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THE HISTORY

OFTHE

LOG O-F O C O

EQUAL EIGHTS PARTY,

ITS MOVEMENTS, CONVENTIONS AND PROCEEDINGS,

WITH SHORT

CHARACTERISTIC SKETCHES OF ITS PROMINENT MEN.

BY F. BYRDSALL.

u Convince me that a principle is right in the abstract,
ticeifl.can."

N E W-YORK:

PUBLISHED BY CLEMENT & PACKARD, 180 PEARL

PREFACE.

THE terms Loco-Foco and Loco-Focoism are so frequently
used to designate a political party and its principles, without
much being definitely known of those to whom they were first
applied, that it has become necessary that their history should
be written, not only as a work of interest in itself, but also as of
some importance to the great party to which those terms have
been transferred.

The Author of this little work has been urged, for some years
past, to write it, on the ground that no person was so well
informed of the movements, principles, and men of the party, as
he who was in it from the first, and was its Recording Secretary
during nearly all the time of its independent existence. Thus
urged, and being, withal, of the opinion that if he did not write
it no other Loco-Foco would, and that such a work was neces-
sary to our political literature, he began it in the summer of
1842, and, through many interruptions, completed it by the first
of October following.

This little book may be, not inaptly, called the Bible of the
Loco-Focos ; for it contains their Genesis, their Exodus, their
Mosaic law, or declaration of principles, — their eventful history.
By such estimable men as Moses Jaques, Pascal B. Smith, James
L. Stratton, John M. Ferrier, A. D. Wilson, Robert Townsend,
Jun.; John Hecker, and many others described in these pages,
was the Equal Rights party encouraged to have a deeper love
for Christian Democratic principles, to seek more knowledge of
them, and to find a more abiding faith in them. If any Loco-
1*

VI PREFACE.

Focos, since the dissolution of the party, have deteriorated in
these respects, and do not show forth the living testimony, it is
most probably because they are in the midst of less favorable
circumstances and associations.

The Loco-Focos had an important mission to fulfil, — " to bring
back the Democratic party to the principles upon" which it was
originally founded," — and they have, in part, already fulfilled it.
These Methodists of Democracy introduced no new doctrines,
no new articles, into the true creed; they only revived those
heaven-born principles which had been so long trodden under
the foot of Monopoly, and forgotten, that they were termed " the
new-fangled notions of Loco-Focoism."

Perhaps some readers may be surprised at the portraiture of
Loco-Focoism here presented, so different from that which the
Newspaper Press has delineated. But the political presses of
the United States are so remarkable for their misrepresentations,
that there could scarcely be a greater proof of the near approach
of the Millenium, than that their columns were becoming filled
with unadulterated truth.

To those plodding critics whose literary tastes are more for
the antique than the modern, more for the past than the future,
and who are more rctrogade than progressive in their views, the
subject of the Loco-Foco Revolution may have too much fresh-
ness in it, may not be sufficiently stale, and, in all probability,
they may consider it too early in the day for its history to be
written. But it is, in fact, because the Loco-Focos were the
political apostles of the future, and were much in the advance of
their cotemporaries, that their history is the more important to
the American people, and particularly to the rising generation,

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I. 13

Introductory — Division in the Democratic Republican Party in
the City of New York in 1835, on the subject of Monopolies —
Sketch of G. H. Evans and William Leggett — Secret Meet-
ings of the Friends of Equal Rights — Sketches of prominent
Men — Persecution of Leggett — The Johnson Dinner Move-
ment— Nominations — Monopoly and Anti-Monopoly Tickets —
C. G. Ferris — Job Haskell — Leggett's Indisposition — Great
Meeting in Tammany Hall, Oct. 29th — Description of the
Usages — Rush and Contest for the Chair — Alex. Ming, Jr. —
Banners — Inscriptions — Struggle for Ascendency — Extinguish-
ment of Gas Lights — Loco-Foco Lights — and Resolutions.

CHAPTER II. 28

The Whig Press — The anti-Monopolists are called Loco-Focos —
Abusive epithets of the New York Times — Party discipline —
Edict of the Sachems — Young Men's General Committee —
Votes on Evening Post and Anti- Monopoly ticket — Old Men's
General Committee — Remarks — Leggett's Insanity — Reflec-
tions on his bust in Tammany Hall — Result of General Elec-
tion— Defections — Meeting of anti-Monopolists — Proceedings
— Convention — Barnabas Bates — Separate organization and
compromise — Result of Committee elections — Resolutions of
Independence of Tammany — County Convention — Plan of
separate organization — Proceedings and resolutions — Declara-
tion of principles — Sketch of Moses Jaques.

Vlll CONTENTS.

CHAP TER III. 43

Election of Officers — Remarks on New Organization — Sketch of
the Old Military and Civic Hotel— Preparations for Charter
Election — Nomination of W. Leggettfor the Mayorlty — His an-
swer to Committee — Alexander Ming, Jun. nominated — He
accepts— Extract from his letter — The Democrat— Ward Nomi-
nations for the Common Council — Extracts from M. Jaques'
Address — Reflections — New paper, "The Union" — Sketch
of its Editor, John Commerford — Republican Nominating
Committee of 1835 — Resolutions — Remarks.

CHAPTER IV. 54

County Convention to correspond with Presidential Candidates —
Remarks — Report of the Correspondence — That of the minor-
ity of the Committee adopted — Debate — Resolution laid on the
table — A Compromise — Correspondence with Col. Samuel
Young — Remarks— Reply to Col. Young — Remarks respecting
the Union and the Democrat.

CHAPTER V. 67

State Convention at Utica, Sept. loth — Proceedings — Resolution
to be a distinct Party adopted — Nominations for Gubernatorial
Candidates — Isaac S. Smith, and Robert Townsend, Jr. — Sketch
of the latter by himself — He declines the Nomination — M.
Jaques unanimously nominated — Close of the Convention,
with Extracts from the address to the People — Correspondence
with Isaac S. Smith and M. Jaques.

CHAPTER VI. 78

CONTENTS. IX

Sketch of A. F. Vache — His motion respecting the letter pre-
vails, and the one to the Committee of Correspondence is
taken up, and E. Curtis' nomination is confirmed — Letters
from Stephen Hasbrouck, James Monroe, and candidates for
the Assembly — Eli Moore's nomination — F. A. Tallmadge's
nomination and letter — Reflections.

CHAPTER VII. 92

Remarks — Sketch of Clinton Roosevelt — Great Equal Rights
meeting at Military Hall — Sketch of E. Curtis's speech — Of
James Monroe's — Each of the nominations adopted — The
General Election — The Result, with remarks on Edward Cur-
tis, Eli Moore, C. C. Cambreleng, Ogden Hoffman, F. A.
Tallmadge, Robert Townsend, Clinton Roosevelt — Special
Election — Remarks — William Leggett and the Plaindealer —
Reflections — His Martyrdom and brief Eulogy.

CHAPTER VIII. 99

Park meeting, proceedings, and flour riot — Description and
facts respecting it — Address of Committee to the public — •
Sketches of some members of the Committee — Ming selected
as a Victim, but a man not to be Victimized — Whig logic
and Loco-Foco syllogism — Another Park meeting, March 6th,
in Vindication of Constitutional Rights — Address and Resolu-
tions— Sketch of John H. Hunt — Another Park meeting called
for April 3d.

CHAPTER IX. 113

X CONTENTS.

Slamm's Protest — Proceedings — Profound Resolution of Mr.
King — Slamm conforms and is discharged from custody — Jaques
alone at the bar, addresses the House, and gives it a consti-
tutional reprimand — End of the affair, with remarks on the
meanness of the House of Assembly.

CHAPTER X. 133

Equal Rights Party Resolution on the Contempt case — Sketch
of Levi D. Slamm — M. Jaques nominated as candidate for
the Mayoralty — Park Meeting — Address and Resolutions —
Nomination of M. Jaques, is confirmed — Incident — Loco-Foco
Nominations for the Common Council — Correspondence with
M. Jaques — Election Results — Remarks — Call for Park Meet-
ing, 3d of May — Meeting, Address and Resolutions — Remarks
— Run on the Banks for Specie — Bank white-washing Com-
mittee— Suspension Law and Remarks — The Credit System
turns out to be the System of Debt.

CHAPTER XI. 145

Election of Officers of the Party — Great Park meeting, June
24th — Address and Resolutions — Course of the President of
the United States in relation to the Banks and Specie Circu-
lar, approved — A State Convention called — F. A. Tallmadge
censured for his course in the State Senate on the Specie Cir-
cular and Bank Suspension law — Resolutions — Letter from
Samuel Young.

CHAPTER XII. 157

Recapitulatory Remarks on the position of the General and
State Administrations — Monopoly Conspiracy against the Pres-
ident, developed by a Letter to N. P, Tallmadge — Political Di-
lemma— Message of the Special Session — Strictures on the
Inconsistencies of the Monopolists towards " New- York's
favorite son" — The Loco-Focos sustain his course — Demon-
strations— State Convention at Utica of the Equal Rights
Party — New Constitution for the State — Extracts — Address
to the People — Remarks.

CONTENTS. XI

CHAPTER XIII. 170

Preparation for the November Election of 1837 — Nominations
made — Pledge signed by the Candidates — The Nominations
adopted and the Party pledges itself to sustain its candidates
— Committee appointed to address Mr. Curtis for violating
his Pledge — Five Loco-Foco Candidates nominated at Tam-
many Hall — Committee of Conference of Union of the De-
mocracy— Candidates of the Equal Rights Party called on to
resign, but most of them refuse — A Dilemma — C. H. Dougher-
ty and Henry E. Riell's Resolution to desert the Equal Rights
Candidates adopted — The Pledge makers become Pledge
breakers — The Edward Curtis investigation — Rump Loco-
Focos and Buffalo Loco-Focos — The Address of the former —
Fidelity — Decay and Fall of the Military and Civic Hotel —
Conclusion.

APPENDIX.

Gilriinade Ballad. . . ,'•'., . . . . 192

HISTORY

LOCO-FOCO OR EQUAL RIGHTS PARTY,

CHAPTER I.

Introductory — Division in the Democratic Republican Party in the
City of New York in 1835, on the subject of Monopolies — Sketches
of G. H. Evans and William Leggett — Secret Meetings of the
Friends of Equal Rights — Sketches of Prominent Men — Persecu-
tion of Leggett — The Johnson Dinner— Movement — Nominations —
Monopoly and Anti-Monopoly Tickets — C. G. Ferris— Job Haskell

« — Leggett's Indisposition — Great Meeting in Tammany Hall, Oct.
29th — Description of 'the Usages — Rush and Contest for the Chair —
Alex. Ming, Jr. — Banners — Inscriptions — Struggle for Ascendancy
— Extinguishment of Gas Lights — Loco Foco Lights — and Reso-
lutions.

It is better to prohibit monopolies in all cases, than to permit them in any.

JEFFERSON.

So peculiarly exciting are the circumstances connected
with the rise, progress, and dissolution, of the Loco-Foco or
Equal Rights party, of the city of New York, during its
eventful life of two years, and so great an effect has that
extraordinary movement had upon the Democratic Party
of the state and nation, that a faithful history of its con-
ventions, its principles and its deeds, with brief sketches
of its active men, will not be uninteresting to the public,
nor useless to the future political historian.

It is but the truth to state in this place that the Work-
ing Men's Party, which arose in 1828 and dissolved in
about two years afterwards, was the progenitor, to some
2

14 HISTORY OF THE [1835.

extent, of the Equal Rights Party. Certain it is, that
most of the measures advocated by the former were de-
cidedly popular with the latter, and both were equally
hostile to banks and other monopolies. Nevertheless, it
was Andrew Jackson, in his contest with the Bank of the
United States, who enkindled the highest opposition in
that direction, and the enthusiasm which he excited
against the National Bank soon extended itself to state
banks. Both belonged equally to one system, having
privileges of a similar nature, and producing evils upon
the community of the same description.

The stirring election of 1834, with the strong pledge
against monopolies which the candidates of the Repub-
lican Party were required to sign, together with speech-
es and resolutions of the same character at political meet-
ings, as well as the circumstances previously mentioned,
all combined to plant deeply in the minds of that party
the seeds of hostility to monopolies. Vigorously and ably
were they cultivated by George H. Evans, editor of the
Workingman's Advocate and the Man, and by William
Leggett, editor of the Evening Post.

George H. Evans is still alive, and there lives not a
more unpretending incorruptible man. He had offers of
money and patronage from an agent of the United States
Bank, soon after the Courier and Enquirer became its
champion ; but George was not purchasable, although at
that time he was not only poor, but considerably involved.
He published an account of the interview which Silas E.
Burrows had with him, and the offers made to him, which
was, we believe, never contradicted. Honest George ! we
can see him in our mind's eye, in his murky office in
Thames street, editor, compiler, printer, &c., of his
daily and weekly papers. There was he close at his
desk, attending to and contending for all the rights and
interests of the working masses of mankind, but neg-
lecting his own rights and interests in money matters.
Like all such men, he had his full share of difficulties, and
yet he made up his excellent newspaper of well chosen

1835.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 15

selections, and with editorial matter of real ability ; and
he was seldom, if ever, inconsistent. In short, he was so
naturally imbued with the spirit of democracy that he
brought it to bear on every question he discussed.

William Leggett was a man of far more ardent tem-
perament, but utterly immovable by either friend or foe
when he believed himself to be in the right. He was
decidedly the contrary of those despicable politicians, who,
in their regard for expediency, think they have the right
to compromise principles. Whatever cause he espoused,
he gave his whole heart to it, and expressed his views
with a vehement energy that carried his readers along
forgetful of time or length. During the greater part of
the year 1835, the coming forth of his paper was looked
for daily -with the most eager desire ; for it was well
known that no functionary however high, no party how-
ever strong, no editor however subtle, could escape the
deep-toned thunder of his invective for their misdeeds,
and therefore all were anxious to learn, as the paper came
from the press, upon whom or what the bolt had fallen.
He was truly the very Jove of editors, and all the frater-
nity stood in awe of him. It was only when sustained
by party that they dared to enter the lists against him.

Thus, the Workingman's Party, the measures they con-
tended for, the writings of G. H. Evans, the course of
Andrew Jackson in relation to the monster monopoly, the
resolutions passed at Republican meetings, the pledge
against monopolies, the eloquent expositions of Leggett,
with the visible fact that the sovereignty of the people
over the legislature had passed into the hands of chartered
institutions — all these, and other circumstances, con-
tributed to excite hostility against chartered monopolies
and the politicians who sustained them. Consequently,
the Republican Party became divided within itself. On
the one side were the Albany Argus and the New York
Times, with those whom the latter affectionately styled
" the oldest and wisest of the party," together with a
majority in each of the General and in most of the Ward

16 HISTORY OF THE [1835

committees, and nearly all the office-holders under the
general, state, and city administrations. On the other
side, were the Evening Post and the Man, with the free
trade, anti-monopoly, hard-money men.

But as the latter division was, as yet, the smallest por-
tion of the party, it had to exercise secrecy and caution
in its first movements. The despotism of the Republican
Party, with its aristocratic usages and organization, was
so energetic and pervading in those days, that it required
both moral and physical courage to openly attack an es-
tablished dynasty of monopolies, with its vassal office-
holders and political committees. Besides, it was held as
an indisputable truth, that nothing could justify a disor-
ganizer, and that he who attempted for any cause what-
ever to disturb the harmony of the party, was a monster
to be shunned and hated by every true democrat.

With the fear of this party despotism before their eyes,
the friends of Equal Rights deemed it most advisable to
privately consult and select delegates from most of the
Wards, to meet in secret convention, and not more than
twice in succession in the -same place. The Broadway
House, the Constitutional Hall in Broadway, the Four-
teenth Ward Hotel, and the Military and Civic Hotel in
the Bowery, were the places of meeting of the body of
the Convention, while Garret Gilbert's house, and George
W. Mc'Pherson's were used for meetings of the elite,
and the offices of Dr. Philip E. Milledoler and Havens
and Moore, were dedicated to caucus meetings.

We shall now give a list of the prominent men whom
Leggett imbued with his " agrarian spirit of antirmo-
nopoly." They might be called his disciples, for none of
them had qualifications to lead the Equal Rights De-
mocracy.

Philip E. Milledoler, chairman of the young men's
General Committee at Tammany Hall, was a disappointed
man, and sufficiently malcontent to have led on a revolu-
tion, but for his constitutional timidity. Garrett Gilbert,
was also a malcontent, and the burden of most of his

1835.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 17

speeches was, " Go it my boys, against the old hunkers
of Tammany Hall, who go up the back stairs." At the
select meetings at his house, he was regaled with being
toasted as " our next mayor." Barnabas Bates, — a man
of considerable politico-literary ability, always gentle, and
always self-sustained, the very model of political propriety.
JohnMwaise — another gentle spirit favorable to the next
mayoralty of Mr. Gilbert. Charles G. Havens and
Charles B. Moore, who had caught with youthful suscepti-
bility a scintillation from Leggett's enthusiasm. Wm. F.
Piatt, a man of general abilities, but of such a politi-
cal idiosyncracy, as predisposes him to catch the in-
fection of every movement professing reform. John W.
Vethake, a man not calculated to be popular, but of a
very philosophic mind, and fertile in what are called " ab-
stractions" in religion, politics and social organization.
John Windt, an ultra anti-monopolist, who would indeed
do justice to the Banks, though the whole credit system
should fall. No man has made more efforts as an indi-
vidual in behalf of what he considers the Equal Rights of
humanity. Jlllen M. Sniff en, superintendent of lamps
and gas, was peculiarly timid on account of his office.
Alexander Ming, jr, was also an office-holder with a large
family, but his open independence notwithstanding, formed
a noble contrast to the cautiousness of Sniffen. Ming
had more of the onward self-risking spirit, necessary to a
popular leader, than any of the anti-monopolists ; and the
reader will find that when the first mighty struggle came,
he naturally got into that position. Henry E. Riell, also
an office-holder, but an active anti-monopolist not withstand-
ing. Jacob D. Clute was a member of the Old Men's,
and George W. McPherson of the Young Men's General
Committee, where each stood firm to the cause of Equality
of Rights, and voted like good and true men in behalf of
the Evening Post. Benson Milledoler, Rodney S. Church,
John Commerford* John JL. Riell, and Nathaniel Smith,
were all known in the anti-monopoly movement of 1835
2*

18 HISTORY OF THE [1835.

While secret meetings were being held by the Equal
Rights Democracy — while it was a deplorable fact of the
times, that citizens felt it at all necessary to meet by
stealth, for the sake of their simple Constitutional Rights ;
while numbers were so overawed by the monopoly dynas-
ty that governed, that they dared not meet even secretly,
one man with more of the divinity within him, than any
man of his era, stood forth almost alone, undaunted -by all
the terrorism of the monopoly system. With all the gal-
lantry of ancient chivalry, he counted not the personal
cost to himself, but openly attacked monopoly of every
kind, and exposed and beat down the sophistries and sub-
terfuges of the Albany Argus, the New York Times, and
the prostituted press of both parties. The Washington
Globe beheld the extremity of its political associates, and
came to their rescue, in the most effective manner. Leg-
gett published in the Evening Post of the 19th of Sept.
1835, an extract from the Globe, which he justly designat-
ed as his ex-communication from the Republican Party.
It is inserted here, that the reader may comprehend the
horrid despotism of party, under the regime of monopoly.

{ ' The Evening Post has on various occasions shown a disposition
to fly off from the Democratic Party, by running into extremes.
Upon the Tariff it knew no medium. It was for free trade, without
reference to the policy of other nations. In regard to Banks, no
account was to be taken of the actual condition of things in the coun-
try, but a universal and immediate annihilation, was the tendency of
all the Post's arguments. The spirit of Agrarianism was perceivable
in all the political views of the Editor, and seemed as if he was
inclined to legislate altogether upon abstractions, and allow the busi-
ness of the world and the state of society to have nothing to do with
it. This Utopian temper in the Post was perpetually running its
editor's head against a post — some established landmark set up by
the experience and good sense of the people to designate the different
interests among us, and the principles by which they were to be pro-
tected. In its warfare upon the settled principles of Democracy, the
Post has ever and anon found itself at loggerheads with the organs

1835.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 19

which have long been accustomed to reflect the public sentiment.
The Richmond Enquirer, the Albany Argus, and other standard repub-
lican prints, have been successively the objects of its attack. Finally,
the Post, as if eager to break with the party to which it has assmned
to be devoted, has assailed the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secre-
tary of the Navy, and the Post-Master General. All this might pos-
sibly be set down to individual caprice — a sort of innocent ostenta-
tion by way of displaying the independence of the editor. But he
has at last, and we are glad of it, taken a stand which must forever
separate him from the Democratic Party. His journal now openly
and systematically encourages the Abolitionists."

Thus, from head-quarters was the ban of ex-communi-
cation fulminated, and the hint was clearly given upon
what plea the ban could be extended throughout the em-
pire of the party. Accordingly, on the tenth of October,
the Old Men's General Committee adopted the plea and
echoed the ex-communication. But as regarded Leggett's
abolitionism, could not the " oldest and wisest of the par-
ty" also respond with the Globe "we are glad of it too?"
It is certain, that they had much more cause of dislike and
fear of his " agrarian spirit" in regard to Banks, than to
abolitionism. The first was near at hand and portentous
to themselves, the latter remote and dangerous only to
those at a distance.

In the mean time the rank and file of the Equal Rights
Democracy, gave evidence of increase of numbers, and at
length the necessity of some eclat began to be felt by the
leaders, in order to increase political capital. With this
view, the expedient of setting up a dinner in honor of
R. M. Johnson, was adopted as a master piece of policy.
We shall say nothing of the tremendous importance of the
arrangements by caucus, nor of " our next mayor's"
claims of being the presiding officer. A mayor in pos-
session was preferred to a mayor in expectancy, and C.
W. Lawrence was chosen President, and " our next
mayor" first Vice President. The dinner went off admir-
ably, the regular toasts were as cautiously couched as

20 HISTORY OF TflE [1835.

P. E. Milledoler could find language, without any of the
shocking words of the anti-monopoly vocabulary. But,
two of the regular toasts made a noiseless cautious ap-
proach. One, u the Right of Instruction " might possibly
have been intended to include the right of pledging against
monopolies, as had been done the previous election. Anoth-
er, the " Liberty of the Press" might have included the
liberty taken by the Evening Post, but it did not -say so
exactly. However, Theophilus Fisk, John Windt and
M. Jaques, with their irregular toasts, made up for the
circuitous approaches of the regulars. Fisk went directly
at " Banks, Banking and paper money, labor saving ma-
chines by which drones are enabled to grow rich without
honest industry" Windt threw in his " Equal Rights ;
no good Democrat will ask for more, and no true Demo-
crat will be satisfied with less." These were followed by
Jaques' toast," the Rights of Man" with the Jeffersonian
doctrine added thereto. These men bearded the Lion of
monopoly in his den at Tammany Hall ; the "Agrarian
spirit of anti-monopoly" was naturally in them, and it
would have utterance.

C. C. Cambreleng made an excellent speech, not only
going the right of instruction in the usual acceptance, but
also the right of pledging candidates. The Johnson din-
ner was quite satisfactory to the anti-monopoly democracy.

About this time, a pamphlet was published entitled the
" Doctrine of anti-monopoly, in an address to the Demo-
cracy of the city of New York." Its author, John W.
Vethake, evinced considerable originality both in the
mode of viewing and explaining the subject. This ad-
dress was stereotyped — printed also in the Evening Post,
and extensively circulated. Thenceforward the meetings
of the Equal Rights Democracy became more open, more
crowded and more exciting. In short, the tendency
towards that most horrid of party horrors, designated by
one little word, " a split," became every day more evident.

The monopoly democracy, according to the " known

1835.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 21

usages" of the Republican Party, held its Ward meetings
to elect delegates for the Nominating Committee at Tam-
many Hall. At these Ward meetings it was decided by
clear majorities, not to pledge the candidates for Congress
and the Legislature of the State, as had been done the
previous year, against monopolies. Thus instructed, the
delegates met according to usage, and in the last week of
October completed the ticket as follows.

For Congress, Gideon Lee.
For Senator, Henry F. Jones.

For Assembly.

Prosper M. Wetmore, Benjamin Ringgold,
Charles P. Clinch, Francis B. Cutting,

Thomas Herttell, John I. Morgan,

George Sharpe, Peter A. Cowdrey,

t Ezra S. Conner, George Seaman,

Jesse West.

The indications were now sufficiently plain that the Re-
publican Party had become a monopoly aristocratic party.
It became obligatory on the Equal Rights Democrats to
stand by their great leading principle, or to abandon it
altogether. To go the whole length either way, was not
agreeable to the majority of the prominent men, who
were not distinguished for great decision of character ; —
but to go nearly half way, was to hit the medium point
which medium men strive to arrive at. Accordingly, the
ticket of the monopoly Republican Party was duly taken
into consideration, and, at meetings of the Equal Rights
Democracy, it was concluded on to strike off five of the
candidates, viz : Lee, Ringgold, Sharpe, West and Con-
ner, and to attend the General County meeting at Tam-
many Hall and substitute the following in their stead, viz :
Charles G. Ferris,/or Congress, and Job Haskell, John W.
Vethake, Rodney S. Church, and John Windt/br Assembly.

22 HISTORY OF THE [1835.

Charles G. Ferris, nominated for Congress by the Equal
Rights Democracy, had been member of Congress the
preceding year, having been elected to fill the vacancy
occasioned by the election of C. W. Lawrence to the
Mayoralty of the city of New York. Mr. Ferris, while
in Congress, had given satisfaction to his constituents, but
he was dropped by the leading men of the Republican
Party, because Gideon Lee was a greater favorite and
more in their confidence : in fact, he was one of the head
men of the leading department of the old regime itself.
Mr. Ferris is a man of kind unostentatious manners, of
good abilities, but rather indolent in the use of them. He
is naturally a Democrat in his intercourse with men, and
above all, he has one virtue not too common among poli-
ticians, a sincere regard for truth and for his engagements.

Job Haskell had been a member of the house of Assem-
bly for the session of 1835, and voted more strictly to the
pledge he signed, than any of his colleagues from the city.
Many a time during the session, was he in the glorious
minority of exactly one. But he adhered with the inflexi-
bility of hardened steel to his pledge, both to the letter
and the spirit of it. Honest Job ! He had [served *his
country in the last war, and did not he love to talk of
fighting the British ? Besides, his speeches gave evidence
of his reading in military lore, and of his estimation of
Generals Hannibal, Scipio, Alexander, Cesar, Bonaparte,
Washington, Jackson and Harrison.

The memorable 29th of October, 1835, was drawing
near, yet the encampments of the two democracies, that
of monopoly, and that of Equal Rights, appeared to be
undisturbed. But where was he, the fearless knight errant
of humanity 1 — Where was William Legett, the herald of
truth ? He had been beset on all sides, until the over-
tasked man was exhausted by super-human exertion and
he lay prostrate on the bed of disease. The Evening Post
was bereft of the mighty spirit which gave it power over
men's minds, and it seemed as if the sun was standing

1835.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 23

still in the political world. So deep and intense was the
interest felt by the friends of Equal Rights in behalf of
the champion of the cause, that it threw an aspect of
solemnity over their councils, which perhaps induced more
caution in their preparations, and the more necessity for
reliance on themselves in the approaching contest. Even
the scheme of going to the county meeting at Tammany
Hall with Loco Foco matches, and candles, which in other
circumstances would have excited merriment, was resolv-
ed on in serious earnestness of mind and somewhat of
solemn mystery.

At length the evening of the 29th October is come, on
which the Democratic Republican Electors of the city of
New York are to assemble in Tammany Hall, to decide on
the nominations of their agents, into whose hands they
have foolishly confided their political right of conscience,
as regards the right of suffrage. There is a dense throng
collecting in front of the hall, and the leading passage
and great stair way to the large room, is crowded to a
perfect jam, as if human beings were wedged together
and bound fast. Already those at the head of the stairs,
hear the tramp of persons in the room. How comes that ?
Know you not, questioner, that there are back stairs, and
that up those back stairs the caucussed officers with the
caucussed proceedings, (for the democracy must not be left
to do its duty to itself), have ascended into the room ? But
in order that you may have a clear knowledge of the
mode of doing business under the regime of the time hon-
ored usages in times gone by, the following is quoted from
a sagacious politician.*

" On every political occasion, a caucus composed of
the " oldest and wisest" is convened in anticipation of
any announcement to the people. These obliging and
immaculate sages, with the most paternal and disinterest-
ed motives, consult and exchange opinions with each
other on the course necessary to be pursued for the good

* Democrat, Sept. 5th, 1836.

24 HISTORY OF THE [1835.

of the whole. Once decided upon, the wires are put in
motion. If in New York, the Tammany Society, a secret
and select one by the by, commences it operations ; the
Ward leaders have a private interview, and decide upon
the chairman, the secretary and the retiring committee ;
the office-holders receive their instructions to be present
with their dependents, and a call is finally published for
the independent Democratic Republican electors to meet
and transact the business. On the allotted evening the
people assemble ; the trained troops, punctual to the
minute, nominate and elect the officers ; the trained chair-
man cannot hear any names but those of the trained com-
mittee ; who in turn make a trained report ; the trained
secretary is ordered to publish the trained proceedings in
the official trained newspapers, and the untrained people
are then permitted to go home."

So much for the Ward meetings ; we shall quote from
the same author on county meetings.

" Everything being arranged, the sovereign people are
again called upon to approve or disapprove the acts of
their nominating (appointing) committee. At the hour
named, the doors of the great room are opened from the
inside, to the congregated hundreds on the outside ; —
when lo ! the actors by some secret passage are already
on the stage and perfect in their parts. Order being par-
tially obtained, the tickets are read, the vote is taken and
declared in the affirmative ; the farce is over, the meet-
ing is adjourned, and the " regular ticket" is announced
next day to those who always submit to the majority, and
never vote any other."

The dock has just struck seven, and the doors of Tam-
many Hall are opening for the democracy. What a mass
of human beings rush forward into the room ! Yet they
are late, for George D. Strong* who came up the back
stairs, has already nominated Isaac L. Varianfi who also
ascended by the same way, for the chair, and the' latter

* President of Commercial Bank, f A Bank Director.

1835.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 25

is hastening towards it before the question is heard by a
fifth part of the crowd. Joel Curtis is nominated as the
room is filling up, and the loud " aye " of the Equal
Rights Democracy calls him to the chair. The honest
workingman approaches it, and now begins the contest
between monopoly and its opponents. There is a strug-
gle of gladiators on the platform around the chair; — the
loudest vociferations are heard, and Tammany trembles
with intestine war. The contest at length becomes more
furious; men are struggling with each other as if for
empire, while the multitude in the body of the room are
like the waves of a tempestuous sea. But who is he,
that man of slender form and youthful appearance, the
foremost in the struggle ? Equal Rights men, your chief
should be a man of stalwart frame ; but there is hope, for
your cause is good, and the indomitable spirit of equality
is in that slender man. " Cheers for Ming !" — What !
is that the office-holder ? He who is always up with
every rising of the people 1 He openly dares the majesty
of monopoly, even in its temple ; — he disregards the
tenure of his office, for the elevating principle of Equality
of Rights — the honest war-cry of " opposition to all mo-
nopolies " have aroused the democratic enthusiasm of his
heart, and he counts not the cost. It is so ! — he is un-
consciously, for the occasion, and the time being, the
natural hero of humanity, striving with all his energy of
character to place Joel Curtis in the chair, as the repre-
sentative of the masses. Unquestionably it is a contest
for empire between man and monopoly.

Behold ! a broad banner is spread before the eyes of
the vast assemblage, and all can read its inscription :
"Joel Curtis, the Anti-Monopolist chairman."

The efforts of Isaac L. Varian and the monopoly de-
mocracy are futile to obtain order, or to read their ticket
of nominations so as to be heard, or any decision had
thereon. They are struck with amazement at the sight
of another banner with the inscription " Anti- Monopolist
3

26 HISTORY OF THE [1835.

Democrats are opposed to Gideon Lee* Ringgold, West,
and Conner ;f" and another with " We go all gold but
Ringgold" What a desecration of the usages !

But behold — there is the broadest banner of all, and it
is greeted with cheers. It is the whole of the anti-
monopoly ticket for Congress and the Legislature, so that
all can see and read where none can distinctly hear.
The shouts of the Equal Rights' Democracy are still more
deafening. But heartfelt cheers are given to that ban-
ner which declares for Leggett : " The Times must change
ere we desert our Post."

The struggle is drawing towards a close. Isaac L.
Varian believes the evidence presented to his senses, and
in attempting to leave the chair, to which he is forcibly
held down by George D. Strong and a member of the
Common Council since dead, he exclaims, " Let me get
out, gentlemen, we are in the minority here !" They
held him fast ; — but there ! the chair is upset, and Isaac
L. Varian is thrown from it. Instantly Joel Curtis, the
true-hearted workingman is in it, both by right and fact,
while two banners speak to the democracy, " Don't ad-
journ"— " Sustain the chair." There is clapping of
hands and triumphant cheers. What can the discomfited
do?

They have done it. When they got down stairs they
turned off the gas. It is half-past seven, and the dark-
ness of midnight is in Tammany Hall. Nothing but the
demon spirit of monopoly, in its war upon humanity,
could have been wicked enough to involve such an ex-
cited throng in total darkness.

" Let there be light, and there is light !" A host of
fire-fly lights are in the room — loco-foco matches are
ignited, candles are lit, and they are held up by living
and breathing chandeliers. It is a glorious illumination !
There are loud and long plaudits and huzzas, such as
Tammany never before echoed from its foundations.

* President of Leather Manufacturers5 Bank, f Bank partizans.

1835.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 27

Reader, if this were not a victory over Monopoly, a blow,
at least, was struck upon the hydra-headed monster,
from which it never recovered.

The anti-monopoly ticket was enthusiastically adopted
by the apparently undiminished multitude. Resolutions
of the same character were passed, from which we select
the following :

" Resolved — That, in a free state, all distinctions but those of merit
are odious and oppressive, and ought to be discouraged by a people
jealous of their liberties.

. « Resolved — That all laws which directly or indirectly infringe the
free exercise and enjoyment of equal rights and privileges by the great
body of the people, are odious, unjust, and unconstitutional in their
nature and effect, and ought to be abolished.

" Resolved — For all amounts of money, gold and silver are the only
legitimate, substantial, and proper, circulating medium of our country.

" Resolved — That perpetuities and monopolies are offensive to free-
dom, contrary to the genius and spirit of a free state and the principles
of commerce, and ought not to be allowed.

" Resolved — That we are in favor of a strict construction of the
Constitution of the United States, and we are therefore opposed to
the United States Bank, as being unconstitutional and opposed to the
genius and spirit of our democratic institutions, and subversive of
the great and fundamental principles of equal rights and privileges,
asserted in the charter of our liberties.

" Resolved — That we are opposed to all bank charters granted by
individual states, because we believe them founded on, and as giving
an impulse to principles of speculation and gambling, at war with
good morals and just and equal government, and calculated to build
up and strengthen in our country the odious distribution of wealth
and power against merit and equal rights; and every good citizen is
bound to war against them as he values the blessings of free govern-
ment.

" Resolved — That we receive the Evening Post with open arms to
the bosom of the Democratic family, and that the efforts of its talented
editors must and shall receive our uncompromising support."

The other resolutions were in favor of the policy of
Andrew Jackson's administration — Of giving the election
of President and Vice President to the direct vote of the
people — Of the one presidential term — Short terms of all
offices, and strict responsibility to the people — The right
of instruction — The Baltimore Convention nominations,
and the an ti- monopoly ticket, headed C. G. Ferris for
Congress, and Thomas Herttell for Assembly.

28 HISTORY OF THE [1835.

" After the adoption of the resolutions, a motion was
carried that the meeting adjourn to the street, in front of
the Hall, and form a procession, with their anti-monopoly
banners, flags, &c. This was accordingly done, and
some thousands of the meeting, bearing torches, candles,
&c., marched up the Bowery, cheering their democratic
fellow-citizens on the way, and halted in front of the
Military and Civic Hotel, corner of Broome Street-, and
after giving nine hearty cheers, adjourned to their respect-
ive homes."

CHAPTER II.

The Whig Press — The anti-Monopolists are called Loco-Focos —
Abusive epithets of the New York Times — Party discipline —
Edict of the Sachems — Young Men's General Committee — Votes
on Evening Post and Anti-Monopoly ticket — Old Men's General
Committee — Remarks — Leggett's insanity — Reflections on his bust
in Tammany Hall — Result of General Election — Defections —
Meeting of anti-Monopolists — Proceedings — Convention — Barna-
bas Bates — Separate organization and compromise — Result of
Committee elections — Resolutions of independence of Tammany —
County Convention — Plan of separate organization — Proceedings
and Resolutions — Declaration of principles, and sketch of Moses
Jaques.

The present may be truly said to be a time that tries men's principles.

M. J \QUES.

THE morning of the 30th of October, 1835, was a
joyous one to the readers of the Whig press in the city.
Descriptions, both grave and ridiculous, were given of
the scene of the previous evening in Tammany Hall, and
great were the exultations over the divisions in the ranks
of the Democracy. The Courier and Enquirer took the
lead in this labor of love, and bedubbed the anti-monopo-
lists with the name of Loco-Focos. But the Whig press,
true to its natural dislike of real democracy, took sides
with the monopolists ; at least so far as to abuse the

1835 ] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 29

friends of Equal Rights without stint or conscience. On
the other side, the New York Times, the cherished organ
of the oldest and wisest of the monopoly Democracy, lifts
up its voice in mingled tones of shame, chagrin, and
denunciation. Thenceforward it poured its fountains of
wrath — of bile and bitterness — upon the Evening Post,
Charles G. Ferris, Alexander Ming, Jr., John W. Veth-
ake, Job Haskell, Henry E. Rielf, Rodney S. Church,
and John Windt. But this was not all ; for it undertook
the Herculean task of castigating the whole of the Equal
Rights democracy. That the reader may be enabled to
form some idea of the glorious feats of this protege of the
" thirty- six fathers," its epithets are extracted, leaving
the imagination to supply the context, which was equally
classic, moral and instructive. " Disorganize™ " — " In-
truders " — " Revolters " — " Agrarians " — " Working
Men's faction7' — "Rowdies" — " Odds and ends of ex-
tinct party " — "Eleventh hour Democrats" — " Sweepings
and remnants of all recent factions " — " Renegade anti-
Masons " — " Pests of party " — " Bad factionists " —
" Fanny Wright Men"—" Noisy Brawlers "—" Political
nuisances " — " Loco Foco party " — " Carbonari " — " Infi-
dels " — " Pledge spouters " — " Resolution mongers " —
" Small fry of small politicians " — " Sm.aU lights " —
"Fire flies of faction" — " Unclean Birds" — "Jack o?
Lanterns who shine in an unhealthy atmosphere " —
" Noisy discontented politicians " — " Scum of politics "
—"Knaves"— "Political cheats and swindlers"— " The
Guy Fawkes' of politics " ! ! !

Such was the language of the organ of the aristocracy
of the Democracy. In fact such contemptuous terms
can only proceed from the sentiment of aristocracy. He
who cherishes the principle of equality, has no ideas to
generate such terms of contempt for his fellow-men.

Meanwhile the leaders of the Monopoly Democracy

went energetically to work, as there was no time to

spare, and the discipline of " the party" organization

was at once enforced. In the first place, the name of

30 HISTORY OF THE [1835.

Isaac L. Varian was published to nominations which had
not been adopted by the majority present, and to resolu-
tions which had not been carried ; yet he suffered these
matters to go forth to the world without contradiction ! ! !*
In the next place, the Sachems of the Tammany Society
published their mendacious edict declaring that the ticket
headed Gideon Lee for Congress, was the regularly nomi-
nated ticket, and the Assembly ticket headed John I.
Morgan, was of the same authority ; and that those
tickets only would be permitted to be distributed at Tam-
many Hall during the election.

How the Democratic Republican Party can suffer to
nestle within its very midst, a secret political society, a
nursery of office seekers, to dictate upon any matter of
importance, or to declare who are, or who are not the
proper candidates of the party, is truly astonishing !

The third movement called the Young Men's General
Committee together, for it was in this body that Leg-
gett's " agrarian spirit of anti-monopoly" had made some
inroads. Therefore, in order to enforce discipline and
subordination, the following resolution was offered by
Dr. William Rockwell.f

" Resolved — That the Democratic Republican Young Men's Gene-
ral Committee no longer recognize the Evening Post as one of the
organs of the Republican Party, and that in future, no notices
emanating from this Committee, be published in that paper.

Affirmative. Robert Smith, Jacob T. Kent, John W.
Hyatt, S. Townsend Lawrence, Abraham Van Ness,
Alfred S. Frazier, Philip S. Crooke, Stephen Paret, Corne-
lius H. Bryson, A. J. Bleecker, Abraham Lefoy, John

* Aristocracy ever gratefully remembers those who make personal
sacrifices to its interest. Isaac L, Varian was a competitor with Wil-
liam Leggett in 1838, for nomination as candidate for Congress, and
he triumphed over Leggett ! This was not all, for he was raised to
the dignity of Mayor of the city of New York, and he is now Senator
of the State ! ! !

f Dr. Rockwell was afterwards made Health Officer, wort
$10,000 dollars a year.

1835.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 31

A. Morrill, Thomas A. Brady, John McKinley, Wm.
Rockwell, Wm. M. Fish, John J. Bedient, James H.
Rogers, Leonard Lee, Thomas Lloyd, James McMillen,
L. P. Jordan, Charles B. Tappan, Joseph Isaacs, Davtf
M. Cowdrey, Eber Wheaton, Paschal Bertine, Francis

B. Fitch, John M. Wheeler, Wm. M. Summers, Wm. J.
Brown, Thomas Dolan, John Crygier, James A. M.
Gardner, Jesse Cady, Charles J. Dodge, Richard H.
Colfax.

Negative. Charles B. Moore, Henry E. Riell, P. E.
Milledoler, G. W. McPherson, Charles Taylor, E. G
Sweet, H. S. Meeks, Nathan Darling.

Another test resolution was offered, that the tickets
headed Gideon Lee and John I. Morgan were the regu-
larly nominated. To this there were only four negatives,
Riell, McPherson, Taylor and Sweet.

The Old Men's General Committee endorsed the same
nominations, and the Ward Committees and meetings
followed in the rear. Party attachments were, appealed
to, the ligatures of self-interest were drawn tight, and
fears of extrusion from the party were awakened. Many
of the anti-monopolists began to lose a portion of their
enthusiasm for principle, when brought in conflict with
party attachments. Others flattered themselves that they
were in the advance of their fellow-citizens, and that they
had better remain quiet in the Monopoly Democracy
until it became as far advanced and enlightened as them-
selves. In short, the fate of Mr. Leggett was a warning
to all Reformers not to set themselves against " the
party." He was denounced by nearly all the Demo-
cratic press, and considered by most of the old and sensi-
ble men in the party, as in a state of insanity, for no sane
man would go to such extremes as he did. The leading
men — the majority in every committee — the majority of
the party, had declared themselves against him, and he
was confined by severe indisposition and not expected to
live.

Reader ! were you to go into the General Committee

32 HISTORY OF THE [1835,

room in Tammany Hall at this period of time, 1842, you
would see a handsome cast in plaister of Paris, the bust
of William Leggett, gracing the very room where he was
denounced seven years ago. Would you moralize upon
changes in politics, and upon that class of men the most
changeable, politicians, here is " ample space and verge
enough." The very insanity imputed to him — the " agra-
rian spirit of anti-monopoly" for which he was persecuted
unto the death, now pervades the party which persecuted
him. The committee — the leaders — the Globe — the
Argus — all, all are now in his condition of insanity,
thoroughly imbued with his " agrarian spirit of anti-
monopoly." But it is only politicians who " play such
fantastic tricks before high heaven."

The general election of 1835, resulted in the success
of the monopoly ticket of Lee for Congress, and the
entire ticket headed Morgan for the Assembly ; conse-
quently, the Whig ticket, as well as the Anti-monopoly
ticket, was defeated. This result, with the enforcements
of party discipline already mentioned, caused numerous
defections from the Equal Rights Democracy. Even
some of those who undertook to lead the whirlwind and
direct the storm, but who were not possessed of heroism
to do so, now ingloriously deserted, went back to Tam-
many as noiselessly as possible, and left the storm of
anti-monopoly to take care of itself.

The vote given to Charles G. Ferris, the anti-monopoly
candidate for Congress, was over four thousand. Mo-
nopoly triumphed in the election, but its opponents were
not subdued. A meeting was held on the 12th Novem-
ber to collect their force and determine their future
action. Nathaniel Smith presided, assisted by two vice
presidents and two secretaries. This meeting was large;
from its proceedings the following selections are given :

" Resolved — That we recommend that assemblies of Democrats
opposed to monopolies and special legislation, be formed in each
ward of this city, of such persons as may be willing to enroll them-
selves for that purpose ; and that such assemblies shall meet in their
several wards, on the first Monday in each month.

1835.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 33

" Resolved — that the several ward assemblies be requested to con-
vene in a general meeting on the second Monday in every month, &c.

" Your committee in introducing the above resolutions do not intend
to institute a new party, but to form a union with those of their fel-
low-citizens whose political principles are truly Democratic, and in
accordance with those of Thomas Jefferson, Andrew Jackson, and the
friends of the present administration, but particularly with those who
are opposed to monopolies."

The following resolution in relation to Mr. Leggett is
strongly expressed :

Resolved — that the course pursued by the majority of the Old and
Young Men's General Committee, in proscribing the Evening Post,
excites in us emotions of unutterable contempt and indignation, and
that the dastardly conduct of the Young Men's Commmittee, in
assailing that paper, when its powerful and talented editor was pros-
trated by sickness, is unparalleled for its meanness and cowardice,
and deserves the solemn condemnation of every friend of the liberty
of speech and of the press."

The following announcement appeared in the Evening
Post, November 20th :

"Mr. Leggett being entirely out of danger, and gradually, but
surely convalescent, the temporary arrangement made as to the edito-
rial department of this journal is, from and after this date, discon-
tinued."

He did not, however, resume his labors until the 9th
December.

But, notwithstanding the disclaimer of instituting a new
party by the committee of the meeting on the 12th No-
vember, yet many of the Equal Rights Democracy were
in favor of such a step. The ultraists in the rank and
file, were not only opposed to the political course of " the
party" in sustaining monopolies, but they were also hos-
tile to that system of management called the " usages of
the party," with its general and nominating committees,
and they were desirous of a more popular mode of nomi-
nating candidates for the suffrage of the people. They
saw, that the Tammany Society, with many of its mem-
bers holding office — the General Committees and the
Nominating Committees — all in connection, constituted a
u regular" system of machinery, which, while it regu-

34 HISTORY OF THE [1835,

lated and directed the movements of the Democracy, was
nevertheless governed by aristocratic or incorporated
influences behind the throne, greater than the sovereignty
itself. Besides these radical objections to the usages, the
Ultra Democrats were taunted by the supporters of Mo-
nopoly ; " You can't prevail against Old Tammany ;"
" We are glad we have got rid of you, and we don't
want you to come back to us ;" " It was an evil day
when the Workingman's faction was allowed to join us ;"
" We rejoice that we are now fully relieved from the
connection ;" " The party could not prosper until such
intruders were expelled and our ancient usages restored to
their proper and wonted authority." " Old fashioned Demo-
crats do not want Loco-Focos among them with new-fan-
gled notions of Democracy ;" "We don't want Agrarians in
our ranks, — men, who because they have nothing, want
to divide other people's property, and to break down those
institutions to which we are indebted for all our unexam-
pled prosperity."

To the honest and true men • engaged in the anti-
monopoly movement, or revolt, it was out of the question
to stand still, or to return to Tammany Republicanism
under such circumstances of subjection and insult. Some-
thing must be done, for it was clear their course was on-
ward— how could it be otherwise ? A body of delegates
met from most of the wards, by tacit consent, to take
their future course into consideration. Matters were
talked over without coming to any conclusion, save the
appointment of a committee to draft a report for the
next meeting. When the latter meeting was held, F.
Byrdsall, of the committee, submitted a plan of separate
organization, but Barnabas Bates objected to it on the
ground of its containing " too much creed." The report,
or rather the subject it related to, was very faintly dis-
cussed, for there was evidently an abatement of enthu-
siasm. Probably this arose from the fact that William
Leggett was opposed to a separate organization of the
Equal Rights Democracy. The leaders could not go

1835.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 35

forward in that direction, without encountering difficulty,
neither could they go back to the monopoly ranks and be
received into full communion, without abandoning the
principle for which they had declared ; and to dissolve
their party would expose each one singly to the persecu-
tion of Tammany, and none of them wished the fate of
Leggett. Every way, their political prospects were
gloomy, and every consideration in their minds produced
deeper perplexity. The impress of anxiety was on the
taces of most of the delegates ; but at length, as is usually
fhe case with politicians in difficult dilemmas, the portion
for a separate organization and the portion against it,
came to a compromise.

Compromise ! Beautiful and inspiring spirit of Amer-
ican politicians, thou art the great safety-valve of poli-
tics. Compromise ! Proteus of old was an unchanging
Pyramid of Egypt, compared to such a many-colored
rainbow as thou art. Compromise ! Our politicians not
only worship thee as a goddess, but they make thee an
altar upon which they sacrifice principle.

The compromise agreed upon in the present case, was
simply a contingency, That if the General Committees
to be elected in December, should be composed of a major-
ity of monopoly democrats, the anti-monopolists then
would form a separate organization.

There were but two persons in this convention avow-
edly in favor of separate organization. Some of the
members had too much of the policy and tact which dis-
tinguishes the expediency school of politicians, to immo-
late self so far as to cut themselves off from the majority
portion of the Republican party, and thereby doom them-
selves to the hopeless prospects of a minority. They
would prefer being the conductors of the stray sheep back
to the fold, and thus show to the majority their own ex-
traordinary value as able and influential shepherds.
Others honestly believed that it was the best course to
struggle within the Republican party for the democratic
principle, rather than out of it.

36 HISTORY OF THE [1836.

The election for the General Committees to Tammany
Hall and for all the wards, took place in December, and
presented majorities in each decidedly opposed to the
anti-monopoly movement, and such strong majorities as
indicated a determination to crush the " agrarian spirit "
entirely. On the occurrence of this result, what did the
compromisers do ? Somewhat, perhaps, like the termi-
nation of an old tragedy, " exeunt omnes in great dejec-
tion." The rank and file of the Equal Rights democracy
was left to its own course, and it soon took its march
onward. A meeting was held on the 1 1th of January,
1836, at the Military and Civic Hotel, where, among
other proceedings, it was emphatically Resolved, " That
it has become the duty of the Democratic party opposed
to Monopolies, to organize themselves, the better to dis-
seminate and maintain their principles." Whereupon,
Job Haskell was chosen President, Moses Jaques Treas-
urer, and Wm. F. Piatt, Secretary, until a plan of organi-
zation should be adopted.

On the 20th of January, a general meeting was held
at the same place, when resolutions of independence of
the Tammany organization were submitted, declaring,
" That we no longer recognize Tammany hall as a temple
of true democracy ; nor the Tammany Society as a dem-
ocratic body ; — that the said society exercises a political
as well as a proprietary control, so that only such candi-
dates, such politics, and such usages as the sachems ap-
prove can be permitted there. That we renounce all
connection with the General or other Committees which
may assemble there, and that henceforth we will not be
the dupes of usages over which the people have no real
control, but which interfere with the full exercise of the
elective franchise, and defraud the citizen, in the selec-
tion of candidates, of an essential portion of his constitu-
tional rights."

The whole subject of separation was argued with great
vehemency, for and against : J. W. Vethake, Rodney S.
Church, Alexander Ming, Jr., against, and John Com-

1836.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 37

merford, Wm. F. Piatt, F. Byrdsall and others for it.
The discussion lasted until midnight, and notwithstanding
motion after motion to postpone, and evade a decision, it
was reached at last, and the resolutions were carried.
Had Barnabas Bates been present, he might have pre-
vented such a decision by some more proper and advisa-
ble course. But from the time of the contingency com-
promise, he abandoned the Equal Rights meetings there-
after. His absence was very properly felt, for no man
labored more in the anti-monopoly movement than he did.
He was not only Treasurer, but often did he preside at
conventional meetings, the most able and proper chair-
man, during the summer and fall of 1835. He was a
pioneer in reform, for he assisted to build up the Working-
man's party of 1828. Doubtless he had proper reasons
for his course now, as it is fair to believe that he is a man
who always acts from a delicate, as well as profound
sense of propriety.

A resolution was also passed calling on the wards to
elect delegates to a County Convention, to draft a plan
of organization.

On the 9th of February, 1836, the County Convention
of delegates met at the Eighth Ward House, in Spring st.
The following is a list of the delegates :

Second Ward. James Fiora, Wm. A. Watson, Wm.
Hewit, Richard Weir, Dexter Roberts-

Third Ward. John Windt, Sam^i S. Parker, John A.
Riell, John Watkins, Marinus jr- Vandyke.

Fourth Ward. D. C. Pe«lZ> Joseph Rose, Jr., Wm. H.
Hughes, Richard Fren^> Walter Coppinger.

Seventh Ward. Thomas W. Rennie, Daniel Gorham,
Philo Scofield, Enzur Hall, George H. Purser.

Eighth V®rd. Moses Jaques, F. Byrdsall, Francis
Murphy, ^m- L. Boyee, Ephraim Furniss.

Te^th Ward. Alexander Ming, Jr., Levi D. Slamm,
Ja/nes A. Pyne, Warden Hayward, Amos Waring.

Eleventh Ward. Job Haskell, Peter Rose, Elijah Smack,
Charles E. Newman, Wilson Hawkins.
4

38 HISTORY OF THE [I836o

Thirteenth Ward. Wm. Boggs, John Woods, John
W. Brown, John Commerford, Oramel Bingharn.

Fourteenth Ward. Wm. F. Piatt, Samuel J.Pooley,
John Rusk, Daniel Reeder, Alfred C. Price.

The reader will perceive in the foregoing list of dele-
gates, but few of the prominent names conspicuous in the
original anti-monopoly movement. Only Alex'r. Ming,
Jr., Job Haskell, John Windt, and John Commerford.
The places of the seceders were ably occupied by M.
Jaques, Stephen Hasbrouck, Alex'r. F. Vache, A. D.
Wilson and others.

The Convention appointed a special committee to
draft a plan of organization, and at the second meeting
of the Convention the committee reported one, which was
adopted. The following are its principal features : —

It provided for general County meetings on the first
Monday in each month, and for Ward meetings in each
month.

Jt provided for the election of County officers, Treasurer,
Recording Secretary, and Finance Committee, on the
first Monday in June and December of each year.

It provided for the nomination of candidates for the
suffrage of the people, viz :

ARTICLE VI.
MODE Ot NOMINATING CANDIDATES.

In the selection of candidai«, that are to be voted for by a general
ticket throughout the County, eau. Ward may nominate one person
for each office to be filled, which noujnatjons shall, within two days
thereafter, be handed to the Recording fc>~>retary of tne County, who
shall arrange them in order under each ofht^ without repeating the
name" of the persons who may have had a nott*,ation from several
Wards for the same office ; which list of nominates snall be pub-
lished with a proper explanatory heading, at least th^e times prior
to the meeting for balloting, in such papers as the mating may
direct.

The Secretary shall also have prepared for the use of the members
a sufficiency of printed lists of the persons nominated, from whit\>
the members shall, by ballot, select their candidates. If a ballot
contain more names than necessary for the office or offices voted for,

1836.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 39

such ballet shall not be counted. A majority of votes shall duly
nominate candidates to be supported.

It provided, that any person might become a member
of the party, by signing the Declaration of Principles,
but that no person should have the right to vote unless
he have signed the Declaration at a Ward or County
meeting.

It provided the following rule as to candidates :

ARTICLE VIII.

RIGHT OF INSTRUCTION.

Every candidate when notified of his nomination shall be required
to sign the Declaration of Principles, and such written pledge as the
meeting may frame, enumerating particular measures he is to advo-
cate or oppose.

The following is the

DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES.

WE, whose names are hereunto affixed, do associate ourselves, and
unite, for the purpose of effecting Constitutional Reform in legisla-
tion, and to bring into practice the principles on which the govern-
ments of these United States were originally founded. We utterly
disclaim any intention or design of instituting any new party, but
declare ourselves the orignal Democratic party, our whole object
being political reformation by reviving the landmarks and principles
of Democracy. We therefore hold with the revered Jefferson, that,

1st. " The true foundation of Republican Government is the equal
rights of every citizen, in his person and property, and in their man-
agement."

2d. " The rightful power of all legislation is to declare and enforce
only our natural rights and duties, and to take none of them from us.
No man has a natural right to commit aggression on the equal rights
of another ; and this is ALL from which the law ought to restrain him.
Every man is under the natural duty of contributing to the necessities
of society ; and this is all the law should enforce on him. When the
laws have declared and enforced all this, they have fulfilled their
functions."

3d. " The idea is quite unfounded that on entering into society, we
give up any natural right."

4th. Unqualified and uncompromising hostility to bank notes and
paper money as a circulating medium, because gold and silver is the
only safe and constitutional currency.

5th. Hostility to any and all monopolies by legislation, because
they are a violation of the equal rights of The People.

40 HISTORY OF THE [1836.

6th. Hostility to the dangerous and unconstitutional creation of
vested rights by legislation, because they are a usurpation of the
people's sovereign rights. And we hold that all laws or acts of in-
corporation passed by one Legislature can be rightfully altered or
repealed by their successors.

The Convention passed the following Preamble and
Resolutions :

WHEREAS — When, on the ever memorable 4th of July, 1776, the
thirteen Colonies of North America renounced all political connec-
tion or subjection to the government of Great Britain, they founded
their Declaration of Independence on the natural, equal, inalienable
rights of man. And when subsequently, it became necessary to form
Constitutions and governments for themselves, the democratic princi-
ple of the paramount sovereignty of the people, was constantly and
emphatically set forth : hence, it was only as a matter of conveni-
ence, that the plan of legislating by representatives was adopted ;
but the worst prerogative of despotism, that of vesting privileges and
divesting of rights, never could have been delegated to any govern-
ment in the Union. Ours are governments of derived and specified
powers, and not of original or independent authority ; and, like the
leaves of the forest, they are only of annual duration. Had the fram-
ers of our Constitutions considered it right in itself, consistent with
the just rights of the people, or with our political system, for legisla-
tors to enact laws specifying any number of years, or a perpetuity of
existence, would they have established annual elections and annual
governments ? If a legislature can enact any law to continue in
force for as long a term of years as it chooses to designate, it can also
as reasonably hold office and exercise power so long as it can pledge
the public faith to its acts, and bind future generations.

It is well argued and demonstrated by Thomas Jefferson, that every
generation of mankind has the sovereign right of changing the gov-
ernment and constructing a new Constitution. He averaged a gene-
ration at twenty years. Can a legislature, therefore, make laws
more sacred than the Constitution, more binding on the people ? Is
the servant greater than his master ? Is the legislature greater than
the people, the paramount sovereign ? Is a charter more irrevoca-
ble than the Constitution ? And, in short, can they alter, repeal, or
remake the one, and dare they not interfere with or repeal the other ?
If so, then is the paramount sovereignty in chartered companies, and
not in the hands of the people.

Resolved — As the deliberate belief and solemn sentiment of this Con-
vention, That it is usurpation of the worst and most dangerous charac-
ter, for any legislature in the Union to grant charters of privileges
or immunities, for any specified term of years, because legislatures
cannot rightfully grant that to others which they never possessed
themselves, and because they have no prospective authority as to fu-
turity. They have no power, ability, competency, or means to add to
or increase the rights of the great mass of the people, and therefore

1836.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 41

no authority to take from, limit, or diminish those rights. They have
no right to tie up the hands of their successors on any subject of legis-
lation that concerns or affects the community. The natural, the
equal, inalienable, civil and social rights of the people, are always
invaded where privileges are granted to individuals or companies. In
fact, the people are not sovereign, nor freedom does not truly exist,
when governments assume such prerogatives and exercise such injus-
tice and despotism ; our annual elections are an absurdity, the prohi-
bition of privileged orders in the Constitution is a mere sounding
brass and tinkling cymbal, so long as our legislative halls are charter
manufactories.

Resolved, That our principles and measures are strictly democratic,
in accordance with the theory of our government and the happiness
of our country. We require nothing exclusive for ourselves, no ad-
vantage but what we are desirous should be extended to each and
every citizen of this republic. We " ask nothing but what is mani-
festly right, nor will we submit tamely to those abuses of legislation
which are clearly wrong." We ask, " that the blessings of govern-
ment, like the dews of Heaven, should descend equally on the high
and the low, the rich and the poor."

We ask the repeal of all unequal, unjust, unconstitutional laws,
granting powers or privileges to portions of the community, to the di-
vesting of the rights and manifest injury of the majority.

We ask that the state legislatures will confine themselves to their
proper sphere of action, as respects the currency, and that they will
cease to usurp from the general government a power granted by the
Constitution. We demand that the state governments will no longer
authorize the issuing of bills of credit, commonly called bank notes,
in open violation of the Constitution of the United States.

We ask that our legislators will legislate for the whole people and
not for favored portions of our fellow-citizens, thereby creating dis-
tinct aristocratic little communities within the great community. It
is by such partial and unjust legislation that the productive classes of
society are compelled by necessity, to form unions for mutual preser-
vation, and because they are not equally protected and respected as
the other classes of mankind.

We ask to be reinstated in our equal and constitutional rights ac-
cording to the fundamental truths in the Declaration of Independence,
and as sanctioned by the Constitution of the United States, because it
is " self-evident that all men are created equal; that they are endowed
by their creator with certain inalienable rights ; that among these are
1 ife, liberty aud the pursuit of happiness ; and that to secure those
rights, governments are instituted among men."

In short, we ask nothing but what is consistent with .Christian De-
mocracy ; for, in the declaration that " God is no respecter of persons,
all are equal in his sight," we behold the universal equality of man : —
In the denunciation of, " Woe unto you ye lawyers, for ye bind
heavy burthens and grievous to be borne upon men's shoulders," we
see the strongest form of command against unequal laws, or mo-
nopolies : — In the precept of " Do unto others as ye would that they
3*

42 HISTORY OF THE [1836.

should do unto you," is the divine doctrine of Equal Justice ; — and in
the injunction of " Be ye perfect, even as your father in heaven is
perfect," we behold the great law of progress.

The convention at the close of its second meeting, ad-
ourned sine die. The plan of organization was submit-
ted to the Senate county meeting, February 23d, and
adopted. Its adoption caused further defections, but the
men who adopted it made no calculations of self,- of
expediency or compromise. They had taken principle
only in view, and they had made up their minds to go
onward towards the mark of their high calling, let
others do as they might. The spirit of progress was in
them, or that Christian light which inspires bright hopes
in the future for humanity, a new earth, as well as a new
heaven.

The Declaration of principles was drawn up by Moses
Jaques, the President of the Convention, who is now in-
troduced to the reader as the man venerated by the little
band of Equal Rights Democrats — as something more than
their leader, their patriarch. Mild, yet immovably fixed
in his views and principles, whatever were his convic-
tions, they were the workings of his own mind and rather
incitements from within, than excitements from without :
consequently, such a man wrould be more of a thinker and
a reasoner, than an impassioned speaker ; yet he always
spoke lucidly and with effect. His age, his qualifications,
and his connection with the Revolution of 1776 combined
to make him the man to lead a body of democrats wrho
thought and reasoned, and who had love of principle and
of country at heart. His father had been a colonel com-
mandant of the New Jersey line during the revolutionary
war, and such was the confidence reposed in the thought-
fulness and firmness of the son, a lad not ten years old,
that he was mounted on horseback and employed to carry
despatches to General George Washington. The boy
did his errands faithfully and well, and since then, the
whole life of the man morally and politically has been
worthy of the patriot boy of the Revolution, Such is

1836.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 43

Moses Jaques — the patriarchal leader of the Loco-Focos,
for they never had in fact any other visible leader among
them.

CHAPTER III.

Election of Officers — Remarks on New Organization — Sketch of the
Old Military and Civil Hotel — Preparations for Charter Election —
Nomination of William Leggett for the Mayoralty — His answer to
Committee — Alexander Ming, jun. nominated — He accepts — Ex-
tracts from his letter — The Democrat — Ward Nominations for the
Common Council — Extracts from M. Jaques' Address — Reflec-
tions— New paper, « the Union" — Sketch of its Editor, John Com-
merford — Republican Nominating Committee of 1835 — Resolutions
— Remarks.

Principles, Measures and Men.

BROWNSON.

AT the first regular general meeting of the Equal
Rights Democracy under the plan of organization, the
election of officers took place. Moses Jaques was elect-
ed Treasurer, and was successively re-elected, until he
left the city in 1837. F. Byrdsall was elected Recording
Secretary, which office he also held until the fifth of June
1837, when he declined being a candidate.

By the election of these two officers, and a Committee
of Finance, the new constitution of organization was put
into operation, to the exclusion of those political mono-
polies, General committees, Ward committees, or Nomi-
nating committees, by which the sovereignty of the people
is annually abstracted. Candidates were hereafter to be
selected by the popular and truly democratic mode of the
direct vote by ballot of the majority. The right of suffrage
consists of two parts, first, the right of selecting the candi-
date— an exercise of the right of conscience politically ;
a»?d second, the right of voting at the polls — an exrecise of
the right of speech ; neither of which a citizen can right-
fully alienate to another. Besides, as was justly remark-

44 HISTORY OF THE [1836.

ed in the Report of the Committee that drafted the plan
of organization, " The ' usage * of nominating com-
mittees furnishes this strong argument against popular
suffrage, that the people are not competent, or have not
judgment enough, or they cannot conveniently select their
own candidates, and must therefore elect a small number
of supposed wise and judicious men to make selections
for them."

Henceforth every Loco-Foco found himself on the broad
platform of Equality of Position, as well as of rights,
there being no preferred men to vamp up matters by au-
thority, and thus 'sink the individual citizen in his own
eyes, by imparting the character of irregularity to any of
his political movements. This elevated him to his right-
ful position, so that independence of mind and freedom of
debate followed as natural consequences. Hence, there
was no such thing as attempting to put a man down at a
Loco-Foco meeting, for each auditor felt that the rights of
the speaker and his own rights, as well as political posi-
tion, were the same, and exactly equal ; and as each
man saw and knew that his rights were regarded as sa-
cred, that he would be listened to by all, he had strong
inducements to think before he spoke. In short, Loco
Foco meetings were the best of political schools, and the
old Military and Civic Hotel was the arena of more dis-
cussion on " principles, measures and men," than the head
quarters of either the Whigs or Monopoly Republicans.
But it is but due to those whose history this book pro-
fesses to be, that the old head quarters of the Equal
Rights Democracy should be described.

The Military and Civic Hotel, formerly located on the
S. W. corner of Bowery and Broome street, was a frame
building of the olden time, not quite two stories high,
and it appeared to have a friendly leaning towards the
adjoining house, probably of a long standing. Before
entering the door, it was necessary to descend two or
three steps below the pavement of the street, to bring
you on a level with the threshold. When you entered

1836.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 45

the door, you would see that the Hotel was one of the
most unostentatious of hotels in the world, for there was
not the least appearance of aristocracy in the equipments
of the bar, the unassuming landlord, or the guests to
whom his services were devoted. Passing round the bar,
you would find yourself at the foot of humble looking
stairs, lighted of evenings by a very humble-looking dark
japanned lamp. If you wished to raise yourself to the
level of the street, you had to ascend the stairs, or retrace
your steps and leave the Military and Civic Hotel. But
if you were desirous of seeing the temple of Loco-Focoism,
and would go up the stairs, you would by ascending some
six or eight steps, find yourself at the door of the sacred
room. On crossing its threshold, you would find your-
self under a low ceiling, and surrounded by walls of a
smoky antique appearance. Two or four candles were
wont to be stuck up round the room in tins attached to
the walls, and, in the early days of the Loco Foco party,
two candles graced the table until they were superceded
by an embrowned lamp suspended from the ceiling, which
sent up its column of rich smoke, as if to indicate the as-
piring fortunes of the Loco Focos. There was a platform
large enough for a small table and three or four chairs to
stand on, and this humble enthronement for officers of
meetings, was the only aristocratic or monarchic furnish-
ment of the sanctorum. Yet it was here that pure democ-
racy was preached ; and it was here that enthusiasm was
enkindled for the glorious principle of equality of rights ;
and often have the old window sashes, in the time-seasoned,
shrunken casements, rattled front and rear in unison with
the heart-felt applauses given in the great cause of hu-
man rights. The Founder of Christianity was born in a
manger ; and it is perfectly in character that the principles
of Christian democracy should be proclaimed in such hum-
ble places as the Military and Civic Hotel.

The manger is no longer in Bethlehem, nor is there a
vestige of it to be seen. The Military and Civic Hotel is
no longer on the south-west corner of Bowery and Broome

46 HISTORY OF THE [1836.

streets, for a large brick building stands in its place in
lofty altitude. But the principles taught by Him who
associated with publicans and sinners, and which were
advocated by the Loco Focos, are the same, and they are
eternal.

At the general meeting on the 7th of March, it was
unanimously resolved to nominate, at as early a day as
practicable, candidates for ward officers, and also a can-
didate for the mayoralty, to be supported at the ensuing
election. William Leggett was subsequently nominated,
and the report is subjoined of the Committee appointed
to wait on him to tender him the nomination.

"Your Committee, appointed by the General Meeting of the
Democratic electors of this city, held at this place on the 21st instant,
to wait on Mr. Leggett, and inform him of the unanimous wish of
his fellow-citizens, composing the anti-monopoly democracy, that he
would consent to be their candidate for the mayoralty, at the ap-
proaching election, have performed that duty and now report :

" That they waited on Mr. Leggett, and stated to him the desire of
his fellow-citizens, and urged upon him, in the best manner they could,
the importance, and even necessity, of accepting the proposed nomi-
nation.

" Mr. Leggett heard with great attention your Committee, and ac-
knowledged himself under much obligation for the favorable opinion
of his fellow-citizens, and the nattering manner in which the nomina-
tion had been tendered. He professed himself to be fully with us in
principle, and would do all in his power, as editor of a paper, to sus-
tain our cause. But that, owing to ill health, the peculiar state of
his family, his pecuniary affairs, and his engagements to his partner
before he left for Europe, he could not accept the honor so kindly
offered to him. The foregoing, and other reasons, fully satisfied your
Committee that his declining the nomination was fully justifiable and
proper."

M. JAQUES, Ch'n Committee.

On the announcement of Mr. Leggett's refusal, the
meeting proceeded at once to nominate a candidate.
Several persons were put in nomination, but Alexander
Ming had a majority of the ballots in his favor, and was
duly nominated.

When the vote in his favor was declared to the meet-
ing, he vacated the chair, (for he was chairman of the

1836.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 47

meeting,) and eloquently addressed his fellow citizens*
He avowed his willingness to act for and with the people
in any and every democratic movement. He accepted the
nomination, because it was given by a large majority.

A committee of sixteen was chosen to address him in
order to obtain his views of reform. This committee
reported to a subsequent meeting his letter, from which
we extract the following :

" NEW YORK, April 4, 1836,

"Gentlemen — I have received and perused with attention the com-
munication addressed to me, by a Committee appointed by a meeting
of the Democracy, at which I had the honor to receive the nomina-
tion as the candidate of the Democratic party, for the office of Mayor.
Your letter, also, particularly requests my written reply; and I make
no hesitation in cheerfully acceding to your wishes.

" The affirmations and interrogatories which are contained in your
communication cannot but meet with the concurrence of every friend
of our country, and every advocate of the freedom and purity of
elections. It therefore affords me great pleasure to state, how cheer-
fully my heart responds to sentiments and principles so emphatically
democratic.

" That no candidate should be held up for popular favor, unless he
express himself fully and freely on the general and local topics which
may agitate the times, and that he be pledged to sustain democratic
principles, and advocate the interests and will of his constituents, is a
doctrine so orthodox, so consonant with the principles and advice of
the immortal Jefferson, so favorable to a proper appreciation and
necessary canvassing of the merits of the people's candidates, that I
cannot but hail your determination to resort to and practice it, as the
harbinger of the ultimate triumph of the political, civil, and natural
rights of man.

" In answer to your first interrogatory, I declare myself satisfied
and confirmed in the opinion, that in the democratic republic equal
rights should be secured to every citizen, in his person and in his
property, and that he should be left perfectly untrammelled in the free
exercise and enjoyment of them.

" No laws should be enacted in a free government, to give to one
citizen rights and privileges from which others are restricted ; nor
confer benefits on any in which all may not participate. Laws there-
fore, made for the protection and interest of one party, and not for all
parties, are aggressions on our equal rights, violations of our consti-
tutional charter, and acts of monopoly to which I am strenuously
opposed, and which ought not in my opinion to be allowed to exist in
a land of equal liberty and equal laws.

" Any acts or ordinances, therefore, which tend to subvert ths fun-
damental principles of equality on which this government is founded,

48 HISTORY OF THE [1836.

or to endanger the rights, property or persons of our citizens, to re-
strict the freedom of the press, the freedom of religious, civil, or
political opinion, I pledge myself to you, should readily receive my
utmost hostility, and were I possessed of the power, my unalterable
and determined veto."

The remainder of Colonel Ming's reply, was in rela-
tion to markets and ferries and the freedom of trade from
license and inspection Laws; and his answers were in
perfect consistency with the principles of free trade, and
the political doctrines of that portion of the Democratic
family to which he belonged.

It is proper to mention in this place, that the Democracy
above mentioned had concluded to have an organ as well
as an organization, and for this purpose the " Democrat"
made its appearance on the 9th of March. It was pub-
lished by John Windt and his partner, composing the firm
of Windt & Conrad, and issued as a penny paper under
the editorial charge of Clinton Roosevelt.

The campaign of the Charter Election in the city of
New York 1836, presented the tickets of three distinct
political parties for the Common Council, and the tickets
of four parties for the Mayoralty. The candidates for
the latter were :

1st. Monopoly or Tammany candidate, C.W. LAWRENCE,
2nd. Whig or Federalist do SETH GEER,

3rd. Anti-monopoly or Loco-Foco " A. MING, jr.
4th. Native American, F. B. MORSE.

The Loco-Focos supported the following candidates for
the Common Council.

Aldermen. Assistants.

3rd. WTard John Windt, John Watkins,

4th. " John H. Lee, D. C. Pentz,

5th. " F. S. Cozzens, Zina H. Harris,

6th. " C. Crolius, R. S. Church,

7th. " E. G. Barney, Aaron Swartz,

8th. " M. Jaques, V. Sillcocks,

10th. " JobHaskell, P. Snedecor,

1836.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 49

llth. Ward B. F. Hallock, J. L. Stratton,

13th. « R. Waterhouse, * J. W. Brown,

14th. " Danl. Reeder, S. J. Pooley,

16th. « G. B. Thorpe, Don A. Cushman.

The running of the above named candidates, had the effect
of dividing the Common Council equally between the Tam-
many and Whig parties. The board of Aldermen stood
8 to 8, and many weeks elapsed before a presiding officer
was chosen. Yet we know of no bad consequences re-
sulting to the public through this novel inter-regnum of
city legislation. Could it not be demonstrated that it
would have been well for the people of the United States,
had there been a total absence of legislation in the Gen-
eral Government and all the legislatures of the states and
cities, from 1835 to 1843 ?

The votes on the candidates for the Mayoralty were as
follows :

Lawrence, . . . . . 16101

Geer, 5989

Ming, 2712

Morse, 1496

C. W. Lawrence, the candidate of the monopoly Demo-
cracy, was elected.

Thus the anti-monopoly revolt in the previous election
in November, inflicted a wound upon the system of mo-
nopoly from which it has never recovered. TheLoco-Fo-
co movement in the charter election in April following,
inflicted a wound upon the official and political organiza-
tion which sustained the system in the city ; yet these
events did not open the eyes of the " old fashioned Dim-
mycrats" as they called themselves, par-excellence. They
" believed not in the new fangled Democracy of the
Evening Post and the Loco-Focos." They had to feel be-
fore they would believe. No indeed, they stood by their
darling monopoly system to the last, as long as it stood,
and not until it came falling downward, did they fall away
5

50 HISTORY OF THE [1836.

from it and condemn it. Such was the dim sighted dim-
ocracy of these " dimmycrats."

And now, gentle reader, you are requested to contem-
plate the glorious spectacle of a little band of men contend-
ing against two great political parties, for the sake of prin-
ciples only. There was no prospect of success as a par-
ty, no chance of electing to office, and yet this little band
performed the arduous labor, and incurred the heavy ex-
pense, of two elections each year, which required the en-
ergy and means of the greatest parties to sustain. But
this little band felt and knew they had a just and right-
eous cause in their charge, and many of them disinteres-
tedly devoted their best energies, and most of them gave
all they could spare from their scanty means ; for they
were animated by a noble enthusiasm which had its ori-
gin from a higher source than self-seeking, office or profit.
The difficulties they had to encounter — the sacrifices they
had to make, and the slanders they had to bear from every
point of the political compass, inspired them to higher vir-
tue and to greater efforts. M. Jaques, in his address to the
citizens of the 8th Ward, when he was run as a candidate
for the Common Council, gave the most correct view of
the motives, objects and position of the party.

" In suffering myself at this time to be held up by you as a candi-
date for office, I am fully aware of the calumny — the abuse — the con-
tumely I am to receive from corrupt and unprincipled party presses.
But gentlemen, I have made up my mind to make the sacrifice and
endure the calumny — to sustain the principles and measures which
we have pledged ourselves to carry out."

" The present may truly be said to be a time which tries men's
principles. The sun-shine patriot shrinks from the contest, and seeks
refuge in compromises, in expediency, in any thing, but an honest and
independent support of principle."

" The principles of Democracy and the principles of morality, are

one and the same. That maxim which teaches us to do as we would

be done by, is nothing more than the doctrine of reciprocity of benefits

njoined. That precept which teaches us to return good for evil, is

the peaceful submission of our wrongs to the laws of our country and

1836.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 51

the force of public opinion for redress. That precept which bids us
to love our neighbor as ourselves, is nothing more than the doctrine
of Equal Rights inculcated.

"Ours is the cause of justice, of humanity, and of benevolence.
The God of justice, of humanity and of benevolence, is on our side ;
therefore we have nothing to fear. Let no man who earns his
bread by the sweat of his brow neglect to deposite his vote in support
of reform, and of the natural equal rights of man."

Will it be believed in future years, that the man who
uttered the above sentiments, and his political associates
who cherished them, were stigmatized as the " worst en-
emies of the best institutions of society ?" As the " ene-
mies of the laws of God and man ?" " As destructive
Agrarians, seeking an equal division of properly ?" As
" infidels" opposed to all religion and morality ? Yet
these and many more calumnies were put in print, read,
believed and circulated until the very term of Loco Foco in
politics, was one of utter abhorrence. Much has been
said of the intelligence of the American people. If an
excessive gullibility, which receives all the falsehoods of
party presses as truths, constitutes intelligence, then are
we the most intelligent people that ever existed.

Soon after the charter election, at a special meeting
on the 15th of April, it was resolved that the anti-
monopoly organization throughout the city, should be
maintained with increased vigilance and perseverance.
It was also resolved, at this meeting, to call a county
convention to correspond with the candidates for the
presidency and the vice-presidency of the United States ;
and that each ward elect five delegates to meet in con-
vention on the third Monday in May.

About this time, the General Trades Union concluded
to publish a newspaper to advocate the social rights and
interests of the mechanics generally. This paper, " The
Union," was placed under the editorial charge of John
Commerford, then president of the Trades Union, and
one of the earliest of the anti-monopolists.

John Commerford was the author of an able elaborated

52 HISTORY OF THE [1836.

review of Chief Justice Savage's opinion in the case of
the state against some shoe makers of Geneva, for a con-
spiracy to raise the wages of their labor. He is a mechanic,
of considerable talent as a political speaker, but more
as a writer. In after years, we find him the author of
" An Address to the Workingmen of New York," pre-
vious to the presidential election of 1840, and probably
the ablest production of the kind that has appeared in
the United States. He is the man John C. Calhoun
alluded to on another occasion, in the Senate of the
United States, in the following words ; " the petition he
presented, was drawn up with ability by a mechanic, as he
was assured, but whose good sense and discriminating judg-
ment would do him credit in this or any other body." It
must be added, as a commentary on all this, that his inde-
pendence of mind is not agreeable to expedient politicians,
nor those who have influence in the disposal of office. His
political leaders must be men of real, not factitious, supe-
riority, or he won't follow ; they must be of the true
Democratic faith and practice, or he will speak out. As
an opponent, he is open, and as a friend he has the very
rare merit of being a better and kinder friend in adver-
sity than in prosperity.

The " Union" took as large a scope in politics as the
committee in whose charge it was placed would permit ;
and it took strong ground in behalf of those journeymen
tailors who were prosecuted and found guilty for " a con-
spiracy against trade and commerce, and the peace, safety,
and dignity of the State of New York," — in plain Eng-
lish, " a strike to raise wages," but in this case, we believe,
it was a strike to prevent the employers from reducing them
down. This produced, in June, a Park meeting of me-
chanics, and a call for a state convention to mee*. at Utica
on the 15th of September. The reader will find that
the anti-monopolists subsequently united in seconding this
call for a state convention, and that they adopted this one
as their own.

It remains to be mentioned, before concluding this

1836.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 53

chapter, that the Monopoly Nominating Committee,
which nominated at Tammany Hall, October, 1835, the
tickets headed Gideon Lee for Congress and John I.
Morgan for Assembly, sent up a petition to the legisla-
ture to charter more banks and banking capital. The
petitioners sent their memorial not as private citizens, but
as the Nominating Committee of the New York city dele-
gation. The members from the city, in obedience to their
nominators, urged the business effectually, and the num-
ber of banks chartered, and that had their capital increased
during the session, amounted to thirteen.

The Loco-Focos took this matter up, and denounced
the petition so far as it assumed any political authority,
coming from a Nominating Committee, superior to that
of private citizens. After stating the case, the resolu-
tions went on : " Are our legislators directly responsible
to the committee and only indirectly to the people?
What are the usages, then, but a substitution of the
French electoral system, instead of the Democratic
American 1" " But," added another part of the pro-
ceedings, " as the Apostle Peter denied his master, so
have the saints of Tammany denied the principles of
pure Democracy, and having imitated one apostle, may
they be forgiven when the follow the example of another,
the initials of whose name are Judas Iscariot."

" Nevertheless," continued these Reformers, " we
rejoice in the dawn of a brighter era in our political his-
tory ; when we shall not behold the degrading spectacle
of a Democratic Republican people contending at the
polls about candidates only, sacrificing in a mad zeal for
individuals all consideration of the rights and interests of
millions. The watchwords at our elections will yet be,
" Democratic principles and measures," " No charters of
exclusive privileges ; for they are monopolies, contrary
to the great charter of Cod to all mankind."

Many extracts could be given showing the living hope
— the abiding faith of these true Christian Democrats.
Sufficient has been adduced to disprove the mendacious
5*

64 HISTORY OF THE [1836.

charges of the Federal Whig and Monopoly Democratic
presses against the friends of Equality of Rights. But
neither parties, presses, nor individuals may hope to do
evil with impunity, or that good will result from it. That
retributive power is ever active which brings to men's
own lips the poisoned cup they prepared for others.
How dim-sighted were the Albany Argus, the Richmond
Enquirer, the Washington Globe, and the other Demo-
cratic Republican editors, that they could not foresee that
all the charges of " Agrarian spirit," " Jack Cadeism,"
destructiveness, &c., which they invented and so liberally
applied to the Equal Rights Democracy, would come home
to themselves with accumulated interest in future years !

CHAPTER IV.

County Convention to correspond with Presidential Candidates —
Remarks — Report of the Correspondence — That of the minority of
the Committee adopted — Debate — Resolution laid on the table —
A Compromise — Correspondence with Col. Samuel Young — Re-
marks— Reply to Col. Young — Remarks respecting the Union
and the Democrat.

Every Candidate shall be required to sign the Declaration of Principles and such writ-
ten pledge as the meeting may frame.— ART. VIII. CONSTIT. or ORGANIZATION.

THE County Convention to correspond with the candi-
dates for the presidency and vice presidency of the United
States, and also to call a state convention, met on the
16th of May, and organized by electing Edward G. Bar-
ney as president, Daniel Gorham and B. F. Hallock
as vice presidents, and James L. Stratton and John A.
Riell as secretaries.

The following is a list of the delegates :

3d Ward.— John Watkins, Doctor Gray, John A. Riell,
George Curtis, Charles Dingley.

1836.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 55

4th Ward.— John H. Lee, Daniel C. Pentz, Gilbert

Vail, Wm. E. Skidmore, Richard Cooke.
5th Ward. — F. S. Cozzens, Orrin Stoughton, James

Locklin, Wm. Derrickson, Henry Curtis.
6th Ward. — Paul M. Durando, George Brown, Rodney

S. Church, Alexander F. Vache.
7th Ward. — Edward M. Luther, Robert Hogbin, Edward

G. Barney, Daniel Gorham, John M. Ferrier.
8th Ward. — Moses Jaques, Thomas Dyer, John Bogert,

F. Byrdsall, Ephraim Furnis.

10th Ward.— Alexander Ming, Jr., Levi D. Slamm, War-
den Hay ward, Thomas G.Fenwick, Charles Hunter.
llth Ward.— B. F. Hallock, Hugh Collins, P. B. Smith,

James L. Stratton, James M. Crocheron.
13th Ward. — Asa Onderdonk, Mathias Hanlon, Edward
McKeeby, John Commerford, Abraham Van Gelden.
Uth Ward.— Wm. F. Piatt, Stephen Hasbrouck, Thomas

Dorsett, E. D. Truesdell, S. J. Pooley.
15th Ward.—E. G. Webb, Dr. Clement, James N. Ryan,
E. W. Graham, Elijah Fisher.

The convention passed a resolution that no delegate be
allowed to vote, unless he had signed, or signs, the decla-
ration of principles.

A committee of five persons was decided on, to corre-
spond with candidates for the presidential election, and
Messrs. Vache, Jaques, Hasbrouck, Ming and Graham
were chosen as that committee.

This committee reported its correspondence with R. M.
Johnson to the convention, at its meeting July 7th. It
was received with the warmest approbation and ordered
to be published. On the 18th July its correspondence
with Mr. Van Buren was reported. His letter was un-
satisfactory and its publication met with opposition. It
was carried however, by fourteen ayes to nine noes.

This convention did not close its labors until the latter
end of July, and it held no less than sixteen meetings.
The protracted existence of this body, was owing to Mr.

56 HISTORY OF THE [1836.

Van Buren's letter. It is very probable he intended it for
a very conciliatory production ; if he did, he entirely fail-
ed in his design, for it neither excited placable feelings
towards himself, nor harmony amongst those to whom it
was addressed.

A committee of three was appointed, Messrs. Hayward,
Crocheron and Byrdsall, to draft a report of the proceed-
ings of the convention, to be presented to the general
county meeting. The majority of this committee, Hay-
ward and Crocheron, brought in a report which was
accepted and laid on the table. The minority report,
(F. Byrdsall's) was then taken up and adopted by the
convention. It is now presented to the reader.

1. The Convention of delegates (elected and convened, pursuant to a
resolution passed at the general meeting of the Democratic party of
the city and county of New York, opposed to all monopolies, held on
the 15th of April, 1836,) having attended to the duties assigned
to it, respectfully request leave to report :

2. On the subject of the first part of the resolution, viz: to re-
commend a State Convention, diversities of opinion have manifested
themselves as to the practicability and utility of it. As respects its be-
ing practicable, although there is evidence that the principles and
reforms advocated by the anti-monopoly democracy have, in all parts
of the state, numerous friends and talented advocates, yet there is not
any organization of the real democracy, and it would consequently
require much time to disseminate circulars, interchange sentiment and
produce concert of action, necessary to the accomplishing of a State
Convention.

3. As to the utility of a State Convention at this juncture, it is
held by several to be somewhat questionable, for the reason that there
will be a general convention of mechanics and working men at Utica
on the 15th of September next, and being satisfied that their objects
and measures must necessarily be founded on the same principles, and
in favor of the same reforms in government, as are urged by the anti-
monopoly democracy, — Equal Rights, Equal Laws, and Equal Justice,
it is therefore believed that the one convention, will supercede the
necessity of the other.

4. With regard to the second part of the resolution, viz : to ad-
dress the candidates for the Presidency and Vice Presidency of the
United States, on the subject of the principles and reforms advocated
by the Equal Rights Democracy, your convention has corresponded
with the nominees of the Baltimore Convention exclusively, because
either the consistency, or the ability, or the democratic faith of the
other candidates, is a matter of great doubt in the minds of the people.

5. This convention acknowledges with the highest gratification,

1836.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 57

that the communication received from Richard M. Johnson, already
published and herewith submitted, is in full accordance with our De-
claration of Principles, of which it is an able and happily expressed
exposition. The frank unlimited avowal of his political tenets, is
alike honorable to him as a sincere democrat, a true patriot and
honest man.

6. But the same encomiums cannot be justly applied to the an-
swer received from the candidate for the presidency, Martin Van
Buren, and which has also been published. It is evasive, unsatis-
factory, and unworthy of a great statesman. The world, however,
will judge of the motives which dictated it.

The correspondence is as herewith submitted.

NEW YORK, June 13, 1836.
Col. R. M. Johnson :

SIR : — As a Committee of a General Convention of the Demo-
cratic party of the city and county of New York, in favor of Equal
Rights and opposed to all monopolies, we are instructed to submit to
your consideration, as the candidate of the Baltimore Convention, for
the office of Vice President of the United States, the following Dec-
laration of Principles, adopted by those whom the delegates have the
honor to represent.

DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES.

We, whose names are hereunto affixed, do associate ourselves and
unite, for the purpose of effecting Constitutional Reform in Legisla-
tion, and to bring into practice the principles on which the govern-
ments of these United States were originally founded. We utterly
disclaim any intention or design of instituting any new party, but
declare ourselves the original Democratic party, our whole object
being political reformation by reviving the landmarks and principles
of Democracy. We therefore hold with the revered Jefferson, that

1 st. " The true foundation of Republican Government is the equal
rights of every citizen, in his person and property, and in their man-
agement."

2d. " The rightful power of all legislation is to declare and enforce
only our natural rights and duties, and to take none of them from us.
No man has a natural right to commit aggression on the equal rights
of another ; and this is ALL from which the law ought to restrain him.
Every man is under the natural duty of contributing to the necessities
of society, and this is all the law should enforce on him. When the
laws have declared and enforced all this, they have fulfilled their
functions."

3d. " The idea is quite unfounded that on entering into society, we
give up any natural right."

4th. Unqualified and uncompromising hostility to bank notes and
paper money as a circulating medium, because gold and silver is the
only safe and constitutional currency.

5th. Hostility to any and all monopolies by legislation, because
they are a violation of the equal rights of The People.

58 HISTORY OF THE [1836.

6th. Hostility to the dangerous and unconstitutional creation of
vested rights by legislation, because they are a usurpation of the peo-
ple's sovereign rights. And we hold that all laws or acts of incorpo-
ration passed by one legislature can be rightfully altered or repealed
by their successors.

In requesting an expression of your opinion in relation to them, as
early as may be consistent with your other avocations, we are desired
by the Convention to add the assurance of their high appreciation of
your political course, and the most profound respect and esteem, which
they entertain for you as a man.

ALEXANDER F. VACHE', STEPHEN HASBROUCK,
E. W. GRAHAM, M. JAQUES,

ALEX. MING, Jr.

Answer of R. M. Johnson.

WASHINGTON, June 24, 1836.

GENTLEMEN: — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of
your letter of the 13th inst., enclosing the report and constitution of
the Democratic Convention in New York, and submitting to my con-
sideration the Declaration of Principles which it contains.

In contemplating man in a state of nature, I have not been in the
habit of regarding him as a solitary, but as a social being. We come
not into existence in a state of solitude ; but the commencement of
our being is in the society of our kind, and in a state of entire depend -
ance upon our seniors.

A state of infancy is, therefore, by the law of nature, a state of sub-
jection, and its government patriarchal. When infancy is past, our
associations assume a different character. For most of the conven-
iences, and for many of the necessaries of life, we are still dependent
On one another ; but that dependance is reciprocal, and therefore it
imposes no obligations, and confers no privileges on one class or indi-
vidual which are not common to all. No one has a natural right to
interrupt another in the enjoyment of " life, liberty and the pursuit
of happiness," according to his own volition ; and if man were not
depraved, there would be no necessity for human laws or government,
to secure him in the enjoyment of these natural rights. To restrain
the licentiousness of those who would invade these rights, is the sole
object of legitimate government. All beyond this is usurpation. In
defining the rules to be observed in securing this object, every man
in society is by nature equal, and entitled to an equal voice ; and the
obligation to contribute to the expenses and services necessary to the
protection and support of the institutions by which those rights are
guarded is equally universal. These principles I conceive to be im-
mutable and the corollary is plain, that the natural rights and obliga-
tions of citizens of the same community are equal and universal.
The rights of no class can be relinquished, nor the obligations dis-
solved, without injustice and oppression.

1836.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 59

This you will understand as expressing my views in approbation of
the three first paragraphs of the Declaration of principles. On the
others, I believe all the acts of my public life have shown my opposi-
tion to all monopolies and vested rights. Our natural rights are suffi-
cient, and a legislative body cannot create others. To confer upon
any man, or body of men, an exclusive power to exercise them, is
only to deprive the rest of the community of those rights. The
influence which any man, or voluntary association of men, may
gain by their success in any kind of business, will always be suffi-
ciently great and sufficiently dangerous, without the recognition of
law, or the special favor of government. Every generation of men
acts for itself, and is uncontrolled by the acts of the former generation ;
so every legislature acts for its constituents, with the same power and
prerogative that its predecessor possessed ; and no act of one legisla-
ture can of right curtail the powers of its successor. Therefore,
except in the fulfilment of lawful contracts, such as the reimburse-
ment of debts contracted, or payment for services performed, any
act of one legislature may be repealed by a subsequent legislature.
The preservation of public faith in legislative acts, is a duty, and be-
yond this, the obligation of one legislative body cannot devolve
upon another. All obligations are reciprocal, and as the acts of the
present legislature cannot revert, so the acts of the former cannot
bind the present.

I have considered it an unfortunate circumstance that we are be-
come a banking nation. If the original proposition could recur, I
should hope that the decision would be given unqualifiedly against
the introduction of any other circulating medium, than that of specie.
A paper circulation by increasing the amount, lessens its nominal
value, and the banks derive the benefit.

If the evil cannot be eradicated immediately, we should endeavor
by all honorable means to prevent its extension, in the hope that pub-
lic sentiment will eventually become so universally in favor of the
specie medium, that without a general shock to all public confidence
" the golden age" may be restored.

With great respect and esteem,

Your friend and fellow citizen,

R. M. JOHNSON.
•Answer of M. Van Bur en.

WASHINGTON, July 6th, 1836.

GENTLEMEN : — I have had the honor to receive your letter with an
accompanying " Declaration of Principles," adopted by a " general
convention of the democratic party of the city and county of New
York, in favor of Equal Rights and opposed to all monopolies," and
return you my sincere thanks for this mark of your respect. In the
great principle with which you set out, viz. " That the true founda-
tion of republican government is the Equal right of every citizen, in
his person, in his property, and in their management," I fully concur,
and honor and respect all temperate and well directed efforts to pro-
tect and enforce it. For my views in regard to the other propositions
contained in the Declaration, and especially to those which relate to

60 HISTORY OF THE [1836.

the subject of banks and paper money, specie currency aad monopo-
lies, you must allow me to refer you to a public course of no incon-
siderable duration in the state and federal government, and to a suc-
cession of public declarations heretofore made by me. On some of
the latter subjects, I shall also have an occasion for a further public
expression of my opinions, in reply to a call made upon me before the
receipt of your letter.

To these acts and expressions, I respectfully invite your candid
consideration, and if they should be found to bring my principles suffi-
ciently near to those you espouse, to entitle me to your confidence, I
shall be proud of possessing it.

Accept, gentlemen, my thanks for the kind expressions contained in
your letter, and believe me to be very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,

M. VAN BUREN.

7. The convention adds, that the 8th articie of the constitution of
organization, and a recorded resolution passed on the 20th Jan. 1836,
prohibit our support of any candidate who will not avow his entire
concurrence with the Declaration of Principles. The letter of R. M.
Johnson is amply satisfactory, while that of M. Van Buren is not so,
to any true democrat.

The constitution of the United States, in this case leaves us only a
choice of evils, as respects the presidential election, viz : cither to
give up the fundamental tenet and objects of our organization, or not
vote at all, and thereby withdraw our support from R. M. Johnson,
the man whom we would delight to honor.

Such alternatives exhibit the anomalous absurdity of that clumsy
aristocratic machinery, called the electoral college, by which citizens
are deprived of the right of voting directly for officers, in whose hands
the government is placed, and particularly where that right is clearest
and strongest, as in the case of the highest functionary in the repub-
lic, where legislative power is united with the executive.

Your convention therefore strenuously recommends that memorials
be constantly and perseveringly presented, until the constitution be
so amended, that the citizen can vote directly in the election of the
President and Vice President of the United States. "

The foregoing report and accompanying correspondence
elicited much excitement and debate in several meetings
of the convention, upon the sixth clause referring to M.
Van Buren's letter. That body adopted it however, on
30th of July, and passed a resolution that each member
sanction the Report, by signing his name to it. It was
also adopted by the General County Meeting, on August
the first following, but not without an excited contest. A
resolution to support M. Van Buren and R. M. Johnson,

1836.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 61

was laid on the table. Finally, the combatants came to
a compromise — that the party would adopt no presidential
ticket, but that each member be left to make his own
choice. It so resulted, that the uncompromising portion
of the anti-monopolists did not vote any electoral ticket
at the ensuing election.

About this time, the correspondence was submitted
which had taken place between Col. Samuel Young, and
the committee appointed to notify him of his having been
nominated on the 4th of July, as the candidate of the anti-
monoply party for the office of Governor of the State.
The committee addressed him the following letter :

NEW YORK, July 1836.
Samuel Young, Esqr.

SIR : — At a general meeting of the Democratic Party of the city
and county of New York in favor of Equal Rights and opposed to all
monopolies, the undersigned were appointed a special committee for the
purpose of transmitting to you the following Declaration of Principles,
and requesting an expression of your opinion in relation to them, as
early as may suit your convenience.

Should these principles meet your approbation, the committee is in-
structed to tender you a spontaneous nomination for the office of Gov-
ernor of the State, and to assure you of the undivided support of the
party they represent, at the ensuing election.

In conclusion, the committee take great pleasure in conveying to
you the high sense which their constituents entertain of your political
course, and the confidence they repose in the m%ral firmness of your
character, as an individual and a Statesman.
With great respect and esteem,

G. W. MATSELL, DANL. GORHAM,

F. BYRDSALL, JOHN DRINKER,

JOHN WINDT.

CoZ. Young's Reply.

BALLSTON, July, 1836.

GENTLEMEN : — Your communication reached this place soon after
its date, but absence from home and pre-engagements, prevented my
earlier attention to it.

As a committee, >ou have stated six propositions, and inform me
that should they meet my approbation, you are instructed to tender me
a spontaneous nomination for the office of Governor of the State.

Before I advert to the principles which you have communicated,
permit me distinctly and unequivocally to decline the nomination to
•which you allude. I should be extremely reluctant to accept such
6

62 HISTORY OF THE [1836.

nomination, were it offered me by the united Democracy of the State ;
and during the pendency of a Presidential contest, where union alone
is strength, I should feel that any step calculated to divide the Dem-
ocratic family, would be tantamount to a dereliction of principle.
You doubtless supposed that whoever may be your candidate, would
be adopted by the whole party ; but this I consider to be extremely
questionable. The country has the same claims to be considered as
the city. The rights and duties of each to the other are reciprocal,
and any thing which should appear dictatorial in the one, would be
repelled by the other.

On one subject, I think from my situation I can judge better than
you ; it is as to the progress which your principles in favor of Equal
Rights and opposed to all monopolies are making in the country. I
know that these piinciples are steadily advancing in many parts of
the State. I earnestly wish them success, and I fear by adopting an
exclusive and distict organization at the coming election, you may re-
tard their progress.

On looking for the last few years at the old world, and particularly
at the country from which most of us derive our origin, I have been
extremely gratified to perceive that the rugged features of the feudal
system are gradually crumbling away, that human rights and rational
liberty are emerging from the ruins, and that the period for the adop-
tion of Equal laws is probably near at hand.

Our course however as a state during the same period, presents a
sickening contrast. We have departed, and are continually depart-
ing from the simplicity of those principles, which were the price of
our fathers' blood. The few are gradually monopolizing the rights
of the many, and legislation has become the subject of bargain and
sale, of venality and corruption. I say this deliberately, and after
twenty-five years of observation and experience.

The increased protraction of the sessions of each successive legis-
lature, and the constant multiplication of private and partial laws,
indicate an approximation to that state of decadence, which is so
strongly and truly portrayed in the sententious brevity of the great
historian, " corruptissima republica plurima leges." Whilst legisla-
tion is directed as it ever should be, to the greatest good of the great-
est number, laws will be few and simple. But in proportion as it is
perverted to the corrupt subserviency of stock jobbers, speculators
and monopolists, will it become more intricate, protracted and multi-
farious. When the immutable truth is fully understood, that there is
no possible way of creating wealth but by productive labor, it is per-
fectly apparent that the gains of speculators, and the profits of mo-
nopolists, are extortions upon mankind, in which the few participate
at the expense of the many.

Occupied with their private concerns, the great mass of mankind do
not always bestow sufficient attention to watch the silent operation
of laws, and to trace the connection of cause and effect. Little by
little, the aggressions of power steal unperceived upon the body
politic, like the debility of age upon the human frame. Twenty

1836.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 63

years ago, the legislation of the last session, if it could not have been
otherwise averted, would have aroused the whole community to arms.
The undeniable truth that all men are born free, and have equal
rights in the enjoyment of life, liberty, property, and the pursuit of
happiness, was not then forgotten nor disregarded. And a proposition
to tax the present, by a multiplication of monopolies, and the future
by a hopeless accumulation of debt, would have been repelled either
by moral or physical force. The plan of raising money by selling
their children — of collecting funds by imposing a mortgage on the
land and labor of posterity, did not form the financial system of our
forefathers.

In the detestable robberies which ancient nations committed upon
each other, there was at least a display of bold and manly courage.
They met sword in hand, arid the spoils belonged to the conquerer.
The baths, aqueducts, temples, amphitheatres and other internal im-
provements of the Romans, were constructed by the booty extorted
from vanquished nations. But a demagogue of the present day,
backed by a disciplined lobby and a few mercenary presses, can rifle
more plunder from the unborn, than ever surrounded the triumphal
car of a Roman General. Warren Hastings at the head of a huge mo-
nopoly, the English East India Company, laid waste the Carnatic, ex-
torted the wealth and sacrificed the lives of its inhabitants. But a
corporation of the present time, without the expense and risk of a
war, and simply by corrupting the easy virtue of legislatures, has
plundered three millions from future generations. Men enter into
the social compact to obtain protection for themselves and posterity,
but this end, by the weakness and profligacy of rulers, is perverted,
and the institution of government, intended as a shield, is converted
into a sword. The power of man .to do mischief to his species,', s
infinitely superior to that of doing good. "A savage who has not
the capacity to construct a hut, may nevertheless demolish a temple."
The visitations of Providence though often severe, are of short dura-
tion, and the most durable of all sublunary evils are the inflictions of
human government. The late disastrous fire in your city will soon be
forgotten ; the tears and terrors inflicted by the ravages of the cholera
have nearly passed away, but the curse of bad legislation, is like the
undying worm. If the quantum of evil is to be estimated by a com-
pound ratio of its intensity and duration, I have no hesitation in
saying, that had the recent legislature, instead of the laws of the last
session, adopted and enforced the edict of Herod, less misery would
have resulted to the human race.

Odious and detestable as are monopolies, they merely impose a
tax on the living ; and men if they will, may sell themselves for slaves
and rivet their own chains. But to inflict slavery and taxation upon
those who are to come after us, is an exhibition of fraud, inhumanity
and cowardice, at which every honorable feeling revolts. Animals
protect their young from harm with instinctive solicitude. Man
alone sells his offspring to speculators and monopolists, and this by
a gross desecration of terms, is denominated by the demagogues of the
day « Internal Improvement."

64 HISTORY OF THE [1836.

Under none but a mild and free government, can the moral and
intellectual powers of man expand to their fullest amplitude. Con-
stantly surrounded by obstructions and beset by temptations, his
advances, under the most favorable circumstances, are extremely slow.
What, then, should be said of him who would project chains into the
future, and superadd to the ordinary ills of life, the curse of grevious
and perpetual taxation ?

But it is time that my suggestions were brought to a close. I fully
concur in most of the principles you have stated. There is one, how-
ever, the fourth, to which I am not prepared to assent. Under my
present impressions, I would not wholly exclude paper as a circulat-
ing medium. Without sufficient knowledge and experience of my
own on this subject, I yield to the opinions of such men as Smith and
Say, and suppose that it may be useful when rightly restrained to
certain limits, but that the amount of paper in circulation should
never exceed the amount of specie. A repeal of the usury and
restraining laws, a proper limit of bank issues, and an exclusion from
circulation of all bills of a less denomination than twenty dollars,
would, as I think, in a great measure, if not entirely, prevent those
contractions and expansions — those sudden fluctuations in prices,
and that demoralizing mania of speculation with which the commu-
nity has been scourged, and which is always calculated to injure the
productive classes, and to augment the wealth of the rich and the
poverty of the poor.

You seem to suppose that legislative encroachments may be arrested,
by procuring from individuals a sanction of the principles you have
stated. Judging of the future by the past, I fear that this will not be
sufficient ; that while temptation exists, seduction will follow, and
that the only remedy is to take away the power of doing mischief.
And had you proposed to resort at once to the fountain of all political
power, to procure a convention of the people of the state to remodel
and renovate their abused constitution — to apply the sponge of
oblivion to all unjust and unequal laws, and affix in terrorum the
impress of infamy upon their authors, and erect barriers for the future,
too plain to be mistaken by ignorance, and too strong for human
cupidity, I should have had greater confidence in your final success.
You, however, may perhaps do much to mitigate the evils of the
future and to protract the period when one of those storms of human
society, which are ever superinduced by misgovernment, shall pass over
this state.

I am, gentlemen, &c., &c.,

S. YOUNG.

The reading of the foregoing letter was interrupted by
frequent plaudits, and though far less conciliatory in its
tone than that of Martin Van Buren, yet it was warmly
received, because there was a whole-minded frankness in
it, and no holding back of sentiment or opinion ; and these

1836.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 65

qualities rendered it so acceptable, that its strictures on
the separate organization and movements of the anti-
monopolists, were readily forgiven. The Committee,
however, were instructed to write a reply to Colonel
Young's animadversions, and the following was approved
and forwarded to him. It was written by F. Byrdsall.

Reply to Colonel Young.

NEW YORK, July, 1836.

Sir, — Your answer to our letter of the 4th July last, has been sub-
mitted to our constituents, and we are instructed by them to present
to you their acknowledgments of the gratification your republican
sentiments has afforded them. We are also instructed to make some
remarks in relation to certain portions of your communication.

The reasons which induced us to withdraw from the " leaders" and
the " usages of the party," are the same, as strong, and as well
founded in principle, as those which impelled the separation of the
American colonies from the government of Great Britain, or as those
which induced Samuel Young to resign his seat in the senate of this
state. Misgovernment and usurpation in the former instance, cor-
ruption and abuses of legislation in the latter.

The open leaders, the secret movers of the party, and their minions,
comprise a body of men whose political turpitude it would be diffi-
cult to parallel in any age or country. They have used the party for
their own selfish purposes, and are either at the head, or participat-
ing in the legalized spoils of every existing monopoly. These char-
tered Democrats, with the assistance of a secret society, hired presses,
the slaves of office and the " known usages," can always caucus and
pack the General and Nominating Committees to promote the objects
of aristocracy. In fact, the Hamiltonian doctrine of building govern-
ment on self-interest, venality, and corruption, has been practically
illustrated by the leaders of the Democracy of this state, who have
constantly professed, and as constantly disregarded the political doc-
trines of Jefferson, the founder of the original Democratic Party.

Tammany Hall has been a nursery of brokers, where federalists,
monopolists and corruptionists are fostered. The capitol has long
been a manufactory of stocks for gambling, at the expense of the
rights and welfare of the people, and the administrative department
of the State exhibited the spectacle of concocting and delivering a
democratic message, without the virtue or consistency of acting in
accordance with his own reasons and recommendations.

Could the honest democracy witness all these derilections of public
duty, violations of principles, abuses of government and legislative
usurpations, and remain any longer in the self-styled democratic
party, without strengthening this mass of moral and political iniquity ?
It could not, and therefore has totally seceded from Tammany Hall,
Tammany leaders, and Tammany usages.
6*

66 HISTORY OF THE [1836.

As to the divisions in the Democratic family, one or the other of
the divisions is the democratic party. We claim to be that party,
and we refer to the fundamental doctrines we advance, and the
measures we advocate as proof of the claim. On the contrary, we
boldly point to the acts and measures of the dominant faction of the
party, for the last twenty years, and we emphatically demand if they
are democratic.

The pendency of a presidential contest is in our opinion, a matter
of minor importance, in comparison with the tenets we sustain, and
the great objects of their general diffusion. The one may be com-
pared to a temporary mole-hill, the other to a rock whose foundations
are eternal.

In reference to your expressions in relation to paper money, we
must declare ourselves in favor of a strict construction of the consti-
tution of the United States, as respects the currency, in preference
to all the theories of all the political economists that ever existed.
Constitutions or laws to be right, must be founded on those moral
and equitable principles, which are right in every point of view. If
it be right to exclude from circulation all bank notes under twenty
dollars, then it is equally right to exclude all above that amount.
If it be right that any part of our currency should be promises on
paper, then it is right that all of it should be of the same material,
and the promissory notes of companies, or of individuals, should be
subject to the same general equal laws as respects privileges or penal-
ties. Business considerations, or business arguments, may advance
contrary positions, but if they do, they must be on the assumption
that business cannot prosper but at the sacrifice of the rights of the
people. If so, then is a democratic government only fit for the re-
gion of Utopia, and democrats are visionaries.

As respects the great measure of a convention to amend the consti-
tution of the state, we concur with your views, except that we deem
it essential to spread a knowledge of the proper objects for which
governments are instituted, as a necessary preliminary. We should
apprehend much mischief from the alterations or amendments of such
men as composed our recent legislature. In the language of Jackson,
" we must recur to first principles" before we proceed to measures of
reform. We have done so, and shall hold fast to our Declaration of
Principles, as the necessary groundwork of reformation in govern-
ment. We shall also maintain our democratic organization, and
demand from those who would be our rulers, political candour and
political integrity. We would exercise a moral, not a physical force,
as respects men and measures ; and so long as our professions are
upheld by unswerving fidelity, our onward course will be irresistible,
because public opinion in proportion to the virtue and intelligence of
the people, will second our exertions, and the hearts of all good and
wise men will be with that party, whose objects are political benefi-
cence, or the happiness of the human race.
With sentiments, &c. &c.,

G. W. MATSELL, DANIEL GORHAM,

F. BYRDSALL, JOHN DRINKER,

JOHN WINDT.

1336.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 67

To revert back. It may not be irrelevant to this his-
tory to mention, that the " Democrat " ceased being
issued in June, and its co-laborer, the " Union," was
stopped in July. They were both what are called penny
papers ; but no subscription list, however large, can sus-
tain a penny paper of similar dimensions, without adver-
tising patronage ; and this the working-people had not
to bestow. The Union was never revived, but the Dem-
ocrat became resuscitated in September, and continued
under the editorial charge of two gentlemen until after
the November election, when it ceased to exist from that
time.

CHAPTER V.

State Convention at Utica, Sept. 15th — Proceedings — Resolution to
be a distinct Party adopted — Nominations for Gubernatorial Can-
didates— Isaac S. Smith, and Robert Townsend, Jr. — Sketch of the
latter by himself — He declines the Nomination — M. Jaques
unanimously nominated — Close of the Convention, with Extracts
from the address to the People — Correspondence with Isaac S. Smith
and M. Jaques.

* We, the delegates of the Equal Rights party, in Convention assembled, at Utica,
do hereby solemnly pledge to eacli other our determination to adhere to our present
political designation, until all the people realize that Equality of Rights which we are
now only permitted to contemplate in the distance with hope." HAXTUN.

THE month of August, 1836, presents nothing worthy
of note in the annals of the Loco-Focos, save the election
of delegates to the State Convention, to meet in the city
of Utica, on September 15, 1836. Accordingly, on the
day appointed, ninety-three delegates from different parts
of the state, assembled : the handsome little Court House
of that handsome city having been freely offered for the
use of the Convention.

Robert Townsend, Jr., of New- York, was elected Pre-
sident— John Colkins, of Genesee, and E. Dorchester, of

68 HISTORY OF THE [1836.

Oneida, Vice-Presidents, and W. C. Foster, of Monroe,
and J. C. McCully, of Genesee, Secretaries.

The subject of forming a separate party was taken into
consideration, and after full and ample discussion, a pre-
amble and resolution, " to institute a political party
separate and distinct from all existing parties or factions
in this State," were unanimously adopted. Also, " that
the name of Equal Rights party be, and the same is
hereby adopted, as our political designation."

The declaration of principles of the anti-monopolists of
New-York was then taken up, and after some additions,
it was adopted under the designation of the

"DECLARATION OF RIGHTS.

" 1. We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created
free and equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with inherent
inalienable rights ; among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness.

" 2. That the true foundation of Republican Government is the
Equal Rights of every citizen, in his person and property, and in their
management.

" 3. That the idea is quite unfounded, that on entering into society
we give up any natural right. The rightful power of all legislation
is to declare and enforce only our natural rights and duties, and to take
none of them from us. No man has a natural right to commit ag-
gression on the equal rights of another ; and this is all from which the
law ought to restrain him. Every man is under the natural duty of
contributing to the necessities of society ; and this is all the law
should enforce on him. When the laws have declared and enforced
all this, they have fulfilled their functions.

" 4. We declare unqualified hostility to bank notes and paper money
as a circulating medium, because gold and silver is the only safe and
constitutional currency.

" 5. Hostility to any and all monopolies by legislation, because thej
are violations of the equal rights of the people.

" 6. Hostility to the dangerous and unconstitutional creation of
vested rights, or prerogatives by legislation, because they are usurpa-
tions of the people's sovereign rights.

" 7. That no legislative or other authority in the body politic can
rightfully, by charter or otherwise, exempt any man or body of men,
in any case whatever, from trial by jury and the jurisdiction or opera-
tion of the laws which govern the community.

" 8. We hold that each and every law, or act of incorporation, passed
by preceding legislatures, can be rightfully altered or repealed by
their successors ; and that they should be altered or repealed, when

1836.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 69

necessary for the public good, or when required by a majority of the
people."

And Mr. Haxtun, of Rensselaer, then submitted the
following resolution, which was adopted with great en-
thusiasm :

Resolved — That we, the Delegates of the Equal Rights Party, in
Convention assembled at Utica, do hereby solemnly pledge to each
other our determination to adhere to our present political designation,
until all the people realize the Equality of Rights which we are now
only permitted to contemplate in the distance with hope.

Having thus formed a separate political party, the next
step naturally followed :

On motion, Resolved — That this Convention, in order to promote the
organization of a political party, separate and distinct from the exist-
ing parties and factions of this State, do now nominate candidates for
the offices of Governor and Lieutenant Governor of the State of New
York.

Several names were then put in nomination, and the
Convention voted by ballot for a candidate for Governor.
Isaac S. Smith, of Erie county, obtained the majority, and
he was consequently nominated.

The Convention next proceeded to ballot for a candi-
date for Lieutenant-Governor; and of the names put in
nomination, Robert Townsend, Jr. obtained the majority
of votes, and he was of course duly nominated.

These nominations being made, the following resolu-
tion was submitted and adopted :

Resolved, That every candidate for any legislative or other office
of importance, be required to sign the Declaration of Rights, and such
other pledge as the people may frame ; and that no man be held up or
supported by this party, for any such office, who shall not have signed
his name, and declared his willingness to act in accordance with the
same.

Isaac S. Smith, nominated by the Equal Rights Party as
their candidate for Governor, is a man of well known
respectability and intelligence. In early manhood, he
exhibited an act of clerical insubordination, which excit-

70 HISTORY OF THE [1836.

ed some prejudice against him. At a hotel or boarding
house where he resided, he opposed the ceremonial prac-
tice of saying grace, at meal times, and this so exaspera-
ted the Christian meekness of the divine who said grace,
or his friends, that a prosecution was commenced, which
was afterward very properly dropped. The progenitors
of Mr. Smith were of the Society of Friends, and this ac-
counts for his opposition to the ceremonial practice, as
well as the clerical profession. Be this as it may, he has
ever since been designated as an infidel ; but this term
has been so indiscriminately and unsparingly used by
sectarian religionists, that it has lost all precision of mean-
ing, if it ever had any, save that of contrariety of religious
belief. Infidelity in these days, is far less definite than
unorthodox.

Robert Townsend, jr. nominated as candidate for Lieu-
tenant Governor, addressed the Convention after his nomi-
nation. He said he felt it his duty to inform the Conven-
tion who and what he was, with the hope that the leading
incidents of the life of a working man, would not be with-
out their moral lesson and social use to his fellow citi-
zens. His mother, a confiding girl, had been deceived
by a gentlemen of high respectability, and he wras born
an illegitimate child. While the world's law stigmatized
him, nullius fillius, the son of nobody, an outcast ; while
the morality of society rejected his mother as an utterly
despicable being, the same code of laws and mofality
elevated his father to the State Senate, and thus the au-
thor of his mother's shame and his own odious birth, suf-
fered not, lost not his caste in society, notwithstanding
his real guilt, and the shame and misery his heartless
conduct inflicted. Through his early life, the hapless
boy was exposed to reproach and suffering for the fault
of others, and while society accorded to him no other pa-
ternity but itself, he saw it ever ready as a watchful, as
an unfeeling oppressor, to punish any derelictions of that
code of laws, of that standard of morality, which fixed
the stigma of shame and infamy on himself, and his

1836.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 71

mother, of whose moral worth and native goodness, the
son gave energetic heartfelt testimony. He served a
long apprenticeship to a trade, and when he arrived at
that fulness of youth that his heart opened to all around,
he was alone in the world ; society regarded him not, but
only as it regarded itself; there was only hard toil for him,
with no kindred genial associations of the past, or pre-
sent, and no bright prospect of any kind in the future, to
cheer that toil ; and he became hopeless — dispirited.
Such was the text of the sketch which he gave : but it is
impossible to describe the deep voice — the deeper feeling —
the graphic story of a life such as his — the life of a father-
less, homeless working man, through difficulties and trials.
The whole was so true to simple nature, so unffected and
affective, that no stage ever presented any thing so truly
dramatic. It produced deep sensations and tears amongst
his auditors.

He declined the nomination, and Moses Jaques was
unanimously, but against his wish, nominated in his stead.
He was prevailed on to accept the nomination.

The Convention sat three days : the forenoons and af-
ternoons were taken up with proceedings, and the eve-
nings with addresses. A body of more intelligent men
rarely if ever met. There was none of that imposition
of having men and things prepared before hand, for it
was a real Convention, called together to originate, dis-
cuss and decide what ought to be done in the great cause of
humanity. It issued an address to the people, the most
of which was composed by M. Jaques. The following
extracts are presented to the reader.

" FELLOW CITIZENS : — The Convention appointed by the farmers,
mechanics, and others friendly to their views, in different sections of
this State, to meet at Utica on the 15th of September, inst., " in order
to devise the best means and measures of redress of those wrongs
and grievances which have resulted from legislative and judicial
usurpations," having duly deliberated on the various subjects sub-
mitted to their consideration, respectfully suggest to their fellow-
citizens such measures of reform as to them appear most neces-
sary, to claim their attention and support.

72 HISTORY OF THE [1836.

" There are two opinions abroad in the world, on the subject of
social relations and the government of man. The supporters of both
profess to have the same objects in view — the peace, the order, and
the happiness of the human race. But as they are founded on differ-
ent views of our nature and the laws of the Creator, both cannot be
true. It is therefore of the first importance that the question should
be speedily settled in the minds of this community.

" The theory of the one party is, that man, by reason of his igno-
rance, and of his corrupt nature, is not capable of self-government ;
it is therefore necessary that he should be restrained by force. They
assert that the Creator in his providence has produced a different or-
der of intelligence among men, and intended that the most intelligent
should be the governors and rulers, as well as the owners, and live
by the labor of the other portions of the human family. Most of the
governments of the old World have been founded on the above theory ;
its effects are well known, and need not be here enumerated.

" The other theory referred to, is that man is a rational and moral
being, ' that all men are created equal, and endowed by their Creator
with certain unalienable rights.' That by nature he is also a social
being, and that on entering into society he does not give up any of his
natural rights, but to secure those rights in their fullest enjoyment
' governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers
from the consent of the governed.'

" The great English law commentator from whom we derive most
of our notions of law has laid it down, that ( man considered as a
creature must necessarily be subject to the laws of his Creator.'

" • This will of his maker is called the law of nature, for as God
when he created man and endowed him with free will to conduct
himself in all parts of life, he laid down certain immutable laws of
human nature, whereby that free will is in some degree regulated
and restrained, and gave him also the faculty of reason to discover
the purport of those laws.'

" { This law of nature being coeval with mankind, and dictated by
God himself, is of course superior in obligation to any other. It is
binding over all the globe, and in all countries and at all times ; NO

HUMAN LAWS ARE OF ANY VALIDITY, IF CONTRARY TO THIS; and

such of them as are valid derive all their FORCE and all their AUTHOR-
ITY MEDIATELY or IMMEDIATELY from this original.' — Blackstone's
Com. Vol, 1. pp. 39, 40, 41.

" The governments of these United States were founded on the
latter theory, and it is now to be proved by after experience, whether
it is capable of being carried out in practice. Of one fact this Con-
vention is convinced, and that is, That most if not all the wrongs and
evils, if not the crimes, in society, proceed from bad legislation, the in-
justice of courts of law, and the licentious and evil example of rulers.

" It is a departure, in our representatives and j udges, from the
laws of Nature, and the laws of the Creator, which has produced the
derangement in the affairs of our State, and which has created the
necessity of our assembling here at this time, to devise means for the
redress of our WRONGS.

1836.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 73

" The first subject to which the Convention would direct the atten-
tion of their fellow-citizens is the Banking System of this country —
founded on an assumption of power, and a violation of constitutional
rights, these considerations are alone sufficient grounds for its con-
demnation. But to it we may also impute most of our oppressions and
our wrongs, and to its influence the most blighting effects on the
prosperity of our country and the liberties of the people.

" To the Banking System, and that alone, can be imputed the pre-
sent demoralizing spirit of gambling speculation, by which vast
fortunes are accumulated in a short time — extravagance, idleness,
dissipation and crime thereby encouraged.

"It is the machinery by which the industry of the laboring portions
of the community is laid under contribution to an amount exceeding
twenty millions annually, without an equivalent, or any benefit to our
country. It is the plan by which the idle few live by the labor of
the many. It has the effect to fill the coffers of the already wealthy,
while it takes from the earnings of the poor, thereby making the poor
poorer, and the rich richer.

" It is that which has raised everything to a fictitious value, there-
by inviting to our shores the products and manufactures of other
countries, to the manifest injury of our farmers, manufacturers and
mechanics.

" Private fortunes, in the present state of our circulation, are at the
mercy of chartered money lenders, and are prostrated by the floods
of nominal money, with which their avarice deluges us.

", Will the country longer submit to such wrongs and oppression ?
We trust not. We therefore invite your co-operation in correcting
the evil in the most safe and effectual manner, by the gradual with-
drawal of Bank paper from circulation. We would also recom-
mend to the consideration of our fellow-citizens the propriety of call-
ing a CONVENTION to revise and so amend the Constitution of this
State, as to prohibit future legislatures granting acts of incorporation
to companies or individuals in any case whatever, as our only safe-
guard against temptation.

" The restraining law so called is intimately connected with the
subject of banks, and in its effects renders them still more odious as
monopolies ; it ought therefore to be so far altered or repealed as to
permit -offices of deposit and discount, but not of issue.

" There has been less improvement in the proceedings of courts of
law in the United States since our separation from Great Britain than
in either of the other branches of the government — the same forms,
the same unintelligible and unmeaning jargon and special pleadings
which were imported with our ancestors still prevail, and although
we have a republican theory, the practices of our courts of law are
as aristocratic, arbitrary and oppressive as they were in the dark
ages of feudalism.

" It is now become manifest from experience, that in proportion as
men in power are removed from responsibility to the people, they be-
come indifferent to their rights, or to the dictates of justice. The
7

74 HISTORY OF THE [1836.

decisions in some of our courts have recently demonstrated not only
the truth of this remark, but the necessity of a constitutional reform
in the mode of appointing, as well as the term of service of the
judges of our courts, and also some provision against the use of de-
cisions of the aristocratic courts of Europe, as evidence of law in this
country where the principles of government are so essentially differ-
ent. It is therefore recommended to the consideration of our fellow-
citizens the propriety of limiting the term of service of the judges of
our courts of law to THREE YEARS, and that they be in future elected
by the people. The plan of electing judges ANNUALLY by the gene-
ral court has been practised by the people in the State of Connecticut
for nearly two centuries past, and with no evil effects.

" The construction given by the courts of law in this State to the
statute on ' Trade and Commerce,' so as to make it an indictable
offence for mechanics to combine to raise their wages, or fix a price
on their labor, is manifestly unjust, oppressive, and a violation of the
first law of nature — self-preservation. An amendment or alteration
of that statute ought therefore to be insisted on.

" Fellow-Citizens — Too long have we been estranged from each
other by party leaders and party prejudices, until we find ourselves
involved in a labyrinth of difficulties, dangers and oppressions.
While we have been contending about names, principles have been
lost sight of. And while we have been amused with a shadow, the
substance has been surreptitiously taken from us. Let us now profit
by past errors — let us divest ourselves of all party feelings, party pre-
judices, and attachments to party leaders, and unite to support and
carry out correct principles and correct measures. In a Republic
but few laws are necessary, and those few plain, simple, and easy of
comprehension.

" The leaders of the two great political parties under which the
people have arrayed themselves are selfish and unprincipled ; the
objects of both are power, honors, and emolument ; they are the ene-
mies of the equal rights of the citizen ; be therefore no longer de-
ceived ; let us withdraw ourselves from both, and unite to support
those, and only those, who will pledge themselves to oppose all mo-
nopolies and all partial and unequal legislation. It is therefore
recommended to the friends of reform in the different districts and
counties of this State to form tickets for members of Congress and for
the State Legislature, composed of men whose principles are avowed
and known to be in accordance with our own views, and on whose
integrity we can place implicit reliance, and unite our exertions to
effect their election ; in this we will lay the foundation of legislative
and judicial reforms. Be united, be firm, let our watchword be
Equal rights, and equal laws, and .equal justice, and success will
be ours."

The delegates from the city of New York returned to
their constituents and reported progress. All that was
done at Utica by the convention was unanimously ap-

1836.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 75

proved by the Equal Rights Democracy, and the name
of Equal Rights Party adopted ; as were also the nomi-
nations of the gubernatorial candidates. A committee of
correspondence was chosen, and the following answers
were received :

Isaac S. Smith's Letter.

BUFFALO, September 29th, 1836.

GENTLEMEN : — Your letter of the 26th instant, in behalf of the con-
vention of Mechanics, Farmers, and Workingmen, accompanied by a
Declaration of rights adopted by them at Utica, and presented for my
consideration, is before me. *

Fully approving the resolution which requires of candidates for elec-
tive offices, avowals of their political principles, I cheerfully state the
following as mine.

The first great political truth to be impressed on the minds of our
youth is, that they are born free, and that no acts of legislation should
deprive them of perfect equality in rights. This principle will con-
stantly stimulate those of humble birth to compete with the favorites
t)f fortune, and teach them that without personal merit, no one can
have just claims to honorable distinction.

Although the first declaration, that " all men are created free and
equal," is subscribed to by a vast majority, yet our legislatures have
not framed their acts in conformity to it : I allude to their acts of
incorporation, generally granted to active and intriguing partisan?,
who make a trade of electioneering, and find their zeal and fidelity
rewarded by valuable monopolies and lucrative offices.

Our legislatures can have no more right to take from the people
and confer upon individuals, special and exclusive privileges, than
they have to confer titles of nobility.

Indirect taxes on articles of necessity, or which by habit have
become so, as well as all demands for personal services without
equivalents, which operate oppressively on the poor, and are not
felt by the rich, are unjust, and should not exist.

All wealth is an accumulation of surplus labor, from which alone
the expenses and burthens of government should be borne. No per-
son possessing mental or physical ability, can have a moral right to
consume that which he does not in some manner contribute to produce.

None of our institutions have so strong a tendency to create and
perpetuate the odious distinctions betwixt the rich and the poor, as
the paper money banks. Those intorporations, and others not more
meritorious, and yet equally monopolizing, have been the greatest
cause of truckling and corruption in legislatures.

The worst feature in the proceedings of the past legislatures, has
been the wasteful appropriation of large sums, ostensibly for public
improvements, but in reality for party purposes ; and the granting of
charters for banks, with which to strengthen the hands of parly
leaders. The great majority of the people have but little interest

76 HISTORY OF THE [1836.

individually in these plunderings of the many for the benefit of the
few.

The genius of our institutions requires that the majority shall
govern, therefore no legislature can in all cases bind their successors.

The doctrine of vested rights, as heretofore promulgated, is dan-
gerous, and cannot be sustained.

I conceive the term, paper money, an absurdity ; therefore, I would
sanction nothing but silver and gold as a circulating medium. Bank-
ers' notes of large denominations, and bills of exchange, which must
exist, cannot come within my definition of circulating medium. My
creed is to leave commercial men to manage their own affairs.

As the difference in education is one great cause of the distinctions
in society, and as our own and the experience of other countries show
that a well educated community is the least liable to anarchy ; that
nothing approaching equality can exist between ignorance and intel-
ligence, I deem it essential to the perpetuation of the best of our insti-
tutions, and to promote the happiness of generations to come, that our
common schools be established upon a basis that will insure to every
child the advantages of equal education. At this time, it is not pos-
sible in most parts of our country to obtain any more than the rudi-
ments of the plainest education, unless the children be sent from
home, and provided for at a great expense in the towns ; this expense
being beyond the means of most men, their children neglected, and
being comparatively in ignorance, must eventually become the proper
subjects for demagogues.

Those who produce all the wealth should not submit to have their
families kept in ignorance and degradation, and the common schools
held in disrepute, while the public bounty is showered upon those for
the education of the aristocratical few. Too much cannot be done for
common schools.

As a citizen, having their interests warmly at heart, I approve the
Declaration of Rights made by the Mechanics, Farmers and Working-
men, transmitted by you to me ; and as they have thought the use of
my name would benefit the cause, I do not feel at liberty to decline
the nomination with which they have honored me.

I am very respectfully yours,

ISAAC S. SMITH.

To Messrs. E. G. Barney, John Cominerford, Daniel Gorham, F.
Byrdsall, W. F. Piatt.

M. Jaques* Letter.

NEW YORK, September, 1836.

GENTLEMEN : — I acknowledge the receipt of your letter in behalf of
the convention x)f Mechanics, Farmers and Workingmen, convened
at Utica on the 15th instant, addressed to me in reference to my nomi-
nation for the office of Lieutenant Governor of this state, enclosing a
copy of the Declaration of Rights adopted by that convention, and
requesting my approval of the same.

In reply, I have no hesitation in avowing my entire approbation of
all the articles contained in the Declaration of Rights referred to.

1836.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 77

Founded on the law of nature, and of nature's God, they contain the
elements of all rational and free governments. They ought to be
engraven on the hearts and imprinted on the minds of all men, and
should furnish the rule of all their social Itnd political actions. No
effort on my part shall be wanting to carry them out in practice.

Governments, to be just, should carefully guard the equal rights of
every citizen in his person and property, and in their management.
That government is imperfect while the most inconsiderable citizen
suffers a wrong, and that wrong remains unredressed.

I duly appreciate the favorable opinions of the members of the con-
vention whose partiality conferred on me the nomination for the high
and responsible office above referred to; and whether the people
ratify their selection or not, my humble efforts shall be ever devoted
to the promotion of their true interests, prosperity, and happiness.

For the kind manner in which you have been pleased to address
me on this -occasion, I tender you collectively and individually the
respect and esteem of your friend and fellow-citizen.

M. JAQUES.

The foregoing letters were submitted to the general
meeting in the city of New York, and adopted with
entire unanimity ; consequently Isaac S. Smith and Moses
Jaques were the candidates of the Equal Rights Party,
nominated to be run at the general election in November,
1836, for the offices of governor and lieutenant governor
of the state of New York.

CHAPTER VI.

Preparations for November election of 1836 — Meeting to ballot for
Congress ticket — Objections made to Edward Curtis and James
Monroe — A. F. Vache vouches for them — Balloting — MessrsJHas-
brouck, Curtis, Monroe and Ferris nominated — Sketch of Stephen
Hasbrouck, contrasted with N. P. Tallmadge — Success of Political
apostacy — Sketch of Edward Curtis — His letter to Recording Secre-
tary produces dissatisfaction — Sketch of A. F. Vache — His motion
respecting the letter prevails and the one to the committee of cor-
respondence is taken up, and E. Curtis' nomination is confirmed —
Letters from Stephen Hasbrouck, James Monroe, and candidates for
the Assembly — Eli Moore's nomination — F. A. Tallmadge's nomi-
nation and letter — Reflections.

" The man who would present himself to the suffrages of his fellow-citizens, and
withhold his political views and intentions, is both a knave and a coward : — a knave,
meditating treachery to the people, and a coward, afraid to avow his wickedness."

CAMBRKLENG'S SPKECH, Oct. 5th, 1835.

THE month of October, 1836, was at hand, that month,
which of all others in the year, sets the politicians of the
state of New York in motion to make preparations for
the annual general election. The Equal Rights De-
mocracy of the city of New York with that cheerful, un-
subdued activity/ which always characterised it, was the
first at work. By its constitution of organization, each
ward had to make a full ticket of nominations for the
County, and these were to be submitted to a general
meeting of the party, to make selections therefrom by
ballot. These ward nominations were published in the
Democrat on the 28th of September, and a general meet-
ing called for the 3d of October.

The general meeting took place accordingly, Alex-
ander F. Vache in the chair. Part of the Assembly
ticket was nominated, and Alexander Ming, Jr., as the
candidate for County Register.

On the 6th of October, pursuant to adjournment, an-
other general meeting was held to complete the Assem-
bly ticket, and to ballot for the Congressional ticket, John

1836.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 79

Commerford in the ehair. The following names had
been published as candidates for nomination on the Con-
gress ticket :

Stephen Hasbrouck, Edward Curtis, Charles G. Ferris,
Eli Moore, C. C. Cambreleng, Thomas Herttell, P. E.
Milledoler, Alexander Ming, Jr., William F. Piatt, B. F.
Hallock, James Monroe, Clinton Roosevelt, Frederick A.
Tallmadge.

Before going into ballot for the Congressional ticket,
doubts were expressed in relation to Edward Curtis and
James Monroe, when Alexander F. Vache, a man in
whom the party had the fullest confidence, spoke in favor
of their nomination, urging the popularity and qualifica-
tions of both, and stating that Edward Curtis was a
member of the party, having signed the Declaration of
Principles in his presence, taking exception only to the
last article. That he was well acquainted with them
both — that he had frequent conversations with them re-
specting the Declaration of Principles — " that they were
as radical and thorough as any present," so much so, that
he had no hesitation to vouch for them, and that they
would strenuously maintain the principles of the party.

The meeting then proceeded to ballot, and on counting
the votes of the first balloting, Stephen Hasbrouck, Ed-
ward Curtis, Charles G. Ferris and James Monroe ob-
tained the majority. Hasbrouck the highest — Curtis
three votes, — Ferris four, and Monroe eight votes less
than the highest.

Messrs. Vache, Byrdsall, Jones, Wilson and Watkins,
were chosen a committee to correspond with the candi-
dates.

Stephen Hasbrouck is a respectable physician in the
city of New York ; he had from the first been with the
anti-monopoly Democracy in principle. His ancestry
was revolutionary and Democratic Republican. From
his earliest youth up, a sincere Democrat by nature, the
doctrines of Christianity, (he is a member of a Christian
church) induced a deeper devotion to those political

80 HISTORY OF THE [1836.

principles, which are best expressed by the phrase —
Christian Democracy. While a young man, he was a
student in the same college with the celebrated N. P.
Tallmadge, with whom he had, at that early period of his
life, frequent political controversies : they were then at-
tached, each to one of the two opposite parties. What
strange commentaries upon the principles of men are the
political incidents of their lives ! Tallmadge left the
Federalist party and joined the Democratic ; conse-
quently the new proselyte was a more purified Democrat,
and therefore worthy of all the profits and honors which
were showered upon him in profusion. The political
convert was at length raised to the dignity of Senator of
the United States, but a re-conversion brought him to the
Federal Whigs, and they could do no less than keep him
in the Senate. They would have done more, they would
have made him Vice President of the United States, but
that policy prevailed over affection, and this induced the
nomination of" honest John Tyler." Stephen Hasbrouck,
true to the democracy all his life, has made no personal
progress whatever. With much talent, excellent politi-
cal qualifications, and unblemished moral character, he
has never received honor or profit from the Democratic
Republican party, however much he might have wished
for the one, or may have needed the other. But so it is
in politics. Parties act towards apostates coming to their
ranks, as if there was heroism in daring to do the deed of
shameless desertion, and the deserting hero must be
placed in a leading, or profitable position. There are
numerous instances to prove that the shortest avenue to
political preferment is the zig zag one which leads from
party to party, and the surest qualifications for political
honors, are political apostacy and dishonesty. At least
those who manage the machinery of party will have it
so, as long as the majority of the people fondle the theory
of self-government at home, and go to sleep as regards
the practice of it.

Edward Curtis is a member of the legal profession,

1836.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 81

possessing considerable natural endowments, not only of
political, but also of business ability. He has those gen-
tlemanly manners which are usually united with benevo-
lence, but his good qualities are governed by an aspiring
desire for distinction, too apt to overlook the best means
of attaining it. While other politicians abandoned one
party to join another, Mr. Curtis, either by superior tact
or good fortune, became the candidate of three political
parties, for he was nominated and supported by the Loco-
Focos, the Whigs, and the Native American party. It
is best known to the latter party, what he may have
written or said in favor of their one little idea to obtain
their suffrage ; but he had the reputation among the
Loco-Focos of having written a series of anti-Bank es-
says, which were much applauded for the felicitous man-
ner and ability which they displayed. He was considered
an acquisition to the Equal Rights party, and he appeared
to take a lively interest in the cause.

After he had signed the Declaration of principles, he
placed in the hands of the Recording Secretary a written
paper, which he stated contained his views in relation to
the Declaration. At the same time, he desired that it
should be read in open meeting, if his name ever came
up as a candidate for any office to be supported by the
party.

NEW YOBK, Sept. 1836.
Mr. F. Byrdsall, Rec. Secretary :

The first three Sections of the Declaration of principles, contain
fundamental principle! of government, and private rights to which I
think no republican ever has objected. They are familiar and uni-
versally accepted principles, recognized in the formation of our Gen-
eral and State Governments, and professedly adopted by all parties
in this country. With regard to the remaining Sections of the Dec-
laration, the sense in which I subscribe to them, and the extent to
which I adopt them is as follows. In regard to Banking, it seems to
me the duty of our Legislators, by all lawful measures to protect the
people against the evils of an expanded paper currency. That the
business wants of our State, instead of any increase of Banks, de-
mand the best wisdom of our Legislatures, both State and National,
to ensure us that in all the vicissitudes incident to the Commerce of
the country, the Banks already in existence shall be rendered able

82 HISTORY OF THE [1836.

and willing to redeem their notes in specie. It is my opinion that the
right of the people to compete with the incorporated Banks in dealing
in money and in credit as currency; ought to be restored to them by
law. The repeal of existing restraints in this respect, is a measure
which the advocates of equal rights may well insist upon. If such
repeal shall have the effect to establish among us houses for the ne-
gotiation of notes and other bills, all those who may have need of
such facilities in business, would not be dependent, as now, upon the
favor of the incorporated banks. Such a result would promote a
freedom of opinion concerning the existing banking system, conduc-
ing to salutary reform and tending to the public good. There would
probably be less objection than is now made to restraining the issue
of small notes by the banks. The inconveniencies of that reform
would be less talked of. The basis of the bank issues, strengthened,
as I think it is already, by the exclusion of small notes in this and
some of the states, may yet be rendered broader and deeper by
pushing that wholesome experiment with proper caution still further.
The bank interest will cry out against it, for it will curtail their cir-
culation of notes and reduce their gains. It would be said that,
though salutary in its object, the measure will avail nothing, because
the notes of the banks of other states will supply the places of the
notes of our own banks thus restrained by law. I answer, such may
be the temporary effect, but whatsoever measure is just in itself and
found useful in its results, as tending to perfect the safety of the pa-
per currency, if adopted in this, will not be long delayed in the neigh-
boring states. When it is considered how numberless are the banks
already established throughout all the states ; that they are now wholly
independent of any power that can exercise a general control over
their issues ; that their reciprocal influences, acting upon each other,
tend to increase the aggregate issues of paper, the expansion of one
bank enabling its neighboring bank to yield to the always pressing
tendencies to follow the example, and the like effect perpetually run-
ning through the whole circle of banks ; and especially when it be
remembered, also, that so long as it be lawful to issue notes of the
smallest denominations, they will drive out the gold and silver, and
thus paper will form the entire circulating medium ; I am not sur-
prised that a reformation of the banking system is becoming a promi-
nent point among the lessons of the political reform of the day.

Upon the subject of monopolies by legislation, my doctrine is, that
if there be any kind of business which for the safety of the people
need legal restraint or legislation, let the laws be general in their
application, so that all who conform to their requisition, may enjoy
their protection and their benefits. Then the power of legislation at
Albany will cease to be an oppressive monopoly in the hands of the
dominant party. Rights and privileges, the rightful inheritance of
the whole people, will be no longer doled out in the form of corpo-
rate acts, for the wages of partizan servitude. The discriminating
tax now levied upon political independence will be thereby repealed,
and the struggle which freedom of opinion is now doomed to maintain

1836.] LOCOFOCO PARTY. 83

against the established legislative bounties to partisan subserviency,
will be at an end.

The sixth section of the Declaration of Principles has this clause :
" Hostility to the dangerous and unconstitutional creation of vested
rights," and then proceeds to assert the power of one legislature to
repeal any law passed by a former legislature. I take it this clause
does not intend to deny the power of legislatures to create vested
rights by constitutional laws ; and I certainly do not agree that all
laws passed by one legislature, may be rightfully repealed by a suc-
ceeding or subsequent legislature. There is a large class of laws
under which private rights are vested, and whereby the state becomes
a party to lawful grants and contracts, for the maintenance of which
the good faith of the State is pledged. The Constitution of the United
States prohibits the States from passing laws impairing the obligation
of contracts, and to repeal or disturb grants or contracts constitution-
ally made by the State, would be a violation of that provision and
bring dishonor upon the people. I have thus, at length, declared my
understanding of the Declaration of Principles of the " Antimonpoly
Party," and the extent to which I have subscribed to them, because I
deem it very important that dealing with those who profess to be de-
sirous to " effect constitutional reform in legislation, and to bring
back into practice the principles upon which the government of these
States was originally founded." I should not even seem to take any
ground which may not be clearly maintained.

EDWARD CURTIS.

Of Charles G. Ferris, the third candidate nominated by
the Equal Rights Party, we have already given a brief
sketch. We have only to add in this place^ that he de-
clined the nomination and Eli Moore was subsequently
nominated to supply his place on the ticket. Mr. Moore
signed the Declaration of Rights, and had the honor of
receiving the nomination of the Equal Rights and Tam-
many Parties on the same evening.

James Monroe, the fourth candidate of the Equal Rights
Party for Congress, never became a member of the Party,
for he never signed the Declaration. But the letter he
wrote to the committee of correspondence was deemed
so satisfactory that his nomination was confirmed.

A general county meeting was held on the 19th of Oc-
tober, and the committee which had been chosen to cor-
respond with the candidates for Congress and the State
Legislature, were called on to report. The Recording-
Secretary presented and read the written paper addressed

84 HISTORY OF THE [1836.

to him by Mr. Curtis, already given. .The contents of
the letter in relation to the fourth and last articles were
unsatisfactory ; a second reading of it was called for,
after which an excited debate ensued. In the midst of it
Alex. F. Vache interposed and addressed the meeting.

Doctor A. F. Vachc, the most ingenious casuist of the
Loco-Foco Party, had, under the tuition of the celebrated
Doctor Sam'l L. Mitchell, become a proficient, to a de-
gree of fastidiousness in the selection of words and nice-
ties of style, for which his casuistic turn of mind natural-
ly disposed him. He spoke to the meeting in that earnest
but assuasive tone of voice for which he is distinguished
as a reasoner, arguing that the Equal Rights Party had
nothing to do with the letter addressed by Mr. Curtis to
Mr. Byrdsall, because it was a private communication
and not a public document. He urged that Mr. Curtis
or any body else had a perfect right to address a commu-
nication to the Recording Secretary upon the Declaration
of Principles, containing the views of the writer ; but the
Equal Rights Party had nothing to do with this, as a political
party, and it was not necessary, because that a committee
had been already appointed to correspond with the can-
didates, and he as chairman of that committee, had re-
ceived a letter from Mr. Curtis to be read to the meeting.
He therefore moved that the letter addressed to Mr. Byrd-
sall be laid on the table as a private document, so that
the letter to the committee of correspondence might be
taken up for consideration. This motion prevailed and
the following correspondence was submitter! :

NEW YORK, October, 1836.
To Messrs. Stephen Hasbrouck, Charles G. Ferris, Edward Curtis,

and James Monroe.

GENTLEMEN — We are instructed by the Democratic Party friendly
to Equal Rights and opposed to all Monopolies, to inform you of
your nomination as members of Congress, and to submit for your ap-
proval the " Declaration of Rights," adopted by the State Convention
atUtica, September 15th, 1836.—

[See Declaration of Rights.]

We are also instructed to request your answer to the following
questions ;

1836.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 85

1st. Will you advocate such amendment of the Constitution as will
admit the right of the people to vote directly in the election of Presi-
dent and Vice President of the United States ? Also, the ineligibility
of those officers to a re-election ?

2d. Are you in favor of a strict construction of the Constitution of
the United States ?

3d. Will you advocate the repeal of duties on the prime necessaries
of life, and especially the duty on foreign coal ?

Your assent to the " Declaration of Rights," and the questions
above stated, is necessarily and respectfully requested in order to be
laid before the county meeting.

With the highest respect, &c.

ALEX. F. VACHE, F.'BYRDSALL,
R. R. JONES, JOHN WATKINS,

A. D. WILSON.

NEW YORK, October 19,1836.

GENTLEMEN : — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of
your letter, informing me that I have been nominated as one of the
candidates for Congress, by the " Democratic Party friendly to Equal
Rights and opposed to all Monopolies." Your letter also contains cer-
tain articles, setting forth the political faith of the Party, and presents
several questions touching the expediency of certain measures. Hav-
ing on a former occasion testified my assent to the Declaration of
Principles, and made known my sentiments, I will proceed at once to
state my opinions on the subjects to which the questions relate. I am
in favor of such an amendment of the Constitution of the U. States as
will secure to the people the right of voting directly for President and
Vice President. It would, in my opinion, be a discreet measure to
limit the term of service in the offices of President and Vice Presi-
dent to one term. Such an alteration would probably give us more
security against the evil consequences of official intrigue and corrup-
tion. It is, in my opinion, the safest rule to adhere to a strict construc-
tion of the Constitution. I readily yield my assent to the proposition,
that no duties ought to be imposed upon such important articles of com-
merce as are usually classed among the necessaries of life ; and with
respect to foreign coals, it seems to me that not only policy, but com-
mon philanthropy, demands that coals should be admitted into our
ports free of duty. My humble services shall never be wanting to
such a modification of the Tariff as shall exempt us from the enor-
mous tax unnecessarily and unjustly imposed upon us, in the exorbitant
prices at which our fuel, for domestic and manufacturing purposes,
is now purchased. Having noticed all the interrogatories submitted,
I declare my acceptance of the nomination. Should I be elected, I
shall with such ability as I possess, maintain the Equal Rights of the
people, and act for the best good of our common country.

With great regard, gentlemen, for each of you, personally, I am
yours, EDWARD CURTIS.

To Messrs. Alex. F. Vache, F. Byrdsall, R. R. Jones, John Wat-
kins, and A.J). Wilson, Esqr's. Committee, &c.
8

86 HISTORY OF THE [1836.

This letter to the Committee was discussed and finally
decided upon as satisfactory, by the majority. Mr. Cur-
tis' nomination was then confirmed. The letters of the
other candidates were also submitted. They are inserted
for the perusal of the reader.

NEW YORK, October 14th, 1836.

GENTLEMEN : — Your letter communicating to me my nomination as
a candidate for Congress, by the Democratic Party of this city, friend-
ly to Equal Rights and opposed to all monopolies, has been duly re-
ceived.

In it, you have,»as instructed, submitted for my approval the Dec-
laration of Rights adopted by the Convention at Utica, on the 15th
Sept. 1836 — being almost a transcript of the Declaration of Principles
of that portion of the Equal Rights Party, which has for some time
past associated in this city, it has my most cordial approbation.

The first three articles contain a summary of the Principles which
form the basis of all correct government, principles derived from the
laws of natural religion, the sovereignty of Deity, and the relations
men sustain to their Creator and each other, and which are fully re-
cognized and confirmed by Revelation.

The 5th, 6th and 7th articles are merely the extension of those Prin-
ciples, by declaring an opposition to certain violations, or abuses of
them, which have too often occurred in the exercise of government,
and which have been the source of much evil in communities.

The fourth article contains explicit provisions of our national com-
pact concerning currency.

The last article only declares the powers necessarily incident to
every community the right of self-government, and of the majority to
rule.

In reply to your first question, I answer that I consider such an
amendment of the Constitution of the United States as shall give to
the people the direct choice of president and vice-president, and the
limitation of their service to one term, required by the best interests
of the country, as the great security against official intrigue and cor-
ruption, and I shall always be ready to advocate it.

To your second question, I reply that I consider a strict construc-
tion of the Constitution of the United States, necessary to preserve
the harmony of the Union, and the perpetuity of our government, that
we should always bear in mind that our general government is one of
expressly delegated powers, and that to " the states or the people"
belong all other powers, which they have not " prohibited" to them-
selves by the national compact.

To the third question I reply, that I shall ever be ready to advo-
cate a repeal of duties on such articles as are referred to, especially
that on foreign coals, as a measure both of philanthropy and of sound
national policy.

To my fellow-citizens whom, as a committee you represent, I ac-

1836.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 87

knowledge the grateful sense I entertain of the honor conferred on
me, in selecting me as a candidate for member of Congress. Unam-
bitious of public office, and preferring the pursuits of private life, I
should have declined the nomination, but believing that when, as at
present, great and important principles are at stake, no one should
decline the call of his fellow-citizens, unless for the most weighty
considerations. I accept the nomination you have tendered me, and
if elected will, according to my ability, sustain the great principles
you advocate, with a conscientious regard to the interests of our com-
mon country.

With highest, &c.,

STEPHEN HASBROUCK.

NEW YORK, October 18th, 1836.

GENTLEMEN : — On the 13th, I received your letter informing me that
I had been honored with a nomination for Congress, by the " Demo-
cratic Party opposed to all monopolies, and in favor of Equal Rights.'*
If I have a right understanding of the principles of your party, your
candidates are committed to maintain the Equal Rights of the people,
to oppose all monopolies by legislation, and to exempt from taxation
the necessaries of life ; that you are in favor of a repeal of the re-
straining law, which restores to the people the exclusive privilege now
exercised by the banks, of dealing in money ; that so far from hold-
ing, as has been represented, a disposition to invade the rights or
property of citizens, by the repeal of constitutional laws, you hold to a
strict construction of the constitution of the United States, and insist
upon the full benefit of the guarantee, for all the rights established by
the fundamental law of the land. With these views of your doctrines,
I have resolved to accept the nomination. Under existing circum~
stances, I presume I shall, at least on this occasion, escape all im-
plication of ambitious motives. My sole purpose is to meet the
wishes of a party which I believe to be honest, and which, though
strong in principles, is numerically feeble, in comparison with the
contending parties of the day. I enter the field without the least
expectation of meeting that success which such a cause merits, and
with no other object than the maintenance of those principles, hoping
that as they become known to the American people, they will re-
ceive their approbation, and repel the slanders with which you have
been assailed by the ignorant, and the selfish, and the interested. In
conclusion, it is due to myself and friends to state, that though this is
the fourth time that my name has been put in nomination in general
election, that I have never sought, but on the contrary, have at all
times, as known to my friends, endeavored to avoid it. Yet circum-
stances which I have not considered myself at liberty to control, have
obliged me to yield to the wishes of my fellow- citizens. I have ever
been taught not to stop to count numbers, when fighting for principle.
Accept, gentlemen, &c., &c.,

JAMES MONROE!

88 HISTORY OF THE [1836.

NEW YORK, October, 1836.
To Messrs. Clinton Roosevelt, Job Haskell, Alexander Gray, William

F. Piatt, John Windt, Robert Toicnsend, jr., Edward J. Webb, John

Wilder, Hiram Tupper, Levi D. Slamm, George W. Matsell, Ed-
ward G. Barney, and George Dixey : —

Gentlemen — It becomes our duty to convey to you, in behalf of the
Democratic Party friendly to Equal Rights and opposed to all Mono-
polies, your nomination for members of Assembly for the county of
New York, and to submit to you the " Declaration of Rights " adopted
by the State convention at Utica, September 15th, 1836^

We are also instructed to request your answers to the following
questions : —

1st. Will you advocate the repeal of the Restraining Law, so far
as to permit offices of discount and deposit ?

2d. And the exclusion from circulation as currency of all bank
notes of ten dollars and under that amount ?

3d. And the election of Judges by the people, and for a limited term
of office ?

4th. And the repeal of laws, or parts of laws, prohibiting, or ad-
Terse to working people individually or collectively fixing the wages
of their own labor ?

5th. And a more extended, equal and convenient system of public
school instruction?

6th. Non-imprisonment for debt ?

7th. And the lien law so amended as really to afford a lien of secu-
rity, plain and useful to working men ?

Your assent to the " Declaration of Rights," and the questions
above stated, is necessarily requested, in order to be laid before the
county meeting.

Very respectfully, &c.,

ALEX. F. VACHE, R. R. JONES,
F. BYRDSALL, JOHN WATKINS,^

A. W. WILSON.

NEW YORK, October 17th, 1836.

Gentlemen — We have received your notification, in behalf of the
Democratic Party in favor of Equal Rights, of our nomination for
members of Assembly for the county of New York, and acknowledge
the honor conferred on us in being selected as candidates to represent
in the State Legislature a party founded on the purest and most en-
larged principles of justice.

You do us the honor also to submit to us the Declaration of Rights
adopted by the State Convention at Utica, on the 15th of September,
1836; — and to these and several succeeding questions you request a
reply.

The first article of the Declaration to which our assent is asked, is
the first paragraph of the Declaration of Independence, adopted by
the sages and patriots of the Revolution, and claims our unanimous
support.

1836.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 89

With regard to the principles contained in the six succeeding arti-
cles in the Bill of Rights, we also unhesitatingly declare our cheerful
acquiescence.

In reference to the eighth and last articles, we beg leave to say,
that while we also concur therein, we"wlsh, for the sake of more fully
enlightening the public mind in relation to our views, to give the fol-
lowing explanation.

It declares that " each and every law or act of incorporation passed
by preceding legislatures, can be rightfully altered or repealed by
their successors, and that they should be so altered or repealed when
necessary for the public good, or when required by a majority of the
people."

We take it for granted that there is nothing contained or intended
so to be, in this article, calculated either directly or indirectly to im-
pair the constitutional rights of any citizen or citizens.

In' answer to the seven questions which follow the Declaration of
Rights, we remark : In order to be brief and explicit, we readily give
our answer to all and each of them in the affirmative. But the re-
quisition in relation to a more extended, equal and convenient system
of public education, claims particular notice and support, as igno-
rance and vice go hand in hand ; and in a Republican government
the worst evil is ignorance.

Very respectfully,

CLINTON ROOSEVELT, ROBERT TOWNSEND, Jr.

WILLIAM F. PIATT, ALEXANDER GRAY,

GEORGE W. MATSELL, JOHN WINDT,

GEORGE DIXEY, HIRAM TTIPPER,

JOB HASKELL, EDWARD G. BARNEY,

EDWARD J. WEBB, CHARLES HUNTER.

JOHN WILDER,

The General Meeting approved the preceding corres-
pondence, and by decided majorities confirmed the nomi-
nations when separately put to vote. Thus, by balloting
in the several Wards, by balloting in the General County
meeting, and finally by the viva voce decision of another
general meeting, Stephen Hasbrouck, Edward Curtis and
James Monroe were adopted as candidates for Congress;
and Clinton Roosevelt, Robert Townsend, jr., Alexander
Gray, Edward J. Webb, Hiram Tupper, George W. Mat-
sell, Job Haskell, John Windt, William F. Piatt, John
Wilder, Charles Hunter, Edward G. Barney, George
Dixey, as candidates for the House of Assembly of the
State Legislature.

The resignation of Mr. Ferris was accepted, and at an
8*

90 HISTORY OF THE [1836.

adjourned meeting held on the 21st October, Mr. Eli
Moore was nominated. He signed the Declaration of
Principles, arid subsequently his assent to the other ques-
tions of the letter of the Committee. This completed the
Congressional ticket.

Mr. F. A. Tallmadge, nominated for the State Senate,
was run in opposition to Morgan L. Smith the Tammany
candidate. As a private citizen, Mr. M. L. Smith was
highly esteemed by many of the Equal Rights Party, but
his political associations being of that peculiar demo-
cracy of which Mr. Gideon Lee was a leader, the poli-
tical animosity of the Equal Rights Party towards Mr.
Lee, and the " oldest and wisest" of Tammany, extended
itself towards Mr. Smith. The nomination of Gideon
Lee in 1835 for Congress had produced the nomination of
Charles G. Ferris with the view of defeating his election.
Mr. Lee was, however, elected in 1335, and as if to pro-
voke the Equal Rights Democracy still further, he was
again nominated in 1836. To defeat him was in both cases
equally an object of principle, but it now also became an
object of feeling. The decided indications of his being
again a candidate did much to lessen opposition to the
nomination of Mr. Curtis as a Loco-Foco candidate. The
honest and generous-minded are not naturally suspicious,
and the bearing of Mr. Curtis towards every member of
the Equal Rights Party with whom he conversed, toge-
ther with his speech on the 4th of November, was such
as to inspire confidence. The party did confide in him,
and supported him by its full vote, in the election.

F. A. Tallmadge signed the original Declaration of
Principles " with the qualification of the last article in the
Delaration of Rights," namely, " when necessary for the
public good or when required by a majority of the peo-
ple." His first letter to the Committee of Correspondence
was opposed, and sent back to him as unsatisfactory. He
wrote another instead, and he was thereupon nominated,
the following letter being satisfactory.

1836.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 91

NEW YORK, October, 1836.

GENTLEMEN : — I received your communication, announcing my
" nomination for the office of Senator for the First Senatorial District
in the legislature of this State, by the Democratic Party friendly to
Equal Rights and opposed to all monopolies," with those feelings of
gratification which so distinguished an honor is calculated to inspire.
To be thus noticed by any portion of my fellow-citizens, would com-
mand my gratitude ; but to be selected to fill so important a trust by
an association of gentlemen with whom I htive been in no way politi-
cally connected, who have not been impelled by their present numeri-
cal strength, but by the inherent purity and soundness of the principles
that they have adopted and promulgated, to breast the storm of preju-
dice, and to fall or be sustained by the rejection or approval of them — to
be thus distinguished by you elicits from me the warmest gratitude.
Accompanying your communication is the " Declaration of Rights,
adopted by the State Convention at Utica, Sept. 15, 1836," together
with sundry questions appended thereto, to the first of whic h you
request my assent, and to the latter my answer.

In replying to this portion of your communication, you have a right
to require that frank and undisguised response that has characterized
your address to me.

I fully concur in the immediate practical adoption of the first,
second, third, and seventh, sections of the Declaration of Right? ; in
the principles contained in the fourth, and to be applied as soon as
" gold and silver, which is the only safe and constitutional currency,"
can be obtained to supply the necessary demand of our country ; in
the fifth and sixth, unless the enjoyment or participation of every
such vested right shall be equally tendered to every member of the
community. In regard to the eighth article, I deem that the greatest
good of the people, from whom emanates all power and authority, is
particularly to be consulted ; and that where private interest, although
sanctioned by legislative authority, conflicts with the general good, the
former must yield to the latter.

In relation to the remaining inquiries, I reply affirmatively to the
1st, 2d, 4th, 5th, 6th, and 7th. In reference (3d) to the election of
Judges by the people, and for a limited period of time, the constitu-
tion provides that any proposition changing its features shall be pre-
sented to one legislature and acted upon by the succeeding ; and this
mode of ascertaining the feelings and views of the people of this
district upon this subject, will be cheerfully sustained by me.

Most respectfully,

F. A. TALLMADGE.

The reader will perceive that, in consequence of the
above letter, and of his having signed the Declaration
of Principles, F. A. Tallmadge, too, became a Loco-
Foco. Oh Proteus ! thou art surely the governing genius
of modern politicians, for they assume all shapes and

92 HISTORY OF THE [1836.

dimensions! F. A. Tallmadge became State Senator,
because he had become a Loco-Foco ; and he is now
Recorder of the city of New York, because he is a
thorough-going Whig. But Mr. Editor Noah said that
" all's fair in politics," and he's a Judge, who has nearly
circumnavigated the whole political globe.

CHAPTER VII.

Remarks — Sketch of Clinton Roosevelt — Great Equal Rights meeting
at Military Hall — Sketch of E. Curtis's speech — Of James Mon-
roe's— Each of the nominations adopted — The General Election —
The Result, with remarks on Edward Curtis, Ely Moore, C. C.
Cambreleng, Ogden Hoffman, F. A. Tallmadge, Robert Townsend,
Clinton Roosevelt — Special Election — Remarks — William Leggett
and the Plaindealer — Reflections — His Martyrdom and brief Eu-
logy.

Oh world take note
To be direct and honest is not safe.

SHAKSPKAHK.

THE Equal Rights Party of the city of New York had
nearly completed its nominations for the November elec-
tion, before the Nominating Committee of the Whig
Party made any nominations. The latter towards the
conclusion of its incubation, with the view, probably, of
inducing the Loco-Focos to return the compliment,
adopted Edward Curtis for Congress, F. A. Tallmadge
for the State Senate, and Robert Townsend, jun., and
Clinton Roosevelt, for the Assembly. The Equal Rights
Party did not reciprocate.

Clinton Roosevelt, one of the candidates of the Whig
and Loco-Foco parties, is an honest politician of consider-
able talent and some eccentricity. Many years ago he
published a large pamphlet entitled " the Mode of pro-

1836.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 93

tecting Domestic Industry by operating on the Currency."
His views, at that time considered wild and wrong, are
now advocated by the most thinking men in the Union as
wise and right. His mind is fertile either to construct
systems, mechanical machines, or literary matter. He
comprehends the banking system so fully, that he is ne-
cessarily one of its oldest and most determined foes, as
all good men who understand it, are.

We have now to notice an " overwhelming meeting of
working-men and others friendly to Equal Rights, Equal
Laws, and Equal Justice, held on Friday evening. Nov. 4,
at the Military Hall, Bowery, opposite Spring ^Street, at
which meeting Daniel Gorham was President, and John
Commerford, John W. Brown, William E. Skidmore,
Isaac Odell, Warden Hayward, John H. Bowie, E. D.
Truesdell, and Paulus Hedl, were Vice Presidents, and
Levi D. Slamm, John A. Riell, Thomas J. Fenwick, and
R. R. Jones, Secretaries." It was truly a large meeting,
in one of the largest rooms in the city. Messrs. Curtis
and Monroe attended, and addressed the assemblage.
The former spoke of Revolutionary reminiscences in his
own paternal home. Of his father, a blacksmith, and
a patriot of the Revolution. He described the affecting
scene of that father's death, and dying charge to the
oldest son. He and his audience were deeply moved.
Would he, then, the son of a Revolutionary patriot, of a
working-man — would he, the orator, ever prove untrue
to the cause of working-men, the principles they con-
tended for ? No ! If he ever did, might his right arm
be withered ! Here his audience applauded him with
every demonstration of applause. He then added, that
" some might call him a Whig, but he called himself
an Equal Rights Democrat." This latter declaration
was taken as an additional pledge to the Equal Rights
party.

Mr. Monroe also spoke with great earnestness of the
just principles and honesty of the Equal Rights party.
It was these considerations that induced him to be a c*^

94 HISTORY OF THE [1836.

date. His speech was no doubt sincere, and it was well
received.

"On motion, the nominations of the Equal Rights
party were individually acted on, which resulted in an
unanimous adoption of the Gubernatorial, Senatorial,
Congressional, and Legislative tickets."

The General Election took place soon after this meet-
ing. Edward Curtis was elected to Congress by the
united vote of the Loco-Foco, Whig, and Native American
parties. Eli Moore was elected by the united vote 'of the
Loeo-Foco and Tammany parties. C. C. Cambreleng
was elected by the vote of the Tammany party and many
of the Loco-Focos who voted for him ; and Ogden Hoff-
man was elected by the Whig party and the votes which
his professional popularity obtained for him.

F. A. Tallmadge was elected Senator of the State by
the vote of the Loco-Foco, Whig, and Native American
parties.

Robert Townsend, Jr., and Clinton Roosevelt were
elected to the House of Assembly by the Loco-Foco and
Whig parties.

James Gulic/c was elected County Register by votes
of all parties. His majority over all candidates was
several thousands.

Isaac S. Smith, the Equal Rights party candidate for
Governor, received throughout the State 3,496 votes, of
which about 1,400 were in the city. Moses Jaques. the
candidate for Lieutenant-Governor, obtained 3,532 votes.
The Loco-Foco vote in the city for him was over 1,400.

By this election, the Monopoly Republicans elected
only six candidates out of thirteen for the Assembly.
They were also defeated with respect to the State Sena-
tor, and two of the members of Congress. This was the
third blow struck by the friends of Equal Rights against
the system of Monopoly, and its upholders ; but this last
blow was the sorest, for it smote them in the State and
nation. Yet the unreflecting portion of the political
press, and the gullible readers of the same, could see

1836 ] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 95

nothing in these events, but agrarianism and office-hunt-
ing. The Washington Globe, the Albany Argus, and
Richmond Enquirer, through policy, behaved according
to Bonaparte's description of the Bourbons. The valor-
ous Don Quixotte never belabored the windmill harder
than the above-named presses vituperated the Loco-
Focos. The latter, however, knew well what they were
about, and because they were not blinded by selfish or
narrow considerations, they could see where to strike and
how to strike the system of monopoly.

Now, gentle reader, you are requested to pause a little,
to permit an off-hand summing up to be made, which
shall present to your contemplation a prospective synop-
sis of several years, and the results to some of the candi-
dates elected in the city of New York, in Nov., 1836.
First, then, Edward Curtis, the Equal Rights, and Federal
Whig, and Native American member of Congress, made
his debut at the September Session of 1837, and voted in
effect that it was expedient to charter a National Bank,
to the amazement of the Loco-Focos, and satisfaction of
the Whigs, for which he was again elected to Congress
in 1838, by fair means or foul ; but this is best known to
those \vho last supported him. He has had great success
politically, being now Collector of the Port of New York,
one of the most lucrative offices under the General Gov-
ernment. Had he realized the expectations of the Loco-
Focos, wrould he have reached the office of Collector ?

Second comes Mr. Ogden Hoffman, who formerly stood
high in the Republican party, but he left it and became
a Whig. He went to Congress at the special Session,
1837, and made, according to the Whig press, a splendid
debut in that body. The Democrat of former years voted
like a genuine Whig in Congress, and he is now District
Attorney of the U. S. for the Southern District of New
York, the same lucrative office which was lately filled by
Wm. M. Price, who also got it after he had left one party
and joined another.

Eli Moore fulfilled his second Congressional term,

96 HISTORY OF THE [1836.

and he pleased all his constituents who voted for him ;
but in 1838 he was eschewed by the majority of the
voters in the November election. Some time afterwards,
he was appointed to the office of Surveyor of the Port
of New-York, which gives a salary of three thousand
dollars per year ; an extraordinary position of profit and
honor for a mechanic to reach, in a government where
the offices are monopolized by lawyers. But he was not
permitted to hold it long, for the election of General
Harrison effected his removal.

C. C. Cambreleng, decidedly the ablest member of Con-
gress from this city during very many years, and who
fully comprehended its commercial interests and faithfully
attended to them, and who is besides a man in whom
there is no dereliction of principle. An intelligently
grateful mercantile community, holding that the " post
of honor is a private station," has considerately consigned
him to that honorable post.

Frederick A. Tallmadge, (elected by the Loco-Focos
and the Whigs, and we believe he was the candidate of
the Native American party also, for men of his enlarged
capacity can embrace all parties, and all principles be-
sides), went to the State Senate and served his term of
years, much to the satisfaction of the Whigs, and but
little to the satisfaction of the Loco-Focos. We know
not whether he pleased the party of one little idea, the
Native American, or otherwise. " Blessed are they who
hope nothing, for they can't be disappointed ;" and the
Loco-Focos had so little hope in him, that they were not
violently excited by his course in the Senate. They had
adopted him as their candidate, not because they preferred
him personally to M. L. Smith, but because they could
use him to defeat a candidate of the Monopoly principle.

Robert Townsend, Jr., went to the House of Assembly,
as he said himself, from the work-bench ; and he who
had worked honestly as a mechanic, knew not how to do
otherwise than work honestly as a legislator. He pur-
sued the inexpedient course of voting against all mono-

1836.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 97

polies in the house, and Mr. Speaker Livingston attacked
both the Loco-Foco principles and their honest represen-
tative, and told him he was sure of being only " a one
year's man." While in the Assembly, a bill was intro-
duced, giving to the owners of property on Harlem river
and Spuytendyvel creek, property worlh some millions,
which Mr. Townsend, by his own exertions, prevented
being done ; and notwithstanding his public spirit on this
and other occasions, yet the prophecy of Livingston was
absolutely fulfilled by a grateful and intelligent con-
stituency.

Clinton Roosevelt went also to the house of Assembly
a Loco-Foco, and as his course was of the same character
as Mr. Townsend's, he shared the same fate, and turned
out to be " a one year's man " likewise.

With regard to the other members of Assembly from
the city, elected in 1836, each went with his party in all
things, and they did so little of themselves individually
to deserve notice, that they are political nonentities, ex-
cept only when collectively considered, as entering into
the mass of a party ; consequently the political history
of the party is all that is necessary to the reader respect-
ing them, and to that he is referred.

In consequence of a tie between two of the candidates
for Assembly, a special election was ordered for one
member in December. Morris Franklin was nominated
by the Federal Whigs, Elijah F. Purdy by the Tammany
or Monopoly Democrats, and Moses Jaques by the Equal
Rights party. Efforts were made to induce the Loco-
Focos to nominate Mr. Purdy, but he was the candidate
of a party which sustained monopoly, and to support him
was to support the system. Franklin was elected, and,
as usual, contumely and abuse fell to the lot of the Loco-
Focos. The latter saw that the chastising would do
good, for they knew that all the arguments and clear rea-
sonings in the world would effect no reform in the policy
of the Republican party, so long as it was annually
elected into power. To defeat it therefore in this respect

98 HISTORY OF THE [1836,

was the only way to reform it, by compelling it to fall
back upon its original principles which it never fails to
do as its last resort, in all its worst discomfitures. In
like manner, it is only when the Ottoman Empire is in
great danger, that the standard of the Prophet is raised,
and then every faithful Mussulman rallies around it.

In the beginning of December, 1836, William Leggett
commenced the publication of a new weekly periodical
in octavo form, which he named the Plain Dealer. In
its arrangement of subjects, it was somewhat after the
manner of the London Examiner, a periodical which Mr.
Leggett held in high estimation. He spared no mental
exertion to make the Plain Dealer worthy of himself and
the public patronage. On all public questions, he was
guided by the democratic principle, and some of his best
written articles are in that Journal ; but he wrote no
longer with the same Promethean fire as formerly, for it
seemed by his latter compositions, as if many years had
passed over his head since 1835. The Plain Dealer con-
tinued to be published nearly a year. Some time after it
ceased, he had intimations from a high source that he
could get office under the General Government. He
replied that he " could saw wood." He gradually sunk
under the effects of that disease which was first brought
upon him, or at least aggravated by the excitements,
harassments and persecutions of 1835. In that year, he
was martyred. The demon spirit of monopoly had con-
demned him ; and the organs of " the party," and the
committees of " the party," were but the executioners of
the condemnation. He felt the martyrdom at that time,
and then told some of his friends, " They are killing me."

Towards the last of his days, through the persuasion
of friends, he consented to go to Central America for his
health's sake, and an appointment was obtained for him ;
but it was in vain ; the end of the martyrdom was near,
and it was but right that the termination should take
place in the land where it had its commencement. That
great man is no more ! We say great, because there

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 99

never lived a man with more of the true heroic in him, or
more truly the hero of the rights of humanity, than Wil-
liam Leggett.

CHAPTER VIII.

Park meeting, proceedings, and flour riot — Description and facts
respecting it — Address of Committee to the public — Sketches of
some members of the Committee — Ming selected as a Victim, but
a man not to be Victimized — Whig logic and Loco-Foco syllogism
— Another Park meeting, March 6th, in Vindication of Constitu-
tional Rights — Address and Resolutions — Sketch of John H. Hunt
— Another Park meeting called for April 3d.

" As the currency expands the loaf contracts."

Loco-Foco BANNER.

THE month of January, 1837, presents nothing worthy
of note in the annals of the Loco-Foco party. About
the beginning of February, the high prices of the neces-
saries of life were severely felt by the working population
of the city, and discontent was extensively prevailing,
especially towards the flour dealers ; and the Loco-Focos
were up against Bank Monopolies, which afforded facili-
ties to speculators. In old times, the price of a bushel
of wheat was paid to the working man for each day of
his labor, so that he was no sufferer, when wheat rose in

Erice; but in modern times, the high price of the staff of
fe, works no increase of wages of labor. It was alleged
in 1837 that the shortness of the crop was the cause of
flour being up as high as fourteen dollars a barrel ; but
there was no shortness of crop in coal, and that was up
to fourteen dollars a ton ; neither was there a shortness
of crop in houses, and yet a great increase of rent was
demanded.

Making all reasonable allowance for shortness of sup
ply, there was another cause at work. A portion of the
high price in all the necessaries of life could be safely

100 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

charged to the working of the bank monopoly system.
Loco-Focoism shed some light upon the cause, and by a
single sentence gave a solution as ample as a volume
could furnish, namely " As the currency expands, the
loaf contracts."

Ever vigilant in its opposition to all monopolies, the
Equal Rights Party seized the present occasion as favor-
able to its constant object, to overcome its enemy. With
this view, and to strengthen itself in public opinion, a
meeting was called in the Park by large bills posted
throughout the city, as follows :

BREAD, MEAT, RENT, AND FUEL!

Their prices must come down !
ID-The VOICE of THE PEOPLE shall be heard and will prevail !

The people will meet in the Park, rain or shine, at 4 o'clock, P.
M., on Monday afternoon, to inquire into the cause of the present
unexampled distress and to devise a suitable remedy. All friends of
humanity determined to resist monopolists and extortioners are invited
to attend.

MOSES JAQUES, WARDEN HAYWARD,

PAULUS HEDL, DANIEL GORHAM,

DANIEL A. ROBERTSON, ALEXANDER MING, Jr.
JOHN WINDT.

The afternoon of the 13th Feb., 1837, was intensely
cold and extremely windy, and yet the meeting in the
Park presented a dense multitude of many thousands.
The venerable Moses Jaques was chosen Chairman, and
there was he, who had seen over sixty winters, standing
on a platform the most exposed to the inclemency of the
blast, his countenance expressive of that righteous bene-
volence, which told us plainly as the hand of God could
write it on the face of man, that his heart was with the
people, devoted to the cause of humanity. Alexander
Ming, jun., ever one of the foremost in the same cause,
addressed the people with his usual fearlessness of conse-
quences to himself. He told them that the resolutions
in his hand traced the present state of things to the right
cause, " Our monstrous banking system." That the

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 101

banks were the oppressors of the poor, for they fostered
speculations in real estate, which raised rents, and they
afforded facilities to forestalling of provisions, which
raised the prices of the necessaries of life. But he ex-
horted his fellow citizens to seek peaceful remedies for
public grievances, " to do no act which might bring into
disrepute the fair fame of a New Yorker, the honor of a
citizen of this Republic, or the character of man." He
then proceeded to read the following preamble, and a
series of resolutions, some of which are selected.

PREAMBLE.

When in the course of human events it becomes necessary for the
many to declare hostility against the rapacity of the few, who wil-
fully impoverish and oppress them, a decent respect for the opinions
of mankind demands that those grievances should be recited which
impel the great body of the people to speak the sentiments and ener-
getic language dictated by the first law of nature — self-preservation.
Whereas, then, it is self-evident that with a sufficiency of provi-
sions and the necessaries of life in our country, we are nevertheless
at this period in the midst of famine, and threatened with a continu-
ance of the same. Every article of necessity — bread stuffs, flesh
meats, fuel and house rents, are at exorbitant rates ; and an increase
is demanded beyond the means of the working and useful classes of the
community. Conspiracies, combinations, and speculations have been
fostered until an unnatural state of things exists, jeopardizing human
life itself — the liberties, independence and happiness of the people ;
but before remedies can be devised for evils which afflict the body

„ politic, the root from which those evils emanate must be laid bare.

I The voice of the people emphatically declares, and facts demonstrate,
that our monstrous banking system is the prime original cause of the
present state of things. ^ Banks have fostered extravagant specula-
tions in real estate, and consequently the enormous increase of rents.
Their extraordinary issues and accommodations have enabled fore-
stallers to buy up and hoard up all the provisions in the land, and
consequently to extort any price their horrible avarice demands.
Therefore,

Resolved — That we view the power exercised by banking com-
panies in controlling the currency of the country as unconstitutional,
and " more dangerous to the liberties of the people than that of a
standing army."

Resolved — That the system of finance in general use, and upon
which the revenues of ALL our public bodies are at present raised,
ought to be abolished with the least practical delay, and in place
thereof a system of direct taxation substituted ; that our present
vicious system has been the prolific parent of national debts, state
9*

102 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

debts ; city, corporation and town loans ; that from these have sprung
a species of taxation, so subtle and indirect in its operation, that it is
difficult to trace it through all its ramifications and passes to its ulti-
mate abstraction of a large amount of our property, and terrible
infringements on our rights and liberty ; that, from the means thus
covertly taken from us, have sprung up among us, and over us, ALL
those odious monopolies, and iron bonds upon the free exercise of our
liberty by which we are bound, robbed, oppressed and insultingly
derided.

Resolved — That the true remedy for tJie people, which will reduce the
price of all the necessaries of life is, that every workingman refuse
paper money inpayment for his services, or demand specie of the banks
for all notes paid to him.

The following memorial was also adopted by the
meeting :

To the Legislature of the State of New York, in Senate and Assembly

convened.

The Memorial of the Great Public Meeting of the Citizens of New
. York, convened in the Park, on Monday, February 13th, 1837,

represents : —

That your memorialists are suffering under a vast accumulation of
distress and privation, produced by that curse of modern times and
modern legislation — the Paper Money System. Wrong in principle,
and unconstitutional in its existence, its pernicious influences, moral
and political, have long been felt and deplored ; but it has been re-
served for this period to show how great an amount of misery it is
capable of inflicting upon a people. By its " stimulants," gambling
speculators have raised the prices of real estate to such a height, that
rents are beyond the means of the honest and industrious classes ;
by its " facilities," avaricious monopolists hare obtained possession
of a large proportion of the necessaries of life, and are demanding the
most exorbitant prices ; whilst its effects on the people, in a national
point of view, are equally disastrous, by the high nominal prices it
has produced, through which the industry of the farmer, mechanic,
manufacturer and laborer is sacrificed, for the benefit of the tyrants
of Europe ! Connected with the great fraud of Paper Money is the
system of Public Finance, now 50 generally in vogue in this country,
from State Governments down to Village Incorporations, consisting
of the creation of stocks, loans, and other forms of debt, which result
in the abstraction of an enormous amount, in various indirect ways,
from the pockets of the people ; and tend to carelessness, extrava-
gance, and waste of the public money, and consequently increase the
burdens of the citizen.

In view of these premises, your memorialists earnestly pray : —

1. The speedy prohibition of all bank notes under the denomina-
tion of one hundred dollars.

2. The abolition of all indirect taxes, and the system of finance

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 103

resting on public debt ; and in lieu thereof, substituting direct taxes
on real and personal estate.

3. The abrogation of all inspectorships over articles of commerce.

4. The repeal of all laws under which the Common Council of the
City of New York restrain or prohibit the freedom of trade ; and all
other laws by which they levy indirect taxes on the people.

The grievous burden of indirect taxation imposed on your memo-
rialists by the Paper Money and Banking System of the State — pro-
bably far greater than that paid by them into both the National and
State Treasury, and for which they receive nothing but oppression
and misery — urges them to pray for an early attention to their case.
By order of the meeting,

M. JAQUES, President.

These proceedings had scarcely been approved of by
the assemblage, when a stream of population, which had
come down Chatham street, entered the Park, and then a
man mounted the platform and addressed the multitude.
His speech was directed against the flour dealers, and he
added " go to the flour stores and offer a fair price, and
if refused, take the flour." No sooner had he ut-
tered those words, than the president of the meeting,
Mr, Jaques, interposed promptly, and with the assistance
of the officers of the meeting pulled him off the stand.
The meeting then peaceably adjourned. But according
to Mayor Clark's statement some one cried out " Hart's
flour store ;" and said a neutral paper of that period,
" a body of nearly one thousand persons separated from
the general mass, and proceeded to Washington street,
and commenced an attack upon the store of Eli Hart and
Co., the well known flour merchants of 173 £ 175 of
that street, completely filled from the floor to the ceil-
ing, from the basement to the roof, from the front to the
rear, with barrels of flour and bags of wheat."

" The store was soon entered," Mayor Clark states,
" barrels of flour thrown out and dashed to pieces in
Washington street. Mayor Lawrence with a few officers
repaired thither, but he and they were driven away. In
a short time the mob had undisputed possession of that
vast storehouse. Many of Mr. Hart's books and papers

104 HISTORY OF THE [1837-

were seized, torn and scattered along the public streets.
One of the Journals of that day stated that Mr. Hart's
loss was about 500 barrels of flour and 1000 bushels
of wheat. This is probably a high estimate."

" There were depredations committed on the same
night on other flour stores in the city. Fifty-three of the
rioters were apprehended by the police."

A portion of the city press would not let such a chance
escape of attaching infamy to the Loco-Focos. Alexan-
der'Ming was falsely charged with having uttered the
words, " go to the flour stores and offer a fair price for
flour, and if refused, take the flour." The portion of the
city press alluded to, is that which is subsidized by the
advertising and other patronage of the monopoly and
commercial aristocracy. Such a mercenary press, ever
anxious to show its vassalage to the interests of its lords,
is always up, and more eager to oppose reform and re-
formers than its masters are themselves. Hence those
venal presses were only laboring in their vocation
when they slandered and reviled the Loco-Focos, who
were reformers contending for just principles, and not
flour rioters.

But it afterwards came out, as stated by the Journal of
Commerce, which sometimes gives sudden emissions of
conscientious acknowledgments, that " a letter was found
in the Park some days before the meeting took place,
addressed to Mr. H. Lennox by an anonymous person, in-
forming him that the store of Hart & Co. was to be plun-
dered one of these nights by a large party of men, and
that in order to enable them to carry their design into
execution, two alarms of fire were to be given, one near
the Battery, and the other higher up the city, and whilst
the watchmen and police were assembled at these two
points, the conspirators were to break open the store arid
carry off the flour. The letter was brought to high con-
stable Hays, who showed it to Hart & Co. Besides this,
other anonymous letters of a similar import cime to

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 105

the Mayor, who caused the contents to be made known
to Hart & Co."

Of the fifty-three rioters arrested by the public author-
ities, not one was a Loco-Foco. Had there been even
one, it would have gone forth from the city press to the
whole Union as proof against the whole party. Besides,
the latter appointed a committee to examine the rolls of
names of the members of the party, with the view of
expelling any guilty member, and not one was found.
How could men who were strenuously contending for
Rights, be the perpetrators of wrongs ? Above all these
facts, the whole history of the party was proof, that it was
against monopolies by legislation, and especially banks,
•that the Equal Rights Democracy were contending ; and
the last resolution passed at the Park meeting was " that
the true remedy for the people, which will reduce the price
of all the necessaries of life is, that every working man
refuse paper money in payment for his services, or de-
mand specie at the banks for all notes paid to him.

The Committee which called the meeting in the Park,
published the following defence.
FELLOW CITIZENS : —

The undersigned publish, as an act of justice to themselves, as
citizens of this community, the following as an answer to the many
unfounded reports which have appeared in the public prints of this
city, relative to our motives and acts at the meeting of citizens held
in the Park, on the 13th instant. We trust that the papers of this
city will no longer be held as the index of the public morals.

We were appointed a Committee by a meeting of citizens previous-
ly held at the Military and Civic Hall, Bowery. In pursuance of
such appointment, notices were published in several of the papers,
and by handbills, inviting the people to assemble in the Park, and in-
quire into the causes of the present high prices of living, and to pro-
pose a remedy.

The people assembled at the time and place, and patiently and in
a most peaceable and orderly manner heard the preamble and resolu-
tions read, which they unanimously adopted. The memorial was
then read, and ordered to be signed by the officers of the meeting,
and forwarded to the Legislature of this State. The meeting then
adjourned, after having been advised to retire peaceably to their
homes ; and we had every reason to hope and expect that they would
do so, as there was not the least disposition manifested while in the

106 HISTORY OF THE [1835.

Park either to riot or disorder. The " right of the people peaceably to
assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances,"
is guaranteed to us by the Constitution of the United States. For the
riots that ensued we can be no more accountable than the framers of
the Constitution by which that inestimable right is secured.

We do not expect our motives and actions to be duly appreciated
at this time of excitement, when the hireling presses of the different
factions are vying with each other by abuse and misrepresentation
to break up a party who are advocating the Equal Rights of the
People, and which will, if not destroyed by the treachery of pretended
friends, ultimately obtain the ascendency in this State and the Union.
We fear no moral force, for that is with us ; nor can we be 'deterred
from our duty by physical force, though we may be temporarily injur-
ed by it. We court no sympathy or indulgence from the public, nor
forbearance of the press ; but we demand our rights as citizens of
this once boasted land of freedom ; we ask the equal justice guaran-
teed to us by the Constitution of the United States, and secured to us
by the charter of the State of New York.

MOSES JAQUES, DANIEL GORHAM,

PAULUS HEDL, JOHN WINDT,

DANIEL A. ROBERTSON, ALEXANDER MING, jr.
WARDEN HAYWARD.

Moses Jaques, Alexander Ming, jr., and John Windt,
have been already personally introduced to the reader.
The other members of the committee are now presented.

Paulus Hedl has lived in the city of New-York near-
ly forty years, and so upright and blameless has been his
conduct, that he has not a personal enemy, though few
men have had more intercourse with their fellow citizens.
It would not be easy to find in any part of the world, an
honester man and a more ingenious mechanic than
Paulus Hedl. Excellent as a draughtsman, skilful as a
practical workman, he stood at the head of the business
he followed, the originator of the ornamental and fancy iron
railing and palisading for which New-York has been dis-
tinguished above any city in the Union. So just a man
could be nothing else in politics than a Loco-Foco.

Daniel Gorham is as good-natured a man as can be
found in the ordinary range of city life ; so much so, that
he never sees the dark side of men or things, for he thinks
no harm of others, and naturally concludes that others
think no harm of him. No one looking in the man's

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 107

face could for a moment suppose him a flour rioter ; to
impute such a thing to him would provoke his hearty
laugh, for he would take the imputation as a joke. He
is the father of a numerous family, and has been a grand-
father for several years.

Daniel A. Robertson, a young man of genteel manners
and appearance, and of respectable character. He is
now ( 1842) the Editor of a periodical in Cincinnati in
the State of Ohio, called « the Elevator."

Warden Hayward, the father of a numerous family,
—some of his children are grown. A man more disposed
to obey the laws of his country does not exist ; — in fact
it would be difficult to find one more of a stickler for
Constitutions, laws and rules than Warden Hayward.
His religious sentiments have contributed to make him
a devotee of Loco-Focoism, which he construes to mean
Christian Equality and constitutional Liberty. His en-
thusiasm in the cause is of the quiet kind, in consequence
of his natural diffidence ; but it is intense and permanent.

Reader, were you to go into any church in Christendom,
you might around the altar find seven as good men in a
social and moral point of view, as M. Jaques, P, Hedl,
Daniel Gorham, John Windt, Alexander Ming, jr., D. A.
Robertson, and Warden Hayward, but you could not find
seven men possessing in the aggregate, more moral worth,
more mental capacity and respectability of character ; and
notwithstanding these considerations, they were accused
of getting up the flour riot.

No Loco-Foco was arrested, nor could suspicion be
fixed on any member of the party, of being concerned in
the flour riot, and this was very provoking. Nevertheless
a Victim was wanted, and one, too, who must be a Loco-
Foco. Ming was the only one that could be got at ; his
name was published under the call of the meeting ; he
had figured popularly at it, he was an office-holder : and
here then was the man for the Collector of the Port

108 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

(Samuel Swartwout)* to show his public spirit upon, and
an opportunity to please the merchant princes, or at least
the presses they had subsidized.

Ming was turned out of office at once. It is an old
trick of aristocracy to inflict suffering on the wife and
children, in order, by this mode of torture, to break the
spirit of independence in the husband and father. The
trick failed, however, this time, for Ming's spirit would
neither break nor bend. He addressed the head of the
department at Washington : — " In being suspected in the
remotest manner, as the instigator or abettor of a mob,
— I am slandered in my moral and political character,
slandered as a citizen, as a husband, as a father, as a
man." " All I ask, all I would demand is common just-
ice. If the holding of a subordinate situation under the
fovernment, — this free, equal American Government, I
may not peaceably assemble with my fellow-citizens to
petition for a redressal of grievances, then my taking of
office deprives me of constitutional rights, and I'll none
on't."

" No ! I cannot, will not believe, that an administration,
democratically formed and democratic in its practice and
assertions, will thus permit a democrat to be sacrificed on
the shrine of Oligarchy." This was the indignant lan-
guage of a man, with the spirit of manhood in him, and
it could not be evaded or disregarded. He was reinstated.
Still there were men who had made up their minds that
the Loco-Focos were guilty, notwithstanding every proof to
the contrary, and they would not be so fallible as to change
an opinion. These men asserted it as an infallible fact,
" that if the Loco-Focos had held no Park meeting, there
would have been no flour riot." This accusation was met
at an Equal Rights meeting with becoming gravity by
Resolutions," that if there had been no Park for the people
to meet in, or if there had been no people to assemble

* He in the summer following went to Washington in behalf of the
merchant princes. He came near being Whig candidate for the vice
presidency.

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 109

there, no public meeting would have taken place. That
the people should be shot down, and the Park laid off in
building lots and sold at auction to prevent all Park meet-
ings in future, and consequently, all flour riots."

However, " that the best way to prevent riots, is to re-
move the causes, and as the men who called the meeting,
were undoubtedly the cause of the high prices of bread,
meat, rent, and fuel, that they should therefore be removed
by extermination."

Nothing daunted by what had occurred, nor by threats
of military force in the event of another Park meeting,
the Equal Rights party called one for the 6th of March,
declaring " that it was a constitutional right of the people
to assemble for a redress of grievances. That to array
the Police, or to order out the uniformed Militia for the
purpose of intimidation was unconstitutional. That the
strongest force was moral force, and that each citizen at-
tending the meeting should voluntarily aid in the preserva-
tion of the peace, and therefore be watchful as to any overt
acts of the armed levies, against the people." The Park
meeting of the 6th of March was much more numerous
than that of 13th Feb. By some it was estimated at forty
thousand persons, and was certainly over thirty thousand.
Alexander Ming was the presiding officer of the vast con-
gregation, by the unanimous voice of all present. He
made an excellent speech, which was received with accla-
mations of applause by the multitude. The following
Report from the Committee chosen for the purpose, was
then read and unanimously adopted.

" The Committee appointed at a former meeting to report on the
causes of the present high prices of provisions, rent, and fuel, sub-
mit the following

REPORT.

To explain fully the causes and operation of any evil under which
the community may be suffering, it is necessary to call attention to
the constitution of society itself. ,

If society were in its natural state — if each man were permitted
to exercise, untrammelled, those rights and powers with which the
God of Nature has endowed him — high prices could be produced only
10

110 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

by scarcity, and scarcity only by bad seasons, war, or other calamity,
or improvidence.

But our people have not been at war ; they have not been unusu-
ally wasteful or lazy ; they have had but little sickness, save that
heart-sickness which must ever be felt by all who are conscious me-
nials of speculators and drones ; and even admitting that the season
was as unfavorable as interested persons pretend, there certainly has
been no blight or mildew sufficiently destructive to cut off our coal
mines, or create a scarcity of lots and houses. We must therefore
look to other causes ; and as the true ones are plain and simple, we
will state them in plain words.

In perhaps all densely peopled countries, that earth from which
everything must draw its subsistence is considered the exclusive pro-
perty of a chosen few, not one in fifty having the legal right to plant
a fruit tree or a potato patch to keep his family from starving. —
Those who are thus excluded from the common bounties of the great
Creator, are consequently compelled either to return the glorious uift,
of life, or else to support it by selling their strength and skill — their
only property — to the highest bidder. The price of strength and
skill, or labor, is naturally governed by the relative number of those
who are struggling to sell, and those who wish to buy. In a new
country, where the possessors of strength and skill are greatly needed
to erect mills and dwellings, and to fit the wilderness for the cultiva-
tor of the ground, they enjoy nearly as much of the fruits of their
labors as the land owner, and are esteemed according to their virtues.
But the forest once subdued, their services become less needed, while
their numbers continually increase ; and the landowners, no longer
eager competitors for the services of the laborers, are surrounded,
and courted, and flattered, by miserable competitors for servitude.

" The strength and skill of the surplus poor is next directed to
manufacturing and the mechanic arts ; and a similar round is tra-
velled on a new course. It is not long since an expert artizan could
earn the price of a barrel and a half to two barrels of flour per week ;
yet now we see before us only the prospect of being slaves so long as
we are able to toil, and paupers when we can toil no more. To make
matters still worse, our own poor are forced to compete in every way
with immense numbers of foreign poor, who have severed the ties of
country and home, hoping to acquire here, by their indiistry and skill,
that independence which their industry and skill could never buy in
the land of their fathers, but who find themselves doomed to share
and to augment our evils.

" But there is another great cause of high prices, so monstrous in
its nature, that we could hardly credit its existence, were it not con-
tinually before us : we mean the curse of Paper Money. Gold and
silver are produced from the earth by labor ; they are (or ought to be)
earned from the producer by labor ; and the man who has earned a
portion of these metals by honest labor, harms no one by selling them
for labor to others. No man, nor combination, can by Christian
means collect a sufficiency of these metals to enable him to engross

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. Ill

the food, or fuel, or houses of a nation ; but a leagued band of paper-
promise coiners, exert absolute control over the whole wealth of a
country ! They can print off the nominal value of our whole wheat
crop in a few minutes ; and as they draw compound interest on all
the DEBTS they owe, the more they owe, the greater their income, and
the more absolute their power.

But your Committee will dwell no longer on the causes of those
evils which render the life of the laborer a curse to be borne, instead
of a good to be enjoyed; and we will conclude our task by suggesting
the following remedies, which, if not sudden, will prove sure :

First. That we continually combat both in ourselves and others,
that ignorance and mental laziness which has so long rendered the
workingman a dupe and a slave.

Second. That we cease to confer political power on speculators
and drones, or their tools and confederates.

Third. That in order to put an end to the banking system, and the
whole power of false capital, we so alter our laws as to render all
debts hereafter contracted, simply debts of honor, and thus give the
advantages of credit to honest industry, instead of allowing those ad-
vantages to be monopolized by these best skilled in grinding the
poor.

John H. Hunt, the author of this report, is one of the
most ultra of democrats in all his principles, differing in
this respect from all his kindred. One of his brothers is
at this time member of Assembly from Alleghany County,
a strong Federal Whig. John H. Hunt is, besides, the au-
thor of several able productions which have appeared in
print, either in pamphlet form, or in the newspapers, and
the reader is referred to a very extraordinary pamphlet
from his pen lately published, entitled the " Slavery of
Poverty." He is not easily excited into action, but is not
difficult to be put in the thinking mood. Unlike, how-
ever, the greater number of thinkers, who wish to express
all their thoughts, the peculiarity of his mind is to concen-
trate all his thinkings into some abstract which shall " tell
the whole story." His abilities and moral worth should
place him in the front rank of the Democratic party ; but
such a man cannot be made a tool of by those who get
up candidates for the people, i. e. the pettifoggers of
politics.

After the adoption of the Report, the following Reso-
lutions were read and adopted.

112 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

" Whereas the banking system of the states of the Union, and more
especially the safety fund bank combination of the State of New-
York, is a hydra-headed monster, preying on the useful classes of this
community, impoverishing the great body of the people, defeating the
proper exercise of their rights and liberties, subverting the Constitu-
tion of the United States, and the vital principles of Democratic Re-
publican government,

Therefore, We declare it as our solemn belief, that the bank oli-
garchy is the worst that ever existed upon the face of the earth ;
because it is founded on avarice, the basest of all human passions,
and the one of all others that has the least regard for the benign pre-
cepts of religion, or the happiness of the human race.

That banks are, in fact, legally authorized banditti, levying contri-
butions and indirect taxation from every honest business, filching
from the industrious the fruits of their labor, and making the rich
richer and the poor poorer.

" That they have wickedly and cruelly encouraged speculation,
forestalling, and extortion, in such articles of necessity as bread)
meat, rent, and/weZ, thereby ' grinding the faces of the poor.'

" That they emit ' bills of credit,' called bank notes, in open viola-
tion of the letter and spirit of the Constitution of the United States ;
and the prerogative of regulating the currency is unconstitutionally
and capriciously exercised by them, through the means of expansions
and contractions.

" That men of business are in abject vassalage to them, for ' the
debtor to a bank is a slave to it ;' and that our virtuous working
people, instead of thriving by their honest labor, are, year after year,
sinking deeper into poverty and bondage.

" That ' they have corrupted that class of society from which our
legislators are drawn ;' for our governors, legislators, and judges,
are bank officers, and indebted or interested in those institutions ;
and therefore they no longer hearken to the voice of the people.

" That their influence over the public press is dangerous to the
spirit of liberty, for the power of the purse and the press is so clearly
in their hands, that the language cf political truth and public-spirited
independence is stifled and suppressed, if adverse to the interests of
the bank oligarchy !

" That the effect of banks on the community is to create the neces-
sity for alms-houses and state prisons ; to make business men gam-
blers, bankrupts, knaves, or vassals, and working people slaves,
paupers, or felons.

" That the substitution of bank notes in the place of specie, has
raised the nominal prices of all things so high, that European nations,
notwithstanding the oppressive taxation they labor under, can bring
their goods across the Atlantic, and undersell us in our own markets.

" That in consequence of this, most branches of industry are not
sufficiently remunerated — the nation is made dependent on foreign
manufacturers, and the growth and prosperity of this country mate-
rially checked.

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 113

" Therefore, Resolved, That it is the duty of every philanthropist,
of every patriot, and of every moral man, to exert his veto against
paper money, that stupendous fraud, the bitter fountain of an incal-
culable amount of political, moral, and social evil."

And again were the people called on to go to the Banks
and demand specie for their notes.

" Resolved, That the « People's VETO ' is to demand of the banks
gold and silver for their ( promises to pay,3 and thus make these soul-
less corporate extortioners pay tlieir debts to the people as promptly as
they compel payment from the people."

This immense meeting conducted itself with perfect
order and decorum, and on its adjournment quietly dis-
persed.

On the same evening, at a public meeting at the Mili-
tary and Civic Hotel, the Loco-Focos passed indignant
Resolutions against the public authorities for " anticipating
a riot and disgracing our citizen soldiers by placing them
in the situation of policemen, and keeping them under
arms to intimidate their fellow citizens assembled in the
Park for a redress of grievances."

" Resolved, That we, the Equal Rights party, citizens of this Re-
public, will hold another public meeting in the Park, on the first
Monday in April next, in order to ascertain whether or not this com-
munity is under martial law."

The following resolution was also unanimously adopted :

" Resolved, That we have implicit confidence and faith in the in-
tegrity of Robert Townsend, Jr., and Clinton Roosevelt, and while we
award to them the meed of praise for their adherence to our princi-
ples, we cannot refrain from passing our unanimous censure upon
the conduct of G. W. Patterson, member of Assembly from Living-
ston county, whose whole course has been in opposition to the friends
of Equal Rights."

The ensuing chapter will show the bearing of this lat-
ter resolution.

10'

CHAPTER IX.

Memorial to the Assembly in relation to the selection of the Bank
Investigating Committee — Ungenerous suspicions of the House
respecting Mr. Roosevelt — A Committee to investigate the Memo-
rialists appointed — M. Jaques and Levi D. Slamm summoned, but
they require their expenses to be paid — Sergeant-at-Arms despatch-
ed to arrest them — They are arraigned for contempt of the House
— Proceedings and Reprimand — Arraigned again for a second con-
tempt— Messrs. Jaques' and Slamm's Protest — Proceedings — Pro-
found Resolution of Mr. King — Slamm conforms and is discharged
from custody — Jaques alone at the bar, addresses the House, and
gives it a constitutional reprimand — End of the affair, with remarks
on the meanness of the House of Assembly.

" What is the matter ? Horrible !
Have you not heard nor dreamt ?

The House— the House at Albany
Is treated with contempt !"

SOON after the commencement of the Session of the
Legislature, in January, 1837, Mr. Roosevelt, one of the
two Loco-Foco members of Assembly from the city of
New- York, moved for the " appointment of a special
committee, with power, &c. to inquire into certain usuri-
ous practices charged against the banks of this State."
This motion was unanimously adopted, but second
thoughts pointed out the impolicy, if not danger, of suffer-
ing a known enemy of the banking system to take the
lead in such an important matter, to be its chairman
according to parliamentary usage ; one who would thor-
oughly investigate the banks and bring in a Loco-Foco
Report to shed light to the whole people would never do.
Therefore, when he subsequently called up the motion for
specific action, it was laid on the table at the instance of
Mr. King.

But this mode of disposing of the subject was calcu-
lated to confirm suspicions respecting the " institutions to
which we were indebted for all our unexampled prosper-
ity," and to shake that public confidence without which

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 115

they could not exist. Mr. Cutting, in two or three weeks
afterwards, submitted resolutions to the same effect as Mr.
Roosevelt's, but sufficiently verbose to make a great pa-
rade. These were adopted, and the investigating com-
mittee appointed by the speaker, with Thomas G. Tal-
mage, a director of the Lafayette Bank, for chairman,
which turned out to be as intended, one of the veriest
bank white-washing committees that ever was chosen.

" The Equal Rights Party, strongly partaking in the
general indignation at what they thought was legislative
chicanery," sent the following memorial "to the Speaker
and members of Assembly."

" Your memorialists, inhabitants of the city of New- York, respect-
fully present the following remonstrance to your honorable body,
on the subject of the appointment of the members of the Bank Inves-
tigating Committee.

" They, with others of your constituents, in all parts of the State,
are of opinion that the duties of the said committee are such as indis-
pensably require men of capability and independence, equally as re-
gards Banks, their direct power, or indirect influence.

" Your memorialists earnestly but with due deference to your hon-
orable body, express their great dissatisfaction at the appointment of
any bank officer as chairman, or of any man interested, connected or
indebted to banking institutions, as a member of said committee ; and
whether such appointments proceeded from good or evil design, the
result will be the same to the banks and the people, to render the in-
vestigation totally nugatory, a thing full of sound, but in reality sig-
nifying nothing.

"Besides, there is a member of your honorable body to whom just-
ice has not been done in this matter. Mr. Roosevelt was the
original mover for this investigation, and by parliamentary usage, by
propriety and by courtesy, should have been placed on the committee,
more especially as it does not appear that he attempted to influence
the speaker, either privately or publicly. Great, however, as the
injustice is to him, it is still infinitely greater to his constituents, and
to the whole people of the State.

" We, therefore, your fellow citizens, deferentially and as we think
justly remonstrate against the appointments which have been made
of the members of this Committee. When we recollect the prediction
of a committee of the legislature of 1818 that < Members of Assembly
will be indebted to the Banks for their Seats in the Capitol,' we feel
it our duty to ask for an efficient disinterested independent Com-
mittee. When we call to mind the words of Jefferson in relation to
the principles of the Bank aristocracy, — ' that they are unyielded
and unyielding, that they have taken deep root in the hearts of that

116 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

class from which our legislators are drawn,' we the undersigned de-
clare the necessity for searching vigilance and republican jealousy as
respects Banking institutions, and therefore we again ask of your
honorable body an efficient disinterested independent investigating
Committee in order that justice may be done to your Constituents,
the people."

Soon after the presentation of this memorial the suspi-
cions of some of the members were excited as to a por-
tion of the signatures on a piece of paper attached to the
bottom of the memorial. These high-minded legislators
suspected that, as they had acted meanly towards Mr.
Roosevelt, he on his part had the meanness not only
to be author of the memorial himself, but that he had
also cut off the piece of paper mentioned from some other
document and attached it to this one. The names of
James Kent and William J. Bayard were on this piece,
the first a paver, the latter a carpenter. How could
legislators, admirers of Chancellor Kent, conceive of any
other James Kent in the world ? How could it be sup-
posed that the name of an eminent merchant deceased
could have been affixed fairly to such a memorial ?

This was a tremendously dark and mysterious matter,
and it must be investigated. Accordingly a special com-
mittee was chosen, consisting of Hon. G. W. Patterson,
the Hon. Mr. Westlake, and the Hon. Thomas W.
Tucker, with powers to send for persons and papers.

With all despatch possible, " the select committee,
through the Sheriff of the County of New York, served
on Moses Jaques and Levi D. Slamm, two of the signers
of the petition, a summons to appear before the commit-
tee on the 25th of February, at the capitol in the city of
Albany, to testify what they knew relative to the pe-
tition."

Messrs. Jaques and Slamm sent the following reply to
G. W. Patterson, the chairman.

NEW YORK, Feb., 1837.

Sir — We have received a summons signed by you to appear at the
capitol in the city of Albany on the 25th February to testify what we
know relative to that petition.

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 117

It would afford us particular gratification to attend agreeably to
the summons, but we must first be provided with the means to defray
the expense of our journeying to and from Albany and while there.
As soon as we are thus provided, we will attend.
Yours respectfully,

M. JAQUES, LEVI D. SLAMM.

The special committee reported to the House, and
Messrs. Jaques and Slamm were pronounced guilty of a
wilful contempt of the House of Assembly. The Ser-
geant at Arms was instantly despatched with a war-
rant to arrest them. They were taken prisoners to Al-
bany, and on Monday, the 6th of March, they were ar-
raigned at the bar of the House.

After some debate on a resolution by Mr. Hackley to
appoint a select committee to conduct further proceedings,
the speaker appointed Messrs. Hackley, Ogden and Van
Tuyl. This committee sat and incubated the following
interrogatories, to be put to the prisoners.

1st. "Were yousubpo2ned to be and appear before the Committee
of the House to whom was referred the petition of M. Jaques and
others, and if so, did you attend in obedience to the exigency of said
subpoena ?

2d. Did you ask the advice of counsel in relation to it, and if so,
who was such counsel, and what advice did he give you ?

3d. What reasons can you assign for not complying with'said sub-
poena ? If any, state the same particularly ?"

M. Jaques requested copies of the questions, that he
might have leave to answer them in writing. He was
not disposed to do or say anything to compromit the
rights or interests of himself or others, and he wished to
proceed with due caution. His request was granted.

On the 7th they were again brought before the House.
Again there was more debate on this weighty matter of
state. The speaker at length put the questions to the
prisoners, who stated they 'were willing to waive their
objections and answer the interrogatories.

M. Jaques, in reply to the first, said that " he had re-
ceived the subpffina, but did not attend."

118 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

To the second, — " he did not perceive that it had any
relevancy to the matter at issue. However, he did not
consult counsel, nor did he require to be informed that
he was bound by the law of the land when consti-
tutional."

To the third, — he adduced the letter already presented
to the reader. To this he added, " that he was still under
the impression that in all cases where the attendance of
witnesses is required to travel beyond the limits- of the
county in which they reside, the party requiring such
attendance is obliged to defray the expenses.

" That by the rules and regulations of the House of
Representatives of the United States, it is necessary that
all writs, warrants, and subpoenas issued by order of the
House, should be under the hand and seal of the speaker,
and attested by the clerk.

" That the subpoena served upon him was signed by the
Chairman of the committee, and as he knew not of any rule
of this house differing from the above, his honest convic-
tions were that it was irregular, and therefore he was not
bound to obey it.

" That the frequent encroachments upon the constitu-
tional rights of the people, by party legislation and a re-
currence to British precedents, have awakened a neces-
sary and laudable jealousy at the least appearance of fur-
ther invasions of their rights and liberties. Therefore, in
order that no act or precedent whereby his own, or the
rights and liberties of others may be affected, he most
respectfully requested that the house furnish the constitu-
tional authority, if any there be, by which it is clothed
with power to issue its warrants commanding the ser-
geant at arms (he not being a ministerial officer of any
court) to arrest private citizens and take them forcibly
from their homes, their families and their business, at any
time, and under any circumstances, and arraign them at
the bar of this house to answer for offences, in his
humble belief unknown to the constitution of the United
States, or of this state, but in derogation of both."

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 119

Levi D. Slamm took the same ground, in his answer,
but with a little admixture of domestic sentiment.

Mr. Hackley offered a resolution that Messrs. Jaques
and Slamm had been guilty of a wilful contempt of the
authority of the house (" the honor and dignity of which,"
in the words of Thomas W. Tucker " must not be com-
promitted"), and that they be brought to the bar of the
house and be reprimanded by the speaker.

And hereupon a sensible debate took place among these
sage legislators. The criminals were desired to rise, and
then the speaker performed that farcical ceremony called
the

REPRIMAND.

" It is with .painful emotion that I proceed in the discharge of the
duties of the Chair, to convey to you both, the censure so clearly in-
dicated by the resolution which has been this instant adopted by this
House. By your own confessions, you have been convicted, in the
judgment of this House, of a wilful contempt of its authority, in re-
fusing to obey the MANDATE issued by a select committee of its
members, in the regular and legal discharge of the duties imposed on
them by a deliberate vote of this body. As a part of the law-making
power, the Assembly justly view with jealousy any attempt to evade
or violate the supremacy of those laws which they, in an especial
manner, are now called upon to assert and enforce. That you were
bound to obey the injunction of the subpO3nas served on you respect-
ively, there cannot be a doubt ; and to suffer the disobedience of
which you have both been convicted to go unpunished, would, in a
land of laws, have been productive of incalculable evil ; particularly
as one of you (I allude to Mr. Jaques) appears to be advanced in
years, and, from what has been said on this floor, has not only en-
joyed the advantage of having been well educated, but has a large
stake in the maintenance of law and order ; and because you, Mr.
Slamm, though younger in years, have exhibited before this House
prooT of intellectual endowment, which cannot fail to gain for your
opinions and conduct an influence which they would not otherwise
carry with them. These circumstances, while they aggravate the
force of bad example, at the same time leave you without excuse or
apology for refusing obedience to the requisitions of the law, of which
every citizen is presumed to be, and of which you doubtless were,
apprised. In compliance with the order of the House, it devolves on
me to reprimand you both for disobedience to the well known laws
of the State, upon the strict enforcement of which so much depends,
and for the contempt of the House, which has been so clearly proved
against both of you. I do, therefore, in virtue of the authority of the
House of Assembly, and in its name, reprimand you for your con-

120 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

duct ; and I trust that this just exposure and admonition may prove
a useful lesson to you, and all others, from a like attempt to set at
defiance the laws of your country.

" At fifteen minutes before three o'clock, the House, pending a
motion by Mr. Patterson directing the Select Committee to proceed
to summon Messrs. Jaques and Slamm, adjourned.

Thus ended the trial for the first contempt ! during which the As-
sembly assumed powers not delegated by the constitution, but ex-
pressly prohibited by that sacred instrument, which the members had
sworn to support."

But the farce did not end here, for the memorial had
yet to be investigated ; and Mr. Roosevelt's participation
in it had yet to be developed. The house had satisfied
its honorjand dignity, and now its suspicions must be satis-
fied. Messrs. Jaques and Slamm were quickly summoned
before " the select committee of which G. W. Patterson
•was chairman" to testify in relation to the suspected
petition.

Messrs. Jaques and Slamm appeared before the com-
mittee, but they refused to testify except on certain con-
ditions namely, that the committee insert in their minutes
a PROTEST containing the opinions of Messrs. Jaques and
Slamm in regard to the unconstitutionality of the whole
proceeding on the part of the house — a DISCLAIMER of the
right or authority of the legislature to act in the pre-
mises, and that their evidence shall be taken with the full
understanding that it is given voluntarily.

The Committee was perplexed. Was there not some-
thing even more than was suspected, under all this stub-
bornness ? It was too momentous a matter for the com-
mittee ; it must go to the collected wisdom of the house.
The protest was refused insertion on the minutes, and
Messrs. Jaques and Slamm declined being sworn.

The special committee hastened to the house with its
report of this second instance of contempt. The Honor-
able Mr. Westlake was for confining the stubborn men in
the county jail during the session. The Honorable Mr.
Cutting expressed doubts as to the power of the legisla-
ture in cases of contempt. The Honorable Mr. Van

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 121

Tuyl presented a petition from citizens of Albany and
Troy asking that further proceedings in the case of Ja-
ques and Slamm be stayed until the Judiciary Committee
have time to report whether the house had acted consti-
tutionally or not. Mr. Cutting of the Judiciary Com-
mittee reported in part by recommending that further
proceedings be suspended. Mr. Porter inquired if all the
members of the committee had been consulted. Mr.
Cutting replied that he had forgotten that the gentleman
had returned. Mr. Patterson moved that the committee
be not discharged from the main inquiry. Mr. King was
opposed to any reference whatever. The motion to refer
was lost.

But the house wanted to know all that Messrs. Jaques
and Slamm knew of the suspected petition, and at length
Mr. Hackley's resolution was adopted — " That M. Jaques
and Levi D. Slamm ba brought to the bar, and that the
Speaker inquire of them if they have anything to offer
in relation to their alleged refusal to be sworn, &c., before
the committee."

The speaker having put this inquiry, M. Jaques, on be-
half of himself and Mr. Slamm, answered as follows :

" That nothing but the importance which both attached
to the question before the house could have induced him
for the first time in his life to present himself before a
public assembly in vindication of the stand they had
taken in behalf of the violated constitution of their coun-
try— that they believed the law under which the house had
instituted these proceedings was contrary to the constitu-
tions of the United States and of the state of New York —
that they had no legal advisers and asked none, believing
that the legal characters of the country, from education,
habits of thinking and association, were too strongly wed-
ded to precedents of government and law which were
anti-democratic and repugnant to the spirit of free govern-
ment— that though we had separated ourselves from Brit-
ish government, we were still slaves to their laws, their
customs, their parliamentary proceedings, and that it was
11

122 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

high time our second independence was declared. Better
that we take the advice of that able jurist, Edward Liv-
ingston, and reject all British statutes and British prece-
dents from our courts of law as evidences of law. As
well might we adopt the code of Napoleon, or the civil
code of Russia, as a guide for our judicial decisions or
legislative proceedings; they are all based on monarchical
principles, and incompatible with free government."

Mr. Slamm,at the instance of Mr. Jaques, then, read to
the house, the document offered to the select committee.

PROTEST.
To the Select Committee of the House of Assembly on the Petition of

M. Jaques and others.

GENTLEMEN : — We appear before you at this lime, not because we
acknowledge your right or authority to call on us to appear and tes-
tify, but for the purpose of assigning our reasons for not replying to
the interrogatories you may submit. At the same time we would
have you understand, that we have nothing to conceal, which, if dis-
closed, would iu the least affect ourselves, or any other person whose
name may be on the petition in question, or any persons with whom
we are acquainted.

We cannot consent to be examined by you as a committee, because
we deny its authority ; and to yield now, would be virtually acknow-
ledging the constitutionality of the law of this state under which the
Legislature appear to claim the power, to issue its warrant, command-
inur ii:s .--•! _( aut-ai-;uihs, (he not being a ministerial officer of any
court of law), to arrest private citizens, detain them as prisoners, and
arraign them at the bar of the House of Assembly, and then con-
demn, and censure or imprison them, at their pleasure : thus break-
ing down the barriers of our constitution by uniting the three distinct
departments of the government — the legislative, the judicial, and the
executive, into one; thereby setting up an OLIGARCHY of a most
dangerous character, and totally subversive of all free governments
— against all which we do most solemnly PROTEST. And, further-
more :

To admit, for argument sake, that this committee has the right to
call us before it, yet we are not bound to answer any questions
whereby we might implicate ourselves : this is a rule of law which we
presume this committee will not deny.

That no evil impression may be inferred from the position we have
taken, and that the good people of this state may discover that we
only persist in our constitutional rights, we respectfully inform you,
that we are willing to be sworn and testify before you appertaining to
the petition in question, but with a full understanding that we do it
voluntarily, and that this protest be considered part oT the minutes of
your proceedings. M. JAQUES,

Albany, March 8, 1837. LEVI D. SLAMM,

1837.] LOCOFOCO PARTY. 123

After Mr. Slamm had concluded, Mr. Jaques was going
on to argue the constitutional question, when

Mr. King interposed, asking whether it was worth while
to listen to a constitutional argument, so long as the per-
sons at the bar expressed a willingness to go before the
committee voluntarily and be sworn.

The Speaker said he understood that the persons at the
bar refused to be_sworn, and put the question to Mr. Jaques,
whether he meant to be understood to say in the written
paper just presented, that he was willing to go before the
committee and be sworn ?

Mr. Jaques replied : under the conditions stated in the
paper.

Mr. King asked that the paper might be read again,
and it was read by the clerk.

The Speaker again put the question stated above, and

Mr. Jaques replied in the affirmative, on condition that
the paper be recorded on the minutes of the house, as
part of its proceedings.

The Speaker said it would be so recorded of course.

Mr. King then moved that Messrs. Jaques and Slamm
be discharged from custody.

Mr. T. W. Tucker opposed the motion, saying that he
never could consent to compromise what he conceived to
be the just authority of the House, under any such stipu-
lation or bargain as that proposed by the persons at the
bar. The honor and dignity of the House must not be
compromitted !

Mr. Hurlbert was also opposed to the motion. It was
debated by Messrs. King and Westlake.

Mr. Bradish offered a resolution to wait for the report
of the judiciary committee.

Mr. Porter moved that the resolution lay on the table.

Mr. King withdrew his first resolution to offer another,
viz. : " That this house possesses the legal and constitu-
tional power to punish for contempt of its> authority."

This short mode of getting above the constitution was
adopted unanimously. Legislative bodies are always

H1STOKY OF THL [1837.

prone to usurp power, because there is no personal res-
ponsibility. Our legislative history abounds with instan-
ces of usurpation.

All difficulties being thus got over by the House voting
itself absolute, Mr. King renewed his former motion, to
discharge Messrs. Jaques and Slamm from custody. This
was debated by Messrs Van Tuyl, Zabriskie, Bigelow,
Roosevelt, Patterson, King, Westlake, Taylor and Rug-
gles, when the question was taken and lost.

Next day the House got into the matter again. Mr.
Sibley offered a resolution that the Speaker propound to
Messrs. Jaques and Slamm the question, " Are you will-
ing to testify before the committee, but not to answer any
question which may criminate yourselves 1 " This was
adopted.

The Speaker put the question to M. Jaques, who said
he was sorry the resolution had been adopted, as he in-
dulged the hope — the Speaker interposed for a direct
tmswer.

Mr. Jaques then replied, " I must say NO ! because I
wish to be heard."

The Speaker put the same question to Mr. Slamm, who
replied as follows :

" That inasmuch as the House of Assembly bad granted
his request, by placing upon its journals his Protest against
the constitutionality of the whole procedure, he, as he
had stated in that Protest, was willing to testify before
the committee."

The Speaker then stated that the House desired an un-
qualified answer. The question was again put to him
and he replied as above.

Mr. Cutting moved that Mr. Slamm be discharged
from the custody of the House, which was carried by a
vote of 92 yeas to 7 nays.

Mr. Burroughs renewed his resolution so amended as
to commit M. Jaques to the county jail of Albany until
he shall submit to an examination before the committee.

M. Jaques then proceeded with his remarks.

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 125

" I hope," said he, " Mr. Speaker, to be indulged in a few remarks
explanatury of our motives, and in vindication of our characters, be-
fore I proceed to the consideration of the main question at issue.

We are charged with acting for political effect. This we deny.
Our motive is a desire to protect ourselves and our fellow-citizens
from oppression. If the house of Assembly had given us a full and
fair hearing in the first instance, we should have been satisfied ; but
our requests were unattended to, and we were condemned and sen-
tenced in one breath. Feeling ourselves shut out from an opportu-
nity of defending our rights and opinions, we took measures to place
ourselves again in the power of the House, and abide the result.

Our characters, our motives, and our principles, are assailed;
every epithet of reproach and contumely that the English language
can furnish, is heaped upon us. It is said that we are ambitious ;
that we do not regard the property or rights of others ; that we incite
to mobs ; that our principles are corrupt, &c. Such has been the
fate of all reformers, in all ages, and in all countries. The first and
greatest reformer that history gives us much account of, was reviled
and evil spoken of : he was called a thief, a vagabond, a disturber
of the peace, of society, a babbler : they charged that he was an asso-
ciate of publicans and sinners ; that he was a madman ; that he
taught doctrines which were loosening all the bonds of society, and turn-
ing the world upside down : and for his firmness in resisting the op-
pressions of the money-changers, the Pharisees and the Regency of
that day, he was persecuted to death. A period of eighteen hundred
years has since elapsed, and what is the result ? To condemn his
morality, or doubt his divinity, is deemed INFIDELITY !

Our principles have long since been before the public, and we call on
our opponents to gainsay them.* They are drawn from the true
sources of wisdom, and are founded on the eternal principles of truth,
and will endure to the end of time.

I wish here to correct some erroneous opinions which I have heard
expressed on this floor and elsewhere by honorable members of the
House.

They are as follows : That members of the Senate and Assembly
possess all the powers of the people ; that in fact they are the peo-
ple ; that all laws passed by a majority of both branches of the
Legislature, and approved by the Governor, however contrary to our
written constitutions, are binding on the people ; and are in fact
constitutional — the Legislature being the people, and of course above
the Constitution.

Such is the doctrine promulgated by men who claim to be the ex-
clusive supporters of democratic government ! It is the theory and
practice of the British government, " The King can do no wrong."
Gentlemen had better have our constitutions burnt by the common

See Declaration of Equal Rights Party,
11*

126 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

hangman at once. But I would ask, for what purpose the honorable
members take the oath to support the Constitution of the United
States, and of this State, when they take their seats in this House?
And why they propose amendments, in order to enable them to obtain
the consent of the people to effect some object not allowed by the
Constitution ? An amendment on the subject of the duties on salt,
and the sales at auction, were not long since made, and it is now pro-
posed to amend so as to sanction some changes in our judiciary. If
the Legislature be the people, why not alter the Constitution at once,
and save the trouble and expense of referring it to the people ?

I am no longer surprised that the Legislature of this State should
incorporate banks, with the privilege of emitting their notes as* a circu-
lating medium, when I am informed that the inembers]of the two Houses
are the people, and of course above the Constitution ; the prohibition
contained in the United States Constitution is, therefore, not binding
on our Legislatures ! Will the people sanction such a doctrine / I
trust not.

I hope I shall be permitted to speak of that government from which
we derived most of our maxims and precedents of law, and our doc-
trine of parliamentary privileges and prerogatives, and contrast it with
onr own. In England, all power is lodged in the King and two
Houses of Parliament. The doctrine there prevails, that on entering
into society, men give up their rights ; but the truth is, that the peo-
ple do not give up their rights voluntarily ; they are wrested from them
either by force or fraud. When William the Norman invaded and
conquered England, he divided the lands amongst his followers, and
subjected the people to a state of vassalage. They were purchased and
sold as appendages to the land. It is true some alterations in the
condition of the common people have been effected since that period ;
but it is only a change to a state of dependence still more degrading
to the character of man.

Ours is called a Democracy — that is, a government of the people —
a government where the supreme power is in the people ; and all pow-
er and authority emanate from them. In a pure Democracy, the peo-
ple, in their collective capacity, meet together and pass laws ; but in
large communities this is impracticable ; we therefore have adopted
what we call a Representative Democracy : and by conventions of the
people have formed written constitutions, entrusting the management
of the affairs of the government to the hands of representatives or
agents ; which agents or representatives are divided into three classes
or departments, viz : Legislative, Judicial and Executive ; as checks
and balances on each other ; each department having its peculiar
power and duties assigned to it by the Constitution ; and neither de-
partment can rightfully exercise or interfere with the powers or du-
ties assigned to the others. Here no natural right is given up, nor
can they be, because they are inalienable.*

* " The individual, by entering into society, promises to abstain

1837.] LOCOFOCO FAKTvr. 127

Constitutions may be aptly compared to powers of attorney, and the
parties to principal and agent : the people are the principal, and their
representatives the agents, and the constitution the power of attorney
by which they derive their authority, and by which their duties are
defined, and their powers limited. If the agent transcend his authori-
ty, his principal is not bound by such act. So in respect to the peo-
ple : if the agents of either department of the government transcend
their powers, the principals are not bound by their acts, and have a
right to call them to an account, and dismiss them from their em-
ployment.

[Here Mr. J. asked, and was permitted to read, sundry extracts
from a speech lately delivered by Mr. McKeon, member of Congress
from the City of New York, in which he maintains the doctrine that
Congress cannot delegate authority to a Committee, and clothe it with
power to send for persons and papers. He doubts the right of Con-
gress, under the Constitution of the United States, to exercise the pow-
ers and privileges claimed by the British House of Parliament, to pun-
ish for contempts.]

I now, sir, go further : I deny that Congress, by the Constitution
of the United States, is clothed with any system of privileges, such as
is claimed and exercised by the British House of Commons. Such
privileges were expressly denied to Congress by the Convention which
framed that instrument.

i OD- the 20th day of August, 1787, a proposition was submitted to a
committee of five members, in the following words : " Each house
shall be the judge of its own privileges, and shaH have authority to
punish by imprisonment every person viplating the same : or who in
the place where the Legislature may be sitting, and during the time
of the session shall threaten any of its members for anything said or
done in the house," &c. &c.

This committee reported on the 22d August, 1787, against invest-
ing the house of Congress with any such powers, which report was
concurred in by the convention. — See 4th Vol. Elliott's Debates, pp. 140
and 148. Hence it is clear, that Congress possesses no such powers ;
and I shall make it equally manifest that the Legislature of this State
possesses no such power by virtue of their Constitution.

The 2d section of the 5th article of the constitution of the State of
New York clothes the Legislature with the only judicial or criminal
powers it can lawfully exercise.

" The Assembly shall have the power of impeaching all civil offi-
cers of this State for mal and corrupt conduct in office, and for high

from whatever is inconsistent with the existence of society ; but by
entering into society he promises nothing more. Society promises to
restrain and to redress whatever would be destructive to society, but
it promises no more. In all respects the parties are exactly in the
situation in which they were before the establishment of society." —
Professor Wayland.

128 HISTORY OF THE [1837

crimes and misdemeanors ; but a majority of all the members elected
shall concur in an impeachment. Before the trial of an impeachment,
the members of the court shall take an oath or affirmation, truly and
impartially to try and determine the charge in question, according to
evidence ; and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence
of two-thirds of the members present. Judgment, in cases of impeach-
ment, shall not extend farther than the removal from office and dis-
qualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust or profit,
under this State; but the party convicted shall be liable to indictment
and punishment according to law."

I also find, by the first volume of the Revised Statutes, so late as
1829, this House did not claim the powers now exercised. The
punishment for neglect or refusal to attend as a witness, was a fine
of one hundred dollars. At what period, and by what means, the
privileges exercised by this House were engrafted on our statute
books, I leave others to explain. Doubtless it was the work of some
common law pleader, who has more veneration for the aristocratic
British parliamentary law, than for the written Democratic constitu-
tions of this country.

Here then we have all the judicial powers granted to the Assembly ;
and these powers are confined exclusively to the " civil officers of the
State for mal and corrupt conduct in office, and for high crimes and
misdemeanors ;" and their punishment is confined to removal from
office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust
or profit under this State. For any further punishment, they are
turned over to the proper judicial tribunals, to be " punished accord-
ing to law;" thereby virtually saying the assembly shall have no ju-
dicial power excepting as above. Now, whence comes the right of
prerogative, and to punish for contempt ? Not from the constitute n
of the United States, or of this state, but from parliamentary law of
Great Britain. And has it come to this, that we are to be governed
by British " precedents" and " parliamentary usages," in violation of
our written constitutions? If so, it is time that the public so under-
stand it.

I have now fully shown, that the Assembly of this state does not
possess the power to punish for contempts, but that such power is ex-
pressly forbidden. The 4th article of amendments to the constitution
of the United States provide? :

" The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, pa-
pers and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures shall not
be violated ; and no warrants shall issue but upon probable cause,
supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place
to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized."

Article 5. " No person shall be held to answer for a capital or
otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment
of a srand jury.* * * * Nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to
be witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty or property,
without due process of law."

Article 6. " In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 129

the right of a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the
State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed. * * *
To be confronted with the witnesses against him ; to have compulsory
process for obtaining witnesses in his favor."

The 7th article of the constitution of the State of New-York, sec-
tions 1, 2 and 7, contain provisions in all respects similar to the
above, and therefore need not be here repeated.

Let me now compare those provisions with the case before us.
We are arrested by an officer of this House, upon a warrant issued
by the Speaker of this House ; we are forcibly taken from our homes,
our families, our business, and arraigned at this bar, to answer for a
contempt of its authority. We are tried, condemned, sentenced and
punished by this House : and all this in violation of the rights guar-
anteed to every citizen by the Constitution of the United States and
of this State.

1. We were arrested under a warrant not supported by any oath
or affirmation.

2. It was served by the Sergeant-at-Arms, who is not a ministerial
officer of any court.

3. We are deprived of our liberties without due process of law.

4. We are arraigned for trial without a presentment or indictment
of a grand jury.

5. We are compelled, indirectly, to give evidence against our-
selves.

6. We are deprived of a trial by an impartial jury.

7. We are not confronted with the witnesses against us, nor have
we compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in our favor.

In all of the above particulars have our rights been invaded : the
accusing party being the judge, jury, and executioner of the sen-
tence ; thereby uniting the legislative with the judicial and execu-
tive branches of the government ; breaking down every barrier of
our constitutions, and subjecting us to the will of a majority of a
legislative body, which is the worst of despotisms !

And all this — for what ? Not that it was necessary for the purposes
of justice; not that there was no other and a more constitutional
mode of proceeding ; but to vindicate the wounded dignity of this
House of Assembly ! Strange inconsistency ! and still stranger plea !
And is it come to this, that the wounded dignity of this House of As-
sembly must be revenged by a violation of the constitution and an in-
vasion of the rights and liberties of private citizens ?

The Assembly of the State of New-York, as a party in any suit,
must be considered as an individual, and can have no more rights
than any other individual : both have a right to summon witnesses in
any legal inquiry ; and if the witness so summoned does not attend,
after being legally summoned, on due proof under oath, the proper
judicial tribunal can issue its warrant to compel them to appear and
answer for such neglect or refusal, and inflict punishment if neces-
sary. This is all the power which this Assembly possesses in the
premises, and is all that it is necessary it should possess, in order to

130 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

perform its duties as a legislature ; and in this course no constitu-
tional provision would be violated, and no private right or personal
liberty invaded : a perfect harmony would be preserved in all the
departments of the government, and justice thereby be promoted.

I entreat you to pause before you proceed further in this matter.
I have been dragged forcibly from my home by a warrant issued by
your Speaker, commanding your Sergeant-at-Arms to arrest and bring
me to your bar, compelling me to perform a long journey at the most
inclement season of the year. I am here arraigned for an offence
not known to the constitution of this country, and before a tribunal
having no just authority to arraign or try me for the alleged pffence.
Recollect, the members of this House, like the leaves of the forest,
are but annual : in the coming autumn you will descend to the com-
mon mass of society, and others may be chosen to fill your seats ;
and for aught you know, some one of you may be placed at the bar
where I now stand. In such case, what would be your sensations ?
I conjure you to pause — to reflect. Be not hasty to pronounce your
decision. I ask you to exercise that most important moral precept,
" Do as you would be done by." I trust you will not let prejudice or
party feelings influence your decision. Although I felt indignant at
the treatment I first received at your hands, yet, after a little reflec-
tion, I forgave all, knowing that " to err is human."

I will here take the liberty to indulge in a little egotism. I am de-
scended from a family which has been noted for its attachment to
liberal principles, both civil and religious, for at least three centuries
past. My ancestors were French Protestants, who fled from France,
and settled in England, in the 15th century, at the time of the repeal
of the Edict of Nantz, when the Catholics were let loose upon the
Protestants, and indiscriminately massacred all who came in their
way. From England they emigrated to New-England about the year
1640 ; frem whence my immediate ancestors emigrated to and settled
in New-Jersey. My father, at the commencement of the revolution-
ary war, with his little band of Jersey blues, under the command of
the illustrious Washington, met the enemy at the water's edge on
Long Island, and contested the ground with them inch by inch, until
compelled to retreat across Manhattan Island to New-Jersey. Here
he was entrusted with an important command until the close of the
war, when, Cincinnatus-like, he retired to his farm, with a shattered
constitution and an impaired fortune. From him I inherited a love
for freedom, which has been cherished until this period of my life;
and although fur advanced in years, I enjoy good health, and, as you
may suppose, some firmness of purpose, which may be construed into
obstinacy by some ; be that as it may, I am conscious of no motives
but a love of justice, of truth, of liberty, and of humanity, and from
the pursuit of which no power on earth shall deter me. While I hold
myself and all others bound strictly to observe and obey alt laws con-
stitutionally made, yet I deem it equally the duty of every citizen
to raise his voice against every bad and unconstitutional law ; and
even submit to its penalties, rather than yield a tacit compliance with
unconstitutionally and injustice.

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 131

The honorable members of this House represent the wisdom, the
intelligence and the patriotism of the good people of this State. Its
future character, as well as the liberties of the citizens, will much
depend on the manner in which this vitally important question shall
be settled. I thank the House for the indulgence of a hearing. The
object so anxiously desired has been attained. I have been permitted
partially to explain my views on the question of the powers of this
Assembly to punish for contempt. I am now satisfied ; and am
ready, and always have been willing, to go before your committee,
and testify all I know relative to the petition in question.

Thus did M. Jaques conclude his lecture to the House
of Assembly of the state of New York. He repaid
with interest the unmeaning reprimand he received from
the speaker by retorting such a reprimanding as the house
richly deserved ; one that had sense, argument and consti-
tutional bearing in it. We should like to have heard that
venerable man giving his constitutional schooling to the
half-made-up lawyer legislators in the house. He gave
the members the best lesson they ever received in Ameri-
can constitutional Democracy, vulgarly called Loco-Fo-
coism.

The house finally decided that Mr. J. should remain in
the custody of the Sergeant-at-Arms, until he should com-
ply with the subpoena to appear and testify before the se-
lect committee, and in that shape it was adopted ; ayes
74, noes 27. The House then adjourned.

Immediately thereafter, the following note was directed
to Mr. Slamm :

" SIR — This afternoon, at 3 o'clock precisely, at Room 13 Congress
Hall, the Select Committee will examine Mr. Slamm; Mr. Patterson,
the Chairman, being engaged at 5,"

At the time set forth in this polite invitation, Messrs.
Jaques and Slamm went before the committee with a full
knowledge that they did it voluntarily ; and were sworn
and testified touching the petition in question. And read-
er, what think you was the amount of their testimony ?
It was simply this, that they signed the petition in the city
of New York and that they knew nothing further about
it. The fact is, the petition was conceived and drawn up

132 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

by the author of this history, and Mr. Roosevelt had no
more to do with its getting up, or being signed, or sent to
Albany, than the Speaker himself.

The Legislature after acting with manifest unconsti-
tutionally in the persecution of M. Jaques and L. D.
Slamm were compelled to accede to the conditions of those
whom they imagined would submit to a law which vio-
lates the constitutional rights of American citizens." The
conduct of the House, from first to last, was composed of
ungenerous suspicions, unjustifiable usurpation and unmiti-
gated meanness. We prove their meanness by the fact
that the House did not pay the expenses of the men that
were dragged from their homes and families for the sake
of its dignity, thus showing itself destitute of that moral
dignity which makes restitution for loss or injury inflicted.
Had the House been really above contempt, it never
would have had the puerile idea that a private citizen
could treat it with contempt. Messrs. Jaques and Slamm
wrote that they were willing to obey the subpoena of the
committee if their expenses would be paid. Their stipu-
lation was just and legal, and had the members possessed
moral sense, they would have so considered it. But the
same body of men at a later date violated their constitu-
tional obligations by the passage of the Bank suspension
law.

CHAPTER X.

Equal Rights Party Resolution on the Contempt Case — Sketches of
Levi D. Slamm — M. Jaques nominated as candidate for the May-
oralty— Park Meeting — Address and Resolutions — Nomination of
M. Jaques, is confirmed — Incident — Loco-Foco Nominations for the
Common Council — Correspondence with M. Jaques — Election
Results — Remarks — Call for Park Meeting, 3d of May — Meeting,
Address and Resolutions — Remarks — Run on the Banks for Spe-
cie— Bank white-washing Committee — Suspension Law and Re-
marks— The Credit System turns out to be the System of Debt.

There are no necessary evils in government ; thoy exist only in its abuses.

ANDREW JACKSON

WHILE Mr. Jaques was vindicating the rights of Ame-
rican citizens in the capitol at Albany, the Loco Focos in
the city of New-York manifested in their Ward meetings
the deep interest which they felt ; and when information
of the reprimand reached the city, every member of the
party was roused to indignation. In the 8th Ward where
Mr. Jaques had his residence, the following resolution
was unanimously passed.

Resolved, " That the House of Assembly of this State, by its ex-
post-facto legislation in passing a resolution for the occasion, ' that
this house possesses legal and constitutional powers to punish for con-
tempt,' showed a wilful contempt of the Constitutional Rights of the
people, and therefore the house is reprimanded by us, a portion of the
sovereign people, at the bar of public opinion."

In all the Equal Rights Party Ward meetings, resolutions
were passed condemnatory of the adoption of the British
parliamentary usage of reprimanding or punishing for con-
tempts, and in some the usage was held up to ridicule. A
Gilpinade ballad was composed, from which the stanza
quoted at the beginning of the preceding chapter is taken.
It was entitled " The Assembly's Vengeance against wil-
ful contempt ; telling how the house of Assembly was
wickedly contemned by Moses Jaques and Levi D. Slamm,
12

134 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

and how the said conteraners were scolded and repri-
manded therefor."

The greetings which the above named gentlemen re-
ceived on their return to the city were sincere and enthu-
siastic. The party at once determined to run M. Jaques
for the Mayoralty at the ensuing charter election.

Levi D. Slamtn had been previously known as a useful
man at drawing up resolutions, and also as a secretary at
many of the Loco-Foco meetings. Shakspeare says that
" a rose by any other name would smell as sweet," but
it was exactly the reverse with Mr. Slamm, for with any
other name he would not have acquired the same renown.
With this name the New-York Herald did much for him,
by adding Bang to it for the sake of ludicrous euphony :
hence Slamm Bang & Company became its favorite de-
signation for the Equal Rights Party. Mr. Slamm is de-
ficient in logical as well as philosophical powers of mind ;
he has more perception than thought, which is of great
advantage to him as the Editor of a paper. He takes so
much pleasure in publishing ably written articles, that he
always inserts them as editorials, and hence he has had
the good or ill fortune of being overrated. He is an active
political partizan, the man of the present, the surface of
which engages his whole attention, for he has none of
that reflective foresight which sees the future that is
growing out of the present ; consequently, whatever or
whoever is the popular rage of the day, has charms for
him, and if he can, he will use the same to promote the
present success of himself or party — and he looks not be-
yond. Such is Mr. Slamm, whose name, luckily for him,
was given to a political party. But so it often is ; —
" some men are born great, and some have greatness
thrust upon them."

In due time the wards made out their nominations for
the Mayoralty, and at the general County meeting, M.
Jaques received the majority of votes, and was duly nomi-
nated " without a dissenting voice." At the same meet-
ing officers were chosen for the Park meeting, on the

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 135

third of April ; the public call for which meeting was as
follows :

"AGAIN TO THE PARK— TO THE PARK.

The People are sovereign. —

They will meet in the Park, rain or shine, on Monday,
April 3d, at half past two o'clock, to unite against those
moral and political abuses, the curse of paper money, the
market and ferry monopolies, and to reform the city gov-
ernment, in order to bring down the high prices of bread,
meat, rent, and fuel."

The reader is presented with the following extracts
from the proceedings of the Park meeting, April 3d,
which are recommended to his perusal. They were
written by Mr. Hunt.

CD- THIRD GREAT MEETING IN THE PARK !— THE PEOPLE
COMING TO THE RESCUE ! — Yesterday, April 3, 1837, at half past
twelve o'clock, the people convened, in immense numbers, in the
PARK, to take measures to redress their grievances, and to decide
upon the Constitutional mode to reduce the prices of Bread, Meat,
Rent, and Fuel. The meeting was called to order by Col. GEORGE
DIXEY.

After an address from the President, SETH LUTHER, and from
another mechanic, Mr. LEVI D. SLAMM offered the following
preamble and resolutions, written by John H. Hunt, which were
received with great eclat, and unanimously adopted by the assem-
bled multitude :

Whenever a people find themselves suffering under a weight of
evils, destructive not only to their happiness, but to their dignity and
their virtues ; when these evils go on increasing year after year, with
accelerating rapidity, and threaten soon to reach that point at which
peaceable endurance ceases to be possible ; it becomes their solemn
duty coolly to search out the causes of their suffering — to state those
causes with plainness — and to apply a sufficient and a speedy
remedy.

The world has always abounded with men, who, rather than toil to
produce the wealth necessary to their subsistence, have contrived to
strip others of the fruits of their labor, either by violence and blood-
shed, or by swaggering pretensions to exclusive privileges.

It is, however, chiefly by this latter mode of robbery, lhat the work-
ing classes of modern times are kept in debasement and poverty.
Aristocrats have discovered that charters are safer weapons than
swords ; and that cant, falsehood, and hypocrisy serve all the purposes
of a highwayman's pistol, while they leave their victims alive and fit
for future exactions.

136 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

Thus have the producers of wealth been kept for ages in subjection
to a wicked confederacy, whose interest it has been to sow strife and
dissension among them, lest they should unite and redress their
wrongs ; to paralyze their intellect, lest their own pompous preten-
sions should become objects of ridicule and derision ; and to pervert
the moral sense of mankind, lest themselves should become objects of
universal execration.

It was the curse of such an aristocracy that drove our fathers to
the savage wilds of a distant continent ; — it was the hope of releasing
us, their descendants, from such a thraldom, that supported them
during the terrible struggle of the revolution, when they boldly ad-
vanced against the myrmidons of injustice, leaving the bloody tracks
of their unclad feet upon the frozen ground.

They saw that in the governments of the old world, the laborer
was represented by the drone ; the producer by the consumer ; the
sheep by the wolf; — and they established here a government, the con-
stitution of which not only prohibited the creation of monopolies and
exclusive privileges, but which enabled the producers of wealth to
represent themselves by agents taken from their own ranks, and hav-
ing a common interest and a common sympathy.

Our fathers performed their duties well ; but we have neglected
ours, and hence our suffering. We have suffered our political
power to fall into the hands of men who fatten on the diseases of the
body politic, and whose trade requires them daily to defend guilt for
a share of its plunder, or to exact money for advocating the cause of
the innocent. We have suffered these men to violate and set at
naught that constitution which cost so much toil and suffering — to
confer on favored combinations, not merely titles of nobility, but the
more substantial privilege of taking interest from their creditors — the
more than princely privilege of taking houses, lands and labor, while
they build no houses and give no labor in return.

Therefore, in consideration of the facts set forth in this preamble,
be it

Resolved — That we solemnly pledge ourselves to one another, and
to the laboring classes throughout the land, that we will unite and
strive with our utmost vigor to effect such a reform that those who
sow shall reap, and those who produce shall enjoy.

That, as the first step towards such a reform, we will cause the
producing interest to be represented in our legislative halls hereafter
by actual producers.

That we will endeavor to show during the coming contest that we
are warring not against individuals, but against a system of wrong
and oppression; and that we are contending not for the spoils and
trappings of power, but for the rights of man.

That, notwithstanding the extremity of our wrongs and sufferings,
we will oppose all rioting and violence ; and we call on all our fellow-
citizens to give our aristocracy no pretext for establishing a military
power to enslave and plunder us for ever.

That we heartily approve the conduct of the late president in
checking the attempts of speculators to monopolize the remainder of

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 137

the people's lands, for no other compensation than bank promises :
That we approve the present executive's refusal to rescind his prede-
cessor's act ; and we trust he will never mistake the outcry of noisy
speculators for the voice of the people.

That the precious metals are the only constitutional currency, and
should ever be insisted on by the industrious classes as the actual
circulating medium, to bring to the test every species of credit cur-
rency, and suppress the spurious paper system.

That iu Moses Jaques, the Equal Rights candidate for Mayor, we
recognize an honest patriot of the old school, struggling in his ad-
vanced age for those glorious principles of equality and right for
which he contended by his father's side in the war of the revolution.

The following incident gave much pleasure at the time of its occur-
rence : — On reading the resolution in relation to the nomination of
the revolutionary patriot, Moses Jaques, for the office of Mayor, a
banner was unfurled containing the nomination in large letters, and
as the people commenced cheering, the sun for the first time that fore-
noon, burst from the clouded sky and shone in full splendor on the
assembled multitude. The coincidence was felt as a favorable omen
by many present, and excited renewed cheering.

Moses Jaques addressed the meeting : he stated that he held it to
be the duty of every candidate for any office of importance, to explain
as an honest man and a democrat his political principles to the peo-
ple, that the electors might know for whom they give their support.
Nominated for an important office, he felt pride rather than- delicacy
in doing so. Should the people think fit to repose their confidence in
him, upon the altar of Liberty he would swear open opposition to
every species of tyranny, monopoly, and injustice. He retired amid
loud and enthusiastic cheering.

While the Equal Rights party were holding public
meetings, nominating candidates, and making prepara-
tions for the city charter election, the Federal Whigs and
monopoly Democrats were equally busy, and much more
deeply interested, so far as offices and emoluments were
involved. Aaron Clark was nominated by the Whigs as
their candidate for the Mayoralty, but the monopoly De-
mocratic party appeared to be much shocked at the fact
of a lottery ticket vender being held up for the Mayor-
alty, and therefore it nominated a candidate who pos-
sessed as high a degree of gentility of rank, respectability
and wealth, as the city would furnish. If the laws, in-
stitutions and customs growing out of them, in any coun-
try make lottery ticket and stock scrip venders, who is
to blame 1 They, (tickets and scrip), as well as goods
12*

138 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

and labor, while they are legal commodities, are equally
respectable so long as legislation specially regards them
as " business wants of the community."

In April, 1837, there were three candidates held up for
the Mayoralty of New York ; Aaron Clark, John I. Mor-
gan, and Moses Jaques. In respect to character, and
probably circumstances, the latter is the equal of either
of his competitors ; but as respects talents and informa-
tion, it is not saying much to state that he is superior to
both. It was thought in Washington that he was a good
Democrat, and as good a candidate as the Tammany
committee could find in the city. But it is not in the
nature of monopolists to listen to any suggestion that
might be contrary to their vested interests. They are
not for progress, their instinct is to hold on to all estab-
lished abuses, under their old dogma, that " things were
always so, and always will be so."

The following were the Equal Rights party nomina-
tions for the Common Council :

Ward. Aldermen. Assistants.

4th George S. Mann, D. C. Pentz,

5th "F. S. Cozzens, Daniel D. Ideson,

7th M. Dougherty, Daniel Gorham,

8th Charles Dingley, John H. Hunt,

9th Israel Ketchum, William M. Thorpe,

10th R. J. Smith, Philip Snedecor,

llth B. F. Halleck, J. W. Walker,

13th T. S. Secor, John Wilder,

14th Stephen Hasbrouck, J. J. Brinkerhoff,

15th Edward J. W7ebb, Francis Murphy,

16th George B. Thorpe, George Dixey,

17th Thomas Chappell, P. B. Smith.

The committee that was appointed to correspond with
M. Jaques received an answer from him, perfectly satis-
factory to the Equal Rights party. We insert the fol-
lowing extracts ;

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 139

" I have always been opposed to the doctrine that a public debt is
a public blessing. On the contrary I hold that the credit system is
wrong in principle, and must be ruinous in its effects on the integrity,
the morals, and the ultimate prosperity of a people. I am, therefore,
opposed to it in a governmental as well as in an individual point of
view, and should feel myself bound to oppose all increase of the pre-
sent or creation of any other public debt beyond the means to pay of
those who contracted it, because it is an unjust act to entail on pos-
terity a debt, in the contracting of which it could not have been con-
sulted."

" Whilst laws are unequal, and consequently unjust, the largest
portion of the community will be poor ; and such community is bound
by every principle of humanity to make ample provision for all those
who through age or infirmity are unable to support themselves.
When governments learn to be just, poverty will, in a great measure, be
unknown, and the laws for the maintenance of the poor unnecessary.
But, as society is now constituted, poor law? are imperatively de-
manded ; and, therefore, public economy and humanity require a
strict accountability of agents to prevent oppression, embezzlement,
and waste."

The views of M. Jaques on other questions of muni-
cipal reforms, were of the true Democratic stamp, but he
was not of the credit system Democracy. Nevertheless
he obtained over four thousand votes at the election ;
John I. Morgan obtained over thirteen thousand, and
Aaron Clark received over seventeen thousand votes.
The latter had about seven hundred votes less than both
his competitors, hence it is clear that M. Jaques would
have been elected Mayor, had the monopoly Democracy
supported him. But perhaps with all the moral horror
expressed towards the dealer in lottery tickets, the
managers in bank scrip would prefer the lucky Whig to
the Loco-Foco Democrat.

The old democracy lost the Common Council as well
as the Mayoralty ; and this was of far more importance
than democratic principles, because a clear sweep of offi-
cial incumbents took place, followed as usual by a tre-
mendous outcry of proscription. The ire of the old-
fashioned republican press was re-kindled to greater bit-
terness than ever, against the Equal Rights party, which,
by running its own candidates, caused a total change in
all departments of the city govenrment. But the Loco-

140 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

Focos could see no great difference in principles between
national Bank Whigs and State Bank democrats, and
therefore run candidates against both, without caring for
the triumph of either. They regarded the Banking sys-
tem of the State of New-York, with its safety fund league
and restraining law, as a hydra-headed monster whose
overthrow was essential to human rights and human
progress. They saw it was absolutely vain to hope for
any reform voluntarily from that party which ha'd con-
nected itself almost indissolubly with the system.

The words of that popular man, Andrew Jackson, in
his farewell address, were engraven on their memories.
" The paper money system, and its natural associates, mo-
nopoly and exclusive privileges, have taken deep root in
the soil, and it will require all your efforts to prevent its
further growth, and to eradicate the evil." Already the
banks were sovereign over the action of the legislature,
and the only hope was iti the action of the people them-
selves ; that is, in the ballot, to disorganize the governing
power of the State Bank party, and in the use of bank
notes, to demand specie for them. Hence the running of
candidates; and hence in every meeting in the Park a
resolution urging the working people to go to the banks for
specie ; and when another meeting was called in the Park
for the third of May, the call was headed in large type,

SPECIE! SPECIE!

The people will meet again in the Park on Wednesday, May 3d, at
half past one o'clock, rain or shine, to adopt measures to retrieve our
country from the desolating influence of Paper money, and to insist
on Gold and Silver being demanded for the public Lands, and being
paid to the farmers, mechanics and other useful classes of Society, as
the constitutional and just recompense of their honest toil, and to op-
pose the efforts now making to perpetuate the paper money fraud by
the establishment of another National Bank.

LEVI D. SLAMM, ED. J. WEBB,
CHAS. DINGLEY, THOS. DYER,
JOHN HECKER, D. MURPHY,

GEORGE DIXEY.

The meeting took place accordingly, and Chas. G.

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 141

Ferris was called on to preside, assisted by eight vice-
presidents and four secretaries. Messrs. Ferris, Ming and
Haskell addressed the crowd, and were loudly applauded.
The following is a portion of the " Address of the pro-
ducing classes of the city of New York friendly to the
policy of substituting a specie currency for a promise
currency, to the people of the United States." It was
written by Mr. Hunt.

FELLOW CITIZENS: —

At a time like this we need make no apology for addressing you,
nor for uttering our sentiments with plainness and truth.

Many years ago, when, in consequence of buying much and selling
little, the balance of trade was greatly against us, an attempt was
made by Congress to protect American labor from being undersold in
its own market, by laying heavy taxes upon all imported work. But
this measure only enabled the Banks to depreciate the currency to a
still greater extent before they rendered themselves liable to be called
upon for specie for foreign balances. It did very little towards raising
the wages of labor, while it added much to the price required from
the laborer for the products of industry. To show the utter useless-
ness of this " protecting system," it is only necessary to state, that
it is still in force, and consequently, if good for anything, would
have saved us from the present crisis.

We propose, therefore, that now, instead of attempting to create a
market for our own labor by adding to the taxes on imported industry,
we unite to throw off, as fast as possible, all taxes upon our own. This
great end accomplished, we can live in ease and plenty, and at the
same time turn the tables upon those nations which have so long
found a market here, and undersell them at their own doors.

The principal taxes paid by the producing classes in all countries,
(tax-ridden England not excepted), are not the immense sums paid
for the support of government, but the incomparably greater sums
paid for rents and interest. And these latter taxes are much higher
in America than in any other country under Heaven.

In Europe the rate of interest varies from three to five per cent : —
here it varies from six to fifty, and these rates are paid not only on
money, but on millions of bank promises. Some idea of the amount
we pay on promises may be formed from the fact, that over two
hundred millions have been added to our bank capital within the last
two years.

This heavy tax of interest can be thrown off only by our adopting
the hard cash system in place of that cheating game of hazard, credit —
and to this step the invincible laws of necessity will doubtless soon
force us.

We have room only for a portion of the resolutions. They were
drawn up by Chas. G. Ferris.

142 HISTORY OF THE [1837

Resolved, " That we believe that the difficulties and embarrassments
under which the community is laboring are the result of a combina-
tion of causes among which the most prominent are : —

An undue expansion of the credit and paper system, not only in this
country but throughout the commercial world, which induced an ex-
cessive importation of foreign goods and merchandize far beyond the
exports of the country, and created a debt now pressing upon us with
great severity.

Our excessive high tariff system, by which a revenue has been
collected from the people far beyond the actual want of the govern-
ment, which evil has been aggravated in our commercial cities by the
late act of congress requiring a distribution of the surplus revenue,
whereby a large part of the public deposits have been drawn from the
commercial sections of the country to the interior.

Improvident state legislation in chartering banks and extending the
paper currency, until public confidence has been shaken in the ability
of the banks to redeem their engagements."

Now all this was exactly true, and the truth was proven
in a few days afterwards ; for, on the seventh of May, the
fourth day after the meeting, a run began upon the banks
for specie. The greater portion of the public press was
highly indignant at the want of confidence in the people ;
and one of the bank commissioners stood on the steps of
the Mechanics' Bank in Wall" street, and assured the
crowd of the soundness and ability of the banks to pay
specie for all their circulation. Nevertheless, the run con-
tinued on, on, on. The bank directors knew well their
inability, and that they would suspend ; but they dreaded
the popular indignation in such an event, and therefore
guns and men were procured to pay their creditors, the
working people, in specie bullets, as they had not enough
of constitutional coin. " And accordingly," wrote Mayor
Clark, " a numerous civil force and a large body of mili-
tia were called into service. Watchmen and marshals
were stationed within and near the banking houses, and
the militia at those places from which they could be most
readily withdrawn for efficient duty." How numerous are
the instances in history of aristocracy acting in this way
towards the plundered masses ? The Norman conquerors
of England, after robbing the people of all their lands
and property, passed more laws and adopted more rnur-

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 143

derous means for the protection of the right of possession of
property than were ever known in any other nation. The
monopoly aristocracy of New-York garrisoned their for-
tresses with arms and men, and in a few days they had
a law passed for their protection also, by Avhich they were
placed beyond all constitutional or moral power, and per-
mitted to levy on the community another robbery of four-
teen per cent, under the designation, below par, or discount.
When any of the masses commit depredations on the
public, such terms as swindling, stealing, robbery, burglary,
picking-pockets, felony, are used ; but when the gentle
aristocracy commit depredations producing the same re-
sults upon the sufferers, the gentle terms of " suspension,"
"discount," "breach of trust," "defalcations," "forgery,"
are used. When a blacksmith at his forge forges a plough-
share, he is called a forger to distinguish him from a filer,
who is also a blacksmith, but works at a vice-bench. The
forging of a ploughshare is therefore a forgery ; and such
terms were so used hundreds of years before the term was
applied to the criminal imitation of signatures.

On the third day of the run upon them for the pay-
ment of their obligations, the Banks of the city of New-
York suspended specie payments, but they did not sus-
pend business. The safety fund league sent a message
to the Legislature for a suspension law, and it was obeyed
forthwith. But what could be the necessity for the pas-
sage of such a law ? It was but a few days before, that
the Bank investigating committee, of which Thomas G.
Talmage was chairman, brought in a report of the condi-
tion of every Bank in the state, to each of which one or
more paragraphs were devoted, and each was pronounced
" in good condition" " well conducted" or " ably con-
ducted." All, with very few exceptions, were eulogized.
Had the Legislature no faith in the Report of the select
and sworn investigating committee ? Or was the As-
sembly guilty of chicanery in the getting up of the com-
mittee to make a report for political effect 1 If the Le-
gislature believed the Report to be honest and true, then

144 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

it was bound by all the obligations of oath of office,
public spirit, moral duty and love of country to refuse its
sanction to the suspension of specie payments. If it had
doubts of the correctness of the Report, it should have or-
dered another investigation before it passed the suspen-
sion law, for nothing but necessity could palliate such a law ;
and if the necessity existed, then was the report of the
investigating committee of the solvency, good condition,
&c. of the Banks utterly false. If the Banks were " well
conducted" " in good condition" and exactly according
to the report of the investigating committee, the Legis-
lature should have negatived a suspension law as sternly
as it would a bill to legalize breach of trust, fraud, high-
way robbery, swindling or picking of pockets.

Reader, it was against the selection of this select Bank
investigating committee that Mr. Jaques and others sent
in a memorial to the house of Assembly, and it was (osten-
sibly) for requiring their expenses to be defrayed that
Messrs. Jaques and Slamm were pronounced guilty of
" wilful contempt of the house." But their real sin was
that they had signed their names to a document of trea-
son against Banks and bank directors. May the state
of New-York never have such another bank-ridden Le-
gislature !

Before the end of the month of May, 1837, the people
of the United States had a universal demonstration that
the much extolled credit system was in reality a system
of debt. How it ever came into men's heads to deem
that a credit system, which consisted in loaning and bor-
rowing evidences of debt is perfectly astonishing. The
monstrous credit system of England has grown out of her
enormous national debt, which must some time or other
be exploded by National Bankruptcy or Revolution.

CHAPTER XI.

Election of Officers of the Party — Great Park meeting, June 24th —
Address and Resolutions — Course of the President of the United
States in relation to the Banks and Specie Circular, approved — A
State Convention called — F. A. Tallmadge censured for his course
in the State Senate on the Specie Circular and Bank Suspension
law — Resolutions — Letter from Samuel Young.

" Unqualified and uncompromising hostility to bank notes and paper money. Gold
and silver is the only Constitutional currency." — Declaration of Rights.

AT the General County Meeting of the Equal Rights
party on the 5th of June, a treasurer and recording
secretary were to be chosen for the ensuing six months.

M. Jaques, who had been treasurer from the first
establishment of the office, had removed about the be-
ginning of May to his farm in New Jersey, which had
undergone improvements to render it suitable as a resi-
dence for his declining years. His leaving the City, was
an irreparable loss to the Equal Rights party. Intrin-
sically a great man, had he devoted himself to public
life, few men would at this day be acknowledged superior
to him. Capable, truthful, and thoroughly democratic
in his views, such men as he and only such, should be the
leading men of the Democratic party. As early as 1832
he suggested a constitutional Treasury system. Among
those to whom he detailed his plans he wrote to C. C.
Cambreleng on the subject.

Daniel Gorham was elected Treasurer to succeed M.
Jaques. And Alexander Ming was elected Recording
Secretary, to succeed F. Byrdsall, who declined being a
candidate.

The resolution to remain a separate and distinct party,
passed by the State Convention at Utica, was re-affirmed
and re-adopted.

Soon after this meeting, preparations were set in motion
13

146 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

for another Park meeting to take place on the 24th June.
The bill was posted.

PARK!

The oppressed, and the foes of oppression, and all who are opposed
to the union of Bank and State, and the Bank suspension law, since
the passage of which flour lias risen $2.50 per barrel. All who are
opposed to that system of legislation, which enables the coiners of
Rag money to live in pomp and luxury on the industry of the poor;
all who are in favour of calling a state convention to devise means
for effecting a thorough Reform of those legalized robberies which
deprive the laborer of his bread, are invited to meet in the Park Mon-
day afternoon at a quarter past six o'clock.

DANIEL GORHAM, JOHN HECKER,

WARDEN HAYWARD, • JOHN BOGERT,
WM. J. BAYARD, JOHN W. BROWN,

JOHN WINDT.

In compliance with the above public call, the " largest
concourse ever assembled in the city of New-York met in
the Park in front of the City Hall, for the purpose of
devising means for a thorough reform of those legislative
robberies which are depriving the laborer of bread."
The meeting was called to order by Morgan L. Smith.
Robert Townsend, Jr., was chosen President, and the
following persons Vice-Presidents :

ISAAC ODELL, PASCAL B. SMITH,

JOHX HECKER, THOMAS DYER,

JOHN WILDER, ROBERT BE ATT v,

B. F. HALLOCK, HUGH COLLINS,

LUKE FAY, THOMAS CHAPPLE,

DANL. GORHAM, J. W. BROWN,

HIRAM TUPPER, T. S. SECOR.

Secretaries.

JOHN H. HUNT, FENELON HASRROUCK,

THOMAS S. DAY, JOSEPHUS N. GRAIN.

Mr. E. J. Webb rose and addressed the meeting on the various
topics included in the call. His remarks were listened to with the
greatest earnestness and received with enthusiasm.

The following address, written by Mr. Hunt, was then read by
Alexander Ming, Jr., and each section heartily responded to by the
acclamations and cheers of the assembled multitude.

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 14

TO THE PEOPLE OF THE STATE OF NEW-YOKK.

FELLOW CITIZENS:

There are times when boldness becomes the height of prudence.
There are evils which cowardice itself might prompt men to oppose
with firm determination instead of temporizing expedients. Such a
time is the present ; such the evils we have now to encounter.

It would be of little use to dwell upon the extent of our sufferings.
It is enough that we all know they have been caused by a general
departure from the immutable principles of right, and that they can
be removed only by a return to those great principles of rectitude and
justice which society has so long abandoned.

The time has come when the scattered, disheartened friends of na-
tural right, and the banded, artful, but dastardly upholders of legal-
ized crime, must meet in open conflict. We have borne the load of
continually accumulating oppression till our powers of endurance are
exhausted ; and we' -have now only to decide whether we will man-
fully battle with our wrongs, or sink into the grave beneath their in-
tolerable burden.

At such a juncture, the friends of justice have a right to claim your
most active friendship. This we do claim ; and we pledge our own
zealous cooperation in return.

The first step towards unity of action must be unity of counsel.
With a view to promote such unity, we propose a State Convention,
to be held at Utica on the 2d Monday of September next, in which
each county shall be represented by twice the number of Delegates
which it now sends to the Assembly ; the duty of which convention
shall be, to devise vigorous measures to remove not only those evils,
but the causes of those evils, under which we have so long suffered.

Although we have no right to forestall your sentiments, or even by
implication to prescribe the measures to be determined on, you will
naturally expect us to give at least a sketch of the views by which
we are actuated, and of some of the reforms in our social polity which
we hope may be adopted.

That revolution to which our republic owes its birth was effected
by the strenuous efforts of a comparative few of the honest asserters of
the rights of man, aided by many in whom the impulses of vanity or
avarice were stronger than those of justice. The change then wrought
was rather a change of forms than a change of system. It did not
destroy the vitality of the system of laws which the landed aristocracy
of England had devised for the government of their rent-payers. The
change then wrought was based on compromise rather than princi-
ple ; and even the most sanguine of the patriots of that age professed
to have done little more than to devise a plan by which their descend-
ants might, when the country should have recovered its exhausted
energies, and when the public mind should become less turbid from
the agitations of a long civil war, establish a system of perfect right
without resorting to violence.

But the change was sufficient to arouse the people, and to alarm

148 HISTORY OF THE [ 1837.

the robbers of the people, in the old world. It was sufficient to prove
one great exciting cause of those long and expensive wars which so
inflated the funding and paper system as to bring the lordly usurers
of land in subjection to the usurers of money, and which laid the an-
cient tyrannies of Europe under such a load of debt that, if the pro-
phecy of Daniel be true, they must very soon fall to rise no more for
ever.

The disbanded patriots of our revolution had no sooner sought that
repose which their toils had made necessary, than the pursuit of gain
engrossed the energies of our people, transforming us into a nation of
speculators ; and from that time to the present no country on earth
has been more completely under the despotism of Mammon than this
nominal republic.

The spirit of traffic is of all others most incompatible with the
spirit of liberty. The desire to buy cheap and sell dear, to take much
and give little, whether it shows itself in the highwayman or the
speculator, is equally hostile to the happiness and the virtues of so-
ciety; and from the birth of Carthage down to the present time, the
tendency of excessive trade has been,-to blend the pride of the tyrant
with the meanness of the slave in each individual wherever it has
been suffered to predominate.

It ought ever to be borne in mind, that no man can acquire the
doubtful good of extreme wealth without subjecting others to the un-
doubted evil of poverty. No man can gain the whole soil of a district
without stripping all the other occupants of such district of their
right to the soil; nor engross any portion of the fruits of other men's
labor without subjecting others to a loss equal to his own gain. Hence,
no doubt, the severity of the denunciations pronounced by the car-
penter of Nazareth upon the engrossers of wealth ; who in the very
nature of things, ever must be little better than beasts of prey lying
in wait for the honest laborers of society.

It is necessary that we should advert to some of those schemes
which have been devised to strip the laborer of his earnings, and
which we are anxious to annihilate.

We will first speak of the fraud of a spurious currency. The legi-
timate office of Money is to regulate the dividends of the great part-
nership of society ; to secure to each contributor to the wealth of so-
ciety, dividends proportioned to the extent of his contributions.
Money enables its holder to take wealth or labor from such members
of the body politic as may have wealth or labor to part with ; and no-
thing can be more just, than that he who has obtained money honestly,
who has given wealth or labor to society for the money he owns,
should receive wealth or labor for it in return. But our reigning
office-holders have for years been in the practice of licensing the
caucuses to which they owed their elevation, and such speculators as
would pay handsomely for the privilege, to issue strips of silk paper
as money ; and for these strips of silk paper they and their confederates
have been allowed to engross nearly all the lands, and houses, and
wealth of the state, without ever having contributed the value of a
single broom-stick to the wealth of any honest man. They have also

1837.] LOOO-FOGO PARTY. 149

drawn interest from society on the whole amount of money they
owed to society. They and their confederates have thus robbed
nearly the whole of the working classes of all the fruits of their in-
dustry ; and we must now decide whether they shall be suffered to
continue their game, or to retain their plunder.

Our present laws have also given full scope to that great curse of
the human race formerly called " usury " or " increase/' but now
better known by the terms " interest " and " speculation." This mean
mode of robbery, the nature of which is such that it can only be prac-
tised by the possessors of wealth against the poor and needy, has
proved the ruin of hundreds of empires, and received the attention of
the best and earliest lawgivers. " If thy brother be waxen poor, and
fallen in decay with thee, then thou shalt relieve him; yea, though he
be a stranger, or a sojourner : Take thou no usury of him, or in-
crease; but fear thy God, that thy brother may live with thee. Thou
shalt not give him thy money upon usury, nor lend him thy victuals
upon increase." (Lev. xxv. 36.) Ezekiel classes the usurer with
the hired assassin ; the Fathers and early Councils of the Christian
Church spoke of him as a wrecker, drawing his aliment from human
misery and human tears ; and for more than a thousand years usury
was reckoned, throughout Christendom, not less criminal than any
other species of cannibalism. Yet has this sin been tolerated to such
an extent among us, that it has now little left but the starved car-
case of the laborer to feed upon !

Probably the best mode of completely destroying both the curse of
paper money and the curse of usury would be, simply to let credit
alone; to leave each man's credit to stand solely on its own bottom,
without any attempt to strengthen or weaken it by legislation; and, by
our constitution, to perpetually prohibit the law from ever interfering
in any shape with any contract of debt, either to enforce or to annul
it. This measure would make all debts contracted after its adoption
what all debts should be, debts of honor. It would prevent the man of
doubtful honesty, whatever might be his wealth, from obtaining very
extensive credit ; and it would enable the honest man, however poor,
to obtain as much credit as he ought. It would subject the man who
should be guilty of trusting a speculator or knave to the just punish-
ment of losing his debt; and it would cause a single dishonest act to
blast its perpetrator's credit wherever he should be known. T^he be-
neficial effects of s\ich a measure will appear the more complete and
extensive the more it is examined; and it would have the great merit
of being simple, efficient, and just.

A reform of the judiciary system would naturally engage the at-
tention of the convention we propose. If our judges are to have the
power of drawing their decisions from an interminable fog-bank of
laws, and precedents, and dead men's opinions, they ought to be made
more nearly responsible to the people who are compelled to pay their
wages, and to submit to all their decisions.

The practice of reserving the public lands for the benefit of specu-
lators and wild beasts, while thousands of God's children have not
where to lay their heads ; and the practice of stripping every poor

13*

150 HISTORY OF THE [1836.

man's child of his natural, inalienable right to a share of the boun-
ties of our common Father, that he may be compelled to wear out a
shortened and degraded existence in the service of sloth and luxury,
are subjects that should at this time be considered with serious atten-
tion, and acted upon with deliberate caution, by our whole people.

It would be both inconvenient and unnecessary to advert to all the
subjects that might be submitted to the consideration of the proposed
Convention. What we ourselves wish is, a NEW CONSTITU-
TION, based not upon compromise, not upon any narrow views of
temporary expediency, but upon the broad and eternal basis of
RIGHT. We wish Law to become the mere echo of Conscience.
We wish that no man should ever hereafter be privileged to do unto
others that which he would not have others do unto him, or exact
from others that which he would not have others exact from him.
And this is all.

However unpalatable the truth may be to our national vanity, it is
not the less true that America is not yet a republic. Here, as else-
where, Man is the slave of Money. " Law rules the poor, and Mo-
ney rules the Law." Lombard street and its precincts in London
govern Wall street, and Wall street governs our legislative lobbies.
The patronage of the salesmen of British goods, of those who retail
the wealth extorted from the British laborer, is of more importance
to our printers and lawyers than all the patronage which can be be-
stowed on them by all our farmers, mechanics, and laborers ; conse-
quently the bar and the press are greatly under the malign influence
of the robbers of the British people ; and they cannot side with the
American laborer without hazarding their bread. The Church, once
the invincible asserter of the rights of man, does not now save us
from usury and oppression. Hence the necessity of the step we
would urge upon all the friends of honest industry among our fellow-
citizens.

From what we have already said, fellow-citizens, you will readily
see why, instead of approaching any minor authority, we address
ourselves at once to the supreme power of the people — a power hav-
ing an unconditional right to modify and amend any law or constitu-
tion, at any time, in any mode they may deem expedient. We can-
not afford to waste our time in empty formalities, or in untying law-
yers' quibbles, while our families are famishing around us. If the
right to frame or amend a constitution ever existed, it must exist
now ; if it was ever possessed by the people, they must possess it
still. It is our solemn conviction that nothing less than a wise, just,
and speedy exercise of this right can save us from a career of an-
archy. It is idle for us to wait for the action of those state authori-
ties who have no sympathy for the people, or to expect relief from
the hand that is only extended to scourge us. The present condition
of the laboring class shows more strongly than words how much we
have to hope from their Judas-like friendship. We would do those
men who are in the habit of granting charters and privileges to mo-
nopolists in the name of the people no injustice. We leave it to God
to judge them ; but we must also leave it to God's antithesis to trust
them.

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 151

In conclusion, fellow-citizens, let us again entreat you to do imme-
diately what is now no less a work of necessity than of duty. Let
your representation in the proposed Convention be complete ; let it
be composed of honest men ; let such reforms as JUSTICE shall dictate
be submitted to the decision of the whole people ; and then let us de-
termine by our votes whether the laborer of this once free land shall
be suffered to maintain the dignity of a man, or be forced to wear out
his existence in base subserviency to the drone, and end it by the
slow tortures of hunger.

At the close of the Address, and after the cheers of the meeting
had subsided, Mr. Henry E. Riell read the following

RESOLUTIONS.

Whereas, " the greatest good of the greatest number for the longest
time," is the true end of all good government ; and whereas " the
blessings of government, like the dews of heaven, should descend
equally upon the poor and the rich;" and whereas a disordered cur-
rency (inseparable from the present system of banking or the issue of
" paper money") is one of the greatest of political evils, as it under-
mines the virtues necessary for the support of the social system, wars
against industry and economy, and fosters the evil spirit of specula-
tion and extravagance ; and whereas few evils to which our people
are subject can equal those inflicted on the mass of the community
by a fraudulent currency, as our own brief history as a nation fully
proves ; and whereas, in all the revulsions inseparable from a paper
currency, the classes whose labor produces all the real wealth of the
country are by far the greatest sufferers, as when the currency ex-
pands, the loaf contracts, — and when the currency contracts, the la-
borer is thrown out of employment and the loaf disappears ; and
whereas thousands of the useful classes are now deprived of their
bread by the explosion of the " Safety Fund" system of this state,
and the universal bankruptcy of the banks; and whereas, as mutual
protection being the first principle, and mutual happiness the end of
the social compact, laws to be just should be equal in their opera-
tion on all class( s of the community : Therefore,

Resolved, That we hold the present banking system to be a system
at war with the first principles of the social compact, destructive of
the best interests of society, treason against the constitution, and
productive of more crime and misery than all other causes combined.

Resolved, That the incorporation of a National Bank, or of any
other bank, or set of banks, is not the proper remedy for the evils of
the present paper money system.

Resolved, That we approve of the conduct of the President of the
United States in his adhesion to the law requiring payments of the
revenue in specie, and that we will support him «i his pledged and
uncompromising hostility to paper money as a circulating medium.

Resolved, That we consider all connec^on between Bank and
State to be not only unconstitutional, bat anti-republican ; and that
we recommend to the administration to adopt all proper means within
their power to dissolve that connection.

152 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

Resolved, That we consider the late Bank Suspension act to be not
only a palpable violation of those clauses of the United States Con-
stitution forbidding the passage of ex post facto laws and of laws
impairing the obligations of contracts, but a fraud on the honest part
of the community for the benefit of the dishonest, and that we look
upon all those legislators who voted for it, as well as the Governor
who signed it, as guilty of a violation of their oath to support the
Constitution of the United States.

Resolved, That a copy of the proceedings of this meeting be trans-
mitted to the Governor, with the request that he will immediately
convene the Legislature to repeal an act equally subversive of the
best interests of the State and of the Constitution.

Resolved, That a STATE CONVENTION be held in the city of
Utica, on the second Monday of September next, to consist of a num-
ber of delegates not to exceed double the number of members of the
House of Assembly.

%* All communications relating to the proposed Convention may
be addressed to « F. Byrdsall, 100 Grand-st., New-York,' who is
Chairman of our Committee of Correspondence."

In all the ward meetings of the Equal Rights party,
the policy of the President of the United States, in rela-
tion to the banks and the specie circular, was unanimously
approved, while the course of the State Legislature and
Executive was unanimously condemned, in relation to
the Suspension Law.

During the months of April, May and June, a county
convention had been holding its sessions for the purpose
of altering or amending the constitution of organization.
Early in July, the convention presented to the considera-
tion of the General County Meeting, the result of its
labors. The alterations and amendments were so un-
important, that it is only necessary to remark here that
4hey were adopted.

On the 18th of July, the committee appointed to cor-
respond with F. Jl. Tallmadge, in relation to his course
respecting the specie circular and Bank Suspension Law,
reported progress. Mr. Tallmadge had signed the decla-
ration of Principles, the fourth article of which says,
" Unqualified and uncompromising hostility to bank notes
and paper money, because gold and silver is the only
constitutional currency."

To this article he never expressed any objection when

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 153

he signed the Declaration. It was also well known, that
the Loco-Focos were unanimously in favor of specie being
paid for the public lands.

The following preamble and resolutions were offered
by Capt. John Bogert, and with the single exception of
one negative vote, they were adopted.

" Whereas, Frederick Jl. Tallmadge, now a representative of the
city and county of New- York in the Senate of this State, was the candi-
date of the Equal Rights party, and pledged to support their princi-
ples in relation to the Constitution.il Currency :

And whereas, the said Frederick A. Tallmadge, by introducing
and advocating the preamble and resolutions in favor of rescinding
the Specie Circular, as well as by voting in favor of the Bank Sus-
pension Law, has violated the Declaration of principles signed by
him, and the solemn promise given by him to us, his constituents.
Therefore—

Resolved, That we pronounce him false to his political engage-
ments, recreant to the true interests of the people, and unworthy the
confidence of honorable men.

Resolved, That a committee of five persons be appointed to furnish
him with a copy of the above proceedings, and request him to resign
his seat in the Senate of this State."

The committee chosen pursuant to these resolutions,
reported at a subsequent meeting, that they had waited
personally on Mr. Tallmadge with the resolutions of
censure passed against him. That he had promised a for-
mal answer, but that none was yet received.

It does not appear by any record, written document, or
tradition of the Equal Rights party, that he ever per-
formed even this promise of a formal answer to the party.
But he must be spared, for the sacred robe of justice is
around him, and its sword and balance are in his hands ;
at all events, the office which he holds is honorable.

The chairman of the corresponding committee respect-
ing the State Convention to be holden at Utica, on the
second Monday in September, wrote to the central com-
mittee appointed by the former Convention, and received
satisfactory answers. He also corresponded with several
individuals, and among other letters, he received the fol-
lowing one from Samuel Young. It was enthusiastically
applauded. The reader will find it worthy of perusal.

154 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

"Ballstan, 8th August, 1837.

" DEAR SIR — I received a few days since yours of the 1st inst., in
which you state tnat you have been solicited, by several individuals,
to ask for my co-operation in the proposed State Convention to be
held at Utica, in September next, in pursuance of the recommenda-
tion of a large public meeting in the city of New-York in June last.
I have no objection to express my opinion freely on the topics pro-
posed to be discussed by the Convention.

" Indeed, my opinions on the subject of irredeemable paper pro-
mises, on monopolies in general, and on the exclusive and pernicious
system of banking in this State, have been publicly expressed ; and
so far from changing or modifying these opinions, the events of the
last six months have, to my mind, afforded ' confirmation strong as
proofs from holy writ.' Every public meeting, every deliberative
assembly of the people, either aggregately or by delegates, to discuss
these topics in a firm and temperate manner, to exhibit the system of
exclusion in its unmitigated deformity, and to portray the value and
justice of equal laws, is calculated to have a beneficial effect upon
the community. And in the hope that the Convention at Utica will
be thus conducted, I fully approve of its convocation.

" It ought not to be expected that a divorce between Bank and
State, whose meretricious connection for so many years has given
birth to a numerous and noisy progeny, can be effected without a
protracted struggle. The contest of the few, aided by their wealth,
influence, and presses, against the many, would be hopeless in any
other country than this : and its result here at present, is at least
problematical.

" The bank disease has been slowly and insidiously creeping upon
the body politic for many years, like a chronic malady upon the human
frame. The patient requires gentle and careful treatment, and
should not be alarmed and exhausted by violent prescriptions and
doses. Alterative remedies are the best.

" There is always a portion of the community who are startled at
the idea of any material change in existing laws or institutions. The
mass of the Tories of the Revolution doubtless honestly felt this
alarm, and therefore adhered to the old system of injustice and op-
pression. Many of the self-styled Whigs of the present day have the
same feeling on the monopoly question. Aided by the ' monopoly
democrats/ (if words so antagonistic may be placed in juxtaposition),
the Bank party in this State is truly formidable. They have not
only a fund of wealth, but also a large surplus of contumelious epi-
thets, which they discount with great liberality. Their opponents
are agitators, radicals, Loco-Focos, &c. ; and these, to weak nerves,
are startling words.

" Two years ago ' the banking system ' of this State was lauded as
the sum -num. bonum of human invention ; and six or seven millions
was a Mod to its capital. Last winter the note was varied, and ' the
safety fund system ' Was the object of eulogy. And when about a
month before the explosion, I confidently predicted the catastrophe,
I was regarded with superstitious horror as the hardened perpetrator

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 155

of bank blasphemy. Since the explosion the note has been again
changed, and it is now ' the credit system.' Thus, the minim first
dwindled to a crotchet, and is now only a quaver.

" According to Locke, men may use such terms or signs to convey
their ideas as they please ; but they are bound to give clear defini-
tions of these signs. I have long looked and listened in vain for
some definite explanation of < credit system/ Credit is the offspring
of the individual confidence which man reposes in his fellow-man.
It results from the security which one individual feels in the integrity
and ability of another. Like love, joy, hope, faith, confidence, &c.,
it is an emotion of the heart which was bestowed upon man for bene-
ficial purposes, and can be well regulated only by individual impulse
and direction. Legislation cannot create, but may mar and destroy
it. If Government should institute monopolies to make discounts of
love and matrimony, these commodities would soon become as spu-
rious and as much below par as the bills of the broken banks. The
late explosion of the banking system is an eminent example of the
extent to which the misdirected framers of human government in the
creation of rnonied monopolies may paralyze and extinguish indi-
vidual credit and confidence.

" The principle of free competition which was implanted in man
by his maker, is the only sure and safe regulator of all the business
purposes and pecuniary transactions of human society. But the
RedheiSers of legislation have pronounced the great Architect to be
a bungler, and have essayed to better the movements of the machine-
ry, by applying to the community the strait jacket of restraining and
usury laws, and the complex tourniquet of the 'safety fund' and
* credit system.' Demoralisation, oppression, taxation, fraud, per-
jury, and failure, ever have been, and ever will be the result, until
mankind shall acquire sufficient strength and confidence in them-
selves to tear off these shackles.

" It has been asserted that to l the credit system } 'this country is
indebted for the progress of improvement and the increase of wealth.
I have never seen any attempt to prove the correctness of this bold
assertion. God ordained that man should procure his bread by the
sweat of his brow. And since this decree went forth, not one item
in the vast catalogue of physical objects which enter into the defini-
tion of wealth, and which are calculated to gratify human wants and
desires, was ever produced except by labor. Productive labor is the
sole author of wealth and of every physical improvement, either in
the solitary or social condition of man.

"Pecuniary capital, in the hands of industry and enteiprife, is an
efficient coadjutor in the production of wealth; and so is the hammer,
the plow, and the steam-engine. To the extent thatf credit produces
a more equal and useful distribution of capital, it is beneficial to
society, and no farther. Its general utility is circumscribed within
these limits. But the eulogists of f the credit system ' do not conde-
scend to bestow any notice whatever upon capital.

" A very correct idea of the wealth-creating framers of a ' credit
system ' was conveyed by the father of two sons, who boasted that his
boys possessed a wonderful tact for trading and getting rich ; and he

156 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

offered to bet that if locked in a room together for a single day, they
would make five dollars a piece by swapping jackets. The notes of
each other for five dollars, and the nett gain of this process after
balancing the account, afford a fine illustration of the credit system.

" Seduced by the multiplication of bank paper promises, a consider-
able portion of the community for the last two or three years has
been earnestly occupied in swapping jackets. Many in a short time
grew very wealthy ; but unfortunately for ' the credit system,' most
of the rich men of 1836, early in the spring of 1837, awoke, like
Dives, in torment,

" If the mischief had fallen only on the harpies of speculation,
there would have been no qause of sympathy or complaint ; but the
visitation of the effects of bad laws falls like a general curse upon the
whole community. Although the denunciations against gold and
silver as a ( humbug; ' are not quite so vociferous as they were before
the explosion, yet in spite of recent experience, the swap-jacket, or
' credit system ' party is active and numerous.

" Every one knows that gold and silver are the only standard of
value, by the universal consent of mankind ; and that they are pro-
cured by individbkals and nations in exact proportion to the applica-
tion of productive labor and of economy. But the disciples of ' the
credit system ' roundly uflirm that there is not in the world enough
of the precious metals for the use of mankind. The established
bushel is not large enough ! According to their theory, God has
committed a mistake in not creating a sufficient quantity of gold and
silver : and they modestly propose to rectify his error, by substituting
the treacherous promises of bank monopolies, lately denominated
*the credit system.'

" In every age individuals have been found who were intent on
eating the bread, and appropriating the wealth which had been
acquired by the sweat of others ; and in every age they have suc-
ceeded in their object, sometimes by violence, and often by fraud and
cunning. I will not assume or suppose that the great mass of the
advocates of ' the credit system ' are influenced by such motives ; but
if the system is not calculated to tax the many for the benefit of the
few, then I have misconceived its operation.

« Very respectfully, yours, &c, S. YOUNG."

CHAPTER XII.

Recapitulatory Remarks on the position of the General and State
Administrations — Monopoly Conspiracy against the President, de-
veloped by a Letter to N. P. Tallmadge — Political Dilemma — Mes-
sage of the Special Session — Strictures on the Inconsistencies of
the Monopolists towards " New- York's favorite son5' — The Loco-
Focos sustain his course — Demonstrations — State Convention
at Utica of the Equal Rights Party — New Constitution for the
State — Extracts — Address to the People — Remarks.

" The ground we take, is, the utter separation of Bank and State, and the absolute
emancipation of trade." LEGGETT.

THE events of the summer of 1837 produced a crisis of
fearful danger to the union of the Democratic Republican
party. 1 he suspension of specie payments, followed by
the act of the Legislature of the State of New-York le-
galizing the suspension, indicated plainly, that the banks
and state governments were one in unity of financial and
political action. On the other hand, the course of the
administration of the general government, in maintain-
ing the specie circular, and refusing the notes of the sus-
pended banks in payment of the national revenue, placed
the Democratic government of the State, and the Demo-
cratic administration of the United States, in the attitude
of contrariety to each other. A conflict of interests and
sentiments ensued, which agitated the party, and threw
it into indescribable confusion.

At length a movement was made by certain monopoly
Democrats, which could only have proceeded from a pre-
concerted conspiracy against the President. The object
of this sinister movement, was to commit a large portion
of the Republican party so decidedly in favor of the
banking system of the State, that if it did not deter the
National Executive from the course he had indicated, it
would place all those who were lured into the move-
ment, in such a position with regard to the President,
14

158 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

that they could not recede without in some way dishonor-
ing themselves. To this end, a letter was framed in the
style of a manifesto in defence of the " credit system,"
addressed to JV. P. Tallmadge, Senator of the United
States, from the State of New-York. The signers of
this declaration, (who were formerly much opposed to
pledges), now pledge themselves " to sustain the well
regulated credit system." Their manifesto in its entire
absolutism declared, " we are in favor of the credit system,
and opposed to the chimerical scheme of an exclusive
metallic currency." In its mandatory terms it dictated,
" Preserve and regulate, but not destroy." And in order
to invoke the Democracy, it proclaimed, that " the credit
system was the distinguishing feature between despotism
and liberty."

The letter is subjoined with the names of the most
politically known signers to it.

« To the Honorable Nathaniel P. Tallmadge, Senator U. S. :

NEW-YORK, July 4th, 1837.

SIK — We, the undersigned members of the Democratic Republican
party in the city of New- York, have seen, with pride and pleasure,
your letter to the Editor of the Albany Argus of 6th June last.

We consider it due to you, and more especially to our beloved
country, that we should express our entire approbation of the senti-
ments so laudably put forth in your letter. Your words are, ' I am
in favor of a well-regulated credit system, and opposed to the chi-
merical scheme of an exclusive metallic currency,' — 'Preserve and
regulate, but not destroy,5 — ' The credit system is the distinguishing
feature between despotism and liberty.'

In these high and patriotic views we heartily concur, and assure
you that we believe them to be the sentiments of a great majority of
the Republican party ; and we cordially tender you our unanimous
support, in the proper efforts to sustain and establish these principles
in the Legislature of this great and enterprising nation.

Accept the assurances of our high consideration and respect.

J. Hammond, John J. Cisco, C. C. Jacobus,

Henry Wyckofi, J. L. Graham, J. V. Greenfield,

Thos. Jeremiah, E. G. Stacy, Reuben Withers,

M. M. Quackenboss, Gideon Lee, Daniel Jackson,

James B. Douglass, George D. Strong, A. B. Vanderpoel,

Joseph Meeks, H. W. Bonnell, James Ferris,

Robert Smith, Edward Sandford, Thos. S. Brady,

Jchabod Prall, E. W. Nicholls, John Pettigrew,

1837.]

LOCO-FOCO PARTY.

159

John W. Degraw,
Garrit Gilbert,
Jesse West,
Samuel Swartwout,
Charles H. Hall,

C. S. Delavan,
Henry Erben,
J. D. Stevenson,
Lawrence Akerman,
Enoch Dean,
Benjamin Ringgold,
Peter Pinckney,
Thos. G. Talmage,
Henry Keyser,
William H. Bunn,

D. M. Cowdry,
Jonas Conklin,
Willis Phillips,
Alfred Colville,

Daniel McGrath,
M. L. Smith,
J. D. Beers,
Andrew Jackson,
Abm. Le Toy,
Richard Riker,
P. M. Wetmore,
Cors. N. Bryson,
J. B. Schmelzel,
O. M. Lowndes,
Benjamin Byrdsall,
John Foot,
Hector Craig,
Preserved Fish,
John R. Peters,
Jas. N. Tuttle,
R. C- Townsend,
Burr Wakeman,
Andrew Lockwood,
Charles Dusenbury."

Chas. O'Connor,
Alfred A. Smith,
John Kurtz,
George Paulding,
Henry Storms,
James C. Stoneall,
Ezra S. Conner,
William Kelly,
Chas. Del Vecchio,
Jas. R. Whiting,
J. I. Bedient,
Thos. N. Carr,
J. I. Earl,
D. Vandervoort,
H. W. Hicks,
James L. Graham,
William Wyckoff,
Farnham Ball,
J. H. Cornell,

To this belligerent missive, there were nearly seven
hundred names, including a majority of the Old Men's
General Committee, (over two thirds), and seventy odd
Democrats, directors in banks, insurance and railroad
companies. This political letter, with its great array of
names of " old tried Democrats," was a sore perplexity
to many of the rank and file, or main body of the Repub-
lican party. They had been in the habit of voting the
regular nominations in favor of " Banks to supply the
business wants of the community," and New-York's fa-
vorite son also ; but now, to be obliged to separate the
one from the other, was like tearing half their hearts from
them. Most of them had derived their political, in the
same way that they had their religious bias, from their
early associations in life, and were willing to go all lengths
for both, without knowing much of the peculiar princi-
ples of either.

But, when the message of the President to the special
session of Congress made its appearance, hostilities com-
menced within the Party. The " ninety-seven banks of
the state" entered the political arena and exercised their
influences. Their partizans denounced the Independent

160 HISTORY OF THE [1835.

Treasury plan, as a union of the purse and the sword, and
such was the fatuity which prevailed, that millions ot
people could not, or did not, see that in the financial con-
nection which had existed between the treasury depart-
ment and the banks, there was a union of the purse and
the sword, more powerful, pervading, and dangerous to
liberty than the plan for receiving and disbursing the
revenue proposed by the President. But, after all, the
outcry of the purse and the sword was only raised for
popular effect ; for the men that raised it, had far more
regard for self-interest, speculations, and stocks, than they
had for abstract principles of right, or democratic liberty.
Even the champions of the " great measure of Mr. Van
Buren's administration," endeavored to show that it would
be advantageous to bank and mercantile interests. Such
was the deference paid to the incorporated sovereignty of
banks.

The amount of depredations in various ways commit-
ted by the banks of the United States upon the people,
far exceed what any invading army could have perpe-
trated, so far as property is considered only. But they
were sovereign and could do no wrong : the law-making
power always sanctioned their absolute will. The " old
tried dimmycrats loved them with all their faults, " and
were ready to abandon New-York's favorite son, " our
own little Matty Van Buren." They would not see that it
was the suspension which compelled him to take the
course which he did. They cried aloud, " Preserve and
regulate, but don't destroy ! " The banks had afforded
every facility to speculators, and forestalled of the neces-
saries of life, but " the credit system is the distinguishing
feature between despotism and liberty." When their
notes got at fourteen per cent below the constitutional
standard, such a discount on the revenue was not to be
borne, but the " old-fashioned dimmycrats" were in favor
of " the well-regulated credit system."

The President, consistently with the " unqualified un-
compromising hostility to a national bank," avowed by

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 161

himself and the Republican party, had no other alterna-
tive but that which the suspension of specie payments
forced upon him, the necessity of conducting the financial
department of the government, without any connection
with banking institutions. Yet some of those who forced
this alternative upon him, accused him of an ungrateful
return for their political patronage of him in " early days
of little promise." They expected that he would subserve
their interests rather than the people's. The banks be-
came adverse to him without just cause, for he never was
opposed to them. But recently, in 1836, in his letter to
Sherrod Williams, he had said that he " would not only
protect the banks in the privileges which had been granted
to them, but he would also extend to them the good will
of the community." Even in 1841, in a letter which he
wrote in reply to Governor Reynolds and the legislature
of Missouri, he bestowed high commendations on that
state for having " a mixed currency, composed of a well-
balanced and harmonious co-operation of the standard of
value and its paper representative." It has been said,
that incorporated bodies have no souls ; but we add, as
much more true, that the war of the banks against Mr.
Van Buren conclusively shows that they had no con-
sciences.

The message of the September session, was at once ap-
proved by the Equal Rights Party. It appears by their
recorded proceedings that a special county meeting was
called, Sept. 7th, at which " spirited resolutions approba-
tory of the late message of President Van Bur en-were
offered by F. Byrdsall, which were enthusiastically re-
ceived and applauded." Alexander Ming, Jr., also
offered resolutions, from which the following is selected :

" Resolved, That the Message delivered by Martin Van Buren, to
the present 25th Congress of the United States, for its able and con-
vincing arguments, and for its cogent, equitable, and constitutional
objections to a National Bank, and for its clear, just, and practicable
recommendation of dispensing with State Banks as fiscal agents, and
the adoption of a governmental system of finance, predicated exclu-
sively on the constitutional currency — gold and silver — awakens the
14*

162 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

admiration, and deserves the applause of every friend of Equal
Rights, and will elicit the approbation of the whole genuine De-
mocracy of the Union."

The prompt approbation of the separation of bank and
state given by the Equal Rights Party, comprising over
four thousand voters, was of some importance at this
juncture. It was soon followed by the approval of the
Young Men's General Committee, at a meeting. of that
body in a few days afterwards ; and a public meeting
was determined on, to take place in Tammany Hall on
the 21st September. The meeting was held, and the
Loco-Foco spirit which prevailed at it, for it was a Loco-
Foco maxim to " go wherever their principles went," had
a very natural effect on the rank and file of the Tam-
many Democracy, who are more apt to receive than to
originate onward impulses. The Old Men's General
Committee could not stop the popular current thus set in
motion, but they tried to divert its course by denouncing
the call of the Young Men's General Committee as being
contrary to the " time-honored usages."

In the mean time, the State Convention of the Equal
Rights Party took place at Utica on the 1 1th September,
the appointed time ; but owing to the neglect of duty on
the part of the Central Committee of Correspondence,
appointed by the former Convention, in not forwarding
notices to the Committees of Correspondence, of the
several counties, and in consequence of a statement ap-
pearing in the Utica Democrat designating a later day for
the meeting of the Convention, for what purpose is best
known to those who had it inserted, together with the
excitements growing out of the suspension, the message,
and special session of Congress, most of the counties
•were unrepresented. Robert Townsend, Jr., was elected
President; David Canfield and Harry Bushnell, Vice-
Presidents; and William Hale and Daniel Ji. Robertson,
Secretaries.

The Convention sat three days, and was closely occu-
pied forenoons, afternoons, and evenings. To point out

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 163

all the reforms demanded by equality of rights was an
arduous undertaking, requiring much time and research ;
it was therefore deemed more consistent with the instruc-
tions to the delegates from the city of New-York, and
more essential to a thorough reform of government, to
frame a new constitution for the state, to govern its legis-
lation, and to show forth all the principles for which the
Equal Rights Party contended. Accordingly, " a draft of
a proposed constitution, submitted to the people of the
State of New- York by a convention of friends of consti-
tutional reform," was put forth by the Convention. To
the reader is presented extracts from this constitution,
containing all the Loco-Focoism in that document, and
by the perusal of which he can make himself acquainted
with the ultimate objects of the original Loco-Foco Party.
In its definition of right as relates to human conduct, it
declares the fundamental principle of Christian Demo-
cracy, that " Right, as relates to actions, is that principle
of equality which teaches man to do to others as he would
that others should do to him." And Loco-Focoism is,
that " those acts are naturally, politically, and morally,
right, which may be done by all, without injury to any."

PROPOSED CONSTITUTION.

ARTICLE I.— Natural Rights.

§ 1. WE, the People of the State of New-York, in order to mutu-
ally secure to each other the peaceful enjoyment of our natural rights,
and the equal participation of the advantages of society, do hereby
establish the following Constitution, as our social compact and sys-
tem of government.

§ 2. All men are created equally free, and are equally entitled to
the exercise of their natural rights. On entering into society, man
gives up none of those rights ; he only adopts certain modes of se-
curing the peaceful enjoyment of them.

Man's natural rights of person are, his right to exist, and to enjoy
his existence ; and the right to exercise those physical and mental
faculties with which nature has endowed him. Man's natural rights
in relation to things are, his right to the things produced by the exer-
cise of his personal endowments, and his right to participate in those
bounties which nature has equally given to all. Right, as relates to
action, is that principle of equality which teaches man to do to others

164 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

as he would that others should do to him. Those acts are naturally,
politically, and morally right, which may be done by all without in-
jury to any.

ARTECLE II.— Government.

§ 1. Government is but an agent to exercise such powers as are
expressly delegated to it by the people.

§ 2. The government of this state shall consist of three distinct de-
partments, namely, the Legislative, Judicial, and Executive ; the
members of which departments shall be directly elected by the people.

§ 3. All elections shall be by ballot, each citizen of twenty-one
years of age or upwards, who shall be an actual resident of the place
where he may offer his vote, having equal suffrage. General elec-
tions shall be held on the first Tuesday in the November of each year,
and those persons having a majority shall be considered duly elected.

ARTICLE III.— Legislative Department.

§ 1. The legislative or law-making power shall be exercised by
two branches of delegates, a Senate aud House of Assembly.

§ 2. The Legislat\ire"shall from time to time divide the state into as
many congressional districts as it sends members to congress ; each
of which shall, besides electing one representative to congress, also
elect one member to the Senate of the stale. It shall also subdivide
each congressional district into four Assembly Districts, each of which
shall elect one delegate to the House of Assembly.

§ 5. The Legislature shall pass only general and equal laws, de-
claring the duties and reciprocities of the community and its mem-
bers to each other respectively ; protecting individuals in the enjoy-
ment of their natural rights of person and of property, prohibiting ag-
gressions on them, and specifying the redress for all aggressions and
the mode of obtaining it.

§ 6. The Legislature shall not charter or create any corporate or
artificial body, nor confer on any individual or company either ex-
clusive advantages or special privileges.

§ 7. The Legislature shall not borrow money or contract loans in
the name of the people ; but it may submit bills authorizing public
loans to the people, which bills shall become binding when ratified
by a majority of the voters at a general election..

§ 8. The Legislature in session has power to alter, amend, or re-
peal any act, law, or proceeding of any former session.

§ 9. Neither the Legislature nor either branch of it shall ever ex-
ercise judicial or executive powers, except over its own members
while in session.

ARTICLE IV.— Judicial Department.

§ 1. Each Congressional District of this state shall elect one Judge,
at a general election. Each Judge so chosen shall hold office for
four years, and be eligible to re-election.

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 165

§ 2. This state shaU be divided into eight Judicial Circuits by the
Legislature. The Judges of each Circuit shall, by mutual arrange-
ment, preside in turn in the several District Courts of their Circuit,
and, as nearly as practicable, in regular rotation.

§ 3. The District Courts wherein these Judges preside, shall have
criminal and civil jurisdiction in all cases, either in law or equity ;
and shall also be courts of appeal from the decisions of the courts of
justice of the peace. They shall have power, except in criminal
cases, to examine the parties to any suit, when required by either of
the parties. The times and places of their sitting shall be regulated
by law.

§ 4. It shall be the duty of the aforesaid Judges to assemble on the
first Tuesday of December in each year, in the city of Utica, and on
the first Tuesday of June in each year, in the city of New- York, to
constitute a high Court of appeal, which shall hold its session in each
place until the docket of cases is gone through.

§ 5. When thus assembled, they shall elect, by ballot, from the
Judges present, a President of the Court of Appeals, to preside in
said court. — Juries of twelve men each shall then be drawn from the
Judges present. These juries shall sit by alternation, or as cases
may require, in the jury box, hear cases, retire, and bring in their
verdicts, in like manner as other juries.

§ 6. This Court of Appeals shall have jurisdiction in all civil and
criminal cases of appeal, either in law or equity. It shall also try
all cases of impeachment of any public officer for mal-practice in
office, when impeached by the Executive or either branch of the
Legislature.

§ 7. This court shall have power to examine the parties to any
civil suit, and to send for and examine witnesses when there is any
ambiguity in the minutes of evidence from the court below. It shall
have power to order, admit, or reject evidence by commission or affi-
davit. Its decisions shall be final in all cases ; but no party shall be
debarred from petitioning the legislature for relief.

§ 8. No court of law or justice shall hereafter practise judicial
legislation, by adopting or admitting the laws, precedents, decisions,
or legal authorities of other nations or states into the jurisprudence
or courts of this state. When our own laws provide no special act
or provision for a case, the jury shall determine according to the
principles of natural right and justice.

§ 9, In all criminal cases, a verdict must be unanimous ; but in all
civil cases, a verdict signed by two-thirds of the jury shall be valid.

§ 10. When a jury shall agree on a verdict against the accused in
any criminal prosecution, it shall also specify the measure of punish-
ment. In civil cases, it shall also determine the amount of its ver-
dict ; but in all cases where the jury cannot agree on the measure
of punishment, or on the amount to be awarded, the Judge shall de-
cide the matter.

Of the judiciary system above described, Judge Ham-

166 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

mond says in substance, in his history of the political
parties of this State, that although it may render him
liable to the charge of heresy, yet he confesses it to be
superior to the existing system. The reader will see it
has the merit of preserving trial by jury in the Court of
Appeals, fulfilling thereby the provision of the constitu-
tion of the United States, which enjoins trial by jury in
all criminal cases, and in all civil suits above th4 sum of
twenty dollars.

The Executive department laid down by this constitu-
tion, is not inserted here, neither is the article in relation
to public or civil officers. A great portion of the 7th
article is extracted.

ARTICLE VII.— Rights and Prohibitions.

§ 1. Every profession, business, or trade, not hurtful to the com-
munity, shall be equally open to the pursuit of every member of the
community, without charter, license, impediment, or prohibition. No
exclusive privilege or monopoly shall be granted.

§ 2. No exemption laws shall be passed or remain in force, ex-
empting any person, class, order, kind, or description of persons or
property, from any public duty, tax, or burden, to which the rest of
the community is subject.

§ 4. The right of personal liberty is sacred ; and no man shall be
arrested or imprisoned except for crime, or when there is strong pro-
bability of his criminality supported by affidavit. Prisoners, except
for murder, shall be bailable without delay ; and in the event of being
strangers, or in circumstances of poverty, so that they cannot procure
bail, they shall have the right to demand immediate trial or libera-
tion, and to be immediately tried or liberated. In' all criminal prose-
cutions, the accused hath the right to be informed of the accusation
against him, to have a copy of the indictment or charge in due time
to prepare for his defence ; to be allowed counsel ; to be confronted
with the witnesses against him ; to have compulsory process for wit-
nesses in his behalf; to examine witnesses for and against him ; to
a speedy trial by an impartial jury, without whose unanimous con-
sent he shall be deemed innocent ; and no man, in any criminal case,
shall be compelled to give evidence against himself.

§ 6. There shall be no capital punishment ; but in all convictions
for murder or unjustifiable homicide, the sentence shall be banish-
ment or imprisonment at hard labor for life ; the nett profits of said
labor to be given to the dependants and relations of the person mur-
dered, or to the poor, as the jury shall direct.

§ 7. All felonies shall be punished with confinement at hard labor ;
the term imprisonment and labor, as to the greatest and least amount

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 167

for the different kinds of offences, to be specified by the legislature. But
restitution shall be made to the parties injured, from the property or
the proceeds of the labor of the convict ; the precise amount of punish-
ment and restitution to be fixed by the jury.

§ 8. The time or labor of convicts shall not be bargained to con-
tractors, or to any person whatsoever. All articles manufactured in
the prisons of this state, over and above the consumption of the con-
victs, and over and above the purposes of restitution, shall be ap-
propriated to the use of the poor in such manner as the legislature
shall direct.

§ 9. Embezzlement of property by carriers, or persons taking goods
on freightage, and all breaches of trust by persons receiving money or
property for safe keeping and restoration to the owner, his agent, or
assignee, shall be indictable as frauds, and all frauds shall be punisha-
ble as felonies.

§ 10. No law shall be valid for the forcible collection of debts aris-
ing from voluntary agreement between individuals, wherein one par-
ty relinquishes his right to and possession of any species of property
on the promise by the other party of another thing or equivalent.
[This section shall apply only to debts contracted after the adoption
of this constitution.]

The reader will perceive that the foregoing constitution
restricts the Legislative power, and guards the Equal
Rights of the citizen, in any pursuit of business he may
be desirous of following, not hurtful to the community.
And if he properly views the late Bankruptcy act of the
United States, he will infinitely prefer the Loco-Foco pro-
position of the repeal of all laws for the collection of
debts, arising in future.

The Convention appointed a committee to draft an
address to the people of the State. From this address,
the following selections are presented to the reader.

TO THE PEOPLE OF THE STATE OF NEW-YORK.
FELLOW CITIZENS :

You constitute the sovereign power of the state. You are respon-
sible— responsible before God and man — for the just exercise of that
power. And if you permit it to be employed in outraging the rights
of any portion of your fellow men, and in reducing thousands of in-
dustrious citizens, a vast portion of whom are defenceless women and
children, to the condition of paupers and slaves^ no individual among
you can exonerate himself from the guilt, nor (if God be just) from its
just punishment.

There never was a time when human law was so perfect that there
was no room for improvement, or so just and upright that there was

168 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

no public wrong to reform. The time has now arrived when reform
is not merely desirable, but indispensable to our very existence ; and
we therefore hope that those who, in imitation of the Tory Lords of
England, style themselves " conservatives/' and shout " let well alone,"
will not induce you to let ILL alone any longer.

There are a multitude of political and social abuses in our state,
which cry aloud to you for reform, and to heaven for judgment —
abuses which not only compel vast numbers of our fellow men to short-
en their lives by excessive toil, but which destroy the virtues of the
people, and render human life a mere swinish scramble to escape star-
vation.

At present, although we may live under the cloak of republicanism,
we are in reality subjected to the worst of all tyrannies — an aristo-
cracy of wealth. Our actual government, our real regulator of social
rights and social intercourse, is money — the greater heaps ruling the
less. This indeed has generally been the essence of all governments,
whatever might be their outward form. One of the best and ablest of
Christian statesmen (Lord Chancellor Sir THOMAS MORE) declares,
that all the governments he had either seen or known were little else
than a conspiracy of greedy men, first, to monopolise all the common
gifts of God to man ; and then, to get the labor of those whom they
had thus wickedly made destitute and dependent at as low rates as
possible, and oppress them as much as they please. Such was the na-
ture of the soul-debasing tyranny from which our ancestors sought a
refuge in this western wilderness, and which, owing to the influence
of vicious training and dishonest habits, was allowed to take root
here. For however great may be the extent of our theoretical free-
dom, the practical doctrine of our government has been, that every
poor man's child surrenders, at his birth, all the rights it derives
from nature and nature's God into the hands of the government, or of
persons privileged by government to enjoy or sell them. Here, as in
other aristocracies of wealth, man is made to derive his rights, not
from the free bounty of his Creator, but from the formal scrawls of
scribes and office holders ; the mass of the people not being permitted
by law to plant a seed or fruit tree even in the wilderness for their
own sustenance, and are enabled to obtain food and shelter only by
selling their personal endowments, for longer or shorter terms of ser-
vice, to the highest bidder. For a long time after the formation of
our state government, it was so completely an aristocracy of wealth
that none but the possessors of a given amount of wealth (having at
least the power to derive gain from the industry or necessities of the
poor) were allowed any voice in its enactments ; while the honest
laborer who had been made landless by law, or houseless by oppres-
sion, was required to hazard his heart's blood in defence of the hand
that deliberately stripped him of his natural rights and destroyed his
social equality.

It should be borne in mind, however, that the original organizers
of our state government, exhausted by a tedious war against British
usurpation, did not profess to have framed such a system as they
wished to see finally established ; and that they merely constructed a

1836 ] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 169

temporary shelter out of the least odious parts of the system they
had warred against, leaving it to their descendants, when enlightened
by study and refreshed by peace, to establish a social edifice based en-
tirely on the immediate principles of equality and justice. Then,
also, as now, the advocates of social reform were greatly retarded by
those swinish spirits who had been used to look on other men's pover-
ty as their opportunity ; who knew no other good than gain, no other
God than Mammon ; who prided themselves upon the spoils of honest
industry, and regarded property as the test of merit.

The great object of a constitution is, to prevent the officers of gov-
ernment from assuming powers incompatible with the natural rights
of man ; and it is certain that our present constitution does not ac-
complish this paramount design. If the powers of public agents un-
der it are distinctly limited and clearly defined, why should their po-
litical principles be a matter of such solicitude at elections ? If the
constitution contains a plain guarantee of the rights of the people,
whence the necessity of pledging legislators not to violate those
rights ? The plain truth is, that constitutions in these United States
have been constructed in the spirit of compromise — of compromise
between the advocates of Democracy and the friends of aristocracy —
compromise between the principles of right and wrong.

It is time — the disastrous results of aristocratic legislation prove
that it is high time — that our state constitution should define the
powers and duties of legislators ; and, above all other instruments, it
should afford the clearest pledge, the safest guarantee of the rights of
the people against legislative usurpation — against the creation of
those vested wrongs, monopolies — and against the fostering of a sys-
tem of artificial credit, calculated to sap all public and private morals,
not only placing the advantages of credit within reach of the dishon-
est, but enabling hordes of promise-printers and speculators to en-
gross all the provisions and goods produced by the industry of the peo-
ple, and then deal them out at prices limited only by the fear of popu-
lar vengeance.

Fellow citizens, it is for you to reflect on these important subjects.
The framers of the subjoined constitution have already done so, and
they have recurred to first principles — to the principles of our revolu-
tionary fathers — in framing a constitution to protect the equal rights
of the citizens, and to maintain the sovereignty of the people. It is
very probable that it may be the subject of virulent attack, of tortuous
construction, or feigned contempt, on the part of those who fawn on in-
justice for a share of the plunder, because it does not emanate from
those classes which have heretofore swayed our destinies. No leading
politicians, no lawyers or professional gentlemen of any kind, have been
consulted or employed in constructing it. It is the work of working
men — of unambitious, humble men — who have long been compelled to
feel most bitterly the cruel oppressions of the system founded ?nd upheld
by the aristocracy of wealth and its mental prostitutes, and whose
only object is the advancement of moral, social and political RIGHT.

With these sacred objects in view, the proposed constitution here-
-vith published, is respectfully submitted to the consideration of the
15

170 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

people, in the hope that it may receive their careful scrutiny, and
eventually be submitted by them to the revision of a larger and abler
convention. If it should be the means of exciting examination and
discussion, and of eventually producing that desirable and certainly
attainable good to mankind, a perfect democratic constitution, the
object of theframers of this draft will be fully accomplished.
By order of the Convention,

ROBERT TOWNSEND, Jr., Pres.

CHAPTER XIII.

Preparations for the November Election of 1837 — Nominations made
— Pledge signed by the Candidates — The Nominations adopted and
the Party pledges itself to sustain its Candidates — Committee ap-
pointed to address Mr. Curtis for violating his Pledge — Five Lo-
co-Foco Candidates nominated at Tammany Hall — Committee
of Conference of Union of the Democracy — Candidates of the
Equal Rights Party called on to resign, but most of them refuse —
A Dilemma — C. H. Dougherty and Henry E. Riell's Resolution to
desert the Equal Rights Candidates adopted — The Pledge makers
become PI edge breakers — The Edward Curtis investigation — Rump
Loco-Focos and Buffaloe Loco-Focos — The Address of the former
— Fidelity — Decay and Fall of the Military and Civic Hotel — Con-
clusion.

Honor's a sacred tie
The noble mind's distinguishing perfection. — CATO.

IN one of the British Islands, there is a long bay of se-
veral miles in width, which is much frequented by sea
birds. It is said that the fox in that part of the world
envelopes his head in a coiffure of sea foam, which he finds
along the shore, and thus disguised he swims out into the
bay to get amongst the sea birds, in order to prey upon
them; but that sometimes a sudden burst of wind or
water deprives him of his head-dress, and exposes Mr.
Reynard to the great surprise and disturbance of the fea-
thered community.

In like manner, a number of political foxes of like
views, had long mingled themselves with the Democratic

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 171

party, and preyed upon it for very many years, but at
length the President's message of the Special Session dis-
composed the disguises of these foxy democrats, and ex-
posed them in their true nature of selfishness to the world
at large. But they had become so strong, by having per-
verted, with the spoils of monopoly, many men who
were, in early years, true JefFersonian Democrats, that
they were now able to form a part of what Mr. Leggett
called the triangular contest. They held on, however, to
the assumed coiffure they had found so useful in by-gone
years, for this party of privilege, this aristocracy of the
Democracy, styled themselves " unchanged democrats,"
" Conservative Democratic Republicans.

In the Old Men's General Committee of 1837, there
was a majority of these unchanged monopoly Democrats.
This majority had refused to co-operate with the Young
Men's General Committee, in its call for a public meet-
ing on the twenty-first of September, to approve the
President's Message ; but on the contrary it called a meet-
ing of those opposed to the message to take place at
Tammany Hall on the 25th September. This latter call
was sustained by the signatures of about six hundred of
these unchanged Republicans ; nevertheless it proved a
total failure, for the friends of the message were so nu-
merous at the meeting, that the resolutions against the
message were negatived, and others of different tenor sub-
sequently adopted.

In this intestine broil between the two General Com-
mittees within the Republican Party, the Loco-Focos
very naturally took sides with the adherents of the Young
Men's Committee, and they were welcome allies to the
latter, so much so, that a union began to be talked of.
But many members of the Equal Rights Party were very
suspicious of the political honesty of Tammany, and par-
ticularly so long as they saw that the " Old hunkers," as
the old fashioned unchanged Democrats were nick-named,
had any power there. As late as September the 19th
the Loco-Focos at a public meeting, passed a " Resolu-

172 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

tion against a communication which had appeared in
the Evening Post over the signature of "A Member of
the Equal Rights Party," recommending such a union of
the Democratic family.

While these circumstances were in progress, the Equal
Rights Party were not unmindful of the approaching
election. They had published the names put in nomina-
tion for candidates, and at meetings for the purpose, their
ticket was nearly completed, by the end of the month of
September. The following were the candidates.

For Assembly.

Robert Townsend, jr., Levi D. Slamm,

Daniel Gorham, Job Haskell,

Charles Dingley, John H. Hunt,

Josephus N. Grain, Daniel C. Pentz,

Warden Hayward, John W. Brown,

John Wilder, Hugh Collins,
James L. Stratton.

For Sheriff. George W. Matsell,

" County Clerk. Alexander Ming, jr.,

" Coroner. A. D. Wilson.

The following pledge for these candidates to sign, was
agreed upon by a special meeting on 22d September.
PLEDGE.

We, the above named Candidates of the Equal Rights Party, of the
city and County of New York, do hereby mutually pledge ourselves,
that, if elected, we will, to the best of our ability, advocate and vote
for all measures in accordance with the Declaration of Rights of the
Equal Rights Party.

2. We will endeavor by our influence and votes to procure the re-
peal, immediately, of the Suspension and Mortgage Acts.

3. The Repeal of the Restraining Act.

4. To oppose the State Prison Monopoly.

5. To second every Constitutional effort of the Government of
the United States to restore a Specie Currency to the people.

6. To procure a morfe extended, equal and convenient system of
Common School Instruction.

7. We do, also, agree tojoppose the passage of any act by the Legis-
lature, which will encroach upon the Natural and Constitutional
Rights of the people.

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 173

8. To procure the passage of a Law allowing a fair compensation
to Jurors and Witnesses.

The ticket was on the 2d of October fully made up by
the nomination of Stephen Hasbrouck for the State Senate,
and all the candidates signed the pledge, as appears by
the proceedings of the 12th October.

The proceedings further state, that " after much dis-
cussion on the practicability of forming a union ticket
with the anti-monopolists of Tammany Hall, and uniting
with them at the ensuing election, the Report and further
action on the ratification of our ticket were deferred, un-
til Thursday night, October 19th." When this latter
meeting took place, the following resolution was offered
by Charles Fox, and " unanimously adopted."

Resolved — That the organization and principles of the Whig, as
well as those of the Tammany Party, are inconsistent with the genius
of our Democratic institutions, and they, therefore, cannot receive
the support of the Equal Rights Party.

After which the proceedings go on to state, that " the
State and County Tickets, as completed, were then taken
up and confirmed amidst enthusiastic cheers."

The following Preamble and Resolution, offered by
Josephus N. Grain, were also unanimously adopted : —

Whereas, we, the Equal Rights Party of the city and county of
New York, are informed by the public prints that our representative
in Congress, Edward Curtis, voted against the resolution of Mr.
Cambreleng, declaring it inexpedient to charter a national bank, and
also against the sub-treasury bill, or bill to divorce bank and state.

Resolved — That a committee of five be appointed to write to the
said Edward Curtis, in reference to the same, and to request that he
will, at his earliest convenience, inform this party through the said
committee as to the correctness of the above-mentioned information,
and if correct, with such explanations as he may think due to the
Equal Rights Party and his own honor.

John A. Riell, Charles Fox, Michael Dougherty, John
Bogert, and Thomas S. Day, were appointed the Com-
mittee.

Thus far, the Equal Rights party had proceeded regu-
15*

174 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

larly, as regarded its nominations and preparations for
the fall election. The County and State Tickets were,
according to the constitution of organization, filled up ;
the candidates had signed the pledges required of them ;
and the party ratified and confirmed, " with enthusiastic
cheers," its pledge, in return, to the candidates.

But a change came over the spirit of the " enthusiastic
cheers" of a large portion of the party, in a short time
afterwards ; for a proposition was presented, at a General
Meeting on the 24th October, to effect the united support
of the Democratic family in favor of one ticket. The
beginning of the end of the Equal Rights party, was in-
troduced in the most specious form imaginable.

The Loco-Focos were much attached to their demo-
cratic organization. Therefore a proposition to dissolve
the party would have been negatived at once ; and, in
all probability, the same decision would have befallen a
proposition for a permanent union with the democracy at
Tammany Hall, without an alteration of the "known
usages." But it was manifest that the party, in its oppo-
sition to monopolies, was anxious to sustain the President
in the warfare of the Banks against him ; and it was upon
this sentiment that some men, for reasons best known to
themselves, went to work to dissolve the party. Every
reforming party has found its most dangerous enemies
within its own ranks.

Mr. Daniel Ji. Robertson opened the business by offer-
ing a long and popularly worded preamble, closing with
the following harmless-looking Resolution : —

Resolved — That, in order to effect a cordial co-operation of the
Democracy, a committee of five be appointed to confer with the other
portion of the Democratic Party, and to suggest to them the propriety
of requesting their candidates to subscribe to the Declaration of
Rights.

By the adoption of this Resolution, the party pro-
nounced its own death doom.

Messrs. Daniel A. Robertson, Henry E. Riell, Joseph
Rose, Jun., Michael Dougherty, and Thomas S. Day,
were appointed the Committee of Conference.

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 175

This Committee of limited powers, — merely " to sug-
gest" &c., — assumed to itself plenipotentiary functions.
They met a committee appointed by the Nominating Com-
mittee at Tammany Hall, and matters of difference were
adjusted to the entire satisfaction of the Committee of the
Loco-Foco party. It was a fortunate circumstance, perhaps,
that in any sacrifices agreed upon by the latter Committee
and their coadjutors, expediency did not require any sacri-
fice of self. At all events no such sacrifice was made.

The nominating committee at Tammany Hall nomi-
nated five of the candidates of the Equal Rights party,
James L. Stratton, John H. Hunt, Robert Toumsend, Jr.,
Levi D. Slamm, and Wm. E. Skidmore, for the House
of Assembly. This was doing much towards reconcilia-
tion, and the Committee of Conference did the rest. It
had got specific power to " suggest" the propriety of the
candidates at Tammany Hall signing the Declaration of
Rights, but it determined not to do business by limitation,
To unite in support of one set of candidates was not
enough, there must be a permanent union. Accordingly,
it presented ajlerng Report to its constituents on the 27th
October, seeing forth : —

"1. Tfeat the branch of the party at Tammany Hall had given
evidprfce of their disposition to unite with us in sustaining the admin-
is*fation.

"2. They have made a ticket composed of men politically and
morally satisfactory.

"3. They have adopted a Declaration of Rights, essentially the
same as our own.

" 4. The individuals nominated have given unqualified assurance,
by their own signatures, of their implicit belief in the doctrines held
and the measures we advocate.

" 5. Principle and patriotism demand that we should meet them in
a like spirit of conciliation.

" 6. The forms of our organization should not prevent us from pur-
suing the path best devised to carry out our principles ; the revival
of the old landmarks of democracy, or the full success of the people
in contending against a common enemy,

" 7. In union there is strength : to produce union a mutual con-
cession of personal feeling must be made — which concession sustains
our principles, will elect our ticket, defeat our enemies, and strengthen
the confidence of the people in the administration of the General
Government,

176 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

" 8. Contending, as we have been, to revive the land-marks and
principles of the original Democratic party, and to effect constitu-
tional reform in legislation, we conceive, at this important crisis,
those measures are best advanced by UNION of the whole Demo-
cratic party.

" Your committee, after mature deliberation, and conscious that it
will be beneficial towards the best interests of our common cause, the
cause of justice, and the rights of man, respectfully recommend our
candidates who have not been responded to at Tammany Hall, to
withdraw their names from our ticket, and that we use our undivided
exertions to support the ticket named by them as it now stands. We
are fully of opinion that in this manner we can conquer our common
enemy, and that our course will be approved by all those who wish
Success to Democratic principles."

This Report was received and adopted, and Alexander
Ming immediately resigned as the candidate for the
office of Register, and Josephus JV*. Crain as a candidate
on the Assembly ticket.

Doctor Hasbrouck also resigned the nomination he had
received for State Senator, , and Chas. G. Ferris, who
had been nominated at Tammany Hall, was adopted in his
stead.

The meeting adjourned to the 28th October, having
appointed a committee to request the Equal Rights
candidates, not nominated at Tammany Hall, to resign.
But there were no resignations to report, either on the
28th or at another meeting on the 31st. Job Has/cell
sent a letter stating that he would not resign for a less
vote than had given him the nomination. His letter
made some excitement, and caused several motions
respecting it, but it was referred back to the committee.
The portion for union was now in an awkward dilemma.
The stubborn candidates would not resign, and the party
was pledged to support them. What a position was this
for the Committee of Conference to find themselves in,
with regard to propositions made, and prospects in view ?
Desperate cases require desperate deeds. A resolution
was offered by C. H. Dougherty, to insist on resignation
"forthwith;" but this would not do, — "If the eye
offends you, pluck it out." This latter was the only
course for the Committee of Conference, and its pleni-

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 177

potentiary arrangements demanded this. Its chairman,
Henry E. Riell amended Mr. C. H. Dougherty by consent
— "That we the Equal Rights party have the fullest
confidence in the ticket jointly nominated by the nomi-
nating committee at Tammany Hall, and by the Equal
Rights Party, and that we as a party, adopt it as our
ticket, and will use our best exertions to procure its entire
election." This was carried by a vote of 71 against 22.

Here were seventy-one Loco-Focos, advocates of
pledges and strict construction, who had repeatedly affirm-
ed and re-affirmed that the resolution passed at the Utica
convention, " to remain a separate and distinct party from
all existing parties and factions in this State, until all
the people realize that Equality of Rights which we are
now permitted only to contemplate in the distance with
hope." Who had pledged their candidates to their
measures, and pledged themselves to their candidates
" with enthusiastic cheers." Yet these pledge-makers
become the most violent and shameless of pledge break-
ers. WThat were the influences which had come over
them !

While these circumstances were in progress, many of
the Loco-Focos refrained from attending the meetings,
where contention and violence prevailed. The most
ultra of the Equal Rights Party, were not averse to a
union with the rest of the Democracy, but to place them-
selves under the dominion of the aristocratic " usages of
the party," was what they were much opposed to. Be-
sides, the Democracy at Tammany, had not, as stated by
the committee of conference, " adopted a declaration of
Rights essentially the same as our own." It did not set
forth the principle quoted from Thomas Jefferson, " that
the idea is quite unfounded that on entering society we
give up any natural right." It did not declare, " Hos-
tility to the dangerous and unconstitutional creation of
vested rights, or prerogatives by legislation, because they
are usurpations of the people's sovereign rights." It did
not avow that " We hold that each and every law or act

178 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

of incorporation, passed by preceding legislatures, can be
rightfully altered or repealed 'by their successors; and
that they should be altered or repealed, when necessary
for the public good, or when required by a majority of
the people." Neither did it declare " unqualified hostility
to bank notes and paper money as a circulating medium."

Besides, the Declaration of Principles, " essentially the
same as our own," was only adopted by the nominating
committee at Tammany Hall, and not by either of the
general committees. Incomplete as it was, there was no
adoption of it as yet by the Republican Party, and there-
fore no general acknowledgment or permanent guarantee.
Many of the Loco-Focos from past experience did not
like to trust " Old Tammany," and they resisted a union
until better assured. Hence the Equal Rights Party be-
came divided within itself; the majority for union, called
the opposing minority Rumps, and the latter called the
majority Buffaloes. The conflict was criminative and
re-criminative, between these adverse sections. Even
the use of the venerable room in the old Military and
Civic Hotel, became a matter of rivalry and strife. Alas !
who could have foreseen that while two bodies of men
were competing with each other for the use of the cradle
of Loco-Focoism, that in a few weeks neither would care
about it !

The following notice appeared in the Evening Post,
28th October.

LOCO-FOCOS ATTEND !

The members of the Equal Rights Party, in favor of sustaining the
principles of their constitution and opposed to a union with the Tam-
many Party, are requested to attend a meeting on Monday evening,
at half past seven o'clock, at Military and Civic Hotel, corner
Bowery and Broome Streets.

DAVID LEVERICK, JOHN BOGERT,

WM. L. BOYCE, EGBERT L. MANNING,

I. M. DENNIS, ROBERT HOGBIN,

JOHN WINDT.

The awful schism between the Buffaloes and Rumps,
was remarkable for its virulence and violence. Dr. Ste-

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 179

phen Hasbrouck endeavored to mediate in every extreme
that either faction would go, but with little effect, for it
is easier to compromise principle than enmity. The
Rumps charged the Buffaloes with having views to office
more than principle. The Buffaloes accused the Rumps
with being bribed by the Whigs, to oppose the union of
the Democracy, and they therefore conspired to slay the
prominent Rump Loco-Focos, particularly John Windt
and F. Byrdsall. But their malice aforethought only
contemplated political death, and this they were deter-
mined to effect, because they conceived it indispensable
to the objects they had in view. The Evening Post
misled by Buffalo misrepresentations^ charged Windt
with being a recipient of Whig patronage, a share of the
public printing, (which was utterly untrue), and cautioned
the Democracy respecting him. Windt replied, and that
paper at once retracted its erroneous charges. Byrdsall
had hitherto been very lucky. The public press, while it
spared none of his political associates, had not noticed
him, although he was the officer of the party to call its
meetings, and although he spoke more frequently at those
meetings than any other man. But his turn came at last,
that he must be killed, and the Rumps were not per-
mitted to interpose in his behalf; however strong in the
mental, the Buffaloes had the advantage in the physical,
and the only hindrance to the deed of death, was how
could it be done ?

Politicians can find expedients for every emergency.
In this case, it was expedient that the committee appoint-
ed to correspond with Mr. Curtis in relation to his votes
in Congress, should do the deed of malice aforethought,
But with all the committee could do, it dared not attempt
more than a half death, to strike in the subjunctive mood.
It brought in a report against Mr. Curtis, in which by
insinuations it labored to excite suspicions of the moral
and political integrity of the Recording Secretary. Two
of the committee did not sign it, two of those who did
were members of the committee of conference, working

180 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

for the union of the Loco-Foco and Tammany Parties ;
and the third, the chairman of the committee, was bro-
ther to the chairman of the committee of conference.
The report is not drawn up in the hand writing of any of
the five members composing the committee, nor did the
Recording Secretary ever know any part of its contents,
until after he began to write this history.

The whole of the report follows, omitting only the in-
troductory paragraph.

« That on the 20th of October last past, the committee proceeded
to perform the duty assigned them, by addressing a letter with the
preamble and resolution therein contained, to Edward Curtis, which
elicited from him the following reply :

'New York, October 24, 1837.

f GENTLEMEN — I have had the honor to receive your letter of the
20th of October inst., communicating a copy of a resolution of the
Equal Rights Party, adopted on the 19th inst. In reply to your in-
quiry concerning my votes on the resolution from the Committee of
Ways and Means of the House of Representatives, declaring it to be
inexpedient to charter a National Bank, and upon the Sub-Treasury
Bill, I have to inform you that my name is truly recorded as having
voted in the negative upon a motion to lay the resolution upon the
table, and again in the negative when the question was directly upon
the passage of that resolution.

' My vote upon the Sub-Treasury Bill was in the affirmative upon
a motion to lay the subject upon the table. But little time was
allowed for the discussion of that bill, and had I been compelled to
vote directly upon its merits, I should have voted in the negative. I
am not aware, gentlemen, that in these votes I have departed from
any opinions supposed to have been entertained by me at the time of
my election as a member of Congress.

f In the ' Declaration of Principles ' of the anti-monopoly party, as
the party was denominated prior to the 15th Sept., 1836, there were
clauses to which I had no objections, other clauses from which I to-
tally dissented, and others which were objectionable or not, according
to the construction put upon them ; and these last clauses were vari-
ously construed by different members of the party. I avowed my
willingness* to subscribe to the ' Declaration of Principles ' in the
hands of your Recording Secretary, provided he would at the same

* This willingness was never avowed to the Recording Secretary by
Mr. Curtis before he signed the Declaration of Principles. But Dr. A
F. Vache informed the Recording Secretary that Mr. Curtis was willing
to sign it, and that he had some remarks or commentaries to make on
the Declaration in writing. An appointment was then made for Mr.

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 181

time receive a written communication tinder my hand, explaining at
large the sense in which I agreed to those political doctrines, and
containing the limitations and exceptions with which my assent was
to be received, and would communicate that written statement to the
County Convention of the party, and whenever and wherever my
name might be considered, at any meeting of the party, as a candidate.

* Accordingly, such a statement in writing, in the form of a letter,
dated the — day of September, 1836, was delivered by me to the
Recording Secretary, at the moment I subscribed to the Declaration
of Principles, and was received by him to be communicated to the
party as a qualification of my assent. The Secretary did communi-
cate the same to the party, in County Convention, and there read the
same in open meeting, and at the same meeting which, after at first
objecting to, and again reading and discussing the letter, proceeded,
by a small majority, as I was informed at the time, to agree upon my
nomination. I beg leave, gentlemen, to refer you to that letter, in
the hands of your Secretary, and I ask that it may be published as a
part of this correspondence, if anything on this subject be published.
It is twice repeated in that letter, that it is to be taken as express-
ive of the sense in which I had adopted the several sections of the
' Declaration of Principles/ and the extent to which I assented to them.

' A copy of the same letter was communicated to the members of
the Whig Nominating Committee, and its contents publicly stated in
that committee, before my nomination by that body. I read the let-
ter publicly when spoken to on the subject, at the offices of the
Courier & Enquirer, the Evening Star, and other places. The Even-
ing Star and the Courier & Enquirer both repelled in their columns,
(I think on the 23d Oct.), the charge which had been made by the
New- York Times, that I had pledged myself to all the doctrines of
the anti-monopoly party, and they characterized my letter as one to
which no Whig ought to object. To counteract a rumor which had
gone to the Whig Committee, that I had given unqualified adhesion
to the { Declaration of Principles,' several prominent members of the
Anti-Monopoly Party attended at the Broadway House, during the
session of the Whig Committee, and there assured several of the
members of that committee of the truth of the case, and that I was
not considered as having given any other than the qualified assent
contained in my letter, and according to the views and opinions
therein set forth.

* You will remember, gentlemen, that I was unknown in politics,
except as a member of the Whig Party — that I was identified with

Curtis to meet the Recording Secretary at John Windt's office, in
Frankfort street, to sign the Declaration. After he signed, he put the
paper in the hands of the Recording Secretary, who, when he read it,
found it different from what he had Reason to expect, and he made
objections to it. Mr. Curtis requested that it should be read to the
Party if his name ever came up for nomination ; and this the Record-
ing Secretary promised to do, and did as a duty which he owed to the
Equal Rights Party.
16

182 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

that party in all their points of difference with the Jackson Party—
that I had twice been elected to the Common Council by the Whigs,
and had just come out of a sharp and protracted contest in the Board
of Assistant Aldermen, as the Whig candidate for the Presidency of
that Board. On the 23d Sept., 1836, and while my nomination was
pending before the Anti-Monopoly Party, I presided at the general
meeting of the Whig Young Men of this city, whose proceedings,
under my name, were published in all the Whig papers of the city.
In my reply to the letter of the Committee of the Equal Rights Party,
who informed me of my nomination, and requested my assent to a
certain paper called a ' Bill of Highly,' I waived any answer to that
request, and referred to a former occasion, in which I had made
known my sentiments, and assented to the Declaration of Principles.
Upon the whole, gentlemen, I think it idle to disguise the impression
I have always had, that it was in hostility to Tammany Hall, the
common enemy of the Equal Rights Party and the Whig Party, that
was to be found the motive which governed that portion of the former
party which gave me its votes. I refer again to my letter. I have
seen no reason to change the opinions there expressed, and I deeply
regret if, in communicating these opinions, any of my constituents
have been misled.

< I am, gentlemen, with perfect respect, your fellow-citizen,

< ED WARD CURTIS.

' To Messrs. John A. Riell, Michael Dougherty, John Bogert, Thos.
S. Day, and Charles Fox, Esqrs. Committee.'

" It appears, by the foregoing letter, that the said Edward Curtis
refers to a written communication and statement in the form of a let-
ter, dated — day of September, 1836, and which was delivered by
him to F. Byrdsall, Esq., the then Recording Secretary, at the mo-
ment he subscribed the Declaration of Principles, and which was by
the then Recording Secretary to be communicated to the party, as a
qualification of his assent. Although diligent search was made for
the letter above referred to, it could not be found among the papers
of the present Recording Secretary, and as he was of opinion that such
letter was never delivered over to him with the other papers, it ap-
peared to your committee that it might have been possibly retained
in the possession of the late Recording Secretary. Your committee,
through their chairman, then. waited upon the late Recording Secre-
tary, and received from him the letter or copy of the original letter
above referred to, by the said Edward Curtis, which copy is attested
to be correct by communications received by your committee, from
Dr. Alexander F. Vache and F. Byrdsall, by letters dated the 27th
October, 1837, which communications satisfy your committee that
such letter as above referred to, by the said Edward Curtis, was re-
ceived from him, as in his letter of the 27th of October last past is
stated. Your committee considered it to be a part of their duty to take
a copy of said letter, although they were, and are, unwilling to re-
ceive it as a letter properly belonging to the Equal Rights Party,
which for reasons hereafter made known, appear to them perfectly

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 183

consistent, plain, and satisfactory, but have deemed it their duty to
view said letter as a mere individual communication, addressed by
the said Edward Curtis to the late Recording Secretary, with which
this party have nothing to do, no further than as it is necessary to
show the duplicity and traffic (if such it be), as practised upon
the party for the purpose of procuring the nomination of the said
Edward Curtis, as a candidate of the party to the Congress of the
United States,* and which your committee are of opinion should ap-
pear in this report, in order to develope all the facts of the case, that
the party may be fairly enabled to ascertain the whole truth, and
judge correctly of all the evidence which has been received, — (see
Utter, chap. 6, page 121), which letter, in the opinion of your com-
mittee, is very evasive and altogether unsatisfactory, as it does not
meet, or even pretend to answer, the principal axioms contained in
the Declaration of Principles, which as solid truths it should have
done, and which the said Edward Curtis as in duty bound ought to
have done, and your committee believe that, if report be true, it was
very properly rejected at a public meeting of the party, as unfit to be
received as a public document. The committee have also considered
it as one of their duties to refer back to a communication addressed
by the said Edward Curtis, October 19, 1836, to Messrs. Alexander
F. Vache, F. Byrdsall, R. R. Jones, John Watkins, and A. D. Wil-
s&h, a committee who were instructed to inform him, the said Edward
Curtis, and others, of his and their nomination as members of Con-
gress, and to submit for his and their approval the Declaration of

* If the charge of " duplicity and traffic" was intended to impli-
cate the Recording Secretary, then is it utterly false. He has never
been a trafficking politician nor an office-seeker, and it is well known
that this much cannot be averred of any of the three men who signed
this report. No man in the Equal Rights Party was more active at
meetings in " procuring the nomination of Edward Curtis," and after-
wards supporting him at the polls, than the chairman himself, Mr.
John A. Riell.

There were indications in 1836 that the Monopoly Democracy of
the city would again nominate their favorite candidate, Mr. Gideon
Lee, President of the Leather Manufacturer's Bank, and a stock-
holder and partizan of the Bank of the United States. Mr. Curtis
was nominated because he was neither a bank director or stockholder
within the knowledge of the Equal Rights Party, and because he had
signed the Declaration of Principles. He was supported, because he
gave the most solemn assurances to the party in his great speech at
Military Hall, on 4th November, and because there was no other
way of defeating the election of Gideon Lee. The attempt to do
this the year before with a Democrat, Mr. C. G. Ferris, had failed.

There is nothing in this world of so much importance to the " late
Recording Secretary" as his own self-respect, and he has not forfeited
any, the least consideration of that by any act, word, or circumstance
that ever took place between him and Mr. Curtis. Every gentleman
will understand the full meaning of these words when he reads them.

184 HISTORY OF THE [1837.

Rights, adopted by the state convention at Utica, September 15, 1836,
with the following questions, (see the Democrat, October 19, 1836,
or page 129 of this book). From all the information obtained, and
the correspondence had and received, your committee have endeavored
to ascertain and expose everything doubtful and mysterious in con-
nection with the affair delegated to them, and which seemed appa-
rent from the correspondence they have had with the said Edward
Curtis, to enable them to penetrate the labyrinth, and elucidate all
concealed or hidden, and discover the whole truth, which in their
opinion they have brought to light. The committee believe that the
letter alluded to by the said Edward Curtis, a copy of which is con-
tained in their report, was rejected as a public document, after being
read before a public meeting of the party, as it is not to be found re-
corded in the minutes or proceedings, which has been diligently and
faithfully searched. They are, therefore, unwilling to receive or ac-
knowledge it as the property of the party ; but as its contents have
been by them duly examined, they have no hesitation in declaring it
to be what it essentially and really is, viz. : in many respects, a tissue
of absurdities, and on the whole, a miserabiy devised, though cunning,
subterfuge and trick, such as could not have emanated from any man
who loves justice and fair dealing in preference to insidious means
and arts, which cannot corrupt the party, though it may men. It is,
in the opinion of your committee, one of the most bare-faced attempts
at deception ever practised upon any political party, and which none
but a political cheat and deceiver could ever invent or frame, and the
men who were, in the first instance, accessary in thus palming the
author of such a letter upon a party whose ostensible object was con-
stitutional reform, owe it to themselves, the party, and their own
honor, to come forward and exonerate themselves from all culpability.
In conclusion, your committee, upon due inquiries, have not been able
to discover those members of the party, if any there ever were/to
whom the said Edward Curtis refers in his letter as having said to a
number of the Whig Nominating Committee, that the said Edward
Curtis was not fully committed to the Equal Rights Party.

JOHN A. RIELL,

i THOMAS S. DAY,

M. DOUGHERTY.
" New York, November 2, 1837."

This prolix Report, the reader will readily perceive by
its tautological verbiage, was drawn up by some small
lawyer, whose digestion is probably circuitous and te-
dious. Two of the men who signed it knew little or
nothing, personally, of the circumstances in connection
with the nomination of Edward Curtis ; and when one of
the two who would not sign it, and who knew all the
circumstances, attempted in public meeting to vindicate
the " late Recording Secretary," such was the animosity

1836.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 185

of the Buffaloes towards the Rumps, that he was not suf-
fered to proceed. The Buffalo section met in the great
room of the old Military and Civic Hotel, while the Rump
section met in the back part of the hotel, below.
The belligerent sections were wrathfully opposed to each
other ; but the indignant sentiments and heroic eloquence
of the leaders belong more to the Epic than to the historic.
The meeting of those opposed to uniting with the De-
mocracy of Tammany, took place, according to the notice
already inserted. Strong resolutions were passed, adverse
to such union. But as those who called themselves un-
contaminated Loco-Focos published an address to their
fellow-citizens, covering the whole ground they stood
upon, the whole of this address is presented to the reader.

ADDRESS.

FELLOW-CITIZENS — In soliciting your votes and support of the
genuine Loco-Foco or Equal Rights ticket, we offer a few remarks
to show the getting up of the spurious or half Loco-Foco, half Tam-
many ticket, and also to dissipate the delusion which is circulating,
that the whole Equal Rights party is ensnared into the net of the
Tammany Sachems.

The ticket above presented to the suffrage of the friends of Equal
Rights has been nominated by ward and county meetings, in strict
conformity with the constitution adopted by conventions and general
meetings of the Equal Rights Party. The candidates were corres-
ponded with by a special committee ; pledges were signed by the
candidates who were constitutionally adopted on mutual pledges and
public compact between the party and the above named candidates.

But it was deemed right and expedient by trading politicians, such
men as are a pest to every political party, to appoint a conference
committee to meet a similar committee from Tammany Hall, in or-
der to compromise, bargain and convey the rights of freemen, in vio-
lation of the constitution of the Equal Rights Party, and in bad faith
towards the men duly nominated and the engagements publicly made.
Will it be believed that there are persons pretending to moral and
political honesty, who were enthusiastic in adopting certain men as
their candidates, and afterwards equally enthusiastic in demanding
the resignation of those very men, in order to substitute Tammany
nominations in their stead ? Yet such is the fact. The acceptance
of the Tammany nomination was carried by a shameful disregard of
every principle of political integrity and the plain provisions of the
constitution.

Fellow-Citizens — The Equal Rights Party votes are not in the
market to be sold by trading politicians. The elective franchise is
inherited from revolutionary patriots, and is not at the disposal of

186 HISTORY OF THE [1836.

committees of conference. Individuals or committees may sell them-
selves and « go where thrift may follow fawning,' but they have no
right to make bargains or engagements that infringe the rights of
others. Could any committee of conference, chosen by Tammany to
meet another committee of conference appointed by some self-styled
Loco Focos, make an agreement to bind the votes or to change at
will the ticket of either party ? Surely not. Such committees are
preposterous absurdities — impudent assumptions, that no good Demo-
crat would take part in. Why then were those committees of con-
ference appointed, and at such late period ? Because Tammany
believes that the Loco Focos, as a matter course, will follow LEAD-
ERS ; and therefore the votes of above four thousand freemen are at
the disposal of a committee, or the four dozen wiseacres that ap-
pointed it.

The original members of the Loco Foco party, at least those who
have constituted its strength and integrity and who at the same time
are least publicly known, are true and steadfast to the principles, the
organization, and the ticket of the party. The following few self-
evident reasons show why the determination to sustain the pure Loco-
Foco ticket is as judicious as it is constitutional.

1. Our party, to a man, are in favor of President Van Buren's
great measure, ( the divorce of Bank and State,' and are anxious to
apply the doctrines to State practice, knowing there is far greater
need of reform in our State administration at this time than there ever
was in the general government.

2. The nominal Democrats of the State administration, declared
(through the Albany county resolutions) their intention of pursuing
their old policy and fostering the « State Institutions,' and lhat they
had nothing in common with the new-fangled radical [Loco Foco]
spirit of the day ; and eulogized the wise, honest, and patriotic con-
duct of Gov. Marcy — by whose counsel and indefatigable personal
and official exertions the Suspension Act was driven through the
forms of legislation, and became a law in two days ! This patriotic
conduct of a pretended Democratic Governor and Legislature, will
long be remembered by every poor man in this city ; for in less than
two weeks from the passage of that act, Flour had in consequence
risen two dollars and a half on the barrel, while a general stagnation
of business immediately ensued.

3. The different wards in the city were called together to appoint
their nominating committees, as the " Friends of the State Adminis-
tration." The men who sanction any atrocity, if perpetrated under
the mask of Democracy, can feel but little respect for Equality of
Rights, when they approve a Suspension Act which, besides its other
enormities, involves the crime of perjury on those who voted fer it.
On the Tammany ticket, as first nominated, stood one of the very
men who voted for that infamous law ! He has since resigned.

4. No permanent good can be expected from the Democratic party
in this city, unless a radical Democratic change takes place in its or-
ganization, through which the wishes of the people will be obeyed,
instead of the present vicious system, which virtually gives to a few
a despotic and irresponsible power.

1837.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 187

5. We well know, no reformation can be expected among " the
leaders," while they can command lucrative official patronage.

Without amplifying these reasons, or extending their number, we
submit the case to the dispassionate judgment of our Democratic fel-
low-citizens, believing they cannot but feel the necessity of com-
mencing and carrying out the great reforms advocated by the Equal
Rights party, and to which their candidates are pledged.

The following Ticket was supported at the election by
those who issued the foregoing address : —

For Assembly.

ROBERT TOWNSEND, JR., Carpenter.
JOB HASKELL, Carman.
WARDEN HAYWARD, Agent.
CHARLES DINGLEY, Music Printer.
JOHN WILDER, Ship-joiner.
HUGH COLLINS, Carpenter.
DANIEL GORHAM, Tailor.
JOHN H. HUNT, Printer.
CHARLES F. WAY, Blacksmith.
LEVI D. SLAMM, Locksmith.
JAMES L. STRATTON, Painter.
WILLIAM E. SKIDMORE, Grocer

For Sheriff.
JAMES LOCKLIN, Tailor.

For County Clerk.
THOMAS S. WALSH, JR., Grocer.

For Coroner.
ABRAHAM D. WILSON, Physician.

The election took place soon afterwards. Job Haskell
obtained 371 votes; the other candidates not nominated
at Tammany Hall, received a lesser number. But the
men who supported the above ticket, honorably performed
their engagements to the candidates they had nominated.
The Union, or Tammany Loco-Foco Ticket, did not suc-
ceed j consequently, no advantage resulted from the re-
union of the democracy, so far as the election is con-
sidered. There would have been nothing lost by acting
in good faith.

188 HISTORY OF THE [1837,

But the consummation of the foregone conclusion of
the Equal Rights party had yet to be accomplished, and
Mr. Slamm was chosen to be the executioner of the final
act, by those who conspired for the purpose. Soon after
the November election, he was elected Recording Secre-
tary ; and it became his duty, under the constitution, to
call the monthly and special meetings of the Equal
Rights party, the more particularly as he and his asso-
ciates had procured the passage of a resolution, on the
31st October, declaring all meetings not called by the
Recording Secretary, unconstitutional. But there is no
record that he ever called a monthly meeting of the
party according to the constitution under which he was
elected, for six months, and thus no meetings were held.

Gradually, the Loco-Focos of both sections became
merged in the Democratic Republican party, and they
brought not only their " new fangled notions" with them,
but also their significant designation as a party. The
glory of the Military and Civic Hotel departed with the
Loco-Focos. There were no more meetings held there
by those enthusiasts, and no enthusiastic cheers resound-
ing within its walls ; neither was there any more trans-
parencies with terse mottoes and inscriptions, to adorn
the venerable casements. The old mansion became de-
serted and cheerless ; for there was only one Loco-Foco,
Robert Hogbin, who made it his haunt as usual. He
was the last of the political covenanters, and the only
one who went there regularly, month after month, on the
evenings appointed by the constitution for the meetings
of the faithful ; and he would bide there, solitary and
alone, until ten o'clock, the hope within him that the
Loco-Focos would gather themselves together in the Ba-
bylon of their captivity, in order to direct their steps
back again to the renewal of their venerable temple.
But they never returned. The old Military and Civic
Hotel fell into decay, and at length was pulled down.
Poor Hogbin saw it lying prostrate in its last ruins, and
he turned away and wept.

1836.] LOCO-FOCO PARTY. 189

But Loco-Focoism did not die. It lives forever in
Christian Democracy, — that Democracy which, while it
concedes to the majority the powers of government, does
not allow to it the right to do wrong, but restrains it by
constitutions drawn from the paramount laws of God, and
the principles of Christianity.

APPENDIX.

The following is the Gilpinade Ballad) mentioned page 133.

THE ASSEMBLY'S VENGEANCE AGAINST WILFUL CONTEMPT:
A MAEVELLOUS DITTY,

TELLING HOW THE HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY WAS WICKEDLY CONTEMNED
BY MOSES JAQUES AND LEVI D. SLAMM ; AND HOW SAID CONTEM-
NERS WERE SCOLDED AND REPRIMANDED THEREFOR.

Down to the city of New- York,

Past houses, fields, and farms,
Swift came that mighty officer,

Th5 Assembly's Man-at-Arms.
And when he reached the City Hall,

He look-ed all around ; —
« I want the Sheriff, quick," quoth he,

" Where is he to be found ?"
A Sachem of the tribes then spoke,

The tribes of Tammany,
" Behold, I am the Sheriff here,

What do you want with me ?"
" What do I want ! oh horrible !

Have you not heard nor dreamt ?
The House, the House at Albany

Is treated with contempt !"
" Two Loco-Focos of this place

Have scorned its digni-ty ;
Levi D. Slamm, and Moses Jaques,

And they must go with me."
" So haste, sir Sheriff, seek them out

Ere set of evening's sun ;
For they must be in Albany

Before three days are done."
The Sheriff bowed to the black rod,

And both set out straightway ;
They found and seized on Slamm and Jaques

About the close of day.

190 APPENDIX.

Next morn they were upon the road,

Despite of snow or rain ;
And driver, whip, and horse, and wheel,

Were going might and main.

And when they reached the old toll-bridge,

The toll-man felt alarms ;
" What is the matter, sir ?" quoth he,

Unto the Man-at-Arms.

" What is the matter ?" « Horrible !

Have you not heard nor dreamt ?
The House — the House at Albany

Is treated with contempt !"

On, on, they hied, o'er hill and dale ;

And every one they passed
Cried out aghast, " good heavens and earth !

Why do you go so fast ?"

" Why go so fast ? Oh horrible !

Have you not heard nor dreamt ?
The House, where banks and stocks are made,

Is treated with contempt !"

And as they galloped through the towns,

The dogs all barked aloud :
" What is the news ? — what is the news ?" —

Cried out the wondering crowd.

" What is the news ! Oh horrible ! —
Have you not heard nor dreamt ?

The House — where rights are made and sold,
Is treated with contempt !"

And great is all the Members' rage,
And great their grief and sore ;

I wot their streaming eyes have shed
A pint of tears or more.

And there will be no peace on earth,

Until it vengeance takes ;
It must inflict its digni-ty

On these men Slamm and Jaques."

At length they reached the Capitol,
And there they were arraigned

Before the Speaker and the House,
Whose summons they disdained.

Busy-body Hackley felt

A strange " exigency" —
What legal nostrums had they bought ?

Their lawyer, who was he ?

APPENDIX. 191

The great Investigator rose ;

George Patterson by name,
Who fancied every Jemmy Kent,

A Chancellor of fame.

" By heavens !" cried he, " these men have shown

To my subpoena scorn,
For which contempt unto this House,

They'd better ne'er been born."

Then Bank-director Talmage rose,

A man not overwise,
Chosen for his stupidity,

The Banks to scrutinize.

Says he, " God bless the safety league

Of State Banks, one and all !
These Loco-Focos, or the Banks,

One of the two must fall.

" No constitutions can rule us,

We are the people here ;
As God rules all in heaven above —

We rule on earth, 'tis clear !"

Tom Tucker rose with majesty,

A man of awful sense,
An orator of mighty pith,

Of bank-nursed eloquence.

Quoth he, " I am indignant that

Our power should be twitted ; *
If we make terms with guilty men,

Our honor's compromitted !"

Up rose fop Burroughs on his legs ;

A petty bantam noodle —
Quoth he, « let's send them both to jail,"

Hey, cock a doodle doodle ! !

" Send them to jail," cried big Westlake,

A 'Tater Broker small ;
While some slunk off like Tom Herttell—

Who nothing said at all.

The members rose in great uproar,

And this was their command ;
" We must annihilate these men

With our dread reprimand."

The prisoners shrunk to nothingness,

Which no one should surprise;
The me)mbers swelled with dignity

To twice their usual size.

192 APPENDIX. [1837.

Contempt's dark stain upon their beaks,

The gobblers could not stand,
Wherefore their Speaker solemnly

Read off this

REPRIMAND.

" Oh Moses Jaques ! Oh Moses Jaques !

'Tis painful and 'tis true,
A caucus of the Regency

Imposed the task I do."

" Your condemnation by this House,

Last night was cut and dried ; —
(Alas ! I'm but a puppet here,

With all ray pomp and pride)." [Aside.

" Our mandate you did treat with scorn,

Which touches us quite near ;
We're jealous of our privilege, —

We hold it but one year.
" You're old and educated, sir,

As all can plainly see ;
Besides, like us, you hold large stakes

In this communi-ty.

" Then why uphold the rights of those

Who own no stakes at all ?
You're one of us : why should you care ?

Let workies rise or fall !

"And as for you, Levi D. Slamm,

You've intellect, 'tis plain ;
Apply it to wise purposes,

Where profit you can gain.

" Subserve the views of wealthy men,

Like us, who have large stakes ;
Make interest your politics —

Don't be like Moses Jaques.

" Now, in obedience to the House,

To which I'm nothing loth,
I here retrieve our dignity,

And reprimand you both."

And thus did end this woful farce,

Conceived in wrath and trouble ;
And never en this earth before,

Did burst so big a bubble.

Long live our legislators all,

Of high or low degree ;
And when they next scold Slamm and Jaques,

May I be there to see I

•

PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE
CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY

Byrdsall, Fitzwilliam
2321 The history of the Loco-

A6B9 foco, or Equal Rights Party,

its movements, conventions

and proceedings

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