THE
History of Korea
HOMER B. HULBERT, A. M., F. R. G. S.
Editor of The Korea Review
VOJ^UME TWO
lEEUSTRATED
SeotM^, loos
TllV, MbtiI(>I>I!»T 1*UIIL.I^«IIINI* IIOU»U
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THE HISTORY OF KOREA
VOLT^MK II
Chapter I.
China's reply to Ihe Japanese. . . the Chinese army . . .the Chinese com-
mander interview.s the Kint^ ...inarch on P'rung-yang. .. .Chinese
treachery .... the new year .. .Chinese help not all a blessing ...
P'\-ring-yang invested . . . .the Chinese force an entrance. . . .Japanese
driven to ba}-....hovv they escape. .. .they retreat ...they mass
at Seoul . . .Chinese stop at Song-do. . . .Koreans bridge the Im-jin
... Chinese retire to P'yung-yang. .. .Korean victory in the north
. . great victory at Hing-ju . . .the Japanese sue for peace . con-
ference on the Han . . .Japanese evacuate Seoul . . .the terrible con-
dition of the city ...Chinese enter Seoul .. .they prevent pursuit
. . Japanese desecrate a royal tomb . . . Chinese accused of bad
faith . . .Japanese line of camps. . . .Chinese reinforced . . .the great
battle of Chin-ju . . .a loyal dancing-girl . . .admiral Yi still active
. . Chinese troops retire.
We must now return to the north and witness the final
struf^gle which was to begin the Japanese retreat from the
whole north. It was not till long after the fifty days had ex-
pired that Gen. Sim Yu-gyung returned from Nanking. The
Japanese had sent time and again, asking why he did not make
his appearance, but now on the sixth day of the twelfth moon
he entered the city of P'yung-3'^ang. making no excuses for
his tardiness but delivering his message as follows : "I have
seen the Emperor and he says that if you wish to become
vassals of China you must first give up all the territory taken
from Korea. You must also give up the two princes whom
you have captured. If yon do not see fit to comply with these
demands the Emperor will send a million men and destroy
you." He then gave to each of the Japanese leaders an or-
nament for the hat. from the Ivmperor. This was a trick to
2 KOKKAN IirSTOKV.
discover how large the Japanese force might be. It was de-
termined tliat tliere must be about 20,000 Japanese troops in
the city. What reply the Japanese gave to the Emperor's
demands is not told, but that it was a negative one seems sure
from what followed.
The Chinese army of counter-invasion lay just beyond
tlie Va-lu River. It was an enormous host and, as armies went
in those days, it was a thoroughly efEcient one. In connec-
tion with this army was an official who held the rank of
"Military Adviser," bj' the name of Song Kuno-ch'ang. The
office carried no active power in the field but it seems to have
been a sort of check upon the commander-in-chief, for the
duties of the office were to keep the Emperor informed of
what was going on at the seat of war. The actual General-
in-chief was Yi Yu-song. Under him were three generals, of
the right, left and center respectively. The General of the
Left was Yang \Vun and under him were Generals Wang Yu-
jung. Yi Yu-n;a, Yi Yo-o. Yang So, Sa Ta su. Son Su-ryum,
Yi R\' ling and Kal Pong-ha. The General of the Center was Yi
Yu-bak and under him were Generals Im Cha-yang. Yi Pang-
jin, KoCh'ak, Cb.o.i Su-jong, Ch'iik Keum, Chu Hong-mo,
Pang Si-whi, Ko Seung and Wang Mun. The General of
the Right was Chang Se-jak and under him were Generals
Cho Seung-hun, O Yu-ch'ung, Wang P'il-jiik, ChoChi-mok,
Chang Eung-eh'ung, Nak Sang-ji, Chin Pang ch'iil, Kok Su
and Yang Sim. The rear guard was under the command of
Gen. Pang Si-ch'an and the engineering corps was com-
manded by Generals Yu Whang-sang and Wun Whang. The
main arn)y was composed of 43.000 troops, while in the rear
was a reserve force of 8,000. This army crossed the Ya-lu
on the twejity-fifth of the twelfth moon, the dead of winter.
It is said tliat when on tlie march this army stretched along
the road a thousand li (tliree hundred miles and more) and
that the .sound of their drnmis was continuous along the whole
line.
General-in-chief W YT-song, dressed in crim.^on robes
and riding in a crimson chair, arrived in Eui-jii and immedi-
ately sought an interview with the king. The latter said, "I
have governed this country badly. The Emperor hr.s been
put to a grtat deal of troublt t)n my account and all these
.MoDI'kN KokKA, 3
good men have come a long, cold road to fight for tis. Though
I lay open my vitals with a sword I cannot repay you all for
this kindness." Gen. Yi smiled and said, "The Kmperor's
might reaches to the heavens. For the sake of Your Majesty's
happiness we have been sent, and all your enemies will soon
be put to flight." To this the king rejoined, "Our nation's
life hangs by a thread, and the result lies with you." Gen,
Vi raised his two hands in salute and answered, "1 am come
at the Emperor's orders and life or death are all one to me.
When I started out my father said to me, 'Fight valiantly
for Korea and return victorious,' and so how can I do less
-than my best?" The Koreans say that this man's father was
a native of F^un-san in the province of P'yung-an, Korea, but
that for some offence he had fled to China and together with
many of his relatives was enjoying high position under the
Emperor.
Gen. Yi started for P'yung-yang with his whole army,
80,000 bags of rice and 20,000 pounds of powder. His troops
were not provided with muskets but they had small cannon.
The Japanese on the other hand had muskets but no cannon.
I'pon the arrival of the Chinese at An-ju they were met by
the Prime Minister, Yu SQng-nyung, who laid before Gen. Yi a
map showing the roads leading to P yiing-yang. Gen. Yi took
red ink and indicated on the map the various routes b}^ which
he intended to lead his forces to that city. Calling Gen. Sa
Til-su he sent him forward to deceive the Japanese by saying
that a few Chinese had come to effect a peaceful solution of
the difficulty. The Japanese were pleased at this and sent
twenty of their people to meet, as thev supposed, Sim Yu-
gyTrng at Su-an. Gen. §a feasted thetn there but meanwhile
had the place surrounded and in the midst of the banquet the
Japanese were treacherously assaulted and cut down, only
three escaping. From these the Japanese learned of the hos-
tile intentions of the Chinese and'were greatly disturbed, but
being forewarned they jiut themselves in readiness for an
assault.
And so the old year died — the terrible Im-jin year which
witnessed the indescribable horrors of the ruthless invasion
which swept it from end to end : which .saw, too, the gradual
awakening of the dormant military spirit of the people, until
4 K()K)-AX HISTORY.
nt its c'.cjst; the wavt of invasion had not onl^- broken and spent
itself but had left the remnant of the invaders cut off from
their home land by one of the "freatest naval j^eniuses of his
own or an>- other ao;e. surrounded on all sides and hemmed in
by forces whicli thouo^h perhaps unable to cope with them in
the open field in a pitched battle could yet harrass atid cut
them off on every side. It must be clearly borne in mind that
tlie Chinese did not raise a hand to help Korea until the in-
vasion virtually collapsed. The Koreans without the aid of
China could probably have starved the Japanese out of P'yung-
yang and driven them southward, cutting them off on the left
and right till they would have been glad to take ship for home.
In a sense the Chinese counter-it] vasiou was an extremelv un-
fortunate thing for Korea, for the dormant energies of the peo-
ple were just rousing themselves to action. Armies were be-
ing levied, every day saw the Japanese forces melting away
and there was a magnificent oj^portunity for Korea to turn
upon her devastators and drive them headlong into the sea.
It would have given a tremendous impulse to patriotism and
national self-respect, and it might have been a stepping-stone
to a strong national life : but the coming of the Chinese sol-
diery immediately threw everything into Chinese hands and
they reaped all the benefits of the situation. Even the Kor-
eans themselves did not realize how they were playing into
the hands of China. The Japanese in P'yiing-yang were
weary and sick, and at heart glad of any excuse for retreating
if it could be done without too great a loss of dignity. It was
ai just this monent that the Koreans put the game, already
\vr)n, into the hands of China to reap all the credit and all the
prizes of success. The Koreans leaned back upon China and
relapsed into their old self-complacent "fool's paradise."
With the beginning of the new year Gen Yi moved
southward toward P'yvmg-yang as far as Suk-cliTln where he
intended to halt for the night, as the winter days were short,
but hearing of the ma.ssacre at Snn-an and wishing to give as
little time for preparation as possible, pushed on by night, and
in the morning planted his banners before the ancient city of
l">ang-yang. The city was forthwith surrounded. The
Japanese could be seen covering the slope of the hill within
the wail with their blue and white flags, and ioon they open-
MODERN KOREA. 5
ed fire on the besiegers. At the same moment they rushed to
the walls and manned them. The Chinese Generals of the
Left, Center and Right were stationed with their respective
forces before the three gates Ch'il-sung, Ham-guand Po-t'ong.
The General-in-chief Yi, with a banner in one hand and a
drum-stick in the other, rode swiftly from one division to an-
other encouraging the men. His forces could hardly be held
in check, they were socager, in spite of their long, cold night
march, to rush at the wall and scale it. They were not long
kept from their desire, for at eight o'clock word was given for
the whole assaulting force to advance to the wall. The can-
non thundered, the fire-arrows flashed throught the air, the
very ground fairly trembled with the noise of battle and the
tramp of eager feet. One of the fire-arrows alighted in the
quarters of the Japanese general-in-chief and it was soon in
flames, which rapidly spread to all the surrounding buildings.
The Japanese guarded the walls with the greatest gallantry,
and with spear and arrow, hot water aud stones they made it
quite impossible for the Chinese to effect an entrance. The
wall bristled with weapons, so that in the words of a native
chronicler it was "a hedge-hog's back." So it happened
that the Chinese forces fell back from the fierce defense of the
Japanese. Many of them contemplated a general retreat and
started to leave the field, but Gen. Yi, who was always found
where most needed, saw the defection of his men and, pursuing
them, struck off the heads of a few as an example to the rest.
Then he turned and cried, "Fifty ounces of silver to the first
man to set foot upon the battlements of P'yung-yang." This
was doubtless a more powerful appeal than he could have made
had he called upon their patriotism or love of glory. Im-
mediately the tide of battle turned. A Chinese captain, Nak
Sang-ji, a man well along in years and whose proportions
were so ample that the Korean chronicler says of him that he
weighed a thousand pounds, led on a company of men and by
a mighty effort succeeded in reaching the lop of the wall. He
held his ground there while others could scale the wall at his
back, and so an entrance was effecttd. The Japanese began
to desert the wall, and soon the Chinese entered by the Po-
t'ong and Ch'il-sung gates, while Korean allies entered by
the Ham-gu Gate. By this time the Japanese had entirely
'6 KORE\N HISTORY.
left the wall and had massed themselves as best they could
in various parts of the city, determined to make a desperate
stand. The Chinese infantry and cavalry both swarmed in
on every side and all Japanese stragglers were cut off, while
the fight throughout the city became general. Before the
Japanese could firmly establish themselves upon the hill and
in otht-r defensible parts of the town they lost two captains,
2,285 men, and 45,002 weapons of various kinds, besides
1,051 Koreans whom they had held as captives.
Manj' of the Japanese had taken refuge in various gov-
ernment buildings which they had barricaded as best they
could. The Chinese went to work systematically to burn
these down, and in the few hours remaining before the fall
of night nearly half of the entire Japanese force succumb-
ed to the weapons of Chinese. One instance will suffice to il-
lustrate the method of procedure. Many of the Japanese had
taken refuge in a large building on the wall, well up on
the side of the mountain and looking directly down upon
the waters of the river. Gen. Yi had it surrounded with
piles of wood, the timbers of houses and hewn logs, and these
were set on fire. The entrapped Japanese then bad the
choice of roasting to death or leaping down upon the ice of
the river. Hundreds chose the latter alternative, but the ice
was not strong enough to stand the tremendous strain and
they were all engulfed in the river and carried under the ice
below. As for those that remained, it is said that the smell
of burning flesh could be discerned a quarter of a mile away.
Gen. Konishihad taken refuge with a large body of troops
in a building called the Yun-gwang-jung, very near the Ta-
dong Gate which opens directly upon the water front. Night
had fallen and the fight had lulled for a time. What took
place at this time may be open to some doubt. The Korean
account says that the Chinese commander sent a message to
Konishi demanding the surrender of his whole force and that
Konishi replied, "Our remaining force is small and we wish
to evacuate the city and retreat if we may be allowed to leave
quietly." It is affirmed that Gen. Yi consented to this and
left the Ta-dong Gate unguarded, and in the dead of night
the Japanese troops passed swiftly out and crossed the river.
On the face of it this statement is hardly credible, but judging
MODKKN KOKKA. * 7
from future events the Koreans believe that Gen. Yi received
a large ):)ribe from the Japanese as the price of this act of
leniency. It is true that future events justified the Koreans
in suspecting some such thing, but as the Japanese were im-
mediately beside the Ta-dong Gate and, under cover of night,
might easily have forced tlieir way out, especially as the Chinese
were exhausted by their long forced march and the fight
about the city, we may well believe that the Japanese did not
need to appeal either to the pity or the avarice of the Chinese
in order to effect their escape. It may be, too, that Gen. Yi
did not wish to be hampered with so many prisoners of war
and was rather glad than otherwise to let them get away. Of
course the Koreans who had suffered .so terribly at the hands
of the Japanese would have been glad to see every one of them
massacred, and their anger at seeing them escape may have
led them to impute wrong motives toGen. Yi. Subsequent
events, however, gave some color to these suspicions, as
we shall see.
This retreat from P'yung-yang in the dead of winter was
lik; Napoleon's retreat from Moscow, on a small .scale. The
Japanese were without provisions or proper clothing. Many
of them threw aside their arms and luggage and, turning from
the main road, begged their way from house to house. When
at last they reached the city of Seoul and found food and safe-
ty they were in a savage humor. Most of the Koreans who
had fled from the capital had now returned, and on them these
half-famished and wholly disappointed Japanese wreaked their
vengeance. They seized hundreds of the unoffending people
and put them to the sword. Scores of them were taken out-
side the South Gate and slaughtered like oxen.
Gen. Kato, who had led an expedition eastwards into
Ham-gyung Province, hearing of the evacuation of P'yung-
yang, immediately put his troops in motion and hastened down
to Seoul, burning and ravaging as became. And in a short
time all the remnants of the Japanese army were congregated
in the capital.
The Japanese retreat from P'yung-yang was not without
its casualties. A Korean general, Ko On -bilk, met a body of
the Japanese, probably a part of the retreating army, at P'a-
ju, seventy //out of Seoul, and punished them severely, taking
8 KORKAN lllSlOkV.
as it is said, seventy heads ; not h great achievement when we
remember that the Japanese were practically- nnarmed.
But by this time the Chinese Gen. Yi was on his way south
from P'yung-yang, rather tardily as the Koreans thought,
but hearing of this engagement of Gen. Ko. he quickened
his pace. Coming to He-on Pass, some seventy // out from
Seoul, his horse slipped, throwing him heavily on his face. He
was severely though not dangerously hurt. At that mo-
ment a company of Japanese was sighted on the mountain side
and Gen. Yi ordered instant pursuit. The Japanese, probably
a foraging party from Seoul, closed with them and as the
Chinese were on a marshy piece of land, where they sank to
their knees in the mud, and had no other \Aeapons with tlicm
but their swords, the Japanese inflicted severe punishment on
them, killing eighty of their number. Gen. Yi was so weak
from loss of blood that he did not dare to prolong the fight.
So he called a retreat and the next day went into camp at
Tong-p'a, a hundred // from Seoul. From that point he im-
mediately despatched a letter to the Emperor saying : "There
are 20,000 Japanese firmly intrenched in Seoul and with my
present force I dare not attack them. I am also ill and can^
not fight. I would be glad if you would send someone to re-
lieve me of the command." Then he retreated fiftv // further,
to Song-do, in spite of the earnest entreaties of the Koreans.
The Korean General Yi Pin said. "You came to render aid to
our country. Why is it that you now retreat?" whereupon
one of the general's staff promptly kicked him out of the house.
Gen. Yiordered Gen. Sa TS-su to go and guard the ferry
at the Im-jin river which was now partly frozen but impass-
able for boats and ordered the Koreans to go to work buildins:
a bridge for the transport of the Chinese army. Here was a
piece of wovk that might have daunted a better engineer than
the average Korean general. But the way the Koreans went
about it and the brilliant success they achieved show what
the Korean was capable of when really in earnest. And it
shows as well how thoroughly they were determined to see
chastisement inflicted upon the Japanese. A swift broad
river partly frozen, no possibility of driving piles nor of erect-
ing my supports from the bed of the river itself. It must be
a suspension bridge or noue at all. On either side of the
MOliKKN KOKKA. 9
river heavy timbers were planted firmly in the ground some
twenty feet apart. Behind these horizontally were laid heavy
logs. Then between these supports on either bank were
stretched fifteen heavy strands of the tough fibrous vine call-
ed chik by the Koreans It is tht pneraria lhu7ibergiana. Of
course these sagged in mid-stream so that they swept the water,
To remedy this, stout levers were inserted between the strands
and twisted until tlie cables swung clear of the water by many
feet. Tlie foundation having thus been laid, willow branches
were spread thickly upon the cables and finally a heavy layer
of earth was added and the whole was packed down tight by
the treading of many feet. And so was completed the first
suspension bridge which history records. We see that dur-
ing this war the Koreans had originated three important
things, namely the iron-clad, the mortar and bomb, and now
the suspension bridge. And on this bridge the whole Chinese
army crossed in safety.
But Gen. Yi was tired of the war and was extremely
anxious to get back to China. So when he heard that Nato
was crossing the peninsula he said, "He may come to P'yiing-
yang and in that case I must hasten back to that place and
hold it against him." So he started back toward that city,
leaving Gen Wang P'il-jiik in charge of the forces that were
advancing on Seoul.
At this point mention must be made of the victories of
Gen. Chong Mun-bu in Ham-gyung Province. In three suc-
cessive fights he had defeated a large, though not the main,
body of Japanese and seems to have entirely cut it off from
forming a junction with Gen. Kato as he retreated toward
Seoul with his dwindling though still formidable army.
After the departure of the Japanese, Gen. Chong went to the
far north, even to the far Tu-man River and inflicted severe
punishment on all those who had aided the Japanese or
had sided with them in the betrayal of the two princes.
This done, he pacified the disturbed province as much
as he could and then disbanded the militia and sent them
to their homes.
Kwun RyHl, the governor of Chul-la, of whom we have
heard before, took 4000 men and marched on Seoul, not by
the main road but b)- way of Yang-ch'un. Crossing tl.e Han
lO KORKAN HISTORY.
at that point he went into cam]-) at HSn^-ju and surrounded
it with a paling^ of heavy log^s. The Japanese in Seoul ridi-
culed it but sent a strong body of troops to attack it. A long^
fierce fight ensued and the result was doubtful. At last the
Japanese succeeded in setting fire to the wooden paling and
had it not been for the tnost strenuous efforts on the part
of the Koreans they would have been burned out. But they
.«:ucceeded in quenching the flames. When their arrows were
gone their outlook was again apparently hopeless, but in the
very nick of time Admiral Yi Pin of Chul-la Province came
up the river by boat with 20.000 arrows and as the camp was
immediately on the river bank the Koreans were saved, atid
soon the Japanese were driven back. KyTni RyDl took the
bodies of the Japanese who had fallen, cut them in pieces and
impaled the fragments on the top of the stockade. The next
daj' the Chinese general Sa TS-su arrived and, seeing these
trophies of victory, praised Gen. Kwu;i highly and sent him
to P'a-ju to guard against any possible northward movement
of the Japanese. At the same time small companies were
sent in all directions to cut off foraging expeditions of the
enemy. In this way the Japanese in Seoul were cut off from
all supply of fuel. The Japanese general who had suffered
defeat at HSng-ju thirsted for revenge, and he led many a
fierce sally from Seoul, but always with great loss.
In the third month confidence was so far restored in the
north that the king began to think of returning toward the
capital. The first stage of this journey was as far as Yong-
yu. At this same time the Japanese sent a letter to the Ko-
rean general Yu Sfing-nyong saying that they wished to con-
clude a treaty of peace. Gen. Yu as in duty bound sent this
message on to the Chinese Gen. Yi in P'yung-yang. He in
turn despatched Sim Yu-gyfing, who had before acted as an
emissary of peace between the Japanese and the Emperor, to
take charge of the negotiations and with instructions more
or less definite. When this commissioner arrived in the
vicinity of Seoul a meeting took place between him and the
two Japanese leaders, Konishi and Kato, in mid-stream off
the village of Yong-san. Gen Sim opened the conference
by saying, "If you had listened to my advice in P'yung yang
you would have saved yourselves all this trouble. The Chinese,
MODI'KN KoRKA. 1 1
40,000 strong, are all about you. They have gone south to
fortify the Cho-ryung Pass and thus cut off your retreat.
The Han River is guarded so thoroughly that you cannot
cro.ss ; Gen. Yi Vti-song is returning from the north with
300,000 fresh troops (an unblushing lie) and I am prepared to
offer vou the only possible way of escape. You must give up
the two princes ; you must leave the capital and move south
to the coast of Kyung-sang Province. Then and not till then
will we conclude peace and the Kmperor will recognize your
king as his vassal." The vanquished invaders saw that
there was nothing to do but comply, and so in the name of
the tliirty-seven Japanese generals thej' engaged to evacuate
Seoul on the nineteenth day of the fourth moon. It was
further agreed that they should leave untouched 20.000 bags
of rice which were stored in the government granaries. The
two princes were to accompany the Japanese as far as Fusan
and were to be handed over to the Korean authorities there.
In accordance with their promise, the Japanese evacuated
the city on the very day appointed, and Gen. Yi Yu-song,
who seems to have recovered his health rapidly after he found
that the Japanese did not mean fight, entered the city the
following day. The condition in which he found things is
almost indescribable. The Ancestral Temple and three palaces
had been burned. Only the Nani-pyul-gung, wViich the in-
vaders had used as headquarters, was standing. The country
all about was lying fallow and a great famine stared the Ko-
reans in the face. A thousand bags of rice were hastily
brought and made up into soup or gruel, mixed with pine
leaves, and a few of the starving thousands were fed. As
Gen. Sa Ta-su was passing along the street he saw a young
child tryitjg to suck milk from the breast of its dead mother.
The sight arou.sed his compassion and he carried the child to
his quarters and ordered it to be cared for. Rice was .so
scarce that a whole piece of cotton cloth could be purchased
with about three (juarts of it. A horse cost but three pecks
of rice- Famishing men fought and killed each other, the
victors eating the vanquished, sucking the marrow from the
b(Mies and then dying themselves of surfeit. It is even .said
thai when a drunken Chinese soldier vomited, half starved
uK-n would crawl to the place and fight over the posse.ssion of
12 kOKKAN llISTokV.
this liorrible substitute for food. This state of things natnr-
iiUy brought on an epidemic of the native fever, a species of
typhus, and the dead bodies of its victims lay all along the
road, thf head of one being jjillowed on the breast of another.
The dead bodies in and immediately around Seoul were
gathered and piled in a heap outside the Water Mouth Gate
and it is affirmed that the pile was ten feet higher than the
wall.
It was on the twentieth of the fourth moon that Gen.
Vi entered Seoul. He took up his quarters in the Nam-pyOl-
gung. He seemed to be in no haste to pursue the Japanese,
so Gen. Yu Siitig-nyong hinted that as the Japanese were in
full flight it might be well to hurry after them and cut them
down as occasion offered. The Chinese general had no in-
tention of leaving his comfortable quarters that .soon, but he
gave consent to the project of pursuit and detailed 1 0,00a
men under the lead of Gen Yi Yu-bak. A day or so later
this doughty warrior returned saying that he had a pain in
the leg. So ended the first attempt at pursuit. Then the
Korean Gen. Kwrin Ryiil came in from P'a-ju and urged
that there be immediate pursuit, but for some unexplained
reason the Chinese commander forbade it, and the native
accounts even add that he sent secretly and had the boats on
the Han destroyed so as to render pursuit of the Japanese
impossible.
After crossing the Han River, the retreating Japanese
seem to have been in very ill humor, for they did not confine
their exhibitions of temper to the living alone but even at-
tacked the dead. They dug open the royal tomb at Chung -
neung a short distance the other side of the river. Digging
fifteen measures deep they found some rags and a few bones.
These they scattered about on the ground. They then filled
in the hole with rubble. Another royal tomb was opened and
the casket and remains were burned.
In the beginning of the fifth moon a letter arrived from
the Military Commissionei, Song Kung-ch'ang, in P'yung-
yang, ordering a general pursuit of the Japanese. The Kor-
eans believe this to have been a mere blind, for the Japanese
had twenty days the start of them and pursuit was of course
out of the question. At this point again the Koreans nnke a
MOUKKX KOkKA. 1 3
serious charge against the Chinese, asserting thit the Japan-
ese, before leaving Seoul, sentlirge sums of nione_v toward
P'yung yang for Gen. Yi Yn-song and Song Eung-cli'ang, and
that by this means they secured immunity from pursuit.
The delay was a cause of great wonderment to the Koreans
and it is not unlikely tb.at this theory of a bribe explained for
them most fully the actions of the Chinese. And it must be
confessed that there is little in the temperament or antecedents
of the Chinese on which to base a refutation of the charge. An
instance is cited to bring home the charge. A Korean who
had come upon a Japanese straggler and killed him was severe-
ly beaten by order of the Chinese general in charge.
Finally, when all too late, Gen. Yi made a pretense of
pursuit, but after crossing Cho-ryfing Pass and still finding
himself no nearer the enemy than before, he turned back and
resumed his comfortable quarters in vSeoul. If he thought the
Japanese would hasten to take boat and return to their native
land, he was much mistaken. It may be that they wished to
do so. but the terrible punishment that Admiral Yi Sun-sin
had inflicted upon the army of reinforcement made them wary
of approaching the coast, and so the Japanese forces in the
south found themselves practically entrapped. I.'ad the Kor-
ean land forces been led at this time by a man of the skill and
bravery of old admiral Yi the country would have been spared
long years of war.
The Japanese in their flight south were brought face to
face with this stern fact, and like the soldiers that they were
they set themselves to solve the problem. They wanted to be
near the sea, perhaps with a view to taking advantage of any
opportutiity that might present itself of slipping across to
Japan, and yet they were so numerous that, living as they must
on forage, it would be impossible for them all to encamp at the
.same place. So they adopted the plan of fortifying a long strip
of the southern coast, reaching from the harbor of So-sang in'
the district of Ul san in Kyung-sang Province to Sun-ch'un in
Ch'iil-la Province, a distance of over two hundred and seventy
miles. There were in all between twenty and thirty camps.
Being thus about ten miles apart they had room for forage and
still were near enough each other to render assistance in case
the Koreans or their allies the Chinese should besiege them
14 K()K);a.\ iiisTokv.
at any point. These fortified camps were all of the same
jjeneral kind, overlooking the sea from a bluff and on the
land side surrounded by a moat and earthworks. These prep-
arations were made with the utmost care, for there was no
hope of immediate succor and the Japanese foresaw stirring
times.
In course of time the Chinese court was informed of these
events and the success of their generals in the north seems to
have given them some enthusiasm for prosecuting the war; .so
additional troops were sent to the front under the command
of Generals Yu Chung and Hu Kuk-chTing. These troops
numbered 5,000 and were from southern China. Among
them there are said to have been many "ocean imps," or sav-
ages from the southern islands. These men could enter the
water, it is said, and scuttle the enemy's ships from beneath.
We are told that there were also in this army some men of
immense stature who came in carts rather than on foot. These
forces went into camp at Siing-ju in Kyung-sang Province.
At this place there was also a large Korean army under Gen-
erals Kim ChTni-il, Kim Sang-gon, Ch'o<^' Kyung-whe, Ko
Chong-hu. Yang San-do and Yi Chong-in. Under them were
large numbers of militia and raw recruits, and this accounts
in p.irt for the speedy fall of the town and the terrible slaugh-
ter that ensued. The Japanese laid siege to the place and
after nine days, during which time the Japanese made a hun-
dred separate assaults, the latter were reinforced and the de-
fenders, exhausted by the long struggle, were finalh' driven
from the wall and the Japanese effected an entrance. But
even after they got in, the Koreans fought desperately and
sold their lives as dearly as possible. Of this most sanguinary
battle only one incident is preserved in the Korean accounts.
When the Japanese entered the city and had advanced to a
point on the wall which overlooks the waters of the Nam-gang
(river), a desperate encounter took place, in the midst of
which the Korean general, Yi Chong-in, seized two of the
Japanese about the waist and, dragging them to the brink
of the precipice, threw himself and them into the water below,
Korean accounts say that in this battle the almost incredible
number of 70,000 Koreans were killed and that an equal num-
ber of the Japanese perished. This latter must be an exag-
MODKRN KORKA. I5
geration, for the loss of that number must have swept well-nigh
the entire Japanese army from the country. We must" re-
member that the Japanese army had received practically no
reinforcements from the time it first landed on Korean soil,
and it is safe to say that what with the losses by sickness and
accident, together with the thousands who had fallen at the
hands of the Koreans and Chinese, the original force must
have dwindled to 150,000 or less ; in which case the loss of
70,000 men must have put them hors de combat at once. This
battle is called the greatest in the whole war, by the Koreans,
though it is not considered the most important.
An interesting story is told of a dancing-girl of this town.
When the Japanese took possession of the place she was ap-
propriated by one of the Japanese generals. One day while
they were feasting in a summer-house on the wall overlooking
the river, she began to weep. He asked her the reason and
she replied, "You have come here and driven away our people
and our king. I do not know whether my sovereign is liv-
ing, and yet I sit here and feast. I can hardly claim to be
better than the beasts, to sit here and make merry. I must
put an end to my life." Thereupon she threw her arms
about her paramour and flung herself and him over the edge,
thus ending her weary life and helping to avenge her native
land at the same time. For this reason she was canonized at
a later date and her spirit was worshiped at this place each
year by royal edict.
All this time the great Admiral Yi was in camp at Han-
san Island off the coast of Kyung-sang Province. His force was
not large, but during his enforced idleness he prepared for
future work. He set all his men to work making salt by
evaporating sea water, and by this means he got together a
great store of provisions. Needing barracks for the soldiers,
he offered to the carpenters and workmen about a bag of
salt for a day's work. His energy and patriotism were so con-
tagious that many worked for nothing, and the barracks were
soon built. At this point the king conferred upon him the
admiralty of the three provinces of Ch'ung-ch'ung, Chul-la
aud Kyung-sang.
In the ninth moon the Commissioner Song Eung-ch'ang
and Gen Yi Yu-song collected their forces and started back
l6 KOKKAN HISTORY.
for China. They evidentl)- coiisiderfcd the back bone of the
invasion broken, and so it was ; but like most spinal diseases
it was destined to linger on for years before it came to an end.
When these generals set out on their homeward way they left
10,000 Chinese soldiers in the hands of the Korean gererals Yu
Chung and O Yu-ch'ang to act as a bodyguard for the king.
In spite of their suspicions of the corruptibility of Gen. Yi
Yu-song, the Koreans speak in high terms of him. The\- de-
scribe him as a young man of thirty, of handsome person,
broad mind and possessed of great skill in the art of war.
When he was on the eve of returning to China he bared his
head and showed the Koreans that his hair was alreadj' turn-
ing gray. He told them it was because he had worked so hard
for them, which piece of bathos seems to have impressed
them deeply.
Chapter XI.
The King re-enters Seoul. .. .temporary palace. .. .a royal lament ...a
prrfligate prince. . . .imperial rebuke. . . ."The Flying General" . . .
uneasiness in Seoul. . . .revenue reform . . .reforms in the army . . .
Kingrefuses to make peace with the Japanese. . . .the Chinese retire
. . . .plot against Konishi ... Japanese envoy in Nanking. . . .robbers
put down ...a good man ruined. .. .Japanese trickery a patient
envo}'. . . .he absconds . . .his flight covered b}' his second. . . .home-
sick Japanese . . Konishi sarcastic . . .Chinese envoy in Japan. . . .
Korean envoy ... .Japanese army leaves Korea .. .prince refuses
the crown. . . .rebellion. . . death of a Ipj-al general. . . .envoj's ill-
treated in Japan. . . .return . .a new invasion determined upon
comparison of Japan and Korea . . .Japanese scheme to get Admiral
Yi into trouble. .. ..Admiral Yi degraded ...second invasion ...
Cho-ryung pass fortified .. Chinese give aid. .. .Admiral Yi's suc-
cessor a failure. . . great naval victory for the Japanese.
It was on the fourth day of the tenth moon of the year
1593 that the king reentered the gates of Seoul after his long
hard exile in the north. But he found the city almost a
desert. The palaces were burnt and the ancestral temple was
level with the ground. Under the circumstances he decided
to stop for some time in that part of the city which is called
MODKRN KOREA. I7
Chong-dong, the present foreign quarter, near the West Gate.
Here there had been the grave of one of the wives of the
founder of the dynasty, but her body had long ago been dis-
interred and removed to a place outside the Northeast Gate.
So the king took up his quarters at the Myung-ye-gung. It
is the exact spot where the King of Korea lives today. A
considerable tract of land about it was surrounded by a stake
fence with a gate at the east and at t^-e west. This royal res-
idence was named the Si-o-sa or "Temporary Residence."
Here the king lived thirteen years while the palace now
known as "The Old Palace" was being built. The king was
desirous of rebuilding on the spot where his palace had stood
before, the Kyong-bok-kung, but he was told by the geo-
mancers that that Vv^ould be an unpropitious site. In order to
build the new palace a tax of half a piece of cotton cloth was
levied upon each man throughout the country. In some cases
rice was accepted as a substitute.
After the king had entered the city, one of his first acts
was to go to the site of the ancient Confucian Temple and,
standing on the melancholy spot, utter tlie following lament ;
*'The spirit of Confucius permeates space as water permeates
the soil beneath our feet. If my faithfulness isgreat enough,
let the spirit of Confucius rest down upon this spot." He
noticed that none of the people were in mourning and so or-
dered that all those who had lost parents in the war should
assume the mourner's garb.
At this time a strong faction arose whose wish was to see
the king lay aside his royal prerogative in favor of his son.
This prince was a son by a concubine, for the queen had no
children. He was an ambitious but profligate fellow and had in
his heart no loyalty for his father. Some of the courtiers went
so far as lo memorialize the King to the effect that it might
add to the contentment of the people if the king should put
the reins of government into the hands of his son. He hesitat-
ed to do this, for he knew the young man and how unfit he
was to rule. At the suggestion of Song Eung-ch'aug, the
emperor sent to the king appointing the Crown Prince to the
governorship of the southern provinces in conjunction with
the Chinese general, Yu Chung. The prince was delighted at
this and hastened to his post at Chun-ju. He practicall\- took
1 8 KOKKAN HISTC3RY.
the whole jurisdiction of the south out of the hands of the
king and even held the competitive examinations for literary-
degrees, which was an exclusively royal prerogative
Another of the Chinese generals accused the king b2fore
the emperor of effeminacy and love of luxury and suggested
that one of the best of the Korean generals, be elevated
to the throne in his place, but Gen. Suk Sung, who was very
loyal to Korea, induced the emperor merely to send a letter
upbraiding the king for his love of luxury and claiming that
this was the cause of Japanese successes in the peninsula.
The letter ended with an exhortation to arouse himself, work
up a competent arm}', and complete the work of driving out
the Japanese. The envoy bearing this missive was met at
P'a-ju by Gen. Yu Sung-nyong and an escort. The China-
man told him that his arrival in Seoul would be the signal for
some verj'' important disclosures. General Yu and Gen.
Chuk conferred together about this matter and decided that
the king must in any event be prevented from abdicatJ:ig. for
their official heads depended upon his retention of the reins
of power. They also persuaded the envoy to their view, so
that when the king read the letter and declared his intention
to abdicate, the envoy objected that this could not be done
until he had sent a letter to the emperor and obtained his
consent.
Meanwhile there was going on in the south a sort of geu-
rilla warfare against the Japanese. It was led principally by
Kim Tuk-nyung, a self-made man who had the confidence of
the prince. This man had put his whole fortune into the
cause and had hini.self fitted out 5.000 men. His method was
to pass from place to place with great rapidity and strike the
enemy when they were least expecting attack. In this way
he earned from the Japanese the name "The Flying General."
He is said to have been uniformly successful.
Of another ilk were Song U-jin, Yi Neung-su and Hyiin
Mong. These gathered about them bands of desperate men
and went about the country looting and burning. In Seoul
there was consternation. At any moment one of these band.s
might enter the city and work tlieir will. T.ie Crown Prince,
a cause of gr-at uneasiness, was still at Chiin-ju and for aught
anyone knew he might be plotting the overthrow of the gov-
MODKRN KOREA, I9
eriiment. In fact this impression was so strong that the high-
waymen dared to write to him complaining of the king and
asserting that they were going to make a clean sweep. The
implication was plain, that they intended to put the prince
upon the throne. The .solicitude of the people in vSeoul took
form in the rumor that Yi Tri-hyfing himself, the Minister of
War, was in league with th^ rebels. For forty successive
days this injured minister went and knelt at the palace gate
and begged that t'le king would have him executed, as he
could not endure the charge of unfaithfulness.
It was customary for the emperor to nominate an heir
apparent for the Korean throne, but at the beginning of this
war it had seemed necessary to appoint one immediately and
so the king had informally promised the prince that he should
be king. The latter now demanded that this be confirmed
by the emperor and a messenger was sent to the Chinese
court for that purpose ; but as the emperor had no son himself
except by a concubine and was loath to put him on the throne
of China, .so he was unwilling to see this prince put oti the
throne of Korea. The result was that he sent back a prompt
refusal, which for the time dashed the hopes of the ambitious
prince.
It appears that the rebuke which the emperor adminis-
tered to the king was in some senses des irved . The king after
all his wearisome exile in the north, probably paid more at-
tention to the pleasures of peace that was for his own good or
the good of the countr\^ If so the rebuke had its effect, for
the king immediately roused himself and set to work reorganiz-
ing the finances of the country and putting the army on a
better working basis. Hitherto the revenue had all been col-
lected in rice but now he allowed the revenue to be collected
in any kind of produce, and the collection of it was farmed
out to various individuals, a practice which at the time may
have had its good points but which at the same time had
within itself very bad possibilities. The reorganization of
the army was a matter of great importance ajid the king set
himself to it with a will. Heretofore each general had had
his own following and there was no central power nor seat of
authority. Each body of troops followed the caprice of its
leader with no reference to any general plan. Before the
20 KORKAX HlSroKY.
Chinese general Vi ViVsong left he put into the hands of the
kino: a hook treating of the art of war, a work written by
Cli'uk Kye-gwang. Tliis book the king put into use and ap-
pointed Cho Kyiing and Yu Sung-nyong to have charge of
the whole matter of military reorganization. In order to put
the new plan into operation a large number of poor and des-
titute soldiers were gathered. They had to pass a physical
test which consisted in lifting a rics bag full of earth, and of
leaping over a wall as high as their heads. In ten days two
thousand men were found, who endured the test. The drill
consisted' of thrfee parts, (i) firing with gtins, (2) shooting
with bow and arrow. (3.) using the battle axe. In time these
men became the royal guard and escort. The number gradual-
ly increased to to. 000, 2.000 being attached to each of the
government departments. The whole force was divided into
two parts and while one part was drilling in the city the
other was set to work farming in the suburbs. In this way
ihey raised the food necessary for the sustenance of the whole
forje. The plan was extended to the country, and teachers
were sent to practice the country soldiers. It became a
species of militia. From-this time the quality and discipline
of the Korean army improved in a marked degree.
It appears that the Koreans were not the only ones who
suspected Gen. Yi Yu-song of showing favors to the Japanese,
for the emperor took notice of it and deprived him of his
high rank. He was supplanted b)' Gen. Ko Yang-gyiim.
This new appointee advanced toward the border of Korea as
far as Liao^tnng and from that point sent a letter to the king
saying that the Chinese had already lost enough men and
treasure in the war and that the king had better hasten to t;nake
friends with the Japanese and induce them to come and do
obeisance to the emperor. It appears plain that this man
wanted peace to be patched up before he should be called
upon to do active work in the field. When the king saw this
letter he said, *'When the Crown Prince becomes king he
can do, as he pleases but as for me I will never make peace or
friendship with the Japanese." But Yu Sfing-nyong urged
the helplessness of Korea alone and the need of securing
China's help at all hazards. Sung Hon urged the fact that
the new Chinese general had a large force in hand and he
MODERN KOREA. 2T
must be conciliated at any cost. So the king reluctantly sent
an envoy to China asking that overtures of peace be made
with the Japanese. Even while this envoy was on the way,
the emperor, apparently thinking the war at an end. sent
an order commanding the immediate return of Gen. Vu Chung,
with all his forces, from the province of Kyung-sang. The
Crown Prince sent begging liim not to go. The people all
about the coun*:ry were in distress about it. He was believed
to be the onh- hope against the Jap:inese. The command of
the emperor however was law and the general was forced to
obe}'. Taking his armj', together with the wives and chil-
dren of those who had been married to Korean women, he
went back to Liao-tung. It is said that ever 10,000 of the
Chinese took back their Korean wives to China, but six years
later they all returned to their native land.
Kato was desirous of meeting and having a talk with the
Korean general Kim Eung-sfi, the geueral of Kyung-sang
Province. To this end he sent a Japanese named Yo-si-ra to
arrange a meeting, and in course of time they met at the town
of Ham-an and had a conference. Kato opened the confer-
ence as follows: "If Korea will help us to become the vassals
of China we will remove all our troops from Korea immediate-
ly and we will also consider it a great favor." But G^n. Kim,
who knew of the enmity which existed between Kato and
Konishi, waved the main question by asking, "Why is it that
you and Konishi cannot agree? It is plain that so long as he
is here such a plan as you recommend cannot be carried out."
Kato answered, "I have long wished to make an end of him,
but can never get a chance. If in some way we could work
up a charge against him and circulate it among the troops we
might be able to get all the army removed to Japan." As to
the further deliberations of these two men we are not inform-
ed, but we judge from this passing glimpse that Konishi the
younger man was so firmly intrenched in the affection of his
troops that Kato despaired of making head against him until
that affection was in some way alienated. In this Kato ac-
knowledges his virtual defeat at the hands of his youthful
rival.
The emperor was not as anxious as his generals to make
peace with the Japanese, and when he heard that his new ap-
22 KOKKAX HISTORY.
pointee to the peninsula was in favor of a treat}' with the in-
vaders he promptly ordered his retirement, and Gen. vSon
Kwang was sent to take his place. Hardly bad this happened
when the envoy Ho Ok. from the Korean court, arrived,
asking that a treaty be made with the Japanese. When his
message was delivered all the court was in favor of the plan ;
but the Prime Minister said that as they had been deceived
once by the Japanese general So Siibi, who had accompanied
Gen. Sim Yu gyung from Pj'ung-yang on a similar errand
before, it would be well to test them with three propositions,
"(i) We will give the king of Japan the royal investiture. (2)
Every Japanese soldier must leave Korea. (3) The Japanese
must promise never to disturb Korea again." This plan pleas-
ed the emperor and Gen. So Si1-bi was sent for, that he
might appear before the emperor and accept these conditions.
On arriving at Peking the Japanese readily acceded to the
terms and exclaimed, "We will gladly agree to this and will
swear by heaven to abide by the terms." Thereupon Sim Yu-
gyring, who had always had a strange leaning toward the Jap-
anese, now exclaimed, "Japan now evidently desires to be-
come China's vassal. An envoy must ht sent to invest Hide-
yoshi with the royal insignia, and all this trouble will end."
But Hu Hong-gang haa a truer estimate of the visitor and
remarked, "The Japanese are a subtle people, and all this
talk of becoming vassals of China is mere pretense. There
is no use in sending an envoy to Japan." Gen. Suk Sung
said, "This man seems to be honest in what he says. Gen.
Sim Yu-gyung should accompany So Su-bi back to Korea and
there confer with the Japanese leaders and then arrangements
can be made for investing the king of Japan." The emperor
so ordered and at the same time appointed Yi Chong-siSng as
envoy extraordinarj' to Japan to perform the ceremony of in-
vestiture. Yang Pang-hyung was appointed his second.
These events all occurred in the latter part of the year 1593.
As the new year opened the political sky was dark enough.
Not only were the Japanese intrenched in the south but pre-
datory bands infested the country and the government troops
had all they could do to hold them in check, let alone any
offensive operations against the Japanese. However, after a
hard chase a large band of the miscreants were brought to bay
MODKKX KORKA. 23
at Hoe-nuiii Mountain and cut to pieces. At this time also
the king sent again to Nanking asking that his successor be
nominated, but again he was refused.
The career of Gen. Kim Tuk-nyruig whom, as w.e have
seen, the Japanese had dubbed "The Fl5'ing General," affords
us another example of the fatal weakness of Korea, in the
envy excited against any really successful man ; for even while
Gen. Kim was successfully combatting the Japanese in his own
way, his very successes aroused the spleen of Gen. Yun Keun-
su who accused him to the king of having killed plenty of
Koreans, but never a Japanese. On the strength of this
groundless charge, and without questioning its truth, the king
brought Gen. Kim to Seoul and imprisoned him a year. And
so a man of highest loyalty, of such unselfish patriotism as to
devote the whole of his private fortune to the fitting out of
soldiers to fight his country's foes, was dragged away from a
successful field of work to languish in prison, simply because
a less successful man begrudged him his fame.
And now began an amusing comedy between the Chinese,
who took the Japanese seriously, and the latter who were
merely playing off the Chinese in order to save time.
In the fourth moon of 1395 the embassy from China to
Japan arrived in Seoul, and immediately Gen. Sim Yu-gyiing
posted southward to see Kato and tell him that the Chinese
embassy had already come and that he must hasten to get all
the Japanese troops out of the country before the embassy
should arrive at Fusan. To all this the wily Kato answered
gravely, "You had better stay here a few weeks while I take
a run over to Japan and ask Hideyoshi about it, and if he
gives the order to take the troops back, it can be done immedi-
ately." When he came back, instead of answering the main
question he said that it would be well for a Korean to accom-
pany the envoy to Japan. Meanwhile the Chinese envoy Yi
Chong-sting, in Seoul, sent messenger after messenger urging
the speedy removal of the Japanese troops from tlie peninsula ;
but Kato kept putting it off on one ground or another, and
made no move to go. When, however, this part of the comedy
had proceeded to such a point that the Japanese began to fear
the Chinese would see that it was indeed a comedy, Kato took
a few regiments of men from Ung-ch'iin and Ku-je and made
24 KOKKAN HI.STOKV.
preparations as if to depart, meanwhile sending Gen. Sim to
Seoul to say that he was waiting for the envoy and his suite
to come south and accompany the departing army to Japan.
Five months had already elapsed since the envpj' had arrived
in Seoul, and he therefore determined to accept this invita-
tion. Moving southward, he cnme to Nam-wun in Chul-la
Province where he stopped, fearing to go directly into the
Japanese camp. Wliile there he gained the soubriquet of
"frog-eater," for he was so fond of the flesh of that reptile
that he compelled the people to hunt for and procure it
for him.
Gen. Son Kwang, from his comfortable quarters in L,iao-
tung, sent him a letter charging him with cowardice and
ordering him to proceed at once on his way. Under this
stimulus he proceeded to Fusan ; but Kato would not come
to see him, saying, '"I must receive instructions from Jap-
an before I can take you across the straits, so I will cross
once more and find out the will of my royal master in regard
to the matter." After an absence of two months he came
back and opened another act of the comedy by asserting that
he must first take Gen. Sim across to Japan and arrange the
ceremony of investiture, and that the envoy proper might fol-
low when all was ready. By this time, what with the fear of
the Japanese and bewilderment at the intricacy of Japanese
diploniac}' the poor envoj' was well-nigh distraught. When
therefore, with the beginning of the new year 1596 a China-
man r.amed So Hak-myilng came from Japan and informed
him that Hideyoshi had not the remotest idea of becoming a
va.ssal of China and that if the Chinese envoy should cross to
Japan he would never comeback again, it capped the climax,
and that very night the wretched envoy, taking only one ser-
vant and a few clothes tied up in a cloth, made his escape
from the Japanese camp and fled away northward. He
traveled by night and hid by day, until at last he arrived
at Seoul. And so the curtain drops on another act of the
comedy.
When the Japanese found out that the envoy had made
his escape they were in a quandary, fearing lest they might
be punished for letting him go and so spoiling the fun. Thej'
therefore gave chase, but not being able to overtake the light-
MODERN KOREA. 25
footed envoy, they contented themselves with surrounding
the house of the vice-envoy Yang Pang-hyung. The latter
knew ot" his chief's flight, but to draw away suspicion from
himself he pretended to sleep late that morning and claimed
to know nothing about the matter. When at last he was told
of it by the Japanese general Kuroda, he said quietly, "Well,
he was a young man and a little nervous. He should have
gone to Japan long ago instead of waiting around here. It
will be of no use for you to chase him." He then deliber-
ately arose, went to the room lately occupied bj' his chief,
took possession of the Emperor's letter and returned to his
own apartments. By his coolness and presence of mind he
allayed the excitement of the Japanese and perhaps saved his
own life.
The Japanese soldiers who had been detailed to return
to Japan were of course delighted to go back to their homes
and were eager to set sail from Fusan. They had their bag-
gage all on board and were hoping to start at any moment.
But when they heard of the flight of the Chinese envoy they
knew there would be a long delay and they were sorely disap-
pointed ; so much so in fact that many of them wept aloud.
It is probable that every Japanese soldier in the peninsula
would have been glad of an opportunit}- to return to Japan.
Only the severe discipline of the Japanese army and the lack
of boats prevented them from deserting in large numbers : at
least we may gather as much from the frequent references to
the home-sickness of the Japanese soldiers.
Yang Pang-hyiing called the weeping soldiers before him
and said, "We have waited here so long that my chief got
tired and went back. But I remain and the imperial missive
is with me. He has fled only to Nam-wun and if you send
there you will doubtless find him." This led thera to believe
that their fond hope of returning home would soon be grati-
fied.
All this time the young Koni.shi, the rival of Kato, sat
disdainfully silent watching the empty game which his un-
popular rival was playing with the Chinese. When he heard
of the flight of the envoy he laughed and said, "I knew he
was no genuine envoy from the Emperor, for if he had been he
would not have dared to show his heels like this." Tliis re-
26 KOKKAX TIISTOKV.
mark was intended to imply that while Kato had been trying
to hoodwink the Chinese, they, on the other hand, had
hoodwinked him.
Yang Pang-hyung lost no time in informing the Emperor
of the perfidy of his chief, and the Kmperor immediately
ordered the recalcitrant official to be caught and imprisoned.
He raised Yang Pang-hyang to the position of Chief of the
Embassy and appointed Sim Yu-gyung as his second. We
will remember that Sim Yu-gyung had already gone to Japan
with Kato, bearing the imperial gifts, which consisted of a
royal robe with the embroidered design of a dragon, a jade
belt, royal head-gear, a n)ap of China, a book on war and
various other kinds of treasures. He there married the
daughter of a Japanese named Arima, and is said by the
Koreans to have become a thorough Japanese. This may have
been part of the game he was playing, and we may see the
fruits of it later.
Kato was determined that a Korean envoy should accon)-
pany the Chinese one to Japan and to this end he told one
of the Korean officials. "If a Korean envoy does not accom-
pany the Chinese embassy to Japan the peace will be only be-
tween Japan and China, and Korea will have no part in it.
This will lead to grave troubles." Gen. Sim also sent his ne-
phew back from Japan to ask that a Korean etivoy accompany
the Chinese embassy. So the king appointed two men, Whang
Sin and Pak Hong-jang to this work, conferring upon them
the title of T'cng-sin-sa or "Faithful Messenger/'
In the fifth moon of this year 1596 Gen. Konishi massed
his troops in forty-six regiments on the southern coast and,
leaving only four regiments to guard Fusan, set sail for Japan,
With him went all the envoys, both Chinese and Korean.
Now that lasting peace seemed to be assured, the king no
longer hesitated to hand over the reins of power to the Crown
Prince. He accordingly sent the royal insignia south to him,
and so doffed the responsibilities as well as the prerogatives
of royalty. But. strange to say. the prince strenuously re-
fused to accept them, insisting that he had no desire to take
the scepter from his father's hand. Seven times he sent to
his father protesting his unwillingness to have the honor
thrust upon him. But the king would not listen. It was
moi)1-:kx k'ORKA, 27
only ;ifter the courtitrs liad asseinblt-d before the palace for
twenty days 111 succession and besonj^ht him to retain the
scepter that they finally prevailed and he consented to con-
tinue in the exercise of the royal prerog^ative.
Yi Mono^-hak. an unprinci[)led ruffian, ig^norant but am-
bitious, had joined the forces of Gen. Han Hyun and had
fought during the war. Now he started out on an independent
line. Gathering a force of over ten thousand men he at-
tacked and took Hong-san in Clrung-ch'rnig Province, and
he followed it up by taking Im-ch'un. Ch'ung-yang, Chong-
san and Hong-ju. Yi Mong-hak had been deceiving his fol-
lowers by saying that Gen. Kim Tuk-nyang was interested in
this scheme. But now they found that this saine Gen. Kim
was arrayed against them and they saw they had been duped.
That night every man deserted the adventurer and the next
day he fell into the hands of the loyal troops and his head
was forwarded to Seoul. This shows the extremely unsettled
■ state of the country, and how any unprincipled man with
money and effrontery could ofler serious opposition to the
government.
Here again we find a striking example of that petty jeal-
ousy whioh deprived Korea of most of her capable men. This
Gen Kim Tuk-nyung was a celebrated man. He was known
throughout the Korean army for his strength and prowess.
It is said of him that single-handed he would attack a tiger
and pin it to the ground with a spear. They also saj' that he
rode into battle with an iron mace of a hundred pounds weight
in each hand and he gave the Japanese so many hard knocks
that they gave him the name, "The General from under the
Rock." The ministers at Seoul were suspicious of his rising
fame and went their ways to have him dragged down. They
charged him with having been in league with Yi Mong-hak
and won the king over. He was arrested and brought to>
Seoul, where after a most disgraceful trial he was put to death.
The Japanese had such a high opinion of this man's parts that
Konishi sent and had a portrait made of him. Whet^ he .saw
the picture he exclaimed, "This man is indeed a General."
When his death was announced, the Japanese held a great
feast in honor of the event. This vias just on the eve of their
departure for home.
28 KOKKAN IIISTOKY.
As We have seen, it was in tlie suininer of 1396 that the
Chinese and Korean envo\s crossed to Japan with the return-
ing army of invasion. When they were hronglit into the
presence of Hideyoshi lie treated them witli scant courtesy.
When asked wli\- lie did not bow before tlie imperial missive
he replied that he had a sore leg and could not. He treated
the Korean envoy much worse than the Chinese, and said to
him, "I sent back the two princes as I agreed, but your king
never so mtich as thanked me. He has now sent as envoy a
man of inferior rank on purpose to insult me. T believe the
original Chinese envoy ran away at the instigation of your
king. I will treat the Chinese envoj' civilly, but as for you I
shall send another army and be avenged on you." After tbis
there was but one thing to do. Both the envoys packed up
their effects and started back home. When the Chinese
envoy arrived at Nanking bringing insult instead of submis-
sion from Japan the Emperor was in a terrible rage and charg-
ed Sim Yu-gyung with having betrayed his country. The
chief envoy was executed and the official who had advised
the sending of an embassy was thrown into prison and starved
to death, but Sim Yu-gyung in some way escaped with his head. .
Chapter II.
A new invasion determined upon. .. .comparison of Japan and Korea
... .Japanese scheme to get Admiral Yi into danger . Admiral Yi
degraded .. second invasion .. Choryung Pass fortified . . Chinese
give aid. . . .Admiral Yi's successor a failure. . . .great naval victory
for the Japanese .. Admiral Yi reinstated .. siege and fall of Nam-
wQn. .. .Korean naval ^nctories. .. .Admiral Yi's policy .. Japanese
advance checked . . .rejoicing in Seoul . . .siege of Ul-san. . . siege
raised . . Roman Catholic mis.sionaries . . the Japanese army . . .
the "ear and nose mound" ...number of Chinese ... .a Japanese
settlement. .. .Chinese admirals. .. .Admiral Yi's diplomacy ... .
Gen. Yang Ho recalled . . .the King accused . . the defense.
We have now reached the halfwaj' point between the two
invasions, or rather between the two parts of the double inva-
sion. Hideyoshi was still furious over the failure of his great
plan of invading China, and he must needs find some way to
MODKKX KOKICA. 29
vent liis spleen. He determined upon a second invasion of
Korea, not this time with a view to the invasion of China
l)iit with the more modest desire to punish Korea, though
what Korea had done to deserve punishment it would be hard
to say. To be sure she had proved au obstacle to his vault-
ing ambition, for had Hideyoshi's original army sailed straight
for China instead of landing at Fusan, it probably would have
overthrown the Chinese capital. We must notice the chang-
ed conditions which existed between the two countries. Korea
had now experienced the worst possible at the hands of the
Japanese and knew what to expect. Their soldiers had felt
the prick of Japanese swords and had in turn tasted the de-
lights of victory. That terrible glamor which surrounded the
dreaded islanders upon their first appearance had worn off and
some sort of equality had been effected between them. The
Koreans had meanwhile become possessed of firearms and
were measurabh^ skilled in their use. They had learned never
to trust themselves to open battle when geurilla warfare was
feasible. They had demonstrated their great superiority on
the sea in the person of the Admiral Yi. When therefore we
remember that the Japanese had to leave their base of supplies
and live on what they could forage in the peninsula, it ap-
pears that in spite of their prowess they had not much advan-
tage over the Koreans. But before making this second de-
scent upon the shores of Korea it was necessary for the Japan-
ese to get the redoubtable Admiral Yi Sun-sin out of the way.
No fleet from Japan would risk an encounter with him in his
"Tortoise Boat." The Japanese had seen how the mutual
jealousies of the Koreans worked in their favor and they de-
termined to use this in getting Admiral Yi removed. So one
day a Japanese named Y<j-si-ra made his appearance at the
camp of Gen. Kim Eung-sn, saying that he was tired of
being a Japanese and that he wanted to become a Korean.
He dressed in Korean clothes and kept going back and forth
between the Japanese and Koreans, giving the latter what
seemed to be much valuable information. He seemed to be
devoted to the Korean interests. One daj^ he came in a state
of great excitement and said that the Japanese General Kato
was coming to Korea with a great fleet and that, as he was to
pass a certain island off the coast, Admiral Yi ought to be sent
30 KOKKAN HISTOKV.
to lie ill wait there and drive the invading fleet back or to
sink it. So Gen. Kim wrote to the king ai)out it and asked
for orders. The king, trusting in the prowess of Admiral Yi,
gave his consent ; but when that officer received these orders
he promptly replied that it was a trick to entrap him and thus
clear a way for a descent upon the mainland of Korea. He
therefore; declined to run the risk, especially as the place men-
tioned was studded with sunken rocks and was specially dan-
gerous for navigation. But the Japanese Yo-si-ra kept urging
Gen. Kim to see to it that the plan was carried out and at
last the General wrote to the king saying that Admiral Yi
declined to go. As may be supposed Admiral Yi had enemies
at court who could not let such an opportunity pass of getting
him into trouble. Consequently the iniquitous decree went
forth that Admiral Yi be seized and brought to Seoul and that
Wiin Kyun be put in his place. The king intended to put
Admiral Yi to death, but one of the officials urged his former
services in palliation of his present offense and so the pun-
ishment was commuted to loss of position alone. So it was
that Admiral Yi, the best soldier that Korea contained and to
whom the king owed his crown twice over, was degraded to
the ranks and became a common soldier. But most remarkable
of all, he made no complaint, but went quietly about his work
as if nothing had happened.
In the first moon of the year 1597 the Japanese fleet set
sail from Japan. This army was led by Kato and Konishi al-
though the nominal commander in chief was a lad of seven-
teen named Hideyaki. It is said that it took a thousand boats
to bring the army across the straits. Had Admiral Yi Sun -
sin been at his old post this fleet would never have touched
keel on the Korean coast but as it was there was no difficult}^
and the entire army landed safely at So-sang Harbor and im-
mediately threw up fortifications and went into camp.
The first thought of the Koreans was to fortify Cho-
ryimg Pass the one break in the mountain chain which the
Japanese must pass if they wished to march on Seoul. Gen.
KwCin Ryul with 23,000 men and other generals with troops
hastily gathered from various districts hastened to that im-
portant pass and put the fortifications in good order, and the
king forthwith sent Kwiin Hytip as envoy to Nanking to
:su)i)HKX ;:()K)-:a. 31
implore the intervention of Cliina. And now we see the evil
resnlts of Hideyoslii's ill-tre;it;iient of the Cliinese and Korean
envoys in Japan ; for instead of niakin<Jj the Koreans send
time and again asking for help the Emperor was eager to
send troops into the peninsnla to avenge himself upon the
Japanese, The Chinese army was put in cliarge of three
men : Gen. Yang Ho with rank of Military Commissioner,
Gen. Hyoiig Ka as general-in chief and Admiral Ma Gwi as
commander of all the naval forces. Under these were Gen.
erals Vang WOn. O Yu-ch'ung, U P3k-y6ng, Chin U-ch'ung,
So Eung-gung, Chin H>'0 and Tong Han-yu. Gen. Yarig
Ho came no further than P'yang-yang, his duties not requir-
ing his presence on the field of battle. Admiral Ma Kwi
and all the others came on to Seoul. From that point they
branched out iu several directions, one going to Nam-wun in
Chnl-la proviince. another to Song-ju in Kyiing-sang Pro-
vince, another to Chun-ju, Chul-la Province, and another to
Ch'ung ju in Ch'ung-ch'ung Province.
Admiral Wnn Kyun, who had supplanted Yi Sun-sin,
went to Han-san where Admiral Yi had worked so diligently
to build barracks with the proceeds of salt manufacture.
His first work was to overthrow all the rules and regulations
which his predecessor had so wisely promulgated. He then
drove away all who had been at all intimate with the former
admiral, who was now a common soldier under Kwun Ryul.
He then built a paling about the council-hall that Yi Sun-sin
had built and there he housed his harem and spent his time
in rexelry and feasting. He would frequently have innocent
men called up and severely punished for mere amusement.
And thus he soon alienated the good will of all the troops
stati(jned there.
But Kato, the astute Japanese general, through his tool
Yo-si-ra, kept at Gen. iKm, urging him to have a fleet sent to
intercept a fleet of Japanese boats. He named a day on
which the Korean fleet would be sure to intercept a fleet of
the enemy. At last the order was given for Admiral Wun
Kyun to carry out this manoeuvre and though he had no
stomach for the enterprise he could not well demur, for this
was the very thing that had cost Admiral Yi his position.
So he got his boats together and sailed out to Chul-yung
32 KOKKAN HISTOkV.
Island off Fusan. But a strong breeze sprang up and the sea
was rather rough and in the darkness of night the Korean fleet
became scattered . The next day the larger part of them rendez-
voused at Ka-dok Island where they unexpectedly met the
Japanese fleet and were vigorously attacked. Almost im-
mediately all Admiral WTin's forces deserted him and his
only recourse was flight. Beaching his boat on Ch'il-ch'un
Island he landed and drew about him what remnants of his force
he could find. When Gen. Kwfin Ryul heard of this he sent a
stern order demanding that the admiral come out and fight.
That valliant man first filled hemself with wine then sallied
forth only to be deserted again by his men. So the doughty
admiral again ran his boat aground and took to his heels. He
was so fat however that he could not run far, so he sat down
under a tree to get his breath. There the Japanese overtook
him and carried away his head in triumph. The second in com-
mand, Yi Yu-geui, fled by boat after burning all the barracks
and provisions that were stored at Han-san.
When these events became known the whole country
was in consternation. Yi Hang-bok, the king's trusted
councillor, said, "Yi Sun-sin must be reinstated in his former
position." It was a case of dire necessity and so the king
sent and conferred upon that faithful man his former office.
The trusty Yi set out on foot and rested not day nor night
until he reached his former position, Han-san. On all sides
he met the scattered and flying remnants of his former force.
He rallied them about him, promising that the Japanese should
still be held in check.
But before Admiral Yi arrived on the scene of action a
tremendous force of Japanese both military and naval had
landed on the southern coast. Their objective point was
Nam-wnn. where the Chinese general Yang Wiln had pitched
h:s camp. Upon the approach of the Japanese the latter
burned all the houses outside the wall to prevent their
offering cover to an attacking force ; but the Japanese soon
built a rough fence or palisade about the town, from behind
which they picked off the Chinese soldiers on the wall, at
leisure. The Chinese attempted to make a sortie but in their
eagerness to get out of the gate they became jammed in it and
were mown down by the long swords of the besiegers. Unfor-
Uiiiately for the Clniiese and Koreans the following night was
full moon and the Japanese cut down every man that at-
tempted to escape. To the line of stakes which they had
planted about the town the Japanese fastened swords, and
when the people from the town tried to make good their
escape they found themselves impaled upon these weapons.
The Chinese commander. Vang Wini, rode at this barrier and
his horse was so impaled, but he succeeded in getting over
and making good his escape. The Japanese attacked the wall
in its weakest point and forced an entrance. The massacre
within the town beggars description. The Korean generals
Chong Keui-wiSn. Yi Pong-nam, O Eung-jung, Kim Kyong-
no. Sin Ho, Im Hyun, Yi Tuk-whe and Yi Wiin-ch'un were
all killed, which indicates ho\\' sanguinary must have been
the fight.
Immediately all northern Chul-la was in confusion and
the troops everywhere began to fall back toward the north.
In Seoul itself there was consternation. The king called his
officials abotit him and asked what should be done. The}^ all
urged that the king stay in the capital. The queen and the
crown prince however were sent to Su-an in Ilam-gyung
Province and the king prepared to move whenever it should
seem necessary.
But by this time Admiral Yi was again on the stage of
action and as alert as ever. He had as yet only ten boats
under him, but he had no lack of men, for the people all along
the coast, when they heard of his reinstatement, flocked to
him. He drew up his little fleet of ten boats in the shadow
of a mountain on Chin-do (island) and sent out reconnoiter-
ing boats which returned just at night saying that the Japan-
ese were approaching. As the moon dropped behind the
mountain it left the Korean fleet in complete darkness and
soon the Japanese boats came sailing along in single file.
Admiral Yi deployed his boats in a long line and suddenly
they all raised a loud shout and fired point blank at the un-
suspecting Japanese. The latter thought they had run into a
powerful fleet and soon scattered in all directions. The next
day there was more .serious work, however, for a fleet of
several hundred boats appeared. The Koreans were in some
trepidation, but the fearless admiral made straight for the
^4 KORKAN nrSTOKV.
enemy and tlioiio^h soon surrounded he succeeded in sinkino^
thirty of the enemy's boats. The rest evidently recognized
the master hand of Admiral Vi and turtied and fled. He
gave chase, and before the battle ended the Japanese com-
mander Ma-da-si was killed. Returning from this remarkable
fight Admiral Yi proceeded to Han-san and set to work re-
building the barracks and making salt. It is said that in two
months time he stored awaj^ 20.000 bags of rice. His former
captains and soldiers came back to him in "clouds." He also
found another source of revenue. The wealthy men all
through the south desired to get away from the disturbed
districts and so loaded their effects upon boats and sailed
away. Admiral Yi however stood in the way and made them
pay a toll of from one to three bags of rice for each boat.
From this source alone he collected above a thousand. bags
of rice. He used this revenue in the purchase of copper for the
casting of cannon, and for the building of boats. Thousands
of people who feared to live on the mainland came and built
huts about his camp, until the island actually became too
small to hold more.
After the fall of Nani-wiin the Japanese, flushed with
victory, started northward toward Seoul, thinking without
doubt that they would haA'e as easy a victory as before. Yang
Ho. hearing of the defeat of the Chine.se, came post ha.ste
from P'yung-yang and severely upbraided the generals and
charged them with lack of bravery. Without an hour's
delay it was arranged that Generals Ha Sang, U Pak-yung,
Yang Teung and P'a Sa should take a strong body of troops
and move southward to Ch'ung-ch'Jug Province and intercept
the Japanese. This was done and the army amV>ushed at
Keum-o-p'yung in the district of Chik-san. Soon the Japan-
ese came streaming along, neglecting all precautions, for they
had no idea of meeting an enemy. When therefore the
ambu.scade opened fire on them it took but a few moments to
throw them into utter confusion. In the rout which ensued
an enormous number of the Japanese were killed. On the
following day the Japanese, who had mended their broken
ranks as best thej' could, came on to the attack, but their
losses had been so great that in spite of wonders of bravery
which they showed they were again crushed. The remnant
of their force fled southward to Mokcli'iin and Ch'nno;-ju.
This was one of the three gri-eat battles of the war and in im-
portance it was exceeded bv none ; for, thongli the forces
eno^aged were not so numerous nor the number of slain so
great, it broke once for all the self confidence of the Japanese,
and the>' never a^aiti had the hardihood to attemf)t tlie ap-
proach to Seoul. By this batcl- the war was definitely confined
to the southern provinces. The Commissioner Yau^- Ho su^j;-
c:;ested to the kin.i^ that he g^o out and survc-y the battle held,
and so the royal cavalcade rode out the South Gate. One of
the Chinese generals suspected that the kino was something
of a coward and .so, to test him, he gave the horse the king
was riding a sharp cut with a whip. The horse leaped into
the air with terror but th- king held his seat and showed no
sign of fear. The Chinese were pleas-d at this and their re-
spect for the king was visibly increased.
Seoul gave itself up to universal holidav in honor of the
victory, for it was still fresh in the minds of many how Seoul
had fared before at the hands of the invaders.
In the tenth moon Gen. Konishi built a strong fort on a
bluff overlooking the sea at Ul-san in Kyung-sang Province.
He named it To-san. The Chinese Yang Ho determined to
cut the war short by attacking and taking this position and
by so doing he expected to cut off the right arm of the invad-
ing army. Collecting all the forces that were within reach,
he started south to attack Ul-san. The army consisted of
40,000 men and it went in three divisions. The left or east-
ern division being led by Gen. Yi Pang-chTni, the middle
divi.sion by Gen. Ko Ch'ak and the western division by Gen.
P ang U-dilk. Gen. Ma Kwi was sent on ahead and acted as
avant-coiireiir. vStopping a few miles from the Japanese posi-
tion he ordered Gen. P'a Sa to go and make a preliminary at-
tack upon the fort to discover something as to the lay of the
land, and if possible to discover the number and equipment of
the enemy. The attack was made with fire-arrows. Almost
immediately the Japanese made a sortie, but were driven back
with a loss of four hundred and sixty men. Shortly after
this the three grand army corps arrived. The Japanese were
arranged in three divisions. In the middle was the fort pro-
per. On the north was a fortif;ed caiupcalled the Paii-gu juu
3f^ KOKKAN HlSTOkV.
and olT tlie south was anotliL-r called the P'a-wha-u^.Tiij^. It
was the first business of the Chinese and Korean allies to
diive these outer divisions into the central fort. To this end
the left division of the arnu' attacked the Pati-gu-juu and the
rijjht division the 'P a- wha-yjans^. Gsn. Yan"^ Ho put on his
armor ami went into the tiiick of the fi^ht and urged on his
men. The air was filled with the noise of drums, musketry-
fire and shouts of the cjnibitants, and a cloud of arrows
concealed the heavens. Some of tlie Japanese huts were on
fire and great clouds of smoke and dame rolled heavenward.
Slowly the Japanese were forced bick and finally' they all en-
tered the gates of the main fort of To-san. This fort was set
on a rugged hill where it was difficult for an attacking force
to manoeuvre, but there was little water in the fort and the
Japanese were forced to come out secretly at night and draw
water from a well nearby. Being aware of this. Gen. Kim
Kung-sn. a Korean, placed an ambush about the well and
caught upwards of a hundred of the enemy. They were bad-
ly emaciated and said that surrender was a matter of only a
few days. It came on to rain, and this was followed by
severe cold, as it was now the beginning of winter. Many of
the besieging army had their hands and feet frozen. One
of Gen. Konishi's lieutenants w^rote repeatedly to the Korean
general Song Yun-mun asking for terms of peace. Gen.
Yang Ho answered, "Konishi must come out and surrender
and he will be treated well." By this time the Japanese were
well-nigh exhausted. They had neither food nor water, and
every daj' they died in such numbers that it is said they had
"a mountain of dead." Many a time Gen. Konishi meditated
suicide but each time-was restrained by one means or another.
As a last resort the Japanese threw gold and silver over the
wall to bribe the soldiers without and keep them from making
an attack.
But the tables were about to be turned. All the other
Japanese forces in the south had become aware of the desper-
ate straits to which their comrades were reduced at To-san.
And so now at the last moment a large fleet appeared and the
hard won victory was snatched from between the teeth of the
Ch.inese and Korean allies. The exposure had greath- weak-
ened the besieging force. Their provisions were almost ex-
MODKKX KORKA. 3/
hausted and they had used up all their arrows. The}' were
far stronger that the beleagured Japanese but were not fit to
cope with the fresh army which was burning with zeal to
avenge their starving compatriots. So it was that Gen. Yang
Ho was compelled to raise the siege and fall back toward
Seoul. During this siege the Chinese loss was fourteen
hundred, though many thousands were wounded.
From this time date the first efforts of the Roman Catho-
lic Church to enter Korea. Japan had already many thousands
of converts to Romanism and Hideyoshi was determined to
leave no means untried to eradicate the foreign cult. To this
end he sent many of the Catholic converts to Korea. But the
most distinguished of them all was the young and vigorous
Gen. Konishi who had received baptism at the hands of the
Catholics and had received the name of Augustine Ariman-
dano. It may have been because of Hideyoshi's desire to get
the Catholics out of the country that Gen. Konishi was ap-
pointed to the post in Korea. Kato was as pronounced a Bud-
dhist as Konishi was a Christian and this of course intensified
the hatred and rivalry between them. Gen. Konishi was desir-
ous of having Catholic teachers come over to the peninsula
and attend to the spiritual needs of the Christians in the army;
and to this end the Vice-provincial of the Jesuits in Japan ap-
pointed Padre Gregoris de Cespedes to this arduous and im-
portant post. With him went a Japanese priest. The two
first went to Tsushima and finding uo means of getting to the
peninsula remained there over the winter and carried on a
successful mission work. The next spring they made their
way to Korea and finally reached Gen. Konishi's headquar-
ters at a place that the Japanese call Comangai, which was
without doubt the fort of Ul-san. Here they worked a year
but finally, through the machinations of Gen. Kato, who work-
ed upon the prejudices of Hideyoshi, both the foreign and na-
tive priests were sent back to Japan, and this had no little to
to with the return of Gen. Konishi, who went to clear him-
self before his master.
To anticipate a little, V\"e might here say that many Ko-
reans who were carried captive to Japan from time to time
during this war, became Christians at Nagasaki and though
slaves were so firm in their belief as to be willing to suffer
3^ KOKKAN HISTORY.
ni;irt\rdoni -Inriii"; llic Itrrihlj ])cT.st;ctitioiis which raged in
Japan bttweeii 1610 and 1530, but with the departure of Ces-
jMdes Ironi Korea tlie distinctive work in Korea was aban-
doned.
Let us ])iuse a moment here to compare the two contend-
ing armies. In this second iuva.sion the total number of Jap-
anese tl;at reached Korean soil was 105,400, or about half
as many as formed the first army of invasion. They were led
by twent\-seven generals, prominent among whom were
Kato and Koiiishi. As a mark of his spiteful spirit, Hideyo-
shi ordered that in this second invasion the uoses and ears of
all Koreans killed or captured should be cut ofif and sent to
Japan. And so from time to time these half-savage soldiers
sent loads of Korean noses and ears, pickled in salt, and they
were buried in the monastery of Ta-bul-sa in the city of Kyo-
to, there to remain to all ages a disgusting memento of the
most unprovoked and wanton cruelty that ever disgraced the
annals of a great people. Many of the Koreans who lost their
noses or ears at that time survived many years, and it cannot
be wondered at that the Koreans have never since cared to
accept favors at the hands of their island neighbors.
The total number of Chinese was 210,000. With them
came 2,000 000 ounces of silver to pay for their sustenance.
From Shantung were sent by boat 200,000 bags of rice. There
were also sent for the relief of the army 5,832,000 ounces of
silver. And for the relief of the Korean famine sufferers an
additional 3,000,000 ounces were sent. When we consider
the vast number of men and the millions of wealth that China
poured into Korea at this time it ma}' well be believed, as the
Koreans affirm, that China, by so doing, impoverished herself
so that she became an easier prey to the Manchus who, a few
years later, wrested the scepter from her.
Large numbers of Japanese who had been in the country
for years and were tired of the war deserted from the ranks,
married Korean women and settled down to farming in vari-
ous places in the south. At Mi-ryang in the Province of
Kyiing-sang there was a whole settlement of them. It was
called the Hang-wa or "Settlement of the Surrendered Jap-
anese." Some of them were also to be found in Ham-gyung
and P'yung-an Provinces. These had been left behind and
MODKKN KOkKA. 39
abandoned by their fellows for one cause or another when the
Japanese retired from the north. They were all destined to be
destroyed a quarter of a century later during the rebellion of
Vi Kwal.
About this time there arose in the Chinese court a deter-
mined enemy of Gen. Yang Ho named ChCing Eung-t'a who
accused Gen. Yang to the Emperor in twenty-five specifi-
cations, five of which implicated the king of Korea and which
at a later date caused a deal of trouble.
We now enter upon a new phase of the war, the closing
epoch. In the first moon of the following j^ear, 1598, the
Emperor sent two admirals to Korea, the one being Tong II-
wun and the other Chil Liu. The former was to have charge
of the naval operations off the coast of Chul-la and the other
of those oflf Kyung-sang Province. Chil Lin, under the title
of Great Admiral came up the Han River with 500 boats as
far as Tong-jak, the first village above Yong-san. The king
and the court went down and reviewed this fleet and saw it
start ofT to join Admiral Yi Sun-sin in the south. This ad-
miral, Chil Lin, was a good soldier but inordinately vain.
He would take no one's advice, and it looked as if stormy times
were in store for the plain, blunt Admiral Yi. The king told
Admiral Chil Lin that he was not sure about Admiral Yi, and
this of course had its influence with the Chinese admiral.
Admiral Yi was then at Ko-geum Lsland off Chul-la Province.
When he heard that Admiral Chil Lin was coming he showed
by his first act that he was as good a diplomat as .soldier. He
may or may not have known what sort of man the Chinese
admiral was but he knew that in any case it would not do to
antagonize him, and he acted accordingly. He collected
a great store of fish and game and wine and wetit out to meet
the approaching fleet. Returning with the Chinese admiral he
spread a great feast and the whole company got splendidly
drunk and vowed that Admiral Yi was a royal good fellow.
Admiral Chil Lin himself joined in the praise. Soon after
this Admiral Yi had the good luck to take two score of Jap-
anese heads, but instead of claiming the honor himself he
handed them over to the Chinese admiral to forward as his
own trophies. This finished Admiral Yi's conquest of Ad-
miral Chil Lin's good graces, h'roin this time on it was Gen,
40 K OK HAN HISTORY.
Vi who suggested and planned and it was Admiral Chil Lin
who assented and reaped the praise. This course of conduct
was a master-piece of genius on the part of Admiral Yi, for
by so doing he accomplished at least three important things.
In the first place he kept himself, in his position, which he
would have lost had he antagonized the Chinaman, In the sec-
ond place he saved himself to his country at a time when she
could not have spared him. He was willing to forego the
praise and let others reap the commendation if only he might
ward off the enemies of his country. In the third place he
made the Chinese seem successful and so encouraged them
and got out of them for Korea all that was to be hoped. He
was willing to seem to be toadying to Admiral Chil Lin when
in reality that gentleman was, to use a pregnant Korean
phrase, "in his sleeve." Being'always near the Chinese ad-
miral he could always see to it that no great blunders were
made. At first the Chinese soldiery committed great excesses
among the people of the country, stealing their valuables and
otherwise injuring them. Admiral Yi quietly asked that the
discipline of the army be put in his hands and from that day on
the smallest irregularity was severely punished and the most
perfect order prevailed. This did not escape the eye of Ad-
miral Chil Lin, and he wrote to the king that Admiral Yi was
a remarkable man and that the world did not contain another
soldier like him. O i^i day as they sat in a summer-house
overlooking the sea a fleet of Japanese boats appeared in the
distance. Admiral Chil Lin was much excited and a little
nervous but Admiral Yi laughed and said, "Sit hereand watch
me give those fellows a whipping." He got out his boats and
in an hour he had forty of the enemy's boats on fire and the
rest fled. Admiral Chil Lin could not praise him enough after
this and declared that the universe did not contain another
man who could perform th^ feats that Admiral Yi apparently
found easy.
In the seventh moon of this year the enemies of Gen.
Yang Ho in Nanking were successful and he was called from
Korea, much to the regret of the king who vainly sent an envoy
to the Chinese court specially to plead that the decree be not
carried out. Gen. Yang had been the best of all the generals
that China had sent and his departure was a great loss to
M()1>|':k\ kokka. 41
Korea. Wlien be went, the kiii^ and a large number of the
people accompanied him beyond the Peking Pass, and a stone
tablet was raised there in his honur. All of this of course
made Gen. Yang's enemies hate tlie king as well, and so that
oflficial named Chung Eung-t'a fabricated some astonishing
stories about liini. He claimed that while he had been in
Korea he had found a manuscript which proved that the king
liad received investiture from Japan. He also charged the
Koreans with showing disloyalty to China by prefixing the
word fa (great) to the posthumous titles of their kings. He
also claimed that the first coming of the Japanese was with a
secret understanding with the king of Korea that they would
attack Liao-tung together. To these he added many minor
charges. The Emperor apparently believed these things and
immediately despatched an envoy, So Kwal-lan, to investigate
the matter and report. When the king was informed of these
charges he was dumbfounded. All his scrupulous care of the
interests of his Chinese suzerain and the extremes of hardship
which he and his people had endured, rather than grant the
Japanese a free passage through Korea to strike China — all
this was thrown back upon him and his devotion was counted
treachery. He left his palace and took up his abode in a straw
hut for one whole month as penance for having been even
suspected of such baseness. The whole country was stirred
to its depths by these unnatural and evidently baseless charges.
The king immediately sent his most trusted councillors Yi
Hang-bok and Yi Chung-gwi to Nanking with the following
memorable reply to the charges which had been preferred :
"These charges which have been made against ine are
very grave and if they are true I deserve death. In order to
answer them I must repeat them, even though it defile my
mouth. In the first place the origin of the Japanese is far in
the eastern sea. The way thither by boat is exceeding far.
They are such barbarians that heaven has separated them far
from other men. They have always been bad neighbors, for
they live b\^ piracy ; they come like a flash and are gone as
suddenly. Since the time of the fall of the Koryu dynasty
great uneasiness has prevailed in Japan. Law has been in
abeyance and bands of freebooters have been allowed to de-
vastate vniT southern shores until nothing but weeds and
42 KOKKAN IIISTOKV.
briers g^row tliere. 'I'lie founder of our present dviiasty drove
them out for a time but they p;re\v bold again ,'ind continued
their depredations. The natives of Tsushima liked to come
and trade witli ns and we permitted it at their request; then
Japanese from the more distant islands came in flocks like
birds. Our people never liked them, but we permitted the
trade, as it was mutually profitable. We gave llum rice to
eat and treated them kindly. We built a house in vSeoul for
the reception of their envoys. In the days of king Se-jong
they asked us to send an envoy to Japan and we did so, pri-
marily to spy out the land and discover whetlitr the country
was rich or poor, strong or weak. The envoy obtained the
information and we immediately reoorted the matter to Cliina.
We could not well refuse to send an envoy to J ipm, hut it
does not argue relations of friendship, much less of inlimicN-.
In the days of the Kmperor Chong-t'ong the Japanese startcJ
to ravage a cerain part of the Chinese coast and took Ouclpart
on the way, but we attacked and drove them out and sent
their leader alive to China to be dealt with. Also in the time
of King Chung-jong the Japanese attacked the China coast at
Yong P'a-bu. They killed the Chinese general and then
made off. but we caught them and sent them to the Chinese
authorities. Since that time we have twice prevented Japan-
ese attacks on the China coast. Not once nor twice have we
received high commendation from the Chinese Emperor for
(iur firm loyalty. We have always used our wits and our
strength in the jnterest.s of China. This was the duty of a
vas.sal and this we have done. We let the Japanese live in
the three harbors of Ch'e-p'o, Pn-san-p'o and Yuni-o'o but we
prescribed limits of five or ten // beyond which they could not
go. On the whole then is seems plain that the charge that
we called in the Japanese and asked them for troops must be
a pure fabrication. Again the book which Chung Enng-t'a
claims to have found is an actual book and is named the Ha-
dong Keui-ryak, It was written by Sin Suk-ju the envoy to
Japan, on his return from that country, and it deals with the
laws and manr.ers of the Japanese. It contains a map of
Japan, a genealog>- and also the rules of etiquette to be observ-
ed toward the Japanese envoy. This book our accuser seized
Upon as a si:re sign of our leaning toward Japan, and he twist-
Mrn)Ki-;\ korka. 4.^
ed its meaning to correspond to his theory. The Japanese
have a different name for the year from that which we use.
and the writer of this book put the Chinese name beneath
the Japanese name as a sort of commentary, so that the reader
could understand what year was referred to. In a Japanese
book one must put the Japanese name of the year and if he
wants to make plain the meaning he must put the Chinese
name underneath or in the margin. As to the charge that we
gave too high a title to our deceased kings we can only say
that we live beyond the sea and are ignorant and secluded.
From the days of vSil-la until now we have been accustomed
to name our dead kings in this way. The founder of the
dynasty was scrupulously careful not to overstep the recogniz-
ed limits of his authority as a vassal of China and we never
for a moment have forgotten the gap which separates a vassal
king from his suzerain. The custom of giving these posthu-
mous titles dates from the days of Sil-la, so how could we be
expected to know that it was wrong, especially as it has never
been called in question before? If we are blamed for ignor-
ance and boorishness we cry guilty, but if for lack of loyalty,
we humbly deny it. We have our calendar, our official dress
and writing all from China. This alone should speak for our
loyaltv. The year before the beginning of the present war
Hide>-oshi murdered his master and usurped his throne. Burn-
ing with a desire to spring at the throat of China he sent n^
letters inviting us to join in an invasion of that country. We
sent his letter back with contuniely. In all this we advanced
solely the interests of China. This is as clear as day. When
the invading army came it seemed as if all Japan had alighted
upon our shores. They covered our whole eight pro\-ince.s
and ravaged them. They seized our three capitals and dese-
crated two royal tombs. They burned our ancestral temple
and otlier sacred places and then r^wept northward to P'yang
Yang. We were unable to hold them in check or .save our
capital from their hands. We were driven to the verge of
desperatio!! and were about to cross into the parent land to
die. Is it conceivable that if we had the least friendship for
Hideyos'ni we woukl ha\-e suffered all this at his hands ? If
we loo!; at nature do we find any .innlogy for such a thing''
It this charge is true- why diil oui forces join with youv> xu
44 K OK HAN lIlsrOKV.
slriking the invaders and wliy have we been liangingj on their
flanks and harassing them for years? Let the Emperor know
that there is a reason wliy we have snffered this slander at
the month of Cliuno; ICnno^-t'a. It is because we took Gen.
Vang Ho's part wlien Clinn<? Ivnng-t'a desired his recall from
Korea in disgrace. Gen. Yang Ho was with us a long time
and he was a true friend of Korea. We all had the utmost
confidence in him and it was a great pity that so good a man
should have met the reward he did. It is a cause of poignant
grief to us. We are a small people and our destruction is a
matter of small consequence, but for a general of China to be
treated in this manner is a serious matter. We are au outside
people and we have never had the pleasure of visiting the
Emperor's court, and so there is no one to plead our cause
for us, but the Emperor will be able to judge our case with-
out further plea. Chung Eung-t'a has called me a traitor,
and I would rather die than live with such a charge upon me.
even though it be untrue. Let the Emperor take this letter
and sit in judgment on the case and if it appears that I am
guiltv let my head pay the penalty, but if not then let the
Emperor acquit me before the world and I shall again be able
to endure the light of da}'."
This letter is clear, logical and to the point, and it
breathes a spirit of self-respect which does credit to the king.
It shows not a servile dependence but a true self-respecting
loyalty, atid in the tirin denial of the charges and the final
demand for condemnation or public acquital there -is the ri!:g
of genuine manhood which would do honor to anv man in
o
When the Emperor read this letter his judicial mind found
in it the ring of conscious rectitude and like the man he was
he instantly acknowleged his error. He ordered the letter to
be printed by the thousands and tens of thousands and scatter-
ed broadcast over his empire, for he apparently felt it a per-
sonal honor to have so true and genuine a man for a vassal.
He answered the letter in the following terms:
"I believed the words of slander spoken by that small
man Chung Eung-t'a, and doubted in my mind as to the loy-
altv of the- king of Korea. I cannot now be oblivious to the
unmerited sufferings of Gc;i. Vang Ho. Chung Eung-t'a is
M()I)};kn Koki-.A. 45
a radically bad man. 4; I was on the brink of a disastrous mis-
take. I will now deprive him of rank and make him one of
the common herd. Let him appear before me at once."
When Chung Eung-t'a arrived in Naking he was cut in
two at the waist.
Chapter III.
Japanese mix with Koreans . Chinese and Korean advance . . Japan-
ese victory . . .attempts at Imbery . . Admiral Vi Sun sin's last fight
. . .a young Korean captive . . Hideyoshi poisoned . . .his character
... .Japanese recalled ...a Korean teacher in Japan .. a memorial
temple . .party changes . Japanese envo}- .. posthumous honors
. factional strife ...revenue . envoy to Japan a ^welcome
heir . . .negotiations with Japan . . .a dark outlook . . .Chinese com-
missioner duped ...treaty with Japan .. reign of terror ...the
young prince murdered.
By this time the Japanese were becoming mixed with the
Korean people among whom and near whom their camps were
placed. They were probably good customers and the people
doubtless felt that it was not their business to tight them ; so
all up and down the coast for a distance of three hundred
miles the Japanese lived in their "holes" as the Koreans call-
ed them, and in many cases they took wives from among the
women of the country and devoted themselves to farming, ex-
cept at such times as the Korean or Chinese forces came into
their vicinity. There were three Japanese military centers.
One was at Ul-san on the eastern coast, held by Konishi. In
the west was vSun-ch'un ni Chul-la Province where Kato had
his headquarters, while half way between these two in the
town of vSa-ch'un on the Si-jin River a third station was held
by Gen. Sok Mang-ja. These three stations kept up regular
communication with each other, and in case of need rendered
each other assistance.
We now enter the last campaign of this eventful war.
We are not informed as to the numbers of the Japanese at this
time but it probably fell short of 100,000 men. The Chinese
had as.sembled again in force at Seoul and in the ninth moon
46 KOKKAX HISTORY.
of 159S a grand move was made against the invaders. The
Chinese forces were led by Generals Hyong KJ5 and Man Se-
diik. The wliole army was divided into four grand army
corps. Gen. Ma Kwi led the eastern division southward to
attack Ul-san. Under him were eleven other generals and
24,000 men.
The central division, of 13,000 men, was led by Gen.
Tong Il-wiin under whom were eight other generals. ' The
western division was led by Gen. Yu Chung and six other gen -
erals with a force of 13,000 men. The admiral of this cam-
paign was Chil Lin who was already in the south with eight
other commanders handling 13,200 men. It is said that the
entire expedition numbered 142,700 men, buttheabove items
sum up to less than half that and we must conclude that there
were something less than 100,000 men in all. .
On the last day of the ninth moon, already well on to-
ward winter, the three divisions deployed before the walls of
Ul-san. Kato had not been idle all this time ; after the ter-
rible scenes of the last siege he had made the best of prepara-
tions. He had accumulated an abundance of food, increased
the garrLson, strengthened the defenses, and he could laugh
at any force that should try to sit out the winter before him.
The Chinese soon discovered this and turned aside to work
that promised better success. Gen. Tong Il-wun took a
powerful force and advanced on Sa-chun, the central station
of the Japanese. It is probable that the garrison here was
smaller than those under either Kato or Konishi, for when
its commander saw the force that was brought to bear upon
him he hastilj- evacuated the place and crossed over to the
island of Pom-neut and fortified it. Gen. Tong was over-
confident and pressed after him. The Japanese craftily drew
him on and on until his force was immediately under the wall,
when a mine was exploded which, though it killed but a few
hundred men, threw the whole attacking body into such con-
fusion that the Japanese rushed out and found them an eas)''
pre>-. The Chinese lay in heaps where they had been cut
down. Gen. Tong barely escaped with his life and fied to
Sam-ga, being chased as far as the Nam-gang (river) where
the Japanese contented themselves with making way with
12.000 bags of rice belonging to the Chinese commissariat.
MODKRN KOKKA. 47
Gen. Vn Clnintr was conniiissio:ied to take a strong body
of men and attack the fortress at Sun-ch'fin in Chfil-la Prov-
ince. Arriving at the neigliboring village of Wii-gyo he
determined to overcome the old veteran Kato by treachery.
He sent to that general a proposition to make peace. Kato
was now an old man and the war in Korea was bringing him
neither fame nor advancement, so he was ready to give up
the contest, now that it had been demonstrated that the Jap-
anese arms couhi not penetrate the north. He gladly as-
sented and s-nt Gen. Yu a present of two handsome swords
It was agrei'd that they should meet at a certain point, ac-.
companied by only 3000 men each ; but Gen. Yu secretly
placed an ambush in such wise that when the Japanese force
should come out it could be cut off from return to the fort.
A whistle was to be sounded as a signal when the Japanese
came out. But Kato was too old a bird to be caught by such
a child's trick- He had seen two or three of the Chinese
lurking about in the vicinity of the gate and so delayed his
coming out. By mistake the signal was given and the Chin-
ese ambuscade rushed out only to become an object of ridicule
to the Japanese. But even as it was some eighty or ninety
Japanese stragglers were cut off and taken by the Chinese.
Gen. Yu then surrounded the stronghold and at the same
time sent an urgent letter to Admiral Chil L,in to come that
very night and join in an attack on the Japanese. The
admiral obeyed the sunuuous and hurried up with his fleet.
Not knowing about the tides and supposing that the shouts
that he heard were the shouts of battle, he sailed straight up
under the walls of the fortress. But be found that there was
no fight on for Gen. Yu had tailed to connect, an.d the ebbing
tide left the astonished Admiral high and dry on the mud
flats under the very noses of the enemy. In the morning the
Japanese trooped out and burned forty-eight of the stranded
shijjs and killed most of the men. Admiral Chil escaped in
the early morning by boat and hurried to the camp of his
tardy compatriot. Gen. Yu. In a rage he tore down with his
own hands that general's dag and rent it in pieces, tueanwhile
heaping upon liini every species of abuse for having gotten
him into such a plight. Gen. Yu was exceedingly ashamed
and his face, they say, war, "the color of dirt." He beat upon
4'S KokKAN nis'ioRv.
his breast and acknowledged that be deserved death. So
Chil Lin went back to his decimated camp to nurse his
wrath.
But Gen. Yu kn^w that Kato really desired to put an
end to the war, and so he sent another messenger saying,
"This time I really mean peace. If you will take all your
forces and depart I will give you a clear path to escape. Our
army numbers 140,000 men and you cannot hope to face that
number." To this proposition Kato assented and began im-
mediately to embark his soldiers to send them back to Japan .
But as it happened they had to pass the position of Admiral
Chil Lin who naturally sallied out and gave fight, sinking or
burning a dozen or more of Kato's boats. The rest put back
in haste to the starting place and Kato blamed Gen. Yu for
having deceived him; but the latter claimed that he had mere-
ly forgotten to inform x\dmiral Chil Liu of the agreement and
that he would do so. At the same time he advised Kato to
send Admiral Chil a slight cestimouial of regard, which he did
in the shape of a hundred ounces of silver and forty-five
swords. So Admiral Chil acquiesced. Again the Japanese
fleet set out and succeeded in getting by Admiral Chil Liu's
place ; but they had not reckoned upon Admiral Yi Sun-sin
and his faithful warriors. Kato was again obliged to turn
back and go to work to bribe that doughty leader. He sent
him guns and swords in large numbers but the old gentleman
remarked that as for weapons he was already pretty well sup-
plied, and sent them back. He was then approached with an
offer of [,000 ounces of silver if he would wink at Kato's pas-
sage. This he likewise refused.
The Japanese were all embarked and it was determined
to try and slip by the terrible xVdmiral in the graj^ of morn-
ing ; but he was well aware of the intentions of the enemy,
and before break of day he massed all the ships at his com-
mand and came down upon the Japanese fleet as it lay at
anchor before the fortress of Suu-ch'uu. .A.S he approached
he is said to have uttered the following prayer to his gods ;
"To-day I am to die. Give me but one more victory over
these Japanese and I shall die content." He well knew that
he had enemies at court who would eventually secure his
dowufall and so he determined to make an end in one last
MODKRN KOKKA. 49
desperate strlio^i^le. 'Pile tight was short and fierce and when
Iht; morning breeze swept th'i smoke of battle away it dis-
closed fiftv of the Japanese boats in flames and the water fill-
ed with struggling forms. The old veteran I'.ad taken up-
wards of two thousand heads in tliat brief tir.ie. But Gen.
Kato had slipped away in a small boat and made his escape.
The work however was onlv begun. The sea was covered
\\ith boats frantically endeavoring to escape from the dreaded
arm of the merciless Admiral Yi. The good work went on
and every hour added to the score that Admiral Yi had sworn
to made before the night should fall. Notice reached him
that a fresh Japanese fleet had come and was attacking Ad-
miral Chil Lin's fleet. Hurrying thither he found that it was
indeed true. He now changed his tactics and without com-
ing to a hand to hand fight he circled round and round the
Japanese fleet driving them closer and closer together. When
all was ready he began playing upon them with a new
machine of his own manufacture called the pun-t'ong or
"spraying tube." What this was we can not exactly dis-
cover, but in a short time it sufificed to set the Japanese fleet on
fire. A wind sprang up and fanned the flame and ere long
the Japanese fleet was one mass of fire. Hundreds of boats
were consumed with all their occupants. After seeing this
well under way Admiral Yi turned his attention to the fugi-
tive craft that were striving; to make their escape. Stand-
ing in the prow of his boat in an exposed position he urged
on the chase. While he stood in the midst of one of the
grandest victories of the war, he was pierced by a bullet.
They caught him as he fell, and his last words were. "Do not
let the rest know that lam dead, for it will spoil the fight."
Then he expired — the man who maj'^ well be called the Nel-
son of Korea.
Yi Wan, the nephew of the fallen Admiral, still urged on
the battle ; but the work was almost done. The fugitive
boats became fewer and fewer. .Admiral Chil Lin happened
to come near the boat of the dead admiral and noticing that
the sailors in it were quarrelling over some Japanese heads he
exclaimed, "The Admiral must be dead." He entered the
boat and found it even so. Throwing himself three times at
full length on the deck he uttered this lament : "I th.ought
50 KORKAX HIST()H\'.
that lie would save nie and still live, but here he lies dead and
there is no solditr now left in Korea."
We have now come to the end of actual hostilities in the
peninsula but we must cross to Japan and inquire into the
immediate causes which led to the final recall of all the Japan-
ese troops. The Korean account of these events is ver)' re-
markable and faith is to be put in it only in-so-far as it is not
directly antagonized by the Japanese account. For events
that transpired in Korea the Korean account must b^ taken
as the standard, but for events that transpired in Japan the
Japanese account must of course be accepted as the more
trustworthy. The Korean account is as follows.
When the Japanese first invaded Korea, in the year 1592,
it so happened that a youn.g Korean boy named Ymo Pn-ha.
a native of Tono;^-n:1, became attached to the Japaiese army
as a slave, and was eventually taken to Tsushima From
there he made his way to the mainland of Japan and at
last reached the court of Hideyoshi. That observant man
spied him out and said, "Korean and Japanese boj's resemVjle
each other strongly. Take this boy and teach him Japanese,
and if he does not learn well cut off his head." With this in-
centive it would be strange if a less intelligent boy than
Yang Pu-ha would not learn rapidly. In the space of three
mouths he could converse creditably in Japanese, and Hideyo-
shi as reward made him one of his body-servants. For some
years the bo}- performed the duties of this position, until at last
the Chinaman Sim Yu-gyung arrived. That official was kept
practically in confinement at the court of Hide5^oshi. One day
the Korean servant asked his master to be allowed to see Sim
Yu-gyfing. Permission was granted and the young man found
the Chinese envoy in great perplexity, in fact in tears. This
excited the pity of the young man and he secured the release
of the Chinaman, who from that time was often called into
the presence of Hideyoshi. with whom he soon became on fam-
ilar terms. 0!)e day as he sat with the great Taiko he took
out a pill and swallowed it. He did the same on several days
in succession until at last the curiosity of Hideyoshi was ex-
cited and he asked what it was. The Chinaman answered
that it was an antidote to indigestion and that by eating it
the strength and vigor of the body was preserved intact. Hid-
MODKRX KORKA, 5t
eyoshi took one iti liis hand and eyed it suspicionsly. On one
side of the pill was written the Chinese character so meaning
"hot." The Japanese deliberately took a knife and cnt the
pill in two and handing half to Sim said, "Yon eat half and
I will eat half. " Its immediate effects were stimulating and
pleasant but in the end it proved a deadly poision for it slow-
ly dried up the blood. Each day Sim shared one with his
captor but upon retiring to his room swallowed a potion
which entirely neutralized the effect of the poison. Before
long Hideyoshi's hands began to grow hard and dry and one
day when he happened to cut his hand he was astonished to
find that no blood followed. He called for a moxa and ap-
plied it to his hand and yet no blood came. Then he laughed
aloud and cried, "I am a dead man. When. I cease to breathe
take out my bowels and sew my body up again with horse-
iiair ; and then preserve my body in wine and do not let the
outsiders know that I am dead." He wanted to have the fact
concealed for he feared it would have a dispiriting effect upon
the troops in Korea. Shortly after this he died and his orders
were minutely carried out. For two months no one outside
the palace knew of his decease, but at last the stench became
so great that they confessed that the great Hideyoshi had
passed away. Such is the Korean story.
The Koreans sum up his character as follows: He was a
crafty and cunning man, and by his talk, now sharp, now
suave, now sarcastic, now bullying, he managed to sway the
minds of all who came near him. He managed all his generals
like puppets. He liked to take boys and girls under his pat-
ronage and see them gruw up together and m irry them to
each other and t'lus have them completely under his contrcjl.
His two most powerful generals were Whi Wnn-and Ka Kang.
They hated him and would have been glad of an opportunity
to overthrow him, but it was out of the question. He knew
them well, and for fear they might combine against him he
made one of them governor of the east and the other of the
' west and ordered them to keep watch of each other.' By thn.s
pitting them against each other he made himself safe. He
loved intrigue and diplomacy and had a most restless temper-
ament. He was ever on the lookoiu for some kind of excite-
ment, (jen. Ka Kang was with iiiiu when he died, and,, fearing;
52 KORKAN HISTORY.
lest rebellion should break out, he filled the body with salt
and so preserved it. He made a wooden form which would
hold the body stiff in a sitting position and placing it in a
place where the light was not very bright with the ej'es wide
open, the people saw hitn sitting there day after day and sup-
posed of course he was alive. It was in the eighth moon when
the odor was so strong that the truth could no longer be con-
cealed. Thereupon Gen. Ka Kang took the son of Hideyoshi
and made him Shogun. He then threw into prison the wives
and children of Generals Kato and Konishi and sent a mes-
senger ordering them to collect all their troops and return im-
mediately to Japan. The order was obeyed willingly and all
that was left of the Japanese army of invasion set sail from
Fusan, and the great invasion was a thing of the past.
The Korean annalists say that when the invasion began
the Japanese arms were far superior to those of Korea ; also
that th,_ Japanese displaj'ed tiger skins, pheasant feathers,
gilded masks and plumes ; all which glitter and show terrified
the Koreans. Thus at first the Japanese had an easy victor}^
but toward the last it was not so. The Koreans had improv-
ed their arms and had learned not to fear the grand rush of
the Japanese in their hideous masks which made them look
more like demons than men.
At the time of the second invasion a Korean named Kang
Han was caught and sent to Japan and, being unable to es-
cape, he set to work learning Japanese. He became a teach-
er of Chinese and had a large following of students who treat-
ed him very well and supported him in comfortable style. At
tlie end of the war they clubbed together and bought a boat
into which they put tliis man with all his goods and sent him
back to Korea. On his return lie wrote a book entitled Kang
yang-rok or "Relation of Adventures among Sheep." a sar-
castic plt-asautry.
The Chinese arms in Korea did not move till the follow-
ing spring, and then the king sent to the Emperor askitig
that Generals Man Se-dok, Ta Cham and Yi Sung-hun be al-
lowed to remain in Korea for a time until things should be-
come thoroughly settled.
In the early centuries of the Christian era there was a
celebrated Chinese general named Kwan U. He was of
MODKKN KOKKA. 53
gigantic size and had a fiery red face, rode a powerful red horse,
could walk a thousand li a day (!) and carried a sword that
weighed 800 pounds (!!). It is said that while the Japanese
were occupying Seoul the spirit of this great man appeared
repeatedly near the South and East Gates and struck terror
to the hearts of the Japanese. Now, as the Cliinese generals
were about to leave for China, Admiral Chil Lin built a shrine
to this same Kwan U outsiae the South Gate. In the thirty-
third year of King Sun-jo, namely 1600 A. D., the Emperor
sent four million cash to build a temple to this Kwan U and
the present temple outside the South Gate was erected. The
Emperor at the same time ordered another to be built by the
Koreans outside the East Gate, and it was done. The two
temples are exactly alike. When the king asked the Emperor
to name the temple he said "Call it the Hyong-nyung-so dok-
kwan-gong" which means "The great and bright appearance
of the spirit of Kwan." The king also built shrines to him
in Song-ju and An-dong of Kyung-sang Province, and at
Nam-wun in Chul-la Province.
We have already seen that factious fights had been a great
cause of weakness all through the years of the invasion, and
from this time on party strife was destined to grow more and
more fierce and determined until it brought the country to the
very verge of anarchy a century later. We must note here
briefly the changes which had taken place in the parties. We
will remember that at first there were two parties, the Tong-
in and the Su-in. During the war the court favorite was Yu
Sung-nyung who gave office to so many men from Kyiing-
sang Province that the name of Nam-in or "South Men"
sprang up and a partj^ by that name quickly became organ-
ized, but their opponents in order to preserve the political
equilibrium instantly seized upon the name Puk-in or "North
Men." At the close of the war the leader of the opposition,
namely of the Puk-in, memorialized the king against Yu
Sang-nyung the favorite, charging him with having desired
to make peace with the Japanese, contrary to the honor of the
country. The king listened to this and banished Yu, but his
supporters turned the tables by a counter-memorial in which
the charges were more than answered and Yu was restored to
all his honors. With the rise of the Nam-in and Puk-in par-
54 K()Ki:\N insTOkv.
. ties the old party lines of the Tong-iii and Sri-in had not been
broken np or lost. Durino^ the latter years of the invasion
the X:ini-iu )iart\- lost its powerful grip and the Puk-in were
often in power, but from the end of the invasion nntil far into
the following reign the Tong-in held the ])0wer. and after that
for a period of fifty years the Sfi-in had control of affairs. It
may be asked what principles underlay these parties, what
settled palicies they had that differentiated them either in
domestic or foreign matters. We answer that the various
parties had but one plank in their platforms, one settled plan
of action, and that was to get the ear of the king and seize
upon the ofBce- making power and put in every position one's
own partisans. It was the spoils system sublimated, for there
was absolutely no admixture of any other element.
Now that the war was over the Japanese on Tsushinici de-
sired to open again commercial relations with Korea, which
had alwavs been mutually profitable ; and so in the following
year, 1601, an envov, Kuroda, catne from that island bringing
with him three hundred men and women who had been
carried awa\' captive during the war. This envoy asked that
there might be reciprocity of trade. The king referred the
matter to Nanking and the reply seems to have been in the
affirmative, for we find that soon after this an envoy was sent
over to Tsushuua with credentials; but after all the Japanese
petition was not at this time granted. At the same time the
Emperor gave orders for the return to China of all the re-
maining troops, but at the earnest request of the king 8000
men were left to help guard the southern provinces. Post-
humous honors were heaped upon Admiral Yi Sun-sin who
had been the very salvation of Korea, but who had sought
death in battle, knowing that if he lived his detractors
would drag him dowu. Yi Hang-bok and eighty-five others
received high commendation and additional honors also. The
year ended with the unsuccessful attempt of an insurrection-
ary party in the south which was nipped in the bud, the ring-
leader being forwarded to seoul to be beheaded.
An unscrupulous man named Yu Yong-gj'ung was the
court favorite at this time aud upon him devolved the task of
appointing and dismissing ofl5cials ; consequently he was the
recipient of countless presents, and on one occasion two men
MODKKN Kt>kK.\. 55
to whom he had sold the same office met at his gate and quar-
relled over the matter, to the scandal of the court. The state of
affairs at the capital was anything but satisfactory, the reason
being that the strife of parties rendered honesty and fairness
impossible. It was a constant fight to gain the king's ear
and, having gained it, to turn out all enemies and put in per-
sonal adherents. About this time a remeasurement of all the
arable land of the country was ordered and it was discovered
that the total revenue of the country was 1,515,500 kyu/oirice,
each Ay/</ beiug about 120 pecks of rice, or over two hundred
pounds. It also included 300,000 bags of other grains.
In they year 1605 the Japanese again asked that a
treaty be made and that Korea send an envoy to the Japanese
court. The king complied and sent the same monk, Yu
Chung, ordering him to look carefully into the matter of the
military strength of the Island Empire and the distance by
boat. He returned the following year bringing with him,
it is said, three thousand Koreans who had been taken to
Japan from time to time during the invasion. The Korean
accounts tell us nothing of the booty that the Japanese carried
away to Japan during the war, nor of the transportation of
Korean artisans and their employment in Japan in teaching
the making of pottery and other works of use and art, but we
may well believe the Japanese reports, that assert that im-
mense amounts of treasure were carried away and that the
making of the beautiful Satsuma ware was an outcome of the
teaching of Korean artisans.
This year was also signalized by a fierce conflict between
the savage tribe of Hol-cha-on, north of the Tu-man River,
and the government troops under Gen. Song U-gil. The latter
crossed the river by night and attacked the main settlement
of the tribe and utterly destroyed it, and effectually broke up
the tribe. Great quantities of goods which had been stolen
from the border settlements were also recovered.
We are now on the threshold of events which led up to a
very painful period in Korean history. It will be remembered
that the king had no heir by the queen and had therefore
nominated to the throne his heir by a concubine, the Prince
Kwang-ha. This was a man of violent temper, bad instincts,
corrupt, selfish, careless of the pubic good. When therefore
56- K(;kkax HisroKV.
the king, in tht fortieth year of his rcijjn. was presented with
a son by his queen, his delijjht was as great as was the
chagrin of the heir apparent. According to law it was im-
possible to set aside the man already nominaf^d, but now that
the king finally got the boy he had been looking for so long,
his feelings got the better of his judgment and he was bent
upon having the child receive all the honors due to the future
wearer of the crown. So he sent out the order that officials
should conje to the palace and do obeisance as when an heir to
the throne is born. This was the most impolitic thing he
could have done, for it aroused all the hatred there was in the
Prince Kwang-hA. who had for so manj' years looked upon his
eventual occupancy of the throne as fully assured, and who
saw in these demonstrations of affection on the part of the
king a latent desire to change the decree which had already
gone forth. If the king really desired to set aside that decree
he should have sent to Nanking and had the Emperor do it,
but it was not so to be, and the i:ifant boy entered the world
with one deadly enemy ranged against him. whose first act
would be to put him out of the way. Nor was it the boy alone
who gained the hatred of this prince. The queen herself became
the object of his special hatred, and the official who sent forth
the order that honor should be done to the infant
The Japanese kept urging their .point, that relations of
mutual benefit be resumed, and kept protesting their good
intentions toward Korea. The king had just received an
envoy bringing gifts and a congratulatory lett-er from the
king of the Liu Kiu Islands, in which grave doubts were cast
upon the intentions of the Japanese, and an offer of assistance
was made in case of another invasion. But the king seems
not to have put faith in the.se doubts, and replied, to the re-
iterated request of the Japanese, that an envoy would be sent
to Japan, when the men who desecrated the royal graves be-
yond the Han River should be sent to the Korean Capital for
punishment. The Japanese went home, but returned late in
the fall bringing two men bound, whom they delivered over
as being the ones demandea. But these were mere boys who
themselves urged the fact that the\- were still babes in arms
when the deeds of which they were charged had been com-
mitted. The Prime Minister urged the king to send them
MODKUX Korea. 57
back to Japan, but the favorite, Yu, persuaded the king to
have them beheaded, after which Y-'* U-gil, Kyoug Sun and
Chung Ho-gvvan were sent as an embassy to Japan. Mean-
while lyeyasu in Japan had deposed the son of Hide-
yoshi and usurped his place. So when the embassy arrived
in Japan they were received with the utmost coldness, and
the usurper said, "Who asked that envoys might be ex-
changed between Japan and Korea ? But now that you are
here we will receive you." The treatment that they received
was bad almost beyond description. As a sample of the way
the Japanese baited them it is related that the Japanese
brought a dish filled with ordure sprinkled with something
the color of gold-dust, and when the Koreans innocently put
their hands in the dish, supposing that it was some form of
food, the Japanese had a good laugh at their expense. The
Koreans did not appreciate this sort of practical joke, and
forthwith returned to Korea.
Late in the autumn the aged king was taken sick and all
knew that the end was near. The conditions were not pro-
pitious. The young prince was only two years old and
Prince Kwang-hS was fierce in his resentments and jealous
-of anyone who should attempt to block his path to the throne.
The people were in a very uneasy frame of mind. The king
had gone either too far or not far enough in the advocacy of
the infant prince, and now he felt that he was leaving the
child to the tender mercies of a relentless enemy. He there-
fore called in the Prime Minister and said, "Everything looks
dark ahead and 1 am dying. I suppose the Prince Kwang-
ha must become king?" But the Prime Minister dared not
answer the question as the king wanted it answered, and
hung back. By so doing he sealed his own fate. There were
only two things for him to do, either to boldly advocate the
claims of the child or else boldly advocate those of Prince
Kwang-hS. By doing neither he made an enemy of the one
and spoiled the chances of the other, and thus signed his
own death warrant. As it happened, Prince Kwang-ha had
an elder brother, but why he had not been nominated to the
throne we are not told. This prince, named Im-ha, was now
induced to make the attempt to wrest the reins of power from
his brother so as to save the people from what they feared at
58 KOKKAN inSTORV.
the hands of l*ritice K\vang-ha, but the latter got wind of the
plot and the elder prince was summarily banished, together
with all his coadjutors.
So matters w'ent on until one day in early spring of the
following year, 1608, when a servant came from the king's
private rooms saying that he was dying. All the officials
assembled at the palace. It is said that Prince Kwang-
hS had become impatient at the tenacity of life shown by the
aged king and had assisted nature in taking him off. but this, we
may surmise, is rather a general deduction from the character
of the man than a proved charge, and this prince has so much
else to answer for that we may well give him the benefit of
the doubt and conclude that the king reached his end by nat-
ural causes alone. The assembled noblemen snt in the room
adjoining the one in which the king lay d\ing. I''resen!ly n
eunuch brought out a note which read thus, "Wlien I aui dead
let Prince Kwang-h?i be kind to the infant boy." When the
ministers had read it they sent it to the prince. Soon an-
other note came from the sick rtK»rn, "To the seven ministers
of state ; I am dying. I have but one cause of anxiety ; the
boy is young and I shall not be here to see him come to man-
hood. Let him be tenderly cared for." This was the end,
The king turned to the wall and expired.
Upon hearing the welcome news the Prince Kwang-hS
hastened to assume the position he had coveted so long. His
first act was to send the Prime Minister Yu Yong-gyung into
banishment. Then he sent an embassy to China to announce
his accession to the throne. The Emperor replied, "Why is
not the elder son, Prince Im-ha, made king ?" and sent a
commission to inquire into the matter. Prince Im was brought
from Kyo-dong Island to which place he had been banished.
One of the creatures of tbe newly crowned king advised that
the head only of Prince Im be brought, but the aged Yi Hang-
bok opposed it so strongly that the king dare not follow his in-
clination ; but when Prince Im was brought he was "made
up" for the occasion. He was unkempt and filthy, his clothes
were in rags and the very sight of him decided the tinsmspicious
commissioner and he ordered the wretched man to be sent
back to his place of banishment at once. For fear of further
complications and to satisfy his vengeful nature, the king sent
MODKKN KOKHA, 59
a secret messenger to the prefect of Kyo-dong" and had Prince
Im poisoned in prison. He next proceeded to kill the banish-
ed Prime Minister, and then had his body bronght to the
center of the capital and cnt in half lengthwise.
The Japanese had for several vears been presNin^ for the
resumption of the old-time relations, half diplomatic and half
commercial, which had been carried on through the southern
port of Fusan. Now in the first year of the reign of Kwang-ha,
consent was gained and Yi Chi -wan for Korea and Genshoand
Yoshinao for Japan met and worked out a plan for a treaty.
The Japanese insisted that all three of the port> which
had formerly been open should again be opened, but this was
peremptorily refused and only Fusan was opened. The num-
ber of boats that could come annually was reduced to twenty.
Great diplomatic agents from the Shogun were allowed to stay
in Korea one hundred and ten days. The agents from any
daimyo of Japan could stay eighcy-five days and special ag_nts
could stay fifty-five days. The strictness with which the Ko-
reans bound down the Japanese as to nmmber of ships and
men and length of stay, and the refusal to open three ports,
show that Korea was doing this all more as a favor than by
demand, and history shows that at any time she felt at liberty
to withdraw support from them. The amount of nee and
other food that Korea granted was hardly more than enough
to support the embassy when it came.
It will be remembered that the king was the son of a con-
cubine and not of the queen. He now went to wt)rk to de-
pose the queen and set up his mother, though now dead, aS'
real queen. He gave his mother the posthumous title of
Kong-song Wang-ho and sent the deposed queen into semi-
banishment to the Myung-ye Palace in Chong-dong, where the
king now resides. This act was looked upon as utterly unfili-
al and godless by the officials, and they almost unanimously
censured his harsh treatment of this woman.
The next three years were spent in killing oflf all who had
been specially favored under the last king, excepting the ven-
erable Yi Hang-V)ok, who stood so high in the esteem of the
people that even the wicked king did not dare to lay hands
upon hnn. One method of getting nd of objectionable people
was to promise release to some criminal if he would fewear that
6o KORKAN HlJ^rokY.
he had heard tlie men CDiispirir.s ajjaiiist the king ; but the
king^'s thirst for blood cmld not bt; quenched so long as the
young prince was living. The latter was now six or seven
years old. No one dared to make a move against him openly,
but the officials knew that if they wanted to become favorites
with the king it could be done only by suggesting some plan
whereby the boy could be killed without britigingon a gener-
al insurrection. It was accomplished as follows. Pak Eung-
su. a well-known resident of Vn-ju became a highwayman.
He was captured and taken to Seoul for trial. .After he had
been condemned, Vi I-ch'um the court favorite sent to him in
prison and said, "Vou are to die to-morrow, but if you will de-
clare that you and several other men have conspired to depose
the king and place the young prince on the throne you will
not only be released but rewarded as well." When therefore
the king received the written confession of the wretch he
feigned surprise but instantly caught and executed the prin-
cipals named. His satellites al-so urged that he must kill the
young prince and his mother, for they must surely be privy
to the plot. And her father too must be beheaded. The king
did not dare to go to these lengths all at once, but he began
by beheading the queen's father, and banishing the boy to
Kang-wha. When the men came to takfe him he hid beneath
his mother's skirt but the brutal captors pushed her over and
dragged the lad away. These acts enraged the people almost
beyond endurance and memorials poured in upon the king
from people who preferred death itself to permitting such acts
to go unchallenged. The king however answered them one
and all by killing the writers or stripping them of rank and
banishing them.
As the boy had been separated from his mother and ban-
ished to Kang-wha, he could be dealt with at pleasure.
His death would remain unknown for a time, and the matter
would pass by unnoticed. So in the following year, at the
instigation of Yi I-ch'Gm, the magistrate of Kang wha put the
boy in a small room, built a roaring fire under it and suffocat-
ed him. an extreme of barbarity which the world can hardly
parallel. The news soon spread among the officials. Scores
of memorials poured in upon the king who answered them as
before bv banishment and death.
MOriKKX KOKKA. (^ t
Chapter IV.
The king insulted . . .the "Mulberry Palace" . . .plot against the Queen
Dowager . . .her indictment . she is degraded . . .inception of the
Manchu power. . . .China summons Korea to her aid . . troops des-
patched first battle with the Manchus . . . Korean treachery .
Koreans make friends with the Manchus. . . .the Manchu court . . .a
Manchu letter to the king .. .its answer ...Manchu rejoinder ...
message to Nanking. .. .Chinese refugees a Korean renegade
the Queen intercedes for China . . .Chinese victory Manchu
cruelty .. .offices .sold ...plot against the king .. .king dethroned
. .Queen Dowager reinstated ...reforms ...a thorough cleaning
out.
With the opening of the year 1615 the king further re-
vealed his hatred of the depo.sed and degraded queen by
publishing broadcast the statement that she had gone to the
grave of his mother and there, by practicing sorcery against
him. had tried to bring evil upon him. This also brought out
a loud protest from all honest men. and banishment followed.
Even the children on the street spoke insultingly of the tyrant
saying that he was afraid of the imps at the Myung-ye Palace,
but had let his mother stay there with them though he him-
self would not go near the place. The king feared everyone
that was honest and upright even though they had nothing
to say. His own cousin, Prince Neung-ch'ang, whose young-
er brother afterward became king, was a perfectly peaceable
and harmless man, but the king feared him and could not
rest satisfied until he had gotten his satellites to accuse him
of sedition and had suffocated him in a heated chamber on
Kyo-dong Island. About this time a monk, named Seung-ji;
gained the confidence of the superstitious king and induced
him to build the In-gyung Palace which is commonly known
among foreigners as the "Mulberry Palace." To do this,
thou.sands of the houses of the common people were razed and
heavy taxes were levied throughout the country ; and yet
there was not enough money. So the king began to sell the
public offices. JSome were paid for in gold, others in silver,
others in irt)n, and still others in wood, stor.e or salt. The
/
62 KOKKAN HISTORY.
people derisively called it the 0-hanQ[, referring to the "Five
Rules of Conduct" of the Confucian Code. The boys also
made up a popular song which ran as follows, "Did you give
gold, or silver, or wood for yours?" and they put the officials
to shame by shouting it at them as they passed along the
street.
Vi I-ch'iim, the favorite, could not rest until he had car-
ried out his master's wish and had invented some vva}' to de-
stroy the degraded Queen. Finding no other way to accomplish
this, he at last descended to the following trick. He instruct-
ed a man named Hu Kyun to write a letter to the imprisoned
queen purporting to be from some party in the country, pro-
posing a scheme for deposing the king. This letter was
thrown over the wall of the queen's enclosure and there found
by the servants of the crafty plotter. The king was ready to
believe anything against her and this letter fanned his hatred
into flame. Yi I-ch'um followed it up by joining with scores
of others in memorials urgitig the king to put to death the
hated Queen Dowager. The Prime Minister, Keui Cha-hon.
stood in the wa3^ however, and it became necessary to banish
him to the far north. In the eleventh moon the king finally
decided to drive the woman from Seoul, and made all the of-
ficials give their opinion about it in writfng. -Nine hundred
and thirty officials and a hundred and seventy of the king's
relatives advised to do so, but the aged Yi Hang-bok with
eight others utterly refused their sanction of the iniquitous
plan ; and so these nine men, the last of those upright men
who had stood about the late king, were sent into banishment.
The year thus closed in gloom and the new one opened
with a memorial from the Prime Minister Hau Hyo-san enum-
erating ten charges against the Queen Dowager; (i) that
she had had the officials do obeisance to the young prince al-
though the successor to the throne had alread)^ been appoint-
ed ; (2) when the king was dying she asked him to set aside
Prince Kwang-ha in favor of the young prince ; (3) she pre-
vented, as long as possible, the king from handing over the
scepter to Prince Kwang-ha; (4) she wrote the letters purport-
ing to be from the dying king asking that the young prince
be carefully nurtured ; (5) she instigated her father to conspire
against the king ; (6) she sacrificed in the palace and prayed
MDDKRN KORKA. 63
for the death of Prince Kvvanoj-ha; (7) she prayed for the same
at the grave of his mother ; (8) she corresponded with outside
parties with a view to raising an insurrection; (9) she sent to
the Emperor asking to have Prince Kwang-ha set aside, (10)
she sent to Japan asking that an army be sent to overthrow
the government.
The king feigned to be very loath to believe all these
charges and to act upon them ; he called heaven to witness
that the very thought of it was terrible to him and averred
that he would rather be banished to some distant shore than
even to mention such a thing. But after a great deal of urg-
ing he was prevailed upon, and said he could no longer be
deaf to the entreaties of his subjects and the welfare of the
country. So he took away her title of Ta-bi and decreed that
she should be called Su-gung "West Palace," and that she
should receive no part of the government revenue, that officials
should no more do homage to her, that her marriage certifi-
cate be burned and that all her wedding garments be taken
from her. lie determined also that in the event of her death
no one should assume mourning, that her name should be in-
scribed in no ancestral temple, and that she should be shut
up in her own apartments and strictly guarded.
And now there appeared in the northwest a cloud which
was destined to overspread the whole of Korea, and China as
well. Norach'i was chief of the Mancliu tribes. He was from
the wild tribe of Kon-ju which, as we have seen, was broken
up by a Korean military expedition. His grandfather's name
was Kyu-sang and his father's name was Hapsiri. These had
both been put to death by a Chinese general, A-t'a, and to the
unquenchable hatred caused by this must be ascribed the ter-
rible reprisals the young Norach'i made on China, where his
descendants occupy the imperial throne to this day. At the
time of his father's death he had fled eastward beyond the
reach of China's arm but gradually gaining power he crept
slowly westward again until he had a footing on the great
Mauchu plains. But he was not yet ready to carry out his
plans against China, and when the Mongol, Hapuigeukosip,
entered the great wall and overthrew the Chinese general Yu
Pu, Norach'i caught him and sent his head to Nanking. The
Kmperor was pleased at this and gave him the rank of "Dra-
64 KOKKAN HISTOkV.
gon Tiger General." Having thus disarmed suspicion, the
hardy norlhman began gathering and training troops until
there stood about him 10,000 skillful archers. Some years
before this he had killed his younger brother for fear of com-
plications and now in the year of the events of which we are
writing he had overcome the three great Chinese generals Yi
Youg-bang, Chang Seung-yun and Yang Yo-gwi. The rul-
ing dynasty of the Ming in China became well aware of the
gravity of the situation and saw that it was necessary to square
themselves for a desperate fight with the great Manchu lead-
er The first act of the Emperor was to send a summons to
the King of Korea ordering him to send generals and troops
at once to join the Chinese forces against Norach'i, The king
responded by sending a man to find out the exact state of af-
fairs, whether China was weak or strong and whether it
would pay to help her in the coming struggle. This was pay-
ing China back in kind for her delay in sending aid when the
Japanese invaded the peninsula, but Korea was thoroughly
loyal to the Ming power. She may be criticised in many ways
but there was never shown a deeper loyaltj- or devotion than
Korea showed the Mings during the years of struggle against
the Manchus, a devotion that always worked against her own
selfish interests.
The Chinese general Yang Ho sent back to the king and
said, "When we ask for aid do you merely send a spy to find
out how matters stand? This war is as much in your interests as
ours, so you had best send an army at once to form a junction
with us in Liao-tung." However little stomach the king had
for the war this appeal was too strong to be set aside. Even
this base king could not overlook the tremendous obligation
under which Korea lay on account of aid rendered by China
against the Japanese. He therefore appointed generals Kang
Hong-rip and Kim Kydng-su as first and second in command
and under them three other generals, Chung Ho-su, Yi Chung-
nam and Chung Eung-jung. These men were put in com-
mand of 20.000 troops drawn from the five provinces of
P^N'ung-an.Ham-gyung, Kyuug-keui.Ch'ung-ch'ung and Chul-
la, and they were ordered to the northern border. This was
toward the close of the year, but before its end the Chinese
sent a messenger to hurry forward the Korean troops, as it
MODKRN KOKKA. 65
was intended to make a g:raiid demonstration with the opening
of the new year.
In the first month of 1619 the troops went forward to the
seat of war. It was in the middle of winter and most of the
soldiers were going from a comparatively warm climate into
the rigors of a semi-arctic region. The Chinese Gen. Yang
Ho was advancing upon the Manchu position by four different
roads. The whole army rendezvoused at Sim-ha in L,iao-tung
not far from the Korean border town of Eui-ju. The com-
bined forces were led by four generals, Yang Ho, Yu Chung,
Kyo Il-geui and the Korean Kang Hong-rip. Meeting a small
body of five hundred Manchu troops they drove them back in-
to the hills with considerable slaughter, and fondly supposed
that all the Manchus could be put to flight as easily. In this
prelirainar3' skirmish the Koreans took a leading part, and one
general was killed and another was wounded in the hand.
The next day the whole force advanced to a place called Pu-
go. The right and left flanks of the army were composed of
Chinese and the center was held by Gen. Kang Hong-rip with
his Korean troops. Suddenly, almost without warning, ten
thousand Manchu horsemen swept down upon the right flank.
The impetuositj' of the charge carried everything before it,
and almost instantly the whole right wing was thrown into
confusion and took to precipitate flight, in which both Gen.
Yu Chung and Gen, Yang Ho were killed. Then the Manchu
chief Kwi Yung-ga with 30,000 men came across the Ka-hap
Pass and fell upon the left flank, and that too was routed in
short order. The center under Gen. Kang had not yet been
attacked and stood unmoved by, and not unlikely unconscious
of, the terrible destruction being meted out to their allies to the
right and left. Now, Gen. Kang had been instructed by the
king to watch the turn of events and if the Chinese could not
hold their own to go over to the Manchus and make friends
with them. This indeed does not look much like loyalty to
China, but it must be remembered that we are dealing now
not with the Korean sentiment as a whole but with the wretch
who occupied the throne at the moment, and who had no
more real loyalty toward China than he had love for his own
country.
Gen. Kang followed his instructions and sent to the Man-
66 KORKAN JI[ST<)K\'.
chu leader and said, "We are not enemies. There is no cause
for hostilities between us. We have been forced into this un-
pleasant position no;ainst our wills. As the Chinese showed
us favors during the Japanese invasion we have had to make
some show of interest in order to reciprocate the favor, but as
things have turned out we should be glad to make friends
with you."
The Manchu chieftain was willing enough to come to this
agreement and so the whole Korean contingent went over ai
masse to the Manchus. Gen. Yang was brought before Nor-
ach'i to make his obeisance. That powerful man was seated
upon a throne, clothed in yellow silk, and on either side were
many young women with jewelled pendants in their ears.
Gen. Kang was told to stand some distance away and bow,
but he said that \\\ his own country his rank w.i> sufficiently
high to warrant a nearer approach. So he was led nearer.
He then made only a slight gtiuuflection. This did not please
the choleric Norach'i and the general was compelled to make
a proper obeisance. Gen. Kim Kyong-su likewise went through
this humiliating ceremony.
It appears that Gen. Kang had decided that it v*'as to his
interests to join himself permanentl}' to the Manchus, for
when soon after this Gen. Kim tried to despatch a letter to
the king, giving a carefully detailed account of the Manchus
and their strength, the letter was intercepted by Gen. Kang
who gave it to Norach'i and advised that Gen. Kim be killed.
This was immediately done.
Three months later the Manchu chief sent a letter to the
Korean king, couched in the following terms, "I have seven
causes for hating the Ming dynasty and it is impossible for
me to keep my hands off them. Now you and I are not
enemies. To be sure you have injured us more or less in the
past, but we will waix^e all that. It will be necessary for
you however to break off all connection with China and stop
aiding her in any way." Gen. Kang also wrote at the same
time saying, "The Manchus are training all their youth to
war, and soon they will have the whole of lyiao-tung."
When the king received these letters he referred them to the
governor of P'yung-an Province to answer. The answer ran
as follows, "For two hundred years both yon and we have
.\rODKKN KOF^KA, 67
been the subjects of the Ming power and now that tronble
lias arisen between >on and the autliorities at Nanking it will
be bad for you ard us as well. China is like a parent to us
and how can we refuse to aid her? We cannot listen to your
demand and abstain from helping her. If von will make
peace with us and clearly define our boundaries and abstain
from conquest, China will not b^only glad but will reward us
both with gifts." To this the Manchu replied, "If von think
that China will give presents you have been grievously de-
ceived by her. They are all liars and cheats and I hate them.
Put away this idea and stand shoulder to shoulder with us,
We must take an oath and sacrifice a white horse to heaven
and a black bullock to the earth. After -that I will .<-end back
all your generals and soldiers. Let there be no more weapons
used between us, but only horse-whips." This latter refers
to friendly intercourse by means of horses. Gen. Kang also
wrote. "Norach'i has takan Pnk-kwan and Gen. Kim T'a-
suk is dead. PHk Yang-go has surrendered. Norach'i has
joined the Mongol forces to his own atid is advancing on Yo-
gwang. His two sons Mangoda and Hongtasi advise him to
first seize Liao-tung. P^very day there are long debates to dis-
cuss whether it were better to strike Liao-tung or Korea first.
This is a secret but I am sure of what I say. They are mak-
ing great numbers of ladders and I am sure they are intend-
ind to invade Korea first."
This letter troubled the King, for it interfered with hi.s
own personal comfort. So he sent a swift messenger to
Nanking begging the P^mperor to send a large force to "guard
your eastern territory" which meant that the king wanted
China to stand between him and this Manchurian scourge.
The relatives of Gen. Kang were kept informed by him
of the state of affairs in the north, and they sent large sums,
of money to Norach'i to buy him off and prevent him from in-
vading Korea ; and it may be that it was this, at least in part,
that delayed it for sonje time. The king's messengers found
the road to Nanking blocked by the Manchus and so had to
turn back. Tiie king thereupon sent envoys one after an-
(jther by boat, but a.i the Koreans were poor sailors, they fail-
ed to land at the right place and fell into the hands of the
Manchus or were wrecked bv storms.
68 KOkKA.N HISTORY.
The Matichus now, in 1621, held the whole of Liao-tiing
and the Chinese residents were tieeing in all directions.
Thousands of them crossed into Korea and many crossed over
to the islands of Ok-kang and In-san near the mouth of the
Yalu River and there, huddled tog^ether in wretchedness and
want, bewailed their pitiable condition.
The prefect of Eui-ju implored the king to forward troops
to hold the Manchus in clieck and the Chinese Gen. Wang
wrote the king demanding a contingent of Korean troops to
oppose the wild horde that threatened the Ming power. But
the king was utterly incompetent, and all Seoul was in a fer-
ment. The king thought only of himself, and looked to it
that a comfortable place was arranged for him on the i.sland
of Kang-wha, in case it should become necessary for him to
leave Seoul. In the early summer a Korean named Vi Y<>ng-
bang. who had gone over to the Manchus body and soul, and
had become son-in-law to Norach'i, took a body of Manchu
cavalry, crossed over to the islands of Ok-kang and In-san
and massacred all the Chinese refugees he could lay hands on.
This again struck terror to the heart of the king, and it threw
Seoul into a fever of excitement. The king collected nine
thousand troops from the southern provinces and stationed
them at Su-wfin, but there was no one whom he could appoint
general-in-chief ; so he had to recall from banishment Han
Chun-gyum and confer this honor upon him. Han MyTing-yun
was made second in command. He was a man of low extrac-
tion but had acquired a certain amount of fame in the Jap-
anese invasion.
In the following year, 1622. the Manchus entered China
and were everywhere victorious. They wanted to make a
treaty with Korea, but the king could decide neither one way
nor the other. His envoys had not reached China and he had
no word from the Emperor. The queen memorialized the king
in the native script and said, "Those northern savages want
to make peace with us, not because of any feeling of friend-
ship for us but because they think they cannot handle China
and Korea both at once. So they do this to keep us quiet until
they finish with China. The king should make up his mind
one way or the other and act. Think of what the Chinese
did for us during the late invasion ! We were on the very
MODERN KOKHA. 69
edge of destruction and they succored us. Both king and
people should be of one mind and hasten to send soldiers to
oppose this common enemy. Kven if we do not succeed we
shall have clear consciences, for we shall know that we have
done what we could to aid China in the hour of her distress."
In the third moon a letter arrived from the Manchu headquar-
ters which read as follows, "You say that you arc the child
and China is the parent. Well, I am now striking your parent,
but you seem not to be able to help her. There is no use in
trying to do so." In answer to this grim pleasantry the
craven king sent an envoy with gifts to the Manchu camp,
but the gifts and envoy were both spurned with insults.
The Chinese general Mo Mun-nyfing fled from Liao-tung
by boat and landed at Yong-ch'un in Korea. Finding there
many Chinese fugitives, and among them not a few soldiers,
he organized a little army and marched against the Manchus.
In his first fight he was quite successful, coming from the
field with the head of the Manchu general, T'ung Yang-j5ng.
He then made his headquarters a*- Ch'ul-san. With the ap-
proach of winter the Manchus crossed the Ya-lu in force and
he was outnumbered and had to flee. He sent a letter to the
king saying, "I am now here in your territory with a small
force, let us unite and drive back this Munchu horde. But
nothing came of it.
The Manchus were exceedingly cruel toward their cap-
tives. Having collected a large number they made them sit
down in rows and then the Manchu braves went along the
line and shot arrows into their victims. If the wound was
not instantly mortal the victim was compelled to pluck out
the arrow with his own hands and give it back to his execu-
tioner.
Meanwhile Korea was going from bad to worse. For
many years all official positions had been sold to the highest
bidder. Governors and generals paid 30,000 cash, prefects
20,000 and clerks paid 3,000. No office could be procured
without an immediate cash payment. The price put upon the
office of Prime Minister was so great that for many years no
one could afford to take it, and so the place remained vacant,
perhaps to the benefit of the people. The king was ruled by
a favorite concubine and she made use of her power to enrich
70 KOKKAN HISTORY.
lier relatives ar.d those attached to her. She and other con-
cubines sent men to the country to peddle offices. Half the
money they kept themselves and the other half went to the
pockets of tlie concubines. Such was the desperate condition
of affairs when the year 1622 came in ; and we must now re-
cord the downfall of this wretched parody of a king.
A man by the name of Yi Kwi had desired for a long time
to find some way of ridding the land of the desperate tyrant,
and at last he found five men who were willing to engage with
him in the good cause. They were Sim Kyong-jin, Sim Keui-
wun, KimCha-jum, Ch'oe Myung-gil, Kim Nyu. After think-
ing the matter over and discussing it, they decided that if
their plan succeeded they would put on the throne the grand-
son of Siin-jo Tii-wang. Kim Nyu was made the leader in
this plot. Collecting money they fitted out a small but select
body of soldiers and put Gen. Yi Heung-ip at their head, and
the day for the event was set. But one of the men connected
with the plot turned traitor and told the king the whole plan.
The conspirators learned of it immediately and decided to car-
ry out their program in spite of all. As it happened, the king
was in a drunken carouse at the time this interesting bit of
information was given him and he forgot all about it. That
very night the band of conspirators met at the appointed ren-
dezvous beyond the Peking Pass. But there was trouble,
because some soldiers who were expected from Chang-dan had
not yet arrived ; so a swift messenger was sent to find them.
They were met twenty li out and hurried forward. Yi Kwal,
with several other generals, went to meet these troops beyond
the pass and lead them into the city. They found several
hundred soldiers ready for the enterprise ; but a man named
Chang Yu came in haste from the city and said, "The king has
been told. The government troops are coming out to seize
us." Yi Kwi seized Yi Kwal by the hand and said, "Kim Nyu
who was to lead us has not arrived and you must be our
leader." So he consented. He gave each soldier a piece of
paper to fasten to the back of his collar so that they would be
able to recognize each other and not be thrown into confu-
sion. At the last moment Kim Nyu arrived and then there
was a quarrel between him and Yi Kwal as to the leadership ;
but as day was about to dawMi thev let Kim Nvu take charge.
MUDKK.N KORHA. "] I
Having heard that the government troops were coming out
of the West Gate they hastened around the mountain and enter-
ed the Northwest Gate. When the government troops learn-
ed by the great noise and tumult in the city that they had
been outwitted, they returned only to find the insurrectionary
troops before the palace. They had cut their way through
the gates with axes and were setting fire to everything inside.
As they entered the king's apartments he slipped out the back
dooi and scaling the back wall found refuge in a monk's room.
From that place he made his way to the house of one An Kuk-
sin where he secured a suit of mourner's clothes and then went
to the house of a physician, Chong Nam-su. This man how-
ever informed the new government as to his whereabouts and
he was seized. This occurred in the year 1622.
Prince Neung-yang, the nephew of the deposed king, was
elevated to the royal position and crowds of people came and
bowed to him as he sat in state before the palace. His post-
humous title is In-jo Ta-wang.
His first act was to send a chair to bring back the queen
dowager from the Myung-ye Palace ; but she, thinking that it
might perhaps be a trick on the part of the wicked king, re-
fused to go. She said, "The king himself must come and take
me out." So he came and showed her that the good news
was indeed true. She sat on the throne just as she had done
in the days of King Sun-jo, and when the new king came in he
prostrated himself before her and wept ; but she said, "Do not
weep ; this is a day of deliverance, and you should rather re-
joice." Then they brought in the depraved and fallen crea-
ture who had tried to play at king but had made a lamentable
failure. The queen dowager exclaimed. "This arch-traitor
and bloody man has come, and he must be judged here and now
or 1 cannot leave this place. For ten years I have been im-
prisoned here. Day before yesterday I dreamed that the aged
king Sun-jo came and said, 'In a few days you will be deliver-
ed.' " The eunuchs brought the royal seals and the insignia
of royalty and gave them to the newly appointed king. He
banished the deposed king to Kang-wha and his son to Kyo-
dong Island. He then gave posthumous honors to Princes
Im-ha. Neung-chang, Yun-heung, Pu-won and Yong-ch'ang
whom the tvrant had caused to be murdered. He also called
-J 2 KOKKAN HISTOKV.
the queen dowager's mother from exile on tlie island of Qnel-
part.
He found the government in a profoundly wretched con-
dition and he forthwith began a systematic house-cleaning.
He appointed new ministers to the six departments and a pro-
clamation was sent to the eight provinces saying that every
prefect who had bought his place should be driven from office
and that all the land that had been stolen from the people
should be returned to them ; also that every prefectural clerk
should pay up the arrears of revenue which he had withheld
from the government. He drew up a company of soldiers at
Chong-no, the center of the city, and there executed the
former favorite Yi I-ch'um and seventeen other men who had
aided and abetted the deposed king in his monstrosities. Sixty
more were banished to distant places where they were confined
in small enclosures surrounded with brier hedges, and their
food was handed them through small holes in the hedges.
Pang Yfip, the governor of P'yiing-an Province, and two
others in the countrj-, were executed by special messengers
sent down to the country for the purpose. This Pang Yfip
was a most desperate villain. As he had .something of a body-
guard, resistance was anticipated, but the special messenger
of death managed to draw oft" the guard on some pretext or
other and then the work was done swiftly and surely. This
governor was so detested b\' the people that they cut his bod\'
into small pieces and each man carried away a small piece "to
remember him by."
The king made Yi Kwi General-in-chief, conferred
upon his father the title of Prince Chong-wun and upon
his mother that of Pu-pu-in and gave her a palace to live in
where the government hospital now stands. He drove out
from the palace all vile women, all musical instruments, and
he burned at Chong-no the wooden semblance of a moun-
taiti which the former king had caused to be made and which
was always carried in his procession. This "mountain" was
covered with growing shrubs and flowering plants. He
made Gen. Cliaug Man commander of all the provincial forces,
with his headcjuaters at P'yuiig-yang. He beheaded the
brother of the deposed queen and also the prefect who had
suffocated the young prince at Kang-wha. Spies were sent
MODKKN KORKA. 73
tlirouo^hont the country to ascertain the actual state of affairs.
This king was a deadly enemy of Buddhism, and he it
was who ordered that no monk should set foot inside the
gates of Seoul. The law was promulgated that whenever a
common person entered the gates of Seoul he must dismount
from his horse. Sacrifices were offered by the king in person
at the tomb of Ki-ja and at the blood-marked stone at Song-
do, the spot where Chgng Mong-ju had been murdered when
the dynasty was founded. It was decreed that revenue
should be collected to the extent of a tithe of the grain, which
was much less tl;an before, but was collected more reg-
ularly. We cannot but sympathize with the wife of the son
of the deposed king, who had been banished to Kyo-dong
Island. She followed him into exile arid attempted to secure
his escape by digging with her own tender hands a tunnel
seventy feet long. She had no other implement than a piece
of iron resembling a common fire-poker. At the very moment
of his escape the plot was discovered and the poor wife banged
herself ovit of grief and disappointment. When the king heard
of this he ordered that honorable burial be given her remains
and he put the young man out of misery by administering
poison. That same year the deposed queen died and the
king gave her the burial honors of a princess. She had been
a devoted Buddhist and had endowed many monasteries with
wooden or clay images. But she was not happy as queen
and prayed that when, according to ^the Buddhist doctrine,
she should take on another life it might not be that of a
que^u.
Chapter V.
Yi Kwal's grievance. . . .he raises an insurrection . , civil war . . .rebels
victorious. . . .the king leaves Seoul . . .the rebels enter the capital
... .fight outside the West Gate....Yi Kwal flees. .. .and is slain
. . . .the king returns to Seoul.... a royal proclamation.... tiled houses
in P'yilng-yang . . sons of concubines. . . .the Manchus again . . .an
unsuccessful envoy ...death of Norach'i . . . Nain-han completed
. . . .the Manchus enter Korea. . . .efforts at resistance. . . .fall of An-
74 KdRI-. \N" ^lfST^/K^'.
ju. . . .the kinji retires to Kang-wha . . . Manchu comlitions . . panic
in Seoul. .. .an interesting; jjanie ni chess ... Kore:ui hostage and
tribute. .. .oath at the altar .... Koreans firm in their loyalty to
China.... the ]Manchus praise them Manchn cruelties . the
^lanchu garrisons ...opposed bv the Koreans ... sound argument
. . . .Japanese assistance declined.
The Story of Vi Kwal'.s rebellion shows how grent n mat-
ter a little fire kindles. The king wished to honor in a spec-
ial manner the men who had been instrumental in putting
him on the throne. Among tliem were two especially deserv-
ing men, Kim Nyu and Yi Kwal. Kim was from a higher
family than Yi but was less deserving of praise in this affair.
When all knelt before the king and Yi Kwal found that he
was given second place, he was enraged and refused to kneel,
but stood glaring about him. He was p>aci6ed, but was still
ver}- sore at heart. He was given the position of governor
of P'j'^ung-an where there was a considerable force of soldiers ;
among them three hundred Japanese, who had become nat-
uralized and who where excellent swordsmen. With the
opening of the new year Gen. Yi Kwi, who knew the calibre
of Yi Kwal, obtained the post of military instructor at Song-
do. This he sought that he might have an opportunity' to
stand between the king and any treachery that Yi Kwal
might attempt. A courtier, Mun Whe. told the king that Yi
Kwal was gathering an army with bad intent, and the king
hastily called a council. Kim Nyu did not believe it possible
that Yi Kwal shoitld revolt, but Ch'oe Myung-gil insisted
that it was true, and in the high words that followed Kim
Nyu was charged with being privy to the plot. But the re-
mark passed unnoticed. We shall see however that Kim
had little to do in putting down the insurrection. Perhaps
it was because of a lurking suspicion that he might be impli-
cated. A large number of men known to be intimate with
the disaffected general were arrested and thrown into prison.
Two executioners were sent to kill Han Myung-yon who was
said to be in league with Yi Kwal, and to catch Yi Kwal's
son. Arriving in P'yung-yang the messengers went boldly
into the presence of Yi Kwal and announced their message.
As Yi was already on the point of marching on Seoul he
answered by taking ofl the heads of the messengers. Hastily
MODKkX KOKHA. 75
suminonitig all the neighboring prefects he addressed them as
follows : "The king is surrounded by bad men and I propose
to go up to Seoul and clean things out a little." Then put-
ting in motion his 20,000 troops with the Japanese swords-
men at their head, he marched toward the capital. The whole
country instantly burst into a fl ime of excitement. The
king appointed Gen. Yi Wfin-ik to lead an army in defense
of the capital, and he put Vi Si-bal second in command. Yi
Su-il became general of P'yTing-an Province, and the combined
forces marched northward to block the rebel's path. Gen.
Wan P'ung-gun fortified Song-do in preparation for an at-
tack, O Yong-su fortified the banks of the Im-jin River at
the ferry. The eight provinces were all requisitioned for
troops. Kang Kak was placed at Su-an with militia from
Su-an and So-heung to check the advance of the enemy.
Gen. Chnng Ch'ung-sin who had been stationed at An-ju
north of P'yung-yang, together with other leaders, moved
southward on the rebellious city, to take Yi Kwal in the rear.
Chang Man asked him what he thought were the chances of
Yi Kwal's success, and he answered, "If Yi Kwal goes
straight to Seoul and the king stays there till he arrives the
result will be doubtful, but if he delays a while in Whang-ha
Province, or if the king retreats southward and Yi Kwal de-
lays in vSeoul we will kill him like a dog."
Gen. Chang Man then called about him all the forces
within reach, led by fifteen captains and prefects. When he
saw how small his army was compared with that of Yi Kwal
he despaired of doing anything, but some-one said, '"Many of
those under Yi Kwal are not faithful to him. Let us send
and call out the loyal ones from among his army." So they
sent a slave of Gen. Yi Yun-sii, who followed Yi Kwal, and
told him to go and bring his master out of the rebel ranks..
They offered him a hundred thousand cash but he refused it
saying "I will go and save hirn from rebellion if I can, and
if I succeed it will be time enough to reward me." The slave
entered the rebel ranks and that night the sentries heard the
voice of Gen. Yi Yun-su calling aloud from outside the lines
saying, "I am going over to the side of the king." Arriving
at the camp of Chang Man, the penitent general burst into
tears at the thought of how near he had come to being a trai-
7^ KORKAX HISTORY.
tor. Yi Kwal sent eight assassins to kill Chano; Man but they
were cauo;ht and brono^ht before their intended victim, who,
instead of punishinof them, .g;ave them a good dinner and sent
them away. Yi Kwal himself was so fearful of assassination
that he not only slept '.n a different tent each night but moved
from one tent to another several times during a single night.
Gen. Chang Man started for Seoul, the advance guard
being led by Chong-sin, the skirmish line by Pak Yong-su, the
right and left flanks by Yu Hyo-gul and Chang Tun. the sap-
pers by Ch'o'e Eung-il, while the commissariat was in charge
of i.\n Mong-yun. The whole force consisted of 1800 men.
The first day was spent in getting the army across the Ta-
dong River. The next three days brought them to Whaug-
ju. where they fell in with part of the rebel army. After a
brisk skirmish, two companies of cavalr\' were seen riding out
from the robel ranks as if to surrender, but when they had
come close to Gen. Chang Man's forces they made a sudden
charge which threw the loyal forces into confusion and soon
the entire army was routed. Turning from this complete
victory, Yi Kwal led his forces toSu-an. It was his intention
to approach Seoul by way of Sak-wuii but as the government
had a strong force there he changed his plan and came by
Keui-rin which is an exceedingly rough road. Meanwhile Gen.
Chang Man had collected the scattered remnants of his army
and followed as far So-heung where he was joined by Gen.
Yi Su-il and together they proceeded southward to P'yung-
san. There they were joined by Soo more troops. On the
sixth of the moon Yi Kwal arrived at the Cho-t'au ford and
found it guarded by a royal force under Yi Chung-ho and Yi
Tuk-bu. Yi Kwal forced the passage and put the government
troops to flight, taking the heads of both the generals. A day
or so later, being met by more loyal troops, he sent them the
two heads as warning. They did not heed it and in the fight
that followed their leaders too lost their heads.
Meanwhile interesting events were happening in Seoul.
The king put to death forty-nine men who were suspected of
being privy to the plot, though many of them were doubtless
innocent. Yi Kwi begged him to spare some of them, but he
was obdurate. Gen. Yi So took 2,000 men and went to the
gate on the main road a few miles beyond Song-do and tried
MODKKN k;ok?:a. 77
to hold it ag^ainst the in.sur<<ent army. Vi Kwal attacked at
nio^ht and found little difficulty in breaking throusjh the bar-
rier. But instead of advancing on Song-do he made a circuit
and thereby avoided both vSong-do and the force which wa.s
set to guard the passage of the Ini-jin River. He effected a
crossing by a ford higlicr up that stream. Learning of this,
Pak Hyo-rip who was holding the ferry hastened back to
Seoul where he arrived at dusk and announced that the king
had not a moment to lose but must take to flight that very
night. Without an hour's delay the king mounted his steed
and fled by way of the South Gate, leaving the city in a
perfect frenzy of fear. He arrived at Han-gang in the dark
and found that the ferrymen had taken all their boats to the
other side for safety. They peremptorily refused to obey any
summons, and at last U Sang-jung was obliged to throw off
his clothes and swim the stream. He succeeded in getting
six boats. It took all the rest of the night to get the royal
cavalcade across the river. It was on the ninth of the moon
when the king arrived at Sa-p'yung just beyond the river.
He had nothing to eat till noon that day, when Sin Chun
brought him a bowl of gruel and a few dried persimmons.
Night found him at Su-wun completely tired out After a rest
of a few days he passed on to Kong-ju the provincial capital
and there he was made comfortable for the first time since his
flight from the capital. The governors of Ch'ung ch'ung and
Chul la Provinces met him there. A strong guard was placed
along the southern bank of the Keum River.
At noon of the day following the king's flight, thirty fol-
lowers of Yi Kwal entered the city and announced that there
was no need for fear, as a new king had arisen. The next
day Vi Kwal entered the town. Many small officials and a
great crowd of people went out to meet him and scattered red
earth along the road in front of him, which is a special pre-
rogative of royalty. Pintering the city he pitched his camp
where the Ky<")ug-bok Palace now stands. Even the king's
own uncle went over to Yi Kwal, perhaps through fear, or
perhaps because the revolution was a success. This uncle
was proclaimed king and posters were sent out to quiet the
people. Thousands of adventurers and low fellows sought
and obtained official appointments under the new regime.
7<^ KOKKA.N IIISTOKV.
Rut what liad been going' on in tlie north ? Cliano; Man,
arriving at l"a-ju, learned that the king had fled, and im-
mediately called a council of war. It was decided that, as the
people of Seoul were not largely in favor of Yi Kwal, it would
be a good thing to make a demonstration at once lest the
people should com^ to recognize the government. So one
body of troops was sent to watch the road outside the East Gate
and to cut off supplies. Another guarded the roads outside
the South Gate. Gen. Chong Ch'ung-sin said that they must
encamp on the hills immediately outside the West Gate and
then Yi Kwal would be forced to fight. In order to do this
Kim Yang-nn took cavalry and surprised the signal fire sta-
tion beside the Peking Pass and so prevented any signal being
given. That night Chang Man and all his forces came around
the hills and stationed themselves behind the hill just back of
Mo-vvha-gwan. This movement was further favored by a
strong east wind that carried the sound away so that all Seou^
was ignorant of the extreme proximity of the enemy. At the
same time Yi Whak with two hundred troops secreted him-
self outside the Northwest Gate, to enter the city when the
insurgent troops should go out the West Gate to attack Chang
Man's forces. The latter also sent thousands of slips of paper
into the city and had them distributed among the people say-
ing, "Tomorrow, anyone who refuses to stand by Yi Kwal
and remains loyal to the king, let him present one of these
slips and he small receive a reward."
In the morning Yi Kwal spied a small band of soldiers
on the hill outside the gate, for most of the force was con-
cealed behind it, in order to deceive the rebels. Some of Yi
Kwal's followers said, "They are so few we had better go out-
side the Northwest Gate and so surround them ; but the
enemy seemed so insignificant that Yi Kwal marched straight
at them. All Seoul was on the walls watching the fight with
breathless interest. Han Myiing-yun, Yi Kwal's right hand
man, took the Japanese contingent and moved up the steep
hillside, and Yi followed with the main body. The strong
east wind that was blowing materially aided the attacking
force, for it lent speed to their arrows and they had the wind
at their backs instead of in their faces. The loyal forces were
forced to give way a little ai;d their leaders had to stike down
MODERN KORKA. 79
some in order to prevent a general stampede. At this criti-
cal juncture the wind suddenly veered to the west and drove
the sand and dust into the eyes of the attacking party. This
was the turning point in the battle. Yi Kwal was forced to
give ground. Han Myuug-yun himself was wounded by an ar-
row. Gen. Chang Man fought fiercely for two hours, gain-
ing ground all the time. At this time the standard-bearer of
Yi Kwal turned and fled. The cry arose, "Yi Kwal is on
the run," and in less that a minute the whole force was thrown
into confusion and every man took to his heels, including Yi
Kwal himself, who hastened back toward the West Gate.
But the citizens on the wall had not been idle, and he found
the gate locked and barred. Turning aside he hastened
along under the wall till he reached the South Gate which he
entered. Gen. Chang Man said, "Let us not chase him, for
his men might turn on us and beat us after all. Let him go ;
the people will bring his head in soon enough." So Yi Kwal
with a small band of followers fled out the Water Mouth Gate,
crossed the Han at Song-p'a, killed the prefect of Kwang-ju,
scaled Yi-bu-j3 Pass and fled away eastward. Gen. Chong
Ch'ung-sin chased him as far as Kyong-an. By that time the
traitor's band had dwindled to twenty-eight men. He fled by
night as far as Muk-pangi in the prefecture of 1-ch'un and
there two of his followers, seeing that the game had been
played to a finish and hoping to save their own lives, went
into his room by night and severed his head from the bod3^
His son was treated in the same way, as were also Han
Myuug-yiin and six others. They carried the heads to Kong-
ju and laid them before the king. The king's uncle who
had been set up as king fled to Kwang-ju, where he was
caught and turned over to Gen. Chang Man, who imprisoned
him and waited the orders of the king. But another man,
Sim Keui-wiin, said, "No, he is a traitor," and slew him with
his own hand. When the king returned to Seoul this man
Sim was imprisoned for a few days as nominal punishment
for having killed a relative of the king.
On the twenty-second of the month the king returned to
Seoul. Gen. Chang Man went to the river and escorted
him in with a large letinue, but Gen. Chong Ch'ung-sin did
not go and bow before the king, for he said, "T did not stop
So KOKKAN HISTOKY.
the traitor, but let him drive the kiii<j from the capital." So
he weut up to P'ynn.8;-yang without seeing the king. When
the latter heard of this he sent for him and gave him a pres-
ent of gold and made him governor of P'3'nng an. It is said
h)^ some, in extenuation of Yi Kwal's conduct, that he under-
stood that the king had driven the former king from the
throne and was a usurper. This xuust be false, for Yi Kvval
was one of the principal actors in those events and must have
known the truth about them. He was simph' jealous and,
having a strong force, thought to avenge himself. However
that may be, the report was spread that it was patriotism that
prompted the revolt, and to dispel any such idea the king
made proclamation saying, "Kwang-hri. the former ruler, was
a wicked and undutiful man. He killed his father and elder
brother and imprisoned his mother. The countr\' was on the
verge of destruction and so I could* not but attempt to drive
him out. It was not because I wanted Lo usurp the royal
honors, but it was for the sake of the line. Yi Kwal's raid
was prompted Vjy idle rumors gotten up by certain of Kwang-
ha's men, but let all the people know surely that I have done
this for the sole purpose of saving the kingdom."
In the ninth moon another revolt was. attempted, with
the object of putting Prince In-sung, the king's younger
brother, on the throne. It was discovered in time and the
principal movers were killed and the prince was banished to
Kan-sung in Kang-wun Province.
On account of the frequent conflagrations in the city of
P'yung-yang, the governor petitioned the king to promulgate
a law requiring all houses in that town to be tiled instead of
thatched. The king not only complied but gave money for
the purchase- of tiles. That law has not been abrogated to
this day.
The year 1625 opened with warlike preparations. Gen.
Yj Sn collected a band of strong, stalwart men, the pick of
the land, formed them into companies and regiments and drilled
them at- the Hun-yun-wun, inside the East Gate, and also
at Mo-wha-kwan outside the West Gate. Near the close
of the year the king promulgated a most important law,
sweeping away the disabilities of sons by concubines and giving
them the right to become officials. One must know the prev-
,-'9r
■i*
■■^.''•?*5i»'-^^'
^^^^^
'
H^
V
^^"
MODKRN KOREA. Si
'aleiice of concubinage in Korea in order to understand how
vitally this law must have affected the whole body of the peo-
ple, of all ranks and classes. This was the more true from
the fact that concubines are commonly taken because of the
lack of an heir. Eligibility to office on the part of sons of
ot concubines worked therefore in two directions. It elevated
the position of the concubine and at the same time made the
position of the barren wife more endurable.
We have already given a sketch of the beginnings of the
Manchu convulsion which was about to shake the whole of
eastern Asia. During the interval occupied by the events
narrated above, the Manchus were quietly preparing for the
future. Gen. Kang Hong-rip, the Korean renegade, was
still with them. Another Korean went over to the Manchus.
It was Han Yun who fied to Kwi-sung in northern P'yung-
an, from which place he crossed the Ya-lu and found Gen.
Kang among the Manchus. To him he said, "My relatives
have now all been destroyed by the king and I am an outcast.
Let us get an array together and go and be avenged on the
Koreans." Gen. Kang gave his hearty consent and together
they sought the throne of the Manchu chief to lay their plan
before him.
So U-sin, the Ming governor of Liao-tung, heard of this
plan and despatched a messenger to the King of Korea set-
ting him on his guard against these two men. The king did
not believe that Gen. Kang was irrecoverably lost, for he ap-
pointed his son to go to the Manchus as envoy. Had this
young man succeeded in reaching his destination he might
have induced his father to remain faithful to Korea, but just
beyond the border he encountered Manchu soldiers who did
not understand him and would not let him pass. So he was
compelled to return with his mission unaccomplished. It is
probable that there would have been an invasion of Korea by
the Manchus at that time had it not been for the arrival in
Liao-tung of the great Chinese general WQn Sung-whan.
He was so skillful in the handling of soldiers that superhu-
man powers were ascribed to him. The Manchus could make
no headway against him, and it is said that Norach'i's
chagrin at having failed to storm a town held b>- this famous
general aggravated an illness caused by a carbuncle on his
8 3 KOREAN HISTORY.
back and brought about his death. Upon his decease his
second son Hongt'asi took the reins of government^ and car-
ried to completion the ambitious plans made by his illustrious
father.
It is apparent that the Korean court was well awake to
the dangers confronting them, for we learn that in the sev-
enth moon of this year 1626 the wall of Nam-han was com-
pleted. This is the great mountain fortress about twenty
miles to the south-east of Seoul. It was formerly the site
of one of the capitals of Pakje.
The year 1627 no sooner opened that the long dreaded
event took place. On the fifth moon 30,000 Manchu sol-
diers crossed the Yalu River and a few days later stood be-
fore the city of Eui-ju. Approaching the gate a herald cried,
**The second king of the great Golden Kingdom is now lay-
ing his heavy hand on Korea. If you do not come out and sur-
render we will raze your town to the level of the ground."
Unfortunately for the good name of Korea the perfect was at
that moment sleeping off the effects of a drunken debauch in
the house of a dancing girl. He came forth and tried to get
the garrison together, but it was too late, for already the
traitor Han Yun had entered the town in Korean clothes and
had thrown the gates open to the ruthless invaders. The
prefect and his whole garrison were set up in line and shot
down by the savage Manchus, after which they boiled the
body of the prefect in a kettle and sacrificed to heaven with
the flesh. They then sent a letter to the king couched in the
following terms : "You have committed four crimes, (i) You
did not send an envoy to commiserate with us on the death
of the great Norach'i. (2) You have never thanked us for
sparing your army when we beat you and the Chinese to-
gether. (3) You afforded asylum to our enemj', Mo Mun-
nyong. (4) Your people have killed many of the residents of
Liao-tung in cold blood. It is for these reasons that our
wrath is kindled against you." And so the invading army
moved southward, forcing the Koreans to cut their hair and
compelling them to act as guides. But they did not come
unopposed. They were met at Yong-ch'Cn by its prefect at
the head of 2,000 men, but a small official turned traitor and
opened the gates to the Manchus. On the seventeenth tbey
MODKRX K.OKEA. S3
arrived at Kwak-san wlu-re they were told bj- the Korean
garrison tliat death was j)referable to surrender ; the Koreans
found it so, for they were soon overpowered and massacred.
Two prefects whose wives had been confiscated by the Mancus
thought to save themselves and recover their wives by going
over to the enemy but when tliey did so they found their
wives still held as concubines while they theniselves were
compelled, to hold the bridles of the men who brutally refused
to give back the women.
vSeoul was meanwhile going through one of those period-
ical eruptions which she was destined to sufTer for many
years to come. Gen. Chang Man became general-in-chief, with
Chong Ch'ung Sin as second. They immediately took all the
available forces and marched northward. Gen. Sin was plac-
ed at the Im-jin River to block the approach of the enemy
Gen. Kim went south to collect troops in Ch'ung-ch'ung
Province, and others went in other directions. A call was
made to all the eight provinces for men. Gen. Yi So was
put in command of Nam-ban. The king recalled many men
from banishment, probably with a view to bringing into har-
mony all the different elements and securing unanimity
among all classes.
On the twenty- first the Manchus arrived before Au-ju.
They cried. "Come out and surrender," and received the
answer, "We are here to fight and not to surrender." The
next day at dawn in a heavy fog they approached the wall.
They had an enormous ladder mounted in some way on the
backs of camels. This was placed against the wall and the
enemy swarmed over, armed only with short swords and
knive.-. ; but these they used with such good effect that they
soon gained a foothold The commandant of the town. Nam
Yi-heung, stood by the gate and shot many of the Manchus
with his good bow and when his arrows were all gone he
ordered bags of powder to be brought, and by exploding
these he killed many of the enemy but was himself killed in
the process.
P'yung-yang now being practically without defense, the
l)refect fled southward to the capital and told the king what
had happened. The Crown Prince was immediately sent into-
the south for safety and the king himself with the ancestral
84 KORKAN HlSTOKY.
tablets and with liis court hastened to the island of Kang-wha,
leaving the city of Seoul in a condition better imagined than
described.
One of Gen. Kang's grievances against Korea was that
he thought the king had killed his son, but when he learned
that this was not only not true but that the king had sent
that son as envoy, though unsuccessfully, to the Manchus,
there was a strong revulsion of feeling in his mind and he ex-
pressed his sorrow at the invasion but said that it was now too
late to stop it. He however advised the king to send gifts to
the Manchu chief and sue for peace.
When the Manchus arrived at Whang-ju they sent a letter
forward to the king on Kang-wha saying, "There are three
conditions on which we will conclude a peace with you. (i)
You must hand over to us the person of Mo Mun-nyi3ng. (2)
You must give us 10,000 soldiers to help invade China. (3)
You must giv'e up the two northern provinces of P'yung-an
and Ham-g3'Gng." On the ninth of the moon the envoy bear-
ing this letter, accompanied bj'^ the Korean renegade Gen.
Kang, took boat from Song-do for Kang-wha. The next day
the king gave them audience and the envoy bowed before
him, but the king did not bow in return. This made the envoy
very angrj', but the king said through an interpreter, "Tell
him not to be angry, for I did not know the custom."
The king sent one Kang-In to Whaug-ju ostensibly to
sue for peace but in reality to find out what the Manchus were
doing there. Not long after this the Manchu envoy returned
to the same place but Gen. Kang remained on Kang-wha,
When the enemy had advanced as far as P'yfing-san, only a
hundred //from Kang-wha, the whole court urged the king to
make peace on any terms, as all the soldiers had run away
and the enem\ were so near. When Gen. Kim, who had been
left to guard Seoul, learned of the proximity of the Manchus,
he fired all the government treasure and provisions and made
good his escape. This was the signal for a general exodus of
the people who swarmed out of the city and scattered in all
directions seeking safety among the mountains or in remote
provinces.
Yun Hiin had been imprisoned for having fled from
P'y^'ug-yaiig without so much as attempting its defense, and
MODERN KOREA. 85
many of the officials begged the king to pardon him ; but they
overdid it, and so many petitions came in that the king thought
he was dangerously popular and ordered his execution. When
the messenger of death reached the doomed man he found
him playing a game of chess. The man with whom he was
playing burst out crying, but he said. "What are you crying
about? I am the man who am going to die, not yon. Let
us hnisli the game." So they finished the game, after which
Vun Hiln quietly submitted to his fate. This is a sample of
sa?fQ- /)wV/ which never fails to elicit the appUuse of the Korean.
On the twentieth the Manchu general Yu Ha left P'yfmg-
.san and went to Kang-wha to have an audience with the king.
He advised the king to discard the Chinese calendar and use
the Manchu one instead and he also s.-iid said the king must
send his son to the north as hostage. The king answered
that his son was too young, but that he would send his young-
er brother. Accordingly he sent Wun Ch'ang-yiing. not his
brother but a distant relative. At the same time he sent
30,000 pieces of cotton. 300 pieces of white linen, 100 tiger
skins and 100 leopard skins. Gen. Yu Ha was pleased at this
and said that he wished to have Korea at peace but that it
would first be absolutely necessary for the king to take a
solemn oath of fealty to the Manchus. And he said it must
be done immediately, before the Manchus should enter Seoul.
The next day a letter came from the Manchu Prince Yi
Wan urging that a treaty be made and the solemn oath be
sworn, and he added, "Either there must be such a treaty or
we must fight." He ordered that the king have an altar made
at once, on which to slay the animals and swear the oath.
The Koreans hung back and said, "Have we not sent gifts and
hostages to the north? Why then should we be compellefl to
take this oath ?" In a rage the Manchu messenger rode away
toward P'yvjng-san. This sudden departure was ominous and
it frightened the Koreans, so that they hastened to set about
building the altar. When, therefore, a few days later the
Manchu generals Kang Hong-rip and Yu Ha came with an
escort and demanded that a treaty should be ratified at once,
the Koreans hastened to comply. The king went with Gen.
Yu Ha to the altar and the king was ordered to plunge the
knife into the victims, a white horse and a black bullock which
S6 KOREAN HISTORY
sig^iiified the heavens and the earth resf)ectively. At this tlie
courtiers all exclaimed, "The king cannot do it. It must be
done by deputy." The king replied. "It makes no difference
now. We have eaten their insults and the people are all about
to perish. I will do it." I^ut still they opposed it so strong-
ly that at last Yi Chung-gwi was appointed as substitute for the
king.
It was on the third day of the third moon of 1627 when
the ceremony was performea outside the West Gate of the for-
tress of Kang-wha. They killed the white horse and black
bullock and sacrificed to heaven. The Manchu oath ran as fol-
lows: "The second king of the Manchus makes a treaty with
the king of Korea. From this-day we have but one mind and
one thought. If Korea breaks this oath may heaven send a
curse upon her. If the Mauchus break it may they likewise be
punished. The two kings will have an equal regard for truth
and they will govern according to the principles of religion.
May heaven help us and give us blessings." The Korean
oath was as follows: "This day Korea takes oath and forms a
treaty with the Keiim (Kin) Kingdom. W^e too swear by this
sacrifice that each shall dwell secure in the possession of his
own lands. If either hates and injures the other may heaven
send punishment upon the offending party. These two kings
have minds regardful of truth. Each must be at peace with
the other." The next day the three highest Korean officials
went to the Manchu camp to settle the details of the treaty.
The}' said, "As we have made a treaty with you, of course you
will not let your troops advance on Seoul. It will be best for
you to move backward at once. Now you are the 'elder
brother' and we the 'younger brother,' so 5'ou will seethe
propriety of staying on the other side of the Yalu River. The
Ming dj'nasty of China has been as a parent to us for two
hundred years and our kings have always received investiture
from the Emperor. We have made a treaty now with j'^ou,
but that does not require us to cast off the suzerainty of
China." This raised a storm about the Koreans' ears, and
for days they disputed over the point with the Korean commis-
sion, but could not move them a hair's breadth from this posi-
tion. At last in astonishment Gen. Yu Ha sat down, folded
his hands and said "The Kingdom of Korea is like a small is-
MODKk.N KORKA. 87
land or like a hair, and if we should but raise our foot it would
be destroyed, and yet though destruction stares them in the
face they will not forswear their fealty to China. This is
"[reatnc^s. Such righteousness and faithfulness are admir-
able. If the Manchu king consents, you shall do as you please
in this respect." They sent to the Manchu Prince who was
with the array at P'yCing-san and he gave his consent. Gen.
Yu Ha then put in the Manchu claim for yearly tribute. It
was an enormous amount but the Koreans decided they would
send at least a small part of what was demanded.
• The Manchu arm\' then moved northward beyong P'yilng-
yang to An-ju. being opposed there by Gen. Choag Ch'ung-
sin they told him that they had made a treaty with Korea and
were on their way back to Manchuria. He thought they were
retreating and were trying to deceive him, so he said. "I have
received no intimation of all this from headquarters, so you
will have to wait here until I get word from the king."
The Manchu army on its way north through Whang-ha
Province had stolen right and left, oxen, horses and women.
They bored holes through the hands of children and fastened
them together with cords and drove them north to make slaves
of them. In the province of P'yung-an they did not commit
these outrages, for there was a large sprinkling of Manchus
among the p-ople. When they left P'yting-yang they burned
it to the ground. North of that place they put a garrison ia
every large town, namely An-ju, Chnng-ju, Suu-ch'an and
Eui-ju. Strangely enough Koreans were put at the head of
these garrisons. Of course these bodies of troops had to live
oflf the people, and it seems that they did not scruple to
plunder and confiscate in a wholesale manner. This is indi-
cated by the fact that Ch;>ng Pang-su the prefect of Chun-san
got out of patience and said it could no longer be borne. So
gathering about him as many soldiers as possible, he began to
make war on the Manchu garri.sons wherever encountered.
The Manchus were cut down by hundreds, as the country was
being scoured by small bands of foragers who fell into this
prefect's hands. Three of the Manchu caotains joined their
forces and tried to make headway against this Korean com-
bination, but they were all killed and their forces cut to
pieces. The king, when he heard of these actions, was loud
88 KOREAN HISTOKY.
in praise of the Koreaus who so successfully opposed the un-
lawful acts of the Manchu garrisons.
Not long after this a letter came from the Manchu head-
quarters saying, "Having made a treaty of peace with us. why
do you now set upon and kill our people?" To which the
Koreaus boldly replied. "It was one of the conditions of that
treaty that all Mauchus should move beyond the Yalu. If
they had done so, there would have been no trouble. But
many of your people stopped in P'yung-an Province and stole
our cattle and our women. The people could not endure it
and so revolted. But it was not at our instigation, I}: is
evident that the trouble began with you. It would be well if
you would send back the 2,000 people you have carried awa)^
captive to Manchuria." The argument was conclusive, as
the Manchus acknowledged by sending back the captive Ko-
reans. When the Japanese heard that the Koreans had been
successfully opposing the Manchus they sent a present of 300
muskets, 300 swords and 300 pounds of powder, but the Ko-
reans wisely declined the gifts and sent them back to Japan.
Chapter VI.
The king returns to Seoul ...military reforms. .. .message from China
— . Manchu familiarities ... conspiracies frustrated .... Manchu
complaints .... pacified. . . . Japanese offers. . . .a naval station ....
a lawless Chinaman. . . .beheaded. . . .factional lights. . . .courier sys-
tem a dislo\al Chinaman . envoy to China meets Rojnan Ca-
tholics .... quarrel with the Manchus. .. .tribute. .. .Chinese ren-
egades. . . .two great Manchu generals. . . .a stirring memorial .... a
frightened envoy .... war inevitable .... omen .... Emperor con-
gratulates the king. - . .divided counsels. . . . fatal mistake. . . .panic in
Seoul. . . .the king takes refuge in Nam-han.
On the tenth of the fourth moon the king started back
towards Seoul, which he entered two days later. He was now
full}' awake to the need of a well drilled army, and he set to
work in earnest drilling one. He stationed a general at
Kang-wha permanently and instituted the custom of requiring
military dutv of everv citizen under fortv vears of aa:e and
MODKRN KOREA. g^
over fiftecti. Some were sent to Sc^oul to drill for three years.
The first year was spetit in learniiio^ the methods of g;narding
gates and walls, the second in musket practice, and the third
in swordsmanship- and archery. When they had been thor-
roughly drilled they were sent to the country to drill the
militia. In this' way an available force of 700,000 men is said
to have beeii trained If this is the estimate of the number
of able-bodied men between fifteen aud forty it gives a valu-
able clue to the entire population of the country at the time.
At this time the custom was revived of having the men stand
in squads of ten, five in front and five behind. When the
front rank had discharged their pieces they fell back and the
rear line stepped forward and discharged theirs, while the
others reloaded. A Chinese envoy was sent from Nanking
with a message to the king but refused to come further than
Ka-do Island, from which place he forwarded his message,
which ran. "How does it happen that you have made peace-
with the Manchus?" The king made reply, "The Manchus
overwhelmed us with their vast numbers and it meant either
a treaty or our extinction We had no time to send and ex-
plain matters to the Emperor." The Emperor sent a reply
to this saying. "I have received your reply and I am truly
sorry for you. You are in no wise to blame. Now hoard
your wealth and by-and-bye you and I will rise aud strike
these Manchus to the earth."
It will be remembered that the king had sent one of his
relatives as hostage to the Manchus. but now. according to
the stipulations of the treaty, he came back, escorted by the
Manchu general Yu Ha, The king sent high officials to
meet them outside the South Gate, but this did not satisfy
the Manchu, who was angry that the king did not come in per-
son. So the king had to go out and meet them and give a
feast to the returning party. When Gen. Yu HS met the
king he wanted to ki.ss him, saying that it was a custom by
which he showed friendship and a demonstration that the
oath still held firm between them ; but the king refused the
osculatory salute and so the general compromised by patting
him on the back.
Late in this year two dangerous conspiracies were made
against the government. The first was by Yi In-jo a former
90' KORKAX HISTOKV
official living iti Kano^-wfui Province. He had a g^oodly fol-
lowing among the people and made bold to liberate all the
criminals. After looting several towns he went into camp
on a mountain top. The government troops, however, sur-
rounded him and finally captured him and sent him up to tlie
capital where he was beheaded together with his two sons.
The other attempt was of a different nature. Vn Hyo-rip,
an exile in Che-ch'un, a relative of the deposed king's wife,
decided to work up an insurrection. He sent his son up to
Seoul in disguise to make arrangements with a disloyal eu-
nuch. Soldiers also came disguised as mercl.ants, but all
armed to the teeth. The palace was to be seized on the
fourth day of the new year. As fortune would have it. Hn
Chuk, a relative of one of the conspirators, learned of the plot
in time, but only just in time, to inform the Prime Minister.
So when the attack was made the whole party was seized and
with them Yu Hyo-rip himself, who had come up to Seoul in
woman's clothes and in a woman's chair. Being que'^tioned
about the affair he testified that he was not the prime mover
in the matter but that he had been set on by the queen dow-
ager, who wanted to put the king's uncle on the throne.
That aged and respectable ivoman indignantly denied any
knowledge of the plot and as proof of her innocence she
urged that the said uncle be put to death. All united in this
request and it was finally granted, tho'Jgh against the better
instincts of the king who believed him innocent. We shall
see later that the king was right.
The Manchus were still fretful. A letter came post haste
from the north saying, "We have now sent back many cap-
tives and you agreed to pa}- for the rest, but when they got
across the border and were lost tons we never saw the money.
Not a year has passed since the treaty was ratified and yet
you break it with impunity. When the Chinese acted thus-
we retaliated by seizing twenty-four of their districts. Now
you must send those men straight back to us." Among all
tile courtiers there was but one dissenting voice, that of Chang
Yu. who said, "The government is for the people and if it
gives up anv of the people thus, from that hour it ceases to
be a government. Sooner should we let the Manchus destroy
the government outright than comply with such a demand.""
MODERN KOKKA. QI
This carried the day, and an envoy was sent north bearing a
present of a inag^niflcent sword, 300 pounds of ^jinseny;, seven-
ty sable skins, but only five of the men demanded. The Man-
chns were hig;hly pleased and forgave all that had bi;en done
to displease them. The Japan:fSi hearing of this again sent
an envoy saying, "Those Manchus are a bold lot, The\ have
made a treaty with you but they do not treat you well. Just
say the word and we will come and whip them for you."
This frightened the king and he wanted to forward the mes-
sage to the Manchus but Kim Sin-guk said, "If you do that
you will get the Manchus and the Japinese to fighting each
other on Korean .soil and we will be the little fish between
two whales." This argument carried the day.
In tlie year 1629 the king establi.shed a naval station
on Kyo-dong Island and placed there an admiral to guard
that island and Kang-wha from attack from the seaward
side. This was with the expectation that the court might
again find it necessary to seek asylum on the island of Kang-
wha.
A Chinese general. Mo Mun-nyung, had been stationed
by the Emperor ou Ka-do Island near the mouth of the Yalu,
to withstand the Manchus, but this man was not loyal to
China, and had a leaning himself toward the Manchus. He
could see that the Manchus were destined to become masters
of the situation. He was very angry when Korea made a
treaty with the Manchus for he feared that they would try to
hurt his reputation with them. When the Manchus attacked ~
the Chinese in the neighboring mainland of Liao-tung he
never raised a hand in their defense, though it in said, perhaps
wrongly, that he had an army of 300,000 (!) men. On the
other hand he vented his spite against Korea by harrying her
northern shores and killing many captives on their way home
from the Manchu territory. The Emperor tried to call him
to account for this but received no reply. Meanwhile this
Gen. Mo Mun-nyiing styled himself "Son of Heaven beyond
the Sea." As he thus showed his hand, the question as to his
disloyalty was .settled, and Gen. Wnn Sung-han came from
China to call him to account, a thing he had not foreseen.
When Gen. Wiln approached and called on him to come and
report to him, he dared not refuse, fearing that the troops uu-
9- KORIAN HISTORY.
cier him would not be williiiij; to attack their fellow-conntry-
men under Gen. VVnn. As may be surmised he lost his head
as soon as he arrived in the camp of the latter.
In spite of her military activity Korea was anything but
stroiio; The two leading pnrties. the Noroii and Soron were
quarrelling like cats and dogs together. There was one con-
stant succession of banishments and recalls, as one party or
another obtained temporary control of the government. There
was no sort of harmony or unanimity in the discharge of the
public business and it had to look out for itself, while those
who should have been attending to it were wrangling. There
was a high honorary title called Chul-lang, and the leading
men quarrelled .so much over it that the king was at last com-
pelled to abolish it altogether. And yet in the midst of this
strife the king found opportunity to establish the Mu-hak, a
body of 200 men to act as swift couriers It is said they could
cover 300 // a day, or 100 miles.
The Manchu Gen. Yu Ha, of whom we have spoken, was
originally a Chinaman living in I,iao-tung, but had gone over
to the Manchus. The Emperor was furious at this and offered
a reward of 1,000 ounces of silver and high position to anyone
who should apprehend him. For a time he went under an
assumed name, but finally with his three brothers he came to
Gen. Mo Mun-nyUng whom he knew to be secretly disloyal
to China. When Gen. Mo had been executed Gen. Yu came
of course under the jurisdiction of Gen. Wan. Shortly after
this Gen. Yu was killed in a battle but his three brothers decid-
ed to rise up against the loyal Chinaman. In the midst of
the funeral obsequies of their brother they rose and killed Gen.
Chin who had been left in charge of the Chinese forces, and
they tried to kill the Koreans as well, but in this they were
unsuccessful and shortly afterward were driven out by the
Korean forces. When the Emperor heard of this he was high-
ly pleased and praised the Koreans.
The Manchus naturally considered this occupation of
Ka-do as a menace to them and they sent a force of 20,000 men
to attack the Chinese, at the same time demanding boats of
the Koreans whereby to transport their troops. This was not
granted, but the Koreans, in order to avoid the effects of a
too evident leaning towards the Chinese, gave the Manchus 200
M0DP:RN KOREA. 93
bags of rice. Bui the Chinese did not wait for the Manchus
to cross to the island They crossed to the mainland and at-
tacked the Manchus unexpectedly, killing 400 and putting the
rest to flight.
During this year, 1 63 1 . an envoy to China. Choug Tu-wun,
while in Nanking, fell in with an aged Ronjan Catholic priest
named Jean Niouk. who engaged the attention of the envoy
because of his venerable and almost saint-like appearance.
This man was one of the companions of the celebrated P Ricci.
From him the envoy received some volumes on science, a pair
of pistols, a telescope and some other articles. The mention
of a cannon in the native records is probably a mistaki of some
copyist who wrote the word cannon in place of pistol.
The king was told by his officials that the Manchus were
sure to invade Korea again before long and so the island of
Kaug-wha was well provisioned and arms were prepared. He
was urged to form a junction with the Chinese on Ka-do Is-
land and make an attack on the Manchus. The fortresses of
Ch'ul-san and Un-san in P'3'ring-an Province were built at
this time and every effort was made to put the country in a
state of defense against the northern hordes. A fortress was
also buili near Eui-jn. which was the equivalent of a declara-
tion of war against the Manchus. The result was soon ap-
parent. A Manchu envoy made his appearance bearing a
missive which said. "Korea has seen fit to break her treaty
with us and she is no longer to be called 'younger brother,'
but a vassal state. She shall pay us annually a tribute of
10,000 ounces of gold, xo.ooo ounces of silver, 10,000,000
pieces of linen." The king replied that he had tio gold but
that he would give some tiger skins. These the euvoj' scorn-
fully refused and returned to the north. The king was some-
what disturbed by this and ordered an envoy to go to Man-
churia with gifts, but they were all returned untouched. At
this the king was furious and ordered an envoy to go and say
that Korea would never again send tribute nor make peace
with the Manchus Kim Si-yang expostulated with the king
and told him that such a message would be suicidal, but he
was banished on the spot. It is probable the message never
reached the Manchu camp, for we learn that with the opening
of n uv.w ve.ir tli ■ kinir liad soni" to his s-^inses md sent trib-
04 KOKIAN HISTORY.
nte to tlie north to rhi: extent of Sou pieces of silk, 800 pieces
of linen, Soo pieces of o^rass cloth, Soo pieces of cotton, 60
tijjer skins. ;^oo sea-otter skins and 800 quires of heavy
paper.
The Korean territory became the asylum for several ren-
egade Chinese generals who demanded sustenance, and what
between these and the Manchus it became well-nigh im-
possible to keep on good terms either with the Emperor or
with the Manchus. The latter were continually ravaging
tlie northern border and were, apparently losing all their
former feeling of friendship. 'This cannot be wondered at.
for the king was openly siding with the Chinese.
In the spring of 1(^36 the king ordered a remeasurement
of all the arable land in the three southern provinces. It
seems that the people were thriving and the margin of cul-
tivation was broadening so that a remeasurement became
necessary for a re-estimate of the revenue. At the same time
he despatched two envoys to the Manchu court at Mukden.
The Manchus had just begun to style their empire the Ch'iug
or "clear." And now for the first time we meet the names
of the two great Manchu generals who were destined to play
such a ]>romiiient pnrt in the invasion of Korea. The}' were
called Vonggolda and Mabuda These two men came to the
Yalu River and received the king's missive addressed to the
son of the Ch'ing Emperor. The two envoys were brought
into the Manchu Emperor's presence, where they were order-
ed to bow, but refused. They were forced to a stooping posi-
tion, but resisted, whereupon they were stripped, beaten and
driven away.
The Manchus were now fully determined to invade
Korea and bring her to her knees once more. In prepara-
tion for this the two generals above named were sent to Seoul
as envoys, but in reality to spy out the land and learn the
roads The officials almost with one voice urged the king to
burn the letters brought by these envo>s and to kill the meu
themselves. To show the extent of the infatuation of the
Koreans it is necessary to subjoin a memorial which was pre-
sented the king at this time It said "Since I was born I
have never heard of two emperors How can these wild
savages claim iniperi il [lower .^ Once before a rebel (referring
MODKRX ROKUA. 95
to Kang Hong-rip) came with these robbers and the king
was compelled to flee to Kang-wha. If at that time we had
only cut off the traitor's head it would have been to our hon-
or and it would have shone like the sun and moon. These
Manchu robbers are wolves and tigers. How can we think
of casting oflF our allegiance to China? All our troubles have
arisen because we did not kill Gen. Kang. This news about
the Manchns rends my heart, for, though we live in a dis-
tant corner of the world, we have manners. From King T'a-
jo's time till now we have been loyal to the Ming power.
Now that the northern savages are growing strong and we,
through fear, are compelled to follow them, we may for a
time escape harm, but in the end the world will scorn us.
It was a mistake for the government to give those envoys a
polite reception, and now the oflBcials sit still while the king
is being insulted by outsiders. Our situation is not only
dangerous, it is pitiable. Here we sit and do nothing to pre-
vent the enemy entering our territory. I see what the
Manchus want. They know we are weak, and they want to
hold us in their hand and make a boast of us. If they want
to play at empire why do they not do it among themselves
and not come to us with it? They do it so as to be able to
.say that they have Korea in their train. Now let us be
men and cut off these envoys' heads and put them in a box
along with their insulting letter and send the whole back to
their so-called emperor. If the king does not like my advice
let him cut off my head and send it. I cannot live to see and
hear the insults of these savages. The people of the nothern
provinces grind their teeth at them and swear that thej' can-
not live with them. Today must decide the continued ex-
istence or the destruction of this kingdom. The king should
send out a proclamation far and wide for the people to flock
to the support of the royal banners. Then would we all re-
joice to die, if need be, for our country. " This speech is prob-
ably an exact expression of the feeling of the vast majority
of the officials and people at that time, but most of them had
the good sense to keep still, for such talk was sure to bring
swift retribution. It is evident the king thought .so, for he
answered this warm appeal by saying, "You have spoken
very well but it is a little permature for us to go to cutting
96 KOKKAN HISTOKY.
off the heads of envoys from a neighboring power : we will
consider the matter however."
The Manchn envox'S had with them some Mongol soldiers
to prove to the Koreans that the Mongols had actually sur-
rendered to the Manchu power. The envoys asked that these
be treated \\ell, but the king had them treated as slaves.
The object of the embassy was nominally to attend the funer-
al of the king's grandmother, but the king deceived them by
sending them to an enclosure in the place where a screen was
closely drawn around. The envoys supposed this was the
obsequies and began their genuflections, but a violent gust
of wind bLw the screens over and they saw that they had
been duped. They immediately were seized with fear lest
they be foully dealt with and rushing out they mounted
their steeds and fled by way of the South Gate. The boys
pelted them with stones as they passed. The people knew
that this was a serious matter and messenger after messenger
was sent after the fleeing envoys pleading with them to come
back, but of course without avail.
The Prime Minister told the king that war was now in-
evitable and that it was necessary to call the people to arms
at once. The king consented and the proclamation went
forth saying, "Ten years ago we made a treaty with these
Manchus, but their nature is so bad and they are so insulting
that we never before were so ashamed. From the king,
down to the lowest subject all must unite in wiping out this
disgrace They now claim to be an empire and that we are
their vassal. Such insolence cannot be borne. It may mean
the overthrow of our kingdom but we could do no les.« than
drive the envoys away. All the people saw them go. Of
course it means immediate war and all the people must now
come up to their responsibilities and swear lo be avenged on
the Manchus even at the cost of life itself."
The Manchu envoys delayed on Korean soil long enough
to secure a cop>- of the proclamation and. armed with this,
they crossed the border and made their way to the Manchn
headquarters.
In Seoul there were various counsels. One side argued that
the palace at Kang-wha should be burned so that the king's
miud might not turn toward that as an asylum. Others said
MODKRN KORHA. g-j
that the king should go to P'yung-yaiig and lead the army in
person. We are told that there were many omens of impend-
ing danger at this time. They are of course fictitious, but
they show the bent of the Korean mind. They say that at
one place large stones moved from place to place of their own
accord. In another place ducks fought on the water and kill-
ed each other. In another place a great flock of storks con-
gregated in one place and made a "camp." Outside the South
Gate there was a great fight among the frogs. In the south,
toads came out and hopped about in mid-winter. A pond in
the palace became red like blood. In summer the river rose so
high that it lapped the foundations of the East Gate. At
twenty-seven different places in Seoul the land rose and fell.
Such are some of the popular supersititions.
The Chinese general in charge of troops on Ka-do Island
sent word to the Emperor that Korea had broken with the
Manchus, whereupon the Emperor sent a letter congratulat-
ing the king and praising his boldness. The Chinese envoy
further said, "I came to bring the letter of praise from the
Emperor but at the same time he recognises the great danger
in which you are and he grants permission for you to conclude
a peace with them if you so wish." But the king had decid-
ed on the arbitrament of war and this pointed hint was not
taken.
The king had now collected an army in P'yiing-yang and
he gave each soldier a present of cotton cloth. The whole
number of the army is not given, but we are told that there
were 10,234 skillful archers and 700 musketeers. It seems
that the review did not satisfy all, for one of the leading of-
ficials said, "If we take this final step and go to war we shall
all perish, so it might be well to send an envoy and try to
patch up matters with them." To this another replied hotly,
*'A11 the people are bent on war and are determined to rid
themselves of these savages. You are a traitor to your coun-
try to talk of sending an envoy. You are insulting the king.
You are over-riding the will of the great majority." But the
other answered calmly, "We have no army that can stand be-
fore them an hour and some fine morning we shall all he found
dead in bed. There is no place to take the ancestral tablets,
so my advice is to send generals to P'yung-yaug and have
9S KOKIiAN IllS'I'OkV.
soldiers well drilled, and at the same time send an envoy to
the Mauchus to see how they talk. It may be that things may
be so arranged that we can go along quietly as before. At
any rate it will give ns time to prepare. If worse comes to
worst and we have to defend the Yaln we will do our best, but
it is evident that if they once cross we will necessarily become
supplicants." This was too good logic to be withstood and
yet it was worse than nothijig, for it was either just too strong
or just too weak, and it threw the whole court into a fatal uti-
certainty.
In the tenth moon the Manchu geuf^ral Mabnda, appear-
ed on the west bank of the Yalu and sent word to the prefect
of Eui-ju saying. "On the twenty-sixth of the next moon our
armies are to move on Korea, but if within that time you send
an envoy we wdll desist, even though it be at the last moment."
Gen. Kim Nyu told the king this ajid urged that the envoy
be sent, but only an interpreter was sent with a letter to the
Manchu chief. When the Manchus saw this man they said
"Go back and tell the king that if lie does not send his son
and the Prime Minister and another high official to perform
the treaty ceremony before the twenty fifth of the next moon,
our armies will instantly be put in motion." Yonggolda
brought out the copy of the proclamation he had brought with
liini from Korea and said, "Look at this. It cannot be said
that it was we who broke the treaty first." A letter was given
the messenger for the king in which was written, "They say
you are building many forts. Is it to block my way to your
capital? They say yon are building a palace on Kang-wha to
find refuge in. When I have taken your eight provinces will
Kang-wha be of any use to you? Can your councillors over-
come me with a writing-brush?"
\Mien this ominous letter reached vSeoul the king and the
highest of the officials wanted to make terms with the Man-
chus at once, but they were opposed stoutly by the whole mass
of the lesser officials. At last however a man was dispatched
to convey the acceptance by Korea of the Manchu terms ; but
the fatal day had passed, and when the messenger met the
Manchus advancing upon Kui-ju. he was seized. As war was
now beyond peradventure Generals Kim Nyu and Kim Cha-juni
advised that the prefectural towns along the route tliat the
Manchiis woiiUI comt' he nio\-e(i back from the main road.
This was ordered and the prefectures of Eni-jn. P'\ uns^-y^'iig
and \Vli;ino:-jn were moved from ten to ;; Imndred // back.
All the towns along the way were deserted by their in-
habitants.
Gen. Kim Cha-jum forced the people at the point of the
sword to rebuild the fortress at Chong-bano Mountain, but he
did not attempt to guard the Yalu, for lie was possessed
by the the infatuation that the Manchus wculd not come after
all. Tliere was a line of fire signal mountains from Ivui-ju
all the way to vSeoul but he ordered the fires to be lighted only
as far as his quarters, in case of war, as it would cause great
consternation in the capital. His criminal incredulity and
carelessness were so great that when in the twelfth moon the
double fires gleamed forth along the line from the north tell-
ing of the appro ich of an invading army, he still averred that
it was nothing more nor less than the envoy heralding his re-
turn. He sent no messages nor warnings to Seoul. He sent
a messenger north to discover where the .Vlanchns were. This
man came running back and announced that the north was full
of them. Still the general would not believe it and wanted to
kill the man for deceiving him. The report was however
confirmed by so many eye-witnesses that he was at last com-
pelled to believe it and sent word to Seoul that the Manchus
had come. On the twelfth a letter from the prefect of Kui-ju
announced in Seoul that the Manchus had crossed the river
140,000 strong. The next day a letter from the tardy Kim
announced that the Manchus had already traversed the pro-
vince of P'yrMig-an. This news was like a thunder-bolt from
a clear sky to the people of the capital. They were thrown
into a panic and are described as having resembled boiling
water. The roads were choked with fugitives from the city.
The king said, "Liberate all the captives and prisoners and
grant an amnesty to all who have been banished." All pre-
fects who had not gone to their posts were sent forthwith.
The king desired to start at once for Kang-wha, and he ap-
pointed Kim Kyung-jeung to have military control therewith
Yi Min-gu as second. An aged Minister Vun Pang together
with Kim Sang-yong took the ancestril tablets and went ahead
to that island- Then followed the yueen and the Princes.
lOO KOkKAN lllSTOkV.
Finally the king appointed Sin Keni-wun to guard the capital.
On the fourteenth the Manchu army entered Whang-ha
Province and almost immediately the news came that they
had arrived at Chang-dan only 120 //from Seoul. There
they caught the prefect, cut off his hair, dressed him in Man-
chu clothes and forced him to act as guide. At noon the
next day the king and the Crown Prince passed out the
South Gate on their wav to Kang-wha, when suddenly mes-
sengers came hurrying up saying that the Manchu horsemen
had already arrived at Yang-wha-jin on the river and that
the road to Kang-wha was consequently blocked. The king
and his immediate followers went up into the pavilion above
the gate and conferred together. The native chronicler says
that "their faces were white and their voices were like the
croaking of country frogs." And well they might be. Chi
Yo-ha said, "They have comedown from the border in five
days and must be very tired. I will take 500 men and go
out and hold them in check until the king can get to Kang-
wha." But Ch'oe Myung-gil said, "We must decide immedi-
ately, for the enemy is at our very doors. We cannot fight
them, but I will go out the gate and parley with them and
meantime the king can escape to Nam-han." To this the
king eagerly assented and Ch'oe took ten cattle and ten tubs
of wine and went out to meet the enemy. All the gates on
the south side of Seoul were closed and the king aud his suite
started for the East Gate. The crown prince's groom ran
away and the prince was compelled to hold the bridle himself.
The people crowded around the royal party so closely that it
was almost impossible to move, but finally the gate was pass-
ed and the party hurried forward. .\t seven o'clock that
night the royal cavalcade entered the welcome gate of Nam-
han. So rapid had been the pace that only six men in the
king's retinue remained until they arrived at their destina-
tion. The rest arrived some time before midnight. They all
urged the king to start at day light and reach Kang-wha by a
circuitous route. This was determined upon, but a storm of
sleet and rain came on, which rendered the roads so slippery
that the king was compelled to dismount and walk. It soon
became evident that this would not do. The king was very
cold and the progress was hopelessly slow. So they placed
MODKKN KORHA. lOI
hini in a litter hastily extemporised and brought him back to
the fortress. It turned out that this was fortunate, for the
Manchus had guarded every approach to Kang-wha so care-
fuly that the king never would have been able to get through.
Gen. Ch'oe, who had gone to parley with the enemy, went
beyond the Peking Pass and met Gen. Mabud.i and said.
"We made a treaty with you some time since, but now yon
comedown upon us with this great array. How is this?"
The Manchu answered, "It is not we who have broken the
treaty but you. and we have come to learn from the king the
reason of it." Gen. Ch'oe replied, "Well, you cannot see
him. He has gone to the fortress of Nam-han."
Together they entered Seoul and there the Manchu gen-
eral had Gen. Ch'oe -send a letter to the king as follows, "The
Manchu general has come to make a treat}' with us, but he
says we are all afraid of him and that even the king has fled.
He says that if the king wants to make peace he must send
his son and the prime minister together with the man who
advised the king to break the treaty. They demand an im-
mediate answer." That night no answer came and Mabuda
charged Gen. Ch'oe with having deceived him and wanted to
kill him on the spot, but the rest dissuaded him saying "Let
us go to Nam-han ourselves." They made Gen. Ch'oe act
as guide and soon they stood before that renowned fortress.
Geu. Ch'oe went ahead and entered alone. The king seized
his hand and said, "You are come to save us." But the gen-
eral said "The Manchu general was exceedingly angry because
you did not answer my letter last night, so he has now come
with a third of his whole force. In order to pacify him we
cannot but comply with his three conditions." The king re-
plied, "You are deceived by him. Do you think he has come
all this way to be satisfied so easily as that?"
Chapter VII.
Manchu camps. . . .the garrison of Nam-han . . .a trick . . .divided coun-
sels . . . the king determines to fight it out . . . Koreans eager to fight
. . . .the garrison put on half rations . . .terrible cold . . .mes.sage to
the provinces ...successful sallies ...the king's kindness, .. .the
\02 KOKKAN II IS To KN'.
Manohn fence ...the fjift refused .. help from the ontside. .. .un-
seccessfiil venture . . .plenty and want . . imperial edict . . the an-
swer .. .a nitjht attack .. relief party defeated ...other attempts
to relieve the king . . .a cowardly general . .a clever trick Ko-
rean defeat . . .mutual recriminations . . .a ghastly trick . . .desper-
ate straits .. .correspondence. .. .a .starving garrison ...a heroic
answer. .. .king wants to surrender. ... Manchu demands. .. .fight-
ing continued.
The Maiichu army encamped along the southern side of
the city from Mo-wha-gwan to the South Gate and out side the
East Gate, and the air resounded with the sound of music and
drums. At first the soldiers committed uo excesses beyond
tlie theft of a few cattle and an occasional woman, but now
that it was learned that the king had run away to Nam-han
the license became unbounded and men and women were
killed in large numbers. The royal treasure houses were
looted and nothing was too sacred to be dragged about the
streets. That same night a band of the Manchus completely
encircled Nam-han, which must be well-nigh ten miles
around.
The king set a strong guard all about the wall, appoint-
ing Gen. Sin Kybng-jin to guard the East Gate, Gen. Ku
Kweng the South Gite, Gen. Yi So the North Gate and Gen.
Yi Si-bilk the West Gate. Generals Wnn Tu-p'yo, Ku In-
hu, Han Whe-il and Pak Whan went all about the wall with
strong bodies of troops, to prevent the entrance of any scal-
ing party. The whole number of troops in the fortress was
about 12,000. Gen. Nam An-gap held the important position
of Commissariat Chief. The king's retinue and court con-
sisted of 200 officials, 200 of his relatives, 100 clerks, and
300 servants of diflfereut degrees. All these received their
salary in rice. Officials of the first and second grades
were allowed to have three servants and two horses, those of
the third, fourth and fifth grades could have two servants and
one horse, while those below these could have but one servant
and one horse. The commander-in-chief was Gen. Kim Nyu.
His advice to the king was to send the crown prince and the
prime minister at once and make the best terms possible.
It was decided to deceive the enemy if possible, so Neung
Pong-su, a distant relative of the king, assumed the name of
the king's younger brother, and Sim Chip assumed the role of
MoDKKN KokKA. 103
crown prince. Together they sallied out to try their hand on
the Manchr.s. When they came before Mabnda, that hard-
headed warrior looked theui over, turned them inside out
and sent them back to the king with the curt reply that. "As
yon have been trying to play a trick on us we will now con-
sent to treat with no one whatever except the crown prince
hin)self. If you will send him we will talk with you." This
they demanded in spite of the statements of the messengers
that the crown prince was still in mourning for his mother.
When this ultimatum was delivered to the king there
was a division of opinion. Gen. Kim Nyu and several others
averred that there was nothing to do but comply with the
demands But the king said, "I will die first." Kim Sang-
hon took the other side and said, "Whoever talks of surren-
dering so tamely is a traitor." On the seventeenth the king
sent Hong So-bongtothe Manchu camp and said, "I am will-
ing to .send my second or third son to you but they are all in
Kang-wha." They answered as before, "We will see no one
but the crown prince." When the crown prince expressed
his willingness to go. a courtier said, "We have a good strong
garrison and shall we tamely surrender and send our future
king into the clutches of these highwaymen? If he goes I
shall strangle myself with my own bridle " Another said,
"Let us fight them. We are men, not straw manikins." So
the king made up his mind that it would be war and not sur-
render and he so proclaimed, "We shall fight to the bitter
end. Let no one expect or hope for peace." He then des-
patched a letter to KimCha-jum in P'yung-yang, saying "We
are jiemmed in here and our forces are small and food scarce,
but we have determined to fight it out even though it ends
the dynasty. So hasten and come to our aid with all the forces
at your command." The next day the guird of the North
Gate made a successful sally, returning with six Manchu
heads. This excited the soldiers almost to frenzy, and they
were eager to rush out and engage the besiegers. Unfortun-
ately all the rice that had been stored at the river for the
provisoning of Nam-han had been seized by the Manchus,
but the arms and ammunition were safe within the walls.
The king took advantage of the elation of the soldiers over
this successful sally to make them a little speech, in which he
I04 KOREAN HISTOKV.
remarked. "Shall we surrender or fight? It is for yon to
say." Sim K\vang-su answered grimly for them all and said
"Show us the head of the mm who advised to surrender
This referred to Gen. Ch'oe Myi'mg-gil, but the rest did
not dare to secoiid the request. From tli it time the walls
were guarded with renew jd vigilance. D.^y after day the
smoke of the Mancliu camps went up to heaven round about
the beleagured fortress. On the nineteenth tli- king sacri-
ficed at the tomb of On-jo, the founder of the ancient king-
dom of Pak-je. of which Nam-han was for many years the
capital. On the same day Gen. K.u Kweng made a sally from
the West Gate and took twenty Manchu heads. T.iis again
excited the garrison almost bevond contr(.)l. The following
?^
day a renegade Korean who had gone over to the Manchus
came near the git=and parleyed with the guard, urging that
the king surrender and mike peace ; but w!ic;n tlie king heard
of it he ordered that if the man came again he should not be
met at the gate but that the guard should onl}- talk down at
him from the top of the wall.
The matter of provisions was one of prinn; itriportance,
and the king called the chief of commissariat and asked him
how many days' rations there were rem lining in the store-
liouses. He replied that there were enough provisions to
last sixty days, but that if great economy were exercised it
might last seventy days. He siid the horses could have but
one measure of beans a day and the servants must get along
as best they could, on birley and oats. Sjuieone suggested
that as there were a large number of people present who held
no important position, the king ought not to feel oblig^l to
support them, but th:^ king veto:;d this b\- saying, "They
came here trusting in me and now shall I aeprive them of
food? No, we will all eat or go hungry together." The
weather was very ci)ld and the men exposed upon the wall
suffered severely. Their cheeks, being frost-liitten, craclced
open in a very painful manner. In view of this the king
ordered that night guards be dispensed with and that no old
or feeble men should be put on picket duty in these exposed
positions.
The king again sent out a letter to the governors of the
different provinces saying, "We are here hemmed in ; our life
MUDKKN KOKKA. I05
•
liatigs by a thread. Let all loyal men rally to our support,
and marcli aojaist the besieging force." To Kim Cha-jrim he
wrote, "For seven days we have now been immured and we
liave come to the brink of destruction. Come immediately to
our aid.
On the twenty-first there were two simultaneous sallies,
from the Ivist and West Gates respectively, and each resulted
in the securing of a few trophies. For the encouragement of
the soldiers Kim Sin-guk suggested that a schedule of rates
be issued ofi'ering prizes for Manchu heads. The king's
intention not to surrender was still unshaken, for when a
courtier memorialized him urging surrender he burned the
document in anger. On the twenty-second a Manchu uies-
senger rode up to the gate and asked if the king were ready
to surrender yet. The answer came in the shape of fierce
sallies on the South and East sides in which forty heads were
taken and in which Gen. Yi Chi-wnn, with an iron club, killed
two mounted generals. The soldiers were so elated by these
successes, which of course could make no difference in the
strength of the besieging force, that on the following day they
made simultaneous attacks on several sides, in each of which
the Koreans had some advantage. The Koreans lost but
twenty men while the Manchu loss was much greater. As
the Manchus carried their dead from the field, however, the
exact amount of their loss is not known. The king celebrated
the victory by making a circuit of the wall. The next day
was wet and foggy and the cold was even harder to endure
than when the weather was clear. Both the king and the
crown prince came out in the rain to encourage the soldiers
and they and many of the officials gave mats and blankets
and the mud-guards of their saddles to help the soldiers to
keep dry. The inmates of Han-heung Monastery, inside the
fortress, presented the king with forty quires of paper, and
several bags of vegetables, but the king distributed them all
among the soldiers. Other monks presented three large bowls
of honey, for which the king thanked them and gave presents
in return.
On the twenty-fifth the Manchus completed a wattle
fence completely encircling the fortress. It was thirty miles
loiig and twice the height of a man. Some idea can be form-
IC)6 KOKKA.N HIS'I"()K\,
ed of the inmibers in the Mauchu army when we know that
this was completed in seven days Every eighty paces a bell
was attached in such a way that if anyone attempted to break
through, warning would be given to the sentinels.
There were those outside who sincerely desired to give
succor to the king and the court. Gen. KwDn Ch(iiig-gil, of
Wuu-ju, gathered a small force and camped on KOm-dan moun-
tain in plain sight of Nam-haii, and the king was greatly en-
couraged, hoping that the Koreans were rallying to liis sup-
port. When this loyal band attacked the Manchus they were
immediatel)^ overwhelmed and cut to pieces.
The Manchus caught every Korean they could lay hands
on. The more vigorous of these they forced into their ranks,
the old men were made hewers of wood and drawers of water,
the young women were made concubines and the older wo-
men were compelled to cook and wash.
On the twenty-eighth the king sent a present of a bullock
and ten bottles of wine to the Manchu headquarters, but re-
ceived the reply, "Heaven has given us all Korea and we have
no need of these things. Take them back to your starving
soldiers."
Chong Se-gyu. the governor of Ch'ung-ch'nng Province,
was consumed with grief on hearing that the king was reduc-
ed to two side-dishes with his rice ; so he gave a monk two
pheasants and told him to effect an entrance in some way or
other and give them to the king. The governor himself came
with a handful of men to Ma-heui-ch'iln, only forty // from
tlie beleaguered fortress, and there he was attacked in the
rear by the enemy. His wliole force was annihilated, though
he himself escaped by leaping into a deep gorge, intending to
commit suicide. But the fall was not fatal. Nam Yang, also,
the prefect of Vnn-gye, wanted to do what he could, and when
he learned of the distress of the king, he arose even on his
wedding night and started for the seat of war. His little
force was surrounded and he was ordered to surrender, and
then it was that he made that memorable reply, "You can con-
quer my neck but never my knees." His tongue was cut
out and his body was dismembered.
Gen. Kim Nyu had the idea tliat the Manchu force was
weakest on the south and that if a sudden, determined attack
MODKkN KORKA. I07
were tnade ihe line might be broken thrungh. So t)ii the
twenty-ninth he called all the generals and gave his orders.
They all disagreed with him and consider':'d tlie project hope-
less, bnt would not show insubordination. .\ considerable
body, therefore, emerged from the South Gate, hastened down
the valley against the surrounding line of beseigers. These
men had no faith in the plan, however, and were prevented
from turing back onh' by the sword of Gen. Kim Nyu which
he used on a few as a warning to the rest. Gen. Sin said,
"This is actual suicide. Let me take my company and go out
here and show you at the cost of my life that this cmnot be
done." He pushed rapidly forward and was so>)n surrounded
by the Manchus who had lain concealed in a bend of the hills,
and he and his men were all cut 'down. When the ammuni-
tiou of his men was gone they clubbed their muskets and
fought to the bitter end. Two hundred Koreans fell in this
rash adventure and Gen. Kim returned crest-fallen and
ashamed. Having no excuse, he tried to lay the blame on
others, claiming that they did not support him properly. He
also toLd the king that only forty men had been killed.
Sim Keui-wun who had been left as guardian of Seoul
sent a letter to the king saying that he had made a fierce at-
tack on the Manchus encamped at A-o-ga outside the West
Gate, but the king afterwards learned that this was false, and
that Sim had fled incontinently horn before the face of the
foe.
When the last day of the year 1636 arrived it found the
relative position of the Koreans and Manchus as follows : The
Manchu camps were filled with plunder and with women
which the soldiers had captured ; but what of the cViildren ?
These the soldiery did not want, and so they were killed and
their bodies thrown outside the cami)s. There they lay in
piles and a pestilence was prevented only by the intense cold
of winter. In Natn-lian the greatest distress prevailed. The
provisions had not held out as had been hoped. Food was all but
exhat)sted and horses and cattle were dying of starvation. The
king slept in his ordinary clothes, for he had given all his
blankets to the soldiers. All he had to eat with his rice was
the leg or wiug of a chicken. On th it last day of the year
some magpies gathered and began building a nest in a tree near
108 KOKKAN IIISTOKV.
the kinj^'s quarters. This was hailed as. a hopeful omen. It
.•■hows to what straits the garrison was reduced that it should
have pinned its faith to this childish superstition. It was the
sole subject of conversation for some time, but it did the caged
Korean kino; no good.
The next day was new-years day of 1637 and the king
sent Kim vSin-guk and \'i KyUng-jik to the Manclm camp to
offer the coni])litnents of the season. They were there in-
formed that the emperor's son had arrived and had inspected
the army and the forts. Consequently on the following day
Hong Si-bong, Kim Sin-guk and Yi Kyfing-jik hastened to
his headquarters and were met, not by the emperor's son but
by a general who said. "You have called us slaves and thieves
but our course has been straight and consistent throughout."
He then laid before them an edict of the emperor written on
yellow paper, and whey were ordered to bow before it. Its
contents were as follows :
"The great, the good, the wise, the kind Emperor to the
king of Korea. As you preferred allegiance to the Ming Em-
peror rather than to ns and, not content with throwing us
over, despised and insulted us, you now have an opportunity
to see the fruits of your choice. Of a truth you acted wicked-
ly in breaking your oath, in throwing oflf the Manchu yoke
and in offering us armed opposition. I heve now brought an
immense army and have surrounded 3'our eight provinces.
How can you longer hope to render assistance to your "father,"
the Ming Emperor ? The Mings are now hung up by the
heels, as it were."
On the next day the king sent his answer couched in the
following terms: "The great, the glorious, the righteous
Emperor. The little country has indeed sinned against the
great one and has drawn upon herself this trouble which lies
hard by the door of destruction. We have long wanted to
write thus but we have been so surrounded and hemmed in
that it seemed well-nigh impossible to get a letter through
the lines ; but now that the Emperor's son himself has come,
we rejoice, and yet we tremble. The Ming Emperor is no
longer our suzerain. In this vye have completely reformed.
The people on the border have acted badly in ill-treating the
Manchu euvovs. We are truly on the brink of destruction
MODKRN KOREA. lOQ
and we confess all our siii. It is for us to confess and for the
F^niperor to foro^ive. Frt)ni this dav forth we wash from our
mind all other thoug^ht of allegiance and enter upon a new
line of conduct. If the Emperor will not forgive, we can only
bow tile head and die.'"
When this abject document was read before the court,
before sending it, some thonglit it too humble, but the leaders
said it was the onl>' course left ; so it was forwarded to the
Manchu camp. Answer was returned that the PZmperor's
son had not yet arrived but that when lie came he would re-
ply. Strange to say no truce was made aiuf the Manchu scd-
diers, fearing perhaps that a truce might rob them of the
pleasure of scaling those walls that had defied tht in so long,
approached the wall that very night and with scaling ladders
a considerable number effected an entrance. But thev had
underestimated the determination and courage of the defend-
ers, and those who got in were quickly dispersed by Gen. Yi
Si-bak. Many Manclms fell in this desperate assault. Almost
at the same hour a similar attack was made on the south side
but there also the Manchus were check-mated by the watchful
guard.
And now a diversion occurred. Generals Ho Wan and
Min Yong from the provinces approached with a force of 40,-
000 men and seriously threatened the Manchu flank. They
were stationed on two opposite hills with a line of sharp-
shooters between. In the fight which ensued the Koreans
held their ground gallantly and at first even made the invad-
ers retreat ; but this exhausted their ammunition and when
the enemy reformed his lines and came on again to the attack
there was nothing to do but retreat. The retreat became a
rout and large numbers of Koreans were cut down, including
Gen. Ho Wan. The other part of the army under Gen. Min
Ydng lield out a little longer but an unfortunate accident oc-
curred which threw his troops into confusion. A large (luan-
tity of powder which was being paid out to the soldiers sud-
denly exploded killing a large number of men and depriving
the rest of means for continuing the fight. So they met the
same fate as the others. Those that the Manchus killed they
stripped and burned but many fugitives likewise died of ex-
posure and fatigue.
I lO KdKKA N II IS !'( lUV.
CTeii. Sim Vuii had been fi)rlil'\iug Cho-r\ fiiije; (Pass) but
wlifii be heard of the rout of tlie 40,000 nieu he took fri^lit
and retreated precipitately, telling all he met tiiat there was
no ii.^e in attempting to do aiiNtliinij. (>en. Kim Chun-\ong.
lio\ve\tr. had more perseverance and came and encamped
twentN mil-s from Nam-han. occupying a position that was
spec ally annoying to the enemy. A figlit was the result, in
which the Koreans were at first successful, but during the
night the Manchus were reinforced and cannon were brought
to bear upon the Koreans. All the next day the Koreans
fought oesperately. Night put an ei.d to the battle and the
Koreans finding that all their ammunition was gone, silently
separated, burning all bridges as they went.
The admiral of Chul-la Province desired to render aid to
the king and so getting together a little fl-;et of boats he came
north to Kang-wha and joined the royal forces there. The
governor of Kang-wrin Province excused hims'-lf from taking
active part in the relief of Nam-han on the score of scarcity
of food. P"or this he was afterward banished.
Singular events were happening in the north where
Gen. Vang Keun lay with a considerable force a short dis-
tance north of Seoul. He was however a coward and dared
not move hand or foot. Two other generals felt that they
might get into trouble if they did do not something, and they
had the happy thought that they ought to report to their
superior, Gen. Yang Keun. for they knew he would do no
thing, and thus f-,ey would be safe, for their responsibility
would cease. So they went to him and urged him to advance
agaiiist the Matichus. But he declined to do so, and even
ga\e them a written statement to that effect. Armed with
that they felt quite safe. So there they lay a month till they
heard at last of the fall of Nam-han.
Of another stamp was Gen. Yu Rim. He was ou the
roid between Seoul and P'yung-yang and, being attacked by
the Manchus, he and his little band defended themselves
with such good effect that the Manchu camp resounded all
night with wailings for their dead. The Koreans, finding
that their ammunition was almost exhausted, then planned
an ingenious retreat. Loading their muskets they tied them
to trees, attached fuses of different lengths and then silent-
MODKKN KOKKA. Itl
!>• ri-trcatfd. The gnus kept s*'i"R ^'ff '-il' nijht and so the
eneniv knew notliino; of tlie retreat until it was discovered in
the niornino^.
Another effort that was made about this time was that of
Generals Kim Cha-jum and Y6k-dal who had a following of
some 7,000 men. Starting from the north they came down to
tlie vicinity of Song-do. Unfortunately they had no scouts
out and suddenly falling in with a Manchu force in the nar-
row passage a few miles beyond Song-do, they were thrown
into a panic and it is said that 5,oJO men were killed, though
it seems almost incredible that only 2,000 men survived out of
7,000 Gen. Kim escaped by scaling the steep mountain side
but his second was caught and bound. The two thousand
survivors rallied and attacked the Manchus with such fury
that they were forced back and the captured general was res-
cued. Gen. Kim Cha-jum then made his way to where Gen.
Yang Keun was idling away his time, and together they
awaited the surrender of the king. vVe may anticipate a few
months and say that after peace was made these two gen-
erals were banished to distant places for their criminal
cowardice.
Gen. Sin Kyoiig-wan, stationed at Ong-jin in Whang-ha
Proxince, was surrounded by the enemy, but the place was
so difficult of approach, owing to the roughness of the ground,
that they could not reduce it ; so, hoping to draw out the gar-
rison they feigned retreat. Gen. Sin was not to be caught
thus, and sent out one of his lieutenants to reconnoitre.
That man happened to be just recovering from a wound, and
so he did not go far, but spent the night in a neighboring
inn. He came back in the morning and reported the enemy
gone. Gen. vSin then led out his troops to take them to the
vicinity of vSeoul ; but the Manchus, who were lying conceal-
ed iu the vicinity, rushed out upon him and captured him.
He was released only after peace had been declared.
At Nam-han a severe mental struggle was going on.
They well knew that surrender and humiliation were inevit-
able but their jjride revolted at the thought, and each tried
to throw the blame on the other. This may be illustrated by
a single case which will show how mutual recriminations
were being made in the very presence of the siege-weary
1 12 KOKKAN IIISTOKV.
king. Vu Pfik-jeung nieniorialized the king in these words :
"Gen. Kim Nyn who liolds the rank of General-in-chief is a
man of no military skill, a man of jealous, vindictive tem-
perament and his house is full of bribes. When the king
came to Nam-han it was almost without retinue, but he. for-
sooth, must bring sixty horsemen at his back. And the fe-
males of his household came in litters. He it was who urged
the king to give up the crown prince to the tender mercies
of the Manchu wolves. He it was who compassed the humil-
iation of the king by advising him to send that self-effacing
letter which, though so humble, was rejected. This is all the
work of Kim Nyn." Here as elsewhere we see that personal
spite has alway been the rock on which the interests of Korea
have been wrecked.
The emperor knew that he had the king secure, and he
determined to delay the ratification of a treaty until his cap-
tive was reduced to the last crust, ir. order to brand upon t-lie
memory of all Koreans the indubitable fact of their vassalage
and to teach them a lesson that they should never forget.
And so the days slipped by.
On the sixth of the moon Korean messengers succeeded
in getting through the Manchu lines and brought the king
letters from his two sons on the island of Kang-wha, but the
Manchus were aware of this and redoubled their diligence in
guarding the approaches, and so the king was completely cut
off from the outside. A few days later a costly joke was
played by the Korean Gen. Kim On-yun. He led a small
party outside the West Gate and soon returned with two
heads. The king praised him and gave him presents of silk.
The heads were raised on pikes, but behold, no blood came
from ihem. A soldier in the ranks cried out, "Why is m}^
brother killed twice?" The truth is that the General had be-
headed two corpses of Koreans whereby to obtain praise and
favor from the king. The king replaced the heads by those
of the general and his second.
On the twelfth the king's emissaries went into the Man-
chu camp bearing a letter from the king. They were told
that a great Manchu general was about to arrive and that
they must come again the next day. The people in Nam-han
Were iu desperate straits. All who had advocated continued
' MODERN KORKA. II3
resistance now nrj^ed surrender, excepting Kim Sang-hon and
ChongOn, who said. '"Not till every soldier is dead, and all the
common people as well, will it be time to think of giving in."
The next day the messengers presented themselves in
the Manchu camp as ordered. The general who received them
said, "You broke your former treaty with us. Are you pre-
pared to keep it if we make another?" The messengers beat
upon their breasts and cried, "It was our fault and not the
fault of the king. We are willing to prove this with our
lives." "But why do you not come out and fight?" "We
are an insignificant power and how can we hope to cope with
you?" was the humble reply. The Manchu then broke the
seal of the king's letter and read, "When we signed the for-
mer treaty you were the elder brother and we the younger
brother. When a younger brother does wrong it is for the
order brother to correct him. but if it is done too severely a
principle of righteousnessss is broken, and the vSupreme Being
will be offended. We are dwellers in a corner of the sea.
We know nothing but books. We are no warriors. We are
weak and must bow before superior force. So we accept the
clemency of the Manchus, and we are now vassals and you
are our suzerain. When the Japanese invaded our land and
we were on the verge of destruction, China sent her hosts and
saved us. Our gratitude to them lives in the very fiber of
our bones. Even at the risk of incurring your anger we
could not bear to cast them off. If now the Manchu power
shows us kindness and goes back across the Yalu, our
gratitude toward them will be the same. We have been a
long time imprisoned here and we are tired and cramped.
If you consent to overlook our faults we will engage to treat
the Manchu power rightly. These sentiments are engraved
on our very hearts and we surrender ouselves to the clemency
of the Manchu emperor."
Food was now practically gone. The officials themselves
were put on half rations and even the king's daily supply
was diminished by one third. At the very most there was
enough to last but twenty days more. At this time the Man-
chus burned the buildings in connection with the royal tombs
outside the east Gate, and also those near Nam-han. The
smoke of the burning went up to heaven. These .-irts of
I 14 KOkKAN HISTORY.
vniidalisin ninst have been a bitter drop in tlie t'liy. tliat was
being put to tlie king's lips. On the sixteenth Hong So-bong
again went to the Manchu camp and asked why no answer
was sent. The trutli is that the Manchus had determined to
first send and reduce tlie Island of Kang-wha. They answer-
ed, "Gen. Kong Yu-duk has gone with 70,000 men to take
Kang-wha. We must wait till he returns." The next day
they sent the king an insulting letter saying, "Why do you
not come out and fight? We thought we would get at least
a little fight out of you. Have not your soldiers learned to
load and fire? China is your good friend ;'why does she not
send and help you? Now you are starving and yet >'OU have
the impudence to talk about righteousness. Heaven helps the
good and punishes the evil Those who trust ns we nid,
those who oppose we decapitate. As we have become your
enemies you see us here in force. If you will come back to
your allegiance we will treat yon as a l)rother. If you wish
to live, come out and surrender ; if you will come out and
fight so much the better. Heaven will decide between us."
This received from the Koreans, starving though they were,
the following memorable reply, "We will die and rot here in
our fortress before we will surrender thus. Then there will
be no one to answer your insulting summons."
On the eighteenth a Manchu general came near the South
Gate and demanded that the king should come out and sur-
render or else come out and fight. The king thereupon sent
a letter to the Manctiu headquarters saying that he wanted to
come out and surrender but that he did not dare to doso while
the Manchu soldiers were prowling about the wall. As the
king handed this leitei to the messenger Kim Sang-h<>n snatch-
ed it from the messenger's hand and tore it in fragments
saying, "How can you bear to send such a letter. Heaven
will still favor us if we are patient, but if we send this we are
truly undone " Then followed a scene in which the courtiers
almost came to blows. Ch'oe MyHng-gil took the fr^gmeiUs
of the letter and pasted them together and the next da}' in
company with another gene.al took it to the Manchus. They
were met with the gruff reply. "\\'e do not want your letters.
We want your king to come out and surrender." That night
the Manchus scaled the wall on the east side and a great panic
MODERN KOREA. I 15
followed, but Gen. Yi Keui-ch'uk, with a boch* of picked men
succeeded in driving back the enemy. On the twentieth an
answer was received from the emperor who said, "The
reason why we demand that you come out and surrender is that
we may have a visible proof of your sincerity. If we depart
now leaving you still king of Korea all will be well. Wh)-
should I deceive you since I am conquering the whole world
besides? Need I use guile? [ desire to punish only those who
advised 5'ou to cleave to China and prove untrue to us. Be-
fore surrendering you must send those men bound to nie. I
shall kill them but the rest of you will be safe. One thing is
certain. I will read no more of your letters." When the king
saw this he cried, "I cannot send those men bound to him."
In spite of the ominous closing words of the emperor's letter
the king again wrote saying, "Korea to the worshipful, glori-
ous, puissant, merciful emperor, greeting. We are narrow
and provincial people and very deficient in manners but the
contrast between our present mental attitude and that of a
few months ago is surprising. Among our councillors some
argued one way and some argued another but now starvation
has brought us all to the same point and we know that we
must become subjects of the Manchu power. But since the,
days of Silla there has never been seen such a thing as a king
going out from his fortress to surrender. We cannot do it in
that way. If you insist upon it you will soon have nothing
left but a fortress full of dead. I have signified my willing-
ness to surrender but if I should go out to you the people
would never again recognize me as king and anarchy will re-
sult. I long ago banished the men who opposed the making
of peace with the Manchus, so I cannot send them to you, but
the emperor must now be gracious and forgive our mistake."
When the Manchu general was about to send this scornfully
back Yi Hong-ju told him that it was written by the officials
and that nothing more was possible ; and that if anyone sug-
gested to the king the advisability of coming out it would
mean instant death. But the Manchu drove them away in a
rage. One official named Ch'ing On violently opposed all these
attempts at securing a cessation of hostilities and said it would
be better to sit there and rot than to surrender. He urged
that the fighting be continued.
I l6 KOKi: AN HISTORY.
Chapter Vlll.
The refugees on Katiif-wha .. crossin,i< the ferry .. .the Princess blames
the coinniander. . . .j^rain saved .... cross-purposes ..IManchu rafts
Manchus jiain a footing on Kang-wha . . .Oen. Kim's flight
Koreans massu'-red . . .roval captives . . .suicide . . .ancestral tablets
di.shonored ...list of the dead ...from Kang-wha to Nani-han ...
fierce attacks . . .b-)mhardinent ...the king learns of the fall of
Kang-wha ..Manchu victims sent ..arrangements for the sur-
render... .the Manchu conditions ...the king comes out of Nam-
han ...the ceremony ...disgraceful scramble ...the king enters
Seoul . . .condition of the capital . . Manchu army retires . . .a high-
priced captive. . . .king and Crown Prince part . . .rewards and pun-
ishments . . .the island of Ko-do taken . . .an unselfish act.
We mu.st leave the king and his court, facing starvation
on the one hand and the deep humiiiation of surrender on the
other, and see how it fared with the people on Kang-wha.
This island had earned the r-[)at:ition of being impregnable,
because of the failure of the Mongols to take it when the king
of Koryo found refuge there. Kim Kyung-jeung was the
commander of the garrison there and Im In-gu was second in
command. Chang Sin had charge of the naval defenses.
When the king sent the Crown Princess, the royal con-
cubines, the second and third princes and the aged officials
and their wives to Kang-wha a few days before his flight to
Nam-han they were under the escort of Gen. Kim Kyung-
jeung, who was also taking his wife and mother to the same
place for safety. It was a long cavalcade, stretching miles
along the road. Arriving at the ferry which was to take the
party across the narrow channel to the island, Gen. Kim de-
liberately began by filling the boats with the members of his
own family and fifty horse-loads of furniture whi'ch they had
brought along, and the Princess and the other royal fugitives
had to wait. For two whole days the Crown Princess was
obliged to stay on the farther side in imminent danger of seiz-
ure b}^ the Manchus. At last she summoned Gen. Kim and
said, "Are not these boats the property of the king ? Wh}'
then do 5'ou ns::; them only for your relatn-es and friends while
we wait here in danger?'" As there was no possible excuse
M<1I)KKX KOKKA. II7
for his conduct lie was obliged to accede to the demand, but
only just in time ; for, thoujj;h there were thousands of people
still waiting to cross, a foragino^ baiid of Manchus arrived on
the scene and the terrified multitude rushed headloiiiJ into the
water, "like leaves driven by the wind," and multitudes were
drowned. Large store of government rice was lying at Kim-
p'o and Tong-jin, and as the Manchus had not as yet dis-
covered it. Gen. Kim was able to get it across to the island ;
but no one excepting the members of his own family and fol-
lowing were allowed to have any part of it. He had such
faith in the impregnability of Kang-wha that he set no guards
and spent his time in feasting and playing chess. Prince
Pong-im suggested that it would bt well to kez^pagojd look-
out, but the general replied sharply. "Who is in command of
this place, you or I?" This Gen. Kim was the son of Gen.
Kim Nyu who had charge of the defence of Nani-han and be-
tween them they managed things about as they pleased. There
was a running fire of dispute between Gen Kim and the other
leaders on Kang wha and anything but good order and con-
certed action prevailed among the forces set for the defence
of the people there. Tlie Manchus, although without boats,
had no intention to leave the island untaken, and so they
pulled down houses far and near and made rafts with the
timbers.
As it was in the dead of winter there was much ice on
either bank of the estuary, and as the tide rises some thirty
feet there the crossing was a difficult feat, even though the
actual distance was small. Soon the message came from the
ferry guards that the Manchus had finished their rafts and
would soon be attempting the passage. Gen. Kim called them
fools for thinking the Manchus would dare to cross in the face
of such obstacles, but when it was announced that they had
actually embarked in their improvised craft he bestirred him-
self. He sent a force under Yun Siu-ji to guard the upper
ferry, Yu Chung-nyang took charge of the middle ferry, Yu
Sflng-jeung guarded the lower ferry and Yi HyCing was on
guard at Ma-ri-san, still lower down. Gen. Kim stationed
him.self at the middle ferry. There was a great lack of arms,
but as there were plenty in the Kang-wha arsenal the soldiers
demanded them ; but Gen. Kim refused. It was the intention
lis KOKICAN inSTOKV.
of tile Maiichus to cross under fire of certain huge cannon
which they had planted on the opposite bink. When the shot
from these began kicking up the dust about Gen. Kim he
found he was urgently needed elsewhere and was hardly re-
strained by the indignant outcry of his lieutenants. The
Manchus were then seen boarding their strange craft and in
the very fore front came a raft with seventeen men who held
shields in one hand while they paddled with the other. Admiral
Chang Sin was lower down with a fleet of boats and he made
desperate efforts to come to the place where this crossing was
taking place, but the tide which runs there like a mill-race
was against him and he could make no headway at all. He
simply stood in his boat and beat his breast with anger and
chagrin. Kang Sin-suk was farther up the estuary with other
boats and he hastened to come down ; but it was too late. The
first raft full of Manchus had gained a foothold on the island.
The Koreans found their powder wet and the arrows exhaust-
ed. As a consequence the whole force, numbering about two
hundred men, turned and fled before seventeen Manchus.
These men paced up and down the shore waiting for reinforce-
ments, for which they had signalled. Gen. Kim had already
fled in a small boat, which finally lauded him far down the
coast. Then the whole Mauchu army made its way across,
some on rafts and some in boats which were sent from the is-
land. The Crown Princess wanted to make her escape with
her little two year old boy, but the Manchu soldiers at the
gate of the fortress would not let her come out. She then
gave the boy to Kim In and he managed to get through the
lines and escape to the main land with the child, which he
took to Tang-jin in Ch'ung-ch'ung Province. The Princess
attempted suicide with a knife but did not succeed. The
Manchus called out to Minister Yun Pang and said, "We
will occupy the right side of the fortress and you and the royal
personages and other persons of high degree can occupy the
other side.'' They then took all the common people outside
the North Gate of the fortress and set them in long lines.
These people were all wondering what was about to happen,
when out came a standard bearer carrying a red flag and be-
hind him came a soldier with a bared sword. Walking along
the lines they cut down every one of these innocent, uuoffend-
MODKRN KOREA. I 19
ing people. The Manchus issued passes to the Koreaus in
the fortress and no one could go in or out without showing his
credentials. All the people living in the vicinity who did not
run away were massacred.
Having thoroughly subdued the island, the next move of
the victors was to rejoin the main army encamped before
Nam-han. As a preparatory measure they burned all the
government buildings on the island and put to death all the
people they could find, that had not already perished. Then
taking the Crown Princess and her retinue, and all the of-
ficials, they crossed the ferry and marched toward Nam-han.
The Princess was treated with all deference, as befitted her
exalted station. As the company was about to leave the
fortress of Kang-wha on their way to Nam-han, the aged
Minister Kim Sang-yong was so deeply moved that he deter-
mined to end his life. He entered the pavilion above the
South Gate where he found a box containing powder. Yun
Pang also accompanied him, saying that he too was weary of
life, but Minister Kim said to him, "You are in charge of the
ancestral tablets, you must not prove recreant to that sacred
trust." So Yun Pang sadly went about that task. Divesting
himself of his outer garments the Minister gave them to an
attendant and told him to bury them in place of his body.
Then lighting his pipe with flint and steel he thrust it into
the box of powder. The explosion which followed blew the
whole gate to fragments and Minister Kim Sang-yong and
Kim Ik-kyum and Kwun Sun-jang and the minister's little
grandson, thirteen years old, were blown to atoms. In order
to convey the ancestral tablets in safety to Nam-han, Yun
Pang put them in a bag, but the Manchus, who did not care
to be burdened with such impedimenta, threw the whole thing
into a ditch. Yun recovered them and cleaned them off as well
as he coutS, and managed to carry them along. Perhaps it
was only because the Manchus wished to show an indignity
toward these most sacred of all the royal treasures. The
following are the names of the most noted men killed in the
taking of Kang-wha. Sim Hyun, Yi Sang-gil, Yi Si-jik,
Song Si-hyung, Yun Chun, Chbng P3k-hyung, Kim Su-nam,
Kang Wi-bing, Yi Ton-o, Yi Ka-sang. and the following
ladies of rank were killed : The wives of Sim Pyuu, Yun Sun-
12Q K,OKKAN HISTORY.
go, Yi Sang-gj-n, Hau O-sang, Kwon Sun-jang, Yi Ton-o,
Hong Myung-il and the mother of Kim Kyfing-jeiing. These
people died, some by the sword, some by strangling and some,
bj' drowning. There were darker crimes than murder too,
f?)rthe Manchus did not hesitate to seize and insult many
honorable women, and even to this day a slight taint clings
to one family of the nobility because the wife and daughter-
in-law were subjected to indignities than which deatli were
preferable. From among the women taken there, the daugh-
ter of Whe Wiin, a relative of the king, became sixth wife to
the Mamchu Emperor, but shortly afterward he gave her to
one of his favorites as a present. And so we leave this long
line of captives wmiing their way eastward and find our-
selves again within the grim walls of Nim-han.
- The ravages of hunger were beginning to make the Mat>-
chu proposition seem more feasible. The council came- to the
conclusion that the men whom the Manchus demanded must
be bound and sent to their fate. When the Crown Prince
heard of this he said, "I have a son and several brothers and
there is no reason why I should not go myself." Then Chong
On said "I am the one who have most strenuously opposed
tjie Manchu claims. Let me go." Kim. Saug-hon exclaimed,
".Who opposed them more than I? I am surely the one to
s^nd;.'.': Yun Whang, Yun Chip and OTal-ch'e all offered tp
go and immolate themselves on the altar of Manchu vengeance.
\yhile the council vyas going on many of the soldiers came
down from the wall and looked in at the doors and shouted,
*'As the Manchus have demanded these men why do you not
send them rather than let us come thus to skin and bone?"
It was with diflSculty that they were sent back to their places..
It was remarked that the soldiers under Gen. Yi Si-bak did-
not participate in this unruly' demonstration, That night at
nine o'clock a party of Manchus approached the .West Gate
and one of them actually scaled the wall before the guard vyas
aware of it. He vyas speedily driven back with a battle-club,
and stones and other missiles were rained down upon the as-
saulting party. Gen. Yi Si-bak was twice wounded but did
not make it known until th- skirmish was over. At the
same time an assault was successfully warded off on the
eastern side by Gen. Sin Kyang-jin;who,, not content with.
( U0^
• MODKRN KOREA. t:Vi
simplj' drivinjj^ off the attacking party, sallied out and killed
their leader and many of his followers.
The Manchus next tried to reduce the fortress by bombard^
ment, andit is said that the projectiles came over the wall with
such force as to bur}^ themselves twenty inches in the earth.
On the morning of the twenty-fifth the Manchus sounded
a parley at the West Gate and three of the officials accompani-
ed them to the camp of the enemy. There they were told,
"The Kmperor is verj^- angry because you do not surrender,
and has ordered tlie destruction of the kingdom. He is to
leave tolnorrow and then you will have no opportunity to sur-
render, though 3'ou should wish." The bombardment wa^
renewed and many breaches were made in the wall and many
of the garrison were killed, but the survivors quickl}- piled
bags of sand in the bi-eaches and poured water over them.
This instantly froze and made a good substitute for a wall.
But the soldiers were discouraged and came to the king in
crowds demanding that the men whom the Manchus had called
for be sent. It was evident that something must be done at
once, and Hong So-bong undertook another visit to the
enemy's camp, where he said, "Tomorrow the Crown Prince
and the other men that you have demanded will come out to
you." But they answered, "We do no want to see the Crown
Prince, but the king himself." To emphasize this, letters
were shown proving that Kang-wha had fallen into Manchu
hands, and a letter was delivered to them from one of the cap-
tive princes to the king. They were likewise told, "The
Crown Prince and one of his brothers must go to Manchuria
as hostages. The king must understand that there is nothing
to fear in coming out. The kingdon will in that way be pre-
served." So they took the prince's letter and wended their
way back to the fortress. When the letter was opened and
read a great crj' of sorrow arose from the whole court. Some-
one suggested that the Manchus were trying to deceive them,
but the king answered, "No, this is my son's own hand,"
and he added, "As Kang-wha is taken of course the ancestral
tablets have been destroyed. There is then no longer any
need to delay our surrender." As a preliminary to that final
act the'king ordered that all documents in which the Man-
chus were spoken of slightingly be collected and burned.
122 KOREAN HISTORV.
The next day a letter from the king was taken to the
Manchu headquarters, wherein he said, "As the emperor is
about to return to the north, I must see him before he goes.
If not, harm will result. If evil befalls me in this step it
were better that I take a sword and end my life here. I pray
you make some way whereby I can surrender without endan-
gering my kingdom." The messenger explained that the
king feared that the Manchu soldiers might fall upon him
when he came down from the fortress. The Manchu general
answered, "Wait till you get orders from me ; then come down."
Kim Sang-hon could not endure the thought of surrender and
so attempted to take his own life by hanging, but someone cut
him down. Chmig On likewise after an apostrophe to his
"frosty sword" plunged in into his bowels, but the wound
did not prove fatal and the king had him well cared for.
On the next day, the twenty-eighth, two men who had
most strenuously opposed the Manchus, O Tal-ch'e and Yua
Chip, were made ready to send to the Manchu camp to meet
their fate. Before setting out they were brought in before
the king who wept and said. "Is it possible that we have come
to this? I am ashamed to look you in the face." But the}'
answered cheerfulh', "There is no cause for mourning on our
account. It is our own fault." The king then made them
sit while a eunuch brought wine and poured it out. Thi
was the greatest honor the king could show them. Then he
said, "I will see to it that your families are well cared for."
Then they set out to meet their fate. The emperor was pleas-
ed at this sign of submission and gave Ch'oe Myung-gil a fur
robe and a cup of wine. Calling the two men before him the
emperor asked them why they had always oppose^ the Man-
chu rule. They answered that after so many centuries of
adherence to the Ming dynasty they found it impossible to
give it up or to advise to do so. The emperor theu ordered
them to be loosed but to be kept in the camp under strict
surveillance
The next day Hong So-bong, Ch'oe Myung-gil and Kim
Sin-guk repaired to the Manchu camp and said they had come
to complete arrangements for the surrender. They were told
that au altar had already been prepared at Song-p'a and that
the ceremony must take place on the morrow. The Manchu
MODhRN KOKKA. 123
general said, "We have a special form of ceremony for sur-
ren !er. First, the one who surrenders is placed in a coffin ;
but as this is rather humiliating we will waive it this time and
begin with the second article." Ch'oe asked, "Shall the king
come out in his royal robes?" "By no means. He must come
out dressed in blue/' This was because blue is the color cor-
responding to east, and was therefore appropriate for Korea,
whicli has always been called the "East Country." "Shill he
come out the South Gate?" was the next question asked.
"No, how can one who has done wrong come out the South
Gate? He must come by way of the West Gate. After the
surrender he will proceed to Seoul aud heueed fear no danger,
for we have recalled all our foraging parties and no one will
offer to molest him. We will send back all the Koreans that we
have taken to Manchuria and we will have a new royal seal
cut for the king." That night the Manchu general Yong-
golda brought the king a letter from the emperor saying, "Are
)'ou indeed afraid to obey the command to come out and sur-
render? You may rest assured of your safety, and not only so
but I will make it to your great advantage to come, I will
put you back on your throne, I will forgive the past, I will
make a firm and binding agreement with you as between vas-
sal and suzerain. If you would have your son and your grand-
son reign after you, you must receive a new seal of office from
us. You must stop sending embassies to China and you must
discard the Chinese calendar and adopt ours. The Crown
Prince, the Prime Minister and the latter's son must go with
us as hostages. When you die I will send the Crown Prince
to rule in your stead. I am about to invade China and you
must give us boats and troops. I must first take the Island
of Ka-do and to this end you must furnish us fifty boats and
sailors to man them, and you must give us bows and arrows.
Before our troops leave this place you must feast them. Here-
after you must observe the birthdays of the Manchu empress
and Crown Prince. You must treat our envoys exactly as
you have betn accustomed to treat Chinese envoys. I will
send back across the Yalu all our Korean captives but you must
pay for them. Your people must intermarry with ours. You
must release and return all Manchu captives that you hold in
your border fortresses along the Tu-man River. As for com-
'[24 KOUKAN HISTOR\\
nierce with Japan yon may do as yon please. T make no law
abont that. You must build no more fortresses. Now, be^
hold. I lift you as it were from the very dead. I have recreat-
ed your Kingdom. Do not forget my great kindness and mercy (
Beware of harboring gnil;; in your heart. P^very j'ear you
must send tribute; one hunderd ounces of gold, a thousand
ounces of silver, ten thousmd bags of white rice, two thou-
sand pieces of silk, three hundrei pieces of white grass-cloth,
len thousand pieces of colored cotton, four hundred ])ieces of-
fine linen, one thousand pieces of coarse linen, one thousand
quires of fine paper, one thousand quires of common paper,
two hundrei bows made of sea-cow's horns, twenty-six swords
the length of a man's stature, four fine window screens, forty
mats 'with fed flowers, twenty common swords, two hundred
pounds of dye-wood, ten pecks of black pepper, one thousand
packages of tea, one hundred tiger skins, one hundred deer
skins, four hundred otter skins, two hundred squirrel skins.--
You will commence sending this tribute three 3^ears from now.
As I have taken one of the king's relatives to wife I will remit
nine thousand of the bags of rice."
Such were the conditions on which the Manchus proposed
to give the kingdom of Korea a n'ew lease of life.- The de-
mand for tribute was so enormous that the Koreans never seem
to have taken it seriouslj', and they never once attempted to
fulfill more than the merest fraction of the demand.
It was on the last day of the first moon of the year 1637'
that at last, haying exhausted all other means, having endur-
ed the rigors of a winter -sie^e in a fortress but half prepared
for the emergency, having seen his faithful soldiers die about
him from hunger and exposure, the -king was driven to sur-'-
render to the Manchu power. The day broke with a great
bank of fog enveloping ever^'thing. The West Gate of the
fortress -swung open and the royal cavalcade appeared, bear-
ing manifest signs of the long confinement. The king and
Crown Prince, according to the directions of the victors, were
clad in blue. Behind them came the hollow-cheeked, but loyal,
soldiers who would have stayed and defended the walls to the"
bitter end had the king but given the word. As the royal!
party descended the winding road to the valley below, they
came upon long lines of heavy-armed Manchu cavalry drawn
-l(|ODEKN KOKE.V. 125
up on either side of the road. The king was startled, and
anxiously asked what it meant, but was itold that it was simp-
ly in honor of the coming of;,J:he king. . -Soo.n the party met
tlie two Manchu generals, Yonggolda and Mabuda. The king)
dismounted and tlie proper salutations took place between:
them. Then they sat down and went through a formal in-
terclimgeof civilities,, seated so as to face east and vvest ac-
cording to the proper. rule of: etiquette. When these formal-
ities were completed, they escorted the king to the place where;
anciently the town of Kwang-ju stood, at which point there-
was a short pause. The king's immediate staff consisted of
three ministers of state, five officials of ihe second rank, five;
of the rank of royal scribe and one or two others. Besides
these there were only the Crown Prince and his tutor. In front,
and at a condsid^rable distanc-, was a raised platform covered,
with a yellow silk awning, under which the emperor sat upon
athrone. In front were drawn up a company of trumpeters.
General Yoaggolda aiiJ the king disaiouated ani the former
led the king toward the imperial dais. Upon reaching the
eastern entrance to the imperial presence they bowed three
iin)es and struck the hand on the back of the head. Then they
eutered and bowed on a mat before the emperor. The king
was then told to ascend the platform. The emperor sat facing"
the south and the king sat on his left facing the west. To the'
left of -the king and also facing the west sat' the emperor's
three sons, and finally the king's sons who had been brought
up from Kang-wha. Below the platform sat the Korean of-
ficials and at a distance the common people. The emperor's^
gilded throne sat on a dais raised nine inches above the plat-
form, 'beneath a yellow silk umbrella and the "plume banner.'*'
The emperor sat tvyirling an arrow in his hanci. . A cup of tea
was handed the king. y. Then the emperor said to the K )reau
Prime Minister through an interpreter "Now we are inmates of-
one house, let us try our skill at archery." The Minister au-
swe-red, perhaps with a shade of irony, "We know letters, but
vve are not ^skilled in arghery." Food w?is brought in and
placed before the king, the same in qiialityanjd amount as that
placed ^eforc the emperor. Each drankthr.ee cupsof wine and
^hen the food was carried away. This was simply aformalityj
intended to put the king at his ease. A servant then brqtighti
126 KOREAN HISTOKV.
iti the emperor's dogs and with his own hatid he cut meat and
threw it into the air for the animals to catch. Descending
from the platform the king had the pleasure of meeting the
Crown Princess. Their brief conversation was interrupted by
General Yonggolda who came up with a magnificent horse
sumptuously caparisoned, and with a splendid sable robe.
These he announced were a gift from the emperor, but at the
same time he asked why the kitig hid not brought the royal
insignia that had been given by the Chinese emperor, that it
might be destroyed. The answer was that it had been lost at
the time of the making of the former treaty with the Manchus,
but that it would be hunted up and handed o^^er to the Man-
chu general. General Yonggolda also presented each of the
ministers about the king with a sable robe. At five o'clock
in the afternoon, as night was coming on, the emperor gave
word that the king might proceed to Seoul. It will be re-
membered that the Crown Prince and Princess, together with
Prince Poug-im, were to be taken away to Manchuria as host-
ages. Before starting for Seoul the king bade them adieu and
then with a heavy heart turned toward his capital.
The retinue that followed the king was so numerous
that when they came to the ferry at Song-p'a and found there
were too few boats to convey them all, there was a disgraceful
scramble for first place, and the king was hustled and drag-
ged about in a most unbecoming manner. Finally the cross
ing was eflfected and as the cavalcade proceeded toward Seoul
they saw the Manchu camps along the way crowded with
Korean women, some of whom were wailing as if their hearts
would break, while others were making merry over the
prospect of being carried away to the north.
The Manchu soldiery had been ordered out of Seoul to
make room for the king and so the royal party found the way
blocked by an immense crowd of Manchu soldiers loaded down
with booty and leading hundreds of captives. As the king
passed by, these miserable beings cried out to him to save
them, but their captors urged them on with word and lash.
The crowd was so dense, and the out-going stream of men
pressed so closely against those entering, that many in the
king's]retinue were taken for captives and were seized and
MODERN KOREA. 127
carriei away. Eveu some meu of noble blood were thus, in
the darkness aud coufiisiou, spirited away and never heard
of again.
It was seven o'clock when the king entered the gate of
Seoul. The city was almost deserted. Dead men lay in
heaps along the streets. The houses on both sides of the
street were in ashes. All the poultry and pigs were gone and
only dogs remained, and these had been transformed into
wolves and were gorging themselves on the dead bodies
along the way. As the Ch'ang-gydng Palace was nearest the
East Gate the royal party went there to spend the night. All
night long, in spite of the Emperor's orders, Manchu soldiers
scoured the streets, burning and pillaging and working their
terrible will for the last time on the deserted capital.
Two days later the Manchu army was to start on its long
journey to the north and the king went three miles outside
the East Gate to bid adieu to the emperor, for it was deter-
mined to pass around Seoul on the east and so strike north-
ward. It took thirteen days for the whole army to get on
the move. There were 120,000 men in all. Thirty thousand
of these were Mongols and they took the road to the east
through Ham-gyung Province and crossed the Tu-man River.
There were 70,000 Manchus and 20,000 Chinese from Liao-
tung. Generals Kong Yu-duk and Kyong Myiing-jung
with 20,000 men took boat at Yong-san and sailed north to
stike Ka-do Island.
The day following that on which the king took leave of
the Emperor, the generals Yonggolda and Mabuda came to the
palace to confer with the king. The Minister Kim Nyu, as if
to anticipate them, said "The relation between us now is that
of son and father. We stand ready to fulfill our obligations
on that basis even though you ask for soldiers to help on the
invasion of China and the seizure of Nanking." Hong So-
bong asked that in view of the scarcity of gold in Korea
part of the tribute be remitted, but it was not granted.
Kim Nyu's daughter had been carried away captive to Man-
churia and he had plead with the two generals and the king
himself had aided him but without avail. He now offered a
thousand ounces of silver for her ransom. It was accepted
but the result was disastrous to others for it set a precedent,
128 KORKAN HISTORY.
and a like sum was asked for each of the high-born captives,
with the result that few of them were ever ransomed.
The Kmperor's ninth brother had charge of all the cap-
tives, and on the fifth day of the second moon the crown
prince was allowed to go to the king to say farewell. He was
accompanied by a guard of six Manchus who cut the inter-
view very short and hurried him away to the camp outside
the East Gate. On the seventh the king and his court went
out to this camp to say good-b3^e, and the Manchus set out a
fine banquet, at which some of the Koreans ate greedily while
others would not touch a morsel. The next day the order
was given to start on the long march into Manchuria. The
royal hostages were accompanied by fifteen high officials.
The king and his court accompanied the part}' twenty // out,
as far as Chang-neung, where with many tears the final
separation took place.
The work of reconstruction was now to be commenced,
and of course the first work was to punish those who had
proved unfaithful and to reward those who had proved loyal.
First Gen. Kim Cha-jum, who had lain so long at Yang-geun
and would not move to help the king, was banished and with
him Sim Keui-wiin, Sin Kyong-wan and the governor of
Kang-wun Province who had hesitated to throw awa)' their
lives and those of their men in the perfectl}' hopeless task of
breaking up the siege of Nam-han. Admiral Chang Sin, who
had been prevented by the swift outflowing tide from oppos-
ing the crossing of the Manchus to Kang-wha was killed by
strangulation outside the Little West Gate. Kim Chyung-
jeung who had been in command of Kang-wha, and his lieu-
tenant Yi Min-gu were both banished to distant points. The
king gave a great feast at Mo-wha-gwau to those who had aided
him while besieged, both nobleman and common soldier.
The four most prominent generals each received the gift of a
horse. All the courtiers were advanced one step in the lad-
der of officialdom. Other gifts and positions were distributed.
Those who had deserted the royal party when on that hard
ride to Nam-han were seized and imprisoned. Sim Chip, who
had refused to lie about his companion who went to the Man-
cliu camp to personate the king's brother, was banished to a
distant point. Kim Sang-hon had fled to the country when
MODKRN KOREA. 129
the king came out of Nam-han to surrender. Being now in-
cluded in those who received marks of royal favor, he wrote
declaring that the could not receive them, for in the first place
he had urged the king not to surrender and in the second
place had run awaj^ and had also torn to pieces the letter
written by the king, "But," he added "though weak and
forced to surrender, the king must always keep these things
in mind and seek for means to be avenged on the Man-
chus."
The king had sent Generals Yu Rim and Im Kyong-up
to aid in the taking of Ka-do Island in the north. In the third
moon Gen. Mabuda took fifty boats and crossed over from the
mainland to the west side of these islands, which the Chinese
garrison had left unprotected. Landing his force he ascended
at night a hill to the rear of the Chinese camp. With the
morning dawn he made a sudden and fierce attack. Mean-
while the Korean general Im Kyong-up had arrived with forty
boats and had disembarked on the esatern shore. The Chinese,
thrown into confusion, rushed down to the shore and tumbled
into these forty boats that they found unguarded. But the
crowd was so great that only a small fraction could be accom-
modated. As a consequence they swamped most of the boats
and hundreds perished. The Chinese commander, seeing that
all was lost, committed suicide. There were still great num-
bers of Chinese among the mountains fighting desperately.
These were all cut down. It is said that in this short cam-
paign between forty and fifty thousand Chinese were killed.
During the unequal battle the Chinese kept calling out, "What
cause for enmity is there between Korea and China?" This
was of course addressed to the Koreans who fought with the
Manchus. After the battle the Manchu general Kong Yu-duk
gave generals Ini and Yu a present of 250 Chinese captives,
but the former said, "I do not care for these men. Exchange
them for a like number of Korean captives who are going into
Manchuria as slaves." This was done, and Gen. Im's name
has come down to posterity fragrant with the odor of this
unselfish deed.
130 KOREAN HISTORY.
Chapter IX.
The Manchu tablet the inscription. . . .the Manchu claim to suzerain-
ty valid Japanese proposition .... a contumacious Korean
other victims .... spirits of the dead Chinese Emperor com-
miserates with the king. . . .introduction of tobacco. . . .Korean con-
tingent for the Manchu army Koreans secretly aid the Chinese
, . . .Koreans sent home. . . .reconstruction. . . .a Manchu court of in-
quiry .... Japanese ask for the enlargement of settlement at Fusan
Prince Kwang-ha dies .... a plotter punished .... Japanese an-
cestral temple. . .a Korean betrays to the M^nchus the king's deal-
ings with China. . . .the Manchus take revenge. . . .The Ming dynasty
falls .... a Korean adventurer .... royal hostages return. . . .quarrel
over the succession .... a curious custom. . . .palace intrigue, . . the
new king .... Korea accused of disloyalty .... the death fetich . . .
wise legislation .... Westerners in China .... Hendrik Hamel ....
preparations for war. . . .dress reform
It was during the year 1637 that the stone tablet was set
up beside the road to Nara-han, commemorating the Manchu
victory. It had been sent thither by the Emperor, but was
not immediately set up. A Manchu envoy came to super-
intend its erection. It is said that there were two stones, on^
of which was set up; the other, remaining on the bank of the
river, was finally washed into the stream. The envoy an-
nounced that he had come to erect the monument at the point
where the surrender had taken place. A solid foundation
was built, with an ascent of several steps. The stone was
put in place and over it a pavilion was built to protect it from
the weather. On one side the inscription was in Chinese and
on the other side in Manchu. The inscription is as follows :
"The Emperor Ch'ung Te' of the Great Ch'ing Empire,
in the twelfth j'ear of his reign, learned that we had broken
our treaty with him and he was angry. He gathered his forces
and entered our territory. He marched through it, for there
was none to say him nay. We, a weak and insignificant king,
fled perforce to Nam-han. Our fear was like that of one who
walks on ice in spring-time. We sojourned there fifty days.
Our soldiers from the east and south fled before the Emperor's
troops. Those of the north and west hid among their moun-
tains and could lift neither hand not foot. Famine stared us
in the face. If the Enjperor had stormed our fortress then
MODERN KOREA. 13I
we would have been like the leave? in autumn, or like hair
in flames. But the Emperor did not wish to destroy us. He
said 'Come out and I will be your helper. If not I will des-
troy you.' Generaals YonggoldS and Mabuda and other
great men were in constant communication with us. Our
councillors, civil and military, assembled, and we said
to them 'For ten years have we been at peace, and
now we have been blind and foolish to bring all this
upon ourselves. Our people have become like meat or
fish beneath the chopping-knife. We alone are to blame for
it air. The Emperor was patient and did not destroy us ut-
terly but told us to surrender. How could we refuse, for by
so doing we saved our people. All the courtiers were agreed.
With a score of horsemen we went forth from the fortress to
the Emperor's camp and there confessed our faults. He
treated us with kindness and by his goodness calmed our
agitated minds. When we beheld him our heart went out to
him. The Emperor's goodness extended even to our courtiers.
He then sent us back to the capital and recalled the Manchu
cavalrj' who were scouring the south. Our people, who had
been scattered like pheasants, now returned. All things be-
came as they had been. Snow and frost were gone and spring
smiled forth again. After the drought showers fell. All that
had been destroyed revived again. Things that had been
broken grew together. Here beside the Han at San-jun-do
where the great Emperor rested, here is the altar and the
enclosure. Here we, a weak king, through our Minister of
Public Works, have made the altar higher and broader than
before and have placed this monument to keep alive in the
minds of generations yet unborn the memor}^ of these events,
to show that the goodness of the Emperor is as high as heaven
itself. Not that we alone have seen it, for all Manchuria as
well was witness to it. Throughout the world that gracious
voice cannot be resisted. Though we write with characters
as broad as the very earth and as clear as the sun and moon
we could never describe l;is greatness and his glory. For such
cause is it written here. Frost and dew are both from heaven.
One kills the other vivifies. Thus it is that the Emperor
shows goodness in the midst of terror. The Emperor came
with over 100,000 soldiers. Many of them were like the
132 KORKAN IIISTCRV.
tiger and the dragon. Before them, brandishing their spears,
went the savages from the far north and the distant west.
Fearsome men ! But the P^mperor's gracious words came down
in a letter in ten lines clear and beautiful, whereby our blind-
ed minds were enlightened. The Emperor's words are lum-
inous and precise, and we, a small king, confessed and sur-
rendered; not so much because we feared his terror as be-
cause we delighted in his graciousness. He treated us kind-
ly, paying all attention to the ceremonies and the rites. Then
we were glad and laughed, and every weapon sought its sheath.
Then we donned the garment of peace. The people of Seoul,
both men and women, burst into singing and said that the
Emperor had given us back to our palace. The Emperor pitied
the distress of the people and encouraged them to till the fields
again. To the dead roots of the tree was brought back spring-
time. This stone is lofty and it stands here at the head of the
river to show forth the Emperor's goodness to the Sam-han."
Such was the statement that the Manchus put into the
mouth of Korea and until recent years they have claimed
Korea as their vassal state. The claim originally was per-
fectly good. Never did a country make herself more abject
in her acceptance of a vassal's position. And the only line of
argument that can be used to prove that that condition did not
hold till the treaty of Shimonoseki was signed in 1895, is in
China's occasional disavowal of it, to shield herself from re-
sponsibility for Korea's acts.
The Japanese had been keeping watch of events that were
transpiring during these troublesome time?, and at this junc-
ture an envoy came from the island empire announcing, as
between friends, the name of the new Japanese 5'^ear. This
letter was not received by the king, who asked what use it
would be to him. The Japanese replied, "You have given up
China and are now a masterless dog. Why is our name not
good as any?" It shows how pride had been crushed out of
the Koreans to find that Ch'c6 Myung-gil himself said, "We
have done wrong to surrender to the Manchus. Now let us
make friendly advances toward Japan." From that time on
it was customary to receive politely the annual message from
Japan, but there seems to have been no more rapport between
the two countries than this.
MODERN KOKES.. 133
As the Mauchu emperor passed north through P'y«"g-an
province he give orders to the prefect of Cheung-san to seize
and deliver up to h:m the person of Hong Ik-han who had
been especially virulent in his opposition to the Manchus. It
was done, and the man was carried captive to the Mauchu
capital at Sim-yang (Mukden). There he was decently lodg-
ed in a house of detention called the Pyul-gvvan, until a cer-
tain day when he was called before thi emperor, who sat in
state surrounded by soldiery. Being asked why hi had op-
posed the Mauchu influence he replied in writing. "All men
within the four seas are brothers but there can be but one
father. From the first the king of Korea acted uprightly and
mannerly. In Korea we have censors who chide and correct
him. Last year, being censor. I heard that you, who held to
us the relation of elder brother, had styled yourself emperor
and by so doing had ruptured the actual relations subsisting
between us. From the earliest times we have owed allegience
to China and how could vvj then advise the kin^ to hold to a
false relation? This is the reason I advised th^ king to stand
out against you. This war and all its attendant miseries are
ray work alone and I would that you might decapitate me ten
thousand times." The emperor, who seems to have cherished
the idea that he had overawed the man, was thrown into a
great rage by this brave avowal and instantly threw the man
into a dismal dungeon where he doubtless starved to death,
for nothing more is heard of him.
The two men who had been delivered up by the king in
Nam-han were also carried north. They were also arraigned
before the dreaded chieftain Yonggolda who attempted to
flatter them into making a complete surrender to the Manchus
and. taking up their abode permanently in Manchuria; but they
utterly refused and asked to be killed at once. The Mauchu
chief argued, urged and threatened, but the men were not to
be moved. Being ordered to execution they looked the chief-
tain in the face and cursed him. Chong No-gyfing, an at-
tendant of the Crown Prince, begged for their bodies that he
might carry them back and bury them on Korean soil, but
the favor was not granted.
That summer the people of Scjul and of the country im-
mediately to the south, were thrown into a panic by the antics
134 KORKAN HISTOKY.
of what they call ch'jlk-ch'ak, a species of imp or demon which
appeared nightly in various places and terrified the people.
The Koreans are peculiarly subject to such hallucinations.
They said they were the spirits of those who had died at the
hands of the Manchus and the popular fears were not alleviat-
ed until the king had ordered a monstrous sacrifice in their
b:;half at two places near Nam-han, called Ma-heui-ch'un and
Sang-nyiJug.
The king despatchei an envoy to China in the ninth
moon to inform the Chinese emperor that he had been forced
to surrender, but he assured his former suzerain that the act
was by no means voluntary. To this the emperor replied in
a tone of commiseration, attaching no blame to the king's en-
forced allegiance to the Manchus, He himself was destined
ere long to feel the full weight of the Manchu arm.
We have at this point an account of the first general use
of tobacco in Korea. It is stated that tobacco was first brought
to Japan by the Nam-man or "southern barbarians" and from
there was brought to Korea, thirty years before the date of
which we are now writing. It was first used by a man nam-
ed Chang Yu who was closely connected with the royal fami-
ly, being the father of a Crown Princess. It was called tam-
p^agzve which is the Korean pronunciation of certain Chinese
characters which were used to translate into Chinese the Jap-
anese words for tobacco, which is ta-ba-ko. It is commonly
supposed that the Japanese took their word from the occident-
als, but we here have the word embedded in Korean history
back in the very first years of the seventeenth century before
it had even yet firmly established itself in European countries.
It seems almost incredible that the spread of its use should
have been so rapid as to have arrived in Korea within ten
years of the beginning of its common use in Europe, but it
may have been so. Portugese traders canie in large numbers
to Japan and the fragrant weed was probably brought by
them. At the time of which we are writing, namely the end
of the Manchu invasion, its use had become common. It was
supposed to possess valuable peptic qualities and was recom-
mended especially to those who ate much meat. The Manchus
had become much addicted to the habit, but so many confla-
grations were the result that the Manchu emperor attempted
MODERN KOKE.\. 1 35
to intedict its use. It is needless to say that he failed. W]-:en
first introduced, it cost ten thousand cash for half a pound
but merchants obtained seed and it soon became common.
In accordance with the demands of the Manchus, the
king sent 5,000 troops to accompany them in their invasion
of China, but as they arrived a month later than the set time
they were sent back home by the angry Manchus. Eirly in
the following year, however, Generals Yi Wan and Im Kyong-
up started with 5,000 troops and joined the Manchu army.
The plan was to attack Teung-na on the Shantung promon-
tory; whether by land or sea is not clear, but probably by land.
This being known to the Koreans, three boats were secretly
despatched to the threatened place, giving warning of the at-
tack, and stating that the Koreans joined in the attack with
the Manchus because forced to do so. It was suggested that
whenever feasibly the Chinese and Korean forces should use
only blank charges against each other. This was gladly agreed
to and in a battle at Puk-sin-gu, which followed, not one man
was killed among the Chinese forces that were brought in
contact with the Korean contingent, and the latter suffered as
little. The Chinese general managed to get a letter to the
Koreans saying "The emperor reminds you of the vital aid he
gave Korea at the time of the Japanese invasion and he now
offers the half of his kingdom to anyone who will seize and
deliver to him the Manchu general in command." This re-
veals in a striking manner the desperate straits to which the
Chinese had been brought by the Manchus, The Korean gen-
erals did not see their way to accede to this but they kept the
Chinese informed of every movement of the Manchus ; where
they were weak and where the}' were strong, where they were
likely to attack and where they might be successfully attack-
ed. In this way the Manchus were continually thwarted and
the Chinese encouraged.
It was proposed that there be a combined Manchu and
Kjrcjan altack u;)on Kon-ju \vi near the point of the Shantung
promontory, the Manchus to attack by land and the Koreans
bj' sea ; but the latter said they had no provisions and their
boats were in very bad order. The Manchus replied "Then
you had better go home," an injunction that they were by no
means loath to obey.
136 KORKAN HISTORY.
Meanwhile the king had been doing what he could to mi-
tigated the sufferings consequent upon the invasion. He or-
dered all the eight provinces to give rice to help the poor,
the widows and the orphans, and to provide proper burial for
tho.'-e who had no near relatives who could afford the expense.
He likewise gave strong encouragement to the Confucian
School in the capital. He sent spies throughout the land to
discover whether the prefects were attending to their duties
well. Fearing that the guard along the Tu-nian River might
be suffering, he made them a grant of 4,000 pieces of cotton.
He likewise gave money to repair the ancient altar on the top
of Ma ri-san (Mountain) on the island of Kang-wha. This
altar is said to have been used by the Tan- gun two thousand
years before Christ, and may well be believed it to be the oldest
monument in Korea.
This period of rest and recuperation was broken in upon
b}' the appearance, on the northern border, of Manchu troops
under YonggoldS and Omokdo. Rumors had again reached
Manchuria that certain Korean ofiQcials had been advising
against the Manchu power. As a result of this, four promin-
ent officials were sent captive to the north. Early the follow-
ing year King Chilga, the emperor's brother, came to try
these man, and held a proper court at which the Korean
Crown Prince was present. Each of the accused men was
brought in turn and questioned, and each had some plausible
excuse to give. The result was sure from the beginning.
They were all condemned and were thrown into a dungeon
with a door in the top, a sort of Black Hole of Calcutta, where
they all languished with cold, hunger and disease. They even
excited the pity of their jailors, and when the Crown Prince
plead for them before the emperor, they were ordered sent to
Eui-ju, but heavily guarded.
In 1640 the Japanese who had settled at Fusan complain-
ed that the harbor was too small, for it did not include the
whole bay, but only that part directly in front of the settle-
ment, which was about half way between the present Japan-
ese town and the Korean town of Pu-san. The harbor was
called Tu-mo Harbor. Consent to the enlargement of the
harbor was refused.
In 1641 Prince Kwang-ha, the deposed and banished
MODERN KOREA. 137
wretch, died on the island of Quelpart. So great is the respect
for royalty in the abstract, in Korea, that the king fasted four
days, had the body brought up to Yang-ju and buried it with
royal honors. To the one surviving daughter the king gave
a comfortable house and an annuity.
The next year a seditious movement was made by Ch'o6
Hyo-il of P'yuug-an Province, and two accomplices. They
took boat for China, being provided with funis by the prefect
of Eui-ju. Arriving at Teung-na they joined the Chinese
forces, received commissions in the Chinese army and des-
patched a letter to the prefect of Eui-ju asking him to gather
a force and with them make a combined attack upon the Man-
chus. As fate would have it the Manchu Yonggolda was at
Eui-ju when this letter arrived, and it fell into his hands. He
immediately sent to the king demanding the seizure and ex-
ecution of all the men implicated in the plot. In spite of the
expostulations of the Prime Minister, who wished to see only
the prime movers punished, eleven men in Eui-ju and else-
were were seized and met their fate before the palace gate in
Seoul.
That Japan and Korea had not forgotten each other is
evinced by the fact that the Japanese emperor sent to the king
asking hira to suggest a name for an ancestral temple that he
was erecting. The king declined but allowed his uncle to do
it. The name suggested was "The Illustrious Place at II-
gwang Mountain."
One more sacrifice was necessary before the last remnant
of opposition to the Manchus should be extinguished. It was
now six years since the surrender. Soon after that surrender
the king had sent to China explaining that it was a hard fate
and not his own inclination which had forced the surrender
from him. Not knowing whether the letter had ever reached
the Chinese capital he sent another letter two years later by
a monk, Tok-po, who had come from China to ascertain whe-
ther Korea had really surrendered or not. Arriving at P'yCing-
yang he had been received by Gen. Im Kyung-up who sent
him on to Cho^ Myung-gil the Prime Minister. He was hand-
somely treated and was provided with a new vessel and a
complete outfit of clothes and provisions for the return
journey. He carried a letter from the king stating his ex-
138 KORKAN HISTflRV.
cuses as above narrated. Four years passed and at last in the
3'ear under review the emperor's answer was forwarded by
way of Chefoo. In it he exhonerates Korea from all blame
and mourns the fact that he cannot come to her aid as when
the Japanese invaded the peninsula. The bearer of this mis-
sive was feasted and treated with the most flattering atten-
tions by the governor of P'yiing-an. This would have amount-
ed to nothing had it not been known to Yi Kyn the prefect of
San-ch'un who was carrying on trade with China by junk
across the Yellow Sea. He was seized by the Manchus and
carried north. Fearing the worst, he offered to tell his capt-
ors an important secret as the price of his life. He thereup-
on unfolded the whole transaction between Seoul and Nan-
king. The Manchus were furious and sent a demand to the
king for the persons of Chc6 MyOng-gil, Im Kyong-ijp, Yi
Kyong-yo and Yi Myimg-han, all leading men. There was
nothing to do but comply, and as these men went the king
wept and gave Ch'oe Myfing-gil 500 ounces of silver for travel-
ing expenses. Arriving at Pong-whang Fortress beyond the
Yalu they were taken in hand by Generals Yonggolda and
Mabuda. Ch'o§ asserted strongly that he alone was to blame
for the whole transaction. When the emperor had looked
over the evidence he sent word that fines should be accepted
■from the others, but that Ch'o&be sent in a cangue and hand-
cuffs to Puk-kwan goal. And there he leaves the stage of his-
tory, on which he had played no mean part. The traitor Yi
Kyu plumed himself on his newly acquired Manchu citizen-
ship and presumed on his services to write the emperor a
memorial under twelve heads; but the emperor in fine con-
tempt exclaimed that a man who was not true to his own king
must be a rascal at heart and ordered him bound and sent back
to Korea where we may well believe the axe did its work
without delay.
The next few years of the reign witnessed the return of
many captives taken by the Japanese during the years of the
invasion; they beheld thepromulgation of the law thnt no one
could marry during the three years of mourning for a parent;
also a scourge of cholera so terrible as to cause the king to
Send and sacrifice upon the eight high mountains of Korea.
A powerful conspiracy, led by the prime minister, Sim Knii-
wun, came near overthrowing the dynast}', bnt the alarm was
given in tlie vc-ry nick of time and hi and his fellow conspira-
tors were seized and executed.
The twenty-first year of the reign. 1643. beheld the fall
of the Ming dynasty in China. The pretext given by the
Manchns for marching on Nanking was the revolt of Yi Cha-
snng uho burned Nanking and drove the emperor to suicide.
Then, terrified at his own dead, he fled and the Manchns
stepped in. When Nanking fell, a letter was despatched to
Korea saving"! am the greatest of rulers. You have long
been my vassal and I will now show you a favor by returning
your hostage, the Crown Prince."
A word is necessary as to the fate of Im Kyong-up, one
of the men who had been sent to Manchuria with Ch'o6
Myung-gil. He succeeded in making his escape before the
part}' reached the Yalu and in the disguise of a monk made
his way in a merchant boat to Teung-na where he attached
himself to Gen. Whang Chong-j'-e and made himself very use-
ful. It is said that he made himself famous by capturing a
notorious pirate. He sailed straight for the island on which
the pirate had his headquarters and having gotten the pirate
and his crew drunk with wine he bound and brought them
safely to the Chinese camp. I,ater he fell into the hands of
the Manchns through treachery but was so steadfast in his
refusal to do obeisance to them that he excited their unbound-
ed admiration, and they let him go back to Korea. This
was an unfortunate move for him, for in the meantime Kim
Cha-jtim had been recalled from banishment and had become
court favorite. As these men were deadly enemies the return-
ing general was immediately seized and put to death. This
same year saw the publication of the historical work named
the Tong-sa Po-bynn.
In the following year the C!rown Prince and his brother
returned from China but the Crown Prince soon after sicken-
ed and died. It had been customary heretofore for the
king and queen to assume mourning for three years for
a Crown Prince but now an innovation was made and
thirteen months was the limit set. Of course the succes-
sion fell to the infant son of the dead prince, bnt^ the
wife of prince Pong-im, the second son of the king, was
MO KOKKAN HISTORY.
extremely ambitions to become queen, and so she went
about to gain the desired end. hy everj' means in her
power she brought pressure to bear upon the king to induce
him to set aside the infant prince and nominate her husband
as heir to the throne. She was partially successful and the
following year the king called his courtiers together and con-
sulted as to the advisability of the plan. He urged that the
real heir was but a babe in arms and that he himself was old
and about to go the way of all the earth. It was evident that
he desired to put Prince Pong-im on the throne, and a verj'
animated discussion followed. Most of the leading ministers
and officials argued against the plan saying that it was contrary
to the best traditions of the laud and that the people all looked
to the 5^oung prince as their future ruler. To all these
arguments th? king opposed counter arguments which re-
vealed plainly that he had already made up his mind as to
his course, and that he was merely seeking for confirmation
of his views. Kin: Nyu then said, "If the king has already
made up his mind let him speak out and put an end to this
useless discussion." The king then announced that Prince
Pong-ini was to be his successor.
About this time a dangerous rebellion broke out in Kong-
ju the capital of Ch'ung-ch'ung Province, but by the prompt
action of the troops from the South it was put down. This is
worthy of mention only as it illustrates a curious custom in
Korea. On account of this rebellion the name of Kong ju
was for many years changed to Kong-sau and the province of
Ch'ung-ch'Qng to that of Hong-ch'ung.
The Prince Pong-im, though now by royal edict in full
view of the throne, feared that by some turn of fortune's wheel
he might fall short of that goal and so he much desired to
have the infant prince and his mother taken from his path.
The aged king had entered upon a period of mental semi-
decrepitude and was easily managed by the wife of Prince
Pong-im. Six palace women were accused of poisoning the
king's food and were summarily put to death. The king
then summoned the courtiers and accused the. wife of the
deceased Crown Prince of having assumed the garments of
royalty while in Manchuria, of having used disrespectful
language to him on her return and of having instigated the
IVIODKKX ^ KOREA. .I4'
palace women to poison him. He said she must be killed.
All agreed that some positive proof of guilt must be produced
but the king insisted upon her immediate execution which
was accomplished by the use of poison. Her two brothers
were likewise beaten to death. Three of the leading men who
had advised against the nomination of Prince Pong-im were
also banished.
The next year passed quietly, but the official cor-
ruption had become so prevalent and the people were ground
down by the prefects to such an extent that the king made
the law that each prefect must have three bondsmen who
would be liable to punishment in case of his malfeasance.
The next year saw the introduction on the field of politics
of a noted man, Song Si-ryul, who was destined to be a lead-
ing spirit for many a year. He was a celebrated scholar and
the king induced him to come to Seoul only after repeated
invitation.
The very last year of his life this king cherished a bitter
enmity toward the Manchu power and in the twenty-seventh
year of his reign, selecting generals and planning to equip
an army, he hoped to throw off the hated j^oke; but it was
not to be, for in the early summer of 1649 the aged monarch
breathed his last and the heir assumed the reins of power.
He is known in history as Hyo-jung Ta-wang.
The accession of a new king was the signal for the com-
bined attack of all the officials upon Kim Cha-jum who had
been so long the practical autocrat. He was deposed, but
the king would not have him executed, because of his former
services. Song Si-ryul also took ofYense at the king because of
a supposed slight and departed to the countr3^ in anger, after
publishing three accusations against him.
The reign began with a storm. Kim Cha-jiim who had
retired to the country in disgrace, took advantage of the fact
that the Japanese had made a proposition to the prefect of
Tong-nfi to come over and join the Koreans in an invasion of
China, and sent a detailed account of it to China, adding that
the Korean . government was preparing for war and had
discarded the Manchu calendar. This news caused tremendous
excitement in China and the veteran generals Yonggolda and
Mabuda were sent forward to the Yalu with a powerful force.
142. KOKKAX IIISTOKY.
Six envoi's were sent to Seoul one following the other at
intervals of only two daj'S. The.'^e six arrived at Eui-ju,
stopped there and sent forward letters demanding what it all
nieint. Of course this was like thunder from a clear sky to
the court at Seoul, and Minister Yi Ky'ing-suk rode in person
to Eui-ju and met the envoys. He invited them to Seoul
and after a long discussion and a present of a thousand ounces
of silver and the promise of a princess to go to China to wed
one of the Manchu princes and the banishment of a few of the
officials, it was found that no blame was attached to the king.
Thus began an eventful reign of ten years. The first years
were signalized by severe famines in the north and the gov-
ernment had to bring large quantities of grain from the south
to relieve the suffering. Corruption had crept even into
the system of examinations and it was found necessary to
preserve the incognito of the candidates by having each one
write his name on the margin of his examination paper and
than have this portion of the paper cut off through the middle
of a stamp so that at last when the papers were examined
and the successful ones selected, the writers' names could
not be known until they had been matched on, and found
to fit.
An unsuccessful attempt at rebellion was made by the
notorious Kim Cha-jiim and Kim Sik, son-in-law to the late
king. They persuaded the latter's wife to place a fetich
under the floor of the king's sleeping apartment. This is
supposed to bring about the speedy death of the person so
cursed, but someone found it out and divulged the plan. The
three leaders were beheaded, the woman poisoned and her
brothers banished. Some wanted the king to move because
the palace had been defiled by the fetich, which consisted of a
dead rat with the king's name written on its belly, but it was
voted down because it would tend to confirm the people in
their belief in this foolish superstition.
This king inherited much of his father's hatred of the
Manchu power and we find him building a palace at Kang-
wha and storing provisions there in case of a break in the
peaceful relations then existing. He instituted some useful
reforms also, forbidding the cruel practice of beating criminals
to death. He likewise legislated in the interests of the people
MODERN KOREA. 1 43
when he forbade the exactino^ of rent for water drawn from
the government reservoirs for their rice fields.
Twenty-two years before this, Kim Hyuk, oneof the envoys
to China, had there met a Westerner who is known in Korean
history as Tang-yak-mang. This was oneof the Jesuit priests.
He came first to Canton as a missionary but his great
talents were recognized in Nanking and the emperor called
him to the capital and questioned him about his religion, and
employed him as court astronomer. There the Koreans saw
the calendar called Si-hon-yuk. When the Ming dynasty fell
the Manchus urged the Westerner to remain and they allowed
him a regular salary. Kim Hyilk brought back a book from
Peking which is probably a copy or abstract of the celebrated
book above mentioned. For these twenty-two years a scholar,
Kim Sang-bum, had been studying this book, and at last having
mastered its secrets, he came out with a calendar of his own.
It is stated that the Westerners Yi Ma-du and Sa Su-sin had
alread}^ been many years in China when Kim Hyuk visited
Nanking. (These are Ricci and Schaal).
It was discovered that the country people were evading
the revenue laws by cultivating the hill sides above the marg-
in of cultivation set by law. Commissioners were sent out to
temeasure the taxable land and to set limits to hillside cul-
tivation, for it was feared that the cultivation of the hillsides
would diminish the fuel supply too much. It was in this same
year that the ill-fated sailing vessel Sparwehr sailed from
Holland with Hendrik Hamel as super-cargo. There seem to
have been sixty-four men on board, and when she went to
pieces on the island of Quelpart only thirty-six of them reach-
ed shore in safety. They were taken to Seoul by the authori-
ties and for fourteen years lived, now on the royal bounty, now
by the work of their own hands, and at times they were even
compelled to beg for food. At last however the remnant of
them made good their escape by night and finally reached
Nagasaki. Hamel afterwards wrote an account of his capitvity
in Korea.
In the year 1654 the hostility of the king toward his suze-
rain took more definite shape. He appointed Yi Wan, a bril-
liant young general, to have charge of all military matters,
and he sent military instructors all through the south where
144 KOREAN HISTORY.
the great mass of the population lived, to drill the people in
the science of war. He likewise built fortresses at Sung-jiii
in Ham-gyring Province and at Yi-bam-keum-sung and at
Kyuk-p'o in the south. He appointed four generals to be
stationed about Seoul to guard its approaches, and he collect-
ed great quantities of grain, much of which he massed at
Wha-ryang near Chemulpo to be in readiness to ship to
Tientsin when he should invade China. He provisioned
Kang-wha thoroughly and built a monster store-house at
Chang-san in Whang-ha Province, because of the difficulty
experienced by th^ boats in rounding the exposed p)oint of that
province; he founded a school for the training of military of-
ficers and twenty of the best men were detailed for study
there. Any sign of indolence insured a prompt dismissal.
This sovereign was an ardent advocate of dress reform.
At first he made the soldiers wear shorter sleeves and skirts
and for the sake of lightness they were often made of silk.
From that he made a more general application of his ideas.
He found the hats too broad of brim and the flowing sleeves
very inconvenient in the breeze. These points were ordered
to be changed and the palace hat as seen today was introduc-
ed. It was first invented by the celebrated Chong Mong-jii
whose blood still marks the stone bridge at Song-do. It was
he too that introduced the hyang-p'a or embroidered storks to
be worn on the breasts of civil officers, and the tigers to be
worn by military officers.
Chapter XX.
The king dies. . . .seeds of discord sown. . . .the new king. . . .extensive
reforms. . . .party changes. . . .strife. . . .a great reformer. . . .the ajuns
checked. . . .abuses remedied. . . .a convent broken up. . . .various re-
forms. . . .revenue forestry memorialists rebuked . , . .honest
examinations. .. .the people cared for.... the census. .. .numerous
reforms... qualities of a good prefect. .. .the king dies .. a noble
record the new king. . . .a bad outlook . . . party strife . . census
. . . .Japanese settlement at Fusan. . . .ceaseless quarrels. . . .a minister
falls wholesale execution. . . .plot and counter-plot . . .reforms in
the na\'>'. . . .calamities. . . .reign of terror. . . .Roman Catholics. . . .
MODERN KOREA. I 45
trouble brewing change of party unutterable cruelty the
queen deposed concubine made queen a great statesman dies
of poison.
In the tenth year of his reign, 1659, having exposed
himself to the sun and rain while sacrificing to heaven to se-
cure the cessation of a great famine that was on the land, the
king was taken ill, an abcess broke out on his temple and
after a short illness he expired. In connection with his death
arose a contention that was destined to cause the death of manj^
men. The mother of the dead king was still living. She had
worn mourning for three years after the death of her elder son,
and now the question was whether she should assume it for an
equal length of time for this her second son. Song Si-ryul and
SongChuu-gil argued that one year only was sufficient. The
other side was taken by Yun Hyuand the debate was fierce and
long. The classics were ransacked for proof texts in support
of either contention. The Prime Minister decided in favor of
the shorter term and the Queen Mother wore mourning for
but a year. Song Si-ryul also laid up wrath against himself
by neglecting 10 have the king's body wrapped tightly in
bandages, until it had swollen so that it required two planks
joined together to form th- bottom of his coffin. This was
considered a great misfortune and ere a year had passed Song
was obliged to retire precipitately to the country to avoid be-
iog mobbed for the offense.
The new king entered upon the duties of his exalted
position as a mere lad, in 1660. His posthumous title is
Hyon-jong Ta-wang. His first duty was to give his father
burial. The geomancers said he ought to be buried on a site
near the town of Su-wiin, but the courtiers thought that was
too near the main road, so a place was selected outside the East
Gate. This first year was one of reform. The penalties for
murder were too small. If a high class man committed murder
he could get off with a hundred blows and ineligibility for
oflfice for a short time, but now the king, with the advice of the
court, made all high class murderers permanently ineligible for
office. It must be borne in mind that the demarcation be-
tween the upper and lower classes was much more distinct in
those days than it is at present.
Looking carefully into the condition of things, the king
146 KOREVN HISTORY.
fouud many abuses that required correction. He ordered that
the army be better clothed ; he examined into the cases of
many of the prisoners of state and liberated not a few; he re-
mitted the tax on hemp and ginseng in Ham-gynng Province;
he remitted the tax on the gold mines at Tan-ch'un which had
amounted to a thousand ounces a year ; he lowered the land
tax in Ch'ung-ch'ung Province, These voluntary retrench-
ments called for economy at the capital and the king discon-
tinued the royal stables, to meet the falling off in revenue.
A word is necessary here as to the complexion of the
political parties. The old Tong-in had gone to pieces and in
its place we find the Nam-in, the So-ron and the Su-buk part-
ies. We have in all then the
Nam-in with Hu Mok as leader
So-rou " Yun Cheung " "
No-ron " Song Si-ryul " "
Su-buk " Yu Yong-gyung "
Among these the names of the Nam-in and No-ron were
the most prominent and their leaders, Hu Mok and Song Si-
ryul were deadly enemies of each other. There was no inter-
marriage between these different parties. Each had its sep-
arate color. The Nam-in was red, the So-ron blue, the No-
ron white and the Su-buk black. It was not the men but the
women who wore these distinctive colors and even to this day
it is common to see the party colors in the collars of women's
coats. The men were distinguished by the shape of the coat
collar. The No-rons and Nam-ins had a collar cut square at
the bottom; the So-rons had a bulging curve at the bottom and
the Su-buk had a plain curve. These things sound childish
but in those days they meant life and death. The number of
men who have been sacrificed upon the altar of party strife
mounts up into the hundreds of thousands. The violent and
unreasonable strife between them prevented anything like
concerted action when the country was threatened from without.
The)' made it impossible for any man to be judged according
to his true merits. They effectually blocked the efforts put
forth by honest men to secure a clean and honest government.
There is nothing more despicable in political life than the
continued excitement of fierce passions whea there is no prin-
ciple at stake and when personal aggrandisement is the only
goal.
MODERN KOREA. I 47
But at the time of which we write the Noron party, with
Song Si-ryul at its head, was so overwhehningly predominant
that party strife was for a time almost held in abeyance. The
remarkable character of this reign is largely due to his efforts.
The reign from beginning to end was one grand march of pro-
gress, reform following reform with such rapidity that the
reign fairly scintillates with them. To realise how great a
part Song Si-ryul played in these movements it is necessary
to know the enormous power wielded by a Prime Minister in
Korea, especialh' when he enjoys the entire confidence of the
king. His power to keep the king informed or misinformed
makes him practically the ruler of the land. That Song Si-
ryul was a real reformer is shown by the frequency wnth
which, during many a decade after bis death, statesmen would
break out in panegyrics on his memory. It is shown also in
the passionate hatred of political enemies who saw in him a
successful rival. We have little evidence that this man ever
lowered himself to the plane of common party politics. Let us
then review the fifteen years of this reign and see the stamp
of his great presonality upon it.
We have already mentioned some of the reforms inaugur-
ated. First he gained a signal victory over his rival Ho Mok
who tried to have him degraded because of his position in re-
gard to the period of the queen's mourning. Song Si-ryul
went over the whole ground again, cited history in support of
his views and silenced by a simple and conclusive argument
the captious criticism of his detractors, but he showed his
greatness in not using his power to have his enemies killed, an
act of generosity which later cost him his life. The following
are some of the reforms instituted, and we give them here in
full, for they afford a deep insight into the condition of the
people.
It had been very commou for men to leave their families
and go off to some monastery and become monks. Now, the
Buddhist monasteries are the poor-houses of Korea. Beggary
is uncommon, but often, when a man has no visible means of
support, he will shave his head, don the garb of a monk and
spend part of the year at some monastery and the remainder
in receiving donations from the people in the shape of rice or
money. To do this tliey necessarily desert their families. To
148 KOREAN HISTORY.
counteract this evil the king sent forth and edict that no more
men with family ties should desert them in this way, and fur-
thermore that all monks who had families living should doflf
their religious garb and come back to the world and support
their families like honest men.
The ajiin is a peculiar excrescence on the body politic of
Korea. He is the prefect's clerk, or factor, or agent, or
pimp, or jack-of-all-trades. He is in a large sense the in-
carnation of all his master's vices, to which he adds many of
his own. A royal edict was promulgated which brought a
host of these men to justice and compelled them to disgorge
much of their illgotten gains, which were given back, so far
as possible, to the people from whom they had been extorted.
In this case the reform was notable because of the limit which
was put to it. Ordinarily in Korea, when a man is caught
and made a public example of in this way, the law extends the
punishment to the near and remote relatives of the culprit,
and many innocent men suffer with the guilty; but in this case
only actual offenders were punished. It was strictly forbidden
to call to account any man's relative because of his fault.
For many years all the salt factories and fisheries had
been groaning under a heavy tax which went to support an
almost unlimited number of the king's relatives ; but now these
taxes were entirely remitted. We are not told what the re-
latives did. lyct us hope they went to work.
It had become customary for the tax collectors to demand
a poll tax not only from grown men, who alone were taxable
according to law, but from children as well. This abuse was
likewise remedied.
The king gave up entirely the wild project of assaulting
China, which had been a pet scheme of his father, and he like-
wise found no cause for supporting such a large millitary re-
tinue about his person, and they were discharged.
There was a flourishing Buddhist convent just west of
the Kyong-bok Palace, in Cha-kol. The king wished to do
away with it, but some objected on the ground that it formed
an asylum for aged palace women, and because there were
many royal tablets stored there. We may well imagine the
consternation of these objectors when the king said concerning
the tablets, "Well, dig a hole and bury the whole lot."
MODERN KOREA. I49
The Useless custom of having masked dancers accompany
the royal procession when returning from the ancestral temple
was done away. The king put an end to the custom of tak-
ing girls by force and compelling them to become palace wo-
men. It must be only with the free consent of the girl's
father. He consented to send men to various places where
sulphur was mined to see that the people of the surrounding
country' were not ill-used. At the same time he ordered that
no more sulphur should be dug at Tal-sung-wi-gung inside the
South Gate. He ordered that the tombs of the king of Koryti
should be kept in good repair. He quelled a great popular
excitement in the south, which arose from the rumor that
various Buddhas in the monasteries were sweating, by show-
ing that it was caused by the frost bringing out the moisture
which had been absorbed during the rainy season. The rumor
was probably false, but how politic it was to take it for grant-
ed and turn it off by giving some natural cause rather than
merely to deny the rumor. He added however the command
that as these Buddhas had caused such a disturbance thej'^
must be burned.
At that time the province of Chul-la contained about
190,855 kyul of land, a kyul being supposed to produce forty
bags of rice. The revenue was set at thirteen pecks of rice
from each kytd. The revenue from 24,084 kyul was set aside
for the support of the king's relatives, royal grave-keepers
and for men whom the king particularly desired to honor be-
cause of distinguished services. The revenue from the re-
maining 169771 kyul, amounted to 147, 134 bags of rice, 69,280
of which came up to the capital and 85,916 were stored for use
by officials in the country. A certain amount of forest land
was customarily set aside for fuel supply for the different
palaces, but through maladministration these palaces each
had much more forest land that it was entitled to, and as a
coni-equence the people had to suffer. So the king ordered a
redistribution of the forest lands and a correction of the fuel
bill. He sent twenty bags of cotton seed into Ham-gyuug
Province, for he desired to see this useful plant grown in every
one of the eight provinces. The island of Quelpart being still
very wild and the people uncultivated, the king, for the first
time in the history of the peninsula, made an attempt to civi-
I50 KOREAN HISTORY.
lize them, by offering them government offices and by estab-
lishing schools for them. He also did the same for the river
towns along the Yalu. As the wild tribes of Sol-han and
Pyul-hS frequently came across the border and looted the
people's houses at and near Chang-jin, a general was sent to
take care of Korean interests. When 1403 scholars from the
countr}' came to the capital and memorialized the king against
Song Si-ryul they were told that they were engaged in a mere
party strife and had not the interests of the couutr}^ at heart,
and that if scholars meddled with the affairs of government
they would be severely handled. Along the Tuman River the
people were utterly ignorant, and scarcely knew whether there
was a king at all; so men were sent to found schools among
them and teach. Nepotism existed to such an extent, es-
pecially in connection with the government examinations,
that the king decided that no relative of any of the examiners
should be a candidate for honors. He established a criminal
court in Seoul and took all criminal cases out of the hands of
the prefects, as they often judged from prejudice rather than
from the facts. He lessened by half the tax that had been
levied for the making of arms. The government seized all
common prostitutes and made them government slave=;. Being
a devout Confucianist the king commanded that the names of
Confucius' four disciples be never pronounced aloud. He
diminished the garrison of Su-wun from 6000 to 4000 on the
plea of economy. He gave presents of money to all unmarri-
ed women over thirty years of age, as some compensation for
what, in Korea, is considered the hardest of hard lots. He
was so affected by distress which he saw in the country dur-
ing one of his frequent trips to the hot springs, that when he
returned to the capital he laid aside many of the luxuries both
of his wardrobe and his table. He made camps for the poor
who flocked to Seoul because of utter want in the east coun-
try. One was outside the Water Mouth Gate, and the other
at A-o-ga. He likewise furnished them food and medicine.
When a boatload of Chinese belonging to the Ming dynast)',
which had fled southward, was driven by a storm on Quelpart
the king promptly forwarded them to Peking rather than lay
himself open to any possible charge of bad faith toward the
Manchu power.
MODERN KOREA. 15I
When ^ome one tried to evade the paymeut of revenue
bv claiinin": that the boat that was brinjjjing it was wrecked,
he decided that if tliis happened again the owner should be
decapitated. The king restored the copper types which had
been destroyed at the time of the Japanese occupation of
Seoul. He built a shrine to the unfortunate Tan-jdng Ta-
vang. He remeasured the lands in the southern provinces
for a proper adjustment of revenue. He decreed that though
a traitor's family must be punished with him, married daugh-
ters should be exempt from punishment. He acquiesced in
the suggestion of the minister of war that the scaling of the
city wall be made a capital offense, but when the courtiers
represented that if such a small crime deserved death every-
body would be a candidate for the executioner's sword, he re-
called the edict.
One of this king's most interesting edicts was in connec-
tion with the census. Having ordered a numbering of the
people, he found that objections were raised, because it would
mean a more systematic and thorough collection of taxes.
So he put forth the edict that whenever murder occurred, if
the murdered man's name was not on the list of tax payers,
the murderer would be immediately pardoned. Of course
everybody hastened to get their names on the books and to
let it be known.
He forbade marriage between people of the same family
name. A commission was appointed to go and break off the
point of dangerous rocks that obstructed the channels along
the coast and among the islands. No governor was allowed
to appoint any relative of his own to any position in the pro-
vince. A man who came up from the south and charged
Song Si-ryiil with treason, but could give no evidence to sub-
stantiate the charge, was put to death.
It was customary to expose infants born of incest, and
they "'ere allowed to die in the streets. The king ordered
that the government pay the expense of the rearing of such
unfortunates. He gave decent burial to those who died in
the mat sheds outside the wall, where contagious cases were
carried and left to die. He named nine kinds of men who
would make good prefects. ( i) Men of good life and conduct.
(2) Good scholars. (3) Skillful men and tho.se who fostered
152 KOKEXN HISTOKV.
trade. (4) Natural leaders. (5) Fearless men, (6) Students
of human nature. (7) Men without an itching palm. (8)
Men renowned for filial piety. (9) Good authors.
In the fifteenth year of his reign, 1674, he was taken
ill. The death of his mother worked upon his spirits and
aggravated his disease, and death ensued. He needs no en-
comiums except the bare list of the great things that were
done during his reign. They will go down to posterity as his
lasting monument. His genius coupled with that of his great
adviser. Song Siryill, ranged through every phase of politi-
cal and social life, revenue, finance, political economy, agricul-
ture, mining, official rectitude, civil service, social ethics,
sanitation, education, internal improvement, the army, popular
superstition, slavery, penalties, foreign relations, border
police, famine relief, consanguineous marriage, publication;
these and many other important topics demanded and secured
from him careful attention. He put down party strife with a
heavy hand, and only once or twice during the whole period
of his reign does it raise its malignant head
His son succeeded to the throne, known by his posthum-
ous title Suk-jong T3-wang. Party spirit had not been dead
but only in abeyance during his father's strong reign. It
now broke out again. Memorials poured in upon the young
king urging the evil practices of Song Si-ryul, and the young
king thought there must be some truth in them because of
their very numbers. He became the center of a very storm
of charge and counter-charge, of attack and defense. Being
but fourteen years old and of a naturally vacillating tempera-
ment, he was first the tool of one party and then of another-
His whole reign, which covered a period of forty-six years,
was one maelstrom of party strife and was fruitful of more
startling than useful events. His leading characteristic was
capriciousness. Again and again he turned from one party
to another, each turn being accompanied by numberless
deaths. But we must not anticipate.
It will be noticed that when his reign began in 1675 the
Nam-in party was in power with Hu Juk at its head. The
strife over Song Si-ryul had resulted in his banishment to
Wfin-san. He was the Bismarck of Korea in that when his
master died the aged councillor found in the sou the same
MODKKN KOKKA. T53
gratitude that the Iron C'laucellor did. It would be an end-
less as well as a fruitless task to describe the party fights that
took place. It will be enough to say that the reign was one
long fight from beginning to end. During the early part of
the reign, in 1677, a complete census of the country was made.
It was probably the conclusion of work begun by the former
king. It was found that in the whole country there were
1,234,512 houses, containing 4,703,505 people.
Some excitement was caused when it was found that
Chinese histories were claiming that Prince Kwang-ha was a
good man. and that In- jo Ta-wang had revolted against him.
After a sharp parly fight the king decided to send an envoy
and request the emperor to have the mistake corrected.
In 1678 the Japanese again insisted that their quarters
in Fusan be enlarged. Consent was given to move the set-
tlement seven // to the south, to the town of Chohyang. This
is the present site of the town of Fusan. From east to west
its length was 372 tsnbo and 4 feet. From north to south it
was 256 tsiibo. Two official reception halls were built, one
called the East Hall and th- other the West H ill. The houses
were all built by Japanese carpenters from Tsushima and the
work covered a period of three years. The Korean govern-
ment gave 9000 bags of rice and 6000 ounces of silver to cover
the expense, and undertook to keep the place in repair. That
this colony was kept U[) in good style is shown by the fact
that Korea made repairs on these buildings in 1721, 1724,
1748, 1765. 1780, 1786, 1794, 1801, 1813, 1822, 1831, 1836,
>«5o. 1^53- 1S57, 1864.
The most trivial matters were made occasions for party
fights. A. storm occurred on a day when the king was to go
out, and the No-ron party claimed that it was a dispensation
of providence to spoil a plot ot the Nam-ins to revolt and
seize the reins of power. Whoever took a firm position on
any point found later that it becanre the basis for an accusa-
tion and a cause for death. vSo it was with the Prime Minis-
ter Hu Juk who advised the building of a fortress near Song-
do. This later caused his death. The courtiers accused each
other in the royal presence about the most trivial matters,
such as (juarrels between their concubines, the cutting of
fuel timber, the profligacy of the Prime Minister's son, and
154 KOREAN HISTORY,
such like, while great matters of state seem to have taken
care of themselves.
And so we arrive at the year 1680. The Nam-in are
still in full power and Hu Juk is still master of the situation.
But see how small a thing accomplishes his downfall. The
day arrived for ancestral worship in Hu Juk's house, but it
was ver)'' rainy. The king thoughtfully ordered the eunuchs
to get out the palace awning of oiled paper and carry it to the
Minister's house and let him use it during the ceremony.
The eunuch replied that Hu Juk had already taken it. In-
stantly the king's kindly feeling was changed to anger and
hatred by the insolence of the Minister in thus appropriating
the awning. He sent a messenger and discovered that a
crowd of the adherents of the Nam-in party had congregated
at Hu Juk's house. They were immediately denounced as
traitors. The generals were called and the house was sur-
rounded with troops. All the leading men in the Nam-in
party were killed on the spot. The names of the killed are
Hu Juk, Hu Kyun, Yu Hyuk-yun, Yi Wiinjung, O Chting-
ch'ang, Yi T'.s-so, Chong Wim-no, Kang Man-ch'ul, Yi \Vun-
sung and Yun Hyu. The king's two cousins, Princes Pok-
sun and Pak-pyun, and eight others were banished. The No-
ron party were then called back to power. The king brought
back from exile the great Song Si ryul and also Kim Su-han,
whom he made Prime Minister. In twenty-four hours a trust-
ed minister and party were totally overthrown and every place
was filled with a member of the oj)position. The next few
months were spent in hunting down the remaining leaders
of the Nam-in party and securing their execution. Some
were hung, some poisoned and some decapitated. One in-
stance of this will suffice. Hu Sa and Hu Yung, two influen-
tial men lived at Yong-san. There was no valid charge against
them, .so Kim Suk-ju told the king he would find one. To
this end he sent one Kim Whan-go to Yong-.san and gave him
money to build a fine house adjoining that of the prospective
victims. Before long he had them involved in treasonable
plans and as soon as enough evidence was collected the two
men were seized and put to death, and with them a large
number of their immediate friends. Man-hunting was not so
much a public necessity as a private pastime.
MODERN KOREA. IS.S
The uewly installed general-in-chief found great abuses
in the armj' and thousands of names on the rolls, of men long
since dead. Taxes were being collected in an utterly lawless
way. These abuses were done away and others probably as
bad or worse took their places, for as power meant spoils the
newly victorious party was not likely to forego an^' of its priv-
ileges. We are borne out in this supposition by the fact
that about this time the king began the custom of making an
annual visit to the temple of heaven to pray for good crops.
This indicates that the people were being badly governed. He
paid considerable attention to the navy and appointed An-ju,
Suk-ch'un, Sun-an, Yong-yu, Cheung-san, P'yring-yang,
Yong-yang, Kang so, Sam wha, Ham-jong and No-gang in
P'yung-an Province and Chang-nyun, Kun-yul, P'ung-ch'un,
Hu-sa and An-ak in Vang-ha Province to be naval'stations.
It was only at this late date that the second king of the dy-
nasty received the posthumous title of Choiig-jong Ta-wang.
Attention was paid to the border forts along the Yalu,
expenses were curtailed and garrisons were supported out of
the land tax of the adjoining districts. It was a time of many
severe calamities. A fire in P'yfing-yang burned 344 houses
and a flood in Ham-gyfing Province destroyed 906 more with
great loss of life. Song Si-r)'ul had not forgotten his old
master, now some ten years dead, and he suggested to the
king that Hyo-jong Ta-wang be honored with the Sc-s/V, that
is, that his tablet be not removed from the ancestral temple
after the fourth generation, as was customary, but should re-
main there permanently. It caused a great commotion, but
the aged minister carried the day. It is true that few
monarchs of the line belter deserved that honor than did Hyo-
jong Ta-wang.
The year 1684 beheld a sort of "reign of terror." Il
arose in the following manner. A messenger from the Japan-
ese on Tsushima came post haste announcing that a large band
of Chinese pirates was about to land on Korean soil. A panic
followed in Seoul and thousands fled precipitately to the coun-
try. Bands of thieves took advantage of the confusion to
commit many lawless acts. They formed a sort of stcret
society and their principles were anarchistic. Tlity made it
an object to raid houses where mouey was to be found. They
I.S^^ KOKKAN HISTORY.
seized ladies ns they were passing along the streets in covered
chairs, and violated them. They seized officials whom they
hated, and put them to death. The government found one of
their books and in it was written their oath of membership.
Three cardinal principles were set forth ; (i) To kill as many
noblemen as possible, (2) To violate as many women as pos-
sible. (3) To steal as much personal property as possible.
Seven men who had carried awaj' and ravished a widow of
Kong-ju were caught and decapitated. One of them was her
own cousin and he belonged to the so-called "knife gang."
After a time the disturbance was suppressed.
One incident of a peculiarly Korean character deserves
mention. Some money was stolen from the strong room of a
fortress near Song-do. The store-house keeper was susy~ected
but there was no evidence. So the commandant secretly
questioned the keeper's little son and found that the suspicion
was correct. The keeper was punished but the commandant
was also cashiered from the fact that he had induced a boy to
incriminate his own father.
The native records say that in the twelfth year of this
sovereign, in 1686, Roman Catholicism entered Korea for the
first time. Certain foreigners entered the country and
preached the new doctrine. We are not told of what nation-
ality these men were but it was long before any European at-
tempted to enter Korea. We are told that the new doctrine
spread rapidly and that some of the highest officials asked the
king to send the foreigners out of the country. Whether this
was done cannot now be learned. Nothing is said of this in
the French work on the Roman Catholic Mission in Korea,
and it is somewhat difficult to understand. It would hardly
be found in the records, however, were there not some ground
for the statement.
The following year beheld events that were to result in
another violent revolution and in the driving from the seat of
power the Noron party and the reinstatement of theNam-in.
It all grew from the king's taking a concubine, Chang, who
soon gained complete ascendency over him. A rumor arose
that the queen was to be deposed and when Han Song-u ex-
postulated with the king, the latter tlew into a passion and
drove him away. The following 3'ear the concubine presented
MODKKN K(JKKA. 157
the king with a. son, the most unfortunate thing that could
have happened, for, the queen being as yet childless, it served
to put the king more entirely under the influence of the con-
cubine. Trouble followed immediately. The king said "I am
now forty years old and have no son by the queen. The peo-
ple are getting uneasy. As I have gotten a son by a concu-
bine I intend to make him Crown Prince, and anyone may
object at his peril." In this way he threw as it were a torch
into a powder magazine. The No-ron party who were in
power, wer^ in arms at once for they knew that the opposition
had been using the concubine to undermine their influence.
Memorials poured in from all sides reminding the king that he
was still young, that there was no need of haste in appointing
the queen a successor. These memorials the king answered
by banishing the senders. Even Song Si- rj^iil who had entered
a mild protest, was stripped of rank and sent outside the city.
The Nam-in party then stepped once more into power. From
the Prime Minister down all ofiices were again turned over to
them. Song Si-ryul was banished to Quelpart, but the Nam-
in were not content with that, and demanded his death. So
he was summoned back to Seoul. Posthumous honors were
given to many of the Nam-ins whom the king had ordered
killed at the house of Hu Juk.
Not long after this the king began to make preparations
to put away his queen. To this end he made the following
statement. ' For a long time I have been aware of the queen's
jealous disposition and evil mind, and I have borne with it
patiently but now I can endure it no longer. Since I have
taken the concubine Chang it has been still more unendurable.
The queen and the concubine Kim have been putting their
heads together in an attempt to frighten me into putting away
Chang, but I saw through the plan. Now what shall we do?"
Time and again the officials came pleading for the queen, but
the king was utterly deaf to all they had to say. He piled
unjust accusations upon her without deigning to give a single
proof. Large numbers where banished and a few killed outright
because of their intercessions with the king. The most not-
orious case was that of Pak T'S-bo whose name has passed into
a proverb. He with two others memorialized the king beg-
ging him to drive away the concubine and retain the queen.
I5S KOKKAN HISTOKV.
The king's rage knew 110 bounds. He came out and took his
seat iu front of the In-jiing Gate of the Chang-diik Palace and
had the man brought before him. When asked wh^' he had
written the memorial he answered, "Because- of the treatment
the queen has received." The king then ordered red hut
plates to be passed along his limbs. Still h^ would not ex-
press sorrow. Then bowls were broken into small pieces and
the fragments were piled up on the man s already burned
limbs, a plank was placed across them and men stood on either
end of it and jumped up and down. The pieces of pottery
were of course ground into the man's legs. As he still re-
mained firm he was tied with a rope and hoisted to the top of
a high pole in a cruelly painful position. As he still remained
unmoved he was banished to the south. His aged father ac-
companied him as far as the river and there he died of his
wounds. This, so far from stopping the flood of petitions,
only increased it, for immediately 16,000 men with ChongTo-
gyung at their head sent in an appeal and likewise all the
country scholars and all the students of the Confucian school.
But ever}' petition was returned by the passion-blinded king.
In the fifth moon of the year, 16S9, the king deposed the
queen, stripped her of all here titles, degraded her to the level
of the common people and sent her back to her father's house,
not by way of the great gate of the palace but by a side gate,
in a white sedan chair, the badge of a criminal. Concubine
Chang was proclaimed queen and her father became a prince.
We will remember that the aged Song Si-ryul had been order-
ed back from Quelpart to meet his fate at the capital, but even
the popular sympathy which a public execution at Seoul would
have aroused was denied him, for the king sent a draught of
poison to be administered on the way, and so in an obscure
country village the grand old man drank the deadly potion
and passed away. Some of his followers who afterwards me-
morialized the king iu regard to him were killed or banished,
together with the deposed queen's relatives. The following
year the son of the newly appointed queen was made Crown
Prince.
MOl^KRX KOREA. 159
CHAPTER XI,
Heavy tax remitted . a. /t-ndens novel the wheel of fortune turns
. ..the queen restored. .. .sorcery ...Puk-han built. .. .mourning
... .a weak king. . . .a lucid interval. . . .terrible reprisals. . . .a des-
ecrated tomb ...contact with the West ...king's suspicious death
. . .enemies killed . . .party strife put down . . .seals for Japanese
. . .prohibition of manufacture and sale of wine . . .a powerful con-
spiracy .. preparations for defense .. .Ch'uug-ju falls. .. .rebellion
put down with a heavy hand . . .honors distributed . . .mining pro-
hibited . . . incipient rebellion . . . reforms. . . .reservoirs . . .use of
wine interdicted . . .bureau of agriculture . . .important secret service
. . .dress reform . . .cruel punishments stopped. . . .a new war vessel
..honest measurement .. imperial tombs ...monument to the
dead political parties. . .musical instruments.
Each year a large Chinese embassy visited Seoul, and it
was customary to feed them from silver dishes, which were
given them as presents when they returned to their own land.
This expense was met by a tax on the people of Song-do.
While the king was making a small tour in the country he
arrived at Song-do and there he asked about this tax. The
people replied that they had to sell their very children to
meet it, for it amounted to 1,200 bags of rice, 900,000 cash,
3,000 bags of other grain, 3,000 pieces of cloth as well as
other things. The king listened to their petition and remitted
the tax.
Only five years elapse before we find the king making
another complete change in his household, by driving out the
new queen, who had been the concubine Chang, and reinstat-
ing the old queen in her rightful place again. These sudden
and complete changes of face in the king would have been
amusing had they not been accompanied by the shedding of
so much innocent blood. The king had tired of his new
queen. He seems to have been one of those men who require
a periodical outbreak of some kind, but who in the intervals
are perfectly quiet. The time had come for such an outbreak
and Kim Ch'un-t'Ak was the instrument by which it was
brought about. He had bought himself into the good graces
of the palace women, and as a first step toward the accom-
plishment of his plans he wrote a book in which was illustrat-
ed, in romance form, the evils of putting away the true wife
l6o KORE\N HISTORY.
for a concubine. The copy of this book which was given to
the king material!}' hastened the catastrophe. The Nam- in
were in power but they looked with concern upon the king's
growing antipathy toward them and they urged him to put
the too bold novelist out of the way ; but the leaders of the
No-ron party, knowing that all depended on a quick, decisive
blow, went in a body to the king at night and urged him to
follow the evident bent of his inclinations. This he proceed-
ed to do by banishing the brother of queen Chang, and with
him the leaders of the Nam-in party. Then once more the
No-ron stepped to the front and prepared to enjoy the good
things. High posthumous honors were given to Song Si-ryQl
and to the deposed queen's father and to many others of the
No-rons who had perished during the last outbreak. The
king, to save his "face," called the deposed queen back little
by little. He first put her in a little palace in An-dong ; then
he transferred her to the "Mulberry Palace," and finally
brought her to the palace proper. The woman Chang was
again reduced to her former place and a stringent law was x
made that henceforth no royal concubine should ever be rais-
ed to the position of queen. The martyr Pak T'ii-bo was
given posthumously the title of Prime Minister. The rein-
stated party tried to induce the king to kill the concubine,
but, as she was the mother of the heir apparent to the throne,
he could not consent. A slave of this concubine's resorted
to a clever trick in order to turn the tables on the No-ron party.
Enticing to his house a slave of one of the leaders of the No-ron
party, he got him intoxicated and then stole from him his
name tag. a piece of wood which each person was supposed
to carry and on which his name was written. This he took
and dropped beside the grave of the father of the conbubine
where it was discovered that a fetich had been buried. This
was to show that a No-ron leader had resorted to the black
art to win back his way to power. The king, however, look-
ed into the matter, discovered the fraud and killed the prime
mover in the plot, a Nara-in leader. Many others were also
banished.
Four years passed without au}^ events of importance, and
then the queen became afflicted with boils and expired. The
records tell us that that night the king dreamed that the dead
MODERN KOREA. l6l
queen came to him with her garments covered with blood.
To his enquiries she made no answer except to point toward
the apartments of the concubine Chang. The king arose and
went in that direction, and his ears were greeted with the
sound of laughter and merriment. Wetting his finger in his
month he applied it to the paper window and soon made a
peep-hole. There he beheld the concubine and a large com-
pany of sorceresses engaged in shooting arrows into an ef&gj'
of the queen and making merry over having done her to death
by placing a fetich under her room. This was the signal for
another of the king's periodical outbreaks. In spite of her
being the mother of the Crown Prince, he poisoned her and
killed all her sorceress companions. A host of the Nam-in
party also met their death. Th^ almost incredible number of
1,700 people are said to have met their death as a result of this
disturbance. There must have been in connection with it a
sort of "star chamber," or secret tribunal where many went
in but none came out, for we are told that a few years later
a secret prison in the palace was abolished.
The year 17 11 was marked by the building of the great
mountain fortress of Puk-han among the mountains im-
mediately behind Seoul. " There had been a fortress there
in the ancient days of Pak-je. It is an almost ideal place
for a place of retreat, being surrounded with very steep
mountains.
When this king died in 1720 the custom was first inau-
gurated of having the whole people put on mourning clothes,
and wearing them for three years in honor of the dead king.
The new king, known by his posthumous title of Kyong-
]ong Ta-wang, w^as the son of the disgraced and executed con-
cubine Chang. By this time the so-called Nam-in party had
practically passed off the stage of history ; its leading men had
all been killed and it Ijad left the field to its two great rivals
the No-ron and So-ron, although as we have before said the
No-ron was overwhelmingly predominant.
King Kyong-jong was a man of feeble intellect and he
took no interest in the affairs of government. He merely
served as a center about which factional fights went on. It
is said that his mother, the concubine Chang, when about to
be led to execution, said to him. "If I am to die you must die
l62 KORKAN HISTORY.
with me," and at that she struck at him with an improvised
weapon, a piece of wood. She succeeded only in wounding
him, but it was in a portion of the body that rendered it im-
possible for him ever to have an heir. He swung like a pen-
dulum back and forth between the Noron and Soron parties,
agreeing with whichever happened for the moment to gain
his ear. This caused the Noron party some uneasiness and
they desired to see the reins of government in more responsi-
ble hands. They warmly- favored the king's brother as a
candidate for the throne. The king was always ailing, for he
never thoroughly recovered from the wound which his mother
had inflicted, and he was unable to perform the ancestral
rites. He was also afflicted with sores on his head, so that for
months at a time he was unable to wear the headband which
is such a distinctive mark of the Korean. The Noron leaders
induced someone to memorialize the king asking him to make
his brother his heir. They all added their advice of the same
tenor, and finally induced him to consult the Queen Mother
about it. She entered heartily into the plan and the decree
went forth that the king's brother was heir apparent. This
was like a thunder-bolt among the Soron ranks. The whole
transaction had been carefully concealed from them, and now
a man who could not, under the circumstances, be other than
a warm friend of the Noron party was heir to the throne, and
every Soron was in danger. They stormed and protested and
memorialized but to no avail. The appointment of an heir
was like the laws of the Medes atid Persians, unalterable.
But the Noron people knew the weakness of the king and
they feared what might take place in some unguarded hour
when the enemy might get the king's ear, and so they played
a bolder game still. They asked the king to resign in favor
of the heir. He promised to do so, but the unguarded hour
which the Norons feared came, and the promise was not kept.
. Not only so, but when it was whispered in the king's ear
that the Norons were trying to usurp the power the worst
fears of that party were realized. They were driven from
power and the Sorons came up smiling. But the king wlio
liked quiet and repose had one lucid interval when he said,
"There is no love of country in all this; it is simple party
prejudice and thirst for blood."
MODKRN KORKA. 163
At the head of the triuni^)hant party were Cho T'a gu,
Ch'oc' Kyu-su and Ch'oe Suk-hang. They began the perfor-
mance of their official duties by bribing the pilace women
and eunuchs to kill the heir to the throne. The plan was to
shoot him "by mistake" while pretending to hunt for a white
fox which they said was haunting the palace. The heir was
informed however and took measures to insure his own safety.
He asked to have two of the palace women killed and two of
the eunnchs, but the king himself was in mortal fear of the
Sorons, whom he had brought back to power, aud he dared
not do so. Thereupon the heir said "I will resign and go out
from the palace and become one of the common people."
The Noron party were not idle. They knew that the
Sorons would soon be hunting their heads, and so they at-
tempted to take the offensive by assassinating the king; but.
as usually happened, they were betrayed, and terrible repris-
als followed. Twelve of the Noron leaders were beheaded and
hundreds were beaten to death or banished. It is gravely
stated that in this one connection eighteen hundred men lost
their lives.
The close of the king's second year witnessed a severe
famine on the island of Quelpart and the king sent thither
7,000 bags of grain and remitted the tax of horses, for which
that island has been from time immemorial celebrated.
The desperate state of affairs at this juncture is well il-
lustrated by two incidents. First, the king was so enamored
of the Soron party that he took Mok Horyong, their leader,
outside the gate one night ani sacrificed a white horse and,
tasting its blood, swore that until time's end Mok Ho-ryong's
descendants should hold high office under the government.
Second, the Soron officials went to the shrine of the great
vSong Si-ryul and tearing the tablet from its plac^. dragged it
through the filth of a dung-hill. Meanwhile we hear nothing
about the people and the country. The government was not
for them and they probably cared as little for it as it did for
them.
But even these sanguinary scenes could not entirely stop
the march of enlightenment, for we learn that at this very time
foreign clocks, barometers and water- hose were being
brought into Korea from Peking where they had been iutro-
164 KORKAN HISTORY.
duced by foreigners. This was done by the envoy Yi
I-niyung whoniet missionaries ii: Peking. He had a conversa-
tion with them on the subject of religion and professed to find
great similarity between Christian doctrines and those of the
Chinese classics.
The fourth year of this unfortunate king, 1624, opened
with a reform that augured well. It consisted in the destruc-
tion of all the convents outside the city gates, especially out-
side the West Gate which was at that time about half a mile
west of the present New Gate. The reasons are not specif-
ically given, but these convents had obviously become dan-
gerous to the morals of the people, and hot-beds of sedition. But
the king was not permitted to continue his reforms, for he
died in the eighth moon, of poison, it is said, administered in
a shrimp salad. It is further alleged that it was the work of
his brother, probably on the principle that he was the one to
gain most by the king's death. But we may well doubt the
truth of the rumor, for nothing that is told of that brother
indicates that he would commit such an act, and in the second
place a man who will eat shrimps in mid-summer, that have
been brought thirty miles from the sea without ice might
expect to die. Of course all the vSorou officials were willing
to believe the heir did it and one of them advised that a silver
knife be stuck into the king's dead body, for it is popularly^
believed that poison in the system will tarnish silver; but it
was not done. There was no way- to prevent the hated heir
assuming his royal prerogative, which he did the same j'ear, 1724.
The new king, known by his posthumous title of Yilng-
jong Ta-wang, now entered upon the longest and one of the
most brilliant reigns in the annals of the present dynasty; a
reign which proves, so far as circumstantial evidence can prove,
that he was not guilt}' of the murder of his brother. As may
be surmised, his deadlj- enemies, the Sorons, were driven from
office and the Norons reinstated. It is probable that the king
found it impossible to restrain the Norons from taking re-
vt-nge upon their enemies and we are told that a thousand
men were killed each year for some years. That this was done
in spite of the king, rather than b}' him, will be seen from the
strenuous efforts which he made to destroy the lines of party
demarcation.
MODERN KORKA. 1 65
He began his reign with a statement of his inability to
rule the people rightly, and blaming hinij^elf for the sufferings
of the people from famine and plague. He immediately
proclaimed his son crown prince, so that from the very first
there might be no question as to the succession. He had to
give way to the importunities of his councillors and decapitate
Kim Il-gyung who had charged him with the murder of his
brother.
On the very first day of the new year he proclaimed that
all party strife must cease ; that men must think and plan for
the good of the whole country rather than for a particular
party. As he was returning oue daj'' from a royal tomb a
man beside the road shouted "There goes the man who poi-
soned his predecessor with shrimps." Recognizing in this
nothing but an attempt to keep open the old party sore, the
king handled the man severely together with certain others
of the Soron party who had instigated him to the outrage.
From that daj' to this the Noron party has been uniform-
ly in power. Partv strife practicilh^ ceased, not by the dis-
solution of the other parties but because one party obtained
such an overwhelming ascendency that the others died of
starvation. Several things led to this result. A series of
unsuccessful conspiracies on the part of the Soron party,
each of which weakened it to the point of exhaustion, ; and
secondly the extreme length of the reign, during which, with
one short interval, the king held firmly to the Noron party.
The closing act of his first year was a reform which he forced
in the government dispensary. It had long been a rich
morsel for conscienceless officials to fatten upon, but now the
whole personnel of the institution was changed and it again
performed its normal function of dispensing medicines for
the public health. The king's forbearance is seen in the fact
that when a thief was caught, bearing upon his person a
letter from two of the palace women asking him to procure for
them a deadly poison, the king executed the thief but refused
to proceed against the women, on the ground that they had
no possible cause for wishing his death.
We here meet the curious statement, not mentioned hereto-
fore, that from the earliest times the Lords of Tsushima re-
ceived seals from the king of Korea, At this time thedaimvo
l66 KOkKAN llISTt)RY.
of that island sent an 1 asked the king to renew the custotu,
which had probably been discontinued for a short space of
time. The king complied with the request and had the
seal cut and seit. It is not possible to conclude from this
that the daimj'o of Tsn hima considered himself a vassal of
Korea, for it is not mentioned elsewhere in the Korean an-
nals. We can form but one theory that will account for it.
This seal may have been onlj' for the purpose of identification
to vouch for the authenticity of letters that might pass be-
tween Korea and Tsushima. The time may come when, in
the light of facts not yet discovered, this incident maj' throw
light on the early relations between Korea and Japan.
A striking feature of this king's reign was the promulga-
tion and enforcement of the principle of the prohibition of the
manufacture and use of spirituous liquors. We venture to
affirm that this king was the first in history, if not the only
one, to boldly assert and rigidly enforce the principle of total
abstinence from the "use of wines and liquors. His three
commands were (i) Party strife must cease. (2) Luxury
must be curtailed. (3) The making, selling or drinking of
fermented wines or distilled liquors is a capital offense.
But this and other reforms were about to be eclipsed by
the great upheaval of 1727, after the relation of which we
will return to them. The Norons made such desperate at-
tempts to induce the king to continue the persecution of the
Soron part}' that he underwent a revulsion of feeling and for
a short time punished the Norons by calling back into power
many of the opposition. It may be that this short respite
awoke the slumbering ambition of the Soron party so that
when they found it was but partial and temporarj'' their
chagrin drove them into sedition. There appeared at Nam-
wun in Chiil-la Province an insulting circular asserting that
the king had killed his brother and that the whole Noron
part)' were traitors. It called upon all good men to oppose
the government in every way possible. The governor sent a
copy to the king who simply said "Burn it up." But he
greatly miscaculated the amount of sentiment that lay behind
that circular, and his enemies took advantage of his unsus-
piciousness to work up a wide-spread and powerful conspiracy
against the government. It was headed by Kim Ytiug-ha,
MODERN KOREA. 167
This conspiracy was headed by the son of the executed Kim
Il-gyung, by Mok Si-ryTing the brother of Mok Ho-ryCmg and
by the sons and other near relatives of the killed and banished
leaders of the Soron party. A large force was collected in
Kyiing-sang Province and Yi In-jwa and Choug Heui-ryang
were put in command. The conspiracy honeycombed the
whole country, for we are told that in P'yung-au Province
Yi Sa-sQng took charge of an insurrectionary force, while at
the capital Kim Chung-geui and Nam T'a-jung worked in its
interests. It was agreed that on the twentieth of the third
moon Seoul should be entered and that Prince Mil-wha be put
on the throne. But there was a weak point in this as in all
such ventures. One of the leaders in the south, An Pak, had
a friend living at Yong-ju, in the direct line of the approach
to Seoul and he warned him to move, as something was about
to happen. The friend coaxed him into telling him the whole
affair, and then brought the story straight to Seoul. This in-
former was Choe Kyo-su. Immediately the king sent out a
heavj' guard to the river and also manned the wall of the
capital. Troops were thrown into Yang-sung, Chin-wi, Su-
wun, Yong-in, Chuk-san and Ch'un-ch'iin, and were told to
seize anyone who made the least disturbance. The brother of
An Pak being caught, he gave the details of the position of
the rebel troops and other important particulars. The king
appointed O Myung-hang of the Soron party as general-in-
chief of an expedition against the seditious people of the south.
He took with him 2,000 soldiers, but gathered more as he
proceeded south. Strong bodies of troops were also sent north
along the Peking road and to Puk-pawi outside the East Gate,
to guard the appoaches to the city. In the south loyal troops
were in force at Mun-gyiing Fortress near Cho-ryung Pass and
the governor of Whang-ha Province also took soldiers and sta-
tioned himself at Whang-ju, near P'yuug-yang. Others were
stationed in the defiles of the mountains just beyond Song do.
It is quite evident from these extensive precautions that the
plot was a wide-spread and dangerous one and that it had
powerful leaders, not only in the country but at the capital
itself.
In the south, the great rebel leader, Yi lu-jwa, with ban-
ners flying, led his powerful army northward to the town of
I 68 KOREAN HISTORY.
Chung-jii. Here was stored a lart^e ainoiint of g'overnment
provisions and arms. It was taken not by storm but by
stratejj^em. Arms were sent into the city on litters covered
with vegetables and other things and soldiers went in. dis-
guised as coolies. Once inside, they soon put the small gar-
rison out of the way and killed the commandant. Yi then
resumed the march on vSeoul, appointing prefects in the dis
tricts through which he passed and assuming the title "Great
General-in-Chief." The claim was that the uprising was in
behalf of the dead king. All the soldiers were in mourning
for him and they carried in their ranksa shrine to his memory,
before which they offered sacrifices.
The road from the south coming up to Seoul divides at
Mok-ch'iin, one branch proceeding by way of Chik-san and
the other by An-sung, but they unite again at Su-wi1n. The
rebels arrived at Mok-chTin just as the royal troops arrived at
Su-wuii. It was of prime importance to the rebels to know b}'
which road the royal army, under O Myutig hang, were com-
ing. Whichever way they came the rebels must take the
other road and so evade an action. Gen. O was astute enough
to surmise this but he did not propose to let the rebels steal a
march on him in this way; so he sent forward a small part of
his force toward Chik-san, but with the main body of his
troops he took the road b}' way of An-sung. Miscalculations
were correct, and when he neared An-siip.g he found that the
enemy were encamped there in fancied security. Taking a
picked band of 700 men Gen. O made a detour and came
around the hill on whose slope the rebels were encamped. In
the nigln he made a wild charge down from its summit into
the camp. The effect was instantaneous. A moment later
the whole rebel force was in full flight, racing for their lives,
while the pursuers cut them down at pleasure. Yi In-jwa was
captured and brought to Seoul. Meanwhile Pak P'il-p6n the
prefect of Son-san opposed the remaining rebels in Kydng-
sang Province, capturing and killing a great number of them,
especiall}' the leaders Ung Po and Heui Ryang, whose heads
he sent to Seoul in a box.
When Gen O Myiing-hang returned in triumph to Seoul
the king went out to meet him, and after the traitors' heads
had been impaled on higli, tht^y all adjourned to the palace
MODERN KOREA. 1 69
where a great feast was spread, at which the king gave Gen.
O a sounding title and to Ch'oe Kyo-su, who betrayed the plot
he gave the house near the present English Church, which
has in connection witli it a memorial shrire. The king had a
book printed giving in details the evil deeds of the Soron
part^^ Since th^t time there have been no great party strug-
gles. Sacrifices were offered for all who had been killed by the
rebels. The king i-howed his clemency by liberating the five-
year-old son of one of the traitors. He had been imprisoned
according to the law of the country, to be kept until his
fifteenth year, and then he would be led out to execution.
Hand ia hand with the king's prejudice against the use
of wine went a similar prejudice against mining, so that not
only did he peremptorily forbid the mining of silver at Au-
byfin but hearing that copper was being mined near the same
place he sent and put a stop to it.
In 1727 the heir apparent died and was given the pos-
thumous title of Hvo-jang Se-ja. Two years later another
incipient rebellion broke out in the south having as its object
the placing of Ha Keui, a relative of the king, on the throne.
It is said that with him died several hundred more of the
doomed Soron party.
The next thirty-two years were crowded full of reforms
and their mere enumeration throws much light on the social
and economic conditions of the time.
A map was made of the northern boundary and a for-
tress was built at Un-du; the law was promulgated that the
grandson of a slave woman should be free ; on account of
drought the king ordered the making of numerous reservoirs
in which to store water for irrigation, and a commission was
appointed with headquarters at Seoul, under whose supervi-
sion these reservoirs were built ; the king had a new model of
the solar system made, to replace the one destroyed by the
Japanese during the invasion ; at last China amended that
clause in her history which stated that Kwang-lnl was a good
man and that In-jong Ta-wang had usurped the throne, and
the king presented one of the corrected copies at the ancestral
temple ; the cruel form of torture, which consisted in tying
the ankles together and then twisting a stout stick between
the bones, was done away ;. a granary was built on the eastern
lyc^ KOKEAX HISTORY.
coast, to be stocked with grain each year by the peo]:)le of
Kyung-sang Province, for use in case of famine in the north-
ern province of Hamgyiing; the king claimed that the scarci-
ty of rice was due to the fact that so much of it was used in
the making of wine and again threatened to kill anyone who
should make, sell or use that beverage ; in fact he placed
detectives all about Seoul, along the main roads, whose
business it was to smell of the breath of everyone whose face
or gait indicated indulgence in the flowing bowl!
A boatload of men belonging to the overthrown Ming
dynasty appeared on the southern coast and asked aid in an
attempt to wrest again the scepter from tlie Miuchus, but
they were politely refused ; the king abolished that form of
punishment which consisted in applying red hot irons to the
limbs ; he built the Chung-sung, or inner wall at P'yungyang
in order to cut off the view of a kyu-bon^ or "spying peak,"
which in Korea is supposed to bring bad luck. Any place
from which may be seen the top of a mountain peak just
peeping above the summit of a nearer mountain is considered
unfit for a burial or building site.
About the year 1733 famines were so frequent that the
king appointed a bureau of agriculture and appointed inspec-
tors for each of the provinces to help in securing good irriga-
tion ; a man named Yi Keui-ha invented a war chariot with
swords or spears extending out from the hubs of the wheels
on either side. He was rewarded with a generalship. The
king established a special detective force differing from the
ordinary detective force '\\) being more secret in its operations
and in holding greater powers. The rules for its guidance
were as follows, and they throw light upon existing conditions.
(i) After careful investigation they may close up any
prefectural office and send the prefect to Seoul for trial.
(2) This does not apply to prefectures where animals are
being reared for use in ancestral sacrifices.
(3) In order to maintain their incognito the}' .shall not
demand food for iiothing at the country inns but shall pay
the regular prices.
(4) For the same reason they shall not stop long in the
same place.
(5) They must look sharply after the district constables
MODERN KOKKA. TJl
and thief-catchers aiid see that they are diliojent and effective.
(6) They must put a stop to the pernicious custom of
prefects' servants taking money in advance from farmers as a
bribe to remit in part future government dues.
(7) They shall prevent the sending in of incorrect esti-
mates of the area of taxable land.
(S) They shall see to it that prefects do not receive extra
interest on government seed loaned to the people and payable
in the autumn after the crop is harvested.
(9) They shall prevent prefects appropriating ginseng
which they confiscate from illegal sellers,
(10) They shall prevent the king's relatives and friends
seizing people's land.
(11) They shall stop the evil custom of prefects withhold-
ing the certificate of release from pardoned exiles until they
have paid a certain sum of money.
(12) The}' shall prevent the enlistment of too many men,
who thereby claim their living from the govenment granaries,
(13) They shall see to it that the prefects do not keep the
good cloth paid by the people for soldiers'cljthes, and hand
over to the soldiers a poorer quality.
(14) They shall prevent creditors compounding interest
if a debtor fails to pay on time.
( 15) They shall stop the making of poor gun-powder and
of muskets with too small a bore.
(16) They shall enforce the law that the grandson of a
slave is free.
(17) They shill see to it that the prefects in P'yung-an
Province do not receive revenue above the legal amount.
Each of these specifications might be made the heading of
a long chapter in Korean history. We have here in epitome
the causes of Korea's condition to-day.
The governor of Kang-wiin Province stated that on ac-
count of the frequent famines he could not send three men
annually as heretofore to the island of Ul-leung (Dagelet), but
the king replied tljat as the Japanese had asked for that
island, it would be neces.sary to make the annual inspection
as heretofore.
In the year 1734 the king made his second son heir to
the throne; he did away with the punishment of men who sold
172 KORKAX HISTORY.
goods ill competition with the giiil is or monopolies establish-
ed at Chonj^-no, the center of the capital. There had been so
many royal deaths that the people had become accustomed to
the use of white clothes, and had forgotten all other custom.
lUit the kitig now declared that white was the worst of colors
because it soiled so easily, and he orderei the use of blue,
red or black, but giving the preference to the first as b;ing
the color that corresponds with east. In the early years of
the dynasty King Se-jong had made a gauge of the size of
whipping rods. It was shaped like a gun barrel, and no one
was to be whipped with a rod that could not be put into this
gauge like a ramrod. The king revived this law and had
many gauges made and sent all about the country to the dif-
ferent prefectures. He also forbade anyone but a properly
authorised official to administer a whipping, and he abrogated
the law by which thieves were branded by being struck in the
forehead and on each cheek with a great bunch of needles af-
ter which ink was rubbed into the wounds. Hi next did
away with the clumsy three-decked war-vessels which were
slow and unseaworthy and in place of them substituted what
he called the "Sea Falcon Boat" which had sails extending
from the sides like vviagsiand which combined both speed atid
safety. These ha stationed all along the coast.
While on a trip to Song-dc the king paid a compliment to
the people of Pu-jo-ga, the ward in that city where dwell the
descendants of the men of the former dynasty, who do not
acknowledge the present dynasty, and thus show their loyalty
to their ancient master. At the same time he. for the first
time, inclosed in a fence the celebrated S'in-juk Bridge, where
still shows the blood of the murdered statesman Chong Moug-
Since the days of King Se-jong, who determined the length
of the Korean yard-stick, that useful instrument had shrunk-
en in some measure and its length differed in different locali-
ties. So now again the king gave strict orders about it and
required all yard-sticks to be made to conform to a pattern
which he gave. Previous to the days of King Myung-jong
men of the literary degrees dressed in red, but white had
gradualh' taken its place; and now the king ordered them to
go back to the good old custom. The official grade called
MODERN KOKEA. I73
Halyim became such an object of strife ainong^ the officials that
the king was constrained to abolish it, though it has since
been revived. Two of the emperors of the Sung dynasty in
China have their graves on Korean soil in the vicinity of K-ip-
san. The duty of keeping these graves in order was now
placed in the hands of the governor of Ham-gyung Province.
The king anticipated the death of all party strife by setting up
a monumentat the Song-gyun-gwan in memory thereof and he
ordered the people of different parties to intermarry and be-
come good friends. During the Manchu and Japanese inva-
sions all the musical instruments liad been either destroyed
or stolen, and as yet they had not been wholly replaced, but
now there were found in a well at the palace a set of twenty-
four metal pendants which, when struck with a hammer, gave
four various musical notes. Th^ inscriptions on them indicat-
ed that they had come down from the time of King Se-joug.
This aroused the king's interest and he set skillful men at
work making various instruments, notably a small chime of
bells to be used at the ro^-al ancestral worship.
CHAPTER XII.
Gates roofed .. superstition . sorcery interdicted. .. .a plebiscite ... .
wine-bibber executed . a female Buddha ....growth of Roman
Catholicism. . . .sanitation . . a senile king. . . .suspicions against the
Crown Prince... plot against him . an ambitious woman. .. .the
prince's trial .. a painful scene .. the prince killed. .. .law against
wine relaxed. .. .sacrifice. . . census ..various changes ... party
schism . emancipation proclamation. .. .a dangerous uncle.... a
new king ..literary works .. justice .. study of Christianity. .. .
various innovations .. rumors of war . . . . "])irthplace" of Roman
Catholicism in Korea . opposition . terrible scourge of cholera
. . . .conspiracy. . . .women's. coiffure . . Roman Catholic persecution
....Ro7nan Catholic books declared seditious .. prosperity and
adversity. . . a Chinese priest enters Korea . . .types made. . . .liter-
ary works . suggestion as to coinage . . . Chinese priest asks that a
Portugese embassy be sent to Korea ..the king not violently op-
posed to Christianity.
In the year 1743 the king put roofs upon the West and
North-east Gates. Before that time they had been simply
174 KOKK\N HISTORY.
arches. He set on foot an agitation against the use of silk, and
ordered that no more banners be made of that material. He
utterly did away with the last remnant of the Soron party by
an edict in which he stated that all who would go by that
name were traitors. There was a popular superstition that
the third and sixth on the list of successful candidates at
the government examinations would soon die ; so the ex-
aminers were careful to substitute other names, in case a
friend or relative found himself in this awkward predicament.
The king happened to see this done once and upon inquiry
found that the names of two Song-do men were being sub-
stituted in })lace of those of some friends of the examiners.
In anger he ordered the names to be all mixed up again, and
that eich man be made to run his chance of sudden death.
One of his ujost salutary reforms was the doing away with
the viuda7ig or sorceress class, who did and still do so
much to corrupt the morals and degrade the manners of the
Korean people. This period beheld the invention of the one-
wheeled chair, but its use was always confined to the third
official grade. A step backward was taken when it was
decreed that no one above the ninth official grade could
be beaten as punishment for crime. It tended to build up
another barrier between the upper and lower classes. And
yet it was not an unmixed evil, for a public beating must in-
evitably lower the dignity of the office that the culprit holds.
There was such universal complaint against both the laud and
the poll taxes that the king put it to vote at a plebiscite call-
ed in Seoul in 1750, and the people voted unanimously for a
house tax instead, and the king complied. The next year a
grandson was born to him, who was destined to be his suc-
cessor. He found it necessary to police the four mountains
about Seoul to prevent the trees all being cut down. He
built for the first time a fortification at the Im-jin River. In
1751 famines in different localities drove crowds of people to
Seoul and the government was obliged to feed them ; then the
king's mother died; then the queen died. The king said
there must be some extraordinary cause for all these calamities.
He believed it was because wine was being secretly used in
the palace. It was denied, but he was incredulous and order-
ed that even in the ancestral sacrifices the use of wine be
MODERN KOREA. 1/5
dispensed with and that water be used instead. The prov-
incial general of Ham-gyung Province was convicted of hav-
ing used wine and the king went outside the South Gate to
sec him executed. The culprit's head was set on a pole in
view of the populace. Following up the good work of doing
away with sorcery, the king banished from Seoul all the blind
exorcists.
The year 1753 was marked by two events of im[)ortance.
A woman created a great disturbance in Whang- ha. Province
by claiming to be a Buddha and inciting the women every-
where to burn up the ancestral shrines. The trouble ended
only when the king sent a special ofificer to seize and execute
her.
We are told that by this time the secret study of the
tenets of Roman Catholicism had resulted in its wide diffusion
in the provinces of Whang-ha and Kang-wun, There was
uneasiness at court on account of the rumor that the people
were throwing away their ancestral tablets, and the king
ordered the governors of those provinces to put down the
growing sect. This was more easily ordered than done,
and as no deaths followed it is probable that the governors
did little beside threaten and denounce. Two years later a
work of importance was completed. The great sewer of the
city was quite inadequate to carry away the sewage of the
city and every time a heavy rain fell the sewer overflowed
and the street from the great bell to the East Gate became a
torrent. The king gave two million cash out of his private
purse and the sewer was properly cleaned out. He also ap-
pointed a commission on sewerage and ordered that there be
a systematic cleaning out every three years.
We have now arrived at the thirty-eighth year of the
reign, corresponding to the j'ear 1761 A. I). Up to that time
the reign had been a brilliant one, not because of military suc-
cesses but because of social, economic and othi^r reforms.
So far, it stands side by side with the reign of Suk-jong Ta-
wang, who with the aid of the illustrious Song Si-ryul, eflfect-
ed such far-reaching refortus. We have yet seen but few signs
of that growing senility which forms such a marked charac-
teristic of the remainder of this reign. The king was now
over seventy years old and he had lost that vigor of mind
176 KOKEAN HISTUKV.
which characterized the earlier years of his reign. But he
still possessed all that iuiperiousiiess of will which likewise
characterized him. Good judgment and will power should
decline together or else the results may be disastrous, as is
illustrated in the remaining years of his reign.
We will remember that his first son had died and his
second son had been made heir to the throne. He in turn
had a son who was now eight years old. The evils which we
are about to relate grew out of the fact that the heir was not
as stronglv attached to the Noron party as its adherents diesired
and they feared that his accession might result in a resuscita-
tion of the defunct Soron party. The truth is the son carried
out in fact what his father commanded, but did not live up to
— namely the obliteration of all party lines. The old mm,
while always preaching the breaking up of party clauishuess,
remained a good Noron tothee;id of his days and the Norons
had all the good thin^js in his gift. The king perhaps thought
that party lines had been lost sight of, but it was only the over-
whelming ascendency of the Noron pary, which made com-
parison absurd. Instead of destroying party lines ht did
the ver}' opposite in putting all the power into the hands of a
single party. This suspicion against the Crown Prince on
the part of the party in power was the main cause of the
disturbance which followed, but its immediate cause was the
ambition of a woman, a not unusual stumbling-block in the
path of empire. This woman was the sister of the Crown
Prince who desired that her husband be made king. Her
name was Princess Wha-whan Ong-ju. One of the palace wo-
men also hated the Crown Prince. All these people desired
his removal from the field of action and all liad different rea-
sons. The Noron rarty wanted to save themselves ; the
Princess wanted to become queen, and the palace woman wanted
revenge; why, we are not told.
Ii did not take long to find a way. Hong Kye-heui, Hong
Pong-han and Kim Sang-no, threechoicespirits came together
and began laying plans for the overthrow of the Crown Prince.
They first instructed the soldiers about the person of the
Prince to steal women or goods and, when questioned about
it, claim that it was at the order of the Prince. Onedaj'when
the king was taking a walk behind the palace he came across
MODEKN KOREA.. 177
a shallow excavation in the earth, covered with thatch.
Looking in, he found it filled with mourners' clothes aud
other objects of mournino. Inquiring; what it meant, he was
told that the Crown Prince was impatient to have him die and
that he had prepared the mourner-^' garments in advance.
This aroused the anger of the king. He never stopped to
think that it might be a trick against the Prince. Every
thing lent color to the suspicion. Again, one day, the king
found the palace woman, above mentioned, weeping bitterly.
Sh=; said it was because the Crown Prince had offered her in-
dignity. So b3^ degrees plotters, bringing apparent evidence
from several sides, which could not but seem conclusive,
gradually estranged the king from his son and at last caused
the removal of the latter to another palace, the one called the
""Old Palace." These things preyed upon the mind of the
Crown Prince and made him ill, but to add to this, it is said
they administered drugs to him which tended to unbalance
his mind and make him violent toward those about him. Then
the Princess his sister arranged a trip to P'yiing-yang for his
health. It was intended that while he was there he should be
charged with plotting to bring a force to overthrow the king
and usurp the government. On his return, as he was ap-
proaching the city near night, an official came in to the king
and announced that the Crown Prince was outside the gate
and intended to come in that night and seize 'the scepter.
This threw the king into a frenzy of rage. He immediately
had all the gates put under double guard and sent out demand-
ing the reason of the Prince's treasonable actions. The latter
denied all treasonable intentions, but it was too late. The old
man was unable to reason calmly about the matter. On the
fifteenth day of the fifth moon the king went down to the
"Old Palace" to sit in judgment on his son. It was an
exceedingly hot day. When the Crown Prince came in
and bowed before his father, the latter said "Do you realize
how you have sinned?" The Prince replied that he was not
conscious of having sinned against his father in any way what-
ever. As the king had already decided in his mind that the
Prince was guilty, this denial made him simply furious. He
screamed "If you do not die it will mean the destruction of
the dynasty. So die." He then ordered all the assembled
17'^ KOREAN HISTORY.
courtiers to bare their swords but they hesitated, for they
knew the Prince was innocent ; but when the king leaped up
and drew his sword they had to do likewise. The Prince
calmly said "I am no criminal, but if I am to die it ought not
to be before the eyes of my father. I^et me return to my
apartments and then do with me as you will." The king was
too far gone with rage and excitement to care for the dignity
of his high station or to care for appearances. "No," he
screamed, "It must be here before myeyes." Thereupon the
Prince undid the girdle about his waist and proceeded to
strangle himself. The whole court were horrified, excepting
the king, who could no longer be called sane. They rushed
forward, undid the cord and dashed water in his face to bring
him back to consciousness, in spite of the king's loully voci-
ferated commands to the contrary. They joined with one
voice in asking the king's clemency, but they might as well
have asked a maniac. He threatened to kill them too if they
persisted in thwarting him. He then ordered a heavy plank
box to be brought in and the Prince was commanded to get
into it. But at the moment he was trying to beat his brains
out against a stone and did not hear the command. One of
the officials ran to him and spread out his hands on the stone
and received the blows that were intended to end the life of
the unhappy Prince. Being dissuaded from this, the Prince
arose and went to his father and said "I am your only son,
father, and though I may have sinned, overlook it and forgive
me. You are not like my father now. You will recover from
this passion and lament it." This enraged the king to such
an extent that he could hardly articulate as he ordered the
Prince to get into the box. At this moment they brought up
the little grandson to plead for his father's life, but the king
raised his foot and gave the child a kick that sent it reeling
back into the arms of those who had brought it. It was evi-
dent that there was nothing to be done; so the Prince pro-
ceeded to climb into the box. It was now dark and when the
cover was nailed on it was not noticed that there was a large
knot-hole in one side of the box. One of the officials came
and spoke to the Prince through this hole. He was over-
come by the heat and asked for water and a fan, which were
passed in to him. One of those who were interested in the
MODERN KOREA. 179
Priuce's death told the king vvliat was going on, and he hnr-
ried out and ordered a heavy plank nailed over the hole, and
banished the man who had helped the Prince. The assembly
broke up, but the Prince was left in this narrow prison day
after day to starve. Kach day one of the palace servants gave
the box a heavy blow with a stone. At first it elicited an
angry protest from the Prince but the fourth day he only said
"I am very dizzy. Please leave me in peace." On the seventh
day there was no response, and the servant bored a hole and
put in his hand and felt the cold body of the dead Prince. The
body was wrapped in grave-clothes and taken away for burial.
He received the posthumous name of Sa-do. It is a singular
fact that from that daj' to his end, some fifteen years later,
the king never expressed sorrow for this act of cruelty. It is
also significant that the Princess ne\ er tried to carry out her
plan of having her husband become king. The horror of this
scene seems to have turned her mind away from its purpose.
At any rate she drops from the page of history without being
given an opportunity to atone even in part for the terrible
crime for which she was largely to blame. The king still
looked upon his grandson as the heir to the throne, but he
made him disown his dead father and take his uncle as father.
He likewise made the boy solemnly promise never to change
his mind in this. We see from this that the kit)g continued
to the very end to think that the Prince was guilty and his
deed justifiable.
The year 1764 found an octogenarian on the throne.
From this time on, the king was exceedingly feeble, but he
clung to life with a tenacity that was amazing, and was des-
tined to encumber the throne for a full decade still. Hi^ in-
creasing weakness made it necessary for his physicians to
prescribe a little wine. He acquiesced, and from this time
the laws against the use of wine were relaxed somewhat. Its
use was soon resumed in connection with the ancestral wor-
ship, but only at the importunity of the princess.
These declining years are by no means barren of interest-
ing events. The annual sacrifice in behalf of the country had
always been made at Pi-biik Mountain in Ham-gyiing Pro-
vince, but it was told the king that as Pak tn Mountain stood
at the head of the country and dominated the whole, as it
iSo KOREVN histc;rv.
were, the sacrifice should be made on or near that mountain,
So it was decreed that from that time on the sacrifice sliould
be perforuied at Un-ch'on Mangduk-p'yung, eight // beyond
Kap san and in full view of the great Piik tu-san or "Moun-
tain of the White Head." And it was further decreed that
those who took part in the service should be secluded for four
days before the event, should bathe often and put on clean
clothes and forego all commerce with women.
In 1767 the king ordered a full census of the country. It
was found to contain 1,679.865 houses, containing 7.006,248
people. In other words there had been an increase of over
800,000 since the year 1657. He also ordered the making of
a new rain gauge. The first one is said to have been made by
King Se-jong. He did away witli the punishment that con-
sists in beating the tops of the feet until, frequently, the toes
drop off. On account of the danger of shipwreck in round-
ing the corner of Whang-ha Province the king ordered the
discontinuance of annual naval tactics at Chang-nyun, ex-
cepting for the boats regularly stationed there. He built a
palace in Chfin-ju in ChuMa Province and had sacrifices of-
fered there, for although Ham-gyung Province is said to be
the birthplace of the line, the family really originated in the
south. The king also revived the ancient custom of having
a bell hang in the palace gateway, to be struck by anyone who
had a grievance to lay before the king.
A split occurred in the Noron party in the year 1771.
The two factions were called respectively the Si and the Pyiik.
The fornier held that the father of the Crown Prince was an
inr.ocent man and had been unjustly punished, while the
latter held the reverse. It is evident that those who claimed he
was innocent were making a bid for favor with the prospective
king.
At the time of which we write the great sewer of the city
had a line of ancient willows extending the whole length.
This was found to be a disadvantage and they were hewn
down and the sewer was walled in as we see it todaj'. Two
more factions arose about this time. They were called the
Nak and the Ho. Their differences were caused by conflict-
ing theories as to the interpretation of the Confucian clas-
sics.
MODERN K()KP:a. iSi
The greatest act of this king, aud the oue that casts the
greatest luster on his memory, was reserved for the twilight
of -his reign. What led to it we are not told, but in the
eighty-ninth year of his life, by a single stroke of the brush,
he emancipated all the serfs in Korea. Up to this time all
the common people had been serfs of the j'an^-dajis or noble
class. In every district and in every ward each man of the
common people owed allegiance to some local gentleman. It
took the form usually of a tax or tribute in kind and was very
loose in its application ; but on occasion the master could call
upon all these people for service and he could even sell them
if he so desired. This is the reason why it is exceedingly rare
that a family removes permanently from any locality, at least
nominally. A man may go from place to place, or may live
permanently at the capital, but when asked where he lives he
will invariably name the exact spot where he originated and
where the seat of his family is still supposed to be. When
the common people were serfs the}' could not move at will,
and the custom became so ingrained in them that to this day
its effects are plainly seen. This aged king put forth
his hand and decreed that this serfdom should cease once
for all. It was different from slavery. That institution
still continued and has continued to the present day. This
serfdom included all the people who did not belong to
the so-called ya7jg-ba7i class. It is quite plain that the
line of demarcation between the common people and the
nobility was very much more clearly defined than at the
present day. We find no indication that the order was re-
sisted in any part of the country. It is probable that the
serfdom had gradually become largely nominal and the people
only gradually came to realize what the edict really meant.
Even to this day the spirit of serfdom is a marked character-
istic of the people.
His ninetieth year beheld the complete mental and physi-
cal collapse of the king. He could not attend to the ancestral
sacrifices ; his mind continually wandered from the subject in
hand. He would order a meeting of his councillors aud then
forget that he had ordered it, or forget what he had ordered
it for.
Hong In-han hated the young Crown Prince. It had
1^2 KOKKAN HISTUKV.
long been his ambition to see on the throne thj «on of the
})rinces.s who had given up the project of becoming queen.
He worked with all his might to have the fatal day put off,
when the royal seals should be put in the hands of the prince.
He; wns all the more dangerous as he was the prince's uncle,
and therefore more difficult to handle.
When the aged king insisted upon giving up, this man
said, "Not yet, you have many 3'^ears more to reign," and he
succeeded in delaying the matter, hoping that something might
intervene to prevent the consummation that he dreaded. At
one time when the king called a clerk to record his decree
that the Crown Prince, from that day, should assume the
reins of power. Hong violently pushed the clerk away and
prevented it. The officials were all in a state of trepidation
over the^e high-handed proceedings, fearing that they might
become compromised, but help was at hand. Su Myang-sun
memorialized the king and set forth this Hong in such a light
that the king with a last effort asserted himself and the young
prince became king. A near friend of Hong was banished as
a hint that Hong himself might expect punishment if he
persisted in making trouble. Early the next year more of
Hong's friends were banished. The aged king took the newly
appointed King to the shrine of his foster father and made him
swear that he would ever consider himself the sou of that
man rather than of his real father. The young man asked
that the record of his father's death be expunged from the of-
ficial records and so they were taken outside the Northwest
Gate and "washed" in the stream.
In the third moon of 1776 the old man died. Thenewking
is known by his posthumous title of Choug-jong Ta-wang.
He immediately raised his adopted father to the rank of Chiu-
jong T3-wangand gavehisreal father thetitleChang-hon Se-ja.
The reign just ended had been rich in literary products.
The names of same of the books published are : "How to deal
with the native fever," "The eveil deeds of the Soron part}^"
"Conduct and Morals," "Fortifications and Military Tactics,"
"A Catechism of Morals," "A reprint of the Confucian work
So-hak-ji," "An Abstract, in 100 volumes, of five important
historical and geographical works." This last was called the
Mun-hon Pi-go.
MODKKN KOKEA. I S3
In spite of the oath that he had taken, the young king
built a sejiarate shrine to his father and worshiped at it in
the same manner as at the ancestral temple. This was in ac-
cord with the letter of the oath, for he religiously refrained
from calling his father by that name. He likewise honored
the memory of his father by decreeing that if anj'one men-
tioned the fact that he had been enclosed in a box and starved
to death it would mean death. He banished the son of the
princess who had encompassed his father's death. The high-
handed Hong In-han who had worked so hard to prevent his
accession was first banished to Yo-san and enclosed in a thorn
hedge, and then was poisoned by royal edict.
His first year of rule was marked by an attempt to assas-
sinate him and put his brother on the throne, but the assas-
sin was taken, knife in hand, and upon his confession Hong
Sang-bom and his whole family were seized and put to death.
At last in sheer self-defense the king was obliged to put
his brother to death. At the same time he forbade the pres-
ence of sorceresses in the capital and banished many who
had been instrumental in his father's death. From this it
would appear that there was a powerful clique in Seoul who
were trjnng everj' means to accomplish his overthrow.
Being without issue, the king, at the instigation of his
mother, took a concubine, the sister of one of his favorites,
Hong Kuk-yung. This resulted very unfortunately, for
when this concubine died her father was drawn iuto treason-
able operations.
Many of the present customs of Korea date from this
reign. The king first made the law that after the closing
of the gates, they could not be opened except by special permis-
sion from himself.
It was in his first year that the scholar Kwan Chul-sin
gathered about him a company of disciples and went to a
mountain retreat to study. They possessed one copy of a
Christian work. This they diligently studied, and one and all
determined to adopt the belief there inculcated. So far as
they understood it, they practiced its teachings in secret.
Two years later the king took as a second concubine the
daughter of Yun Ch'ang-yun, and Hong the father of the
first concubine, because of his opposition to it, was banished .
184 KORKAN IIISTOKy.
Up to this time very few officials had been drawn from the
northern provinces or from vSong-do. bnt now the king decreed
that they were as wortliy to receive office as any others and
said that they should share in the gifts of the government.
He ordered that a record be kept of all the decisions in coun-
cil and that they be preserved in a book c tiled the Il-deuk-rok.
Those were da\s of severe famine in the land and the king
did all in his power to relieve the distress, giving from his
private treasure large quantities of silver bullion, black pepper
and dyewood, things of great value in Korea.
In the year 1783 strange rumors were afloat. It was said
that war had been declared against Korea by some foreign
power which was about to throw an immense army into tlie
peninsula. No one knew where it was to come from, but
many believed it was Japan. The excitement grew so strong
that crowds of people fled to the coun^ry, and so great was
the influx into the southern jirovinces that real estate rose
rapidly in value. Such was the haste of these deluded people
that on the road families became separated and children were
lost. Out of pity for the latter the king founded an asylum
in Seoul for their maintenance.
Yi Tuk-cho of Kyong-ju was one of the men who had
accepted the teachings of the Roman Catholic books and in
this 3-ear he induced a young attach^ of the embassy to
Peking to look up the missionaries there and get such light as
he could on the subject. This young man, Yi STing-hun, met
at Peking the Portugese Alexandre de Govea of the Francis-
_can order. He accepted Christianity and was baptized under
the name of Pierre. He brought back with him many books,
crosses, images and otlier religious emblems. vSome of these
he gave to Yi Tiik-cho who redoubled his studies and at the
.same time began to do some proselyting. Two of his most
celebrated converts were two brothers Kwun Ch'ul-sin and
Kwfin Il-sin of Yang-geun, thirty miles from Seoul. This
town is called the birth-place of Roman Catholicism in Korea.
Yi Tuk-cho took the baptismal name of Jean Baptiste and
Kwun 11-siu that of Francois Xavier. The propagation of
the Christian faith soon began in Seoul and from there rap-
idly spread in the south.
In 1785 the Minister of Justice began active operations
MOnKKX KORKA. 1 85
ngaiiist the new faith and in the third moon of that year a
courtier memorialized the king on the subject. This caused
the defection of nianj- of the converts.
In 1786 Kim Yi-so informed the king thnt when envoys
came back from China they brought in their train many Cath-
olic books, which caui-ed a "conflagration" in the country,
and he denounced it as a bad religion. He said the books
were flooding the land and that the only way to stop it was to
make Euiju, on the b)rder, a customs port and have all bag-
gage strictly examined bc-fore being allowed to pass.
Many Chinese had settled on Sin Island off Eui-ju but
the Koreans on the adjacent mainland resented it. They col-
lected a considerable band of men and crosse 1 to the island
where they burned all the honses of the settlers and destroyed
all their property. When the king heard of it he condemned
it as a brutal outrage. This year was marked by one of the
most destructive scourges that ever visited the country.
Cholera swept the land from end to end. It is asserted that
370,979 people perished, among whom was the infant Crown
Prince. The government foutid it necessary to undertake the
work of interment The king gave out from the dispensary
29.000 pills, and in Seoul alone there were 8,149 recoveries.
Knowing as we do the frightful ravages of this disease when
it takes a virulent turn, the fact that there were over 8,000 re-
coveries in Seoul indicates that there must have been at least
60,000 deaths. Probably this was more than half the popula-
tion of the city at that time. It was during this same year
that the great mound in Kang-dong, P'}ving-an Province,
was found. It is some 680 feet in circumfeience. It was
called, from the first, the grave of the Tan-gun, though there
i*^ of course no evidence to show that this i-> more than the
merest fancy.
The king had a half brother named Prince Eun-ou for
whom he had a great affection ; but Hong Kuk-Yung whose
daughter had been the king's first concubine and had violent-
ly opposed a second union, now conspired with two other
choice spirits with a view to putting Prince Eun-ou on the
throne. The vigilant Queen Mother discovered the plot and
the conspirators were executed. All likewi.se demanded the
death of the young prince- but to this the king would not
l86 KOKEAN HISTORY.
listen. He was forced to banish him to Qnelpirt, but a short
time after had him brought back as far as King-wha, where
comfortable quarters were provided for him.
The king interdicted the use of silk excepting by very
high officials and by very old pcDple. He set up stones to
mark the place where the great-grandfather of T'h-jo Ta-wang
had lived, where his grandfather had fished and where that
king himself had once lived, in Ham-gyung Province. Some-
one found in P'yung ch'ang, Ham-gyung Province, the grave
of T'a-jo Ta-wang's great-grandmother and the king had it
repaired and guarded.
Up to that date the women had been accustomed to wear
the hair in a great bunch on top of the head as female profes-
sional mourners do to-day in Korea. Large amounts of false
hair were used and it was decorated with long pins and with
flowers. It is said that a full headdress cost as much as tl.e
furnishings of a house. The king ordered a change in this
expensive custom, and since that day only mourners and
palace women have been allowed to wear them.
The city of Su-wiin dates its importance from the year
17S9, for at that time the king removed his father's grave to
that place and went there several times to sacrifice. He
secretly called his banished brother from Kuig-wha, but when
his mother learned of it she made such an ado about it that he
was fain to send him back. At Hara-heung, nr'ar the ancestral
seat of the dynast>-. there was an immense tree, so large that
ten men holding each other's haiids could but just encircle
it. The shadow which it cast w^as "'A hundred furrows
wMde." So goes the story. The king had it enclosed in
a wall, as being the place where his great ancestor practiced
archery.
The year 1791 will always be mtmorable for the persecu-
tion of the Roman Catholics. During the preceding year
the Roman Catholic converts had sent a man to Peking to ar-
range for the coming of a priest who could administer the sa-
craments, for the Koreans had been strictly forbidden by the
Catholic authorities in China to administer them an)ong them-
selves without the services of a regularly consecrated priest.
At the same time certain important qtiestions about ancestor
worship were asked. A priest was promised to the Korean
JIODKRN KOREA. 1S7
cliurch but the answers to the questions about ancestor wor-
ship were very unsatisfactory to the Koreans and in conse-
quence there were many defections. It is much to the credit
of the Roman propag[anda that from tlie very first it set its
face hard ao^ninst the practice of ancestor worship. In the
fifth moon it is said the "flame of Roman Catholicism burned
high." Ill other words it was discovered then what had been
going on quietly for many years. Two men of Chinsan in
Chul-la Province were caught and killed because they had
burned their ancestral tablets. It was only after long discus-
sion and with great hesitation that the order was given for
their decapitation, and at the very last moment, after the men
had already been carried to the plaie of execution, the king
changed his mind and sent a reprieve ; but it was too late. The
king called the new religion not Ch'un-jn-hak or "Religion of
the Lord of Heaven," but Sa-hak or "The Deceiving Re-
ligion." The Minister Choa Che-gong advised the king to an-
nihilate all Roman Catholics, but the king answered, "We
must do it by elevating Confucianism." He had found the
only rational way to deal with religious differences. He said,
in substance, let the fittest survive. This is all that Chris-
tianity asks in any land, and the opposition of it by force
always has been and always will be an acknowledgment of in-
feriority. The king knew well that China was the source
from which the new influences came and he made a very strict
law against the bringing across the border of Christian books.
An edict was promulgated threatening with punishment all
who did not deliver up their Christian books within twenty
days, and the prefect of Chin-san, where the two men h:d
been working, was cashiered and (forty-five other prefects
were degraded one or two degrees, because Christian converts
were numerous in their districts. The Roman Catholic writers
attribute the numerous defections at this time to the entire
lack of pastoral care, the absence of the sacraments and the
paucity of Christian literature.
The king did not live up to his advanced ideas about us-
ing physical force to combat Christianity, for in the eleventh
moon of this year four high officials who had embraced Chris-
tianity were seized and put to death, together with a consider-
able number of the common people.
iSS KOREVN HISrOKY.
Ill i7y2 the poje formally put the care of the Korean
chnrcli in the hnnds of thi Bishop of Peking.
Sacrifices were offered at the tombs of Tan-gun, Ki-ja,
Sn-ro\vnng (the founder of Karak) and of T'sl-jo TJ5-vvang.
Whether this was done to aid in 'Combatting Christianit>- we
are not told but it is not improbable. This was a time of
general prosperit}'^ among the people and it witnessed a
rapid increase in the population of Korea. These things
were evidenced by the strong colonizing spirit which sprang
up. Thousands flocked northw;ird to the banks of the Yalu
and to the islands on the coast, and the area of arable laud
was largely increased. Two years later this period of pros-
perity termiiiated in a terrible famine in all the southern and
central provinces, and the government was obliged to dispe.i^e
280,000 bags of rice among the sufferers. This same year
envoys froui the Liu Kiu Islands were well received. The
King told them that two hundred years before Liu Kiu offici-
als had been given honorary titles by thr king of Korea. In
view of the friendly relations that had always existed be-
tween Korea and these islands, the envoys were feasted and
sent off in grand style. Late in this same year, 1794, the
Chinese Roman Catholic priest Tsiou crossed the Yalu and
entered Korea. The government was aware of it and his ar-
rest was ordered, but he escaped from Seoul in disguise. Two
of his companions were taken, and as the)' refused to give
information as to his whereabouts they v\ere immediately put
to death. At the time of his coming the Catholics estimate
thit there were 400 belivers in Korea, but within a very few
years the number increased to 6,000.
The year 1796 was signalised by a most important event
in the field of letters In the beginning of the dynasty a fc-unt
of 100,000 pieces of moveable copper types had been cast, and
these had been supplemented soon after b}' 200,000 more.
Now the king began to add to them. First he put out 50,000
and a year later he added 150,000 more; then 80,000 more
were made, and moveable wooden types were made to the
number of 320,000. Alread}' during this reign the following
works had appeared. "The Gradation of Penalties," "A
Commentary on the Chinese Classics," "The Proper Conduct
of the kiug," "The Record of the Decisions in Council,"
MODERN KOREA. I 89
"On Korean Customs," "On Military Tactics," "On Forms
of Official Correspoudeuce," 'On the Science of Govern-
ment." These were now followed by several editions of
military and Confucian works, one of which was a digest of
all the Confucian Classics in ninety-nine volumes. Th.e King
was a great lover of books and gathered all the best books
that could be procured. One work whose publishing he
superintended in person reached the modest number of 191
volumes.
The Minister of Finance advised the minting of five-cash
pieces but all the ofhcials united in a protest against it and
advised retrenchment as the alternative. In this they were
right, for the policy of meeting a deficit by minting monc)'
could not but be disastrous.
CHAPTER XIII.
A peculiar plague... a peculiar remedy.... a new iiiug ..varions re-
forms. . . .beginning of the policy of Roman Catholic opposition . . .
Christianity and politics. . . .causes of opposition. . . .prisons full. . . .
Chinese evangelist killed. . . .a traitorous letter intercepted. . . end
of the persecution. ., .conflagration . eight severe charges. .. the
miners' rebellion .... siege of Chung-ju .... the mine explodes ....
Catholics send to Peking for a priest. . . a long list of calamities. . . .
cholera. . . .taxes remitted. . . .Europeans fail to enter Korea. . . . nine
years' famine .. terrible suffering... a new king . reform....
French priests enter Korea . . the persecution of 1839 . . the first
French naval expedition against Korea . . .The Koreans answer the
French charges .. a new king . reforms .. .rapid spread of
Christianity consternation upon hearing of the fall of Peking. . . .
a noteworthy memorial .. panic ...a good opportunity lost.... a
women's riot.
In 1799 a peculiar plague broke out in P'yeng-yang and
spread with great rapidity. It began with fever and ague,
accompanied by a cough, and death was ver)'' sudden. The
king decided that if people so afflicted should eat beef they
would recover. So he ordered cattle to be killed and the beef
to be distributed among the people. The plague suddenly
ceased and the people have always believed that it was the
igo KORKAN HISTORY.
niarveloiis acumen of the king that enabled him to see the
remedy and stop the ravages of the disease.
Early in 1 800 he made his son heir to the throne, and
none too soon, for in the sixth moon he sickened and died.
It is said that his death was caused by his mourning over the
terrible fate of his father, whose cruel and untimely death
preyed upon his mind. Others say that the cause of his death
was a malignant boil.
The infant king, known b}- his posthumous title of Sun-
jo Ta-vvang, was of too tender an age to undertake the duties
of royalty and so the government was administert-d during
his minority by his grandmother, the woman who had wield-
ed such a strong influence over his father. She began by in-
stituting various reforms. Outside the West Gate, which was
then some distance to the west of the present New Gate,
there was a monastery where sorceresses and fortune-tellers
congregated. The Queen Mother drove them all out and
razed the monastery to the ground. The tax by which the
palace bod}'- guard was kept up was very distasteful to the
people and it was now remitted. Up to this time the
government medical dispensary had been supported by re-
venue in money or herbs from the country, but this tax was
also remitted. If we may believe the records when they say
that she freed all the government slaves, we can not but con-
fess that in some directions at least this Queen Regent was
of exceeding liberal mind.
It is from the year 1801 that we may date the determin-
ed and systematic opposition on the part of the government
against the Roman Catholic propaganda in the peninsula.
Two other factions had grown up in Seoul, the Si and the
P>uk. The latter were violent opponents of the new religion
but they had been held in check by the neutral attitude of the
late king. But now he was dead, and the Queen Regent,
being a member of that faction, determined to give full rein
to the anti-Christian prejudices of her partisans. It must be
remembered that the Koreans were extremely sensitive to
outside influences. The terrible invasion of the Japanese on
the one hand and of the Manchus on the other had made the
Koreans hate all suggestions of commerce with the outside
world, and they sedulously avoided every possible contact
MODERN' KORKA. I9I
with foreigners. This is one of the main causes of the op-
position to Christianity. But besides this, they had been told
that R6inan Catholicism struck at the very foundation of the
state and was more than likely to assume a political aspect, a
charge which, from the ver)' claims which it puts forth to
universal temporal as well as spiritual sovereignty, would be
somewhat hard to refute. We can scarcely wonder then that
there was severe opposition to it. It was looked upon as a
danger which menaced the state. It is said that Roman
Catholicism had assumed large proportions in Korea. Many
were now seized and put to death. Among them were eleven
high officials. Release was granted in case the accused would
consent to curse Christ. The agents of this persecution went
everywhere haling forth believers from city and village. vSoon
the prisons were runniu'^'over. Eleven men were executed
in April and fourteen in the following month. It is said that
two princesses who had adopted the foreign faith were put to
death. It was at this time that Tsiou, the Chinese evangelist,
whom the Koreans call Chu Mun-mo, was seized and put to
death outside the Little West Gate. He had at first fled
north to the Yalu and was on the point of crossing, when he
suddenly thought better of it, turned back, gave himself up
and heroically met his death.
A Korean named Whang Sa-yong had been instrumental
in bringing this Chinaman to preach the faith to h'S fellow-
countrymen. Now that the evangelist was executed this
Whang sent out a letter to the European residents of China
asking that a military expedition be gotten up to come to the
shores of Korea, overthrow the dynasty and set up another in
sympathy with the Christian faith. This letter was inter-
cepted, the man seized and cruelly torn to pieces. As to the
accuracy of these statements it would be rash to vouch. The
contents of that letter may or may not have been what is
generally believed by the Koreans, but judging from the active
interest which European governments rightly take in mission-
aries from their shores, it is not unlikely that the letter con-
tained substantially what is here stated. The persecution
terminated the following year when the government ordered
the execution of those already apprehended but ordered that
no more Christians be proceeded against. Between three and
Ig2 K(M<Iv\X IIISl'OKV.
four hundred people had perished and th^ church seemed to
have been cruslied.
It was in this year 1S03 that a terrible conflagration
swept P'yi'mg-yang, and a thousaiid -houses were destroyed.
It was repeated the following y^ar,. and it is asserted that al-
most the entire city was destroyed. '
Upon thedeath of the Queen Regent in i8o5thelast rem-
nant of persecution ceased and even the law which prohibit-
ed the import of books was allowed to remain a dead letter.
Corruption in government circles ran riot. The state of
things is well epitomized in a memorial which was sent in at
this time, (t) The Ministers spend all their time raiding
books. (2) Nepotism and bribery are the rule rather than
the exception. (3) The judges sit and wait for bribes. (4)
The examiners of the candidates' papers receive money in
advance, and merit can make no headway against cupidity.
(5) The censors have been struck dumb. (6) The prefects
do nothing but extort money from the people. (7) Luxury
saps the strength and wealth of the land. (8) The whole
commonwealth is diseased and rotten to the core.
The year iSii is marked by an uprising in the north,
where Hong Kynng n:1 attempted to set up a kingdom of his
own. He was a resident of P'yung-an Pro^'ince and wasa man
of enormous wealth. He was disaffected against the govern-
ment because thetiien of his section were discriminated against
in the distribution of offices; so he conferred with the miners
who were engiged in digging gold in various places, and he
told them an exaggerated storv of how ill they were being
treated by the government. He ended by proposing that, as
he had enotigh money for them all, they set up a kingdom of
their own. Tiie hardy miners, 5,000 in number, accepted the
proposal with alacrity and war was on foot. This company of
m
undrillcd but hardy miners were formidable and at first carried
everything before them. The\' first took the town of Chong-
ju, putting ti d^Tth the prefect and his wliole family.
When news of this reached Seoul the king appointed Yi Yo-
h'hi as general-in-chief against the rebels. P'ive thousand
soldiers were given him with which to do the work. Reacted
in a characteristic manner, settled him.'^elf comfortably at the
governor's house outside the New Gate and called it the
MODKKX KOKHA. I93
liendquarters. From that point he sent to the front Generals
i^u KiiMi-bo. Kim Kye-on and Pak Keni-p'unp. Meanwhile
the rebels were carryinjj; everythin^a; before them. Ch'ul-san,
Ka-san, Song^-ch'un, Yong chTm, Pak-ch'un and Son-ch'un
fell in (juick succession. All the governmenl ;)rovisions and
arms fell into their hands. The main camp of the rebels was
in the vicinity of An-ju and they wished to lake that place.
Here they met with strenuous opposition and ii was only after
a desperate struggle that they ever took the town. It took
ten days to reduce the place; but the back bone of the revolt
was broken before the government troops from Seoul arrived
on the scene. The various captains and local commanders
joined their forces, and by the time the government troops had
collected in P'yii'ig-yang the rebels had been driven into their
last remaining fortress, Chong-ju, and were being held in
siege. During the retreat of the rebels four of Hong's lieu-
tenants were captured and, being sent to Seoul, were there
summarily executed. The reduction of Chong-ju by siege
was a work of some time, and the king becoming impatient,
supplanted Gen. Pak Kye-p'ung and put Gen. Yu Hyo-wiin
in his place. The latter i-mmediately decided to attempt to
blow up the town of Chong-ju. Constructing a fence, or bar-
rier of some kind, a hundred and fifty paces from the wall, he
began, under cover of this, to mine the wall, supporting the
passage with beams of wood. When he had extended the
passage well under the wall he placed a large amount of
powder in it and attached a long fuse. After igniting the fuse
the soldiers all hastened out of the mine. No explosion fol-
lowed. No one dared to go in, for fear that the fuse might be
burning slowly and that the mine might explode while they
were within. After waiting two days, and finding no one
who would venture in. Gen. Yu himself entered and found
that the fuse had become wet. He remedied the difficulty
and soon there was a tremendous explosion that tore down a
long stretch of the wall and buried many of the garrison in
the debris. The place was soon taken. Hong was caught,
"The Man who Would be King," and his head was sent to
Seoul.
The Christians had now begun to recover in some measure
from the terrible persecution of iSoi and a man was sent to
194 KOREAN IIISTt^KV.
Peking to urge thpt a (|ualified priest lie sent to Korea, but
the Peking church itself was in great vicissitudes and no help
could be promised.
From this time on the reign was on^^ long list of calami-
ties which followed thick and fast upon each other. In 1.S13
there was a serious rebellion on the island of Qnelpart ; in
iS 1 4 occurred one of those fearful famines that sometimes
happen in the southern provinces; this was followed by a flood
in Kyung-sang Province which wrecked thousands of houses
and cost many lives; Seoul was without rice and the govern-
ment had to open its granaries and sell at starvation rates;
414,000 bags of grain were distributed to the suffc^rers in the
countr}' and 15,000,000 cash, 5,000 pounds of dye-wood and
500 pounds of black pepper were donated toA-ard relief. The
next year thousands who had been made destitute by the
famine flocked to Seoul and the government had to feed tl em
till the barley crop was harvested ; then the native fever, a
kind of typhus, broke out and mowed the people down, and
the government had to erect pest houses for their accom-
modation. In 1816 two thousand houses fell in a freshet
in Ch'nng-ch'ung Province and the government gave timber
to help the people rebuild. The year 1821 beheld one of the
most terrible scourgts of cholera that the country ever ex-
perienced. It began in the north, and sweeping southward
soon involved the capital. Ten thousand people died in Seoul
in ten days. In the south it was equally destructive. The
government was obliged to appoint a commission to attend to
the interment of the dead bodies along the road. The follow-
ing year it broke out again with unbated fury. Houses were
built at intervals along the roads, by the governnient, for the
sake of those who mii^ht bestruck down with the plague while
traveling and gangs of men were kept busy along the main
road burying the dead. It even crossed to the island of Quel-
part where two thousand people died. In 1824 the govern-
ment had to remit 69,300 bags of revenue grain in the north
because of the depredations of robber bands.
In 1827 the Crown Prince was appointed deputy king
and the .'^ame year a son was born to him But troubles con-
tinued. The government was obliged to remit taxes of sea-
weed, salt, ginseng and fish in Kaiigwiin Province. The fol-
M()I)i-;k\ kori'A. 195
lovviiio^ year a terrible fiesliet swept away whole villaj^es in
Haiii-gyunj^ Province and the king sent large q\iantities of
grain to feed the destitute there.
Still troubles multiplied thick and fast. In 1830 \\ri
Crown Pr nee died. He is the grandfatlier of the present
Emperor of Korea. The son who had been born to him is
known as the Ta wnn g-nn, who ditd in the spring of i8y8.
The building in which the body of this Crown Prince was
placed burned tc^ the ground and nothing but the charred
bones of the prince were recovered. Two years later, in 1832
an English vessel appeared off Hcn^-ju and its captain, Basil
Hall, sent the king a letter saying that he had come to trade,
but the king refused permission. As the flag of the ship bore
the device "Religion of Jesus Christ," some Roman Catliolic
converts boarded her, but when they found that they were
protestants they beat a hasty retreat. It is said that several
boxes of books were landed and that some of ih^m were sent
to the king, who promptly returned them- The foreigners
who made this attempt to enter Korea were Gutzlaff and
Lindsay.
Duritjg this year there were destructive fires and floods,
but the greatest calamity of all was a famine that began at
that time and continued for nine successive years, each year
being accompanied with cholera. It is said that bodies were
piled in heaps inside the South Gate. Many ])eople are still
living who remember that terrible time. The next year, in
addition to famineand plague, the palace burned down. In the
following year there was a devastating epidemic of native
fever in Seoul, and a fhiod in P^ui-ju wliich wrecked 2.000
houses. That sumn:er, the people dri\'en wild with hunger
moVjbed the government granaries but found nothing in them.
• They laid 'he blame on the Prime Minister and threatened
his life. He fled precipitately to the country.
In the last moon of 1S34 the king died and his grandson
a boy nine years old came to the throne. He is known as
H(')n jong Ta-vvang. His grandmother Kim became regent.
She is known as Sunvviin \\'hang-ho. She immediately began
a work of reform. The law that niadetherelativesof prefects'
clerks liable to punishment for their crimes was ^.brogated.
Many burdensome taxes were remitted. The government
I06 KOKKAN HlS'roKV.
revenue collectors were kept to a strict account for all ih'^
monies passing through their hands. A conspiracy, l;e Kled
by one Nam Ong-jung, was put down with a strong hand.
The people were commanded not to slaughter their cattl:^ for
food, for the only hope for future crops was the cattle, with-
out which the land could not be tilled. All prefects were com-
manded to have regular. office hours during which they should
attend to government business exclusively.
In 1831 Pope Gregory X\'I had made Korea a bishopric
and appointed M Bruguiere as Bishop. A Chinaman named
Yu who was then in Europe wasappointedtoaccompany him to
Korea This man Yu went ahead and found means of enter-
ing Korea secretly. M. Bruguiere worked three years in the
attempt to enter the country by way of the north across the
Yalu and at last died on the very border. Yu who had pre-
ceeded him desired to hold supreme power in the KoT'-an
church, and so put obstacles in the wav of the entrance of the
Bishop. But in the following year Pierre Philibert Maubant.
who had been appointed to Korea, succeeded in entering the
country and began work in Seoul at once, but of course in
secret. By 1737 two other French priests had arrived, includ-
ing Bishop Imbert. It is said that at the time of his arrival
'there were 9,000 adherents of the Roman Catholic church.
While the king was still but fourteen years old, in 1839,
there occurred a cruel persecution of the Catholics. Three
foreigners were in Korea, as we have seen, and the\' were
known to the Koreans as Pom Se-h>iing, Na-ba Do-ru and
Chong-a Kak-bak-i.
The persecution began as usual with a change of ministry.
YiChi-on became Prime Minister. He hated Christianity and
averred that the reison whv there were so many Christians
was that the work of extermination had not been thorougiy
carried out in iSoi. He demanded a house to house inspec-
tion. This was done and soon the prisons were full to over-
flowing. Hundreds were cruelly beaten, but the yamen-
runners were not allowed to loot the houses of the prisoners,
which cooled their ardor not a little. Finally the three
foreigners were arrested. Being ordered to leave the coun-
try they firmly refused. Thereupon they were declared high
criminals and were executed on Sept. 21st, 1839. This was
MODERN KOKEA. 197
followed by still severer presecutiotis and even the Koreans
themselves grew tired of the horrors that were enacted. It
is said that seventy were decapitated and that sixty died of
beating and strangulation. This is but a fraction however of
those who perished in consequence of this persecution.
The last ten years of the reign were marked principally
by events connected with tlie Roman Catholic propaganda.
In 1S44 two more French priests entered the country by way
of Qnelpart after a most difficult and hazardous passage from
China in a Korean junk. Two years later the French
government sent a message to Korea by a gun-boat, com-
plaining of the death of the three Frenchmen and threaten-
ing her with punishment if these cruel actions were contin-
ued. This only excited the Koreans the more against Christ-
ianity, for it seemed to imply that Roman Citholicism had
behind it a temporal power, and was therefore of political
significance. In consequence of this a new outbreak occur-
red which cost the lives of several more Koreans, while the
two priests were obliged to hide away very closely in the
country.
In the summer of 1847 two French boats, the frigate
la Gloire and the corvette la Vidorieuse set sail from the
Gnlf of Pechili to go to Korea and ascertain what had been
the result of the former letter. These two boats both struck
a mnd-bank and when the tide went down they broke in two.
The crews to the number of 600 escaped to the neighboring
island of Kogeum off the province of Chiil la, and a pinace
was nnraediately despatched to Shanghai for aid. The Ko-
reans gave every assistance in their power and supplied
them with food and other necessaries, and even offered to
provide boats to take the men back to China. In fact the
action of the Korean government was most creditable through-
out. An Knglish ship happened to come by and it carried
the survivors all back to China. The Korean government,
fearing further visits from the French, decided to answer the
letter of the previous year. It was couched in the following
terms:
"Last year we received a letter from the foreigners. It
was addressed to the ministers of this realm and read as fol-
lows: 'Three of our countrymen, Imbcrt, Chastan and Mau-
igS KOKI'AN IIISI'CKV.
bant, have becrii put to cieatli Ijy >ou. We come to demand
\vh\ you have killed them. You will say perhaps that yonr
law forbids forei^n^rs enterino^ your country, but if Chinese
or NTancluis should happen to enter your realm you would
not kill them, but vou would have them carried back to their
own country. Why then did you tiot treat these men the
samewav? If they lud been convicted of murder, sedition
or a like crime we would have nothing to say, but they were
innocent, and in condemning them unjustly you have com-
mitted a grave injury against the French government.' To
this letter we beg to reply as follows: In 1S39 there were
arrested here certain strangers who were brought into the
country at a tinie unknown to us. They wore Korean clothes,
they spoke th? Korean language, they traveled by night and
slept bv dav ; they veiled their faces, concealed their where-
abouts and consorted with men whom we consider rebels,
godless men and enemies of the government. When brought
before the tribunal they claimed that their names were Pierre
No and Japanese Cang. Are these the men you refer to ?
When interrogated, they said nothing about being French-
men, and even if they had we could not have sent them back,
for we did not know where your country is. What could we
do but apply our law, which forbids secret entrance into our
kingdom ? On the other had, their conduct in changing their
nan;es and wearing Korean dress shows that the}^ had ulterior
motives, and they cannot be compared to those who have been
shipwrecked upon our shores. Such men we save if possible
and aid to send back home. Such is our law. Had your fellow-
countrymen been shipwrecked upon our coast, they would have
received precisely the same treatment as Chinese, Japar.ese or
Manchus under like circumstances. You say thit these men
were lulled without cause and that we have committed a
grave offense against the French government. This is most
astonishing. We have never had any communication with
France. We do not know even how far she is from Korea.
What motive could we possibly have for injuring her? How
would you act if a foreigner should enter your country secret-
ly and in disguise and do what you consider evil? Would
you leave him alone? If a Chinaman or a Manchu should
come here and do as your people did they would be treated in
MODKRN KOREA. IQQ
the same manner as we did your people. lu fact, we did put
to death a Chinaman because he came here in disguise and
changed his costume ; and the Chinese government never
said a word about it, for they knew this to be our law. Even
had we known their nationality, their actions were so con-
trary to our laws that we could hardly have spared them,
how much less then when we did know it. This matter
hardly needs more explanation. Your letter was sent with-
out the proper formalities and we are not bound to answer it.
This is not a matter that a mere provincial governor can
handle. As we are China's vassal it is our duty to consult
the court at Peking on all foreign matters. Tell this to your
chief and do not be surprised that in order to show the true
state of the case we have been led to speak thus plainly."
One needs but to read this to see that it is an unanswer-
able argument. From a merely political and legal point
of view the Korean government had all the facts on her side,
though from the standpoint of humanity they were wrong. It
is strange that they omitted the strongest argument of all
namely, that they asked the Frenchmen to leave and they re-
fused. It is evident that by so doing they made themselves
amenable to Korean law, and took the consequences, good or
bad. One cannot admire enough the heroism which they dis-
played in staying to suffer with their coreligionists, though
the opportunity^ was given them to save themselves by de-
parture. It cannot be doubted that the rapid spread of
Catholicism in Korea is due in large measure to the heroic
self-sacrifice of those men and others like them, who literall}'-
gave their lives to the work. It would be wrong however to
say that the government was wholly without excuse. From
time immemorial death had been the penalty for crimes of far
less import to the Korean mind than the spreading of hereti-
cal beliefs. With the light they had and the provocation
under which they labored we should say they needed rather
enlightenment than censure.
This answer was not accepted as satisfactory by the
French government and a rejoinder was sent saying that
thereafter French subjects who should be taken on Korean
soil must be sent to Peking, otherwise the Korean govern-
ment would lay itself open to grave evils. But soon after
200 KrRE\N HISTOKV.
this the revolution of 1848 took place in France and these
eastern qnesticns were all forgotten for the time being.
In 1849 the king died withont male issue and his grand-
mother Kim nominated his nephew, the son of a banished
brother. The yonng man entered upon the duties of his of-
fice at the age of nineteen and he is known by his post-
humous title of Cn'ul-jong TJi-wang. This reign of fourteen
years beheld some important reforms. The law was reaffirm-
ed that the families of banished men might follow them into
exile. Gambling was severely interdicted. The merchants'
monopolies were broken up. A hard fight was made against
bribery and peculation in high places. Country gentlemen
were forbidden to seize and beat any one belonging to the
lower orders.
This king was the son Prince Chun-gye by a slave wo-
man named Kang. He was the great-grandson of the Crown
Prince, Sado, whom his father nailed up in the box.
His reign was an important one in two respects. First
the very rapid spread of Roman Catholcism and second the
settled policy which was adopted toward all outside influ-
ences. When the reign began there were about 11,000 Christ-
ians in Korea and when it closed in 1863 there were in
the vicinity of 20,000, or almost double. Everyone knew
that to combat it there would be need of a king of a different
calibre from Ch'ul jong; and so during these years the work
of propagating the new faith went on steadily and without
any considerable drawbacks. The picture of the country as
drawn by the French is indeed a sad one. The}' say the
king had shown himself quite incapable and had become a
mere debauche The highest officials were fattening off the
people and the latter were frequently consulting the books of
prophecy which foretold the disolution of the dynasty. And
now foreigners began to enter the country in greater num-
bers. Maistre, Janson, Berneux followed each other in
quick succession in the early fifties. The latter became
Bishop of Korea.
About the end of 1S60 came the news of the fall of Peking
before the combined French and English forces, the flight of
the Emperor and the burning and looting of the Summer
Palace. The news was that thousands of foreigners had come
MODl'KX K(1RKA. 20 1
to overtlirow tlie empire. The utmost consternation prevailed
in Seonl. An official memorialised the thro; c giving three
causes for lively concern.
(:) The Emperor, fleeing bcifore hi>; e'lemies, might
wish to find asylum in Korea, or at l_ast miglu take refuge in
some Manchu fortress just h-yond the border. Every possible
approach ought to be strictlv guarded :;o tha: the Emperor
might not dare to force his way into Korean territory. (This
shows the depth of Korea's loyalty to China )
{2^ The outlaw bands that infested the neutral strip be-
tween Korea and China might attempt an inv.ision of Korea
and forts ought to be built to prevent such an enterprise.
(3) Worst of all, there might be a possible invasion of
Korea by the foreigners. Korean cities would be wrecked,
the morals of the people would be lowered, a depraved religion
would b^ established. As th? foreigners were strong only on
the sea or on level ground the mountainous character of Ko-
rea would be of material advantage to her. The arm\- should
be reorganised, and forts should be built along the principal
approaches to Seoul ; also at Tong-na, Nam-yaug, Pu-byiing
and In-ju. A fort should be built on high ground command-
ing the passage of the narr.ovvs at Kang-wha. Western boats
could not of course ascend the Han River. As the foreign
religion spread rapidly in the provinces every precaution should
be taken to prevent the foreign priests communicating with
their countrymen abroad.
The ministry and the people all applaudtd this plan and
the meniorialist was made a judge and given power to carry
out his scheme. But news came thick and fast telling of the
killing of thousands of Chinese soldiers, and the returning
embassy in Febrnarv i85i. gave definite news of the flight of
the limperor and tiie treaty wrested from the great Chinese
empire. This news electrified the people. All business was
suspended. The well-to-do people all fled to mountain re-
treats the doughty memorialist among the first. The ministers
sent away their families and their goods. Many of the high
officials asked the protection of the Roman Catholics, and
tried to procure Roman Catholic books or badges of any kind)
and many wore these at their belts in broad daylight. The
5'amtn-runners were loud in their protestations that tliey liad
20 2 KORF.AN HISTORY.
had iiothins: to do with the persecution i)f the Catholics. It
was believed by the French in Korea at the time that a most
favorable treaty could have been concluded just at that time;
but no effort in that direction was made by the French.
Gradually the excitement abated and })reparations for
war were pushed, the wealthy classes supplying the money
for the same. Old arms were resurrected, and cannon were
cast on the model of one obtained from the French wrecks.
At this time there wt-re nine Frenchmen in Korea
The year 1861 was a hard one for the people They
were taxed to the last farthing and local riots were exceed-
ingly common. The French give us an amusing incident,
where the widows of a certain prefecture were taxed. They
rose up en masse and mobbed the prefect's office, caught his
mother, toreoff all her garments and left her well nigh naked.
This of course meant that the prefect was disgraced for life.
Chapter XIV.
Beside the death-bed of King Ch'ul-joiiij a bold woman. . . .rise of the
Tong-bak ... its founder killed . . .the King's fatl.er Leconies regent
. . . .his two mistakes . . .lie selects a Queen . . .Russian request. . . .
the Regent pushed hy the conservative party. .. .death-warrant of
. . . .Bishop Berneux . . .French priests executed. . . .priceless manu-
script lost . a French priest escapes to China and tells the news
. - . .China advises Korea to make peace. . . .shipwreck of the "Sur-
prise" .. .face of the "General Sherman" .. persecution renewed
... French reconnoitering expedition. . . blockade of the Han an-
nounced . French expedition under .'\dn)iral Roze. . . preparations
for defense. . . correj-pondence. . . .French defeat. . . .the French retire
Koreans exultant .... persecution redoubled .... the Kyung-bok
Palace rebuilt Au:eiican expedition under Admiral Rodgeis. . . .
American victory on Kang-wba . . the fleet retires . . monument
erected in Seoul.
The events of the present reign, which began in January
1S64. are fresh in the memory of many still living, and the
account here given is taken largely from statements of eye-
witnesses of the scenes ther<"in described. A detailed history
of the present reign would fill a volume in itself and of course
we can but briefly touch upon the leading events in it.
MODKKX KOKKA. 203
The circumstances wiiich n-;h;red in tlie reiijn are graph-
ically described bv Dallet and nre substantially as follows.
KiuCT Ch'iil-jonCT had been suflFering for some time with a |)ul-
monary aff-ction, but in January of 1X^4 he seemed better
and he begmi to walk about a little. On the fifteenth, feeling
greater un -asiness than usual, ht- went into his garden for a
walk. There he was suddenly taken with faintness and was
just able to drag himself back to his room, where he fell in a
dying condition. The Minister Kim Choa-geun, his son Kim
Pyung-gn and three other relatives were immediately in at-
tendance. As they were deliberating, the nephew of the
Dowager Queen Cho. widow of the King Ik-jong. happened
to pass, and seeing what was going on, he hastened to his
aunt's apartments and excl imed, 'Wh;n are you doing here?
The king is dead." He advised her to hasten to the king's
apartments, gain possession of the royal seals and nominate
to the throne some one of her choice, declaring him to le the
son and heir of King Ik-jong, her husband. . This woman
thereupon hastened to the side of the expiring king where
she found the attendants, as we have said, and with them the
queen, who held the royal seals in a fold of her skirt. The
Dovvager Queen peremptorily demanded these seals, and when
the queen demurred she snatched them violently from her.
No one dared oppose the determined woman who thus took
fortune by the forelock and iti the course of a moment turi.ed
the course of empire. She then made proclamation in the
name of the king, saying "Th^ l^i"S says tile royal seals shall
be in charge of Queen Cho. The throne shall go to Myiiiig-
bok, second son of Prince Heung-sung (whose name was Yi
Hi-eung). Minister Chong shall be exe«-utor of th:; king's
will and Mijiister Kim shall go and find the nev\ly ap-
pointed king." The Dowager Qr.e^n Cho thus becanie Regent
and the queen's party, the Kim family, had to retire from
power.
It was at the very beginning of the reign that the peculiar
sect called the Tong-hak arose in the .south. Its founder was
one Ch'oe Pok-sul of Kyong-ju in Kyutig sang Province. The
great formula of the sect was the mysterious sentence C/i'Tai
Jii clw a fhm/n vKiio se bul maiifr nnui sa ciii, which uieans
"May the Lord of Heaven aid our minds that we mav ever
204 KOKE\N IIISTOKV.
renifiiiber, and may He make all things turn otil according; to
our desire." Theadherentsof this sect would sit and sing this
tnrn.nli by the hour. They would also dance, brandishing
swords in a sort of frenzy, and pretend to be rising to heaven.
The nanie Tong-hak or "PVistern Sect" was given by th in-
selves to distinguish themselves from the Sii-hak or "Western
vSect." namely Roman Citholicism. So at least some affirm.
Its rise was exceedingly rapid and soon it had enrolled an
enormous number of peonle. The government was at last
obliged to take cogiiizance of it, and a body of troops was
sent south, who captured and put to death the founder of the
sect. This ])ut an end for the time to its active propagandism
but it was by no means dead, as we shall see.
The Dowager Qut-en Cho was a violent opponent of Chris-
tianity and filled all the offices with enemies of the Roman
Catholics. But she was not to hold the reins of power long.
The king's father in view of his son's elevation to the
throne had received the title Prince Ta-wun, or Ta-wun-gun
as h? is usually called. He was a man of commanding per-
sonality and inflexible will and on the whole he was the most
striking character in modern Korean history. He has been
variously estimated. Some have considered him the greatest
statesman in Korea ; others hive taken him for a mere dema-
gogue. His main characteristic was an indomitable will
which took the bit in its teeth and swept toward the goal of
its desire irrespective of every obstacle, whether of morals,
economics, politics or consanguinity. He was withal unable
to read the signs of the times. The two great mistakes of his
life were, first in supposing he could eradicate Roman Catholi-
cism by force, and second in supposing that he could pre\cnt
the op^ninirof Korea to treatv rehtiotis. The regency natur-
ally passed into his hands and he tacitly agreed to uphold the
principles of the conseri^ative partj' that had raised him to
power.
His first act was to order a remeasurement of the tilled
land of the country with a view to the increasing of the rev-
enue. The treasury was empty and he had plans in mind
that would require money. One of these plans was the erec-
tion of a new palace on the ruins of the Kydng-bok Palace, an
enterprise which the finances of the country by no means war-
modi:kx K()ke\. 205
ranted. His next act was to betroth his son the king to his
wife's niece. His wife had two brothers one of whom was
liviui^' but the other had died leaving one daughter. It was
this daughter of Min Ch'i-rok wlio became queen. She was
the king's senior by four years. As her fatlier was dead she
became the foster child of her uncle Min ^'h'i-gu. In this
union, as every one knows, the Regent sought to cemetit his
own power, but, as every one likewise knows, he made a
serious mistake.
In January i 866 a Russian gunboat dropped anchor in
thi' harbor of Wun-san and a letter was sent to Seoul asking
for freedom of trade with Korei. The answer given was that
as K')rea was the vassal of China the matter must be negotiat-
ed at Peking, and an envoy was dispatched for that purpose.
It is said that Roman Catholic adherents made use of the
great uneasiness which prevailed in government circles re-
specting Russia to compose a letter urging that the only
way to ward ofif Russia was by making an alliance with
France and England. It is said that the Regent received this
communication and gave it special and, as some believe, favor-
able attention. We are told that the Roman Catholics were
all in a most hopeful state. of mind, fully believing the hour
had come for the awakening of Korea. In the light of sub-
sequent events it is difficult to determine wl.ether the Regent's
interest in the plan was real or whether it was a ruse where-
by to make the final roup all the more effective. All things
considered, the latter theory fits the facts more perfectly. The
French themselves believed the Regent was pushed ou to the
great persecution of 1866 by the violent anti-Christian party
that had put him in power, and that it was simply another case of
"If thou do it not thou art not Caesar's friend." They found
fault with him for harboring the idea of a combination with
this foreign element and demanded the death of the foreign
priests and a general persecution. It is said the Regent re-
minded them of the burning of the Summer Palace at Peking
and the taking of that Imperial Capital, but that they answer-
ed that they had killed Frenchmen before without harm re-
sulting, and they could do it again.
Whatever may have been the pressure brought to bear
on him, he finally signed the death warrant of all the foreign
2o6 KORKAN HISTORY.
priests in the land, and on February 23rd Bishop Bernenx
was seized and thrown into the common jail, but two days
later he was transferred to the prison where noble prisoners
wt-re confined. On the 26th he was brought before the tribunal
where he gave his name as Chang. He said he h;id come to
save the souls of the Koreans and that he had been in the
country ten years. He refused to leave except by force. As
the government had made up its mind as to its course, his
death warrant was then made out, and it ran thus: "The ac-
cused, Chang, refuses to obey the king. He will not aposta-
tize. He will not give the information demanded. He refuses
to return to his own country. Therefore, after the usual
punishments, he will be decapitated." While he was await-
ing his end. Bretenieres, Beaulieu, and Dorie were taken, and
after similar trial were condemned to death. \\\ four of these
heroic men wer*^ decapitated at the public execution ground
near the river on the eighth of March and their bodies were
buried together in a trench, from which they were recovered
six months later and given burial by Roman Catholic ad-
herents. Four days later two more priests, Petitnicolas and
Pourthi^, were executed at the same place. It was the latter
who lost at this time not only his life but his priceless man-
uscripts, a Korean Grammar and a Latin Korean-Chinese
Dictionary, on which he had been at work for ten years.
Threa more of the priests, Daveluy, Aumaitre and Huin were
seized soon after this and put to death, but not till the latter
had despatched a letter to China, which was destined to turn
up long afterward. There were three priests left, Calais,
F'eron and Ridel. The last of these was selected to attempt
the journey to China and give information of these terrible
events. After almost incredible labors he succeeded in get-
ting away from the shore of Whang-ha Province in a junk to-
gether with eleven native believers, and made his way to
Chefoo. From there he hastened to Tientsin and informed
Admiral Roze of the death of his fellow-countrymen. The
Admiral promised to hasten to the rescue of the remaining two
and the avenging of those who had been slain ; but a revolt in
Cochin-China prevented him from redeeming his promise
until the following September.
The Chinese government, through the annual embassy,
MODl'.KX IvOKlvX. 207
informed the kin.e: of Korea that the killiiijy of foreigners was
an exceedingly foolish proceeding and that he had better make
peace with France on the best terms possible, for if China
could not withstand her surely Korea could not. The Regent
replied, however, that it was not the first time French blood
had remained unavenged in Korea.
On June 24th an American sailing vessel, the "Surprise,"
was wrecked off the coast of Whang-ha Province. Her cap-
tain and crew were hospitably treated and conducted to the
Chinese border with great care, by order of the Regent, who
thus illustrated the truth of the assertion that Korea would
do no harm to men who were ship-wrecked on her coast.
Even in the midst of an antifOreign demonstration of the
most severe type, these men were humanely treated and sent
upon their way.
Early in September the sailing vessel "General Sherman"
entered the mouth of the Ta-dong River. She carried five
white foreigners and nineteen Asiatics. Her ostensible object
was trade. The governor of P'yung-an Province sent,
demanding the cause of her coming and the answer was that
they desired to open up trade with Korea. Though told that
this was impossible, the foreign vessel not only did not leave
but, on the contrary, pushed up the river until she reached a
point opposite Yang-jak Island not far from the city of P'yung-
yang. It was only the heavy rains in the interior and an ex-
ceptionall}' high tide that allowed her to get across the bar,
and soon she was stuck in the mud, and all hopes of ever
saving her were gone. Thisrasb move astonished the Koreans
above measure. Something desperate must be the intentions
of men who would drive a ship thus to certain destrtiction.
After a time word came from the Regent to attack her if she
did not leave at once. Then the fight began, but without
effect on either side until the Koreans succeeded in setting
fire to the "General Sherman" with fire-rafts. The officers
and crew then were forced to drop into the water, where
many of them were drowned. Those that reached the shore
were immediately hewn down by the frenzied populace. The
trophies of this fight are shown today in the shape of the
anchor chains of the ill-fated vessel, which hang in one of the
gateways of P'yiing-yang. No impartial student of both, sides
2oS K()KE\N IirSTORV
of this qneslion can assert that the Koreans were specially
blame-worthy. The ship had been warned off but had rash-
ly ventured where no ship could go without being wreck-
ed even were all other circumstances favorable. The Koreans
could not know that this was a mere blunder. They took the
vessel, and naturally, to be a hostile one and treated her ac-
cordingly.
In September the persecution of Roman Cntholic ad-
herents was resumed. This is said to have been caused by a
letter from one of the Christians to the Regent urging a treaty
of peace with France. But by this time Admiral Roze was
read)' to redeem his promise, and on the tenth of that month
Bishjp Ridel boarded his flag-ship at Chefoo. The French
authorities had already informed the Chinese at Peking that
France did not recognise the suzerainty of China over Korea
and asserted that the land about to be conquered would be
disposed of as France wished without reference to the Pekin
government. It was decided to send the corvette la Prim-
augiiet, and the aviso, le DeroulPde, and the gunboat, Tardif,
to make a preliminary survey of the approaches to Seoul.
Bishop Ridel accompanied this expedition in the capacity of
interpreter. Arriving off Clifford Islands on the twentieth,
the little fleet entered Prince Jerome Gulf, and the following
day le Deronleic was sent to explore the entrance to the Han
River. Finding the channel between Kang-wha and the main-
laud satisfactory, she returned to the anchorage and together
they steamed up the river the only casualty being the loss of
the false keel of the Priraauguet. These vessels steamed up
the river as far as the river towns opposite the capital, silenc-
ing a few forts on the way. Bishop Ridel used all his powers
of persuasion to induce the commander to leave one of these
boats here while the others went to China to report, but with-
out avail. They all steamed away together.
Meanwhile there was panic in Seoul. The end had come,
in the estimation of nuiu}' of the people. A general stampede
ensued and nearly a quarter of the citizens of Seoul fled away,
leaving their houses and goods. We will remember that when
Ridel escaped from Korea he left two companions behind.
These made a desperate attempt to communicate with the
French boats on the river, but so fierce was the persecution
MODKRX KORKA. 209
and so watchfiil were the authorities that thej^ were quite un-
able to do so. They finally escaped, however, by means
of junl:s which carried them out into the Yellow Sea,
wliere they fell in with Chinese buats that carried them to
China.
Before the surveying expedition sailed b ick to China
Bishop Ridel was informed by native Curistia-'s of the burn-
ing of the "General Sherman" and the fate of her crew, the
renewal of the persecution and the order thai all Christians
be put to death after only a preliminary trial. He urged the
commandant to stay, but the fleet sailed away and reported in
China, where the real punitive expedition was rapidly prepar-
ing. On October eleventh the blockade of the Han River
Was announced to the Chinese authorities and to the various
powers through their representatives at Peking, and then the
French fleet sailed away to the conquest of Korea. The
flotilla consisted of the seven boats Oucrrici e, Laplace, Piim-
(ingtiet, Deroulede, Kienchav, Tardif a.x\d Lebreikom.
But while these preparations were going on, other pre-
parations were going on in Korea. The total complement of
troops throughout the peninsula was called into requisition.
Arms were forged and troops drilled. The Japanese govern-
ment, even, was invited to" take a hand in the war that was
impending, but she did not respond. Japan herself was
aboutto enter upon a great civil war, and had no force tospare
for outside work, even if she had had the desire.
On October thirteenth the French fleet reached Korea
and three days later the attack on Kang-wha commenced. In
an hour's time the town was in the possession of the French
and large amounts of arms, ammunition and provisions were
seized, besides various other valuables such as treasure, works
of art, books and porcelain. This reverse by no means
disheartened the Koreans. Gen. Yi Kyiing-ha was put in
charge of the forces opposed to the "invaders." This force
was led in per.son by Gen. Yi Wijnheui who found the
French already in possession of the fortress. The Koreans
were in force at Tong-jin just across the estuary from Kang-
wha, atid, fearing that the vessels would attempt to ascend
the river, they sank loaded junks in the channel. This
channel must have been much deeper than it is today.
2IO KOKKAX IirSTOKV.
The Regent swore that any man who should suogest
peace with the enemy should meet with instant death. A
letter was sent to the French saying that the priests had come
in disguise and had taken Korean names and liad desired to
lay their hands on tl'.e wealth of the land. It I'eclared that
the priests had been well killed. In reply the French said they
had come in the name of Napoleon, Sovereign of the Grand
French Kmpire, who desired the safety of his subject?, and
that since nine of his subjects had been kill-d, it n)ust be ex-
plained. They also demanded the three ministers who had
been foremost in the persecuticjn and in the killing of the
priests should be handed over to them and that a plenipoten-
tiary be appointed for the ratifying of a treaty. To this letter
no answer was received.
Meanwhile Gen. Yang Hon-su had led 5,000 men to the
fortress of Ch<'mg-jok on Kmg-wha where a celebrated mon-
astery stands. These men were mostly hardy mountaineers
and tiger-hunters from Kang-gye in the far north, the
descendants of those same men who in tlie ancient days of
Ko ynryu drove back an army of Chinese 300,000 strong and
destroyed all but -jcx) of them. This fortress is admirably
situated for defense, lying as it does in a cup formed by a
Semi-circle of mountains and approachable from only one
direction, where it is guarded by a crenellated wall and a
heavy stone gate.
The great mistake of the French was in supposing thi.*-s
place could be stormed by a paltry 160 men. The whole
French force coul>! not have done it. No sooner had this
little band come well within range of the concealed garrison
than it was met b\- .1 withering fire which instantly put half
of them //07-S de combat. After some attempts to make a
stand in the shelter of trees, huts, rocks and other cover, a
retreat was called and the French moved slowly back carrying
their dead and wounded. They were closely pursued and
with difficulty made their way back to the main bod\-. The
result wop.ld probably have been n^uch more serious had not
the retreating party been met by a b )dy of reinforcements
from the main body. The n.xt (S.\y orders were given to fire
the towi'i and re-embark. Thiscansed great surprise ai.d dis-
satisfaction among the men. hut we incline to the belief that
MODHRN KOKEA. 2 1 I
it was the onh- thing to do. The nninber of men that had
been mustered to effect the humiliation of Korea was ridicul-
ousl)^ small compared with what was necessary. Six thou-
sand French might have done it, but six hundred — never.
We need seek no further than this for the cause of the aban-
donment of the enterprise. To be sure, it had done infinitely
'more harm than good, and if it had been possible to succeed
even at a heavy cost of life it would have been better to go
on ; but it was not possible.
The effect of this retreat upon the Regent and the court
may be imagined. Peking had fallen before these "barbar-
ians" but the tiger-hunters of the north had driven them
awa}' in confusion. If the reader will try to view this event
from the ill-informed standpoint of the Korean court, he will
see at once that their exultation was quite reasonable and
natural. The last argument against a sweeping persecution
of Christians was now removed and new and powerful argu-
ments in favor of it were added. The fiat went forth that the
plague of the foreign religion should be swept from the land.
No quarter was to be given. Neither age nor sex nor quality
were to weigh in the balance. From that time till 1870 the
persecution was destined to rage with unabated fury and the
French estimated the number killed at 8,000. The hardships
and sufferings of this time are second to none in the history
of religious persecutions. Hundreds fled to the mountains
and there starved or froze to death. The tales of that terri-
ble time remind one of the persecutions under the Roman
FZmperors or the no less terrible scenes of the Spanish Inqui-
sition.
But to return to 1866. There were other events of inter-
est transpiring. The pet scheme of ths Regent to build his
son a new palace was being worked out. The palace was in
process of erection, when suddenly the funds gave out. Here
the Regent committed his next great blunder. This time it
was in the realm of finance. He entertained the fallacy that
he could meet a deficit by coining money. Of course the
only way to meet a deficit in this way was to debase the cur-
rency. He did it on a grand scale when he once determined
upon it, for whereas the people had from time immemorial
used a one-cash piece, he began to mint a hundred-cash piece
2\2 KORKVX HISTOKV.
wJiicli was actually less than fifty cash iti weight. One of
these was given as a day's wage to each of the workmen on the
]ia1ace. This coin bore on its face the legend "The great
Fin.'ince Hundred Cash Piece," but it proved to be very small
finance indeed, for of course its issue was immediately follow-
ed by an enorn,ous rise in the price of all commodities, and
rice went u]) two hundred per cent. The government was
thus plunged deeper in the mire than ever ; but the Regent
had set his will on this thing and was determined to carry it
through at any cost. His next move, taken in the following
year, was to bring in old, discarded, Chinese cash literally by
the cart-load, across the border. This he had bought in
China at auction prices and forced on the people as legal
tender. At the same time he forced the people to work in
gangs of 300 at a time on the palace without pay. In this
way the woik was finished, but it is safe to say that to this
day the country has not recovered from the effects of that
mad financiering. Wealthy citizens were called upon to
make donations to the building fund, and this gained the
soubriquet of "The Free-will Offering."
The year 186S. which meant so much for Japan, was not
otherwise signalised in Korea than by a demand on the part
of Russia that Korean refugees beyond the border be rec di-
ed. It also beheld the publication of the work "The Six De-
partments and their Duties." In September alone 2.000
Christians were killed, five hundred of them being residents
of Seoul.
The United States had not forgotten the fate of the "Gen-
eral Sherman." She had no intention of letting the matter
drop. In the early spring of 1871 minister Frederick F. Low,
at Pekit'g. received instructions from his government to go in
"Compan.N with Rear admiral Rodgcrs to the shores of Korea
and attempt to conclude a treaty relative to the treatment of
American seamen who might be cast upon the shores of that
country. He was also instructed to try to make a trade con-
vention with Korea looking toward the opening of Korea to
foreign commerce. The fleet consisted of the war vessels
Colorado, Alaska, Rervicia, Monocacy, ?\.w^ Pahs. These ves-
sels rendezvoused at Nagasaki and on May sixteenth they
set sail for Korea. Minister Low's correspondence with his
modkk:: kokt.a. 213
government shows that he had accurately ganged tlie proba-
bilities of the situation, A long acquaintance with the Korean
could not have rendered his diagnosis of the case more ac-
curate than it was. From the very fust he considered it to
be a hopeless case, and he was right. But this in no way les-
sened the care he exercised in doing everv thing in his power
to render the expedition a success. After fourteen days of
struggle against dense fogs, tortuous channels and swift tidal
currents the fleet dropped anchor ofT the islands known as the
Ferrierre group, not far from Eugenie Island. This was on
May 30th. They had not been there long bsfoie they were
boarded by some small officials with whom Minister Low was
of course unable to treat, but through them he sent a friendly
message to Seoul asking that an official of equal rank with the
American envoy be sent to confer with him on important
matters. The Koreans had already received through the
Chinese an intimation of what the Americans desired but they
argued that as their policy of carrying ship-wrecked mariners
safely across the border was well known abroad and as they
did not care to open up relations with other countries, there
was no call to send an envoy to treat with the Americans,
The Regent shre\\dly, though mistakenly, suspected that the
"General Sherman" affair was at the bottom of this, as the
death of the French priests had been the cause of the French
exptdition and he decided to garrison Kang-wha and deal
with the Americans as he had with the French, Gen. O-
Y6-jun wassent with 3,000 troops to Kwang Fort on the island
of Kang-wha. A part of this force was stationed as garrison
at Tok chin, a little fort at the narrowest part of the estuary
between Kang wha and the mainland, where the tide runs
through with tremendous force and a dangerous reef adds to
the difficulty of navigation.
Thus it was that when the Monocacy and Falos steamed
slowly up the channel on a tour of inspection they were fired
upon by the guns of this little fort. No special damage was
done, and as soon as the gunboats could be gotten ready to
reply to this uexpected assault they opened fire upon the little
fort and spedily drove its garrison out. The Koreans supposed
these gunboats were approaching for the purpose of assault.
Indeed, as no intimation had been given the Korean govern-
2M KOREAN H1STC;RY.
nieiit that such a reconnoitering exptdition was ])lanned, and
as this narrow passage was considered the main gateway of
approach to the capital, the Koreans argued strictly from the
book and the American contention that the attack was un-
provoked was groundless, for to Korean eyes the very ap-
proach to this stronghold was abundant provocation.
When the fort had been silenced, the two gunboats
steamed back to the main anchorage and reported. It was
instantly decided that an apology must be forthcoming from
the government, but as none came, retaliation was the only
thing left to vindicate the wounded honor of the United
States. A strong force was despatched, which, under cover
of the ship's guns was landed near the fort, and after a hard
hat;d to hand struggle in which every man of the garrison
was killed at his post the place was taken. Thus was the
tarnished honor of the Great Republic restored to its former
brightness. But mark the sequel. The Admiral plainly was
entirely unequal to the task of pushing the matter to the
gates of Seoul, and so he withdrew and sailed away to China
exactly- as the French had done. The great mistake in this
lay in ignorance of the Korean character. The government
cared little for the loss of a few earth-works on Kang-wha.
In fact, even if the Americans had overrun and ravaged half
the peninsula and yet had not unseated the king in his
capital or endangered his person, their departure would have
left the Koreans in the firm belief that the foreigners had
been whipped. In the last decade of the twelfth century the
Japanese overran the count r}^ forced the King to flee to the
very banks of the Yalu, killed hundreds of thousands of the
people and for seven years waged equal war in the peninsula,
and yet when Hideyoshi died and his troops were recalled
Korea claimed that the Japanese had been defeated ; and it
was true. The approach of United States gunboats up to
the very walls of the "Gibraltar" of Korea was nothing less
than a declaration of war, and the paltry loss of the little
garrison was a cheap price to pay for their ultimate triumph
in seeing the American ships "hull down" in the Yellow sea.
When this glad news was published in Seoul the already
plethoric pride of the Regent swelled to bursting. Another
briliant victory had been scored.
MODHRN KOREA. 215
Another of the great powers of the West had been hum-
bled. Korea could show her great patron China how to
handle the barbarians. He iramediatel}' ordered the erection
in the center of tlie city of a monument which had been in
preparation since 'i856. The inscription ran as follows.
"The Western Barbarians have attacked and injured us,
with a view either to making war upon us or to forcing treat-
its upon us. If we consent to the latter it will mean the betray-
al of the countr\'. Let our descendants to the ten thousandth
generation bear this in mind. Made in the Pyong-in A'ear
and set up in the Sin -mi Year."
All the court and tue nobility vied with each other in
congratulating the r^-gent upon the completion of this work
and declared that the people were pleased with the prospect
of excluding all foreigners and preserving the time-honored
seclusion of the land.
Chapter XV.
The "Frontier Guard" .... Japanese attempts at making a treat}-
agent at the palace . the Regent's power on the wane. . . .a "Com-
bination" . . the Regent retires . . apuppet . . ."infernal machine"
. . . .reforms .... a dangerous memorial fight with the Japanese
. . . .two parties in Japan ... Japanese commission . . negotiations
. . . .treaty .signed . . a mysterious conflagration . . Japanese mini.s-
ter. . . .French priests released .... a curious book. . . .anti-Christian
policy abandoned . . .commission to Japan. . . .conspiracy. .. liberal
party hopeful outlook ...the Min policy split between the
Min and liberal factions ...Minister to Japan military students
regular troops neglected . . .emeuteof 18S2 Japanese legation
attacked ...the palace entered the Queen escapes the ex-
Regent quiets the soldiers. . . .a mock funeral.
In order to understand the interesting train of events
that transpired in 1873 it will be necessary to go back and re-
view the relations that existed between Korea and Japan.
At the close of the Japanese invasion an arrangement had
been arrived at between Japan and Korea by the terms of
which the Japanese placed a number of traders at Fusan.
The popular belief of the Koreans that the government ac-
2l6 KCRKVN IIISTOKY.
cepted these as hostages in place of au annual tribute of three
undred Japanese female hides is an amusing fiction which ij-h
intended to offset the ignominy of theearand nose monument
in Kyoto.
This colony was called the Su-ja-ri or "Frontier Guard."
The Korean government appropriated ten million cash a 3'ear
to its support. The Japanese claim that these people were
not hostages but were merchants and were placed there to
form a commercial point d' appui between the two countries.
That the money paid for their support was of the nature of a
tribute is neither claimed by the Japanese nor admitted by the
Koreans ; in fact the terms always used in describing these
payments implies the coordinate degree of the recipient.
This Japanese colony was continued up to the year X869
without intermission but it was not destined to remain un-
disturbed No sooner had the Imperial government become
established in Japan than the Emperor appointed a commis-
sion to approach the Korean government through the time-
honored avenue of approach, namely Fusan and the prefect
of Tong-na, with a view to establishing closer commercial and
diplomatic relations. This commissioner transacted the busi-
ness through the Daimyo of Tsushima who sent the Imperial
letter to the prefect of Tong-na and asked that it be transmit-
ted to the capital. After reading it the prefect refused to
send it, on the plea that whereas Japan had alwa5^s addressed
Korea in terms of respect she now adopted a tone of superior-
ity and called herself an Empire. The envoy urged that
Japan had recently undergone a complete change, that she
had adopted Western ideas and had centralised her govern-
ment, and urged that the missive must be sent on to Seoul.
The prefect was prevailed upon to copy the letter and send it
on to the Regent but the Reply came back forthwith "We
will not receive the Japanese letter. Drive the envoy away."
The following year the annual grant of rice was suddenly
discontinued without a word of warning and the Japanese in
Fusan were greatly exercised thereby. They made a loud
outcry and their government made repeated attempts to come
to an understanding with the Korean government but with-
out success.
It was in 1S70 that the Japanese Hauabusa, called Wha-
.MODHRN KOREA. 217
batig luii-jil l)y the Koreans, caine with an urgent request
that a treaty of commerce be signed, but he wns likewise un-
successful. The King, however, was uearing the age when
the Regent must hand ov^r to him the reins of power and tlie
Queen, a woman of natural ability and of imp-rious will, was
galh-nng about her a faction which was wholly inimical to the
plans and the tactics of the Regent. The lattt-r found to his
chaerin that the woman whom he had placed on the throne
with his i^on with special reference to the cenienting of his
own power was likely to become the instrument of his undo-
ing. vSure it is tliat in spite of the hatred which the Regent
evinced against the Japnrese this same Hanabusa came to
Seoul in 1S7; or early in 1872, in a quite unofficial manner,
and was given quarters at the palace where he was in con-
stant communicatiou with the Queen and the n embers of her
faction, and where, by exhibiting curious objects of western
manufacture, such as a toy telephone and the like, he amused
his roval patroness and won his way into the favor of the
party that was shortly to step into the place made vacant b}''
the retiring Regent.
The queen's faction were diametrically opposed to the
most cherished prejudices of the Regent. They favored, or at
least looked with complacency upon, the. growth of Roman
Catholicism, they favored the policy of listening to China's
advice in the matter of foreign relations. Th'^y were doubt-
less urged in this direction partly by pure opposition to the
Regent and partly by the representations of the Japanese who
had gained the ear of royalty. The palace was the scene of
frequent and violent altercations between the heads of these
two factions, bnt an open rupture did not occur until the year
1873 when an official named Ch'oe Ik-hyun memorialised the
throne speaking disparagingly of the presence of the Japanese
in the palace and, toward the end, charging the Regent with
indirection in the use of the public funds. The king had for
some time been growing restive under the control of the Re-
gent, being led to some extent by the new party of which the
queen was the patroness and at whose head stood her brother,
Min Seung-ho. The memorial was received with marks of
approval by the king and he immediately cut off a large part
of the revenues of the Regent. At the same time Min .Seung-
2l8 KORKAN HISTORY.
ho approached the Regent's son, Yi ChJl-ni3-un, elder brother to
the king, and suggested that if tlie Regent could be removed
they two might share the leadership of affairs. The young
man accepted the offer and ranged himself in line with the
opposition. The Regent was now in great straits. The com-
bination against him had proved too strong, and in the last
moon of 1873 he shook off the dust of Seoul from his fett and
retired to Ka-p'yung, thirty-five miles to the east of the cap-
ital. After five months of residence there he returned as far
as the village of K » deung, ten miles to the north-east of
Seoul.
Among the people there was still a strong element that
favored the ex-Regent. They missed a strong personality at
the helm of state, for the Koreans have always preferred a
strong even if tyrannical leadership. In recognition of this
sentiment it was deemed wise to put the ex- Regei»t's brother,
whom he had always kept severely in the back-ground, in the
prominent if not necessarily important position of Prime Min-
ister. He proved as was intended a mere puppet in the hinds
of the Min party who by this time had absorbed the whole
power of the government. He was allowed, in compensation
for this, to control the sale of public offices to his own profit,
but always under the vigilant eye of the dominant faction.
A new era in th - metamorphosis of Korea had now begun.
Public affairs in the peninsula took a new direction. Min
Seung-ho was court favorite and it looked as if matters would
soon settle down to something like their former tranquility.
But the latter days of the year were destined to bring a S!:vere
shock to the leaders of the new pajrty. One day Min Senng-
ho received a letter purporting to be from a certain party
with whom he was on intimate terms, and with it came a casket
wrapped in silk. He was requested to open it oaly in the
presence of his mother and his son. Late at night in his inner
chamber he opened it in the presence of these members of his
^ family, but when he lifted the cover the ca.sket exploded with
terrific force killing the three instantly and setting the house on
fire. As Min Seung-ho had but one enemy bold enough to
perpetrate the deed the popular belief that it was done by his
great rival is practically undisputed, though no direct evidence
perhaps exists.
MODKRN KORKA. 2ig
Mill T'a-ho immediately stepped into the place made va-
cant by tlie terrible death of the favorite. Soon after this the
government discontinued the use of the loo cash pieces with
which the Regent had diluted the currency of the country. In
the second moon of 1874 the crown prince was born. The
year was also signalised by the remittance in perpetuity of the
tax on real estate in and about the city of Seoul.
In 1875 three of the ex-Regent's friends, led by Cho
Ch'ung-sik, memorialised the throne begging that the Prince
Tai-wiln be again reinstated in power. For this rash act they
were all condemned to death, and it was only by the personal
intercession of the ex-Regent that the sentence was commuted
to banishment for life. Even so, Cho Ch'un'g-^il^ was killed
at his place of exile.
In September the Japanese man-of-war Uiivo Kiaati, after
making a trip to Chefoo, approached the island of Kang-wha
to make soundings. Approaching the town of Youg-jiing,
they sent a small boat ashore to look for water. As they
neared the town they were suddenly fired upon by the Koreans
in the little fortress, who evidently took them for Frenchmen
or Americans. A moment later the small boat was turned
about and was making toward the man-of-war again. The com-
mander gave instant orders- for summary punishment to be
inflicted for this perfectly uprovoked assault. He opened
fire on the town aud soon silenced the batteries. A strong
body of marines was landed which put the garrison to flight,
seized all the arras and provisions and fired the town. The
man-of-war then steamed awaj^ to Nagasaki to report what
had occurred.
At this time there were in Japan two parties who took
radically different views of the Korean question. Oneofthe^e
parties, led by Saigo of Satsuma, smarting under the insult-
ing wa3- in which Korea had received the Japanese overtures,
would listen to nothing but instant war. The other party,
which saw more clearly the vital points in the question at is-
sue, urged peaceful measures. The policy of the latter pre-
vailed and it was decided to send an embassy to attempt the
ratification of a treaty, and if that failed war was to be the al-
ternative. This peace policy was so distasteful to the war
party that Saigo returned to Satsuma and began to set in mo-
220 KORKAN HISTORY.
tidii those aj^^encies which resulted in the sanguinary Satsiima
Rebellion.
For many centuries there had been a strip of nautral ter-
ritory between the Korean border, the Yalu River, and the
Chinese border which was marked by a line of stakes. This
strip of latid naturally became the hiding piece of refugees
nnd criminals from both countries, for here they were free
from police supervision whether Korean or Chinese. The
statesman Li Hung-chang recognized this to be a menace to
the wellfare of both countries and took steps to put an end to
it, bv sending a strong body of troops who, in conjunction
with a gunboat, succteded in breaking up the nest of despera-
does and rendering the coutitry fit for colonisation. Two
years later this strip of land was definitely connected with
China and the two countries again faced each other across the
waters of the YpIu,
The Korean attack upon the Unyo Kwan off Kang wha
proved the lever which finally roused Japan to active steps in
regard to the opening of Korea. The war party regarded it
as their golden opportunity, while the peace party believed it
would pave the wa^' for a peaceful accomplishment of their
purpose. An envoy was despatched to Pt-king to souud the
policy of that government. The Chinese, fearing that they
would be held responsible for the misdoings of Korea denied
all responsibility and virtually acknowledged the independence
of the peninsula At the same time a military and naval ex-
pedition under Kiroda Kiyotaku, seconded by Inouye Bunda,
sailed for Kang-wha with a fleet of gunboats, containing in all
some Soo men. The Chinese had already advised the Korean
government to make terms with the Japanese, and this in fact
was the wish of the dominant party; so. when the Japanese
demand reached Seoul, that commi.^sioners be sent to Kang-
wha to treat with the visitors the government quickly com-
plied. Two high officials. Sin Hiin and Yun Cha-seung, were
despatched to Kang-wha and the first definite step was taken
toward casting off the old time isolation policy, the fond dream
of the ex-Regent.
The Japanese envoy opened the conference by asking
why the Koreans had given no answer to the repeated re-
quests of the Japanese for the consummation of a treaty of
MOrERX ICOKKA. 22 1
peace and friendship. The K >rean comniihsioner replied that
from the ver^- earliest times Japan iiad alvvavs addressed
Korea in respectful langirage, but that now she had arrogated to
herself the title of Great Japan and called lier ruler the
Great Kmperor. This seemed to imply the vassalage of
Korea, an entirely new role for her to play. Tlie Japanese re-
plied that the niere assumption of the name of empire on the
part of Japan implied nothing as to the status of Korea one
way or the other. This seemed to satisfy the Koreans.
The Japanese than asked why they had been fired upon
atYung-jung. The answer was that the Japanese were dress-
ed in European clothes and were therefore mistaken lor
Eun^peans. But when the Japanese asked why the Koreans
had not recognized the Japanese flag, especially since the
Japanese government had beeti careful to send copies of their
flag to Korea and ask that one be sent to each of the prefect-
ures throughout the land, the Korean commissioners could
find nothing to say and had to confess that they had been
in error.
All these things were duly reported to the authorities in
Seoul where daily councils were being held to discuss the im-
portant questions. The ex-Regent sent an urgent appeal to
the ministers not to make a treaty, but the tide had turned,
and after some sharp discussion as to how the two govern-
ments should be designated in the treaty it was finally ratified
on Febuary 27th 1876, and Korea was a hermit no longer.
Three months later a semi- official envoy was sent to Japan in
the person of Kim Keuisu.
Meanwhile the closing days of 1875 had beheld a curious
event in Seoul. In the dead of night the house of Yi Ch'oe-
eung, the Prime Minister and the brother of the ex-Regent,
was set on fire by an unknown hand and burned to the ground.
None of the inmates were injured. The culprit was seized
and under torture confessed that one Sin Ch'iil-gyuu had hired
him to do the work. Sin was therefore seized and put to
death as a traitor. Whether he was indeed guilty and if .so
whether he was but an agent in the business are questions
that have never been answered.
It was not until the sixth moon of 1879 that, in pur-
suance of the new treaty, a Japanese Minister, Hanabusa,
222 KORKAN HISTORY.
was sent to represent his government atSi-oul. We will re-
member that he had already served his government most snc-
ctssfnlly at the Korean capital in a private capaeity. The
new legation was situated at the Chiin Yiin-jung near the
lotns pond outside the West Gate. At almost the very same
tine two French priests arrived in Seoul and took up their
quarters outside this same gate and began to proselyte.
They were forthwith seized by the authorities, and were for
sometime in imminent danger. There was however a strong
feeling in the government that this was inconsistent with the
new role that it had elected to play and that it was distinctly
dangerous. A halt was called and the Japanese Minister took
advantage of it to inform the authorities that he had received
a message from the French Minister in Tokyo asking him to
use his good offices in behalf of these eudangered men.
The Minister added his own advice that the Korean
government should hand over the imprisoned men at once.
This was done and the Japanese Minister forwarded [them
to Japan.
One year later, in the summer of iS8o, Kim Hong-jip,
a man of progressive tendencies, went to Japan. Soon after
arriving there he met a Chinaman who seems to have made
a strong impression on him. This Chinaman had manj^ talks
with him and gave him a long manuscript dealing with the
subject of Korea's foreign relations, which he asked should
be transmitted to the king of Korea. In it he advised the
cementing of friendship with the United States, China and
Japan, but he spoke disparagingly of Russia. It mentioned
Protestant Christianity as being the basis of Western great-
ness and advised that its propagation be encouraged. It com-
pared the division of Christianity into Roman Catholic and
Protestant to the division of Confucianism into the two sects
Chu-ja and Yuk-sang-san. When Kim Hong-jip brought
this manuscript and placed it in the hands of the king it creat-
ed a profound sensation, and awakened the bitterest opposi-
tion. Many advised that he be killed as an introducer of
Christianit}'. The most violent of all were Yi Man-son,
Hong Cha-hak and P3k Nak-kwan who memorialized the
throne urging the execution of Kim and the overthrow of all
Christian work in the peninsula. This met with the severest
MODI RN KOKKA. 223
censure from tb.e king, not because it was in itself seditious
but because it was an attempt to reinstate the policy of the
Regency. Yi Man-son was banished, Hong Cha-hak was ex-
ecuted and Pak Nak-kvvan was imprisoned. This put an
end to anti Christian talk for the time being and it was
never again seriously raised.
By the fourth moon of 1881 the progressive tendencies of
the new regime had made such headway that the king deter-
mined to send a commission to Japan to look about and see
si)mething of the world, from which Korea had been so care-
fully secluded. For this purpose His Majesty selected Cho
Chun-Yung, Pak ClKingyang, Sim Sang hak, Cho Pyiing-jik,
Min Chong-mnk. O Ynn jnng, Ora Se-yung, KangMuu-hyung,
Hong Yung-sik, Yi Wihi-whe, and Yi Pong-eui. These men
immediately took passage for Japan. At the same time a
party of young men was sent to Tientsin under the chaperon-
age of Kim Yuu-sik on a similar errand.
Late in this year, 1881, four of the adherents of the ex-
Regent conspired to overthrow the government, dethrone the
king and put in his place Yi Cha-sun, a son of the ex-Regent
by a concubine. The ex-Regent was then to be brought
back to power. The last day of the eighth moon was set for
the consummation of this plot. But on the day before, Nam-
Myfmg sun and Yi P'ung-na divulged the whole scheme to
the favorite Min T'a-ho, and as a result the four arch-con-
spirators were seized on the morning of the daj' set for the
culmination of the plot and within a few days eleven others
were taken. In the eleventh moon they were all beheaded,
and at the same time Yi Cha-sun was given poison and expired.
By this time a real liberal party had begun to form. Its
leading spirits were Kim Ok-kyun, Pak Yung-hyo, So Kwang-
bom, Hong Yung-sik, Yi To-ja, Sin Keui-sun and Pak Yung-
kyo. These were all men of very high family and held im-
portant positions under the government. They were in favor
of the immediate opening of Korea to intercourse with foreign
powers and the establishment of reforms such as had been ef-
fected in Japan. The king was largely influenced by the pro-
gressive policy mapped out by these men and ati era of rapid
advancement seemed to be dawning. A special department
was established called the Ki-mu or Machinery Bureau which
224 KOREAN HISTORY.
was to take charge of the introduction of foreign machinery
and implements of all kinds.
It is important to note the position of the Min faction at
this point. It was with the downfall of the Regent that,
through the queen's infiueuce, the Miu faction sprang to life.
With the utmost celerity all government positions were filled
with them or their sympathizers and it seemed sure that they
would have a lo;ig lease of official life. The extreme opposi-
tion of the Regent to all reforms and to the opening of the
country to foreign intercourse naturally inclined his rivals in
that very direction and it was directly through the Min fac-
tion that the policy of non-seclusion was inaugurated. The
queen likewise was in favor of opening up the country to the
civilizing influences of the West. But with the Min faction,
as a whole, the question of national policy were entirely
secondary to the one main idea of preserving the ascendency
which they had gained. Here is the key to all that followed.
The Mins were not at that time facing China-ward and they
never would have been had it not become necessary in order
to preserve the enviable position they occupied. As we have
.seen, a number of high officials who had imbibed something
of the spirit of reform which had permeated Japan were fill-
ing the ear of the king and queen with plans for reform.
They were meeting with a favorable hearing and in propor-
tion as they succeeded, the power of the Mins must wane; not
because the latter disliked the idea of opening up Korea but
because it was another faction that had the work in hand, and
that faction would natural!}' attain more and more power at
court as success crowned their efforts. It was just here that
the difficult)' began. If the liberal leaders had been willing
to put the working out of the plan into the hands of the Min
faction all might have gone along smoothly and Korea might
have realized some of the hopes of the would-be reformers.
But such self-abnegation could scarcely be expected from men
who saw in the carrying out of their brilliant scheme not onl}'
rewards for themselves but the advancement of the country.
The personal element was present in full force and this was
the rock on which the reformation of Korea split. We maj'
believe that it was at this point that the Min faction deter-
mined its policy, a policy that led it straight into the arms of
MODKRN KOREA. 225
Cliinn. Froni this point it became not the progressive party
but the conservative party. Its leading members were Min
T'3-ho, Min Yung-muk, Min Tu lio, Han Kyu-jik and Cho
Ryuiig-lia. There was one of the Mins however who held
with the liberal ])arty, for a timt- at least. This was Min
Yijug-ik, nephew to the queen, adopted son of Min Seung-ho
who had be^^n killed by the infernal michine i;i 1874. That
this man took his stand at first with the liberals is shown by
the fact that in the spring of 1S82 he joined Kim Hong-jip,
Kim Ok-kyun, Hong Yuug-sik aud other lib-ral leaders in
advising the king to select 200 young men and engage a Jap-
anese iijstructor to drill them in military tactics. The advice
was followed, and Lieutenant Isobayachi was employed for
that purpose. Without delay he began work at the Ha-do-
gam near the P^ast Gate. At the .same time a number of
young men were sent to Japan to study military matters.
Among these the most prominent was Sii Cha-p'il who was in-
timately connected with the liberal movement, though at that
time he was too young to take a prominent part.
The first regularly appointed Minister to the Japanese was
Pak Ynng-hyo the liberal leader. In the early part of 1882
he departed on his mission. It was at Cheniulpo on board
the little Japanese steamer that the Korean flag was first
designed. Pak Yung-hyo, Kim Ok-kyun, Su Kwang-bom and
Su Cha-p'il were all present when it was hoisted for the first
time in honor of the first Aliuister to Japan.
While the two hunderd men who were being drilled at
the Ha-do-gam were being plentifully ff='d and clothed by the
government, the 3.700 troops, called the Hul lyiin To-gam,
the former Royal Guard, were being badh- neglected. Their
pay was two or three months in arrears and for a similar period
they had not received a grain of rice. They were naturally
incensed and there were aiigry mutterings against the two
hundred men who were being treated so much better than
the}'. When the king was made aware of this he ordered
that a month's allowance of rice be given out to these discon-
tented troops. This work was put into the hands of Min
Kyum-ho the overseer of the government finances, and he in
turn handed the matter over to his major-domo who, it appears,
sold the good rice and with the proceeds bought a large quan-
226 KOKE\N HISTORY.
tity of the poorest cjnality which hi mixt-fl with sand and
doled out to the huns:ry troops. The result may be imagintd.
They congreg^ated in various places and determined that since
they must die in any event they would rather die fightinj^
than starving. They strengthened the feelile-hearted among
their own number by threats of deatli in case any proved un-
faithful and refused to assist in the work in hand. On the
night of the ninth of the sixth moon, in the midst of heavily
falling rain, they arose e7i masse and proceeded to their gen-
eral's house, where tliey announced that they were going to
take revenge on those \\\\o hid wronged them. That they
not only did not attack hitn but that they crven had the cour-
tesy to go and tell him what they were about to do shows-
clearly that he was in no wise to blame for the ill-treatment
they had received. They also sent a messenger to the ex-
Regent, but the purport of tlie message is not known. They
then hastened to the residence of Min Kytim-ho, but he iiad
heard of the trouble and had fled to the royal presence for pro-
tection. The infuriated soldiery vented their rage on the
property by tearing down the house and destroying the furni-
tiire. They seized the dishonest major-domo nnd beat him to
death upon the spot The sight of this aroused all their worst
instincts and. separating into bauds of two or three hundred,
they hastened to different parts of the town to complete what
had been begun. Some ran to the prisons and liberated the
inmates who naturally joined the ranks of tlie rioters. One of
these prisoners was Pak Nakkwan who haci memorialized the
throne in favor of the ex Regent. They took him on their
shoulders and rush -d through the streets shouting "Pak
Chung sin" or "P;ik the patriot." P'or this, a few months
later he was torn to pieces bv bullocks outside the West Gate,
Part of the mob went to the Ha do-gam, but on their approach
the Japanese militar}- instructor took to his heels and made
for the Japanese Legation. But he was overtaken atid cut
down in the streets. Another detachment hastened to the
Japanese Legation itself, but found the gates shut and barred.
Within were nine Japanese. In order to make it light enough
to carry on their dastardly work the assaulting mob threw
firebrands over the wall and thus illntninated the pi ice. for
it was night. The little company of Japanese soon became
MODERN KORHA. 227
aware that they could not hope to stand a siege and that their
only hope lay in a bold dash. vSuddeuly the gates flew open
and the nine determined men rushed out brandishing their
swords and firing their revolvers straight into the crowd. The
Koreans were taken whoUv by surprise and beat a hasty re-
treat. In their headlong fliglit many of them fell into the
lotus pond adjoining. As the Japanese hurried along to the
governor's \^amen which was not far away, they cut down a
few of the mob. They found that the governor had goiie to
the palace and so they turned their faces toward Chemulpo
and hastened away. Another party of the insurgents went
out.side the city to various monasteries which they burned to
the ground. The most important of these was the vSin-heung
Monastery outside the Northeast Gate. This move was dic-
tated by hate of the Min faction whose patroness was known
to be very well affected toward Buddhism and to have made
friends with the monks.
Other parties scattered over the city carrying the torch to
the door of every member of the Min faction. The houses
of Min Kyum-ho, Min T'a-ho, Jvliu Yung-ik, Min Yung-so,
Min Yung-jun, Min Yung-ju Min Ch'ang-sik. Prince Heung-
in, Kim Po-hyiin and Yun Cha dukwere torn down by the use
of long ropes. The furnitur.e was piled in a great heap in the
street and burned. The only member of the Min clan how-
ever that was seized that night was Min Ch'ang-sik who lived
at Kon-dang-kol. He had the unenviable reputation of having
taken large sums of money from the people by indirection.
When he was seized he cried "I am not a Min; my name is
Pak." They bound him and carried him through the streets
shouting "Is this a Min or a Pak?" The populace answered
fiercely "He is a Min." So th?y took him down to the big
bell and stabbed him in a hundred places with their swords
and cut his mouth from ear to ear.
When the morning of the tenth broke Seoul was in a ter-
rible condition. Bands of frenzied soldiery were ranging
through the streets. The people either huddled about their
fireplaces with barred doors or else sought safety in flight
from the citj\ At last the mob rendezvoused in front of the
palace gate and finding no opposition they boldly entered.
Rushing into the inner court of the king's private apartments
22*^ KOKEVN HISTORY.
thfv fntiiul themselves face to face with His Majesty. Ahont him
stood a few of the officials who had not fled the city. There
were Min Kvum-ho, Kim Pohyuii, Cho Ryiiiig-ha and Prince
Hiun;? ill. Rushing forward the soldi^^rs struck their swords
against the floor and the doorposts and demanded that these
men l)t^ handei ever to them. It was quite evident that there
was no escape and that by refusal they would only endanger
the king's life. So th.ese men made obeisance to His Majesty
and then stepped down into the hands of the soldiers. Min
Kvum-ho and Kim Po-hyiin were instantly struck down and
hacked in pieces before the very eyes of the king. Of Kim
nothing remained but the trunk of his body. Cho Ryung-ha
was spared l)Lit Prince Hcung-in died the same day for he was
mashed to a jelly bv the gun-stocks of the soldiers.
This done, the soldiersdenianded the person ot the queen.
The king sternly demanded how they dared ask of him the
person of his Queen. Without answering they rushed away
to her private apartments. Seizing palace women by the
hair they dragged them aboutdemanding where their mistress
was. But while this was going on one of the palace guard
named Hong Cha-heui entered the Queen's presence and said
that she was in danger and that her only hope of escape lay
in getting on his back and being carried out. This she in-
stantly did. .A. .skirt was hastily thrown over her head and
the heroic man took her straight out through the midst
of the infuriated soldiery. Some of them sei/.td hold of him
and demanded whom he was carrying. He replied that it
was one of the palace women, his sister, whom he was cou-
ve\*ing to a place of safety. His heroism was rewarded by
seeing her safely outside the palace and comfortably housed
at the residence of Ynn T'a-jun to the west of the palace.
The next day she was taken in a closed chair toward ihe vil-
lage of Chang-wiin in fhedistrictofCh'ung-juinCh'ung ch'ung
Province, where she arrived several days later. In that
place she found refuge in the house of Min Eung-sik. This
journey was mid;; not along th.-miinroad but along by-paths
among the mountains, and it is said that Hing Cha-heui lost
several of his toes as a result of this terrible march, for shoes
could not be procured.
But we must return to the palace. The ex- Regent ap-
MODKRN KOKEA. 229
peared on the scene whiU- ihe solders vvt-re still raging
throngh the palace in search of the Oneen. He gave the
signal to stop, and instautl>- the soldiers obeyed and qtiittl\-
left the palace. That these soldiers, worktd np as they were
to a perfect frenzy, should have ote) ed the coninmnds of the
Prince Tai-wun so instantly and implicitly would seem to
argue a closer connection with this outbreak than any overt
act on his part would give us warrant to affirm.
The ex- Regent was now in power again. He supposed
that the Queen had been killed, and on the next day he
summoned the officials and said that though the Queen was
dead yet her body had not been found ; they must therefore
take some of her clothing and perform the funeral rites with
them instead. The proclamation went forth, and from the
middle of the sixth moon the people went into mourning for
their Oueeu.
Chapter XVI.
A panic. . . .Japanese envoy . . .a counter demand . . .Chinese troops ar-
rive. . . .rioters captured. . . .the Regent kidnapped. . . .the Queen re-
turns .... Foreign Office ... von Mollendorf . . . .minting. . , .American
Minister .... various innovations . . . special envoy to tlie United
States . . .the American farm . . treaties . . liberal and conservative
parties drift further apart . . Pak Yung-hyo's attempted reforms. . . .
.school for interpreters ...fears of the progressive party .. a crisis
imminent .. understanding with the Japanese .. the dinner at the
Post Office .... attempted assassination . . . confusion ... LiV)eral
leaders hasten to the palace . Japanese called in ...conservative
leaders put to death official changes .... Chinese demands , . .
the fight in the palace .... the king goes over to the Chinese. . . .
iibeials killed . . the Japanese retire to Chemulpo .... indemnity
.... executions ... Japanese terms . . hospital . . missions. . .
'lientsin convention . . corruption . . .von Mollendorf dismissed. . . .
China takes over the customs .... Judge Denny engaged as adviser
. . . obstacles put in his way .... government English School, . . .
mission schools.... Minister to the United States. .. the "baljy
war."
A few days after the flight of the Queen a rumor was
circulated to the elTect that a large body of men belonging to
230 koki<:a\' niST( rv.
tlif i)tddlar's guild luid cougreojated outside llie Hast Gate
and were about to enter aud loot the city. A panic seized
the people, and lutn, women and children nii^ht be seen fly-
iiii^ in all dir.ctions, some out into the neighboring country
ami some up the steep sides of the surnmnding mountains.
The gates being all locked the people forced the South Gate
atid the two West gates and thus made good their escape.
The king hinii^elf was affected by the rumor and leaving the
palace sought safety at the house of Yi Che- wan. But the
panic ceased as quickly as it had btgun, and within three
hours the people were returning to their homes again. The
extreme haste with which the people tried to get away
is illustrated in the case of one old man who seized his
little grandson, as he supposed by the hand, and fled up a
mountain but found to his dismay that he had taken the bo}^
by the leg rather than by the hand and that the little fellow-
had succumbed to this harsh treatment.
On the fifth of the seventh moon Count luouye arrived
in Chemulpo as Japanese envoy and immediately sent word
to have a high Korean official sent to Chemulpo to discuss the
situation. Kim Hong-jip was sent, and as a result the Korean
government was asked to pay an indemnity for the lives of
the Japanese who had been killed. It appears that besides
the Japanese military instructor five or six others had been
killed, also a considerable amount of Japanese money had
been seized and destroj^ed at the Japanese headquarters.
The indemnity was placed at a million cash apiece for the
Japanese who had fallen. This amounted to something like
$2,500 each, a ridiculously small sum, but perhaps all the
Japanese thought they could get. The ex-Regent replied
that if the Japanese demanded this indemnity the Korean
government would feel obliged to lev}' a tax upon all Japan-
ese merchants doing business in Korea. This was practically
a refusal to pay the indemnity and the envoy took his de-
parture.
Hardly had he left before a Chinese force 3,000 strong ar-
rived at Nam-yang off the town of Su-wun. They were com-
manded by Generals O Chang-gyang, Wang Suk-ch'ang, Ma
Kun-sang and by a lesser officer named Wuu Se-ga who was
destined to play a leading part from this time on. These
MODHKN KOKKA. 23 I
troops came, it can hardly be doubted, at the request
of the conservative party and it was from this hour that
that faction turned unreservedly towards China and gave the
latter occasion for beginning a series of encroachments
upon Korea's practical independence which ended in the
China-Japan war. These troops encamped all about the
capital, some at PS-o-ga outside the West Gate and some at
the Ha-do-gam just inside the East Gate.
Some of the soldiers who had been most active in creat-
ing the disturbance lived at Wang-sim-yi three miles outside
the East Gate. The Chinese made it their first work to seize
thej-e men by night. Ten of them were court-martialed and
were torn to pieces by bullocks.
The Chinese general O Jang-gyung was told that the ex-
Regent was at the bottom of the emeute, and he sent a letter
informing the Emperor of this fact. The latter ordered him
to seize the person of the offending party and bring him to
China. The Chinese general thereupon visited the palace
where the Prince Tai-wan was in full control and invited him
to visit Yong-san on the river, where he said there was some-
thing important for him to see. Having once gotten him on
board a Chinese boat there, under pretext of showing him
over it, the anchor was quickly raised and the baffled Prince
found himself on his way to China. When he arrived at
Tientsin he was refused audience with Li Hung-chang but
was banished by imperial decree to a place not far from
Tientsin, where he was well cared for until his return to
Korea three years later.
After this deiis ex machina had spirited the ex-Regent
away, an official, So Sang-jo, memorialized the throne stating
that the Queen was still alive and ought to be brought back
to the capital. It is said that Yi Yung-ik covered the space
between the capital and her place of hiding, sixty-three
miles, in a single day, carrying the message of recall. A
large retinue of officials and soldiers were sent southward
and brought the Queen back to Seoul where she arrived on
the first day of the eighth moon. The people immediately
doffed their mourning garb.
Toward the close of 1882 a Foreign Office was established
in the capital and Kim Yun-sik was made Minister of Foreign
22,2 KORKAM HISTORY.
Affairs, He invited P. G. von Mollendorf, a member of the
customs staff of China, to act as adviser, and the Chinese
generals Wang .Suk-ch'ang and Ma Kun-sang were made at-
taches of the new department.
The year 1SS3 witnessed more advance in Korea than
any year before or since. In May Gen Foote, the first United
States Minister, arrived and on the nineteenth of that month
the treaty which had been drawn up at Chemulpo between
Commodore Shufeldt niid the Korean Commissioners was rati-
fied. After this was done Gen. Foote left Korea to make
preparations for the establishment of a legation in Seoul.
Kim Ok-kyun, one of the leading members of the pro-
gressive party was made "Whale Catching Commissioner"
and departed for Japan to fit out an expedition to carry on
this lucrative government monopoly along the Korean coast.
He was selected for this work because of his intimate ac-
quaintance with the Japanese. It was a move looking to-
ward the development of Korea's resources and was there-
fore in direct line with the wishes and plans of the progres-
sionists. Ataboutthe same time a powder-mill was built out-
side the Northwest Gate, and a foreign mint was erected in-
side the Little West Gate. This was done with the aid of
Japanese experts at a great and, as it proved, useless ex-
pense to the government. An oflBce was founded for the
printing and dissemination of useful literature on the subjects
of agriculture, forestry, stock-raising and the like. The
ports of Chemulpo and Wun-san were opened to foreign trade
according to the stipulation of the Japanese and American
treatie's. In contrast to the progressive moves we find that
eight men who were suspected of complicacy with the ex-
Regent in the emeute of the preceding 3'ear were executed by
poison. Of like character was the building of the Kvvan-
wang temple, devoted to the interests of sorceresses and
exorcists who enjo3'ed the patronage of the Queen.
In the summer of 18S3 Min Yung-ik was made special
envoy to the United States. His second was Hong Yung-
sik. Among his suite were Sii Kwang-bom, Pak Un and
others, all of ^\ horn were members of the progressive party
or at least well affected toward it. This same summer the
king founded the American Farm some ten miles east of
MODHKN KORKA. 233
Seoul and stocked it with foreign seeds and cattle, with the
idea of providing Korean farmers with a sort of object-lesson
in farming, and to provide seeds for distribution among the
people. The United States Department of Agriculture sent
a large stock of seeds by the hand of the sptcial embassy of
which Min Yung-ik formed the head.
Late in the autumn the German representative arrived
and concluded a treaty on behalf of his government. A
month later a treaty was ratified with Great Britain and a
Consulate General was founded in Seoul.
With the opening of 18S4 the state of affairs in the pen-
insula was something as follows. The progressive and con-
servative elements in the government were clearly different-
iated. The innovations effected by the progressives had
raised in them the hope of being able to speedily reorganize
the government on a foreign basis, and the degree of their
success marked the increasing suspicion and oppositon of the
conservative element. The latter were strengthened in
their position by the presence and active support of the
Chinese generals and troops, and the influence of the foreign
adviser von MoUendorf was always on the side of Chinese in-
terests. The ex- Regent was for the time being out of the
war and a great stumbling-block to the Min faction was thus
removed. The king and queen were both favorably inclined
toward a progressive policy but the latter was gradually be-
ing drawn back into line with the conservative element of
which the Min family was the leading representative. Min
Yung-ik was still true to his better instincts and was an
ardent supporter of the progressionist views but his return
from America was the sign for a vigorous attack upon his en-
lightened views by the members of his family and he was be-
ing rapidly alienated from the party whose interests he had
tentatively espoused. It was not, however, till later in the
year that he broke away entirely from the progressive follow-
ing.
The spring of 1884 saw the arrival of Ensign Geo. C.
Foulk as naval attache of the American Legation. He rapid-
ly became acquainted with the leading ofiicials and it was
through his advice and aid that several reformatory measures
were promulgated. In the sixth moon the influence of the
234 KOREAN HISTORY.
progressive party secured the position of Mayor of Seoul for
Pak YBng-hyo, one of the most ardent of the reform party,
and he immediately set to work at sanitary reforms and
municipal improvements. He began by tearing down houses
that had encroached upon the main road between the East and
the West Gates. He had not proceeded far in this good work
before he was blocked by the influence of the opposing faction.
His next move was in the direction of dress reform and he
succeed in putting through a law prohibiting the use of the
long sleeves, long hat-strings and long girdle strings. In
these efforts he was seconded to a certain extent by Min
Yiing-ik, but at this point terminates the lattei's active in-
terest in reforms, and from about this time the progressive
leaders began to lo- k upon him as a traitor to their cause.
Here again personal interest came to injure a cause which,
while good in itself, was discredited by the means used to ef-
fect its end. One sign of advance was the establishment of a
school for the training of interpreters. in English, under the
charge of a competent foreign instructor.
In the autumn of this year 1884 twelve of the young
men who had been sent to Japan to study military tactics re-
turned to Seoul, amongthem being Su Cha p'il, known in later
years as Dr. Philip Jaisohn, who though still a youth of about
twenty years began to take an active part in the plans of the
liberal or progressive party. By this time Min Yung-ik had
practically taken his stand witli the conservatives, and this
tended in no small measure to draw away from the progres-
sives the sympathy and support of the queen. It was becom-
ing evident that the hopes of the liberals were to be dashed
to the ground. Yuan, the Cb.inese commissioner, was staying
at the barracks in front of the palace and was active in the
interests of his own government, which meant that he urgtd
on the conservative party in their oppostion to reforms. It
can hardl}' be wondered at then th;it the progressives looked
more and more to the Japanese from whom they had imbibed
their ideas of progress. Japan had recognized the independence
of Korea and this naturally carried with it a desire to see Korea
progress along the same lines that had raised Japan out of the
rut of centuries to the more satisfactory plane of enlightened
government.
MODERN KOREV. 235
How to stem the tide that had set so strongly against
tlieni was a difficult problem for tlie progressionist leaders to
solve. From time immemorial the method of effecting changes
in the Korea government had been to make an uprising,
secnre tht- person of the king and banish or excnte the lead-
ers of the op[iasition. It must be remembered that at that
time, so far as the mass of the people was concerned, the pro-
gressive party had little or no backing. On the other hand
the conservatives had the ear of the king and were backed In-
a Chinese army. It was evidently necessary to secure mili-
tary backing, and for this Japan alone was available. But it
was manifestly impossible for Japan to come in and attempt
to effect the change. It must be at the request of the Korean
government, or at least of the king. It seemed that the only
thing to do was to hasten a crisis, obtain possession of the
person of the king and then see to it that Japan be invited to
loan troops to preserve the new status.
Instead of waiting patiently and suffering temporary de-
feat with the hope of ultimate success, the progressive leaders
determined to have recourse to the old method, and in so do-
ing they made a fatal blunder. Even had they "been success-
ful the means they employed would have fatalij' discredited
them in the eyes of all enlightened people.
It is generally accepted as true that tlic progressive lead-
ers had a distinct understanding with the Japanese. A Ja]v
anese man-of-war was on the way to Chemulpo and was ex-
pected to arrive on the fifth or sixth of December and the
uprising was set for the seventh of that month. The leaders
in this movement had not been able to keep it entirely a se-
cret, for some of them talked about it in a very excited man-
ner of the Naval Attache of the American Legation ar.d it
came to the ears of the British Consul-general, who, meeting
Yun T'a-jun on December fourth, asked him if he had heard
that there was trouble in the air. That gentleman who was
himself a strong convervative and a close friend of Min T'a-
ho, hastened to the house of the latter and reported what he
had heard. Min advised him to hasten to the house of one of
the relatives of one of the pregressionists and secure informa-
tion if possible. He did so, and there happened to meet one
of the leaders of the progressive party and intimated to hiu)
2T,6 KOREAN HISTORY. *
tliat lie had heard thai trouble was brew in g^. This man denied
all knowledo:e of any such plan but the niiiiute his caller had
i^one he hastened to the other progressionist leaders and told
them that all was lost unless instant action were taken. News
had just arrived that the Japanese gun-boat that was expect-
ed at Chemulpo had broken dovvn and could not come. There
were only a few hundred Japanese troops in Seoul at the
time. But it seemed to these men that it would be better to
risk the whole venture on a single cast than to wait passiveU'
and see the destruction of all their hopes and plans. The
seventh of December was the appointed day but as this was a
uiatter of kill or be killed it was decided to proceed at once to
business. Hong Yiing-sik had been made Post-master Gen-
eral and on this very night he was to give a banquet at the
new post-office which was situated in that part of th^ city
called Kyo-dong. It was decided to start the ball rolling at
this point. The evening came and the guests assembled to
the dinner. Th«-y were the Chinese leaders Yuan, Chin and
Wang, United States Minister Foote and his secretary Mr.
Scudder, the British Consul-general Aston, the Foreign Of-
fice Adviser von Mollendorf, the Koreans Hong YiJrig-sik,
Kim Ok-kyun, Miu Yung-ik, Pak Yiing-ho, Su Kwang-bom,
Kim Hung-jip, Han Kyu-jik, Pak Chong-yang, O Yun-iung
and a few others. The Japanese Minister had excused him-
self on the plea of ill-health. It was noticed that Kim Ok-
kyun rose and left the table several times and went out into
the court-yard but no special significance was attached to
this. The dinner began at an early hour, not far from six
o'clock, and about seven o'clock an alarm of fire was sound-
ed. A house immediately in front of the Post Office was in
flnmes. Min Yfing ik, beii'g one of the officials whose duty it
was to superintend the extinguishing of conflagrations, rose
from the table and hastened out, calling to his servants to
follow. As he passed out of the ir.ner gate, a man dressed in
Japanese clothes leaped out of the shadow of the gate-way and
struck at him savagely with a sword, wounding him severely
in the head and in other parts of the body. He fell heavily
to the ground and in the confusion that ensued the would-be
assassin made good his escape. Yon Mollendorf was not far
behind, and seeing what had happened he hastened forward,
MODERN KOKKA. 237
lifted the wounded man in his arms and carried him l)ack
into the dining-room. The Koreans who were present fled
precipitatel)' making their exit not by the door but by \va\' of
the back wall.
The wounded man was conveyed to the residence of von
Mollendorf which was in the vicinity, where Dr. H. N. Allen
of the American Presbyterian Mission was soon in attend-
ance.
The die had now been cast and there was no retreat.
The leaders of the conspiracy', Kim Ok-kyun, .Sfi Kwang bom,
Pal: Yung-hj'o, Hong Yirng-sik and Su Cha-pil, histened im-
mediately to the palace known to us as "The Old Palace"
where the king had resided since the insurrection of 1882.
Entering the royal presence they announced that the Chinese
were coming to take possession of the king's person and that
he must hasten to a place of safety. The king did not believe
this report but as they insisted he had no recourse but to sub-
mit. The little company hastened along under the west wal^
of the palace until they came to a small gate leadir.g into
Kyong-u Palace which adjoins the "Old Palace" on the west.
As they proceeded Kim Ok-kyun asked the king to send to
the Japanese Minister asking for a body-guard, but h2 refused.
Thereupon Su Kwang-bom drew out a piece of foreign note-
paper and a pencil and wrote in Chinese the words "Let
the Japanese Minister come and give me his help." This
was immediately despatched by a servant. That it was a
mere matter of form was evident when the little company
passed into the Kyong-u Palace, for there they found the Jap.
anese Minister and his interpreter already in attendance and
with them some two hundred troops drawn up in line. When
the king appeared they saluted. There were present also the
twelve students who had been in Japan. Word was immediately
sent to Sin Keui-sun, Pak Yung-hyo and O Yun-jung to come
and receive ofhce under the reconstructed government. With-
in half an hour they were in attendance, excepting O Yun-
jung who happened to be away in the country at the time.
Very early in tha morning a royal messenger was sent
with the myoup:p'a or "summoning tablet" to the houses of
Min T'Ji-ho, Min Yiing-mok and Cho Ryiing-ha, ordering
them to appear at once before the king, They complied and
2,V^ KOKKAN IIISTOKV.
l:aslened to the palace but no sooner had they entered the
palace gate than they were seized and cut down in cold
blood. Then the sunimos was sent to Han Kyn-jik, Yi Cho-
yun and Ynn T'S jun. They too were assassinated as soou as
thc\- entered the palace. A eunuch named Yu Cha-hyun was
also put to death. It is useless to ask by whose hand these
men fell. Whowever wielded the brutal sword, the leaders of
the so-called progressive party were wholly responsible. The
twelve young men who had returned from Japan were all full}^
armed and it is more than probable that they took au active
part in the bloody work. Not only was not the king consult-
ed in regard to these murders but in the case of the eunuch'it
was done in spite of his entreaties and remonstrances. .,-;
These seven men who thus went to their doom were not
entirely unconscious of what awaited them. When Cho RyHng-
ha received the summons the inmates of his house pleaded
with him not to go, but as it was the king's summons he
would not disobey even though he knew it meant death.
Just at daylight the king was removed to the house of
his cousin Yi Chn-wuu, escorted by the Japanese soldiers who
surrounded him four deep. Kim Ok-kyuu gave passes to
those who were to be allowed to go in and out and onlj' such
had access to the premises. After remaining there some three
hours the whole company returned to the "Old Palace." In
the reconstructed government Yi Cha wun and Hong Yung-
sik were made Prime Ministers, Pak Yung-hyo was made
General-in chief. Su Kwang-bom was made Minister of For-
eign Affairs, Kim Ok-kyun Minister of Finance and Su Cha-
p'il Lieutenant-general. The rest of the young men who had
studied in Japan were also given official position.
Before Yun T'a-jun, Yi Cho-yun and Han Kyu-jik went
to the palace and met their fate they sent wordtoY'uan warning
him of the state of affairs and asking help, but he made no
Immediate move. As the morning broke thousands of Koreans
came to Lim and said that the Japanese held the king a
prisoner in the palace and begged him to interfere. Yuan re-
plied by sending a messenger to the Japanese Minister demand-
ing why he had surrounded the king with soldiers and had
killed the ministers, and demanding that he immediately
evacuate the place. Three hours passed and still uo answer
MODKKN KOKKA. 239
came; and at last Yuan and the two other Chinese leaders
took a strong body of Chinese troops and several hundred
Korean troops and proceeded to the palace. Entering by way
of the Sun-in Crate and passing through the Ch'ang-kyung
Palace they approached the Po-t'ong Gate which gave en-
trance to the "Old Palace," but they found it strongly guarded
by Japanese. Here a sharp encounter took place which lasted
an hour, beginning about three o'clock in the afternoon.
Abijul ten each of t'ne Chinese, Japanese and Koreans fell in
this assault. As the darkness came on the Japanese began to
fall l)ack and taking the king and the newly appointed minis-
ters they made their way to the extreme northeasterly portion
of the palace grounds, not far from the Hong-wha Gate. The
royal party took refuge in a summer house there and the Jap-
anese stationed themselves behind trees and guarded the
place, keeping up a lively fusillade with the Chinese who had
followed them. Meanwhile the Crown Prince, the Queen and
the king's foster-mother had escaped in small closed chairs
out the Sun-in Gate and had found refuge in the house of Yi
Pom-jin in the village af No-wun, twenty li outside the East
Gate.
The chances of success for the Japanese were becoming
smaller and smaller and the king was anxiously looking for
an opportunity of escaping from them and making his way to
the Chinese side. At last, taking advantage of the extreme
disorder that prevailed, he made his way to the Puk-chang
Gate at the extreme northeastern part of the palace enclosure-
Outside there was a crowd of Korean soldiers who wished to
gain entrance and rescue the king from his captors. Wheu
the latter made his presence known inside the gate these
soldiers effected an entrance and lifting His Majesty on their
shoulders carried him in triumph to the North Temple just
inside the Northeast Gate. Seeing that all hope of immediate
success was gone, Pak Yung-hyo, Kim Ok-kyun, Su Kwang-
bom Su ChJt-p'il and a part of the company of military students
accompanied the Japanese troops out the front gate of the
palace to the Japanese Legation which was then situated in
Kyo-dong. This was accomplished in the midst of great ex-
citement.
Meanwhile Hong Yuug-sik, Pak Yung-kyo, Sin Keui-sun
240 KOKEAN IIISTORV.
and seven of the military students had followed the fortunes of
the king, liut no sooner did the part}- arrive at the North
Temple than the people fell upon Hong Yiing-sik and Pak
Yiing-kyo and hacked them to pieces before the king's eyes.
Hong Yung-sik attempted to hide in a closet behind His
Majesty but the latter indicated by a nod of the head that he
was concealed there and the people dragged him out and dis-
patched him on the spot. The seven students tried to effect
their escape but were pursued and killed, one below Chong-no,
and another at Yijn-mot-kol.
No sooner had the morning dawned than the Japanese Min-
ister formed his little company in a hollow square, placed the
Korean refugees and the Japanese women and children in the
center, fired the legation buildings and marched out through
the city on their way> to Chemulpo, shooting at any Koreans
whom they happened to see in their way. The}^ found the
West Gate locked but thej- soon forced it and hurried away
to the port. All the Japanese in Seoul did not escape thus,
for there were a few living in Chin-go-ga. That same day
the Koreans mobbed them and killed them all, men women and
children.
A Japanese merchant vessel happened to be hnng at
Chemulpo and the Minister with all hiscompanj'- boarded her,
carrying the Koreans with them. The latter were hidden in
the hold.
That same day, later in the afternoon, the king made his
way to the Ha-dogam where the Chinese had camped, and
put himself under their protection. Cho Pyung-ho was sent
to Chemulpo to ask the Japanese Minister not to leave, and to
effect the arrest of the fugitives. In neither quest w^as he
successful.
An anxious month passed by and at last the Japanese,
Count Inouye. came with a guard of 600 troops and took up
his quarters at the governor's place outside the West Gate.
Negotiations were at once begun and as a result the Korean
Government agreed to pay an indemnity of 600,000 yen, Su
Sang-u and P. G. von MoUendorf were sent as commissioners
to Japan to arrange suitable terms for the renewal of friendly
relations. To make good their protestations of regret at
the killing of defenseless Japanese in Seoul four men who took
MODKKN KOREA. 24 1
part in that work were arrested and put to death. At the same
time Yi Ch'ang-gyu, Sii Chfl-Ch'ang, Kim Pony:-jung and five
others who had been charged with complicacy in the plot were
seized and executed.
On January ninth i88,s Kim Hong-Jip, Special Korean
Commissioner, signed witii Count Inouye aconv^intion regard-
ing the trouble of the preceeding month, by the terms of
which the government agreed to apologize to the Japanese
emperor, to pay an indemiiity of 110,000 yen, to execute the
murderer of Lieut. Isobayachi, to give a site for a new Lega-
tion and 20,000 yen for its construction and to set aside a site
for barracks for the Japanese guard. Early in the Spring the
Japanese Legation was built, being the first foreign building
in Seoul.
The year 18S5 beheld many events of importance. The
government hospital was founded under royal patronage by
Dr. H. N. Allen of the American Presbyterian Mission. It
beheld also the arrival of that great vanguard of civilization
the Protestant Missionary. Dr. Allen had arrived in the
previous year but now; the Presbyterian and Methodist
Churclies of America sent a number of representatives into
Seoul to secure property and begin preparations for the found-
ing of regular evangelistic and educational work. In April
the Chinese and Japanese signed the celebrated Tientsin Con-
vention by the terms of which they both agreed to evacuate
Korea and not to send troops there without previously notify-
ing each other. It was the breaking of this convention by
China which was one of the immediate causes of the Japan-
China war. At this same time, P^ngland, fearing the occupa-
tion of Port Hamilton by Russia, sent a fleet of war vessels
and occupied the place herself. She was finally induced to
leave, but only after China had guaranteed tosecure it against
occupation by any other power. In October the treaty with
Russia was signed and a Legation was established in Seoul.
The ex-Regent was still in China, but the Chinese govern-
ment now deemed it safe to send him back to the peninsula,
and Min Chiing-muk was sent to act as his escort.
Since the day when the Regent threw the finances of the
country into confusion by the debasement of the currency and
since the officials had learned how much the people would
242 KOREAN HISTORY.
endure of unjust taxation, in the days when every means was
adopted to wring from them the funds for the erection of the
palace, official indirection had been on the rapid increase.
The people were being imposed upon more and more. All the
money that dishonest men paid to corrupt officials to purchase
ofiBce had to be drawn from the people later by dishonest
means. The main qualification of a successful prefect was
the ability to judge when he had reached the limit of the
people's endurance. The year 1885 beheld a serious revolt in
Yo-ju where the prefect had overstepped the dead-line of the
peoples' patience. Ha was driven out and his ajnn or clerk
was killed. The prefect of Wun-ju also escaped death only by
flight, while an ajun was killed.
Not the least important event of 1885 was the completion
under Chinese patronage of the Seoul- Peking telegraph line
by which Korea was for the first time put into quick com-
munication with the rest of the world. At the dictation nf
China a commissioner, Yi Chung-ba was sent north to meet a
Chinese commissioner and determine the exact boundary be-
tween Korean and Chinese territpry along the Tu-nian
River.
A customs service had been begun by von Mollendorf on
an independent basis but in July of 1S85 he was dismissed
from service in the Foreign Office and two months later he
was relieved of work in the Customs because of unwarrantable
schemes into which he had drawn that department of the
government. The whole service was thereupon put under the
management of Sir Robert Hart the Inspector General of the
Chinese Customs. An entirely newstaiT of men was sent from
China. H. N. Merrill was made Chief Commissioner and
Chemulpo, Fusan and Wiinsan were put in charge of men
directly from the Chinese Customs stafif. This was a guarantee
of excellent management but it proved to be the strongest
lever China had in the carrying out her ambitious plans in the
peninsula. Before the close of the year Gen. Foote without
giving specific reasons retired from the United States Legatioii
and returned to America, Ensign Geo. C. Foulk becoming
Charge d 'Affaires,
In the early months of 1S86 Yi To-ja, Sin Keui-sun, Hong
Chin-yu, AnChung-suand Kyo.ig Kwang-guk were banished to
MODEKX IsOKKA, 243
distant islands for complicacy in the plot which led to tl-.e
emeute of 1S84.
In February the king by royal edict abolished the hered-
itary transmission of slaves and the use of slave labor by the
guilds in the work on the palaces This was a measure of
far-reaching import had it been carried out in full ; but we
find that it had to be re-enacted in 1894.
The government desired to secure the services of a foreign
expert as adviser to the Home and Foreigti Offices and with
the sanctioti of Li Hung-chang, tha Chinese Vic?eroy, Judge O.
N. Denn}', ex-Consul-general of II,S. to China, was call-:d and
he arrived in the spring of 1886 just in time to be present at
the signing of the treat}^ with France. He had for some years
been on rather intimate terras with the Great Viceroy and it
is probable that the latter hoped to use the Judge in forward-
i4ig Chinese interests in Korea. If so he found himself
grievously mistaken for the United States as well as Japan
and France, had recognized the independence of Korea, and
Judge Denny devoted his energies to the maintenance of that
independence. Yuan the Chinese commissior had taken up
his residence in Seoul and had dubbed hinjself "Resident" in
opposition to the Korean claim to independence. The Peking
government, forgetting or ignoring the fact that whenever
Korea had gotten into trouble she (China) had always dis-
avowed responsibility and had practically disclaimed suzera-
inty, now began to bolster up her claims and to use every
means to make good her pretensions. The dominant party
which had ridden into power on the shoulders of ihe Chinese
put no obstacles in the way and thus Judge Denny found him-
self blocked in his efforts to better the condition of the
country.
It was generally understood that the right of Japanese
and Western foreigners to reside in Seoul was based on the
most favored nation clause in the treaties and that if the Chin-
ese removed from Seoul the otliers could be compelled to do
likewise. The Chinese, therefore, hoping, it is said, to secure
more exclusive power in the capital by the removal of other
foreigners began to agitate the question of removing all their
nationals to Yong-san near the river three miles from SecMil.
For a time it aj)peared as if this might ht done but the large
244 KOkHAN* UISTnUV
vested rijjjhts of tlie Japanese in the cnpital as well as the in-
terests of others caused a counter agitation which frustrated
the scheme.
Geo. C Foulk, Ivnsign in the U. S. Navy, had long been
in connection with the Legation in Seoul. Early in 1881 he
had suggested to the government the advisabilit}' of founding
a school for the instruction of young Koreans in Western lan-
guages and sciences, and consequently the United States
Secretary of State was requested by the Korean government
to secure thret men as instructors; but the emeute of that
year had deferred the matter. In 1886 it was again brought
up and in July three men who had been selected by the U. S.
Commissioner of Education arrived at the Korean Capital. A
terrible epidemic of cholera devastated the city that summer
and as many as seven or eight hundred deaths occurred daily.
It was in September that the Royal English School was opened*.
Chinese claims to suzerainty emboldened the Chinese
merchants to attempt to evade the customs regulations and
the result was a serious affray in Chemulpo when the Chinese
tried to evade the export on ginseng. The Chinese Commis-
sioner tried to uphold them in it but a vigorous protest to Li
Hung-chang righted the matter and the offenders were de-
ported and the Customs Service was vindicated.
It was in this year that the trading station Whe-ryung on
the Tuman River was established for convenience of trade
with Russia but it was not made an open port. About this
time the school founded by the American Methodist Mission
received royal recognition and the king conferred upon it
the name Pai Chai Hak Tang or "Hdl for the Rearing of
Useful Men."
Contrary to the wishes of the Chinese a Korean Minister
to America was appointed in the person of Fak Chong-yang,
but in attempting to start for America he was intercepted by
the Chinese just outside the South Gate and compelled to re-
turn. Two months later, however, he succeeded in getting
away. He was received in Washington with all the punctili-
ousness due to a Minister from au}^ sovereign power. This
helped in a certain way to forward Korea's claim to indepen-
dence but America's well-known policy of non-interferance J.u
foreign matters largely neutralized its effect.
JIODKKN KOKJCA. 245
The year i8S8 beheld what is known as the "Baby War."
The report was spread abroad that the Europeans and Ameri-
cans were stealing children and boiling them in kettles for
food. It was also generally believed that the foreigners
caught women and cut off their breasts in order to extract
from them the condensed milk which was so commonly u.>-ed
among the foreign residents. The Koreans knew tha": the
foreigners had no cows and the}' could explain the use of
milk onl}' on the above theory. The modus operandi was said
to be as follows. The foreigners were possessed of a peculiar
drug which became a powerful gas when introduced into the
month. Approaching a Korean paper covered lattice door at
the dead of night the operator would make a tiny hole in the
paper and applying his mouth to it would blow the gas into
the room. The effect would be that if there were a woman in
the room she would waken and be seized with an uncontrol-
able desire to go outside. Once without the door, the for-
eigner would seize her, cut off her breasts and return to his
home. It was believed that they had paid agents among the
people to whom they taught the secret and whom they sent
about the country to secure women's breasts. Two suspici-
ous looking men were set upon in Hong-chTu) charged with
being breast-hunters. They narrowly escaped with their
lives. For a short time there was imminent danger of an
uprising but a royal proclamation couched in trenchant lang-
uage did much to calm the excitement and the danger sub-
sided as suddenly as it had arisen. In Eui-ju there was a
most destructive flood in which 300 lives were lost and 1927
houses were swept away.
Chapter XVII.
Corruption ...edicts of reform. .. .trouble with Japan ... .envoy to
Europe. . . death of Queen Cho, . . .the fisheries dispute . . oppres-
sion . .retrogression ... .excessive taxation .. .insurrections. .. .for-
eigners threatened ... .on the verge of anarchy. . . .prefects punished
revolt in vSong-do. . . .Tong-hak manifesto. . . .government help-
less .. .Japan uneasy. .. .Kim Ok- kyun murdered... revolting bar-
barity . . . the fall of Chun-ju. . . . Korea asks China for help . . . Chin-
24(5 KOKKAX HISTORY.
ese troops arrive . . Jai)anese tnovements . . tlie other powers in-
terfere Japanese demands . proposed reforms . . the palace
taken In- the Japanese ...the sinking of the Kowshing. .. .war de-
clared . . Korea breaks with China .... Japan promises to leave
Shanghai alone Japanese in Shanghai. . . .battle of Asan. . . .bat-
tle of P'yCng-japg . . .battle of the Yalu.
At this time the administration of the government was
anything but exemplary. The selling of the same office at
such short intervals increased the burden on the people to an
almost unbearable point, so that there were frequent uprisings
in country districts. In Korea the people form the court of
final appeal. If a prefect oversteps the line which marks the
limit of the people's endurance and they drive him from the
place the government ordinarily accepts it as final.
The following year the government was obliged to take
notice of this state of things and the king sent out a proclama-
tion saying that the taking of bribes and the extortion of
money in the provinces would be severely punished. He took
this opportunity also to speak about robbery and gambling,
which had begun to run rife in the land. The people were
forbidden to dress in silk, excepting those over fifty 5'ears of
age.
The year 1890 opened with serious trouble in Ham-gyung
Frovince. Cbo PyCng-sik, a man of indomitable will and one
whose unbridled temper had more than once gotten him into
' serious trouble, was governor in that province. The people
had mortgaged their bean crop to the Japanese exporters, of
Wun-san, and had received some $176,000 therefor. But when
the beans had been harvested and were ready for shipment
the governor forbade its delivery. He wanted the Japanese to
sell it back to the people, as it w^as a year of scarcity, but this
they refused to do; and the beans rotted where they lay. The
Japanese promptly took the matter up and demanded an in-
demnit}'. The Foreign Office at once recognised the validity
of the claim but the king ordered Cho Pyung-sik to pay the
bill himself, since he had acted throughout without orders
from Seoul. The unhappy governor was obliged to part with
all his patrimony and several of his relatives had to do like-
wise. As this was not enough to settle the bill the govern-
ment paid the balance.
MODERN K()RH.\. 247
This yeir saw tlie first embassy to Europe appointed in
the person of Cho Siu-heui but owing to his illness his place
was filled by Pak Che-sun who started on his mission but
' never yot further tlian Hong-kong. It is probable that it was
through Chinese infiuence that he got no further. The fourth
moon of the year saw the death of the aged Dowager Queen
Cho, through whose infiuence the present king came to the
ihrtMie. S'le was buried with royal honors and the people as-
sumed mourning for one year.
Serious difficulties arose in regard to the fisheries in the
south. The Japanese had been accorded the right to fish in
Korean waters, but on the island of Quelpart a curious cus-
tom prevails. The women do the fishing. The}^ enter the
water entirely nude and gather shell-fish. All males are pro-
hibited by law from coming within sight of the fishing-
grounds. The Japanese fishing-boats, however, did not hesi-
tate to pass into these prohibited waters and as a result the
Koreans were deprived of the means of livelihood. The Ko-
rean government took the rea.sonable ground that the Japan-
ese in coming near the Korean coast should observe the local
customs and prejudices, but the Japanese government refused
to take an}' sentimental view of the question and after a long
discussion the Koreans failed to carry their point.
The year 1891 beheld the elevation to power of Min
Yong-jun a man who championed the most conservative prin-
ciples of the retrogressive party in power. The king's son
■ by the concubine Lady Kang was made Prince Eui-wha. Cor-
ruption in official circles was accentuated by the lessening of
the term of office of country prefects thereby entailing fresh
burdens on the people, for they had to provide each prefect
with money to liquidate the debt he had incurred in purchas-
ing the position. There was an instant and loud outcry from
all sides. The powers that be saw that the limit of the peo-
ples endurance had been passed and they hastened to revoke
the law. This same year a consulate was founded at Tientsin
and Yi Myung-sang became the first incumbent.
Another sign of retrogression was the execution of six
men charged with being accessory to the insurrection of 1882
although eleven years had passed since that event.
The year 1892 passed without witnessing many events of
248 KOKKAN inSTOKV.
special importance, excepting that the state of things kept
getting worse and worse. It was a time during whicli the
country was ripening for the great disturbancesof the follow-
ing 3-ear. History shows that when the Korean people are
treated with anything like a fair degree of justice they are
loyal and peaceful. So long as the Korean is called upon to
pay not more than three or four times the legal rate of tax he
will endure it quietly and there will be no talk of seditious
sects arising; but the people are well aware that they them
selves form the court of final appeal and when all other me^ns
fail they are not slow to adopt anj^ means of righting their
wrongs.
In 1893 Korea began to reap what .she had sown in 1S91
and 1892. Having sown the wind she began to reap the
whirlwind. The whole province of P'j^ung-an was in a fer-
ment. Insurrections occurred in Kang-gye, Song'ch'un,
Ham-jong and in other parts of the province. But the dif-
ficulty was not confined to the North. The sect called the
Tong-hak which had arisen in 1864 began to show its head in
the south again. Rumors began to multiply in Seoul that
the}" were coming to the capital in great numbers to drive out
the Japanese and other foreigners. The government despatch-
ed O Yun jung, a civilian, to pacify them and for a timequiet
was preserved, but in March threatening plackards were fas-
tened to foreigners' gates in Seoul inveighing against the
Christian religion and warning foreigners to leave the coun-
try at once. It was the general feeling that although serious
trouble was not likeh^ to occur in Seoul it would be well to be
in a state of preparedness in case the Tong-hak saw fit to put
their words to the test of actiou.
At this time the Queen was extremeh' well-disposed to-
ward that class of female spiritual mediums called miidang,
and one of them was elevated to the rank of Princess. A Ko-
rean, An Hyo-je, who memorialized the king against such
practices, was overwhelmed with obloquy and was banished
to the island of Quelpart. Min Yong-jun had taken advant-
age of his high position to add private profit to public useful-
ness and loud complaints were heard on all sides against him
and against others of the same name. Insurrections of great-
er or less degree occurred in different parts of the country
MODKRN KORRA. 249
and it seemed as if Korea were on the verge of anarchy. It
can hardly be gainsaid that this state of affairs was the legiti-
mate outcome of pro-Chinese agitation and was directly in line
with immemorial custom in China. Nothing could be truer
than that Korea needed reforming. The govLrnment found
it necessary to deal with great severity in some cases. Four
prefects were taken to the center of the city and publicly
beaten and then banished. Even Min Yong-juu had to go
through the form of punishment in this public way, for the
people of the capital were so incensed against him that an in-
surrection seemed imminent unless the}^ were appeased. The
Songdo people revolted against the extortion that was prac-
ticed against them but they were overcome and their ginseng
was taken away from them by Kim Se-geui, the right hand
man of Min Yong-jun.
Late in the year the Tong-hakmade a startling proclama-
tion which they secretly nailed to the gate of the governor's
yamen in Chun-ju. It called upon all right-minded men to
join in the march on the capital and the extirpation of the
foreigners. This seemed more tangible than the former
rumors and foreign men-of-war began to congregate at Chem-
ulpo for the protection of their nationals in Seoul. Hundreds
of Japanese left the city and hurried to Chemulpo for safety.
A force of Korean infantry marched southward to head off the
revolutionists but they were easily defeated and their arms and
accoutrements fell into the hands of the enemy.
It was quite evident that the Korean government was
without the means or the men to cope with such determined
opposition. This deplorable state of things was looked upon
b}^ Japan with some uneasiness. Korea seemed to be coming
more and more under Chinese influence and in the same pro-
portion her internal management became more corrupt. Japan
regarded Korea as an independent power and was determined
to see that independence upheld. This feeling on the part of
Japan was sharply accentuated when in the spring of 1894 a
Korean detective, Hong Chong-u, succeeded in gaining the con-
fidence of Kim Ok-kyun who was living at Tokyo as a politic-
al refugee. He was induced to accompany his betrayer to
Shanghai where, in a hotel, his betrayer shot him down in
cold blood. The Chinese government condoned the dastardly
250 KOREAN IIISTORV,
deed and sent the assassin, together with the bod}' of his
victim, to Korea in a Chinese gunboat. The body of Kim Ok-
kyun was dismembered on April fourteenth in a most brutal
manner and the different portions of his body were sent about
the country as a warning to traitors. This lapse into the
worst excesses of the old regime opened the eyes of Japan to
the actual situation and gave her just the impetus she needed
to take the strong position which she did later. Soon after
this the Tong-hak took the town of Chun-ju and defeated all
the government troops sent against them. The governor of
the province, Kim Mun-hyun, made his escape from the place.
The government had at last beconie convinced of its inabil-
ity to cope with its enemies single-handed and it determined
to have recourse to tlie dangerous policy of asking China to
throw troops into the peninsula to aid in putting down the
Tong-hak uprising. China imn\ediately complied and on June
sixth 1,500 Chinese troops were embarked at Tientsin and
were sent to Chemulpo under the escort of three gunboats.
It must be remembered that according to the third article
of the Tientsin Convention China and Japan each agreed not
to send troops into Korea without first notifying theother. In
this case the Chinese failed to notify tlie Japanese until after
the departure of the troops and there can bt nj doubt that at
this point lies the strength of Japan's contention. When,
later, the Chinese agreed to leave Korea simultaneously with
the Japanese the latter naturally refused. The Chinese broke
the convention first ; they must leave first. But there were
other important points involved. Korea was rapidly losing
all semblance of independence and Japan was being jeopardiz-
ed. The Chinese abrogation of the treaty gave Japan justthe
excuse she wanted for throwing troops into Korea and com-
pelling those reforms which she beliived conld be effected in
no ether way. No sooner was she informed of China's action
than the Japanese Minister Otori, then on leave of absence,
was recalled, and sent immediately to Seoul with 400 marines,
arriving June ninth.
The Chinese force did not approach the capital but land-
ed at Asan some eighty miles south of Seoul. This force
was soon augmented till it amounted to 2^ojo men. But
Japan was not idle. By the twelfth of June she had approx-
MODKKN KOREv. 251
•
imatel)' 8,coo troops i;i Korea. Matters stooii thus when the
news came that the Tonor-hak, either frightened b)- the rumor
of the approach of a Chinese army or being pressed by the
government troops, had suddenly retired and the south was
at peace. This tended to hasten a crisis between the Cliine^e
and Japanese. Tliei"e was no longer any cause wliy foreign
troops should remain in the peninsula. The Chinese had
come to put down the Tong-hak and the Japanese had come
ostensibly to protect their nationals. Now that the Tong-
haks had retired it did not take long to discover the real
reasons underlying the actions of the Japanese. On June 16th
she landed 3,000 more troops at Chemulpo and matters began
to look so serious in Seoul that all the Chinese residents has-
tened away from ths city and sought safety by embarking for
China. x'\bout a thousand people thus made a hasty exit
from the countrj'.
On June 25th the Russian, British, French and Ameri-
can representatives in Seoul, in the interests of peace, jointly
requested the Chinese and Japanese to J-iinultaneously with-
draw. But the Chinese refused to go until the Japanese did
and the Japanese refused to go until reforms had been intro-
duced which would clear the political atmosphere and give
some semblance of truth to the fiction of Korean indepen-
dence. The Korean government was thrown into consterna-
tion when on. June 2Sth the Japanese Minister demanded a
formal statement from Korea as to whether she were an in-
dependent state or not. She replied that she was an indepen-
dent power.
Karly in July the Japanese Minister handed the govern-
ment a list of the reforms which it deeired necessary. As
they were all incorporated in the reforms inaugurated a little
later it is unnecessary to enun.erate them here. Fifteen
thousand Japanese troops had by this time landed on Korean
soil and the capital was thoroughly invested. The prospects
of peace seemed to be growing smaller each day. The people
of Seoul fled in large numbers leaving their houses and all
their effects except such as could be carried on their backs.
Such was the terror that the very name of the Japanese in-
spired.
()\i July 20th the Japanese Minislcr sent an ultimatum to
25^ KOKEAN mSTOKV.
the king complaining^ of the introduction of Chinese troops
wliose coming^ was undeniably to protect a dependent state. He
^ave tl'.e kin^^ three days to accept Japanese reforms. If within
tliat time he did not accede to th.:im they would be enforced.
On the nijjlit of th.e 22nd tlie king returned an evasive an-
swer and this decided thfe immediate policy of the Japanese.
On the following morning two battalions of Japanese troops,
feigning to start out for Asan, turned suddenly aud marched
on tlie palace. The>- met with a certain weak show of resist-
ance at the gates but easily forced their way in and soon had
the king in their care. Every member of the Min faction was
lorthwith driven out and tlie Prince Tai-wiTm was called in to
assume a leading part in the luanagement of the governiuent.
B}' this time China and Japan were hurrying troops into
the peninsula, the former by way of Asan aad the latter by
Fusan and Chemulpo. On July 21st eleven steamers left
Taku for Asan and the mouth of the Yalu with 8,000 troops.
Those that came to Asan were ostensibly for the purpose of
aiding the government in the putting down of the Tong-hak.
The Japanese government was immediately apprised of the
departure of the transports from the Peiho aud on July 25th
the Akitsushiraa, Yoshino and Naniwa, among the best of the
Japanese navy, were ordered from Sasebo to Asan. Two daj^s
later at six- thirty the}^ encountered the Chinese meu-of-war
Tsi-yuen and Kwang-ki in the vicinity of P'ung Island off Asan.
The Japanese were not aware of the sudden turn which
affairs had taken in Seoul but the Chinese were, and the)-
expected the Japanese to take the offensive. The Japanese
became aware of the situation only when they found the
Chinese did not salute and that they were cleared for action.
The Japanese speedily put themselves in fighting trim. As
the channel narrowed aud the vessels came within range the
Chinese opened fire aud were answered with terrible effect by
the Japanese. The Kvvang-yi was speedily disabled and
beached. The Tsi-yuen, her bow-gun being disabled, with-
drew toward Wei-hai-wei. It is disputed as to which side
began firiiig first but it is quite immaterial. The fact that the
Chinese knew what had occurred at Seoul, that the}' were
cleared for action and that they failed to salute would seem to
throw the burden of proof upon them.
♦ MODERN KOKKA. 253
While the Yoshino was pursuing the Tsi yuen. two more
ships appeared on the horizon. They proved to be the Chin-
ese dispatch boat Tsao-kiang and the British steuner Kow-
shing carrying about i ,500 Chinese troops. The Akitsushima
took the former in charge and the Naniwa took tlic latter.
The Naniwa signalled the transport to -follow her, but the
Chinese on board of her would not let the English Ci^aptain
obey. Two parleys were held but the Chinese officers were
obdurate and would not listen to reason. When it became
apparent that the Chinese were bent upon self-destruction the
Naniwa turned her battery upon her and blew her up. More
than a thousand of the Chinese troops were drowned. A lirge
number were picked up and held as prisoners of war. The
sinking of the Kowshing has been judged as hasty but the
situation was a peculiar one. The Chinese would neither
surrender nor follow. They were plentifully supplied with
small arms and could keep a boarding party at bay etfectually.
The better judgment of second thought proves that the Jap-
anese were fully justified in their action.
The results of the P'ung incident became apparent at
once. It made neutrals more careful, it proved that the sea
was dangerous ground for the Chinese, it kept over a thous-
and men from landing at Asan and it proved beyond the
shadow of a doubt that Japan was fully in earnest and would
fight to the bitter end. Moreover it changed the whole plan
of campaign for China. The Tong-hak were forgotten and
the co-operation of the force at the Yalu and that at Asan and
a joint attack upon the Japanese was the plan determined
upon by the Chinese.
The Japanese forces in and about Seoul were now read}'
for a land campaign. It was wisely determined to eliminate
from the problem all the Chinese forces south of Seoul before
advancing against those in the north along the Ta-dong River.
The army in the north was being watched by mounted spies.
For the time being there was no danger to be apprehended
from these troops in the north but the two thousand at Asan,
if reinforced, might advance on the capital and make trouble
unless they 'were dispersed once and for all. Accordingly on
the twenty-fifth of July Gen. Oshima started for Asan with
the greater part of the troops in Seoul. The march was rapid.
254 kokj';ax histokv.
Oil Iht way the news of the P'ur.g incident was received and
applauded. The vicinity of Asan was reached in three days.
As tlie Japanese approached, tlie Chinese retreated a short
distance to a point which they could easily fortify. Ou the
twenty-eighth the Japanese army arrived within five miles of
this position, A night attack was determined upon by Gen.
Oshiuia. It was not explained to the army until midnight
when it was aroused and informed of the intended movement.
The advance was made in two divisions. The right wing,
four companies of infantry and one of engineers under Lieu-
tenant-colonel Tadeka, sought the enemy's left. The left
wing under Gen. Oshinia, and comprising nine companies of
infantry, one battalion of artillery and one company of cavalrj^
swept forward in the dark to attack the flank and rear of the
enemj^'s right.
It would have beten a difficult undertaking even by day-
light but in the dark it was fourfold more trying. The
Chinese outposts in the neighboring village gave the signal,
and, posted among the houses, offered a stubborn resistance.
The assaulting column was repulsed and was compelled to lie
down to hold the ground, already taken. At last however the
Chinese had to withdraw. They crowded slowly out into the
neighboring, rice fields.
This preliminarj' struggle was followed by a brief breath-
ing space. It had lasted less than an hour but had proved a
stiff encounter. At five the Japanese attached the redoubts.
The left wing now came into action and under the smoke of
the artillery the troops stormed the forts at either extremity.
In half an hour the Chinese were dislodged and the rising
sun looked down upon its flaming image ou Japanese banners
flying victoriously from the Chinese ramparts.
The escape of the Chinese general, Yeh Chi-chao has
given ground for the alleged Chinese victory at A-san. It
often happened during the Japan China war that, unless the
Chinese force was almost utterly annihilated, they claimed a
victory. It it still a puzzle to many, how^ever, that in the
Asan skirmish as well as in the battle of the Yalu the
victorious Japanese permitted even a remnant of the enemj^
to escape. Although thoroughly defeated Gen. Yeh brought
a remnant of his force around the city of Seoul and arrived
MODKKN KOREA. 255
safely at P'yiing-yang, undoubtedly a difficult and brilliant
movement.
This first battle won by Japan in a foreign land, for a per-
iod of three centuries, illustrated two points. Not only had
the Japanese soldiers learned their lesson from instructors
but the officers proved themselves worthy of the steadfastness
of the men under them. One man out of every twelve killed
was an officer. Nor, when elated by the victory, did the Japan-
ese forget the ends for which they were working. They did
not undertake any further subjugation of the south, not even
attempting to exterminate the Tong-haks. It was the
Chinese in the peninsula with whom they were measuring
swords. The forces at A-san being destroyed or dispersed
and danger from that quarter was consequently removed,
and the banners of rising sun turned northward.
The northern division of the Chinese army, which had
been landed on Korean soil near the mouth of the Yalu River
and liad advanced southward from that point, had now held
the cit}' of P'yQng-yang for upwards of a month. In anticipa-
tion of a Japanese advance they had fortified it as best they
knew how, but as is usual with Chinese they had forgotten to
guard their rear. On three occasions in this war they were
attacked in their unprotected rear and utterly routed.
During the second week of August the commander of the
Japanese fleet, Admiral Ito, with twenty men-of-war took a
cruise into the mouth of the Gulf of Pechili. The feint had
its desired effect, though wholly misunderstood by the world
at large. It attracted the attention of the Chinese and trans-
port after transport made its way safely across from Japan to
Korea with its complement of troops.
On August tenth Major Ichinohe with the vanguard
started northward from Seoul. It was the first step toward
Peking. Songdo was reached the following day. The next
few days were spent in reconnoitering the Ta-dong River, but
this part retired eventually to Song-do and there awaited rein-
forcements.
On the nineteenth Lieutenant-general Nodzu arrived
from Japan with the reinforcements for which Gen. Oshima
bad been growing impatient. The latter immediately for-
warded a detachment by another route toward P'yung-yang.
256 KOKKAN HISTORY.
This was ordered to occupy an important position known as
Sak Pass and was reinforced on Sepietnber eighth by a
battalion of infantry and a company of artillery. This became
known as the Sak Division.
On the twenty-third Gen. Oshiraa set out from Seoul for
the north with a Mixed Brigade. This was the name given to
the Japanese army which participated in all the operations in
the peninsula, so called because it was made up of various
portions of the grand army. On the twenty-fifth Oshima
joined the forces at Song-do. A few days before this Gen.
Tadzurai had landed at Chemulpo and had been put in com-
mand of the Sak Divison. On the twenty-sixth another
division under Gen. Sato lauded at Wun-san on the east coast
nearly opposite P'yung-yang, and was immediately put under
the command of Gen. Nodzu. This is best l;nown as the
Wun-san (Gensan) Division.
These three bodies of troops slowly converged upon
P'yung yang by three routes, and made as if they were
about to surround the entire city. But the commanders
knew the weak point in Chinese tactics too well to begin try-
ing new methods.
P'yiing-yang was fortified beyond the expectations of the
Japanese and it should have held out indefinitely. The Ta-
dong River flows before its walls giving it defense on the
south. On the north stands a high eminence called Peony
Mountain. To the west there are no special natural defenses.
The plan of attack was to take advantage of the proverbial
Chinese weakness, make a feint in the front but send the
main body of troops around the city and attack in the rear.
The capture of P'yiing-yang wac very much like that of
Quebec. The plan of attack was the same in each case. The
Japanese made a feint in front of the town as Wolfe did from the
shores of Levis, and sent the real attacking party around be-
hind the town. The capture of Peony Mountain like the
capture of the Heights of Abraham determined the struggle.
On the morning of the fifteentli the Japanese army was
in position. The Sak and Gensan divisions lay before Peony
and the other five heights to the north of the city. The Mix-
ed Brigade lay beyond the river along the Seoul road which
led by six fortified redoubts to the bridge of bouts before the
MODERN KOREA. 257
River Gate of the town. The main body had crossed the
river at Iron Island below the city and under cover of the
cannonading of the Mixed Brigade had crept nearer and
nearer the enemy from the west — the rear.
At half past four on the morning of the fifteenth a ter-
rific cannonading was begun. Under cover of this the Sak
Division took the fort nearest the river, on the northeast of
the city. At the same time the Gensan Division took by as-
sult the fort at the other end, on the north. From its
vantage ground the Gensan Division planted its guns and
poured a destructive fire on Peony Mountain. The Chinese
commander being killed, the defenders became discouraged
and demoralized and this strategic position was carried by the
Sak Division by a single assault. The guns of the enemy, be-
ing turned upoti the city from the summit of this hill, deter-
mined the contest. The main bod}' trained its guns on the
fifteen redoubts which guarded the western approach and
thus cut off all hope of retreat from the city.
While the Japanese were having it all their own way on
the north and west the Mixed Brigade across the river was
suffering severely. Five Chinese forts guarded this main ap-
proach to f'yung-yang. The Japanese troops, though order-
ed to make merely a feint, were carried away by the inspira-
tion of the hour and rashly attempted to capture these forts
by assault, but they were greatly outnumbered and were
compelled at last to retire having lost heavily. But the fall
of Peony Mountains ettled the day, and that night the Chinese
soldiers, following in the wake of their despicable commanders
sought safety in iiight toward the Yalu by such avenues as
the Japanese left open for them. It is generall}' believed that
the Japanese purposely left open a loophole of escape, not
caring to have so many prisoners on their hands.
The feint made by Admiral Ito during the first week
in August has been mentioned. During the P'j-ung-yang
campaign the Japanese fleet had been patrolling the Yellow
Sea about the Korean archipelego. Finally the last company
of Japanese troops were landed on Korean soil and the order
was given, "On to Peking." Never was an invasion under-
taken with such relish since the days when, three centuries
before, the hordes of Hideyoshi had landed on the coast of
258 KORKAN HISTOKV.
Korea and raised this same cry. The outcome now was des-
tined to be far different from that of the former invasion-
Marshall Yaniagata arriving in Korea on Sept. 12th with
10,000 reinforcements began the new campaign as Command-
er-in-chief.
During the P'yuug-^-ang egagement the Japanese fleet
had been stationed at the mouth of the Ta-dong River, forty
miles from the scene of the battle, ready to be used in any
emergency. On the sixteenth, the campaign in Korea being
settled by the flight of the Chinese army toward the Yalu,
the main and first flying squadrons weighed anchor and de-
parted for the supposed scene of Chinese activity at the mouth
of the Yalu, where it was believed that Chinese troops were
being landed. Two days previous 4,000 Chinese troops had
left Taku to reinforce the new army, being gathered on the
banks of the Yalu for an invasion of Korea. The transports
which contained this detachment were protected by six
cruisers and four torpedo boats and were reinforced at Talien
Bay by the Peiyang squadron. On the sixteenth the trans-
ports landed their burden and on the following day departed
again for Taku, attended, as on the trip over, by six cruisers
and the Peiho squadron.
On the same morning the Japanese fleet crossed the path
of the returning transports. At nine oclock the smoke of the
Chinese fleet was first discovered and about twelve the fleet
came into full view. The battle opened with the main and
flying squadrons leading in a single line across the track of
the Chinese fleet, which was advancing at half the pace ^et by
the enemy. This formation, the ironclads in the center and
the weakest ships on either wing, had been a.ssumed as soon
as it appeared that the Japanese line was coming head on as
if to pierce the Chinese fleet. At a range of 5,200 meters
the battle was opened b}" the starboard barbette of the iron-
clad Ting-yeun. The whole fleet soon joined in the fight
but the Japanese did not answer for some minutes. As the
Yoshino came on, the course was changed and the enemy
was passed from left to right. The comparative!)' helpless
ships of the right flank received the severest fire. The two
old cruisers on the extreme right, which were of wood and
very inflamable, at once took fire and were thenceforth use-
MODERN KORKA. 259
less. The Yang-vvei took fire at the outset and retired.
The Chao-yung was not more fortunate and sank about half
past two, thebattle having begun at one P M. Japanese time.
Two of the twelve Chinese ships were thus disposed of
at once. Two more, the Tsi-yuen and Kwang-chia, deserted
the battle immediately on various excuses and departed for
Port Arthur.
When the Japanese line had passed the Chinese fleet the
flying squadron had begun to port, when the two Chinese
ships, which until then had remained in the mouth of the
Valu, were seen making their way toward the remainder of
the fleet. Instantly the flying squadron began to starboard
and the oncoming vessels prudently retired. These two
ships, the Kwan-ping and Ping yuen, not having come into
action, and two, the Yang-wei and Chao-yung, having retir-
ed from the battle in flames, and two, the Tsi-yuen and
Kwan-chia, having deserted, we find six ships of 23,000 tons
bearing the brunt of the battle.
When the flying squadron began to starboard, the main
squadron, which was following in fine order, kept to port.
The feint against the Kwan-ping and Ping-yuen proving
successful, the flying squadron kept to starboard and follow-
ed the main squadron. Soon, however, it was seen that the
slower vessels of the main squadron were being left exposed
and Admiral Ito signalled for the flying squadron to star-
board again and intervene between the distressed vessels and
the enemy. Thus the main and flying squadrons moved
about the Chinese fleet in opposite directions, the former on
the inner track.
This second round proved a severe one for the Chinese
fleet. The contest now assumed a desperate phase. During
the opening of the struggle attention on either side had been
paid to the enemy's weaker ships. The two slow and de-
fenseless ships of the Japanese fleet, the Akagi and Saikio,
caused the Admiral much trouble, if indeed they did not
alter entirely his plnu of attack. That he brought them out
of the battle at all is a great credit to his ability to mano-
euver at short notice and under fire. It is, however, inex-
plicable that such ships were allowed to follow the main
squadron into the engagement.
26o KOKEAN HlSroRV.
By two o'clock the ranks of tl'.e two struggling fleets were
consifltTal)ly thinned out and the battle became simplified
though more desperate than ever, as the main squadron began
to close in on the powerful ir.on-clads andasthe flying s(|uad-
ron strparated the remainder of the Chinese fleet from their
only hope of safety and scattered them broadcast over the sea.
The Akagi was nowout of the fight and, under the protection of
the flying squadron, was making for the Ta-dong River. The
Hiyei, also disabled and protected by the main squadron, was
making for the same destination. TheSaikio having come as
it were from the very jaws of death, when attempting to at-
tack the burning Yang-wei, lay between the object of her
deadly mission and the fleets, watching how the battle fared.
On the Chinese side there was far more destruction, be-
cause of the larger number of slow and inflamable ships. Of
the total, two. the Tsi-yuen and Kwan-chia, had long since
deserted as we have already said. The Yang-wei and Chao-
yung were both desperately burning. The Chih-yuen, hav-
ing passed from the Admiral's wing to the right wing, had
attempted the most ridiculous feat of attacking the flying
squadron as the latter come to relieve the Akagi and Saikio.
Being severely hit in her foolhardy' course, her commander,
evidently as revenge for going under, attempted to ram. The
guns of the fleet were instantly brought to bear upon the ill-
starred ship and, riddled with the fire of the heavy and
machine guns alike, she went under, flinging her crew into
the air as she listed the last time. A similar fate overtook
the Ping-yuen upon whom the flying squadron bore. A ter-
rible fire from the Yoshino riddled her burning hulk and she
too, went down like a monstrous bonfire into the tawnj' waters
of Yellow Sea.
Meanwhile the struggle between the two iron-clads and
the Japanese main squadron had been raging until both the
contestants were nearly exhausted. The former, knowing
well that in them rested China's only hope on the sea, and
equally desperate because of the cowardliness and incom-
petency displayed throughout the battle by their own com-
rades as well as by the determined wrath of their ancient foe,
fought to their last chargesave three with undaunted heroism.
Nothing in the conflict which raged so many hours could
MODKKN KORKA. 26 I
have equalled the sight of the crews of the two battered iron-
clads, their aninmnitioa far spent, meeting the last onslaught
of the main squadron as it bore down upon them for the last
time on that memorable afternoon, with perfect calm and a
purpose to go down with the ships when the ammunition
gave out.
The last onslaught was made and met, but before another
could be made night had begun to fall and the Japanese, them-
selves not far from exhaustion, deemed it wise to withraw.
This battle has been called a Japanese victory and probably
with reason, though according to the dictum of modern naval
warfare a decided Japanese victory could have been achieved
only by capturing or disabling the two Chinese iron-clads
which were the soul of the Chinese fleet. Technicallj- the
failure to do this made it a drawn battle, each side retiring
uuconquered. But there is ever}' reason to believe that this
battle, in reality, decided the Japanese supremacy over the
Yellow Sea.
The land battle at P'yung-yang and the naval battle off the
mouth of the Yalu opened the eyes of the world to the fact that
Japan was a power to be reckoned with. The incident at P'ung
Island and the battle of Ansan had proved nothing except
the factthat Japan was fully prepared togo toextremities and
that the war wasactually begun. It is probable that a majority
of intelligent people thought the Japanese would fall an easy
victim to the Chinese forces. On the sea China had several
war-vessels that far out-matched anything which Japan pos-
sessed and on land she had unlimited population from which
to recruit her armies. She had enjoyed the assistance of
many foreign military and naval men in getting her army
and navy into shape, and in addition to this she had the sym-
pathy of Great Britain in the struggle. It was freely predict-
ed that the superior quickness of the Japanese might bring
her certain small victories at first but that as time went on
and China really awoke to the seriousness of the situation
a Chinese army would be put in the field which would
eventually drive the Japanese off the mainland. The Japan-
ese inva.sion of 1592 was cited to show that though momen-
tarily successful, the Japanese would be ultimately de-
feated.
20 2 KORKAN HISTORY.
The battles of P'j'rirg-yang and Yalw changed all this.
In the first place it was discovered that the Chinese, with equal
or superior numbers, could not hold a strongly defensive posi-
tion against their assailants. The Chinese had everything
in their favor so far ?s natural surroundings went. They
lacked the one essential and it was the demonstration of this
lack at P'yung-yang that made the world begin to doubt
whether the Chinese would really do what was expected of
them.
The battle of the Yalu, while technically a drawn battle,
proved that the Japnese could stand up against superior ships
and hold them down to a tie game. The Chinese ammunition
was exhausted and if darkness had not come on the Japanese
would have discovered this and the big Chinese vessels would
have been captured. From that day the progress of the Jap-
anese was an unbroken series of victories. The myth of
China's strength was shattered and the whole history of the
Far East, if not of the world, entered upon a new and unex-
pected phase.
We have already mentioned that 4,000 Chinese troops
had been lauded at the mouth of the Yalu to reinforce the
army that had been gathered there for the invasion of Korea.
That invasion was destined not to be carried out, for the
routed Chinese armj' from P'yiJng-yang came streaming north
in headlong flight and the Japanese followed them up just
fast enough to worry them but without making it necessary
to encumber themselves with prisoners. It shows how per-
fectly the Japanese had gauged the calibre of the Chinese
that they should have driven them on in this contemptuous
manner. When the Japanese arrived at the Yalu they found
that the Chinese had occupied an advantageous position on
the further side and would attempt to block the advance but
it was too late to stem the tide of Japanese enthusiasm. The
passage was made with ease, the Chinese quickly put to flight
and the war left Korean territory, not to return.
The subsequent operations of war are of surpassing in-
terest to the general historian but they cannot be called a
part of Korean history, so we shall be compelled to leave them
and go back to the peninsula, where the results of Japan's
victories were to be keenly felt.
MODERN KOREA. 263
Chapter XV III.
A great Crisis. . . condition cf affairs in Seoul . . .flight of Chinese. . . .
Ta-wiln-kun summoned to palace. . . .new Cabinet. . . .tribulations of
Min Yong-jun. . . .Commission on Reforms appointed. . . .names of
Government offices cl'.anged . . .list of propo.sed reforms. . . .the cvir-
rency . new coinage . revenue reforms .. a national bank. .. .
standardization of weights and measures past abuses rectified
. . . foreign ad\isers.
The year 1894 marked the <j;reatest crisis in Korean his-
tory since the seventh centur\ , when the kingdom of Silla
gained control of the whole peninsula. Considering the fact
that so many of the old abuses survived after the year 1894,
the above statement may seem extreme but the facts of the
case warrant it. From the earl)^ years of the Christian era
Korea had been moulded by Cai.iese ideas and had been
dominated by her influence. There was no time from the
very first when Korea did not consider China her suzerain.
In a sense this was natural and right. Korea had received
from China an immense uumbc;r of the products of civilization.
Literature, art, science, government, religion — they had all
been practically borrowed from China. It is athingto be mar-
velled at that Korea through all these centuries has preserved
any semblance of individualism. ' She never would have
done so if there had not been a radical and iueffacable dif-
ference between the Chineseaud theKjrean which no amount
of moulding could remove.
Never once during all those centuries did Korea attempt
or desire to throw off the garment of her vassalage. And
even in this crisis of 1894 it was not thrown off through au}'
wish of the Korean government or people but only through
hard necessity. There had been no radical change in the
mental attitude of the great mass of Koreans which demanded
the .severing of the tie which bound them to China and even
at this year of grace 1904, there is every reason to believe
that a great majority of Koreans would elect to go back under
the mild and almost nominal control of China. The change
is not one of attitude on the part of the Korean but it is the
fact that the war proved to the world the supineuess of China
264 KOREAN HISTORY.
and made it forever impossible to revive her claim to suzerainty
over Korea or even, it is to be feared, to hold together her
own unwieldy bulk. The outward influence of China upon
Korea has ceased and other intiuences have been at work
which are slowly drawing her away from her servile ob.;di-
ence to Chinese ideals. This was the first necessary step to
the final emancipation of Korea and her national regenera-
tion. It should be carefully noted that from the earliest
centuries the Chinese implanted in the Korean no genuine
seed of civilization and progress but simply unloaded upon her
some finished products of her civilization. These the Koreans
swallowed whole without question, unmindful of the fact that
by far the greater part of them were wholly unsuited to the
Korean temperament. The result was that as time went on
these Chinese impositions were overlaid with a pure Korean
product just as the little leaden Buddhas that are thrust into
the shell of the pearl oyster become coated over with mother-
o'pearl. Buddhism came from China but Korea has so
mingled with it her native fetichism and animism that it is
something radically different from the original stock.
Now this intrinsic freedom of the Korean from Chinese
ideals argued strongh' in favor of the belief that from the
5'ear 1894 Korea would gradually cast off even the mentel
vassalage and would begin to work along individual lines.
This could happen only in case the individualism of the Ko-
rean had outlasted the deadening effects of Chinese pre.
dominance. There are many evidences that this individual-
ism has survived but it must be confessed that it is in a crip-
pled condition and all but unable to walk alone. It is to the
■process and method of this great transformation in Korean
.conditions that we must now turn.
Up to the time when the Japanese began active opera-
tions in vSeoul by the seizure of the palace, Korea considered
•herself safe under the aegis of China. Had she not secur-
ed the murder of Kim Ok-kyun and the return of his body
■on a Chinese vessel for the purpose of wreaking upon it the
■old time vengeance? Had she not invited Chinese troops in-
to the country in direct contravention of the agreement be-
tween China and Japan ? In every way and by every means
Korea had expressed her contempt of Japanese power and of
MODKRN KOREA. 265
Japaiie'^e interests. Under the hideously corrupt regime of
such men as Min Vong-juu the country had been going
from bad to worse until the people found it utterly impossible
to endure the oppression any longer. The provinces were in
a state of anarchy and Yuan Shih-kei, the unscrupulous
Chinese "Resident" in Seoul, stood smilingly by and watch-
ed the tragedy without suggesting any remedy for the disease
that was destroying the country, but ready to increase the
prestige of China in the peninsula by offering troops with
which to crush the starving malcontents in the provinces.
The condition of things was about as bad as it could be, and it
was at this ps3'chological moment that Japan lifted her hand
and at a single blow tumbled the Chinese house of cards about
their heads.
By the twenty-first of July the situation in Seoul had
become unbearable for the Chinese. There was a small Chin-
ese force at Asan but Seoul was occupied by a strong Japan-
ese force and every day the outbreak of hostilities had be-
come more imminent. On the early morning of the 20th
Yuan Shih-kei, in a mean little sedan chair, and entirely
without escort, made his escape from the city and hastened
to Chemulpo, leaving all his nationals to shift for themselves.
His flight became known almost immediately and there was
a general scramble on the part of the Chinese merchants and
other Chinese to escape from the town. When the Chinese
Minister left Seoul their interests were put in the hands of
the British representative.
On the morning of the 25th the palace was taken and
the city walls manned by the Japanese. Min Yong-jun,
who was largely responsible for the parlous condition of the
government, fled that night to the country, and found
refuge in the town of Ch'uu-ch'iln about sixty miles east of
Seoul.
As soon as the Japanese had secured the palace Minister
Otori sought the presence of the king and assured him of
his personal safety and that of the Royal family. At the
desire of His Majesty the ex-Regent, the Ta-wun-kun was
invited to the palace to participate in the discussion of
plans for the future, and to allay by his presence the natural
fear of the king. It was understood by common consent
266 KOREA HISTORY.
that the former officials had all resigned and it was necessary
to form ;i new government. Kim Hong jip was summoned
to act as Prime Minister. He was a man of strong personal-
ity and of progressive tendencies, altogether a valuable man
for the emergency since he had the entire confidence of the
Japanese and was a man of the highest standing in Korea.
Other leading men of progressive tendencies were called in
and a government was formed for temporary purposes
until matters could he put on a firmer footing. MiuYong jun,
Min Eung-sik, Min Hyung sik, Min Ch'i hon, and Kim Se-
geui were declared banished to distant points No attempt
was made to send and arrest Min Yong-jun but the members
of the "Reighteous Army" in the country seized him and
charged him with being the main author of the disturbances,
and beat him nearly to death. An enormous amount of
money that he had carried off with him was divided up
and made away with by his followers. He barely escaped
with his life and fled to China wliere be gave the Chinese
advice as to the method of reasserting their authority in the
peninsula.
At this same time the government recalled Yi To-ja, Sin
Keui-sun, Yun UngAuI and others who had been in banish-
ment for ten years because of their espousal of the liberal
cause in iyS4. The prison doors were opened and innocent
and guilty alike received amnesty.
The government was not yet ready to publish its full
li>t of reforms, based upon the demands already made by the
Japanese .Minister, but ilie king immediately declared that as it
was necessary to secure good men to administer the Govern-
ment in ^eoul and \u the provinces, the demarcation between
the upper and lower classes was a thing of the past and all
men of all grades were eligible to office, and at the same time
he declared the abolition of the great political parties and
forbade the apportionment of government offices along party
lines. The different leading offices under the government
were put in the hands of the best men that were available
and it is probable that these men formed the best government.
that Korea was capable of at the time. Some of the names
were as follows: Kim Hong-jip. Pak Chong-yang. Kim Yun-
sik. Kim Chong-han, Cho Heui yiin, Yi Yun-yong, Kim Ka-
MODKKN KORKA. 267
jiii, An Kyuns: sii, Clu'm^ Kyons^^ "". ^^'^^ Cluiii-yaii^, Vi
Wiiii-yong Kim Ha-gu, Kuun Yung jiii, Yu Kil-jun, Kini
Ha-yung, Yi Eung-ik, So Sang jip. Among these nanus
many will be recognized as among the best that Korea has
produced in recent times.
On the very next day after the Japanese took the palace
and gave a new direction to governmental affairs a special
High Commission was called together by the king to consider
the matter of reconstructing the government along the new
lines. It was composed partly of the members of the Cabinet
and partly of other destinguislied men. It was well inider-
stood that these men were to carry out the ideas of the
Japanese authorities. Their deliberations continued for a
period of forty-one days during which time they completed a
scheme for a new government, along the following lines.
Before this time there had been seven great government-
al departments, namely the iS'/^Z-yV/^/i^i!^?^ or State Department,
y/-jo or Home Department, Hojo or Finance Department,
Yi-jo or Ceremonial Department, Pyiing-jo or War Depart-
n^ent, Hyitng-jo or Law Department, Kong-jo or Department
of Public Works. Besides these there were the \.wo Po ch' itng
or Police offices, X.h& Eid-goni-hu or Supreme Court and other
lesser oflfices. In the new regime the seven Departments
above named were all retained excepting the Ceremonial De-
partment and in place of this they founded for the first time in
Korean history a genuine Educational Department coordinate
in dignity with any other of the great Departments. Be-
sides this the Department ■ of Public Worl:s was broadened
to include Agriculture and Commerce. A Police liureau
was formed to take the place of the former two Poch'ungs,
They also prepared a list of needed reforms in the
government.
(i) From this time all Korean documents shall be dated
from the year of the present Dynast3^ (This was the 503rd
year, as the Dynasty was founded in 1392).
(2) Korean treaties with China shall be revised and
ministers shall be sent to the various treaty powers.
(3) Class distinctions in Korea shall be willed out and
men shall be judged solely on their merits in the matter of
government office.
26S KORKAN IITSTOKY.
(4) The distinction between civil and military rank,
in favor of th'^ forrner, shall be done away and they shall
stand on an equality.
(5) The family and relatives of a criminal shall not V:e
liable to arrest or punishment for his crime.
(6) The son by a concubine shall be eligible for the
succession.
(7) Men shall attain the age of twenty and women the
age of sixteen l:)efore marriage.
(8) Widows shall be allowed to remarry without loss of
social standing.
(q) All slaves are declared free and the sale or pur-
chase of human beings is abolished.
(10) The privilege of memorial is extended to the jien-
eral public. Anyone shall be at liberty to address the thro n
through a memorial.
(11) The long sleeves on coats, whether court dress
or common are abolished. But officials shall be authorized
to wear the sleeveless coat over the ordinary one. Soldiers'
uniforms shall continue as at present for a time but may be
changed gradually to the foreign style.
(12) The people shall be given one month in which to
prepare for these changes.
(13) The Police Bureau shall be an adjunct of the
Home Department.
(14) Officials shall not ride on the streets in the high
one-wheeled chair nor shall they be accompanied b)^ a large
retinue, nor shall the attendants call out for people to clear
the wa5^
(15) No one shall be obliged to dismount when passing
an official nor to show any other sign of servility.
(16) The Prime Minister shall have only four attend-
ants, the Vice Prime Minister and all the other ministers of
state shall have three, the vice-ministers shall have two and
the secretaries one.
(17) Even eunucks, if the}' are men of ability, shall be
eligible for office.
(18) The law that relatives may not sue each other at
law shall be abrogated except for very near relatives, aud
feuds between families shall be given up.
MODERN KOREA. 26q
(19) All debts of long standing; shall be canceled (such
as debts contracted by a father wlio is now dead or by
relatives).
(20) There shall be but eleven official grades (in place
of the eighteen which there had been formerly).
(21) There shall be no longer any outcast class in
Korea but butchers, contortionists, acrobats, dancing girls,
sorceresses and exorcists shall all be considered equal to
others before the law.
{22) Kven after holding high office a man may engage
in business or other occupation, at his pleasure.
(23) The jiiatter of the national examination shall be
reserved for fuller discussion.
It is not r.ecessary to go into an analysis of these pro-
posed reforms Thev speak for themselves; some of them
were necessary and others were the reverse But thty form
a striking commentary on the condition of affairs in Korea
at the time. Whatever may have been the defects of this
plan it was an honest and strenuous attempt on the part of
the best statesmen Korea could produce and it promised
much. If its terms could have been carried out it would
have proved an inestimable blessing to the people of the pen-
insula, but one can easily see that some of the proposals
struck at the very fabric of Korean society. For instance
the attempt to make acrobats, dancing-girls and viudaug the
social equals of reputable people was of course absurd. The
submerged classes cannot be enfranchised by a stroke of the
pen. What Korea needed then and needs still is education.
This alone will make fundamental reforms possible.
Early in August the currency of the country received
serious attention. P'oreigu money was in use in the open
ports but the general currency of the country consisted of
two kinds of perforated "cash," one called yup, each piece of
which was called one cash, and the other called tanii^-o or the
"five fitter." These represented five cash each. The yiip
was the old, genuine and universally recognized money of
the country. It was only in Seoul, the open ports and
on the great thoroughfares near Seoul that the 1ang-o
circulated. This tavg-o was a debased coin made
in 1SS3 and several succeeding years. At first each of
270 KORHAN HISTORY
the hiiii^ 0 txcliangtd lor five of the vup but within a few
nionlhs the iani^o fell to an inevitable discount which in-
creased year by year from 1SS3 until 1894, when it was
fonrd that they were practically the same. Successive
issues of the ru/) had deteriorated the quality and size of the
coin until it was worth only a fifth of its face value. For
this reason the Government declared in August that the ro/>
and the taii^-o were on a p ir and that no distinction should
be made between them. The fair thing would have been for
the Government to redeem the debased tang-0 2X its face value
but of course no one could expect this under the circumstances.
It had proved an indirect tax upon the people equal to four
fifths its face value.
At the same time the national financiers determined to
place in the hands of the people a foreign style coinage,
and soon a one cent copper piece, a nickel five cent piece
and silver coins of twenty cent and one dollar denomina-
tions, which had been in process of manufacture since
igoi, were issued. A few of them had been issued a year
or two before but had not been well received. Now
they passed current and were used, but it was soon found
that the silver coins were being bought up and hoarded by
wealthy people who placed no faith in banks, and soon not
a single native silver piece could be found anywhere.
It was the intention of the Commission to withdraw from
circulation all the old cash and replace it with the foreign
st^'le money. ITow absud this was will be seen at a glance.
There is nothing else that people are so timid about as their
money and the bare idea of making such a sweeping change
Vi'as preposterous, but the Japanese were behind all these re-
forms and, while their intentions were of the best, they made
the serious mistake in this as in other attempted reforms of
hurrying things too fast.
Another important problem attacked by the Reform
Commission was that of the revenue. It had always been
customary to paj' taxes in rice, linen, beans, cotton and a
hundred other commodies, but it was decided now to change
all this and have the revenue turned into cash in the country
and sent up to the capital. In order to do this it was necessary
to have banking facilities in the provinces and it was planned
MODERN KOREA. 27 1
to establish a great national bank with branches all over the
country.
An attempt was also made to effect an inspection and
standardization of all the weights and measures in the
country.
It was ordered that every house in the land should have
its owner's name and occupation and the number of his fam-
ily posted in a conspicuous place on his front gate. This was
to facilitate the work of postal, police and census officials and
agents.
One of the reforms that was carried out was the sending
of students abroad to acquire an education.
It was decreed that all land or houses that had been il-
legally seized by unscrupulous people in power during the
past ten years should be restored to their rightful owners.
Many officials in Seoul, well known in foreign circles, lost
large fractions of their wealth because of this decree.
The policy'was adopted of engaging foreign advisers for
the various great Departments of State and as a result of this
a number of foreigners were employed. Some of them had
already been some time in the service of the government.
Chapter XIX.
The Ex-Regent ...The new Cabinet ...the Tong-hak pacified... The
Ta-wiln-kun retires . . Japan declares war . . . Korea abrogates all
treaties with China Pak Yong-hyo returns his memorial
he is pardoned ...Chinese excesses in the north . . .new Koreau-
. Japanese treaty Marquis Saiou ji visits Seoul . . . Tong-hak in arras
again . Prince Eui-wha goes to Japan .... Count Inouye conies . . .
amne.sty to offenders of 1884 ..Dr.Jaisohn comes ...Army re-
form . . .the privy Council . . .the King's Oath.
The TS-wun-kun, the former Regent, was now a promi-
nent factor in the government and the well known strength of
his personality did much to give stability to the new regime.
The Queen necessarily retired from active participation in
politics for the time being and there was apparent promise
of better days to come. The new cabinet chosen at this time
272 KOREAN HISTORY.
was a curious mixture of progressive and conservative men.
It was composed of Kim Hong-jip, Kim Yun-sik, O Yun*
jung, Pak Chong-yang and An Kj-ong-su representing the
progressive wing and Miu Yong-dal, Sii Chung-sun, Yi
Kyu-wiin, Ynn Yong-gu and Um Se-yung representing
the conservative wing. Among the secondary officials some
were progressive and some conservative. This apparent
blending of the various factions was a hopeful sign outwardly
but it had no real significance. All were appointed by permis-
sion of the Japanese and they worked together only because it
was useless to oppose. But the same intrinsic hostility re-
mained and only needed opportunity to manifest itself. It
was the calm of repression rather than of genuine reconcilia-
tion, and it helped to prove that there is no hope for good
government in Korea by Koreans until the country has se-
cured the benefit of genuine education.
These reforms that were proposed had the apparent sanc-
tion of His Majesty, as is proved by the fact that after their
proposal he called all the high officials to the palace and made
them a speech in which he referred to this as a splendid op-
portunity to make a radical and beneficent change in the gov-
ernment, and laid it as a sacred duty upon the officials to carry
out the reforms, and he declared that he, too, would become
a new king and do his part in bringing about the desired
renovation of the land.
In spite of the previous declaration that the tong-hak
uprising was at an end there was much unrest especially in
the south and the tono-Jiak were really as rt^ady as ever to
take the offensive. For this reason the king sent a high
official to Kyti;ig-sang Province to make an attempt at
pacification and told the people that the trouble was because
of his own lack of virtue and begged them to be patient a
little longer until the reforms could be carried out. The peo-
ple were pleased, especially with the promise that slavery
should be discontinued and that the barriers between
the classes should be broken down. The fact that this effort
on the part of the king was entirely successful shows that
the tong-hak were not anarchists or banditti but were merely
desperate citizens who required some assurance that certain
changes would be made so that life would be bearable.
MODERN KOREA. 273
A word is necessary as to the attitude of the Ta-wdn-
knn toward these reforms. He had been called to the palace
and put in a responsible advisory position by the Japanese
but he was not the sort of man to hold an empty honor or to
pose as a mere figure-head. Se^'eral of the proposed reforms
were distasteful to him but when he found that his objections
carried no weight he retired to his private house in disgust.
It took him only a few weeks to discover that his elevation
had been merely a formality.
The month of August was an anxious one in Korea.
The battle of Asan had been fought on the 28th and 29th of
July and it was known that there would be a decisive battle
fought at P'yiing Yang in the near future. Foreign opinion
was divided as to the probabilities, some people believing
that the Japanese would sweep every thing before them and
others being equally sure that the Chinese would win.
But in spite of the state of anxiety and unrest the month
of August saw some important results accomplished in civil
matters. The Commission on Reforms were at work on their
scheme until about the tenth of the month. It was on Aug-
ust ist that Japan formally declared war on China and a few
days later troops began to pour in by way of Chemulpo and
join those already here.
It was on August i6 that there occurred the formal act
of casting oflf Chinese suzeraint3\ On that day the Korean
government declared all treaties hitherto signed between
itself and China to be abrogated and all political connection
between the two countries to be at an end. The Japanese
Minister had already on June 28th demanded from the gov-
ernment an expression of its attitude toward China and had
received the answer that Korea considered herself an in-
dependent power. This was now followed up by a definite
diplomatic rupture between the two and, probably forever,
the question of Chinese political predominance in the pen-
insula was disposed of.
It was about the 20th of August that Pak Yong-hyo, the
refugee in Japan since his participation in the attempted coup
of 1884, was brought to Seoul incognito by the Japanese. He
had long since been declared an arch-traitor by the Korean
government, his house had been razed to the ground and his
274 KOREAN HISTORY.
family dispersed. For almost len years he had enjoyed
asylum in Japan and had be.n treated with great considera-
tion by the Japanese who rightly saw in him a man of strong
personality, settled convictions and a genuine loj^alty to the
best interests of his native land. His worst enemies would
probably grant that he falls below none in his desire to see
Korea prosperous and enlightened. It was the methods
adopted that made all the trouble and drove him into exile.
At first he remained in hiding in the Japanese quarter
but from that point of vantage he sent a long memorial to
the King relating the fact of his high ancestry and the fact
that it was purely in the interests of Korea that he participated
in the (v;/£^/c/t' of 1884. He had been however, unsuccessful
and was branded as a traitor, compelled to fly the country
and see his house broken up. Now that the country had fallen
upon such critical times and the King had determined to
effect a radical change in affairs it was a cause of utmost
rejoicing to him and he could not help coming back even
though it cost his life. He begged to see the King's face once
more, to be allowed to collect and bury the bones of his
relatives and be given back his life which had been forfeited.
If then the King should wish to use him again he would be
at the service of His Majesty.
To this plea the King listened, whether from preference
or out of consideration for the Japanese, and replied that the
petitioner was forgiven and might resume his former status
as a Korean citizen. A number of memorials iniUiediately
poured into the palace urging that Pak Yong-hyobe executed
as a traitor, but as the decree of pardon had already- gone
forth these memorials were ignored.
Thefallof P'yung-yang before the victorious Japanese on
vSeptember 15-17 and the flight of the Chinese inflicted great
sufferings upon the Koreans in the north. The Chinese
followed their usual medieval tactics and pillaged right and
left. The local magistrates and governors fled to places of
safety ?nd the people survived the best they could. The
government hastened to send a high official to the north to
calm the excitement and counteract the disintegrating effects
of the Chinese flight. At the same time the perfect orderli-
ness of the Japanese army began to be understood by the
MOnKRN KORKA. 275
people, and between these two agencies the northern province
speedih- settled down to its former statns. The city of P'vitng-
yau^ had been almost deserted by its 60,000 or more of
people and it was many months before the town resumed its
normal status.
As August drew to an end the Japanese deemed the time
ripe for completing the purposed union with Korea and on
the 26th there appeared a provisional treaty between the two
countries, which was not an offensive and defensive alliance
but one in which Japan guaranteed the independence of
Korea and K)rea engaged to look to Japan for advice and to
aid her in every possible wsy. The nature of this, agree-
ment was practically the same as that made between the
same countries at the opening of the Japan-Russia War in
1904. In it Japan once more emphasized the independence
of Korea which she had consistently championed ever since
the Japanese-Korean treaty was signed in 1876.
The month of September opened with the arrival of
Marquis Saionji with presents and a friendly message from
the Emperor of Japan. The visit was merely a complimentary
one and seems to have been devoid of great political signifi-
cance.
It was evident that Japanese influence was overwhelm-
ingly predominant in Seoul and as the government had com-
mitted itself to the policy of selecting advisers for its various
departments there was reason to believe that most of these
places would be filled by Japanese and that they would so
predominate numerically as to seriously, impair the autonomy
of the government. As foreign powers had concluded
treaties with Korea on the basis of equality, this possibility
became a matter of concern to them and through their repre-
sentatives here the}' protested against the employment of an
undue number of assistants from any one nationality.
Whether there ever was any such danger as was anticipated
we cannot say, but this preventive measure was successful
at any rate and the apparent independence of the government
was never shaken.
The month of October saw the Chinese driven across
the Yalu and order restored in a meisure on Korean soil, but
it also saw the resurgence of the hiio-hak in the south.
27^ KORRAN HISTORY.
These malcotitetits hul bt-eii temporarily cowed bv the coniii^.g
of Chinese and Japanese troops but now they seem to have
discovered that tlie Chinese and Japanese were too busy with
each other to attend to the civil troubles in the interior of
Korea. vSo they broke out much worse than ever and the,
principal anxiety of the month in Seoul was the putting
down of the serious insurrection. Sin Chnng-heui, the
highest Korean general, was sent south to Kong-ju with
three thousand Korean troops to meet a strong body of
ton^hak who were reported to be marching on Seoul. A
few days later there was a series of fights at various points
throughout the province, notably at Kong-ju. Ung-jin>
TT-gum Hill, Yi-in village, Hyo Harbor, So-san and Hong-ju.
About two hundred Japanese troops aided the government
forces and at every point the government troops were suc-
cessful. Some of the fights were very severe. It is proba-
ble that there were some 20,000 tong-hak in all, but the)" were
a mere rabble compared with the well armed and at least
partially drilled government troops. A large number of the
tong-hak leaders were captured and brought to Seoul. M my
were also executed in the country, for the generals were
given the power of life and death for the time being.
Raving been thus dispersed the ionghak moved south-
ward and took their stand at various places in Chulla and
southern Ch'ung-ch'iing Provinces. Their main point was the
town of No-suag where for eleven days they continued to revile
the government and put up placards defying the government
troops. The Korean tj'oops moved on them and soon had them
on the retreat again. Other encounters took place at various
points but by this time the leading spirits in the tong-hak
movement had been captured. Among these were Chiin
Nok-tu and Kim Ka-nani. They were brought to Seoul and
the latter was executed and the former is said to have been
taken to Japan, but there is some doubt as to his fate. Two
tong-hak leaders named Kim Chnng-hyun and An Seung-
gwan were beheaded at Su-wun and their heads were raised
high on poles and the people told to take warning from them.
This put an end to the tong-hak except for some small
sporadic movements which amounted to nothing. But the
tong-hak, like the poor, we have ever with us, — in posse.
M0D}';KN KOREA. 277
Prince liui-vvha was sent to Tokyo to return the visit
of Manjuis Saionji and present the compliments of the King
to the Emperor of Japan.
The Japanese government evidently realized the neces-
sity of hiving an exceptionally strong representation in
Seoul, for Count Inouye arrived<,on the 20th of October and
assumed the duties of minister. He had more than once helped
to straighten out matters in Korea and he had the confidence
of the king and of the people as well. No better appointment
could have been made under the circumstances.
The end of October was signalized by the murder of
Kim Hak-u, the vice-Minister of Law, who was one of the
strongest and best men that the reform movement had
brought to the front. He was stabbed at night in his house.
The month of November witnessed some progress in the
reconstruction of the government. The pardon of Pak
Yong-hyo had been the sign for a general amnesty to all
those who had forfeited their rights in 1884. Su Cha-p'il,
known better as Dr. Philip Jaisohn, who had been many
years in America and had become a naturalized citizen of
that country, had come back to Korea quietly and was await-
ing an opportunity to make himself useful. Su Kwang-bom
had also come back from exile in Japan and others who had
been kept sedulously in the background because of their
liberal tendencies all came forward and received recognition
by the king and were put again in line of political preferment.
So rapid was the progress of this movement that by the mid-
dle of December the king found himself moved to form a new
cabinet composed almost entirely of men who had been fore-
most in the attempt of 1884, as the following list will show.
The Ministers were Kim Hong-jip, Yu Kil-jun, Pak Yong-
hyo, Sn Kwang-bom, Cho Heui-yun, Sin Keui-sun, Um Se-
jiing, O Yun-jung, Kim Yun-sik, Pak Choug-yang and Yi
Cha-myun. At the same time Dr. Jaisohn was employed as
adviser to the Privy Council for a term of ten years.
This era of change also affected the Korean Army. The
various regiments in Seoul, numbering five, had heretofore
been under wholly independent and separate commands but
now they were all placed in the hands of the War Depart-
iiRut, their names were changed and many men were dropped
278 KORHAN HISTORY.
because of nge and younger men were appointed in their
places. The tactics that had be^n taught were given up and
the Japanese tactics were introduced instead.
We have referred to the Privy Council. This was an
advisory board or council composed of some forty men whose,
business it was to take up and discuss all important govern-
ment matters, and it was supposed to have a sort of veto
power. It exercised this power for about three years but lost
it when the Independence Club was overthrown. The entire
personnel of this, Council was progressive and pro-Japanese,
There can be no question that the machinery was now all
complete whereby Korea could be governed properly. There
was no great obstacle in the way. All that was needed was
that no serious blunders should be made and that the Japan-
ese should act firmly but wisely. At the same time there was
a strong pressure being exerted behind the scenes in the op-
posite direction and, as we shall see, not without effect. And
so the year 1894 came to a close and the new year opened
with great promise of better things to come. On the fifth of
the new 3'ear the king went to the Ancestral Temple and in
the most solemn manner took an oath to carry out the re-
forms already determined upon and partly inaugurated. It
is nnnecessarj' to give this oath in full but only to enumerate
the principal points. After a long preamble in which the
king declares his intention to uphold the government as an
independent one he guarantees specifically that —
(i) All thought of dependence on China shall be put
away.
(2) The line of succession and rank in the Royal Family
shall be clearly marked.
(3) The King shall attend to public business in person
and in consultation with his ministers, and the Queen shall
not interfere in government matters.
(4) The affairs of the Royal Household shall be kept
quite distinct from the general government.
(5) The duties of Ministers and other officials shall be
clearly defined.
(6) Taxes shall be regulated by law and additions to
them are forbidden.
MODKRN KOREA. 279
(7) The assessment, collection and disbursement of the
national re\-enne shall he in the hands of the Finance Depart-
ment.
(8) The expenses of the Royal Household shall be re-
duced, that the example may become a law to the other de-
j)artments.
(9) An annual budget shall be made out so as to regulate
the management of the revenue.
(10) The laws governing local officials shall be speedily
revised in order that their various functions may be differen-
tiated.
(11) Intelligent young men shall be sent to foreign
countries to study.
(12) A method for tlie instruction of military officers
and a mode of enlistment for soldiers shall be determined
upon.
(13) Civil and criminal law must be clearly defined and
strictly adhered to and imprisonment and fines in excess of
the law are prohibited.
(14) Men shall be employed irrespective of their origin.
Abilit}' alone shall determine a man's eligibility whether in
Seoul or in the country.
CHAPTER XX.
The ex-Regent's influence .. .The queen's influence. .. .continued re-
forms ...King adopts new title. .. .cruel punishments abolished
. . . .Arch demolished .... Yun Chi-ho. . . . Korea astonished at Japan-
ese victory over Chinese .. .Buddhist monks allowed in Seoul....
Yi Chun-3'ong Ijanished .... Independence Day .... Pak Yong-hyo
.... again banished .... American Mining concession .... Count
Inouj'e retires . . .cholera. . . .official change. . . . Educational reform
... arrival of Viscount Miura, .. .Japanese policy . . Miura direct-
1\- implicated in uuirder of (jueen . . . . Inouye not concerned . , .Jap-
anese Government ignorant of Miura's plot.
The year 1895 ^^''*^ ^''K with history. Its events created
a strong and lasting impression upon the whole Korean peo-
ple and it is in the Uglit of these events that the whole
subsequent history of the country must be interpreted. The
28o KOKKAN HISTORY.
year opened in apparent prosperity. The king had taken
oath to govern according to enliglitened principles and had
exhorted his officials to adhere strictly to the'reforni pro-
gram, protesting that if he himself failed to do so it would
be an offence against Heaven. The T^-wun-gun had retired
from public life but as his son, the brother of the king, was
Minister of the Household and his grandson Yi Chun-yong
held a position near the king, there can be no doubt that in
a private way the Ta-wun-gun exercised fully as much in-
fluence as he had done while in active office. It is necessarj'
to bear in mind that the enmity of the queen against the
ex-Regent extended to the sons of the latter and in spite of
the terms of the king's oath constant pressure was brought
to bear upon the king from that direction. Whatever be
the reason, we find that in January Yi Chun-yong was sent
to Japan as Korean Minister, an act that was really in favor
of the anti-Regent faction since it temporarily removed one
of the chief actors from the immediate stage.
As the king had sworn to pay personal attention to the
details of government it was deemed advisable to remove the
cabinet meeting place to tha palace itself. Whether this
was in accord with the spirit of the reforms may be doubted,
for it worked directly for the complete centralization of
power which later caused a reversal of the whole govern-
mental policy.
The progress of the so-called reforms went on apace.
The outside, the integuments, were changed, whatever may
or may not have happened in the inner mind. The long
baggy sleeves which had distinguished the true yang-ban
were done away and the side-openings of the long coats were
sewed up. The width of the hat brims was curtailed and
other minor changes were effected. A salutary change was
made by putting power into the hands of the ministers of
state to carry out the work of their respective offices accord-
ing to law without referring every thing to the central gov-
ernment, excepting in very important cases where it affected
other departments. The immemorial customs regarding the
salutations of inferiors to superiors and vice versa were
largely done away and more democratic rules formulated.
The Home Minister undertook to correct many abuses in the
MODKRN KORKA. 28 I
country, to ferret out cases where cultivated land returned
no revenue, because of the indirection of the ajiius, and b^^
this means the revenue of the government was very largely
augni tinted.
At the advice of the leading members of the Cabinet
His Majesty adopted the title of Ta-gun-ju Pye-ha [j^'^"^
l>\n'') i" V^'^^'^ of ^li^ former title of Clum-ha (1ST)- This
elevated him to a position somewhat higher than that of
Wang (3:) but still much lower than the title of emperor
which he later assumed. All other members of the Royal
Familv were likewise elevated one degree.
At this time a radical change was made in the manner
of punishing criminals. The cruel forms of execution and
of torture which had always prevailed were done away and
more humane methods instituted. Decapitation was done
away and strangulation substituted. This worked no relief
for the criminal but the horrible spectacle of public decapita-
tion was relegated to the past.
A large number of men who had been banished or who
had fled the country because of connection with the troubles
of 18S4 and other years, were pardoned and their relatives
were again recognized as eligible to office.
On the native New Year which occurred in February the
king issued an important edict saying that office should be
given not only to men of noble blood but to others of good
character and attainments, and he ordered that such men be
selected and sent up from the country as candidates for
official position. This was very pleasing to the country
people and was hailed as a genuine sign of political renova-
tion. At the same time the ancient arch outside the West
Gate was demolished. This arch was the only remaining
sign of Chinese suzerainty and its demolition broke the last
visible thread which bound Korea to her great patron. We
say visible advisedly, for there can be no doubt that the in-
trinsic loyalty of the vast majority of Koreans to China was
still practically unimpaired.
On February thirteenth Yun Chi-ho returned from
many years' sojourn in America and China where be had
•gained a genuine insight into truly enlightened government,
and his return to Korea would have been a most happy
2S2 KOkEXN HISTORY.
aiigurj- had there been enough enlightened sentiment in
the country to form a basis for genuine a^ distinguished
from superficial reform.
Meanwhile the Japanese were carrying everything before
them in Manchuria and the end had now come. The Korean
government therefore sent a special envoj' to the Japanese
headquarters on the field at Hai-cheng, congratulating them
upon their brilliant successes. Soon after this the war ter-
minated with the treaty of Shimonoseki by the terms of which
China ceded to Japan southern Manchuria, and the island of
Formosa, abjured all interest in Korea and paid an enormous
indemnity. The result astonished the Koreans but so strong
was the feeling in fa\or of China that very many still clung
to the idea that China would pay the money and then go to
work preparing for a much greater struggle with the vic-
torious Japanese.
Since the year 1456 Buddhist monks had bt-en forbidden
to enter Seoul. This was part of the general policy of this
dynasty to give Buddhism no political foothohl. Now the
Japanese secured from the government a reinstatement of
the Buddhists in their original position and for the first time
in four centuries and a half the mendicant monk with
his wooden gong and rosary begged on the streets of
Seoul.
In April a great raisfortitne overtook the house of the
ex- Regent. His grandson, Yi Chun-yong, nephew to the
king, was arrested and charged wMth having connived with
toii^fioks and others to depose the king and assume the reins
of powt-r. It was not shown that Yi Chun-yong had been a
main mover in the scheme or that he had even favored the
idea, hut the very fact that his name had been used in such
a connection was enough to send him into banishtnent on
the island of Kyo-dong,oif Kang wha. Four oth^-r nun con-
nected with this affair were executed. This was a severe
blow to the ex-Regent and did much to bringhim to the point
which made possible the terrj!>le events of the following
October
The sixth of June witnessed a great celebration in Seoul,
which has gone down in history as Independence Day. A fete
was hfld in tlie "Old Palace" wliicli exceeded in brilliancy
MODERN KOREA. 2S3
any similar demonstration since the opening of Korea to
foreign relations
It was inevitable that, from the moment of his arrival in
Korea, Pok Yong-hyo shonld be at sword's points with the
Tii-wtin-gnn, for the retnrned refngee represented the radical
wing of the reform party, which the ex-Regent had always
bitterly opposed ; and besides the presence of such a strong
man would necessarily subtract from the influence of the
aged but autocratic prince. It is probable that the Japanese
brought Pak Yong-hyo back to Korea under the inpression
that he would prove a willing instrument in their hands, but
they soon discovered that he had ideas and opinions of his
own and that he was working rather for Korea than for
Japan. He failed to fall in with some of the plans which
would help the Japanese but at the expense of Korea and, in
fine, be became something of an embarrassment to his foruicr
benefactors. Meanwhile the king and queen were both at-
tached to him, and this for several reasons. He was a near
relative of the king and would have no cause for desiring a
change in the status of the reigning house ; in the second
place he was a determined enemy of the Ta-wun-gun, and in
the third place he was sure to work against a too liberal
policy toward the Japanese. This attitude- of increasing
friendliness between him and the Royal family was a further
cause of uneasiness to the Japanese, although Count Inouye
himself had done much to win the good will of the queen.
Finally Pak Yong-hyo had won the lasting gratitude of the
king and queen by exposing the machinations of Yi Chun-
yon g.
The ex-Regent was determined that Pak Yong-hyo
should be gotten out of the way. To this end he concocted
a scheme which, with the probable sanction of the Japanese,
seemed to promise success. He laid before the king certain
grave charges of treason against Pak, which, though not
believed either by the king or the queen, convinced them
that it would be impossible to shield him from probable de-
struction; for the people still called him a traitor, the ex-Regent
would spare no pains to see him put out of the way and it
was evident that the Japanese would not take any strong
measures to protect him. The queen called him up and
2^4 KORKAN HISTORY.
advised him to make good his escape before action could be
taken on the charge of treason. He complied and forthwith
escaped again to Japan. He had tiot as yet broken with
tlie Japanese and they were doubtless glad to help him away.
It was early in July that he passed off the stage, perhaps for
ever, and thus there were lost to Korea the services of one of
the most genuinely patriotic Koreans of modern times. If the
Japanese could have deteriminedly put the ex- Regent in the
background and allowed Pak Yong-hyo to work out his
plans on terms of amity with the Royal famil}^ all the evils
which followed might easily have been averted. It was this
act, as we believe, of allowing the ex-Regent to carry out
his scheme of personal revenge that caused the whole trouble
and there never was a time, before or since, when brighter
hopes for Korea were more ruthlessly sacrificed.
But progressive measures kept on apace and during July
the government issued new and important mining, quarantine
and army regulations and organized a domestic postal system.
A valuable mining concession in the district of Un-san in the
north was granted to an American syndicate, a transaction
that has proved the most profitable, at least to the foreigner,
of any attempt to open up the resources of Korea.
Near the end of the month Korea suffered the misfor-
tune of seeing Count Inouye retire from the lyCgation in
Seoul and return to Japan. Never did the Japanese have
such need of a strong and upright man in Seoul and never
had a Japanese Minister in Seoul opportunity for greater
distinction. There are those who believe that he despaired
of accomplishing anything so long as the two opposing fac-
tions in Seoul were led by personalities so strong and so im-
placable in their mutual hatred as the queen and the ex-
Regent. It is not unlikely that he felt that until one or
other of these should be permanently removed from the field
of action there could be no real opportunity for the renova-
tion of Korea. This by no means implies that he desired
such removal to be effected by forcible means but it is not
unnatural to suppose that he must have given expression to
the conviction as to the futility of doing anything under
existing conditions in the peninsula. There have been some
who have believed that the Japanese authorities in Tokyo
i
£j
MODERN KOKKA. 285
determined upon the removal of the obstacle in Seoul by any
means in their ])o\ver. Subsequent events gave some color
to this surmise but we cannot and do not believe that the
Japanese government was a party to the plot which ended in
the tragedy of the following October but that a fanatical and
injudicious Japanese Minister to Korea privately gave his
sanction to an act which the Japanese government would
have sternly forbidden had they been consulted.
The summer of 1895 witnessed the first serious epidemic
of cholera in Korea since the far more destructive one of
1886. Special plague hospitals were erected in Seoul and in
spite of their temporary and inadequate nature the foreign
protestant missionaries of Seoul, who were in charge, accom-
plished vQvy much in the wa.y of local relief. It is impossible
to say what the total mortality in Seoul was, to say nothing
of the country at large, but it is probable that ten or twelve
thousand people died in the Capital before the subsidence of
the epidemic.
The forces which worked to the expulsion of Pok Yong-
hyo also operated to curtail the term of banishment of Yi
Chun-yung who was recalled from Kyo-dong Island on
August 6th, but even the ex-Regent could not secure the
residence of his grandson in Seoul, so he sent the young man
to Japan, since which time he has been numbered with the
political refugees and has never been able to think of return-
ing to his native land. After the departure of Count
Inouye, who had enjoyed the partial confidence of the queen,
the ex-Regent's prospects improved to such an extent that
several of the ministers of state who were well affected toward
Her Majesty were removed and others substituted; especially
significant was the removal of the king's brother Yi Cha-
myun from the Ministry of the Household. As he was the
son of the ex-Regent, this would seem to be a defeat for that
faction but, in fact, his removal from that position was a
necessary step to the carrying out of the dangerous plot
which was already being formulated in the mind of the
queen's determined enemy.
This summer, which witnessed so many curious con-
tradictions, was further distiiiguished by a determined effort
in the line of education. The Educational Department pro-
2S6 KOREAN HISTORY.
jc'cted a Normal school and a beginning was made. One
hnndred and seventeen young men were sent to study in
Japan and other measures of lesser importance were carried
out.
On the first day of vSeptember Viscount Miura arrived
from Japan to assume the duties of Minister. Over a month
had elapsed since the departure of Count Inouye. The
Vi.scount was an entuhsiastic Buddhist and evidently belonged
to they old rather than the new Japan. He was, withal,
a strenuous man and is said to have considered the settlement
of the Korean difhculties merely a matter of prompt and
vigorous action. At the time of his arrival the ex-Regent
was living at his summer-house near the river and from the
very first he was in close relations with the new Japanese
Minister. It was quite evident that the latter had espoused
tlie cause of the ex-Regent as agaiust the queen and that
instead of tr3'ing to close the breach which was constanth'
widening between these two powerful personages he was pre-
paring to make use of this estrangement to further what he
supposed to be the interests of Japan. Min Yong-whan, the
most powerful of the queen's friends, was sent to America
as Minister ; and everything was ready for the coup which
had undoubtedly been determined upon. From the mass of
conflicting evidence, charge and counter charge, it is difficult
to escape the following conclusion. There were two dif-
ferent policies held by political parties in Japan as to the best
way to handle the Korean question ; one was what we may
call the radical policy" which advocated strong measures and
the instant and complete overthrow of all opposition to the
will of Japan in the peninsula ; the other, or conservative,
policy looked to the attainment of the same object by gradual
and pacific means. It seems that the failure of Count Inouj^e
to accomplish anj^thing definite in the line of a settlement of
internal dissentions at Seoul resulted in the appointment of
Viscount Miura as an exponent of the extreme radical
policy. He was supposed to do prompt work but what that
work would be perhaps neither he nor his constituency saw
clearly before his arrival on the sceue. It would be going
much too far to say that the assassination of the queen was
once thought of, and yet it is more than likely that those
MODERN KOREA. 287
most conversaut with conditions in Seoul felt that by some
means or other her enormous influence must be permanently
checked and that affairs must be so managed that she should
have nothing more to do in the handling of questions of
state. How this was to be accomplished neither Miura nor
any of his advisers knew until he came and looked over the
field.
For this reason it is easy to see how the ex-Regent would
be the first man in Korea with whom the Japanese Minister
would wish to consult, and it is certain that the TS-wun-gun
would have but one word to say as to the solution of the
difficulty. His experience of twenty years had convinced
him that there was only one way to accomplish the object
which the Minister had in view and while Viscount Miura
naturally shrunk from adopting that course it would seem
he too was at last convinced that it was the only feasible
plan. That he actually advised it in the first instance we do
not believe, but that he fell in with the plan which others
suggested and which they offered to carrj^ through without
his personal intervention there can be no doubt whatever.
Nor can there be any question as to where the responsibility
for the tragedy rests ; not with the Japanese Government:,
surely, except in-so-far as its appointment of such a man to
the difficult post of Minister to Seoul may reflect upon its
wisdom.
It has sometimes been hinted that Count Inouye upon
his return to Japan advocated some such policy as that
which was carried out by Marquis Miura but there is nothing
to indicate that this is other than a libel, for the whole
career of that able statesman gives the lie to such suspicions
and his dispatches to his government show the ver}^ opposite
spirit from that intimated in these slanderous reports. For
instance we have the extract from his reports read in the
Japanese Parliament in which he says :
On one occasion the queen observed to me, "It was a
matter of extreme regret to me that the overtures made by
me toward Japan were rejected. The Ta-wuii-gun, on the
other hand, who showed his unfriendliness toward Japan,
was assissted by the Japanese Minister to rise in power."
In reply to this I gave as far as I could an explanation of
these things to the queen and after allaying her suspicions I
288 KOREAN HISTORY.
further explained that it was the true and sincere desire of the
emperor and government of Japan to place the independence
of Korea on a firm basis and in the meantime to strengthen
the Royal House of Korea. In the event of any member of
the Royal family, or indeed any Korean, attempting treason
against the Royal House, I gave the assurance that the Jap-
anese Government would not fail to protect the Royal
House even by force of arms.
This unequivocal promise of protection was made by
Count Inouye just before his departure for Japan and we do
not and cannot believe that he expressed anything but his
honest sentiments and those of the government that was
back of him. It has been urged that the action of the Japan-
ese Government in acquitting Viscount Miura in the face of
the evidence given proves the complicity of that government
in the outrage and its previous knowledge that it was to be
perpetrated, but this does not necessarily follow. That gov-
ernment was doubtless unwilling to stultify itself by ac-
knowledging that its accredited minister to Koreii was actually
guilty of the crime indicated in the charge. This attempt to
evade the responsibility was of course futile. There was no
escape from the dilemma in which that government was
placed but the deduction that it was particeps criminis in the
events of October 8th is unbelievable. It was the work of
Viscount Miura and of his staff and of them alone, as is
shown by the following extract from the Decison of the Jap-
anese Court of Preliminary Inquiry, which court sat in
Hiroshima in January 1896.
CHAPTER XXI.
Decision of Hiroshima Court on queen's assassination .. .Miura's es-
timate of situation .... Approached by Ta-wun-gun .. .pledges re-
quired of ex-Regent . Miura's instructions. .. .preparations com-
plete... .The rendezvous at the Ta-wun-gun's summer place ..a
final exhortation .. .joining the Korean troops outside the West
Gate .... The move on the palace . . . the entrance . . . Royal quarters
surrounded ..The search for the queen .. the assassination
Viscount Miura arrives on the scene ...an audience ...other rep-
resentatives arrive and see the king. .. .^Nliura disclaims any con-
nection with the plot. .. degradation of the queen. .. .foreign rep-
resentatives refuse to recognize it. . . .Miura recalled.
MODERN KOREA. 289
We append the decision of the Hiroshima Court in full
as it gives the fullest and probably the most nearly correct
account of the events which led up to the assassination of
the queen. It reads as follows : —
"Okamoto Ryunosuke, Adviser to the Korean Depart-
ments of War and the Household, etc.
"Miura Goro, Vicount, Sho Sammi, First class order,
Lieutenant General, etc.
"Sugimura Fukashi, Sho Rokui, First Secretary of Le-
gation, and forty-five others.
"Having, in compliance with the request of the Public
Procurator conducted preliminary examinations in the case
of murder and sedition brought against the above-mentioned
Okamoto Ryunosuke and forty-seveu others and that of wil-
ful homicide brought against Hirayama Iwawo, we find as
follows : —
"The accused, Miura Goro, assumed his official duties as
His Imperial Majesty's Envoy Extraordinary and Minister
Plenipotentiary at Seoul on Sept. ist, 1895. According to
his observations, things in Korea were tending in the wrong
direction. The court was daily growing more and more ar-
bitrary, and attempting wanton interferance with the conduct
of state affairs. Disorder and confusion were in this way in-
troduced into the system of administration that had just been
reorganized under the guidance and advice of the Imperial
government. The court went so far in turning its face upon
Japan that a project was mooted for disbanding the Kunren-
iai troops, drilled by Japanese officers, and for punishing
their officers. Moreover a report came to the knowledge of
the said Miura that the court had under contemplation a
scheme for usurping all political power by degrading some
and killing others of the Cabinet Ministers suspected of devo-
tion to the cause of progress and independence.
"Under these circumstances he was greatly perturbed in-
asmuch as he thought that the attitude assumed by the court
not only showed remarkable ingratitude toward this country
which had spent labor and money for Korea, but was also
calculated to thwart the work of internal reform and jeopar-
dize the independence of the kingdom. The policy pursued
by the court was consequently considered to be injurious to
2<^0 KOREAN HISTORY, '
Korea, as well as prejudicial in no small degree to the inter-
ests of this country. The accused felt it to be of urgent im-
portance to appl)- an effective remedy to this state of affairs,
so as on the one hand to secure the independence of the Ko-
rean ]:ingdom and on the other to maintain the prestige of
this empire in that country. While thoughts like these agi'
tated his mind, he was secretly approached by the Ta-wun-
gun with a request for assistance, the Prince being in-
dignant at the untoward turn that events were taking and
having determined to undertake the reform of the court and
thus discharge his duty of advising the king. The accused
then held at the legation a conference with Sugimura Fuka-
shi and Okamoto Ryunosuke on the 3rd of October. The
decision arrived at was that assistance should be rendered tc
the Ta-wOn-gun's entrance into the palace by making use of
the Japanese drilled Korean soldiers who being hated by the
court felt themselves in danger, and of the young men who
deeply lamented the course of events, and also by causing
the Japanese troops stationed in Seoul to offer their support
to the enterprise. It was further resolved that this op-
portunity should be availed of for taking the life of the
queen, who exercised overwhelming influence in the court.-
They at the same time thought it necessary to provide against
the possible danger of the Ta-wun-gun's interfering with the
conduct of State affairs in future — an interferauce that might
prove of a more evil character than that which it was now
sought to overturn. To this end, a document containing
pledges required of the Ta-wun-gun on four points was
drawn by Sigimura Fukashi. The document was carried to
the country residence of the Ta-wun-gun on the 15th of
the month by Okamoto Ryunosuke, the latter being on in-
timate terms with His Highness. After informing the Ta-
wun-gun that the turn of events demanded His Highness' in-
tervention once more, Okomoto presented the document to the
Prince saying that it embodied what Minister Miura expected
from him. TJdc Ta-wuu-gun, together with his son and grandson
gladly consented to the condition's proposed and also wrote a let-
ter guaranteeing his good faith. Miura Goroand others decided
to carry out the concerted plan by the middle of the month.
Fearing lest Okamoto's visit to the Ta-wun-gun's residence
■■i
5;
g
65
MODERN KOREA. 29 1
should excite suspicion and lead to the exposure of their
plan, it was given out that he had proceeded thither simply
for the purpose of taking leave of the Prince before depart-
ing for home, and to impart an appearance of probability
to this report, it was decided that Okamoto should leave
Seoul for Chemulpo and he took his departure from the
capital on the sixth. On the following day An Kyung-
su, the Minister of War, visited the Japanese Legation
by order of the court. Referring to the projected disbanding
of the Japanese drilled Korean soldiers, he asked the Japan-
ese Minister's views on the subject. It was now evident
that the moment had arrived, and that no more delay should
be made. Miura Goro and Sugimura Fukashi consequently
determined to carry out the plot on the night of that very day.
On the one hand, a telegram was sent to Okamoto requesting
him to come back to Seoul at once, and on the other, they
delivered to Horiguchi Kumaichia paper containing a detailed
program concerning the entry of the Ta-wun-gun into the
palace and caused him to meet Okamoto at Yong-san so that they
might proceed to enter the palace. Miura Goro further issued
instructiojis to Umayabara Muhon, commander of the Jap-
anese batallion in Seoul, ordering him to facilitate the Ta-wun-
gun 's entry into the palace by directing the disposition of the
Japanese drilled Korean troops and by calling out the Imperi-
al force for their support. Miura also summoned the accused
Adachi Kenszo and Kunitomo Shigeakira, and requested them
to collect their friends, meeting Okamoto at Yong-san, and
act as the Ta-wun-gun 's body-guard on the occasion of His
Highness' entrance into the palace. Miura told them that
on the success of the enterprise depended the eradication of
the evils that had done so much mischief to the kingdom for
the past twenty years, and instigated them to dispatch the
Queen when they entered the palace. " Miura ordered the
accused Ogiyara Hidejiro to proceed to Yong-san, at the head
of the police force under him, and after consultation with
Okamoto to take such steps as might be necessary to expedite
the Ta-wuu-gun's entry into the palace.
"The accused, Sugimura Fukashi, summoned Suzuki
Shigemoto and Asaj^ama Kenzo to the Legation and acquaint-
ed them with the projected enterprise, directed the former to
292 KOKEA HISTORY.
send the accut-ed, Suzuki Junken, to Yong-san to act as inter-
preter and the latter to carry the news to a Korean named Yi
Chu-whe, who was known to be a warm advocate of the Ta-
wun-gun's return to the palace. Sugimura further drew up
a manifesto, explaining the reasons of the Ta-wuu- gun's
entrance into the palace and charged Ogiwara Hidejiro to
deliver to Horiguchi Kumaichi.
"The accused Horiguchi Kumaichi at once departed for
Yong-san on horse-back. Ogiwara Hidejiro issued orders to
the policemen that were off duty to put ou civilian dress.
provide themselves with swords and proceed to Yong-san.
Ogiwara also himself went to the same place.
"Thither also, repaired by his order the accused Wata-
nabe Takajiro, Oda Yoshimitsu, Nariai Kishiro, Kiwaki Suk-
unori and Sakai Masatar(K
"The accused Yokowo Yutaro joined the party at Yong-
san. Asayama Kenzo saw Yi Chu-whe and informed him of the
projected enterprise against the palace that night. Having
ascertained that Yi had then collected a few other Koreans and
proceeded toward the Ta-wun-gun's place Asama at once left
for Yong-san. Suzuki Shigemoto went to Yong-san in com-
pany with Suzuki Junken. The accused Adachi Kenzo and
Kunitomo Shigeakira, at the instigation of Miura, decided to
murder the Queen and took steps to collect accomplices.
Twenty-four others (names here inserted) responded to the
call, by Miura's order, to act as body-guard to theTa-wun-gun
on the occasion of his entrance into the palace. Hirayama
Iwahiko and more than ten others were directed by Adachi
Kenzo and others to do away with the Queen and they decided
to follow the advice. The others who were not admitted into
the secret but who joined the party from mere curiosity also
carried weapons. With the exception of Kunitomo Shigeakira
Tsukinori and two others all the accused went to Yong-san in
company with Adachi Kenzo.
"The accused Okamoto Ryunosuke on receipt of a tele-
gram saying that time was urgent at once left Chemulpo for
Seoul. Being informed on his way, at about midnight, that
Hoshiguchi Kennaichi was waiting for him at Mapo he
proceeded thither and met the persons assembled there.
There he received from Miura Goro the draft manifesto al-
MODERN KOREA. 293
ready alluded to, and other docuineuts. After he liad con-
sulted with two or three others about the method of effecting
an entrance into the palace the whole party started for the
Ta-wun-gun's place with Okanioto as their leader. At about
three o'clock a. m. on the eighth of October they left the
Prince's place escorting him in his palanquin, with Yi Chu-
whe and other Koreans. When on the point of departure,
Okanioto assembled the whole party outside the gate of the
Prince's residence and declared that on entering the palace
the "Fox" should be dealt with according as exigency might
require, the obvious purport of this declaration to instigate
his followers to murder Her Majesty the Queen, As the
result of this declaration, Sakai Marataro and a few others,
who had not yet been initiated into the secret, resolved to
act in accordance with the suggestion. Then slowly proceed-
ing toward Seoul, the party met the Japanese drilled Korean
troops outside the West Gate where they waited some time
for the arrival of the Japanese troops. With the Korean
troops as vanguard the party then proceeded toward the
palace at a more rapid rate. On the way they were joined
by Kunitomo Shigeakira and four others. The accused
Husamoto, Yasumaru and Oura Shigehiko also joined the
party having been requested by Umagabara Muhon to accom-
pany as interpreters the'military officers charged with the
supervision of the Korean troops. About dawn the whole
party entered the palace through the Kwang-wha Gate and at
once proceeded to enter the inner chambers."
At this point the recital of the facts abruptly stops and
the court goes on to state that in spite of these proven facts
there is not sufficient evidence to prove that any of the
Japanese actually committed the crime which had been con-
templated, and all the accused are discharged. .
It is very much to the credit of the Japanese authorities
that they frankly published these incriminating facts and did
not attempt to suppress them. Their action discharging the
accused was a candid statement that in spite of the actual
proof which they adduce it would not be possible to punish
the perpetrators of the outrage, for Miura had been sent as
the accredited Minister of Japan and his acts, through un-
foreseen by his superiors could not but partake of an official
294
KOKhAN HISTOKY.
character, and therefore the onus of the affair must fall on
the Japanese Government. This is the effect that was pro-
duced in the public mind, and while ihe Japanese Govern-
ment as such must be acquitted of any intention or desire to
secure the assassination of the Queen, yet it can scarcely
escape the charge of criminal carelessness in according to the
Korean Court a representative who would so far forget the
dignity of his position as to plan and encourage the perpetra-
tion of such a revolting crime.
The description of the scene as given by the Hiroshma
court stops abruptly with the entrance into the palace before
the actual business of the day began. It is necessary for us
to take up the narration from that point. The buildings
occupied by the King and Queen were near the back of the
palace enclosure almost half a mile from the front gate, so
that the Japanese and Korean force accompanied by the ex-
Regent had to traverse a long succession of passage-ways
through a great mass of buildings before reaching the object
of their search. Some of the palace guard were met on the
way and easily pushed aside, some of them being killed, among
whom was Col. Hong. When the Japanese arrived at the
buildings occupied by their Majesties a part of them formed
about it in military order guarding all the approaches, but
they did not enter the building. A crowd of Japanese civil-
ians commonly believed to be soshi, and a considerable num-
ber of Koreans, all heavily armed, rushed into the Royal
quarters. A partof the crowd went into the presence of the King
brandishing their weapons but without directly attacking his
person nor that of the Crown Prince who stood beside him.
Another part of the crowd ranged through the apartments
of the Queen, seizing palace women and demanding information
as to the whereabouts of the Queen. They met Yi Kyung-jik
the Alinister of the Household before the Queen's apartments
and at once cut him down, but he managed to crawl into the
presence of the King, where he was despatched by the Jap-
anese. The Queen was found in one of the rooms which con-
stituted her suite and was ruthlessly cut down. It is impos-
sible to state with absolute certainty whether the blow was
struck by a Korean or by a Japanese but the overwhelming
probability is that it was done by one of the armed Japanese
MODERN KOKKA. 295
The body was wrapped in some sort of blanket, saturated
with petrolt-um and burned at the ed^e of a pine grove
immediately to the east of the pond which lies in front of
the royal quarters.
The Roval family had been aware for two days of the
danger which threatened. The guards at the palace had
been reduced, the arms had been taken away and the move-
ments of Japanese troops were very suspicious. The King
advised the Queen to go to a place of safety and she said she
would do so if the Queen Dowager would also go, but the
latter refused. Chor.g Pywng-ha who had been raised to high
office through the patronage of the Queen but who had
struck hands with the Japanese urged with great insistence
that there was no danger to Her Majesty's person and it was
the confidence expressed by this traitor that did the most to
set at rest the apprehension, of llie King and the Queen.
During all the time leading up to these events, the
palace guard was in charge of Gen. Dye but his efforts to
carry out the wishes of His Majesty were continually thwart-
ed and the guard was merely a nominal one.
At about the time when the Queen was being killed the
Ta-wun-gun came into the presence of the King and took the
direction of affairs at the court. As might be supposed, both
the King and the Crown Prince were in anything but an enviable
fr^meof mind. They had been pushed about and insulted by low
Japanese and felt that their lives were momentarily in danger.
Col Yi Kvung-jik the Minister of the Household Department
had taken his stand at the door of the Queen's apirtments
and had there been cut down by the Japanese or Koreans
but succeeded in making his way, desperately wounded, into
the presence of the King. He was there stabbed to death by
the Japanese before the eyes of His Majesty. This did not
tend to reassure the King and the Crown Prince but the com-
ing of the TS-wun-guu tended to quiet them somewhat. Of
course they had no idea as yet that the Queen had been
despatched.
Before dawn began to break the King learned that Jap-
anese troops were pouring into the barracks in front of the
palace, and as some semblance of order had been restored
in the immediate presence of His Majesty, a note was sent in
2g6 KOREAN HISTDRY.
haste to tlie Japanese Minister asking what all this tneant.
The messenger found Miura and Sugimura already up and
dressed and sedan chairs at the door. Miura told the mes-
senger that he had heard that troops had been marched to
the barracks but did not know why. The Minister and his
secretary thereupon proceeded rapidly to the palace. • Im-
mediately upon their arrival all the disturbance suddenly
quieted down and the sos/// dispersed and left the palace
grounds. The Japanese Minister and secretary immediateh'
sought an audience with His Majesty, accompained only by
an interpreter and anothtr Japanese who had led the soshi.
The Ta-wun-gun was also present.
Three documents wee prepared by those present and
placed before His Majesty for signature, one of them guaran-
teeing that the Cabinet should thereafter manage the affairs
of the country, the second appointing Yi Cha-myun, the
King's brother, as Minister of the Household in place of Yi
Kyiang-jik who had just been killed, and the third appointing
a vice-Minister of the Household. These documents the
king perforce signed. Whereupon all Japanese troops were
removed from the palace and only the Japanese-trained
Korean troops were left as a palace-guard. Later in the day
Ministers of War and Police were appointed in the persons
of Cho Heui-yun and Kwun Yung-jiu, both stroug partisans
of the Japanese and doubtless privy to the attack upon the
palace and the murder of the Queen. In other words the
King and court was surrounded by men every one of whom
were in sympathy with the movement which had been plan-
ned by Viscount Miura.
Very early in the morning, while it was still scarcely day-
light, Mr. Waeber the Russian Charge d\4ffaires and Dr.
Allen the American Charge d' Affaires ad hiterivi came to the
palace and sought audience with the King but were told that
the King was unwell and could not see them. They insisted,
however, and succeeded in seeing His Majesty, who told them
that he still had hopes that the Queen had escaped, and be-
sought their friendly offices to prevent further trouble.
Other foreign representatives were received latter in the day.
It soon became evident that the Japanese authorities
intended to deny any responsibility for the outrages commit-
MODERN KOREA. 297
ted. Miura stated in his dispatches to his government that the
origin of the emeute was a conflict beween the Japanese-drill-
ed Korean troops, who desired to lay a complaint before His
Majesty, and the palace guards who tried to prevent their
entranf^e into the palace. Miura even sought to strengthen
his disclaimer by obtaining from the newly appointed Min-
ister of War a definite official statement that the rumors of
his (Miura's) complicity in the affair were without founda-
tion. The document that the Minister of War sent in reply
proved altogether too much and defeated its own purpose, for
it stated baldly that there was not a single Japanese in the
palace on the night of the eighth of October, when the Queen
was murdered. As this Minister was a creature of the Japan-
ese and as the presence of Japanese in the palace was clearly
proved subsequently it is evident that Miura, by this sort of
trickery, only succeeded in further implicating himself.
On the ninth, the day after the emeute, a full cabinet was
appointed composed entirely of Japanese sympathisers, but
with one or two exceptions they were not privy to the assas-
ination of the Queen, though they were willing to profit by
that crime in accepting office at the hands of the perpetrators.
The men appointed were Vi ChS-myun, Kim Hong-jip, Kim
Yun-sik, Pak Chong-yang, Sim Sang-hun, Cho Heui-yun, So
Kwang-bom and Chong Pyung-ha.
One would have supposed that the enemies of the Queen
would have been satisfied by her death, but not so. On the
eleventh, three days after her assassination, an edict purport-
ing to have originated with His Majesty and signed by the
full cabinet appeared in the Court Gazette. In it the Queen
is charged with having interfered in public matters, disturb-
ed the government and put the dynasty in peril. It is stated
that she has disappeared and that her guilt is excessive ;
therefore she is deposed from her rank as Queen and reduced
to the level of the lowest class.
There can be no doubt that this edict is fraudulent. The
King never gave his consent to it and several of the members
of the Cabinet knew nothing about it, notably Sim Sang-hun
who had already thrown up his position and run away, and
Pak Chong-yang who denounced the nefarious business and
resigned. It was put through by a few of the Cabinet who
298 KOREAN mSTOkV,
were thoroughly subservient to the Japauese. The Japanese
Minister in reply to the anuouncenieut of the Queen's de-
gradation, affected to sympathize with the Korean Government
but thought it was done for the good of the State. The
United States Representative refused to recognize the decree
as coming from His Majesty, and in this he was seconded by
all the the other Foreign Representatives except one.
Meanwhile the Japanese government began to learn some-
thing of the truth in regard to the Queen's death and felt
called upon to defend itself from the charge of complicity in
the outrage through its accredited Minister. Consequently
it recalled Miura and Sugimura and upon their arrival in
Japan they were arrested and charged with convplicity in the
matter. The fact of their arrest and trial was a distinct dis-
claimer on the part of the Japanese goverunient that it was
accessor)^ to the crime; and in spite of the utter inadequacy
of the trial aud its almost ludicrous termination we hold to
the theory that the Japanese government was not a party to
the crime excepting in so far as the appointment of such a
man as Miura ca* be called complicity.
But the vigorous action of Japan in arresting Miura and
putting him on trial had a strong influence upon tht- course
of events in Korea. The Korean public and all the Foreign
Representatives were demanding that the occurrences of the
eighth of October should be investigated and the responsibili-
ty for the murder of the Queen placed where it rightly be-
longed. This itself bore strongly upon the Cabinet, but when
in addition to this the Japanese government itself seemed to
be weakening and it appeared that Miura's acts would prove
to have been unauthorized things begun to look rather black
for the men who were enjoying ofl&ce solely through Miura's
influence, an! although the fiction was still maintained that the
Queen was not dead but iu hiding somewhere, the situation
became more and more strained until at last it became evid-
ent even to the Cabiuet that something must be done to re-
lieve the situation. Accordinglv on the 26th of November
the Foreign Representatives and several other foreigners
were invited to the palace and it was announced in
the presence of His Majesty that Cho Heui-yun the Minister
of War and Kw'ln Yung-jin the Chief of Police were dismiss-
MODKKN KOKKA. 299
ed, that the edict degradintr tlie Queen was rescinded and
that the f;icts comiecLed with the attack on the palace wuuld
be investigated by the Department c^f Justice and all guilly
persons tried and punisheei. At the same time the death of
Her Majesty was formally announct-d.
The popular feeling against the Japanese-trained troops
was so strong that they were dismissed and another guard
summoned, but as a matter of fact this new guard was compos-
ed almost entirely of the very men who had formerly composed
the Japanese-drilled corps.
The position of His Majesty during the months succeed-
ing the attack was anything but comfortable. He had no
voice in the direction of affairs, and he considered himself
practically a prisoner in the hands of the Cabinet. He even
feartd for his life, and for weeks ate no food except what was
brought to him in a locked box from friends outside- the
palace. He had requested that two or three foreigners should
come to the palate each night and be al hand in caseof trou-
ble, feeling that their presence would exert a deterrent in-
fluence upon any who might plot injury to his person.
The half-way measures adopted on Nov. 26th by no
means satisfied those who wished to see His Majesty freed
from practical durance at the hands of men thoroughly ob-
noxious to him, and a scheme was evolved by a number of
Koreans to effect his release by forcible means. The purpose
of these men was a laudable one but the execution of it was
ill-managed. On the night of the 28th upwards of a thousand
Koreans demanded entrance into the palace. They had ar-
ranged with one of the members of the palace guard, inside,
to open the gate to them, but at the last moment he failed
them and they found themselves balked. The palace was in
some confusion, the King had called in to his presence the
three foreigners who, at his request, were on duty that night,
but in spite of their assurances that his person would be pro-
tected it was only natural that excitement should run high.
The crowd without were shouting wildly and attempting to
scale the high wall, and the members of the cabinet, before
the King, did not know at what moment the guard might
betray them to the assailants, and they knew that once be-
trayed they would be torn to pieces without mercy. They
300 KUKKAN HISTORY.
tried therefore to iiuluce the K'\n^ to remove to a distant part
of the pahice where he could liide for a lon^ time before he
could be found even though the crowd should effect an
entrance. The ni<jht was bitterly cold and the King was
but lightly clad, and as the King's person was safe in any
event, the foreigners'who were with him opposed the move
strongly and at last were compelled to use physical force to
prevent the change, which would certainly have endangered
the King's life. The purpose of the cabinet was thus thwarted
but as the hours passed it become evident that the men
outside would not be able to effect an entrance. The shouts
gradually died away and at last the crowd dispersed leaving
in the hands of the palace guard three or four men who had
scaled the wall but 1nd not been followed by their confreres.
In view of the attitude of the Tokyo Government the
Japanese in Seoul were now entirely quescent and the gov-
ernment was stajiding on its own base. The cabinet held its
own by virtue of the palace guard which was composed of the
soldiers trained bv the Japanese. This cabinet and guard
held together from necessity, for both knew that should their
power fail they would be denounced as traitors and under
the circumstances could expect little help from the Japanese.
The cabinet had to make a show of investigating the attack
of Oct. 5th and someone must be killed for having murdered
the queen. At the same time punishment was to be meted out
to the principals in the attempt on the palace on November
28th.
Three men were arrested and charged with being
directly implicated in the crime of regicide. Of these one
was certainly innocent and while the second was probably
privy to the crime, being a lieutenant of the Japanese-trained ,
troops, there was no evidence adduced to prove his actual
participation in the act of assassination. He had not been
reinstated in his position in the new guard and he knew
altogether too much about the existing cabinet. Their
choice fell upon him as one of the scapegoats. The third
was Yi Chu-hoe formerly Vice Minister of War. There was
uo evidence adduced against him at the trial, though from
other considerations he seems to have been implicated in the
outrage. He was chosen as the principal one to bear the
MODKKN KOKKA. 30 1
obloquy of the crime, probably because (i) he was a bitter
enemy of the existing cabinet and [2) because it was neces-
sary fur the sake of appearances to convict and execute some-
one of rank and reputation. As a fact the court did not
know and never discovered who the actual perpetrators were.
The three men were executed before the end of the year.
Though only three men were arrested in connccliwn
with the assassination of the queen thirty-three men were
arrested in connection with the comparatively trivial affair
of November 2Hth. Their trial proceeded simultaneously
with that of the other three. Two of them were condemned
to death, four toexile for life and four to three years imprison-
ment. To show the kind of evidence on which these convic-
tions were based we will cite the case of Prince Yi Ch^-sun
who was proved to have gotten hold of some compromising
documents and to have shown them to the King only, instead
of to //le proper authorities^ namely, of course, the cabinet.
On these grounds he was sentenced to three years imprison-
ment !
December and January saw matters move to an inevi-
table climax. The cabinet forced upon the people the edict
ordering the cutting off of the top-knot, the distinctive mark
of Korean citizenship. The whole country was in a ferment
and the people, almost to a man, were gnashing their teeth
at the cabinet. The finding of the Hiroshima court claiuied
to have freed Miura and his fellows from blame and it was
rumored that several of them were to return to Korea to take
office under the government. Chon^ Pyung-ha, a proved
traitor, had been reinstated in the cabinet as Minister of Agri-
culture and Cho Heui-yun as Minister ot War, and it was
reported that Kwun Yung-jin who had fled to Japan would
be made again Chief of Police. It was perfectly evident,
therefore, that 'the grip of the Japanese upon the kitig
through the Goaler Cabinet was tightening and that there
was no escape from it except through heroic measures.
These measures the king was prepared to adopt rather than
longer endure the humiliating position to which he seemed
condemned. At that time the principal men in the cabinet
were Kim Hong-jip, Chong Pyfing-ha, O Yun-jung, Yu Kil-
juu. Of these O Yun-jung seems to have beea far less cul-
302 K(1KKAN MISTOKY.
pable tlian the rest. The king had great confidence in him
and hnd he not met his fate at the hands of the people he
would probably have been called back to office.
But now we come to the important step taken by His
Majesty to free himself froin his unpleasant position. He
determined to find asylum in the Russian Legation. C.
Waeber was the Russian Minister, a pronounced friend of the
dead Queen, and a man of great ability. Just how he was ap-
proached and his consent gained to the king's scheme is
not generally known but in view of subsequent events and
the part that Russia intended to play in Korea it is easy to
see how the Russian Representative would welcome ati op-
portunity to do the King such a signal service and one which
was of such a personal character as to tender it certain that
it would never be forgotten.
The plan was carried out successfully in every detail.
Women's chairs were caused to be sent in and out the palace
gates at frequent intervals by day and night until the guards
had beconie quite accustomed to them. Then on the night
of the eleventh of February the King and the Crown Prince
without escort slipped by the guards in common women's
chairs and were taken directly to the Russian Legation
where they were courteously received and given the best
portion of the Legation building. This act was of course a
grievous lapse from the dignity that befits a king but under
the circumstances there is much to say b}' way of excuse.
On the whole it must be considered a mistake so far as the
country at large is concerned, for it set in motion a new set
of factors which probably did more harm than the temporary
enforced seclusion of the King could have done. It acted as a
potetrt factor in embittering the Japanese against Russia and
opened the door for Russian intrigue which finally hastened
if it did not actually cause the war at present waging. Had
Japan been able to preserve the predominance which she
held in Korea just after the China- Japan war she might have
looked with more or less complaisancy upon the Russian
aggression in Manchuria, but when Korea itself became dis-
puted ground the war was inevitable.
At seven o'clock on the morning of February nth the
King aiid the Crown Prince entered the Russian Legation.
MODEKN KOREA. 303
Several hours elapsed before the Cabinet io the palace be-
came awareof the fact. During that interval active operations
were going on at the Russian Legation. The organization
of a new cabinet was hastened by summoning from various
parts of the city such officials as the King could trust. Pak
Chong-yang was made Prime Minister. No time was lost in
putting out a Royal Edict deprecating the necessity of taking
refuge in a foreign legation, promising to punish the real
authors of the Queen's assassination, rescinding the order for
cutting the top-knots. This was posted on the gates of the
Legation and at various points throughout the city.
Chapter XXII,
The King at the Russian Legation A Royal edict . . . Massacre
or flight of cabinet ministers .. an excited city ... .Japanese con-
sternation ...provincial uprisings ...party reorganization ... The
Independence Club .. .trial of Queen's murderers ... Apponitment
of Dr. Brown as adiviser to Finance Department . . .The Independ-
ent . .The Waeber-Komura Convention .... material reforms
reaction.. .The Independence Arch Seoul- Chemulpo rail viray
concession . . . The new palace planned. . . .retrogressive signs
postal and other administrative reforms.
When the public awoke to the momentous fact, a thrill
of excitement and, generally, of approval went through the
whole population of Seoul. The city hummed with excited
humanity. The streets swarmed with the crowds bent upon
watching the course of such stirring events.
Later in the day the King put forth an edict calling upon
the soldiers to rally to his support and urging them to bring
the heads of the traitors Cho Heui-yiin, U Pom-sun, Yi Tu-
whang, Yi Pom-nS, Yi Chin-ho and Kon Yong-jin. But later
still this was toned down to read that these individuals
should be seized and turned over to the proper authorities for
trial.
The reason why the names of Kim Hong-jip, Chong
Pyung-Ha and others of the former cabinet were not included
was because they had already met their fate. As soon as it
became known iu the palace that the King had fled, these
304 KOREAN HISTORY.
men savvthat their lives were forfeited. O Yuii-jung managed
to escape to the country but was set upon and killed by the
people, Cho Heui-Yiln escaped, Yu Kil-jun was spirited away
to Japan by the Japanese; but Kira Hong-jip and Chong
Pj'iing-ha found no way of escape. Being seized by the
Korean soldiers, were immediately rushed by the crowd and
killed. Their bodies were hauled to Chong-no where they
were stamped upon, kicked, bitten and stoned by a half-
crazed rabble for hours. A Japanese who happened to be
passing was set upon by the crowd and killed and several
foreigners drawn to the spot by curiosity were threatened.
The King was shocked when he heard of the summary
execution of the two ministers, whom he intended to give a
fair trial. Two days later an edict was promulgated by the
King deploring the impoverished state of the country and
laying the blame upon himself; and concluded by remitting
all arrears of taxes due up to July [894. The new
cabinet consisted of the following men Pak Choug-yang, Yi
Yun-yong, An Kyung-su, Ko Yong-heui, Yun Chi-ho, Yun
Yong-gu, Yi Wan-yong and Cho Pyung-jik.
To say that the Japanese were nonplussed by this coup
on the part of the King would be to put it very mildly. All
their efforts to consolidate their power in Korea and to secure
there some fruit of the victory in the war just finished, had
been worse than thrown away. The King had thrown him-
self into the arms of Russia and the whole Korean people
were worked up to a white heat against Japan, comparable
only with the feelings elicited by the invasion of 1592. It
was a very great pity, for Japan was in a position to do for
Korea infinitely more than Russia would do. The interests
of Korea and Japan were identical or at least complementary
and the mistake which Japan made in the latter half of 1895
was one whose effects will require decades to eflface.
When the King thus wrenched himself out of Japanese
hands the Japanese papers in Seoul bewailed the fact that
the country was without a ruler, and almost directh^ advised
the people to put someone else on the throne, and this with-
out censure from the Japanese authorities. And it is well
known among Koreans that there was a strong faction among
the Koreans who were willing to attempt to put Yi Chua-
MODERN KOREA. 305
yong, the grandson of the Ta-wun-gun on the throne, had
that ambitious young man been possessed of the requisite
amount of assurance. Fortunately such was not the case
and the country was saved from further upheaval.
But the Japanese authorities though thrown into con-
sternation by this radical movement of His Majesty did not
give up hope of mending matters. The Japanese Minister
saw the King at the Russian Legation and urged upon him
every possible argument for returning to the palace. His
Majesty, however, being now wholly relieved from anxiety
as to his personal safety, enjoyed the respite too thorougly to
cut it short, and so politely refused to change his place of
residence. A large number of Japanese in Seoul became
convinced that Japan had hopelessly compromised herself,
and left the country, but the Japanese Government itself by
no act or word granted that her paramount influence in the
peninsula was impaired and with admirable sang froid took
up the new line of work imposed upon her by the King's
peculiar action, meanwhile putting down one more score
against Russia, to be reckoned with later.
The country was suffering from the excitement caused
by the news of the Japanese diplomatic reverses, and the
people in many districts rose in revolt and declared that they
would drive all the Japanese out of the country. These
efforts were however scattered and sporadic in their nature
and were successfully quelled by Korean Government troops
sent down to the various disaffected districts for this purpose.
Now that it was possible the King hastened to order a
new investigation of the circumstances attending the death
of the Queen. It was feared that this would result in a very
sweeping arrest of Koreans and the punishment of many peo-
ple on mere suspicion, but these fears were ill-founded. The
trials were carried through under the eye of Mr. Greathouse
the adviser to the Law Department and a man of great legal
ability. Thirteen men were arrested and tried in open court
without torture and with every privilege of a fair trial. One
man Yi Whi-wha was condemned to death, four banished for
life and five for lesser periods. This dispassionate trial was
not the least of the signs which pointed toward a new and
enlightened era in Korean political history.
306 KORKAN HISTOKV,
Not only in the country but in Seoul as well the prestige
of Japan had suffered greatly by the events of the winter of
1895-96. After the Japan-China war the Koreans were
divided into two distinct factions, one holding strongly with
the Japanese and the other advocating a more conservative
policy, but gradually as the political situation began to
crystalize these two. split into four, namely the Japanese
faction, the King's faction, the Queen's faction, and the TA-
wTin-gun's faction. This is merely another way of saying
that every strong political possibility will have its own fac-
tion in such a land as this, according as each man fancies
that his champion will get supreme power and reward those
who have followed in his train. The number of men who
follow the standard of this or that party because of any al-
truistic or purely patriotic consideration is so small as to be
a uegligeable quantity. When, therefore, it appeared that
Japan's star was setting in Korea there was a hasty shifting
of political platforms and soon it appeared that there were
onlj' two, one of which favored Russian influence and the
other conservative and very quiet, for the time being, uniil
the extreme pro-Russian enthusiasm should subside somewhat.
Of course the TS-wQn-gun's had disappeared with the wan-
ing fortunes of the Japanese and the Queen's faction had
gone over to the Russians. It was the conservatives alone
that held to their former position and desired no foreign inter-
ferance whatever. But many of those who had favored the Jap-
anese joined the conservative party but unlike the "moss-
back" conservatives wanted to do something actively to coun-
teract Russian influence. They therefore worked to bring
English and American influence into greater prominence. In
the heart of this movement was born the "Independence Club."
It will be remembered that ever since the previous year
Dr. Philip Jaisohn had been acting as adviser to the Privy
Council. This council enjoyed considerable power at first
but gradually fell to a secondary place, but now that new
conditions had sprung up the element combatting the Rus-
sian iiifluence took advantage of the presence of Dr. Jaisohn
and other Koreans who had been educated abroad. The
Russians seemed to look with, complaisance upon this move-
ment and in the Spring of this year seem to have made no
MODERN KOkKA. ^O"]
effort to prevent the appointment of J. McLeavy Brown,
ly.LD.. as Adviser to the Finance Department, with large
powers; which seemed to bear out the belief that the Russian
Minister was sincere in his statement that Russia wished the
Kinjj to be quite untrammelled in the administration of his
government. It is this generous policy of Mr. Waeber that
is believed to have caused his transfer later to another post,
to be replaced by A, de Speyer who adopted a very different
policy. However this may have been, things began to take
on a very hopeful aspect in Seoul. Needed reforms were
carried through ; torture was abolished in the Seoul courts,
a concession was given to an American company to construct
a railway between Seoul and Chemulpo, Min Yong-whan
wasappointed special envoy to the coronation of the Czar, work
was begun on the American mining concession granted the
3^ear before, various schools were founded, and the outlook
on the whole was very bright indeed. It looked as if a
solution had been found for the difficulties that afflicted the
state and that an era of comparatively enlightened govern-
ment was opening.
For some time there had existed a niore or less secret or- •
ganization among the Koreans, the single article of whose
political creed was Independence both frorii China and Japan,
or in other words Korea for Koreans. Now that the King had
been relieved of Chinese suzerainty by the Japanese and of
Japanese restraint by himself, this little society under the
leadership of Dr. Philip Jaisohn blossomed out into what was
called The Independence Club The name but partially des-
cribed the society, for while it advocated the complete inde-
pendence of Korea it still more insistently advocated a liberal
government, in the shape of a genuine constitutional monar-
chy in which the royal prerogative should be largely curtailed
and the element of paternalism eliminated. At first the
greater stress was laid upon the general principle of Korean
Indepenence and to this the King in the jo> of his newly
found freedom heartily agreed. The royal sanction was given
to the Independence Club and it was launched upon a voyage
which had no haven, but ended in total shipwreck. This club,
society was composed of young men many of whom weredoubt-
less aroused for the time being to something like patriotic
3o8 KOKKAN HISTOKY.
fervor but who had had no practical experience of the rocky
road of Korean politics or of the obstacles which would be en-
countered. The cordiality of the King's recognition blinded
them to {he fact that the real object of their organiza-
tion, namely the definition of the royal prerogative, was one
that must eventually arouse first the suspicion and then the
open hostility of His Majesty and would become the slogan of
all that army of self-seekers who saw no chance for self-ag-
grandisement except in the immemorial spoils system. These
young men were armed with nothing but a laudable enthusi-
asm. The}" could command neither the aid of the Korean
army nor the advocacy of the older statesmen, all of whom
were either directly hostile to the movement or had learned
caution through connection with previous abortive attemptsto
stem the tide of official corruption. The purpose of thisclub, so
far as it knew its own mind, was a laudable one in theory but
the amount of persistency, courage, tact and self-restraint
necessary to carry the plan to a successful issue was so im-
mensely greater than they could possibly guess, that, con-
sidering the youth and inexperience of the personnel of the
society, the attempt was doomed to failure. They never clear-
ly formulated a constructive plan by which to build upon the
ruins of that system which they were bent upon destroying.
Even had they cleared the way to such construction they
could not have found a statesman in Korea of recognized
standing and prestige, to act as master-builder, whose previous
record would have made him acceptable to themselves or a fit
exponent of their principles.
On April 7th the first foreign newspaper was founded
by Dr. Philip Jaisohn. It was called T/ie //idepefi dent and was
partly in the native character. From the first it exerted a
powerful influence among the Koreans and was one of the main
factors which led to the formation of the Independence Club.
Both Japan and Russia were desirous of coming to an
understanding as to Korea and on May 14th there was pub-
lished the Waeber-Komura Agreement which was modified
ajid ratified later under the name of the Lobanoff-Yamata
Agreement. According to the terms of this convention both
Powers guaranteed to respect the independence of Korea and
not to send soldiers into the countr5' except by common consent.
MODKKN KOREA. 309
The Slimmer of 1896 saw great material improvements in
Seoul. The work of clearing out and widening the streets
was vigorously pushed and although much of the work was
done superficially some permanent improvement was effected,
and the "squatters" along the main streets were cleaned
out, it is hoped for all time. In July the concession for
building a railway betweeu Seoul and Wiju was given to a
French syndicate. From subsequent events it appears that
there was no fixed determination on the part of the French
to push this great engineering work to a finish but merely to
preempt the ground and prevent others from doing it.
Russian influence doubtless accomplished this, and
from that time there began to spring up the idea that Korea
would be divided into two spheres of influence, tUe Japanese
predominant in the south and the Russians in the north.
In spite of the favorable signs that appeared during the
early months of 1896 and the hopes which were entertained
that an era of genuine reform had been entered upon, the
coming of summer began to reveal the hollowness of such
hopes. The King himself was strongly conservative and
never looked with favor upon administrative changes which
tended to weaken his personal hold upon the finances of the
country and he chafed under the new order of things. In
this he was encouraged by many of the leading officials, who
saw in the establishment of liberal institutions the end of
their opportunities for personal power and aggrandisement.
The old order of things appealed to them too strongly and it
became evident that the government was rapidly lapsing into
its former condition of arbitrary and partisan control. Open
and violent opposition to such harmless innovations as the
wearing of foreign uniforms by the students of Foreign
Language Schools indicated too plainly the tendency of the
time and the Russian authorities did nothing to influence His
Majesty in the right direction. Judging from subsequent
events it was not Russia's policy to see an enlightened ad-
ministration in Seoul. The political plans of that Power
could be better advanced by a return to the status a7ite quo.
The act of the government in substituting an Independ-
ence Arch in place of the former gate, outside the West Gate,
which commemorated Chinese suzerainty, was looked upou,
3IO KDKK.'VK HISTORY.
and rig;htly, by the more thoughtful as being merely a super-
ficial demonstration which was based upon no deeper desire
than that of being free from all control or restraint except
such as personal inclination should dictate. The current was
setting toward a concentration of power rather than toward
a health. ul distribution of it, and thus those who had hailed
the vision of a new and rejuvenated state were compelled to
coufess that it was but a mirage.
Pressure was brought to bear upon the court to remove
from the Russian Legation, and it was high time that such a
move be made. As a matter of urgent necessity it was con-
sidered a not too great sacrifice of dignity to go to the Lega-
tion but to make it a permanent residence was out of the
question. The King was determined however, not to go back
to the palace from which he had fled. It held too many grue-
some memories. It was decided to build the Myung-ye
Palace in the midst of the Foreign Quarter with Legations
on three sides of it. The site selected was the same as that
wliich King Siin-jo used in 1593 when he returned from his
flight to the north before the armies of Hideyoshi. He had
lived here for some fourteen years while the Chang-dok
Palace was building. The present King however intended
it as a permanent residence, and building operations were be-
gun on a large scale, but it was not until February of the fol-
lowing year that His Majesty finally removed from the
Russian Legation to his new palace.
All during the latter half of 1896 the gulf between the
Independence party and the conservatives kept widening.
The latter grew more and more confident and the former
more and more determined. Dr. Jaisohn in his capacity of
adviser to the Council of State was blunt and outspoken in
his advice to His Majesty and it was apparent that the latter
listened with growing impatience to suggestions which, how-
ever excellent in themselves, found no response in his own
inclinations. The Minister of Education voiced the growing
sentiment of the retrogressive faction in a book called "The
Warp and Woof of Confucianism" in which such extreme
statements were made that several of the Foreign Represen-
tatives felt obliged to interfere and call him to account. A
Chief of Police was appointed who was violently anti-reform.
MODERN KOREA. 3II
The assassin of Kiiu Ok-kyun was given an important posi-
tion under the government. A man who had attempted the
life of Pak Yong-hyo was made Minister of Law, and on all
sides were heard contemptuous comments upon the "reform
nonsense" of the liberal faction. And yet in spite of this the
momentum of the reform movement though somewhat retarded
had by no means been completely stopped. The Summer
and Autumn of this year 1896 saw the promulgation of a
large number of edicts of a salutary nature, relating to the
more systematic collection of the national revenues, the re-
organization of gubernatorial and prefectural systems, the
definition of the powers and privileges of provincial officials,
the further regulation of the postal system, the definition of
the powers of the superintendents of trade in the open ports,
the abolition of illegal taxation and the establishment of
courts of law in the various provinces and in the open ports.
As many of these reforms survived the collapse of the liberal
party they must be set down as definite results which justify
the existence of that party and make its overthrow a matter
of keen regret to those who have at heart the best interests
of the country.
All this time Russian interests had been cared for
sedulously. The king remained in close touch with the
Legation and Col. Potiata and three other Russian officers
were put in charge of the Palace Guard, while Kim Hong-
uyuk, the erstwhile water-carrier, continued to absorb the
good things in the gift of His Majesty. And yet the Rus-
sians with all their power did not attempt to obstruct the
plans of the subjects of other Powers in Korea. Mr. Stripling,
a British subject, was made adviser to the Police Depart-
ment, a mining concession was granted to a German syndi-
cate; an American was put in charge of a Normal School,
Dr. Brown continued to direct the work of the Finance De-
partment and the work on the Seoul Chemulpo Railway was
pushed vigorously by an American syndicate. The Russians
held in their hands the power to put a stop to much of this,
but they appeared to be satisfied with holding the power
without exercising it.
312 KORKAN HISTORY.
Chapter XXIII.
Material reforms. .. growth of conservative feeling .. .Russian influ-
ence. . . .Mr. de Spe^-er. . . .his activity . . .attack on Dr. Brown . . .
England interposes. . .establishment of the Empire. . . .the Queen's
funeral. .. .opening of 1S9S ...Russians over-reach themselves
.... the death of Prince Ta-wi'm .... a paradox .... withdrawal of the
Russian employees.. .Independence Club beyond control....
abdication conspiracy. . . .Yun Chi-ho before the Emperor. . . .fall of
Kim Hong-nyuk . . .attempted regicide. . . .foreign body-guard . . .
Independent program. . . .popular meetings. . . .peddlars' guild ....
Independents ask to be arrested . . .more government concessions
. . .Independents arrested. . . .final overthrow of the Independence
party .
The first half of 1897 was characterized by three special
features in Korea. The first was a continuance of so-
called reforms, all of which were of a titilitarian character.
A gold mine concession was given to a German syndicate, a
Chinese Language Scliool and other schools were founded
and the difficult work of cleaning out the Peking Pass was
completed. It was announced that Chinnampo and Mokpo
would be opened to «^rade in the Autumn. The second
feature was the steady growth of the conservative element
which was eventually to resume complete control of the
government. As early as May of this year the editor of the
Korea7i Repository said with truth "The collapse is as com-
plete as it is pathetic. After the King came to the Russian
Legation the rush of the reform movement could not be
staj-ed at once nor even deflected. But soon there came the
inevitable reaction. Reforms came to be spoken of less and
less frequently. There was a decided movement backwards
toward the old, well-beaten paths. But it was impossible to
reestablish the old order of things entirely. We come then
to the period of the revision of laws. Shortly after the King
removed to the new palace an edict was put forth ordering
the appointment of a Commission for the Revision of the
Laws. This was received with satisfaction by the friends of
progress. This commission contained the names of many
prominent men such as Kim Pyung-si, Pak Chong-yang and
Yi Wan-yong as well as the names of Dr. Brown, General
Greathouse, Mr. Legendre and Dr. Jaisohn." But by the
MODHRN KOREA. 313
twelfth of April the whole thing was dropped and the strong
hopes of the friends of Korea were again dashed to the
ground. The third feature of this period is the growing
importance of Russian influence in Seoul. The training of
the Korean army had already been taken out of Japanese
hands and given to Russians and in August thirteen more
Russian military instructors were imported. It was plain
that Russia meant to carry out an active policy in Korea.
Russian admirals, including, Admiral Alexeietf, made fre-
quent visits to Seoul, and at last Russia made public avowal
of her purposes, when she removed Mr. Waeber, who had
served her so long and faithfullv here and sent Mr. A. de
Speyer to take his place. There was an immediate and
ominous change in the tone which Russia assumed. From
the very first de Speyer showed plainly that he was sent here
to impart a new vigor to Russo-Korean relations; ihat things
had been going too slow. It is probable that complaints had
been made because in spite of Russia's predominating influence
at the Korean Court concessions were being given to Americans,
Germans and others outside. De Speyer soon showed the
color of his instructions and began a course of brow-beating,
the futility of which must have surprised him. It was on
September 7th that he arrived, and within a month he had
begun operations so actively that he attracted the attention
of the world. In the first place he demanded a coaling
station at Fusan on Deer Island which commands the
entrance to the harbor. This was a blow aimed directly at
Japan and sure to be resented. It camv; to nothing. Then
Mr. Kir Alexeieff arrived from Russia, an agent of the
Finance Department in St, Petersburg. In the face of the
fact that Dr. Brown was Chief Commission-er of Custom and
Adviser to the Finance Department, Mr. Alexeieff was ap-
pointed by the Foreign Office as director of the Finance
Department. But the policy of bluff which de Speyer had
inaugurated was not a success ; he carried it so far that he
aroused the strong opposition of other Powers, notably V.ng-
land, and before the end of the year, after only three months
of incumbency, de Speyer was called away from Seoul, As
we shall see, the whole of his work was overthrown in the
following Spring,
314 KOREAN ITIRTORY.
But we iiinst retrace onr steps a little and record some
other interesting events that happened during the closing
months of iSqy. It was on October 17th that the King went
to the Imperial Altar and there was crowned ICmperor of Tai-
han. This had been some time in contemplation and as
Korea was free from foreign suzerainty she hastened, while
it was time, to declare herself an empire. This step was
recognized by the treaty powers within a short period and
so Korea took her place on an equality with China and
Japan.
On November 21st the funeral ceremony of the late
Queen was held. It was a most imposing pageant. The
funeral procession passed at night out of the city to the tomb
where elaborate preparations had been made, and a large num-
ber of foreigners assembled there to witness the obsequies.
The situation in Korea as the year 1S98 opened was
something as follows. The conservatives had things well
in hand and the Independence Club was passing on to its
final efiort and its final defeat. The work of such men as
Dr. Jaisohn was still tolerated but the King and the most in-
fluential officials chafed under the wholesome advice that
they received and it was evident that the first pretext would
be eagerly seized for terminating a situation that was getting
very awkward for both sides. The reactiofl was illustrated
in an attack on the hidefycndeyit by which the Korean postal
department refused to carrj' it in the mails. The Russian.^
had taken the bull by the horns and were finding that they
had undertaken more than they could carry through without
danger of serious complications. The Russian government
saw this and recalled de Speyer in time to pre.serve much of
their influence in Seoul. The Emperor, being now in his
own palace but with easy access to the Russian I_^gation,
seems to have lent his voice to the checking of the reform
propaganda and in this he was heartily seconded by bis lead-
ing ofiBcials. The most promising aspect of the situation was
the determined attitude of the British government relative to
the enforced retirement of Dr. Brown. When it becan7e evi-
dent that a sea reeh' concealed plan was on foot to oust British
and other foreigners in Korea, Great Britain by a single word
and by a concentration of war vessels at Chemulpo chaniged
MODKRN KORKA. ^iS
the whole program of the Russians; but as it appeared later
the Russian plans were only clianged, not abandoned. S>) the
year opened with things political in a very unsettled state.
Kverything was in transition. The Independents and the
Russians h;id some idea of what they wanted but seenietl to
be at sea as to the means for accomplishing it. The conser-
vatives alone sat still and held on. sure that in the long run
they would triumph even if they could not stop the march of
material progress in the cleaning of the streets and the build-
ing of railways.
February of 1898 saw the taking off of the most com-
manding figure in Korean public life during the nineteenth
century, in the person of Prince Ta-wfin the father of theEm-
perpor, formerly Regent, For almost forty years he had been
more or less intimately connected with the stiring events which
have marked the present reign. The things which specially
marked his career are (i) the Roman Catholic persecution of
1 866, (2) the determined oppostion to the opening of the
country to foreign intercourse, (3) the building of the K\oiig-
bok Palace, (4) the debasing of Korean currency, (5) the feud
with the Queen's party, (6) the temporary exile in China. (7)
the assassination of the Queen. Whatever may be said for or
against the Prince because of his policy he remains in the
minds of the people a strong, independent character, and
they cannot fail to admire the man even though they have to
condemn his policy. His adherents stood by him with splen-
did loyalty eveti in the hours of his disgrace, because he was in
some sen.se really great.
This time was characterized by curious inconsistencies.
At the same time that an edict was promulgated stati' g that
no more concessions would be granted to foreigners the Seoul
Fllectric Company was organized to construct atranjwayand
a lighting plant in Seoul. Material improvements continued
parallel with, but in the opposite direction from, the policy of
the Government. An agreement was even entered into with
an American firm for the construction of a system of water
works for Seoul at a cost of some seven million yen.
The failing hopes of the Independence Club drove it to
its final place, that of proiest. Memorials began to pour in
protesting against this and that. In February it complained
3l6 KoRKAN HISTORY.
of fi)reij?n control in Korea, directiiijj; the attack ai^j^areiitW
Upon the Russian pretentions: but if so it was unnecessary,
for by tile first of March the Russians decided that their posi-
tion was untenable or that a temporary withdrawal of pressure
from Seoul would facilitate operations iu other directions, and
so, under cover of a complaint as to the vacillatinjjj policy of
the Korean Government they proposed to remove Mr. Alex-
eieff from his uncomfortable position vis^a-vis Dr. Brown and
also take away all the military instructors. Perhaps they
W«re under the impression that this startling proposal would
frighten the Government into making protestations that would
increase Russian influence here, but if so they were dis-
appointed for the Government promptly accepted their pro-
position and dispensed with the services of these men. No
doubt the Government had come to look with some anxiety
Upon the growing influence of Russia here and with the same
oscillatory niotion as of yore made a strong move in the op-
posite direction when the opportunity came. The Korean
Government has been nearly as astute as Turkey in playing
oflf her "friends" against each other.
Just one month later April 12th N. Matuuine relieved
Mr.de Speyer, the Rnsso-Korean bank closed itsdoors, the Rus-
sian military and other officers took their departure and a very
strained situation was relieved for the time being. At about
the same time Dr. Jaisohn was paid off and left the country,
the management of the Independent falling into other hands.
This event was important as strowing the hopeless state into
which the Independence Club and all other friends of progress
had fallen. From this time on the tone of the club grew
steadily more petulant. The older men in it who saw that
the time was not ripe for reform withdrew and left the man-
agement of the club and the determination of its policy in
the hands of younger inen who had not the experience neces-
sary for the handling of such afifairs ; and although in Yun-
Chi-ho, the president of the Club, it had a clear-headed and
devoted man he was not able to control the young blood that
had begun to run with something too feverish a course in
the veins of the society. The excited state of the public
mind is proved by the fact that several other daily and weekly
periodicals sprang up, debating societies flourished and people
MODKKN KORKA. 317
bejjan to talk about things. The conservations laid all these
things up against the Independence Club and awaited their
time.
The summer of this year furnished Seoul with some ex-
citement in the shape, of a discovered conspiracy to force the
King to abdicate, place the Crown Prince on the throne and
institute a new era in Korean history. Ttie plot, if such it
may be called, was badly planned and deservedly fell through.
It was one of the foolish moves called out by the excitement
engendered in the Independence movement. An Kyung su,
ex-president of the Independence Club, was the party mainly
implicated and he saved himself only by promptly decamping
and putting himself into the hands of the Japanese.
About the same time the Independence Club came into
direct opposition to the Government in its strong protest against
the appointment of the conservative Cho Pyiing-sik to the
vice-presidency of the Council of State. The commotion, en-
gendered by this, resulted in Mr. Yun Chi-ho being called be-
fore the Emperor, where he made a strong appeal in favor of
the Independence Club and asserted the continued loyalty of
the club toward His Majesty. Unfortunalely he asserted that
the Emperor having sanctioned the founding of the club could
disband it merely by Imperial decrcf . For the time, this ap-
peal sufficed and the immediate object of the society was se-
cured, but the Emperor did not forget that he had it in his
power to dissolve the club by a single word. As a fact, the
mere sanction of the founding of the Club gave no more power
to dissolve it than the wedding ceremony which a clergyman
performs gives the right in future to dissolve that union.
There can be no doubt that from this time on the Emperor
was determined to eliminate this disturbing element at the
first opportunity. He had no sympathy with its platform,
one plank of which was the curtailment of the Imperial
prerogative.
August saw the fall of Kim Hong-nyuk, the former Rus-
sian interpreter, who ruffled it so proudly at Court on account
of his connection with the Russian Legation. For a year he
had a good time of it and amassed great wealth, but when
the Russians withdrew their influence in March of this year
Kim lost all his backing and thenceforward his doom was as
3l8 KOKKA KKVIKW.
sure as fate itself. The jj;eniiitie noblemen whose honors he
had filched were on his track and in August he was accused,
deposed and banished. This did not satisfy his enemies how-
ever, but an opportunity came when on September tenth an
attempt was nidde to posion the Kni.peror and the Crown
Prince. The attempt came near succeeding and in the in-
vestigation which followed one of the scullions deposed that
he had been instructed by a friend of Kim Hong-nyuk to
put something into the coffee. How Kim, away in banish-
ment, could have had anything to do with it would be hard
to tell. He may have conceived the plan but the verdict of a
calm and dispassionate mind must be that he probably knew
nothing about it at all. However, in such a case, someone
must suffer. The criminal must be found; and it is more than
probable that those who hated Kira Hong-nyuk thought he
would make an excellent scape-goat. He was tried, cou-
denined and executed.
AboUt the same time the Emperor came to the conclu-
sion that he would like to have a foreign body-gu.ird. C. R.
Greathouse was sent to Shanghai to find the material for this
guard. Thirty men were picked up, of various nationalities,
and they arrived in Seoul on September fifteenth. This
move caused intense excitement and opposition. The Inde-
pendence Club was in the fore-front of the protest that was
made. A dozen good arguments were adduced showing why
this should not be be done, and so unaminous was the senti-
ment that the lunperor yielded to popular clamor and dis-
missed the men, but this, again, cannot but have set the Em-
peror against the Independence Club, inasmuch as they had
been principally instrumental in thwarting a pet scheme of
his own.
The month of September witnessed better things than
these, howttver. The Japanese obtained their concession for
the Seoul-Fusan Railway, an event of great importance every
way and one that will mean much to Korea.
In September the Independence Club determined that it
would be well to put forward a program of work in place of
the merely destructive criticism which had for some time
characterized its policy. An appeal was made to the general
public to assemble, in order to suggest reforms. Whether
MODERN KOREA. 319
this was wise or uot is a question. A popular assembly in
Korea is hardh^ capable of coming to wise conclusions or to
participate in plans for constructive statesmanship. In ad-
dition to this an appeal to the people was inevitably constru-
ed by the conservatives as a desperate measure which invited
revolution. In a sense they were justfied in so thinking, for
the general populace of Korea never has risen in protest un-
less the evils under which they are suffering have driven
them to the last court of appeal, mob law. The move was in
the direction of democracy and no one can judge that the
people of Korea are ready for any such thing.
However this may be, a mass m.eeting was held at Chong-
no, to which representatives of all classes were called. The
following articles were formulated and presented to the
cabinet for imperial sanction.
(i) Neither officials nor people shall depend upon foreign
aid, but shall do their best to strengthen and uphold the Im-
perial power.
(2) All documents pertaining to foreign loans, the hiring
of foreign soldiers, the granting of concessions, &c., in fact
every document drawn up between the Korean government
and a foreign party or firm, shall be signed and sealed by all
the Ministers of State and the President of the Privy Council.
(3) Important offenders shall be punished only after
they have been given a public trial and ample opportunitj' to
defend themselves.
(4) To His Majesty shall belong the power to appoint
Ministers, but in case a majority of the cabinet disapproves
of the Emperor's nominee he shall uot be appointed.
(5) All sources of revenue and methods of raising taxes
shall be placed under the control of the Finance Department,
no other department or officer or corporation being allowed
to interfere therewith ; and the annual estimates and balances
shall be made public.
(6) The existing laws and regulations shall be enforced
without fear or favor.
It will be seen that several of these measures strike di-
rectly at powers which have been held for centuries by the King
himself and it cannot be supposed that His Majesty would
listen willingly to the voice of the common people when they
3-JO KOREAN HISTORY,
demanded such far-reaching innovations. The whole thing
was utterly distasteful to hitn.but the united voice of the peo-
ple is a serious matter. In such a country as Korea the
clearly announced statement of the common people as to their
wishes carries with it the implication that they have come to
the point where they are ready to make trouble if their de-
mauds are not complied with. The intensity of the popular
feeling was shown in the' general closing of shops and in the
attendance even of women upon the mass meetings. Tlie re-
actionists were seriously startled by these demonstrations, and
it became necessary to temporize. These demands were not
such as would involve any immediate changes ; they all look-
ed to the future. So it was an easy matter simply to comply
with the demands and waii for the public feeling to subside.
On the last day of vSeptember His Majesty ordered the carry-
ing out of these six propositions.
The trouble was that the conservatives felt that they had
not sufficient physical power to oppose a popular uprising.
The temporary concession was made with no idea of real com-
pliance, and "was immediately followed by measures for secur-
ing a counter demonstration. The instrument selected for
this purpose was the old-time Peddlar's Guild. This was a de-
funct institution, but the name survived, and the conserva-
tives used it to bring together a large number of men who
were read}' for any sort of work that would mean pay. These
were organized into a company whose dut}- it was to run
counter to all popular demonstrations like those which had just
been made. No sooner was this hireling band organized than
His Majesty, in pursuance of the hint dropped some months
before by the President of the Independence Club, ordered
the disbanding of the Club. From this time on the Inde-
pendence Club was no longer recognized bj'^ the Government
and was an illegal institution, by the ver}' terms of the un-
fortunate admission of its President that the Emperor could
at any time disband it by Imperial decree. Mr. Yun Chi-ho
had b}' this time come to see that the Club was running to
dangerous extremes and was likely to cause serious harm ;
and he and others worked with all their power to curb the
excitement and secure rational action on the part of the
members of the Club. But the time when such counsels.
s
fa
;^
'SI
fa
MOT)KRN KOREA. 321
could prevail had already passed. The Club knew that the
]>rii.eiplts it advocated were correct and it was angry at the
stubborn oppositii)n that it nit-t. It was ready to go to any
leui^tlis to secure its ends. Passion took the place of judg-
ment and the overthrow of the opposition loomed larger in
its view than the accomplishment of its rational ambitions.
Instead of dispersing in compliance with the Imperial
order the assembled Independents went in a body to the
Police Headquarters and asked to be arrested. This is a
peculiarly Korean mode of procedure, the idea being that if
put on trial they would be able to shame their adversaries;
and incidentally it embarrassed the adminstration, for the
prisons would not suffice to hold the multitude that clamored
for incarceration. The crowd was altogether too large and
too determined for the Peddlers to attack and another conces-
sion had to be made. The Independents, for it cm no longer
be called the Independent Club, offered to disperse on condi-
tion that they ht guaraiiteed freedom of speech. The
demand was immediately complied with; anything to disperse
that angry crowd which under proper leadership might at
any moment do more than make verbal demands. So on the
next day an Imperial decree granted the right of free speech.
This concession, likewise, was followed by a hurried musterof
all the peddlars and their more complete organization.
Backed by official aid and Imperial sanction they were pre-
pared to come to blows with the people who should assemble
for the purpose of making further demands upon the Emperor.
Shortly before ♦^his the Emperor had consented to the
proposition that the Independence Club should choose by
ballot from their own numb.::r twenty-five men who should
•sit in the Privy Council. Tliis council had for a time ex-
ercised some influence liuring the earlier months of Dr.
Jaisohn's residence in Seoul but it had lost all power and had
become a limbo to which were politely relegated those whom
the government did not care to use and j'«t was unwilling to
<lismiss. The edict of the Emperor disbanding the Club
•would be supposed to countermand this order for election, but
the ludependents themselves did not so view it, and the day
•set for the election was November 5th. The conservatives
5KJW dee-«ied themselves strong enough to try conclusions
32 2 KOKEAN HISTORY.
with the outlawed Club and before daylight of November 5th
seventeen of the leading men of the Independence Club were
arrested and lodged in jail, Mr. Yun, the president, nar-
rowly escaped arrest. It was afterwards ascertained that
the plan of the captors was to kill the president of the Club
before he could receive aid from the enraged people.
When morning came and the arrest became kuovvn the
city hummed like a bee-hive. A surging crowd was massed
in front of the Supreme Court demanding loudly the release
of the prisoners who had been accused, so the anonymous
placards announced, of conspiring to establish a republic I
Again the popular feeling was too strong for the courage of
the peddlar thugs and they remained in the back-ground.
The agitation continued all that day and the next, and the next,
until the authorities were either frightened into submission
or, deeming that they had shown the Independents a glimpse
of what they might expect, released the arrested men. But
the Independents, so far from being cowed, hailed this
as a vindication of their policy and attempted to follow up
the defeat of the conservatives by demanding the arrest and
punishment of the people who had played the trick upon the
Club. As these men were very prominent officials and had
the ear of the Emperor it was not possible to obtain the re-
dress demanded. So the month of November wore away in a
ferment of excitement. Popular meetings were frequent but
the crowd had not the determination to come to conclusions
with the government. The conservatives saw this and with
utmost nicety gauged the resisting power of the malcontents.
The offensive tactics of the latter were confined merely to
free speech and the conservatives determined to see what
they would do when on the defensive. Accordingly on the
morning of November 21st a band of ruffians, the so-called
peddlars, attacked the people who had gathered as usual to
discuss the stirring questions of the times. Weapons were
used and a number of people were injured. The Indepndents
had never contemplated the use of force, and this brotal as-
sault aroused the ire of the whole people, most of
whom bad not as yet taken sides. Serious hand to hand
fights occurred in various parts of the city arad the peddlars^
conscictts that even their most murderous attacks would be
MODERN KOREA. 323
condoned in high places, attempted to whip the people into
something like quietude.
On the 26th of November in the midst of this chaotic
state of things the Kmperor granted a great general audience
outside the great gate of the palace. The Independence
Club was there in force, and foreign representatives and a
large number of other foreign residents. It was a little
Runnyniede but with a different ending. Yun Chi-ho was
naturally the spokesman of the Independence party. He
made a manly and temperate statement of the position of his
constituents. He denounced the armed attacks of the ped-
dlars upon people who intended no violence but only desired
the fulfillment of solemnly made pledges. He called to ac-
count those who imputed to theludependeuce Club traitorous
designs. He urged that the legal existence of the Club
should be again established by Imperial decree and that the
six measures so definitely and distinctly promised by His
Majesty should be carried out. There was no possible
argument to oppose to these requests and the Emperor
promised to shape the policy of the government in line with
these suggestions. Again it was mere promise, made to tide
over an actual and present difficulty. The .Independence
people should have recognized this. The Emperor was sur-
rounded by men inimical to the reform program, they had
the police and the army back of them as well as the peddlars.
The Independence party had not a single prominent re-
presentative in any really responsible and influential gov-
ernment office. They simply had right and the precarious voice
of Korean popular feeling behind them. What was necessary
was a campaign of education. The program advocated was
one that could be carried out only under a government whose
personnel was at least approximately up to the standard of
that program. This could be claimed of only two or three
members of the Independence Club. Having secured this
public promise of His Majesty the club should have waited
patiently to see what would happen and if the promises were
not kept they should have waited and worked for a time
when public sentiment among the leading men would compel
reform. But as Mr. Yun himself confesses, "The popular
meetings had gone beyond the control of the Indepedeuce
324 KORKA HISTORY.
Club and in the face of strong advice to the contrry they
were resnnied on December 6th and their language became
careless and impudent. Oji the sixteenth of December the
Privy Council recommended the recall of PakYong hj'o from
Japan. The popular meeting had the imprudence to endorse
this action. The more conservative portion of the people
revolted against the very mention of the nam*:-. Suspicion
was excited that the popular agitations had been started in
the interests of Pak Yong-hyo and they instantly lost the
sympathy of the people." The enemies of the liberal party
had probably used this argument to its fullest extent, and
when it was seen that the Independence movement had at
last been deprived of its strongest support, the popular voice,
its enemies came down U])on it with crucl force. In spite of
voluble promises to the contrarj^ large numbers of the
reform party were arrested and thrown into prison; not, to
be sure, on the change of being members of this party, but
on trumped-up charges of various kinds, especially, that of
being accessory to the plan of bringing back Pak Yong-hyo.
And thus came to an end a political party whose aims were
of the highest character, whose methods were entirelj'^
peaceable but whose principles were so far in advance of the
times that from the very first there was no human probability
of success. But, as Mr. Yun Chi-ho said, though the party
dies the principles which it held will live and eventually
succeed.
The year 1899 opened with political matters in a more
quiet state than for some years past, owing to the violent re-
pression of the Independence Club and the liberal movement.
The judgment of the future will be that at this point Japan
made a serious mistake of omission. The aims and purposes
of the Independence party were directly in line with Japan-
ese interests here and if that powerful government had act-
ively interested itself in the success of the movement and had
taken it for granted that the plan was to be definitely carried
out the succeeding years would have made very different his-
tory than they did. But during all this time Japan seems to
have retired into comparative quietude, perhaps because she
saw the coming of her inevitable struggle with Russia and
was not willing to hasten matters by coming into premature
MOUKKN KOREA. 325
conflict with the northern power in Korea, pending the com-
pletion of her preparations for the supreme struggle.
Through all this period Russian influence was quietly at
work securing its hold upon the Korean Court and upon such
members of the government as it could win over. The gen-
eral populace was always suspicious of her, however, and al-
ways preferred the rougher hand of Japan to the soft but
heavy hand of Russia. The progress of the Russian plans was
illustrated when in January of 1899 a mission of the Greek
Church was established in Seoul. This suggests some re-
marks upon the general subject of mission work in Korea.
The Presbyterian Church of America had established work
here in 1S84: the Methodist Episcopal Church of America be-
gan work in 1S85; the Australian Presbyterian Church in
1889; The English Church Mission in 1890 ; the Southern
Presbyterian Church of America in 1892; the Southern
Methodist Church of America in 1 896 ; the Canadian Pres-
byterian Mission in 1898. Besides these there was indepen-
dent work under some smaller bodies including one Baptist
organization and one college mission. When the last year
of the 19th century opened these missions had all become
firmly established, and important centres of. mission work
were found all over the country, especially in Seoul, Che-
mulpo, Pyeng-yang, Fusati, Wonsan, Chun-ju, Kuusan,
Mokpo, Ta gu and Song-do. From the very first the Pro-
testant Missions adopted the principle of non-interferance
with political affairs and with the ordinary course of justice
in Korean courts. It has not always been possible to follow
this principle implicitly but the people have come to learn
that connection with a Protestant Christian Church will not
absolve them from their duties and obligations toward their
own government nor shield them from the results of mis-
conduct. It has been found that the Korean temperament
makes him easily accessible to the rational idealism of
Christianity. From the very first the form of Christianity
presented by the Protestant missionaries took hold of the
Korears with great pv'^wer and by the end of the first fifteen
years of work the various missions had some twenty thousand
adherents. The northern station of the Presbyterian Mis-
sion in Korea attained world-wide notice as being, so far
326 KORKAN HISTORY.
as hiitnan estimate can go. the most successful mission station
in the world ; and this not merely because of the number of
people received into Church connection but because of the
striking lesults obtained along the line of self support and
independent Christian work. Hospitals were established in
Seoul, Fusan, Wonsan, Pyeug-yang, T3-gu and Chemulpo,
and schools of various grades both for boys and girls were
established in almost every mission station. The work of
Bible translation was carried on steadily until by the end of
1899 the whole of the New Testament was put in the hands
of the people at least in tentative form. The Korean Re-
ligious Tract Society, established early in the last decade of
the century, did heroic work in putting forth Christian
literature of all kinds. Literary work was represented in
various grammars and manuals of Korean, several hymnals,
an unabridged dictionary and the publication of a monthly
magazine in English called The Korean Repository.
Before going forward into the new century we should
uote some of the more important material advances that
Korea had made. Railway concessions for some 600 miles
of track had been granted, half to Japanese and half to a
French syndicate; several new and important ports had been
opened, bringing the total number up to ten, inclusive of
Seoul and Pyeng-yang; mining concessions had been given
to Americans, English, Germans. French and Japanese, two
of which had proved at least reasonably successful ; timber
and whaling concessions had been given to Russians on the
east side of the peninsula and important fishing rights had
been given to the Japanese ; an attempt at a general system
of education had been made throughout the country and the
work of publishing text books was being pushed ; students
were sent abroad to acquire a finished education and
legations at all the most important political centers were
established; an attempt at a better currency had been
made, though it was vitiated by official corruption and the
operations of counterfeiters ; trade had steadily increased
and the imports and exports of Korea passed beyond the
negligeable stage ; an excellent postal system had been
inaugurated under foreign supervision, and Korea had en-
tered the Postal Union.
MODEKX K.ORKA. 327
Thus it will be seen that iu spite of all domestic political
complications and discouragements the country was making
definite advance along some lines. The leaven had begun
to work and no conservatism on the part of the public leaders
could stop the ferment.
The necrology of the closing year of the century con-
tains the names of Mr. Legender and Mr. Greathouse, the
latter of whom, as legal adviser to the government, did ex*
cellent work in his department and was recognized by his
employers as an able and efficient man in his official capacity.
Chapter XXIV.
Russian tactics . . .murder of An Kyiing-su . .the Boxer trou,bles. . . .
evidences of advancement .the career of Kim Yung- jin. .. .the
rise of Yi Yong-ik . . .his methods of collecting money. . . .sale of
Roze Island to Japanese. . . .attempt to remove J. McLeavy Brown
. .establishment of Greek Church Mission. . . .French interests in
Korea growing. . . .the French Loan . . . Yi Yong-ik makes a nickel
currency. .. . the famine of 1901 . . . the import of Annam rice. .. .
tension between Russia and Japan increasing. . . .material advances
of 1901. . . deterioration. . . .Buddhism on the increase. . . .the cen-
tralization of all power . . the use of special tax commissioners . . .
the Russo-Korean agreement about Masanpo . . .useless employees.
The return to Seoul of M. Pavlow on Jan. 15, 1900,
marked the definite beginning of that train of events which
led up to the declaration of war by the Japanese in 1904.
The Russians had been induced, two years previously, to re-
move the heavy pressure which they had brought to bear
upon the government, but it was only a change of method.
They were now to adopt a policy of pure intrigue and by
holding in power Koreans who were hostile to the Japanese
to harrass and injure Japanese interests in every way
possible.
At this same time we see a clear indication of the trend
of events in the return to Korea of An Kyung-su and Kwan
YiJng-jin, two of the best men that late years had developed
in Korea. They had been charged with connection with the
plot to compass the abdication of His Majesty, and had taken
328 KOREAN HISTORY.
refuge in Japan. Now on the promise of the government
that they should have a perfectly fair trial and on the
guarantee of protection by the Japanese they returned boldly
to Korea and presented themselves for trial. They were
strong men and they had to be reckoned with. They strong-
ly favored Japanese influence and the reforms that that in-
fluence was supposed to embody. In fact they were thor-
oughly in sympathy with the best motives of the defunct
Independence Club. An Kyung-su returned on January fif-
teenth and was held in detention until May sixteenth when
Kwan Yiing-jin returned. They were to stand a fair trial,
but on the night of the twenty-seventh of May they were
both strangled secretly in the prison. No more dastardly
crime ever stained the annals of this or any other govern-
ment. Induced to return on the promise of a fair trial they
were trapped and murdered. The reactionists looked upon
this as a signal victory, and indeed it was such, for it indi-
cated clearly that a man was not safe even when he had the
guarantee of the Japanese authorities. Nor would it be dif-
ficult to indicate the source from which the government
obtained the courage thus to flout the Japanese.
As the summer came on, all interest in things Korean
was held in suspension while the great uprising in China
swelled to such monstrous proportions and the investment of
Peking and the siege of the foreign legations there left the
world no time to care for or think of other things. There were
fears that the boxer movement would be contagious and that
it would spread to Korea. Indeed it was reported in the
middle of July that the infection had reached northern Korea ;
but fortunately this proved false.
In spite of the reactionary policy of ^he government
progress continued to be made on certain lines, just as the
momentum of a railway train cannot be checked the moment
the brakes are applied. A distinguished French legalist was
employed as adviser to the Law Department; mining conces-
sions were granted to British, French and Japanese syndi-
cates ; the Government Middle School was established ; the
Seoul-Chemulpo Railway was formally opened; A French
teacher was engaged to open a School of Mines; a represen-
tative was sent to the great Paris Exposition.
MOBKRN KORKA. 32g
This year 1900 was the heyday of al^othtT parz/en?/. iu the
person of Kim Yiiug-jun. He was a man without any back-
ing; except his own colossal effrontery. He had acquired in-
fluence by his ability to get together considerable sums of
money irrespective of the methods employed. Scores of
wealthy men were haled to prison on one pretext or another
and were released only upon the payment of a heavy
sum. He was a man of considerable force of character
but like so many adventurers in Korea he was lured by his
successes into a false feeling of security and he forgot that
the history of this country is full of just such cases and that
they inevitably end in violent death. Kven the fate of Kim
Hong-nyuk did not deter him, though his case was almost the
counterpart of that victim of his own overweening ambitious.
Against Kim Yung-jun was ranged the whole nobility of the
country who waited with what patience they could until his
power to extort money began to wane, and then fell upon him
like wolves upon a belated traveler at night. But it was not
until the opening of the new year 190 1 that he was deposed,
tried and killed in a most horrible manner. After excruciat-
ing tortures he was at last strangled to death.
But even as this act was perpetrated and the fate of all
•such adventurers was again illustrated, another man of the
same ilk was pressing to the fore. This was Yi Yong-ik,who
had once been the major domo of one of the high officials and
in that capacity had learned how to do all sorts of interesting,
if unscrupulous, things. He was prominent in a felonious
attempt to cheat the ginseng farmers of Song-do out of thou-
■sands, back in the eighties. He was an ignorant boor and
even when rolling in oppulence failed to make himself pre-
sentable in dress or manner. He was praised by some for his
■scorn of luxury and because he made no attempt to hoard
the money that he bled from the veins of the people. The
reason he did not hoard it was the same that makes the farmer
■sow his seed, that he may reap a hundred-fold. Yi Yong-ik
sowed his golden seed in fertile soil and it yielded him a
thousand fold.
One of his favorite methods of obtaining money for his
patron was to cause the arrest of shoals of former prefects
who for one cause or another had failed to turn into the public
330 KORKAN HI'^TORV,
treasury the complete amount nominally levied upoti their
respective districts. These arrears went back several years^
and many of them were far cause. Either famine or flood or
some other calamity had made it impossible for the people to
pay the entire amount of their taxes. There were many
cases, without doubt, in which it was right to demand the
money from the ex-prefects, for they had '*eaten" it them-
selves; but there were also many cases in which it was a
genuine hardship. Literally hundreds of men were haled
before a court and made to pay over large sums of money,
in default of which their property was seized as well as that of
their relatives. In exact proportion as the huge sums
thus extorted paved his way to favor in high places, in that
same proportion it drove the people to desperation. The
taking off of Kim YSng-jin, so far from warning this man,
only opened a larger door for the exercise of his peculiar
abilities, and it may be said that the ofl&cial career of Yi
Yong-ik began with the opening of 1901.
In March a Japanese resident of Chemulpo claimed to
have purchased the whole of Roze Island in the harbor of
Chemulpo, The matter made a great stir, for it was plain
that someone had assumed the responsibility of selling the
island to the Japanese. This was the signal for a sweeping
investigation which was so manipulated by powerful parties
that the real perpetrators of the outrage were desmissed as
guiltless, but a side-issue which arose in regard to certain
threatening letters that were sent to the foreign legations
was made a peg upon which to hang the .seizure, trial and ex-
ecution of Kim Y5ng-jun as before mentioned. Min Yung-
ju was the man who sold the island to the Japanese and he
finally had to put down Y35,ooo and buy it back,
Russia made steady advances toward her ultimate goal
during the year 1901, In the Spring some buildings in con-
nection with the palace were to be erected and the Chief
Commissioner of Customs, J, McLeavy Brown, C. M. G , was
ordered to vacate his house on the customs compound at
short notice. Soldiers even forced their way into his house.
This affront was a serious one and one that the Koreans
would never have dared to give had they not felt that they
had behind them a power that would see them through.
MODERN KORKA. 33^
The British nnthorities soon convinced the governnient that
such tactics could be easily met and it had to retreat with
some loss of dignity.
The Russian Church established itself in Seoul at this
time and took active steps to start a propaganda in Korea.
Considerable disturbance was caused in the vSouthern prov-
inces by Koreans who had become Russian subjects pretend-
ing to be agents of the Russian church and collecting from
the people large sums of money by intimidation. For
many months the Russians tried to induce the Koreans to
allow the Korean telegraph lines in the North-east to be
connected with the Russian line from Vladivostock. Why
this should not be done we cannot see but evidently the Ko-
reans considered it a national danger and, try as they might,
the Russians never really succeeded iu making the connection.
The Russians and French were naturally working to-
gether in the peninsula and when Russia adopted the
principle of withdrawing her military instructors from Korea
she so manipulated the wires that the government threw
many positions into the hands of the French. For the next
three years the French population of Seoul increased many-
fold. Many of the French gentlemen employed by the
government were thoroughly competent and rendered good
service but their presence tended to add to the tension be-
tween Japan and Russia, for it was quite plain that all their
influence would be thrown in the scale on Russia's side.
The attempt to loan the Korean Government ¥5,000,000 was
pushed with desperate vigor for many months by the French,
but divided counsels prevented the final consummation of the
loan and the French thus failed to secure the strong leverage
which a heavy loan always gives to the creditor. Yi Yong-
ik who had become more or less of a Russian tool was
pointedly acctised by the Japanese of being in favor of the
French loan but he vigorously denied it. It is generally
admitted that Yi Yong-ik was something of a mystery even
to his most intimate acquaintances and just how far he really
favored the Russian side will never be known, but it is cer-
tian that he assumed a more and more hostile attitude toward
the Japanese as the months went by, an attitude which
brought him into violent conflict with them, as we shall see.
332 , KORKAN HISTORY.
Vi Vont; ik posed as a master in finance, whatever else he
may or niaj' not have been, and in 1901 he began the minting of
the Korean nickel piece. No greater monetary disaster ever
overtook this country. Even the desperate measures taken
by the Regent thirty years before had not shaken the mone-
tary system as this did. The Regent introduced the wretch-
ed five-cash piece which did enormous harm but that five-
cash piece was of too small face value to be worth counter-
feiting. The nickel was the ideal coin to tempt the counter-
feiter, for its intrinsic value was not so great as to require the
employment of a large amount of capital and yet its face
value was sufficient to pay for the labor and time expended.
The effects of this departure will be noted in their place.
In the summer of 1901 Yi Youg-ik performed one act
that, in the eyes of the people, covered a multitude of other
sins. It was a year of great scarcity. The Korean farmers
raised barely enough grain for domestic consumption and iu
order to prevent this grain from being taken out of the coun-
try the government proclaimed an embargo on its export. In
spite of the fact that Japan was enjoying an unusually good
crop and did not really need the Korean product, ths Japan-
ese authorities, in the interest of the Japanese exporters in
Korea,, brought pressure to bear upon the Korean government
to raise the embargo, utterly regardless of the interests of the
Korean people. As it turned out however, the enhanced price
in Korea due to the famine and the cutting of a full crop iu
Japan prevented the export of rice. But Yi Yong-ik saw that
there would inevitably be a shortage in Seoul and with much
forethought he sent and imported a large amount of Anuam
rice and put it on the market at a price so reasonable that
the people were highly gratified. From that time on when-
ever the mistakes of Yi Yong-ik were cited there was
always someone to offer the extenuation of that Annam
rice. It was a most clever and successful appeal to popular
favor.
All through this year 1901 were heard the distant rum-
blings of that storm that was to break three years later.
Every movement of the Russians by land or sea was watched
with a fascinated attention and every proposition of the Japan- ^
ese was closely scrutinized. As a fact the war was already in
M()1>KKN KOKKA. 533
existence, only it had not been declared. Even then Japan-
ese agents were swarming all over Manchuria gaining exact
information of its geography and products and Japan was
hastening the preparation of her navy for the struggle that
she felt to be inevitable.
As the year igoi came to a close the tension was begin-
ning to be felt. People were asking how much longer Japan
would acquiesce in the insolent encroachments of Russia. But
the time was not yet. As for material advances the year had
seen not a few. Seoul had been stipplied with electric light.
The Seoul-Fusan Railway had been begun. Flans for the
Seoul- Wiju Railway had been drawn up. Mokpo had been
supplied with a splendid sea-wall. Building had gone on
apace in the capital and even a scheme for a system of water-
works for the city had been worked out and had received
the sanction of the government. Education had gone from
bad to worse and at one time when retrenchment seemed
necessary it was even suggested to close some of the schools,
but better counsels prevailed and this form of suicide was
rejected.
With the opening of the year 1902 there were several in-
dications that the general wor^/.? of the government was de-
teriorating The first was a very determined attempt to re-
vive the Buddhist cult. The Emperor consented to the es-
tablishment of a great central monastery for the whole coun-
try in the vicinity of Seoul, and in it was installed a Buddhist
High Priest in Chief who was to control the whole Buddhist
Church in the land. It was a ludicrous attempt, for Bud-
dhism in Korea is dead so far as any genuine influence is con-
cerned. Mixed with the native spirit- worship it has its mil-
lions of devotees, but so far as becoming a fashionable cult is
concerned nothing is more unlikely. But it has been the
case for over a thousand years that when things have gone
badh' in the government there has been a harking back to the
old Buddhist mummery, to fortune-tellers, geomancers and the
like, and the only significance of this attempt was to prove
that there was something "rotten in Denmark."
Another evidence was the constant and successful at-
tempt to centralize the power of the Goverr.ment in the hands
of the Emperor. The overthrow of the Independence Party,
334 KORKAN HISTORY.
whose main tenet was curtailment of the Imperial preroga-
tive, gave a new impulse to the enlargement of that prerogative
so that in the year 1901 we fitid almost all the government
business transacted in the Palace itself. The various min-
isters of state could do nothing on their own initiative.
Everything was centered in the throne and in two or three
favorites who stood near the throne. Of these Yi Yongik
was the most prominent.
A third evidence of deterioration was the methods adopt-
ed to fill the coffers of the Household treasury. The pre-
vious year had been a bad one. Out of a possible twelve
million dollars of revenue only seven million could be
collected. There was great distress all over the country and
the pinch was felt in the palace. vSpecial inspectors and
agents were therefore sent to the country armed with au-
thority from the Emperor to collect money for the House-
hold treasury. These men adopted any and every means to
accomplish their work and this added very materially to the
discontent of the people. The prefects were very loath to
forego a fraction of the taxation, because they saw how
previous prefects were being mulcted because of failure to
collect the full amount, and so between the prefect and the
special agents the people seemed to be promised a rather bad
tinie. In fact it caused such an outcry on every side that
the government at last reluctantly recalled the special
agents.
Early in the year the fact was made public that Korea
had entered into an agreertient with Russia whereby it was
guaranteed that no land at Masanpo or on the island of Ko-je
at its entrance should ever be sold or permanently leased to
any foreign Power. Russia had already secured a coaling
station there and it was generally understood, the world
over, that Russia had special interest in that remarkably
fine harbor. Avowedly this was merely for pacific purposes,
but the pains which Russia took to make a secret agreement
with Korea debarring other Powers from privileges similar to
those which she had acquired, naturally aroused the suspic-
ions of the Japanese and of the Koreans themselves, those of
them that had not been in the secret ; and this step, inimical
to Japan as it undoubtedly was, probably helped to hasten the
MODERN KOKEA. 335
final catastrophe. Meanwhile Russian subjects were taking
advantage of the influential position of their Government in
Seoul and through tninisteral influence some glass-makers,
iron-workers and weavers were employed by the Government
without the smallest probability' of their ever doing
anything iti any of these lines. In fact at about this time the
Government was indnced to take on quite a large number
of Russians and Russian sympathisers who never were able
to render any service whate^^er in lieu of their pay. In many
cases the most cursory investigation would have shown that
such would inevitably be the result. It is difficult to evade
the conclusion that the Government was deliberately
exploited.
It was in the spring of this year that the project began to
be seriously discussed in Japan of colonizing portions of
Korea with Japanese, and a society or company was formed
in Tokyo with this as its avowed purpose. This naturally
evoked a good deal of feeling in Korea where the Japanese
were not at the time enjo5Miig any considerable influence at
court. The fact then came out for the first time, and has
been further emphasized since, that the Korean, whatever he
n)ay feel for his Government, is passionately attached to the
soil.
But at this time another and a far greater surprise was in
store for the world. It was the announcement of a defensive
alliance between Japan and Great Britain. By the terms of
this agreement Japan and great Britain guaranteed to insure
the independence of Korea and the integrity of the Chinese
Empire. The tremendous influence of this historic document
was felt at once in every capital of Europe and in every cap-
ital, port and village of the Far East. It stung the lethargic
to life and it cansed the rashly enthusiaatic to stop and think.
There can be no manner of doubt that this alliance was one
of the necessary steps in preparing for the war which Japan
already foresaw on the hori/.on. It indicated clearly to Rus-
sia that her continued occupation of Manchuria and her con-
tinued encroachments upon Korea would be called in question
at some not distant day. But she was blind to the warning.
This convention bound Great Britain to aid Japan in defen-
sive operations and to work with her to the preservation of
336 KOKKAN HISTORY,
Korean independence and the integrity of China. It will be
seen, therefore, that Japan gave up once and for all any
thought that she might previously have had of impairing the
independence of this country and any move in that direction
would absolve Great Britain from all obligations due io the
signing of the agreement.
The year had but just begun when the operations of
counterfeiters of nickel coins became so flagrant as to demand
the attention of all who were interested in trade in the pen-
insula, Japan had most at stake and Russia had least, and
this explains why the Russian authorities applauded the work
of Yi Yong-ik and encouraged him to continue and increase
the issue of such coinage. In March matters had come to
such a pass that the foreign representatives, irrespective of
partisan lines, met and discussed ways and means for over-
coming the difficulty. After careful deliberation they framed
a set of recommendations which were sent to the Government.
These urged the discontinuance of this nickel coiaage, the
withdrawal from circulation of spurious coins and stringent
laws against counterfeiting. But this was of little or no
avail. The Government was making a five cent coin at a
ccst of less than two cents aud consequently the counterfeiters
with good tools could make as good a coin as the Government
aud still realize enormously on the operation. It was impos-
sible to detect the counterfeited coins, in many cases, and so
there was no possibility of withdrawing them from circulation.
The heavy drop in exchange was not due so much to the
counterfeiting as to the fact that the intrinsic value of the
coin was nothing like as much as the face value, and by an
immutable law of finance as well as of human nature it fell to
a ruinous discount. But even this would not have worked
havoc with trade if, having fallen, the discredited coinage
would stay fallen, but it had the curious trick of rising and
falling with such sudden fluctuations that business became a
mere gamble, and the heavy interests of Japanese and Chinese
merchants were nearlv at a standstill.
MODKRN KORKA. 337
Chapter XXV.
Tae Japanese Bank issus notes .. .Independence Club scare ...light-
houses... .Openinii of work on Seoul-Wiju R.R. .. .combination
aj<ainst Yi Yong-ik he is accused anil degraded . . rescued by
Russian guard. . . protest of the Japanese against his return . . . .Yi
Keun-t'ak Russian complacency ...Russian policy in the Far
East . . .contrast between Russia's and Japan's aims.
At this point the First Bank of Japan, called the Dai
Ichi Ginko, brought up a scheme for putting out an issue of
special bank notes that would not circulate outside of Korea.
Korea was importing much more than she exported and the
balance of trade being against her it was impossible to keep
Japanese paper in the country in sufficient quantities to carry
on ordinary' local trade. P'or this reason the bank received
the sanction of the Korean Government to put out this issue
of bank paper which could not be sent abroad but would be
extremely useful as a local currency. This was done and it
was found to work admirably. The Koreans had confidence
in this money and it circulated freely. It had two advantages
not enjoyed by any form of Korean currency, namely, it was
a stable currency and suffered no fluctuations and it was in
large enough denominations to make it possible to transfer a
thousand dollars from one man's pocket to that of another
without employing a string of pack-ponies to carry the
stuff.
But we must retrace our steps and note some other
events of interest that happened in the spring months. One
of these was the scare in government circles over the report-
ed revival of the Independence Club under the encourage-
ment of a so-called Korean Party in Tokyo, to which it was
believed some Korean political refugees belonged. A great
stir was made in Seoul and several men were arrested, but
there was no evidence that would pay sifting, and though it
was evident that the government would have been glad to
find a true bill against some of the men who were arrested it
was forced by lack of evidence to let them go. The inci-
dent was of importance only as showing the extreme sen-
sitiveness of the government on the point, and its determi-
33'*' KOREAN HISTORY.
nation, now that the Independence Partj' was down, to keep
it down.
The one important material improvement of the year
was the adoption of a plan for the building of some thirty
light-houses on the coast of Korea, Kver since the opening
np of foreign trade the lack of proper lights especially on the
western coast had been a matter of growing concern to
shipping companies. This concern was warranted by the
dangerous nature of the coast where high tides, a perfect net-
work of islands and oft-prevailing fogs made navigation a
most difficult and dangerous matter. The fact that light-
houses ought to have been built ten years ago does not de-
tract from the merit of those who at last took the matter in
hand and pushed it to an issue
The month of May witnessrd a spectacular event in the
ceremony of the formal opening of work on the Seoul-Wiju
Railway. The spirit was willing but the flesh was weak.
Neither French nor Russian money was forthcoming to push
the work, and so the Korean government was invited to fin-
ance the scheme. Yi Yong-ik was made president of the
company and if there had been a few thousand more ex-
prefects to mulct he might have raised enough money to
carry the road a few miles ; but it is much to be feared that
his financial abilitv, so tenderly touched upon by the Japan-
ese Minister in his speech on that "auspicious occasion," was
scarcely sufficient for the work, and the plan was not com-
pleted. There is much reason to believe that this whole
operation was mainly a scheme on the part of the Rus-
sians to preempt the ground in order to keep the Japanese
out.
As the year wore toward its close the usurpation of num-
erous offices b}' Yi Yong-ik and his assumption of complete
control in the palace bore its legitimate fruit in the intense
hatred of four-fifths of the entire official class. He was
looked upon as but one more victim destined to the same
fate which had overtaken Ktm Hong-nyuk and K'im Yung-
jun. But in his case the difficulties were much greater.
Yi Yong-ik had put away in some safe place an enormous
amount of Government money and he held it as a hostage
for his personal safety. Until that money was safely in the
MODERN KORHA. 339
Imperial treasury even the revenge would not be sweet
enough to make it worth the loss. Not only so but the
whole finances of the Hou.'-ehold were in his hands and his
suddei: taking off would leave the accounts in sucli shape
that no one could make them out, and enormous sums due
the department would be lost. Yi Yong-ik had fixed him-
self so that his life was better worth than his death however
much that might be desired. But the officiary at large cared
little for this. There was no doubt that the one person who
should accomplish the overthrow of the favorite and thus bring
embarrassment to the Imperial purse would suffer for it, but
Korean intrigue was quite capable of coping with a little
difficulty like this. The result must be brought about by a
combination so strong and so unaninious that no one would
ever know who the prime mover was. This at least is a
plausible theory and the only one that adequately explains
how and why the scheme miscarried. The whole course of
the intrigue is so characteristically Korean and includes so
many elements of guinune humor, in spite of its object, that
we will narrate it briefly. It must of course be understood
that the officials were keenly on the lookout for an oppor-
tunity to get the hated favorite on the hip and in such a
manner that even his financial value to the Emperor would
not avail him.
One day, while in conversation with Lady Om, the Em-
peror's favorite concubine who has been mistress of the palace
since the death of the Queen, Yi Yong-ik compared her to
Yang Kwi-bi a concubine of the last Emperor of the Tang
dynasty in China. He intended this as a compliment but as
his education is very limited he was not aware that he could
have said nothing more insulting.; for Kwi-bi by her meretri-
cious arts is believed to have brought about the destructiou
of the Tang dynasty. At the time Lady Om herself was
unaware that anything derogatory had been said and she
received the supposed compliment with complacency ; but
her nephew who was present, not understanding the
reference, went and asked someone else about it and learned
the truth of the matter. He doubtless knew that Yi Yong-
ik was not aware of his gaucherie and .so held his peace for a
time, but in some way the Prime Minister and the Foreign
^^O KORKAN THSTORY.
Minister heard a minor tliat sDiiiethin^ insulting had been
said. They called up the nepliew of Lady Oin and from him
learned the damning facts. Thi^y also knew well enough
that no insult had been intended but here was a 'case' to
be worked to its fullest capacity. The most sanguine could
not hope that the hated favorite would give them a better
hold upon him than this: for the position of Lady Om was
a very delicate one and there had been a dispute on for years
between the Emperor's counsellors as to the advisability of
raising her to the position of Empress. A word against her
was a most serious matter.
Everything was now ready for the grand coup and ou the
27th of Novenber fourteen of the highest officials memorialized
the throne declaring that Yi Yong ik was a traitor and must
be condemned and executed at once. His Majesty suggested
a little delay but on the evening of the same day the same
men presented a second memorial couched in still stronger
language, and they followed if up the next morning with a
third. To their urgent advice was added that of Lady Om
herself and of many other of the officials. A crowd of offic-
ials gathered at the palace gate and ou their knees awaited the
decision of the Emperor. There was not a single soul of all
that crowd but knew that the charge was a mere excuse and
5'et it was nominally valid. It was the will of that powerful
company against the will of the Emperor. The tension was
two great and His Majesty at last reluctantly consented, or
at least expressed consent ; but he 6rst ordered the accused
to be stripped of all his honors and to render all his accounts.
This was nominally as reasonable as was the charge against
the tnan. It was a case of "diamond cut diamond" in which
the astuteness of the Emperor won. The accusers could not
object to having the accused disgorge before being executed
but it was at this very point that they were foiled Yi Yong-
ik's accounts were purposely in such shape that it would
have taken a month to examine them, for he alone held the
key. Nothing can exceed the desperate coolness of the
man under the awful ordeal. At one point, just after the
acquiescence of the Emperor, the written sentence of death
is said to have gone forth but was recalled just as it was to
have gone out of the palace gates, after which there would
MOQEKn KOREA. 34^
have been no recall. No man ever escaped by a narrower
margin. When Yi Yong-ik presented his accounts the Em-
peror announced that it would take some days to straighten
matters out since the accused was the only man to unravel
the skein. Here was probably the crucial point in the intrigue.
If the white heat of the day before had been maintained and
the officials had demanded instant punishment, accounts or
no accounts, the thing would have been done, but as it hap-
pened the consciousness of having won relaxed the tension
to such a degree that the accused gained time. This time
was utilized by calling in a Russian guard and spiriting the
accused away to the Russian Legation. This accomplished
His Majesty suavely announced that the case would be con-
sidered, but that meanwhile the officials must disperse.
There were further memorials, resignations en masse, pas-
sionate recriminations until at last two or three officials who
had held their peace saw that the game was up and, in order
to curry favor themselves, offered a counter memorial charg-
ing Yi Yong-ik's accusers with indirection. This was
listened to and the Prime Minister was deprived of his offic-
ial rank. This made possible a compromise whereby both
Yi Yong-ik and the Prime Minister were restored to all their
former honors and all went "merry as a marriage bell."
But it was thought best to let Yi Yong-ik travel for his own
and his country's good, so he was made Commissioner to Buy
Annam Rice, which was itself a pretty piece of diplomacy
since it recalled prominently to the people the one phase of
the injured man's career which they could unhesitatingly
applaud. He was taken off in a Russian cruiser to Port
Arthur — to buy Annam rice!
When he returned to Seoul a few weeks later the Jap-
anese lodged a strong protest against his return to political
power but the Russian authorities made a counter-proposi-
tion urging that he was the only man capable of handling the
finances of the country. Under existing circumstances the
very protest of the Japanese was an argument in his favor
and he came back into power on the flood tide, backed, as he
had never been before, by the full favor of the Russian party.
They naturally expected substantial payment for having
saved him, and so far as he was able he liquidated the debt.
342 KORRAN HISTORY.
Mc-atuvhile another man, Vi Keun-tMk, had risen to
power through servile adherance to Russian interests. The
somewhat enigmatical character of Yi Yong-ik made him to
a certain extent an unknown quantity. f-JOt even the Jap-
anese considered hin wholly givenover to Russia ; but this new
man was definitely committed to Russian interests and with his
rise to important position it became evident for the first time
that the Korean Government had decided to rely upon Russia
and to reject the aid or the advice of Japan. The end of the
year Iy02 may be said to have been the approximate time
when Japan first realized that all hope of a peaceful solution
of the Korean problem was gone. One naturally asks why
Korea took this step, and, while we are still too near the
event to secure an entirely dispassionate estimate or opinion,
there seems to be little doubt that it was because Russia
made ro pretensions, and expessed no desire, to reform the
administration of the Government. She was perfectly content
to let things go along in the old way in the peninsula, know-
ing that this would constantly and increasingly jeopardize the
interests of Japan while she herself had practically no commer-
cial interests to suffer.
The immemorial policy of Russia in Asia suflficiently
accounts for her work in Korea. Her policy of gradual
absorption of native tribes has never held within its purview
the civilizing or the strengthening of those tribes, uncil they
have been gathered under her aegis. On the other hand,
until that has been accomplished she has either waited patient-
ly for the disintegration of the native tribes or has actually
aided in such disintegration. History shows no case in which
Russia has strengthened the hands of another people for the
sake of profiting by the larger market that would be opened
up; for until very recently the commercial side of the
question has scarcelj' been considered, and even now the
commercial interests of Russia depend upon an exclusive
market. So that in any case a dominant political influence
is the very first step in every move of Russia in the East.
Why then should Russia have advised administrative or
monetary or any other reform, since such action would in-
evitably form a bar to the success of her own ultimate
plans?
MODBRN KOREA. 343
The historian of the future, taking his stand above and
out of the smoke of battle, will take a dispassionate view of
the whole situation. He will mark the antecedents of these
two rival Powers, he will compare their domestic and foreign
policies, he will weigh the motives that impelled them, he
will mark the instruments wielded by each and the men
whom they employed as their intermediaries and agents.
Then and not till then will it be possible to tell whether the
present recorders of events are right in asserting that while
the policies of both Powers are essentially selfish the success
of Russia's policy involves the disintegration and national
ruin of the peoples she comes in contact with while the sue-
cess of Japan's policy demands the rehabilitation of the
Far East.
Much depended upon the attitude which Korea should
finally assume toward these two mutually antagonistic
policies. If she had sided with Japan and had shown a fixed
determination to resist the encroachments of Russia by adopt*
ing a policy of internal renovation which would enlist the in-
terest and command the admiration of the world, the present
war might have been indefinitely postponed. Whether it could
have been finally avoided would depend largely upon the
changes that are taking place in Russia herself where in
spite of all repressive agencies education and enlightenment
are filtering in and causing a gradual change. Here again
the future historian may be able to say with confidence that
it was better that the war came when it did in that it
confirmed Japan in her course of commercial, industrial and
intellectual expansion, guaranteed China against disintegra-
tion and opened the eyes of the Russians themselves to their
need of radical internal reform. And he may be able to say
that the temporary suspension of Korean autonomy was but
a small price to pay for these enormous benefits to the Far
East and to the world at large.
Chapter XXVI.
Return of Yi Yong-ik .... Attack on Japanese Bank. .. .Government
backs down. . . .Roman Catholic troubles in Whang-ha Province. . . .
trials at H»-ju . . . .difficulty settled . . . Korean students to be sent t«
344 KORKAN HrSTORY,
Russia The Russian timber concession Russia enters Yong-
anipo. . . .Korean prophecies. . . .Japan, England and America urge
the opening of Yonganipo. .. .Russia prevents it. ,. .Russians ex-
ceed Hniits of concession. . . .Japanese protest . . . Port Nichohis. . . .
Japanese suspend husine.'is in Seoul. .. ,Korean pawn brokers stop
business ..Legation guards ...government protest against theni
.... fears of popular uprising . . . native press incendiar\-. ,. .fears oi
trouble in the country. . .Foreigner threatened.
The year 1903 beheld the rapid culmination of the diffi-
sulties between Japan and Russia. It had already become
ahnost sure that war alone would cut the Gordian knot, a»d
if any more proof was necessary this year supplied it.
Yi Yong-ik in Port Arthur received assurance from the
Emperor that if he returned he would be giveu a powerful
guard, and in this he was doubtless seconded by the Russians-
who could use huii to better advantage in Seoul than in Port
Arthur. He tel-graphed for 15,000 bags of Aunam rice and
arrived in Chemulpo on the very day the rice came. It
formed a sort of peace offering which, in the temporary
scarcity, was very agreeable to the people. His return was
the signal for a vigorous attack upon Japanese interests.
On the eleventh of the preceding September the Acting
Minister of Foreign Affairs had issued an order prohibiting
the use of the Japanese bank notes, alleging that since they
were not government notes they were unsafe. Th\> was a
direct breach of faith, because as we have seen the Japanese
Bank had already obtained the full consent of the govern-
ment to issue and circulate these notes. It is almost incon-
ceivable that any man of ministerial rank would be so devoid
of ordinary common sense as to attempt such a thing as this.
Of course there was an instant and peremptory protest on the
part of the Japanese authorities and the government had to
stultify itself by taking it all back. The promise was made
that the governors of the provinces would be instructed to re-
move all objections to the circulation of the notes, but the
promise was never kept. Now on the seventeenth of Jan-
uary Yi Yong-ik, who had but just returned, made a fierce at-
tack upon the Japanese bank and a note was sent from the
Finance Department to that of Foreign Affairs demanding by
what right the latter had ventured to interfere in the finances of
MODKKN KOKIiA. 345
fhe country. ChoPyung-sik who had reinstated the Japanese
notes was dismissed from the Foreign Office and everything
fell into the hands of Yi Yong-ik. A few days later the Mayor
of Seoul posted a circular forbidding the use of these notes
on pain of severe punishment. This went all over the coun-
try and there was an immediate run on the bank, which was
tided over with the greatest difficulty. Of course the Jap-
anese were in a position to make reprisals, and after a little
pointed talk the bluster of the favorite subsided to a weak
whisper, and the authorities apologized in the most abject
manner. It should be noted that the Russians gave no help
to Yi Yong-ik when it came to the point of au actual breach
with Japan.
For some time there had been great unrest throughout
the province of Whang-hS owing to the lawless acts of the
Roman Catholic adherents there. The matter was brought
•clearly before the notice of the Government through American
Protestant missionaries because many of the Protestant native
Christians had been involved in those troubles and bad
been imprisoned, beaten, tortured and robbed by those who
were avowedly members of the Roman Church. A number
of these lawless acts were committed under the sign and
seal of the Church itself. When the matter became too
notorious to escape action on the part of the Government
a native official named Yi Eung-ik was appointed as a
special Commissioner to go to HS-ju, the capital the pro-
vince, and investigate the matter thoroughly. Foreign re-
presentatives of both the Roman Catholics and of the Pro-
testants were present and the trial was instituted in a per-
fectly fair and impartial manner. It was clear that the truth,
the whole truth and nothing but the truth was to be elicited
by this trial and after vain attempts to quash the indictment
one of the French Catholic priests left the place accompanied
and followed by a considerable number of those against
whom there were most serious charges. These people
gathered at a certain town and assumed a threatening at-
titude toward the Korean Government, but thougli all the
foreign Roman Catholic representatives refused to attend the
trial of the dozen or more of tlieir adherents who had been
arrested, the trial contnnu-d and charge after charge of the
346 KOKHAN HISTORY.
most grievous nature was proved, one man being convicted
of murder. During the trial various attempts were made to
discredit the Commissioner but before the end of the trials
his power was greatly increased. The result was to put an
end to the difficulties and though those responsible for the
outrages were never adequately punished it is probable that
the Korean Government sufficiently demonstrated its pur-
pose to deal with such matters in a strictly impartial manner.
The great preponderance of Russian influence was
manifested early in 1903 by the decision on the part of the
Government to send a number of young Koreans to Russia
to study, but when it came to the point of selecting the men
it was found that there was no desire on the part of the
students to go. This was due in part to the feeling that
Korean students abroad are not looked after very carefully
by the authorities and there are long delays in, if not complete
cessation of, transmission of money for their support.
Early in the year it transpired that the Russians had
obtained from the Korean Emperor a concession to cut
timber along the Yalu River. The thing was done secretly
and irregularly and the government never received a tithe of
the value of the concession. By this act the government
dispossessed itself of one of its finest sources of wealth and
sacrificed future millions for a few paltry thousand in hand, and
a promise to pay a share of the profits, though no provision was
made for giving the government an opportunity of watching
the work in its own interests. Soon after the Russians had
begun to work the concession they began to make advances
for the obtaining of harbor facilities in connection with it.
The port of Yongampo was decided upon and the Korean gov-
ernment was asked to allow the Russians the use of it for
this purpose. This created a very profound impression uponi
Japan and upon the world at large. It was felt that this was
giving Russia a foothold upon the soil of Korea, and Russia's
history shows that, oner gained, the point would never be
given up. The activity of Russia in the north gave rise to
the notion that Japanese influence was predominant in the
southern half of the peninsula and' Russian in' the northerts
half. This gave birth to all sorts of rumors among the Korean
people and the ancient books were ransacked for prophecies
MODERN KORKA. 347
that would fit the situation. One of these is worth repeating
since it illustrates very perfectly the Korean tendency to
consult some oracle in times of national peril. This partic-
ular prophecy is supposed to say that 'when white pine-trees
grow in Korea the northern half of the peninsula will go to
the Tartar and the southern half to the Shrimp." Japan, from
its shape, is said to resemble a shrimp, while Tartar covers the
Muscovite. The people interpreted the "white pines" to re-
fer to the telegraph poles ! And thus the prophecy was con-
sidered to mean that when Korea is opened to foreign inter-
course it will be divided between Russia and Japan It can-
not be said that this caused any considerable stir among the
people and its only value lies in the certain indication that it
afforded of the general unrest and suspicion among them.
As a whole the attitude of the Korean has always been
a rational and consistent one as between Russia and Japan.
He has a greater personal antipathy for the latter because
they have come into closer contact, but there is a mysterious
dread in his heart which warns him of the Russian. He will
never say which he would rather have in power here, but
always says, "I pray to be delivered from them both."
Japan began to urge upon the government the necessity
of opening Yongampo to foreign trade, but Russia, of course,
opposed this with all her powers of persuasion. Great Brit-
ain and the United States joined in urging the opening of
the port. The United Slates had already arranged for the
opening of the port of Antung just opposite Yongampo,
and for the sake of trade it was highly desirable that
a port on the Korean side of the Yalu should be opened. It
had no special reference to the Russian occupation of the
port, but as pressure was being brought to bear upon the gov-
ernment to throw open the port it was considered an oppor-
tune time to join forces in pushing for this desired end.
And it was more for the interest of Korea to do this than for
any of the powers that were urging it. Such an act would
have been a check to Russian aggression and would have
rendered nugatory any ulterior plan she miglit have as re-
gards Korea. But the Russian power in Seoul was too great.
It had not upheld the cause of Yi Yong-ik in vain, and the
government, while using very specious language, withstood
34S KORKAN HISTORY.
fcvery nttetnpt to secure the opening of the port. At last the
American Government modified its request and asked that
Wiju be opened, but to this Russia objected almost as strong-
ly as to the other. There can be little doubt that this un-
compromising attitude of Russia on the Korean border con-
firmed Japan in the position she had doubtlesss already as-
sumed. It was quite evident that the force of arms was the
only thing that would make Russia retire from Korean
soil.
All through the summer complaints came in from the
north that the Russians were working their own will along the
northern border and taking every advantage of the loose
language in which the agreement had been worded. Again
and again information came up to Seoul that the Ru.ssiau
agents were going outside the limits specified in the bond but
there was no one to check it. It was impossible to police the
territory encroched upon and there is reason to believe
that the Governmept chafed under the imposition. At least
the telegraph lines which the Russians erected entirely with-
out warrant were repeatedly torn down by emissaries of the
Government and apparently without check from the central
authorities.
In the Summer when the text of the proposed Agreement
between Russia and Korea anent Yongampo became public
the Japanese Government made a strong protest. She probably
knew thrt this was a mere form but she owed it to herself to
file a protest against such suicidal action on the part of Korea.
The insolence of the Russians swelled to the point of renam-
ing Yongampo Port Nicholas.
In October the Japanese merchants in Seoul and other
commercial centers began calling in all outstanding moneys,
with the evident expectation of war. All brokers and loan
a^sociatio^)s c'o-ed their accounts and refused to make furllKr
loans. It is more than probable that they had received the
hint that it might be well to suspend operations for the time
being. From this time until war was declared the people of
Korea waited in utmost suspense. Thes knew war only as a
Universal desolation. Tliey had no Tiotion of any of the com-
parative amenities of modern warfir:- or the immunities of
uoncombatants, War meant to them the breaking up of the
MODERN KOKKA. 349
very fonndations of society, and many a time the anxious in-
qniry w.is put as to whether the war would prob.ibly be
fought on Korean soil or in Manchuria. Once more Korea
found herself the "Slirinip lietween two whales" and doubly
afflicted in that whicliever one should win she would in all
probability form part of the booty of the victor.
The year 1404, which will be recorded in history as one of
the most momentous in all the annals of the Far East, opened
upon a very unsatisfactory state of things iu Korea. It had
become as certain as any future event can be that Japan and
Russia would soon be at swords points. The negotiations
between these two powers were being carried on in St. Peters-
burg and, as published later, were of the most unsatisfactory
nature. Japui was completing her arrangements for strik-
ing the blow which fell on February the ninth. Of course
these plans were not made public but there was conflict in the
very air and all men were bracitig themselves for the shock
that they felt must soon come. The action of Japanese money-
lenders in suspending operations was followed in January by
the Korean pawn brokers and at a season when such action
inflicted the greastest possible harm upon the poor people of
the capital, who find it impossible to live without temporarily
hypothecating a portion of their personal effects. This to-
gether with the excessive cold aroused a spirit of unrest
which ca*me near assuming dangerous proportions. Some of
the native papers were so unwise r.sto fan the embers b}' dilat-
ing upon the hard conditions under which the Koreans labor-
ed. Their sharpest comments were directed at the Govern-
ment but their tendency was to incite the populace against
foreigners.
All through the month the various foreign legations were
bringing in guards to protect their legations and their respec-
tive nationals and this very natural and entirely justifiable
action was resented by the Government. It protested time
and again against the presence of foreign troops, as if their
coming were in some way an insult to Korea. The officials
in charge theieby showed their utter incompetence to diag-
nose the situation correctly. It was well known that the
disaffection among the Korean troops in Seoul was great and
that the dangerous element known as the Peddlars Guild was
350 KORKAN HISTORY.
capable of atis' excesses. The uiifritndlv attitude of Yi
V()ti5i-ik and Vi Kenn-tiik towards western foreigjners. except-
inji Russians and French, together witli tlieir more or less
close connection with the Peddlars was sufficietit reason for
the precautionary measures that were adopted. But the na-
tive papers made matters worse by ridiculing both the gov-
ernment and the army. At one time there was considerable
solicitude on the part of foreigners, not lest the Korean pop-
ulace itself would break into open revolt but lest some vio-
lent faction would be encouraged by the authorities to make
trouble; so little confidence had they in the good sense of the
court fivorite It was fairly evident that in case of trouble
the Japanese would very soon hold the capital and it was
feared that the violently pro-Russian officials, despairing of
protection at the hands of Russia, would cause a general
insurrection, hoping in the ttimult to make good cheir escape.
It was ff^lt that great precautions should be taken by foreign-
ers not to giveany excuse for a popular uprising. The electric
cars diminished their speed so as to obviate the possibility of
any accident, for even the smallest casualty might form the
match while would set the people on fire.
But popular unrest was not confined to Seoul. A serious
movement was begun in the two southern provinces where, it
was reported, hundreds of the aJ7ifis or prefectural constables
were preparing to lead a formidable insurrection. The firm
hold that these men have upon the people made it not unlike-
ly that it would prove much more serious than the Tonghak
insurrection of 1894. From the north, as well, persistent
reports came of the banding together of the disaffected ;>eople,
and foreign residents in those parts afi&rmed that they had
never before seen such a state of affairs. One of them was
driven from a country village and threatened with death if he
should ever return. The Korean soldiers who formed the
garrison of Pyeng-yang joined the police in breaking into the
houses of wealthy natives and stealing money and goods.
The authorities remonstrated, but without effect. By the
twentieth of January the tension became so great in Seoul
that a considerable number of the wealthy natives began
removing there families and there valuables to the country.
About the 20th of January the report circulated that Russia
MOimKN KOKKA. 351
liad proposed that northern Korea be made a neutral zone
and that Japan exercise predominant influence in the south.
This was only an echo of the neg;otiations which were near-
ing the breikiii^ point in St Petersburg, and it confirmed
those who knew Japui in their opinion that war alone could
■settle the matter. On the following day the Korean Govern-
ment issued its proclamation of neutrality as between Russia
and Japan, This curious action, taken before any declaration
■of war or any act of hostility, was a pretty demonstration
■of Russian tactics. It was evident that in case of war Japan
would be the first in the field and Korea would naturally
te the road by which she would attack Russia. Therefore
while the two wer^ technically at peace with each other
Korea was evidently induced by Russia to put forth a
premature declaration of neutrality in order to anticipate
any use of Korean territory by Japanese troops. At the
lime this was done the Foreign Office was shorn of all real
power and was only the mouth-piece thro'Ugh which these
friends of Russia spoke in order to make their pronounce-
ments official. It was alreidy known that two of the most
powerful Koreans at court had strongly urged that Russia be
asked to send troops to guard the imperial palace in Seoul
and the Japanese were keenly on the lookout for evidences
■of bad faith in the matter of this declared neutrality. When,
therefore, they picked up a boat on the Yellow Sea a few
days later and found on it a Korean bearing a letter to Port
Arthur asking for troops, and that, while unofficial in form,
it came from the very officials who had promulgated the
■declaration of neutrality, it became abundantly clear that
the spirit of neutrality was non-existent. It must be left to the
future historian to declare whether the Japanese were justified
in impairing a declared neutrality that existed only in name
and under cover of which the Korean officials were proved to
beactinginaraanner distinctly hostileto the interests of Japan.
All through January the Japanese were busy making
military stations every fifteen miles between Fusan and
Seoul. All along the line small buildings were erected, suf-
ficiently large to house twenty or thirty men. On January
22nd Gen. Ijichi arrived in Seoul as military attach^ of the
Japanese Legation. The appointment of a man of such
352 KOKKAN ffl.STfJKV.
rank as this was most significant and should have aroused
the Russians to a realizing sense of their danger, but it did
not do so. Four days leter this general made a final appeal
tothe Korean Government, asking for some definite statement
as to its attitude toward Russia and Japan. The Foreign'
Ofl&ce answered that the government was entirely neutral.
Two days later the Japanese landed a large amount of barle3''
at the port of Kunsan, a few hours' run south of Chemulpo,
and a light railway of the EVecaiTville type was also landed
at the same place. On the 29tb all Korean students were
recalled from Japan.
On February the first the Russians appeared to be the
only ones who did not realize that trouble was brewing,
otherwise why should they have stored 1,500 tons of coal and
a quantity of barley in their godowus on Roze Island in
Chemulpo Harbor on the second of that mouth? On the
seventh the government received a dispatch from Wiju say-
ing that seveal thousand Russian troops were approaching
the border and that the Japanese merchants and others were
preparing to retire from that place. The same day the Foreign
Office sent to all the open ports ordering that n-ews should
be immediately telegraphed of any important movements.
^Qa the eighth day of February the Japanese posted
notices in Seoul and vicinity that what Japan was about tO'
do was dictated by m-otives of right and justice and that the
property and personal rights of Koreans would be respected.
Koreans were urged to report any cases of ill-treatment ta
the Japanese authorities and immediate justice was promised.
From this day the port of Chemulpo was practically blockad-
ed by the Japanese and only by their consent could vessels
enter or clear.
Having arrived at the point of actual rupture between
Japan and Russia, it is necessary before entering into any de^
tails of the struggle to indicate the precise bearing of it upon
Korea. Japan has always looked upon Korea as a land whose
political status and affinities are of vital interest to herself;
just as England once looked upon the Cinque ports, namely
as a possible base of hostile action, and therefore to be care-
fully watched. One of two things have therefore been deem.^
ed essential, either that Korea should be thoroughly indepen-
■MODERN KORKA. 353
dent or that she should be under a Japanese protectorate.
These two ideas have animated different parties in Japan,
and have led to occasional troubles. There is one radical fac-
tion which has consistently and persistently demanded that
Japan's suzerainty over Korea should be established and
maintained, and it was the unwillingness of the Japanese
authorities to adopt strong measures in the Peninsula which
led to the Satsuma Rebellion. Another large fraction of the
Japanese, of more moderate and rational view, are committed
to the policy of simply holding tothe independence of Korea,
arguing very rightly that if such independence is maintained
and the resources of the country are gradually developed Ja-
pan will reap all the material advantages of the situation
without shouldering the burden of the Korean administration
or meeting the violent opposition of the Koreans which such
a step would inevitably entail. It is this latter policy which
has prevailed and according to which Japan has attempted to
work during the past three decades. It is this which actuat-
ed her during the period of China's active c;laim to suzer-
ainty and finally caused the war of 1894 which finally settled
the question of Korea's independence. But following upon
this came the encroachments of Russia in Manchuria and the
adoption of a vigorous policy in Korea. Japan's efforts to
preserve the intrinsic autonomy of Korea were rendered
abortive partly through mistakes which her own representa-
tives and agents made but still more through the supineness
and venality of Korean officials. The subjects of the Czar at
the capital of Korea made use of the most corrupt officials at
court and through them opposed Japanese interests at every
point. Furthermore they made demands for exclusive rights
in different Korean ports and succeeded in encroaching upon
Korean sovereignty in Yongampo. The evident policy
of Russia was to supplant Japan in the peninsula, and no rea-
sonable person can fail to see that it was their ultimate plan
to add Korea to the map of Russia. The cause of the war
was, therefore, the necessity laid upon Japan of safe-guarding
her vital interests, nay her very existence, by checking the
encroachments of Russia upon Korean territory.
But before submitting the matter to the arbitrament of
the sword Japan exerted every effort to make Russia define
354 KORKAN HrSTORT.
ber intentions in the Far Kast. With a patience that ericitecf
the admiration of the world she kept plying Russia with per-
tinent questions until at last it was revealed that Rus^ia in-
tended to deal with Manchuria as she wished and would con-
cede Japanese interests in Southern Korea^ only and evetf
then only as Japan would engage not to act in that sphere
as Russia was acting in Manchuria.
All this time the Japanese people were clamoring for
war. They wanted to get at the throat of their manifest foe;,
but their Government, in a masterly way, held them in check,
kept its own secrets so inviolable as to astonish the most as-
tute diplomatists of the day, and at last, when the hour struck,^
she declared for war without having weakened the euthusiasmi
of her people and without giving occasion to adverse critics to
say that she had yielded to popular importunity. When she
communicated to Russia her irreducible minim-um one would
think that even the blind could see that war was certain tO'
follow soon. But even then, if there is any truth in direct
evidence, the great majority of the Russians laughed the
matter aside as impossible. The moderation and self-control
of Japan was counted to her for hesitation, sc that when the
moment for actiotr came and Japan sprang upon her like a
tigress robbed of her whelps, Russia cried aloud that she had
been wronged. It was on the morning of the seventh that
Baron Rosen's credentials had been handed back to him in
Tokyo. The evening before this the Japanese Minister had
left St, Petersburg This in itself was a declaration of war,,
but forty hours elapsed before Japan struck the first blow„
During those hours Russia had ample time in which to with-
draw her boats from Chemulpo even though the Japanese re-
fused to transmit telegrams to Seoul. A fast boat from Port
Arthur could easily have brought the message.
It was OH the sixth and seventh that reports circulated
in Seoul that the Jap-inese were landing large bodies of troops
at Kunsan or Asan or both. These rumors turned out to be
false, but beneath them was the fact that a fleet was ap-
proaching Chenmlpo. The questioti has been insistently
asked why the Russian Minister did not inform the com-
manders of these Rus'^ian vessels and see to it that they were
clear of frh.e harboc before these ru:mors were realized.. The
MODKRN KORKA. 355
answer as given is that the Russian Minister had no control
over these boats. They had their orders to remain in Che-
mulpo and they must stay. One would think that there would
beat least enough niporf between the civil and military (or
naval) authorities to use the one in forwarding the interests
of the other.
Even yet the Russians did not appreciate the seriousness
of the situation, but they decided that it was time to send
notice to their authorities in Port Arthur of what was rumor-
ed at Chemulpo. So the small gunboat Koryetz made ready
to move out. Her captain, Belaieff, proposed to the Russian
Consul that the Russian steamship Sungari, which was in
port, should go with the Koryetz and thus enjoy her protec-
tion, but the agent of the company which owned the steam-
ship strongly objected to her leaving the neutral port at such a
time. He evidently realized in part theacutenessof the situa-
tion. So the Sungari remained at her anchorage and the
Koryetz steamed out of port at two o'clock in the afternoon.
Now, the harbor of Chemulpo is a somewhat peculiar one, for
in one sense it is land-locked and in another it is not. It is
formed by isl-inds between which there are many openings to
the open sea, but most of these are so shallow that ships or
medium draught do not dare attempt them. There is but one
recognized entrance and that is from the southwest, or be-
tween that and the south. This entrance is several miles
wide and in the center of it lies Round Island. When the
Koryetz arrived at the exit of the harbor she suddenly found
herself surrounded by torpedo-boats. The only witnesses of
what occurred at this point are the Japanese and the Russians
and we can only give their accounts. The Russians say that
the Japanese launched four torpedoes at the Koryetz znA
when within ten feet of her side they sank. Another statement
is that a shot was fired on board the Koryetz but it was a
mere accident ! The Japanese claim that the Koryetz fired
first. If we try to weigh the probabilities it seems impos-
sible that the torpedoes of the Japanese should have missed
the Koryetz if the torpedo-boats were as near as the Rus-
sians claim. On the other hand the admission on the part of
a single Russian that the first gun was fired on the Koryetz,
even though by accident, is rather damaging, for it is more
35^ KORKAN HISTORY.
than singular that an accident should have happened at that
precise time. It is a tax on the credulity of the public to
give this lame excuse.
In any case it makes little difference who began the
firing. The Japanese had already seized the Russian steamer
Mukden in the harbor of Fusan and the war had begun.
The Japanese doubtless held with Polonius, that if it is neces-
sary to fight the man who strikes first and hardest wiU have
the advantage." The Koryctz turned back to her anchorage
and the Russians became aware of the extreme precariousness
of their position. Whatever attitude one may take toward the
geueral situation it is impossible not to extend a large degree
of sympathy to these Russians personally. Through no
fault of their own they were trapped in the harbor and found
too late that they must engage in a hopeless fight in order
to uphold the honor of the Russian flag. But even yet it
was not sure that the neutrality of the port would be ignored
by the Japanese. Lying at anchor among neutral vessels in
a neutral harbor, there was more or less reason to believe
that they were safe for the time being.
About four o'clock in the afternoon of February eighth,
which fell on Monday, three Japanese transports entered
Chemulpo harbor from the south, convoyed by cruisers and
torpedo-boats. They seemingly took no notice of the two
Russian boats lying at anchor and were evidently sure that
the Russians would not fire upon the tansports. It would be
interesting to know whether the Japanese were relying upon
the declared neutrality of the port in thus venturing or
whether they felt sure that their own superior strength would
keep the Russians still, or whether, again, they were certain
that the Russians had orders not to fire the first gun. But it
is bootless to ask questions that can never be answered. Here
is where the assailant has the advantage. He can choose the
time and method of his attack. We may surmise that had
the Russians divined the intentions of the Japanese and had
foreseen the outcome they would have acted differently, but
divination of Japanese intentions does not seem to be Russia's
strong point.
As soon as the Japanese came to anchor preparations
were made for the immediate landing of the troops, and the
.MODKKN KOREA. 357
cruisers and torpedo-boats, that had convoyed them in, left
tlie port and joined the fleet outside. This fleet consisted of
six cruisers and several torpedo-boats. The Asama and the
Chiyoda were the most powerful of the cruisers, the former
being nearl}^ half as large again as the Variak.
Night came on, and throughout its long hours the Jap-
anese troops, by the light of huge fires burning on the jetty,
were lauded and marched up into the town. When morning
came everyone was in a state of expectancy. If there was a
Japanese fleet 'outside they doubtless had other work on
hand than sim])ly watching two Russian boats. Nor could
they leave them behind, for one of them was Russia's fastest
cruiser and might steam out of the harbor at any time and
destroy Japanese transports. Knowing, as we do now, that
an immediate attack on Port Arthur had been decided upon
we see it was impossible to leave these Russian boats in the
rear. Japan had nevet recognized the nuetrality of Korea,
for she knew that the declaration was merely a Russian move
to embarrass her, and she never hesitated a moment to break
the thin shell of pretense.
About ten o'clock a sealed letter was handed to Captain
Rudnieff of the l^ariak. It was from the Japanese Admiral
and had been sent through the Russian Consulate It was
delivered on board the Variak by the hand of Mr.N. Krell, a
Russian resident of the port. This letter informed the Rus-
sian commander that unless both Russian boats should leave
the anchorage and steam out of the bay before twelve o'clock
the Japanese would come in at four o'clock and attack them
where they lay. Captain Rudnieff immediately communicat-
ed the startling intelligence to Captain Belaieff of the Koryetz
and to the commanders of the British, American, French
and Italian war-vessels. We are informed that a conference
of the various commanders took place and that the Russians
were advised to He where they were. The British com-
mander was deputed to confer with the Japanese. This was
done by signal and it is said a protest was made against the
proposed violation of neutrality of the port, and that the
neutral boats refused to shift their anchorage. But all com-
plications of this nature were avoided by the determination
of the Russians to accept the challenge. This they deemed
35^ KOKKAN HISTOKV,
to be du« tlieir flag. It is not improbable that they now fore-
saw that the neutrality of the port would not avail them
against the enemy. By remaining at anchor they could
only succeed in involving France, Italy, Great Britain and
the United States, and there would be sure to be those who
would charge the Russians with cowardice. If this was to
begin the war it must at least prove the dauntless courage of
the servants of the Czar. So the commander of the Variak
ordered the decks cleared for action. It has been stated that
he would have preferred to have the Koryetz stay at her
anchorage, for by a quick dash it was just possible that the
swift Variak alone might be able to evade the Japanese
and run the gauntlet successfully. But the commander
of the Koryetz refused to listen to any such proposition.
If the only honor to be g itten out of the affair was by a
desperate attack he was not going to forego his share of
it. He would go out and sink with the Variak. So the
Koryetz also cleared for action. It was done in such haste
that all moveables that were unnecessary were thrown over-
board, a topmast that would not come down in the usual
manner was hewn down with an axe and by half past eleven
the two vessels were ready to go out to their doom. It was
an almost hopeless task — an entirely hopeless one unless the
Japanese should change their minds or should make some
grave mistake, and neither of these things was at all probable.
The Russians were going to certain destruction. Some call
it rashness, not bravery, but they say not well. The boats
were doomed in any case and it was the duty of their officers
and crews to go forth and in dying inflict what injury they
could upon the enemy. To go into battle with chances equal
is the act of a brave man, but to walk into the jaws of death
with nothing but defeat in prospect is the act of a hero, and
the Japanese would be the last to detract from the noble re-
cord that the Russians made. Time has not yet lent its
glamor to this event, we are two near it to see it in proper
proportions, but if the six hundred heroes of Balaclava, veter-
ans of many a fight, gained undying honor for the desperate
charge they made how shall not the future crown these men
who. having never been in action before, made such a gal-
lant dash at the foe?
MODERN KORKA. 359
Chapter XXVII.
The Rattle of Chemulpo ...Russian survivors on neutral boats....
Blowing up of the Koryetz. . . sinking of the Variak Russians
leave Korea ....hospital in Chemulpo. .. .skirmish at Pyeng Yang
. Korean Japanese Protocol . . .end of Peddlar's Guild. . . .Mar-
quis Ito . Yi Yimg Ik retires. . . .Japanese conservative policy in
Korea . . skirmish at Chong-ju . . . .suffering of Koreans in north
. . . apathy of Korean Government. . . .burning of palace in Seoul
.... Korean currenc}'.
It was a cloudless but hazv day and from the atichorag^e
the Japanese fleet was all but invisible, for it lay at least
eight miles out in the entrance of the harbor and partly
concealed b}' Round Island which splits the offing: into two
channels. The two boats made straight for the more easter-
ly of the channels, their course being a very little west of
south. When they had proceeded about half the distance
from the anchorage to the enemy's fleet the latter threw a
shot across the bows of each of the Russian boats as a com-
mand to stop and surrender, but the Russians took no notice
of it. The only chance the Russians had to inflict any
damage was to reduce the firing range as much as possible
for the Variak' s guns were only six inches and four-tenths
in caliber and at long range they would have been useless. This
was at five minutes before noon. The Japanese fleet was not
deployed in a line facing the approaching boats and it was
apparent that they did not intend to bring their whole force
to bear upon the Russians simultaneously. We are inform-
ed that only two of the Japanese vessels, the Asama and the
Chiyoda, did the work. It was not long after the warning
shots had been fired that the Japanese let loose and the roar
that went up from those terrible machines of destruction tore
the quiet of the windless bay to tatters and made the houses
of the town tremble where they stood. As the Variak
advanced she swerved to the eastward and gave the Japanese
her starboard broadside. All about her the sea was lashed
into foam by striking shot and almost from the beginning of the
360 KOKKAN HISTORY.
fight her steering-gear was shot away so that she had to
depend on her engines alone tor steering. It became evi-
dent to her commander that the passage was impossible.
He had pushed eastward until there was imminent danger
of running aground. So he turned again toward the west
and came around in a curve which brought the Variak much
nearer to the Japanese. It was at this time that the deadly
work was done upon her. Ten of her twelve gun-captains
were shot away. A shell struck her fo'castle, passed between
the arm and body of a gunner who had his hand upon his
hip and, bursting, killed every other man on the fo'castle.
Both bridges were destroyed by bursting shell and the Captain
was seriously wounded in the left arm. The watchers on
shore and on the shipping in the harbor saw flames bursting
out from her quarter-deck and one witness plainly saw shells
drop just beside her and burst beneath the water line. It
was these shots that did the real damage for when, after three
quarters of an hour of steady fighting, she turned her prow
back toward the anchorage it was seen that she had a heavy
list to port which could have been caused only by serious
damage below the water-line. As the two boats came slowly
back to port, the Variak so crippled by the destruction of
one of her engines that she could make only ten knots an
hour, the Japanese boats followed, pouring in a galling fire,
until the Russians had almost reached the anchorage. Then
the pursuers drew back and the battle was over. The
Koryetz was intact. The Japanese had reserved all their fire
for the larger vessel. The Variak was useless as a fighting
machine, for her heavy list to port would probably have
made it impossible to traiu the guns on the enemy, but all
knew that the end had not yet come. The Russians had
neither sunk nor surrendered. The threat of the Japanese
to come in at four o'clock was still active. As soon as the
Variak dropped anchor the British sent off four hospital
boats to her with a surgeon and a nurse. Other vessels also
sent offers of aid. But it was found that the Russians had
decided to lie at anchor and fight to the bitter end and at
the last moment blow up their vessels with all ou board.
What else was there for them to do? They would not sur-
render and they could not leave their ships and go ashore
MODHRN KOREA. 3^1
only to be captured by the enemy. They would play out the
tragedy to a finish and go down fighting. Upon learning
of this determination the commanders of the various neu-
tral vessels held another conference at which it was decided
that the Russians had done all that was necessary to vindi-
cate the honor of their flag and that, as it was a neutral port,
the survivors should be invited to seek asylum on the neu-
tral vessels. The invitation was accepted and the sixty-four
wounded on board the Variak were at once transferred to
the British cruiser Ta/bol and the French curiser Pascal. As
the commanders of the neutral vessels knew that the Variak
and Koryetz were to be sunk by the Russians they paid no
particular attention to the reiterated statement of the Jap-
anese that they would enter the harbor at four and finish the
work already begun. The passengers, crew and mails on
board the steamship Sungari had already been transferred to
the Pascal and an attempt had been made to scuttle her but
she was filling very slowly indeed. It was about half-past
three in the afternoon that the officers and crew of the
Koryetz went over the side and on board the Pascal. A train
had been laid by which she would be blown up and it is sup-
posed that she was entirely abandoned, but some spectators
assert that thej' saw several men on the forward deck an in-
stant before the explosion took place.
It was generally known throughout the town that the
Koryetz would be blown up before four o'clock and everyone
sought some point of vantage from which to witness the
spectacle. Scores of people went out to the little island on
which the light-house stands, for this was nearest to the
doomed ship. It was thirty-seven minutes past three when
the waiting multitude saw two blinding flashes of light one
following the other in quick succession. A terrific report
followed which dwarfed the roar of cannon to a whisper and
shook every house in the town as if it had been struck by a
solid rock. The window-fastenings of one house at least
were torn off, so great was the concussion. An enormous
cloud of smoke and debris shot toward the sky and at the
same time enveloped the spot where the vessel had lain. A
moment later there began a veritable shower of splintered
wood, torn and twisted railing, books, clothes, rope, utensils
362 KOREAN HISTORY.
and a huiuirtd other belongings of the ship. Tlie cloud of
smoke expanded in the upper air and blotted out the sun like
an eclipse. The srtartled gulls flew hither and thither as if
dazed by this unheard of phenomenon and njen instinctively
raised their hands to protect themselves from the falling
debris, pieces of which were drifted by the upper currents
of air for a distance of three miles landward where they feli
by the hundreds in peoples' yards.
When the smoke was dissipated it was discovered that
the Koryetz had sunk, only her funnel and some torn rigging
appearing above the surface, if we except her forward steel
deck which the force of the explosion had bent up from the
prow so that the point of it, like the share of a huge plow,
stood several feet out of waiter. The surface of the bay all
about the spot was covered thickly with smoking debris and
several of the ship's bcxats were floating abmit intact upon
the water.
The Variak was left to sink where she lay. The forty-
one dead on board were placed together in a cabin and went
down with her. She burned on till evening and then inclin-
ing more and more to port her funnels finally touched the
water and with a surging, choking groan as of some great
animal in paiu she sank. As the water reached the fires a
cloud of steam went up which illuminated by the last flash of
the fire formed her signal of farewell.
It was arranged that the British and the French boatjr
should carry the Russians to a neutral port aud guarantee
their parole until the end of the war.
This wholly unexpected annihilation of the Russiar*
boats naturally caused consteriiation among the Russians of
Chemulpo and Seoul. The Russian Consulate was surround-
ed by the Japanese troops and the Consul was held practically
a prisoner. The Japanese Minister in Seoul suggested to the
Russian Minister through the French Legation the advisa-
bility of his removing from Seoul with his nationals, and
every facility was given him for doing this with expedition
and with comfort. A few days later all the Russians were
taken by special train to Chemulpo, and there, beiny joined
by the Russian subjects in Chemulpo, they all went on board
the Pascal. This vessel must have been crowded, for it i&
MODKRN KOREA. 3^3
said that when she sailed she had onboard six hundred Rus-
sians, both civilians and military men.
Twenty-four of the most desperately wounded men on
board the neutral ships were sent ashore and placed in the
Provisional Red Cross Hospital. For this purpose the Eng-
lish Church Mission kindly put at the disposal of the Japan-
ese their hospital at Chemulpo. Several of these wounded
men were suffering from gangrene when they came ofif the
PascalhwX. with the most sedulous care the Japanese physi-
cians and nurses pulled them through.
After this battle at Chemulpo there was no more ques-
tion about landing Korean troops further down the coast ; in
fact as soon as the ice was out of the Tadong River, Chinnam-
po became the point of disembarkation. But meanwhile the
troops which had landed at Chemulpo were pushing north by
land as rapidly as circumstances would permit and within a
few weeks of the beginning of the war Pyeng-yang was held
by a strong force of Japanese. At the same time work was
pushed rapidly on the Seoul-Fusan Railway and also begun
on the projected railway line between Seoul and Wiju.
Asfor the Russians they never seriously invaded Korean
territory. Bands of Cossacks crossed the Yalu and scoured
the country right and left but their only serious purpose was
to keep in touch with the enemy and report as to their move-
ments. On February 28 a small band of Cossacks approach-
ed the north gate of Pyeng Yang and after exchanging a few
shots with the Japanese guard withdrew. This was the first
point at which the two belligerents came in touch with each
other.
It was on the night of February 23rd that Korea signed
with Japan a protocol by the terms of which Korea practical-
ly allied herself with Japan and became, as it were, a silent
partner in the war. Korea granted the Japanese the right to
tise Korea as a road to Manchuria and engaged to give them
every possible facility for prosecuting the war. On the other
hand Japan guaranteed the independence of Korea and the
safety of the Imperial Family. It is needless to discuss the
degree of spontaneity with which Korea did this. It was a
case of necessity, but if rightly used it might have y)roved of
immense benefit to Korea, as it surely did to Japan. It
364 KOREAN HISTORY.
forniall)- did away with the tnipty luisk of neutrality which
had bfen proclaimed, and made every seaport of the peninsula
belligerent territory, even as it did the land itself.
March saw the end of the Peddlars Guild. They had
been or^janized in Russian interests but now they had no
longer any raison d'etre. As a final flurry, one of their num-
ber entered the house of the Foreign Minister with the in-
tent to murder him, but did not find his victim. Other similar
attempts were made but did not succed.
The Japanese handled the situation in Seoul with great
circumspection. The notion that they would attack the pro-
Russian ofi&cials proved false. Everything was kept quiet
and the perturbation into which the court and the govern-
ment were thrown by these startling events was soon soothed.
Marquis Ito was sent from Japan with a friendly mes-
sage to the Emperor of Korea and this did much to quiet the
unsettled state of things in Korea. At about the same time
the northern ports of Wiju and Yongampo were opened to
foreign trade. This was a natural result of the withdrawal
of Russian influence. It was not long before Yi Yong-ik
who had played such a leading role in Korea was invited to
go to Japan and thus an element of unrest was removed from
the field of action. It was believed that the Japanese would
immediately introduce much needed reform?, but it seemed to
be their policy to go very slowly, so slowly in fact that the
better element among the Koreans was disappointed, and got
the impression that Japan was not particularly interested
in the matter of reform. It is probable that the en-
ergies of the Japanese were too much engaged jn other direc-
lians to divert any to Korea at the time. They had been
complaining bitterly about the monetary conditions, but when
they suddenly stepped into power in Seoul on February 9th
they seemed to forget all about this, for up to the end of 1904
they failed to do anything to correct the vagaries of Korean
finance. But instead of this the Japanese merchants in Ko-
rea and other Japanese who were here for other reasons than
their health immediately began to make requests and de-
tiiands for all sorts of privileges. The Board of Trade in
Fusan asked the Japanese government to .secure the Maritime
Customs service, permission for extra territorial privileges,
MODKKN KOKKA. 365
the establishment of Japanese agricultural stations and other
impossible things.
Meanwhile the Japanese were steadily pushing north.
At Anju a slight skirmish occurred but there was nothing
that could be called a fight until the Japanese reached the
town of Choiig ju where a small body of Russians took a
stand on a hill northwest of the town and held it for three
hours, but even here the casualties were only about fifteen
on either side. The Russians evidently had no notion of
making a determined stand this side the Yalu. Already, a
week before, the Russian troops had withdrawn from Yong-
ampo and had crossed to Antung. This fight at Chong-ju oc-
curred on March 28th and a week later practically all the
Russian forces had crossed the Yalu and Korea ceased to be
belligerent territory. It is not the province of this history
to follow the Japanese across that historic river and relate
the events which occurred at the beginning of May when the
first great land battle of the war was fought.
The whole north had been thrown into the greatest con-
fusion by the presence of these two belligerents. Cossack
bands had scurried about the country, making demands for
food and fodder a part of which they were willing to pay for
with Russian currency quite unknown to the Korean. From
scores of villages and towns the women had fled to the moun-
tain recesses at a most inclement season, and untold suffering
had been entailed. But these are things that always come in
the track of war and the Koreans bore them as uncomplain-
ingly as they could. Throughout the whole country the
absorption of the attention of the government in theevents of
the war was taken advantage of by robbers, and their raids
were frequent and destructive. As soon as the government
found that the Japaiiese did not intend to rule with a high
hand it sank back into the former state of selfcoraplacent
lethargy, and things went along in the old ruts. It was per-
fectly plain that Korean officialdom had no enthusiasm for
the Japanese cause. It is probable that a large majority of
the people preferred to see Japan win rather than the Rus-
sians, but it was the fond wish of ninety-nine out of every
hundred to see Korea rid of them both. Whichever one
held exclusive power here was certain to become an object
3fif> KORKAN HISTORY.
of hatred to the Korean people. Had the Russians driven out
the Japanese the Koreans would have hated them as hearti-
ly. Whichever horn of the dilemma Korea became impaled
upon she was sure to think the other would have been less
sharp. Few Koreans looked at the matter from any large stand-
point or tried to get from the situation anything but personal
advantage. This is doubtless the reason why it was so dif-
ficult to gain an opinion from Korean officials. They did
not want to go on record as having any decided sympathies
either way. The people of no other land were so nearly
neutral as were those of Korea.
The month of April was comparatively quiet. The Jap-
anese were struggling north through frost and mud com-
bined to rendezvous on the banks of the Yalu. On the 14th
occurred the great fire in Seoul which in a few hours swept
away almost the whole of the Kyong-un Palace, the one re-
cently completed and the one occupied by the Emperor at
the time. He was forced to vacate it in haste and take up
his abode for the time being in the detached Imperial Library
building. A strong effort was made by the Japanese to in-
duce him to return to the Chong-duk Palace, which was his
place of residence at the time of the emetites of 1882
and 1884, but this was combatted with all the means
available, and the burned palace was rebuilt as quickly as
possible.
The temporary effect of the war upon the Korean cur-
rency was to enhance its value. Imports suddenly came to a
standstill because of the lack of steamships and the possible
dangers of navigation. This stopped the demand for yen.
The Japanese army had to spend large sums in Korea and
this required the purchase of Korean money. The result was
that the yen, instead of holding its ratio of something like
one to two and a half of the Korean dollar fell to the ratio of
one to only one and four tenths. When, however, the sea
was cleared of the Russians and import trade was resumed
and the bulk of the Japanese crossed the Yalu the Korean
dollar fell again to a ratio of about two to one, which it has
preserved up to the present time, i.e. December, 1904.
From the time when the Russians retired beyond the
Yalu warlike operations between the two belligerents was
MODERN KOREA. 367
confined to northeast Korea though even there very little
was doin^. The Vladivostock squadron was still in being and
on April 25 it appeared at the mouth of Wonsan harbor.
Only one small Japanese boat was at anchor there, the
Goyo Afaru, and this was destroyed by a torpedo boat which
came in for the express purpose. Of course this created in
tense excitement in the town and there was a hurried exodus
of women and children, but the Russians had no intention
of bombarding the place and soon took their depature.
Only a few hours before, the Kinshiu, a Japanese transport
with upwards of 150 troops on board, had sailed for Sung-ju
to the north of Wonsan but meeting bad weather in the night
the torpedo-boats that accompanied her were obliged to run
for shelter and the Minshiu turned back for Wonsan. By
so doing she soon ran into the arms of the Russian fleet and
refusing to surrender she was sunk, but forty-five of the
troops on board effected their escape to the mainland.
It was only a few days before this that a force of Cos-
sacks had made a dash down the eastern coast as far as
Ham-heung which they entered after a two hours' skirmish
with Korean troops. They burned about 300 houses in the
suburbs of the town and also fourteen kaii of the celebrated
"Ten Thousand Year Bridge," the longest in Korea. After
this they retired to the north. But from that time on the
whole northeast has been scoured by parties of Russians and
the Japanese have paid no attention to them except to place
troops at Wonsan and Ham-heung to hold these places.
On August 8th a small Russian force penetrated south to the
very suburbs of Wonsan but were speedily repulsed by the
Japanese who had thrown up intrenchments and were quite
ready to meet any assault. The Russians worked with great
energy in repairing the road from the Tuman River down to
JSung-su, and even south of that place. The)' even built
good graded roads across two of the high passes south of
Sung-jin until they came in contact with the Japanese out-
posts twenty miles above Ham-heung. Neither side seemed
to desire to assume the offensive and so matters stood until
the end of the year, and the coming of the northern winter
put a stop to active operations. The only other incident
worthy of mention in this connection was the wanton attack
368 KORKAN HISTORY.
upon the town of Wonsan by the Russian fleet on the last
day of June. Ou that morning seven Russian torpedo-boats
entered the harbor and after inquiring where the Japanese
barracks and other public buildings were situated begin
shelling the town. In a panic the peaceful denizens of the
place fled to the shelter of the hills. The Russians gave no
warning of the attack even though many foreigners of various
nationalities resided there and might easily have been injured.
After firing over 200 shells without doing any considerable
damage the torpedo boats withdrew.
We must now go back and inquire into important civil
matters. We have seen that no strong attempt was made by
the Japanese to secure reforms in the administration of the
Korean Government and for this reason many of the best
Koreans weae dissatisfied with the way things were going.
Therefore it was doubly unfortunate that on the seven-
teenth of June the Japanese authorities should make the start-
ling suggestion that all uncultivated land in the Peninsula
as well as other national resources should be thrown open to
the Japanese. This appears to have been a scheme evolved
b)' one Nagamori and broached by him so speciously to the
powers in Tokyo that they backed him in it; but there cnn
be no question that it was a grave mistake. There is no
other point ou which the Korean is so sensitive as upon that
of his land. He is a sou of the soil, and agriculture is the
basis of all his institutions. The mere proposal raised an in-
stant storm of protest from one end of Korea to the other.
The Koreans saw in this move the entering wedge which
would rive the country. It was the beginning of the end.
This excessive show of feeling was not expected by the
J'.panese and it is probable that their intentions were b}' no
means so black as the Koreans pictured them. The very
general terms in which the proppsal was worded and the al-
most entire lack of limiting particulars gave occasion for all
sorts of wild conjectures and, it must be confessed, left the
door open to ver)' wide constructions. The time was unpro-
pitious, the method was unfortunate and the subject-matter
of the proposal itself was questionable. The all-important
matter of water supply and control, the difficulties of juris-
diction on account pf the extraterritorial rights implied in the
MODERN KOREA. 369
proposal and other allied questions immediately presented
themselves to the minds of Koreans and they recognized the
fact that the carrjnng out of this plan would necessarily re-
sult in a Japanese protectorate if not absolute absorption into
the Empire of Japan. The Japanese do not seem to have fol-
lowed the logic of the matter to this point or else had not be-
lieved the Koreans capable of doing so. But when the storm
of protest broke it carried everything before it. The Japan-
ese were not prepared to carry the thing to extremes and after
repeated attempts at a compromise the matter was dropped,
though the Japanese neither withdrew their request nor ac-
cepted the refusal of the KoreanU^overnment. It is a matter
of great regret that the Japanese did not quietly and steadily
press the question of internal reforms, and by so doing hasten
the time when the Korean people as a whole would repose
such confidence in the good intentions of the neighbor coun-
try that even such plans as this of the waste lands could be
carried through without serious opposition ; for it is quite
sure that there is a large area of fallow land in Korea which
might well be put under the plow.
During the weeks when the Japanese were pressing for
a favorable answer to the waste land proposition the Koreans
adopted a characteristic method of opposition. A society
called the Po-an-ivhe was formed. The name means "So-
ciety for the Promotion of Peace and Safety." It had
among its membership some of the leading Korean officials.
It held meetings at the cotton guild in the center of Seoul
and a good deal of excited discussion took place as to ways
and means for defeating the purpose of the Japanese. At
the same time memorials by the some poured in upon the
Emperor, beseeching him not to give way to the demands.
The Japanese determined that these forms of opposition must
be put down, so on July the 16th the meeting of the society
was broken in upon by the Japanese police and some of the
leading members were forcibly carried away to the Japanese
police station. Other raids were made upon the society and
more of its members were arrested and its papers confiscated.
The Japanese warned the government that these attempts
to stir up a riot must be put down with a stern hand and de-
manded that those who persisted in sending in memorials
370 KORKAN HISTORY.
against the Japanese be arrested and punished. If the Kore-
an government would not do it the Japanese threatened to
take the law into their own hands. The Japanese troops in
Seoul were augmented until the number was fully 6,000.
The agitation was not confined to Seoul, for leading
Koreans sent out circular letters to all the country districts
urging the people to come up to Seoul and make a monster
demonstration which should convince the Japanese that they
were iq dead earnest. Many of these letters were suppress-
ed by the prefects but in spite of this the news spread far
and wide and the society enrolled thousands of members in
every province.
The effect of this was seen when, early in August, the
Japanese military authorities asked for the services of 6,000
Korean coolies in the north at handsome wages. The
number was apportioned among different provinces, but the
results were meager. Disaffected persons spread the report
that these coolies would be put on the fighting line, and it
was with the greatest diflBculty that two thousand were
secured. There were sanguinary fights in many towns
where attempts were made to force coolies to go against their
will. It wasperfecty right for the Japanese to wish to secure
such labor, but the tide of public sentiment was flowing
strong in the other direction because of the attempt to secure
the waste land and because of the suspension of the right of
free speech.
The cessation of Japanese efforts to push the waste land
measure did not put an end to agitation throughout the coun-
try, and the Il-cbin society continued to carry on its pro-
paganda until on August 22nd a new society took the field,
named the Il-chin society. This was protected by the Jap-
anese pMjlice who allowed only properly accredited members
to enter its doors. This looked as if it were intended as a
counter-move to the Il-chin Society, and as the latter was
having very little success a third society took op the
gauntlet -under the name of the Kuk-min or "'National Peo-
ple's" Society. The platforms promulgated by all these so-
cieties were quite faultless but the institutions had no power
whatever to carry out their laudable plans and so received
only the smiles of the public.
MODERN KORKA. 37 I
During the summer the Japanese suggested that it
would be wel! for Korea to recall her foreign representatives.
The idea was to have Korean diplomatic business abroad
transacted tl.rough Japanese legations. Whether ihis was
a serious attempt or only a feeler put out to get the sense
of the Korean government we are unable to say, but up to
the end of the year the matter was not pushed, and the
nomination by the Japanese of Mr. Stevens, an Ameriau
subject as adviser to the Foreign Office would seem to indi-
cate that the existing diplomatic arrangements will be con-
tinued for the time being.
The various societies which had been formed as protests
against existing conditions stated some things that ought to
be accomplished but suggested no means by which they could
be done. The difiBculty which besets the country is the
lack of general education, and no genuine improvement can
be looked for until the people be educated up to it. For
this reason a number of foreigners joined themselves into
the Educational Association of Korea, their aim being to
provide suitable text books for Korean schools and to help in
other ways toward the solution of the great question. About
the same time the Minister of Education presented the gov-
ernment with a recommendation that the graduates of the
Government schools be given the preference in the distribu-
tion of public offices. This had no apparent effect upon the
Government at the time, but this is what must come before
students will flock to the Government schools with any
enthusiasm. Later in the year a large number of Koreans
also founded an Educational Society. It made no preten-
sions to political significance but went quietly to work gather-
ing toget'-er those who are convinced that the education of
the masses is the one thing needed to put Korea upon her
feet, in the best sense.
In September there was celebrated the twentieth an-
niversary of the founding of Protestant Christian missions in
Korea. A great couv^ention had been arranged for and lead-
ing men were to attend it but the war interferred with the
plan and the convention was postponed till 1909, when the
quarter-centennial will be celebrated In spite of this a
memorable meeting was held and the results of Chrisitian
37^ KOKPAN HISTORY.
work in Kcirea were set forth and discussed. We Deed say
no more lure than that this field is rightly considered as being
one of the most successful in the world and as giving promise
of great things in the future.
In the middle of October the Japanese military authori-
ties sent Marshal Hasegawa to take charge of military affairs
in Korea. He arrived on the thirteenth and shortly after
went to Wonsaii to inspect matters in that vicinity. The
news of considerable Russian activity in northeast Korea
seemed to need careful watching and the presence of a gener-
al competent to do whatever was necessary to keep them in
check.
The laying of the last rail of the Seoul Fusan-Railway
was an event of great importance to Korea. It adds material-
ly to the wealth of the country both by forming a means of
rapid communication and by enhancin-g the value of all the
territory through which it runs. It also gives- Japan such a
large vested interest here that it becomes, in a sense, her
guarantee-to prevent the country from falling iuto'the hritids
of other Powers. But like all good things it has its dangers
as well.
Mr. Megata, tlie new adviser to the Finance Department
arrived in the Autumn and began a close study of Korean
monetary and financial conditions. This was an augury of
good, for Korean finance has always been in a more or less
chaotic condition since the time when the late Regent flooded
the country with discarded Chinese cash and a spurious
KoVean coinage whose lack of intrinsic value gave the lie to
its face.
Late in the year Mr. Stevens, the newly appointed advis-
er of the Foreign Department, took up his duties which,
though less important than those of Mr. Megata, neverthe-
less gave assurance that the foreign relations of the govern-
ment would be carefully handled.
As the year came to a close there were evidences that
the Japanese were about to begin what should have been
begun before, namely a gradual reform in the administnUion
of the government. Useless offices are to be abolished, the
army is to be brought down to its proper proportions, re-
trenchment is to be effected in various other lines and educa-
MODERN KOREA. 373
tion is to be encouraged. On the whole the year closed with
brighter prospects in Korea than any former portion of the
year had shown. i
The termination of an historical surve}^ covering four
thousand years of time naturally suggests some general re-
marks upon that history as a whole. And in the first place
it is worth noting tli it the Korean people became a homo-
geneous nation at a very early date. Before the opening of
the tenth century they were so firmly welded together that
no sectional difference has ever seriously threatened their
disruption.
Since the year 700 A. D. there have been two bloodless
clianges of dynasty but tl^ere has not been a single successful
revolution, in the ordinary sense of the word. There have
been threegreat and sev^eral small invasions but none of these
left an)^ serious marks upon the country either in the line of
inter-mixture of blood or of linguistic modification. They
served simply to weld the people more closely together and
make the commonwealth more homogeneous than ever.
• In the second place the power has always been in the
hands of the men of greatest average wit, and it has uuiform-
ly been used to further personal aims. The idea of any al-
truistic service has been conspicuously lacking, though there
have been brilliant exceptions. The concept of individuality
or personality is strangely lacking in all Turanian peoples
and this it is which has kept them so far in the rear of the
Indo-European peoples in the matter of civilization. The es-
sential feature of true progress, namely the recognition of
the present time as on the whole the best time, the present
institutions as being the best institution, the present op-
portunities as being the best opportunities, the present peo-
ple as being the best people that history has to show — this
feature is sadly lacking fn the Far East. Japan has grafted
this into her life and it already bears fruit, but Korea stands
with China as yet.
Individual people cannot be sure of getting their just
deserts in this life whether they be good or evil, but this is
hardly true of nations. They generally gel about what they
have deserved. If men lived as long as empires they too/
might be served the same. It is poor philosophy to mourn
374 KORKAN HISTORY.
the fate of a decadent empire or a moribaud civilization.
They have served their purposed and are ready to pass away.
Upon their ruins there are sure to arise edifices that are
worthier of habitation than were those of the past. In Korea
the old is passing away, is crumbling about our ears. The
new wine is bursting the old bottles. The question for the
future to answer is whether the Korean people will allow
their ship of state to drift upon the Sarasso Sea until the
seaweed "rising strake on strake" shall make her utterly
derilict, or whether they will awake from their lethargy,
clear away the barnacles and jam the helm down hard a-port
until the wind fills the sails and she can forge ahead toward
some desired haven.
It is not the province of the historian to play the pro-
phet nor shall we try to forecast what the future may bring
forth, but it is permissible to express the hope that Korea
will make herself increasingly worthy of a continued and
distinguished history.
THE END. * '
INDEX.
Abdication of last King of
Koryu I 293
" of King of Tau-jong
I 311
Aborigines 2
Adulteration of food I 171
Advisers, Foreign II 271, 372
Adviser, Judge O. N. Denny
II 245
A-gol-t'a I 171
Agriculture encouraged I 149
Aid fr.im China I 400
Allen, Dr H. N. II 237, 241
Alexeieff arrives, Kir H 313
Alexeiefl supersedes
Dr. Brown 313
" withdraws II 316
Alliance, Anglo-Japanese II 335
" between Korea and
Japan II 275
" ot Silla and China I 104
Alphabet invented I 307
Altar repaired, Tan-gun II 136
Altar of Tan-gun I 3
American expedition II 212
American farm II 232
American fleet retires II 214
American fight on
Kang wha II 214
American Minister, First II 232
Anarchy in Koryu I 109
" in Song do I '95
Anju Skirmish II 365
An Kyung-su murdered II 32S
Annals of Three Kingdoms
I 177
" of Koryu I 149
" of Kurly Korea I 35
Annani rice. II 332
Arab traders I 118
Arch demolished, Chinese IT 281
Arms, HidevDshi's I 350
Army cared for I 143
" of Chinese 11 14
Army, Hidej'oshi's I 350
" ot looo, B. C. Ill
" counter-invasion,
Chinese II 2
" reform II 19
" to invade Japan, Mongol
I 219
" to meet Manchus,
Korean II 97
Asan, iJattle of II 254
" Naval battle of II 252
Assassination of seven
ministers II 237
" of king of Koryu I 181
Assault on Nam-han II 109
Astronomical instrument I 334
" work II 169
Astronomy I 154, 303, 315
Asylum in Korea, Wiman's I 14
Attack ot Japanese warvessels
II 219
Authenticity of annals of early
Korea I 35
"Baby "War", The II 247
Banishment of king I 179, 237
Bank Notes, Dai Ichi Ginko
II 337
Bank, Run on Japanese II 345
Barter I 222
Battle with Americans II 214
" of Ab-sung II 168
" " A-san II 254
" off A-san, Naval II 252
" of Chemulpo II 357
" " Chik-san II 34
" " Chin-do, Naval II 33
" " Chin-ju I 406
" " Cho-gye I 394
" at Chng-duk Monastery,
French II 210
" of Chung-ju II 365
" 1)11 Ch'ung ju I 404
" off Ilan-san. Naval I 399
" of Hang-jnl II 10
THE KOREA HISTORY.
Battl
e of He-oii pass
II 8
of I-ch'i
I 399
of KaY-do Island
II I2g
ofKemu-nyung
I 396
of Kil-ju
I 409
of Kom-san
I 394
of Kwang-Kyo Mt.
I 374
of Kye Pass
I 372
of Kyon}i-ju
I 408
of Naiiiwun
II 32
•' of Ok-po Island, Naval
I 375
•• of Pu-go II 65
" of Pom-nout Island II 46
" of Puk-du-man I 374
" Pyeug-yang I 401 1 H 257
" off Pyuk-hang Harbor,
Naval I 377
" near Sun-ch'un,
Naval II 48
" of Sung-ju II 14
" of Taug-haug Harbor,
Naval I 377
" of Tong-na I 352
" of Yalu, Naval II 258
" of Yo-sau I 404
" of Yong-jung II 219
" at Y'uug-wuu Fortress I 378
Bear in Korean legend, The I i
Beginning of feud between
Korea and Japan I 59
" of government loans I 56
" of historical writing I Si
" of Japanese raids I 190
" of Koguryu hostility
to China I 45
" of the Mongols I 186
" of political parties I 339
" of present reign II 202
Bell cast for Seoul I 3^4
" of Silla I 121
Berneux, Bishop II 2CX)
" Big Bell" hung, The I 318
Bishopric of Korea, The II 196
Bisniark of Korea. The II 152
Blood-bridge fenced in. The II 172
Blood stained bridge I 292
Body-guard of Emperor II 318
Bomb and Mortar I 407
Bombardment of
Nam-han I 121
Books, Buddhist I 169 232
" Christian II 183
" Edict against Christian
II 167
" of history I 177
'* on Japan, Korean II 52
" published I 338, II 1S8
" published by King In-jong
II 182
Books of sorceresses &c.
burned I 302
" on various sciences I 315
Border warfare
I 321, 338, 340,341, 344
Botany I 171
Boundaries of Eum-nu I 24
" ofKia-rak I 50
•' of Kija's kingdom I 8, 10
" of Koguryu I 39
" of Ma-han I 28
" of Mai gal I 25
" of Ok-ju I 22
" of Su-Ya-bQi I 34
*' of Wi-man's kingdom I 16
*' of Yo-mak I 2c
Branding forbidden II 172
Bribed, Chinese II 13
Bribery, Japanese II 48
Bridge, First suspension II 8
" of fish I 38
" Kitan I 161
British Gov't upholds
Mr. Brown II 313
" occupy Port Hamilton
II 241
" treaty II 233
Brown, C, M .G. , J. Mclveavy,
Adviser 11 307
Bruguiere, First Bishop II 196
Buddha, A standing I 316
Buddhism under ban I 298
" checked I 145
" versus Confucianism I 164
" Eight laws of I 82
" Enormous increase I 165
" to the fore II 333
" Introduction of I 65
" of Japan I 123
" of Kung-ye I 131
" obligatory in Coguryu I 67
" in Fak-je, Introduction of
I 66
" rampant I 145
" set back I 301
" in Silla I 76
" state religion I 143
" of Wang-gcin I 134
Buddhist books
I 83, 150 169, 232
" convents broken up I 319
" excesses in Silla I 83
" examination I 169
" festival I 134
" imposition I 183
" monastery. Great j 167
" monastery II 147
" monks forbidden to enter
Seoul I 319
" monk from China 142
GENERAL INDEX.
Buddhist militant I 402
" relic I 163
" superstition II 149
" trickery I 176
Burial alive I 77
Burning of bad books I 382
Burning of palace II 366
Cabinet, Liberal II 238
" A new II 266
" Pro- Japanese II 296
Calendar, New II 143
Camps, Mongol permanent I 198
" Manchu II 102
Cannibals I 227, 249
Capital, First I 2
" at Han-yang I 243
" Kija's I 7
" of Koryu burned I 158
" moved to Seoul I 296
" plundered I 249
Captives exchanged II 129
" in Japan, Korean II 37
" to Manchus II 127
Cash, Copper I 171
Catapult, Korean I 193
Census of 1767 II iho
11 153
" law II 251
Centralization of Power II 334
Ceramics II 55
Cespedes, Gregorisde II 37
Chariots, War II 170
Charges against King Sun-jo,
False II 41
" against Queen of Sun-jo,
False II 62
Chemulpo, Battle of II 359
Che-ju (Quelpart)
I 74 See Quelpart
Ch'i Dynasty in China I 75
Chil-lin, Admiral II 39
Chin-bun I 18
Chin-han I 30
" Origin of I 30
" Customs of I 31
China aids Korea I 400
" appealed to I 397, II 250
" breaks treaty with
Japan II 250
" disavows responsi-
bility for Korea I 220
" informed of Japanese
invasion I 385
" sides with Silla I 97
Chinese army II 14
" army arrives II 230
" army of counter-invasion II 2
•' bribed II 12
" demand removal of
Japanese II 238
Chinese disaster I 91
" evacuate Pyeng-
yang • II 257
" generals II 2
" immigration I 146
" influence I 78
" innovations I 78
" intervention I 45
" official grades I 148
" refuges I 30, 36, 57
" refugees from
Manchuria II 68
" retire from Korea II 21
" suzerainty denied II 220
" take over Customs II 242
" treachery n 3
" victory over Koguryu I 58
Ch'ing Empire founded II 94
Ch'oe Ch'i-wun I 124, 128
" Literary work of I 128
Cho Pyung-sik obstructs trade
II 248
Cho-ryung (Pass) II 354
" " deserted I 356
. Cholera scourge
I 322, 330, II 85, 194, 285
Choug Kong-ju I 28S, 292
Cho-sun, Founding of I 295
" " Origin of word I 19
Christian persecution of 1S39 II 196
" persecutions it 185, i86, 191
Christians at Nagasaki,
Korean II 37
Christianity, Causes of op-
position to II 191
" Spreads II 200
" Studied • II 183
Chu, Emperor I 4
Chu-moug I 37
Chuk Tribe I 19
Chul-bun Pu yu I 38
Civilization under Kija I 8
Clepsydra I 303
Clocks introduced II 163
Club, The Independent
II 306, 307, 316, 324
Coaling station, Russia
demands II 31-^
Codification of laws I 315
Coffee conspiracy II 318
Coiffure, Mongol I 224
Coinage 1 152, 242; 11 211, 270
Colonization of the North I 306
" P^^" II 335
Color of garments I 222, 330
Compass, First I 330
Concubines' sons I 340, II 81
Confucianism in Silla 121
" revived I 14s
■' versus Buddhism I 164
THE KOREA REVIEW.
Confucius, Image of I 2^},
Cousanguineous marriage
I 144. 145
Conscription I 290
Conquest of Dagelet Island I 7S
" of Koguryu I 40
" of Ma-han I 45
" of Ok-ju I 52
" of Pu-yu 1 47
Conquests of the Mauchus II 68
" of Su-ya-bul I 34
Conspiracies II 90
Conspiracy against Gen . Yi I 90
" of Kim Cha-jum II 142
" against King Sun-jo I 346
" of Kim Yung ha II 167
" of Regent's son II 282
Contrast between Korea and
Japan I 341
" between North and South
I 29
Convents broken up I 319
" destroyed II 164
Ccolies demanded ' II 370
Copper Buddha, A I 301
" cash I 171
Cossacks in Korea II 363
Costume. Mourning I 78
Cotton growing II 149
Couuterfeiling i 171, II 336
Cremation I 117, 122
Currency I 175, 233, 242
" retorra II 270,36b,
Customs of aborigines I 2
" of Chin-hau I 31
" " of Cremation I 117
" ■' Euni-nu I 24
" of King plowing . I 77
" of Koguryu I 39
" of Koryu, Mongol I 221
" of Ku-ran I 26
" of Ma-han I 28
" of Mai -gal I 26
" of memorialising the
throne I 121
" Mourning I 148
" of Ok-ju I 28
" of Pal -ha I 26
" of Ye-mak I 20
Customs Service II 242
Dagelet Island I 73, 138, 178
Dallet's historical work II 203
Dancing-girls banned I 320
Dancing-girl, A brave II 15
Decadence of Koryu
I 177 242 432,
" in Korea II 69
Decadence of Wi-man Chosim
I 16
" of Pak-je I 94
" of Sil-la I 121, 131
Defense of Nam-han II 102
" of Christian persecu-
tion, Korean II 199
Delimitation of Korea I 31
Denny, Judge O. N. II 245
Detectives II 170
Dictionary of Korean I 309
" Korean-Cliintse I 331
Disaffection II 248
Disaster at Kang-wha II 117
" Japanese naval I 399
" to Chinese 1 91
•' Kitan I 163
Dismemiierment of KoguryQ I 113
Divination I 243
Dog in Korean tradition I 265
Dream, King's I 255
Dress (see garments)
Duel, I 278
Elars and noses, Korean II 38
Earthquakes I 329
Eclipses recorded I 11, 35, 154
Education, Western II 246
" encouraged I 304
" in Sil la I 1204
Egg in Korean tradition
I 34, 44, 57
Electric light II 333
Elixir of youth I 12
Emancipation of serfs II 181
Embalming I 50
Embargo on export of grain II 332
Embassy to Europe II 247
Emeute of 1884 II 236
En.peror, King declared II 314
Envoy to Hideyoshi I 346
" insulted, Korean II 57
" " Mauchu II 96
" to Japan, Pak-je I 67
" from Japan, First I 59
" " " I 166 260
" to Japan, Chinese II 23
" " Mongol I 214
" " Third Mongol I 217
" killed, Mongol I 224
" " killed, Ming I 268
" " to King Sun-jo,
Japanese I 344, 345
" from Ktan I 154
" from Liu Kin II 188
" to Mauchus II 85
" " Mongols Prince I 209
" from Mings, First I 261
" to Mongols, First I 189
" to present danasty.
First Japanese I 302
" from Quelpart I 136
" to The United
States II 232
GENKRAL INDEX.
Euni-mi Trilie I 24
Equestrian feat 1 250
Evacuation of Seoul 1592 I 362
" of Nanihan II 124
" of Korea by
Japanese 1596 II 26
" of Seoul by Japanese
1592 II 1 1
" of Pyeng yang,
Japanese 1596 II 7
Examinations begun 1 146
" Buddhist I 169
" Decennial I 329
" I 164, 237, 319
Examiners punished II 174
Exposure of infants II 151
Extortion II 334
Factions I 146. 161
Faction massacred Civil I 178
" " Military I 162
Factional quarrels
I 333. II 52, 92. 153. 162, 163
Factions forbidden II 165
Faith Cure I 1S3
Fall of Ka-rak I 80
'• of Wija dvnasty I 15
" Kitan ' I iSS
" of Koguryu II II2
" of Kung-ye I 132
" of Kyun-whiin I 140
" of Ma-han I 33, 44
" of Mongol Empire I 260
" of Ming Empire II 139
" of Pak-je I 106
" of Silla I 140
" of Sin-don I 265
" of W'inian dvnasty I 18
" of Yi-Kwal' II 78
Family names I 49
Famine relief I 149
Famine, flood, plague 1814 II 194
" in Set)ul II 11
Farm, American . II 232
Feudal retainers I 300
Feudalism stopped I 300
F'ire-arnis, First I 345
First bomb and mortar I 407
" capital I 2
" eclipse , I 1 1
" env<jy from Japan I 59
" fire-arms I 345
" Japanese Minister II 222
" Korean flag II 225
" iron-clad I 376
" Minister to Japan II 225
" Mongol Invasion I 192
" Printing-type I 301
" suspension bridge II 8
" tobacco II 134
" woman ruler I 93
Fish bridge I 38
Fish^rj' troubles in South II 247
Flag, Korean II 225
" of Kija dynasty I 11
Flight t)f Japanese from
Pyeng-yang 1593 II 7
" of King in 1592
I 362, 363. 364
" of Koryfi King I 15
" to Kang-wha I 195
" of Yuan- shei-kei II 265
Flowers Artificial I 240
"Flying General" II 18
Foote arrives, Gen. L- II 232
Foreign Advisers II 271
Foreign Ofiice established II 231
Foreign relations. Book on I 315
Foreign visitor II 195
Foreigners threatened II 248
F'orestry II 149
Fort at Ul-san II 35
Forts, Japanese II 13
Fortresses of Koryu I 165
Fortress of Nam-han built II 82
" of Puk-han built
Foulk in American Legation,
' Geo. C. ^ II 94
Founding of Cliosun I 295
" of Kin Power I 172
" of Kogurj-u I 36
" of Koryu I 134
" of Su-ya-bul I 34
" of South I'u-yu I 41
" of Yuan Empire I 218
Foundling asylum II 151
Four Political parties I 339
" provinces, The I 18
Fowls, Long-tailed I 29
Fox in Korean lore. The I 5
French defeat on Kang-wha I 210
" expedition. First II 197
" " under
Adm Roze II 208,209
" on Kang-wha II 209
" priests enter Quelpart
II 197
" priests executed II 196
" priests executed. Nine
II 206
" and Russian employees of
Gov't II 332
" war-vessels wrecked II 197
Funeral of Queen II 314
Fusan trading port II 50
Ciaoler Cabinet II 301
Garments of Parties II 146
" Color of I 222, 242, 330
" Ming I 263
" Oflicial I 146
" Style of I 79
Gates roofed over
" of Seoul
Gayuk Khan
''General Sherman" wrecked
Genghis Khau
Gensho
Geolojjy
German treaty
Geurilla warfare I 409, 11 i<S
Ginseng, Tax on I 236
Gloir, La H '97
God of War, Temples to II 53
Gold mining I 169, 11 284
Governor-general, Mongol I 204
Goyo maru II 367
Guilds in Seoul II 172
Guluk Khan I 230
Gun-powder first seen I 272
GutzlelT 561 I
Ha-bu-ru I 37
Haniel, Heinrich II 143
Hair, False II 186
Hiiir-cutting I 204
Hall, Capt. Basil II 195
Hanabusa in Seoul II 217
Han Dynasty I 14
Hans, The Three I 2.S
Han-yang Capital I 170
Hasegawa II 372
Hats Korean I 9
Hen in tradition, The I 52
Hideyi in Seoul 1 367
Hideyoshi, Answer to I 348
" Envoy to I 346
Hideyoshi 's ambition I 344
" arms I 350
" army I 350
" character II 51
" end. Story of II 50
" invasion of Korea I 349
" Letter I 347
" Second plan of invasion
II 28
Hiroshima Court of the
Queen's murder II 289
History begun in Silla I 81
" of Koguryii written I 87
" published I 177
Historical work I 149, 321
Hol-pil-ryul I 210, 211
Houg-t'a-si, Mauchu leader II 82
Horse relay. Origin of I 76
Horses sent to China I 278
Hi.rses of Ye-mak I 21
Horse-breeding on Quelpart
Hospital founded I 314, II 241
Hostage, Crown Prince as II 128
Hostages to the Mongols I 214
Hun, Last of Kija line I 33
KOREAN
HISTORY.
II 273
Hunting parks
I 302
I 297
Hyun Tribe
I 19
I 200
Hyuk ku-se
I 34
ked
Hyun-do
I iS
II 207
Imbert Bishop
II 196
I 185
Im-dun
I 18
I 345
Im-jin River
I 368
I 315
" " forced
I 381
11 233
" " guarded
I 370
Immigration of Chinese I 146
Incarnation of Tan-gun I i
Incense, Mongol I 240
Indemnity to Japanese II 230, 240
Independence Club, The
II 306, 307
" Club disbands II 324
" " weakens II 316
" Day II 222
" declared II 273
" of Korea I 7
Independent, The II 308
Infernal machine II 218
Innovations, Chinese I 78
" in Pak-je I 81
" from China I 110
Inouye as Minister, Count II 277
"as special envoy, Count
II 230
Insurrection (see rebellion)
Interest. Legal rate of I 148
Invasion of 107 B. C. I 17
" Japanese I 349
" of China planned 1 292
" Fears of Western II 200
" Hideyoshi 's I 549
" of Japan, plans of
Mongol II 214
" of Japan, Mongol 1 213, 225
" of Japan I 1420 304
" by Kitan I 150, 155
" of Koguryii I 87
" of Korea by Sui Emperor
I 87
" by Manchus II 69, 82
" First .Mongol I 192
" of Liao Tung 240 A. D.
I 57
" Second Mongol I 201
" " Japanese II 30
" planned, Second
Japanese II 29
" by Red-heads I 244
" by Tap dan I 227
" by U'lman I 15
" by Yu-jin I 171
Invention of alphabet I 307
" of new weapons I 3 30
" in Silla I 75
Iron building I 236. 237
Iron-clad, The first I 376
GENERAL INDEX.
Iron nionej' I 152
lrrii(;iti()ii II 169
Ito, ,M;irqiiis 1 1 364
l-tu, The I ng
Jaisi)hn as adviser, Dr. P. II 277
Japan disavows acts of pirates
I 270
" helps against pirates II 274
" invaded I 1420, 304
" Korean alHance I 275
" Korean policy 11 219
" A Korean Queen for I 61
" Mongolian invasion of
II 213, 225
" Mongol message to I 213
" Mongol disaster in I 220
" Third Mongol envoy to I 217
" Second Mongol army to
I 223
" Under Hideyoshi I 343
Japanese allies of Pak-je I 109
•' army lands II 255, 256
" ask for books I 320
" bribery II 48
" Buddhism I 166
" Captives to Mongols I 215
" declaration of war
against China II 473
" defeated by Yi T'a-jo I 271
" enter Seoul, 1592 I 367
" envoy I 260
" "to present
dynasty, First I 302
" " to King Sun-jo I 344
" evacuate Seoul II 77
" " Pyeng-yang II 7
" fort at Ul-san II 35
" fortifications II 13
" freebooters I 218
" guard at palace II 23S
" incursions I 35
" invasion, Omens of I 334
" " second II 30
" land of Kunsan II 354
" land at Chemulpo II 356
" leave Korea 1596 II 26
" legation burned II 227
" losses 1592 II J 5
" marry Koreans II 45
" masks II 52
" military teacher II 225
" minister First II 222
" mobbed II 240
" naval disaster I 399
" in North-east 1592 I 390
" offer of aid against
Manchus II 91
" Japanese policy II 352
" pirates I 46
" pursued II 12
Japanese take Pyeng-yang I 592,
I 380
" before Pyeng-3ang I 386
" raids I 238, 239, 240, 243,
244, 246, 254, 255, 258,
264, 266, 267, 269, 279
" ravages begin I 19a
" relations I 35
" retire from Seoul II 240
" revolt I 327
" robbers defeated I 336
" routes I 592, I 365
" settlements I 26, II 38
" " Shogun friendl}' I 272
" take palace II 252
" trade I 307
" " resumed I 333
" " suspended I 328
" trade at Fusan II 216
" - trading station
enlarged II 136
trading station II 59, 153
" trading ports I 298
" treatment of Mongol
envoys I 214
, " treaty II 221
" waj- vessel fired upon II 219
" wish to colonise 1 1 335
Jealousy of Kato and Koni-
shi I 351
" of Min faction II 234
Jesuit priests in Peking II 143
Ka-do Island, Battle of II 129
Ka-ma tribe I 48
Kang-wha attacked by
French II 209
" disaster at II 117
" French defeat on II 210
" King ordered from I 206, 207
" King on I 195
" Manchus take II iiS
" Palaces bestroyed I 209
Ka-rak I 50
" boundaries I 50
" fall of I So
Kato, General 135'
Kaya I 50
Keum-ma-gol 1 27
Keum-su-ro I 50
Keum-vvha I 37
Kim Cha-jum's blunder II 99
l^im Hong-jip, Prime
IMinister II 266
" nuudered II 303
Kim Hong-njuk killed 11 318
Kim ()k-k\ nil's body dis-
nieiiiljered II 250
" murdered II 249
II 223
Kidnapping the Regent II 231
8
KOKFAN HISTOHY.
Kija's Capital I 7
" civilization I 8
" coming oi I 4
" dynasty I 11
" dvnasty, End of 1 15
" laws 1 S
" loyalty I 6
*' origin of I 4
" reforms I f^
*' route I 6
" tomb I 10
Kijun, Kigration of I 27
Kin Empire I 172
" Good will of I 173
*' dvnasty extinct I 19^
" letter I I73
King deposed, Korj-Q I 216, 287
King of Koryu abdicates, Last
I 292
Ki-tan bridge the Yalu I 161
" calendar I 151
" disaster I 163
" driven back I 160
" envoys 1 i54
" falls I iS«
" refugees I 1^7
" invasion I 150, I55
" power I 142
" suzerainty I 152
"Knife Gang" II 156
Koguryu I 36
" Customs I 39
" boundaries I 39
" religion I 39
" dismemberment of I 113
" conquests I 40
" expansion I 40
" falls I 112
" hostility to China I 45
" Introduction of Buddhism
I 65
" Origin of word I 38
Konishi, General I 351
Korean captives returned II 55
Koryetz II 355 361
Koryu dynasly founded I 134
" King deposed I 216
" king goes to China I 212
" refugees I 200
" revolts from Mings I 283
" turns against Mongols
I 242
" vassal of China I 135
" vassal to Mings I 261
" woman, Empress of
China I 237
Ko-ulla I 74
Kow-shing sunk II 253
Kublai Khan I 210, 211
Kuhlai Khan kindness
I 228
Kuk-cho Po-gani
1 314
Kung-ve
I 127
" a' Buddhist
1 >3i
" capital
I 130
" fall
I 132
" proclaimed king
I 130
" rescue
I 127
Kn-ran tribe
I 26
Kfi-sri-gan
I 34
Ku-vvul Mountain
1 2
Kwaga I 146, 237. 317
Kwang-ha becomes king II 58
" deposed II 70
" excesses II 59
" Prince II 55
Kye-rim I 52
Kying-bok Palace rebuilt II 211
built I 298
Kyong-ju made Eastern Capital
I 149
Kyiin Tribe I iq
Kyun-whun I 128
" defeated I 13b
" sacks Silla capital I 136
" war with Wang gon I 137
Land measurement I 142 232
Law against adulteration of
food I 171
" against counterfeiting I 171
" codification of 1 315
" for detectives II 170
•' of Kija ' I 8
" against Monasteries II i^jS
" against Murder II 145
" penal I 11
" of primogeniture I 165
" published I 31S
Legal reform 1 167
Legation guards II 349
Legend of Tangun 1 i
Legends (see Tradition)
Letter from Hideyoshi I 347
" to French Gov't II 197
Li Hung-chang and the neu-
tral territory II 220
Liao Fortress taken I 264
Liberal cabinet II 238
" party II 223
Light-houses II 338
Lindsay II 195
Liu Kiir envo5's 11 J 88
" islands I 313
Literary activity I 120, 315. 29,
33'- 333. II 1'*^'''
" work of Cho6 Cb i-wun
I 1 28
" " of King In-jong II 182
" " of King Sun-jo I 340
OICNI'KAL INDICX.
9
T.oans, Rejoin iiiiigs of Govern-
ment I 65
LobanofT A'ainata Agreement
II 308
Ivonj^-tailed fowls 1 29
Mubuda II 94
Mahan I 2S
" Conquest of I 45
" Customs I 29
" Fall of I 44
" population I 30
" relij^ion I 30
Mal-gal Tribes I 25
" treaty I 135
Mancbu camp II 102
" " captives II 127
" ceremony II 125
" charges II 82
" conquests II 68
" demands II 84
" " for tribute II 93
" enter Korea II 99
" " Seoul II Id
" envoys insulted II 96
" invasion II 69, 82
" invade China II 135
" invasion, Omen of II 97
" Japanese offer of aid
against II 91
" leader Hongfasi II 82
" leaders II 94
" letter to Korea, First II 66
" oath II 86
" power II 63
" suzerainty II 125
" tablet II 130
" take Kang-wha II iiS
" vandalism II 113
Man-hunting II 154
Map of iNorth II 169
Mararanta, Huddhist Monk I 66
Mari Mountain I 3
Ma-rip-gan, Royal title I 70
Markets, Beginning of I 76
Marriage Consanguineous
I 144 145
" with sister I, 144, 145
" of present Emperor 11 205
" of Japanese and
Koreans II 45
" of widows first
forbidden I 321
Masanpo Russian coaling
station II 334
Masks, Japanese II 52
Massacre of crew of "Gener-
al Sherman" II 207
" of military faction I 162
•' of civil faction I 17S
Mathematics I 168
Maubant enters Korea.
Pierre
I
[ 196
Mea'^ures equalised
I
I 172
Measurement of land
]
• 232
Medical books
1
3'4
Megata
11
372
Memorial
1
121
Military emeute of 1SS2
11
226
Military and civil factions
1
161
" instructors, Russian
II
313
" reforms II 89
. 144
Min faction
224
Min Seung-ho nmrdered
218
Min Yong-ik Envoy to U,
S.
[ 232
" conservative
233
" wounded
' 236
Min Yong-jun beaten
L 249
Mines in warfare
193
" sulphur
L 149
Mings angry
273
'' commands
[ 263
". demand for tribute
]
[ 275
" " houses from Quel
part
1
[ 267
" dress adopted
]
[ 263
" dress and coiffure dis-
carded
]
[ 283
" dynasty falls
I]
c 139
" envoy nmrdered
]
[ 2f58
" First envoy from
]
[ 261
" formally recognise K
ore
]
;a
[ 279
" power appears
1
[ 240
" suspicious
]
[ 246
Mining ct)ncession
I
[ 284
" forbidden
I
I 169
" gold
1
[ 169
Minister to U.S.
IJ
[ 246
" to Japan, First
I
I 225
" of state killed
1
I 237
Minting ot money, First
1 >52
Mirrors, Japanese gift of
]
t 3^9
Missions in Korea
I
1 325
" Protestant
I
I 211
Miura arrives, Viscount
1
[ 286
Mock Battle
1
33'>
Mollendoiff dismis.sed
11
[ 242
employeil 1'. G. von
li
232
Monasteries deprived of land
■ 301
Monastery, Great
167
" in Koguryu, First
I 65
" Law against
11
[ 148
" as poor-houses
11
147
Money I 152,
17'
, 242
" Silver
1 233
Mongols, Allies of
J
[ 187
" Appeal tf)
[ 205
" army. Composition of
I 220
10
Kf)Ri:.\N" TITSTOK'Y.
Mongi»ls to invade Japan
" " to Japan, Seconil
" Oriijin of
" besiege Song-do
" captives
" charges
"» •' against Koryu
" coifTure
" customs in Koryii
" demand for tribute
I 190, 19.
" " of surrender
" disaster in Japan
" disaster
" dynasty decadent
" Empire falls
" envoy, First
" " in Japan
" " to Japan. Third
' " to Japan killed
" fear of water
Governar-general
" Hostages to
" humble
" incense
" invasion' First
" incursion, Last
" invasion of Japan I 21,
" Korea surrenders to
" Koryu turns against
' ' message to Japan
" monster
" official names
" permanent camps
" Prince as envoy to
'* princess
" Queen I 22
" in Quelpart
" " '" destroyed
" residency
" resident dismissed
" retire from Korea
" ruthlessness
" second invasion
" siege of Ch'un-ch'un
•' spies I 200,
" settle in Koryii
•' Treaty with
Monk soldier
Morals, Lax
Mortar, liomb and
Mourning customs changed
" for dead king begun
garb
IVIudangs banned
Mu je's conquests. Empero;
Mukden, S. S.
"Mullnerry Palace" built
Murder of An Kyung-su
" of Chong Mong-ju
2 11)
224
•«5
'93
204
197
213
2^3
221
211
203
220
226
240
260
189
214
217
224
19S
204
214
243
240
IQ2
254
225
194
242
213
204
222
198
209
216
229
259
268
194
242
21 I
199
201
203
I 94
208
197
402
150
407
148
33«
I 78
174
I iS
356
1S2
328
292
Murder of king of Koryu I 181
" of King Tan-jong I 3(2
" of Kim Ok-kyun il 249
" Law against II 145
" Punishment for I 17b
Music in Silla I .S2
Musical instruments
I II, 330, II 173
" reform 1 322
Myung-ye Palace II 17
Nagamori's Scheme II 368
Names, Family I 49
Nani-han, Assault on II 109
" Attempts to relieve
II 106, 109, 1 10, III
" Defense of II 102
" evacuated II 124
" Fortress built II 82
'• King escapes to II 100
" Manchu fence al out II 105
" offer of surrender II 113
" Sortis frt)m II 103, 105, 107
" Starvation in II 107
Nang-nang Tribe 1 18, 25
Nap-tap-chul defeated I 252
National examinations I 146, 237
Naval battle off A-san II 252
'• off Chenmlpo II 359
" of Chin do H 33
" at Ok-po Island 1 375
" at Pyuk-hang
Harbor
" near Sunch'un
at fang-hang
I 377
II 48
Harbor I 377
"of Yalu II 258
" reform II 172
" stations II 155
" victory of Admiral Yi
Sun-sin I 3^9
Navy defeated, Korean II 31
" Korean 1 207
Nelson of Korea, The H 49
Neutral territory across the
Yalu II 220
" zone II 350
Neutralitv declared, Korean
n 351
Nickel coinage II 270
Nine Tribes, The I 2
Norach'i, Manchu Chief II 63
Noron party in power II 165
Northern Tribes I 19
Noses and ears H 38
Novel written II 160
Oath, Form if I 1 10
" The King's II 278
" to Mok Ho-ryung,
King's II 163
" to Manchus II 8b
GRNRKAI. INDItX.
Ill
Obeis-aiioe to Tsiii Enipt-ior I i "^
Obscene literature banned I 321
Official j<arnients I 146
" grades I 14S
" names, Mongol I 228
Ok-ju, Conquest of I 52
" tribe I 22
Ok-pyun, The I 331
Old maids consoled II 150
Omens of fall of Koguryu I 112
" of fall of Koryu I 239
" of the Japanese Invasion
I 334
" of fall of Pak-je I 104
" of fall of Sil-la I 121
" of Manchu invasion II 97
Ondali, The I 84
On-jo I 41
Origin of A-gol-d'a I 171
" of alphabet I 30S
" of Chin-han 1 30
" of Chu-mong I 37
" of horse relay I 76
" of Keum-wa. 1 37
" of Kija I 4
" of markets I 76
" of Koguryu I 36
" of Korea, Legendary I i
" of ICorean hat I 9
" of Manchus H 63
' of mourning customs I 78
" of name Sil-la I 77
" of political parties I 339
" of posthumous titles I 79
" of Silla- I 34
" of southern' Koreans I 32
" of S»-ya-biil. I 34
" of stone fights I 236
" of T'am-na I 75
" of Tonghak II 203
" of. the word Chosun I 19
" of word Koguryu: I 38
" of Yun Kingdom I 52
Pagoda built I 170
Pai Chai School II 246
Pak Tribe I 19
Pak Hyuk-ku-se I 34
Pak-je' I 41
" falls I 106
" Introduction of Ruddhism
into r 66
" treacher}' I 45
Pak-tu-san, Sacrifice to II 179
PdkYoiig-hyc pardoned II 274
" final departure II 284
" return from Japan II 273
II 225
Palace built, Kying-bok I 298
" " New II 310
" " "Mulberry" II. 61
I'abict- Hurned 1592 I' 3'\3
'1901 II 366
" guard, Russian H 311
" of Kang-wha, I 198, 200
" on Kang-wha destroyed
I 209
" rebuilt, Kyong-bok II 211
" stormed II 227
" taken by Japanese
1S94 11 252
Pal-ha Tribe I 26
Pander to Mongol Court I 232
Panic because of fall of
Peking II 200
" in Seoul I 3611
" in Seoul 1592 I 354
" " " II 230
" Strange II 184
Parties formed, Political I 339
II 52,92, 146
Party strife forbiddden II 165
Peace proposals 1598, I 48
Peddlars Guild II 320, 364
Penal laws In
Persecution of Christians II 185,
186, 191, 196, 208, 209, 211
" of Kija I 5
PhiMogical argument I 32
Pirates, Japanese I 45
" Japan disavows
acts of I 270
Plague A peculiar II 189
Plants imported I 171
Plebiscite II 174
Plot against Queen's life II 286
" against Vi Sun-sin II 29
Plowing by King begun I 77
Poisoning II 164
Political parties II 52, 149
" " formed I 339
Polygamy I 144
Poor-house, Monasteries as II 147
Popular as.sembly II 319
Population of Korea II 153
" of Ma-han I 30
Port Hamilton, British
occupy II 241
'• Nicholas, II 348
Postal system II 284
Posthumous titles I 79
Post-office built II 236
Pottery works II 55
Primogeniture Law of I 165
Printing-tvpe cast II 188
'• First I 301
" " restored II 151
Prisoner. King a virtual II 299
Progressive vs. Conservative
Prohibition platform
11 233
11 166
12
KOKKAN niSTOKY.
Prophecy I it,},, 297, II 3.17
" of the lactions 1 33S
Prostitutes iiuule slaves II 150
Protestant Missionaries
II 241, 325, 371
Protocol Korean Japanese II 363
Provinces of Korea I 152
Puk-hau built II 161
" Pak-je capital at I 6s
P'ung Tribe I 19
Punishment of relatives
forbidden II 148
Puritanism I 329
Pu-rilla 1 74
Pu yil I 36
Pu-yu, Position of I 38
" Conquest of I 47
Pyeng-3aiig besieged 1593 II 4
" captured by "Red-heads"
I 245
" invested II 256
" Japanese before 1592 I 386
" King Sun-jo at I 369
" Schools in I 138
" Siege of I 48, 157
Pyon-han Tribe I 31
Queen's body burned II 295
" dies ir 294
" divorced II 158
" False charges against
King Sun-jo's II 62
" funeral II 314
" for Japan, a Korean I 61
" of Korea, A Mongol I 216
" murder, Hiroshima Court
on II 289
" murder, Miura plots II 288
" and Regent hostile II 217
" return to Seoul 18S2 II 231
Quelpart I 74
" allegiance transferred I 109
" copper Buddha I 301
" disturbed I 178
" Envoy from I 75, 136
" Hamil wrecked on II 143
" Mings demand horses
from I 267
" Mongols on I 259
" destroyed I 268
" Mongol Emperor to find
asylum on I 260
" Ravages on I 210
" Rebels on I 217, 219
" revolts I 252
" Schools on I 150
" Tradition of I 47
" Vassal of Koyru I 142
" Volcano on I 152
Railway concessson, Seoul Fusan
II 318
lN;nlwa\' concession Seoul-
Wiju II 309
" Seoul-Cheniulpo II 311
" Seoul-Fusan II 372
Rank, Chinese names of I 148
Ravages. Japanese I 238, 239, 240
243, 244, 246, 254, 255, 258, 264
266, 267, 269, 279
" of Yu-jin I 191
Rebellion of a butcher I 336
" of 426 B. C. I 12
" of Cho Wi-jung I 182
" of Hong Kyoug-na II 192
" in Kong-ju 11 140
" of Myo Chung I 176
" in Sil-la 645 A. D. I loi
" in South II 167
" of Vi Kwal II 74
" of Yi Si 5 I 316
Rebels off Quelpart I 217, 219
Reconstruction II 267
"Red-head" cannibals I 249
"Red-head" defeated I 244, 250
"Red- head" invasion, Second
I 24S
Reforms of 1834 II 196
" of 1S83 II 232
" demanded by Japan
II 261
" in Korvu I 148
" of Kija I 8
" of King Chul jong II 200
" of King Chung-jong I 327
" of King In-jo II 72
" of King Se-jong 1 305
" of King Sun- jo I 337
" of King T'a-jo I 295
" Military II 89
" proposed I 239 II 267
" under Song Si-ryul II 147,
148, 149
" under Yi T'a-jo I 288
" Superficial II 280
Refugees, Chinese I 36, 57
Regency of Ta-wun-gun II 204
Regent retires II 218
" returns from China II 241
" returns to power II 229
Relic, Buddhist I 163
" of Kija I 10
" of Tan- gun I 3
Religion, Buddhism I 76
" Buddhist a Government
I 66
" of Koguryii I 39
" of Ma-han I 30
" Shintoism I 92
" of Ye mak I 21
Repository, The Korean II 326
Resident dismissed, Mongol I 242
GENERAL INDEX,
13
Residency, Mongol
1 194
Retrogress! till
II 310
Revenue
I 168
" in Korju
I 222
" of Korea
11 55
" laws recvised
II 149
" reforms
II 270
Revolt in Koryu
I 197
" of Ajnus
II 350
" Nam-nyu *
I 20
' ' of slaves
I 185, 195
Ricci, P
II 39. 148
Ridel. Bishop
II 208
Roads built
I 54
Robbers in Korj'Q
I 183
" Rodgers. Admiral II 212
Roman Catholic Bishopric II 196
" " disturbance II 345
" " priest in Nanking
II 92
" " priests on Ouelpart
II 197
Roman Catholicism spread of
II 184, 209
" " Entrance of
II 37, 156
" " First edict against
II 175
Roze appealed to, Admiral II 206
" Expedition of Adm. II 208
209
" Island sold II 330
Russians ask for trading rights «
II 205
" coaling station II 334
Russia not favorable to reforms
II 309
Russian Church II 331
" Aggressin on Yalu II 348
" Legation, King goes to
II 302
" Military instructors II 313
" Palace guard II 311
" pressure withdrawn II 316
" tactics in the East II 3J2
" timber concession II 346
" treaty II 346
" Variak II 357, 367
Sacrifice, Animal II 179
" to the ch ak-ch'ak II 134
" by Tan-guti \ 3
Sa do the Martyr II 179
Salt making II 34
monopoly I 226, 231
" tax remitted 11 14S
" works II 15
Sam-guk-sa I 177
Sanscrit in Korea I 30S
" books I 232
Sats\ima ware ^I 55
Satsuma rebellion II 220
Schaul. P. II 143
School founded, Western II 246
" of letters I 304
" Pai Chai II 246
" in Pyeng-yang 932 A. D.
I 138
Seal sent to T.sushiraa II 165
" unearthed I 20
Se-jo usurped power I 311
Seoul becomes capital I 296
Seoul-Chemulpo Railway II 311
Seoul, Description of I 297
" evacuated 1592 I 362
" " by Japanese II 11
Seoul- Fusan Railway
concession II 318, 372
Seoul, Manchus enter II lot
" panic-stricken I 361
" reoccupied II 16
" secondary capital I 170
" taken by Japanese
" 1592 I 367
" taken by Yi Kwal II 77
" Wall of I 297
Seoul-Wiju railway II 309
Serfs, Emancipation of II 181
Sericulture I 311, 314
Settlements, Japanese I 261, II 38
" in South Korea I 32
Sewer in Seoul built II 175
Shang dynasty I 4
Shintoism I 92
Shogun, A Korean I 145, 186
Shrine to Korean Trinitj' I 4
Siege of Ch'un-ch'un I 203
" of Ku-ju I 193
" by Mongols I 202
" of Nam-han II 102
" of Pyeng-j-ang
I 17, 48, 74, 64, 157
" of Song-do, Mongol I 193
" of Ul-san II 35
" of Yun-an I 392
Sil-la absorbs most of Korea I 118
" Buddhism in I 76, 80
" capital sacked by
Kyun-whun I 136
" decadent I 131
" decline I 121
" falls I 140
" opposes China I i'5
'■ Origin of I 34
" Origin of name " 1 77
" ravaged I 130
" treasures I 135
Silvfv money I 232
Sil-yip defeated, Gen. I 35S
Sim Yu-gyTing, Envoy 1 1 26
Sin -don's fair 1 265
14
KOKIvAN IIISTORV
Sin-don's power I 256
rise I 255
Siu-gak executed, Gen. I 372
Sister, Marriage with I 144, 145
Slaves freed, Gov't II 190
" revolt I i8«i, 196
Slavery I 146, 149
" in KoryQ I 230
"Smoke-house Soldiers" I 247
Social grades II 181
Society II 155, 369, 370, 371
Sodomy T 265
vSong-do becomes capital I 134
" taken by Gen. Yi I 285
" wall built I 129
Song Si-r}-ul killed II 157
" " reforms
II 147, 148, 149
South Korea settlements I 32
" Pu-yu I 41
Southern Korea, Tribes of 1 28
Sparwehr, The II 143
Speyer, de II 3i5
" recalled II 313
Spies, Mongol I 200, II 94
Spoils system II 54
Starvation in Nam-han II 107
Stevens, Adviser II 372
Stone- fight. Origin of I 276
Stork as official emblem II 144
Store-houses, Gov't I 149
Su Cha-pil's return from
Japan II 234
Sui Emperor invades Korea I 87
Suk T'al-ha I 44
Sul Ch'ong I 120
Sulphur mines II 149
Sungari River I 38
Sun-jo, False charges against
King II 41
" King I 337
" in \\ i-ju I 392
" vindication of II 41
Superstition II 134
Buddhist II 149
"Surprise" wrecked II 203
Surrender of Nam-han offer-
ed II 113
Suspension bridge, First II 8
Su-ya-bul I 34
Suzerainty cost off, Chinese
II 273
" Chinese claims to II 245
" Manchu II 125
" Mongol I 194
Ta-bak Mt. I i
Tablet of Regent II 215
" of the Manchus II 130
Ta-bong Kingdom I 131
Tairano I 345
Kingdom
Ta-jong active I 292,
" becomes king
Tal-geui
T'am-na
" envoy to Koryu
" prefect
" a vassal of Korj'u
Ta-na well
Tang dynasty
Tan -gun *
" altar repaired I
" grave found I
Tan-jong abdicates
" nmrdered
Ta-p'a-ra
T'ap-dan invasion
" Tribe
Tattooing
Ta-wun-gun becomes regent
I
" born I
" career I
" dies I
" retires I
" return from China I
" taken to China I
Tax on ginseng
Taxation under Kija
Taxes in Koryu
" lowered I
Telegraph line built I
Temples to God of War I
Tests of endurance
" of Royal power
Thibetan books
Three Hans, The
Tien-tsin convention I
Timber concession I
Tiger as official emblem I
Timur Khan
Timber on the Yalu
Title of Ma-rip gau I
" popthuuKius
Tobacco introduced I
Tombs desecrate, Royal I
Tomb, Kija's
Tong-guk T'ong-gam published
321
Tonghak founder killed I
" Origin of 1
" resume operations
T(mg-nian
lortoise boat
" " successful
Total abstinence
Trade relations with Japan
with Japan
letumed
299
300
5
75
136
178
142
184
92
I
i«5
311
312
44
227
227
30
204
195
315
3'5
218
241
231
236
9
222
146
242
52
30
48
232
28
241
346
144
228
I
70
79
134
12
10
204
203
248
276
93
376
399
166
54
306
333
GENERAL INDEX.
15
Trading port at Fusan II 59, 153
" stations enlarged, Japanese
II 136
Tradition of Hyuk-ku-se I 34
" of Kje-rim I 52
" of Pu-yQ I 37
" of Quelpart I 74
" of Suk-fal-ha I 44
'* of Wang-f^on I 129
•• " " escape I 132
" of Yu-ri I 4r
Treachery Chinese II 3
" of Pak-je • I 45
Treasures of Sil-la I 135
Treaty with U. S. II 232
" with Germany II 233
" with Great Britain II 233
" with Japan II 221
" with Manchus II 86
" with Mongols I 187
" with Russia II 241
Tribe of Chin-han I 30
" of Euni-nn I 24
" of Holcha-on II 55
" of Karak I 50
" of Ku-ran I 26
" of Mal-gal I 25
" of Nang nang I 25
" of Ok-ju I 22
" of Pal-ha I 26
" of Pyou-han I 31
" of T'ap-dan I 227
" of Ye-niak I ^9
Tribute horses I 278
" to Manchus II 87, 93, 124
" Ming demand for I 275
" Mongol demand for
I 190, 194
Trial of Koreans for murder
of Queen II 300, 305
" Laws of I 167
" of Miura II 298
Trinity, A Korean I i
" Shrine to I 4
Truce with Japanese I 405
Tsin dynasty I 13
Tsuginobu I 345
Tsushima daimyos II 165
" a dependency I 35
Type cast II 188
" First I 301
" restored. Copper II 151
U, Wild tribe I 19
Ul-lan Kingdom I 238
L'1-leung-do (Dagelet Id.) I 138
Ul san Fort II 35
'* " relieved II 36
Usurpation of King Se-jo I 311
" Kyun whun I 12S
Vandalism of Manchus II 113
Variak II 357, 362
Vassalage to China, Koguryu's
I 70
'• " " Pik-je's I 70
" " Manchus II 132
Vessels, Sillawar 1 72
Veterinary surgery I 315
Viclorieu<-e, La II 197
Volcnnic eruption I 152
Waste lands II 368
Waeber-Kcmura Agreement
II 08
Wall across Korea I 93. 165
" the North I 135
■' built against the Mongols
I 190
Wall of China, Great I 13
" of Silla capital I 36
" capital offence, Scaling of
H 157
" of Seoul I 297
Wang,- Introduction of word I 77
Wang-gon's advice I 143
" becomes king I 133
" military prowess I 130
War chariots I 170, II 170
" between China and
Kcguru I 86, 98
'* declared by Japan against
China II 273
" with Kitan I 162
" between Koguryu and
Pak-je I 64, 67. 73
" between Koguryu and Yun
I 62, 67
" between Kyun whiin
and Wang-gon I 137
" between Silla and China
1 116
" between Silla and Japan
I 64
" between Silla and Pak-je
1 56, ^3, 102
'* terminated Chi no
Japanese II 282
" The Triangular I 72
" Vessels, Silla I 72
Water-clock I 121. 303
Weapons made, New I 330
Weaving encoui aged I 315
Wei Kingdom in China I 73
Weights and measures I 166
Well, Ta ua I 184
Whaii-in I i
Whan-ung I I
Whan Son-gil's insurrection I 133
Whang Tril)e I 19
Wheel invented I 75
Widows first forbidden to re-
marry I 321
16
KOREAN HISTORY.
Willow capital I 9
Wild tribes of North I 19
Wiuian I 14
" Invasion I 16
Wina Cliff I 4,^
Wine-drinker execnted II 175
Wiue-niakinji prohibited I 301
" and spirits prohibited II 166
Witchcraft I 330, II 161
Woman ruler, First ' I 93
Women's rights I 221
Wreck of "Surprise" II 207
" of French war vessels II 197
" of "Gen. Sherman" II 207
" of Sparwehr II 143
Wu-ti's Conquest, Emperor I 18
Wu-yi, Emperor I 4
Wiin-gyun defeated II 31
X\'lographic art I 316
Ya-gol-da I 201
Yalu, Battle o , Naval II 25S
" Russian aggressi 3n on II 348
Yamagata arrives, Marshall II 2s8
Yaug-ulla I 74
Yang Tribe I 19
Yasuhiro I 344
Ye-mak horses I 21
" religion I 21
" tribe I 19
Yi Kwal's rebellion II 74
" _ takes Seoul II 77
Yi T'a-jo becomes King I 295
" defeats Japanese I 271
" deposes king I 287
" honored I 254
" reforms I 28S
" retires I 299
Yi T'a-jo revolts I
" rise I
" successes I
" takes Liao Fortress
I
Yi Yong-ik's methods
" narrow escape
" return
" Rise of
Yi Sun-sin
" degraded
fame
genius
great naval victory
Plot against
reinstated
tactics, Admiral
victorious
Yin dynasty
Yongampo
Yong gol da
Yoshitoshi
Yu-jin attacked
Yu-jin invade
" ravages
Yuan Empire named
Yuan Shih-kei aids conser
vatives
" flight
Yun-u's usurpation
Yun Chi-ho an^ iudepend
ence
Yun Kingdom
" " origin of
Yun-san's evil rule
" deposed
283
248
262
264
11 33"
II 339
II 344
II 329
I 375
II 30
I 37«
II 40
I 399
II 29
II 32
I 276
11 33. 48
I 4
11 347
II 94
I 345
I 161
I 171
I 191
I 218
II 234
II 265
I 56
II 216
I 13
I 62
I 323
I 326
BIOGRAPHICAL INDEX.
Adogau
Ago da
Ajin
Amf)gau
Au
Au Gugol
An Golp'o
An Hyoje
An Cbu' gsu
An Tojok
An Pak
An Kuksn
I 43
I i8
I 43
I 195
I 43
I iS
I 396
246
229
1 247
159
61
An P ynnghyon I 51
An U I 234
An Yu I 322
An Si I 85
An U-Gyung I 247
An Yul' I 195
An Kyungsu 2^3
Ap Sulyung I 61
Ara Kaya I 43
A son Keupri I 51
A-sil a I 127
C'lia Ch'aung I 43
Ch'arada I 195
Chasa I 35
Chasan Chinji I 35
Chakwun I 349
Ch'alja 1 181
Ch'amfung I 43
Chanidu I 295
Chang I 15, 43
Ch'argam I loi
Chang Ch'unh I 349
Chatig Dan I 59
Chang Eiiiiniin I 295
Chang Eungjuug i
Chang Keun I 85
Ch'ang Kyung I 309
Chang Hngun I 18
Chang Heung I 309
Chang H()n Seja 173
Chang Cham I 85
Ch'ang Chori I 51
Chang Man I 177, 61
Chang Sa--ung I 234
Chang Sejuk i
Chang Seungyun 61
Chang Sin 116
Ch'angsung I 153
Ch'angwha I 153
Ch'angwun I 221
Chang Yewun i 359
Chang Yu 61, 130
Che I 4
Cheha I 8[
Ch'p'o I 295
Chewang Mynnggan
~ 309
85
153
3«3
337
359
35
259
35
130
loi
4
85
27
153
4
303
28
229
246
I 296
I 337
I 309
I 309
I 177
I 332
Cheuugi
Chi Ch'wa mun
Chi Talwun
Chinaus-an
Chire
Chirisan
Chi un
Ch'i' Chungsung
Chilga
Ch'iljung
Chin bun
Chin Tadroic
Chinh lU
Chiujong
Cho
Cho Pyungjik
Choug Keuiwun
Cho Pyungho
Cho Pyungsik
Cho Tukkong
Ch(.) Ku
Chung Inji
Cho Keukkwan
Cho Kwang
C ho Kwangjo
Cho Il-kyuug 16
Chong Mongju I 259
Cho Heuiyuu 263
Chong Munhu I 383
Cho Hoik I 195, 396
Cho Hon I 337
Cho Hyoja I 85
Cho Hyunham I 359
Cho II in 1 61
Cho Im I 195
Cho Ch'su I 322
Cho Chin I 295
Cho Chuk I 234
Cho Chunyung I 215
Cho niun I 61
Cho ryung I 249
Chong Soun I 247
Cho Ryungha 215,229
Cho Seuughun I 396
Cho Sinheui 246
Cho Sosang I 74
Cho Sukniun I 309
Cho T'ago 159
Cho Ung I 296
Cho Whi I 274
Ch'wa Ihang - 130
Ch'oe I 43
Ch'oebi I 61
Ch'oe Poksul I 202
Ch'oe Ch'iwun I 113
Ch'oe Ch'ukkyung
I 177
Ch'oe Eungil 73
Ch'oe Kyung whe 130
Ch'oe Kyusu 159
Ch'oe Heul I 295
Ch'oe Heungwun
I 283
Ch'oe Hyoil 130
Ch'oe Ikhyun 215
Ch'oe Chang I 195
Ch'oe Myunggil 61
*If the vohime is not indicated, Vol. II is understood.
KORHAN HISTORY
Ch'oe Suk Imug 159
Ch'oe U I 247
Ch'oe Yunduk I 295
Cli'oe Yiuig I 396
Cliuk " I 43
Cliukkeuni i
Ch'uk Kyegwang 16
Qhoa Kejjun 1 1S9
Chon Nanisan I loi
Chon Saung I 85
Chon Sujong 1 i
Choug 1 43
Chonga Kakbak IS9
Cheng Ch'ungsin 73
Chong Tuwiui 88
Chong Euugt'a 28
Chong Keuiwun 28
Chong Konsu I 396
Chong Heuiryang
I 159
Chong Inhong I 383
Chong Inji I '309
Chongji I 270
Chongjong I 295
Chong Chungju I 177
Chong Mongju I 259
Chong Munbu I 3S3
Chong Myungjin
I lOI
Chong Nanibu I 396
Chong Nanisu 61
Chong Nogyung 130
Chong Okwun I 309
Chong On loi
Chong Pakhyung 116
Chongbangsan 88
Chong Pangsu 73
Chong Poeun I 281
Chong Pyungha
2SS
Chong Seun I 247
Chong Sugyu loi
Chong Sukha I 396
Chong Sung I 153
Chong Sung hong
I 309
Chongt'ong I 4
Chong Wuudo I 85
Chong Wungun 61
Chong Yorip I 396
Chou I 4
Chu Keuu I 43
Chu Cha
215
Chu Mangin 1 270
Chuniong I 35
Chu IMunnio I 1S9
Ch'u P'ungyuug I 359
Chu Sebung I 322
Chusu I 4
Chukju I 195
Clnikyuiig
Chuk&an
Chulgang
C'hulli
C'h'uhnokchin
Chulyung
Chulyungdo
Chutnsun
Ch'unch'uk
Ch'unjuhak
Chunsu
Chunghogwun
Ch'ungniok
Chungseung
Ch'ungsun
Chungwun
Ch'ungyaug
Euijong
Euiwha (Prince
Eulbul
Eulji Munduk
Eulneum
Eumho
Eumnu
Eupch'a
Haburu
Hadogani
Hakongjin
Hauam
Harj'uk
Hasaju
Ha Sang
Ha ung
Hau
Hausi
Ha wan g
Ha Wiji
Ha Yang
Hakeui
Hamja
Ham j ung
Hamnia
Hamp'vungno
Han
Han Eungin
Hangaug
Han Keuksung
Han Kj'ujik
Han Hyosun
Han Hyun
Hanju
Han Myungwhe
Han Rue
Hansan
Hansanju
Hau-sando
Hau Seungu
Han Sun
Han Usang
Hanyang
349
359
337
'53
I 181
28
I 127
I 85
I 141
173
I 18
45
I 61
Han Yuu
Hanggu
73
I
1 295
I 221
I 141
I 127
I 177
246
I 5'
I 85
I 153
I 35
I 18
I 18
I 4
215
153
101
lOI
113
28
337
I 5i
I I
] 18
I 3'^9
I 141
159
I 85
I 234
I 18
I 4
I 15
I 359
J 4
I 388
229
61
16
113
309
177
127
113
113
159
181
116
61
I
Hang Chang I 349
Happ'o I 221
Hap Sotnun I 85
Heuk-su I 18
Heungch'ung 130
Heuni-mu I 153
Heung Euiyuk I 153
Heungguk I i8j
H eungin 215
Heung In ISIuu I 295
Heung Wha 1 153
Heung Yo I i^y,
Hodo I 259
Hodobal I 270
Hodokkobulwha I 247
Ho Ko'ig 61
Hobald'> I 270
Ho Sung I 337
Ho Yup I 337
Hoi don I 208
Holja -n I 295
Holp'ilyul I 208
Honjang I 127
Hongbuni I 4
Hong Chongu 246
Hong Ponghan 173
Hong Chinu 229
Hong Tujuk I 234
Hongeui Taj an g I 383
Hong Kukyung 173
Hong Kyeheui 1 173
Hong K\ enam I 396
Hong Kyuugna 189
Hong Ikhan 130
Hong Inhan 173
Hong Chahak 215
Hong Chaheui 215
Hong Mu I 259
Hongmun I 259
Hong Myuugil I 1 16
Hongsan I 259
Hong Sobong 101
Hong T'asi 61
H ngwun I 177
Hong Yungsik 229
Hsia I 18
Hsuanti I 27
Hu Kukch'ung i
Hu Honggang 16
Hu Chuk 88
Hu Chin I 359
Hu Chung I 309
Hu Wan I loi
Hukyung I 74
Hujik I 74
Husung I 85
Hullyuu Togam 215
HuUyunwuu I 322
BIOGRAPHICAL INDEX.
Hunniin Chong-
Kang Hongrip
61
eum
I 295
Kan
g Cbiubuk
116
Hyanggyo
I 322
Kan
i^mok
I 4
Hye
I 247
Kan
?mok Chun
p'yun
Hyejong
I 141
I 322
Hyewhaniun
1 295
Kang Munhyung 215
Hyojang Seja
159
Kan
^nam
I I4(
Hyoribal
I 177
Kangwang
I 43
Hyukknse
I 35
Kan
^whe
I 113
Hyon Tuksu
I 181
Kan
J Wibing
116
Hyonjong
I 141
Kan
t;\vherok
45
Hyong Ka
28
Kao
I 35
Hyupju
I 127
Kap
Whan
I 141
Hyuppu
I 35
Ke ]
Pak
I lOI
Hyu Chung
I 396
Ke "
^^ang
I 234
Hyun
I 4
Keui
I 234
Hyundo
I 15
Keui Cbahon
61
Hyuninong
16
Keuirin
73
Hyuu Yanggwa
I 322
Keunijun
I 177
Hyung Wunhaiig I 74
Keumsuro
143
IbuUan
I 61
Keumchuwi
130
Ich'ukson
I 43
Kibi
I 4
Itu
I 113
Kichung
I 43
Ibulson
I 43
Kija
I 4
Isabu
I 74
Kijun
I 4
Isageum
I 43
Kit'
dk
I 43
I son
I 43
Kiwbun
I 208
Ikjo
I 234
Kim
143
Ilbou
I 113
Pin
I 322
Ilt'ongji
I 4
Podang
I 177
Inidun
I 15
Pohyun
I 229
lui Kaug'u
I 113
Pongchung
im Kukchung
I 177
I 229
ini Kyongup
116
Cboughan
263
Iniha
45
Ch'wiryo
I 181
Ini Hyun
28
Ch'unil
I 383
Ini In-gu
I 6
Ch'i nt'ak
I 159
Ini Chagang
I
Teukpa
I 247
Jmjon
I lOI
Tukyang
16
Im Sunmu
I 270
Tongyong
I 337
Jni.Un
I 309
Eungsu
16
Inpukwun
I 270
Keon
189
ingvung
61
Kim
gu Ch'ilbu
I 74
Inju
I 177
Kin
1 Kongyang
I 259
In San
61
Kubyung
I 74
In sung
61
Kwiyung
I 359
Kaduk
I 371
Kyungjeung 88
Ka Kang
45
Kyung-no
28
Kabap
61
Kyungsu
61
Karak
I 43
Hayung
263
Kari
I 43
Hong-jip
215
Ka yung
I 345
Hongmin
I 396
Kaso
I 51
Hongnyuk
303
Kasung
I 141
Hvowun
I 359
Kaya
I 43
Hyuk
130
Kaksan
I 234
Ik-kyum
130
Kal Pongha
I
Ilsung
I 159
Kalsa
I 43
Ufa
I lOI
Knlsuk
I S5
Inmun
I 113
Kang Kanich'an I 153
Cbajum
61
Kim Chegap I 371
Chijong
I II
Cbunggeui I 159
Chwageun I 202
Majin 263
Munhyun 246
Myon I 383
Myungwun I 383
Nyu 61
Yung I 113
Okcb'u I 396
Okkyun 215
Onyun rol
P'yunggu I 202
P'yungsi 312
Sanggun i
Sangno 173
Sangwi I 153
Sangyong 86
Segeui 246
Simin I 396
Sik 130
Singuk loi
Su I 337
Sunam 116
Suk heung I 153
Suugil I 337
T'a-suk 61
T'ak I 396
Yangun 73
Yiso 173
Yongan I 247
Yu I 270
Yusin I loi
Yunjung I 113
Yunsik 215
Yungba 159
Yungjuu 327
Kin I 4
Ko I 85
Ko Pokjang I 51
Ko ch'ung I 85
Koeul I 177
Kogan I 259
Kogan I lOi
Kogu I 61
Kojang I 181
Koguryu I 15
Ko Kungna I 153
Ko Kyungmin I 396
Ko Kyungmyung
I 383
Kohu I 85
Koje I 74
Kojomo I 322
Ko Chonghu i
Ko Onbak i
Kuran I 18
Koryung Kaya I 43
Kusugan I 35
KOREAN HISTORY.
Ko Sujang I 322
Kosuug I 43
KouUa I 74
Ko Unjip I 113
Ko Yangj^yuin 16
Ko Yoiigheui 303
Ko Yungch'ang I 177
Kolbu I 153
Kulgul Chungsuiig
I 113
Kollu I 61
Kum Modani I 113
Kou Yongjiu 303
Kong Sonsu I 15
Kongsong Wanghu
45
Kong Yuduk 10 i
Kuda I 4 '
Kugweng ] loi
Ku Kano I 270
Ku Hyoyun I 359
Ku Inhu 45
Kujusiso 45
Ku Wulsan I i
Kukcho Pogani I 309
Kuk Kyungin I 383
Kungje 1 127
Kwak I 43
Kwak II I 383
K%\ak Chau i 383
Kwak Chun 1 383
Kwanbak 1 337
Kwauna I 127
Kwannobu I 35
K wan so I 309
Kwan Sunsang I 234
Kwan U 45
Kwan Yungjin 327
Kwangha (Prince) 45
Kwang Heuiniun I 295
Kwangmu I 18
Kweyu I 43
Kwisun I 153
Kwi Yungga 61
Kwun 1 43
Kwun Ilsin 173
Kwun Chulsiu 173
Kwun Chonggil I 349
Kwun nam I 309
Kwun Yungjin 263
Kwun Sunjaug 116
Kwun Ryul I 396
Kyego I 74
Kye P'il 1 loi
Kyep'il Haryuk I loi
Kj-erim I 51
Kyerobu I 35
Kvervune I 295
Kvo ilgeui
61
Kyuu Naryang I 39
Kyongbokkung 16
Kj'ong U 229
Kyungguk Tajun I 309
Mach'un I 295
Ma Kunsang 229
Ma Kwi 28
Mahan I 27
Ma Heuich'un loi
Ma Pou I 153
Mabuda 88
Mararanta I 61
Mari I 27
Marisan I i
Ma Susung I 27
Mak Chuljang I 74
M algal I 18
Man I 113
Manbu I 141
Manduk I 74
Man Seduk 45
Mang Keumch'a I 85
Manggoda 61
Mangso I 51
Mang Udang I 383
Mija I 4
Misaheun I 61
Mil Chiksa I 247
Milu I 51
Min I 48
Min Cli'angsik 215
Min Chirok 202
Min Chongmuk 215
Min Eungsik 215
Min Kyumho 215
Min Seungho 215
Min Si I 309
Min T'aho 215
Min Tuho 215
Min Yungik 229
Miu Yungju 327
Min Yungjun 263
Min Yungmok 229
Min Yungso 215
Min Y'ungwhan 279
Mo Kogyung I 284
Mo Ku-geuni I 51
Mo Munnjung 61
Mori no I 259
Mo Tungok I 35
Mo Whagwan 73
Mo Y'ong I 61
Mo Yonghan I 61
Mo Yongwe 1 61
Mo Yongp'a I 61
Mo Yougp'ung 161
Mo Y'ongwhang I 61
Mok Horxung 144
Mok Jo ' 1 loi
Mok Sirj'ong 144
Mok Yakju I 113
Mogo Hyun I 4
Mong Nyuk I 295
Mu Gol
I 35
Mu Gvung
I 322
Mu Hak
I 295
Mu Hyul
143
Mu Je
I 15
Mu Jinju
I 113
Mu Ju
I 127
Muroda
I 153
Mu Sandasu
I 35
Mu Song
I 18
Mu Wang
I 4
Muk Hoja
I 74
Muk Ko
I 35
Mulgil
I 18
Mun Keukkyum
I 177
Mun Hon T'onggo
I 295
Mun Jong 1 322
Mun Mu I 113
Mun Wang I 4
Mun Whe I 73
Myo Chung I 177
Myon Kuha I 181
Myungbol 202
Myungha I 85
Myung Sung I 181
Myungwhalsankova
I 35
Myungwul I 259
Myung-yegung 16
Nh Kwak I 85
Na Heungyu I 259
Na Hoa I 85
Na Se I 270
Nak Sanuji I i
Nak Wh am I 10 1
Nam Angap 10 1
Nini-pynlgung I 1
Namgun I loi
Namha I 35
Na n Yiheung 73
Nam Myungsun 295
Nrtn'nyu I 18
Nam Ongyung i 396
Nam Onjung 189
Namsang I loi
Namso I 85
Nam T'ajung • 159
Nanguang I 15
Napt'apchul I 247
Neung Ch'anggun 61
Neung Pongsu 10 r
Ni Mun I 74
No 1 43
Nogwan I 4
No Chik I 383
Norach'i 61
Nu B mg I 85
O Ch'ungau I 43
O Talch'e 166
BIOORAPIIICAL INDKX.
rdogan
O EuiiKJuug
Oi
O Cliani;gyung
O ^laknani
Onu)kilu
Ci M}unghang
Or an
O Siuu
Y Yeeui
O Vunsjsu
O Yuch'ung
0 Yuujuug
Okchu
Okju
Ok K ng
Okp} uu
Olja
01 Chokheup
Ol Yanghap
Om (Lady)
Oniu
Onjo
P'agada
Pa fcieukynui
Pai Chai'
P'asa
P asu
P asu
Pak Ch^ingyang
Pak Eungsu
Pak Chesun
Pak Hong
Pak Chunyaug
Pak Hyo ip
Pak lugye
Pak Ingul
Pakje
Pak Che?ang
Pak Chu
Pak Keuip'ung
Pak Kusa
Pak K wan on
Pak Kakkwan
Pak P'ang}-un
Pak Pilgeun
Pak I'D
Pak Sa
Pak Sun
Pak T'abo
Paktol
Pak Un
Pak Whan
Pak Wunjong
Pak Y.inggo
Pak Yong
Pak Yongliyo
Pak Yonggyo
Pak Yongso
43
127
28
35
229
51
130
154
322
4
309
73
I
229
iS
iS
61
322
259
309
295
337
43
35
270
270
229
28
141
4
215
45
246
349
263
73
259
337
18
61
27
189
51
371
215
309
159
295
4
337
144
18
229
IDI
322
61
322
271
229
215
Pal
Palgi
Pal ha
Palnij'ung Kangi
Pan Kujun
Pan yak
Pang
Pang Kukchin
P'ango
Pang Si-cli'an
Pang Suk
P'ang Uduk
Paiigvvun
Pang Yup
P'idogan
Pigan
I iin
Pip'a
Piryu
Pingsa-i
Piun
Posuk
Posul
Pou
Pokani
Pokho
Poksin
Pom Sehyung
Pumneut
Punho
Pong Ch'unbu
Pukheungsa
Pupji
Pugyun
Puru
Purvu
Puulla
Puj'ang
Puyu
Puynp'ung
Puksingu
Pukwun
Pulgyung
Pnlhanisan
Pulla
Pulnal
P'ungi
P'unghong
P'ungju
Pviil-gwan
Pyulha
Pyung Eungsnng
I
Pyungeui I
Pyonhan I
P'yungjang I
P'yiuigsuga I
P'vungsugil I
Sahak I
4
5>
113
32^
2S
259
I
61
I
I
295
28
337
61
43
4
295
35
127
ID
127
35
322
5'
61
IDI
189
45
337
4
396
74
61
I
35
74
121
1
loi
130
113
61
18
18
18
I
61
15
130
144
349
349
27
349
349
349
101
Sa Whadong
Saryang
Sa Surtin
Sa Tasu
Sayu
Sikpang
Salnia
Sal>u
Sal Yet 'ap
Sara-gang Han
Sanigukfa
Sam Ka
Samnyang
Samsenn
Samyaugju
Sanch'uk
San Kilda
San nam
San Sagyul
Sansu
Sangata
Sanggeui
Sanguh\ un
Saiiggye
Sangmyung
Sang Sihyung
Sangsung
Sej jng
Seo
vSeung Ch'unbu
Shin
Si
Si Honyuk
Sijun
Si Osa
Siwun
Siljik
Silla
Sil Yip
SI Yung
Sim Chip
Sim pAxigyung
Sim Keuiwun
Sim Kwangsu
v-^im Ha
S m Hyun
Sim Keuiwun
Sim Kyongjin
Sim Sajun
Sim Sanghak
Sim Ta
Sim Tukpu
Simyaug
Sim Yugyung
Sim Vul
Sim Yuii
Sin Chang
Sin Chang
Sin Chisun
I 337
1 113
130
I
396
309
177
74
' 195
gsil
I 322
I 177
I 247
I 208
I 247
I 113
I 281.
I 195
I 141
I 221
18
35
141
4
I
I
I
I
I 127
130
I 4
234
4
51
195
4
173
130
4
16
45
51
18
337
359
116
337
61
loi
161
116
161
61
208
215
396
270
4
396
lOI
mi
181
281
215
Sill Chi
Sin Cliipp'ymij^
Sin Ciruj^yun
Sindo
Sinj^eum
Sin Keuisun
Sin Kill
Sin Kwijjan
Sin Kyiint^jin
Sin Kyuiii^wau
Sin Ybeungsa
Sin Ho
Sin Hou
Sin Hong
Sin Ik
Sin INIi
Sin Iksung
Sin Seung
Sin Sejun
Sin Sukcbu
Sin sung
Sin U
Sin Yuge
Sip je
So- Euimun
So Emggunij
So Hakmyung
So Keumbe
So Kogan
Sohakchi
So Ijou
Soje
So Chungbaug
Sokava
So P'ill
Sorobu
So Subi
So Souryung
Soyu
Sok Kang Ymok
Sokumn Heun
t'ongno
Solchi
Songi Okbyung
Son Kunbi
Son K ivatig
Sou Insu
Son In gap
Sou Cbuk
Son Munju
Sonsu
Son Suryum
Song Cbemin
Songdo
Song Eungch'ang
Sang HHuhong
i-ang Heuian
Song Kil
Song Kil
KORKAN Ills
lY) l< V .
1 iS
Songnial
I iS
T'a-jo
I 4
I 195
Songp'a
116
T'a-jung
1 . 4
I 215
Song Sanghyun
I 349
Ta-ka-ya
I 43
I 247
Song Sibyuiig
166
Tainyuug
I 231
I 127
Song Siryul
Tana
I 177
263
Song Ugil
45
Ta-p'a ra
I 43
I 359
Song VVunsin
I 359
Ta-feik
I 153
I 43
Song Yujin
16
Ta-so
I 43
I 116
S'Ug Yunniun
28
Ta wun-gun
I 215
lOI
Subulju
1 i'3
Ta-Ynu in
I 153
215
Subuk
144
T'ai-k'ang
I iS
28
SuKyul
I 309
Tak-soe
I 221
215
Su K wan g bum
229
Tal-geui
I 4
I 270
Su Chach'ang
229
Tal yang
I 322
I 371
Su Chap'il
229
Tani-dok
I 61
I 309
Sujari
215
Tatn-jin
I 74
lOI
Sujun
I 4
T'ani-na ]
[ 61
I 74
Suniyungsan
173
Tan
I 61
I 3^i
Su Sangu
229
Tan-dun
[ 18
I 295
Su Sangjip
263
T'an-geuni-da
f 349
I 61
Surabul
I 35
Tan guu
1
I 259
Su Saga
I 309
Tang
1 4
J 349
Su Sangjo
229
Tang-jin
lib
I 35
Su Sangu
229
T'ang Yak-niang
130
I 259
Susil
I 51
T'ap-clnn ]
[ 181
I 28
Su Usin
73
Tap- on
[ 85
16
Suyabul
I 35
T'apchi ]
t 259
1S9
Suyak
I 113
Teung-na
130
I 309
Suyang
I 309
Teuug Wun-jung
173
Su Yewun
I 349
]
3 2
I 322
Suyuk
I 141
To-ak I
295
I 35
Suksin
I 18
T'o-bun I
221
I lOI
Suktari
I 359
To-bong I
153
I 34
Sukt'alha
I 43
To-ja-do I
221
I 141
Suk Uro
I 51
To-rini I
61
I 34
Suk Yida
I 20Si
To-ryung-ko-do w
ha
16
Sul Ch'ong
I 113
I
177
I 141
Sulhan
144
To-san I
295
I 4
Sul Inuwi
I 101
To-sun I
127
■C
Sul Seung
I 74
Tok-po
130
I 322
Sunbi
I 51
Tol-gwal I
85
Sun do
I 61
Tol-san-ko-ho I
35
I 4
Sunjong
I 127
Toug-bu I
157
I 745
Sunuobu
I 35
Tong Eul-ji I
309
I 322
Sungch'ung
I 101
Tong-guk T'oug-
gam
I 20S
Sungbong
I 43
I
309
16
Sungduk
I 113
Tong Hati-yu
28
I lOI
Sung Teup
I 3'^3
Tong-i ]
iS
I 3«3
Sup ha
I '5
Tong Il-wun
45
I 281
Ta jaksan
I I
Tong-in I
337
I 19s
Tabang
I «5
Tong-jak
28
I 61
Tabong
I 127
Tong-ju I
153
I
Tabulsa
28
Tong-niyung I
43
I 383
T'adaro
I 74
Tong-nani I
lOI
I 127
Tahang
I lOI
Tong'?a Po-p'yun
130
g I
Ta-heung
I lOI
Tong-whaug " J
«5
I 127
Ta-in
I 85
Tsiu I
4
I 322
Ta-jang-gyung
I 141
Tsiou
173
I 208
Ta-ja-bu
I 20S
Tu-hul I
177
I 208
Ta-ji
I 181
Tu-no I
51
BIOGRAPHICAL INDEX.
Tukjung I
153
Whewungun
116
Yi
Chil
I 396
Tungp'ayvik I
359
Wiha I
281
Yi
Chinho
303
T'uug Yangjoug
61
Winian I
4
Yi
Ghunvong
279
Ubalsu I
35
Wi Munseung I
«5
Yi
Ch'un
I 259
U Cbe I
247
Wina I
43
Yi
Choyun
226
U Chuuginuu I
«5
Wirye
Yi
Chongin
I
Udubul I
I
Wuyi I
4
Yi
Chongmu
I 295
Ugu I
15
Wnn I
18
Yi
Chongsung
16
Ui I
18
Wua Ch'angyung
73
Yi
Chuk
I lOI
Umun I
61
Wun Ch'nnggap
Yi
Chun
I 309
U Mimsul I
85
221
Yi
Chungyung
I 337
U Okku I
51
Wun Chongsuk I
153
Yi
Chungha
229
U Pakyung
28
Wun Ho I
359
Yi
Chungnam
61
U Pokyung I
349
Wunhyo I
113
Yi
Euibang
I 177
U Pomsun
303
Wun Kyun I
371
Yi
Eungik
263
Usan
74
Wun Mangyung I
lOI
Y]
Euimun
I 181
Usi I
51
Wun Sega
229
Yi
Eung
I 195
Usuju ]
1
Wun Tojin I
295
Y]
Hang
I 270
Uwigu ]
51
Wun Sungwha I
173
Yi
Hangi
I 234
Uk I
141
Wunwang I
27
Y
Heungip
61
Uknyi 1
61
Wun Whang I
I
Yi
Ho
I 322
Ullaui I
234
Yagolda I
195
Y
Houguk
I 359
Ulo I
127
Yasokha I
181
Y
Hyon
I 259
Urn Seyung
271
Yayul Kageum I
177
Yi
Hyonun
I 153
Unbong ]
270
Yayul Sejang I
153
Yi
Hyung
116
Ungch'i ]
396
Ya Yulyung I
177
Y
li A si
I 43
Ungpo I
159
Yangbok I
15
Y
I I-ch'nm
45
Wagyo
45
Yaug Ho
28
Y
1 I-myung
159
Wananjayuu ]
181
Yang Honsu
Y
t 11
I 337
Wansanju ]
181
Yang Hyungam I
85
Y
Inbok
I 259
Wanggeui J
51
Yang Kil I
113
Y
Inim
I 270
Wanggom ]
I
Yang K3'u I
153
Y
i Injwa
159
Wang^on '.
127
Yangmak I
43
Y
Ka
I 309
Wanggyu I
141
Yang nyunggun I
295
Y
Kasang
116
Wangja ]
«5
Yango I
51
Y
I Kak
I 349
Wangmug ]
43
Yang Pakyun I
270
Y
1 Keuiha
159
Wangok ]
396
Yang Panghyuu
16
Y
I Ko
I 177
Wang Pangvnn I
309
Yaug Puha
45
Y
Keunt'ak
337
Waug P'lljuk
I
Yang Saheun I
396
Y
Kongsu
I 247
Wang Sukch'ang
229
Yang Sim I
43
Y
Kwal
61
Waugu I
61
Yang So
I
Y]
Kwang
61
Wang Yujung
1
Yangulla I
74
Y
Kwi
61
Wei ]
4
Yaug Wun
61
Yi
Kyongha
202
Whabang Euijil
215
Yang Yu I
259
Yi
Kyongjeung
101
Whaha Manniak ]
. 18
Yao I
I
Y
Kyongsuk
130
Wharye I
18
Yeh Chichao
24b
Yi
Kyongyo
130
Whawun Onj;ju
173
Yeniak I
4
Y
Kyu
130
Whalla
[ 177
Yewiguk I
iS
Y
Kyungjik
288
Whalyi Kilsa ]
221
Yi Ansa I
234
Yi
Manson
215
Whanin ]
I
Yi Chach'un I
259
Y
Mingu
88
Whan I'geui
Yi Chagyuni I
177
Y
Moughak
16
Whanung
[ I
i Chaniyun
215
Y
Moiigjun
I 141
Whangbak
^ 396
Yi Chasun
■^15
Y
I Myunglian
130
Whang Chisun
234
Yi Chasuug
i;,o
Y
Wyungsang
246
Whang Chungye
13c
Yi Chawan
229
Y
Neungsu
16
Whang Poin I
309
Yi Chauggyu
229
Y
I Ok
I 371
Whang Saynng
189
Yi Chaugson 1
396
Y
I Okkeui
I 396
Whaug Yungil I
337
Yi Chewan
229
Y
I'angch'un
28
Whang Yuuhnn 1
322
Yi Chuiwan
45
Y
Pangjin
I
Whei ]
iS
Yi Chiyun I
189
Y
I Pangsil
I 259
8
KOREAN HISTORY
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y:
Y:
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Pong
Pougeui
Pong nam
Pumjin
Puja
Pyvik
ro
Ryung
Sasung
Sak
Sangyuui
Sanha
Shanggil
Seunggyung
Sia
feibak
Sibal
Sijik
Songgye
Su
Su
Suil
Suktal
Sun
Sunsin
Sunghun
Sunghun
Toja
T'ong
Tuwhang
Yang
Yohon
Yongbang
Yubak
Yugeui
Yuma
Yuo
Yungyung
Yuusu
Yunyong
I
215
I 396
229
73
I 309
I 396
I
159
I 234
I 396
I 359
116
I 234
I 309
1.6
73
116
I 234
73
' 173
73
lOI
322
I 271
45
173
263
I 195
303
I 309
189
61
I
28
I
I
I 322
73
263
Yi Yungbang
Yi Yunggeui
Wan
Wauyoug
Whanjo
Wuncb'un
Wunheui
Wunik
ym
Yodogan
yosira
yongch'ang
yonggolda
Yonggung
Yong Ho
Yongin
Yong P'abu
Yuan
Yu Chahyun
Yu Cheung
Yu Chong
Yu Chungyang
Yugeui
Yu Ha
Yu Hong
Yu Hyo-gul
Yu Hyo-rip
Y"u Hyo-wun
Yu In-wun
Yu Ingwe
Yu jung
Yu Keuk-nyang
Yu Kom-p'il
Yu Kil-jun
Yu Pak-jung
Yu Pang
Yu P'ang-no
Yu rim
Y'u ryul
Y^u Sin
61
73
45
313
I 234
28
202
I 383
I 4
I 48
16
61
88
I 349
lOI
I 349
28
4
229
"3
153
116
I 259
73
I 371
73
88
189
I lOI
I lOI
I 396
I 249
I 127
263
lOI
I 141
1 883
I lOI
I 15^
I 101
Yu su-gan
Yu suu-jong
Yu Suug-juug
Yu Sung-wun
Yu Sung-yong
\'u U-gil
Yu wha
Yu Wan-ga
\'u Whang-sang
Yu Yong-gyung
Yul-su
Yun
Yun Cha-sung
Yun Ch'ang-yun
Yun Ch'i-ho
Yun Cheung
Yun Chi- wan
Yun Chip
Yun Cho-gong
Yun-jun
Yun Pang
Yun-san
Yun-san-ju
Yun Sin-ji
Yun So-jong
Yun Sung-gak
Yun Suu-gu
Yun T'a-jun
Yun Tu-su
Yun Whang
Yun Wun-hyung
Yun Wun-no
Yun Yung-gu
Yun-jong
Yun-jun
Yung-gyu
Yung-p'a
43
3C'9
116
309
3«3
45
35
396
I
45
18
4
215
173
279
144
lOI
116
309
116
88
322
322
116
281
337
116
229
383
116
309
309
303
15)
359
396
322
CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX
OF
THE KINGS OF KOREA.
2332 B.C. Tan-gun |f :g- or Wang-gom
ANCIENT CHOSUN ±-^^)im
Mun-song-wang
Chang-hye-wang
Kyong-hyo-wang
Kong-jung-wang
Mun-mu-wang
T'a-wun-wang
Kyong-ch'ang-wang
H eung-p ' y ti ng- w ang
Ch'ul-wi-wang
Sun-hj'e-wang
Eui-yang-wang
Miin-hye-wang
Song-duk-wang
To-whe-\vang
Mun-yul-wang
Ch'ang-guk-wang
Mu-snng-wang
Chung-gyong-wang
Nak-sung-wang
1122 B.C.
Ki-ja
^^
1082
1 (
Ki-song
"fe
1057
i (
Ki-sun
"f67
1030
(<
Ki-bak
"(6
1000
< I
Ki-ch'un
"#
972
It
Ki-gong
"?L
968
a
Ki-chang
"^
957
i<
Ki-ch'ak
''U
94-3
it
Ki-jo
m
925
a
Ki-sak
"^
896
it
Ki-sa
"m
843
It
Ki-ryuni
'"^
793
< (
Ki-wul
"^
778
1 1
Ki-jik
"1
776
u
Ki-u
"H
761
(1
Ki-mok
"ii
748
n
Ki-p'yunj
o. "Zji
722
( 1
Ki-gwul
"IM
703
1 i
Ki-whe
"•i
It
itiii
NOTF. The names in the ri^ht hand cohinins are the pf).sthunious
titles of the various sovereigns. In the left hand colutnns are the or-
dinary names.
KOREAN HISTORY.
<<
(I
675 K.c.
658 "
634 •'
615 "
594 "
578 "
560 "
519
503
483
465
432
413
385
369
361
342
315
290
251
232
221
Ki-jon -5^ iff
Ki-hyo " ^
Ki-3^ang ' ' '^
Ki-i
Ki-ch'am
Ki-gon
Ki-sak
Ki-yo
Ki-gang
Ki-hon
Ki-pyuk
Ki-jeung " f
Ki-jil
Ki-seup
Ki-ha
Ki-wha
Ki-ho
Ki-uk
Ki-suk
Ki-3'un
Ki-bu
Ki-iim
"5
"ill
(I
"^
"S
"ft
Hyo-jong-wang
Ch'ul-lo-wang
Sii-do-wang
Whi-yang-wang
Pong-il-wang
Tuk-ch'ang-wang
Su-song-wang
Yting-gvil-wang
11-song-wang
Che-se-wang
Chung-guk-wang
To-guk-waiig
H^'uk-song-waiig
Wha-ra-wang
Yul-mun-wang
K\'ong-sun-wang
Ka-duk.wang
Sam-no-wang
Hyon-mun-wang
Chang-p'yung-wang
Chong-t ' ong-waiig
A-wang
','": jf^f T
Ended in 193 u.c.
KINGDOM OF MAHAN. ^]
193 B.C. Ki-t'ak
189 " Ki-kam
157
Ki-sik
144
Ki-mu
113
Ki-h\'ung
73
Ki-sup
58
Ki-hun
32
Ki-jung
16
Ki-hak
m
"^
Ended
Mu-gang-wan
An-wang
H3'e-\vang
AU'ung-wang
Hj'O-wang
Yang-wang
Wun-wang
Kyc-wang
(wanting)
in 9 B.C.
cr
CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX.
KINGDOM OF SILLA. M
57 B.C. Il^'uk-ku-se
mi^^t
4 a.
D. Nam-lia
mm
25 *
' Yti-ri
m^f^
58 '
' Tal-ha
urn
81 '
' P'a-sa
^^
113 '
' Chi-ma
mm
135 '
' Il-sung
mm
154 '
' A-dal-la
WM^
185 '
' Pul-hyu
im
196 '
' Na-ha
^M
231 '
' Cho-bun
fiiJt
248 '
' Ch'um-ha
im
262 '
' Mi-ch'u
%n)
285 '
' Yu-rye
i^m
299 '
' Keui-rim
m^.
310 '
' Heul-ha
tm
356 '
' Na-mul
^M
402 '
' Sil-sung
VM
417 '
' Nul-ji
ff^^ll
458 '
' Cha-bi
479 '
' So-ji
^'M
500 •
* Chi-da-ro
^SM^
514 '
' Wun-jong
i!(^:
541 '
' Mak-chong
^S^
576 '
' Keum-Yun
Mk
579 '
* Pak-chung
im
632 *
' Tong-man
\t^
647 '
' Seung-man
m^
654 ♦
• Ch'un-ch'n
M-m
661 *
' Pup-inin
mt
681 '
' Chung-myimg jj^BjJ
692 '
* Yi-hong
^m
702 *
' Heung gwang fl] y^
738 '
' Seung-gyung ^ '-^
742 '
' Ilon-yiing
mk
Chi-jeung-wang ^VI2I
Pup-heung-wang fi^iHi
Chin-heung-wang Mffl3E
Chin-ji-wang :1:|?I
Chin-p'yung-wang :E^I
vSon-duk-yii-ju W\t'ki.
Chin-duk-yu-ju ^flS^±
Mu-ryul-wang iE^^l^.i
Mun-mu-wang ^^3i
Sin-mun-wang ipil'^^i
Hyo-so-wang ^:[lnZE
Song-duk-wang ^n^^3i
Hyo-siing-wang #^Ri
Ky ( )ng-d Ilk- wang if; \%. i
KOREAN IIISTOKY
765
A..D
Kmi-un
780
Yang-sung
785
Kyong-sin
799
Chun-ong
800
Chung-lieui
809
On-seung
826
So-jong
836
Clie-jamg
839
U-jing
840
K^'ong-ong
858
Eui-jung
862
Ong-Yum
876
Chung
887
Whang
888
Man
898
Yo
913
Kyong whi
918
Seung-3^ung
925
Wi-ong
928
Pu
^i;
mi'
a <
ItSI Hye-gong-wang ,^.Si
g^ Sun-duk-wang
^ktf^ Wun-sung-wang
j^^ So-song-wang
;g,^ A-jang-wang
i^# Hon-duk-wang
^^; Heung-duk-wang
if,i;^ Heui-gang-wang
ISflt Sm-mu-wang
^^ Mun-sung-wang
^iiH Hon-an-wang
^i^ Kyong-mun-wang
^ Hon-gang-wang g ^ '
^ Chong-gang-wang ^1 ^il '
^ Chin-song-yu-ju M:^^i.
^ Hyo-gong-wang #31
:i;I|i Sin-duk-wang W^ ' '
#^ K^'ong-myung-wang :l;0fl"
^^- KA'ong-a-wang :f;^"
f|: Kyong-sun-wang f JcJig ^
Ended in 935 a. d.
THE KINGDOM OF PAKCHE. "gj
17B.C
On-jo
fml^
29 A. D
Ta-m
. ^M
78 "
Keui-ru
^M
128 "
Ka-ru
MM
168 "
Ch'o-go
^^^^
215 "
Ku-su
tt#
235 "
Ko-i
tv.i
287 "
Ch'ak-kye
m
299 "
Pun-su
i^^
305 "
Pi»ryu
^tm
344 "
Sul
^
347 "
Kon-ch'o-g<
^i&^^ti
CHRONOLOGICAL LNDEX.
376 A.D
385 "
385 "
» 392 "
406
421
427
432
476
478
480
501
524
555
599
600
601
642
< t
u
n
(1
li
, Kon-gn-su J4f/L#
Ch'im-yu
Chin-sa
A-sin
Chon-ji
Ku-i-sin
Pi-yu
Ka-ro
Mun-ju
Sam-geun
Mo-da
Sa-ma
Mjung-nong 0Ji|
Ch'ang ('
MM
3^1
3tJ5J
^:)^ Tong-sung-wang
^jf= Mu-ryung-wang
Song-wang
Wi-duk-wang
Kye-myung ^BjJ Hye-wang
Sun M Pup-wang
Chang i$: Mu-wang
Eui-ja-\vang
Dynasty ended (>6() a. d.
mm
kinCtDOxM of koguryu.
iRj
Pll
37 B.C.
18 "
19 A.D.
45 "
49
54
147
166
ISO
197
228
250
271
292
n
li
Chu-mong :^W Tong-myung-wang
Yu-ri il^'J Yu-ri-wang
Mu-hyul ^iit [il^ Ta-mu-sin-wang
Ha-eup-chu Mg^^ Min-jung-wang
Ha-u
Kung
Su-sung
Pak-ko
Nam-mo
Yim-ti
U-wi-ku
Yun-biil
Yang-nf)
Sang-hu
MM Mo-bon-wang
^ T'a-jo-wang
'M^ C'ha-da-wang
fni^' Sin-da-wang
^W<i Ko-guk-ch'un-wang"^'
MM San-sang-wang
f^f't^ Tong-ch'un-wang
j^^.'jtt Chung-ch'un-wan
^^K Su-eh'un-\\ang
'^l\-j<i Pong sang-wang
1^^
WW "
300 a.
D. Eul-bul
331 '
' vSoe
372 '
' Ku-bu
3S4 '
' Yi-yiin
392 '
' Tam-duk
414 '
' Ko-j-^un
491 '
' Na-on
520 '
' Heung-an
532 '
' Po-3'un
546 '
* Pyung-sun
560 '
' Yang-sung
591 '
' Wun
619 '
' Kon-mu
643 '
' Chans:
KOREAN HISTORY.
^^, Mi-ch'un-wang ||J!!3:
Si] K()-guk-\vun-\vang l^Ni^'
^^ So-su-rim-wang thWiW'
^ig Ko-guk-yang-wang-^lijjf '
=j^f,f Kwang-ga-to-wang|f|)3± '
J^ij^ Chang-su-wang
^g Mun-ja-wang
^^ An-jang-wang
W5£ An-\vun-vvang
P'vung-wun-wang
% Yung-yang-wang
^•I^ Yung-yu-wang
li.Po-jang-wang
Dvnastv ended 668 a d.
KINGDOM OF KORYU.
fHjJ
918
\.D
Wang-gon
944
Wang mu
946
Wang-3'O
950
Wang-so
976
Wang-ju
982
Wang-ch'i
998
Wang-song
1010
Wang-sun
1032
Wang-heum.
1035
Wang-hyung
1047
Wang-whi
1083
W'ang-hun
1084
Wang-un
1095
Wang-uk
1096
W^ang-ong
1106
Wang-o
1123
Wang-ha
1147
Wang- hy on
^M T'a-jo
"5i;Hye-jong
"^ Chong-jong
" BH Kwang-jong
"-j^ Kyong-jong
"Vn Sung-jong
"fi Mok-jong
"It] Hyon-jong
" fx Tuk-jong
""^ Chung-jong
"^§ Mun-jong
" fll Sun-jong
5|| Sun-jong
((
(<
^ Hon-jong
Suk-jong
"^ Ye-jong
" #t iti-jong
"HIEui-jon
g
ill ri.
-•I' Hi*
BE *i*
^^
CFIKONOLCXilCAL INDEX.
1171 A.D.
, Waiig-ho
^i^
1198
Wang-tak
"H^
1205
Wane^-yung
"M
1212
Wang-o
"m
1214
Wang-ch'ul
"^
1260
Wang-sik
"M
1275
Wang-ji
"3^
1309
Wang-jang
"Jf
1314
Wang-do
am
1331
Wang-jung
"M
1345
Wang-heun
"0/r
1349
Wang-ji
"m
1352
Wang-uk
''m
1375
Sin-u
^^
1389
Wang-yo
^m
Alyung-jong
Sin-Jong
Heiii-jong
Kang-jong
Ko-jong
Wiin-jong
Ch'ung-\ail-wang
Ch'ung-stin-wang
Ch'ung-suk-wang
Ch'ting-hye-wang
Ch'ung-mok-wang
Ch'ung-jong-wang
Kong-min-wang
Wi-ju
Kong-yang-wang
Mm
7C^
Dynasty ended 1392.
b^
6
h
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