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A  HISTORY 


OF  THE 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 


OP 


MAJOR  GENERAL  ANDREW  JACKSON. 


IMFARTIALLI  COMPILED  FHOM  THE  MOST  AUTHENTIC  SOURCES. 


^    1828. 


A 


L^^ 


'V 


AN 

IMPARTIAL  AND  TRUE  HISTORY 

OF  THE 

LIFE  AND  SERVICES 

OF 

MAJOR  GENERAL  ANDREW  JACKSON. 

Andruw  Jackson,  now  a  candidate  for  the  office  of  President  of  the  United 
States,  was  the  youngest  of  three  sons  of  an  Irish  emigrant,  who  came  to  this 
country  in  the  year  1765,  and  "  shortly  afterwards  purchased  a  tract  of  land  in 
what  was  then  called  the  Waxsan  settlement,  about  forty-five  miles  above  Cam- 
den," in  South  Carolina.  (1)  While  he  was  yet  very  young  he  had  the  misfortune 
to  lose  his  father;  and  his  mother  intending  him  for  the  ministry,  sent  hira  to  an 
academy  held  in  the  VVaxsau  meeting-house.  (2) 

Here  he  continued  until  the  ravages  of  war  interrupted  the  opportunities  of 
education.  "  A  state  of  neutrality  or  quiet"  became  quite  unattainable  in  South 
Carolina.  (3)  The  measures  of  Lord  Cornwallis  "  were  calculated  to  admit  of 
no  neutrality  among  the  people."  (4)  "  The  licentiousness  of  a  soldiery,  spread 
through  a  rich  and  feeble  country,  can  seldom  be  restrained:  in  South  Carolina 
it  was  scarcely  attempted.  The  spirit  of  plunder  seems  rather  to  have  been 
countenanced;"  (5)  and  Wassau  was  the  scene  of  one  of  (he  most  bloody  and 
disastrous  conflicts,  where  "  no  quarter  was  given"  (6)  by  the  British  under 
Tarleton,  when  a  corps  of  American  cavalry  were  almost  entirely  destroyed. 
At  about  this  juncture — the  precise  time  is  not  specified  by  the  biographer — 
Andrew  Jackson,  with  one  of  his  brothers,  joined  a  party  of  militia,  retreating 
from  the  advance  of  the  enemy,  and  accompanied  them  "  into  the  interior  of 
North  Carolina,"  (7)  to  which  part  of  the  country  the  disturbances  had  not 
then  extended.  It  is  not  stated  by  Major  Rcid  or  Mr.  Eaton,  whether  their 
mother  went  with  them;  but  it  seems  scarcely  probable  she  could  have  safely 
remained  behind,  considering  the  disturbed  condition  of  the  country,  the  licen- 
tiousness of  the  invaders,  and  that  her  place  of  residence  had  already  been  the 
scene  of  a  bloody  and  cruel  massacre.  Her  eldest  son  had  previously  joined  the 
army,  and  lost  his  life  at  the  time  of  the  "  battle  of  Stouo,"  in  consequence  of 
fatigue  and  the  heat  of  the  weather. (8) 

"  When  Lord  Cornwallis  crossed  the  Yadkin,"  in  North  Carolina,  these  fugi- 
tives ventured  to  I'cturn  "  in  small  detachments"  to  their  own  state.(9)  "  They 
found  Camden  in  possession  of  Lord  Rawdon,  and  the  surrounding  country  in  a 
state  of  desolation. "(10) 

Soon  afterwards,  a  number  of  the  Waxsau  settlers  were  surprised  at  the 
meeting-house  by  a  party  of  tories  and  British,  and  were  obliged  to  make  a 
rapid  flight.(  11  j 

Andrew  Jackson  and  his  brother  Robert  were  there — whether  as  spectators 
or  otherwise  is  not  stated — and  escaped  into  the  woods;  but  being  pressed  with 

1  The  authority  for  this  fact,  as  well  as  for  many  that  follow,  is  the  well  known  work 
entitled  "  The  Life  of  Andrew  Jackson,  Major  General  in  the  service  of  the  United  Statss, 
&c.;  commenced  by  John  Reid,  Brevet  Major,  U.  S.  Army.  Completed  by  John  Henry 
Eaton.  Published  at  Philadelphia,  1817.''  And  (he  second  edition  of  (he  same,  "  by  John 
Henry  Katon,  S€na(or  of  the  United  States,"  published  in  1&24.  (2)  lb.  page  10.  (3)  Mai- 
shall'sLifc  of  Washington,  v.  4,  p.  162.  (4)  lb.  J65.  (5)  lb.  16«.  (6)  lb.  160.(7)  Eaton's 
Life,  p,  10.  (8)  lb.  p.  11.  (9)  lb.  (10)  lb.  (11)  lb.  12. 
A 


2  Life  of 

huQger,  came  out,  and  were  taken  into  custody  along  with  several  of  the  ael- 
tlers.(l) 

They  were  treated  with  much  unkindness  aud  seventy  while  they  remained 
in  the  power  of  the  British;  until  a  few  days  after  the  battle  of  Camden,  in 
Aug-ust,  1780,  when  they  were  released. (2) 

The  eldest  brother  had  recently  died;  Robert  died  soon  after  his  release  in 
consequence  of  disease  contracted  and  ill  usage  received  during  his  captivity; 
(3)  their  mother  also  died  about  this  period,  and  Andrew  found  himself  the 
sole  survivor  of  the  family,  and  the  uncontrolled  master  of  his  actions  and  his 
properly. 

"  He  entered  upon  the  enjoyment  of  hisestate,  which,  though  small,  would 
have  been  sufficient,  under  prudent  management,  to  have  completed  his  educa- 
tion on  the  liberal  scale  which  his  mother  had  designed.  Unfortunately,  how- 
ever," according  to  Mr.  Eaton,  "  like  too  many  voung  men,  sacrificing  future 
prospects  to  present  gratification,  he  expended  it  with  rather  too  profuse  a 
hand. (4) 

He  continued  this  course  of  self-indulgence  and  unworthy  "■  gratifications" 
through  the  three  last  years  of  the  war,  during  which,  the  utmost  excitement 
generally  prevailed  among  the  youths  of  Carolina.  Though  master  of  his  pro- 
perty, it  is  not  said  that  he  devoted  (he  least  particle  of  it  to  the  cause  of  freedom^ 
and  while  uncontrolled  in  his  own  actions,  he  avoided,  during  the  splendid  cam- 
paigns of  Green,  Lee,  and  Marion,  any  further  exposure  to  the  perils  of  military 
service. 

When  he  was  eighteen  years  of  age,  or  more,  (5)  he  "  abandoned  the  pulpit 
for  the  bar,"  (6)  ancT  commenced  law  student  at  Salisbury,  in  North  Carolina, 
where  he  was  licensed  as  an  attorney,  in    1786.  (7) 

In  1788  he  removed  "  through  the  wilderness"  to  Nashville,  where  but  one 
lawyer  had  previously  resided. (8)  Here  he  settled,  and  soon  after  obtained  the 
appointment  of  District  Attorney  for  the  territory  of  Tennessee. (9) 

In  1796  he  was  a  member  of  the  convention  which  met  to  form  a  constitutioQ 
aind  state  government,  under  the  act  of  congress,  permitting  Tennessee  to  come 
into  the  Union(lO)  as  a  state. 


1  Eaton's  Life,  12.  (2)  lb.  l.S.  f3;  lb.  (4)  lb.  13,  14.  (5)  His  age— the  pre- 
cise period  of  bis  birth,  and  consequently  the  place  of  his  nativity,  seem  involved  in  some 
obscurity. 

It  should  not  be  considered  any  disparagement  to  him  to  say  he  was  born  in  Ireland,  if 
such  were  the  fact.  But  bis  biographer,  who  is  als/)  his  friend, — Mr.  Senator  Eaton, — 
falls  into  inconsistencies  tliat  cannot  but  raise  a  suspicion  of  a  design  to  conceal  the  whole 
truth.  The  15th  of  March,  1767,  is  named  by  Mr.  Eaton  as  the  day  of  his  birth.  But  it  is 
said,  that  "  at  the  age  oC fourteen  he  joined  the  American  camp," — and  this  was  a  long 
time  previous  to  the  battle  of  Camden,  which  occurred  on  the  16th  of  August,  17S0.  But 
if  there  is  truth  in  Arithmetic,  there  cannot  be  fourteen  years  between  March  15th,  1767, 
and  August  16th,  1780,  independent  of  the  months  or  weeks  to  be  allowed  for  the  retreat 
into  North  Carolina,  the  stay  there,  the  cautious  return,  the  residence  at  home,  the  cap- 
ture, and  the  long  and  distressful  captivity. 

The  statement  of  Mr.  Eaton  is  therefore  wrong,  somehoio,  beyond  question.  But  it  is 
stated  lie  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  17S6.  If  of  legal  age  at  that  time,  as  must  be  pre- 
sumed, he  could  not  have  been  born  later  than  1765; — in  part  of  which  year  his  parents 
were  residing  in  Ireland.  Further  it  is  said,  that  in  1780  he  entered  upon  the  "  manage- 
ment" and  "  enjoyment"  of  his  patrimonial  estate;  and  "  squandered"  it  in  personal  "  gra- 
tifications." This  can  hardly  be  said  of  a  "young  man"  of  less  than  sixteen  years  old. 
The  personal  "  gratifications"  of  the  idlest  boy  of  thirteen,  fourteen,  or  fifteen,  could 
scarcely  require  so  ruinous  an  expenditure.  If  even  sixteen  when  he  thus  '  squandered' 
his  estate,  he  must  have  been  born  in  1764,  a  year  before  his  parents  left  Ireland. 

There  is  a  niystery  about  this  vvbich  may  never  be  explained.  To  have  been  born  in 
Ireland  implies  no  reproach.  Bui,  if  lie  was  of  an  age  to  bear  arms,  it  is  difficult  to  excuse 
his  voluntary  absence  from  Eutaw  springs  and  the  Cowpens. 

6  Eaton,  p.  14.       (7)   lb. 

S  Eaton,  p.  15.  Second  edition,  16.  (9)  lb.  15.  (10)  lb.  16.  First  edition.  Act 
uf  congress,  June  1st,  1796. 


Andrew  Jackson.  S 

la  this  assembly  he  arrajed  himself  on  the  anti-republican  side,  and  opposed 
the  democratic  principles  of  universal  suffrage  and  equal  rights.  He  joined  in 
establishing  the  rule  which  allows  the  rich  man  to  vote  in  evety  county  where 
he  has  land;  but  confines  the  poor  man  to  one  vote  where  he  resides.  And  he 
also  approved  and  advocated  the  exclusiou  of  all  men  from  a  seat  in  the  legisla- 
ture, except  those  who  possessed  two  hundred  acres  of  land  in  their  own  right. 

The  following  extract  from  the  "Journal  of  the  Tennessee  Convention," 
shows  the  part  which  he  took  in  support  of  these  distinctions: 

"  Tuesday,  Jan.  12,  1796.  On  motion  of  Mr.  Robertson,  resolved  that  there 
be  appointed  *  a  committee  of  two  members  from  each  county,  to  draft  a  consti- 
tution, <^c.'  and  Messrs.  M'Nairy  and  JACKSON  were  appointed  on  said 
committee  for  the  county  of  Davidson."  [See  p.  C,  of  the  Journal.]  ' 

"  Wednesday,  Jan.  27.  The  committee  reported  a  draft  of  a  constitution." — 
[See  p.  12.] 

Sec.  1.  ".4/Z  freemen  of  the  age  of  twenty-one  years  and  upwards,  jjossessing 
afreehold  in  the  county  vihere  they  may  offer  to  vote,  and  being  iniiabitants  of  this 
state;  and  all  freemen  who  have  been  inhabitants  of  any  one  county,  within  the 
state,  six  months  immediately  preceding  (he  day  of  election,  shall  be  entitled 
to  a  vote  for  members  of  the  General  Assembly,  for  the  county  in  which  they 
shall  respectively  reside." — [See  Journal  of  Convention,  page  m.  ] 

"  Wednesday,  Feb,  3,  1796.  Mr.  Cocke  moved,  and  was  seconded  by  Mr. 
JACK  -ON— 

"  Tluit  no  person  shall  be  eligible  to  a  seat  in  the  General  Assembly  unless  he 
has  resided  three  years  in  the  state  and  one  in  the  county,  immediately  pre- 
ceding the  election,  and  shall  possess  i?i  his  own  right  in  the  county  which  he 
represents,  not  less  than  two  hundred  acres  of  land,  and  shall  have 
attained  the  age  of  twenty-one  years."   Which  was  agreed  to. — [See  p.  29.] 

It  must  be  observed  also,  as  indicative  of  his  sentiments,  that  in  the  same 
convention  he  moved  to  expunge  the  article  providing,  that  ''  No  person  who 
publicly  denies  the  being  of  a  God  and  a  future  state  of  rewards  and  punish 
ments,  shall  hold  any  office  in  the  civil  department  of  the  state." 

In  the  same  year  he  was  chosen  a  member  of  congressj  and  took  his  seat  in 
time  to  vote  with  Mr.  Giles,  and  against  Mr.  Madison,  on  the  subject  of  a  re- 
spectful address  to  Washington,  who  was  then  about  to  retire  from  the  Presi- 
dency.(l) 

It  was  customary  at  that  period  for  cougress  to  reply  to  the  President's  com- 
munications. A  committee,  of  whicli  Mr.  .Madison  was  a  member,  reported,  on 
the  12th  of  December,  an  address,  which  contained  these  words,  "  for  our 
country's  sake,  for  the  sake  of  republican  liberty,  it  is  our  earnest  wish  that 
your  example  may  be  the  guide  of  your  successors,  and  thus,  after  being  the 
ornament  and  safeguard  of  the  present  age,  become  the  patrimony  of  our  de- 
scendants." 

Mr.  Giles  moved  to  expunge  all  such  expressions;  and  said,  "  as  to  those 
parts  of  the  address  which  speak  of  the  wisdom  and  firmness  of  the  President  he 
must  object  to  them;  he  was  one  who  did  not  think  so  much  of  (he  President  as 
some  others  do;  he  wished  him  to  retire,  and  that  the  moment  of  his  tetiringhad 
come."  Mr.  Giles  did  not  succeed  in  ^his  motion. — Madison,  Gallatin,  and  other 
leaders  of  the  republicans,  voting,  as  well  as  the  federalists,  in  favour  of  so  just 
a  tribute  fo  the  virtues  of  Washington.  Jackson  voted  with  Giles,  and  a  very 
few  others,  to  insult  that  great  and  good  man,  by  striking  out  all  that  was  re- 
spectful in  the  address. 

Except  thus  recording  his  enmity  against  Wasliington,  General  Jackson  took 
little  part  in  the  business  of  the  session,  and  did  not  afterwards  resume  his  seat 
in  the  House  of  Representatives.  (2) 

The  session  closed  on  the  3d  of  March,  but  owing  to  the  urgency  of  public 
business  a  session  was  held  a  few  weeks  after,  commencing  on  the  15th  of 
May,  1797. 

1  See  the  Journals  of  Congress  of  the  Session,  commencing  Dec.  5th,  1796,  nnd  ending 
March  Sd,  1797. 
2Eaton'«rjf(»,  p.  18. 


4  Life  of 

He  did  fiot  attend  this  session,  although  he  still  held  his  membership.  It  was  not 
a  time  for  politicians  or  patriots  to  be  absent  from  their  posts;  but  he  threw  away 
the  opportunity  of  opposing  the  celebrated  slamp  act,  which  was  passedduring  this 
summer  session. 

At  the  session  of  1797-8,  he  appeared  as  a  member  of  the  Senate,  and  remained 
until  the  12th  of  April,  1798,  when  he  obtained  leave  of  absence  and  went  home. 
Mr.  Senator  Eaton  states  that,  * '  On  the  alien  law,  and  the  effort  to  repeal  the 
stamp  act,  he  was  present,  voting  in  the  minority,"  &c. 

But  this  is  manifestly  untrue,  for  the  Journal  shows  that  he  took  leave  of  ab- 
sence on  the  1 2th  of  April,  and  Senator  Eaton  says  that "  about  the  middle  of  April 
business  of  an  important  and  private  nature  imposed  on  him  the  necessity  of  ask- 
ing leave  of  absence  and  returning  home."[l]  It  is  also  certain,  that  the  first 
suggestion  of  the  alien  law  was  not  until  April  25th — the  bill  was  reported  and 
read  for  the  first  time.  May  4th,  and  passed  the  senate  on  the  8th  of  .June- 
went  through  the  other  house  on  the  22d,  and  was  approved  by  the  president  on 
the  twenty-fifth. 

The  only  vote  which  Mr.  Eaton  could  mean  to  refer  to,  was  on  the  8th  of 
January,  1798,  when  Mr.  Anderson  asked  leave  to  bring  in  a  bill  to  repeal  the 
stamp  act  of  the  preceding  summer.  On  this  occasion  the  vote  stood  eleven  to 
fifteen  and  the  motion  was  lost.    General  Jackson  voted  in  the  minority. 

Among  the  eleven  who  voted  to  give  Mr  Anderson  the  leave  he  asked  for, 
were  Mr.  Green  and  Mr.  Foster  of  Rhode  Island,  and  Mr  Livermore  of  New 
Hampshire — all  decided  and  unwavering  federalists. 

Nearly  all  the  important  measures  of  the  party  then  in  power— ^the  measures 
which  caused  the  fall  of  Mr.  Adams'  administration — were  carried  through  Con- 
gress during  the  latter  part  of  this  session,  after  General  Jackson  had  gone  home. 
The  act  for  raising  a  provisional  army  which  was  said  to  be  urged  particularly 
by  Hamilton  and  his  friends  against  the  judgment  of  the  President — was  passed 
in  May.  The  alien  law  was  passed  in  June;  the  act  authorising  the  capture  of 
French  vessels,  and  the  sedition  law  in  July. 

At  the  time  of  the  passage  oi  all  these  bills  General  Jackson  was  a  member  of 
Congress  but  did  not  attend  in  his  place  to  oppose  any  one  of  them. 

He  resigned  his  seat  in  the  Senate  according  to  Senator  Eaton,  in  1799.  But 
it  is  certain  that  he  never  attended  after  April  I2lh,  1798. 

He  took  leave,  ou  this  occasion,  of  political  life  "  for  the  intrigues  of  which," 
says  Mr  Eaton  "he  declared  himself  unfit.  "(2) 

It  is  difficult  to  comprehend  what '  intrigues'  General  Jackson  would  have  been 
obliged  to  carry  on,  if  he  had  remained  in  the  senate ;  but  perhaps  the  station  re- 
quired qualities  of  mind  and  temper  of  which  he  felt  himself  destitute;  or  possi- 
bly he  had  not  yet  made  up  his  mind  as  to  those  strong  measures  which  charac- 
terised the  then  existing  administration. 

At  least  he  could  not  have  disapproved  of  those  enactments  very  earnestly  or 
he  would  not  have  stayed  away,  and  lost  the  opportunity  to  vote  against  them. 

About  this  time  he  became  a  major  general  of  militia,  and  was  appointed  a 
judge;  but,  aware  of  the  mischief  his  incompetency  might  create,  [3]  he  shortly 
resigned  the  judical  station,  and  retired  to  a  plantation  ten  miles  from  Nashville, 
where  ho  has  since  resided.  [4] 

In  1806,  he  killed  a  young  gentleman,  named  Charles  Dickinson,  with  circum- 
stances of  peculiar  vindictiveness. 

A  particular  account  of  the  duel  was  published  in  the  National  Journal,  on 
the  authority  of  a  respectable  citizen  who  received  it  from  Dr.  Catlett,  one  of 
the  seconds.  The  other  second,  Mr.  Overton,  has  not  contradicted  it. 

It  seems  they  both  had  race  horses  and  quarrelled  about  foul  play  in  a  race 
which  Gen.  Jackson  won.  Jackson  challenged.  Dickinson's  ball  grazed  Jack- 
son's breast,  slightly  touching  the  skin;  Jackson's  pistol  went  to  half  cock.  He 
nodded  to  tho  seconds,  re  cocked  his  pistol,  took  deliberate  aim,  and  killed 
Dickinson. 

The  Nashville  paper,  called  the  "  Impartial  Review  and  Cumberland  Reposi- 

1  Eaton,  p.  IS.     (2)  lb.     [3]  lb,  p.  19.     [4]  lb.  p,  17.  *  ~ 


Andrew  Jackson.  5 

tory,"  of  June  7th,  1806,  also  contains  an  account  of  the  duel;  and  a  note  from 
Gen.  Jackson  to  the  editor  to  prevent  his  putting  the  paper  in  mourning,  as  a 
tribute  of  respect  to  Dickenson's  memory,  and  a  consolation  to  his  widow  and 
child. 

The  latter  part  of  180G,  and  the  following  year  were  marked  by  the  agitations 
caused  by  the  discovery — so  far  as  K  was  discovered — of  Burr's  conspiracy. 

Burr  was  an  intimate  friend  of  Gen.  Jackson,  and  the  intimacy  continued  after 
his  projects  were  well  known  to  be  treasonable.[l] 

in  1812,  when  the  war  commenced,  Gen.  Jp.ckson's  division  of  militia  raised 
a  volunteer  force  of  2500  men,  with  which  he  descended  the  Mississippi  toNat- 
chez.(2)  But  as  there  was  no  enemy  in  tiiat  quarter,  he  was  directed  to  dismiss 
the  men.  He  disobeyed,  and  marched  them  back  to  Tennessee. (3) 

In  the  following  summer,  be  had  a  quarrel  with  Colonel  Benton,  of  the  army, 
now  senator  from  Missouri,  which  led  to  an  attempt,  on  his  part,  to  commit  a 
deliberate  murder.  The  statement  published  by  Colonel  Benton,  relative  to 
this  transaction,  has  not  been  controverted  by  General  Jackson — It  was  dated 
at  Franklin,  in  Tennessee,  September  10th,  1G13,— as  follows,  viz: 

"  A  difference  which  had  been  for  some  months  brewing  between  Gen.  Jack- 
son and  myself,  produced,  on  Saturday  the  4t.h  instant,  in  the  town  of  Nashville, 
the  most  outrageous  atlray  ever  witnessed  in  a  civilized  country.  In  communi- 
cating this  affair  to  my  friends  and  fellow-citizens,  I  limit  myself  to  the  statement 
of  a  few  leading  facts,  the  truth  of  which  I  am  ready  to  establish  by  judicial 
proofs : 

'*  1.  That  myself  and  my  brother  Jesse  Benton,  arrived  at  Nashville  on  the 
morning  of  the  affray,  and  knowing  of  General  Jackson's  threats,  went  and  took 
our  lodgings  in  a  difl'ereut  house  from  the  one  in  which  he  staid,  on  purpose  to 
avoid  him. 

"2.  That  the  General  and  some  of  his  friends  came  to  the  house  where  we 
had  put  up,  commenced  the  attack  by  levelling  a  pistol  at  me,  when  I  had  no 
weapon  drawn,  and  advancing  upon  me  at  quick  pace,  without  giving  me 
time  to  draw  one. 

"  3.  That  seeing  this,  my  brother  fired  upon  Gen.  Jackson,  when  he  had  got 
within  eight  or  ten  feet  of  me. 

"4.  That  four  other  pistols  were  fired  in  quick  succession:  one  by  Gen. 
Jackson  at  me,  two  by  me  at  the  Gcncr.il,  and  one  by  Colonel  Coffee  at  me.  In 
the  course  of  this  firing.  General  Jackson  was  brought  to  the  ground,  but  I 
received  no  hurt. 

"  5.  That  daggers  were  then  drawn.  Col.  Coffee  and  Mr.  Alexander  Don- 
aldson made  at  me  and  gave  me  five  slight  wounds.  Captain  Hammond  and  Mr. 
Stukely  Hays  engaged  my  brotiier,  who  being  still  weak  from  the  effect  of  a 
severe  wound  he  had  lately  recieved  in  a  duel,  was  not  able  to  resist  two  men. 
They  got  him  down,  and  while  Capt.  Hammond  beat  him  on  the  head  to  make 
him  lay  still,  Mr.  Hays  attempted  to  stab  him,  and  wounded  him  in  both  arms  as 
be  lay  on  his  back,  parrying  his  thrusts  with  his  naked  hands.  From  this  situa- 
tion, a  generous  hearted  citizen  of  Nashville,  Mr.  Summer,  relieved  him.  Be- 
fore he  came  to  the  ground,  my  brother  clapped  a  loaded  pistol  to  the  breast  of 
Mr.  Hays,  to  blow  him  through,  but  it  missed  fire. 

1  The  Richmond  Enquirer  of  January  20th  1807,  contains  the  following  extract  from  (he 
Tennessee  Gazette  published  at  Nashville,  viz: 

"Col.  Burr  arrived  on  Sunday  evening  last,  at  Gen.  Jackson's  about  9  miles  from  this 
town;  and  has  been  in  this  place  several  times  this  week.  He  appears  to  be  preparing  for 
some  movement,  we  know  not  where.  Should  be  attempt  any  hostile  movement,  we  will 
make  it  known." 

General  Adair  of  Kentucky  in  an  address  to  the  public  several  years  since  openly  tmmled 
Gen.  Jackson  with  having  organized  troops,  superintended  (he  building  of  boats,  &c.  for 
Col.  Burr. 

2  Eaton's  I.ifc,  p.  22.  (3)  lb.  22.  "  He  lost  no  time  in  making  known  to  the  secretary  of 
war,  (he  resolution  be  had  adopted  to  disregard  the  order  he  had  given,"  &c.  Eaton,  p.  22, 
27. 


6  Life  of 

"  6.  My  own  and  my  brother's  pistols  carried  two  balU  each;  for  it  was  our 
intention,  if  driven  to  arms,  to  have  no  child's  play.  The  pistols  fired  at  me 
were  so  near,  that  the  blaze  of  the  muzzle  of  one  of  them  burnt  the  sleeve  of  my 
coat,  and  the  other  aimed  at  my  head,  at  a  little  more  than  an  arm's  length  from 
it. 

"  7.  Captain  Carroll  was  to  have  taken  part  in  the  affray,  but  was  absent  by 
the  permission  of  General  Jackson,  as  he  has  since  proved  by  the  General's  cer- 
tificate: a  certificate  which  reflects  less  honour,  I  know  not  whether  upon  the 
General,  or  upon  the  Captain. 

"  8.  Thai'  this  attack  was  made  upon  me  in  the  house  where  the  judge  of  the 
district,  Mr.  Searcy,  had  his  lodgings!  So  little  are  the  laws  and  its  ministers 
respected!  Nor  has  the  civil  authority  yet  taken  cognizance  of  (his  horrible  out- 
rage. THOMAS  HART  BENTON,  Lieut.  Col.  39th  Infantry." 

The  assassin  like  charater  of  this  transaction,  must  be  considered  far  from 
honorable  to  the  spirit  of  assailants.  Murder  in  a  duel  is  redeemed  from  shame 
by  the  display  of  courage  and  the  generous  provision  for  equal  danger.  But  the 
deliber'ate  attack  by  five  armed  men  upon  only  two — the  suddenness  of  the  onset, 
the  firing  on  Col.  Benton  before  he  had  a  weapon  drawn,  and  this  within  ten  feet, 
— all  this  was  plainly  murderous  in  intention  without  being  brave. 
No  notice  of  this  outrage  was  taken  by  the  police  or  magistracy. 
While  Gen.  Jackson  was  still  suffering  with  the  fracture  of  his  arm,  received 
in  this  afrray,(l)  he  was  obliged  to  take  the  field  against  the  Creek  Indians. 

His  former  expedition,  as  we  have  seen,  had  been  entirely  ineffectual,  when 
he  descended  the  river  to  Natchez,  and  returned  without  seeing  an  enemy. 
Other  commanders  had  been  more  lucky.  Col.  Newman,  with  a  party  of 
Georgia  militia,  had  made  a  successful  inroad,  and  killed  about  fifty  of  the  war- 
riors .(2) 

Colonel  Williams  also  had  led  a  body  of  volunteers  from  East  Tennessee,  had 
fought  three  battles  with  the  Indians,  killed  thirty-eight  and  wounded  many 
more,  besides  taking  a  large  number  of  prisoners;  had  burnt  several  towns,  de- 
stroyed the  corn,  and  brought  off  a  rich  booty,  consisting  of  four  hundred  horses 
and  an  equal  number  of  cattle. (3) 

These  successes  had  been  gained  during  the  period  of  Gen.  Jackson's  fruit- 
less expedition  to  Natchez;  and  so  much  had  the  Indians  been  beaten,  that  "  it 
was  the  opinion  of  Col.  Hawkins,  (the  agent)  and  also  of  Gen.  Hampton,  who 
passed  through  the  Creek  country  during  these  transactions,  that  they  might 
safely  rely  on  the  peaceful  conduct  &nA  friendship  of  all  the  Creeks,  excepting 
only  the  Seminoles."(4) 

In  1813,  the  massacre  at  Fort  Mims  showed  that,  though  the  strength  of  the 
Indians  was  impaired,  their  spirit  was  not  subdued.  It  was  in  consequence  of 
this  calamity  the  legislature  of  Tennessee  ordered  a  force  of  3,o00men  to  be 
embodied,  of  which  Gen.  Jackson  took  the  command,  in  October,  1813.(5) 

Early  in  November,  he  reached  the  Ten  Islands  on  the  Coosa  river.  He  de- 
tached Gen.  Coffee  with  nine  hundred  men  to  destroy  the  Talluschatche  town; 
which  service  was  effectually  performed.  Every  min  in  the  town  was  killed;  and 
some  of  the  women  and  children,  unavoidably,  perhaps,  in  the  midst  of  such 
shocking  butchery  of  their  husbands  and;  fathers,  and  "  in  consequence  of  the 
men  flying  to  their  houses  and  mixing  with  their  families."(6) 

Gen.  Jackson  had  thus  been  preceded  by  several  other  commanders  in  this 
work  of  destruction  against  the  miserable  Creeks;  a  iew  days  afterwards,  how- 
ever, at  a  place  called  Talladega,  he  had  an  opportunity  to  emulate  their  ex- 
ploits. Coming  up  with  a  body  of  Indians,  which  he  completely  surrounded,  a 
massacre  took  place  not  at  all  inferior  to  those  which  had  gone  before.  "  In  their 

1  Mr.  Walsh's  Biography,  in  the  American  Monthly  Magazine,  p.  73.  Eaton's  Life, 
first  edition,  p.  36.    Eaton  omits  all  description  of  the  fight  in  which  it  had  been  injured. 

2  M'Affee's  History,  p.  466.     (3)  lb.   (4)  lb.   (5)  Eaton,  p.  31,  36. 
6  Gen.  Coffee's  ofBcial  report.  M'Afee's  History,  7,  p.  466. 


Andrew  Jackson.  f 

flight,  the  Indians  were  met  at  every  turn,  and  pursued  in  every  (lirection."fl) 
"It  was  the  opinion  of  the  General,  that  if  he  had  not  been  compelled  to  dis- 
mount his  reserve,  scarcely  any  of  the  enemy  could  have  escaped  c}estrudion.''\2) 
"  Probably  ybtfl  escaped  unhurt. "(3)  The  loss  of  the  Indians,  as  stated  by  them- 
selves, was  not  less  than  six  hundred. 

The  residue  of  the  campaign  was  marked  by  a  series  of  disputes  between  the 
General  and  the  militia,  such  as  have  never  occurred  in  any  other  part  of  the 
military  service  of  this  country.  The  zeal  of  Gen.  Jackson  was  unquestionable; 
his  desire  to  punish  the  Creeks,  to  emulate  the  successes  of  Col.  Williams,  and 
to  push  the  war  boldly  towards  the  Florida  frontier,  perhaps,  led  him  into  errone- 
ous views  of  his  own  power,  and  into  too  contemptuous  an  opinion  of  the  rights 
of  the  militiamen. 

After  some  difficulties,  arising  from  the  extreme  want  of  provisions,  tbe  ap- 
proach of  the  day  when  their  term  of  service  expired,  gave  to  the  volunteers  an 
occasion  to  claim  their  right  to  return.  They  had  volunteered  for  one  year,  from 
December  10th,  1812.  But  when  the  10th  December,  1813,  arrived,  Gen.  Jack- 
son claimed  to  hold  them  longer;  alleging  that  the  Act  of  congress  contemplated 
an  actual  service  of  three  hundred  and  sixty-five  days;  and  as  they  had  been 
discharged  by  the  war  department,  and  by  him  in  the  preceding  spring,  and  now 
called  out  again,  they  were  not  entitled  to  go  till  they  had  served  much  longer. 
(4)  Col.  Martin,  who  commanded  one  of  the  regiments,  addressed  a  respectful 
letter  to  the  General,  setting  forth  their  determination  to  remain  only  till  the 
10th,  and  assured  him  "  that  all  had  thought  themselves  finally  discharged  on  the 
20th  of  April  last,  until  they  saw  the  order  of  September  24lh,"  requiring  them 
to  rendezvous  at  Fayetteville  on  the  4th  of  October;  and  that  the  officers  assured 
them  their  services  would  terminate  on  the  10th  of  December. "(5y 

General  Jackson  called  them  mutineers  and  deserters  if  they  attempted  to 
leave  him  as  they  intended.  (6)  And  on  the  10th,  the  "  artiller}-  with  two  field 
pieces,  and  the  militia  under  the  command  of  Col.  Wynne,  on  the  eminences,  in 
advance,  were  ordered  to  prevent  the  departure  of  the  volunteers."  (7)  He  want 
as  far  as  to  order  "  the  artillerist  to  prepare  the  match. "(8)  The  officers,  it 
seems,  desirous  to  avoid  bloodshed,  agreed  to  remain  a  few  days  longer.  An  at- 
tempt was  made  to  persuade  them  to  continue,  by  an  address,  in  which  they 
were  threatened  with  '  disgrace,'  &c.  But  "  this  appeal  failed  of  the  desired 
efrect,"(9)  and  they  went  home. 

Gen.  Coffee's  brigade  was  the  next  to  give  trouble.  They  had  been  called  out 
for  three  months,  in  September,  1813; — their  three  months  had  expired,  but  it 
was  said  their  officers  had  agreed  for  them  to  continue  through  the  winter.  This 
they  protested  against  as  being  done,  if  at  all,  without  authority  from  them,  and 
they  insisted  on  going  home. (10)  General  Jackson  insisted  on  the  Act  of  Feb- 
ruary 6th,  1812.(11)  Not  adverting  to  its  repeal  eight  months  previous  to  their 
being  drafted;  told  them  that  "  patriotism  was  not  to  be  measured  by  months 
and  weeks  and  days,"(  12) — called  them  deserters,(V3)  but  could  not  prevent  their 
going  home. 

The  brigade  of  West  Tennessee  militia  also  claimed  their  right  to  go  home  at 

1  M'Aflee's  History,  p.   46S.  (2)  lb. 

3  Eaton,  p.  57,  first  edition.  (4)  The  Act  of  congress  which  Gen.  Jackson  cited,  was 
thatof  February,  6th,  1812.  [Eaton,  p.  29]  This  Act,  Sec.  2d,  provided  that  the  volun- 
teers, if  accepted  by  the  president,  "  shall  be  bound  to  continue  in  service  for  the  term 
of  twelve  months  after  they  shall  have  arrived  at  the  place  of  rendezvous,  unless  sooner 
discharged,"  Laws  of  the  U.  S.  v.  4,  p.  375.  These  volunteers  tendered  their  services  ia 
November,  and  rendezvoused  on  the  10th  Dec,  1812,  from  which  day,  for  twelve  months, 
they  were  bound  to  do  military  duty,  if  ordered,  unless  discharged;  but  their  discharge  was 
ordered  by  the  government  on  the  5th  of  January,  1813,  [Eaton's  Life,  first  edition,  p.  19,] 
The  Act  of  congress  was  repealed  on  the  29th  of  January,  1813,  [Laws  of  the  U.  S.  v.  4, 
p.  444,]  And  were  "dismissed  from  service'' in  the  spring.  [Eaton,  p,  23,  first  ed.]  It  is 
unaccounts^jle  that  Gen-  Jackson  should  have  relied  on  such  a  foundation  foi  his  claim  to 
detain  these  men. 

(5)  lb.  77,  78.  (6)  lb.  84.  (7)  lb.  (8)  lb.  85.  (9)  lb.  89.  (10)  lb.  90, 
[11]  lb.  94.    [13]  lb.  96.    [13]  lb,  93. 


8  Life  of 

the  expiration  of  their  three  months.  Gen.  Jacksou  conteniled  that  as  they  were 
called  out  for  the  purpose  of  subduing  the  Indians,  and  that  object  was  not  yet 
attained,  they  were  not  entitled  to  leave  the  service.  (1)  As  this  rule  would 
have  subjected  them  to  an  indefinite  term  of  duty,  they  would  not  submit  to  it. 
Gov.  Blount  told  them  they  were  entitled  to  go  home. (2)  But  Gen.  Jacksou 
"believing  it  to  be  his  duty  to  keep  them,"  on  the  day  their  term  of  service 
expired  by  law,  "  issued  an  order,  commanding  all  persons  in  the  service  of  the 
United  States,  under  his  command,  not  to  leave  the  encampment  without  his 
written  permission,  under  the  penalties  annexed  to  the  crime  of  t7eser<ton.(3)  A 
Lieutenant  Kearley  of  this  brigade,  who  was  about  to  leave  the  camp,  was  or- 
dered to  be  arrested — his  men  were  about  to  protect  him,  but  Gen.  Jackson 
levelled  a  pistol  at  his  breast  and  induced  him  to  surrender.  "  A  scene  of  blood- 
shed was  narrowly  escaped. "(4)  For  what  purpose  it  was  risked  cannot  be  con- 
jectured, as  the  "rest  of  the  brigade,  except  Capt.  Willis'  company  and  twen- 
ty-nine of  his  men,  continued  their  march  towards  home. "(3) 

A  regiment  whose  time  was  to  expire  soon  after  this  occurrence,  was  plied 
with  an  address  intended  to  work  upon  their  feelings,  and  induce  them  to  re- 
main; but  persuasion  was  equally  fruitless  with  the  force  before  resorted  to: 
"  what  was  hoped  for  did  not  result," — they  united  in  going,  nor  could  they  be 
persuaded  to  stay  even  for  twenty  days. 

What  could  have  made  the  General  so  unpopular  with  (he  militia  does  not  ap- 
pear, unless  the  pretension  of  a  right  to  determine  the  length  of  their  service. 

Anxious  to  be  again  in  command  of  a  respectable  army,  he  urged  the  gover- 
nor to  order  a  further  draft.  But  governor  Blount,  as  he  had  executed  the  Act 
of  Assembly  and  obeyed  the  requisition  from  Washington,  justly  considered  his 
powers  on  this  subject  at  an  end,  unless  in  case  of  emergency. (6)  Gen.  Jack- 
son urged  him  to  proceed  without  law  or  authority  of  any  kind,  and  wondered  at 
his  "  waiting  for  a  definition  of  his  powers.  "(7) 

The  governor  having  been  persuaded  to  order  out  2,500  men  for  a  three 
months  term,  a  part  of  another  division  refused  to  join  Gen.  Jackson's  camp, 
because  "he  would,  with  the  regular  force  under  his  command,  compel  them 
to  serve  as  long  as  he  pleased;"(8)  so  entirely  had  his  proceedings  destroyed  all 
confidence  in  bis  character!  They  also  considered  the  draft  irregular,  under 
which  they  had  come  out;  and  one  hundred  and  eighty  went  home.(9) 

A  force  of  5,000  effectives[10]  being  at  last  collected.  Gen.  Jackson  marched 
them  towards  the  Creek  country,  and  with  three  thousand,  besides  friendly  In- 
dians, came  up  with  about  one  Ih'ousand  Creeks,  at  a  place  called  Tohopeka  or 
the  Horseshoe.  Deluded  by  their  prophets,  these  unfortunate  children  of  the 
forest  stood  their  ground  against  so  vast  a  superiority  of  force.  Nearly  all  of 
them  were  killed, [11]  with  little  loss  to  the  Tennesseeans. 

The  work  of  destruction  continued  long  after  all  attempts  at  resistance  had 
ceased;  and  it  must  be  owned,  that  Gen.  Jackson  sullied  the  American  military 
character,  and  particularly  his  own,  by  the  barbarity  of  his  massacre,  in  cold 
blood,  of  unresisting  fugitives  and  those  who  attempting  neither  escape  nor  re- 
sistance, could  be  regarded  only  in  the  light  of  prisoners.  He  recorded  this  un- 
happy exploit  in  his  own  words  in  a  letter  to  Major  Gen.  Pinckney,  dated  March 
25th,  1814,  published  in  Niles' Register,  vol.  6,  p.  130.   Viz. 

"  Determining  to  exterminate  them,  I  detached  General  Coffee,  with 
the  mounted  men  and  nearly  the  whole  of  the  Indian  force,  early  on  the  morning 
of  yesterday,  to  cross  the  river,  about  two  miles  below  the  encampment,  and  to 
surround  the  bend  in  such  a  manner.,  as  that  none  of  them  should  escape,  by  at- 
tempting to  cross  the  river.  Five  hundred  and  Jlfty-seven  were  left  dead  on  the 
Peninsula,  and  a  great  number  of  them  itere  killed  by  the  horsemen  in  attempting 
to  cross  the  river;  it  is  believed  that  no  more  than  ten  had  escaped.  We 
continued,^'  he  adds,  "  <o  hestrov  many  of  them  who  had  concealed  themselves 
under  the  banks  of  the  river,  until  we  were  prevented  by  the  night.  This  morning 
we  killed  sixteen  which  had  been  concealed. 

(1)  Eaton,  first  edition, p.  100.  (2)   lb.  p.  110.  (3)   lb.  lb.         (4)  lb.  111. 

(5)  lb.  112.  (6)  lb.  101.  (7)  lb,  102.  (8)  lb.  146.  (9)  lb.  145.  (10)  lb.  142. 
ai)Ealon,  145. 


Andrew  Jackson.  9 

General  Jackson  is  the  only  American  commander  that  has  ever  encouraged 
and  premeditated  the  imitation  of  [ndian  barbarities,  iu  the  slaughter  of  cap- 
lives  and  unresisting  men.  And  iu  his  case  it  was  the  more  marked,  because  a 
whole  afternoon  and  night  had  elapsed  after  the  excitement  of  bailie  bad  passed 
away.(l) 

This  aflfair  scarcely  deserved  the  name  o(  victory, — the  immense  superiority  of 
force  on  the  part  of  the  Tennesseeans,  rendered  all  attempts  at  resistance,  on 
the  part  of  the  Indians,  merely  desperate. 

The  Creeks  now  totally  broken  down  by  the  havoc  made  among  them  by 
Newman,  Williams,  Floyd,  White,  and  lastly  by  Jackson,  sued  for  peace;  and 
Gen.  Pinckney  taking  the  immediate  command,  ordered  the  Tennessee  militia 
to  be  discharged. (2) 

Gen.  Jackson,  in  an  order  issued  at  Nashville  on  the  24th  of  May,  1814,  de- 
clared that  "the  Creek  war  had  been  brought  to  a  happy  termination,"  (3)  but  he 
was  not  disposed  to  remain  in  the  quiet  and  unimportant  condition  of  a  militia 
general  otEicer  not  in  service.  He  ordered  a  draft  of  1 ,000  men  from  his  division 
to  be  mustered  on  the  20th  June,  for  a  tour  of  six  months  duly  against  the  Creeks . 
It  is  said  this  order  was  issued  by  the  governor's  directions, — if  so,  it  is  not 
easy  to  account  for  the  boldness  of  issuing  an  order  so  manifestly  in  contempt  of 
the  laws  of  the  United  States. 

It  must,  in  all  probability,  have  been  known  to  Gov.  Blount,  that  the  Act  of 
1812,  authorizing  such  drafts,  had  expired,  by  limitation,  in  April,  1814;  and 
that  the  law  of  179,5,  in  force,  expressly  directed  the  militia  tour  to  be  three 
months  only;  and,  also,  that  the  very  recent  Act  passed  April  IfJth,  1014,  pro- 
vided the  same  limitation  in  favour  of  the  militia  men,  leaving  a  discretionary 
power  in  the  President  only,  to  extend  the  term  to  six  months. 

Perhaps  the  governor  did  not  advert  to  the  expiration  of  tiie  law  of  1812.  Of 
Gen.  Jackson  it  may  fairly  be  presumed,  after  his  conduct  and  avowed  opinions 
of  the  past  year — that  he  did  not  consider  the  legal  right  a  very  important  ques- 
tion, in  reference  to  the  service  to  be  exacted  from  militia. 

Just  at  this  time  Gen.  Harrison  resigned,  and  president  Madison  thought  pro- 
per to  appoint  Gen.  Jackson  in  his  stead  a  Major  General  in  the  army  of  the 
United  States. 

^  Various  new  military  fcfts  were  established  in  the  Creek  country,  and  Gen 
Jackson  received  orders  to  negotiate  or  prescribe  a  treaty  of  peace  and  cession 
with  the  almost  exterminated  tribe. 

The  orders  of  the  secretary  of  war  to  Gen.  Jackson  on  this  subject  were, 
"  that  the  proposed  treaty  should  take  a  form  altogether  military,  and  be  in  the 
nature  of  s.  capitulation;  ia  which  case  the  whole  authority  of  making-  and  con- 
cluding the  terms  will  be  in  you  exclusively,  as  commanding  General. ("4) 

The  accompanying  instructions,  as  to  the  terms  to  be  prescribed,  looked 
merely  to  indemnity  and  security  to  the  United  States;  but  the  General  thus  en- 
trusted with  full  power  to  dictate  the  terms,  concluded  a  treaty,  in  which,  be- 
sides a  large  cession  to  the  United  States,  there  was  also  stipulated  a  cession  of 
three  miles  square  of  land  for  himself,  one  mile  square  for  Col.  Hawkins,  and  one 
mile  square  for  the  interpreter.  These  unprecedented  and  very  improper  stipula- 
tions were  not  confirmed  by  the  senate. (5) 

The  treaty  of  cession  with  the  Creeks  being  concluded.  Gen.  Jackson  pro- 
ceeded to  Mobile,  and  had  an  extensive  command  of  regulars  and  militia. 

Upon  the  1st  of  September,  he  received  intimation  of  an  intended  attack 
on  New  Orleans.  (6)  He  ordered  a  number  of  Indians  to  be  taken  into  the  pay 
of  the  government,  and  took  measures  to  raise  volunteers  in  Tennessee — pre- 
ferring that  irregular  course  rather  than-a  lawful  draft  by  the  governor's  order. 
(7)  Two  thousand  men  were  actually  collected  in  Tennessee, — three  regiments 
of  regulars  were  with  him  at  Mobile,  besides  the  militia, — every  thing  was  pre- 
sently in  complete  readiness,  and  the  troops  "collected  .'"or  the  can)paign,  in  high 

1  General  White  killed  60  and  captured  256.     See  his  official  account  id  Ndes'  Re- 
gister for  December  25th,  1813.    General  Floyd,  at  Atossce,  killed  200 — but  all  in  action. 
Official  letter  in  the  same  paper.    (2)    Eaton,  p.  182.    (3)  Niles  Register,  vol.  6,  p.  298. 
(4)  Eaton's  Life,  198.  (5)   lb.  209.  (G)  lb.  p.  226.  (7)  lb.  227. 
B 


10  life  of 

spirits,  set  out  for  the  point  to  which  danger,  duty,  and  their  country  called 
thera."(l)  This  '' pmnt,"  doubtless,  was  New  Orleans;  "an  attack  on  the  coun- 
try bordering  on  Mobile  was  an  event  not  much  to  be  apprehended. "(2) 

General  Jackson  was  unfortunately  led  to  postpone  all  measures  for  the  de- 
fence of  New  Orleans  for  the  sake  of  a  very  fruitless  visit  to  Pensacola. 

He  had  been  carrying  on  an  angry  correspondence  with  the  Spanish  gover- 
nor of  that  place  for  some  time — and,  at  last,  on  the  7th  of  November,  he  took 
forcible  possession  of  it. 

His  army,  on  this  occasion,  amounted  to  4000  men;(3)  the  opposing  force  was 
only  300  or  thereabouts; (4)  no  regular  defence  was  made,  but  a  few  straggling 
shots  killed  eight  of  the  Americans. 

The  object  of  this  invasion  was  to  get  possession  of  a  fort  sis  or  seven  miles 
from  Pensacola  at  the  Barancas:(5)  but  in  this  he  was  disappointed,  as  it  was 
blown  up  and  destroyed  by  the  Spaniards  after  Pensacola  was  entered.(6j 

Why  the  fort  was  not  made  the  first  object  of  attack  is  not  very  clear.  At  all 
events  the  expedition  was  thus  foiled,  and  the  array  returned  to  fort  Montgo- 
mery. 

The  march  of  4000  men  to  Pensacola  for  a  purpose  which  was  entirely  baffled, 
was  an  unfortunate  loss  of  time  in  the  preparations  for  defending  New  Orleans. 
Gen.  Jackson  did  not  set  off  from  Mobile  for  that  most  important  point,  until 
the  22d  of  November, (7_)  which  was  nearly  three  months  after  he  had  been  in- 
formed of  the  attack  intended  on  that  place  by  the  British.  (.8) 

Gen.  Jackson's  partiality  for  going  into  Florida  has  at  various  times  been 
excessive;  on  this  occasion  his  mililary  character  had  to  answer,  not  only  for 
this  extreme  dilatoriness  in  repairing  to  New  Orleans, — but  also  for  the  deci- 
sion which  he  made  to  leave  the  greater  part  of  his  army,  of  4,000  men,  near 
Mobile,  where  no  attack  was  apprehendcd,{D)  and  take  with  him  only  a  small 
detachment  to  the  place  where  there  was  most  need  of  a  strong  force;(10)  where, 
in  fact,  he  expected  to  meet  a  prompt  attack.  His  motive  for  leaving  so  large  a 
force  of  regulars  where  he  expected  no  attack — and  where,  indeed,  there  was 
no  temptation  to  the  enemy — must  be  looked  for  in  his  anxiety  to  enforce  his 
notions  of  mihtia  discipline,  and  to  be  revenged  for  the  vexations  which  he  had 
been  obliged  to  endure  in  the  preceding  year,  from  the  militia  so  frequently  in- 
sisting on  leaving  him  when  their  term  of  service,  according  to  their  construc- 
tion, had  arrived. 

The  detachment  drafted  under  the  division  order  of  May  24th,  had  assem- 
bled on  the  20th  of  June,  and,  previous  to  the  march  to  Pensacola,  had  been 
stationed  at  Fort  Jackson,  one  of  the  posts  erected  in  the  Creek  country. 

It  was  notorious  that  Gen.  Jackson  had  openlj'  contended  for  the  right  to  de- 
tain militia  after  the  expiration  of  their  term  of  service,  if  he  thought  the  object 
of  the  campaign  required  their  sta3';(  11)  and  that  the  militia  of  Tennessee  re- 
sisting this  novel  and  despotic  pretension,  had,  on  several  occasions,  carried 
their  point — and  exercised  their  legal  right  to  go  home,  and  make  room  for 
others  to  take  their  places.(12) 

In  this  last  drafted  regiment  the  same  determination  prevailed  which  had  been 

lEatoD,227.  (2)  lb.  226.  (3)  National  Intelligencer,  December  ] 0th,  1814.  f4)  lb. 
Gov.  Blount's  letter  to  Gov.  Shelby.  (5)  lb.  (6)  lb.  (7)  Eaton's  Life,  256.  (8)  lb.  p.  226. 
"The  order  reached  Col.  Butler  at  Nashville  September  9th,  urging  him  to  hasten  the  vol- 
unteers intended  for  the  defence  of  New  Orleans,  and  raised  in  consequence  of  the  anti- 
cipation of  an  attack  there. "(9)  Eaton,  p.  226.  (10)  National  Intelligencer,  January  2d, 
1815.  "  Information  from  New  Orleans.  Gen.  Jackson,  with  a  detachment  of  his  army, 
arrived  there  on  the  1st  of  December,  and  on  the  2d  proceeded  down  the  river,"  &c. 

There  wcic  at  Mobile  in  November,  of  regular  troops  "  the  3tl  regiment,  part  of  the 
44th,  and  the  391h."  [Eaton's  Life,  p.  225.]  Of  these  he  took  only  the  44lh  to  New  Or- 
leans.— See  the  Nat.  latclligeuccr  of  January  21sf,  1816, — leaving  the  39th  and  3d, — of 
which  the  3d  followeil  sometime  after — but  not  till  the  fighting  was  all  over. 

11  Eaton,  p.  100,  115,  121,  Sec.  (12)  "  The  riflemen  insisted,  that  they  could  not  be 
held  in  service  after  the  24th,  that  being  three  months  from  the  time  they  had  been  mus- 
tered." Eaton's  Life,  p.  97. 

Gen.'^Jackson  being  advised  by  Gen.  Coflee,  not  to  attempt  to  detain  them,  p.  98,  an- 
swered: that  they  were  going  home  as  deserters,  p.   100,  and  that  '•  they  must  be  luke- 


Andrew  Jackson.  11 

80  often  exhibited  before;  and  their  tour  having  been  called  a  nx  tnonlht  tour  by 
the  General,  ihey  knew  was  only  like  his  having,  in  1813,  held  the  service  of 
the  volunteers  to  be  3(55  dajs  in  two  rr.ARSjfl} — when  his  endeavours  to  de- 
tain them  by  that  claim  totally  failed. 

Two  of  tlieir  officers  told  them  that  three  months  was  to  be  the  lenglhof  their 
tour; — as  did  a  brigadier  general  before  they  left  Tennessee.(2) 

Under  this  impression  they  made  arrangements,  as  liad  formerly  been  done, 
for  a  departure,  and,  at  the  expiration  of  the  three  mouths,  about  180  set  off  for 
home. 

Gen.  Jackson  instaiftly  ordered  them  to  be  pursued  and  brought  back.  Many 
of  them,  hearing  this,  came  voluntarily  back  to  the  fort.  The  expedition  to 
Pensacola  prevented  an  immediate  trial;  but  a  court  martial  was  ordered  by 
Gen.  Jackson. 

Before  it  could  convene  he  was  obliged  to  set  off  for  New  Orleans. 
It  is  impossible  to  imagine  any  good  reason  for  leaving  the  two  regiments  of 
regulars  at  Mobile  when  their  presence  was  so  much  wanted  at  New  Orleans, 
except  an  anxiety  to  ensure  the  enforcement  of  his  often  declared,  but  as  often 
baffled,  pretensions  to  the  control  of  the  militia  beyond  the  term  of  service 
provided  for  by  the  Act  of  congress. 

Mr.  Senator  Eaton  states  in  his  preface,  that  in  writing  his  "Life  of  Gen.  Jack- 
son and  History  of  the  War,  in  the  south"  he  had  "  the  opportunity  of  constant 
and  repeated  intercourse"  with  General  Jackson;  and  he  builds  on  this  fact  an 
assurance  of  his  perfect  accuracy. 

It  may  therefore  be  considered  Gen.  Jackson  himself  who  declares  that  an 
attack  on  Mobile  or  its  vicinity  ivas  not  apprehended.  For  defence  against  the 
enemy,  therefore,  those  regiments  were  not  needed  at  Mobile;  but  the  safety  of 
New  Orleans  was  jeopardized  for  the  sake  of  revenging  himself  for  the  former 
disrespect  of  the  militia,  by  a  severe  punishment  to  be  inflicted,  by  means  of  the 
regulars,  upon  tlie  one  hundred  and  eighty  men  who  ventured  to  have  their  own 
opinions  upon  their  legal  obligations. 

Gen.  Jackson  reached  New  Orleans  on  the  1st  of  December,  and,  on  the  2d, 
left  it  to  examine  tlie  forliljcations  on  the  river.(3)  lie  returned  on  the  9th,  and 
was  occupied  in  preparing  for  an  attack. 

The  most  patriotic  spirit  prevailed  universally  in  New  Orleans,(4)  the  expec- 
tation of  a  visit  from  the  enemy  had  existed  for  more  than  two  months,  during 
which  time  the  arrival  of  Gen.  Jackson  and  his  army,  which  was  known  to  be 
4000  strong,  and  within  a  few  days  march — iiad  been  anxiously  expected. 

The  legislature  liad  appropriated  S50,000(5)  for  additional  fortifications, 
and  placed  SG,000  in  the  hands  of  Commodore  Patterson,  who  commanded  the 
United  States  naval  force  on  that  station. 

With  this  money,  used  as  extra  bouniies,  the  Commodore  fully  manned  two 
armed  vessels  on  the  river  (6) 

The  whole  population  devoted  itself  to  the  defence  of  the  country.  A  levy 
en  masse  was  effected.  Even  the  old  men  organized  themselves  into  companies, 

warm  patriots,  who,  in  (he  moment  of  danger  and  necessity,  can  hah  in  (he  dischaq;c  of 
their  duty  to  argue  and  quibble  on  the  construction  of  laws  and  statutes."  p.  102.  "  Never- 
theless, except  a  few  officers  and  three  or  four  privates,  they  persisted  in  the  determina- 
tion to  abandon  the  service."  Sec  p.  10(). 

Several  simdar  instances  are  recorded  in  "  Eaton's  Life," — and  in  no  one  case  was  any 
punishment  attempted  to  be  indicted. 

lEaton,  p.  86.  (2)  Trial  of  Capt.  Strother,  &c.  Official  proceedings.  (3)  Nat.  Intel- 
ligencer, January  9(h,  1815.  Eaton,  p.  259.  (4)  This  is  testified  in  the  strongest  terms  by 
♦'  Major  Latour,  principal  engineer  in  the  Seventh  Militnvy  District."  an  active  partici- 
pator in  the  campaign — high  in  the  General's  confidence,  of  whom  he  was  an  ardent  ad- 
mirer. See  his  "  Historical  Memoirs  of  the  War  in  West  Florida,  and  Louisiana,"  dedica- 
ted, with  the  assurance  of  respect  and  devotion,  to  General  Jackson.  "  All  the  inhabitants 
of  Louisiana,  without  the  distinction  of  birth,  colour,  age,  or  sex,  vied  in  zeal  for  the  ser- 
vice of  their  country,  and  strained  every  nerve  to  repulse  the  enemy."  Latour,  p.  228. 
"  Their  conduct  is  the  most  emphatic  refutation  of  the  unjust  charges  of  their  calumni- 
ators.'" lb.  (5)  National  Intelli»ciiccr,  .Tanuaiy  21sf,  1S15,  (6)  Letter  from  €om.  Pat- 
terson to  the  secretary  of  the  navy,  National  Intelligencer,  Feb.  Mth,  Latour,  G8. 


12  Life  of 

the  ladies  employed  themselves  io  making  clothes  for  the  militia,  and  coloured 
people  became  volunteers,  and  were  allowed  to  join  in  the  preparations  to  repel 
theenemy.Cl) 

This  general  co-operation  and  £jocd  feeling  continued;  differer.t  detachments 
of  volunteers  and  militia  continucJ  to  arrive;  and  the  Louisiana  volunteers,  es- 
pecially the  French  natives,  improved  themselves  by  constant  drilling,  under  the 
instruction  of  several  officers  who  had  served  in  Europe. 

The  first  event  which  interrupted  this  happy  state  of  harmony  and  general 
good  will,  was  the  refusal  of  Gen.  Jackson  to  accept^the  services  of  the  city- 
volunteers,  because  they  desired  to  stipulate  that  their  '  probable  destination' 
should  be  the  defence  of  their  own  state, — and  that  they  should  not  be  marched 
off  to  garrisons  in  the  Creek  country  or  elsewhere  at  a  distance.  [2] 

Gen.  Jackson  insisted  that  they  should  place  themselves  on  the  footing  of  re- 
gular soldiers — and  be  subject  to  whatever  military  service  he  might  require  of 
them.  He  told  them  that  "  soldiers  who  entered  the  ranks  must  forget  the  habits 
of  social  life,  and  be  willing  and  prepared  to  ^o  wherever  duty  and  danger  called 
them — such  were  the  kind  of  troops  he  wanted,  and  none  other  would  he  have." 
[3]  The  citizens  of  Louisiana  were  much  disappointed  and  surprised  by  this 
refusal.  They  sincerely  desired  to  expose  their  lives  in  defence  of  New  Orleans, 
but  were  not  willing  to  be  sent  to  Florida,  or  against  the  Indians  on  distant  cam- 
paigns as  regular  enlisted  soldiers,  with  a  General  who  was  known  to  regard  his 
own  view  of  the  occasion  for  their  future  services,  as  the  only  boundary  to  the 
extent  of  their  tour  of  duty;  and  to  contemn  the  mihtia  laws  as  affording  only 
subjects  for  ill-timed  "  quibbles.'X4] 

It  is  not  impossible  that  he  thought  more  seriously  of  the  dangers  impending 
over  New  Orleans,  than  he  had  done  when  he  lingered  so  long  in  Florida  after 
being  apprised  of  the  expected  attack,--or  when  he  lefttwo  regiments  of  regulars 
behind  him.  But  even  such  an  increase  of  apprehension  does  not  account  either 
for  this  treatment  of  the  volunteers,  nor  for  the  request  which  he  suddenly  made 
on  the  151h  of  December  to  the  legislature,  that  they  would  siispend  Ihe  writ  of 
Habeas  Corpus. [5) 

1  Besides  the  positive  declarations  of  Major  Latour,  there  is  abundant  evidence  of  the 
od  spirit  that  pervaded  this  community, 

A  large  town  meeting  was  held  so  early  as  September  15th,  at  which  the  most  patriotic 
resolutions  were  adopted.  They  repelled  with  scorn  the  "  English  assertion  of  disaffection 
ill  the  state," — which  tliey  call  an  "  unfounded  and  calumnious  insinuation." 

They  resolved,  also,  that  they  "  considered  the  crisis  serious,  but  not  alarming," — that 
the  country  was  "  capable  of  defence," — that  they  did  "  not  desjiair  of  the  republic," — 
and  would  "  at  the  risk  of  their  lives  and  fortunes  defend  it,"  Sic-Latoui's  Appendix,  p.  26. 

The  same  sentiments  were  repeated  in  toasts  at  a  great  dinner  on  the  19th  October, 
National  Intelligencer  of  December  Ifith,  1S24. 

Thus  the  injormalion  from  J\''tw  Orleans  is  said  in  the  Intelligencer  of  January  2d,  1815, 
comprising  dates  up  to  the  12lh  December,  to  be  that  "The  people  are  all  in  high  spirits, 
and  no  doubt  was  entertained,  with  their  present  force,  of  being  able  to  repel  and  defeat 
any  expedition  the  enemy  may  send  against  them." 

Thus,  also.  Gov.  Claiborne,  of  Louisiana,  wrote  to  Gov.  Blount: — "  We  are  united  as 
one  man,  and  a  spirit  prevails  which  ensures  our  safety."  Nat.  Intel.  Jan.  30th,  1815. 

And  Gen.  Jackson  in  an  address  to  the  mayor  declared,  that  he  was  "  deeply  impressed 
with  the  unanimity  and  patriotic  zeal  displayed  by  the  citizens,"  &c.  and  spoke  of  his  ex- 
alted sense  of  their  patriotism,  love  of  order,  "attachment  to  the  principles  of  our  excel- 
lent constitution," — their  courage, — fortitude, — humanity, — liberality,  &c. — Latour's  Ap- 
pendix, p.  73,  &c. 

2  He  had  issued  a  proclamation  addressed  to  the  Louiiianians,  on  the  2d  of  Septem- 
ber— urging  them  to  arm,  ^c.,  and  apprising  them  that  any  volunteer  companies,  &c.  would 
be  organized  which  should  offer,  and  be  informed  of  Iheir  probable  destinalion.  Latour's 
Appendix,  p.  30. 

3  Eaton,  p.  300.  (4)  lb.  102.  (5)  Eaton's  Life,  &c.  p.  300.  The  reasons  stated 
for  desiring  a  measure  yet,  happily,  unprecedented  in  America,  even  during  the  worst  pe- 
riod of  the  revolution,  are,  that  intimations  had  been  privately  given  to  him  that  some  dis- 
affected persons  were  to  be  found  in  New  Orleans — This  was  one  of  the  "English  asser- 
tions" which  the  meeting  of  September  13th  had  repelled  as  calumnies, — and  in  adopting 
such  insinuations  as  the  foundation  of  so  strong  a  measure,  he  insulted  and  offended  the 
whole  state. 


Andrew  Jackson.  IS 

The  tegislaturc  appointed  a  committee  to  consider  this  request;  and  a  re- 
port was  made  tbe  next  day  unfavourable  to  the  adoption  of  a  measure  which  the 
committee  declared  to  be  entirely  unnecessary,  and  likely  to  weaken  the  de- 
fence of  tbe  city  by  iuterrupting  the  excellent  feeling  then  prevailing — and 
calculated  only  to  create  the  disaffection  which  did  not  then  exist. 

The  legislature,  however,  passed  an  Act  suspending  all  3ivil  suits  and  pro- 
cesses, and  shutting  up  the  courts.(!) 

Gen.  Jackson  without  waiting  to  ascertain  what  the  legislature  would  do  as 
to  the  writ  of  Habeas  Corpus,  proclaimed  martial  law,  and  thus  took  all  power 
exclusively  into  his  own  bandsj(2)  and  made  himself  despotic  master  of  the  whole 
population. 

Necessity  has  been  called  by  Milton  the  "  tyrant's  plea."  It  has  been  the 
excuse  offered  for  all  establishments  or  acts  of  tyranny,  including  all  the  dicta- 
torships and  military  despotisms  in  history.  In  this  case  it  was  freely  used, (3)  but 
the  fact  of  such  nete««Yy  was  not  made  out.  The  force  under  Gen.  Jackson's 
command  and  within  a  few  days  march,  could  not  have  been  less  than  10,000 
men  in  arms;(4)  no  proof  of  disaffection  ever  has  appeared,  and  it  is  not  easily 
conceivable  how  the  suspension  of  the  Habeas  Corpus  or  the  abolition  of  all  law 
could  allay,  restrain,  or  detect  disaffection  if  it  existed. 

This  assumption  of  despotic  power  was  followed  by  some  measures  of  very 
dubious  propriet}'  and  policy. 

The  pirates  of  Barataria  with  their  noted  chief  Lafitte,  were  allowed  a  safe- 
conduct,  and  enrolled  with  the  soldiers  and  volunteers. (5)  The  jails  were 
emptied,  and  the  convicts  placed  in  the  ranks  along  side  of  the  "  best  blood  of 
the  country. "(C)  And  all  persons  whatsoever  found  in  the  city,  strangers,  so- 
journers, passengers,  and  inhabitants,  were  pressed  into  the  service  under  the 
General's  orders. (7) 

These  proceedings,  of  course,  occasioned  much  disappointment  and  dissatis- 
faction ;(8)  but  the  disposition  was  very  general  to  bear  with  all  such  excesses 
of  authority,  to  look  at  them  as  proofs  of  energy,  and  to  sacrifice  all  considera- 
tions to  the  main  object — a  successful  defence.  The  expecta,tion  of  an  imme- 
diate attack  at  least  postponed  all  complaints. 

ISew  Orleans  can  only  be  approached  from  the  ocean  by  ascending  the  river 

1  Act  of  December  15th,  1814.  Latour's  Appendix,  p.  40.  (2)  Eaton,  .301.  This 
was  on  the  IGth  December.  General  Jackson's  construction  of  the  new  rule  was,  that  al! 
tbe  country  was  a  camp, — every  ;jerson  a  soldier, — all  civil  rights  suspended,  &c.  [See  his 
disapproval  of  the  acquittal  of  Mr.  Louailier,]  It  is  impossible  to  imagine  a  more  debased 
slavery  than  the  condition  of  persons  not  actually  soldiers  and  yctbeing  within  a  camp,  where 
only  military  laws  prevail.  Such  was  precisely  the  condition  of  the  poor  Greeks  under  the 
Turkish  domination — and  the  Helots  in  Sparta — each  man  a  slave  having  a  thousand  masters, 

(3) "  the  long  approved  doctrine  of  neccssUas  m,"  Eaton,  301.     (4)  In  New  Orleans 

4,000.  Letter  from  J.  Johnson,  Esq.  National  Intelligencer,  of  January  9th,  On  their  way 
4,000  under  Coflee  and  Carroll,  who  arrived  the  21st  of  December, — National  Intelligen- 
cer of  January  21st,— and  the  rest  at  Mobile.  (5)  lb.  M'Affec,  526,  Latour  71.  The 
employment  of  pirates  and  convicts — men  in  whose  fidelity  there  could  be  no  reliance — 
was  a  strange  measure,  at  a  time  when  there  were  more  men  than  arms  for  them  to  use — 
for  "  a  considerable  portion  of  cur  troops  were  inactive  and  useless  for  want  of  arms  to  put 
into  their  hands."  Eaton,  371. 

If  treason  and  disafi'ection  existed  in  the  city,  these  men  were  so  many  recruits  provided 
for  the  internal  enemies.  The  employment  of  such  degraded  wretches  in  the  same  posts 
with  intelligent  and  respectable  volunteer  corps,  must  have  been  extremely  annoying,  and 
the  more  particularly,  because  in  a  proclamation  issued  September  21st,  General  Jackson 
had  adverted  to  the  willingness  of  the  British  to  associate  with  these  same  pirates,  in  very 
contemptuous  terms:  "  Can  we  place  any  confidence,''  he  asked,  "  in  the  honour  of  men 
who  have  courted  an  alliance  with  pirates  and  robbers?  Have  not  these  noble  Britons,  &c, 
done  this?  Have  they  not  made  offers  to  the  pirates  of  Barataria  to  join  them  in  their  holy 
cause?  And  have  they  not  dared  to  insuU  you  by  calling  on  you  to  associate  with  them  and 
this  hellisli  banditti,"  S(c.  Latour's  Appendix,  p.  30.  Nevertheless,  he  afterwards  asso- 
ciated the  same  bandilli  with  the  gentlemen  of  New  Orleans  in  the  defence  of  his  lines, 
where  the  regulars  left  at  Mobile  should  have  been. 

6  Latour,  p.  09.  [7]  lb.  Afee,  p.  507.  [8]  Eaton,  p.  302.  "  This  rigid  course  was 
by  no  meaas  well  received."— National  Intelligencer  of  January  12lh,  181», 


14  Life  of 

or  passing  through  some  one  of  the  narrow  creeks  from  Lake  Borgne — or 
by  a  circuitous  approach  by  land  from  Florida.  It  vvas  incumbent  on  the 
General  to  watch  these  approaches  with  care,  and  it  would  have  been  prudent 
to  concentrate  his  force  at  New  Orleans, — the  central  point,  so  as  to  be  ready 
to  meet  an  enemy  approaching  by  either  of  the  few  practicable  passages. 

It  must  be  acknowledged  that  the  General  was  less  successful  and  energetic 
in  his  preparations  to  meet  the  enemy,  than  he  was  in  putting  down  the  civil 
authority  in  New  Orleans. 

It  was  not  till  the  15th  of  December  that  he  sent  orders  to  Generals  Coffee 
and  Carroll  of  the  Tennessee,  and  Gen.  Thomas  of  the  Kentucky  militia,  to 
expedite  the  march  of  their  respective  armies  to  New  Orleans. (1)  This  was 
the  day  after  our  naval  force  on  the  Lakes  was  captured  by  the  enemy,  whose 
squadron,  lying  off  the  coast,  had  been  so  much  augmented,  as  to  leave  no  doubt 
that  a  considerable  military  force  v/as  on  board. (2) 

On  the  18th  December  the  General  issued  a  general  order,  announcing  that 
he  expected  the  enemy  "in  a  few  days. "(3)  The  appearance  of  the  British 
squadron  on  the  Lake,  and  the  capture  of  our  gun  boats,  there  gave  fair  warn- 
ing that  their  approach  would  be  by  that  passage — and,  indeed,  the  river  was 
too  intricate  and  well  defended  by  a  fort,  and  by  Com.  Patterson's  armed  ves- 
sels, to  allow  of  the  possibility  of  their  ascending  it.  The  Lake,  which  is  open  to 
the  ocean,  lies  to  the  north-east  of  New  Orleans;  creeks  called  baijous  extend 
the  navigation  towards  the  plantations  along  the  east  side  of  the  Mississippi,  and 
several  of  these  plantations  had  canals  for  the  purpose'^of  communicating  with 
the  navigable  waters. 

The  importance  of  watching,  obstructing,  and  defending  these  bayous  and 
canals,   was  too  obvious  to  be  overlooked. 

Accordingly,  very  soon  after  his  arrival  he  had  "  sent  orders  lo  Gov.  Clai- 
borneto  cause  all  the  bayous  to  be  obstructed. "(4) 

And  on  the  21st  December,  "  when  the  orders  that  had  been  given  for  ob- 
structing the  different  canals  of  the  bayous  >vere  presumed  to  have  been  executed, 
a  detachment  of  the  3d  regiment  of  militia,  consisting  of  eight  white  men  and  a 
sergeant,  two  mulattoes  and  one  negro  were  sent  by  Major  Viliere  to  the  vil- 
lage of  the  Spanish  fishermen  on  the  left  bank  of  the  bayou  Bienvenu,  a  mile 
and  a  half  from  its  entrance  into  Lake  Borgne,  for  the  purpose  of  discovering 
whether  the  enemy  might  try  to  penetrate  that  way,  and  to  give  notice  of  such 
attempt.  "(5] 

That  Gov.  Claiborne  was  censurable  for  not'having  executed  the  orders  re- 
ceived three  weeks  before,  and  that  Major  Viliere,  a  militia  officer,  was  equally 
remiss  in  sending  such  a  guard  to  an  outpost  so  important,  and  removed  not  less 
than  six  miles  fro?n  his  station, — is  equally  clear.  But  it  is  difficult  to  explain 
why  Gen.  Jackson — with  his  numerous  staff,  his  regulars,  his  fine  cavalry,  and 
his  own  character  for  activity,  should  only  have  "presumed"  the  bayou  had 
been  obstructed,  without  examining  it  himself,  and  should  have  suffered  so  im- 
portant an  approach  to  be  watched,  at  such  a  crisis, — two  days  after  he  had 
declared  he  expected  the  enemy, — by  no  cavalry,  no  regulars,  no  staff  officer, 
no  officer  at  all,  indeed,  and  thus  allow  the  British  to  be  on  shore  twelve  hours, 
within  a  few  miles  o/JSTew  Orleans,  without  liis  knowing  of  their  having  landed!!! 

So  it  happened  however.  The  sergeants'  guard,  of  e/eren  men,  were  sur- 
prised and  captured  in  the  night  of  the  22d.[6]  The  British  landed  in  considera- 
ble numbers,  moved  across  the  country  from  the  creek  to  the  river,  about 
six  o'clock  to  Mr.  Villere's  plantation,  where  they  surprised  and  captured  a 
company  in  broad  daylight,  after  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  23d. [7J 
And  Gen.  Jackson,  who  was  only  six  miles  ofT— in  the  city — knew  nothing  of  it 
till  after  one  o'clock.  [8J 

Even  then  he  must  have  been  very  imperfectly  informed;  for  he  at  first  "  was 

1  Latour,  p.  65.  (2)  National  Intelligencer  of  January  9th,  1815.  Letter  from  New 
Orleans,  dated  December  16th.  "  Intelligence  was  received  last  Monday  of  the  arrival  of  a 
fleet  off  Cat  Island,  with  6,000  men  on  board,  &c."  (3)  Latour,  p.  69.  [4]  lb.  p.  64. 
[6]  lb.  77.     [6]  lb.  84.     [7]  lb.  86.     [8]  lb.  88. 


Jlndrew  Jackson.  15 

• 
of  opinion  tbey  were  a  mere  plundering  partj',  and  fears  were  cnlerlaioed  lest 
they  should  retreat  to  their  boats  and  escape. "[1]  And  Col.  Hayne,  the  In- 
spectorGcueral,  after  rccounoitring,  reported  the  enemy  lobe  only  two  hundred 
men. [2]  The  Britis-h  had  landed  above  two  thousand  men;  and  as  they  were  at 
Viilere's  plantation  within  six  miles  from  New  Orleans,  with  no  intervening 
obstructions,  three  hours  before  Gen.  Jackson  heard  of  their  landing,  and  his 
force  was  scattered  in  every  direction,  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  if  Gen.  Keane 
the  Brilisli  commander,  had  pushed  on,  he  would  have  taken  the  city  of  New 
Orleans  with  perfect  ease  and  certainty. [3] 

Gen.  Jackson  took  measures  to  collect  his  troops — but  it  occupied  him  six 
hours,  from  half  past  one  till  half  past  seven,  to  get  them  ready  and  march  them 
six  miles  from  the  city,  to  the  neighbourhood  of  the  British. 

The  numbers  on  the  British  side  engaged  in  the  skirmish  which  followed,  are 
not  easily  ascertained  with  precision. [4] 

The  number  of  men  that  Gen.  Jackson  took  into  the  skirmish  is  also  uncer- 
tain. (5)  He  left  a  large  part  of  his  force  behind,  and  giving  Gen.  Coffee  com- 
mand of  the  Tennessee  mounted  men  and  some  volunteers,  besides  the  Missis- 
sippi dragoons,  sent  him  to  take  post  on  the  north  of  the  British. 

The  river  runs  eastwardly  from  New  Orleans.  He  directed,  as  he  says,  [or 
requested,  as  the  Commodore  says,]  Com.  Patterson  to  attack  the  enemy  with 
his  sloops  of  war.  The  Carolina  accordingly  moved  down,  and  at  half  past  seven 
opened  a  destructive  fire  on  the  British,  which  threw  them  into  confusion. [6] 

Gen.  Jackson,  with  the  right  division,  moved  down  the  river  road,  but  his 
troops  got  into  confusion  in  the  march  in  consequence  of  being  marched  in  line 
over  ground  much  obstructed. [7]  Coffee  was  obliged  to  abandon  his  horses, — 
and  leave  the  Mississippi  dragoons  behind;[8]  he  advanced  gallantly  on  foot  to- 
wards the  British  from,  the  direction  in  which  they  had  come  in  the  morning, 
and  met  a  large  number  of  them  retreating  from  the  fire  of  the  ship.  There  was 

1  National  Intelligencer,  February  4th,  1815.  Letter  from  J.  H.  Johnson,  Esq.  of 
New  Orleans,  dated  December  -SOth,  1814.  [2]  Latour,  90.  This  blundering  report  of 
Col.  Hayne,  which  was  made,  it  seems,  late  in  the  afternoon,  shows  strikingly  how  miser- 
ably the  patrolling,  videtiing,  and  reconnoitring  service  must  have  been  arranged. 

3  Gen.  Morgan,  with  the  Louisiana  drafted  militia,  was  at  the  •  English  turn,'  several 
miles  further  from  New  Orleans,  down  the  river,  and  was  thus  ml   off.     Latour,  p.  101. 

The  volunteer  uniform  companies  were  at  Bayou  -St.  John,  several  miles  to  the  north, 
lb.  87.  The  Tennessee  troops  and  Mississippi  dragoons  were  encamped  four  miles 
above  the  city.     lb.     The  regulars  were  in  the  city. 

4  Gen.  Jackson  says  3,000,  in  his  official  letter  to  the  secretary  of  war.  National  In- 
telligencer, January  SOth,  1815.    Latour's  Appendix,  p.  16. 

The  '  principal  engineer'  and  historian.  Major  Latour,  who  was  there,  and  received 
Gen.  Jackson's  compliments  for  his  good  conduct,  says,  Ihcy  amounted  to  2,250 — being  the 
halfof  Keane's  division, — the  other  half  arriving  in  the  course  of  the  night. 

The  impression  at  New  Orleans,  at  the  time,  was,  that  this  sffair  was  a  mere  skirmish 
of  the  advance  guards.  Thus  a  letter  dated  at  New  Orleans,  December  23d,  at  midnight, 
to  the  Post-Master  general — published  in  the  Intelligencer  of  January  2lst,  1815,  states, 
that" an  engagement  took  place  last  evening  between  the  advance  guards,  in  which  the 
enemy  was  repulsed; — the  General  has  taken  a  position  three  miles  in  tlie  rear,"  &c. 

And  Gov.  Claiborne,  who  was  in  the  fight,  wrote  to  a  senator,  December  30lh: "To- 
wards dark  (on  the  23d)  the  vanguard  of  our  army  had  a  brisk  engagement  with  the  ene- 
my, in  whicii  we  had  several  killed,  many  wounded,  and  some  missing,"  &c.  Intelligencer 
of  January  SOth. 

5  Major  Latour  says — p.  105. — the  right,  commanded  by  Gen.  Jackson,  consislcd  of 
1,500  men;  the  left,  under  Gen.  Coffee,  had  732.  Gen.  Jackson,  in  his  official  report,  said, 
they  did  not  all  exceed  1,500.     Latour's  Appendix,  p.  14.— Mr.  Eaton  says  2167.  p.  327. 

6  Official  report  of  Com.  Patterson  to  the  secretary  of  the  navy.  Also,  Gen.  Jackson's 
official  letter.  And  letter  of  Mr.  Johnson,  National  Intelligencer  of  February  4th,  1815, 
Also,  Eaton,  p,  312, 

7  "The  consequence  was  an  early  introduction  of  confusion  into  the  ranks,  whereby  he 
was  prevented  from  the  important  design  of  uniting  the  (no  divisions,"  Eaton,  p,  316. 

"  The  centre  became  confused  and  was  foi;ccd  into  the  rear."  lb.  This  "  checked  the 
rapidity  of  his  advance,"  &c.  lb.  322. 

8  The  ground  was  not  suitable  for  cavalry,  yet  all  the  mounted  men  were  in  this  divi- 
sion, Eaton,  312. 


16  Life  of 

♦ 
not  much  order,  but  a  great  deal  of  gallant  fighting;— the  city  rifle  company 
were  brave  even  to  rashness,  and  suffered  severely.[J] 

Gen.  Jackson's  wing  having  got  into  confusion  very  "ear/?/,"  never  ap- 
proached nearer  than  about  1,200  yards  ot  the  British  main  body.[2J  They  had 
an  engagement  with  an  advance  guard  which  they  drove  in.  They  then  retired 
leaving  the  dead  on  the  ground, [3]  at  half  past  eight— after  an  hour's  skirmishing; 
but  whether  they  were  taken  at  once  to  the  place  where  an  entrenchment  was 
afterwards  made,  or  remained  inactive  in  the  dark,  close  by  the  enemy,  is  diflS- 
cult  to  state.  [4] 

The  events  of  this  day  and  night  can  scarcely,  on  an  impartial  review  of  them, 
be  considered  as  adding  to  the  military  reputation  of  the  General.  The  British 
army,  long  expected  and  looked  for,  reached  Viilere's  plantation  early  in  the 
morning,  and  were  on  land  all  day  without  being  molested,  till  an  hour  or  more 
after  sunset.  Tliey  were  all  this  time  within  "  two  leagues"[5]  of  New  Orleans, 
where  Gen.  Jackson  was  in  command  of  not  less  than  5000  men  well  equipped, 
[6]  whom  he  had  scattered  so  as  to  be  unable  to  concentrate  them  for  five  hours 
after  he  knew  the  British  were  at  hand.  He  had  also  the  co-operation  of  two 
well  armed  sloops  of  war,  that  could  reach  the  enemy  with  their  cannon  balls 
and  grape  shot.  The  Carolina  threw  the  enemy  into  confusion  by  an  unexpect- 
ed and  destructive  fire, [7]  and  with  this  favourable  opportunit}  for  attack,  with 
all  the  advantage  of  superior  numbers,  fine  artillery,  and  superior  knowledge  of 
the  ground,  he  left  the  killed,  as  a  trophy  of  victory  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 

Instead  of  concentrating  his  force  upon  a  weak  point,  or  any  one  point,  of  the 
enemy's  line — as  was  the  well  known  practice  of  Bonaparte — and  the  obvious 
policy  of  the  attacking  army — he  spindled  them  out  into  utter  feebleness — so 
that  "  an  express"  had  to  inform  the  commander  of  2167  men,  what  his  right 
wing  was  doing. [8]  Carroll's  Tennesseans  were  purposely  left  out  of  action  till 
late  at  night;  the  Mississippi  cavalry  were  sent  where  they  could  not  act  at 
all — [g] Morgan's  brigade  was  cut  off,  and  knew  nothing  of  the  landing  of  the 
enemy  till  they  heard  the  firing.[l0]  And  his  own  wing  was  arrayed  in  line, 
long  before  they  came  near  the  enemy, [1 1]  while  Coffee's  600  armed  only  with 

1  "  CaptaiD  Beeler's  company  penetrated  into  the  very  camp  of  the  enemy,"  &c.  La- 
tour,  p.  99. 

2  The  diagram,  or  map,  accoinpanying  Major  Latour's  History 'of  this  affair,  shows 
this  fact.    The  Tennesseeans  were  much  nearer. 

3  Mr.  Johnson's  letter.  National  Intelligencer  of  February  4th,  1825.  The  loss  in  this 
action  is  not  stated  by  Gen.  Jackson's  official  despatches.  A  letter  from  New  Orleans, 
dated  December  30th,  states  the  killed,  wounded,  and  missing  at  250.  National  Intelli- 
gencer, February  4th,  1815.  Eaton  says,  24  killed,  115  wounded,  74  made  prisoners,  p. 
328. 

4  Letter  from  the  Lieutenant  of  Beale's  Rifle  Company.  National  Intelligencer  of 
January  21st,  1815,  dated  December  23d,  at  midnight:  "  An  engagement  took  place  last 
evening  between  the  advance  guards,  &c,;  the  general  has  taken  an  advaatageous  position 
three  miles  in  the  rear,  where  he  is  entrenching,  &c." 

And  Gen.  Jackson  says  in  his  first  official  despatch, — "  The  heavy  smoke  occasioned  by 
an  excessive  fire,  rendered  it  necessary  that  I  should  drmo  off"  my  troops,  after  a  severe 
conflict  of  upwards  of  an  hour,"  &c.    Latour's  Appendix,  44. 

But  in  a  subsequent  despatch  dated  the  next  day,  the  '  heavy  smoke'  is  changed  into  a 
'  thick  fog,' — and  he  says,  "  I  contented  myself  with  lying  on  the  field  that  night,  and  at 
four  in  the  morning  assumed  a  stronger  position  two  miles  nearer  the  city."  lb.  45. 

5  General  Jackson's  official  despatch. 

6  Eaton  says  there  were  2167  in  the  skirmish — Morgan's  brigade  were  further  down 
the  river,  and  Carroll's  brigade  and  the  city  militia  were  left  behind  on  the  Gentilly  road. 
See  also  a  letter  from  an  officer  of  the  United  States  army  dated  New  Orleans,  December 
16.  [Before  the  arrival  of  Coffee  and  Carroll.]  "  We  are  weak  here  at  present,  say  1200 
regulars  and  2000  militia.  We  expect  Coflfee  with  2000  in  a  day  or  two,'  &c.  Nat.  Int. 
January  l4th,  1815.  And  another  letter  "  from  one  of  the  most  respectable  inhabitants," 
dated  December  22d.  "  Yesterday  Generals  Collee  and  Carroll  arrived  with  2000  Ten- 
nesseans," Nat.  hit  January  21st.  Of  the  2000  Tennesseans  only  600  were  in  the  action. 

7  Com.  Patterson's  o^cial  despatch  to  the  secretary  of  the  navy. 

8  "  The  express  despatched  to  Gen.  Jackson /row  the  leftwing,^'  ^c.  Eatoo,  p.  319. 

9  Eaton,  323.  [10]  Latour.  [11]  Eaton,  316. 


Oetieral  Jacksov.  17 

rilles,  were  allowcJ  uiisuppoilcd,  to  make  a  rash  attack  on  a  I'orcc  estimated  by 
tlie  General  at  three  thousand. 

It  is  manifest  tliat  if  the  British  had  pressed  forward  ag^aiiist  Gen.  Jackson's 
feeble  line  while  "in  confusion,"  as  described  b}'  Mr.  Eaton,  and  too  remote  from 
Cofleo  to  derive  any  assistance  from  him, — the  Americans  with  whatever  bra- 
very they  might  have  fought,  must  have  been  overwhelmed  and  beaten  in  de- 
tail. Fifteen  hundred  men  m  confusion  never  could  stand  against  three  thousand 
— or  even  2250  equally  well  armed  and  in  military  order. 

i3ut  happily  Geu.  Keane  who  commanded  this  British  division,  was  not  com- 
petent to  take  advantage  of  his  antagonist's  error. 

The  consequence  was,  as  inigiit  have  been  anticipated,  an  unnecessary  waste 
of  lives  in  skirmishing  with  advanced  guards  without  making  any  impression  on 
the  main  body,  and  finall}-  leaving  the  enemy  in  possession  of  many  prisoners 
and  of  ou»-  dead — a  circumstance  very  irreconcilable  to  the  boast  of  victory. 

General  Jackson  having  lost  the  opportunity  to  destroy  the  2250  British,  by 
attacking  them  with  his  whole  force — land  and  naval,  in  day-light — went  to 
woric  to  throw  up  a  strong  embankment  two  miles  nearer  the  city,  behind  which 
his  army  was  from  this  time  posted,  in  considerable  strength  and  apparent 
safety. 

The  British  received  reinforcements,  and  so  did  the  Americans. 
It  cannot  be  ascertained  with  precision  how  many  men  either  army  compris- 
ed. The  numbers  were  probably  about  equal. [1]   And  it  is  clear  that  if  the  regu- 
lars had  all  been  brought  from  Mobile,  the  British  might  have  been  attacked 
with  every  probability  of  their  l)eing  totally  destroj'ed  or  captured. 

The  British  having  resumed  tlie  offensive,  several  cannouadings  from  a  dis- 
tance took  place  without  any  elTect.  During  this  period  Gen.  Jackson  having 
heard  an  intimation  that  the  legislature  were  disposed  to  capitulate, [2]  sent  an 
aid  to  the  governor  v/ith  orders  to  investigate  the  charge  and  if  true  to  blow 
Ihcm  up  into  the  air.  The  aid  or  the  governor  without  any  investigation  intro- 
duced an  armed  force  into  the  hall  of  the  legislature  and  turned  them  out  at  the 
point  of  the  bayonet. 

This  was  not  directed  by  the  General:  but  he  afterwards  justified  and  sanc- 
tioned it. 

Except  occasional  and  distant  cannonading,  the  opposing  armies  remained 
quiet— the  Americans  behind  the  embankment  that  every  day  was  made  more 
perfect,  until  the  8th  of  January,  the  day  of  the  final  attack. 

The  armies  lay  on  the  left  or  east  side  of  the  river,  the  Americans  four  or 
five  miles  below  iVcw  Orleans.  The  other  side  of  the  river  had  been  neglected, 

1  Letter  from  Govcniui-  Claiborne  of  Louisiana,  to  one  of  the  senators,  dated  Decem- 
ber 30th,  1814.  National  Intelligencer,  January  30th,  1815. 

"  The  force  of  General  Jackson  before  the  enemy,  is  from  six  to  seven  thousand  men, 
and  is  drawn  up  in  lines  behind  a  high  and  strong  entrenchment  impenetrable  to  musketry 
and  the  shot  of  small  cannon.  In  front  is  a  wet  ditch  along  its  whole  length;  the  right  flank 
is  covered  by  the  liver,  die  left  by  an  impenetrable  swamp,  and  the  whole  front  is  defend- 
ed with  several  pieces  of  cannon  of  various  calibres,"  [32,  24,  12,  and  6  pounders]  None, 
even  the  most  timid,  entertain  any  apprehension  of  tiie  enemy's  ability  to  force  our  lines" 

The  same  letter  slates  that  the  "  enemy  have  not  less  than  four  and  not  more  than  TOGO 
men,  and  of  this  number  1000  or  1500  are  blacks." 

Governor  Ciai«ofne  counted  tlie  British  from  4000  to  7000  at  this  time,  and  the 
Americans  from  GOOO  to  7000.  Another  letter,  (Nat.  Int.  of  Januaiy  30th,  1816,)  states 
the  American  force  at  7500  before  the  arrival  of  the  Keutucky  troops — and  adds  that  the 
"  greatest  confidence  prevailed." 

A  letter  from  the  camp  dated  January  6th,  published  in  the  Intelligencer  of  the  SOth, 
says,  "  all  deserters  from  the  enemy  agree  thai  their  force  is  from  7000  to  9000,  but  wc 
gentially  suppose  it  to  be  about  6000."  And  that  the  Kentucky  troops,  near  3000  had  ar- 
rived, mal;ii>g  "  our  force  better  than  SOOO." 

Another  letter  mentions  the  mrival  of  the  Kentnckians  on  (he  2i"  li  of  December,  and 
estimates  the  elfeetive  force  at  10,000.  And  the  Intelligencer  declaies,  January  30th,  1815, 
that  many  other  letters  corroborate  these. 

2  Eaton,  303.    This  charge  the  members  of  the  lcj;islature  always  treated  as  a  calum- 
ny, and  their  conduct  certainly  gave  no  colour  to  it.   The  French  parly  predon)iimted,  and 
the  insinuition  came  from  Abner  L-  Duncan,  who  was  politically  oppose  d  to  them. 
(' 


18  Life  of 

[1]  and  on  the  nigiitof  tlie  7tli,  Geu.  Jackson,  to  repair  the  error,  ordered  *i  smaJJ 
detachment  ol"  Kentuclcians  [about  five  hundred,of  whom  only  two  hundred  ac- 
tually went,]  to  he  posted  there,  near  the  Louisiana  regiment,  already  behind  a 
redoubt  on  that  side.  [2]  On  the  8th  the  enemy  attempted  to  scale  the  embank- 
ment—  advancing  in  close  columns,  sixty  men  in  front,  and  offering  a  mark  for 
the  gunnery  of  the  Americans  that  could  not  be  missed  They  were  shot  down 
as  fast  as  they  came  near,  till  having  lost  1,500,  two  of  their  three  generals,  and 
a  large  number  of  officers,  and  having  killed  but  thirteen  of  the  Americans,  they 
gave  up  the  attempt  and  retired.  [3] 

Never  was  a  victory  more  easily  gained.  No  change  of  position  was  necessary 
on  our  side — to  load  and  fire  was  all  the  men  had  to  do,  and  that  in  almost  per- 
fect safety.  What  part  General  Jackson  took  in  the  affair  is  not  mentioned  by 
any  Historian  of  the  transaction;[4] — in  fact  the  General  officers  had  little  or 
nothing  to  do,  but  to  stand  quietly  as  spectators. 

Gen.  Adair  in  a  letter  dated  October  27th,  1817,  republished  in  Niles'  Regis- 
ter for  November  25th,  1826,  declared  that  he  marehed  his  Kentucky  brigade 
without  orders  to  that  part  of  the  line  where  the  attack  was  made,  and  that  he 
has  ever  been  of  opinion  it  was  owing  to  this  circumstance  the  enemy  were  repulsed. 

Latour  states,  p.  244,  "  The  battalions  of  Plauche,  Daquin,  Lacoste,  with 
tliree-fourths  of  the  44th  regiment,  that  is  to  say,  our  whole  centre,  did  not  fire 
a  single  shot.  The  majority  of  the  troops  under  Gen.  Coffee  did  not  fire  at  all, 
so  that  but  one-half  ol'  our  line  was  engaged.  This  is  a  fact  for  the  truth  of 
which  I  appeal  to  the  individual  testimony  of  every  man  in  the  army,"&c. 

On  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  the  omission  to  provide  fortifications  or  men 
to  defend  the  passage,  had  well  nigh  proved  of  fatal  importance;  and  nothing  but 
the  corresponding  neglect  of  the  enemy,  a  second  time,  saved  New  Orleans  from 
being  cn;jlured.[5] 

Two  hundred  Kentuckians,  of  whom  thirty  were  quickly  killed  or  wounded, 
wore  posted  to  defend  a  line  of  three  hundred  yards  in  extent;  without  any  pro- 
teclioji  ia  front  or  flank.  They  were  driven  in  by  a  British  regiment,  which,  if 
it  had  pressed  on,  might  have  reached  the  city,  while  the  armies  were  engaged 
with  each  other,  five  miles  below. (6] 

These  Kentuckians  deserved  no  censure  for  giving  way  before  1,000  British 
regulars,  advancing  in  solid  column.  ^7)  But  they  were  charged  by  Com.  Pat- 
terson, with  having  run  away,  in  a  "  most  shnmeful  and  dastardly  manper,"- 
Aod  Gen.  Jackson,  adopting  Patterson's  prejudice,  accused  them  of  cowardice, 
in  his  official  despatch, 

1  Latour  states,  that  on  that  side  Gen.  Moi'gan  was  posted  with  only  550  men;  that  he 
began  a  breastwork  200  yards  in  length,  leaving  a  large  space  "  on  the  right  of  the  200 
yards,  where  (he  breastwork  had  been  begun,  without  any  other  defence  than  a  ditch,  and 
exposed  to  be  turned."  p.  166.   Some  of  Morgan's  militia  were  not  armed.  lb. 

2  "  In  the  evening  of  the  7th,  Gen.  Jackson  ordered  Gen.  Adair  to  send  a  detach- 
ment of  500  men  to  reinforce  Morgan's  camp."  Latour,  p,  169,  Of  these  600,  only  one- 
fourth  had  arms,  and  only  200  arrived  at  Morgan's  line  at  four  in  the  morning,  "  spent 
with  fatigue  and  faint  for  want  of  food."  lb.  170. 

3  Latour,  156,  Latour's  description  of  this  affair  is  clear  and  satisfactory.  He  was 
jirescnf,  and  the  officers  had  leisure  to  see  all  that  passed. 

•1  Gen.  Jnckson  was  not  at  the  place  where  the  most  vigorous  assault  was  made,  and 
uhcre  Col.  liannce  with  a  few  Uritish  soldiers,  actually  entered  the  redoubt;  but  being 
informed  of  this  event,  he  sent  a  reinforcement,  previous  to  the  arrival  of  which,  the  Bri- 
tish had  oeen  driven  back,  and  Cul.  Rannec  killed.    Eaton,  369. 

5  It  appears  in  Com.  Patterson's  official  despatch,  that  he  notified  Gen.  Jackson  on 
the  7th  of  the  preparations  making  by  the  British  to  throw  a  force  across  the  river.  Na- 
tional Intelligencer,  February  14th,  1815.  (6J  Latour,  174. 

7  Eaton,  377,  palls  tJeneral  Jackson's  accusation  "  a  censure  they  did  not  merit.'' 
And  Gen.  Ailair  in  a  letter  to  Gov.  Shelby,  January  13lh,  1815,  National  Intelligencer, 
February  1  ttli,  declared  "  they  have  been  cahimnialed.'^ 

\  court  of  incjuiry  being  held  they  were  acquitted  of  all  blame,  and  the  facts  were  es- 
tablished that  they  were  spread  along  a  line  of  300  yards,  and  unprotected,  while  the 
Louisiana  militia,  500  strong,  stood  behind  a  breastwork  only  200  yards  long.  Nat.  In(slli» 
i^cncer,  .•\pnl  IJth,  1S15, 


Andrew  Jackson.  19 

General  Adair  of  Kentucky,  insisted  on  a  retraction  of  this  charge,  and  after 
a  court  of  inquiry  had  been  held,  General  Jackson  expressed  his  satisfaction 
that  they  liad  been  "  acquitted  of  any  conduct  deserving  of  ccnsure."(l)  This 
matter  was,  sometime  after,  the  subject  of  a  very  angry  correspondence  between 
the  two  Generals,  in  which  accusations  oi falsehood  were  freely  interchanged. 

General  Jackson,  through  the  tenaciousness  of  military  pride,  never  could  be 
induced  to  do  justice  to  the  injured  men,  and  finally  he  returned  to  the  original 
charge  in  its  most  aggravated  shape,  and  declared  that  they  "  fled  in  a  most 
shameful  and  dastardly  manner. ''[2J 

So  the  matter  has  rested  since,  and  tlicse  Kentuckians  remain  branded  by 
General  Jackson,  as  cowards  and  '  dasta7-ds.'\2] 

The  British  did  not  renew  the  attack.  On  the  right  or  east  bank  of  the  river 
there  was  nothing  to  prevent  the  Britisli  force  of  1000  men  under  Col.  Thorn- 
ton, from  moving  up  till  they  should  be  opposite  the  town.  But  happily  they  did 
not  know  our  weakness  in  that  quarter. 

When  General  Lambert  of  the  British  army  proposed  a  temporary  suspension 
of  hostilities  for  the  purpose  of  burying  the  dead.  Gen.  Jackson  stipulated  that 
the  truce  should  not  extend  to  the  right  bank; — the  British  commander  either 
deceived  by  this  io.to  a  belief  that  his  detachment  on  that  side  of  the  river  was 
in  danger,  or  else  being  resolved  against  any  renewal  of  the  attack,  withdrew 
those  troops — and  measures  were  then  taken  by  Gen.  Jackson  to  repair  the 
omission  which  had  left  the  right  bank  unprotected. 

On  the  19th  of  January,  the  enemy  had  entirely  disappeared,  and  reimharked 
in  the  vessels  off  the  Florida  coast.  And  on  the  20th  and  21st,  Gen.  Jacksonded 
his  army  back  to  New  Orleans.[4] 

At  this  time  arrived  the  3d  regiment  of  U.  S.  infantry  000  strong  from  Mo- 
bile, where  they  had  remained  during  all  the  preceding  month,  at  a  distance 
from  the  scene  of  danger  but  within  easy  call. 

Their  arrival  now  only  excited  anew  the  wonder  that  they  had  not  been 
brought  in  time  to  co-operate  in  the  affair  of  the  23d  of  December,  when  with 
their  aid  the  whole  of  Keane's  division  might  have  been  captured. 

The  return  of  the  army  at  the  end  of  the  campaign,  was  hailed  with  joy  in 
New  Orleans.[5]  The  people  had  not  been  inspired  with  any  confidence  by 
General  Jackson.  His  repeated  declaration,  that  they  were  not  themselves  to 
be  trusted,  had  weakened  their  mutual  confidence:  and  they  liad  dreaded  not 
only  the  enemy,  but  the  destruction  with  which  ho  had  menaced  the  city,  in 
case  he  should  be  obliged  to  retreat.  [6] 

A  little  intoxication  of  spirits,  is  excusable  on  such  an  occasion ;  yet  the  re- 
publican and  the  christian  cannot  fail  to  regret,  that  the  authorities  of  the  city 
should  have  chosen  to  offer,  or  the  General  to  accept,  such  inappropriate  modes 

1  GeneralJackson's  letter  to  Gen.  Adair,  April  2,  1815. 

2  Gen.  Jackson's  letter  to  the  Editors  of  the  Kentucky  Reporter,  April  11,  1817. 

In  the  Kentucky  Legislature,  on  the  3d  Feb.  1816,  Mr.  Rowan,  now  a  Senator  of  the 
United  States,  offered  a  resolution  approving  the  conduct  of  Gen.  Adair,  for  "  vindicating  a 
respectable  portion  of  the  troops  of  Kentucky  from  the  inajifro-finate  imputation  of  cowar- 
dice."    [Journals  of  the  H.  of  R.  session  1815—16,  p.  258,  &c.] 

The  same  sentiment  was  expressed  in  the  same  body  on  the  8th  January,  1818,  and  Jan. 
7,  1824. 

One  of  the  regular  toasts  at  a  dinner  given  to  Gen.  Adair,  at  which  Gov.  Shelby  was  pre- 
lent,  was  "  our  distinguished  gueat;  in  the  hour  of  peril,  his  country's  shield — in  the  day  of 
sionder,  an  advocate  for  the  soldier's  honour." 

3  This  is  not  the  only  insta-ace  of  injustice  in  the  official  reports.  The  gallant  Major 
Carraick  of  the  Marines  had  his  horse  shot  under  him,  his  Ihum  shot  off,  a  bullet  in  iiis  arm, 
another  in  bis  head,  and  several  balls  perforated  his  hat  [Letter  from  N».  Orleans,  Nat.  In- 
telligencer Feb.  2,  1816]  yet  he  never  was  mentioned  in  general  orders,  although  almost 
every  other  officer  present  was  complimented.  It  is  known  that  he  was  personally  not  on 
good  terms  with  the  General;  but  on  such  an  occasion  private  differences  ought  not  to  in- 
terfere with  the  justice  due  from  a  commander  to  the  brave  officers  who  fight  and  bleed  to 
exal  t  his  name. 

4Latour,  197.  EatOD,89€.   [6]  Eaton,  396, 397.  [6]   Ibid,  344. 


20  Life  of 

of  doing  him  honour  as  were  adopted.  lie  was  publicly  crowncil,[l}  and  going- 
to  the  principal  Catholic  Church  in  full  military  pomp — not  to  worship,  but  to 
be  worshipped, — '  he  was  conducted  in  and  seated  near  the  altar' — a' wreath  of 
laurel'  was  presented  to  him  by  the  Priest — '  children  dressed  in  white  were 
employed  in  strewing  the  way  with  flowers— and  a  flattering  ode  produced  for 
the  occasion  saluted  his  ears. '[2] 

At  the  time  of  these  proceedings  the  conclusion  of  the  court  martial  at  Mo- 
bile, held  by  Gen.  Jackson's  orders  for  the  trial  of  the  180  Tennessee  militia, 
was  heard  of.  Six  had  been  condemned  to  die,  the  rest  to  have  their  heads 
shaved.  Gen.  Jackson,  on  the  22nd  January, — after  his  triumphal  entry,  and 
when  all  was  joy  and  festivity  around  him  [3]  issued  tlie  order  for  shooting  the 
six  in  four  days  after  the  arrival  of  the  order  at  Mobile  [4] 

The /ads  of  the  case  as  laid  open  in  the  evidence  taken  before  the  court 
martial,  do  not  seem  to  have  called  for  such  severity.  [5] 

It  is  certain  that  the  men  believed  their  term  of  service  had  expired.  It  is 
also  certain  that  they  were  so  informed  by  officers  who  had  better  opportuni- 
ties of  knowing  than  they  had. (6) 

It  is  certain,  too,  that  this  error  was  their  only  offence,  their  conduct  up  to 
the  time  when  they  thought  their  military  obligations  had  terminated,  having 
been  as  correct  as  that  of  militia  in  a  detached  camp,  not  in  the  vicinity  of  an 
enemy,  generally  has  been. (7) 

1  M'Afec's  History,  p.  525.  "  Tbey  crowned  their  adored  General  with  laurels." 
The  ceremony  was  attended  by  a  numerous  concourse  of  people,  and  conducted  in  a  very 
splendid  manner.  "  There  were  many  citizens  of  New  Orleans,  however,  and  still  more, 
in  many  other  parts  of  the  Union,  who  condemned  i\\K  regal  ■pomp,  as  inconsistent  with  that 
republican  simplicity  which  ought  always  to  be  preserveii  in  our  country,  and  as  tending  to 
corrupt  the  minds  of  our  citizens,  and  inspiring  them  with  sentiments  of  false  glory,  and 
sinister  schemes  of  ambition."  [Ibid.  p.  526.] 

"  A  fritimpbal  arch  was  erected  opposite  the  principal  entrance  to  the  cathedral.  Under 
the  arch  weretwoyoungchildren— 'he  received  the  crown,'  kc.  Latour,  p.  200. 

2  Eaton's  life,  p.  398,  399. 

3  On  the  20th  of  January,  Gen.  Jackson  entered  ISew  Orleans  in  triumph — 'a  scene 
well  calculated,'  says  his  biographer, '  to  excite  the  tenderest  emotions.' — Ealon^s  Life, 
&c.  p.  396. 

[4] '  Mjuianl  General's  Office,  J^eio  Orleans,  January  22, 1825. 
'  Major  General  Jackson  approves  the  proceedings  and  sentences  of  the  Court,  and  or- 
ders them  to  be  carried  into  effect.     With  respect  to  those:  sentenced  to  the  punishment  of 
DEATH,  their  sentence  will  be  carried  into  execution /owr  days  after  the  promulgation  of 
this  order  at  Mobile. ' 

5  In  the  official  accounts  lately  published  by  congress. 

6  Extract  from  the  official   record  of  the  trial  of  John  Harris,   one  of  the  sullerers, 
The  prisoner  staled,  in  his  defence,   '  that  he  was  totally  unacquainted  with  the  nature 

of  the  militia  service,  that  he  had  frequently  heard  bis  officers  say  that  tbey  knew  of  no 
law  compelling  militia  to  remain  longer  than  three  months,  and  from  the  opinion  of  other 
men  of  respectability  and  infoimalion  conceived  his  time  of  service  had  expired — returned 
his  gun  to  his  captain  under  that  impresssion,  took  up  the  receipt  he  had  given  for  it,  and 
departed  from  fort  Jackson,  conscious  of  HAvrNG  discharged  his  duty.' 

On  the  trial  of  captain  Strotlier  the  charge  was «  Exciting  Mutiny.' 

Specification'  '  In  this — that  on  the  march  between  FortDeposite  and  Fort  Jackson, 
between  the  4lh  of  July  and  31st  of  the  same,  he  stated  in  presence  of  some  of  the  troops, 
there  was  no  law  to  compel  them  to  serve  longer  than  t/i)ve  months,  am]  unless  he  was 
shown  a  better  law  than  he  had  seen,  he  would  march  his  company  home  at  the  end  of  that 
time.' 

Capt.  Strother  was  convicted  and  broke,  and  so  was  a  lieutenant,  for  giving  this  opinion. 
In  the  course  of  the  evidence  in  the  trial  of  Harris,  as  appears  from  the  record: — 

'  James  Nelson,  a  private  in  Capt.  Mebane's  company,  testified  that  he  heard  General 
Worthington  of  Tennessee,  say,  that  he  did  not  know  whether  the  men  were  ordered  out 
for  a  tour  of  three  or  six  months — (hat  he  had  wrote  to  the  Governor,  but  had  received  no 
answer  to  his  letter  on  the  subject.' 

7  The  evidence  as  detailed  in  the  document  recently  published  shows  that  all  those 
condemned  to  die  were  acquitted  of  every  charge  implying  disorderly  conduct — and  found 
guilty  only  of  going  away — And  that  one  of  them — David  Morrow  was  regularly  received 


Andrew  Jackson.  21 

AuJ  it  is  certain  tliat  the  severity  of  their  execution  was  quite  unprcccdcnt 

cd.  [1] 

As  to  the  le^al  question  whether  they  were  lawfully  bound  to  serve  six 
months  or  three,  opinions  mayperhaps  differ.  It  seems  clear  that  the  Acts  of 
congress  and  Laws  ol'  Tennessee  limited  the  term  to  three  months.  [2] 

But  it  is  enough  that  the  question  had  difficulties.  [3]  If  they  were  mistaken 
they  suffered  for  an  innocent  mistake  in  a  difficult  question  of  law. 

And  then  it  was  cruel  to  put  them  to  death; — if  they  were  right  in  their  '  law 
opinion,'  it  was  not  only  cruel  but  murderous  to  take  their  lives. 

It  cannot,  in  either  case,  be  considered  honourable  to  Gen.  Jackson;  and  so 
he  must  have  thought,  wken  he  subsequently  published  an  earnest  denial  of  all 
participation  in  the  matter,  and  shifted  the  responsibility  entirely  upon  Gen. 
VVinchester.  [4] 

back  and  pardoned  by  Gen.  Taylor;  after  which  in  violation   of  Gen.  Taylor'a  pledge  of 
safety  he  was  shot. 

1  The  instances  of  the  execution  of  Jeseriers  to  the  enemy  have  been  cited  in  extenuation  of 
this  massacre,  but  the  difTcrcncc  is  manifest.  In  deserting  to  the  enemy  a  crime  is  commit- 
ted with  the  worst  motives,  and  no  mistake  is  made;  in  going  home,  when  the  tour  of  duty  is 
believed  to  be  faithfully  performed,  the  intent  is  certainly  innocent.  Without  evil  inten- 
tion there  can  be  no  crime. 

2  The  Act  of  Congress,  of  Feb.  25,  1796,  sec.  iv.  (Laws  of  the  U.  S.  v.  2.  p.  480,)  pro- 
vides that '  no  officer,  non-commissioned  or  private  of  the  militia,  shall  be  compelled  to 
serve  more  than  three  months  after  his  arrival  at  the  place  of  rendezvous,  in  anyone  year, 
nor  more  than  in  due  rotation  with  every  other  able  bodied  man  of  the  same  rank  in  the 
battalion  to  which  he  belongs.' 

Under  no  other  law  than  this  could  militia  men  have  been  drafted. 

Another  Act  of  Congress,  passed  April  18,  1814,  [Laws  of  the  U.  S,  vol.  4.  p.  703.]  pro- 
vides that  '  the  mihtia  when  called  into  service  of  the  United  States  by  virtue  of  the  be- 
fore recited  act  [Feb.  28,  1795,]  may,  if  iji  the  opinion  of  the  President  of  the  United  States 
the  pubZtc  interest  require  it,  be  compelled  to  serve  for  a  term  not  exceeding  six  months  af- 
ter their  arrival  at  the  place  of  rendezvous,  in  any  one  year.' 

No  subsequent  order  of  the  President  prolonging  the  term  of  duty  has  been  shown,  and 
the  records  of  the  war  department  comprise  no  mention  of  any  such. 

Gen.  Armstrong,  Sec.  at  war,  wrote  to  Gen.  Blount  Jan.  3,  1814.  "  The  militia  may 
be  considered  as  having  been  called  out  under  the  law  of  1795  which  limits  their  service 
to  three  months."  [Documents  lately  published  by  congress.] 

The  militia  referred  to  here  are  those  drafted  in  1813,  whom  Gen.  Jackson,  in  Dec.  1813, 
pronounced  "  deserters"  because  they  insisted  on  going  home  at  the  end  of  three  months  as 
the  Sec.  of  war  said  they  had  a  right  to  do. 

It  is  curious  that  six  men  should  be  shot  for  acting  on  the  construction  of  their  military 
duties  as  given  by  the  Sec.  at  war. 

Of  the  militia  thus  to  be  considered  [  as  the  law  provided]  in  service  for  three  months. 
Gov.  Blount  was  authorized  to  augment  the  number — by  letter  from  the  Sec.  at  war  Janua- 
ry 11,  1814— [  Document  No.  2] 

The  question  then  rose  whether  he  might  also  enlarge  the  time  as  to  which  he  had  no  war- 
rant in  the  law? 

3  It  appears  in  the  Documents  that  Gov.  Blount  wrote  to  the  Sec.  of  war  for  his  opinion, 
— that  capt.  Strother  applied  to  Col.  Pipkin  for  his  opinion — and  also  ensign  Martin — that 
Gen.  Washington  of  Tennessee  had  written  to  Gov.  Blount  for  his  opinion — that  captain 
Earp,  Col.  Cbetham  and  Gen.  Johnston  were  all  of  the  same  opinion  with  those  who  were 
shot,  S(c. 

4  Gen.  Jackson's  fast  letter  on  the  subject,  dated  Sept.  4, 1826,  and  published  originally 
at  Baltimore,  contains  these  words:  '  The  case  you  allude  to,  [viz.  the  death  of  the  Ten- 
nessee militia  men,]  might  as  iceW  be  ascribed  to  the  President  of  the  United  States,  as 
commander-in-chief  of  the  land  and  naval  forces,  as  to  me.' 

'  The  ringleaders,  Harris  at  their  head,  were  after  some  time  apprehended  and  brought 
to  Mobile  in  irons,  after  1  had  left  there  for  New  Orleans,  and  had  charged  Gen.  VVinches- 
ter with  the  cummand  of  that  section  of  the  country.' 

'  They  were  tried  by  a  court-martial  and  condemned  to  die;  five  were  shot,  and  (he  ba- 
lance pardoned. 

There  is  not  one  word  in  this  letter  which  betrays  the  fact  that  he  ordered  the  court-mar- 
tial, and  he  ordered  the  men  to  be  shot  to  death; — but  the  blame  is  tDdcavoured  to  be  shif- 
ted upon  Gen.  Winchester. 


2^  Life  of 

The  severity  of  Gen.  Jackson  towards  the  Tennessee  militia,  however  un- 
justifiable under  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  was  not  of  such  terrible  con- 
sequence as  that  which  he  exercised  towards  the  Louisiana  volunteers,  and 
Kentucky  militia. 

We  have  seen  that  a  dispute  had  occurred  between  him  and  some  of  the 
New  Orleans  volunteers,  as  to  their  right  to  limit  their  service  to  the  time  du- 
ring which  the  enemy  should  be  actually  present.  (1) 

The  Kentuckians  had  also  been  much  discontented  with  the  tardy  and  imper- 
fect justice  done  to  their  '  calumniated'  (2)  companions. 

These  men  were  punished  with  excessive  rigour.  When  the  army  returned 
to  New  Orleans  the  Kentucky  militia  and  a  Louisiana  regiment  were  still  kept 
in  the  mud,  (3)  on  the  plantations,  while  the  regulars,  even  those  freshly  arrived 
from  Mobile  were  quartered  in  the  city.  (4) 

For  a  few  weeks  the  uncertaintj'  of  the  enemy's  movements  furnished  an 
apparent  reason  for  keeping  up  a  station  so  destructive  to  the  lives  of  the  mili- 
tia, although  no  such  encampment  had  been  thought  necessary,  up  to  the  period 
of  the  actual  landing  of  the  British,  and  when  the  enemy  had  been  just  where  he 
now  was. 

This  indulgence  of  the  regulars  in  the  luxuries  of  the  town,  while  the  town 
militia  and  Kentuckians  were  obliged  to  keep  the  field,  had  a  strange  appear- 
ance. 

But  soon  the  motive  became  obvious.  They  were  kept  there  in  a  condition 
of  extreme  sufferiug,  long  after  all  idea  of  further  hostilities  had  passed  away. 
Fevers  and  dysenteries,  the  natural  result  of  such  exposure,  among  men 
wholly  unused  to  a  soldier's  fare, — made  dreadful  havoc  among  them;  before 
they  were  allowed  to  come  into  the  town  and  share  the  accommodations  of  tiie 
regular  soldiers,  not  less  than  five  hundred  were  thus  unnecessarily,  and,  it 
must  be  added,  unfeelingly  sacrificed.  (5) 

The  sicklj  condition  of  these  men  did  not  move  the  General's  compassion 
even  after  the  news  of  peace. 

The  British  had  departed  on  the  19th  of  January.  The  news  of  peace  was 
brought  by  Col.  Livingston  from  the  British  fleet  on  the  10th  of  February.  (6) 

1  Eaton,  p.  300 

2  Gen.  Adair's  language  in  his  letter  to  Gov.  Shelby,  dated  Jan.  13,  [  Nat.  Intelligencer 
of  February  14,  1815.] 

It  was  not  till  the  19tb  of  February  the  general  order  was  published  acquitting  the  Ken- 
tuckians of  cowardice. 

3  "  Immediately  after  the  departure  of  the  English  troops  from  the  shores  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, a  body  of  the  Kentucky  militia  was  encamped  on  the  plantation  of  Dupre,  and  the  re- 
mainder on  the  right  bank  of  the  river."  [Latour,  224.]  On  the  20th  of  January,  the  2d 
Regiment  of  Militia  was  ordered  to  encamp  oa  Villere's  plantation.  [Ibid.  197.] 

4  "  On  the  21st  of  January,  General  Jackson  entered  New  Orleans,  at  the  head  of  a 
long  suffering  and  victorious  army.  [Eaton,  p.  395.) 

"  The  Kentucky  and  Louisiana  militia, — occupied  their  posts  [on  the  plantation] 
until  the  disbanding  of  the  army.  [  March  13th,]  ib. 

3  "The  hardships  they  were  obliged  to  endure,  added  to  the  unhealthiness  of  a  con- 
stanlly  wet  soil,  caused  them  to  contract  pernicious  fevers  and  dysenteries,  which  soon  be- 
came epidemical.  The  effect  of  these  disorders  was  speedily  seen  and  terribly  felt;  in  the 
space  of  one  month  500  men  perished  in  this  way."     [Latour,  p.  225.] 

The  nature  of  their  accommodations  after  the  return  of  the  regulars  to  the  city  is  not 
precisely  described  by  the  historians,  except  that  the  encampment  was  upon  a  "  constantly 
wet  soil" — But  the  following  is  Major  Latour's  account  of  the  sufferings  of  the  Kentuc- 
kians in  common  with  tbe  Tennesseeans  previously  to  the  20th  of  January.  "  The  ground 
was  so  low  and  difficult  to  be  drained  that  the  troops  were  literally  encamped  in  the  water, 
walking  knee  deep  in  mud;  and  the  several  tents  were  pitched  on  small  iles  or  hillocks  sur- 
rounded with  water  or  mud."  "  Those  who  have  not  seen  the  ground  cannot  form  an  idea 
of  the  deplorable  condition  of  the  troops,"  &c.  "  Those  brave  men  supported  all  their  hard- 
ships with  resignation,  and  even  with  alacrity,"  ^c.  p.  149. 

6  Eaton  400,  and  Latour  216.  But  perhaps  it  should  be  the  19th,  see  Latour's  Ap- 
pendix 84.     That  was  the  date  of  the  order  announcing  it. 


Jndrew  Jackson.  *S 

A  general  order  was  issued,  dated  "February  19lli,"  by  General  Jackson, 
announcing  that  the  "  flag  vessel  has  returned,  and  brings  intelligence  of  peace," 
&c.(i; 

The  Louisiana  militia  on  the  wet  plantation  being  very  sickly,  and  being  in 
Mr.  Eaton's  language  "  owners  of  the  soil,  men  who  had  families  anxiously  con- 
cerned for  their  safety,  and  whose  happiness  depended  on  their  return"  2)  be- 
came very  impatient;  and  the  newspapers  began  to  criticise  the  unnecessary 
waste  of  valuable  lives. 

Between  the  16th  and  the  24th  of  February,  General  Jackson  imposed  a  re- 
striction on  the  newspapers,  which  entirely  destroyed  the  freedom  of  the  press; 
and  established  a  censorship  equal  to  that  which  despotism  has  restored  in  France 
— but  which  in  no  other  instance  was  ever  attempted  in  America. 

A  general-order — which  like  the  ukase  oi  the  Russian  autocrat  now  was  the 
substitute  for  law,  directed  that  no  publication  relating  to,  or  aflecting  the  army, 
was  to  be  published  in  any  newspaper  without  first  obtaining  permission. 

How  far  this  arbitrary  and  oppressive  edict  which  was  certainly  not  necessary 
as  a  measure  of  defence  against  the  enemy,  was  provoked,  by  the  expression  of 
public  opinion  through  its  natural  organs,  the  newspapers,  can  now  be  only  con- 
jectured. (^3) 

The  legislature  had  continued  to  meet,  notwithstanding  their  forcible  expul- 
sion from  the  hall  by  armed  men,  and  the  establishment  of  military  government 
in  the  city.  Indeed  the  performance  of  their  functions  was  necessary,  for  the 
purpose  of  voting  assistance  to  the  sick,  wounded,  and  destitute,  among  the 
militia. 

On  the  2d  of  February,  they  passed  a  vote  of  thanks  to  the  brave  citizen 
soldiers,  the  subaltern  officers,  and  the  Generals;  omitting  all  notice  of  General 
Jackson. 

At  such  a  time  the  legislative  body  would  not  have  cast  so  strong  an  implied 
censure  on  the  conduct  of  the  General,  unless  they  were  backed  and  supported 
by  public  opinion.  It  seems  to  have  been  for  the  purpose  of  smothering  the  ex- 
pression oi  such  opinions  that  the  muzzle  was  put  upon  the  press. 

It  is  remarkable  that  although  the  vote  of  thanks  passed  on  the  2d  of  February, 
[4J  it  was  not  communicated  to  the  officers  who  were  complimented  in  it,  till  the 
25th  of  that  month. [5] 


1  Latour's  Appendix  90.   And  Nat.  Intelligencer  of  March  26,  1815. 

2  Eaton  p.  408. 

3  General  Jackson  had  before  this  written  to  the  secretary  of  war,  "  there  is  little 
doubt  that  the  last  exertions  of  the  enemy  have  been  made  in  this  quarter  for  the  pre- 
sent season."  National  Intelligencer  of  February  13th,  1815.    Latour's  appendix,  57. 

He  had  announced  the  news  of  peace,  and  he  had  written  to  Admiral  Cochrane  to 
"  reciprocate  his  congratulations  on  that  event.''  Latour's  appendix,  86. 

He  had  published  an  address  to  the  mayor  of  the  city  e.Tpressing  his  '  exalted  sense' 
of  the  '  unanimity'  and  *  patriotic  zeal,'  '  love  of  order'  and  '  attachment  to  the  princi- 
ples of  the  constitution' — '  courage,'  '  fortitude,'  '  humanity,'  '  liberality,'  &c.  of  the 
people  of  New  Orleans,  his  '  admiration,'  '  thanks,'  &c.  &c.  Latour,  appendix  84. 

Yet  he  would  not  restore  the  laws  or  constitution  to  which  he  praised  them  for  being 
attached. 

A  people  deserving  these  praises  surely  might  be  trusted  with  liberty  of  speech. 

4  Latour,  205. 

6  Latour's  appendix,  25,  &c.  Governor  Claiborne's  letters  to  Generals  Thomas,  Car- 
roll, Adair,  Coffee,  and  Colonel  Hinds,  all  of  that  date. 

No  one  of  these  officers  in  reply  mentioned  the  omission  to  thank  General  Jackson, 
except  Coffee. 

The  legislature  did  not  act  without  provocation  in  this  maik  of  disrespect.  The  in- 
sult which  they  had  received,  in  being  violently  expelled  from  their  hall;  and  the  insin- 
uations made  against  the  patriotism  of  their  citizens,  in  the  General's  orders  declaring 
martial  law — insinuations  which  had  been  amply  refuted  by  the  good  conduct  of  the 
whole  population,  and  yet  had  not  been  withdrawn,  seemed  to  them  to  require  apolo- 


24  Life  of 

Whether  the  power  or  the  influence  of  Gen.  Jackson  occasioned  its  suppres- 
sion, for  so  long  a  period  as  three  weeks,  is  not  known. 

Among  the  Frenchmen  that  had  volunteered  and  had  fought  bravely,  and  con- 
ducted themselves  in  all  respects  so  well,  there  were  many  who  were  still  detain- 
ed in  the  mud  on  the  open  fields.  They  became  utterly  disgusted  with  the  op- 
pression so  needlessly  exercised,  after  a  treaty  of  peace  had  been  known  to  be 
concluded.  To  save  their  lives  from  the  "  dysenteries  and  fevers"  which  were 
sweeping  off  such  numbers  in  the  camp  where  they  had  been  cruelly  confined, 
while  the  more  hardy  regulars  did  not  share  the  exposure,  they  claimed  their 
rights  as  subjects  of  France. 

A  new  UKASE  or  edict,  exceeding  in  arbitrariness  all  that  had  gone  before, 
banished  the  French  citizens  to  a  distance  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  from 
New  Orleans.(l) 

It  is  diflicult  to  find  an  apology  for  this  proceeding.  The  class  of  people  on 
whom  this  heavy  sentence  fell,  comprised  a  large  portion  of  the  gallant  comba- 
tants in  the  battles  of  the  23d  December  and  8th  of  January.  The  French  ar- 
tillery corps  had  been  eminently  useful.  The  gallantry  with  which  they  had 
behaved,  had  been  emphatically  declared  by  the  General  himself. (2) 

If  there  was  still  danger  of  a  renewed  invasion — two  weeks  after  the  news  of 
peace — New  Orleans  was  by  this  order  deprived  of  an  efficient  portion  of  its  de- 
fenders— If  no  further  occasion  for  their  services  was  apprehended,  the  prolong- 
ed detention  of  their  compatriots  in  the  pestilential  fields  was  without  excuse, 
and  a  just  cause  of  murmur. 

Mr.  Louallier,  a  member  of  the  legislature — distinguished  for  his  patriotism, 
[3J  wrote,  in  one  of  the  public  papers,  somfe  remarks  on  this  order,  and  on  the 
unnecessary  continuance  of  military  despotism,  while  all  other  parts  of  the 
United  States  were  in  the  uninterrupted  enjoyment  of  laws  and  republican  in- 
stitutions. 

General  Jackson  immediately  scut  Mr.  Louallier  to  prison  under  a  military 
arrest.  [4  j 

This  was  on  the  4th  day  of  March. 

gy  and  explanation.  They  were  displeased  with  the  ill-timed  introduction  of  the  press- 
gang  system,  when  all  were  so  willing  to  serve  without  being  pressed.  They  thought 
such  a  severity  calculated  only  to  create  the  disaffection,  which  they  did  not  believe 
existed  at  the  time  of  General  Jackson's  asserting  it.  They  disapproved  of  the  injus- 
tice of  keeping  their  citizens  of  the  drafted  militia — the  householders  of  New  Orleans 
— still  in  a  sickly  camp,  when  the  more  hardy  regulars  were  allowed  to  lounge  idly  in 
the  streets  and  taverns  of  New  Orleans.  They  disliked  also  the  crorujiing',  and  other 
excessive  honours  paid  to,  and  accepted  by  General  Jackson  to  the  exclusion  of  all 
others,  as  if  he  alone  deserved  praise,  and  the  gallant  Coffee,  Adair,  Carroll,  &c.  meri- 
ted no  compliment.  They  wished  to  show  especially  their  sense  of  the  merits  of  those 
officers  and  their  troops,  to  whom  there  had  been  yet  no  honours  or  acknowledgments 
awarded. 

1  Nat.  Intelligencer  of  April  18,  1815.  Eaton,  406.  [an  imperfect  relation  of  this 
transaction.] 

2  In  an  address  to  the  Mayor  of  New  Orleans,  Jan.  27,  1814.  Latour,  Appendix, 
73.     Also  ia  the  official  despatches  and  general  orders. 

3  Latour  141.  "  Louallier  a  member  of  the  house  of  representatives  obtained  from 
the  legislature  the  sum  of  iff;(iOOO  which  was  put  at  the  disposition  of  a  committee  for 
the  relief  of  the  Kentucky  troops  who  arrived  in  a  '  deplorable  condition.'  "  Iffc. 

"  Though  the  gratitude  of  their  fellow  citizens  S{c.  be  to  Mr.  Louallier  and  to 
Messrs  Uulieys  and  Soubie,  who  co-operated  with  him  in  his  honourable  exertions  a 
sufficient  reward,  yet  I  must  be  allowed  to  pay  those  gentlemen  the  tribute  of  applause 
so  justly  due  to  them." 

Major  Latour  adds:  "  with  pleasure  I  take  this  opportunity  to  do  justice  to  the  patriot- 
ic and  highly  praiseworthy  conduct  of  the  legislature  not  only  on  this  occasion,  (the 
extension  of  the  pay  of  the  wounded  and  other  charitable  and  patriotic  provisions) 
'  but  during  the  whole  session."  &c. 

It  is  to  be  observed  that  Major  Latour  was  the  '  principal  engineer'  and  his  book  is 
dedicated  to  Gen.  Jackson  as  a  '  tribute  to  hit  merits,  and  with  an  assurance  of '  res- 
pect and  devotion." 

4  Ealon,  410. 


Andrew  Jackson.  35 

Mr.  Louallier  applied  for  the  benefit  of  tliat  remedy,  Ihe  wi]l  of  habeas  corpus, 
which  the  legislature  had  refused  to  suspend.  Judge  Hall,  to  whom  the  applica- 
tion WHS  made,  was  officially  bound  to  ^rant  it.  The  writ  commanded  the  sheriff, 
in  the  name  of  the  commonwcallh  of  Louisiana,  to  call  on  General  Jackson  for 
the  reasons  of  Mr.  Louallier's  confinement. 

On  the  5th  of  March,  in  ihe  evening.  General  Jackbon  bent  judge  Hall  to  the 
same  prison. 

Either  the  same  day  or  early  the  next  day,  an  express  arrived  at  New  Or- 
leans with  intelligence  of  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  of  peace.(l) 

Every  person  supposed  that  all  arbitrary  proceedings  would  now  cease — the 
press  be  unmuzzled,  the  laws  restored,  and  the  suffering  Kentuckians  relieved 
immediately  from  their  exposure  in  the  sickly  encampment. 

But  their  hopes  were  disajjpointed.  Gen.  Jackson  still  kept  Judge  Hall  in 
confinement  as  well  as  Mr.  Louallicr. 

The  Judge  applied  to  Judge  Lewis,  for  a  Habeas  Corpus.  The  General  or- 
dered Judge  Lewis  and  also  the  attorney,  l\Ir.  Dick,  who  acted  for  Hall,  to  be 
arrested.  (2) 

On  the  8Lh  of  March,  a  general  order  was  issued  reciting  an  application  from 
Major  Planche's  battalion  and  Major  Lacoste  and  Daquin  for  a  suspension  of 
the  order  of  Feb.  SHth  banishing  the  Frenchmen;  and  announcing  that  this 
petition  had  been  granted  as  a  matter  of  favour  merely  to  the  petitioners,  and  that 
from  the  suspension  Major  Tousard  was  excepted.  (3) 

The  same  day  the  "  levy  en  masse"  of  the  Louisiana  militia  was  discharged 
by  a  general  order.  [4) 

On  the  eleventh  of  March  Judge  Hall  was  banished;  and  Mr.  Louallier  was 
still  detained/or  trial.' (5) 

Mr.  Louallier,  whose  patriotism  had  been  jn'oved,  was  brought  before  a  court 
martial  subsequently  to  all  these  occurrences — and  there  "  tried"  on  charges 
involving  life  and  death,  by  the  general's  command. 

The  charges  were 

1.  Mutiny, 

'-'.  Exciting  to  Mutiny, 

3.  General  Misconduct, 

4.  Being  a  Spy, 

5.  Disobedience  to  orders. 

6.  Writing  a  wilful  and  corrupt  libel, 

7.  Unsold lerly  conduct. 

The  specification  was  the  same  on  each  charge,  namely  the  publication  in  the 
newspaper  on  the  3d  of  March.  (6) 


1  Latour's  appendix  94.  Gen.  Jackson's  letter  to  Gen.  Lambert  .announcing  the 
news,  dated  March  6,  1815. 

Also  General  Carroll's  letter  of  the  same  date  to  Governor  Blount  "  an  express  has 
arrived  with  intelligence  of  the  ratification  of  peace."  National  Intelligencer,  May 
6,  1815. 

2  Mr.  Louallier's   statement. 

3  National  Intelligencer,  April  18,  1815.  Major  Tousard  was  then  French  consul. 
He  had  served  in  our  army  in  the  revolutionary  war  and  lost  an  arm 

4  National  Intelligencer  of  same  date  as  above.     Latour,  appendix  99. 

5  "  On  the  11th  of  the  month  sent  him  [the  Judge]  from  the  city,"  &c.  Eaton  411. 

6  The  publication  which  General  Jackson  sought  to  punish  by  the  death  of  Mr. 
Louallier,  commenced  thus:  "  Mr.  Editor,  to  remain  silent  on  this  late  general  order, 
directing  all  Frenchmen  who  now  reside  in  New  Orleans  to  leave  it  within  three  days, 
and  to  keep  at  a  distance  of  120  miles  of  it,  would  be  an  act  of  cowardice  which  ought 
not  to  be  expected  from  a  citizen  of  a  free  country;  and  when  every  one  laments  such 
an  abuse  of  authority,  the  press  ought  to  denounce  it  to  the  public." 

It  then  proceeds  to  argue  from  the  treaty  of  cession,  th.Tt  Fitnrhmen  are  entitled  to 
all  the  privileges  of  Americans— and  that  the  Frenchmen  had  behaved  gallantly  in  the 
late  battle— and  that  they  ask  no  other  reward  than  to  be  permitted  peaceably  to  enjoy 
the  rights  secured.by  the  treaty  and  the  laws,  of  the  United  States,  and  that  if  the  French 
were  to  choose  to  abjure  their  native  country,  they  could  not  at  once  be  made  Ameri- 
CBB  citizens.  "  It  is  therefore  better  to  remain  a  iaithful  Ffenchman,  than  to  be  scar- 
D 


26  Life  of 

Mr.  Louallier  was  cctiaitily  not  ameuable  to  such  a  tribunaJ,  (1)  but  the 
court  martial  acquitted  him  ot"  all  the  charges;  General  Jackson  disapproved 
the  acquittal,  and  still  kept  him  in  confinement  until  the  13th  of  March. [2) 

Mr.  Eaton  says  that  Mr.  Louallier  was  prosecuted  under  2nd  section  of  the 
rules  and  articles  of  war  and  that  the  section  was  published  by  order,  for  the 
information  of  all  concerned.  It  is  to  be  hoped  this  is  a  mistake,  for  certainly 
there  could  not  have  been  a  grosser  perversion  of  military  power  than  an  at- 
tempt to  take  the  life  of  a  citizen  residing  at  home  and  a  member  of  the  legisla- 
ture attending  its  sittings,  for  any  publication — by  pretext  of  that  section, 
which  provides  that  all  persons,  not  citizens  of  or  owing  allegience  to  the  U.  S., 
who  shall  be  found  lurking  (is  spies  in  or  about  the  fortifications  or  encampments 
of  the  armies  of  the  United  States,  shall  suffer  death,  &c.  (Laws  of  the  U.  S. 
Vol.  4.  p.  23.) 

It  is  more  probable  that  the  true  motive  for  the  harsh  and  angry  proceedings 
against  Mr.  Louallier  and  the  French  volunteers,  is  to  be  found  in  the  avowal 
made  by  the  General  in  his  reasons  for  disapproving  the  acquittal  of  M.  Loual- 
lier,— namely  that  his  i-eksonal  dignity  was  implicated. [3] 

On  the  13th  of  March,  having  received  orders  from  the  war  department  to 
discharge  the  militia,  ho  revoked  the  order  relating  to  martial  law, [4]  and  the 
next  day  the  militia  were  ordered  to  be  marched  home  to  be  discharged.  [5] 

The  Kentucky  troops  were  now,  but  not  until  now,  relieved  from  their 
encampment  in  the  mud,  where  they  had  been  continued  a  week  after  the  ex- 
press arrived  with  intelligence  of  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  of  peace — three 
days  after  the  levy  en  77iassc  of  the  Louisiana  militia  were  discharged — about 
one  month  after  the  news  of  the  signing  of  tlie  treaty  and  nearly  two  months  af- 
ter the  General  had  declared  his  confi<ient  opinion  that  (he  "  last  exertion  of 
the  enemy"  had  been  made. 

Each  day  of  tiieir  detention  had  increased  their  loss  by  disease — and  no  rea- 
son has  ever  been  given  for  the  gieater  care  taken  for  the  comfort  of  the  regu- 
lars, in  comparison  with  these  meritorious  citizen  soldiers.  [6] 

ed  even  by  the  martial  law;  a  law  useless  when  the  presence  of  the  foe  and  honour  calls 
us  to  arms,  but  which  becornes  degrading  when  their  shameful  flight  suffers  us  to  en- 
joy a  glorious  rest,  which  fear  and  terror  ought  not  to  disturb. 

The  communication  then  closes  with  these  sentences^  which  probably  gave  the  of- 
fence, viz:  "  It  is  high  time  the  laws  should  resume  their  empire;  that  the  citizens  of 
this  State  should  return  to  the  full  enjoyment  of  their  rights;  in  acknowledging  we  are 
indebted  to  General  Jackson  for  the  preservation  of  the  city  and  the  defeat  of  the  Bri- 
tish, we  do  not  feel  much  inclined  through  gratitude  to  sacrifice  any  of  our  privileges, 
and  less  than  any  other  that  of  expressing  our  opinion  about  the  acts  of  his  administra- 
tion. That  it  is  time  the  citizens  accused  of  any  crime  should  be  rendered  to  their 
natural  judged,  and  cease  to  be  bro'.ight  before  special  or  military  tribunals,  a  kind  of 
institution  held  in  abhorrence  even  in  absolute  governments;  and  that  after  having 
done  enough  for  glory  the  moment  of  moderation  has  arrived;  and  finally,  that  the  acts 
of  authority  which  the  invasion  of  our  country  and  our  safety  may  have  rendered  ne- 
cessary, are,  since  the  evacuation  of  it  by  the  enemy,  no  longer  compatible  with  our 
dignity,  and  our  oath  of  making  the  constitution  respected." 

1  As  a  member  of  the  Legislature,  he  was  exempt  from  military  service.  General 
Jackson  described  him  as  a  "  citizen  not  enrolled  in  any  corps." — [order  issued  March, 
IS  16,  disapproving  of  the  acquittal] — and  the  Constitution  of  the  U.  S.  fifth  amend- 
ment, provides  that  '  no  person  shall  be  held  to  answer  for  a  capital  or  otherwise  infa- 
mous crime,  unless  on  a  presentment  or  indictment  of  a  Grand  Jury,  except  in  cases 
arising  in  the  land  or  naval  service,  or  in  the  militia  tvlun  in  actual  service.'' 

2  Mr.  Louallier's  statement,  and  Gen.  Jackson's  general  order  disapproving  of 
the  sentence  of  acquittal,  with  his  reasons  at  length,  in  which  all  ciri/ privileges  are  de- 
clared to  be  suspended  by  a  state  of  war.     Niles'  Register  vol.  15,  395. 

3  Niles'  Register,  vol.  1.5,  p.  395,  [4]  Latour  219.  [5)  lb.  220,  National  Intelli- 
gencer, of  April  19,  IS15. 

6  These  men  seem  to  have  fallen  a  sacrifice  to  the  General's  very  high  toned  no- 
tions of  military  power  and  subordination.  We  have  seen  that  he  considered  militia 
bound  to  remain  in  service  beyond  their  period  of  duty  as  prescribed  by  law;  and  that 
he  refused  to  accept  the  services  of  volunteers  with  any  limitation — but  required,  and 
litially  compelled  them,  by  pressing  them  into  service — to  be  placed  precisely  on  the 


Andrew  Jackson.  27 

Before  liis  departure  from  New  Orleans — which  was  on  the  6th  of  April,  1815, 
he  had  the  satisfaction  to  receive  intelligence  of  resolutions  adopted  in  congress, 
thanking  him  and  the  army  under  his  command  for  tlicir  services,  and  voting 
him  a  gold  medal  as  a  testimou}'  of  approbation. 

Immediately  after  the  conclusion  of  the  war  a  reduction  of  the  army  was  ef- 
fected, two  Major  Generals  only  were  relamed.  It  was  a  matter  of  much  diffi- 
culty to  make  the  selection,  and  the  duty  devolved  chiefly  on  Mr.  Dallas,  then 
acting  secretary  at  war.  General  Jackson  made  a  visit  to  the  city  of  Washing- 
ton, and  the  arrangement  was  made  by  which  he  was  retained  as  second  in  rank 
to  General  Brown. [1] 

He  returned  to  his  plantation,  wliere  he  remained  enjoying  his  full  pay,  im- 
proving his  estate,  and  amusing  himself  will)  llie  pleasures  of  the  race  course,  for 
which  he  still  kept  his  fondness,  and  in  which  he  was  generally  successful,  as 
the  owner  of  the  best  running  horses. 

In  the  latter  part  of  1816,  he  was  authorised  to  superintend  the  cession  of 
certain  Indian  lands. (2_)  At  this  time  the  department  of  war  was  vacant,  and  Ge- 
neral Jackson  felt  a  lively  interest  in  the  appointment  to  be  made.  He  volun- 
teered his  advice  to  the  new  president, [3]  and  strongly  recommended  the  ap- 
pointment of  Colonel  Drayton  of  South  Carolina,  and  remonstrated  against  the 
reported  intention  of  the  president  to  appoint  Governor  Shelby  of  Kentucky, 
whose  great  military  services,  patriotism,  integrit}',  and  high  character,  he  ar- 
gued did  not  entitle  him  to  an  office,  for  the  complicated  duties  of  which,  his 
acquirements  did  not  qualify  him. 

footing  of  regulars — (Eaton,  p.  300.)  In  an  address  to  the  Kentuckians  at  New  Or^ 
leans,  he  told  them  <•  one  of  the  most  dangerous  faults  in  a  soldier,  is  a  disposition  to 
criticise  and  blame  the  orders  and  characters  of  his  superiors."  Latour,  Appendix,  p. 
67. 

Against  these  principles — rather  inapplicable  to  militia  composed  of  freemen — and 
against  this  desire  to  reduce  them  to  a  mere  passive  machine,  the  Tennessee  militia  at 
Mobile  had  oflFended,  even  more  than  the  Kentuckians  and  Louisianians  at  New  Or- 
leans. The  punishment  was  in  each  case  excessive.  Five  hundred  of  the  latter  per- 
ished on  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi — and  six  of  the  former  had  been  shot  at  Mobile 
for  the  purpose  of  establishing  the  arbitrary  principles  which  he  avowed; 

1  Act  of  March  3,  1815,  permitted  the  President  to  retain  two  Major  Generals 
and  four  Brigadiers.  General  Brown,  a  northern  man,  was  under  this  act  put  at  the 
head  of  the  army,  and  General  Jackson,  a  southern  man,  next.  Then  General  Ripley 
and  General  Macomb  of  the  north,  and  General  Scott  and  Genera]  Gaines  of  the  south, 
were  the  four  Brigadiers. 

2  On  this  occasion  Gov.  Shelby  of  Kentucky  was  associated  with  him  in  the  com- 
mission. They  had  very  serious  disputes  arising  out  of  a  belief  on  the  part  of  Shelby, 
that  General  Jackson  was  about  to  obtain  a  cession  of  lands  in  pre-emption  to  himself, 
as  had  been  done  in  1814  at  the  treaty  with  the  Creeks.  The  circumstance  is  freely 
told  by  the  friends  of  Gov:  Shelby. 

S  His  letter  to  thePresident.  Niles,  vol.  26,  163. 

In  the  course  of  this  correspondence,  which  has  often  been  cited  as  very  creditable 
to  Gen.  Jackson,  he  advanced  some  opinions  that  were  peculiar  and  characteristic. 

He  told  the  President,  that  he  had  considered  Mr.  Madison  "  one  of  the  best  of 
men,  and  a  great  civilian,"  but  had  not  been  in  favor  of  making  him  President,  because 
*'  he  could  not  look  on  blood  and  carnage  with  composure. "(Niks,  vol.  26,  p.  167.] 
And  in  the  same  correspondence,  he  declared,  that  if  he  had  been  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  the  Hartford  Convention,  he  would  iiave  hanged  the  principal  members,  un- 
der the  "  2d  section  of  rules  and  articles  of  war."  This  does  not  seem  to  have  been  an 
oversight.  His  opinions  as  avowed  in  his  defence  before  Judge  Hall  at  New  Or- 
leans [Eaton,  451.]  and  in  his  reasons  for  diEapproving  of  Louallier's  acquiltal,  [Nijen 
l."},  395.]  go  the  whole  length  of  considering  the  entire  country  a  camp  '  here  none  but 
military  rule,  military  power,  military  distinction,  and  military  tribunals  can  be  allow- 
ed— and  this  not  merely  in  emergencies  but  at  all  times  from  a  declaration  of  war  till 
the  ratification  of  peace, 

This  doctrine  and  the  General's  application  of  the  2d  (■ection,  would  make  every 
man  a  spy  from  Maine  to  Georgi.i  whom  the  general  officers  might  choose  to  call  so 
— and  there  would  be  but  one  tenure  of  life,  property  and  reputation — namely  the 
will  of  a  niilittry  ma»ter. 


28  LiJ^  of 

He  received  a  friendly  answer  from  Mr.  Monroe,  aud  continued  to  write  on 
this  interesting  subject,  until  the  appointment  of  Mr.  Calhoun.  At  about  this 
time  he  issued  an  order  commanding'  all  the  officers  in  the  southern  half  of  the 
United  States,  to  yield  no  obedience  to  any  communication  from  the  president 
as  commander  in  chief,  through  tlie  ordinary  channel  of  the  war  department, 
unless  from,  or  through  himself. 

It  is  difficult  to  reconcile  this  proceeding,  either  with  the  respect  just  before 
expressed  for  the  President,  or  those  principlesof  strict  subordination,  which  he 
had  so  often  and  so  recently  asserted.  [1] 

The  year  1818  was  marked  by  some  murders,  committed  on  the  borders  of 
Georgia  by  the  Seminole  Indians,  a  tribe  of  little  strength.  (2)  General  Jack- 
son was  ordered  to  make  a  requisition  on  the  Governor  of  Tennessee,  for  a  mi- 
litia force,  in  aid  of  the  Georgia  militia,  already  called  out — and  to  take  the  ne- 
cessary steps  for  restoring  order. 

He  preferred  raising  volunteers,  to  whom  he  could  appoint  officers;  and  col- 
lected a  force  of  2500  men,  without  authority,  whom  he  organized  by  the  ap- 
pointment of  officers,  and  then  led  into  Florida,  to  capture  the  Spanish  posta, 
from  which  the  Indians,  as  it  was  said,  had  obtained  supplies. 

No  resistance  was  made,  and  the  war  was  soon  ended.  It  was  disgraced  by 
an  act  of  cruelty  towards  some  of  the  Indians,  committed  by  a  captain  of  the 
Georgia  militia  and  also  by  certain  severities  on  the  part  of  Gen.  Jackson. 

Two  Englishmen  were  taken  prisoners  and  put  to  death.  They  were  said 
to  have  instigated,  as  well  as  aided  the  Indians,  but  their  execution  was  justified 
by  General  Jackson,  simply  on  the  ground  of  their  being  to ji A  the  Indiansia 
open  war.  (3) 

The  execution  of  prisoners,  had  never  before  been  permitted  by  American 
officers,  except  in  the  instance  of  the  massacre  the  day  after  the  battle  at  the 
Horse  Shoe,  under  Gen.  Jackson's  orders,  in  1814. 

A  few  Indians  also,  who  were  decoyed  into  his  power  by  means  of  false  co- 
lours— an  expedient  unworthy  of  an  officer  of  high  rank  and  character — were 
hanged  without  trial,  and  in  cold  blood.  The  Englishmen  perhaps  deserved  their 

1  *•  Head  Quarters,  Division  of  the  South,  Nashville,  April  22,  1S17.  "  The  com- 
manding General,  considers  it  due  to  the  principles  of  subordination,  which  ought  and 
must  exist  in  an  army,  to  prohibit- the  obedience  of  any  order  emanating  from  the  de- 
partment of  war,  to  officers  of  this  division,  who  have  reported  and  assigned  to  duty, 
unless  coming  through  /lim."     Niles's  Register,  vol.  12,  p.  320. 

The  reasons  for  this  order,  as  set  forth  in  it,  are  the  recent  removal  of  an  officer  from 
the  division,  without  the  General's  knowledge,  and  the  publication  through  the  De- 
partment of  War,  of  some  topographrcal  surveys. 

General  Scott  having  expressed  an  opinion  against  the  regularity  of  this  order.  Gen . 
Jackson  wrote  him  several  angry  letters  on  the  subject,  and  offered  to  fight  a  duel  with 
him.  But  General  Scott  declined  such  a  mode  of  deciding  a  mere  difference  of  opi- 
nion. 

The  correspondence  was  afterwards  carefully  exhibited  by  General  Jackson  to  his 
acquaintances,  and  at  length  published  in  Niles's  Register,  vol.  16,  p.  123,  &c.  never 
seemed  to  be  convinced  that  the  order  was  mutinous  or  irregular. 

2  They  did  not  exceed  1000:  "  To  oppose  them,  there  were  1800  Georgians  and 
1000  friendly  Indians  called  out,  besides  the  2500  men  which  General  Jackson  muster- 
ed. (Report  of  the  committe  of  Senate.  The  effectives  when  in  Florida  were  3300, 
according  to  the  testimony  of  the  Adjutant  Butler.  [Documents,  2d  Session  15  Con- 
gress.) 

3  His  order  states,  that  "  it  is  an  established  principle  of  the  law  of  nations, 
that  any  individual  of  a  nation,  making  war  against  the  citizens  of  another  nation,  they 
being  at  peace,  forfeits  his  allegience  and  becomes  an  ou</aw  and  a  j)ira<e.''  (Niles's 
Register,  vol.  15,  p.  .395.) 

This  principle  would  condemn  as  outlaws  and  pirates,  not  only  Gen.  Lafayette  and 
other  foreign  officers  of  the  revolution — and  a  multitude  of  our  citizens,  who  have  aided 
the  South  Americans  against  Spain — but  also,  those  gallant  Frenchmen  who  served  the 
artillery  with  so  much  effect,  on  the  8th  January,  1815,  and  received  the  praises  of  the 
Gen.  for  their  excellent  conduct. 

The  sams  idIr  would  also  brand  Commodore  Porter,  as  a  pirate- 


Andreio  Jackson.  29 

fate,  but  the  poor  conftdiog  Indians  would  have  been  spared,  if  they  had  fallen 
into  the  power  of  any  other  American  officer.  [1] 

One  of  the  Indians  thus  deluded  and  put  to  death  had  educated  his  family  as 
christians,  and  taught  them  the  langunge  and  manners  of  the  whites.  His 
daughter  had  saved  the  life  a  Georgia  officer  when  a  prisoner  among  the  Semi- 
noles,  and  on  these  facts  an  appeal  to  the  General's  mercy  was  founded,--but  with- 
outeffiict.  The  crime  of  being /n(/i(ms  was  unpardonable, — and  to  compass  their 
death  he  resorted  to  the  meanness  of  /a/se  colours,  and  the  violence  of  illegal 
homicide. 

In  the  course  of  this  disturbance,  which  could  scarcely  be  called  a  war,  as 
no  opposition  was  made — an  angry  correspondence  took  place  between  Gen. 
Jackson  and  Gov.  Rabun  of  Georgia.  A  portion  of  the  Georgia  militia  had 
been  ordered  out  to  protect  the  frontiers  of  that  state,  while  Gen.  Jackson  was 
penetrating  Florida,  and  leaving,  as  Gov.  Rablin  complained,  the  threatened  re- 
gion of  country  defenceless.  The  General  sent  home  the  Georgia  militia, 
and  kept  the  force  which  he  had  raised  and  olBcered  himself. 

The  irregularity  of  thus  raising  an  army  without  law,  and  for  the  purpose  of 
distant  operations  was  sustained  by  the  claim  on  his  part  as  Major  General  of 
the  U.  S.  army  to  have  the  sole  and  exclusive  control  of  the  whole  militia  in 
the  southern  division  of  the  Union.  After  acting  on  Ibis  principle  in  calling  out  the 
Tennessee  volunteers  without  the  intervention  of  the  executive  of  that  state,  he 
proclaimed  it  in  a  letter  to  the  Governor  of  Georgia — in  which  he  told  him,  "you 
sir,  as  Governor  of  a  State,  within  my  division,  have  no  right  to  give  a  military 
order,  wliile  I  am  in  the  field.  [2] 

It  must  be  allowed,  that  very  dangerous  doctrine  is  contained  in  those 
.words.  The  President  allotted  the  superintendence  of  the  military  affairs  of  the 
nation,  in  equal  divisions  to  two  Major  Generals;  General  Jackson  being  sta- 
tioned at  home,  in  the  south.  If  he  construed  his  powers  correctly,  correlative 
authority  must  be  allowed  to  General  Brown  in  the  north,  and  the  state  govern- 
ments, as  to  their  power  to  apply  their  physical  force  to  their  own  protection, 
within  their  own  borders,  must  be  considered  as  totally  abrogated. 

Gov.  Rabun's  just  and  indignant  reply  was:  "  Wretched  and  contemptible  in- 
deed crust  be  our  situation,  if  thisbe  the  fact.  When  the  liberties  of  Georgia 
shall  have  been  prostrated  at  the  feet  of  a  military  despotism,  then,  and  not  till 
then,  will  this  imperious  doctrine  be  tamely  submitted  to." 

The  events  of  this  expedition  into  Florida,  beame  the  subject  of  a  warm  dis- 
cussion in  congress.  In  each  house,  a  report  was  made  by  a  committee,  censur- 
ing the  General's  proceedings. 

The  Spanish  envoy  complained  of  the  violation  of  Spanish  territory,  and  it  was 
expected  that  the  British  government  would  take  offence  at  the  military  execu- 
tion of  its  subjects.  The  condemnation  of  the  General,  would  have  seemed  a 
triumph  to  the  foreign  powers;  the  feelings  of  congress  therefore,  inclined  against 
passing  censure;  and  the  session  went  by  without  any  decisive  vote  on  the  sub- 
ject. 

In  the  house  of  representatives,  the  committee  founded  their  censure  on  the 
unnecessary  putting  to  death  of  the  prisoners,  after  the  war  was  closed — the  ir- 
regularity of  their  trial — the  unfairness  of  refusing  them  the  benefit  of  the  evi- 

1  General  Jackson's  letter  from  "  camp  before  St.  Marks,  dated  9th  April,  1S18," 
published  in  Niles's  Register,  June  13,  1818.  «' Capt  M'Ever  having  hoisted  Eng- 
lish colours  on  board  his  boat;  Francis  the  Prophet,  and  Hoemotchemucho,  and  two 
others,  were  decoyed  on  board.  These  have  been  /iit7ig-  to-day — to  morrow  I  march  to 
Suwanney,  ^c. 

2  Governor  Rabun's  letter  to  General  Jackson,  Niles's  Register,  vol.  15,  p.  255. 
General  Jackson's  motive  for  the  visit  to  Floiida,  was  said  to  rest  on  .«ome  land  specu- 
lations.    But  no  evidence  of  it  was  ever  shown,  except  that  some  friends  of  his  own, 

^  and  relatives  by  marriage,  had  in  the  preceding  fall  made  extensive  purchases  of  land, 
there,  viz.  Messrs  James  Jackson  sen.  James  Jackson  jr.  J.  H.  Eaton,  J.  C.  M'Dowal, 
J.  M'Crea,   John  Jackson,  T.  Childress,  and  J.  Donnelson.    The  General  was  not 
proved  to  be  interested.     (Document,  No.  100,  2d  Session  15th,  congress.) 
May  1,  1818.  Niles  Regi.«ter,  vol.  15,  p.  254. 


so  Life  of 

dence  they  desired — the  erroneous  principles  of  national  law  advanced — and  the 
execution  of  one  against,  the  opinion  and  sentence  of  the  court  martial.  [Nilea' 
Reg-ister,  vol.  15,  p.  395.] 

The  impropriety  of  invading-  Florida,  being  the  subject  of  a  correspondence 
between  the  Spanish  envoy  and  our  secretary  of  state,  was  not  taken  into  view 
by  the  Committee. 

In  the  senate,  the  committee  reported  very  much  in  detail,  and  in  very  strong 
terras  of  censure. 

"  It  is  with  regret,"  the  committee  said,  they  were  "  compelled  to  declare, 
that  General  Jackson  has  disregarded  the  positive  orders  of  the  department  of 
war,  the  constitution,  and  the  laws."  "  The  committee  find  the  melancholy  fact 
before  them,  that  at  this  early  stage  of  the  republic,  military  officers  have,  without 
the  shadow  of  authority,  raised  an  army  of  at  least  2500  men,  and  mustered  them 
into  the  service  of  the  United  States.  Two  hundred  and  thirty  officers  have  been 
appointed,  and  their  rank  established,  from  an  Indian  brigadier  general,  to  the 
lowest  subaltern  of  a  company.  To  whom  were  these  officers  accountable  for  their 
conduct.''  Not  to  the  president  of  the  United  States,  for  it  was  not  considered 
necessary  even  to  furnish  him  with  a  list  of  their  names;  and  not  until  the  pay 
was  demanded,  were  the  persons  known  to  the  department  of  war."  Many  dis- 
tinguished members  of  bolli  houses,  condemned  the  conduct  of  General  Jack- 
son, as  of  most  dangerous  example.  Among  these  Mr.  Lowndes  of  South  Caro- 
lina, and  Mr.  Clay  of  Kentucky,  made  the  most  eloquent  arguments. 

General  Jackson  came  to  Washington.,  in  January,  1819,  (1)  and  while  his 
conduct  was  under  discussion  in  congress,  he  extended  his  journey  to  Baltimore, 
Philadelphia,  and  New  York,  at  each  of  which  places  he  received  public  enter- 
tainments, and  other  compliments  ;[2]  when  he  returned  to  W  ashington,  and  pub- 
lished a  defence  of  his  invasion  of  Florida. 

He  was  very  angry  and  perhaps  excessively  enraged,  at  the  censures  uttered 
against  him.  At  a  dinner  party  in  Baltimore  where  he  first  saw  the  report  to  the 
senate,  he  openly  threatened  to  do  violence  to  the  person  of  Mr.  Laycock  the 
chairman  of  the  committee. (3) 

There  was  an  occurrence  in  this  Seminole  war,  or  in  the  military  occupatioD  of 
Florida,  which  forcibly  exemplified  the  danger  of  permitting  men  to  dispense 
with  the  laws,  at  their  own  discretion. 

Colonel  King,  who  commanded  at  Pensacola  in  the  summer  and  autumn  of 


1  Niles'  Register,  January  30tb,  1819."    [2]  lb.  February,  1819. 

3  Messrs.  John  Sullivan,  Hugh  Boyle,  Andrew  Hall,  James  L.  Ilaikins,  John  F.  Poor, 
&c.  of  Baltimore,  heard  these  menaces  spoken  by  the  General. 

Mr.  Lacock,  the  chairman  of  the  committee,  made  the  following  statement  in  the  National 
Intelligencer,  in  March,  1819,  over  his  name;  it  was  also  published  with  Mr.  Lacock's  sig- 
nature, in  Niles'  Register,  April  3d,  1819 — and  not  contradicted  by  the  General  or  his 
friends,  viz.  "  The  personal  invectives  indulged  in,  in  the  Strictures,  [a  publication  ascribed 
to  General  Jackson,]  correspond  entirely  with  his  previous  observations  in  the  public  tav- 
erns and  ball  rooms  of  Washington.  For  it  is  a  fact  notorious,  and  cannot  be  denied,  that 
on  these  occasions  he  was  vociferous  in  his  imprecations,  and  violent  in  his  threats  of  per- 
sonal vengeance,  even  to  the  cutting  off  the  ears  of  some  of  the  members  of  the  select  com- 
mittee,— and  this,  while  the  subject  was  before  the  senate." 

It  is  certain  also  that  the  lamented  Decatur  mentioned  to  several  gentlemen,  among 
whom  may  be  nanr/ed  iiis  estimable  and  intimate  friend  Daniel  Smith,  Esq.  of  Philadelphia, 
and  the  honourable  Joseph  Hopkinson,  formerly  member  of  congress — that  he  met  General 
Jackson  going  to  the  senate  chamber  for  the  purpose,  as  he  avowed,  of  inflicting  personal 
chastisement  on  one  of  the  senators  in  that  place;  that  he  expostulated  and  remonstrated 
perseveringly  and  earnestly  with  the  General  and  finally  induced  him  to  abandon  his  rash 
intention. 

General  Jackson  has  recently  written  for  the  public  papers,  a  note  to  Felix  Grundy,  Esq. 
which  is  taken  for  a  denial  of  this  occurrence. 

But  it  really  applies  only  to  unessential  particulars  as  to  which  recollection  may  err. 
Whatever  mistakes  may  have  been  made  as  to  place  and  language,  %inqueslionably  the  sub- 
stance of  Decatur's  statement  is  such  as  just  related.  And  the  substance  remains  uncontra- 
dicted by  General  Jackson,  who  by  ai.  evasion  more  ingenions  than  magnanimous  ha» 
aetmed  to  contradict  what  in  reality  be  cannot  gainsay. 


Andrew  Jackson.  SI 

1 01 8,  Ihonglit  proper  to  set  aside  the  act  of  congress  prohibiting  the  use  of  cor- 
poral punishments,(l)  and  to  restore  their  use  in  his  camp.  He  also  considered 
courts  martial  and  trials  for  offences  quite  useless,  and  ordered  liis  men  to  shoot 
deserters  wherever  found. [2)  This  extraordinar)'  innovation,  by  which  the  lives  of 
the  soldiers  were  to  be  taken  without  proof  of  crime,  he  reported  immediately  to 
General  Jackson.  (3) 

It  will  be  observed  that  this  rule  if  introduced  in  season,  would  have  saved  the 
trouble  of  trying  the  180  Tennessee  militia  men  at  Mobile  in  1814-5,  who  might 
all  have  been  shot  as  fast  as  they  were  overtaken,  or  met  returning.  It  would 
also  have  put  an  end  to  the  difliculties  with  the  volunteers  in  December,  1813, 
when  General  Jackson  denounced  the  whole  1200  as  deserters. 

Only  one  man  happened  to  suffer  death  under  this  truly  Turkish  regulation. (4) 

Colonel  King  was  sometime  afterwards  brought  before  a  court  mar- 
tial [5]  on  charges  of  other  improprieties,  and  this  new  fashioned  rule  was  also 
adverted  to. 

The  Colonel  in  his  defence,  boldly  avowed  and  justified  the  proceeding,  as  part 
of  a  system  sanctioned  by  the  authority  of  General  Jackson.  "  The  war  cry  is 
raised,"  he  said,  "  against  military  despotism  and  instantly  the  enemies  of  Gene- 
ral Jackson,  the  government  and  the  enemy  join  in,  and  the  yell  is  resounded 
from  Boston  to  New  Orleans."  "  With  calmness  and  contempt  I  listened  to^h» 
clamours,  alike  indifferent  to  its  origin,  its  course  and  ils  result." 

in  this  insolent  avowal  of  contempt  for  p\iblic  opinion,  coupled  with  regrets 
that  Mr.  Calhoun,  the  secretary  of  war,  was  not  a.  soldier,  and  therefore  could 
not  kuow  how  to  appreciate  the  privileges  of  the  army — in  his  making  common 
cause  with  General  Jackson  and  pronouncing  all  to  be  his  enemies  who  disap- 
proved of  these  lawless  proceedings,  we  see  plainly  marked  out  a  specimen 
of  the  consequences  to  be  expected  from  an  unwise  lenity  towards  the  usurpa- 
tions and  tyranny  of  the  military  power. 

Colonel  King  declared  on  his  trial  that  he  had  reported  to  General  Jackson, 
the  order  to  shoot  without  trial,  all  such  as  his  Serjeants  and  corporals  might 
choose  to  consider  deserters;  and  that  the  General  had  "  approbated  the  mea- 
sure." 

In  proof  of  this  lie  produced  a  letter  from  the  General  dated  at  Nashville, 
April  13th,  1819,  in  which  he  said  "your  conduct  in  the  evacuation  of  Pensacola, 
as  well  as  on  every  other  occasion  during  your  unpleasant  command  in  the  Spanish 
province,  meets  my  entire  approbalwn.'\6) 

In  the  Spring  of  1821,  Congress  made  a  further  reduction  of  the  army,  leav- 
ing only  one  Major  General  in  service,  (7)  General  Brown  being  selected  as  the 

1  Act  16th  May,  1812,  sec.  7, 

2  Documents,  1st  Session  16th  cougrcss,  Doc.  119,  p.  67.  He  also  ordered  ears  to  be 
cut  oflf,  heads  to  be  shaved,  &c. 

3  "  Without  delay,"  ib.  p.  52. 

4  One  of  the  witnesses  at  the  court  martial  was  Cornelius  Jackson,  a  private  of  the  4th 
regiment,  who  testified  that  he  was  one  of  the  party  sent  in  pursuit  of  Niel  Cameron  a  pri- 
vate of  the  same  regiment,  and  was  with  the  sergeant,  when  he  came  upon  Cameron  asleep, 
tliey  waked  him  up,  he  said  he  was  going  back,  but  was  told  he  must  be  put  to  death.  He 
begged  to  he  taken  back,  as  he  was  a  prisoner  and  without  arms,  and  ought  to  be  tried.  The 
sergeant  told  him  there  was  no  use  in  his  being  tried,  and  told  the  witness  to  fire  at  him. 
The  witness  refused.  The  sergeant  tbcn  took  the  gun,  Cameron  being  unarmed,  and  snapped 
it  twice,  Cameron  still  begged  for  his  life— even  for  a  short  respite  to  repent  of  his  sins — 
but  the  sergeant  "  blowcd  him  through"  and  left  him  dead,  but  unburicd  where  they  had 
found  him.  The  sergeant  and  witness  returned  to  camp,  and  the  commanding  oflScer  told 
them  they  had  done  "  exactly  right." 

5  In  November,  1819.  Documents,  &c. 

6  Ib.  p.  97.  &c. 

7  Act  March  2,  1821.  Section  1.  From  and  after  the  1st  of  June  next,  the  military 
peace  establishment  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  compo.sedof4  regiments  of  artillery, 

^  and  7  regiments  of  infantry,  &c.  Section  5.  There  shall  be   one  Major  General,  with 
two  aids  de-camp,  (ico brigadier  generals,  &c. 


32  Life  of 

chief  of  tli6  army,  Gen.  Jaoksou  was  thus  deprived  of  the  raak,  as  well  as  splea- 
did  emoluments  of  his  commissiou.  [1] 

The  President,  however,  made  him  ample  amends,  by  appointing  him  commis- 
sioner to  receive  the  cession  of  Florida,  and  temporary  Governor  of  the  newly 
acquired  territory. 

He  took  possession  of  his  new  station  about  the  first  of  June  1821,  and  held 
it  a  ie\7  months,  during  which,  he  had  again  the  pleasure  of  exercising  absolute 
power,  and  enjoyed  an  allowance  so  ample  as  to  support  the  dignity  of  Gover- 
nor and  intendant,  in  a  style  of  great  magnificence. (2) 

The  possession  of  executive  power  led  him  into  new  violence;  and  the  impri- 
sonment of  the  district  judge  and  certain  indignities  offered  to  the  person  of  the 
Spanish  commissioner,  marked  his  short  rule  as  a  reign  of  terror.  (3) 

He  remained  onl}^  about  five  months  in  Florida,  and  in  October  or  November, 
1821,  returned  to  Nashville, [4]  and  shortly  afterwards  resigned  his  commission. [5] 

In  July,  1822,  the  legislature  of  Tennessee  first  placed  his  name  before  the 
public  as  a  candidate  for  the  presidency, [6]  and  the  nomination  was  repeated  by 
a  meeting  in  Dauphin  county  Pennsylvania,  in  January,  1823.  (7) 

He  was  not,  however,  yet  considered  seriously  as  a  candidate,  and  in  February, 
1828,  president  Monroe  appointed  him  minister  plenipotentiary  to  Mexico.  [8] 

'    *1   The  following  is  his  account,  as  it  stands  on  the  books  of  the  second  and  third 
auditor  of  the  Treasury,  viz, 

From  January  1,  1820  to  December  31,  1820. 

Pay  as  Commissioner  from 
the  14th  Sept.  to  the  21st 
Oct.  37  days  at  8  dollars 
per  day  296  00 

Expenses  for  General  Jack- 
son and  suite,  on  their 
return  851  50 

Pay  as  Commissioner  on 
return,  from  the  21st  of 
October  to  the  10th  No- 
vember, -20  days  at  8 
dollars  per  day  160  00 


Pay 

$2,400  00 

Subsis'tence 

1,098  00 

Extra  rations 

1,098  00 

Forage 

612  00 

Servants, 

Pay 

240  00 

Subsistence 

292  00 

Clothing 

140  16, 

Rent  of  Quarters 

400  00 

Fuel 

224  00 

Transport'n  of  baggage 

16640 

Holding  treaty  with  Choc- 

taw Indians,  travelling 

expences  for  self  and 

suite  to  Dokes'  stand 

425  83 

Bill  at  Dokes' 

156  78 

Total  $8,109  67 


From  these  accounts  it  will  be  seen  that  he  received  his  full  pay,  subsistence,  extra 
rations  and  forage,  hire  of  servants,  feeding  and  clothing  them,  as  if  in  service;  rent  of 
his  own  house  ,  400  dollars  per  annum,  and  for  burning  his  own  wood  224  dollars. 

He  continued  to  hold  his  commission  to  the  latest  day  possible. 

On  the  first  of  June  it  terminated,  and  in  May  he  published  his  farewell  address  to 
the  army. 

He  had  been  without  intermission  in  the  enjoyment  of  the  rank,  pay  and  emolument 
of  a  Major  General  since  May  1814 — yet  he  most  unaccountably  wrote  to  Mr.  Swar- 
tout  in  February  1825,  that,  "  the  war  over  and  peace  restored  I  retired  to  my  farm  to 
private  life,  when  but  for  the  call  I  received  to  the  Senate  of  the  Union,  I  should  have 
contentedly  remained,"  &c.  "  Nor  have  I  ever  been  willing  to  hold  any  post  longer 
than  I  could  be  useful  to  my  country,  not  myself,"  &c.  Niles'  Register,  March  12,  1825. 

It  would  be  naturally  inferred  from  these  expressions,  that  he  had  resigned,  which 
was  far  from  the  case. 

2  His  allowance  during  this  period  was  $  6907,  79.  In  his  account  there  was  one 
item  for  wines,  liquors  &c.  for  his  family  of  $1047,39.  See  the  accounts  in  the  public 
documents. 

3  Mr.  VValsh's  biographical  sketch,  treats  these  proceedings  as  justifiable.  They  were 
at  least  harsh.  If  the  judge  erred,  in  supposing  himself  obliged  to  take  cognizance  of  Cal- 
lava's  imprisonment,  the  mistake  could  scarcely  have  deserved  so  severe  a  punishment. 
Courts  often  mistake  the  extent  of  their  jurisdiction,  but  the  judges  are  not,  therefore,  sent 
to  jail. 

4  Ni3c«'  Register,  v.  21,  p.  128,  and  214.  (5)  lb.  266,  and  287.  [6]  Niles'  Regiiter,  v. 
22,  p.  402.    [7]  Niles,  26,  p.  50.     (8)  National  Int.  February  16th,  1823. 


Jlndrew  Jackson.  33 

The  acceptance  of  this  appointment  would  manifestly  have  injured  his  prospect 
of  further  support  as  a  candidate  for  the  presidency,  and  he  prudently  declined 
it. 

In  the  following  June,  a  popular  meeting  in  Tennessee  reiterated  his  nomina- 
tion for  the  presidency,  and  recommended  him  expressly  on  the  ground  of  his 
MILITARY  SKILI-,  which  thosc  citlzcns  declared  was  peculiarly  needed  in  the 
chief  magistrate.  [  1  ] 

He  was  elected  by  the  legislature  to  the  senate  of  the  United  States,  and  took 
his  seat  in  December,  1823. 

His  situation  there  was  embarrassing.  He  had  obtained  his  seat  as  a  friend 
to  the  tariff  oi  additional  duties  for  the  protection  of  American  manufactures, 
and  in  the  place  of  Colonel  Williams  who  was  known  to  be  opposed  to  that  mea- 
sure [2] 

The  tariff  as  passed  by  the  house  of  reprcsentutives  after  a  close  struggle,  was 
the  subject  of  earnest  discussion  in  the  senate,  and  generally,  throughout  the 
nation. 

General  Jackson  had  by  this  time  received  several  other  nominations  for  the 
presidency,  and  was  the  favourite  candidate  in  some  of  the  southern  states,  and 
also  in  Pennsylvania.  To  avoid  offending  either  Pennsylvania  or  the  Carolinas, 
seemed  impossible.  He  took  a  middle  course  with  better  fortune  than  commonly 
attends  such  a  policy ;  he  voted  for  the  tariff,  but  also  voted  to  render  it  less  ef- 
fectual than  its  friends  intended. [3] 

He  obtained  the  votes  of  eight  states,  and  part  of  the  votes  of  several  others, 
and  was  returned  to  the  house  of  representatives,  as  one  of  the  three  candidates 
not  having  a  majority — one  of  whom  was  to  be  chosen  by  that  body. 

He  remained  in  the  senate  until  the  election  was  over;  and  in  the  course  of 
the  winter  of  1824-5,  an  occurrence  took  place,  which  was  not  known  of  until 
he  brought  it  into  view,  long  after,  by  a  conversation,  that  must  be  allowed  to 
have  been  very  indiscreet. 

It  was  expected,  that  the  members  of  congress  from  such  states  as  had  shown 
a  decided  preference  for  one  of  the  three,  then  present,  candidates,  would  vote 
in  cooformity  with  sucli  preference;  which  would  leave  to  the  members  from  the 
states  that  had  voted  for  Mr.  Clay,  a  weight  almost  decisive  in  the  election. 
There  was,  therefore,  much  effort  made  by  the  partizans  of  each,  to  persuade 
those  members  to  vote  with  them  respectively. 

General  Jackson's  friends  were  zealous,  active,  and  perhaps  imprudent  in 
their  efforts  of  this  kind. [4]  And  one  of  then)[5]  conceived  and  undertook  a 
scheme  of  management,  by  which  he  hoped  to  induce  the  Kentucky  members 
to  vote  for  the  General.  Immediately  after  it  was  ascertained  that  Mr.  Clay  was 
not  one  of  the  three  candidates,[6]  this  gentleman  consulted  with  another  friend, 

1  Nilcs,  V.  24.  p.  247.  (2)  See  the  debates  iia  the  Tennessee  legislature,  reported  in 
the  National  Banner,  November  9th,  1827,  particularly  the  speech  of  Mr.  Williams. 

3  Sec  his  votes  in  Niles'  Kegister,  v.  26,  p.  69,  122,  158,  &c.  in  favour  of  rciZucing  the 
duty  on  woollens  and  cotton. 

4  Mr.  F.  Johnson  of  Kentucky,  published  in  the  National  Intelligencer  of  March  29tb, 
1325,  a  statement,  which  has  never  been  contradicted,  of  the  most  direct  importunities  and 
assurances  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Sandford  and  Mr.  Krcmer,  as  friends  of  Gen.  Jackson. 

General  M'Arthur  of  Ohio  has  also  stated,  in  a  letter  to  Dr.  Watkins  lately  published, 
that  "  ihe  General's  friends  appeared  to  be  willing  to  make  any  promises  which  they  thought 
woiiKI  induce  the  friends  of  Mr.  Clay  to  vote  for  General  Jackson." 

Mr.  Sloune  and  General  Vance  of  Ohio,  have  also  testified  to  the.  importunities  o(  the 
friends  of  General  Jackson.  And  so  has  'Mr.  Scott  of  Missouri  who  held  the  vote  of  that 
state  at  bis  disposal,  and  declares  the  General's  partizans  assured  him  that  General  Jack- 
son was  a  man  o£  sttooggrtdilude,  and  would  go  the  whole  for  his/ricju/s." 

5  "  Friend  and  efficient  supporter."  So  the- gentleman  is  described  by  Mr.  Isaacks  in  a 
published  letter,  dated  September  5th,  1827. 

6  The  Louisiana  vole  was  heard  of  December  25th,  1824,  until  which  time,  ii  was  not 
known  '.vliether  Mr.  Crawlbrd  or  Mr.  Clay  would  be  returned.  See  Niles'  Register  of  that 
day,  and  Ihe  National  Intelligencer  of  December  29th. 

See  Mr.  Buchanan's  statement,  published  in  nearly  ail  Ihe  papers,  in  August,  1827,  He 
wrote  to  a  friend  ♦  high  in  office"  in  Pcnnnjlvania,  on  the  subject,  received  bis  advice,  and 
£ 


34  Life  of 

out  of  congress,  and  liaviug  /iw  approbation,  lie  called  on  senator  Eaton,  the  col- 
league of  General  Jackson,  and  declared  to  him,  in  confidence,  that  he  thought 
the  General  ought  to  further  his  own  election,  by  means  of  "  overtures  respecting 
cabinet  appoi7dTHents."[\]  And  for  such  purpose,  "  should  state  whom  he  would 
make  secretary  of  state,"  and  if  he  would  say  positively,  his  choice  for  that  office 
should  "nof  be  Mr.  Adams,''''  such  a  declaration  ^'-  would  answer  the  purpose." 

The  purpose  being  to  further  his  election  by  such  a  declaration,  Mr.  Eaton 
declared  he  did  not  believe  the  General  would  make  it.  The  "  efficient  friend 
and  supporter,"  nevertheless,  declared  he  would  call  on  the  General  and  try  to 
get  such  a  declaration,  for  such  object,  and  did  seek  and  have  a  private  inter- 
view the  next  day,[-2]  for  the  purpose,  as  afterwards  avowed  by  him,  of  obtaining 
a  reply  that  would  "  operate  on  the  vote  of  Mr.  Clay  and  his  friends. "[3]  The 
gentleman  put  his  question,  but  General  Jackson  and  he  differ  in  their  recollec- 
tion as  to  the  language  of  the  answer.  Their  interview  was,  however,  very 
friendly — the  General  '^  declared  he  had  not  the  least  objection  to  answer  the 
question, "[4]  and  the  gentleman  received  "  such  an  answer  as  he  expected,"[5] 
and  which  he  considered  it  a  "  privilege"[6]  to  be  allowed  to  repeat,  and  which 
General  Jackson  told  him  he  might  repeat  "  to  whomsoever  he  might  think  pro- 
per," and  particularly  "to  Mr.  Clay  and  his  friends."[7] 

The  General,  it  must  be  confessed,  forgot  the  dignity  of  his  situation,  and  sul- 
lied his  own  honor  when  he  gave  a  privilege  to  one  of  his  partizans  to  carry  to 
the  voters,  who  were  not  his  friends,  a  reply,  with  which  that  partizan  intended 
"  to  operate  on  the  votes"  of  those  to  whom  it  was  to  be  communicated  j  add 
which  indeed,  that  friend  considered  as  "  answering  as  well"  as  a  direct"  over- 
ture on  the  subject  of  cabinet  appointments. "[8] 

on  the  same  day,  the  29th,  called  on  senator  Eaton,  and  held  the  conversation  related  by 
that  gentleman.  The  time  being  ascertained,  Mr.  Buchanan  says,  by  the  answer  in  his  pos- 
session from  his  rennsylvania  friend,  dated  December  27th.  From  Mr.  Buchanan's  state- 
ment of  dates,  it  is  plain  that  he  made  a  very  early  start  in  the  business.  He  must  have 
written  his  letter  the  very  day  of  the  arrival  of  the  news  from  Louisiana. 

1  Senator  Eaton's  statement,  published  in  the  '  Nashville  Republican,  September  18th, 
1827,  and  in  many  other  papers. 

"  I  was  called  upon  by  ?.lr.  Buchanan,  of  Pennsylvania.  He  said,  it  was  pretty  well  un- 
derstood, that  overtures  were  making  by  the  friends  of  Adams,  on  the  subject  of  cabinet 
appointments.  That  Jackson  should  fight  them  with  their  otvn  iceapons.  He  said  the  opinion 
was  that  Jackson  would  retain  Adams,  and  that  it  was  doing  him  injury.  That  the  General 
should  state  whom  he  would  make  secretary  of  state,  and  desired  that  I  would  name  it  to  him. 
My  reply  was,  that  I  was  satisfied  General  Jackson  would  say  nothing  on  the  subject.  Mr. 
Buchanan  then  remarked:  "  Well,  if  he  will  merely  say,  he  will  not  retain  Mr.  Adams, 
that  luill  answer.''^  I  replied,  I  was  satisfied,  General  Jackson  would  neither  say  who  should, 
or  who  should  not  be  secretary  of  state — but  that  he  [Mr.  B]  knew  him  well,  and  might 
talk  with  him  as  well  as  I  could — Mr.  Buchanan  then  said,  that  on  the  next  day,  before  the 
General  went  to  the  house,  he  would  call.  He  did  so,  as  I  afterwards  understood. 

2  Mr.  Buchanan's  statement,  and  General  Jackson's  statement. 

3  Telegraph  of  August  17th,  1827.  Statement  made  by  the  editor,  General  Duflf 
Green,  of  the  declarations  personally  made  by  Mr.  Buchanan  to  him,  in  those  words. 

4  "  The  General  told  ine  he  had  not  the  least  objection  to  answer  the  question,  &c. 
Mr.  Buchanan's  statement. 

5  "  I  told  him  this  answer  was  such  an  one  as  I  expected  to  receive,  &c.  Ibid. 

6  I  then  asked  him  if  I  were  at  liberty  to  repeat  his  answer.  He  said  I  was  perfectly 
at  libeity  to  do  so  to  any  person  I  thought  proper."  "  I  need  not  say  that  I  afterwards 
availed  myself  of  the  privilege.''  Ibid. 

7  General  Jackson's  address  to  the  public,  published  at  Nashville,  18th  July,  1827. 
"  In  giving  him  (Mr.  Buchanan)  my  answer,  I  did  request  him  to  say  to  Mr.  Clay  and 
his  friends,  what  that  answer  had  been." 

8  Mr.  Buchanan  so  represented  the  intended  use  to  be  made  of  the  answer  which  he 
expected — (General  Green,  in  the  Telegraph  of  Aug.  17th,) — and  that  the  answer  was 
suck  as  he  expected  to  use  for  this  purpose,  he  declared  in  his  statement.  He  told  Mr. 
Eaton,  according  to  that  gentleman,  that  such  a  reply  would  ansiver,  as  well  as  a  direct 
declaration  by  the  General,  that  he  would  make  a  particular  individual  secretary  of 
state,  and  would  be  '  fighting'  the  friends  of  Mr.  Adams,  by  means  of  "overtures  re- 
specting cabinet  appointm^its." 


Andrew  Jackson.  35 

The  friend  thus  privileged.,  declares  that  he  availed  himself  of  the  privilege; 
but  in  what  maDner,  or  with  what  efTecl,  is  not  precisely  known.  But  it  is  said, 
he  went  very  far  in  the  'overtures'  which  he  had  thougiit  expedient. [1]  Notwith- 
standing this  effort,  and  infinite  exertions  made  by  his  other  friends,  in  and  out 
of  congress.  General  .Jackson  was  disappointed  in  the  election. 

He  stayed  at  Washington  long  enougii  to  congratulate  Mr.  Adams  with  great 
seeming  cordiality,  on  his  success,  and  refused  an  invitation  to  a  dinner  offered 
to  him  by  a  number  ot  his  political  friends,  least  it  should  be  construed  as  "  car- 
rying exception,  murmuring,  and  feelings  of  complaint." 

His  declaration  tiiat  he  took  no  exception  to  the  election,  and  his  congratula- 
tions of  Mr.  Adams,  were  much  applauded;  it  is  to  be  regretted,  that  he  has 
since  shown  they  were  not  sincere.  [2] 

.'\fter  voting  against  Mr.  Clay's  appointment  as  secretary  of  state,  he  return- 
ed to  Nashville,  and  being  again  nominated  for  the  presidency,  by  the  Nashville 
legislature,  he  resigned  his  seat  in  the  senate  of  the  United  States. 

In  the  succeeding  year,  the  execution  of  the  Tennessee  militia  became  a  topic 
of  discussion  in  the  newspapers,  and  a  general  incredulity  was  at  first  expressed, 
respectiug  an  occurrence  which  had  remained  in  comparative  obscurity.  He 
wrote  a  letter  on  this  subject,  in  answer  to  inquiries,  in  which  he  gave  to  the 
public  an  absolute  denial  n(  all  agency  in  that  bloody  tragedy,  and  placed  the 
blame  entirely  on  General  Winchester. [3]  The  proofs  being  subsequently  pro- 
duced, however,  he  was  compelled  to  admit  that  the  whole  responsibility  rested 
on  himself,  and  that  General  Winchester  had  nothing  to  do  will)  it. [4] 

It  is  impossible  to  reconcile  his  positive  denial,  with  a  regard  to  truth.  But 
it  should  be  inferred,  from  his  stooping  to  so  disingenuous  a  method  of  escaping 

Mr.  Buchanan  states,  that  General  Jackson  Aifirsl  declared,  if  he  believed  "  his  right 
hand  knew  v/hat  his  left  hand  would  do,  &c.  he  would  cut  it  off  and  cast  it  in  the  fire." 

There  is  a  curious  coincidence  between  this  preface  to  his  answer,  and  a  similar  one 
used  by  him  on  a  former  occasion.  ^  When  a  committee  of  the  Louisiana  legislature 
called  on  him  between  the  2.3d  and' 28th  December,  1814,  to  ask  if  it  was  liue  he  in- 
tended to  burn  the  city,  his  answer,  as  related  by  himself,  was,  '*  if  I  thought  the  hair 
of  my  head  knew  my  thoughts,  I  would  cut  it  off  and  burn  it." 

But  he  adds,  •'  I  told  them  that  if  I  was  so  unfortunate  as  to  be  driven  from  the  lines, 
I  then  occupied,  &c.  they  would  have  a  xcatm  session  of  it."  (General  Jackson's  letter  to 
the  Post  Master  General,  respecting  Fulwar  Skipwith,  March  22d,  1824.)  The  same 
circumstance  is  mentioned  by  Eaton,  in  his  life  of  Jackson,  p.  447;  and  that  his  inten- 
tion was  to  set  fire  to  the  city. 

Thus  did  the  General,  after  using  this  strong  expression,  to  signify  his  determination 
not  to  give  any  answer,  conclude  with  giving  one  that  was  perfectly  explicit.  And  so 
in  the  conversation  with  Mr.  Buchanan,  he  first  protested  against  giving  any  answer, 
and  then  he  gave  exactly  the  answer,  such  as  was  expectedj'And  liberty  to  repent  it  to  the 
voters  that  held  the  balance  in  their  hands,  and  who  would  be,  as  Mr.  Buchanan  said, 
operated  on  by  it. 

1  Mr.  M'Duffie,  another  efficient  friend  of  General  Jackson,  in  a  speech  at  Augusta, 
published  in  the  National  Palladium,  July  24lh,  1827,  declared  that  a  '  significent  nod,' 
without  any  thing  more  explicit,  was  thought  to  be  sufficient  to  influence  the  election, 
and  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  in  availing  himself,  of  the  privilege,  of  operating  on 
the  votes  of  certain  of  the  members — the  friend  thus  authorised,  hinted  an  or>erlure  as  to 
cabinet  appointments  more  intelligibly  than  by  a  '  nod.'  Amos  Kendall,  a  writer  of  some 
distinction  on  General  Jackson's  si(le,  in  a  bitter  attack  on  the  presiilciit,Sic.  published 
in  the  Richmond  Enquirer  of  October  26th,  1827,  mentions,  as  an  unfloubied  fact,  that 
Mr.  Buchnnan  assured  some  of  the  Kentucky  members,  that  if  Genernl  Jackson  were 
elected  he  would  offer  the  department  of  state  to  Mr.  Clay. 

2  In  his  letter  to  Swartout,  (Niles'  Register,  vol.  28,  p.  20.)  apd  his  'Address  to  the 
public,'  July  18th,  1827. 

3  This  letter,  dated  September  4th,  1826,  was  published  extensively,  throughout  the 
United  States.  It  contains  an  explicit,  but  uncandid  denial,  viz:  "  The  r.nse  you  allude 
to,  might  as  well  be  ascribed  to  the  president  of  the  United  Stales,  as  commander  in  chief  of 
the  land  and  naval  forces,  as  to  me;  but  as  you  ask  for  a  statement  of  the  facts,  I  send 
them  in  a  concise  form."  The  narrative  which  follows,  is  full  of  gross  and  unaccounta- 
ble misstatements. 

4  His  letter  to  Mr.  Owens,  "  Kentucky  Gazette"  of  August  2d,  1827. 


S6  Life  of 

censure,  that  he  knew  his  conduct  admitted  of  no  justification.  This  denial  being 
proved  untrue,  the  general  seemed  determined  to  direct  public  attention  towards 
a  new  object,  and  accordingly,  early  ia  the  spring  of  1827,  he  tluew  off  all  re- 
serve, and  made  a  distinct  cliarge  against  the  ser-retary  of  slate,  of  having,  be- 
fore the  election,  made  a  corrupt  olfer  to  vote  for  him,  on  certain  improper  con- 
ditions. [I] 

This  was  soon  spread  abroad,  and  at  length  as  it  found  its  way  to  the  newspa- 
pers, and  Mr.  Clay  having  declared  it  to  be  totally  false,  the  Mr.  Beverly,  who 
had  first  repeated  the  general's  assertion,  called  on  him  to  support  it. 

Having  thus  made  the  opportunity,  he  published  a  letter  to  Mr.  Beverly,  de- 
scribing a  conversation,  held  in  January,  l.'i25,  with  a  member  of  congress,  af- 
terwards named  as  Mr.  Buchanan,  in  which  the  suggestion  of  a  corrupt  arrange- 
ment was  made  to  him,  which  he  believed  came  from  Mr.  Clay. [2] 

To  this,  Mr.  Clay  gave  a  prompt  and  indignant  denial,  so  far  as  it  affected 
him;  and  the  general  then  issued  an  address  to  the  public,  dated  July  18,  1827, 
giving  up  the  name  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  as  the  bearer  of  the  supposed  proposition, 
and  maintaining  still  the  belief,  that  he  acted  by  authority  from  Mr,  Clay. [3] 

The  disclosure  of  Mr.  Buchanan's  name,  brought  out  that  gentleman's  state- 
raent,[4]  which  wliolly  failed  to  support  the  general's  charge,  and  entirely  ac- 
quitted Mr.  Clay. 

It  is  difficult  to  excuse  the  conduct  of  general  Jackson  in  this  affair  by  taking 
any  possible  view  of  it,  consistent  with  the  facts.  He  has  declared  that,  from  the 
frst,  he  looked  on  Mr.  Buchanan  as  the  bearer  of  a  corrupt  proposal.  Then  it  is 
impossible  to  justify  his  willingly  listening  to  it.  Every  man  of  honour  feels  that 
an  attempt  to  corrupt  him  is  an  insult;  which  if  not  repelled  and  resented  is  a  dis- 
grace. But  he  not  only  listened  patiently  to  a  scheme  of  villainy,  as  he  at  the 
time  considered  it,  but  encouraged  it  by  the  most  friendly  reception  of  the  sup- 
posed messenger  of  corruption,  and  by  giving  him  exactly  an  answer  "  such  as 
was  expecled,^^  with  a  "■privilege"  to  use  that  answer  for  the  purpose  of  injluenc- 
ing,  if  not  corrupting,  votes.  This  seems  so  totally  irreconcilable  to  the  rules 
of  honour  and  virtue,  that  he  has  written  the  severest  condemnation  of  himself  in 
merely  stating  that  such  was  his  understanding. 

Omitting  Mr.  Buchanan's  testimony,  yet  the  general  is  not  acquitted.  His 
own  statement  shows  the  most  friendly  reception  of  that  gentleman,  and  his  pur- 
pose. His  subsequent  betrayal,  therefore,  of  that  "  efficient  friend  and  support- 
er" whom  he  has  held  up  to  public  view  as  a  willing  pandar  of  corruption,  and 
whose  prospects  and  political  character  he  has  sought  to  sacrifice  for  the  sake  of 
endeavouring  to  implicate  Mr.  Clay, — this  treachery  alone  is  sulBcient  to  fix 
an  indelible  stain  on  the  reputation  of  General  Jackson. 

Since  the  defeat  of  this  attack  ou  the  reputation  of  Mr.  Clay,  General  Jackson 
has  remained  quietly  at  his  plantation,  except  a  visit  to  New  Orleans,  whither 
he  lately  went  for  the  purpose  of  joining  in  the  annual  commemoration  of  the 
battle  of  the  8th  of  January. 

He  is  now  before  the  public  as  a  candidate  for  the  presidency,  and  of  course, 
as  a  politician;  but  of  his  present  politics  it  is  difficult  to  speak  with  certainty. 

On  the  4th  of  July  he  permitted  an  orator,  in  his  presence,  to  claim  as  his  sup- 
porters the  "  federalists  of  the  Hamilton  school. [5] 


1  Carter  Beverly's  Btatement,  dated  March  8,  18-27,  of  genera!  Jackson's  declaration  at 
his  house,  before  "  a  large  company"  published  in  most  of  the  ncwspaiiers. 

2  Letter  to  Mr.  Beverly,  June  6,  1827. 

S  "  Address  to  the  Public,"  July  18,  18-27.  In  this  extraordinary  paper,  general  Jack- 
son, although  he  still  maintains  that  Mr.  Buchanan  was  Mr.  Clay's  agent;  ["so  I  still 
think,"  is  the  expression,]  and  though  he  declares  tlie  "  origin,  the  beginning  of  this  char:;e, 
was  at  his  own  house  and  fireside," — yet  declares,  he  is  not  the  public,  nor  the  responsible 
accuser  of  Mr.  Clay. 

Between  the  condition  of  a  public,  and  that  of  a  private  accuser,  men  of  honour  never 
prefer  the  latter.  That  he  was  an  accuser — and  the  accusation  heavy,  no  man  could  doubt. 

4  Published  at  Lancaster.  The  amount  of  his  statement  is  given  above,  pages  34,  &c. 

3  See  the  account  of  his  attending  the  oration  of  Andrew  Hays,  Esq.  and  the  oration 
itself  in  the  '  National  Banner  and  Nashville  Whig,'  of  July  7,  1827. 


Andrew  Jackson. 

General  Hamilton's  political  principles  were  distinguished  from  those  of  other 
federalists,  chiefly,  by  his  proposing  in  the  convention  of  1707,  that  the  president 
should  hold  his  office  for  life.[1]  But  no  party  now  approves  of  such  a  scheme. 

General  Jackson  is  now  the  only  man  of  any  political  prominence,  in  the  whole 
nation,  whose  principles  are  not  known  as  to  the  great  questions  respecting  in- 
ternal improvements  and  the  encouragement  of  agriculture  and  manufactures 
by  protecting  duties. 

As  he  maintains  a  guarded  silence  on  these  subjects,  his  principles  can  only 
be  judged  of  by  those  professed  by  his  most  distinguished  friends  and  partizansj 
and  THEv  in  South  Carohna,  Georgia,  Tennessee,  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania, 
are  generally  distinguished  for  their  vehement  opposition  to  internal  improve- 
ments and  to  American  manufactures. [2]  It  must  be  concluded  therefore  that 
HE  has  changed  his  principles,  and  is  also  now  an  enemy  of  the  policy  which  has 
been  called  the  AMERrcAN  system. 

Before  the  commission  of  this  last  error,  he  had  given  so  many  proofs  of  anti- 
republican  principles, — of  disregard  or  ignorance  of  laws  and  constitutions — of 
vindictiveness  and  cruelty — of  tyranny  in  the  exercise  of  power — of  contempt  of 
the  people's  rights — of  exclusive  confidence  in  military  men — of  inconsistency 
and  insincerity — and  of  a  total  want  of  talent  or  acquirements,  suitable  for  civil 
office — that  we  cannot  wonder  at  the  strong  expression  of  opinion  uttered  by  flie 
venerable  Jefferson,  when  he  said,  "  one  might  as  well  make  a  sailor  of  a  cock, 
or  a  soldier  of  a  goose,  as  a  president  of  Andrew  J  ackson.[3] 


1  The  Georgia  senate  have,  apparently,  adopted  the  principles  of  this  school,  if  there 
be  any  such.  For  they  solemnly  resolved,  December  21st,  1827,  that  they  would  not 
only  "  advance  by  all  honorable  means  the  election  of  General  Jackson" — But  also 
that  they  will  "  think  of  no  other  person"  (as  president,  or  candidate,)  "  so  long  as  he 
shall  be  blessed  with  his  usual  bodily  and  mental  energies." — Georgia  Journal,  published 
at  Milledgeville,  January  14th,  1828. 

2  The  South  Carolina  legislature,  devoted  to  general  Jackson,  declare  by  solemn  reso- 
lutions that  the  protecting  duties  provided  in  1824,  1S22,  and  1816,  must  all  be  rescinded; 
and  recently  in  the  senate  of  the  United  States,  Mr.  Smith  of  South  Carolina,  presented 
the  resolution  of  the  legislature  instructing  the  members  from  that  state  to  oppose  every  ap- 
propriation for  internal  improvements. — (See  the  report  of  proceedings  on  Friday,  January 
11,  185:8. 

The  Georgia  legislature  have  adopted  the  report  of  a  committee  containing  similar  senti- 
ments.  In  Virginia,  the  message  of  governor  Giles  is  quite  explicit.  In  Tennessee  the  de- 
bates of  the  legislature  November  9th,  1827,  show  the  state  of  feeling  there. 

The  chief  justice  of  Pennsylvania,  whose  name  is  at  the  head  of  the  Jackson  electoral 
ticket,  has  declared  in  presence  of  several  gentlemen,  that  his  objection  against  the  present 
administration  is  founded  on  their  policy  in  respect  to  the  encouragement  of  manufactures. 

The  Pennsylvania  delegation  in  congress  comprises  three  very  active  friends  of  General 
Jackson;  Messrs.  Ingham,  Kremer,  and  Stevenson.  They  all  have  voted  against  every  re- 
cent measure  proposed  for  the  promotion  of  manufactures  or  improvements. 

In  the  session  of  1826-27,  on  the  tariff  or  woollens  bill,  which  Mr.  M'Duffie  called  "  em- 
phatically an  administration  measure"^from  Virginia  only  one,  from  Tennessee  only  one, 
from  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  and  Alabama,  nol  07ie  member  voted  for  it.  Yet  it  was 
passed  by  the  representatives  of  the  people,  and  sent  to  the  senate  where  it  was  killed  by 
the  votes  of  General  Jackson's  friends  from  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Geor- 
gia, Tennessee,  &c.  and  the  casting  vote  of  the  vice-president.  See  Journal  of  the  house 
of  representatives,  2d  session,  19  congress,  p.  282,  and  of  the  senate;  same  session,  p.  245; 
and  see  also  a  similar  note  on  the  Illinois  and  Indiana  canals,  in  the  house;  same  journal,  p. 
374.  Likewise  on  the  Cumberland  road,  p  314,  and  senate  journal  p.  285.  And  very 
lately,  that  on  Internal  Improvements. — J^''ational  Intelligencer  oC  Mmch  10th,  1828. 

3  See  the  letters  of  governor  Coles  of  Illinois,  formerly  private  secretary  to  president  Ma- 
dison, and  of  Thomas  VV.  Gilmer,  Esq.  of  Charlotteville,  Virginia:  published  in  December, 
1827,  and  testifying  explicitly  to  Mr.  Jefferson's  having  uttered  these  very  words. 


82 


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