guard & reported that 
3r was missing, the Revd Mr Craig Preachd an Excellent Sermon 
I wrote Sundry letters to my friends. 

Mr. Paul with a Small Detachment was ordered to search for the Horses 
which was missing the\' staid out that night 

Wednesday i8th the Companies were all in Readiness to march early 
this morning but as so many Horses were wanting only Capt Hog's 
Company & the Volunters with Major Lewis could march. 
They set oflf in the afternoon. My Company with Capt Pearis's was 
ordered to stay till the Horses would be found & Sadies prepared & 
that Night we fixed of[f] 27 Loaded Horses with which we marched 
next morning. 


Thursday the 19th This morning all hands were Busied in getting 

Ready for their Journey and at 10 o'Clock we took Leave of what friends 
were there & after Sundry stoppages on the Road we got to Wm Lyens 
that Night & Lodged very well on his barn floor. I left 3 men at fort 
Jh under Stephen Tyler. 

Fryday 20. I had occasion to switch one of the soldiers for mis- 

for swearing demeanor which with Lt Mcneal & I Diverting our- 

profanely selves by play very much incensed the Indian Chiefs 

then Present 
^^'e started at 8 oclock & advanced to Alexr Tyers where we met. with 
the Indians who went out with the first Division & Stephen Inglis who 
Informed us of the Burriel of Robt Looney & the other unfortunate 
man that was murdered with him soals of two Shawnees wliich was 
seen by a Cherrekee but being at so great a Distance he Did not fire at 
them, that Capts Smith and Woodson was Imediately Informed thereof 
but their searches for the Enemy Proved Useless as the Night very soon 
approached. I sent the Baggage horses on to McCalls (where the Body 
of men Lay) under the care of Lts Paul & Robinson & tarryd with Capt 
Pearis & others to accompany the Indians who being incensed at their 
missing the Enemy & some Disturbance which arose among themselves 
seemd in a verry bad humor & after we left the House a Large Party 
of the Indians took off another way and pretended they would go to 
the Shawnese Town a near way, & only the Warriors & ten men attended 
us to the Camp, at which place we arrived about 4 oClock in the After- 
noon — I spent the evening very agreeably among the Officers. 

Saturday the 21st We reed Orders not to let our men fire any 

Guns withn one mile of the Camp, to Debar play of any kind among the 
men, & to send 4 Men out of each Company under Capt Overton & Lt 
McNeal to go in quest of the Enemy at a place where thev had been 
Traced the Day before by Capt Tyers & others, in the afte'rnoon they 
Returned but had found no Enemy. Major Lewis Capt Pearis & the 
Interpreter went to Col. Buchanan's Place where the Indians which de- 
serted us had Loged the night before & with many persuasive Argu- 
ments prevailed upon them to Return & Join the army which they did 
in the Evening to our great Sattisfaction. 

Sunday 22d We marched about 9 oClock from McCauls at which 

time I wrote home and sent my horse by Col. Buchanan's scrvt which I 
soon after Repented. We Reached to Jno McFarlands about 3 OClock 
where we Encamped the Vollunteers — having marched on before us the 
Indians— perceiving their Tracks which they took to be the Enemy's 
occasioned our taking up Lodging so soon. My Company Mounted Guard 
this Evening. Returned a Muster Roll of the Co. 

Monday ye 23d This morning appeared likely to Rain we marched 

at 9 oClock & overtook the Vollunteers at Robt McFarland. from which 
we marched over the mountain with much Difficulty as it — Rained Very 
hard we Lodged at Bear Garden on the N. Branch of holstons River 
where we lost sundry Horses. 

Tuesday ye 24 Marched at 10 oClock from Bear Garden & with 

great trouble & fatigue Passed two Large Mountains & at length arrived 
at Burks Garden where we Encamped that Night we had Plenty of 
Potatoes which the Soldiers Gathered in the Deserted Plantations. Num- 
bers of the White Men & Indians went out to hunt for fresh meat which 
was brought in abundance. The Indians discovered some Tracks which 


they took to be Enemy Indians & orders was given to each Captain to 
have 4 men of their Respective Companya in Rediness to march next 
morning with Capt Pearis & 20 Indians before the Company as Scout 
to Range the Woods— Snowed that night — 

Wednesday 25111 20 white men and 20 Indians were sent off very 

early with Orders to wait for the Body at Clinch or Sandey Creek — 
and it was Ordered that the soldiers should hunt that Day for Provi- 
sions (as none would be Drawn) (for we agreed not march that Day) 
1 sent out several hunters and went out myself with Capt Brackiwood 
[Breckenridgej & hunted for seven hours & killed only one Poor Turkey 
and all my other hunters Returned with Success which caused many 
complaints to be made to the Comi'- Burk's Garden is a Tract of Land 
aljout 5 or 6,000 Acres as Rich and Fertile as any I ever saw. it is well 
watered with many beautiful streams & Lyes surrounded with mountains 
almost inaccessable. 

Thursday 26tli. We marched Early & Crossed three large moun- 

tains with great Difficulty & after Dark Arived at the head of Clinch 
where we met with Capt Pearis & the Detachment under his Command 
who had not met or seen any signs of the Enemy. It Rained in the 
Xight which give me great Uneasmess as 1 was 111 Provided for a Tent. 
That Day bought a little horse of Lt Smith for £4 to Carry me out to 
the Shawne Towns. Our hunters went out but could not tind any Game. 

F'ryday 27 Being a very great Rain we lay by that Day. in the 

afternoon it cleared up & Several went a hunting and Killed 3 or four 

Saturday 28tli We marched at 10 oClock & Passed several Branches 

of Clinch and at length got to the Head of Sandy Creek where we met 
with great Trouble and Fatigue occasioned by a very heavy Rain and 
the Driving of our Baggage Horses Down Sd Creek which we Crossed 
20 Times that evening. We Encamped an hour before sunset. I was 
ordered to mount Guard that night. Our hunters had good success. 3 
BulTaloes were killed and some Deer. 

Sunday 291)1 We marched half an hour after nine & in 15 miles 

Passed the Creek, 66 times. My Compy attended the Pack Horses which 
Increased our Fatigue as Sundry Horses were left not being able to 
carry Loads any further. I Passed the Creek 16 Times on Foot. The 
Sabbath Day was spent very Disagreeably. We followed Down the 
Several Courses of that Crooked Creek Passing Branches which came 
in on both sides until we Came to a Cane Swamp where we Encamped. 
This Creek has been much frequented by Indians both Traveling & 
hunting on it & from many late Signs I am apprehensive that Parnisher 
the Prisoners taken with him were Carried this way & Indeed the Indian 
are of oppinion that som have gone lately this way by some Tracks they 

Monday ist of March [1756] This morning I see to the West and 
1 heard Thunder before Day. (I bathed in ye River) At nineoClock 
we marched & in four miles we Left the Creek to the Eastward Passed 
a fiap in a high Ridge & Came upon a Branch which we Encani])ed 
upon in a large Bent & in a very In convenient Place, about oneoClock 
we had a very great Gust of Thunder hail & Rain which caused us to 
take up much sooner than ntherwise we would have done. The Indians 


went in front & (as they sayj they Discovered the Tracks of 2 Liicmy 
Indians on ye main Creek. I sent Abm Bledsher to hunt & he found 
where the Enemy had been about 2 Days ago Cutting a tree for a Bear 
& see 3 box traps which had been made since Crsitams. It was generally 
believed that the Enemy had a hunting Camp very Nigh. Therefore 
Caution must be used that we may trap undiscovered or utturly destroy 
the Party. 

Tuesday ye 2d. a number of the Indians went out Early to make 

what Discoveries they could of ye Enemy about 10 oClock some of 
them Returned & Reported that they had seen a large Camping Place 
of ye Enemy where they had been about 3 Days ago with many signs 
of Horses which had been stolen by them The Cherrokees Desired to 
Stay that Day at their Camp to Range the Woods which they Did. We 
marched at i2oClock and traveled down the Branch about one Mile 
where we see the above Enemies Camp, with very great Signs, we pro- 
ceeded down ye Branch & in another mile or two we came to the main 
Creek where we Encamped at 2 oClock. Major Lewis, Capt Pears 
& Brackinridge & myself with sundry others 11 in number went down 
the Creek Two Aliles in Search of tracks but being followed by Mr 
Hocket we Returned, who told us that the Indians had seen a great 
smoke which they supposed to be Enemies & that they had sent a Mes- 
sagenger for Capt Pearis to go Imediately to them with 25 Chosen Men 
— no other Officers. We Proceeded with great haste to the Camp & 
the men were Ordered out being 30 odd in numbr with Capt Pearis, 
Lts McXeal & Allan who went as Vollunteers We reed an account that 
the Cherrokees with a few white men had Left the Camp & were gone 
in order to Destroy the Enemy before they were Reinforced by the De- 
tachment. This Day we were put to half alowance of Beef which was 
almost exhausted — this Day on our march we came into the Cole Land 
Crossed ye Rivr S[undry] times. 

Wednesday 3d we marched half an hour after nine oClock my company 
on the rear of Capt Hog with 20 men went before to Clear the Road 
which was almost Impassible, we marched until sunset or nigh that 
time & advanced only 9 other miles being much Retarded by the River 
& mountains which closed in on Both sides which Rendered our march- 
ing very Difficult and more so as each man had but half a pound of 
flour & no meat but what we could kill, & that was very scarce, we 
Encamped on ye Creek at a place where no food was for the Horses 
wh ocasioned many to stray away We got a few Bears. Capt Pearis' 
had not Returned. 

Thursday 4th We marched at half an hour after nine oClock after 

a tedious search for the Horses many of whom could not be found. I 
was ordered to march in the front wth my Company we Proceeded 
Down ye Ck which by several Branches coming in on both sides was 
very much Increased and Rendered it Difficult for our poor men to Wade 
which they were obliged to do 16 times. Capt Pearis & Lt McXeal with 
the white men & Indians on that Command met us on the Creek & Re- 
ported that they had made great search for the Enemy & could not find 
any signs, nor the fire which the Cherrokees supposed they see the smoke 
of. we marched about 6 miles that Day I sent out several hunters but 
had no success as was the Case with the Whole Company & nothing 
but Hunger & fatigue appeared to us. 

Fryday 5th we marched about nine oClock this morning & with 

great Difficulty Proceeded 15 miles on our Journey the River being 


very Deep and often to Cross almost killeil the men, and more so as they 
were in utmost extremity lor want of Provisions, this Day my Horse 
Expired & 1 was left on foot with a Hungry Belly which increased my 
Woe. — & indeed it was the case with almost every man in the Company. 
That night mounted Guard which is a very Troublesome Employment. 
It Rained Day & Night. No appearance of a level country though it 
was wishfully looked for. 

Saturday 6th As we Encamped nigh the forks of the River we 

Did n(jt move until Eleven oClock & then we only crossed the E. Fork 
& Encamped. The Cherrokees proposed to make Canoes to cary them- 
selves Down the River which was Imediately put in Practice. Major 
Lewis set men to work to make a large canoe to Cary Down the Am- 
munition & the Small Remains of our IHour which was then almost 
Exhausted The men Murmured very much for want of Provisions it 
numbers Threatened to Return home. So that 1 was much afraid a 
nmtiiiy would ensue. I spoke to the Major & let him know the General 
nuirmur of the Soldiers which very much concerned him & had no way 
to ])lease them but to order a Cask of Butter to be Divided among them 
which was no more than a taste to Each man it Rained very hard that 
night which still added to our misfortune as we had no tents, & indeed 
hardly any other necessaries for such a Journey 

Sunday jtli That morning Rained yet the men continued to work 

on the Canoes, it was agreed upon by the Ol'ticcrs that Capt Smith, 
Capt Breckinridge, Lt Morton, Lt Dunlap & myself with our Comps & part 
of Montgomery's V'oUunteers 130 in number should Proceed iJown the 
Creek 15 miles & no further in search of Hunting Ground, the Indians was 
against that, we marched at nine oClock & the Horsemen ( for we took 
down almost all ye horses) was obliged to Leave the Creek Some Dis- 
stance for a Passage through the mountains which we found very Dif- 
licult, and about sunset we met with the foot men who were Encamped 
on the River about 6 miles below the forks. Our hunger & want Still 
Increased, as we could not get any Flesh Meat & had but one pound of 
flour alovved to each 46 men until the Major with the Remainder of 
the men Could overtake us. The mountains still seemed to be very high 
no appearance of a level country which greatly Discouraged our men. 
At our Itncampment it was agreed upon by a Great number of the Soldiers 
to break off homeward ne.xt morning & my two Seargents told me their 
Intention & that they with severals Perhaps all of my men would Return 
with their comiianions. That they were fainting & weak with hunger 
and could not 1 ravel the Mountains or wade the Rivers as they formerly 
had done, tk that there was no Game in the mountains nor no appearance 
of a level Country, that their half pound of flesh per Day cotild not 
support them & that Small Quantity would soon be gone. 1 Proposed 
to kill horses to Eat which they Refused to Comply with. They said 
that might do if they were Returning to Support them home but it was 
not Diet Proper to sustain men on a long march against an Enemy. 
However I ])erswaded them to make a farther Tryal down the River 
the next Day which they agreed too with some Difficulty. It Rained 
hard that night. 

Monday 8th We marched at three o Clock in the morning and pro- 

ceded down the River alxnit 3 miles where the Alountains closed so 
nigh the water that We Could not Pass. We took up a Branch and Passed 
a very high Moiuitain i!v going down an(jther Branch we met part of 
the men who had been at tlie River and could not get Down any farther. 
Here 7 Guns were fired at 2 b-lks but unfortimately they got off. W'e 


Passed another very great mountain & came on the head of a Branch 
which we followed down some miles where we met with some of the 
Vollunteers who had killed two Elks, within one mile of the River. We 
Encamped at the River to which Place one Elk was brought & Divided 
to the small Joy of every man in Company, for by that Time hunger 
appeared in all our Faces & most of us were got weak & Feeble & had 
we not got that Relief I Doubt not but several of the men would have 
died with hunger, their Cries and Complaints were Pitiful & Shock- 
ing & more so as the Officers could not given them any help, for they 
were in equal want with the men. Our march was 7 miles. 

Tuesday 9th. That morning the Vollunteers killed two Buffaloes 

& an Elk which give us a further Relief. However the men still Con- 
tinued to Murmur. We did not move that Day as we were of oppinion 
that we were 15 miles from the Forks where the Remainder of the Men 
Lay. a Great number of our young men went out to hunt and View 
the Country. Some went down the River Seven or Eight miles & Re- 
turned that Night and Reported that they had Qimbed a very great 
mount in order to take a View of the Country & that there seemed to 
be Several prodigious great Mountains before them so that the Country 
Behind them appeared level in Comparison to that we had to travel, 
that the River seemed to Bear westward & no possability of taking Horses 
Down the River and that they saw no game. This account very much 
disturbed the men. In short they agreed to a man to Return next morn- 
ing. I called the Officers together & it was Concluded that Each Captain 
should try to advise his men to stay untill Majr Lewis would arrive with 
the Remainder of the men. (It Rained that night very heavy.) I was 
In Utmost Disorder & Confusion to think of the men Returning in Such 
a Manner — which would Infallibly Ruin the expedition. 

Wednesday lOtli. The men were Prepared to Return I told the men 

that If they should go before Major Lewis Came, that I would be blamerl 
for it & my Character would suffer — they agreed to Stay, as Did all 
the other Companies untill a letter Could be Sent to Majr. Lewis. Lt 
Morton was Imediately Dispatched with two men & a letter wherein I 
Set forth the Disorder & Confusion that was among us as also the Reso- 
lution the men were Come to & Requested him to come that Evening 
or next morning if Possable, for our meat was then done & then men 
had nothing to support them. In the Afternoon we had an account from 
the Camp in the forks by one Llenry Lawless that the canoes would Set 
off that morning that a Horse had been killed to suport the men who 
were almost Perished with hunger and were very uneasy. 

Tiiursdr.y nth. notwithstanding the Promises the men made the 

Day before of Staying untill Major would Come they were all in Readi- 
ness for a march homewards but after many arguments & Perswasions 
I Prevailed on them to Tarr}' that Day for the Majors Arrival as also 
for Andw Lyman who had been out 3 days making what Discoveries 
He could I Procured a little vension for their support that Day about 
i20Clock Two Indians came down in a Canoe who give us to under- 
stand that the Companies would be down that night. In the Afternoon 
Andrew Lyman & Wm Hall Returned & Reported that they had been 
fifteen miles down the River that they see a great Buffalo Road & fresh 
signs of Buffalos & Elks and see great numbers of Turkies & they were 
of Oppion that game was Plenty, they see an old Fort which they be- 
lieved to be a hunting Fort built by the Indians, and they think the Main 
Mountain was not above two Miles below them but did not Choose to 
Venture themselves to make any further EHscoveries as they Judged this 

lOG HISTORY ()!■ Kl'.X TrCKN' 

to be Sufficient to Encourage tlie man to Pursue their Journey. This 
account Pleased the Officers very much; But it Rather increased the 
muling among the Men for they looked upon the Report to be formed 
only to Draw them so much farther from home, & said were the game 
ever so plenty it was Impossible to Supjxjrt 340 men by it as there was 
nothing Else to Depend upon & if they Proceeded any I'urlher they must 
Inevital)ly Perish wilh hunger which they looked upon to be more In- 
glorious than to Return & l)e yet servicable to their Country when prop- 
erly Provided for. These & many other weighty Arguments they made 
use of but thro the whole they laid great part of our misfortunes on the 
Co-m-es for not Providing properly for such a Number of Men as we 
had not above 15 Days Provisions when we Left Fort Frederick to sup- 
port us on a Journey of near 300 Miles as we suppose Mr. Morton arrived 
and Informed me that he had Delivered my Fetter to ye Major who could 
hardly believe the Contents & said he had often seen the like mutiny 
among soldiers & it might Easily be settled. 8 of Capt Smith's men went 
off & Bledsher & Gredin wth 9111 

Fryday 12th It Rained very much all night, in the morning I 

sent Mr Paul to meet the Major & hasten him down The soldiers being 
all Ready to march up ye Creek 9 or 10 of my Company had their 
Bundles on their Hacks & was about to march, after spending some 
time Reasoning with them about going I was Obliged to Disarm them 
& take their Blankets by force They had not been Disarmed above 
half an hour untill 5 of them went off Privately & left their Guns. I 
soon Missed them & sent Mr Robinson & one other man after them 
who met them at some Distance & Brought them back to the Camp. 
Capt Wodson arived & with some of his Company & Informed us that 
his Canoe overset & Lost his Tents with Everything \'alluable in her. 
That Major Lewis's canoe was sunk in the River & that ye Alajor Capt 
Overton Lt Gun & one other man had to swim for their Lives & that 
several things of Vallue was Lost Particularly five or Six tine Guns. 
Major Lewis H McNeal & Mr Chew arrived who Informed us of their 
trying Shipwreck which had Detained the Major so long, that he had 
Left Capt Hog with his Company to bring Down the Canoes & Baggage 
for which horses must be sent, & he told me he had seen Bledsher & 
nine other men going off & they Informed him it was with their Officers 
Consent & that the Officers would have gone with them if they were not 
afraid of their Comrs Colby Chew brought in a little Bear & took it 
to my Tent wher the Majr Lodged that night by which I had a good 
Supper & Breakfast which was a Rarity. 

Saturday morning ye 131)1 Major Lewis give Orders to each Capt to 
Call his Company Together Imediately which was done & the Major 
told the Soldiers that he was Informed of their Design to go home iK: 
that he was much surprised at it, that he hoped they would alter their 
Intentions of Desertion & nnitiny & would pursue the Journey, he Like- 
wise Set forth the 111 Conscquenses that would Certainly attend Such 
Conduct & that they would be well supported when they got in to the 
hunting ground which he was apprehensive must be very nigh & horses 
would support them for sometime notwithstanding all that could be said 
they ap]K;ard obstinately bent to go home for if they went forward they 
must Perish or Eat horses neither of which They were willing to do. 
Then the major stepped of[f] some Distance & Desired all that was 
willing to Serve their Country Share iK; his Fate to go with him all the 
Officers and some private men not above 20 or 30 Joined him. U]ion 
which Mountgomeries Yollunteers marched off & was Imediately fol- 
lowed by my Company & Smiths. 4 Private men & my Lts staid with 


me. Capt Woodson kept his Company together all Day under a pretence 
of marching Down the Country some other way which was only to 
Draw one Days Provisions for them, (for we had killed a Buffalo) 
Major Lewis Spoke to Old Antocity who appeared much Grieved to see 
the men Desert in such a manner & said he was willing to proceed but 
some of the warriors «& their young men was yet behind & he was Doubt- 
ful of them but be would send off a messenger to them & bring them 
Down, (which be did) That the White man could not suffer hunger like 
the Indians who would not Complain of hunger. Capt Pearis & Col. 
Stewart Came to the Camp this morning & Informed us that one of 
Capt Breckinridges Men was Drowned the Evening before attempting 
to Cross the River for some meal. Indeed hunger & want was so much 
Increased that any man in the Camp would have Ventured his life for 
a Supper. A Small Quantity of wet meal was brought in, I see about one 
pound given to 12 men & one of them bought a share which he give 2/ 
for, one Isaac Mayo offered 13 Day hire as a Packhorsman for 2lbs of 
Bears meat. So that it is Impossible to Express the abject Condition 
we were in both before & after the men Deserted us, except when a little 
fresh meat was brought in which would not last any Time nor had it any 
Strength to suport men, as the salt was all Lost Mr Paul was ordered 
off with a party of men to Capt Hog to bring the Bagage & on his way 
killed a Buffalo. Mr Dunlops Vollunteers went off in the afternoon 
An acct of ye Miles we marched each Day on our Journey to the Shawnese 
Towns — 


From F. P George to Cyphers 15 

2d Day to R Halls 15 

3 Days march to F Frederick 15 

Thursday 19th Feb to Wfm Syers 20 

F. 20th Mc Cauls 13 

Sunday 22 to Mcf arlands 7 

Monday 23d to Bear Garden 10 

Tuesday 24 Burkes Garden 4 

Thursday 26 ye head of Clinch 10 

Saturday 28 ye head of Sandy Creek 10 

Sunday 29 Down Sandy Ck 12 

Monday ist of March 6 

Tuesday 2d 3 

Wednesday 3 10 

Fryday 5 15 

Saturday 6 2 

Sunday 7 first Division 7 

Monday 8 7 

Lieut. Thomas Morton's Fragment of a Diary 

March 1756 

Copy by Dr. L. C. Draper 


The Draper Mss. 

Wisconsin State Historical Society Library 

Madison, Wisconsin. 

Wednesday 3d. (March). We crossed the creek nineteen time in 

about eight miles. 


Thursday 4th. We niarclied fuur miles, and crossed the creek fourteen 

Friday 5th. We marched twelvemiles and crossed the creek twenty- 

four times. The creek is now in general about forty-five or fifty yards 

Saturday, ye 6th. We proceeded to the fork of the creek, and crossed 
the North Fork, and took up camp, and turned our horses out among 
the reeds (cane), and concluded to stay all night. This is the si.xlh day 
that we have been at the allowance of half a pound of flour a man per 
day, and several of our men were much disgusted to see that they were 
pinched for want of provisions, and Capt. Hogg had corn plenty to feed 
his horses till he came to this place, and here they ate the last of it. This 
night one of the volunteers killed an elk, and tlic Indians took half of it 
from them, as they were just perished, which disgusted the volunteers 
very much. 

We were now in a pitable conditon, our men looking on (one) another 
with tears in their eyes, and lamenting that they had ever entered into 
a soldier's life; and, indeed, our circumstances were very shocking, for 
in our camp were little else but cursing, swearing, confusion, and com- 
plaining, and among our officers much selfishness and ambition, which 
naturally produced division and contention, and a discouragement in all 
the thoughtful. For my part, I had been for several days satisfied that 
without a great alteration we should meet with nothing but ctjn fusion 
and disappointment, for I am certain it would have been dishonorable 
to Goil to have granted us success on such conduct, for that neglected 
thing. Religion, was hissed out of company with contempt as though it 
had carried a deadly infection with it. 

Majf' Lewis till now hath in general behaved with sobriety and with 
])rudence, but always seems somewhat on the reserve to the Virginia 
Captains and companies ; and I never can find that there has been one 
regular council since we marched ; but from what we can gather, it is 
generally believed, that Ca])t. Hogg has the whole matter at his discretion. 
Whether Cai)t. Hogg hatl a right to cumniand, I know not. this I know, 
that when Alaj. Lewis would olTer anything, he (Capt. Hogg) by an 
over forwardness would direct as he saw proper, and his sentiments 
generally were followed as a standing rule, and by this means the men 
were imposed on, for common soldiers were by him scarcely treated with 
humanity. The conduct and concord that was kept up among the Indians 
might shame us, for they were in general quite unanimous and brotherly. 

This night, Maj. Lewis hath concluded to tarry here and make canoes, 
and Sabbath morning, the 7th, he came early to our tents, and ordered 
that all our a.xcs, with some of the best of our axmen, should go imme- 
diately to making a canoe, for to carry the public stores, for our pack 
horses were now giving out of the small number left of them. We 
have had nothing but one half a pound of flour [per day] since I<"riday 
night, only a half pound of butter per man. Times being so hard, that 
our strength is now almost exhausted, and [we have] never been allowed 
to hunt but very little, and now we are not able, and if we were, this 
place is barren, so that there is little or nothing to be killed. 

Notwithstanding the way was thought to he impassable wit horses, yet 
Capt. Smith, Breckenridge and I'reston, with their whole ccmipanies and 
chief of both comi)anies of volunteers set off to go down the Creek to 
seek for provision. Half of Capt. Woodson's, and part of Capt. Overton's 
com])any likewise; but we had not gone above two miles before we were 
obliged to turn up a small creek, a difficult, rocky and very bad way and 
forced to cross a steep and high mountain, and so fall on such or another 
creek, and malce down to the large creek', and there were obliged to take 
up camp this night, about six miles below the I'ork. 


Our case grew more and more lamentable as the way was now much 
worse than ever and the Creek was impassable by horses, and the moun- 
tains higher and worse than ever, on all accounts, and lying in larger 
cliffs on the river. Monday, the 8th of March, we being so extremely 
straited for provisions, the best hunters of every company set out very 
early this morning, and after traveling about two miles down the Creek, 
we parted, and turned into the mountains, and hunted all day without 
success ; and this day those who conducted the horses along were put 
to very great straits, for they were obliged to leave the Creek, and cross 
two large mountains, going up the last of which three of the horses tired 
and could go no further, and before they left the creek one of them fell 
down a cliff about the distance of twenty feet or such a matter, into 
the Creek: but falling on his load, he was through it preserved, so that 
he was recovered, and carried his load all day. In the evening, as we 
were going down a small creek, which made more low grounds than 
usual, one of the volunteers being foremost met with a gang of elks, 
and killed two of them a very seasonable relief to us all, for one of them 
was divided among the companies, but not equally, for Capt. Smith 
took half of it, saving the backbone, and the meat was chiefly cut off 
of it. Capt. Preston with Capt. Breckinridge and myself shared the 
small matter that we had which came to two pounds per man, but near 
half of it was bone; and we are now suffering very much for want of 
provisions, and a great part of the men that we have here, have fallen 
this day on a resolution to go back, for we can see nothing before us but 
inevitable destruction. 




\\'hether John Swift discovered or even visited any silver mines — 
whetlier he at any time worked mines discovered by himself or other per- 
sons in what is now the State of Kentucky— may never be certainly 
known. But it would seem that there can exist little doubt that John 
Swift and his associates were among the very first of English-speaking 
people to visit and remain for any considerable length of time in that 
region embraced in Eastern Kentucky. There seems to be sufficient evi- 
dence upon which to base the conclusion that they threaded the sunless 
mazes of the primeval wilderness in pursuit of some definite object ; 
and this object was of enough importance to cause them to make annual 
journeys into the unexplored valleys between the Ohio River and the 
Cumberland Mountains for a period covering ten years. 

That there is at this time lying concealed in the states of Kentucky, 
Tennessee. West \'irginia, Pennsylvania, \''irginia and the Carolinas, 
treasures aggregating an immense sum, left in the rude wilds of tliat 
unexplored land by Swift and his men, has been the unshaken con\iction 
of many people there for more than four generations. 

In early times the belief in the existence of these mines was wide- 
spread. Their supposed locations were set down in the maps of that 
day. On the map in the first edition of Imlay's America, published in 
London by J. Debret, February i, 1793. we find these mines marked as 
lying about the head waters of the Kentucky and Big Sandy rivers. 

But the important question is not whether these mines had any exist- 
ence in fact, but whether Eastern Kentucky was visited and explored 
during the ten years from 1760 to 1770 hy Swift and his companions. 
There is good reason to believe that Swift and his associates visited 
Eastern Kentucky, as is affirmed in Swift's Journal. The fact does not 
rest solely on either the Journal or tradition, nor on any combination of 
the two. It is based to some extent at least on statements of some of 
the best and most careful historical writers of the time. 

It is remarkable how the search for the precious metal engrossed the 
first settlers of America as well as the adventurers and explorers. The 
early \'irginians prosecuted this search to the neglect of other matters. 
They .sent a shipload of shining .sand to England in the full belief that 
it was gold. We are told that all other matters were subordinated to 
this search. One historian informs us that "The successful establish- 
ment of a colony was of much less importance than the searching for 
mines of gold or explorations westward by navigable rivers. In the sum- 
mer of the following year Captain John Smith explored the Chesapeake 
Bay to the Su.squehanna, entering into all the rivers and inlets as far as 
he could sail, of all of which he constructed an admirable map. In the 
fall of the same year Captain Newport returned from a visit to England 
with a private commission 'not to return without a lump of gold, a cer- 
tainty of the South Sea, or one of the colony of Sir Walter Raleigh.' " 



In his Journal Swift attributes the discovery of these mines to the 
Spaniards, as he does also the lead mines of Western Virginia. This 
view is supported by the following memorandum : 

"Sir William Berkely, Governor of Virginia, was informed by the 
Indians, in 1748, 'that within five days' journey to the Westward and by 
South there is a great high mountain, and at the foot thereof great 
l^ivers that run into a great Sea ; and that there are men that come hither 
in ships (but not the same that ours be), they wear apparel and have 
reed caps on their heads, and ride on Beastes like our horses, but have 
much longer ears, and other circumstances they declare for the certainty 
of these things.' These rivers doubtless were those now known as the 
Kanawha, Kentucky, Cumberland and Tennessee, whose waters flow 
from the western slope of the Allegheny Mountains to the Ohio and 
Mississippi and into the Gulf of Mexico, long before frequented by 



Legends and traditions of Swift's Silver Mines exist in Pennsylvania. 
Virginia, \''irginia, Kentucky, Tennessee and the Carolinas. Tradi- 
tions concerning them or some other silver mines that were worked by 
the early explorers and Indians exist in Georgia and Alabama. 

James Adair was among the first Indian traders with the Cherokees. 
When the English were first exploring the head waters of the Holston 
and Clinch rivers he was carrying on a profitable trade with the Overhill 
Cherokees. lie writes in his book that : 

"Within twenty miles of Fort Louden there is a great plenty of whet- 
stones for razors, of red, white and black colours. The silver mines are 
so rich, that by digging about ten yards deep, some desperate vagabonds 
found at sundry times, so much rich ore as to enable them to counterfeit 
dollars to a great amount, a horse load of which was detected, in passing 
for the purchase of negroes at Augusta." 

And the following is from Ramsey's Tennessee: 

"A tradition still continues of the existence of the silver mines men- 
tioned thus by Adair. It is derived from hunters and traders who have 
seen the locality and assisted in smelting the metal. After the whites 
had settled near and began to encroach upon the Overhill towns, their 
inhabitants began to withhold all knowledge of the mines from the 
traders, apprehending that their cupidity for the precious metals would 
lead to an appropriation of the mines, and the ultimate expulsion of the 
natives from the country. The Mr. De Lozier, of Sevier County, testified 
to the existence and richness of mines of silver, one of which he worked 
at, in the very section of the Cherokee country described by Adair." 

As it is the design to give here all the information which it has been 
possible to obtain on the subject of Swift's Silver Mines, official docu- 
ments must not be neglected. Some geologists seem to be of the opinion 
that no silver ore exists, and that none ever did exist, in the region where 
Swift is said to have found it in such quantities.^ 

1 The Geological Survey of Kentucky, in its Preliminary Report on the Geology 
of the Upper Kentucky River, gives this discouraging information: 

"Considerable time and means having been spent in desultory and unavailing 
search for silver in various localities of this region, as well as elsewhere in this 
coal field, it is desirable to state that as yet no indication of any deposit of silver 
ore worth exploitation has ever been discovered in the Appalachian coal fields ; 
and also that nn true vein of any kind has been found in the eastern field of the 
State, excepting tlu~ one here described under the caption of iron ore. From 
these facts, after such investigation in this field as has been made, it may be 
assumed as reasonably certain that no paying quantity of silver ore will be found 



What Histcikkal Works Say 

Many references to Swift's Silver Mines have ajipearcd in authentic 
historical works of tlic states in wliich the traditions concerning them 
exist. 'I'iiey are mentioned in Collins' History of Kentucky, in connection 
with Bell, Carter, Laurel, Floyd and Wolfe counties. 

The mention made under the head of I-'loyd County is \ery brief and 
is as follows : 

"The tirsl white \isitors uixm the territory of what is now h'loyd 
County were probably one or more parties who canie to I^astcrn Ken- 
tucky at different dates before the Revolutionary War in search of 
Swift's Silver Mine, and worked it." 

There was knowleflgc of these mines before Swift liroui^ht informa- 
tion of them into the frontier settlements of Virginia. J'ennsylvania and 
^Iorth Carol'na. It is tnie that he brought the most dcTmite knowledge 
of them which had been conveyed from the wilderness of the Ohio Val- 
ley at that time. But a vague form of this knowlerlge had been current 
on the frontiers for many years prior to Swift's first journey, in 1760. 
The surviving soldiers returned from the campaign in which the un- 
fortunate lirafldock lost his life with this knowledge much increased, and 
tluy were eager to jilunge into the wilds in search of the mines. 

Cnder the head of Wolfe County, Collins has a more extended notice 
of these mines It is as follows: 

"Swift's Silver Mine is too beautiful and fanciful to be contined to 
those counties (Bell and Carter), but must needs have a local habitation 
also in Wolfe County — on Low^er Devil Creek, six miles in an air line 
from Conii)ton, the county seat (which is thirty miles from Mount Ster- 
ling). Swift's name is carved on both rocks and trees — by whom it is 
not known. 

"In February, 187 1, three Cherokee Indians (two men and a squaw) 
came from the Indian Territory to Irvine, Estill County, Kentucky: 
thence about fifteen miles east to the farm of Jacob Crabtree. One of 
the men, who claimed to be a young chief, was educated, talked English, 
and was well informed about minerals. The object of their journey was 
quite mysterious — except that it seemed to have connection with the timc- 
out-of-mind tradition about Swift's Silver Mine; indeed, the Indians 
said they were within half a day's journey of that mine. Leaving the 
scpiaw at Crabtree's, the Indians followed up Little Sinking Creek to 
its source, crossed over onto Big Sinking Creek, and after riding sonic 
miles hi'.ched their horses; then warning the whites who out of curiosity 
were following at a little distance that they would turn back if followed 
further, disappeared in a thick undergrowth. Late in the evening they 
returned to Crabtree's bearing upon their horses two buckskin sacks or 
bags heavily laden, liy their sacks one of the Indians kept watch all 
night with a revoher in his hriud, and in the morning the three departed 
on the return road toward Ir\ine. The whites went immediately to the 
neighborhood visited by the Indians, but did not succeed in linding any 
mineral but iron ore. 

"Two caves, known as the .-Vshy and the Bone (or Pot) caves, are 
about a mile apart, on lower Devil Creek. In the latter, on a visit in 

in it, tliough it is beyond dispute that occasional silver-bearing ore has been 
found in exceedingly small quantities. The rugged conglomerate clilfs, which 
have attracted the most scarcli, are not more likely to contain silver than other 
smoother surfaces. The legends of Swift and his concealed silver mines and 
treasures, current in the mountains from Pennsylvania to Georgia and North 
Carolina, may hi; left to those who wish to believe them. It should he known, 
however, that the North ,\merioan Indians had no knowledge of mining or 


1871, were found (27) twenty-seven pots or crucibles, about (i^j) one 
and one-half feet across and same depth, in three rows of nine each, and 
each pot of about a barrel capacity. The road to it. although unused for 
many years, was plainly perceptible — being worn down four or five feet 
deep, and with trees apparently one hundred to one hundred and twenty- 
five years old growing in it. A large deposit of sulphur, in ore or rocks, 
and deposits of iron and bismuth are found near, but with no road lead- 
ing to them." 

Collins speaks incidentally of Swift's .Silver Mines in connection with 
the murder of Col. James Harrod, under the head of ]\Ierccr County. 
Colonel Harrod was the founder of Harrodshurg. Kentucky, which, says 
Collins, "has the honor of being the first settled place in the .State of 
Kentucky.'' In many respects Colonel Harrod was a remarkable man, 
and Kentucky has reason to be proud of his memory. His murder was 
deeply deplored. Collins says : 

"Dr. Christo])her Graham (still li\ing. June, 1>^J,^, at the ripe age 
of 87) settled at I larrodsbiu-g in 18(9. and was the family physician 
of Gen. James Kay, ,Mrsr .Ann Harrod (widow of Col. James Harrod), 
and others of the earliest ])ioneers of Kentuck\ , and acquainted with Dan- 
iel Boone. .Simon Kenton and other [jrominent contemporaries, b'roni 
their lijjs he took down in writing many incidents of pioneer adventure, 
some of them wonderful and others of most thrilling interest. In a series 
of letters to the author, in the summer and fall of 1871, Dr. Graham com- 
numicated a number of these incidents, several of which are given herein 
to the public: 

"Mrs. Harrod told Dr. Graham that her husband was murdered by a 
man named Bridges, with whom he had a lawsuit about property. They 
had not spoken together for some time. Bridges left for a few weeks, 
professing to go in search of Swift's Silver Mines — which many have 
hunted for even down to the present day. On his return. Bridges ap- 
proached Harrod and said, 'Colonel, I have found Swift's mine, and 
though we have been at outs, I have confidence in you and prefer you as 
a partner to any man in Kentucky, and you have the means to work the 
mine.' When Colonel Harrod told this to his wife, she earnestly opposed 
his going, and insisted it was a plan to murder him. This suggestion 
only made him more determined, and he replied that 'he was not afraid 
of any living man.' She prevailed upon him to let a third man into the 
secret and take him along. They reached the Three Forks of the Ken- 
tucky River, where Bridges said the mine was, stationed a camp, and 
each started out for game — Harrod taking the bank of the river. Bridges 
a few hundred yards from him, and the third man kept close by. In a 
very short time this man heard the report of a gtm exactly where he 
thought Col. Harrod might be, and supposing he had killed a deer, re- 
turned to camp. There he found Bridges, who professed to be very 
much alarmed ; he said he had seen fresh Indian 'sign' and felt assured 
that Col. Harrod was killed. Despite the protestations of this third man. 
Bridges started back, and he, rather than be left alone, followed shortly 
after. Bridges took some furs and skins to Lexington, where a hatter 
had opened a shop. To him he sold his furs, and also a pair of silver 
sleeve-buttons with the letter // engraved upon them. These buttons 
being sent to Mrs. Harrod. she at once recognized them and said her 
husband had worn them off, upon his linen hunting-shirt. A party of 
men started immediately for the Three Forks, and found the bones of 
Colonel Harrod — picked bare by the beasts of the forests, but recognized 
the hunting-shirt with the buttons gone. Bridges, said Mrs. Harrod, in 
relating the sad story, took the alarm, left the country, and never returned, 
'i'he exact date of his murder is not given, but it was jirobably in July, 
1793. ']"he records of the 1 l.-irrodsburg Trustees show that on .August 

Vol. 1—12 


30th, 1793 ( because of his recent death), Ilarrod's seat in the Board was 
declared vacant, and a successor chosen." 

Colonel Harrod was a nian of great prominence in Kentucky. He was 
born in Bedford County, Pennsylvania, in 1742, and grew up in the 
country in which Swift and his associates had many of their transactions 
in which they may have been personally known. His readiness to go 
in search of the mines shows conclusively that the existence of the mines 
was believed in by men who had every opportiniity to know the truth, 
and who stood highest in the land in the pioneer days. No other class 
of men detested frauds so much as the early settlers of Pennsylvania, 
\'irginia and Kentucky, and no other persons in the world were quicker 
to discover them and punish them than these same keen, cool, skillful 
hunters, backwoodsmen — heroes who carried civilization into the Western 
wilderness at the cost, in many instances, of their lives. They had oppor- 
tunities for knowing Swift and his associates and of knowing of their 
transactions, and they believed in the existence of Swift's Silver Mines. 
And it is possible, even probable, that much of the silver coin in circula- 
tion in Western Virginia and Kentucky was known to have been coined 
by Swift, who was in all probability living yet in 1793. ^^'"^ know that 
he was at Pean's Station, in East Tennessee, in 1791. (See quotation 
from Haywood under Pell County, this chapter, post.) When most of 
the parties engaged in w-orking these mines were yet living, and every 
facility existed for disproving their claims had they been false, men of 
such standing as Harrod, who had been brought up on the frontier and 
knew from personal observation every stream and mountain in ^\'cstern 
Virginia, Tennessee, Pennsylvania, Ohio and Kentucky, were .so well con- 
vinced of the existence of these mines that a doubt of it never entered 
their minds. 

Dr. R. G. Thwaites, secretary of the \\'iscon.>;in .'^tate Historical 
Society, said of Colonel Harrod : 

"James Harrod's father emigrated from England to X'irginia about 
1734 and was one of the first settlers on the Shenandoah, in the Valley 
of Virginia. One of his sons, Samuel, accompanied Michael Stoner on 
his famous Western htuiting and exploring trip in 1767. Another, Wil- 
liam, born at the new family seat, at Pig Cove, in what is now Pedford 
County, Pa., served with distinction under George Rogers Clark. James, 
born in 1742, was twelve years old when his father died, leaving a large 
family on an exposed frontier, at the opening of the Erench and Indian 
war. In November, 1755, a raid was made on the Big Cove settlement 
by the Delaware chief, Shingiss, but the Harrods were among the few 
families who escaped unharmed to Eort Littleton. When James was 
sixteen years of age he served with his brother William on luirbes' cam- 
I)aign, and very likely saw further service during the war. In 1772, when 
he had attained wide celebrity on the border as an a(le])t in woodcraft, 
he helped William settle on Ten Mile Creek, a tributary of the Mononga- 
hela ; and in 1773 he and several others explored Kentucky, returning 
home by way of Greenbrier River. We have seen that he was surveying 
the site of Harrodsburg in 1774, when w-arned by Boone and Stoner. 
Retiring with his men to the I lolston, he and they joined Colonel Chris- 
tian's regiment, but arrived at Point Pleasant a few hours after the battle 
of October 10. Returning to his abandoned Kentucky settlement, March 
18, 1775, a fortnight before I'ooncsborough was founded, he was chosen 
a delegate to the Transylvania conxention, and became a man of great 
prominence in the Kentiuky colony. In 1779 he commanded a company 
on P.owman's camjiaign, declining a majorship; he served as a private on 
Clark's Indian campaign of 1782. He was a member of the Kentucky 
convention (at Danville) of December, 1784, and at one time repre- 
sented Kentucky in the Virginia Legislature. In Mbruary, 1792, hav- 


ing made his will, he set out from Washington, Mason County, Ky., 
with two men in search of a silver mine reported to be at the Three 
Forks of the Kentucky River. No more was heard of him or his com- 
panions, and it is still the belief of the family that the latter murdered 
him. He was survived by his wife and a daughter and left a large 
landed estate. Harrod, although unlettered, was a man of fine presence 
and many sterling qualities, and made a strong impression on his gen- 
eration. He is still remembered in Kentucky as one of the worthiest 
pioneers of that State." 

There are some errors in this account of Doctor Thwaites, as will 
appear by comparing it with that quoted from Collins. It is reasonable 
to suppose that Collins obtained the exact facts from Doctor Graham. 

Bell County 

Notices appear under head of various counties of Kentucky in Collins' 
History of Kentucky. In Volume II, page 414, under Josh Bell County, 
appears the following: 

Swift's Silver Mine 

"In 1854-5, while making geological investigations in the Southeast 
part of Kentucky, as part of the official survey of the State, Prof. David 
Dale Owen examined the supposed location of the notorious Swift Mine 
on the northeast side of Log Mountain, only a few miles from Cumber- 
land Ford, then in Knox County, now in Josh Bell, or rather. Bell County. 
The Indians are said in former times to have made a reservation of 30 
miles square, on a branch of the Laurel Fork of Clear Creek. Benjamin 
Herndon, an old explorer and a man well acquainted with the country, 
guided him to a spot where the ore was supposed to be obtained by the 
Indians, and afterwards by Swift and his party. It proved to be a kidney- 
shaped mass of dark-gray argillaceous iron stone, containing some acciden- 
tal minerals sparingly disseminated, such as sulphuret of zinc and lead — 
which proved on examination to be hydrated silicate of alumina. This 
ore originated in a thick mass of dark bituminous argillaceous shale, with 
some coal interstratified, that occurs about 500 to 600 feet up in the 
Log Mountain. 

"Judge John Haywood, who emigrated from North Carolina at 
an early day to Tennessee, and a year after, in 1823, wrote its civil and 
political history from its earliest settlement up to the year 1796, says of 
this locality — ■ 

" 'Cumberland Mountains bear N. 46° E. ; and between the Laurel 
Mountain and the Cumberland Mountain, Cumberland River breaks 
through the latter. At the point where it breaks through and about ten 
miles north of the State-line is Clear Creek, which discharges itself into 
the Cumberland, bearing northeast till it reaches the river. It rises 
between the great Laurel Hill and Cumberland Mountain ; its length is 
about fifteen miles. Not far from its head rises also the South Fork 
of the Cumberland, in the State of Kentucky, and runs westwardly. On 
Clear Creek are two old furnaces, about half way between the head and 
mouth of the creek — first discovered by hunters in the time of the first 
settlements made in this country. 

" 'These furnaces then exhibited very ancient appearances ; about them 
were coals and cinders — very unlike iron cinders, as they have no marks 
of the rust which iron cinders are said uniformly to have in a few years. 
There are also a number of the like fumaces on the South Fork, bearing 
similar marks, and seemingly of a very ancient date. 

"'One Swift came to East Tennessee in 1790 and in 1791 ; and was 
at Bean's Station, nn his way to a part of the country near which these 


furnaces are. He liad with him a Journal of his former transactions — 
by which it appeared tliat in 1761, 1762, and 1763, and afterwards in 
1767, he, two Frenchman, and some few others, had a furnace some- 
where about the Red Bird Fork of Kentucky River — which runs toward 
Cumberland River and Mountain northeast of the mouth of Clear Creek. 
He and his associates made silver in large quantities at the last men- 
tioned furnace ; they got the ore from a cave aljout three miles from 
the ])lace where this furnace stood. The Indians becoming troublesome, 
he went off: and the Frenchmen went towards the ]ilace now called Nash- 
ville. Swift was deterred from the prosecution of his last journey by 
the reports he heard of Indian hostility, and rclin-ned home — leaving his 
Journals in the possession of Mrs. Renfro. 

" 'The furnaces on Clear Creek, and those on the South Fork of the 
Cumberland, were made cither before or since the time when Swift 
worked his. The walls of these furnaces, and horn buttons of European 
manufacture found in a rockhouse. prove the Europeans erected them. 
It is probable, therefore, that the French — when they claimed the coun- 
try' in the Alleghanies in 1754. and prior to that time, and afterwards 
up to 175S — erected these works. A rockhouse is a cavity beneath a 
rock, jutted out from the side of a mountain, affording a cover from 
the weather to those who are below it. In one of these was found a 
furnace and human bones, and horn buttons supposed to have been a 
part of the dress, which had been buried with the body to which the 
bones belonged. It is probable that the French who were with Swift, 
showed him the place where the ore was.' " 

The work from which Collins quoted the above is Tlie Civil and 
Political History of the State of Tennessee, by John Haywood. He 
was born in North Carolina, was a lawyer, and rose to eminence in 
his profession. At an early period of his professional life he was a 
judge of the Supreme Court of his native .state, and his decisions are 
now a part of the law of that commonwealth. He came to Tennessee 
very early after its settlement and was for almost all the remainder of 
his life either a judge of a Circuit Court or of the Supreme Court 
of Tennessee. He was one of the ablest judges that ever occupied the 
bench of the Supreme Court of that state, and is spoken of as having 
laid the foundation of the judiciary of Tennessee. He wrote other 
books, and they are of the highest character. His History of Tennessee 
is one of the most valuable historical works ever written of any state. 
Judge Haywood had evidently examined the journal of Swift before 
he wrote that book, and he settles the point of the existence of a genuine 
jom-nal of John .Swift. Collins is convinced on this jjoint, and says: 

"A Memorandum of John Swift's Journal has fallen into our hands, 
which is an exceedingly curious document. It has the appearance of 
being a copy of a portion of the same document referred by above by 
Juflge Haywood. It describes with some miiuiteness the journeys of 
1761 (which began at Alexandria, Virginia), 1762, 1764, 1767-8, and 
1768-9, and alludes to three other trips of which he kept no account. 

"'On the 1st of September, 1769, we left between 22,000 and 30,000 
dollars and crowns on a large creek, running near a south course. Close 
to the sjjot we marked our names (Swift, JeiTerson, Munday. and others) 
on a beech tree — with a comjjasses. square, and trowell. No great dis- 
tance from this place we left $15,000 of the same kind, marking three 
or four trees with marks. Not far from these, we left the prize, near 
a forked white-oak, and about three feet under ground, and laid two 
long stones across it, marking several stones close about it. At the 
Forks of Sandy, by the forks, is a small rock ; has a spring in one 
end of it. Between it and a small branch, we hid a prize under the 
ground: it was valued at $6,000. We left $3,000 buried in 
the rocks of the rockhouse.' " 


"One of the companies in search of the mine was Staley, Ireland, 
McCHntock, Blackburn, and Swift." 

Collins says this copy was furnished him by Col. William G. Terrell, 
from the papers of Wood C. Dollins, of Mount Sterling, Kentucky. 

Carter County 

We find Carter County, Kentucky, often mentioned in connection 
with Swift's Silver Mines. Many of the traditions told in Eastern 
Kentucky about these mines located them, or some of them, in Carter 
County. Cr>llins did not fail to secure some information locating these 
mines in this county, as witness : 

"This Silver Mine of Swift's had been located by tradition in dif- 
ferent counties in Eastern Kentucky, from Josh Bell in the Southeast 
to Carter iq the North. The most recent claim is that of the Greenup 
Independent, in February, 1873, of which the following is an extract : 

" 'When Swift was driven from the silver mines in Kentucky by 
the approach of hostile Indians, he returned to his home in North 
Carolina. The money which he had with him created suspicion among 
his neighbors, and he was arrested as a counterfeiter. In those days 
there existed no mint in the United States, and the only test of the 
circulating money was the purity of the metal. Upon the trial of the 
case against Swift, it was proven that the coins in his possession were 
pure silver, and the charges were dismissed. 

" 'The ancient tools and instruments used for coining money which 
fell from a clifif in Carter County were seen and examined by men now 
living. These men are highly respectable and entitled to full credit, 
and they vouch for the truth of the statements. One of the first settlers 
of the county found near his cabin a quantity of cinder, of such unusual 
color and weight as to induce him to have it tested by an expert. This 
was done, and the result was a considerable amount of pure silver, which 
at his instance was converted into spoons ; these spoons are still in the 
possession of the family. 

" 'Several years ago a couple of Indians, from the far West, visited 
Carter County, and acted in such a manner as to excite the attention 
of the citizens. They remained for a cons:derable time, and were con- 
tinually wandering over the mountains and making minute examina- 
tions of the country along the small streams. When about to leave, 
they told an old gentleman with whom they had stayed that they were 
in search of a silver mine which the traditions of their tribe located 
in that section of Kentucky, but they were unable to find it, owing to 
the changed condition of the country. 

" 'At an early day, siher money was in circulation in the settlements 
qf what is now West \'irginia, said to have been made by Swift. It 
was free from alloy, and of such a description as to indicate that it 
never passed through an established mint. 

" 'A bar of pure silver was found many years ago near a small mill 
in Carter County, w-hich was thought to have been smelted from ore 
obtained from the silver mines said to exist in that country. And, within 
the past few days, a piece of ore which has every appearance of silver 
ore, and a small quantity of metal which is said be to silver, was shown 
by a gentleman of undoubted veracity, who testifies that he got the 
ore in the mountains of Kentucky, and with his own hands melted the 
metal from ore obtained in these mountains.' " 

L.'\UEEL County 

Collins says, also, under the head of Laurel County: 

"Swift's Silver Mine was supposed, in 1846, to be in Laurel County." 


There is little doubt that Swift and his associates passed through 
that country more than once. 

The Siiawnees and These Mines 

The Shawnee Indians sustained peculiar relations to Swift's silver 
mines. Some members of tiie tribe acconii)anied Swift and aided in 
locating- and operating the mines. Remembrance of these mines re- 
mained in the tribe long after it migrated to the Golden West. Shawnees 
have from time to time gone into the mountains of Eastern Kentucky 
to search for hidden treasure told of around camp fires for three gen- 
erations. Occasionally an old map of the regions roamed over by Swift 
and his associates has come to light in the lodges of the Shawnees 
beyond the Mississippi. No other tribe of Indians ever had anything 
like the interest in this matter shown by the Shawnees. 

About the year 1870 (possibly a year or two later) an intelligent 
and well informed .^hawnee Indian came to the vicinity of Rule's Mill 
and Little Mudlick Creek, in Johnson County, Kentucky. He carried 
with him a number of rude maps by the aid of which he said he had 
come to that particular locality; and he said that by their help he ex- 
pected to discover some casks of coined silver concealed there by some 
.Shawnees, among them his ancestors, while in the service of John Swift 
more than a hundred years before. He had served in one of the Kansas 
Indian regiments in the Civil war, and he had a soldier's contempt for 
danger. When told he might be harmed and even murdered by vag- 
abonds or evil-disposed persons he said he could give a good account 
of himself if attacked. - 

The Shawnee was mounted upon a huge jack which was as black 
as a coal, and to which he seemed much attached. Some of the resi- 
dents of the country desired to secure this animal for breeding pur- 
poses, and offered the .Shawnee a fair price for it, but to no purpose. 
He offered to sell another animal he had, a very good horse, and per- 
haps did sell it before he had accomplished his designs there. The 
trappings of his mount were ornamented most i)rofusely with silver 
settings, nails and rosettes. 

Cornstalk carried a number of buckskin bags of different sizes, and 
in one of he carried tools for digging. He spent much of the 
time every night searching for the treasure for which he had come from 
the Indian territory. By day he could be found at the old mill — then 
abandoned — constructed of the drilling outfit of an oil well which had 
been put down there to no i)urf)ose. This old mill was his cam])ing-])Iace. 

The Shawnee remained about the mouth of Little Mudlick Creek 
some four or five weeks. The last week he was not seen so much about 
his camp, but was observed along the high cliffs in the big bend in 
Paint Creek below Rule's Mill. At dusk one day he passed Rule's Mill, 
going up P>ig Paint Creek. There had been rain, and there was a head 
in the millpond. The mill was grinding, and several people were gathered 
about the mill yard. The buckskin bags were filled and slung across 

2 This was the first Indian to visit that country in half a century or more, 
except possibly an Osage brought in by a traveling mathematician and lecturer 
named Dodge for advertising purposes. He gave his name as Cornstalk. His 
dress it is said by those who saw him, conformed closely to the Indian standard 
of fashions, though a mixture of the garbs of savagery and civilization, being 
made principally of dressed buckskin and ornamented with broad fringes, beads 
of different colors, and porcupine quills. He wore a broad-brimmed high-crowned 
hat made of white felt, something after the style of the Mexican head dress. In 
the band of tliis hat were securely fastened a number of large feathers evidently 
taken from the plumage of the eagle. His coat, which was much like the hunting- 
shirt of the pioneers, had some silver ornaments in the way of buckles and buttons. 


the saddle. The jack seemed heavily laden, so much in fact that the 
Indian was walking and driving the animal before him. There had been 
drinking at the mill, and as the Indian passed he was rudely accosted. 
A jockey or horse-swapper, a quarrelsome and worthless character, shook 
the buckskin bags, and the bystanders were sure they heard the clinking 
and jingling of silver coin. 

The next morning the jack was found wandering about on the bank 
of the creek below the mill and on the opposite side of the creek from 
the road, and without bridle or saddle. The Shawnee was never seen 
or heard of again in that vicinity. A skeleton was found some years 
afterwards in a cliiT of rugged rocks in a wild and unfrequented place 
on Big Paint Creek above the mill ; and with it were found a buckskin 
moccasin worked with colored beads, and decaying fragments of other 
buckskin garments. Twenty years ago parts of this skeleton could be 
seen in the office of a physician in Paintsville, Kentucky. 

When it became known that the Shawnee had disappeared, leaving 
his jack, there was some excitement in the country about Rule's Mill, 
and some persons were under suspicion and even under surveillance for 
a time. The excitement died down, and some of the parties went to 
North Carolina. The jockey moved to Carter County, Kentucky. It 
was generally known who killed the Shawnee, but there was no direct 
evidence of the fact. That the Shawnee had found the hidden treasure 
for which he was searching there is little doubt — in fact there never 
was any doubt. And that he was robbed and murdered is certain. ^ 

The Blue-J.\ckets and Swift's Silver Mines 

The Blue-Jacket family is one of importance and influence in the 
Shawnee tribe of Indians. The first chief of the family of which his- 
tory gives account was Weyapiersenwah, who was in command of the 
Indians' forces defeated by General Wayne. His descendants have al- 
ways been chiefs in the .Shawnee nation. In Drake's Life of Tecumseh 
is to be found the following: 

"We are indebted to Major Galloway, of Xenia, for the following 
anecdote of this chief: 

" 'In the spring of iiSoo, Blue- Jacket and another chief, whose name 
I have forgotten, boarded for several weeks at my father's, in Green 
County, at the expense of a company of Kentuckians, who engaged 
Blue-Jacket, for a valuable consideration, to show them a great silver 
mine, which the tradition said was known to the Indians as existing 
on Red River, one of the head branches of the Kentucky. A Mr. Jona- 
than Flack, agent of this company, had previously spent several months 
among the Shawnees, at their towns and hunting camps, in order to 
induce this chief to show this great treasure. At the time agreed on. 
ten or twelve of the company came from Kentucky to meet Blue-Jacket 
at my father's, where a day or two was spent in settling the terms 
upon which he would accompany them, the crafty chief taking his own 

■' Long years afterwards, in Kansas, William E. Connelley made inquiry about 
this Indian murdered near Rule's Mill. Charles Blue-Jacket, one of the principal 
men of the Shawnees and a chief, told him that the Indian was a grandson of 
Peter Cornstalk, and a descendant of Cornstalk, who was treacherously murdered 
by the whites at Point Pleasant. He was the only son of a widow who died many 
years ago. The maps he carried belonged to Chief Blue-Jacket, who gave him 
the information which enabled him to find the hidden casks. Blue-Jacket advised 
him to not go upon this dangerous journey, but being a young man of enterprise 
and courage he insisted that there was little danger. When he did not return his 
friends believed that he had been murdered. Mr. Connelley conveyed the first 
intelligence of his actual fate to his people. Blue-Jacket was very positive that 
he was the Shawnee to whom he had entrusted his maps. He regarded it as an 
impossibility that he should be mistaken in his identity after hearing the descrip- 
tion of the Indian. 


time to deliberate on the offers made him, and rising in his demands 
in proportion to their growing eagerness to possess the knowledge which 
was to bring untold wealth to all the company. At length a bargain 
was made, horses, goods and money were given as presents, and the 
two chiefs and their squaws were escorted in triumph to Kentucky, 
where they were feasted and caressed in the most flattering manner, 
and all their wants anticipated and liberally sujjplied. In due time and 
with all ])ossible secrecy, they visited the region where this great mine 
was said to be emboweled in the earth. Here the wily Shawnee spent 
some time in seclusion, in order to humble himself, by fastings, purifica- 
tions and pow-xco-u'ijigs. with a view to propitiate the Great Spirit; and 
to get his permission to disclose the grand secret of the mine. An 
equivocal answer was all the response that was given to him in his 
dreams; and after many days of fruitless toil and careful research, the 
mine, the great object so devoutly sought and wished for, could not 
be found. The cunning Blue-Jacket, however, extricated himself with 
much address from the anticipated vengeance of the disappointed wor- 
shipers of Plutus, by charging his want of success to his eyes, which 
were dimmed by reason of his old age ; and by proinising to send his 
son on bis return home, whose eyes were young and good, who knew 
the desired S])ot and would show it. The son, however, never visited 
the scene of his father's failure; and thus ended the adventures of the 
celebrated mining company of Kentucky.' " 

It is evident from bis style of writing that "Major Galloway of 
Xenia" was very much of a skeptic on the subject of silver mines in 
Kentucky. But the search was not altogether for the mines. It was 
as much for the discovery of hidden treasure — jierhaps more for this 
latter object. And the fact remains that a number of men associated 
themselves together to search for these mines and this hidden treasure, 
and put their "horses, goods and money" into the enterprise. And they 
believed that the Shawnee Indians possessed the knowledge of the loca- 
tion of mines and treasure, for they had been with .Swift in bis operations 
in that wilderness. And these men, like Colonel Harrod, were of Swift's 

♦ William E. Connclley discussed the above quotation with the late chief, 
Charles Blue-Jacket, and heard what he had to say in defense of his grandfather's 
course. He said that his grandfather went into retirement as much for the pur- 
pose of studyiuK the maps as for religious preparation for the search, and that 
his defective sight made it impossible for him to rightly decipher them. This 
matter of imperfect sight was discussed before the agreement was made, and it 
was insisted by Blue-Jacket that it might be impossible for him to locate the 
mines and treasure because of the failing condition of his eyes. He agreed to send 
liis son, or one of his sons, but none would go, saying that they had not been 
<mployed by the company. And their families refused to consent to their going, 
fearing that after the failure of the old chief the sons would be in danger should 
llicy fail. Chief Blue-Jacket gave many other reasons in justification of his 
grandfather's action. These same maps were carried to Kentucky by the young 
.Shawnee murdered near Rule's Mill. 

Chief Charles Blue-Jacket lost his life as the result of illness contracted in 
a search for the grave of the Shawnee Prophet, in Wyandotte County, Kansas. 
His condition at that time was in some respect similar to that of his grandfather 
when he made the unsuccessful search for the mines and treasure of Swift in the 
mountains of I'^astern Kentucky. He was old and infirm, and his sight was much 
dimmed. So much timber had sprung up that the face of the country was changed 
in appearance, and fences and houses and fields and orchards added to the con- 
fusion. He was not alw.ays sure of the points he relied on for identification. He 
failed to point out the exact location of the grave, although he had been present 
al tin- funeral, fte did identify the spot where the Prophet's cabin had stood 
and ill the yard of which the illustrious Shawnee was buried. His over-exertion 
on this day brought on an illness which proved fatal in the course of a few weeks. 



Tradition Told by Mr. Reams 

The quotations set out in the preceding chapters, from historical 
works of the highest standard, conckisively show : 

That there was actually such a man as John Swift — that John Swift 
is not a mythical character. 

That he was known to have been in the Western Wilderness. 

That he was reputed to have worked silver mines there and to have 
concealed much treasure in those wilds. 

That he was of good character and entitled to credit. 

That he kept a journal of his transactions. 

That the knowledge of the existence of this journal was common 
to a part of the country of considerable extent. 

That neither the genuineness of his journal nor the probability of 
its truth and accuracy were ever questioned by those having the best 
opportunity to judge of it in these respects. 

And that he left his journal in the possession of Mrs. Renfro when 
he went away, never to be heard of again. 

By Judge Haywood we are told that Swift was at Bean's Station, 
in East Tennessee, in the years 1790 and 1791, and that he was deterred 
from going on to his mines by the troublesome presence of Indians in 
that region. A part of this conclusion is supported by tradition ; and 
tradition has carried dow^n, too, some things not set out by Judge Hay- 
wood. These additional matters are given here as traditions — traditions 
well defined and of common recital by the old people of Eastern Ken- 
tucky and East Tennessee and other portions of Appalachian America 
as late as fifty years ago. 

It is said in these traditions that Swift had become almost blind 
from some affection of the eyes; and, also, that the Frenchmen who 
were with him at this time were not those French companions of his 
former journeys, but others having a knowledge of the mines worked 
and the treasure hidden by Swift and their countrymen. Any weak- 
ness in a man of cupidity invariably begets suspicion and distrust of 
those with whom he is associated in any business enterprise. Swift 
evidently realized that, in his affliction, he was at a disadvantage with 
these Frenchmen should they choose to exercise their opportunities. 
He feared that they might obtain possession of the written information 
which he alone had concerning the mines and treasure, and render him 
incapable of ever again finding them — while the Frenchmen would be 
enabled to easily discover them, and profit from the discovery, with 
the aid of his journal. 

It is said, also, in this connection, that Swift was desirous of pro- 
curing the hand of Mrs. Renfro in marriage. This lady was the widow 
of Joseph Renfro, who had been killed by the Indians in the defense 
of the country while it was a part of the State of North Carolina, the 
Legislature of which state granted his widow a large tract of land as 
a compensation for his loss and for claims he had then pending against 
the state for settlement; this grant was made in 1784. Renfro was a 
man of standing and consequence and a large property added to his 
prestige. He left his widow with a large estate. She is reputed to 
have been a woman of beauty and rare accomplishments, and to have 
lived on a large plantation near Bean's Station. Swift committed his 
journals to her for safe-keeping when he returned to North Carolina 
in 1790 and the P'renchmen descended the Cumberland River in a canoe 
and forever disappeared. 

Swift returned to Bean's Station in 1791 and attempted to re-discover 
his mines and treasure, but in the meantime the disease of his eyes 


had made such progress that his sight was ahiiost wholly destroyed. 
He was unable even with the assistance of his journal to find any trace 
of his mines. He made a number of unsuccessful attempts to locate 
them, the last of which, it is said, he made with a dark bandage bound 
closely about his face and over his eyes. In this condition he was 
mounted upon his horse, w'hich was led by an attendant, while other 
attendants, or persons employed by him, endeavored vainly to trace the 
course to the silver mines, as set down in his journal, and as directed 
by him. He might have succeeded had not the condition of his eyes 
compelled him to cease liis efforts. Leaving a large sum of money and 
his journals with Mrs. Renfro, Swift returned to North Carolina to 
consult a half-blood Cherokee Indian physician and surgeon. This physi- 
cian had been educated at Paris, and for many years he was the leading 
surgeon in Western North Carolina. His name was Hicks, and he was 
in the army of the patriots who defeated the British at King's Mountain. ■'' 

Swift never afterward returned to Tennessee. He probably died 
in a comparatively short time. But precisely what became of him or 
what fate befell him is not positively known. 

The following curious tradition or account was related by the late 
William J. Reains, of Wyandotte County, Kansas. Mr. Reams was 
born and reared in Laurel County, Kentucky, and knew many of the 
traditions concerning Swift and his transactions.*' 

Swift and his company had left concealed in the wilderness treasure 
amounting in the aggregate to a vast sum. It was a rigid rule among 
them that no one member of their association should ever visit the 
place of concealment of any part of this hidden treasure. By a rule 
or law of their company Swift (who was the leading man and prin- 
cipal) and any three others of the company might visit the mines or 
concealed riches and carry out money. An account was kept and an 
absent member was not wronged. It seems that there is no record of 
any visit made either by Swift or any of the company after the trip 
made in 1769 until 1790, and this tradition asserts that none were made. 
Why no one went out in all this time is not explained. 

In 1790 all the survivors of the company were gathered together 
to go into the wilderness and bring out the treasure left there in former 
days when the full company worked so persistently in the mines. This 
party was composed of Swift, Munday, McClintock, the two French- 
men, and the two Shawnee Indians. These were the only survivors 
of the original company. 

The party arrived at the mines and examined the treasure hidden 
at the different points in the vicinity of their various furnaces. Noth- 
ing had been disturbed. The last place of concealment to be examined 
was the great cave. When Swift saw the immense sums lying on the 
floor of this ancient retreat of the Shawnees the evil spirit of his nature 
was aroused, and he resolved to possess the whole of the great riches 

■> It is said that he there passed a silk handkerchief through a bullet wound 
entirely through the body of Thomas Connelly, one of those battling there for 
American liberty. 

" This tradition was secured from Mr. Reams by William E. Connelley, at 
that time County Clerk of the county. There existed between them that close 
fellowship always found between Kentuckians in an alien land. Mr. Reams was 
a farmer, living west of White Church, and had the Kentucky aptness for 
political affairs. He was a man of sound judgment and good character, and he 
spent many hours in Connelley's office planning advantages for him when he was 
a candidate for office. 

The tradition mentioned as having been told by Mr. Reams differs not from 
all others collected. It conflicts with some of them. It is the design to set down 
all that could be learned of Swift and his operations, not to make statements 
agree in details and particulars, so this tradition is recorded, as it was given by 
Mr. Reams. 


before him. He finally reached the conclusion to murder his com- 
panions if possible. His resolution deepened. At nightfall he set about 
the execution of his diabolical plot. 

At length, when his companions slept, unconscious of the bloody 
treachery in the heart of their leader. Swift stealthily arose from the 
group of prostrate forms about the fire. He was consumed with his 
passion for murder and blood-stained riches. His countenance was 
changed. The keen blade of his scalping-knife glittered coldly in the 
baleful light that fitfully fluttered up from the dying camp-fire. Noise- 
lessly did he glide from one victim to another. The panther of the 
forest, a ghost, a phantom, a spectre, could not have moved or acted 
with greater stealth. Quickly was the dastardly deed done. With stroke 
sudden, silent, deadly, did the reeking blade enter the heart of each of 
his associates, companions, friends. 

But not yet was his crime fully consummated. The Shawnees were 
sleeping in the great cave. Thither came Swift bent on further murder. 
His every faculty was quickened, his every act deliberate. There was 
no haste — there was manifested no premeditated order of events. With 
torches held aloft, at his solicitation, they together looked upon the 
treasure. At sight of it his inflamed passions broke into an insane 
fury. With the yell of a demoniac he leaped upon the aged and un- 
suspecting Shawnees. In a moment they were lying lifeless, and Swift 
was alone in the darkness. And from that hour did Providence smite 
him with almost total blindness. He groped his way from the wilder- 
ness to civilization. The riches, bought with his soul, were left in the 
trackless forest wastes. They are guarded by the manes of the innocent 
slain. And no man hath looked upon them to this day. 

This account further says that Mrs. Renfro would have married 
Swift but for the murders he committed in the wilderness. She pressed 
him closely to know what had become of his companions, whom she 
had seen in his company only so short a time before when they accom- 
panied him into the forest wilds. He made many contradictory state- 
ments, as murderers will, and she refused to proceed with the nuptials 
until he could give some explanation which would be satisfactory to her. 
Seeing that she suspected the truth, and believing that the prospective 
wealth he had gained by the crime would still gain her, he confessed 
the whole truth. She was shocked — horrified. She demanded that he 
get out of her sight and leave her premises never to return. This he 
did in such haste that his journals were forgotten and remained in her 
possession. Her dislike of the notoriety which the disclosure of the 
crime would have given her prevented her from making it known for 
many years. 

Mr. Reams believed that Swift and his associates were buccaneers, 
and that they operated in the Spanish seas and against the Spanish 
coasts in America. It was his belief, also, that they carried their silver 
and gold into the wilderness and coined it. Their mines were myths, 
and only invented to conceal their real operations. He had no doubt 
that they left millions of coined silver and gold in the mountains of 
Eastern Kentucky. And that it remains there to this hour. 


About Swift and His Men 

John Swift was an Englishman. We know something of his life, 
but nothing of his ancestry or the causes which moved him to cross the 
Atlantic and seek his fortunes on American seas and in the wilderness 
beyond the Appalachians. It is not known when he came from Eng- 
land to America, nor can it be told whether he came first to the colonies 


or was devoted to the ocean and sailed the Spanish main. It is probable 
that he was first in Virginia and later in North Carolina. If he was 
ever a rover of the seas it was in his younger days, for it is known 
that his later life was spent in the back countries of Virginia and the 
Carolinas. Northern \'irginia seems to have been his field of action 
in that period of his life when he conies directly under our notice, but 
his enterprises carried him more and more to North Carolina. And 
there is no certainty that he did not come first to the Old North State, 
and from there phinge into the wilderness to trade with its savage 

Swift was an adventurer, and he had the daring, the courage, and 
hardihood and contempt for danger characteristic of the Englishman of 
his times. If the journal carried by Spurlock was in fact in Swift's 
handwriting, we have that evidence that he was to some extent an 
educated man, for often the characters were graceful, uniform, solid, 
legible and much like the writing of Washington. In some instances 
there was evidence of haste, and sometimes the chirography of another 
appeared. Swift must have known something of higher mathematics, 
for he notes his positions from astronomical observations. This art he 
may have learned at sea. That he was self-reliant and capable of main- 
taining himself in transactions of magnitude and importance is evidenced 
by the vigorous management of the enterprises in which he was en- 
gaged. He was capable of ins])iring others with his own enthusiasm 
and enlisting them in his interests. His success in these matters would 
indicate that he was an organizer and leader of men. 

Knowledge of Swift's life in the back countries embraced in the 
head branches of the Ohio prior to Braddock's disastrous expedition 
is preserved in tradition alone. It is reasonably certain that about the 
year 1753 he was an Indian trader, and it is more than likely that this 
had been his pursuit for some years previous to that date. Or, if not 
an Indian trader himself, he was, and bad been, in some way con- 
nected with the English fur traders in that part of the country now 
within the State of Ohio. It is said that he was associated with Penn- 
sylvanians in this business. While engaged in this trade he spent most 
of his time with the Shawnees. Some traditions say that he married 
the daughter of a chief of that tribe, a number of children resulting 
from the union, lly other accounts it is said that his Indian wife was 
a half-blood French and Shawnee or Wyandot woman, the daughter 
of a I'^renchman who had married into the one or the other of these 
tribes. There is reason to believe that he possessed influence with the 
I'rench traders beyond what could be exjiected from mere acquaintance 
as a business rival in an Indian \illage. And this sustains the con- 
clusion recited in the tradition to the effect that he had connected him- 
self with both the French and Indians in his marriage. It must be 
remembered that these marriages with the women of the savages in 
the great woods were lightly regarded by the white men contracting 
them. A trader might have a resjiected family in the settlements and 
an Indian wife and half-savage children in the wilderness. 

But notwithstanding the favor with which Swift was regarded by 
the Indians, and the ties he had in some one of their tribes, he was. 
together with all the other English, finally forced to leave the Ohio 
\'^alley by the persistent aggressions of the French. For at that time 
France was establishing forts and military settlements about the head 
waters of the Ohio with the avowed purpose of saving to the French 
trade one of the most noble and beautiful \-alleys in America. 

Coming to those matters more closely afTecting Swift himself, it 
is told that while he was at one of the trading stations in the Indian 
country he was seized by the I'^reiich, or by tlir Indians at the instiga- 


tion of the French, and the goods in his charge were confiscated or 
appropriated. He was either imprisoned or kept a closely guarded captive 
at some French post for a considerable time. He was threatened with 
death for some infraction of French regulations of Indian trade, but 
was finaJly enabled to make his escape through the friendship of the 
two Frenchmen. 

After his escape, Swift made his way through the unbroken forests 
to the settlements in \'irginia. Afterwards he was with Washington 
and Braddock in the famous defeat, but in what capacity he served 
in that campaign is not known. 

On this expedition with Braddock, Swift made the acquaintance 
of some North Carolinians, if, indeed, he had not already been as- 
sociated with them. One of these gentlemen was Samuel Blackburn, 
who had been a trader, or a visitor with others in some conmiercial 
capacity, to the Overhill Cherokees of the Carolinas for some years. 
The prospect of being again able to engage in the traffic with the Indians 
of the Ohio having been destroyed by the victory of the French, Swift 
accompanied the Carolinians when they returned home from that un- 
fortunate attempt against Fort DuQuesne. A majority of the gentle- 
men afterwards associated with Swift were in this canipaign, which had 
brought together the hardy pioneers living on the frontiers of the colonies 
and the adventurous traders who had been for years in the Ohio Val- 
ley in the Indian trade. The meeting and close association of these 
two classes had an influence on the future of the West. The pioneers 
learned of its beauties and its capabilities, and upon their return home 
they began to discuss its exploration and even its settlement. Boone 
was with Braddock, and tradition says that he learned from Swift and 
other Indian traders much about the country afterwards called Ken- 
tucky. His determination to explore that land was formed at that time. 

Among others. Swift became acquainted during the Braddock cam- 
paign with the following North Carolinians : James Ireland, Samuel 
Blackburn, Isaac Campbell, Abram Flint, Harmon Staley, Shadrach 
Jeflferson. and Jonathan Munday. These men lived about the head 
waters of the Yadkin, the South Yadkin, and the Catawba, and they 
were all experienced hunters and skilled woodsmen. 

While in the great \'alley of the Ohio bartering trinkets, gaudy 
cloth and rum to the Indians for valuable skins. Swift must have ob- 
tained his information of the existence of silver mines in the ter- 
ritory south of the Ohio River, which had been worked in times past. 
Indeed, he was infonned that some of them were being worked at 
that very time by Frenchmen and Indians. And these Frenchmen of 
Swift's acquaintance, and others, had. in company with some Shawnees 
and Cherokees, \isited the mines a short time before, but from some 
cause had not been able to obtain any product from them. There had 
been work done there, they found, however, by some Frenchmen who 
had lived in what is now Tennessee. It is altogether likely that the 
ajjproaching conflict between the French and the English was even then 
beginning to agitate all parts of tlie Ohio Valley, causing all small 
parties to come in from the uninhabited portions of the country to the 
villages and the trading posts. The mines were in the country claimed 
by the Cherokees. but which was not then occupied by them. This 
country had been the home of the Shawnees, and they were familiar 
with every portion of it. 

Swift and his companions were, notwithstanding the storm which 
was gathering in the forests on the western slopes of the Alleghanies, 
preparing to set out for these mines when the irruption of the French 
into the Ohio Valley occurred, and which delayed their journeys thither 
for several years. Knowledge of the location of these mines remained 


with Swift, and he was enabled to discover them without great diffi- 
ciihy ahoiit the year 1760, when he, Staley, Ireland, McClintock, Black- 
burn, and others visited them but did not work them, not having gone 
for that purpose. 

The next year, 1761, the following, together with other persons whose 
names can not now be ascertained, formed a party which visited the 
mines and worked them: John Swift, Jonathan ^Iunday, Seth Mont- 
gomcrj', James Ireland, Shadrach Jefferson, Joshua McClintock, Samuel 
r.lackburn, Henry Hazlitt, Isaac Campbell, Moses Fletcher, Abram Flint. 
1 larmon Staley, William Wilton, John Motts, Alexander Hartol, and 
Jeremiah Hates. 

With this party were a number of Frenchmen and some Shawnee 
Indians. 'I'he names of the two principal Frenchmen were Pierre St. 
-Martin and Andrew Kenaud. 1 he Frenchmen and the Indians met 
the other members of the party at Fort Pitt by agreement and appoint- 
ment made at that point in the previous summer. 

The tools and appliances used by Swift and his company in working 
the mines were obtained at Alexandria. \'irginia, and were transported 
on ])ack-horses froin that point into the wilderness, as were all their 
supplies for living, with the single exception of meat, which was easily 
procured in the forests through which they passed. Some maize was 
Iirought from the Indian settlements and villages along the Ohio River. 
Seth Montgomery and Henry Hazlitt lived in .Alexandria, or in Mary- 
land in the immediate vicinity of that city. They had been engaged 
in the fur trade on the frontiers, and it is possible that they knew 
Swift when he was in the Ohio country previous to its occupation by 
the French — or they may have been in some way associated with iiim 
at that time. They furnished the money necessary for the purchase of 
the horses and other supplies for the first expedition to the mines — that 
of 1760. 

Wilderness TRAir.s — Lost Metal Found 

It is necessary to say a word about the roads and paths by which 
the wilderness was penetrated, for .Swift and his associates followed 
such roads as then existed. 

The wilderness had its highways before the coming of the white 
man. Indeed, our modern highways and railways largely follow paths 
which the wild denizens of the forest marked with constant hoof for 
their ow-n migration and wandering. After the animals, there came 
the aboriginal inhabitants of the American forests, going up the stream, 
over the mountain, along the divide, through the rugged pass, winding 
down a mountain system to a great river which rolls in silent strength 
and majesty down to the waves of the wasting sea. 

The pale face came along these same ancient ways in his explora- 
tion and subjection of the land. Braddock crawled along on these for 
weeks to meet death before he came to its end. Gist, Boone, Sevier, 
the Long Hunters, Kenton, and George Rogers Clark all followed the 
old trails tramped out by the buffalo, the elk, the deer, and widencfl and 
connected by the savage in his wanderings. 

One of these old ways was called Nemicolon's Path, because pointed 
out by the Delaware Nemicolon. It became the Braddock Trail. At 
Fort Pitt, it branched to all the westward points of the compass. One 
of these branches followed through the coimtry south of the Ohio to 
the point where Charleston, West Virginia, now stands ; passing over 
the Kanawha, here it plunged into the heavy woods in a course almost 
directly west. This general direction was held until the Forks of Great 


Sandy Creek were reached. Here again a number of branches were 
encountered. One followed up each fork of the Great Sandy, one to 
the mouth of that stream, and one continued on to the westward. At 
each principal branch of any stream a road left the main way to follow 
the subordinate stream up to its head waters, there to clamber through 
a "gap" and descend another subordinate stream down to a larger one. 
This process was repeated everywhere, and the forest was threaded 
with roads. The main roads did not keep down by the streams, but 
held to the ridges and divides, the watersheds, crossing the streams 
where they were small. Travel might hold to the main rivers in summer 
or in seasons of drought, but the roads here were mainly for local travel. 
The means of transportation for explorers and pioneers over these 
primeval ways was by pack-horses. Burdens were strapped and tied 
upon the rude saddle which was only a frame-work of tree-branches 
with a padded blanket beneath to protect the horse's back. The horses 
followed a leader, which was an old horse that had spent his best days 
on the trail, and whose sagacity often amounted to reason. This lead 
horse usually wore a bell ; and he knew at a glance whether a stream 
was fordable or not, and if his judgment told him it could not be crossed 
it was useless to urge him, for he could not be forced in. He was as 
expert as the explorer himself in selecting suitable camping grounds; 
and he could discover the presence of Indians by his acute sense of 
smell long before the hunter could see them; in this capacity he was 
as useful as the dog. Many a hunter has saved himself from ambush 
by observing the actions of his horse and profiting by the warning 

Swift and his men followed Braddock's Trail to Fort Pitt, and from 
thence they came by the road through the site of Charleston, to the 
Fork of Great Sandy Creek. At this point some of the caravans di- 
vided, a portion going up the West or Louisa Fork, and the remainder 
continuing on their way westward. After a time the different mines 
were connected by a shorter road which the miners groped out over 
rough ground. 

The pack-horses followed one another in single file and were under 
the command of the Frenchmen; and the company often had as many 
as one hundred horses in a train. When there were so many, they were 
cut into smaller companies. On the journey in, they were loaded with 
such supplies as the miners found indispensable in the wilderness, not 
the least of which was rum. On the journey out, they carried such 
treasure as the miners had secured. 

Through the mishaps of the rough traveling it was necessary to 
secret many a load of treasure along the old paths. The people of 
Eastern Kentucky believe that in this latter nii.schance evidence of the 
presence of Swift and his men was left in the wilderness. Bars of 
both gold and silver have occasionally been found in Eastern Kentucky. 
Ely. in his Big Sandy Valley, gives an autobiography of Col. John 
Dills. Jr., in which is mentioned one certain "Uncle Barney Johnson, 
of Block-house and golden-wedge fame. This wedge Barney ploughed 
up on his fann from an Indian burying-ground, and gave it to a neigh- 
bor to braze bells with, not knowing its worth. I heard the brazier 
say it was the best brazing metal he ever had in his life." 

A number of bars of pure silver were found on Red River by Lemuel 

Johnson, who afterwards lived on the land of John Patrick, on the 

Burning Spring Fork of the Licking River, in Magoffin County, Kentucky. 

Johnson brought these bars of silver to the Blacksmith shop of 

William Adams, Esq., in Salyersville, Kentucky.' They were black 

' William E. Connelley saw them often, as they were thrown carelessly on the 
top of the bellows, where they remained until used up for solder. 


with age and \cry heavy, and no one tliotiglit of their lieing silver uniil 
one Frederick Stanibaugh. who was having some bells repaired there, 
made the discovery. The bars had then almost all been used up. They 
were about six inches long and some two inches square, thfiugh of some 
irregularity of form. 

Enoch Fairchild, Esq., of Johnson County, Kentucky, was a fine 
mechanic. He was a famous gunsmith and manufacturer of violins. 
I'or a time he had his shop on the hank of I'.ig Paint Creek, just below 
K'uk'"s Mill. \oah liranham. a native, brought to his shop about 187J 
a [liece of metal much like those bars which had been found by Johnson. 

Branhani had found this bar of metal while digging out and widen- 
ing the roadway aroiuid llie hill, beneath the tall clilTs just below the 

About the year 1840. in what is now Johnson County, Kentucky. 
I'restley Larkin. a Revolutionary soldier, long afterwards renicinbered 
as "Dad" l.arkin, or ''Daddy" Larkin, because of the great age to 
whicji he lived, found a number of bars of metal similar to that found 
by Iiranhani. and the bars were the same in form. Larkin was working 
for John .Stafford. I'.sq.. one of the jjioneers of that region, and found 
these bars of metal in the ri\er bottom, on the farm afterwards known 
as the Jemian Huff farm. I,arkin found these bars near where the 
road has cros.sed the stream known as Big Paint Creek ever since man 
has been in .'\merica, as there is there a rock bottom and the water is 
always shallow. The point is locally known as the "Flat Rock." and 
is just above what for a century was known as the "Deep Hole" in 
Paint Creek. 

The Rev. Henry Dickson (Dixon is the name as w'ritten by his 
descendants), the silversmith heretofore mentioned, purchased the bars 
of metal from Larkin. From them he manufactured a great number 
of ornamental pins and brooches so much in demand in those days.* 


TiiK Pound Cap .\nd Gre.\t Cave 

Charles Blue-Jacket in his conversations concerning Kentucky, and 
particularly Eastern Kentucky, said that the region about what is known 
as Pound Gap and the "Breaks" of the Sandy River, was ever held 
in reverence and sacred remembrance by the .Sliawnees. The tradition 
in the tribe describes a mighty cave there in which the warriors hid 
their women and cliildrcn while they fought a great battle with a com- 
bination of other tribes, among them the Cherokces. The Shawnces 
were defeated, but they returned when their enemies had retired from 
the country and brought out their wives and children. 

In his descri])tion of the cave he said that it extended from one 
side of the mountain to the other, being many miles in extent, and 
that it could be entered at several different points and on both sides 
of the great mountain range under which it lay. Some of the principal 
mines worked by Swift and his companions were in the vicinity of this 
great cave, and they finally made it the storehouse for all their surplus 
production of siher. They carefully co\ered the entrances to the cavern 
when they departed from the country. The Shawnees and the W'^andots 
often went to this country to hunt, even after Eastern Kentucky was 

" Fairchild believed tlic chunk of metal to be pure silver, and be gave Branbam 
two dollars for it. His wife stormed much about having to produce the two dol- 
lars to be iiaid out for a piece of pewter, as she termed the metal. Fairchild 
used this nielal for the "beads" in the sights of the guns he made and repaired, 
and it proved to be pure silver. 

■■' Mrs. Susan Joynes Connelly, one of the pioneers of Eastern Kentucky, wore 
one of these brooches for half a century. It was unquestionably pure silver. 


settled by the white people. Charles Blue-Jacket's father went into 
the cave on more than one occasion. He had not been with Swift, but 
his father had been. There is a secret religious society among the 
Shawnees, which preserves many of the rites of the old pagan life, and 
this great cave had some significance in the ritual of that order. 

To the hoof-beats of the horse along the roadway through Pound 
Gap the mountain sounds like it was hollow, especially when the solid 
rock is trodden. .\t some points in this mountain gap every step seems 
echoed through the underground caverns with which it is certain the 
mountain is honeycombed. 'Jhere are some places in this region where 
a smart blow with an iron implement, on the living bed-rock, or with 
a maul upon the ground, sounrls like a blow upon a huge drum. From 
this cause the gap was first called Sounding Gap. The Shawnees called 
all this land "The Country about the Hollow Mountain." It is evident 
that the Indians lived here in considerable numbers at some time in 
the past, for many of the ridge-tops are covered with long heaps of 
loose stones, plainly carried there, called by the people of that country 
"Indian graves." 

Some parts of the journal of John Swift refer in unmistakable terms 
to this region. 

The name "Sounding Gap" fell into disuse and was replaced by 
the name "Pound Gap" after the name "Pound" was bestowed on the 
upper course of the Big Sandy River. It seems that this name was 
given the river at rather an early period. A number of pioneers came 
once into that country to hunt and brought their horses with them. 
In casting about for a convenient place for an enclosure they found 
the points in the river where it makes a great bend or circle, coming 
back to within a few hundred yards of where it was first deflected from 
a direct course. The nearest points in this circle were joined with a 
fence built across the "Neck," and this with the river formed a perfect 
enclosure, which came to be spoken as the "Pound." It bore this name 
wherever the fame of the country as a hunting ground was carried. 
The river was spoken of as the "Pound" River, and it was said to run 
through the "Pound" country. This name finally replaced the original 
one, and one branch of the Big Sandy River in its upper course be- 
came the Pound River. And this name, having a similar sound, soon 
usurped the name of the mountain pass, and "Sounding Gap" took the 
name "Pound Gap." '" 

JoHX Swift's Journ.^l 

There are many forms of the Swift Journal and no doubt, many 
copies of each of these forms. They agree substantially. They are 
evidently all copies of some part or parts of Szcift's Original Manuscript 
Journal left with Mrs. Renfro. Through repeated copying from copies 
by persons little capable of doing accurate work, the journal degenerated 
finally into a few pages of incoherent jargon, as will appear from an 
examination of the most common form of the journal, many copies of 
which are extant in Eastern Kentucky. 

The usual form of Swift's Journal is a document covering about 
four pages of legal cap paper and was very common in Eastern Ken- 
tucky half a century ago, and is a condensation of the whole of Swift's 

1" All this is lore common to the Big Sandy Valley. It is the foundation of the 
story The Queen of Appalachia^ written by Joe H. Borders, who was born at 
Paintsvillc. in Johnson County, Kentucky. He learned these stories as he learned 
to talk, as all did who cared to learn them. 

Vol. I— 1?, 


A better form of Swift's Journal was preserved by Judge Richard 
Apperson, of Mount Sterling. Kentucky. Jniniediately after the Civil 
war he was judge of the Circuit Court of some district which included 
Magoffin County, While holding court at Salyersville, Jucige Ajiperson 
stopped at the tavern conducted by William Adams, I'"sq., the founder 
of the town and a pioneer settler in that region. '^ 

In the year 1878, a North Carolinian named James McI.eMoore, 
came to Kentucky to search for Swift's Silver Mines and the hidden 
treasure left by Swift and his companions. He had some knowledge 
of geology and mincrology and had spent some considerable time in 
niim'ng in the gold-fields of North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia. 
He was a man of easy and careless disposition and fond of roaming 
about the world. He was a minister of the Gospel, and belonged to 
the Jiaptist Church. 

McLeMoore had in his possession a luuiiher of couies of John Swift's 
Manuscript Journal of different forms. Some were very short and 
others quite long. He had also some maps and was certain that these 
indicated that nuich of Swift's treasure was hidden in Johnson County, 
Kentucky. A number of the residents of Johnson and Magoffin coun- 
ties, joined with him in a search for the mines and Swift's hidden 
silver. He said he had secured the maps in North Carolina, on the 
Upper ^'adkin. where Swift had li\ed; that .Swift had died there, and 
was buried in that countrv'.^- 

Robert Alley was a resident of Johnson County from 1859 to his 
death — about 1890. He came there from East Tennessee to search for 
Swift's mines, which he and some associates had sought unsuccess- 
fully in the region of the Cumberland Gap. Among these associates 
was one William Turlington, sometimes known as William Spurlock. 
He was a very eccentric character. He tramped the roads of East 
Tennessee and Eastern Kentucky for half a century, and undoubtedly 
discovered some hidden treasure. He had in his possession a docu- 
ment which, he asserted, was the original journal of John Swift. In 
the fall of 1873 he was at the of Mr. Alley.Cs At that time 

'^ Judge Apperson was a student of pioneer times in Kentucky and could 
relate many stories of the adventures of the early settlers. At the end of one of 
his terms of Court one of the sons of Adams and William E. Connelley were 
assisting him to gather up his hooks, papers, and a few articles of clothing. He 
was stufihig these into a pair nf saddle-hags preparatory to his departure for the 
ne.xt county in lii^ circuit. When he was leaving the room with his saddle-bags 
on his arm the boys found this copy of Swift's Journal. Either he did not wish 
to reopen his crowded bags to store it away, or he did not care to preserve the 
paper. He may have had other copies of it. He looked it over and then handed 
it to Connelley telling him to be careful to preserve it. The form of tliis Journal 
is of a much better type, from a literary standpoint, tlian the one known, 
and is at least twice its length. In substance the two are much the same. 

'= William E. Connelley made a copy of what he considered the best form of 
Swift's Journal owned by McLe^^onre. It is of much greater extent than either 
of the copies already mentioned. It makes si.xtccn typewritten pages, and con- 
tains nearly six thousand words. 

'^ Mr. .Alley believed that it was the original Journal, and he believed that 
Spurlock had discovered a considerable amount of the treasure hidden by Swift 
and his companions. He carried always on his slioulders a pair (jf immense saddle- 
bags supposed to contain money. He had a large sum of money willi him, and 
Mr. .Xlley paid him at that time quite a large amount of money which he had bor- 
rowed some years before. 

William E. Connelley was teaching school in the Alley district that year. He 
desired very much to make a copy of Swift's Journal owned by Spurlock. Mr. 
Alley took up the matter with him. and he finally consented that a copy of some 
portions of the Journal niiglit be made. Spurlock kept this Journal between two 
thin cedar boards and securely wrapped in a sort of sheet made of bladders to 
protect it from rain or dampness. It had every appearance of an original docu- 
ment. The book had been worn to pieces, and if it had ever been bcmnd the board 
covers were gone and many of the .sheets or leaves had been worn througli at the 
back. The edges and corners were worn, and in some instances the writing was 


copies of portions of this journal were made. According to this docu- 
ment, Hazlitt, Ireland, Blackburn, McClintock, Staley and Swift made 
a preliminary journey into what is now Eastern Kentucky in the spring 
of 1760. This trip was for the purpose of making arrangements to 
work the silver mines supposed to be in that region. They built a 
furnace and burned a pit of charcoal somewhere about the breaks of 
the Big Sandy River. From that point they went southwesterly along 
the base of the mountains a considerable distance, where they found 
other mines. There, also, a furnace was erected and charcoal burned 
for use the next year. They then departed from these mountains and 
arrived at Alexandria, Virginia, December 10, 1760. They there set 
about preparations for taking up the work in the wilderness the next 
year. In this connection the following, taken from the journal, is of 
interest : 

"Montgomery bought two additional vessels to sail to the Spanish 
Seas and return with cargoes suited to our enterprise, and he began 
the work of engraving and cutting the dies with which the silver and 
gold was to be coined, he being in that matter very expert, having 
labored long in the Royal Mint in the Tower of London." 

A reorganization of the company was effected during the winter. 
This company seems to have been a partnership, although the common 
fund was divided into shares of which there were fifteen. They took 
out a large number of pack horses, when they set out for the mines, 
leaving Alexandria on the 25th day of June, 1761. At the forks of the 
Big Sandy the company was divided into two parties, one party going 
to work at each of the locations selected the previous year. Much prog-" 
ress seems to have been made in the development of their mines during 
the summer. A large force was left to work during the winter, but 
the managers arrived at Alexandria, December 2, 1761. They found 
their vessels returned from the Spanish seas after profitable cruises, 
which gave them so much encouragement for this branch of their busi- 
ness, that they bought five more vessels for this service the next year. 

Swift and his company left Alexandria in the last week of March, 
1762, and, as in the previous trips, they went by the way of Fort Pitt. 
A large pack-train was taken out. Two horses were drowned in the 
Kanawha. At the forks of the Big Sandy they cast lots to see who 
should go to the different points and work these mines. They found 
that the men who had been left all winter were dissatisfied and home- 
sick, although much work had been done. Swift and others set out 
on their return to Virginia on the 1st day of September, 1762, and 
arrived at Alexandria on the 12th day of October. .They found that 
their shipping interests had prospered much. In the preparations for 
the work for the coming year, they more than doubled their number 
of pack-horses. 

In 1763, Swift and his train left Alexandria on the 21st day of 
April. They arrived at the mines on the head waters of the Big Sandy 
on the 17th day of May. Much progress had been made in their mining 
operations. Swift set out for Alexandria on the i6th day of September 
and arrived there the last day of October, and records that they had 
a successful year. 

In 1764 the operations of the company were hindered by w^ars in 
the wilderness, and it was deemed unsafe to go out by the way of Fort 

dim and scarcely legible. It agrees largely with other forms of the lournal, al- 
though it is much more complete and preserves many more incidents of the 
transactions of Swift and his companions. It recites that Swift and his associates 
were engaged in some sort of commercial ventures by sea and from what was 
written there, it is evident that they preyed on the Spanish shipping and that 
these men carried precious metals, secured in this manner, into the wilderness 
back of the Virginia settlements to be coined into English money. 


Pitt. They had now become somewhat more familiar witli the gjeography 
of the country. 'I'hey left .Alexandria on the jtli day of June, 1764, 
and went by the way of Xew River and the Cumberland Cap, reaching 
what they called their lower mines on the nth day of July. This year 
was not a successful one. It seems that they abandoned the route bv 
Fort Pitt for the time being. They left the mine on the 8th day of 
November, going out by the way of New River, and arrived at Mun- 
day's house the ist day of December, 1764. 

in 1765 the train set out from Munday's house on the 14th day 
of April. 1765. They went by the way of Ingles' Ferry on the New 
River, arriving at their lower mines on the 2nd day of May. They 
had a profitable year, and gathered into a great cave, "our immense 
store of precious metal, both of the coined and the uncoined, and hid 
it therein until we could in the providence of God convey it thence 
to the trade of the seas." At another point the journal says, "that 
store of treasure lieth in that cave to this day." Their geographical 
knowledge was increased, and in going out from their mines this year 
they went by a gap at the head of the Big Sandy, in all probability, 
the Pound (jaj). They arrived at Munday's house on the 20th day of 
November, 1/65. 

On the 6th day of June, 1766, they set out on their journey to the 
mines. Their delay this year was caused by wounds inflicted upon each 
other by two of their company, Fletcher and Flint. They were drinking 
heavily on Christmas Day and came to blows with swords. They made 
their wills and concealed their money in the vicinity of Mimday's house, 
which was probablv on the "S'adkin. I'lint buried 240,000 crown jiieces, 
and Fletcher hid 360,200 crowns. Fletcher died on the 2nd day of 
July, and Mint reco\cred. This year the company was troubled with 
a mutiny of their workmen, who left and returned to the settlements. 
After taking every precaution to conceal their operations they left the 
mines on the 6th of November and set out for North Carolina, arriving 
at Munday's house on the 6th of December. 

In 1767 the company left Munday's house on the ist day of October 
and arrived at the mines on the 4th day of November, bringing in 
their largest train, to that time. .-Xfter a successful year they went 
out by the way of Fort I^ilt and arri\ed at .Alexandria on the 7th dav 
of May, 1768. 

For the ne.xt year, a great train was made up, and on the 4th of 
June, 1768, they went by the way of Fort Pitt. The date of arrival 
at the mines is not given. This proved a prosperous year. Swift and 
some of his companions left the mines on the 29th of October. On the 
Big Sandy they were ambushed by Indians, and Campbell was killeil. 
Hazlitt and Staley were badly wounded. The company arrived at Mun- 
day's house on the 14th day of December, 1768. and on the 24th Hazlitt 
died of his wounds. Mention is made of a settlement with the "Scotch 
Conipanv." It is .said that the settlement was not easily effected, as 
the company. 

"Seeing thai we prospered in all onr enterprises, both at sea and 
on the land, took advantage of the nature of our business to extort 
from us a great sum, not their due, and this we paid, though very 
unwillingly, but fearing that worse might come of refusal to come to 
this agreement wrcjugfully exacted of us. In making that settlement 
we closed our business in North Carolina deeming it imprudent to longer 
move with our affairs there." 

In 1769 the con)pany left Munday's house on the i6th day of May 
and went bv the New River and Cumberland Gap. The pack-train was 
large and niiw iclch-. .nid their ])rogress was slow. The arrival at the 
lower mines was on the 24th day of June. This year it was deter- 


mined to close up the affairs of the cinnijany and quit business. All 
their workmen were pledged to secrecy and paid se\en-fold their agreed 
wages. The paragraph describing the close of their business is as follows : 

"And it came up to us to settle what was to be done, and seeing 
that we had prospered beyond all our expectations, and had gathered 
gold and silver until we had heaped up great riches, and seeing also 
that the stormy life we had led in this wild land for more than a third 
of a century was wearing away our strength ; and being minded that 
the works of men are always unfinished and unsatisfactory, leaving 
the heart at unrest and in tumult ; and, too, being fully persuaded that 
the life of man should be at some period turned about for reflection 
on God and his mind drawn in from the wanderings of this world, we 
decided to quit and abandon this hard life for the present and mayhap 
for all time, returning here to carry out that store now hidden in the 
great cavern of the Shawnees, which fact is known to no living soul 
beyond our company." 

They left the mines on the 9th of October going by the way of Big 
Sandy and Fort Pitt, and arrived at Alexandria the nth day of De- 
cember, 1769. They closed out their "sea-faring operations," as it was 
written in the journal. "So, we end the labor of ten years on sea and 
land, praising God that it was successful." The journal ends with 
specific directions for finding the treasure left in all parts of the wilder- 
ness and for the discovery of the mines. If there is any reliance to be 
placed on the journal there is concealed treasure in Eastern Kentucky 
in untold amounts. 

Whatever may be the facts concerning Swift's mines it is certain 
there were many expeditions made to Eastern Kentucky by men in 
pursuit of hidden minerals long before the central portion of the state 
was settled. 




IIkzkkiaii Ski. lards 

llezL'kiah Sellards was a Scotch-Irish pioneer in the Upper Shenan- 
doali Valley. He moved into that country from Pennsylvania. He 
built his cabin twenty miles from the nearest neighl)or. He was a typical 
settler and a genuine frontiersman and backwoodsman. The location 
of his residence in the valley cannot now be determined with any de- 
gree of certainty. It was in the mountains about the sources of the 
Shenandoah River. It was in the conniumiiy where niany Presbyterians 
afterward settled. Sellards himself was a Presbyterian of the strictest 
sort. In company with his neighbors he made annual journeys into forests 
beyond the New River. The object of the hunter in those days was as 
much to find desirable place in which to locate when ne.\t he deter- 
mined to move as to secure meat and skins. A more charming country 
than the western highlands of Virginia would he difhcult indeed lo 
find. Sellards and his associates hunted in that region alxnit the head 
of Wolf Creek, and along Walker's Creek, going sometimes to the Clinch 
and the Ilolstou. Their choice of locality finally fell upon W'alker's 
Creek and Walker's Mountain. Long before it was safe to do so, per- 
haps before 1760, a colony of which Sellards was a member and perhaps 
the leader settled about Walker's Mountain. The date is not definite, 
but they were beset by Indians for thirty years. In their migration 
to their new home they drove their flocks and herds before them and 
carried their wives and children and their household effects upon pack- 


The Walker's Crkkk Skttlf.mknt 

Ilezekiah Sellards had a large family, but all his children save four 
died before they were grown up. Two of his .sons, Thomas and Jack, 
lived on the Buffalo I'ork of John's Creek and died there, each at a 
great age.' One daughter married John Borders, a British soldier who 
.served under Cornwallis and was captured at Yorktown. During his 
service he had come to believe in America and in her cause and had 
resolved to make this country his home as soon as he could secure his 
discharge from the army. It is said that he had acquainted his officers 
of his intention. After the surrender of Cornwallis ]5orders soon con- 
trived to be released, and he went immediately to the back settlements 
of Virginia to begin life in his adopted country. There he met and 
married a daughter of Ilezekiah Sellards. He was an excellent man 
in every respect, so it is said. From his marriage with Miss Sellards 

' Stated on the authority of Adam P. Wiley, also Rev. M. T. Burris. Mr. 
Burris knew these brothers. He was born and brought up in the Leslie Settlement 
on John's Creek, and is a descendant of the Pioneer Leslie. 



are descended several families living now in Eastern Kentucky, one 
of the most numerous and respectable being that of Borders. 2 

The remaining daughter of Hezekiah Sellards was Jean, familiarly 
called by her family and others Jennie Sellards. Her son informed 
me that she had black hair through which ran a tinge of auburn in 
her youth. Others say her hair was coal black, and they saw her many 
times and had opportunity to know. All agree that she was strong and 
capable of great exertion and great endurance. Until past middle life 
she was of fine form and her movements were quick. In her old age 
she became heavy and slow. She had then, too, heavy overhanging 
brows. Her eyes were black. She was above medium height. Her 
face was agreeable and indicated superior intelligence.^ 

Capt. Matthias Harman lived on Walker's Creek and not a great 
distance from Hezekiah Sellards. He was familiar with all the coun- 
try along the frontier and this brought his services into demand by per- 
sons seeking new lands suitable for settlements. It is said that in the 
spring of 1777 he led a number of settlers from Strasburg, Virginia, 
to Ab's Valley. Thomas and Samuel Wiley were members of this party. 
They were brothers, recently arrived from the north of Ireland. Samuel 
Wiley settled in Ab's Valley, but Thomas remained at the home of 
Captain Harman, of whom he finally purchased a tract of land. This 
tract of land was on a branch of Walker's Creek immediately north 
of the residence of Harman. Wiley built a cabin of two rooms with 
an open space between on his land and cleared a field. He courted 
Jennie Sellards and met with many a rebuff from her father whose 
hostility availed nothing, for Jennie looked with favor on the young 
man and they were married. This was in the year 1779. 

It is necessary here to return to the transactions of Matthias Har- 
man.-* Mention has been already made of the colony located by him 

~ The descendants of John Border live now mainly in Lawrence and Johnson 
counties, Kentucky. They are scattered over all the Mississippi Valley. While 
many of them were farmers, they usually followed commercial life and were 
very successful. One of his descendants, a Mr. Davis, informed William E. Con- 
nelley in November, 1920, at his home, in Louisa, Kentucky, that the wife of 
Hezekiah Sellards was a Cherokee Indian woman. He could not say whether 
or not she was a full-blood or part white. 

2 Rev. M. T. Burris says "she was rather dark skinned, dark hair and heavy 
eye bones." He also says that Thomas Lewis, a pioneer in the Big Sandy Valley 
who knew Mrs. Wiley well, told him that she "had dark hair, rather heavy eye- 
bones, and dark eyebrows." Joseph Kelley was also a pioneer in the Big Sandy 
Valley and knew Mrs. Wiley well; he told Mr. Burris that she had dark hair. 
Mr. Burris says that her brothers, Thomas and Jack Sellards, had black or dark 
hair. Mr. Burris did not know Mrs. Wiley. Adam P. Wiley was dark of skin, 
and his hair was black. Mrs. Susan Joynes Connelly, knew Mrs. Wiley well; she 
said that Mrs. Wiley had very dark hair, was tall, handsome of form and face 
imtil old age made her heavy and slow, very intelligent, kindly disposition but 
lirm and determined, and a devout and earnest Christian. 

■• Matthias Harman was born in or near Strasburg, Virginia, about the year 
1732. His father, Heinrich Herrmann, came from Prussia to Pennsylvania, and 
from thence to the vicinity of Strasburg while yet a young man. Matthias Har- 
man and his brothers, of whom he had several, early became hunters and ranged 
the woods far and near. They joined every expedition into the wilderness made 
up in their community, and it is said that their father also joined these expedi- 
tions, whether for hunting, exploration, or for war. The Harmans bore the 
Indian a bitter hatred and believed in his extermination. There came to America 
also, two brothers, of Heinrich Herrmann, Adam and Jacob, but they came at 
a later date. These three brothers and their families were among the first set- 
tlers at Draper's Meadows in 1748. Michael Steiner or Stoner, (afterwards a 
pioneer in Kentucky, and for whom Stoner Creek, in Bourbon County, was named,) 
was a cousin to Matthias Harman, and was also an early settler at Draper's 
Meadows. It is said that Casper Mansker, the famous pioneer of Tennessee, 
was in some degree related to the Harmans. These men were called Dutchmen by 
the early settlers. They were all explorers of the wilderness, and hunting became 
a passion with them. Matthias Harman became infatuated with the life of the 


in the \icinity of Ab's N'alk'y. He fuuiidctl a number of such settle- 
ments in the eoimtry west of the New River. It had been for thirty 
years his intention to ff)rni a settlement at the mouth of John's Creek 
on the Louisa ]\iver when the attitude of the Indians would j)ermit him 
to do so with safety. The Indian tribes beyond the Ohio and the 
Cherokees living along the Little Tennessee had all to be taken into 
account. Some vagrant band.s of Cherokees lived also along the Ohio 
River at the time. Ilarman was infatuated with the Louisa River 
country because game was more jjlentifnl there than in any other region 
of which he knew. The great Indian trails between the Ohio River 
Indians and the Cherokees and other Southern tribes lay up the Big 
Sandy, which accounts for the fact that the Indians roamed that coun- 
try several years after they had disai)peared from all other parts of 
Kentucky. For this colony Ilanuan had enlisted a number of his old- 
time associates and companions in wilderness exploration. In 1787 he 
believed it safe to establish his settlement, and it was agreed that it 
should be made in the winter of 1787-88.^' 

Harman's father was yet living. He always went with the other 
jjioneers to hunt in the Big .'^andy \'alley. Except for a few years 
during the Revolution this hunt had been made annually for twenty- 
five years and perhaps longer. As the hunters would not return when 
they went out in the fall of 1787, and as Harman, senior, was now too 
old to go with the colony and was desirous of making a hunt with his 

woodsman and tlie dangers of the frontier. In woodcraft and Indian warfare 
it is donbtfnl if lie ever liad a superior. He was one of the men employed to 
guide the Sandy Creek Voyage, and tradition says that if General Lewis had 
been governed by his judgment the expedition would not have failed at its pur- 
pose. He and his Dutch companions and relatives slew about forty Cherokees 
who were returning liomc from assisting the English against Fort De Quesne in 
1758, so tradition in the Harman family says, and they justified their action by 
affirming that the Indians had stolen horses and cattle from tlie settlers along 
their route. Tradition in the Big Sandy Valley said that Michael Stoner and 
Casper Mansker were with Harman in this foray, and that the party received pay 
from the colony of Virginia for the scalps of the Indians slain and that it 
amounted to a considerable sum per man. 

These Germ;;ns and explorers with whom tliey were associated became fa- 
miliar with every part of the Big Sandy Valley soon after settling at Draper's 
Meadows. They built a lodge or hunter's cabin on the River just below 
tlie mouth of John's Creek about the year 1755, and tlicy went there to hunt the 
deer. elk. biifi'alo, bear, beaver, and other game animrds and birds every year. 
Matthias Harman ajipears to have been the leader. .Associated witli him were 
Henry Skaggs and James Skaggs. famous hunters and explorers. 

Matthias Harman was called "Tice" or "Tias" Harman by his companions. 
He was diminiUive in size, in height being but little more than five feet, and his 
weight never exceeded one luindred and twenty pounds. He had an enormous 
nose and a thin sharp face. He had an abundance of hair of a yellow tinge, 
beard of a darker hue, blue eyes which anger made green and glittering, and a 
bearing bold and fearless. He ])ossessed an iron constitution, and could endure 
more fatigue and privation than any iif his associates. He was a dead shot witli 
the long rifle of his day. The Indians believed him in league with the devil or 
some other malevolent power because of their numbers he killed, his miraculous 
escapes, and the bitterness and relentless daring of his warfare against them. 
He was one of the Long Hunters, as were others of the Harmans, and more than 
once did his journeys into the wilderness carry him to the Mississippi River. 
He and the otlier H.'.rmans able to bear arms were in the Virginia service in the 
War of the Revolution. He is said to have formed the colony which made the 
first settlement in .'Mi's Valley. He formed the colony which made the first settle- 
ment in Kastern Kentucky and erected the blockliouse. He brought in the set- 
tlers wlu) re-built the blockhouse, and for a munber of years he lived in the 
Blnckhonse Bottom or its vicinity. In his extreme old age lie returned to Virginia 
and died there. It is said he lived to be ninety-six, but the date or place of his 
death has not been ascertained. 

■"' Summers, in his work on Southwestern Virginia, says this was a year later, 
or in the winter of 1788-89. It may have been. But .Adam P. Wiley has been fol- 
lowed here in the matter of dates. If Summers is right, then the hunting party 
of Harman went out in the fall of 1788. 


sons, this year it was arranged that a party would go out for a few 
weeks prior to the departure to huihl the fort on the Louisa.""' Where 

^^ The Louisa River was named by Dr. Thomas Walker on Tlnirsday, the 7th 
day of June, 1750. The entry in Dr. Walker's Journal describing this event is as 
follovi'S : "June 7th. — The Creek being fordable, we Crossed it & kept down 12 
miles to a River about 100 yards over, which we called Louisa River. The Creek 
is about 30 yards wide, & part of ye River breaks into ye Creek — making an Island 
on which we Camped." 

In the early days of the settlement of the Big Sandy Valley this stream was 
known altogether as the Louisa River, As late as 1825 it was generally called 
the Louisa River. After that time, and to some extent before, the name began 
to be corrupted to that of Levisa. The name Levisa is now used almost entirely. 
That the name is a corruption of tlie true name, Louisa, there is no doubt. It 
appears that the name Louisa once attached to the whole State of Kentucky, but 
the extent of the application of this name is not now known. There is reason to 
believe that as early as 1775 the name Louisa was corrupted to Levisa. Speed, in 
the Wilderness Road says, "that Feli.x Walker, with Captain Twetty and si.x 
others, left Rutherford, North Carolina, in February, 1775, (according to Felix 
Walker's narrative, 'to explore the country of Leowvisay, now Kentucky.'" But 
the i( was formerly written v, and it may have been so in this word Lcowuisay, 
an erroneous spelling of Louisa. 

The Kentucky River was sometimes called the Louisa River by the pioneers 
and explorers, and it was called, also, the Cherokee River. In the deed from the 
Cherokces to Richard Henderson and others, proprietors of the Transylvania 
Company, conveying the tract of land known as the Great Grant, we find the 
description of the land beginning as follows : "All that tract, territory, or parcel 
of land, situated, lying and being in North America, on the Ohio River one of 
the eastern branches of the Mississippi River, beginning on the said Oliio, at 
the mouth of Kentucky, Cherokee, or what by the English is called Louisa River." 
This calling of the Kentucky River by the name Louisa was caused by a misap- 
prehension. It was not certainly known what river had been called Louisa by 
Dr. Walker, as he traced none of the rivers, which he named, to the Ohio. But 
that he did not call the Kentucky River Louisa is shown by Lewis Evans's Map, 
177.S, on which the Louisa River is marked as flowing into the Great Kanawha, 
and the upper course of the "Tottery or Big Sandy C." is marked "Frederick R." 
Frederick's River was discovered and named by Dr. Walker on the 2d of June, 
1750, five days before he discovered and named the Louisa River, and as it is 
now known that the Louisa River does not flow into the Great Kanawha, it fol- 
lows that the west branch of the Big Sandy River was the stream upon wliich 
Dr. Walker bestowed the name Louisa. 

The late Rev. Zephaniali Meek wrote William E. Connelley from Catlcttsburg, 
Kentucky, November ig, 1895, as follows: "I called on Capt. Owens yesterday 
formerly of Pike county, and asked him the origin of the name Levisa as applied 
to the west fork of the Big Sandy. He says that in the early settlement of this 
part of the State, a French trader by the naine of Le Visa came to what is now 
Louisa, and owing to some experiences of his, that fork came to be called after 
his name, hence. Americanized Levisa." 

There may have been a French trader at the forks of the Big Sandy by the 
name of Le Visa, but the word of Captain Owens is all the evidence found of that 
fact. If there was such a trader he was not prominent enough to change the 
n,?me of a river or to have his name attached to it. The 1 in French is e in 
English. Anglicized, the Frenchman's name would have been Levesay or Levesy. 
Levisa could not have come from it. The explanation of Captain Owens is an 
improbable one. 

John P. Hale, in his Trans-Allegheny Pioneers says ; "The La Visa, or Levisa, 
fork is said to mean the picture, design, or representation. It was so called by an 
early French explorer in that region, from Indian pictures or signs, painted on 
trees, near the head of the stream." 

These painted trees were to be found in early times all along the Louisa River 
from the mouth of Big Paint Creek, where they were most numerous to its head. 
Christoi)her Gist was on the Pound River in 1751. The entry in his Journal for 
Wednesday, April ,3, is as follows : " .... to a small Creek on which was a 
large Warriors camp, that would contain 70 to 80 Warriors, their Captains, Name 
or Title w::s the Crane, as I knew by his Picture or Arms painted on a tree." 
Darlington says: "This was on the stream called Indian Creek, the middle fork 
of the Big Sandy, in Wise County. The Crane was a totem or badge of one of 
the Miami tribes; also of the Wyandots. A common practice among the Indian 
tribes, with war parties of a distance from home, was to paint on trees or a 
rock figures of warriors, prisoners, animals, etc., as intelligible to other Indians 
as a printed hand bill among the whites." Darlington is in error when he says 
there was a totem of the Crane among the Wyandots. But they had a chief 


the hunters made their camp camiut iinw be determined. It was not 
far from the settlements, and it api)ears to have been near the head 
waters of both the 'I'lif^ and Louisa rivers. It is said that about twenty 
hunters went out in this party. Henry Ilarman and his sons, Henry 
Skaggs, James Skaggs, Robert Hawes, some of the Damrons, and a man 
named Draper are i\nown to have been of the party that went on this 
])reliminary hunt. 

As it was tlie intention of the liunters to remain some time in the 
woods they built a rough camp in which to sleep and to shelter their 
trappings in case of rain. The camp must have been near the Indian 
highw'ay, for one day it was surprised and attacked by a moving band 
of Indians. I-'cw particulars of this skirmish have been preserved, though 
the memory of it is widesjiread. It is said that the i)revious night had 
been rainy aufl the morning cloudy and dam]). The men had not gone 
out early, and that fortunate circumstance sa\'ed the camp from de- 
struction, in all jirobability. The hunters not being beyond hearing of 
gun-shots returned at once, catching the Indian party in the rear and 
defeating the savages in a short time. Robert Hawes was wounded 
in one of his arms. The Indians were pressing the party at the camp 
when the other hunters returned. A young Cherokee, son of the chief 
and leader, was armed with bow and arrows only, but he came near 
killing Henry Harman and would possibly have done so had not Matthias 
Harman killed him with a rifle shot. The death of the Indian boy 
ended the fight. The chief carried the body of his son away with him. 
.Matthias Ilarman recognized the Cherokee chief as one of the boldest 
raiders on the Virginia settlements to be found in all the tribes. He 
stole horses all along the frontier, murdered families, and carried off 
lilunder of all kinds. Harman had followed him often and had met 
liim in many a running fight. A bitter hatred existed between the 
two men, and the Cherokee had tried to destroj- Harman's family sev- 
eral times when Harman was engaged in scouting and was absent from 
home, but his attempts had never been successful ; he had frequently 
driven off horses and cattle belonging to Harman. It is said that Har- 
man and this chief had been friends at one time, and that they were 
both guides in the .Sandy Creek Voyage." 

named Tarhc, or the Crane, who was old enough in 1751 to have led a hunting 
party or even a war party into the wilderness. He became head chief of the 
Wyandots on the death of the Half-King. 

It is said that Dr. Walker gave this river the name Louisa in honor of Louisa, 
the wife of the Duke of Cumberland. Louisa is a good old English name. It 
was in much favor witli our ancestors. It should be restored to the river to which 
Dr. Walker gave it. The Louisa Fork should be called the Louisa River. The 
'i"ug Fork should be called the Tug River. The river formed by their junction 
should be called the Big Sandy River. 

'■■The traditionary accounts of this Indian attack vary inuch. In some of them 
little of what actually happened can be foimd. Matlliias Harman, a nephew of 
the fourtli generation from his famous uncle, for whom he was named, wrote 
the following: 

"William Harman and Aquilla Harman were once out hunting on a very cold 
day and the Indians made a raid upon the settlement in the Baptist Valley [and] 
about this time, or 1780, gave the settlers some trouble. Henry Harman and his 
three sons, George Harman, Ed. Harman, Tias Harman, and a man by tlie name 
of Draper followed him down the Tug Fork of Sandy to what is now Warfield 
where they found the Indians camped by a log and Harman fired on them. Draper 
left them. 

"The Indians shot the old man Harman in the breast with arrow spikes until 
he could not stand without leaning against a tree. His son, George, loaded his 
gun for him. There he stood until he shot six of the Indians dead. The seventh 
was wounded, ran into the Tug River and drowned himself." 

Rev. M. T. Burris included the following account in his manuscript : 

"Daniel Harman was a brother of Henry, George and Matthias Harman, the 
great Indian fighters and early explorers of the Tug and Levisa forks of Big 
Sandy. Tliey had a terrible battle with Indians on Tug River, up near the Va. 


When the Indians disappeared Matthias Harman determined to re- 
turn home at once. He was certain that the Cherokee would fall upon 
the settlements and inflict what damage he could, for he was a daring 
marauder and is represented to have been persistent in the pursuit of 
revenge, which it was believed he would now seek for his son slain 
in battle. The absence of Harman and other riflemen from the settle- 
ments gave him an opportunity which the hunters believed he would 
not let pass. 

A number of arrowheads remained in the wounds of Henry Har- 
man, making his condition serious. On this account no pursuit of the 
Indians was attempted. A litter was made and the wounded man was 
sent to his home, which was in the vicinity of Ab's Valley. 

The surmise of the hunters concerning the intention of the Cher- 
okee chief proved correct. He went as directly to Walker's Creek 
as he could from the battlefield. It was the judgment of the hunters 
afterwards when all the facts were known that he divided his band 
and sent a part of it on to the Cherokee towns, perhaps with the body 
of his son. The hunters believed there were more Indians in the party 
which attacked their camp than in the band which fell upon the home 
of Thomas Wiley. It was known later that the party with which the 
Cherokee attacked the settlement was composed of two Cherokees, three 
Shawnees, three Wyandots, three Delawares, a total of eleven Indians 
— a mongrel band, a thing not uncommon at that time. It was also 
learned that the party was on the trail from the villages beyond the 
r)hio to the Cherokee towns on the Little Tennessee, and that they 
had come upon the camp of the hunters by chance. It was not a war 
party but a roving band such as might be encountered at any time in 
those davs in the wilderness.' 

line. They came upon the Indians a little une.xpected, George Harman com- 
manded his squad, and the battle opened in earnest it seemed at first that the 
Indians would be too much for them ; Harman's boys said to him, 'Had we not 
better retreat and try to save ourselves?' (A man bj' the name of Draper ran 

at the first fire.) Harman replied in a determined voice, 'No, give them h 1! 

When you see me fall it will be time to retreat.' At that word the boys took fresh 
courage and loaded and kept blazing away. G. Harman was a brave man ; the 
chief ran up close to him, made motions to Harman to throw down his gun so 
he could take him a prisoner but he would not, they closed in a scuffle, they were 
so near equally yoked in strength the Indian could not bold him down ; in [tli£] 
scuffle Harman got hold of the Indian's butcher knife that was in his belt, and 
began to use it in earnest, having the Indian by the legs, Indian's head down, 
biting Harman's legs. Harman stabbed him 24 times before he dispatched him, 
the others took to their heels, as the Harman company was proving too much 
for them. The Harmans had a rock [house] or cave in that region where they 
camped on Tug, hunting and exploring. (These facts I learned from Adam 

Adam Harman, here mentioned by Mr. Burris. was a nephew in the third 
generation, of Matthias Harman. While there is much error in these meager ac- 
counts, they evidently preserve some of the details of the battle between the hunt- 
ers and the Indians. The one written in the text is that of Adam P. Wiley. There 
were some things of whicli he was uncertain, and his description of the encounter 
is deficient in the matter of detail. But I wrote down all that I was certain of. 

It is believed that this battle with the Indians by Harman and his sons and 
others was in fact that which is described by Bickley in his History of Tazewell 
County, Virginia. Adam P. Wiley said that Bickley had this battle in mind when 
he wrote his account, and that he was in error in many things, particularly the 
date, locality, the number of persons engaged on each side, and the important 
developments which grew out of it. 

The late Dr. Witten, of Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, knew Bickley, and was 
in Tazewell Cotmty when his history was published. He said that Bickley fell 
into a good many errors, and that these were pointed out by the people upon the 
appearance of the book. He is authority for the assurance that Bickley was con- 
scientious, and that the errors in his book were the result of insufficient research 
and investigation. Bickley places the battle in 1784 and makes nothing of it more 
than an insignificant collision of stragglers, while in fact it was an important 
meeting of those contesting for the supremacy of the wilderness. 

' The number of Indians belonging to the different tribes represented in the 

140 HISTORY OF KF.^"IT■(■K^■ 

Mrs. Wiley, upon her return, gave a good description of the In- 
dians. She supposed the Cherokee chief to have been more than fifty 
years of age, possibly sixty. He was a large man, stern and hard of 
countenance, resourceful, full of energy and quick of mind and body 
for an Indian, much more cruel than his companions, and treachert)us 
but bold and relentless. His ears and nose were decorated with Indian 
ornaments, among them siher rings of elaborate workmansliip, some 
of them as much as three inches in diameter. He wore buckskin leggins 
and beaded moccasins, a shirt of red cloth, carried a knife and a toma- 
hawk in his belt, had the shot-pouch and powder-horn of the white man 
slung over his left shoulder and under his right arm, and was armed with 
a long rifle which he carried muzzle forward on his shoulder. He was 
fierce and irascible, and Mrs. Wiley stood in much fear of him from the 
first. He had carried away a white woman from some Kanawha settle- 
ment a few years previous to this raid. Many years afterwards it was 
believed this was a Mrs. Tacket, descendants of whom live now in 
Johnson County. Kentucky. 

Among the Shawnees of the band there was a chief. He was an 
old man and while a warrior he was also a sort of medicine man or 
priest. He was of grave and solemn mien and, like the Cherokee, had 
his nose and ears decorated with Indian gewgaws, but these he seldom 
wore while on the war-path, they being a part of his ceremonial regalia. 
He had a number of small silver brooches strung together in chains 
with which he ornamented himself, and he carried rings and other orna- 
ments for his arms, wrists aiul ankles. He worshi])ed the New Moon, 
or performed some manner of incantation at the appearance of every 
new moon. His songs were long and always recited with solemn dignity, 
often sung while he marched about a fire kindled for the purpose and 
upon which he flung some substance with which tobacco had been pre- 
viously mixed. Age had not impaired his strength, although he was 
long since done witli much of the ardor which had animated his youth. 
He was of a more kindly disposition than the other Indians. He did not 
make such show of his ornaments as did tiie Cherokee chief, who carried 
a buckskin bag containing iiis silver ornaments, and another also which 
contained ornaments of shell, bone, brass and copper. Mrs. Wiley gave 
good descriptions of the other Indians, but it is not necessary to repeat 
them here. 

Indi.\.\ Att.ack o.n the Settlicment 

Mrs. Wiley remembered well the state of the weather the day the 
attack was made upon her home. A heavy rain began at noon, and soon 
clouds of fog hung about the mountain tops and drifted up the valleys. 
The autunm frosts had turned the forests a sombre hue which, showing 
under the dull and leaden sky, aroused a sense of melancholy. 

Thomas Wiley was absent from home that day. Hefore daylight he 
had .set out for some trading station with a horse laden with ginseng 
and other marketable commodities which he would barter for domestic 
necessaries. Mrs. Wiley's brother, a lad of fifteen, remained with her 
in the absence of her husband. The trading station was a considerable 
distance from Wiley's residence, and it was not expected that he could 
reach home until late at night. 

There had been born to Thomas Wiley and his wife four children, 
the age of the youngest being about fifteen months. 

band Mr. Wiley had from his mother. This party was not on the war-path. The 
Indians were going to visit in the Cherokee country. Their meeting with these 
hunters was i)urely accidental. 


John Borders lived about two miles from the house of Wiley. Some 
of his sheep had broken from an enclosure and escaped into the woods. 
While they remained there they were in danger of destruction from 
wolves and other wild animals. In the morning of this day Borders 
had gone out to search for his sheep. He had not found them when 
the rain set in. After wandering awhile in the rain he found himself 
in the vicinity of Wiley's cabin and went down to it. He found Mrs. 
Wiley engaged in weaving a piece of cloth for use in her family. He 
called her attention to the cries and hooting of owls which could be plain- 
ly heard from different points in the woods around the house. He said 
that he had heard these cries since the rain began to fall, but had not 
heard them before. While it was not unusual for the owls to call from 
mountain to mountain on dark and rainy days Borders was apprehensive 
that the hootings heard this day came from Indians signaling to one an- 
other. Indians always used the cries of wild animals as such signals. 
Borders urged Mrs. Wiley to take her children to his house and remain 
there o\er night as a matter of precaution. Mr. Wiley would pass his 
house on his return and could be hailed and remain there also. Mrs. 
Wiley agreed to go as Borders requested, but wished first to complete 
the piece of cloth, which would require but a few minutes. As her 
brother could assist her in bringing the children Borders returned home 
at once through the woods and made further search for his sheep.* 

As soon as ISorders departed Mrs. Wiley made all haste to feed and 
care for the domestic animals on the farm and arrange for her absence 
from home over night. The Indians were always expected in those days, 
but Mrs. Wiley felt no fear. It was her judgment that no attack would 
be made upon any settler until after night came on. Usually that course 
would have been taken by the Indians, but in this instance they were 
anxious to proceed as rapidly as possible. 

It was about four o'clock in the afternoon when Mrs. Wiley and the 
children were wrapped and ready to start to the home of Borders. Sud- 
denly the house was filled with Indians. They came in at the open 
door yelling the war-whoop and began to strike down the children with 
their tomahawks. Little resistance could be offered by Mrs. Wiley. She 
realized the awful condition she was in, but she tried to save her chil- 
dren. She could not reach any weapon and could only struggle to protect 
the little ones. Her brother aided her as much as he could until he was 
Ijrained with a tomahawk. Only the youngest child remained alive of 
her children. She caught up this child and fought off the Indians a few 
moments, after which the Shawnee chief found an opportunity to seize 
her and claim her as his captive. This angered the Cherokee chief, and 
a controversy arose. Mrs. Wiley learned in some way from the actions 
of the two chiefs and what they said that they supposed themselves at 
the house of Matthias Harman. She made haste to inform them that 
they were not at the Harman residence and told them her name. It ap- 
pears that there had been some doubt as to which was Harman's house 
in the minds of the savages. For the time being Mrs. W'iley's life was 
spared, also that of the child she had in her arms. Her slain children 
and her brother were scalped before her eyes. 

The Indians found that their plans had miscarried. The family of 
their arch enemy had escaped, though they had perpetrated a bloody deed 
in the settlement. The Cherokee insisted that Mrs. Wiley and her child 
should be killed at once and a descent made upon Harman's house. The 

1 To follow along the course of the creek it was a mile from the cabin of 
Thomas Wiley to that of Matthias Harman, but by the path which led over a low 
hill the distance was less than half a mile. When standing in this Indian trail 
on the top of the range if you went down to the south you came to Harman's 
house ; by descending to the north Wiley's cabin was reached. 


Shawnee chief beheved that tlie luinters would return that day and that 
they would meet with resistance at the Hamian cabin. It was his opinion 
that they should make their escape from the settlements and continue 
their journey, for pursuit was certain. The Cherokee was equally certain 
that they would he followed by the settlers and was finally brought to 
the opinion of the Shawnee, but he pointed out that they could not escape 
if they carried any prisoners. 'l"he Shawnee chief contended for his 
ii,<;ht to take a captive and carry her to his town. It was finally decided 
that the Shawnee might retain his captive for the time being, though it 
necessitated as they believed, a return to the Indian towns beyond the 
Ohio. Their decision to follow this course saved Mrs. Wiley's hfe. 
She did not know what the Indians were saying, and only came to know 
what had passed long afterwards when she understood the Shawnee 
language. Both chiefs could speak English a little, but this discussion 
had been carried on in the Indian tongue. The Shawnee chief informed 
her that he had saved her life that she might take the place of his daughter 
who had recently died, the last of his children. - 

The Indians set the house on fire, but such torrents of rain were 
falling that it did not completely burn. They entered the woods at a 
])oint near the house. Darkness was coming rapidly on. Mists and the 
black clouds of night swallowed up the valley and shut out the view. 
Mrs. \\'ile3's dog came hesitatingly after them an-l was permitted to 
follow her. They ascended a hill north of the house, marching in Indian 
file heade<l by the Cherokee chief, the Shawnee chief being hindmost 
with Mrs. \\'iley, her child in her arms, just in front of him. 


The M.muii to the Ohio 

After leaving W'iley's house the Indians took a general course leading 
to the head of Walker's Creek. They followed moimlain ways and short 
cuts from one valley to another, coming to Brushy Mountain, which they 
crossed to the head waters of Wolf Creek. When the night was far 
advanced they halted in a large rockhouse' in the range between Wolf 
Creek and the Bluestone River. There they made a fire under the over- 
hanging rock and broiled some venison which a Cherokee took from a 
pack he carried bv thongs on his back. They made a hasty meal of 
this venison, which appeared to refresh them all, and when the rain 
ceased they again set forward after extinguishing the fire and concealing 
as far as possible all traces of its existence. It was still quite dark. 
The dull dawn found them on the head waters of the Bluestone, branches 
of which river they waded as they came to them, though all were running 
high from the recent rains. They crossed the Great Flat Top Mountain 
and ascended the south end of one of those ridges lying in the watershed 

- In all hi.s recitals of Iii.'; mother's captivity Mr. Wiley never omitted to in- 
clude the fact that lii.s mother was to be the daughter of the Shawnee chief. The 
formal adoption, he insisted, could not be made until the Indians reached the 
towns of the Sliawnoes. consequently she could not be pivcn in marriage to any 
one before tliey reached there. Being, to all intents and inirposos, the daughter 
of the cliicf, Mr. Wiley maintained tliat his mother was safe from violation and 
escaped tliat humiliation. It has been stated that an Indian daughter was born 
to Mrs. Wiley after her escape and return to the Virginia settlements. Mr. Burris 
confums this. Some versions of the captivity of Mrs. Wiley had it that she 
was carried to Old Chillicothe and that her sale to the Cherokee occurred there, 
after which she was carried to the old Indian town at the mouth of Little Mud- 
lick Creek by the Cherokee as his wife. 

' The term "rorkhouse" is heard only in the -Soutli, and principally in the 
region of the .Alleghenies south of Pennsylvania. It is not used in connection 
with a cave. It does not apply to a cave. A rockhousc is the open space beneath 
an ovtilianging rock or cliff. 


between Guyandotte and Tug rivers. This rough range extends almost 
to the Ohio. The great Indian trail up the Tug River often followed 
along its tortuous and uneven crest and from that cause it was long 
known as Indian Ridge, especially in its southern reaches. 

Tiie Indians made no halt during this day's travel until late in the 
afternoon, when, believing themselves beyond any immediate danger of 
being overtaken by the whites, they made a camp in a rockhouse in the 
head of a creek below the crest of the mountain. They had not killed 
any game during the day, although both bear and deer were in sight 
more tlian once. Their meal consisted of venison from the pack of the 
Cherokee. This venison was dried until hard, but the Indians held it in 
the flames of their camp fire until it was cooked a little, then they ate it. 
Mrs. Wiley ate some of it, also some parched corn from the wallet of 
one of the Indians. She was exhausted with the long and rough march 
of twenty-four hours she had been forced to make. She had climbed 
mountains and waded streams; she had forced her way through thickets 
of laurel and ivy, and had tramped through quagmires and over stones; 
she had been compelled to ascend almost perpendicular cliffs and to 
descend sheer precipices. Much of the time she had been drenched to 
the skin. Her child was in great distress and had cried until it could 
cry no more because of hoarseness. At this camp she saw the warriors 
make hoops of green boughs and over them stretch the scalps of her 
brother and her children. In after life she often declared that at no 
other time did despair so take hold of her as it did this second night of 
her captivity. When the Indians lay down to sleep they bound Mrs. 
Wiley with strips of raw deer skin. She was in a state of nervous 
delirium and could not sleep, neither could she rest. Every time she 
closed her eyes she seemed to behold the slaughter of her children anew, 
and more than once she shrieked aloud. Her cries aroused the old 
Shawnee, who finally unbound her. He lighted a torch and carried it 
into the woods, returning soon with some leaves from which he made 
an infusion in a small vessel he carried. He gave her some of this prep- 
aration to drink, after which she fell into a troubled sleep that continued 
through the night. 

The Shawnee chief aroused Mrs. Wiley before the dawn. The 
Indians were preparing to depart. She was given some corn and venison 
for the morning meal, and the whole party again set forward. The 
mountain streams were running bank full from the recent heavy rain, 
and the Indians avoided them as much as possible by keeping to the paths 
which followed the ridges. It was with much difficulty that Mrs. Wiley 
could proceed. She was urged by the Indians to quicken her pace, but 
her progress was slow and painful. The only thing which enabled her 
to drag herself along was the fear that if she failed to keep up with the 
Indians they would kill her child. IMore than once was this proposed 
by the Cherokee chief, and it was acquiesced in by all the band save the 
old Shawnee. As the day advanced the reserve forces of her strong 
constitution came to her aid and she made better time, but her marching 
was not satisfactory to the Indians. 

When the Indians were starting out this morning they sent two of 
their number back over the trail to keep watch for the whites, for they 
were confident that the hunters would follow them. Some of the younger 
members of the band believed the heavy rains had washed out their 
trail, but the Cherokee said such was not the case, especially if they 
should be followed by Matthias Harman. This was one of his strong 
arguments in favor of killing Mrs. Wiley's child. It was with difficulty 
that the old Shawnee withstood the demands of the Cherokee chief. 

At the end of this day's march an encampment was made in a loca- 
tion much like that of the preceding night. The Indians halted before 


tlif .sun was down unc of their number had killed a I'al bear at 
the tiiiic, and tiiey feasted most of the night. Though the march had been 
severe the distance passed had been much less than was covered during 
the same time of the day before, and -Mrs. Wiley's condition had im- 
proved somewhat, but her feet were terribly bruised and blistered. She 
had little ho])e that her child would live through the night. There being 
nothing better at hand she rubbed it well with bear's grease, and at 
the suggestion of the .Shawnee chief she forced it to swallow some of 
the melted fat. 'Jhis seeined in a measure effective, for the morning 
showed improvement in the child's health. The Shawnee chief made a 
decoction of some leaves boiled with the inner layers of the bark of the 
white oak. which he caused Mrs. Wiley to a])ply to her feet, and which 
gave her immediate relief. An additional apjilication in the morning 
caused still further improvement, and this, together with the improved 
condition of her child, caused Mrs. Wiley to begin the day with more 
hope than she began the previous one. The party left the camp before 
it was light and continued the journey in the direction of the Ohio. A 
heavy rain had fallen in the night, and it rained most of the day. A 
terrific storm of wind and rain drove the party under a cliff shortly 
before darkness came on, and they built a fire and camped there. That 
camp was in the hills just west of the head of Twelve Pole Creek. The 
Indian scouts who had been sent back each day reported late at night, 
and here they said they had seen no jjursuers on their trail. 

The Indians left their cam]), as was their custom, on the following 
morning before it was light. Insufiticient food and the continuous march- 
ing was rapidlv exhausting Mrs. Wiley, and she found herself unable to 
move forward so ra])idly as on the previous day. She was failing under 
hardships and the burden of her child. Tiie Shawnee chief warned her 
of the conse(|uences of failing to keep up with the warriors. But try as 
she might she could not satisfy her captors. 

The Indians who had been sent back as scouts this morning returned 
late in the day and reported that they had seen a large party of white 
men on horseback following their trail. This was not unexpected in- 
telligence, but the Indians discussed earnestly what it was best to do in 
the matter. Some proposed an ambush of the white men, but this was 
not taken as the best course to follow. The Cherokee chief proposed 
the immediate death of the chikl and a change of course. Mrs. Wiley 
])romised to keep up with the march, and with the aid of the .Shawnee 
chief saved the life of the child for a time. The Indians turned and 
descended the hills toward Tug River. They sought a small stream and 
waded down it until it became too deep for that purpose, when they 
changed to another. Mrs. Wiley kept well up for a few iniles, then began 
to fail. Despite her utmost exertions she could not march at the rate 
the Indians were then going. She fell behind the Indians marching in 
front of her, and began to feel that her child was in great danger. She 
suspected that her friends were near, although the Indians had told her 
notliing. At length the Cherokee chief stopjjcd. lie was leading the 
march, and he and most of the party were far in ad\ance. Mrs. Wiley 
knew what he would do when he came back to her place in line. His 
arrival there meant death for her child and possibly death for herself. 
The Shawnee chief was following her in the water. Mrs. Wiley ran out 
of the stream and with her last strength ran back up its course with her 
child.- She had no particular object in doing this e.xcept to carry her 

- This stream flow.s into Tiir River. It is the first stream of any considerable 
size on the West Virginia side below Marrowl)one creek. The Indians waded 
down tlic last named creek until it got too deep to allow rapid traveling; tlien 
they crossed tlie mountain to the creek upon which Mrs. Wiley's child was killed. 
Ever since the country had been settled this creek has been called Jeiuiie's Creek, 
in honor of Mrs. Wiley. After she moved to Kentucky Mrs. Wiley went to this 


child out of danger, and that was a vain effort. The old Shawnee was 
surprised, but he ran after her and caught her just as the Cherokee chief 
came up. She was surrounded by the Indians. The Cherokee chief 
seized her child b}- the feet and dashed out its brains against a big beech 
tree. He scalped it, and she was pushed back into the stream and forced 
to continue her flight. 

It was almost dark when the party reached the Tug River, which they 
found much swollen from the recent rains. As the Indians arrived on 
its banks a violent thunder storm broke over the valley. The Indians 
realized that in crossing the river at once lay their only hope of escape 
from the party in pursuit. Their only means of crossing the stream was 
by swimming. With the river at the stage at which they found it, that 
was a dangerous undertaking. At all times a swift mountain stream, 
it was now a raging torrent covered with drift and all manner of river- 
rubbish. Mrs. Wiley was amazed and terrified when told she must 
cross the mad stream by swimming in company with the Indians. In the 
gathering gloom its contortions were visible only by the fierce flashes 
of lightning that burned in the heavens. It seems impossible for any 
one to survive a conflict with this raging river. But she was seized by 
two Shawnees and dragged screaming into the surging flood. One swam 
on either side of her. They grasped her firmly by her arms and swam 
easily and swiftly. They went with the current of the stream and avoided 
the drift with the dexterity of otters. Their position was almost upright 
with much of the body above the water ; and they pushed but slightly 
against the current but were all the time working themselves toward the 
opposite shore. After being carried down the river what seemed to Mrs. 
Wiley several miles they were all cast to the west bank and found 
themselves in "dead" water in the mouth of a small creek. There it 
was much more difficult to swim and support the captive above the 
water, but they succeeded in effecting a landing. The whole party was 
exhausted and some time was spent in resting, after which the journey 
was continued. The Indians waded up the stream into the mouth of 
which they had been cast by the river. It led up into a very rough moun- 
tain covered with bristling thickets of laurel and ivy. The storm cleared 
and the air became chill as they descended the mountain range they were 
crossing. A large rockhouse was sought at the base of the range and a 
small fire made in it and the blaze screened. The Indians left this camp 
at dawn, and in the afternoon reached the Louisa River. There they 
cooked and ate a small deer which had been killed on the march and 
which made an insufficient meal for the party. The Louisa River was 
found full to the brim. After resting until almost dark the Indians 
crossed it as they had crossed the Tug. They went into camp under a 
clifT behind a mountain and built a roaring fire about which all slept 
through the night. In the early light of the following morning thev sent 
out two of their number to hunt. In a short time the hunters returned 
with part of a buffalo they had killed in a cane-brake. The day was 
spent in eating and sleeping. The Indians believed they had made a 
complete escape from their pursuers and did not again give that subject 
any serious consideration. As the sun was nearing the tops of the hills 
in the western range the party set forward again. They followed a trail 
which led through valleys and over rough hills, but they marched in a 
leisurely way. It was well for Mrs. Wiley that they made no forced 
marches for she was by this time worn out. The loitering marches 
brought the Indians to the Ohio River on the ninth day of Mrs. Wiley's 

creek and identified the place where her child was killed; she identified the big 
beech tree against which the Cherokee chief dashed out its brains. This tree was 
preserved, and it was standing twenty years ago. 

Vol. 1—14 


Taken Back to Littli: Mvulick Crf.ek 

Tlie Indians did not descend directly to the Ohio, but came down the 
liills west ol the Bi;^ Sandy and followed that stream about a mile to 
its mouth. They found an immense flood in the Ohio, something they 
said was unusual for that season of the year. This flood increased the 
difticulty of their retreat. Notwithstanding this fact, however, the 
Indians ajipearcd much pleased to reach the Ohio. The younger members 
of the l)and exclaimed "O-hi-yo! O-hi-yo! O-hi-yo!" seemingly in great 

lliiw to cross the (Jhio was now the question for the Indians. They 
discussed the matter for some time without arriving at a satisfactory 
conclusion and linally returned to the hills to avoid the backwater, jnished 
far up the small streams, and kept down the Ohio. Much of the time 
they were not in sight of the Ohio. They reached the mouth of the 
Little Sandy River without finding any means to cross the Ohio and 
again held council to determine upon a course. They were assisted in 
a decision apparently by the return of two Indians whom they had sent 
back from the crossing of the Louisa River to spy upon the movements of 
the jnirsuing jjarty. Their re])ort was delivered out of the hearing of 
Mrs. Wiley who was beginning to understand a few words of the ditTerent 
Indian tongues. After several hours spent in talk the party divided. The 
Cherokee chief, the Cherokee warrior, two Wyandots, and two Delawares 
swam across the Little Sandy River and disappeared in the woods. 

The remaining Indians, with Mrs. Wiley, took their w^ay up the 
Little Sandy. They appeared to be in no hurry. They left the main 
stream at the mouth of the Dry Fork, which they followed to the head 
of one of its branches. They crossed the divide through the Cherokee 
Gap to the Cherokee Fork of Big Blaine Creek. As they were descending 
this creek Mrs. Wiley became seriously ill, but she concealed her con- 
dition from the Indians as long as possible, fearing she might be killed 
should they discover the truth. It soon became impossible for her to 
proceed, however, and the Indians went into camp near the mouth of the 
creek. They placed Mrs. Wiley in a small rockhouse near the camp 
and left her alone. There a son was born to her. The birth was prema- 
ture and she was near death for some time, but she finally recovered and 
the child lived. She attributed her recovery to a season of line weather 
which came on. The Indians brought her meat from the game they 
killed and from the first of her illness kept her a fire; but as soon as she 
could walk they left her to gather her own fire-wood. Knowing that it 
was impossible for her to escape, the Indians paid little attention to her. 

The Indian party spent the winter in camp at the mouth of Cherokee 
Creek and allowed Mrs. W'iley to live alone in the rockhouse with her 
child. She lost all account of time. She did not know the day of the 
week from the time they went into cam]) there until she made her escape. 
']"he .Shawnee chief gave her child a name. The sojourn at this place 
was uneventful but for one instance. ( )ne day when the weather was 
becoming warmer the .Shawnee chief came to the rockhouse and said the 
child was "three moons," meaning that its age was then about three 
months. Me informed her that he was making pre])arations to give it 
the first test a boy was expected to undergo. lie made no explanation 
and soon left the rockhouse. lie returned in a short time and commanded 
her to take the child and follow him. He led her to the creek where the 
other Indians were assembled. 'Jhe chief tied the child to a large slab 
of dry liark and set it adrift in the swift water of a small shoal. The 
child begrui to cry as soon as it felt the cold water, and this action 
seemed to cundcnni it in the minds of the w.-irrinrs. Thev brandished 


their tomahawks, and Mrs. Wiley rushed into the water and rescued 
the infant, immediately returning to the rockhouse with it. The Indians 
followed her, and when they arrived at the rockhouse the Wyandot killed 
the child with his tomahawk and inmiediately proceeded to scalp it. She 
was not molested, but she saw that the Indians were very angry. She 
was permitted to bury the child in a corner of the rockhouse. 

Soon after the murder of her child and while the streams were full 
from melting snow the Indians left their camp at the mouth of Cherokee 
Creek. Mrs. Wiley was not strong but was forced to keep up with the 
party. They followed a trail which led up Hood's Fork of Big Blaine 
Creek. Crossing through a gap at the head of one of its branches they 
came to the Laurel Fork, which they followed to that fine rolling coun- 
try now known as Flat Gap, in Johnson County. From that point they 
followed a small stream to the main branch of Big Mudlick Creek, which 
they descended to the great buffalo lick from which the stream derived 
its name. They camped at the lick in hope of killing some game, but none 
came during their stay. They broke camp one morning at dawn and 
went down the creek, arriving during the day at an old Indian town at 
the mouth of Little Mudlick Creek. The actions of the Indians there 
made Mrs. Wiley suiajrose that the end of their journey had been reached 
and that they would remain for some time. As that is a somewhat re- 
markable location and the Indians kept Mrs. Wiley there until the fol- 
lowing October a description of some of its most prominent features 
will not be out of place here. 

Little Mudlick Creek is about three miles in length. In dry summers 
there are times when little water can be found in its bed. Its general 
course is from north to south, but it falls into Big Mudlick Creek from 
the east. It joins the larger stream about half a mile from where Big 
Mudlick and Big Paint Creek unite. 

On the face of the cliff overhanging the waters of the larger creek 
were formerly found many Indian hieroglyphics and strange pictures. 
These pictures were usually skeleton drawings of animals native to the 
country, such as the buffalo, bear, deer, panther, wolf, turkey, and a few 
of turtles and rattlesnakes. These figures were put on the cliffs with 
black or red paint ; no other colors were used. There was no mi.xing of 
colors ; there were red groups and black groups, but nowhere were the 
two colors found in the same group. In no instance were the figures 
cut or scratched into the rock. Time, thoughtless and mischievous van- 
dalism, and the weather have destroyed them all. In 1850, some of the 
groups were faintly visible, and as late as 1880 one group of deer in 
black, on the cliff over the larger creek, was yet very distinct. » 

1 When Johnson County, Kentucky, was first settled there were found along 
the Indian trail from the mouth of Mudlick Creek to the mouth of Big Paint 
Creek occasional trees which had been stripped of their bark from the ground to 
a considerable height, sometimes as far up as thirty feet. Often a tree had the 
bark stripped from but one side, which made a dry hard surface on that side of 
Hie tree, while the other side still lived and preserved the tree. Trees thus treated 
were found all along the trail, but at some points there would be found groups of 
them, all of which had l)tcn so denuded. The smooth surface thus provided was cov- 
ered by the Indians witli outline figures of animals and birds, put on with a tenacious 
and lasting paint of two colors only— red and black. As it is not known that 
trees thus treated and marked were found at any other place in the United States, 
this circumstance may be regarded as very remarkable. The signification of these 
paintings was never discovered, and if is not known whether they were made by 
but one tribe or by all the tribes inhabiting the Ohio Valley. Trees so marked 
were to be found all along the valley of the Big Sandy, including both branches, 
but, so far as has been ascertained, no locality had them in so great abundance 
as the country around the lower course of Big Paint Creek. Whether the cus- 
tom had prevailed among the tribes for ages, or whether it was of recent date 
and origin was never known. It is known that the Shawnees. Delawares, Wyan- 
dots, Toteros, Cherokees, and Iroquois, regarded the Big Sandy Valley with 
peculiar and lasting veneration. They clung to it with tenacity, and it was the 


Beyond each of the creeks the plateau is irregularly continued. To 
the east across the smaller creek there is a mound-like hill the base of 

last stream in Kentucky to be surrendered by them. It was a favorite valley of 
the Mound Builders, as evidenced by many remains of their occupation. 

Upon the south bank of the creek against the "flat rock ford" is a low cliff, 
beneath wliich there is a small rockhouse, which would afford shelter for fifty 
or si.xty people. This locality seemed to hold a fascination for the Indians. On 
the top of the cliff a great elm had been stripped of its bark to a height of thirty 
feet or more. Winding about the tree and encircling all the smooth surface 
made by taking off the bark was a huge rattlesnake put on with black paint. Many 
other trees in the vicinity were stripped or partly stripped of their bark, and painted, 
various animals of the country being represented. One tree in the upper end of 
the creek bottom in which is situated the town of Paintsville, on the spot where 
Rev. Henry Dickson (Dixon, it is now written by his descendants) built a grist 
mill to be ojierated by horse, mule, or ox power, and called by the early settlers 
a "horse mill," was painted; it was a giant tlm, and it bore a huge bear put on 
with red paint. 

There are many salt springs or "licks" in the vicinity of where Paintsville 
was located. Several of them were at the foot of the hills back of the town and 
are now covered by the washings from the cleared hillsides above them. The 
trees about these licks were painted by the Indians, the characters being of the 
same nature as those already described. From this cause the first hunters and 
explorers of the country called these licks "painted licks," and they named the 
stream upon which they were found Paint Lick Creek, and it is so marked on 
the map of Kentucky in the 1797 edition of Imlay's America. The name was 
given by Matthias Harman and his associates. When Colonel John Preston, Judge 
French, and others of Virginia, who speculated in the lands of the Louisa River 
Valley, wished to name the trading station which they established on the present 
site of Paintsville in l/QO, they called it Paint Lick. The Rev. Henry Dickson 
came from North Carolina and bought the land about the old station and laid 
out the present town and named it Paintsville. Prestonsburg was also founded 
by Col. Preston and others, and first called Preston's Station. The station was 
established in 1799. After Vancouver left the forks of the Big Sandy a town 
was established there and named Balclutha. On the Imlay map, already mentioned. 
Paint Lick and Balclutha are both marked. To Johnson County belongs the honor 
of having within her bounds the sites of both the first and second settlements made 
in the Big Sandy Valley and in Eastern Kentucky. 

Above the mouth of Big Paint Creek there is a river bottom extending up the 
Louisa River about a mile. At a point near the creek bank, and at an equal dis- 
tance from the river, there is a large mound, the work of prehistoric inhabitants 
of the valley. Several hundred feet up the river, and directly south of this mound. 
there is another, not quite so large. At an equal distance south of the second mound 
there is a third one a little smaller than the second. And there is at an equal dis- 
tance south from this mound a fourth one still a little smaller than the third. 
There is a mound just back of the rockhouse overlooking the flat rock ford. These 
mounds were covered with large trees when first seen by white men. The original 
public highway up the Rig Sandy River was laid out to cut the north side of 
the second mound. In making tliis public road the mound was cut, and the skele- 
ton of a man of large size was found. It was enclosed in a sort of rude box 
made by placing flat thin river stones about and over it. The large mound was 
opened a few years since, and the skeleton of a man was found, or rather the 
plain imprint of one, but the bones had perished. These mounds were made of 
layers of different kinds of earth, and there were several layer.s of clean river 
sand in them. Layers of ashes and charcoal were found, indicating that it may 
have I>ecn tlie custom of the builders to burn their dead there, or place the ashes 
of their dead there after the bodies had been burned at some other place. The 
Cherokee Indians said to the early settlers there, in speaking of these mounds: 
"There is fire in all those mounds." What they meant by this statement they 
could not explain. Many pipes, arrowheads, spearheads, and stone axes were 
found in and about these mounds. 

To the southwest of Paintsville and in plain view of the town there is a solid 
sandstone ledge rising from the top of a hill to a height far above the surround- 
ing forest. This immense mass of sandstone is locally known as the "hanging 
rock." On the hilltop back of this great cliff there are a number of Indian graves 
covered with a great quantity of loose sandstone fragments which have evidently 
been carried there from a considerable distance. Indian graves of this descrip- 
tion are very common in Kastcrn Kentucky, and they are always found on the 
tops of ridges. 

Alx)ve the small cliff at the "flat rock ford" the first explorers found a num- 
ber of decaying cabins. The Ohio Indians said that they and the French had 
built them many years before, and that they had lived there. They also said that 


which rests upon an expanse of country of the same elevation as the 
plateau. To the north between the smaller stream and Big Paint Creek 
stand two such hills with bases resting upon a similar elevation. To the 
west beyond the larger creek the continuation of the plateau is narrow, 
a ledge of sandstone with its east and south sides almost perpendicular. 
At a little distance south of this ledge and entirely detached from it is a 
large mass of sandstone with sides nearly perpendicular. This rock rises 
from the low-lying creek bottom and has a flat top of considerable area 
which can be reached with difficulty. From this elevation to the mouth 
of Big JNIudlick Creek is half a mile, and the land is a bottom lying just 
above overflow. This creek bottom is an old Indian field. At the time of 
the coming of the white man it contained many mounds. There is one 
very large mound or mound-shaped hill covered with broken sandstone. 
Human bones, stone axes, spear and arrow heads of flint, carved shells, 
and stone pipes were here turned up in great abundance by the plows of 
the first settlers. 

The Shawnees told Mrs. Wiley that in ancient times their ancestors 
had their villages about the junction of the Mudlick creeks, also ail along 
Big Paint Creek from the mouth of Big Mudlick Creek to the Big Sandy 
River. They also told her that they never passed through that part of the 
country without visiting Little Mudlick Creek and the country about 
their ancient village. 


The Prisoner Burned 

The Indians holding Mrs. Wiley in captivity arrived at the mouth 
of Little Mudlick Creek about the first of April, possibly as much as 
a week or ten days earlier than that. They took up their abode in a 
rockhouse in the face of the clifif on the east side of the plateau. This 
rockhouse was just below the falls of Little Mudlick Creek, but at a 
higher elevation in the cliff than is the bed of the creek at the falls. The 
ledge at the entrance of the rockhouse overhangs the creek which runs 
lOO feet or more below it, and the entrance is sixty feet at least below 
the top of the cliff. It is reached by following a narrow ledge along the 
face of the cliff from a point opposite the upper falls. This rockhouse is 
of considerable extent. It affords a safe retreat for the party and one 
almost inaccessible to enemies if properly defended by even a few 
persons. It afforded a cool and pleasant habitation in summer. 

The manner of life of the party was not unlike the daily life in an 

the Toteros or .Shatara Indians had lived there before they built the cabins. These 
Totero Indians had a town on the Lick Fork of Jennie's Creek, extending from 
the forks of that stream to the point now known as Hager Hill. The Shawnees 
and Cherokees pointed out to the early settlers the sites of many towns occupied 
by the Totero Indians. 

It is a tradition that some of the Connellys, probably Harmon Connelly and 
his brother Thomas, Daniel Boone, Matthias Harman, Walter Mankins, and a 
number of other parties, among them James Skaggs and Henry Skaggs, descended 
the Louisa River about 1763 in search of a suitable place to settle. They camped 
about these old cabins at the mouth of Big Paint Creek for six weeks. The 
river and creek bottoms were covered with a rank growth of cane, much of it 
so high that it would conceal a man on horseback. The fierceness of the Indians 
made it impossible for them to locate there then. They killed much game. Great 
herds of Buffalo roamed the country at the time. John Howe, Esq., the famous 
millwright, son-in-law of Rev. Henry Dickson, has often spoke of the journey 
of the Connellys, Boone, and others. He also said that the river was sometimes 
so full of buffalo wallowing in the shoals that it was impossible to get a canoe 
either up or down until the shaggy animals had departed. Mr. Howe and many 
other pioneers of Johnson County repeatedly said that Simon Kenton occupied 
the old cabins at the mouth of Big Paint Creek two winters, or parts of two win- 
ters, 1773-74 and 1774-75. He hunted in that region during those winters and very 
probably lived in one of those old cabins. 


Indian village. Mrs. Wiley was compelled to perform all the drudgery 
of the camp. The warriors lounged about the caves and slept when not 
hunting or scouting. Hunting was not extensively engaged in, summer 
peltries being of poor quality. Only enough game was killed to furnish 
food for the party. Usually turkeys, deer, and buffalo were easily 
found near the camp, though the Indians often went to the great lick on 
Big Mudlick Creek to kill buffalo, especially when visited by other bands. 
They sometimes hunted on what is now known as r'arnett's Creek, also 
on Big Paint Creek between that stream and Big Mudlick Creek. They 
sometimes required Mrs. Wiley to follow them and bring in the game 
they killed. She was shown how to care for the skins of the animals 
killed. She gatherecl the wood for the camp fires. As the Indians had no 
axe she was obliged to gather the dry branches which had fallen from 
the trees, and before the summer was over these were exhausted near the 
camp. The French and the Indians had discovered lead in that vicinity, 
and Mrs. Wiley was made to carry the ore from the lead mines to the 
east edge of the plateau and there smelt it out to be used for bullets 
for the guns. To do this she had to collect a great quantity of wood and 
build a hot fire which had to be maintained for some hours. Wlien the 
lead was melted from the ore it was conducted through small trenches 
to the bottom of a depression which Mrs. Wiley had made for the 
purpose and which was to be seen as late as 1880. It was just above 
the entrance to the rockhouse. She was also made to plant some com 
in the old Indian field w^hich had been the site of the old Indian town. 

The Indians remained at the camp on some mysterious mission, as 
Mrs. Wiley judged. They were often visited by other bands, some of 
which contained as many as twenty Indians. Sometimes these visiting 
bands remained several days ; at other times they departed in a few- 
hours. Mrs. Wiley learned the Shawnee language, also something of 
other Indian tongues. She made many efTorts to hear what the visiting 
Indians said to her captors, but was never able to get any information 
of benefit to her. The Shawnee chief told Mrs. Wiley he would take her 
to the Indian towns beyond the Ohio when Indian summer came on, at 
which time he expected a large force of Indians to arrive and relieve him. 
Mrs. Wiley sought an oi)portunit)' to escape after this conversation with 
the old Shawnee, but none presented itself that she could believe prom- 
ised success. She was entirely ignt)rant of the general physical features 
of the country in which she was held, although she believed that she 
was nearer the Virginia settlements than when she was on the Ohio 
River. She had feigned sleep in the hope that her captors would say 
something about the settlements of white people that she might hear, 
but they never did so. There had been times when she was out of sight 
of her captors and might ha\c escajied, but never having been able to 
bring herself to believe the efforts would prove successful, she had waited 
for a mfirc favorable o])])ort unity. As the time approached when she 
was to be taken to the Indian towns she became more determined upon 
escape, or upon death in the effort. Her resolution in this matter was 
overturned by an event wholly unexpected. 

One day about the end of October the Indians were aroused from 
their indolent Inungings by the quavering war-whoop cried by some party 
about the mouth of Rig Mudlick Creek. The Shawnee chief answered 
the war-cr)', and it was repeated. The Shawnee chief informed his 
party that the Cherokee chief had been on the war-i)ath. had lost some 
of his warriors, and was now coming into camp with a captive white 
man. War-whoops were exchanged, and guns were fired by both parties. 
The Shawnee chief led his party to the plateau to receive the Cherokee 
chief and his warriors, who soon arrived. The Cherokee chief was 
followed by a mongrel band of some twenty Indians, and he brought 


with him a white man as prisoner. Mrs. W iley supposed this prisoner 
to be about twenty years old, though she was not permitted to come near 
enough to him to have any conversation with him. This captive was 
terribly beaten when he arrived on the plateau. 

Mrs. Wiley was sent back to the rockhouse when the Cherokee chief 
had talked with the Shawnee chief. The Cherokee gave her a kettle 
and told her to cook him some meat as soon as she could. She built up 
a fire in the rockhouse and slung the kettle, which she tilled with bear 
meat and venison. She could hear the mad howling, whooping, and 
screeching of the warriors on the height above her, also the discharge of 
guns and the thumping and stamping of feet in an Indian dance. Shortly 
after dark the whole band came down from the plateau, and the captive 
was not with them. It did not take her long to gather from the con- 
versation of the Indians that the prisoner had been tortured at the stake. 
The Cherokee chief was in a great rage, sullen and savage. He did not 
remain long in the camp but returned to the heights above with his hands 
full of meat from the kettle. Mrs. Wiley was rudely treated by the 
Indians recently arrived, and the Shawnee chief and his followers were 
excited and blood-thirsty. The camp was overflowing with whooping 
Indians threatening to kill her, and for the first time the Shawnee chief 
did not stand her friend. She appealed to him but he did nothing to quiet 
the howling mob, and he left the camp to join the Cherokee. Finally the 
Indians left the camp and went above, yelling along the gorge above the 
falls. Mrs. Wiley was more at ease when she heard them whooping on 
the plateau, but what the night would bring forth she could not tell.' 

An hour or two after dark a band of Indians, all of the late arrivals, 
came down •from the assembly. They tied Mrs. Wiley's hands with a 
.strip of raw hide, by one end of which she was led to the height where 
the Indians were assembled about a big fire. The dancing ceased when 
she arrived. The Cherokee chief appeared as the commander of the 
Indians and told her that she was to be burned. She appealed to the 
Shawnee chief, but he made no definite answer. There w-as no sympathy 
for her in the mad band. She remembered the cruelties and many out- 
rages she had suffered at the hands of the Indians, and as no prospect 
of escape came to her or seemed likely to come in the future even should 
she live, she was the more easily reconciled to death. In after years she 
affirmed that concern for her life and all earthly things departed from 
her leaving her calm and collected. In this frame of mind she was 
bound to the tree, a small oak from w'hich all the lower branches had 
been cut. Her demeanor seemed to please the Cherokee chief. Because 
of her courage or from some other cause which was never known to her, 
proceedings in the execution were suspended. The Indians retired for 
council and talked for a long time, as Mrs. Wiley believed. When they 
returned the Cherokee chief informed Mrs. Wiley that he had bought 
her from the Shawnee and that he would take her to his town on the 
Little Tennessee where she could teach his wives (he spoke as though 
he had quite a number of them) to write and to weave cloth like her 
dress. He unbound her and led her back to the camp in the rockhouse, 
followed by the Shawnee chief. There the fire was lighted anew. The 
Cherokee chief produced a buckskin bag from which he counted down 
to the Shawnee five hundred little silver brooches about as large as the 
silver dime of today, the price he had agreed to pay for Mrs. Wiley. 
They were received by the Shawnee as though he had a supreme con- 
tempt for money, and swept by him from the buckskin upon which they 

1 Mr. Wiley was positive of the death of this white man. Mrs. Wiley did 
not see him tortured, nor did she see his dead body. She said the captive was 
tortured on the plateau overlooking Big Mudlick Creek. The fire about which 
the Indians were gathered when she was taken to the plateau was near the falls 
of Little Mudlick. 


had been counted to him into a bag similar to that which tliey had been 
taken. This bag he placed in his pack and lay down by the fire to sleep. 
The Cherokee chief bound Mrs. Wiley with raw thongs cut from a 
buffalo hide, which he drew very tight, causing her great pain. He re- 
turned to the plateau and was gone a long time. He came back with 
several of his band some time in the night, and all sle])t in the rockhnuse. 


IIarm.\n's St.\tion Founded 

It was late in the day when John Borders returned home from the 
search for his sheep, and a thick and foggy darkness was settling ovei 
the valley of Walker's Creek. When he f(jund that Mrs. Wiley had not 
yet arrived at his house he feared that harm had come to her and her 
family, and her sister, Mrs. Border, was distressed and anxious. Bor- 
ders sought a neighbor who lived near him and together they went 
to Wiley's house, which they found partly burned. After some time 
spent in a cautious examination of the place they ventured to enter the 
house, where they found the bodies of the slain children. The animals 
about the place were excited and Borders believed the Indians were yet 
lying in wait to do further murder. Not finding Mrs. Wiley and the 
young child they were uncertain of their fate, but they supposed none of 
the family liad escaped death. Xo light was kindled by Borders and his 
companion, and after a short time spent in making the examination by 
which they learned the facts set out above they left the house and alarmed 
the settlers. 

The Indians had been seen by no one, and the uncertainty in the 
minds of the people as to their number and further purpose spread terror 
in the settlement. No attempt could be made to follow the Indians 
during the night. Those most capable of determining just what to do 
in this extremity were out of the settlement and it was not known when 
they would return. On the following morning a number of the settlers 
gathered at Wiley's cabin and looked the premises over carefully, but 
the trail of the savages was not discovered. From some cause it was 
supjxised that the Indians had gone down the New River. Thomas Wiley 
and a dozen settlers followed the Indian road down that stream hoping to 
come up with the Indians, but no tidings of Mrs. Wiley came from that 

In the afternoon of the day after the attack upon Wiley's house, 
Matthias Ilarman and the hunters returned to the settlement. The 
swollen streams and the heavy loads carried by their horses had delayed 
them twenty-four hours; but for these impediments they would have ar- 
rived in time to have prevented the murders committed by the Indians. 
The confidence of the hunters, that they would arrive in the settlement 
before the Indians, had caused them to neglect to send a runner to warn 
the settlers of their danger. 

Immecliatelv u])on his return Matthias Harman went to the house of 
Wiley where he fountl many of the settlers. He made a minute examina- 
tion of the country around the house. In the hills north of the house he 
found evidence that the Indians had passed that way. He followed this 
discovery some miles, and upon his return to the cabin he assured the 
settlers that Mrs. Wiley was alive and a prisoner, that she was carrying 
her child which had been spared, and that the Indians would follow the 
Tug River war-trail and try to cross the Ohio to their towns. It was his 
opinion that the Cherokee chief was the leader of the band, the nun'iber 
of which he had detemiined from the trail. He was confident that he 
could overtake the Indians and recover the prisoners. His inir]) to do 
this was determined upon at once. 


Harinan was a bold and active man. He believed this raid was made 
more by accident than design and that it indicated no uprising of the 
Indians nor any purpose to harass the settlements. It was not regarded 
as of sufficient importance to delay the settlement to be made at the mouth 
of John's Creek. He assembled those interested in that enterprise and 
gave them instructions as to what they should carry with them, when to 
set out, what to do in case they should arrive before he could return there 
from pursuit of the Indians, and the most favorable route for them to 
take on the journey. There were about twenty-five men in this colony, 
but the exact number is not known, and their names are lost to us. We 
know that among them were Matthias Harman, Absalom Lusk, Henry 
Skaggs, James Skaggs his brother, Robert Hawes, Daniel Harman, Adam 
Harman, and Henry Harman. It is believed that a man named Horn, 
also one named Leek, were with the colonists. Harman selected ten 
of the most experienced Indian fighters to go with him in pursuit of the 
party having Mrs. Wiley and her child in captivity. Thomas Wiley was 
not a member of the colony and did not go out with them.i 

Matthias Harman and his company of hunters set out early in the 
day in pursuit of the Indians. So confident that he was right did Har- 
man feel that he did not at first attempt to follow the trail made by the 
savages, but went directly to the head waters of the Bluestone River and 
crossed the Great Flat Top Mountain. He found the trail of the Indians 
in the hills about the head of the Tug River; it followed the old Indian 
warpath as Harman had conjectured. This ancient way was so well 
defined that it required no effort to discover and follow it, which made 
their pursuit rapid and certain. Each camp of the Indians was dis- 
covered, and it was plain that the Indians were being gained upon every 

If the Indians had not left the old war-path and turned down the 
small streams to Tug River they would have been overhauled by Harman 
and his party in a few hours. It was difficult traveling on horseback along 
the small streams, for they were frequently choked with thickets. This 
caused delay when rapid movement was so necessary. Harman saw that 
Indians were not far in advance and were aware of the presence of the 
party in pursuit. Just before night they found the body of Mrs. Wiley's 
child which they buried in a shallow grave hastily dug with tomahawks 
and scalping knives. A few minutes after the Indians had plunged into 
the water and crossed Tug River, Harman and his men stood upon the 
spot they had left. It was impossible to get the horses across the river in 
its flooded condition on such a night. The party camped on the bank of 
the river and spent the night in building rafts upon which to carry over 
the baggage in the morning. 

Harman effected a safe crossing early the following day. It was past 
noon when he again found the Indian trail, which wound through a 
country so rough and hilly that it was well nigh impossible to follow it 
with horses. When he arrived at the point where the Indians had 
crossed the Louisa River it was the unanimous opinion of all the hunters 
that it was useless to follow the trail further. They all believed that it 
would be impossible to come up with the Indians. Mrs. Wiley was re- 
lieved of the burden of her child, and the Indians being apprised of the 
pursuit would hold their course to the rough, bushgrown, stony ridges 
where horses could scarcely go. So, with regret, the pursuit was 
abandoned at the Louisa River. 

From the point where the Indian trail was abandoned Harman and 
his company ascended the Louisa River to the mouth of John's Creek 

1 Mr. Wiley had not returned from the pursuit made down the New River, 
so his son always said. He also said that his father was unnerved by the destruc- 
tion of his family, and that he was at the time unfit for the war-path. 


and went into camp in the old hunting lodge built there by Harman more 
than thirty years before. There the river runs against the bluff on its 
west side, leaving a broad bottom on the east side of the river below 
the mouth of John's Creek. It was an ideal place for a pioneer settle- 
ment. The great war-path up the river ran on the west side of the 
stream at that point. Tiicre the stream is deep. John's Creek is a stream 
of considerable size, having its sources in the mountain ranges about the 
head waters of the Tug and Louisa rivers. Should the larger streams 
be beset with Indians the valley of the smaller one would atford a safe 
way to the settlements m Virginia. 

The bottom in which it was designed to build the fort of the settle- 
ment was then covered with trees ranging in size from the shrub to the 
giant sycamore with its girth of forty feet. These trees were of several 
varieties — birch, beech, maple, linn, oak, poplar, and others. It was 
covered with a thick growth of cane which furnished winter pastures for 
buffalo, elk, and deer, and which was an indication of deep and lasting 

The colonists expected directly from Virginia did not arrive for some 
days after the coming of Harman and his company. Their horses were 
heavily packed, and their progress through forests and over streams was 
necessarily slow. High water hindered much. 

The site selected for the fort was almost half a mile below the mouth 
of John's Creek and about loo yards back from the east bank of the 
Louisa River. The fort was built on the plan common to the forts in 
frontier settlements. It was about twenty feet square and two stories 
in height. The u])per story projected beyond the walls of the lower story 
about two feet on every side, and this extra space was floored with 
heavy timbers in which loop-holes were cut through which to fire down 
upon besieging Indians should they ever come to such close quarters. 
The walls of both stories were provided with openings through which to 
fire upon a foe. The door or gate was made of split oak timbers six 
inches in thickness. It was hung upon strong wooden hinges made by 
the hunters, opened inward and was secured by an immense beam of oak. 
The roof sloped up from each of the four sides of the fort to a point 
in the center, and was made of thick slabs of white oak timber "pinned" 
to the log "ribs" or rafters with long wooden pins or pegs driven into 
holes bored with an auger. A small stream flowed from the hills back 
of the bottom and passed close by the fort, and upon it the settlers relied 
for water. Tiie timber about the fort was cut ofif close to the ground and 
burned back the full space of rille range. This was done to dejirive the 
Indians of cover should they ever besiege the fort. 

This rude and strong buiUling thus creeled by the rough backwoods- 
men of the Virginia frontier, all of whom were as brave and hardy as 
any who ever founded a frontier post, was the famous blockhouse. The 
settlement commenced by its erection was called 

11.\um.\n's St.ation 

It was the first settlement made in Eastern Kentucky. There was at 
that timi' no settlement in cither of the present counties of Pike, I'loyd, 
Lawrence, Boyd, Greenup, Carter, I'.lliott, Morgan, Wolfe, Magoffin, 
I'reathitt. Knott, Letcher, or Martin. There were no settlements on the 
Tug River and none in any of the present counties of West Virginia 
touching that stream. 

This fort was built by Matthias Harman and backwoodsmen whom he 
had induced to cast their lots with him in the wilderness, in the winter 
of 1787-88.- 

2 The dates fixed by Mr. Wiley are here followed. Tliis is the date fixed by 
him. Reference is again made to the map to be found in Imlay's American 



The Escape and Rescue 

After passing through the horrors of such an ordeal as that to which 
she had been subjected Mrs. Wiley found it impossible to sleep. She 
had nerved herself to face death with resignation, and her nerves were 
unstrung with the relaxation following her unexpected deliverance from 
the stake. And she was troubled by the change of masters. She feared 
the Cherokee. He was in every way different from the Shawnee chief. 
He was quick and energetic of action, cruel, savage, and treacherous by 
nature, always restless and anxious to be moving. While she believed 
that she owed her life to his interference in her behalf she was not sure 
the future would prove that she would have much to be thankful for 
in that matter. Her chance of escape seemed cut off and that troubled 
her; she regretted that she had not made the effort to escape months 
before. While pondering over these things she fell into a broken and 
troubled sleep. She found this a most strange sleep for she seemed 
more awake than ever. She was never sure she was asleep at all, but 
.she always insisted that she saw this vision or had this remarkable dream : 
The young man so lately tortured by the Indians came to her bearing in 
his hand a lamp made from the bleached skull of a sheep, the brain cavity 
of which was filled with buffalo tallow in which was a wick that was 
burning brightly. The young man did not speak, but by signs indicated 
that she must follow him. Then her bonds fell away. The young man 
threaded the deep defiles of the forest with the flame of his lamp flutter- 

Topography. The author says : "In order to communicate a distinct idea of the 
present complexion of the State of Kentucky, I have drawn a map from the 
best authorities, from which you will discern that Kentucky is already divided 
into nine counties ; and villages are springing up in every part within its limits, 
while roads have been opened to shorten the distance to Virginia." Harman's 
Station is correctly located on this map. The site of Vancouver's attempted settlo- 
ment is marked "Vancouvers." Relative to that attempt an affidavit was made 
by John Hanks in 1838 when Hanks was in his seventy-fifth year. It was pub- 
lished by Dr. Ely in his work on the Big Sandy Valley: 

"I was employed by Charles Vancouver in the month of February, 1789, along 
with several other men, to go to the forks of Big Sandy River, for the purpose 
of settling, clearing and improving the Vancouver tract, situated on the point 
formed by the junction of the Tug and Levisa Forks, and near where the town 
of Louisa now stands. In March, 1789, shortly after Vancouver and his men 
settled on said point, the Indians stole all their horses but one, which they killed. 
We all, about ten in number, except three or four of Vancouver's men, remained 
there during the year, and left the next March, except three or four men to hold 
possession. But they were driven oflf in April, 1790, by the Indians. Vancouver 
went East in May, 1789, for a stock of goods, and returned in the fall of the same 
year. We had to go to the mouth of the Kanawha River, a distance of eighty- 
seven miles, for corn, and no one was settled near us, probably the nearest was 
a fort about thirty or forty miles away, and this was built maybe early in 1790. 
The fort we built consisted of three cabins and some pens made of logs, like corn 
cribs, and reaching from one cabin to the other. 

"We raised some vegetables and deadened several acres of ground, say about 
eighteen, on the point, but the horses being stolen, we were unable to raise a 

"(Signed) John Hanks." 

The nearest fort, "about thirty or forty miles away," which was "built maybe 
early in 1790," was the fort erected in rebuilding the blockhouse put up by 
Matthias Harman and his associates in the winter of 1787-88, and which had been 
destroyed by the Indians, who burned it. The settlers who had been obliged to 
return to Virginia at the time of its destruction, returned with reinforcements 
in the winter of 1789-90 and built another fort in the Blockhouse Bottom. Although 
often attacked, they never again abandoned the settlement. 

But as to all these dates see note based on statement of Mrs. Wiley and set 
out by Summers. That would make the date of the erection of the Blockhouse 
by Matthias Harman the fall of 1789. The rebuilding of this Blockhouse would, 
by that date, be moved up to 1791, the year in which the Auxier and other families 
arrived to make a settlement. 


ing in the wind. He did not look back to see if she were following him. 
Arriving at a steep mountain of great height he rapidly ascended it. 
\\hen he reached the top he blew strongly upon his lamp-flame which 
immediately leaped to a height sufficient to reveal the whole country 
below. She looked where he pointed across a river. There stood a fort 
erected by white men. As she was an.xiously ajipealing to him for in- 
formation as to who dwelt there the light paled, flickered a moment, then 
was gone. She was left alone in the darkness, and was immediately 
roused from her slumber. This dream or manifestation or phenomena, 
by whatever name, was repeated twice, the last time being just as the 
Indians began to stir in the camp.' 

Mrs. Wiley was unbound by the Cherokee, and infonued by him that 
it was his purpose to set out on the journey to his town in a day or two, 
but that he was going that morning to the great buffalo lick on Big Mud- 
lick Creek to kill game. It was not long until the whole band of 
Indians left the camj). Mrs. Wiley was again bound and left in the camp 
in the rockhouse. She soon fell into a deep sleep from which she was 
wakened by the roaring of a heavy storm of wind and rain. The instant 
that she awoke the peculiar dream came to her mind with great force. It 
seemed to be a call to her to make an effort to escape; at least, she so 
regarded it, and she decided to act upon it. She saw the wind was blow- 
ing the rain into one corner of the rockhouse. She rolled herself over 
and over until she lay in this rain blown in by the wind. It was but a 
short time until the rawhide thongs with which she was bound were 
soaked and became slippery and easily removed. When free she bound 
her dog to a large stone to prevent his following her, seized a tomahawk 
and a scalping knife, and descended quickly to the bed of Little Mudlick 
Creek. She waded that stream to its junction with the large stream, which 
she waded to Big Paint Creek. There she remembered that she had no 
well-defined plan of action, but after a little time spent in reflection she 
remembered that she had seen a river in her dream, and concluded that 
she might reach this river by wading continuously down stream. She 
acted u])on that conclusion. She found it difficult to wade in Big Paint 
Creek. It is a dec]), swift stream, and the heavy rain quickly raised the 
small streams flowing into it, and they carried in muddy water, which soon 
made it impossible for her to determine the depth. She was often carried 
off her footing, and more than once was in danger of drowning. 

Big Paint Creek makes a big bend which she was compelled to follow 
around, and it was growing dusk when she was at the mouth of the 
Rockhouse branch. At the mouth of Jennie's Creek she crossed Paint 
Creek. She waded up Jennie's Creek, which the heavy rain had jnit out 
of its banks. W'ind and rain continued all night. When she reached the 
forks of Jennie's Creek she was almost exhausted, and for a time there 
she was much puzzled as to which branch of the stream she should follow. 
Her choice of branches was right; she turned to the left ruid followed 
the Lick Fork. In half a mile slie was again compelled to choose between 
two branches of the stream, for there the Middle Fork falls into the Lick 
Fork. She again turned to the left, and again her choice was right. She 
followed the Lick Fork to the mouth of a small branch coming in from 

' To those familiar with psychology and psychical plienomcna remarkable dreams 
or manifestations to one under stress of nervous excitement or great strain or 
disturbance of the mental faculties are not strange ; they are not impossible, im- 
probable, nor even unusual. Volumes could be filled with authentic instances of 
such dreams or manifestations. Mrs. Wiley always believed she was assisted by 
this dream to make her escape. She believed after this dream that there were 
white people in the country about her. The route by which the .settlement could 
be reached was unknown to her and had not been seen in her dream. The young 
man led her straight through the woods to a high mountain which does not in 
fact exist. But she saw it in her dream, and from the top of it she saw the fort 
m a settlement of her own people. 


the east. Here she left the larger stream and followed the little one to 
its head, where she crossed through a gap to the stream now known as 
the Bear Branch, which she descended to its junction with Little Paint 
Creek. Continuing down the latter stream she stood upon the bank of 
the Louisa River as the dull dawn of a cloudy morning appeared in the 
east. It is unnecessary to dwell here upon the exhausted condition of 
Mrs. Wiley. She had waded against swift currents of overflowed streams 
for more than twelve hours, and had been wading for as much as eighteen 
hours. She dragged herself up the bank of the river and soon came oppo- 
site the blockhouse. She saw women and children there, but no man was 
in sight. She called out to make her presence known and for assistance 
to cross the river. So unexpected a cry alarmed the people at the fort, 
and they went in hurriedly and closed the gate.- 

Here was a wholly unlooked-for discouragement. Mrs. Wiley was 
impatient and anxious, fully expecting to be followed by the savages. 
Seeing now the blockhouse, she reasoned that the Indians knew of its 
existence and would seek her in that direction. She was fearful that they 
might appear at any minute. She continued to call to the people in the 
fort, calling out her name and saying that she had escaped from the 
Indians, whom she expected to follow her. After what appeared to her 
to be a long time an old man came out of the fort. She recognized him 
at once as Henry Skaggs, an old-time friend of her father. It did not 
require much time for her to convince him that she was Jennie Wiley, 
and that she stood in great danger of being recaptured by the Indians. 
Skaggs knew the Cherokee chief well. He saw that no time was to be 
lost in getting her across the river. He told Mrs. Wiley that the men 
of the fort, except himself, had gone away early in the morning with 
the canoes. He said they would not return for some time, and that he 
would be compelled to construct a raft upon which to bring her over. He 
advised her to endeavor to swim across should the Indians appear, as it 
was his opinion that she would suffer death if recaptured. 

A dead mulberry tree stood on the bank of the river and Skaggs 
and the women went vigorously to work to fell it. It was tall and had 
but few branches. When it fell it very fortunately broke into three 
pieces of about equal length. These logs were hastily rolled into the 
river and bound together with long grapevines pulled down from the 
forest trees where they grew wild. Placing two rifles upon the raft, 
Skaggs pushed out into the river, which was full to overflow and which 
was carrying much drift. After being carried far down the stream, 
Skaggs made a landing. Mrs. Wiley stepped upon the rude raft and 
it was again pushed into the stream. When in mid-stream the raft 
was caught by drift and nearly pulled to pieces, but by hard work both 
raft and drift were brought to some overhanging trees standing on the 
east bank. The branches of these trees were seized and the raft brought 
to shore about half a mile below the blockhouse. 

When Mrs. Wiley and .Skaggs' had gone uj) the river to the fort and 
were about to enter the gate, Indian yells broke from the thickets over 
the Louisa. A moment later a large band of Indians came into view, 
among them the Cherokee chief, and with them was Mrs. Wiley's dog. 
The Cherokee chief saw Mrs. Wiley at the entrance to the fort. He 
called out to her to know why she had left him after he had saved her 
life and paid his silver for her. He insisted that she had not treated 
him as she should have done, and closed his appeal with the words, 
"Honor. Jennie, honor!" She did not reply to him. Skaggs fired his 

2 Mrs. Wiley always insisted that .she had no knowledge of the existence of the 
blockhouse when she left the rockhoiise at the falls of Little Mudlick Creek. 

Jennie's Creek was given its name in her honor and because she made her 
escape in wading several miles against its rapid current. Considered from any 
point, the achievements of Mrs. Wiley that night were most remarkable. 


rifle in the direction of the savages, though the distance was too great 
for the range of small arms. At the discharge of the rifle the Cherokee 
turned about and with a defiant gesture '■' uttered a fearful whoop, in 
which he was joined l)y his warriors. Seeing that Mrs. Wiley had 
escaped and that he could not recapture her, the Cherokee chief disap- 
peared in the woods, followed by his savage companions and Mrs. 
Wiley's dog. 

The report of the gun discharged by Henry Skaggs brought the 
mun I lack to the blockhouse. Later in the day, after some preparation, 
the men crossed the river and followed the trail of the Indians almost 
to Little Mudlick Creek. From Mrs. Wiley's accotmt of the number 
of Indians at the camp the hunters believed they had a force too small 
to attack them, so they returned, after having gone to the mouth of 
jeimie's Creek. It was not improbable that the Indians would attack 
the fort soon, and upon the return of the hunters things were put in a 
posture of defense. No attack was made upon the blockhouse, but the 
Indians prowled about it for several days, and they were in the vicinity 
for some weeks. 

Mrs. Wiley found friends in the blockhouse. Most of the settlers 
were well known to her in Virginia. She was an.xious to return to her 
husband and relati\es. When the winter was well commenced a party 
commanded by Matthias Ilarman took her to her Virginia settlements 
and restored her to her husband and relatives. On the way the party 
was attacked several times, but succeeded in beating oiT the savages.^ 
It was unusual to find Indians in the woods in the winter, and from 
this circumstance it was feared that they would prove exceedingly trou- 
blesome to the settlers at the blockhouse the next summer. 

Mrs. Wiley was in captivity about eleven months. After her retiu-n 
she and her husband lived in Virginia about twelve years ; they then 
moved to Kentucky, settling on the Big Sandy River just above the mouth 
of Tom's Creek, in what is now Johnson County, and some fifteen miles 
from the blockhouse and ten or twelve miles from the old Indian town 
at the mouth of Little Mudlick Creek. The Presbyterians had no church 
organization in that part of Kentucky, and she and her husband were 
members of the Baptist Church. Thomas Wiley died where he first 
settled in Kentucky about the year 1810, and Mrs. Wiley remained a 
widow twenty-one years, dying of paralysis in the year 1S31. They left 
a large family, and their descendants live now in the Big Sandy \'allcy 
and are numerous and respectable. 

The Indians attacked the blockhouse several times during the summer 
of 1788.'" The settlers surrounded it with a stockade. The Indians 
maintained something of a siege which lasted for about three weeks. 
This was in September. On account of their presence all the time no 
crops could be raised that summer. Several of them were killed by the 
settlers. Some of the settlers became discouraged and, as soon as 
cold weather enabled them to do so, they returned to the Virginia settle- 
ments. Thus weakened, it w'as not believed thai the fort could be de- 
fended another year. The settlers all returned to X'iiginia during the 
winter of 1788-89. The Indians innnediately destroyed the blockhouse. 
It was burned, together with some cabins which the settlers had erected 
in the vicinity. 

8 Patted Ills buttocks. 

* The attacks made by the Indians upon the party wbicli escorted Mrs. Wiley 
back to Virginia and the devices practiced to evade ttie savages wonld in tliem- 
selves make an interesting story. It often .seemed as tlioiigh tbey were lost, and 
Mrs. Wiley had to bear a rifle and fight with the others, which she did cfTcctively 
and with a good will. 

'• Read carefully the notes on the subject of these dates set out on previous 
pages. These dates may al! be one year too early. 


In the winter of 1789-90 some of these settlers returned to the block- 
house site. They were accompanied by other settlers, a majority of 
whom were from Lee and Scott counties, Virginia. They erected a 
second blockhouse where the first one had stood, but it was not so sub- 
stantially built as was the first one. In the summer of 1791 many new 
settlers came. The settlement was troubled much by the Indians for 
several years, but it was never again broken up. It is believed that 
Matthias Harman did not again settle permanently in the Blockhouse 
Bottom, though he was there for some years. He died in Tazewell 
County, \'irginia. Daniel Harman became a permanent settler in the 
vicinity of the first settlement, and his descendants in the Big Sandy 
Valley are many. They are industrious and are good citizens. Henry 
Skaggs and James Skaggs both returned to Kentucky. They lived for 
some years in the vicinity of the Blockhouse Bottom, but when times 
were settled they went to live on the head waters of Big Blaine Creek. 
Their descendants live now on Big Blaine Creek, the Little Sandy River 
and the Licking River. The Leeks came with the second settlement, 
and their descendants are yet to be found on the Louisa River. The 
same can be said of the Horns. 


'J he rt-f^ions of \ irgiiiia beyoiul the niuiintaiiis and south of the Ohio 
River, were by no means a terra incoijnita durint; the latter part of the 
Scventeeiitli and the Jughtecnth centuries when the European nations 
were seeking to explore the innermost parts of the North American con- 
tinent and lay hold on it. The first European visitors of this territory 
later to be called Kentucky were French traders, the agile men of the 
forest who learned early to understand the Indians and who used them 
well. Arnold \'iele probably visited this region as early as 1693 ''""^ 
resided there a while, 'ihe Big Bone Lick was found and described as 
early as 1729, and soon the whole southern shore was familiar to the 
traders and explorers, who traversed the waters of the Ohio.' By the 
middle of the Eighteenth century luiglish traders and explorers were 
making their way into the country south of the Ohio; some sent to spy 
out lands for land companies, as Walker and Gist, already noted, others 
carried there by the spirit of adventure and gain, as John Findlay and 
Henry Scaggs. The earlier visitors had merely skirted the shores and 
noted certain landmarks and settlement sites ; but from the middle of 
the eighteenth century on the new-comers began to penetrate the regions 
in every direction. In 1764 John Ross and a party crossed the country 
from Mobile to the Ohio, while jireviously explorers had come in from 
the East and the North.- Plentiful game not only attracted the isolated 
hunters, but led to exjjloitation by organized companies. The firm of 
Baynton. Wharton, and Morgan regularly sent boats up the Kentucky 
River to get furs and butTalo meat. Organized buffalo hunts were also 
carried out in the Cumberland River regions.'' Hunting parties of vary- 
ing sizes entered the Kentucky regions from the eastward following 
1769. when Uriah .Stone. Gasper ]\lansker, John Rains, and more than 
a dozen others j)assed through Cumberland Cja]). The following year 
the so-called "Long Hunters," about forty in numl)cr, carried out their 
famous hunting expedition into this region and into tlie lower Cumlx;r- 
land country. 

But (lesi)ite the fact that the Kentucky regions had been visited by 
numerous jieople and described by some, still one i^ioneer has come to 
embody in the [jopuiar imagination the greater jiart of the romance and 
daring of the times. This was Daniel IVione. lioone was pre-eminently 
a man of the forest, delighting in its solitudes and well understanding 
its denizens, l)oth man and beast. He was a ])roduct of the frontier and 
forever remained such, always moving westward to keep on the edge 
of the wilderness. While living in the 'S'adkia River valley in North 
Carolina, he made many long trii)s into the western mountains, penetrating 
further and further into the fastnesses. The hire of the wild led him 

1 C. A. Haiina, The Wilderness Trail (New York, 1912), II, ^37-256; R. G. 
Thwaitcs, Diinicl Boone (New York, 1902), 85-96; Collins, History of Kentucky, 
I, 14. I.^i. .SOO, 510. 

= C. "W. Alvord and C E. Carter, The Critical Period 1763-1765 (Springfield, 
III., 191.=;), -xlviii. Also sec Hanna, Wilderness Trail. II. 215, 216. 

'•''C. W. Alvord, The Mississipfi Vallev in British Folilics (Cleveland, 1917). 
II 172; C. \V. Alvord, The Illinois Country 1673-lSiS (Springfield, III., 1920), 282. 



also far to the south, even into Florida, where he visited St. Augustine 
and Pensacola about 1766. But the wanderlust that had laid strongest 
hold on Boone led constantly to the westward, to the land beyond the 
Alleghanies of which he had heard the most glowing descriptions. In 
1767 he decided to cross the mountains and to see for himself the coun- 
try of cane brakes where wild game abounded. Gathering a few com- 
panions he set out across the Blue Ridge and Alleghanies, and finally 
reached the valley of the Big Sandy. He spent the winter in the moun- 
tains of what is now Eastern Kentucky, and being deterred by the rugged 
nature of the country from going further to the westward returned in 
the spring to his home in the Yadkin River valley. 

But reports of the Kentucky country were too persistent and too 
irresistible in their attractiveness for Boone to remain contented in his 
North Carolina home. In 1769, in company with John Findlay and four 
others, Boone set out once more bent on finding the land of promise. 
They crossed the successive ridges of the Appalachian system and guided 
by John Findlay passed through the Cumberland Gap, "and from the 
top of an eminence saw with pleasure the beautiful level of Kentucky." 
They found game plentiful, and revelling in the beauty of the land and 
its abundance they "hunted with great success." Prowling bands of 
Indians soon disputed their presence and gave them additional excite- 
ment. Boone with one of his companions was taken captive and the 
party broke up. After various experiences they made their escape, but 
continued to hunt and explore the regions. Aid in the shape of more 
ammunition was brought to these wanderers in the wilderness by Boone's 
brother. Squire, and a companion, and Kentucky still held them with 
its delights. The next spring one of the party, Stewart, was killed by 
the Indians, and another returned to the settlements, and now the Boone 
brothers alone continued their hunting and trapping expeditions. Finally 
Squire Boone returned to North Carolina for more ammunition and 
Daniel alone remained. He now continued his explorations far to the 
north and touched the Ohio River. Returning to the old camp, he was 
joined by Squire, who had arrived with more ammunition, and the two 
now plunged into the wilderness again. When ammunition ran low 
again. Squire a second time left for the East to replenish the supply, 
and on his return the Boones journeyed far to the West, exploring the 
Green and Cumberland River regions. Here they unexpectedly ran upon 
a party of Long Hunters and uniting with them continued to trap and 
hunt. Finally in the spring of 1771 the Boones turned homeward with 
their horses laden with furs, .^fter suffering the loss of their accumu- 
lations through an Indian attack, they finally reached North Carolina. 
During this period of almost two years in Kentucky, Boone had learned 
much about the country and was filled with a desire to return and settle 

Walker and Gist had written journals on their visits to the Kentucky 
country two decades earlier, but it remained for Boone to popularize 
this western paradise. Other factors were also working toward the 
appropriation and settlement of this region. Not only had isolated hun- 
ters and hunting parties been entering it for many years past, but about 
this time the more substantial agent of acquisition, the surveyor, was 
making his appearance. Many were at work laying off lands promised 
to the soldiers of the French and Indian war, while others were taking 
up lands for speculation or for future settlement apart from service in 
the war. The military surveys were generally in sizes varying from 50 
to 5,000 acres. By 1773 surveying parties were to be found in many 
parts of the country, locating tracts of land and laying off town sites. 
The McAfee brothers floated down the Ohio and then ascended the 
Kentucky to the present site of Frankfort and made surveys; while an- 

Vol. 1—15 


other party under Thomas lUillitt continued down the Ohio to the Falls 
and surveyed lands for Dr. John Connolly, and laid out a town-site where 
Louisville now stands. The next year John Floyd anda party arrived in 
this vicinity and were soon busy surveying lands for Patrick' 1 lenry and 
other i)roniinent \irginians. In this same year surveys were made in 
the \icinity of the present City of Lexington. One of the most ])reten- 
tious of these groups entering the land was James Harrod and forty 
associates, who laid out a town in June, 1774. The leaven was work- 
ing; this region was fast being laid hold of.-* 

In 1773 Daniel Boone, without extensive preparations, set out with 
his family and a few other families who joined him on the way intent 
upon settling permanently in the Kentucky country; but the party was 
so fiercely set u]jon by a band of Shawnees that it was forced to desist 
further efiforts to enter Kentucky at that time. This attack was a stern 
warning that the Indians were becoming increasingly impatient at the 
various groups of ])ioneers threading their way through the Indian coun- 
try and settling down u])on it here and there. War was soon precipi- 
tated by a number of atrocities on both sides. Boone and Michael Stoner 
were dispatched in July, 1774, to the trans-Alleghany region to warn 
the surveying parties and others to return to the Eastern settlements. 
A pioneer army was soon on the march and came upon the main Indian 
forces at Point Pleasant near the mouth of the (ireat Kanawha Ri\er. 
Here was fought a fierce engagement which for a time, it seemed, would 
result in favor of the Indians. But largely due to a flanking movement 
carried out by Isaac Shelby, a young lieutenant, the Shawnees were de- 
feated and forced to make a treaty relinquishing all claim to territory 
south of the Ohio River. This conflict, known as Dunmore's War, set- 
tled the question of the occupation of Kentucky. The gates were now 
open for an in-pouring of hardy pioneers. 

There now appeared prominently a new factor in the appropriation 
and settlement of the trans-Alleghany region, but which was, in fact. 
an expression of an old and widespread movement. This was a land 
company known as the Transylvania Company, reorganized in January, 
1775, out of the Louisa Company, which had itself previously grown 
out of the original "Richard Henderson and Company." Speculation 
and money-making was at the bottom of most of the Western land 
projects. The Ohio and Loyal land companies have been previously 
mentioned. Shortly after these companies had been organized Samuel 
Hazard, a Philadelphia merchant, conceived the project of a colony in 
the West including a vast area of land, and in part embracing most of 
the Kentucky region. This project soon died, but others were in the 
making. The Proclamation I.ine of 1763 seemed for a time to be an 
impassable barrier against further land appropriation beyond the Alle- 
ghanics ; but it was soon evident that such an arbitrary line could not 
withstand the expansive force of the land-hungry pioneer or the cupidity 
of land companies; and, indeed, there was much reason to believe that 
it was intended as only a temporary makeshift. At any rate soon after 
the end of the French and Indian war. the \'andalia project, which in- 
cluded the Kentucky region north of the Kentucky River, was being 
pushed by men of prominence and with good prospects of success. Other 
projects such as the Indiana Company, which did not concern the regions 

< For these various early surveys see C. M. Ambler, Life and Diary nf John 
rioyd (Richmond, 1018), 1.3-15; Collins, History of Kfniucky, I, 510, 511; II, 540- 
^^1'; passim; John Mason Brown, An Address Delivered on the Occasion of the 
Centennial Commemoration of the Toivn of Frankfort, Kentucky, 6th October, 1SS6 
(pamphlet, 38 pp.) ; J. D. Monctte, History of the Discovery of the Valley of the 
.Mississif<f>i (New York. 184S), I. 360, 361; Yearbook. The Kentucky Society of 
Colonial IVars 1917; Reuben T. Durrett, The Centenary of Kentucky (Filson Club 
Publication, Number 7), 30-33. 


south of the Ohio, were fermenting. These schemes ranged from am- 
bitious dreams of new colonies simply to great private land companies. 
Of the latter there were enough. The man who would today be a cap- 
tain of industry was then likely scheming to gain control of great tracts 
of Western lands. Among these was Patrick Henry, who, in 1767, was 
interested in forming a company to secure control of much of the trans- 
Alleghany region of Virginia. The year following the Treaty of Fort 
Stanwix. a large number of petitioners sought of Governor Botetourt 
a tract of land of 60,000 acres laying east of the Ohio "to begin at the 
I'alls of the Cumberland River." The House f)f Burgesses took up the 
question of granting Western lands at this time and assumed a favorable 
altitude toward it.^ 

The Transylvania Company had its inception directly following the 
Treaty of 1763, with Richard Henderson as the moving spirit. Known 
at this time as Richard Henderson & Company, it pursued no definite 
])rogram, but merely kept a watchful eye for opportunities. It undoubt- 
edly sought the aid of wandering hunters and trappers in spying out 
good lands, and it is possible that Daniel Boone was engaged at this 
early time to report on the lands he saw on his numerous trips into the 
western mountains. There is more probability that he had an under- 
standing with Henderson, when he made his extensive hunting trip into 
the Kentucky country in 1769; but there is no absolute proof of his con- 
nection with the Henderson projects until 1773. li he did have an agree- 
ment with Henderson before this time, it certainly was of a very loose 
and perfunctory nature, for the character of Boone's trips into the moun- 
tains and beyond shows that he was impelled by his own uncontrollable 
love of the forest and. the chase and in nowise directed by any other 
force." By 1774. with the reorganization of Richard Henderson & Com- 
pany into the Louisa Company, new life was inspired and a definite pro- 
gram adopted. The change in name was significant : the company, due 
to reports that Boone had brought back from Kentucky regions, was 
now definitely bent on acquiring a portion of the trans-Alleghany coun- 
try. It came prominently before the people when it issued its "Proposals" 
on December 25, 1774, intimating that a new colony was to be set up 
and giving the scale of land prices. The name was changed to the 
Transylvania Company in January. 1775, and efforts were immediately 
undertaken to secure control of the country by a treaty with the Chero- 
kees. who claimed it. Such a treaty was negotiated at the Sycamore 
Shoals and signed on March 17th. by which the Transylvania Company 
was granted all of Kentucky between the Cumberland and Kentucky 
rivers and much of Tennessee.'^ 

^ James R. Robertson, Petitions of the Early Inhabitants of Kentucky (Filson 
Club Publication, Number 27), 35, 36; Alvord, Mississippi Valley in British Poli- 
tics, II, III; G. H. Alden, New Governments West of the Alleghanies before 1780 
(Bulletin of the University of Wisconsin, Historical Series, Vol. 2, No. i), 7-1 1; 

i6-3S; 36-48. 

8 See Archibald Henderson, "The Creative Forces m Westward Expansion : Hen- 
derson and Boone" in American Historical Review, XX, 86-107; Archibald Hender- 
son, The Conquest of the Old Southzcest (New York, 1920), chapters VII-X, 
.Mthough there is no absolute evidence that Boone had any connection with Judge 
Henderson before 1773, surmises that he did arose in the early part of the Nineteenth 
Century. In James Hall, SketcJies of History, Life, and Manners of the West 
(Philadelphia, 1835), I, 242, 243, appears this statement: "But there is some 
reason to believe that even in his first visit to Kentucky, Boone came as the agent 
of some wealthy individuals in North Carolina, who were desirous to speculate in 
these lands, and who selected him to make the first reconnoissance of the country, 
not only because he was an intrepid hunter, but in consideration of his judgment and 
probity. It is certain that he was employed immediately after his return, and that 
he continued for many years to be engaged in the transaction of business for others, 
to the entire neglect of his personal aggrandizement." 

^ Archibald Henderson, "Richard Henderson and the Occupation of Kentucky, 
1775" in Mississippi Valley Historical Review, I, No. 3 (Dec. 1914)1 341-363. 


Even before the treaty with the Cherokecs was concluded, definite 
plans for occupying the country had been formulated and Boone had 
been commissioned to blaze a trail across the mountains. He immediately 
set out with thirty ax-mcn and directly after the treaty was followed 
by Henderson, himself, and a party with pack horses. Boone's i)ioneer- 
ing i)arty after much trouble marked the trail to the Kentucky River 
and began the erection of a fort. But in the meantime 15oone dis'patched 
a message to Henderson telling of Indian attacks and the death of a 
few members of the party, and calling for aid as soon as possible. As 
Henderson i)rocecded he had constant evidence of the unsettled condi- 
tions beyond the mountains. Numerous peo])le were met returning to 
the East, who told of Indian dangers. Some joined Henderson's party, 
while others continued on to the settlements."* A fort was erected on 
the south side of the Kentucky River in what is now Madison County, 
and called Boonesborough, and the ambitious scheme of a Fourteenth 
Colony was entered ui)on in earnest. 

But the troubles from almost every ijuarter began to rise immediately. 
As Transyhania lay in the western stretches of both North Carolina 
and Virginia the o])j)osition of these two colonies was aroused. Even 
before Henderson had made his treaty with the Cherokees, Governor 
Martin of North Carolina issued his proclamation against Henderson's 
scheme, in which he denominated the company "an infamous Company 
of land Pyrates," declared that "a settlement may be formed that will 
become an asylum to the most abandoned Fugitives from the several 
colonies," forbade Henderson to carry his plans further, and warned 
all i^eople to stay out of the project.'-* On March 21, before Boones- 
borough had been founded. Lord Dunmore. governor of Virginia, recited 
in a jiroclamation the manner in which lands could be taken up and de- 
clared that Henderson had not com])lied with the laws. On the contrary. 
he "and other disorderly Persons, his .Associates, under Pretence of a 
Purchase made from the Indians" had laid "Claim to the Lands of the 
Crown within the Limits of this Colony.'' Dunmore then called upon 
"all Justices of the Peace, SheritTs, and other Officers, civil and mili- 
tary, to use their utmost Endeavours to prevent the unwarrantable De- 
signs of the said H cnderson and his Abettors." '" 

But Transylvania was far from the reach of the governors of North 
Carolina and \'irginia and Henderson needed to give little attention to 
this rather distant problem in the face of new troubles pressing for an 
immediate solution. Land was now the lodestone attracting settlers to 
the West, while rivalry for its acquisitions and the certainty of posses- 
sion were points around which all activities turned. In fact an intima- 
tion of the scramble for good lands was seen at the very beginning of 
Boonesborough, when Boone laid off a site for a fort and marked off 
the best lands for the advance party with him. Henderson moved the 
location in order that land drawings might be carried out more advan- 
tageously for his party. Some refused to participate in the allotinents 
and left Boonesborough to take up lands as they desired. Henderson 

'William Calk, who joined Henderson's party, wrote in his journal on .-Vpril 8, 
■■\Vc all pact up & Started Crost Cumberland gap about one o'clock this Day we 
Met a great many peopel turned Back for fear of the indians but our Company 
goes on Still with good courage. ■* '* *" "Journal of William Calk, Kentucky 
Pioneer" in Mississifpi Valh-y Hislorkal Review, VII. \o. 4, (March, lO^i), .VV- 
For part of Hender.son's Journal and Boone's letter see Collins, History of Kentucky, 
II, 408-501. 

"George W. Ranck, Booin'sborouiih (Filson Club Publication, Number 16), 147- 
140; North Carolina Colonial Records, X, 273, 323. This proclamation was issued 
February IQ, 1775- 

1" Ranck, Bonncsborouiih, 181, 182; Aldcn, Nen' Governments West of the Alle- 
(ihanies, 54. A photostatic copy of this proclamation is reproduced in Henderson. 
Conquest of the Old Southwest, opposite page 240. 


made it plain at this time that he would tolerate no land squatting. The 
land question assumed a wider significance and greater importance when 
troubles began brewing among the other settlers who had come out pre- 
vious to Henderson's party. James Harrod had settled Harrodsburg 
during the preceding year, but had been driven in when Dunmore's war 
came. He was now back at Harrodsburg with about fifty men and had 
a rival center of influence set going. Harrod soon had misunderstand- 
ings with Slaughter, who was the leader of another party, and, to settle 
the whole policy of law and order, the Transylvania government was 
soon set up.^^ 

May 23d was designated as the time for the delegates from the four 
principal areas of settlement to come together as a law-making body. 
According to Henderson, "Members or delegates [were to be elected] 
from every place by free choice of Individuals, they first having intering 
into writing solemnly binding themselves to obey and carry into execu- 
tion such Laws as representatives should from time to time make, con- 
curred with by a Majority of the Proprietors present in the Country." ^- 
Representatives were elected from the settlement as follows : From 
Ijoonesborough, six ; and four each from Harrodsburg, Boiling Springs, 
and St. Asaph. At the appointed time the delegates met at Boones- 
borough, where was now established the first pioneer government of 
Anglo-Saxons beyond the Alleghanies, short-lived though it was. Judge 
Henderson, duly impressed by the occasion, delivered an address to the 
convention in keeping with the time-honored custom of a sovereign. He 
had no uncertain visions of the future and he left it not for others to 
tell of the mighty things that were about to transpire in the wilderness. 
He said : "You, perhaps, are fixing the palladium, or placing the first 
corner-stone of an edifice, the height and magnificence of whose super- 
structure is now in the womb of futurity, and can only become great 
and glorious in proportion to the excellence of its foundation. These 
considerations, gentlemen, will, no doubt, animate and inspire you with 
sentiments worthy the grandeur of the subject." He felt the latent dan- 
gers of the situation where the groups of settlers were already beginning 
to resolve into jarring factions, and in his sound admonitions he betrayed 
a lurking fear that the stability of the Transylvania venture depended 
on united action and accord. The people must resolve themselves into 
a governmental unit and support the structure about to be set up. "For," 
he said, "it is not to be supposed that a people, anxious and desirous of 
having laws made — who approve of the method of choosing delegates 
or representatives to meet in general convention for that purpose — can 
want the necessary and concomitant virtue to carry them into execution." 
He took pains to silence any doubts that might be held of the right of 
the Transylvania proprietors to set up a government. "And now, Mr. 
Chairman, and gentlemen of the convention, as it is indispensably neces- 
sary that laws should be composed for the regulation of our conduct, 
as we have a right to make such laws without giving olTense to Great 
Britain or any of the American colonies, without disturbing the repose 
of any society or community under heaven ; if it is probable, nay certain, 
that the laws may derive force and efficacy from our mutual consent, 
and that consent resulting from our own virtue, interest and convenience, 
nothing remains but to set about the business immediately and let the 
event determine the wisdom of the undertaking." He took occasion to 
deny the "infamous and scurrilous libel" that Transylvania was a refuge 
for debtors and persons in desperate circumstances. He called for a 

11 See Henderson's Journal in John R. Commona, U. B. Phillips, and others, 
Dociimenlary History of American Industrial Society (Cleveland, 1910), (Planta- 
tion and Frontier, 1649-1863), II, 225-228; Collins, History of Kentucky, II, 500. 

12 F. J. Turner, "Western State-Making in the Revolutionary Era," in American 
Historical Review, I, 76-81. 



framework of government and for measures to protect the people against 
the Indians." 

The convention replied in a tone of complete accord and agreement, 
and then set to work enacting laws and framing a fundamental compact 
of government. A wide variety of subjects was discussed and nine laws 
finally passed ; also a compact of government, consisting of eighteen 
sections, was agreed upon and accepted by the ])roprietors. Section u 
described in broad outlines the framework:' "That the legislative author- 
ity, after the strength and maturity of the colony will permit, consist of 
three branches, to wit: tiie delegates or representatives chosen by the peo- 
ple; a council not exceeding twelve men, possessed of landed estate, who 
reside in the colony ; and the proprietors." The bills passed were listed 
as follows : 

"ist. An act establishing Courts of Judicature, and regulating the 
[)ractice therein. 

"2d. An act for regulating a militia. 

"3d. An act for the punishment of criminals. 

"4th. An act to prevent profane swearing and Sabbath breaking. 

"5th. An act for writs of attachment. 

"6th. An act for ascertaining clerks' and sheriffs' fees. 

"7th. An act to preserve the range. 

"8th. An act for improving the breed of hf)rses. 

"9th. An act for preserving game." "^^ 

These laws were wise and forward-looking, and bore a most direct 
relation to the problems at hand. In legislating on such subjects as the 
last two, the representatives were far ahead of their day. The last sub- 
ject, that of the preservation of game, was of particular importance and 
interest to the settlers. The inroads made upon wild game had already 
become painfully evident. Henderson observed in his Journal that some 
hunters wounded game and let it escape to die, with benefit to no one. 
"Others." he .said, "of wicked and wanton disposition, would kill three, 
four, five, or half a dozen buffaloes, and not take half a horse-load from 
them all. * * * Pgr want of a little obligatory law, or some restrain- 
ing authority, our game soon, nearly as soon as we get here, if not be- 
fore, was drove very much. Fifteen or twenty miles was a short distance 
as our good hunters thought of getting meat, nay, sometimes they were 
obliged to go thirty, though by chance once or twice a week, a buffalo 
was killed within five or six miles." '^ In his message to the convention 
he also called attention to the needless slaughter of game and asked for 
laws on the subject. It was eminently fitting that Boone should be the 
one to introduce a bill "for preserving game." 

Dissensions and lack of coo])eratit)n among the different groups of 
settlers, apprehensions which Henderson had early entertained, were not 
silenced by this rather out-of-date proprietary form of government set 
up for pioneers with a ijlentiful supply of resource and initiative. Un- 
easiness still remained among many of them over titles to their lands. 
The proclamation of the governors of North Carolina and Virginia were 
anything else but reassuring. People did not care to settle down on land 
:ind later be ejected because the power granting their title be declared 
illegal. The bewildering situation was well set forth by an early writer : 
"The adventurer to the wilds of Kentucky must have possessed a pro- 
phetic spirit, as well as a more than ordinary knowledge, political and 
legal, to have been able to decide between the proprietary rights of the 
Cherokees and the six nations, the Transylvania Company and the state 

"Collins, Hislorv of Kentucky, II, .S02-.qo3. 

i-i For tlic journal of the convention, inchKlinK Henderson's speech, the compact 
of government, etc., sec Collins, Ilislory of Kentucky, II, 501-508; Hall, Sketches 
of the West, I, 272, 274, passim; /Uncrican Archives, Series IV, Vol. IV, S43-S6l- 

" Commons and Phillips, Documentary History, II, 229. 


of \'irginia, the Congress and the crown of Great Britain; and to select 
from so great a number, the lord paramount under whom it would be 
most safe to hold." ^'^ A land office had been early opened, the land sold 
at 20S the lOO acres to each person settling and raising a crop of corn 
before September i, 1775, with the privilege of buying as much as 500 
acres for himself and 250 acres for each tithable person brought along. 
The price was soon raised to 50s the 100 acres and other limitations 
imposed.'" Among these were that 2s quit-rent the 100 acres should be 
paid the proprietors, to begin in 178Q; that no lands should be sold 
adjoining salt springs, gold, silver, copper, lead or sulphur mines, or 
when such lands should be unknowingly granted that one-half the prod- 
ucts should go to the proprietors ; and that not more than 5,000 acres 
should be granted to any person under any circumstances. The pro- 
prietors also preempted 200,000 acres for their own use. Many of the 
settlers, led by Harrod and Abraham Hite, were soon in open opposition 
to this land system and to the Transylvania Company in general. To 
them it seemed as if this vast fertile country was being exploited by a 
small group of avaricious land grabbers. A well-defined hostility was 
now fast growing up, destined to bring about the final downfall of the 

It was soon necessary for the proprietors to take note of the broader 
situation brought about by the outbreak of the Revolution. Boones- 
horough had scarcely been set up when the battle of Lexington took 
place, and all hope of receiving the assent of the king of England for a 
fourteenth colony vanished. But there was now an authority acting in 
the place of the king, and, disregarding Virginia's claim to the Transyl- 
vania territory, the proprietors decided to go directly to the Continental 
Congress in Philadelphia for permission to erect themselves into a sep- 
arate political division. James Hogg was selected by the proprietors 
to present their memorial and seek admission as a delegate from Transyl- 
vania. The memorialists "hope and earnestly request that Transylvania 
be added to the number of the United Colonies, and that James Hogg, 
Esq., be received as their delegate and admitted to a seat in the honor- 
able the Continental Congress." He found various ideas entertained as 
to the project of the proprietors, and not a little sympathy. He talked 
much with John and Samuel Adams, but was warned by the former that 
"the taking under our protection of a body of people who have acted 
in defiance of the king's proclamation, will be looked on as a confirmation 
of that independent spirit with which we are daily reproached." Silas 
Dean, of Connecticut, was much interested and informed Hogg that if 
agreeable arrangements could be made, a number of Connecticut adven- 
turers might be attracted. Hogg wrote the proprietors : "You would be 
amazed to see how much in earnest all these speculative gentlemen are 
about the plan to be adopted by the Transyhanians. They entreat, they 
jiray that we make it a free government, and beg that no mercenary or 
ambitious views in the proprietors may prevent it. Quit-rents, they say, 
is a mark of vassalage, and hope they shall not be established in Transyl- 
vania. They even threaten us with their opposition if we do not act upon 
liberal principles w-hen we have it so much in our power to make our- 
selves immortal." '^ Since Transylvania lay in \'irginia territory, Hogg 
was advised to approach the \'irginia delegation on the subject of its 
separate existence. JeiYerson and Wythe were interviewed, and the 
former observed that \'irginia would very likely set up no hindrances 

i« Hall, Sketches of the West, I, 262. 

»" Virginia Gazette. September 30, 1775. A photostatic copy of the Advertisement 
may be found in Henderson, Conquest of the Old Southwest, opposite page 220. 

18 Turner, "Western State-Making in the Revolutionary Era," in American His- 
torical Review. I, 76-81; Hall, Sketches of the IVest, H, 225; American Archives, 
Series IV, Vol. IV, 544, 545- 


against a government that diti nut become oppressive, but that in any 
event the consent of the Virginia Convention would be necessary before 
Congress could by right deal with the question. Hogg afterwards saw 
Patrick Henry and sought to win his support with the offer of an interest 
in the company, but Henry refused. 

While the proprietcjrs were seeking to gain recognition for Transyl- 
vania, the discontented settlers were not inactive. The leaders in this 
movement kept their grievances constantly before the people, and by 
the end of 1775 had embodied their complaints in a ])etition to the \'ir- 
ginia Convention, entitled "The Petition of the Inhabitants, and some 
of the intended Settlers, of that part of North-America now de- 
nominated Tr.\nsylvania." Herein they spoke of their hardships in 
settling the country and of the grasping policy of the proprietors in 
increasing the prices of land. They were furthermore alarmed by the 
questions that arose in their minds when they learned of the contents of 
the Treaty of Fort Stanwix as to whether tlie proprietors had made a 
valid purchase from the Cherokees. They now feared for the validity of 
their titles. These eighty-eight petitioners ended their plea thus : "And 
as we are anxious to concur in every respect with our brethren of the 
United Colonies for our just rights and privileges, as far as our infant 
settlement and remote situation will admit of, we humbly expect and 
implore to be taken under the protection of the honorable Convention 
of the Colony of Virginia, of which we cannot help thinking ourselves 
still a part, and request your kind interposition in our behalf, that we may 
not suffer under the rigorous demands and impositions of the gentlemen 
styling themselves Proprietors, who, the better to effect their oppressive 
designs, have gi\en them the colour of a law, enacted by a score of men, 
artfully picked from the few adventurers who went to see the country 
last summer, overawed by the presence of Mr. Henderson. And that 
you would take such measures as your Honours in your wisdom shall 
judge most expedient for restoring peace and harmony to our divided 
settlement; or, if your Honours apprehend that our case comes more 
Iiro])erly before the honorable the General Congress, that you would in 
your goodness recommend the same to your worthy Delegates to espouse 
it as the cause of the Colony." '" 

With their power constantly on the wane among the settlers, the pro- 
prietors were forced by this position and the movement it represented to 
take immediate action to nullify its cflect. A long memorial was sent 
to the Virginia Convention in answer to the charges contained in the peti- 
tion of the discontented. The proprietors recited a short account of their 
treaty with the Indians and the hazards and expenses they had undergone 
in setting up Transylvania and noted that numerous adventurers had 
migrated thither "and have continued thereon perfectly satislied with 
the terms and title, until some interested, artful and designing jjcrsons, 
by cunning, specious and false suggestions, with intent to injure and 
o]jpress tiiem, have raised doubts in the minds of some few with res])ect 
to the justice and validity of the title, and consequently of the propriety 
of making payment, according to their original contract and agreement, 
until some objections shall be removed, or themselves better satisfied." 
They admitted that they might be amenable to Virginia or the Continental 
Congress when it came to a question of "the peace, happiness and safety 
of the United Colonies in general, or any of the Colonies in ]iarticular," 
but they conceived that when it came to a matter of "disputes relative 
til ]iri\ate pro])erty," it did "not jjroperly come within the consideration 
or determination of this Convention, or any other Convention or Con- 
gress on the Continent," 'J'hey furthermore stated, having noted the 

^^ American Archives, Scries IV, Vol. VI, 1528, 1529; Collins, History of Ken- 
tucky, II, 510, 511; Hall, Sketches of the West, II, 235-239. 


changed state of affairs with regard to Great Britain, "That as the means 
of acquiring and possessing property is an unahenable right, so such 
Confederacy, Declaration of Independence, or non-allegiance to the King 
of England, or any other Power or State whatever, and declaring our- 
selves to be a free people, does by no means interfere with the rights 
of individuals ; and that every attempt to destroy such idea of property, 
as well with respect to them as others, is injurious, and they hope will 
be considered as infringements on the rights of humanity, and treated 
accordingly." Forgetful now of their former purpose of setting up a 
F^ourteenth Colony, they now declared that they had never harbored any 
such intentions : "That, well aware of the impropriety and danger of 
erecting or suffering a separate Government within the limits or verge 
of another, they do declare they never entertained thoughts of such an 
absurdity, and that their doings, together with the Delegates chosen by 
the inhabitants of Transylvania for the purpose of legislation, were in- 
tended as mere temporary by-laws for the good of their little community, 
and which the necessity of the case, too obvious to need explanation, 
they hope will sufficiently justify; and that, from the beginning, their 
constant attention and tenour of conduct has been to make the benefit 
of their lands as diffusive as possible, and that they now are, and at 
all times have been, ready to submit to such Government as should be 
placed by authority over them, wishing and desiring their case may be 
thought of sufficient importance to call the attention of such power." "'^ 

This position, in fact, represented a long retreat from their former 
stand. They were now willing to sacrifice the glittering jewel of political 
power in order to save the more substantial and valuable right of pri- 
vate property in their vast territory. 

But the situation was fast resolving itself into a solution from causes 
originating in another quarter. There now came prominently onto the 
stage George Rogers Clark, who had been planning the destruction of 
Transylvania for some time and was now soon to succeed. Clark had 
been in the Western country as early as 1773, and was greatly impressed 
with the fertility and attractiveness of the land. He was back surveying 
in 1775, when he came in contact with the Henderson project.-' From 
the beginning he had no sympathy with this scheme to lay hold of the 
best lands of the West, and before the end of the year he returned to 
the East, resolved to put a stop to it. But Clark's plans did not end here. 
Transylvania was far from Eastern X'irginia and he believed a spirit 
of independence was fast developing among its inhabitants. This situa- 
tion called for initiative and daring statesmanship. Destroy Transyl- 
vania, but do not let the advantage of exacting a desirable position from 
Virginia escape. Clark made his plans accordingly. He said : "I im- 
mediately fixed on my plans, that of assembling the people, get them to 
elect deputies and send them to the assembly of Virginia, and treat with 
them Respecting the Country. If Valuable Conditions were procured, to 
declare ourselves Citizens of the State ; otherwise Establish an Inde- 
pendent Government, and by giving away great part of the Lands and 
disposing of the Remainder other ways we could not only gain great 
numbers of Inhabitants, but in good measure protect them to carry this 
scheme into effect." 

Clark had been laying good foundation for his plans, for when the 
proprietors called another convention for April 10 (1776), to sit at Har- 
rodsburg, some of the settlers, fearful that "the proprietors would wish 
to establish some laws which might operate to their disadvantage," re- 
quested that the convention be postponed until a "few men of better 

_-'> American Archives, Series IV, Vol. VI, I573-I575. Paraphrased report in the 
minutes of the Virginia Convention. 

"A. B. Hulbert, Pilots of llic Republic (Chicago, 1906), 171. 


abilitys come among lliem to assist in making such laws." .Might this 
not have reference to Clark, who had not yet returned from the East? 
This convention was never held, but another was. In pursuance of his 
plans, Clark called a convention to meet in Harrodsburg in the early 
part of June, but failed to mention the purpose of the meeting. The 
assembly met and, with Clark absent during most of the lirst day's ses- 
sion, not knowing what else to do, elected him and Gabriel John Jones 
as delegates to the Virginia Assembly and made preparations to draw 
up a petition asking that they be admitted and that this region be erected 
into a county. This was not Clark's purpose at all, but he preferred not 
to balk the proceedings at this stage. It wholly ignored the independent 
position that Clark would have the people assume, and left him no 
grounds to negotiate on. The petitions formulated and other proceedings 
carried out, retrieved in a way the people's former independent stand. 
Transylvania was wholly ignored as a designation for the region in "The 
Humble Petition of the Inhabitants of Kenlucke (or Louisa) River on 
the Western parts of b'incastle County." Other expressions, such as 
"the inhabitants of the nortli and south side of the Kentucke river," were 
used. Henderson was declared to have set up a policy "which does not 
at all harmonize with that lately adojned by the United Colonies." After 
expressing loyalty to the Revolution, the petitioners added : "And we 
cannot but observe how impolitical it would be to Sufi'er such a Re- 
spectable Body of Annie Rille Men to remain in a state of Neutrality." 
As this meeting had wholly repudiated and ignored the Transylvania 
Company, it was felt that some sort of a governing body should be con- 
stituted. The assembly, therefore, set up a Committee of Twenty-one, 
"as it is the request of the inhabitants that we should point out a num- 
ber of men capable and most acquainted with the laws of this Colony 
to act as civil Magistrates. * * *" The petition to the Virginia As- 
sembly noted that the committee had been selected "for, without law 
or authority, vice here could take its full scope, having no laws to re- 
strain, or power to control." -- 

Clark and Jones now set out for Williamsburg, but learned before 
reaching there that the Assembly had adjourned. Jones turned back, 
but Clark continued on to carry out his negotiations with Patrick Henry, 
who was governor at that time. Governor Henry introduced him to the 
Council of State, whom Clark immediately asked for 500 pounds of 
powder for frontier defense. He knew that if Virginia should once 
assume the protection of this region that such action would automatically 
be a disallowance of Henderson's government. The council so sensing 
refused to deliver it to Clark as a representative of the Harrodsburg 
meeting, but agreed to lend him the powder, provided he would stand 
[icrsonally responsible for it. This Clark refused to do. on the ground 
that he did not have the money necessary to purchase it, and added, 
with compelling effect, "that I was sorry to tind th;it we should have to 
seek protection elsewhere which 1 did not doubt of getting that if a Coun- 
trey was not worth protecting it was not worth Claiming iK; &." -* The 
powder was granted and conveyed to Pittsburg, there to remain subject 
to the order of Clark. 

When the Virginia Assembly met in the fall, Clark and Jones were 
on hand, but seats were refused them. However, they secured a victory 

^^ George Rogers Clark Papers, 1771-1781 (Illinois Historical Collections, Vol. 
VIII, Springfield, 1912), edited by J. A. James, 11-13; 14-16; J. M. Brown, Battle 
of the Blue Licks (Frankfort, 1882), booklet, 55 pp. 

-^ Clark Papers, 212, 213. Tliis was most likely an empty threat Clark used, 
knowing tbc cfTect it would have on the Council. However, William Wirt Henry 
believed Clark had the Spaniards in mind; while Lyman C. Draper held that it was 
nothing more than a threat to set up an independent government. See footnote 2, in 
Alden, Nciv Government West of the Alleghanies, 61. 



in the erection of the County of Kentucky out of the western stretches 
of Fincastle. The Hmits were practically the same as the present State 
of Kentucky. According to the act setting it off (December 31, 1776) : 
"All that part thereof which lies to the south and westward of a line 
beginning on the Ohio at the mouth of the Great Sandy Creek and run- 
ning up the same and the main or northeasterly branch thereof to the 
Great Laurel Ridge or Cumberland Mountain, then southwesterly along 
the said mountain to the line of North Carolina shall be one distinct 
county and called and known by the name of Kentucky." It was to 
have the regular county organization and the franchise was to rest in 
"every white man possessing twenty-five acres of land with house and 
plantation thereon." ^* 

This action of the Virginia Assembly in effect sounded the death knell 
of Transylvania. During this session Henderson had been present, fever- 
ishly working to prevent unfavorable action by the Assembly. It was 

Plan of Louisville, 1779, Cy Gb.uK<.ii Rue.Eks Clark, Siiovving Station 
ON Corn Island and on Shore at Floytds 

to a great extent a battle between Clark and Henderson. The beginning 
of the end of Henderson's scheme had already come on June 24 (1776), 
when the \'irginia Convention announced its policy regarding the Tran- 
sylvania lands. It was resolved : "That all persons actually settled on 
any of the said Lands ought to hold the same, without paying any 
pecuniary or other consideration whatever to any private person or per- 
sons, until the said petitions [from the dissatisfied settlers], as well as 
the validity of the titles under such Indian deeds and purchases, shall 
have been considered and determined on by the Legislature of this coun- 
try; and that all persons who are now actually settled on any unlocated 
or unappropriated Lands in Virginia, to which there is no other just 
claim, shall have the preemption or preference in the grants of such 

"Resolved, That no purchases of Lands within the chartered limits 
of Virginia shall be made, under any pretence whatever, from any Indian 

^'^ Robertson, Petitions of the Early Inhabitants of Kentucky, 41. Harrodsburg 
was made the county seat. H. A. Scomp, "Kentucky County Names" in Magazine 
of History, Vol. 7, (1908), 144-154; Mann Butler, A History of the Common- 
wealth of Kentucky (Cincinnati, 1836), 2nd edition, 89; Proceedings of the Ameri- 
can Historical Association, IV, 351, 353. 


tribe or iiatiuii, w iihout ilic apprubatiuii uf the yircjiitia Lej^islature." -•■' 
With the Transylvania government definitely destroyed by the establish- 
ment of the County of Kentucky and with the above land policy an- 
nounced by \'irginia, it only remained for the Transylvania Company to 
fight for private ownership of the vast area they claimed. The \'irginia 
Assembly carried out exhaustive investigations, while Judge Henderson 
on behalf of his conii)any carried on the contest for the recognition of 
ownership. i''inally. on November 4, i/J-S. the Assembly declaretl : "That 
the purchases heretofore made by Richard Henderson and Company, of 
the tract of land called Transylvania, within the commonwealth, of the 
Cherokee Indians, i.s void; but as the said Richard Henderson and Com- 
pany have been at very great exjiense in making the said purchase, and 
in settling the said lands, by which this commonwealth is likely to receive 
great advantage, by increasing its inhabitants, and establishing a barrier 
against the Indians, it is just and reasonable to allow the said Richard 
Henderson and Company a compensation for their trouble and ex- 
pense." -'' Henderson and his associates were finally given 2Ckj,ocxd acres 
in the present State of Kentucky, lying between the Ohio and Green 
rivers. North Carolina ajjpropriated the remainder of the Transylvania 
purchase, lying within her borders, and recompensed the proprietors in 
Powell's Valley. 

The Transylvania proj)rietary idea was too belated lo secure pojnilar 
sujiport. and the scene of its operations, amid a self-willed people there 
through the operations of natural selection, made the project doublv 
hazardous. But the Transylvania Qimpany did a valuable work, and 
it was so recognized by \irginia. The fall of Transylvania was the 
fall of Henderson as the Kentucky state-maker, and the rise of Clark. 

'^^ American Archives, Series IV, Vol. IV, 1044. 
2« Hall, Sketches of the West, I, 277. 


The strategy of the American Revolutionary war as contemplated by 
Great Britain was by no means limited to the area of the seaboard. The 
conduct of the war in the West was a very material and important part 
of her general plan for carrying on the conflict, and she was not long 
in realizing it. The Colonies were much longer in making this realization, 
if, indeed, they ever did fully ; and it was only due to the broad vision 
of George Rogers Clark and to those whom he could interest that Ken- 
tucky and the whole West was not lost to the British and the terms of 
the final treaty of peace vastly changed from what they came to be. 
Kentucky was, in fact, the keystone to the Western arch. Had the hardy 
pioneers faltered in their determination to hold their new homes, the back- 
door to Virginia would have been thrown open for the inroads of the 
Indians and their British allies, and many troops would have been diverted 
from the major operations on the seaboard to repel these new invasions. 

The isolated raids by the Indians during 1775 and their greater fre- 
quency and persistence during the following year gave indication enough 
that events were shaping themselves for a general war in the West. The 
British in Detroit under Lieut-Gov. Henry Hamilton early saw the 
advantage of arraying the Indians against the outlying settlements, and 
undeterred by the barbarities sure to accompany savage warfare, had in 
the fall of 1776 held councils with the northwestern tribes for the pur- 
pose of cementing an alliance against the Americans. There was soon let 
loose on the frontiers a war of virtual extermination, for which the British 
were largely to blame, but in which the pioneers were little behind 
their opponents in cunning and severity. Hamilton to the frontiersmen 
represented the sum total of all villanies. and was popularly known as 
the '"hair-buyer" on account of the general belief that he paid the Indians 
for the scalps they took.^ 

John Bowman, being the County Lieutenant of Kentucky, was tech- 
nically the military leader of the western settlers i^ but George Rogers 
Clark came, in fact, to be the most outstanding military figure in the 
West. As has been already noted, he assumed virtual leadership when 
he maneuvered Virginia into granting him 500 pounds of powder in the 
fall of 1776. Having succeeded in getting Kentucky erected into a county 
organization. Clark and Jones set out for Pittsburg to convey the powder 
down the Ohio. They reached the mouth of Limestone Creek without 
any serious mishap, despite the fact that tlney were pursued by the 
Indians. Using a little strategy they eluded the enemy, hid their cargo 
on the banks of the Limestone, and i^roceeded to Harrodsburg to secure 
aid. They had gone only a short distance when they met surveyors, who 
informed Clark that a sufiicient number of men could be gathered up 
in. the neighborhood to safely convey the powder to the settlers. Jones 
remained to supervise the work, while Oark, piloted by Simon Kenton, 
who had already largely identified himself with this region, proceeded on 
to Harrodsburg by the way of McClelland's Fort. Jones with the aid 

1 Theodore Roosevelt. The IViiwing of the West (New York, 1897), 11, 1-7. 
~ Collins, History of Kentuckv, I, 10. 



of Col. John Todd and his surveyors proceeded to the banks of the Lime- 
stone where they were suddenly attacked by a band of Indians led by 
the Mingo Oiief, Pluggy. Jones and another man were killed and two 
were captured. The remainder escaped to McClelland's Fort where they 
were soon joined by Clark and Kenton on their return. The Indians not 
content with their first victory now closed in on the fort, but meeting 
unexpected resistance soon withdrew with the loss of their chief. This 
attack took place on the New Year Day of 1777. McQelland's Fort was 
soon abandoned, and these and other scattered settlers began to concen- 
trate south of the Kentucky River or to thread their way back to the 
Eastern settlements. 

The frontiersmen now organized their activities to the smallest detail 
on a war basis. The lives of men, women, and children were all regu- 
lated by the exigencies of war and defense. All were grouped in a fort 
or barricaded settlement within one enclosure, with cabins, stockades, and 
block-houses. The cabins formed the walls of at least one side of the 
fort, or in some instances possibly all sides. Stockade walls of strong 
timbers completed the enclosure where there were no cabins. The outer 
walls of the cabins extended perpendicularly to the top and the roof 
sloped down inward. The cabins were separated from one another by 
log partitions and consisted generally of one room with the ground as a 
floor or sometimes puncheon. At each angle of the fort (and they were 
generally quadrilateral) there was a block-house with the upper story 
protruding from one to two feet in every direction. Portholes were cut 
at convenient places in all the outer walls of the fort. A large folding 
gate was made on the side nearest the water supply. The wilderness was 
cleared back for a way on all sides, both to secure protection against sud- 
den Indian surprises as well as to provide fields for corn, pumpkins, 
melons, and garden products. 

The men cultivated the fields, carried out hunting expeditions into 
the surrounding forests, and fought the Indians. The women and chil- 
dren busied themselves with the many tasks in and about the fort, helped 
in planting and harvesting, and always stood ready to aid in repelling 
Indian attacks. The simple furnishings of the cabins were for the most 
part the handiwork of the frontiersmen, themselves, with now and then 
a few articles brought out from the Eastern settlements. Their dress 
was simple but substantial ; the hunting shirt was a distinctive part of 
their clothing. The restricted lives of the people were not wholly unin- 
teresting nor without their pleasures. The ever-present Indian dangers 
provided excitement enough of its kind ; and the manners and customs in 
the forts were so shaped as to minister to many a want and craving for 
social outlets. Games and sports were indulged, and marriages were 
made and celebrated. The children were taught in a rudimentary way 
to read and write. 

Warfare ranged around these forts as centers. They were constantly 
the object of attack by the crafty bands of Indians who lurked in the 
forests waiting to cut off someone who ventured too far out. They were 
also at times besieged in force. The hunters abroad in the forests to 
replenish the meat supply were now and then killed or captured and at 
all times were required to exercise the utmost vigilance. The adept 
were equal to the Indians in cunning and woodscraft. This warfare was 
marked by many an unchronicled combat between small parties as well 
as by larger engagements that approached organized warfare. In every 
instance individual initiative and daring were prime requisites and were 
always present in the successful frontier fighter.' 

'For a description of frontier life and customs, see Daniel Drake, Pioneer Life 
in Kentucky (Cincinnati. 1S70) ; Joseph Doddridge, Notes on the Settlement of 
West Virginia, etc. (Wellsburg, 1824") ; Collins, History of Kentucky. It, 28-31. 


Witli the coming of the spring of 1777, the British in Detroit began 
concerted action with the Indians to lay waste the Kentucky settlements 
and to destroy the inhabitants or drive them back to the East. In this 
way could the British maintain their good standing with the Indians by 
restoring to them their hunting grounds, and by this action they would 
also lay open the frontiers of Virginia to attack. The first blow fell on 
Harrodsburg. In early March the approach of the Indians was revealed 
by their sudden attack on a group of surveyors near the fort. Only one 
escaped to give the alarm. Harrodsburg was immediately put in a state 
of defense, and the approach of the enemy was anxiously awaited. The 
Indians began their attack a few days later with customary trickery 
which however failed, and rather than conduct a long siege, which was 
never the Indian method, they suddenly vanished into the forests.* But 
their purpose was not to leave Kentucky ; in the middle of April they 
suddenly appeared before Boonesborough, more than fifty strong, and 
began an assault on the settlers, who could not muster more than twenty- 
two riflemen. The defenders received the attack with such coolness that 
after two days the Indians withdrew, but not before taking one scalp 
and wounding four whites, one of whom was Boone. Having failed in 
their purpose here, the Indians next attempted to capture Logan's Fort, 
which they suddenly assailed on May 20. The initial onset resulted in 
the death of one settler, and the wounding of two others, one mortally. 
As the gates of the stockade were closed against the Indians it was seen 
with horror that one of the wounded had been left outside. With great 
daring and coolness Logan rescued him amid a rain of bullets. The 
Indians now began a close watch on the fort, ready to shoot any settler 
so fool-hardy as to expose himself. As ammunition ran low, Logan with 
two companions slipped away to the Holston settlements and returned 
with supplies. The siege was finally terminated by the approach of 
Colonel Bowman with a hundred men. In the meantime a party of 
Indians had attacked Boonesborough a second time, in July, but the 
defenders were on their guard and beat off their assailants and succeeded 
in slaying a half dozen of them.^ 

As far as the destruction of the Kentucky settlements was concerned, 
the British and Indians had failed ; however, they had showed the settlers 
the extreme dangers that surrounded them and had steeled the hearts of 
many to resist to the end. During the summer they had been cheered 
by tjie arrival of parties from the Holston settlements to help in the 
struggle; but these forces had returned after a few weeks. However 
several parties of immigrants came out to settle permanently. By the 
end of 1777, the small outlying stations had all been abandoned and the 
people had concentrated for better defense into four chief forts, Boones- 
borough, Harrodsburg, Logan's Fort and McGarry's Station at Shawnee 
Springs. There were, in all, about five or six hundred permanent settlers, 
with about one half able bodied riflemen.^ 

Clark's vision of the Western situation was broad and far-seeing. 
He earlv began to believe that there would be an interminable period 
of hostilities in Kentucky, or the settlements would be destroyed, unless 
efforts should be made to reach the trouble at its source. The swarming 
hordes of Indians from north of the Ohio clearly pointed to the solution : 
the British, who were responsible for this warfare, must be attacked in 

For a drawing of the fort at Boonesborough, see among others Henderson, Con- 
quest of the Old Southwest, opposite page 56. 

< Marshall, History of Kentucky. I, 48, 49; Collins, History of Kentucky, II, 
611, 612. 

= Roosevelt, IVImiing of the West, II, 13, 14; Marshall, History of Kentucky, 
I, 49-55; Winsor, Westward Movement, in. 

" These figures differ from those given in many other places. For an explana- 
tion see Roosevelt, Winning of the West, II, 18, footnote. 


their strongholds. Early in the summer of 1777, Clark had sent spies 
into the Illinois countrj' to find out the strength of the British there and 
to note the disposition of the French settlers. In this manner he learned 
that the French settlers ^vere inclined to be friendly to the Americans, 
and with other favorable information he resolved to carry out a bold 
stroke against the British posts. But for so important an undertaking. 
he, of course, could not depend upon the limited resources of the Ken- 
tucky settlements. It was to be an important part of the Revolution, in 
which all the states should be interested, and Virginia especially. 

Dn October i, 1777, Clark set out for W'illiamsburg, bent on secur- 
ing the aid of Virginia in carrying out the conquest of the Northwest. 
He saw Governor Henry, laid his plans before him, and asked for men 
and money. Governor Henry was almost staggered by Clark's bold 
designs, and oflFered the opinion that whereas such an expedition would 
be of great value if it succeeded, still there was much danger and likeli- 
hood that the party would be destroyed before it should go far. How- 
ever he agreed to call together Thomas Jefferson, George Wythe, and 
George Mason, in order that Clark might lay his plans before them. 
Clark's power of persuasion and reputation as an intrepid and successful 
fighter won for him. An order was issued to the Virginia Council to give 
Clark the necessary aid as soon as possible. As secrecy was necessary for 
surprise, and as only by this method could the most hopeful expect the 
expedition to succeed, two sets of instructions were issued. According 
to the public announcement Clark was ordered to enlist seven companies 
of men for three months to proceed to Kentucky ostensibly for the de- 
fense of the settlements there. The situation and the clamoring of the 
people for protection made this procedure perfectly logical. But on the 
same day on which this order was issued (January 2, 1778), a set of 
private instructions were handed Clark in which he was authorized "to 
proceed with all convenient Speed to raise Seven Companies of Soldiers 
to consist of fifty men each officered in the usual manner armed 
most properly for the Enterprise, with this Force attack the British 
post at Kaskasky." He was further instructed to lay hold of any artillery 
he might take in the enemy's country, and to show humanity to British 
subjects and all others who might fall into his hands. He was to use 
his power of kindness and persuasion to detach the people around the 
British posts from British allegiance and offer them the protection of 
Virginia.'' Governor Henry seems to have been completely won over 
to this undertaking in all its boldness. On January 15, he addressed a 
letter to Clark, in which he said, "What I have in View is that your 
Operations should not be confined to the Fort and the Settlement at the 
place mentioned in your recent Instructions [Kaskaskia] but that you 
proceed to the Enemy's Settlements above or across as you may find it 
proper." * 

Clark immediately set about raising his troops with great zeal and 

' Col. George Rogers Clark's Sketch of His Campaign in the Illinois in 
1778-0 (Cincinnati, i860). CS. passim. This is in the form of a letter from Clark 
to George Mason, dated November IQ, 1779. For other accounts of the Clark 
Expedition, see \V. H. English, Conquest of the Country Nortlmest of the River 
Ohio. 177R-1783; and Life of Gen. George Rogers Clark (Indianapohs, 1896), 2 
vohimes. Clark's Memoir is reprinted in this work. For an estimate of the trust- 
worthiness of this document, see James A. James, "The Value of the Memoir of 
General Georce Ropers Clark as an Historical Document" in Proceedings of the 
Missi.'rsippi Valley Historical Association, 1016-1917, 249-270. Another source is 
Clark's journals, a cojiy of which may be found in the American Historical Rez'ieiv, 
I, 91-94. Clark's diary, another source of importance, mav be found in J. A. 
James, George Rogers Clark Papers, 1771-1781 (Illiiinis Historical Collections, 
Vni). A copy of Bowman's Journal, which covers the campaign from January 
29 to March 20. 1779, may be found in EuRlish, Conquest of the Northwest, I. 
James, George Roqers Clark Papers is the best single volume of sources. 

» Ibid., 38. 


much haste. Jefferson, Wythe, and Mason, were very anxious to have 
Clark succeed quickly in raising a force, and in order to make his service 
particularly attractive to a people who had already been com.bed many 
times for fighters, suggested to him that he offer three hundred acres of 
land in the territory yet to be conquered to the privates and a proportional 
amount to officers. Despite Oark's ceaseless activity, he found great 
difficulty in raising his men. He had promised Governor Henry to enlist 
his men in Carolina, Kentucky, and the frontiers generally and when 
he sought men too far to the eastward in Virginia he received orders 
from the governor to desist.' The Holston settlements promised him 
four companies to be sent to join him in Kentucky, but only one company 
actually went and of these only a dozen took service with Oark. Finally 
in May (1778) he left the Redstone settlements with 150 men, together 
with a number of private adventurers and families of immigrants. He 
took on stores at Pittsburg and Wheeling and drifted on down the Ohio 
with his little flotilla. He first considered establishing a post at the 
mouth of the Kentucky River, but with better judgment concluded to 
set up headquarters at the Falls of the Ohio. Here some of the immi- 
grants remained to establish the Town of Louisville, while others wandered 
off into the interior. Clark had been joined by a few troops on his way 
down the Ohio, but he had hoped to receive considerable additions from 
Kentucky. In this he was disappointed, as only Simon Kenton and one 
other left the stations to accompany him. This refusal of Kentuckians 
to join him was due to the fact that at this very time the settlements 
were on the verge of an Indian attack in force, and rightly did they 
refuse to leave their women and children to the mercy of the invaders. 
Although Clark's men in the beginning were not Kentuckians, they almost 
to a man became identified with Kentucky later. 

On June 24, Oark shot the rapids with four small companies, com- 
manded by John Montgomery, Joseph Bowman, Leonard Helm, and Wil- 
liam Harrod and continued down the Ohio to an island not far below the 
mouth of the Tennessee where he prepared to take the overland trip to 
Kaskaskia.**' At this point six hunters lately come from Kaskaskia were 
run upon, and one of these Clark engaged to pilot his expedition to the 
British fort. Direct information of the strength of the British was thus 
secured, and it was apparent that a surprise was the sole method of win- 
ning against the British garrison. The march over one hundred and 
twentv miles of swamps and difficult roads was immediately begun. At 
one time the hunter lost his bearings and the expedition was floundering 
in confusion; but Gark's threats against the guide, and good fortune 
soon set them on the right road again, and on July 4, thev reached the 
Kaskaskia River three miles from the fort. Then according to Clark, 
"I immediately divided my little army into two divisions, ordered one 
to surround the town, with the other I broke into the fort, secured the 
Governor, Mr. Rochblave. in fifteen minutes had every street secured, 
sent runners through the town ordering the people on pain of death, 
to keep close to their houses, which they observed, and before daylight 
had the whole town disarmed." A dance and merry-making had been 
going on within the fort, and Oark had been able to take the garrison 
and town by complete surprise. Otherwise the outcome might have been 
very different as Rochblave had an effective force two or three times the 
size of Oark's. The Americans were yet in a dangerous situation as 
Cahokia and Vincennes still remained in the hands of the British and 
Kaskaskia might carry out a sudden uprising. With great cunning and 
diplomacy Clark harangued the inhabitants, telling them how he might 

' American Historical Reviezv, VIII, 495. 

'" Qark did not continue farther by water through fear that his presence might 
be detected and information conveyed to the British. 

Vol. 1—16 


carry out the utmost rij^ors of war against tliem, but ending up by ])roin- 
ising them full protection should they remain peaceable and sup[X)rt the 
American cause. He also promised the Catholics full religious liberty, 
and thereby won the strong sup{X)rt of Pierre Gibault, the priest in charge. 
Clark was also able to use with good effect on the French settlers the 
news of the alliance lately made between the Americans and France. 

Clark now set about systematically securing the other British posts. 
He sent Captain Bowman with some volunteer French militia against 
Cahokia, a post on the Mississippi a few miles below St. Louis, who took 
possession of it without resistcnce. Clark now sent Kenton with dis- 
patches to the Falls of the Ohio and also with instructions to spy out con- 
ditions in and around V'incennes. Kenton si)ent a few days in and about 
the post, and sent a messenger back to Clark telling him that the hVench 
inhabitants were well disposed to the Americans. With such conditions 
prevailing there Clark decided to take advantage of Pierre Gibault's offer 
to go to Vincennes and endeavor to persuade the i>eoi)le to throw off their 
British allegiance. On the 14th of July, Gibault set out with an in- 
tluential F'renchman of Kaskaskia and Lieutenant Helm, who was to 
act as military governor of the post if the negotiations should succeed. 
On reaching Vincennes a few days of quiet explanation among the in- 
habitants was carried out, which resulted in the French throwing off 
their British allegiance and joining the American cause. The British 
flag was taken down, the American flag was run up, and the few British 
officers escaped. Thus was Vincennes taken without a struggle, thanks 
to the strategy of Clark and the diplomacy of the French leaders. 

Clark was now in a jxjsition of great difficulty, despite the complete 
success that had been his so far. He was far from re-enforcements or 
any sort of aid that might be sent him from Virginia, and just at this very 
time the term of enlistments of his soldiers was running out. Without 
the individual choice of his men, he would soon be automatically with- 
out an army. Here he used another of those strategems, which he was 
so adept in devising. By presents and promises he was able to enlist a 
hundred of them for a further period of eight months, and with these 
he made showy preparations of departing for Virginia. The French be- 
came alarmed at this sudden abandonment of them, and begged him to 
stay. With apparent great reluctance he finally agreed to remain, and 
out of the enthusiasm stirred up among the inhabitants he succeeded in 
enlisting enough young Frenchmen to fill his four companies again. He 
also took occasion to make friends with the Spaniards in St. Louis and 
in the other posts beyond the Mississippi. Perhaps the most pregnant 
danger was the hordes of Indians who visited the posts and had been 
liangers-on to the British. Clark gathered representatives of almost every 
tribe throughout the Northwest at Cahokia, and there with consummate 
skill, at one time severe and uncompromising and at others friendly and 
merciful, comjjletely won over the respect and support of the Indians. 

During this time the British were not idly looking on a scene which 
showed a complete destruction of their power in the Northwest. Hamil- 
ton immediately on Clark's victories set feverishly to work collecting food 
and ammunition, enlisting men and winning over the Indians. Early in 
October O779) he set out from Detroit with one hundred and seventy- 
seven whites and soon succeeded in gathering up enough Indians to make 
a force of five hundred men. He went bv water through the Great I^kes 
to the MatuTiec, flowing into Erie, and followed up this stream to its head, 
crossed the j)ortage into the W;d)ash, and after great hardshi])s and diffi- 
culties, succeeded in reaching Vincennes. The French garrison went over 
without a struggle and Helm and his one or two Americans were forced 
to surrender. Hamilton now conceived a bold plan of destroying Clark 
and his little force in Kaskaskia, and with a force of a thousand whites 


and Indians, march against Kentucky. The only hazard that lay between 
him and the complete destruction of the American power throughout the 
West was Clark; for had the latter been defeated, there is little question 
that he would have succeeded in battering to pieces the Kentucky forts 
with his cannon. When he took Vincennes he had a force about five times 
tiie size of Oark's effective troops, and had he been able to reach Clark 
at this time he might easily have succeeded. But it was now December, 
and the route to Kaskaskia lay across a most difficult country, so uninvit- 
ing that Hamilton resolved to await the coming of spring to destroy Clark. 

When the news of Hamilton's capture of Vincennes reached Kas- 
kaskia the French were in great terror, and although loyal to the Ameri- 
cans they let Clark know they were unwilling to fight the British through 
fear of dire consequences. Hamilton now settled down to spend a com- 
fortable winter in Vincennes, awaiting the time when he should proceed 
to the destruction of Clark. He allowed his forces to disintegrate to 
only a hundred or two. Intelligence of this situation was conveyed to 
Clark by Francis Vigo, a St. Louis trader, whom Hamilton had im- 
prisoned and later released. Clark now saw his chance; but only a leader 
of Clark's intrepidity and daring would ever have had the hardihood to 
attempt it. He began preparations to attack Vincennes in the dead of 
winter, and two days before he began his march he wrote Governor 
Henry, "Being sensible that withotat reinforcements, which at present I 
have hardly a right to expect, I shall be obliged to give up the Country 
to Mr. Hamilton without a turn of fortune in my favour, I am resolved 
to take advantage of the present situation and risque the whole in a 
single battle. I shall set out in a few days, with all the force I can raise 
of my own troops, and a few militia that I can depend on, amounting 
in the whole to only 170 * * * men * * * j know the case 

is desperate, but Sir! we must either quit the country or attack Mr. 
Hamilton * * * . In case we fall * * * ^j^jg country as well 
as Kentucky I believe is lost * * * " 

Clark had now decided to do the very thing which Hamilton had con- 
sidered next to impossible, and in this very fact lay the possibility of 
surprise which was necessary if Clark was to succeed. In early Feb- 
ruary he set out with his Americans and a few French volunteers across 
a country ofl^ering almost insurmountable obstacles. The cold winter had 
given way to warmer weather, and the melting ice and snow had flooded 
the streams running across his path and had made great inland seas out 
of the small river systems. Qark sent as a forerunner a boat with two 
four-pounders and forty-six men to force its way up the Wabash and 
await further orders at the mouth of the White River. The main forces 
marching across country surmounted many dangers and endured many 
hardships ; but when they reached the valley of the Wabash they found 
a country flooded for miles in every direction, with a hillock here and 
there rearing itself above the water. Over the shallow jjarts the men 
waded often up to their necks in the chilly waters, and over the main 
channels it was necessary to use boats hurriedly constructed for the 
purpose. At times Clark was able to spur his men on by the most reck- 
less daring on his part, going first as an example to his men ; at other 
times he threatened with death the timid who would turn back. As 
they approached Vincennes, a few captives were taken, and Clark made 
use of a ruse in this connection. Realizing the desperate situation he 
was in, and knowing that should he be discovered before he could attack, 
he with his force would hkely be destroyed, he sent forward a message 
by a captive to the French inhabitants warning them that they should 
go to their homes or join Hamilton in the fort, for if they should be found 
in the streets during the attack they would be considered enemies and 
would be dealt with accordingly. Among them this announcement spread 


terror, for they could not conceive that Clark had marched across the 
supposedly impassable country from Kaskaskia ; and they, therefore, con- 
cluded that Clark had come from Kentucky with a great army. They 
repaired to their homes without informing the British in the fort, and 
on Clark's arrival, he found Hamilton wholly unsuspecting. After de- 
ploying his troops in two groups, and after a hit of skirmishing in which 
Hamilton was taken completely by surprise, a parley was held between 
Clark and Hamilton, which resulted in the surrender of the British. 
Hamilton and the whole garrison became prisoners of war. Most of the 
prisoners were ]Kiroled ; but Hamilton and twenty-six others were sent to 
\'irginia. The party in the gunboat did not arrive until two days after 
the fort had been taken. 

This brilliant campaign ])Ut the British fortunes at a low ebb in the 
West, and saved Kentucky from the almost inevitable subjugation that 
awaited her. Clark struck terror to the Indians, and their disaffection to 
the I'.ritish became so general that on the admission of the British, them- 
selves, only the Sioux remained loyal." Though Clark's campaign played 
no big part in the peace negotiations, it certainly stands to reason that 
without this conquest of the Northwest, the boundary of the United 
States might have been fixed at the Ohio River; or indeed, conditions 
might easily have shaped themselves in such a way that the Americans 
would have been forced to accept the Alleghanies as the western boun- 
dary. Qark put the following estimate on the activities of the W'estern 
forces : " * * * y,^^^ j j^now and always knew that this Department 
was of more real Service to the united States than half of all their Fron- 
tier Posts, and have proved of great importance by engaging the atten- 
tion of the Enemy that otherwise woul<l have spread Slaughter & Devas- 
tation through out the more Interior Frontier, deprived them of giving 
any assistance to our Eastern Armies, and more then probable, the Alle- 
ghany would have been our I'.oundary at this time." '^ 

But in the meantime, while Clark was busily carrying forward his 
conquest, of the Northwest. Kentucky was being sorely beset by the 
Indians, aided by the liritish. While Clark was raising his forces in 
Virginia to go on his Kaskaskia expedition, Hamilton in Detroit was 
stirring u]) the Indians to make a raid against Boonesborough. Two 
French Canadians were sent off to engage as many .Shawnees as pos- 
sible for the expedition, and soon about a hundred Indians were on 
the march southward. On February 7, 1778, they came suddenly upon 
Daniel Boone, who had established a camp of salt-makers at the Lower 
Blue Licks, and made him prisoner.!^ They soon came upon the main 
party of twenty-seven, whom Boone advised to surrender. The Indians 
now in the possession of so likely a lot of prisoners gave up the expedi- 
tion against Boonesborough. as Boone had contemplated when he ordered 
his party to surrender, and retraced their steps to Detroit. Here the 
Indians receiving rewards for their prisoners, handed them over to the 
British. But they had taken so strong a liking to Boone that they refused 
to give him up. even for a hundred pounds sterling, which Hamilton 
offered them. The Indians now adopted Boone as a member of their 
tribe, going through with a most trying ceremony for their new member. 
Boone was carried back in Old Chillicothe, and according to all outward 
appearances he had become a good Indian ; but he was secretly meditat- 
ing his escape and cleverly preparing for it. 

Finallv in lune (177?^) he saw unmistakable signs of a formidable 

"James A. James, "To What Extent was George Ropers Clark in Military 
Control of the Northwest at tlic Close of tlic American Revolution?" in AniuKil 
Report of the American Historical Assncialion, 1917, p. .^l6. 

'-James, Clark Papers, ^gy. Clark to county officers in Kentucky, Sept. 5, 1781. 

" T/i<? Revolution on the Upper Ohio, \77^-l777, edited by R. 0. Twaites and 
I.. P. Kellogg, Draper Series, II (Madison, 1908), 17s, 177, 187, 188, passim. 


expedition preparing against Boonesborough, and he resolved to escape 
and carry the warning. On June i6, he escaped and four days later 
reached Boonesborough a distance of i6o miles. Instead of being received 
with joy by all, Boone was immediately confronted with charges of trea- 
son for having surrendered his party at the Blue Licks. A court martial 
was held later, and Boone not only succeeded in establishing his innocence, 
but was elevated in rank. As the attack that Boone expected did not 
come, he grew tired of waiting, and getting together a party of nineteen 
made a foray into the Scioto country, where he soon learned that a for- 
midable expedition was at that time marching on Boonesborough. He 
hurriedly retraced his steps, and succeeded in passing the enemy and 
reaching the fort the day before the attack. This was in fact a bold 
attempt on the part of the British to detach Kentucky from the Americans 
by trickery and bribery, failing which, systematic subjugation should 
be carried out. Lieutenant de Quindre with eleven other French 
Canadians had gathered together more than four hundred Indians, mostly 
Shawnees, and well supplied with arms and ammunition and bearing aloft 
the British and French flags they appeared before Boonesborough, and 
demanded the surrender of the fort. Boone asked for two days in which 
to consider the situation, during which time he made every preparation 
for a siege, although there were only seventy-five men in the fort. When 
the time had expired, Boone answered with derision, thanking the enemy 
for the time they had given him to put the fort in readiness. De Quindre 
still hoping to get possession of the fort without a fight, asked for a treaty 
parley. Boone, rightly suspicious of the enemy's actions, agreed to send 
out a party to treat, but demanded that the conversations be carried on 
near the walls of the fort. With each undoubtedly suspecting the other 
of trickery, a treaty of unknown terms was signed, whereupon the In- 
dians suggesting that it should be sealed by shaking hands, seized Boone 
and his men and attempted to hold them prisoners. The defenders freed 
themselves and fled to the fort under a heavy fire from the Indians. 
Having failed in their trickery, the Indians now began an attack in which 
different plans were resorted to to gain the fort. At one time torches 
were thrown against the stockades in an attempt to set the fort on fire; 
at other times efforts were made to tunnel under the stockade. This latter 
plan was checkmated by counter-tunnelling by those within the fort. 
Finally after nine days of fruitless attacks, the French and Indians 
abandoned the fight. This was the last siege of Boonesborough. Had it 
succeeded it might easily have led to the subjugation of the other posts 
in Kentucky, and to the complete destruction of the settlement.** 

Desultory Indian attacks and scattered raids continued, and gradually 
became so unbearable that Lieutenant John Bowman in May, 1779, decided 
to lead an expedition into the Indian country to punish the marauders. 
Aided by Logan, Harrod, and other famous frontier fighters he gathered 
a force of one hundred and sixty Kentuckians and marched on Chillicothe. 
He surprised the town, burned a number of cabins, and captured a few 
horses ; but the Indians suddenly rallied and succeeded in inflicting a de- 
feat on the whites. Nine of Bowman's men were killed; whereas only 
two Indians lost their lives. Although this reverse caused much mortifi- 
cation among the Kentuckians, the expedition served a very valuable 
purpose. It threw the Indians into a state of terror, and broke up for 
the time an attempt that was forming to invade Kentucky. 

1* It has been stated by some writers that the treaty contained provisions re- 
nouncing American allegiance and renewing loyalty to the British. See W. H. 
Siebert, "Kentucky's Struggle with its Loyalist Proprietors" in Mississifipi Valky 
Historical Reincw, VII, No. 2 (September, 1920), 117. Also see Roosevelt, 
Winning of the West, II, 20-22; McEIroy, Kentucky in the Nation's History, 
77-85; Marshall, History of Kentucky, I, 58-62; Collins, History of Kentucky, II 
528, 529; American Historical Review, VIII, 505. 


Having by the beginning of 1779 secured control of much of the 
Northwest, Clark set about consolidating his gains as far as it was 
possible with the scanty forces at his command. He left small garrisons 
in Vincenncs, Kaskaskia, and Cahokia, and by the latter part of April 
had turned over this region to John Todd, who had been recently appointed 
civil governor by the authority of \'irginia. By a broad view of the 
situation in the Northwest Clark saw that the fight was only half won. 
.\s long as the British held Detroit, Sandusky, and Mackinac, as well 
as other Northwest posts, there could be no peace in the West, and indeed 
there could be no certain security for the gains already made. The 
capture of Detroit became an obsession with him ; indeed, he had seen 
the great desirability of marching upon it immediately after he had 
captured \incennes. It was a forlorn hope at this time, however, as he 
did not possess sufficient forces, and there was no likelihood of obtaining 
them soon. He later declared, "Had I been able to raise only five hun- 
dred men when I first arrived in the country, or when I was at St. 
\'incent's could 1 have secured my prisoners, and only have had three 
hundred good men, 1 should have attempted it." '^ On November 19, 
1779, he bemoaned the situation in a letter to George Mason, "Never was 
a person more mortitied than I was at this time, to see so fair an ojjportun- 
ity to push a victory; Detroit lost for want of a few men." '" 

In the summer of 1779, Clark returned to Kentucky and resumed his 
headquarters at the Falls of the Ohio. The families that had followed 
him out on his expedition and had settled down here had begun a town, 
which was now growing fast. His reputation had spread far, and his 
identification with Louisville, as this town was called, caused many 
families to settle here. It was reported that in one day in April no less 
than seventy men and several families arrived." Much real progress 
was now settling in throughout this whole region ; but the extreme 
severities of the winter of 1779-1780 were enough to try the souls of 
the most hardy. This season was long remembered as the winter when 
wild animals died in the forests of starvation and exposure, or were 
tamed by hunger to come into the yards of the pioneers. 

The military situation in the West commanded the constant attention 
of Clark, who was looked upon as a protector for this region. One of 
the early concerns of Clark was to erect a fort near the mouth of the Ohio. 
The strategic importance of this point had been previously noted in 
Clark's instructions to prepare for his Northwest expedition. Governor 
Henry at this time suggested that the fort might be supplied with cannon 
which he expected Clark to capture at Kaskasia. Up until the fort was 
actually built, the project was constantly in the mind of Clark and the 
Virginia authorities. In September, 1779, Clark wrote Jefferson that 
such a fort "would Amediately become the key of the whole Trade of 
the Western Countrey and well Situated for tlie Indian department in 
(ieneral Besides Many Salutary effects it would Rcndr during the War 
by Awing our Enemies the Chickasaws and the posts on the 
Mississippi." "* In the spring of 1780, Clark set up the fort naming it 
Fort Jefferson, and succeeded in inducing a number of families of immi- 
grants to take up land nearby. He hoped to bring out at lea.^t one 
hundred families "as they are always followed by two or three times 
their number of young men." Knowing the propensities of the Indians 
to exaggerate, he believed they would carry the report to the British 
that at least three times the actual number were there.'" As Clark be- 

'=^ Butler, History of Kentucky, 87. 

'"James A. James, "George Rogers Clark and Detroit" in Proceedings of 
Mississil'pi Valley Historical Association, III, (1909-1910) 291-317. 

" Ibid. 

18 James, Clark Papers, 365. Letter dated September 23. 

^"Calendar of Virginia State Papers (Richmond, 187s), edited by Wm. P. 
Palmer, I, 338, 339. 


lieved, this would be an important link in the control of the trade of the 
West. It would be in particular a key to the commerce of the Illinois 
country. It would be also a most strategic point in securing the control 
of the Mississippi River and maintaining it against the British ; and being 
in the Chickasaw country, would hold those Indians in check. It could 
also be made to serve as an imporant link in a chain of forts that was 
contemplated up and down the Mississippi, which would effectually extend 
American territory westward to that river.-" 

The British were now about to attempt to carry out a bold plan of 
conquest which they hoped would place the whole West in their control. 
A force was to proceed from Pensacola to take New Orleans; an ex- 
pedition was to march from the north to sieze St. Louis and join forces in 
New Orleans; and a third army was to form at Detroit to proceed against 
Clark at the Falls of the Ohio.^i Clark at the urgent appeals of the 
Spaniards in St. Louis hastened there, where he succeeded in dispersing 
the British attackers. He then hurried back to Fort Jefferson in time to 
drive away a force of i,ooo or more Indians who had been besieging the 
small garrison there. But by this time rumors of the British expedition 
fitting out in Detroit had thrown the Kentucky settlements into a panic, 
and had led them to call for Clark. In March, 1780, the Boonesborough 
settlers sent Clark a petition in which they said, "The almost incredible 
number of Distressed and defenceless Families settled through our woods 
for the sake of sustinance instead of adding to our strength are in fact, 
so many allurments, and must become a daily sacrifice to the savage 
brutality of our inhuman enemies; who from their unavoidable success 
will be encouraged to reiterate their attempts and Render this Country 
a Mere scene of Carange and Desolation. * * * Destitute of every 
other hope, the Inhabitants of this Country look to you for Protection." 22 
A few days later the settlers around Bryant's Station wrote Clark of the 
ever-present Indian dangers surrounding them, how the savages were kill- 
ing, burning, and pillaging. They promised every aid, if he would come to 
lead them against the Indians. "You, Sir, are therefore earnestly re- 
quested by us to take the Command, to appoint a place of rendezvous, 
and we on our part will not be backward to give you all the assistance the 
strength of this garrison can possibly spare." ^3 Clark hurried with two 
companions from Fort Jefferson to Harrodsburg, intent on raising a 
force and taking the offensive, but before he was able to accomplish his 
purpose, the invaders had crossed the Ohio. 

Captain Henry Bird had been placed in command of about one hun- 
dred and fifty Canadians and loyalists, by the authorities at Detroit, and 
ordered to collect as many Indian allies as possible for an invasion of 
Kentucky. He succeeded in gathering up about 700 Indians and well 
armed and carrying two field pieces crossed the Ohio in June and on the 
22nd appeared before Ruddle's Station which he forced to surrender. 
He then marched against Martin's Station which likewise fell before his 
force. It seemed that Kentucky was now at his mercy; but well satis- 
fied with his success and having a command made up chiefly of Indians, 
he decided to rest contented with his plunder and retire beyond the Ohio.-^ 

Clark now hurried forward his preparations, determined to mobilize 

20 Collins, History of Kentucky, II, 39, 40; James, "George Rogers Clark and 
the Northwest" in Annual Report of the American Historical Association, 1917, 316, 


21 Justin Winsor, Narrative and Critical History of America, VI, 742. 

22 James, Clark Papers, 398, 400. 
'^^ Ibid., 401, 402. 

^* W. H. Siebert, "The Tory Proprietors of Kentucky Lands" in Ohio Archaeo- 
logical and Historical Quarterly, XXVHI, No. i (January, 1919) 14-16; Marshall, 
History of Kentucky, I, 105-109; Collins, History of Kentucky, I, 254; II, 328, 329; 
Roosevelt, Winning of tlie West, II, 102, 103. 


the whole power of the Kentucky settlements and invade the Indian 
country in force. On reaching Harrodsburg he had seen the people 
evidently more intent on securing land from tiie land court then in session 
there than in protecting themselves. He summarily ordered the court 
to close and not to reopen until he returned. He ordered a draft and 
stationed men at Crab Orchard with instructions to turn back any persons 
attempting to leave for the East. Ordering most of his garrison at Louis- 
ville to repair to the mouth of the Licking, which was made the place 
of rendezvous, he had soon gathered almost a thousand troops ready to 
march on the Indian country. Logan, Kenton, llarrod, Moyd, and other 
noted fighters accompanied him. Carrying a three pounder, they set out 
in July (1780) for Chillicothe, where tliey arrived after a difficult march, 
only to find the town deserted. Clark ordered the town burned, and 
marched on to Piqua, where a brisk engagement took j)lace with the 
Indians there, under the command of the renegade, Simon Girty. Although 
Clark's forces lost seventeen men killed to about six on the Indians' side, 
they destroyed much property, and so completely subdued the spirit of 
the Indians that Kentucky was freed from invasion for the remainder of 
the year. , », 

Clark had not yet given up his hope of leading an expedition against 
Detroit ; and now in order to secure aid and support for this venture he 
went to Richmond to plead his cause. He was able to impress the 
Virginia authorities with the importance of the undertaking and the ease 
with which it might be carried out, if he were given sufficient support. 
Now for the first time was the West regarded as a unit in the handling 
of the mihtary situation. Clark was made brigadier general of the forces 
"westward of the Ohio" and was given permission to raise 2000 troops 
with which to take Detroit. He enlisted the sympathy and aid of Wash- 
ington, who promised him contributions from the continental supplies and 
agreed with him that the capture of Detroit "would be the only means 
of giving peace and security to the whole western frontier." But the 
country was so disorganized and used up for war purposes that Clark soon 
found it impossible to raise even a half of the troops necessary. By the 
first of October (1781) he had despaired of raising his force. He said, 
"I have lost the object that was one of the principal inducements to my 
fatigues and transactions for several years past — my chain appears to 
have run out. I find myself enclosed with few troops, in a trilling fort 
and shortly exi)ect to bear the insults of those who have for several 
years been in continued dread of me." 2° From plans of aggression 
(!lark now turned to measures of defense. He was ordered by Governor 
Harrison (of Virginia) to garrison the Falls of the Ohio, where Fort 
.Nelson had just been completed, the mouth of Licking River, and the 
mouth of Limestone Creek. A gunboat patrol of two units for each 
garrison was to be established, which it was hoped would secure the Ken- 
tuckians from further molestation from the Indians north of the Ohio.-" 
But this defense was not set u]) in time to prevent numerous Indian forays 
that marked the next few months. Among the most im{)(irtant and 
spectacular was the defense of McAfee's .Station near Harrodsburg and 
the defeat of h2still near Mount .Sterling. In the former engagement the 
Indians were finally beat off with considerable losses, while in the latter 
instance Captain James Estill and eight of his men were killed in a 
desperate hand-to-hand engagement with a band of twenty-five marauding 

"'■ Quoted ill James, "George Rogers Clark and Detroit" in Proceedings of 
Mississippi I'ullcy Historical Association, III, 291-317. 

-" J. D. Monette, History of the Discovery and Settlement of the Valley of the 
Mississippi (New York, 1848), II, 123; James, "George Rogers Clark and the 
Northwest" in /Innual Report of the American Historical Association, 1917, .321, 323. 

2' Roosevelt, Winning of the West, II, 119-124; Butler, History Kentucky, S15- 




In the midst of this warfare in the West, which gave no signs of a 
speedy termination, news was received of the surrender of Cornwallis 
in October (1781) at Yorktown. It was only natural for many to feel 
that as the war was fast approaching an end in the East, hostilities 
should soon cease in the West and the people be given a chance to develop 
in the pursuits of peace. But such hopes were vain and delusive; 
for some of the most bitter strife was yet to come, and, in fact, the greatest 
battle of the Revolution in Kentucky was yet to be fought. That peace 
that came to the East was to be long deferred in the West.' Before news 
of Cornwallis' surrender had reached the British at Detroit, plans for a 
strong attack on Wheeling had been worked out and different commands 
were being concentrated, including eleven hundred Indians, the greatest 
number of redskins ever mustered throughout the Revolution. Word soon 
reached this force that Clark was preparing to attack the Indian villages, 
whereupon most of the Indians turned back and refused to go farther at 
this time on any expedition. However about 300 Indians and some 
rangers from Detroit, led by Captains Caldwell and McKee, decided to 
carry out an attack against the posts in Kentucky. They crossed the Ohio 
in August (1782) and directed their march toward Bryant's Station the 
most northern of the Kentucky outposts. They attempted to take the 
station by surprise, but failing in this, they began preparations for a 
systematic siege. On the appearance of the attackers, a few swift runners 
had escaped to carry the alarm to the other stations and to arouse an 
army of deliverance. After a determined night attack in which the Indians 
used unsuccessfully every method available to burn or storm the fort, they 
withdrew the next morning. They left a plainly marked trail, with every 
indication to the untrained eye of hurried retreat and confusion but to 
one trained in Indian ways plainly a ruse to lure the pursuers into a trap.^ 

Without waiting for the arrival of reinforcements who were gather- 
ing under Colonel Logan the garrison set out in pursuit. As they 
approached the Licking River at the Blue Licks a few of the retreating 
Indians were sighted, and contrary to the advice of Boone the more im- 
petuous hot-heads resolved to attack at once rather than await the coming 
of Logan's forces. Impelled by the reckless bravery of Major McGary, 
who leaped into the river in pursuit, a general attack was made. The 
Indians retreated until they had lured the Kentuckians into an ambush 
where they soon had them surrounded. Amidst a terrific onslaught by the 
red skins, the whites broke away and made a dash for life. Soon every- 
thing was confusion and turmoil as they attempted to re-cross the river. 
Many were killed at this point. The Indians pursued some of the whites 
for twenty miles, before giving up the chase. The battle of Blue Licks 

' See James A. James, "Significant Events during the Last Year of the Revolu- 
tion in the West" in Proceedings of the Mississippi Valley Historical Association, 
1912-1913, pp. 239-257. 

2 Reuben T. Durrett, Bryant's Station (Louisville, 1897), Filson Club Publica- 
tion, No. 12, 227 pp. 



was a most disastrous defeat for the Kentuckians, a melancholy blow 
which they were long in forgetting. Colonel Todd and Lieutenant-Colunul 
Trigg, the first and third in command, were killed, in addition to sixty- 
eight others. Seven were captured, four of whom were afterwards 
tortured to death, and twelve were seriously wounded. Some time later 
Logan came up with reinforcements, but the Indians had disappeared, and 
his forces now busied themselves in burying the dead.^ 

Genuine despair spread over the Kentucky settlements. It was feared 
that this success of the British and Indians would lead to renewed attacks 
which might destroy the people completely. Boone wrote Governor Harri- 
son that he had encouraged the people as much as jx)ssible but the late turn 
of affairs left him little argument. He feared greatly for the future. In 
September another pioneer wrote the Virginia governor, "A few of the 
primitive adventurers yet survive, who supplicate your Excellencies Im- 
mediate Interposition in their behalf, in granting them such strength, as 
may enable them to carry on an offensive war, or at least Act in the De- 
fensive with safety, for if some mode of preservation is not speedily 
adopted the wealthy will forthwith Emigrate to the Interior parts of the 
Settlements & the Poor to the Spaniards. Dreadful alternative!!!"'' 
Clark was bitterly blamed by many for the desperate situation. Boone 
wrote Governor Harrison on August 30, "I trust about five hundred men 
may be sent to our assistance immediately. If these shall be stationed 
as our county lieutenants shall deem necessary, it may be the means of 
serving our part of the country ; but if they are placed under the direction 
of General Clark, they will be of little or no service to our settlement." ^ 
The main charge against Clark was partiality to the settlements around the 
Falls of the Ohio. Boone and others from Fayette County after informing 
Governor Harrison that "We can scarcely behold a spot of Earth, but 
what reminds us of the fall of some fellow adventurer massacred by 
Savage hands," declared that the frontier was left exposed in favor of 
"Louisville, a Town without Inhabitants, a Fort situated in such a manner, 
that the Enemy coming with a design to Lay waste our Country, would 
scarcely come within one Hundred miles of it, & our own Frontiers open 
& unguarded."* Governor Harrison rebuked Clark for not fortifying 
other posts in addition to Fort Nelson (at Louisville). Clark laid the 
blame for the defeat at Blue Licks to the foolhardy course the settlers 
had taken in a reckless pursuit and to their failure to send out scouting 

Although blamed, as Clark believed unjustly, he immediately set about 
with his accustomed energy to put Kentucky in a state of defense and to 
carry the war into the Indian country. To satisfy the clamor for other 
forts, he attemjjted to fortify the mouth of the Licking River, but due to 
the lack of support of the county officials and of the people generally he 
was forced to abandon the plan. More to his liking as well as to the jjleasure 
of the settlers was an exjjedition to the north of the Ohio. In conjunction 
with a plan for a general attack against the Indian towns around 
Sandusky and southward in which General Irvine was to march against 
the former with 1,200 men from the regions of Wheeling and Fort Pitt, 
Clark began hasty prejiarations during September and October (1782). 
He found the spirit of the people running high, with many clamoring to 
join his forces ; but he found it difficult to gather together the proper 
I)rovisions and equipment due to the low state of Virginia's credit. In 
response to the clamors of those whom the state owed, he said, "If I was 

» Collins, History of Kentucky, II, 657-663; Roosevelt, IVinning of the JVest, II, 

* yirginia State Papers, III, 303. Andrew Steele to Governor Harrison, Sep- 
tember 12, 1782. 

» Butler, History of Kentucky, 535. 

« Virginia State Papers, III, 301, 302. 


worth the money, I would most cheerfully pay it myself and trust the 
State, But can assure you with truth that I am entirely Reduced myself 
by advancing Everything I could Raise, and except what the State owes 
me am not worth a Spanish dollar. I wish it was in my power to follow 
your proposition to step forth and save my country from the disgrace that 
is like to fall on her." ^ He provided flour for his expedition by the ex- 
change of 3,200 acres of his own land. By the early part of November 
he had collected two divisions of troops at the mouth of the Licking River, 
one composed of regulars from Fort Nelson commanded by Colonel Floyd 
the other from the eastern settlements in charge of Colonel Logan. In 
all there were 1,050, all mounted, and eager to avenge the disaster at 
Blue Licks. After a march of six days Qiillicothe was reached, but due 
to the discovery of an advanced detachment of 300 sent forward under 
Colonel Floyd, the Indians made their escape before the whole army 
could give battle. Chillicothe and other villages of the Shawnees nearby 
were burned and much corn and other provisions destroyed. Logan with 
150 horsemen marched on northward to the head of the Miami where he 
destroyed a British trading post with a large amount of supplies. Accord- 
ing to Clark, "The property destroyed was of great amount, and the 
quantity of provisions burned surpassed all idea we had of Indian stores." 
Ten enemy scalps were taken and also seven prisoners, two whites being 
retaken. Clark lost one killed and one wounded.* 

This was the final important engagement before peace was declared 
with Great Britain. It had a wholesome effect on the Indians which was 
not lost for many months ; it taught them that the British were unable 
to protect them, and did much to wean them away from the British alli- 
ance for a time. However, Clark did not slacken his preparations for 
any eventuality. Finally when peace with Great Britain came he said 
to the county lieutenants of Jefferson and Lincoln counties : "All the 
brittish posts on the lakes are to be given up to us & garrisoned by Con- 
tinental Troops, and hope that a spirited exertion of the Frontier this 
summer will put an end to their sufferings, that peace and tranquility will 
take place in your little Country when the long and spirited Exertions 
of the people so much entitle them to it. I don't think that any thing 
on the part of Government will be wanting, as they appear Axceedingly 
dispos'd to use the most salutary measures to answer the purpose of 
Reducing the Indians to Obttdience. And the circumstances must be so 
widely different to what they formerly were that they will be able to 
execute what they please." ^ But that peace and tranquillity which Clark 
hoped for did not come. A treaty of peace between Great Britain and 
the American States meant nothing to the Indians, and with the subse- 
quent machinations of the British in the Northwest least of all did it 
mean peace with the western settlers. In the words of a contemporary, 
the Indians "could not comprehend how they were subdued abroad by 
proxy, at the same time they were conquerors at home in fact." i" Many 
campaigns were yet to be carried on against the Indians, and, in fact, 
their power was not broken completely until the end of the War of 1812, 
when Tecumseh and his Northwest Confederation were destroyed.' ^ 

' Quoted in James, "George Rogers Clark and the Northwest" in Annual Report 
of the American Historical Association, 1917, 326, 327. 

8 Butler, History of Kentucky, 536, 537. Clark to Governor Harrison, November 
27, 1782. 

6 Virginia State Papers, III, 478. 

10 Words of William Littell in 1806. See Proceedings of the Ainerican His- 
torical Association, V, 355. 

" In 1786 Clark made a strong attack on the Indians up the Wabash, in which 
he led a thousand volunteers against the Shawnees. Due to numerous causes 
including the insubordination of some of his troops the expedition was largely a 
failure, and brought down much harsh criticism on him. See McMaster, History 
of the People of the United States, I, 385-388. 


In the Battle of Blue Licks the Kentuckians suffered the most severe 
defeat sustained by thcni in all the warfare made by the British and the 
Indians. In concluding this chapter on the pioneer period a number of 
accounts of that battle are given. This first tlescription is quoted from 
IFestcrn Sketches, by John A. WcClung, who was a prominent lawyer at 
Maysville : 

Col. Daniel Boone, accompanied by his youngest son, headed a strong 
party from Boonesborough, Trigg brought up the force from the neigh- 
borhood of Ilarrodsburg, John Todd commanded the militia around 
Lexington. Nearly a third of the whole number assembled was composed 
of commissioned officers, who hurried from a distance to the scene of 
hostilities, and for the time took their station in the ranks. Of those 
under the rank of colonel, the most conspicuous were Majors Harlan, 
McBride, Mc(iary, and Levi Todd, and Captains Bulger and Gordon. Of 
the six last named officers, all fell in the subsequent battle, except Todd 
and McGary. Todd and Trigg, as senior colonels, took the command, 
although their authority seems to have been in a great measure nominal. 
That, however, was of less consequence, as a sense of common danger 
is often more binding than the strictest discipline. 

A tumultuous consultation, in which every one seems to have had a 
voice, terminated in an unanimous resolution to pursue the enemy with- 
out delay. It was well known that (General Logan had collected a strong 
force in Lincoln, and would join them at farthest in twenty-four hours. 
It was distinctly understood that the enemy was at least double, and, 
according to Girty's .iccount, more than treble their own numbers. It 
was seen that their trail was broad and obvious, and that even some indi- 
cations of a tardiness and willingness to be pursued, had been observed 
by their scouts, who had been sent out to reconnoiter, and from which it 
might reasonably be inferred that they would halt on the way, at least 
march so leisurely, as to permit them to wait for the aid of Logan! 
Yet so keen was the ardor of officer and soldier, that all these obvious 
reasons were overlooked, and in the afternoon of the i8lh of August, 
the line of march was taken up, and the pursuit urged with that precipi- 
tate courage which has so often been fatal to Kentuckians. Most of the 
officers and many of the privates were mounted. 

The Indians had followed the bufTalo trace, and as if to render their 
trail still more evident, they had chopped many of the trees on each side 
of the road with their hatchets. These strong indications of tardiness, 
made .some impression ujion the cool and calculating mind of Boone ; but 
it was too late to advise retreat. They encamped that night in the woods, 
and on the following day reached the fatal boundary of their pursuit. At 
the Lower Blue Licks, for the first time since the pursuit commenced, 
they came within view of an enemy. As the miscellaneous crowd of 
horse and foot reached the southern bank of Licking, they saw a number 
of Indians ascending the rocky ridge on the other side. 

They halted upon the appearance of the Kentuckians, gazed at them 
for a few moments in silence, and then leisurely disappeared over the 
top of the hill. A halt immediately ensued. A dozen or twenty officers 
met in front of the ranks, and entered into consultation. The wild and 
lonely aspect of the country around them, their distance from any point 
of support, with the certainty of their being in the presence of a superior 
enemy, seems to have inspired a portion of seriousness, bordering upon 
awe. All eyes were now turned upon Boone, and Colonel Todd asked 
his opinion as to what should be done. The veteran woodsman, with his 
usual unmoved gravity, replied: 

"'i'hat their situation was critical and delicate; that the force opposed 
to them was undoubtedly numerous and ready for battle, as might readily 
be seen from the leisurely retreat of the few Indians who had appeared 


upon the crest of the hill ; that he was well acquainted with the ground 
in the neighborhood of the Lick, and was apprehensive that an ambus- 
cade was formed at the distance of a mile in advance, where two ravines, 
one upon each side of a ridge, ran in such a maimer that a concealed 
enemy might assail them at once both in front and flank, before they were 
apprised of the danger. 

"Jt would be proper, therefore, to do one of two things. Either to 
await the arrival of Logan, who was now undoubtedly on his march to 
join them, or if it was determined to attack without delay, that one half 
of their number should march up the river, which there bends in an 
elliptical form, cross at the rapids and fall upon the rear of the enemy, 
while the other division attacked in front. At any rate, he strongly 
urged the necessity of reconnoitering the ground carefully before the 
main body crossed the river." 

Such was the counsel of Boone. And although no measure could 
have been much more disastrous than that which was adopted, yet it 
may be doubted if anything short of an immediate retreat upon Logan, 
could have saved this gallant body of men from the fate which they 
encountered. If they divided their force, the enemy, as in Estill's case, 
might have overwhelmed them in detail ; if they remained where they 
were, without advancing, the enemy would certainly have attacked them, 
probably in the night, and with a certainty of success. They had com- 
mitted a great error at first, in not waiting for Logan, and nothing short 
of a retreat, which would have been considered disgraceful, could now 
repair it. 

Boone was heard in silence and with deep attention. Some wished to 
adopt the first plan; others preferred the second; and the discussion 
threatened to be drawn out to some length, when the boiling ardor of 
McGary, who could never endure the presence of an enemy without in- 
stant battle, stimulated him to an act, which had nearly proved destructive 
to his country. He suddenly interrupted the consultation with a loud 
whoop, resembling the war-cry of the Indians, spurred his horse into 
the stream, waved his hat over his head, and shouted aloud: — "Let all 
who are not cowards, follow me !" The words and the action together 
produced an electrical effect. The mounted men dashed tumultuously 
into the river, each striving to be foremost. The footmen were mingled 
with them in one rolling and irregular mass. 

No order was given, and none observed. They struggled through 
a deep ford as well as they could, McGary still leading the van, closely 
followed by Majors Harlan and McBride. With the same rapidity they 
ascended the ridge, which, by tramping of buffalo foragers, had been 
stripped bare of all vegetation, with the exception of a few dwarfish 
cedars, and which was rendered still more desolate in appearance, by 
the multitude of rocks, blackened by the sun, which were spread over 
its surface. Upon reaching the top of the ridge, they followed the buf- 
falo trace with the same precipitate ardor ; Todd and Trigg in the rear ; 
^TcGary, Harlan, ]\IcBride, and Boone in front. No scouts were sent 
in advance ; none explored either flank ; officers and soldiers seemed alike 
demented by the contagious example of a single man, and all struggled 
forward, horse and foot, as if to outstrip each other in the advance. 

Suddenly, the van halted. They had reached the spot mentioned by 
Boone, where the two ravines head, on each side of the ridge. Here 
a body of Indians presented themselves, and attacked the van. McGary's 
party instantly returned the fire, but under great disadvantage. They 
were upon a bare and open ridge ; the Indians in a bushy ravine. The 
center and rear, ignorant of the ground, hurried up to the assistance of 
the van, but were soon stopped by a terrible fire from the ravine which 
flanked them. They found themselves enclosed as if in the wings of 


a net, destitute of proper shelter, while the enemy were in a great measure 
covered from their fire. Still, however, they maintained their ground. 
The action became warm and bloody. The parties gradually closed, the 
Indians emerged from the ravines, and the fire became mutually destruc- 
tive. The officers sufTered dreadfully. Todd and Trigg in the rear; 
Marian, AIcBride, and young Boone, in front, were already killed. 

The Indians gradually extended their line, to turn the right of the 
Kentuckiaiis, and cut off their retreat. This was quickly perceived by 
the weight of the fire from that quarter, and the rear instantly fell back 
in disorder, and attempted to rush through their only opening to the river. 
The motion quickly communicated itself to the van, and a hurried retreat 
became general. The Indians instantly sprang forward in i)ursuit, and 
falling upon them with their tomahawks, made a cruel slaughter. From 
the battle ground to the river, the spectacle was terrible. The horsemen 
generally escaped, but the foot, particularly the van, which had advanced 
farthest within the wings of the net, were almost totally destroyed. 
Colonel Boone, after witnessing the death of his son and many of his 
dearest friends, found himself almost entirely surrounded at the very 
commencement of the retreat. 

Several hundred Indians were between him and the ford, to which 
the great mass of the fugitives were bending their flight, and to which 
the attention of the savages was principally directed. Being intimately 
acquainted with the ground, he, together, with a few friends, dashed into 
the ravine which the Indians had occupied, hut which most of them had 
now left to join in the pursuit. After sustaining one or two heavy fires, 
and baffling one or two small parties, who pursued him for a short dis- 
tance, he crossed the river below the ford, by swimming, and entering the 
wood at a point where there was no pursuit, returned by a circuitous 
route to Bryan's Station. In the meantime, the great mass of the victors 
and vanquished crowded the bank of the ford. 

The slaughter was great in the river. The ford was crowded with 
horsemen and footmen and Indians, all mingled together. Some were com- 
])clled to seek a passage above by swimming; some, who could not swim. 
were overtaken and killed at the edge of the water. A man by the name 
of Netherland, who had formerly been strongly suspected of cowardice, 
here displayed a coolness and presence of mind, equally noble and un- 
expected. Being finely mounted, he had outstripped the great mass of 
the fugitives, and crossed the river in safety. A dozen or twenty horse- 
men accompanied him, and having placed the river between them and the 
enemy, showed a disposition to continue their flight, without regard to 
the safety of their friends, who were on foot, and still struggling with 
the current. 

Netherland instantly checked his horse, and in a loud voice, called 
upon his companions to halt, fire ujjon the Indians, and save those who 
were still in the stream. The party instantly obeyed; and facing about, 
))oured a close and fatal discharge of rifles upon the foremost pursuers. 
The enemy instantly fell back from the opposite bank, and gave time 
for the harassed and miserable footmen to cross in safety. The check, 
however, was but momentary. Indians were seen crossing in great 
numbers above and below, and the flight again became general. Most 
of the footmen left the great buffalo track, and plunging into the thickets, 
escaped by a circuitous route to I'ryan's Station. 

But little loss was sustained after crossing the river, although the pur- 
suit was urged keenly for twenty miles. From the battle ground to the 
ford, the loss was very heavy.'" 

Daniel Boone wrote the governor of Virginia a letter which may be 
considered a report of the battle and its immediate consequences: 

'- Western Sketches, John A. McClung, 1832, pp. 78-84. 


"Boone's Station, Fayette County, August 30, 1782. 

"Sir: — Present circumstances of affairs cause me to write to your 
Excellency as follows: On the i6th instant a large number of Indians, 
with some white men, attacked one of our frontier stations, known by 
the name of Bryan's station. The siege continued from about sunrise 
till about ten o'clock the next day, when they marched off. 

"Notice being given to the neighboring stations, we immediately raised 
181 horsemen, commanded by Col. John Todd — including some of the 
Lincoln county militia, commanded by Col. Trigg; and having pur- 
sued about forty miles, on the 19th inst. we discovered the enemy lying 
in wait for us. On this discovery we formed our columns into one single 
line, and marched up in their front within about forty yards before there 
was a gun fired. Col. Trigg commanded on the right, myself on the 
left, Maj. McGary in the center, and Maj. Harlan the advance party 
in the front. _ ^ ' ^ ' *^ f I ; 

"From the manner in which we had formed, it fell to my lot to bring 
on the attack. This was done with a very heavy fire on both sides, and 
extended back of the line to Col. Trigg; where the enemy was so strong 
that they rushed up and broke the right wing at the first fire. Thus 
the enemy got in our rear ; and we were compelled to retreat with the 
loss of seventy-seven of our men and twelve wounded. 

"Afterwards we were reinforced by Col. Logan, which made our 
force 460 men. We marched again to the battle-ground ; but finding the 
enemy had gone, we proceeded to bury the dead. We found forty-three 
on the ground, and many lay about which we could not stay to find, 
hungry and weary as we were, and somewhat dubious that the enemy 
might not have gone off quite. By the sign we thought the Indians had 
exceeded four hundred ; while the whole of the mihtia of this county 
does not amount to more than one hundred and thirty. 

"From these facts your Excellency may form an idea of our situation. 
I know that your own circumstances are critical, but are we to be wholly 
forgotten? I hope not. I trust about five hundred men may be sent 
to our assistance immediately. If these shall be stationed as our county 
lieutenants shall deem necessary, it may be the means of saving our part 
of the country; but if they are placed under the direction of Gen. George 
Rogers Oark, they will be of little or no service to our settlement. The 
Falls lie one hundred miles west of us, and the Indians northeast ; while 
our men are frequently called to protect them. I have encouraged the 
people in this county all that I could; but I can no longer justify them 
or myself to risk our lives here under such extraordinary hazards. The 
inhabitants of this county are very much alarmed at the thoughts of the 
Indians bringing another campaign into our country this fall. If this 
should be the case, it will break up these settlements. I hope, therefore, 
your Excellency will take the matter into your consideration, and send us 
some relief as quick as possible. 

"These are my sentiments without consulting any person. Col. Logan 
will, I expect, immediately send you an express, by whom I humbly re- 
quest vour Excellency's answer. In the meanwhile I remain, 

"Daniel Boone." J 3 

May 25, 1840, Governor James T. Morehead delivered an address 
at Boonesborough in which he reviewed the histon,' of Kentucky. Con- 
cerning the Battle of Blue Licks he said: 

Before any judgment was pronounced by the council upon the ex- 
pediency of the two alternative movements urged by Colonel Boone, all 
further proceedings were arrested by the indiscreet zeal of Maj. Hugh 
McGary, who "raised the war-whoop," and spurring his horse into the 

'^ Collins, History of Kentucky, Vol. II, pp. 660, 661. 


river, called vehemently upon all who were not cowards to follow him, 
and he would show them the enemy. Presently the army was in motion. 
The great part suffered themselves to be led by McGary — the remainder, 
perhaps a third of the whole number, lingered awhile with Todd and 
Boone in council. All at length passed over. At Boone's suggestion, 
the commanding officer ordered another halt. The pioneer then proposed, 
a second time, that the army should remain where it was, tmtil an ojipor- 
tunity was afforded to reconnoiter the suspected region. So reasonable a 
proposal was acceded to ; and two bold and experienced men were selected, 
to proceed from the lick along the buffalo trace to a point half a mile 
beyond the ravines, where the road branched off in different directions. 
They were instnicted to examine the country with the utmost care on 
each side of the road, especially the spot where it passed between the 
ravines, and upon the first appearance of the enemy to repair in haste 
to the army. The spies discharged the dangerous and responsible task. 
They crossed over the ridge — proceeded to the place designated beyond 
it, and returned in safety without having made any discovery. No trace 
of the enemy was to be seen. 

The little army of 182 men now marched forward — Colonel Trigg 
was in command of the right wing, Boone of the left, McGary in the 
center, and Major Harlan with the party in front. Such is Boone's 
account of the positions of the several officers. He does not define 
Colonel Todd's. The historians have assigned him to the right with 
Colonel Trigg. The better opinion seems to be that he commanded the 

As they approached the ravines it became apparent that Boone's antici- 
pation", were well founded, and that the vigilance of the spies had been 
completely eluded. The enemy lay concealed in both ravines in great 
numbers. The columns marched up within forty yards of the Indian line 
before a gun was fired. The battle immediately commenced with great 
fury and most destructive effect on both sides. The advantage of posi- 
tion and overwhelming numbers soon determined it in favor of the sav- 
ages. The fire was peculiarly severe upon the right. Colonel Trigg fell, 
and with him nearly the whole of the ITarrodsburg troops. Boone man- 
fully sustained himself on the left. Major Harlan defended the front 
until only three of his men remained. He also fell, covered with wounds. 
The Indians now rushed upon them with their tomahawks, spreading 
confusion and dismay through their broken and disabled ranks. The 
whole right, left, and center gave way, and a mingled and precipitate 
retreat commenced. Some regained their horses — others fled on foot. 
Colonel Todd was shot through the body, and when he was last seen, he 
was reelinf,'- in his saddle, while the blood gushed in jirofusion from his 
w-)und. The Indians were then in close pursuit. 

There was but one convenient way of escape, and that was in the 
direction to the I.ick, where the army had crossed the river. To that point, 
the larger number of fugitives hurried with tumultuous rapidity, down the 
naked slope of the hill. No sooner had they reached it, than the Indians 
were upon them. The scene of terror and of blood that ensued was 
dreadful. Many brave luon perished on that fatal day. Of the 182 who 
went into the battle, one-third were killed and seven were made prisoners. 
The extent of the Indian loss is not certainly known. It is represented 
to have been equally severe. 

Col. Daniel I'ofjne, in his autobiography, is authority for the rejjort — • 
pre.served in other way, also — that the Indians upon numbering their 
dead found four more than they counted of the whites killed on the 
field and in the retreat ; "and, therefore, 4 of the prisoners [whose names 
are unknown] were, by general consent, ordered to be killed, in a most 
barbarous manner, by the young warriors in order to train them up to 
cruelty; ;ind then they proceeded to their towns." 


After the fortune of the day was determined, and the only safety 
was in flight, the noble old pioneer who first counseled delay, and then 
a caution which proved unavailing because not faithfully followed, de- 
voted himself with true fatherly solicitude to his wounded son Israel. 
He avoided the road taken by the mass of fugitives, and crossed the 
Licking at the mouth of Indian Creek, a mile or two below the Lick. 
But the wound of the young soldier was mortal ; death soon claimed him ; 
and the father, noting where his body lay that he might return and bury 
it, eluded the pursuit of the savages, and reached Bryan's station. 

Of the seven prisoners, four were killed by the Indians, as above, and 
the other three — Jesse Yocum, Lewis Rose, and Capt. John ^IcMurtry — ■ 
were packed to the extent of their strength with the spoils of the day. 
With their captors, they were hurried next day across the Ohio River, 
at the mouth of Eagle Creek, seven miles below Limestone Creek (Mays- 
ville) ; thence passed Upper and Lower Sandusky, and the foot of the 
Miami rapids (afterwards Fort Meigs), to Detroit — where they arrived 
on September 4, and were delivered into the hands of the British. On the 
route, they were several times compelled to run the gauntlet, in Indian 
towns through which they passed. At one of them, Captain McMurtry 
was knocked down and fell senseless ; the Indians jumped upon and 
stamped him, breaking several of his ribs. Jesse Yocum, by his skill in 
running close to the line of Indians, so avoided their clubs as to come 
out almost unhurt : and running up to a young Indian, by adroitness and 
great strength, picked him up and hurled him to the ground ; then going 
up to another, all in a moment of time, he thn.:st his head between the 
Indian's legs and threw him over his head — and jumping up, knocked 
his feet rapidly together in a manner novel to the Indians, crowed like 
a cock, and rallied them for being a pack of cowards. This singular 
exhibition of dexterity and spirit delighted the Indians, and an old chief 
promptly claimed Yocum as his man. But the gauntlet failed to satisfy 
the savage craving for fiendish cruelty, and the prisoners were condemned 
to be burned. Just as they were tied to the stake, and the torch was 
'■'ready applied to the fagots piled around, a storm of remarkable violence 
burst over their heads. The flashes of lightning increased in vividness, 
and louder and deeper rolled the thunder. When the storm cloud broke, 
and the torrent from above extinguished the fires, the savages were 
struck with awe and reverence, and dared not re-light them. The Great 
Spirit had interfered to save them, and would not permit them thus to die. 
Thereafter they were treated with far more kindness and consideration. 

On September 18, the prisoners were forwarded to Montreal, and rigor- 
ously confined for a month ; thence to Mont du Luc island, and imprisoned 
until July, 1783 — when they were exchanged and sent to Ticonderoga, 
reaching their homes near Harrodsburg, Ky., August 28. They were 
received almost as men from the dead. Captain Rose shot two Indians 
in the battle, the last when in the very act of scalping Capt. Wm. McBride ; 
he was in the expedition with Gen. Ben. Logan against the Shawnees on 
the Miami in 1786, and in 1791 with Gen. Chas. Scott against the towns 
of the Wea Indians on the Wabash— in which thirty-two warriors were 
slain and fifty-eight prisoners taken ; he died February 20, 1829, in his 80th 
year. Captain McMurtry was in several engagements afterwards, and fell 
in Harmar's defeat, in 1790. His name heads the list of the honored 
dead of Kentucky, engraved upon the Battle monument. 

Of the sixty noble men who fell in the battle of Blue Licks, the follow- 
ing fifteen are all the names ascertained by the author: Col. John Todd, 
Lieut. Col. Stephen Trigg, Maj. Silas Harlan. Maj. Edward Bulger, Capt. 
Wm. McBride, Capt. John Gordon, John Bulger, Joseph Lindsay (the 
commissary of Gen. Geo. Rogers Clark, in several expeditions, conductoi 
of the expedition which first took Vincennes, and one of the ablest and 
Vol. 1—17 


most remarkable men of early Kentucky), Clough Overton, John Kennedy, 
(little) James Graham, Wm. Stewart, John Wilson, Israel Boone, An- 
drew WcConnell. 

Of the 109 who survived the battle, in addition to the three returned 
prisoners above, the author has ascertained only the followinc; sixteen 
names: Col. Daniel Boone, Maj. Hugh McGary, Col. Robert Patterson, 
Col. John Smith, Maj. Geo. Michael Bedinger, Maj. T-avi Todd, Maj. 
Benj. Netherland, Capt. Samuel Johnson, Aaron Reynolds, Judge Twy- 
man, Jas. McCiillough, Benj. Ilayden, Henry Wilson, Peter Harget, Jas. 
Morgan, Wm. l'"ield. Thus thirty-four names out of 176 engaged, are 
preserved — of which 176, over one-fourth were commissioned officers. 

Nicholas Hart and several others of the prisoners taken at the capture 
of Ruddle's and Martin's stations in now Harrison and Bourbon counties, 
on June 22, 1780 — more than two years before — had been brought along 
with the Indians on this expedition; for what purpose is not known. 
They were the unwilling witnesses of the siege of Bryan's station, and 
of the terrible disaster at the Blue Licks — where many of their personal 
friends fought their last battle and slept their last sleep. '^ 

The foregoing accounts of the battle of Blue Licks were based largely 
on what Mar.shall said of it in his History of Kentucky. His description 
of the battle is given. The testimony of some of the survivors was not 
available to Marshall, and there accumulated other evidence which he 
did not have, but his account of this disaster is worthy of preservation 
here, and is, therefore, set out: 

Two years before, a similar army had surprised and taken Ruddle's 
station — Martin's shared the like fate — and that of Grant had been 
abandoned. Bryan's station was thence the frontier, on that quarter 
approaching nearest of the enemy. It consisted of about thirty, or 
forty, cabins ; and from forty to fifty men. It had a bastion at either end, 
composed of strong logs, built in the block house form, with necessary 
loop holes. The cabins were ranged in two, or three rows parallel to each 
other ; and connected by strong palisades, where they did not otherwise 
join. It had no supply of water within, but a very fine spring ran from 
the foot of the point, on which it stood, near to the bank of I'"lkhorn : at 
that place, but a small creek. 

On the fifteenth of August, some few of the men, being absent, and 
others in the adjacent corn field; but the greater part of them, about the 
station ; the Indians suddenly appeared before the place ; and without any 
summons, commenced an attack with small arms. Fortunately, they 
had no cannon ; and it was recollected that no station had been taken 
without. Their numbers were not known, as thev were dispersed among 
the growing corn, or concealed by the fences and the weeds. 

The fort gates were inmiediately manned, and kept, for the reception 
of those who were out, and should desire to enter: others of the garrison 
ran to the bastions and loop holes, from which they fired, and kept off the 
assailants. Some of the men, belonging to the fort, entered from with- 
out — others, thinking the attempt too hazardous, or else, that it was proper 
to alarm their neighbors, repaired to Lexington, and other places, with 
the news ; and a call for help. To render tliis, the utmost alacrity was 
everywhere shown. Some voUuiteers from Lexington, with great 
speed and gallantry, threw themselves into the place that evening — the 
next day it was reinforced by detachments from Boone's and Strode's 
stations — ten or twelve miles distant. These parties rode through a 
lane, which led to the place besieged, and were fired on by the Indians, 
lying behind the fences, without injury. 

In the meantime, the besieged had defended themselves with all the 
vigilance and intrepidity demanded by the importance of the crisis and 

>* Collins, History of Kentucky, Vol. II, pp. 661-663. 


the ferocious nature of the enemy. The Johnsons, and Craigs, were in 
the number of the most reputable of the inhabitants — while Jacob Stucker, 
Jerry Craig, the Herndons, and Mitchells, were distinguished among its 
best soldiers, while each acted well his part. 

The Indians had made their camps on both sides of the creek, then 
in wood, above the stations, and so near the spring, as to render it useless 
to the garrison, without incurring the most imminent danger in attempt- 
ing to get the water, by day ; or even, by night ; notwithstanding which, 
it was, however, obtained. The place was closely infested for the two 
succeeding days — during which time the Indians kept up almost a con- 
stant fire, on the one side, or the other, from fences, trees, or stumps — 
whereby they killed four men. and wounded three others. They made 
several attempts to fire the cabins; and for that purpose, shot lighted 
arrows on the roofs — and even approached the walls with torches — but 
from these they were repulsed — nor had th.eir ignited arrows the desired 
effect, owing, no doubt, to their imperfect skill in fire-works. Otherwise 
nothing could have been more easy than to have fired the place ; as the 
height of their cabin walls did not exceed twelve feet, and the roofs of 
boards were fastened on with cross poles, which afforded lodgments for 
combustible matter, within hand's throw, of various parts, to which they 
could approach without being seen, or exposed to danger. They killed 
a great number of cattle, some of which they ate — and after killing some, 
they took away, other horses. But having exposed themselves consider- 
ably, in their various attempts — some of which were bold; and after suffer- 
ing, as it was believed, the loss of about thirty warriors killed, and many 
others wounded ; they raised the siege the morning of the fourth day. 
This experiment had proved that they were not likely to take the place, 
in any short time; while they could not apprehend that if they continued 
before it, the country would be raised in arms, and brought upon their 
backs; they, therefore, after remaining the third night, in their camp, 
about sunrise the next morning, left their fires burning, some bits of 
meat on their roasting sticks — and deliberately took the road, made by 
buffaloes, and hunters, to the lower Blue Licks ; by the way of Ruddle's 
station — which two years before, as was mentioned, they had reduced — 
for the purpose, as it was surmised, of alleviating their present mortifi- 
cation ; by viewing, in ruins, the scene of their former triumph. For it 
was neither the shortest, plainest, nor smoothest way to the licks. 

That thev could not expect, and did not desire to conceal their route, 
will appear in the sequel. 

In the meantime. Col. John Todd, who resided in Lexington, despatched 
intelligence to Lieutenant Colonel Trigg, living at Harrodsburg, of the 
attack on Bryant Station ; leaving it to the latter to give the intelligence 
to his superior, Col. Benjamin Logan. Neither Colonel Trigg, nor Colonel 
Boone, who had also been called on, lost any time in collecting the men in 
their respective neighborhoods — but with singular promptitude, on the i8th 
of the month ; but after the Indians had left the ground, repaired to 
Bryant Station under the command of Todd, as the superior officer from 
Lexington, where they had rendezvoused their men, under their appro- 
priate officers. The majors were McGary, and Harland, from near Har- 
rodsburg; and Levi Todd, of Lexington. 

The enemy having retreated, a council was held, in which it was 
promptly decided to pursue the Indians, without waiting for the arrival 
of Colonel Logan, who was known to be collecting a strong party — and 
to be expected on the ground in a few days — but when arrived, would, 
as the superior officer, have the command. A circumstance, which it was 
suspected, both Todd and Trigg, desired to avoid — thinking themselves 
equal to the command, and sanguine of success — as they were emulous 
of praise, and possessed an idea of mental superiority. 


In consequence of the determination of the council, the march was 
immediately ordered, and forthwith commenced, under the command of 
Colonel Todd, and next to him, Colonel Trigg, on the route of the enemy, 
whose numbers, as yet, though considerable, were not known. They had 
not proceeded very far, before Boone, and some others, experienced in 
the manners of the Indians, discovered signs of ostentation, and of tardi- 
ness, on their trail; indicative of their willingness to be pursued; and 
calculated to point out their route; while apparent caution had been taken 
to conceal their numbers. The one was effected by chopping the trees on 
the way — the other, by treading in single file a narrow tract ; contracting 
their camp, and using but few fires, where they stopped to eat. No Indian 
was seen, although it was apparent they were at no great distance in 
advance, until the pursuers reached the southern bank of Licking, at the 
licks. The van of the party then discovered a few of them on the opposite 
side of the river, traversing the hill side ; and who, apparently without 
alarm, and leisurely, retired over the hill from their sight. A halt was 
called, the principal officers being assembled — the information then given 
— and the questions asked: "What shall be done? Whether, is it best, 
immediately to cross the river, and continue the march, or stand here, 
until tlie country round about can be reconnoitered by proper parties and 
measures ultimately taken according to circumstances — either by attack, 
if the enemy were near, or wait the arrival of Colonel Logan?" 

Neither of the superior officers were much skilled in the manner, or 
custom of Indian warfare — they were however willing to be informed, 
and had actually called upon Colonel Boone for his opinion of the case, 
and how they should act. This he was detailing with his usual candor 
and circumspection by adverting to his own observations, on the dif- 
ferent appearances on the road; and the fact of the Indians showing 
themselves on the next hill. As to the number of the enemy, his con- 
jectures varied, from three, to five hundred; owing to the ambiguous 
nature of the sign they had made on the road. From the careless manner 
in which the Indians, who had been seen, conducted themselves, he was of 
the opinion that the main body was near, and prepared for action. He 
was particularly well acquainted with the situation of the ground about 
the licks ; and the manner in which the river winds into an irregular 
ellipsis, embracing the great buffalo Foad and ridge, from the licks, to- 
wards Limestone, as its longest line of bisections ; and which is terminated 
by two ravines heading near together, a mile from the licks ; and extending 
in opposite directions to the river. He had suggested the probability of 
the Indians having here formed an ambuscade, the advantages to them, 
and the disadvantages to the party of Colonels Todd, and Trigg, should 
this conjecture be realized, and the march continued. He proposed that 
the party should divide; the one half march up Licking on the south side, 
to the mouth of a small creek, now called Elk creek, and there crossing 
over, proceed on the ridge to the outside of the ravines — wWle the other 
half should advance to the high ground on the north of the licks, and 
place itself in a situation to co-operate on the eneipy, in case of attack. 
He showed that the whole advantage of position might be thus turned 
against the enemy. And he insisted, as the very least that should be 
done, if his superiors were determined not to wait for Colonel Logan, was 
to have the country explored, round about, before they marched the main 
body, over the river ; for they were yet ignorant wliether the Indians had 
crossed, or not — and in either event, if they were near, they meant to take 
advantage of the measure; which their superiority of number would 
render decisive. Already had Boone, nearly gained the entire approbation 
of his superiors, and of those who heard his counsel — for in fact, they 
only hesitated between his propositions — when Major McGary, ardent 
and impatient of rlelay, rushed his horse forward to the water's edge, 


and raising the war whoop, next cried out with a loud voice, "Those who 
are not cowards follow me — I will show them where the Indians are" — 
spurred his horse into the river. One followed, and then another in quick 
succession; until a motion and agitation was communicated to the whole 
—the council was broken up — the officers, who might have been otherwise 
inclined, were forced along in the crowd and tumult — nothing had been 
concerted — no distinct orders were given; or if given, not observed — they 
crossed the river, and pursued the road, as the general guide kept by 
McGary, in front. On either side of which, parties flanked off, as the 
unevenness and irregularity of the ground would permit; all moving for- 
ward, with the utmost disorder, and precipitation over a surface covered 
with rocks, laid bare by the trampling of the bufialo, and the washing 
of the rains for ages past. When the van approached the ridge next 
within the ravines, which have been mentioned, to the left, an Indian, 
or two, were observed on it, at a distance; these appeared to retreat along 
the ridge, which led to the point between the ravine and river. One 
moment of cool reflection might have suggested the idea of decoy ; and 
the next would have shown the propriety of caution. It appears, however, 
that the determination to find the enemy so engrossed the party that 
prudence was, like fear, completely excluded and banished. The party, 
therefore, pressed on, toward the end of the ridge where it was covered 
by a forest of oak trees of middling size, and the ravines with small sap- 
lings or brush wood ; while the whole extent of the ellipsis had been 
stripped of all herbage, by the herds of buffalo, which were in the habit 
of resorting to the licks. Some scattering trees here and there appeared, 
on a pavement of rock, as rude as it was singular, throughout the whole 
extent of the field. Both Todd and Trigg had deviated from the main 
road; and probably with a view of taking their position on the right of 
the troops were far from the front, which moved rapidly, and rather 
obliquely, headed by McGary, Harland, and McBride; and followed by 
the rest, without regular order; the whole, with a few exceptions, being 
armed with rifles, and mounted on horses, formed a broken line corre- 
sponding with the ridge, and nearly parallel to the ravines ; which were 
filled with Indians. 

No sooner had McGary entered the forest, than he discovered the 
enemy waiting for him — here the action immediately began, and soon be- 
came warm, and bloody — on either side the rifle was pointed — on either 
side, the warrior fell. It was discovered that the ravines extending the 
whole length of the line of Kentuckians had concealed the savages, who 
fired and rushed upon their foes, not half their equal in point of num- 
bers. Todd, and Trigg, who were on the right, when the line fronted 
the ravines, were thrown into the rear, when its flank was changed, and 
it moved to the left, where the battle began : Already had these fallen — 
already were the Indians turning the right, or rear, of this line — already 
had twenty, or more, of those brave men who first engaged breathed their 
last — already was the line everywhere assailed — when a retreat commenced, 
under the uplifted tomahawk. At the beginning of the battle, many of 
the men dismounted, while others did not ; in the retreat, some recovered 
their horses — others fled on foot — over rocky field, already described, 
which was environed by high and rugged cliffs, on either hand, until it 
declined into a flat, as it approached the salt spring. The ford was 
narrow, and the water, though shallow on it, was deep, both above, and 
below. Some of the fugitives were overtaken on the way to the river, 
and fell beneath the stroke of the Indian spear, or hatchet — but at the 
water, was a greater havoc — some were slain in the water ; some on either 
shore. Here it was that a singular phenomenon was exhibited — a man 
by the name of Netherland, well mounted, and among the foremost in 
the flight, having crossed the Licking and gained the farthest bank, think- 


ing himself out of danger, checks his horse, takes a back view, sees the 
savages preparing to rush into the water, and there, to extinguish the 
remains of many Hves, almost exhausted by wounds, and the fatigue of 
flight, — cries out, with a shrill, and commanding voice, to those who had 
made the shore next to him — "Halt: fire on the Indians, and protect the 
men in the river." The call had the desided effect, on ten. or a dozen- 
who immediately halt, fire on the enemy, and check their pursuit — 
probably, by so doing, as many lives were saved. This resistance, how- 
ever, proves but momentary ; the Indians gather rapidly on the .shore — - 
luunbers of tlu-m arc seen crossing the river — and personal safety sug- 
gests a speedy tlight. 

The fugitives were pursued for miles ; nor did they fuid a place of 
safetv short of Bryant's .Station, thirty-six miles from the scene of 
action. Here, many of those on horseback arrived within six. and others 
on foot, within eight hours, after the battle. 

At Bryant's, the survivors of this tragedy recount the exploits of 
their comrades and their own disasters. Here they tell that Captain 
Rdberl Patterson, exhausted in the retreat, and ready to yield himself tu 
the scalping knife of the savage, just in his rear, is accosted by Reynolds, 
a soldier on horseback, who dismounts — assists Patterson, into his seat, 
;uid ensures his escape — while himself, now closely pressed, falls into the 
hands of three or four of the enemy — he seems alert, and they have not 
time to kill him — but they take his arms, and leave him in the custody 
of an Indian, who by this time had arrived, but seeming less expert than 
the captors, who continue the pursuit — sure of the pleasure of torturing 
one white man, when they should have more leisure. But the Indian, 
with the prisoner, continuing to move him, his moccasin came loose; and 
while he stooped down to tie it, Reynolds snatches his gun, frimi him — 
knocks him down with its butt — and makes his own escape. 

For this singular instance of real magnanimity, and essential service, 
Patterson, who had no prior claims on Reynolds, afterwards made him a 
])resent of 200 acres of land. 

Never had Kentucky experienced so fatal a blow as that at the Blue 
Licks; of the 166 brave men, who repaired to the assistance of Bryant 
Station, one half, or more, were from Harrodsburg and its vicinity. 
These, fired by the generous spirit of their officers, turned out upon the 
first call, ready, not only to risk, but to sacrifice their lives, if necessary 
in the defence of their country; these were led directly into the front 
of the battle — of these, the greater number fell, before it was ended. 
Those from other places, equally brave, were little less unfortunte. The 
whole loss on the side of Kentucky was sixty killed and seven made 
prisoners. Of the wounded, but few escaped. The Indians, it was said, 
lost sixty-four, killed — besides a number wounded. Such were the re- 
ports from their towns, afterwards; and that they massacred four of their 
prisoners, to make the loss equal. The equal loss is doubted. 

Greatly did the country feel and deplore the loss of Colonels Todd 
and Trigg ; who, although they had not acquired the reputation of great 
Indi;in warriors, were men of intelligence, of personal worth, and of public 
usefulness. They were particularly qualified to counsel, enlighten and 
guide the people in their private and civil concerns, while the suavity of 
their manners and the urbanity of their minds rendered them easy of 
access; and always ready to assist those who wanted their information or 
advice. Their deaths were a real public calamity of more than conunon 

In this action the gallant ITarland fell, nor was there an officer more 
brave or one more beloved in the field. 

Colonel Boone here lost his second son and very narrowly escaped 
with his own life. To him the incidents of the day must have been ex- 


tremely distressing and more than commonly vexatious. On the point, 
in the morning, of persuading his superiors and others to a course of 
proceeding which, if it had been adopted, would in all human probability 
have averted the fate of the day; or might have turned its disasters on 
the enemy, in the evening, he is exhausted with fatigue and anxiety, 
lamenting the death of a favorite son — looking on his country humbled 
by defeat, and knowing not the extent of its consequences. He was con- 
vinced the enemy was numerous — he apprehended they had taken no 
prisoners, and if so there was reason to expect they would return upon the 
settlements, in some quarter — and he knew they were crafty as enter- 
prising — and brave as they were savage. Great indeed was the consterna- 
tion on the north side of the Kentucky River. 

In the midst of these disastrous events and gloomy reflections, there 
was yet one consolation : the party with Colonel Logan was considerable — 
in full march — and unbroken as undismayed. The van of Logan's com- 
mand had passed Bryant Station on its way to the Blue Licks, when 
it was met by the fugitives from the field of recent battle, it then re- 
turned to Bryant — where the colonel halted on receipt of the intelli- 
gence, until the rear came up — which was one day — and then late in the 
evening resumed his march which was continued the greater part of the 
night — and again, at sunrise next morning, for the Licks — to engage the 
enemy if there and if not, to bury the dead. About noon, the battle ground 
was approached and the dead bodies seen strewed along the field. Some 
were mangled by savages — some by vultures — some by wild beasts; they 
were swollen and rendered quite yellow by the scorching rays of the sun, 
upon their naked skins. Each man who had lost a particular friend or 
relative sought for him, that if found he might receive the solemn rites 
of burial; if not found, that the hope of his being a prisoner and that he 
would return at some future day, might be indulged, to cheer the melan- 
choly impression of the scene. But even this imperfect consolation was 
denied, for none knew the remains of his friend when found — so much 
were the visages of the dead disfigured. No Indian carcass was seen, 
nor was it known how the enemy had disposed of their killed — for no 
grave appeared nor many trails of blood. 

The party with Logan, having performed the last solemn duties of the 
field and no frcsli sign of the Indians being seen, it was marched back 
to Bryant and dismissed to the number of 450 men. A force which it is 
believed under the direction of Logan had it come up before the battle 
or been waited for by Colonel Todd and his party would have certainly 
been successful. 

Such on the one hand is the effect of inconsiderate rashness, such 
on the other the ascendency of prudence, over the afl'airs of men. In 
nothing is this observation so often in substance made more frequently 
illustrated than in war and battle. What indeed is fate but the work of 
men's own hands hanging on means of their own choosing? i^ 

1=^ Marshall, History of Kentucky, Vol. I, pp. 134-143. 


Adams' (Geo.) Station, in Garrard County. 

Armstrong's Station, on the Indiana shore, in Clark County, Indiana, 
at the mouth of I'ull Creek, opposite Grassy Flats, and i8-niile Island 
bar, in the Ohio River, i8 mil'es above Louisville. A blockhouse was 
built here by Col. John Armstrong, in 1795 °r 179^. to prevent the 
Indians from crossing the river here, where it was fordable, to steal 
horses from Kentucky. ^ 

Arnold's (John) Station, on Little Benson Creek, 7 miles above 
Frankfort; 1783. 

Arlington's Station, in Southern Kentucky; 1788. 

Asiiton's Station; mentioned in Boone's Autobiography, May, 1782; 
same as Estill's. 

A 'Sturgus' Station (1783), on llarrod's trace, in Jefferson County. 

Bailey's Station, in Mason County, 2^/2 miles south of Maysville, and 
I mile from Washington; settled in 1791. 

Ballard's (Bland) Station, in Shelby County; usually called Tyler's. 

Bardstown, in Nelson County, established 1788; called Bairdstown. 

Barnett's Station, 2 miles from Hartford, Ohio County; settled by Col. 
Joseph Barnett, before 1790. 

Bell's St.xtion, in Madison County. (See p. 521, \'ol. II, Collins.) 

Black's Station, before December, 1794; in Fayette County, on waters of 
Clear Creek. 

Blockhouse on Big Sandy River, in Johnson Comity, at mouth of John's 
Creek. This was Harman's Station. 

Blue Licks, Lower. (Sec Lower Blue Licks.) 

Blue Licks. Upper. In Nicholas County, on the Licking River. The 
Upper Lick is on the south side of the river and the Lower Lick on 
the north bank, or the east bank, as the river there flows north for 
some distance. In a direct line it is some eight miles from one lick 
to the other, and by the course of the river some fifteen miles or more. 
They were discovered in July, 1773, by Major John Finley, and others 
from the Monongahela, in Pennsylvania. The land on which is the 
Upper Lick was surveyed July 26, 1773. The Lower Lick was dis- 
covered some days later by some surveyors of the party, when the 
terms "u])per" and "lower" were applied to distinguish them. 

These licks were not fortified. Stations were not estal)lished there. 
But the ])ioncers went to these springs to make salt. Daniel Boone 
went with a party of thirty men to the Lower Blue Lick to make salt, 
January i, 1778. On I'"ebruary 7, while out hunting he was captured by 
the Indians. lie induced all but three of his party to surrender — the 
three having been sent home with salt. 

On the 19th of August, 1782, the battle of the Lower Blue Lick 
was fought. The Kentuckians sustained their most severe defeat in 
that battle.; Si'RiNG, in Mercer County, near or in I larrodsburg ; in 1775; 
one of the four "settlements" which were represented in tlie Transyl- 
vania legislative body at Boonesboro. 

1 Dillon's History of Ind